Editors David J.A. Clines Philip R. Davies

JSOT Press Sheffield

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A Study in Ancient Near Eastern and Biblical History Writing

K. Lawson Younger, Jr

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 98

Copyright © 1990 Sheffield Academic Press Published by JSOT Press JSOT Press is an imprint of Sheffield Academic Press Ltd The University of Sheffield 343 Fulwood Road Sheffield S10 3BP England Printed in Great Britain by Billing & Sons Ltd

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data available

ISSN 0309-0787 ISBN 1-85075-252-4


(Ex. 20:12; Lv. 19:3)

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CONTENTS Preface List of abbreviations Illustration: Verso of the Narmer Palette 11 13 21 INTRODUCTION "THEUNDERPINNINGS" Chapter One PRELIMINARY ISSUES Part I: History: Cultivating an Idea Removing 'Old Roots' Nurturing 'New Shoots' Part II: Ideology—Unmasking of the Concept Part III: Method: Obtaining Comprehension Establishing the Framework Performing the Reading 25 26 35 47 52 52 55 STAGE ONE ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN CONQUEST ACCOUNTS Chapter Two ASSYRIAN CONQUEST ACCOUNTS Assyrian Ideology: How Do You Spell Torture' Type and Nature Ideological Patterns: The Enemy Literary Structures: The Stereotyping Department Syntagmic Valency Introduction The Syntagms of the Assyrian Texts Syntagmic Analysis Annalistic Texts Tiglath-Pileser I Ashur-Dan II ASSur-nasir-pal II Shalmaneser III Sennacherib Letters to the God 61 65 65 67 69 70 70 72 79 79 79 90 94 99 111 115 .

The Daybook Reports Nfytw: The Literary Reports Conclusion Egyptian Ideology (Just Being Better Than Everyone Else!) Royal Ideology The Enemy Administration Diffusion of the Ideology Literary Aspects (Never Any Embellishments Here!) Hyperbole Metonymy Conclusion 115 120 120 121 122 125 128 130 132 136 140 158 160 163 165 167 168 168 170 172 173 175 175 177 185 189 189 190 192 194 .. my Lady ." Syntagmic Analysis Hattuslli I Muriili II Ten Year Annals Detailed Annals The Deeds of Suppiluliuma Conclusion Chapter Four EGYPTIAN CONQUEST ACCOUNTS Past Studies Some Generic Considerations (It Depends on Your Purpose) Iw..8 Sargon II Summary or Display Texts ASSur-nasir-pal II Adad-nirari III Conclusion Chapter Three HITTITE CONQUEST ACCOUNTS Hittite Ideology: Feeling a Little Vengeful Today? Literary Structures: "And the Sungoddess of Texts Nbtw.

9 STAGE TWO ISRAELITE CONQUEST ACCOUNTS Chapter Five JOSHUA 9-12 197 Literary Structures (Writing It Just Like Everyone Else) 199 Chapter 9 200 Chapters 10 and 11 204 The Code: Joshua 10:11-15 208 The Hailstones 206 The Long Day 211 The Code: Joshua 10:16-27 220 Chapter 10:28-42 226 Chapter 11 228 Chapter 12 230 Israelite Ideology (What You Can Do Through the Right 'Connections') 232 Type 233 Jural Aspect 236 Conclusion 237 STAGE THREE SYNTHESISs Chapter Six IMPLICATIONS AND ENTAILMENTS The Notion of a 'Complete Conquest* The Notion of an 'All Israel' Redaction Sources. Structure and Composition Ideological Aspect An Entailment Concerning 'Holy War* Other Entailments Conclusion CONCLUSION NOTES BIBLIOGRAPHY 241 241 247 249 253 258 260 263 265 267 333 .

10 APPENDIX The Syntagms of Joshua 9-12 Text and Translation Notes INDEX Author Index Subject Index Scripture Ancient Texts 359 359 361 377 385 385 388 390 391 .

his suggestions were always constructive—as time and reflection have shown. Alan Millard. without the support of my aunt. Fulwood in Sheffield: Dr. this work will emit a 'new close reading* of the biblical text. Others who. and Mrs. David Clines. and without the love and . Ian Manifold. My family was a constant source of support and encouragement. I also gratefully acknowledge the backing that I received from the Tyndale House Fellowship.PREFACE Works on Old Testament historiography. and Mrs. Danny Carroll. I gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the British Government through their Overseas Research grants. in one way or another. seasoned the work are: Mark Brett. the 'Conquest'. I could never have begun this study. Steven Tynan. George Bickerstaff. But while others have been issuing forth 'new' reconstructions and models—many times ignoring the biblical text—. and Mrs. It is our conviction that it is in this area that biblical scholars have not always taken into account the results of two important disciplines: the philosophy of history and literary criticism. Without the sacrificial efforts of my parents. The work will be concerned with the literary techniques employed by the ancient writers in order to come to a better understanding of these ancient texts in their context. I would not have been able to continue. To that end this book is just one more addition. Steve Fowl. Philip Davies at the Univer sity of Sheffield for his encouragement and enthusiasm. and Mr. there are exceptions. I owe particular gratitude to Dr. Kenneth and Doris Younger. and the origins of ancient Israel have mushroomed in recent days. Robert Dunigan. This work will attempt to wrestle with some of these issues and apply them to biblical study. but many biblical scholars still function in these areas with out-moded literary approaches and a historicist view of history. John Rogerson. Stan Porter. Mrs. and Donald Wiseman. Mr. I am indebted to a number of members of Christchurch. Substantial financial assistance was provided by a number of individuals and institutions. Obviously. Kenneth Kitchen.

I could never have completed it. . Patti.Y. Kenneth. I must give thanks to Him who has given me life and purpose. Andrew and Rebecca.L. Longview.12 Preface tolerance—throughout the entire work—of my wife. and my children. November 8. Finally. 1989 K.

J. von Soden. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. Akkadisches Handworterbuch. I. King (and E. Grayson. Wiesbaden.A. Archoeologia. 1972-76. 1926-27. Budge) Annals of the Kings of Assyria. Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles. and London. Ancient Egyptian Onomastica. A. M. Lichtheim. Editor. Los Angeles. 1947. Pritchard. 1959-1975.W. N. Analecta Biblica. Archiv fur Orientforschung. ARI . W.Y. 2 Vols. Chicago..ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS AAA ABC AEL AEO AfO AHR AHw AJSL AKA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology (University of Liverpool). 1973-1980. Ancient Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings. N. 3 Vols.D. Luckenbill. Locust Valley. with supplement. Gardiner. London. 2 Vols.B.H. D. Grayson. J. Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia. Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Analecta Orientalia. Princeton. A. 1902. American Journal of Semitic Languages.W. Vol. 1969.. [No subsequent volumes appeared.K. Oxford.K. ANET3 AnBib AnOr AOAT ARAB Arch. A. The American Historical Review. Berkeley. Wiesbaden. 1975. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. L. 3rd Ed.

Archiv Orientdlni. Ancient Records of Egypt. Fales. Assur Aspects. King. with H. John Thackeray.E. London. 5 Vols. 1983. Chicago. Annales du Service des antiquite"s de ITSgypte. Anatolian Studies. Paris.M. Ideological and Historical Analysis. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Editors. Brooke and N. Assur.14 ARINH Ancient Conquest Accounts F. [Monographic Journals of the Near East]. Babylonian Boundary-Stones and Memorial Tablets in the British Museum. 1979. The Old Testament in Greek: Vol. A. Rome. The Biblical Archaeologist. Le Gac. Spalinger. Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar. 17]. Ca. New Haven and London. ASTI BA J5AL BAR BASOR BBSt BES BIFAO BiOr BJRL BM B-McL R. Bulletin de I'Institut Francais d'Arche'ologie Orientale. J. Reprint New York. St. 1906-1940. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary. /. McLean. Malibu. 9]. 1906. Editor. 1912. [Yale Near Eastern Researches. 1962. 2 ARMT ArOr AS ASAE Asn. Les Inscriptions D'ASSur-Nasir-Aplu III. Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute. Borger.W. Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians. [Orientis Antiqvi Collectio. Babylonische-assyrische Lesestilcke. . Breasted. Bibliotheca Orientalis. Bulletin of the John Rylands Library. 1981. Archives royales de Mari. 1906-1907. British Museum. Cambridge.H. L. A. Rome. 2nd Ed. The Octateuch. [AnOr 54].

A. Cambridge. 1973-75. R. 1980-. I. The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Leipzig. Knudtzon. D.L. Winton Thomas. II. Borger.Berlin. Comptes rendus des stances. Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testament. Documents from Old Testament Times. H.A Hoffner. Die Boghazhoi-Texte in Umschrift.G. Acade'mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. Comparative Studies in Society and History.Abbreviations and Symbols BoSt BoTU BWANT BZ BZAW CAD CAH3 CBQ CdE CHD Boghazkoi-Studien. Giiterbock and H. Chronique d'Egypte. Die El-Amarna-Tafeln. 15 E. Forrer. 1915.A. Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alien und Neuen Testament. Vol. 1958. Oppenheim et al. Eretz-Israel. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die Mttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum. 1929. Catholic Biblical Quarterly. Vol. The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. W. 1956-. Biblische Zeitschrift. et al. CRAI CSSH CT DOTT EA EAK El FRLANT . Editor. London. 3rd Ed. [Vorderasiatische Bibliothek 2]. Einleitung in die assyrischen Konigsinschriften. J. The Cambridge Ancient History. Chicago. Schramm.

Journal of the Near Eastern Society. Handbuch zum Alten Testament. Ebeling. 1962. Buttrick. The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. 1952. Grace Theological Journal. Cowley. Friedrich. Paris. Historiography and Interpretation. Jerusalem. and E. Hittite Etymological Dictionary. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. by G. Journal of the American Oriental Society. Die Inschriften derAltassyrischen Konige. Leipzig. Ed. W. W. Rome.E. [AnOr 33].16 FT GAG GKC Ancient Conquest Accounts Faith and Theology. Oxford. [2 Vols. Hebrew Union College Annual. Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik. Weinfeld. History. 3 Vols. revised in accordance with 28th German Edition by A. 1984. 1967-1973. New York. Kautzsch. von Soden. Puhvel. 1951-57. Hethitisches Worterbuch. GM GTJ HAT HED HHI HKL HSS HTR HUCA HW IAK ICC IDS IEJ IntB JANES JAOS JARCE . H. Nashville. in 1]. Gesenius. Havard Semitic Studies. J. R. Gottinger Miszellen. Weidner. J.A. E.F. 1983. Hebrew Grammar. Ed. Berlin. [Altorientalische Bibliothek 1]. B. Tadmor and M. Heidelberg. 1926. Meissner. 4 Vols. 1952. Israel Exploration Journal. Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur. 12 Vols. 2nd Eng. Borger.. [Indogermanische Bibliothek 2]. 1966. E. The Interpreter's Bible. [No subsequent volumes appeared]. Havard Theological Review. Ed. International Critical Commentary. Editors.

1878. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquity. Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi.G. 17 Jaarbericht ban het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap: Ex Oriente Lux. Wiesbaden. Scott. 1972. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Lexikon der Agyptologie (Wiesbaden. Journal for the Study of Old Testament. Rollig. Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros. A Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford. Historical and Biographical. Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts. 3 Vols. Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkoi. Kommentar zum Alten Testament. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Journal of Jewish Studies. H. Koehler and W.A. Baumgartner. Loeb Classical Library. Donner and W. Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 1969-.Abbreviations and Symbols JBL JCS JEA JEOL Journal of Biblical Literature. Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen Gesellschaft. Liddell and R. L. H. JJS JNES JPOS JRAS JSOT JSS JSSEA KAI KAT KBL KBo KRI HUB LCL LdA L-S MAOG MDAIK MDOG . Journal of Cuneiform Studies. K. Abteilung Kairo. Journal of the Palestinian Oriental Society. Ramesside Inscriptions.). 1962-64. New York. Kanaanaische und aramaische Inschriften. 1958. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Leiden. Kitchen. Journal of Semitic Studies.

Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Arch^ologie Orientale. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. Oriental Institute Publications. Borger. Palestine Exploration Quarterly. "A Reconstruction of the Kamose Texts.A Ancient Conquest Accounts Mitteilungen des Institute fur Orientforschung. "Studies on the Annals of As^urnasirpal II: I. Oriens Antiquus. Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Konigs von Assyrien." VO 5 (1982-83): 13-73. Old Greek. by Ebeling and Meissner etal. Reallexikon derAssyriologie. Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen / Vorderasiatisch Agyptischen Gesellschaft. H. The Old Testament Library. Orientalia. OA OG OIP OLZ Or OTL OTS PAPS PEQ RA RHA RB RdE RGG RKT RLA SAAMA SAK ." ZAS 103 (1976): 48-76. The University of Chicago. Revue Biblique. 39-64.18 MIO MVAG Nin. Morphological Analysis. 1956). 1st. Oudtestamentische Studien. Revue d'Egyptologie. Smith. Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. (Graz. Studien zur altdgyptische Kultur. R. and A. Westminster Press. Revue d'Hittite et Asianique. Beiheft 9]. 2nd. [Archiv fur Orientforschung. Ed. pp. and 3rd editions.

0. Graz. 3 Vols. Fascicles 1-22. 1] New Haven. by A. Oxford. Trans. Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities Journal. Ed. 1986.Abbreviations and Symbols SARI 19 Jerrold S. 1984. Musee du Louvre. Society of Biblical Literature. by J. Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions. Weidner. Grand Rapids: 1974-. Leipzig. 12]. Textes cuntiformes. Ed. Vicino Oriente. Johannes Botterweck and H. Ugarit-Forschungen. Gibson. 1926-1963. [The American Oriental Society Translation Series.C. by K. Urkunden des agyptischen Altertums. Willis. Editor. Erman and H. J. Theologische Zeitschrift. The Social World of Biblical Antiquity Series. und seiner Nachfolger. Dynastic. Gutersloh. Supplements to Vetus Testamentum. Vol. Studies in Biblical Theology. . Cooper.[AfO Beiheft. 1959. IV VO VT VTS Wb.T. Summon and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions. Texts from Cuneiform Sources. Helck. Revised Edition.L. Sethe and W. E.: The American Oriental Society. Vetus Testamentum. Grapow. Worterbuch der agyptische Sprache. Kaiser. G. Conn. Ringgren. I. Abteilung IV: Urkunden der 18. Editors. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alien Testaments. Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. 1906-1958. SBL SET SSEAJ SSI SWBAS TB TCL TCS TDOT TN TUAT TZ UF Urk. Tyndale Bulletin. Die Inschriften Tukulti-Ninurtas I. Departement des Antiquit4s orientales. 7 Vols. 1973-79. Leipzig and Berlin.

Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastina-Vereins. Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und vorderasiatischeArchaologie. Yale Oriental Series. . Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde. Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche. Die Welt des Orients.20 WMANT WO YOS ZA ZAS ZAW ZDMG ZDPV ZThK Ancient Conquest Accounts Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alien und Neuen Testament. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.

The Beginning of a High-Redundance Message (The Verso of the Narmer Palette) .

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2 One rarely finds any kind of definition given.Chapter 1 PRELIMINARY ISSUES Historia est proxima poetis et quodammodo carmen solutum1 Quintilianus PART I: HISTORY: CULTIVATING AN IDEA While the number of articles and books devoted to the subject of Old Testament historiography has increased exponentially. an investigation into these developments promises to yield positive results. one hears all the time. Unfortunately the historian is no mere chronicler. and he cannot do his work at all without assumptions and judgments. there is seldom within these works any discussion of what history is.3 Biblical scholars have generally ignored recent developments in the philosophy of history. developments which have clarified numerous aspects of 'narrative history'. 'modern scientific'.I. Finley easily counter such objections: Historians. and usually writers work with the assumption that there is a unified view of what history is: i. And since most history writing in the Old Testament is 'narrative history'. the investigation of the concrete experiences of the past.e. should get on with their proper business.. But the words of M. Many may object to the inclusion of theoretical discussions from the realm of the 'philosophy of history'. and leave the 'philosophy of history* (which is a barren. abstract and pretty useless activity anyway) to the philosophers.4 .

He subsumes all historical texts under the term 'historiography' as a 'more inclusive category than the particular genre of history writing'.7 Van Seters has recently assumed a definition of history proposed by the Dutch historian Johan Huizinga: History is the intellectual form in which a civilization renders account to itself of its past. the following arguments appear: The idea of history only emerges with the search for certain connexions. Hittites. could history writing be achieved'. chronicles.10 If one consults Huizinga's essay. this work examines the development of national histories and the history of the Israelites in particular'. whether we are dealing with the biblical writers or the Greek and Near Eastern materials'.26 Ancient Conquest Accounts Removing 'Old Roots' So completely is modern biblical scholarship the grateful recipient of the gifts of the German historiographic tradition that the general tenets of that tradition are immediately assumed to be one and the same with wha* any right-minded student of the religion of Israel would do almost intuitively. the essence of which is determined by the value which we attach to them. king lists) 'did not lead to true history writing'. After a long survey of ancient Near Eastern material he argues that the 'historiographical genres' of the Egyptians. of the local annalist and the designer of an historical cosmology.. Moreover...9 Thus he associates history writing with national identity. he feels that 'in conformity with Huizinga's definition. 'Only when the nation itself took precedence over the king.. or of sagas and epics belonging to former phases of civilization .8 He uses this definition *because I regard the question of genre as the key issue in the discussion.8 But perhaps a caution should be penned: 'beware of Germans bearing historiographic gifts'!6 Two biblical scholars' definitions of history will demonstrate this: John Van Seters and George Coats. . annals. and Mesopotamians (eg. We can speak in the same breath of historiography and historical research . as happened in Israel. It makes no difference whether we think of a history which is the result of researches strictly critical in method.

1. Preliminary Issues
Every civilization creates its own form of history ... If a civilization coincides with a people, a state, a tribe, its history will be correspondingly simple. If a general civilization is differentiated into distinct nations, and these again into groups, classes, parties, the corresponding differentiation in the historical form follows of itself. The historical interests of every sectional civilization must hold its own history to be the true one, and is entitled to do so, provided that it constructs this history in accordance with the critical requirements imposed by its conscience as a civilization, and not according to the craving for power in the interests of which it imposes silence upon this conscience.11


It appears that Van Seters has misunderstood Huizinga's definition and invested it with a quite different meaning.12 For Huizinga, history writing is not necessarily 'nationalistic'. Van Seters never defines what he means by 'nation', and there are serious doubts whether by any definition of 'nation' history writing is so restricted, especially to 'when the nation itself took precedence over the king*. In this emphasis on the nation, Van Seters (whether he is aware of it or not) shows a dependence on the German historiographic concept that the political history of the state is primary.13 Of all the historians for Van Seters to choose, Huizinga is certainly one of the least likely to have been in sympathy with this notion since he saw cultural history as a deeper and more important pursuit than political history.14 While for many late 19th century and early 20th century historians (especially in Germany), there was an inseparable connection between 'history' and 'political' or 'national history', modern historians have long ago abandoned such a notion. And yet it persists in biblical studies! But the argument becomes circular. For Van Seters the question of genre is the key issue. Genre determines what is history, but the definition of history determines what is history's genre. Biblical scholars have often maintained that a rigid, essentialist genre analysis alone is sufficient to identify (and hence define) history writing.15 They believe the matter of genre to be all-important because they think that genre is a determinate category with fixed constituents. These scholars seem to conclude that if one can simply understand correctly which


Ancient Conquest Accounts

genre is being employed, then the correct interpretation will necessarily follow. In this way genre functions as a type of magic wand for interpretation. This essentialist or elassificationist view of genre (the classical view of genre) has been thoroughly debunked.16 The essentialist believes that there are inherent traits belonging to the genre itself which are part of the genre's very nature. There are three reasons to question an essentialist position: the very notion that texts compose classes has been questioned; the assumption that members of a genre share a common trait or traits has been questioned; and the function of a genre as an interpretative guide has been questioned. Fredric Jameson has gone so far as to conclude that genre criticism has been 'thoroughly discredited by modern literary theory and practice'.17 J. Derrida argues that no generic trait completely or absolutely confines a text to a genre or class because such belonging falsifies the constituents of a text:
If... such a [generic] trait is remarkable, that is, noticeable, in every aesthetic, poetic, or literary corpus, then consider this paradox, consider the irony ... this supplementary and distinctive trait, a mark of belonging or inclusion, does not belong. It belongs without belonging ...18

While questioning the essentialist position, Ralph Cohen does not feel that genre criticism has been totally 'discredited'. Instead, he advances a new approach to genre theory. Cohen argues that genre concepts in theory and practice, arise, change, and decline for socio-historical reasons. And since each genre is composed of texts that accrue, the grouping is a process, not a determinate category. He adds:
Genres are open categories. Each member alters the genre by adding, contradicting or changing constituents, especially those of members most closely related to it. Since the purposes of critics who establish genres vary, it is self-evident that the same texts can belong to different groupings or genres and serve different generic purposes.19

Furthermore, classifications are empirical, not logical. They are historical assumptions constructed by authors, audiences and critics in order to serve communicative and aesthetic pur-

1. Preliminary Issues


poses. Genres are open systems; they are groupings of texts by critics to fulfill certain ends.20 Cohen argues that genre theory does not have to be dependent on essentialist assumptions. Rather, because of the fluidity of genre, 'a process theory of genre' is the best explanation of'the constituents of texts'.21 He also points out that there is a relationship between genre and ideology. D. LaCapra notes in this regard:
One obvious point is that the defense or critique of generic definitions typically involves a defense or critique of discursive and social arrangements, since genres are in one way or another inserted into sociocultural and political practices. This point is frequently not made explicit because it would impair the seeming neutrality of classifications and the way they function in scholarship.

Thus there cannot be a neutral, objective classification of texts along the lines advocated by the essentialist approach. And certainly such classifications cannot function as 'interpretive keys'. Van Seters's discussion of the genre of the Apology of Hattusili illustrates this.23 He argues that the text is not an apology, but 'comes close to the mark' of an 'endowment document' (p. 120). Because it is a 'special defense of an interested party in a quasi-legal context', and since '... one cannot thereby include all texts recording legal judgments under the rubric of historiography* the text cannot be historiographic (p. 121). He asserts that it is not an apology because one thinks of an apology as:
implying a legal context with a fairly clearly defined 'jury* and one's status or life at stake. But this work is not directed to such a body as the senate or to any other political organ for a judgment (p. 119).

I have absolutely no idea where Van Seters obtained such a restrictive definition of an apology! Obviously, the most famous apology of all time is Plato's dialogue in defense of Socrates before the tribunal that sentenced Socrates to death. But certainly apologies are not restricted only to the courtroom and to life-threatening circumstances. JA. Cuddon defines an apology as 'a work written to defend a writer's opinions or to elaborate


Ancient Conquest Accounts

and clarify a problem';24 and Harry Shaw offers: 'a defense and justification for some doctrine, piece of writing, cause or action'.25 But let one apply the magic wand and one can remove the text from the genre of apology and argue that it is not history writing. This becomes even harder to accept when one considers Van Seters's argument. He claims that an apology implies a 'legal context' and the text of Hattuslli is, therefore, not an apology. But on Van Seters's own admission, the HattuSili text is very similar to a legal document (an endowment document), and this becomes even more clear if one compares it to the Proclamation ofTelipinu. He argues that an edict (specifically the Telipinu text) is a legal text and not a history. Thus, the HattuSili text, since it is a quasi-legal text, is not history writing. What are we to conclude from such a discussion? Is an apology not history writing because it has a legal context? Must a historical text not include an edict because that is legal material? Can a quasi-legal text never be history writing? Such loosely controlled hairsplitting tends to the absurd! It is ironic in light of Van Seters's definition of apology that in the Proclamation ofTelipinu the two words Hittite words for 'political assembly' (panku- and tuliya-) occur.26 On the basis of this and other argumente, H.A. Hoffner concludes in his analysis of this work that it is an apology!
The two clearest examples of apologies among the official texts in the Hittite archives are the Telepinu Proclamation and the Apology of Hattusili III.27

Thus, the very evidence, which distinguishes a work as an apology according to Van Seters, can be used to support an argument to identify the Telipinu text as an apology. And this is the text which Van Seters wants to compare to the Hattuslli text to prove that that text is not an apology! This is the form-critic shaking an impotent fist at the refractory ancient who wrote to suit his own selfish ends'.28 To sum up: essentialist generic approaches fail because they see genre as a determinate category made up of fixed constituents. Many scholars who follow this type of approach feel that they can distinguish historiography from fiction simply by form. But this is very fallacious because of the variabilitv of

1. Preliminary Issues


literary conventions employed in both.29 Such approaches to genre cannot succeed in helping to solve the difficulties confronted in the study of ancient Near Eastern and biblical historiography. Finally, Van Seters views history as secular, unbiased, scientific, and antithetical to religion. Moreover, he implies that true history writing is non-pragmatic and non-didactic. Thus, he argues:
The Hittites were more interested in using the past than in recording it, and they used it for a variety of purposes. In the Old Kingdom ... there was the strong tendency ... to use the past for didactic purposes. The past could be used to justify exceptional political actions and behavior or it could provide a precedent to support a continuity of royal rights and privileges ... The Hittites' use of the past here as else-where is too pragmatic to give rise to actual history writing.30

This view is difficult to accept. Many works of history are didactic or pragmatic. They are designed to teach future generations (so that mistakes of the past will not be repeated!) or to influence present public opinion through propaganda. In her work on Islamic historiography, M. Waldman devotes an entire chapter to the didactic character of that historiography.31 It seems, therefore, that Van Seters's understanding is totally inadequate for an investigation of ancient Near Eastern or biblical history writing.32 Another recent attempt to define history, which in many ways is representative of O.T. scholarship, is that of George Coats. He states:
History as a genre of literature represents that kind of writing designed to record the events of the past as they actually occurred <emphasis minex Its structure is controlled, then, not by the concerns of aesthetics, nor by the symbolic nature of a plot, but by the chronological stages or cause-effect sequences of events as the author(s) understood them. It is not structured to maintain interest or to provoke anticipation for a resolution of tension. It is designed simply to record ... History writing marks a movement away from the contexts of the family or tribe, with their storytelling concerns, to the record-keeping responsibilities of the nation. History writing would thus be identified in some manner with the affairs of the royal court, with its archives. It derives from the concern


Ancient Conquest Accounts
to document the past of the people in order to validate the present administration.33

Coats's definition is problematic. First, he equates history writing with the nation and its politics:
History writing marks a movement away from the contexts of the family or tribe, with their storytelling concerns, to the record-keeping responsibilities of the nation.34

Second, his idea of recording events 'as they actually occurred' is a recent echo of a notion which is usually attributed to Ranke's influential phrase, Vie es eigentlich gewesen'.35 Inspired by the search for the past as it really was, many scholars assumed that an objective knowledge of the past was not only possible but mandatory. Anything less than a complete and impartial account of some event or series of events in the past was bad history (the more the 'objective' detail, the better the history). This concept (that history writing is rooted in objectivity) has prevailed in biblical studies. For example H. Gunkel concluded:
Only at a certain stage of civilisation has objectivity so grown that the interest in transmitting national experiences to posterity so increased that the writing of history becomes possible ... ['history* is prosaic and aims] 'to inform vis of what has actually happened.36

Thus for Gunkel objectivity was one of the major criteria for the development of history writing in a civilization. Likewise, H. Gressmann believed that 'history' portrays what actually happened, and shows a remarkable moral objectivity toward its subjects.37 RA. Oden comments:
Just as the tradition founded by Herder and Humboldt claimed to be free of ideology, so too Gressmann proclaimed that alone an inves-tigation which pursues 'nur die geschichtlichen Tatsachen als solche' can be free of dogma.

E.H. Carr sarcastically criticized this idea, wrongly attributed to Ranke ('wie es eigentlich gewesen'), stating:
Three generations of German, British, and even French historians marched into battle intoning the magic words 'wie es eigentlich gewesen' like an incantation—designed, like most incantations, to save them from the tiresome obligation to

1. Preliminary Issues
think for themselves ... [According to this view] the facts are available to the historian in documents, inscriptions and so on, like fish on the fishmonger's slab. The historian collects them, takes them home, and cooks and serves them in whatever style appeals to him ... The facts are really not at all like fish on the fishmonger's slab. They are like fish swimming about in a vast and sometimes inaccessible ocean; and what the historian catches will depend, partly on chance, but mainly on what part of the ocean he chooses to fish in and what tackle he chooses to use.39


Carr's caution must be heeded. The historical work is always the historian's interpretation of the events, being filtered through vested interest, never in disinterested purity.40 Thus, Oden argues:
... it is undeniable that the role of the German historiographic tradition, and hence that tradition's manifestations in biblical study, is great, and probably greater than many have been willing to allow. Barry Barnes has recently reminded us that 'those general beliefs which we are most convinced deserve the status of objective knowledge—scientific beliefs— are readily shown to be overwhelmingly theoretical in character.' If this is true of scientific beliefs, it is true as well of the concepts with which biblical scholarship has operated for most of this century. The occasional reminder of how thoroughly theory dependent is biblical criticism can only aid us in our attempt to direct further research.41

While the facts/events must be interpreted in light of the significance they have won through their effects so that coherence and continuity are maintained, there is not necessarily a 'logical bond of implication between the cause and effect';42 and one must remain conscious that it is 'our understanding... [not the objective facts] as the first sources saw them' which superintends our writing of history. Consequently, R. Nash argues:
It hardly seems necessary to waste any time critiquing hard objectivism. Why beat a horse that has been dead for several generations? Whatever the value of their own theories may have been, idealists like Dilthey, Croce, and Collingwood unveiled the folly of any quest for history as it really was. The nineteenth-century model of a scientific history was an oversimplified distortion of the historian's enterprise.43

Thus a document does not have to be objective or unbiased in order to be in the category of history writing. Let us con-

is in the eye of the beholder'. like beauty. It is 'controlled not by the concerns of aesthetics. Recognition of the unconcealed standpoints of many ancient documents has resulted in fuller understanding of their contents. Its particular bias can probably best be described as Babylocentric. or histories of particular technologies? What of presentations of history which are non-developmental or employ cyclic patterns? The fourth problem with Coats's definition is that he believes that the structure of the historical narrative is simply to record. the Chronicle is fully as biased a source as any other. 'retreat. the result was. from the Babylonian point of view.45 For example. Thus. After the battle. Such an approach to history cannot be maintained in light of the many examples which can be cited from many different civilizations of other ways of recording the past. nor give rise to allegations that the accounts are untrue or imaginary. History writing is linear and developmental.46 Thus an outcome can be viewed by different spectators to mean different things. Apparently. it could record a retreat.34 Ancient Conquest Accounts sider a specific text: the Babylonian Chronicle. The Assyrians had. and neither is necessarily right or wrong. a retreat by the Assyrian army. crosssectional histories. Thus while the Babylonian Chronicle could not record an Assyrian defeat. This is what is often called 'objectivity relative to a point of view'.44 But L. Millard correctly remarks: Undoubted bias need not provoke the modern reader to a totally adverse attitude to a document. nor by . in the case of the battle of Halule.47 A third problem with Coats's definition is that it advocates a chronological. been marching to Babylon. Levine has questioned this: whatever its record for accuracy. up to the battle.D. The fact that the modern interpreter does not share the beliefs and aims of the writers does not prevent him from respecting them and giving them their due weight. Some have argued that this text is an objective. unbiased historical document. sequential approach to history. What of certain historical poems. the Assyrians were no longer so marching. without any recourse to a devaluation or discrediting of them.

..49 . With the exception of Tocqueville.1. history is artistically constructed and does not necessarily follow a strict chronological format of presentation.. Preliminary Issues 35 the symbolic nature of a plot. In the formulation of a definition of history. the weight of explanatory effect is thrown upon the mode of emplotment. Michelet cast all his histories in the Romantic mode. In this next section we will investigate what history is. Moreover. it does not 'function' as a story element. The historian arranges the events in the chronicle into a hierarchy of significance .48 Let us recapitulate.. combine a certain amount of'data'. Ranke cast his in the Comic mode. theoretical concepts for 'explaining* these data. Histories . and Burkhardt are now recognized to have been equally representative can be characterized in one way as simply substitution of emplotment for argument as an explanatory strategy... I identify at least four different modes of emplotment: Romance... these invalid criteria must be repudiated.. in fact.. And. Hayden White has recently argued that one of the primary ways of presenting a coherent history is in the form of a narrative: I treat the historical work as what it most manifestly is: a verbal structure in the form of a narrative prose discourse.. Numerous philosophers of history have pointed out that historical narrative is differentiated from fictional by means of its commitment to its subject-matter ('real* rather than 'imaginary' events) rather than by form.. Tocqueville. and Burkhardt used Satire . but by the chronological stages or cause-effect sequences of events'.. this event is simply 'there' as an element of a series. Ranke.. The same event can serve as a different kind of element of many different historical stories . In the chronicle. Tragedy. For example.. Comedy and Satire . Tocqueville used the Tragic mode.. none of these historians thrust the formal explanatory argument into the foreground of the narrative . Providing the 'meaning* of a story by identifying the kind of story that has been told is called explanation by emplotment. History writing is not nationalistic or based on an unbiased objectivity. that 'historism' of which Michelet. and a narrative structure for their presentation . Nurturing 'New Shoots' Thus far we have investigated what history is not via two definitions which Old Testament scholars have put forth.

Another example comes from a passage from prism A of Tiglath-Pileser I: The land of Adauss was terrified by my strong belligerent attack. Two examples will perhaps illustrate this point. the mentioning of a deity or deities may be the result of cultural or religious encoding. in ancient history writing direct speech was quite common. be taken as evidence per se that the narrative deals with 'imaginary' or fabricated events. Cultural and religious encoding of the story must be taken into consideration. This is especially true in ancient Near Eastern history writing. For him the question is: whether in the reports of secret conversations and scenes the author can be said in any sense at all to have recorded historical events . For instance. overwhelmed them. and to this day is a healthy little girl. Whybray sees the abundance of direct speech in the Succession Narrative as a problem. it would be improper to conclude that since prayer and a deity's activity are mentioned in the narrative that this is imaginary and not historical.50 Again. He accepts that ancient historians artistically reconstructed public speeches. Another point must be made concerning 'real' as opposed to 'imaginary' events. and they abandoned their territory. and should not. it is almost entirely by means of these pri- . she suffered a tachycardia and was on the verge of death. my lord. But the splendor of Assur.. One must allow for the possibility of cultural encoding of the narrative. it would not be wise to conclude that on the basis of the use of a divine name or figurative language that this text is not historical. They flew like birds to ledges on high mountains. If I related this historical narrative: when my daughter was two months old. however. therefore.36 Ancient Conquest Accounts It is.. important that this 'real' or 'true' (rather than 'imaginary') narrative be understood culturally. While the use of direct speech is not acceptable in today's modern canon of history writing unless it is a quote. and they came back down and submitted to me. My wife and I prayed to the Lord and by his grace she survived.

'Story' embraces both historical and fictional narratives. Concerning the speeches.56 Thus. direct speeches in a document must be read carefully. 'alert our expectations' and 'echo irony and prophecy*. Barr states: . At the beginning of his work. e.1.52 D. keeping as close as possible to the general sense of what was actually said. [thus the Succession Narrative] is not a history either in intention or in fact. J. Rokeah points out that Thucydides's aim was to present material which would further his description of the Peloponnesian War.. For example. he states: in so far as each of the speakers seemed to me to have said the things most relevant to the ever-current issues—I have presented their words. and because of this he censored those parts of the speeches (just as he also censored the accounts of the actions) which were not useful for the understanding of matters on his agenda.53 Furthermore. and their inclusion in a work—public or secret speeches—does not prejudice the work so that one can conclude that the work is not history writing. "my information Is that the Athenians did use those arguments at Melos"'.55 But while many of the speeches were so structured. Preliminary Issues vate scenes that he gives his interpretation of the characters and motives of the principal personages and of the chain of cause and effect.84 Kieran Egan argues that Thucydides' speeches function in a similar way to the speeches in Greek drama: they 'point up the moral'.51 37 Whybray's sentiments can be compared with another author who has discussed the use of direct speech by Thucydides.59 A number of scholars use the term 'story' to describe the OT historical narratives.57 Systematic methods and categories of analysis through which questions of the validity of referents in a historical narrative could be approached are virtually nonexistent. their content was what Thucydides 'knew or thought he knew from the reports of others.g. the style and literary art of the speeches is Thucydides' own.. had in fact been used on those occasions.58 The whole issue of the veracity of the narrative naturally leads into the question of 'story'. Thucydides describes his method of dealing with the two elements that compose his work—the speeches and the deeds.

the narrative portions of the Old Testament are of primary importance. and Hittite sources demonstrates). but is clearly not history. In short. As White has pointed out. They reported occurrences which they could only express in terms of divine intervention (as a considerable number of examples from Assyrian. On the contrary.61 Such a view is not very helpful. the Old Testament does not make the distinction essential for a modern historian between the legendary elements of stories and those parts which might have a more solid historical foundation. as a body of literature. although he seems to prefer 'theological or religious narrative' instead of 'story'. For example.38 Ancient Conquest Accounts the long narrative corpus of the Old Testament seems to me. there is no difference in form between an imaginary story and a historical narrative. impartial. non-pragmatic and nondidactic. Divine and human actions are inextricably bound together without any sense of impropriety—which may be an admirable thing. history is objective. non-religious. to merit the title of story rather than that of history. such as the critical historian would do. then there would be virtually no history writing in the ancient world (not to mention the medieval world or the Far East) for there are very few ancient historians who do not intermingle divine intervention with human events.62 Ronald Clements follows a similar line of argument to that of Barr. Egyptian. it becomes abundantly plain that the events have been recounted in such a fashion as to justify and legitimate the usurping . political.63 Hence. And Barr's problem with divine action in the midst of human events is the result of a misunderstanding of the cultural encoding nature of ancient Near Eastern and biblical narrative. If one were to adopt Barr's view.60 Barr enumerates some of the ways in which this material possesses the characteristics of history and yet must be differentiated from it. Thus for Barr history writing is a secular enterprise. he feels that the purpose of the stories of David's rise was not simply to report events in an impartial and objective fashion. yet they are not history but 'history-like'. To him.

what we have is: a kind of narrative-theology. Simply because there is justification and legitimation of the Davidic dynasty's seizure of power in the narrative. this kind of view of history is deficient. Tadmor has shown that through a comparison with the apologies of Esarhaddon and A£§urbanipal one can come to a better understanding of the Davidic material as royal apology66 (which is certainly within the category of history writing). Preliminary Issues 39 of Israel's throne by David and the subsequent succession of Solomon to this office. History is not objective. Clements' understanding of history writing is incorrect since many of what he considers unique theological issues in the biblical texts are regularly encountered within the ANE historical texts. I would contend that prose fiction <emphasis mine> is the best general rubric for describing biblical narrative. Again.65 Like Barr. What underlies many views concerning the biblical narrative is the conviction that the Bible's storytelling is partly or wholly fictional.68 . often suggestive study. God has divinely elected David and his dynasty to rule and has rejected Saul. Thus. rather history-writing in the true sense . impartial reporting. H. it is primarily divine activity in human affairs within the narrative which is the problem for Clements.64 Moreover.67 Alter feels that the Bible is different from modern historiography since there is no 'sense of being bound to documentable facts that characterizes history in its modern acceptation'.. and to borrow a key term from Herbert Schneidau's speculative. divine election plays a major role in the argument of justification and legitimation. to be more precise. In the Assyrian texts. Sacred Discontent. we can speak of the Bible as historicized prose fiction. Or. sometimes questionable. what we are faced with here are first and foremost ancient religious narratives which possess a distinctive historical form. For instance. Robert Alter concludes: As odd as it may sound at first.1. does not exclude the text from the category of history writing..

'this is not enough'. Danto then poses the question: 'what will be left for the historian to do?' The obvious answer would be 'Nothing'. Their credibility decreases in the ratio of their distance hi time from the narrator . 1:7-10) may exact historicity be expected in the Old Testament narratives. He would also record accurate.. these are . 22:10a and II Sam. But Danto answers differently. fait accompli.. a cumulative record of 'what really happened'.. but not in the least the historical accuracy .40 Ancient Conquest Accounts Earlier Robert Pfeiffer argued that the bulk of the Old Testament narratives were fictional since it was: only in the recital of events on the part of an eyewitness (unless he be lying as in I Sam. as it happens. is 'fixed. full descriptions of everything as it occurred. Danto has addressed this problem in his discussion of the Ideal Chronicler'. curiosity as to the denouement. He argues that the historian's task is not done. the most powerful argument for the historicity of a particular text is its dependence on eyewitness accounts.. or peasants spellbound in listening to a tale is interest in the plot. and these descriptions are necessarily and systematically excluded from the I. and dead' so it cannot change. This Chronicler's account would hence be an 'Ideal Chronicle'.. While the 'Ideal Chronicle' is complete in the way in which an ideal witness might describe it.69 Clearly one of the major concerns of both Pfeiffer and Alter is the issue of the eyewitness. According to their view. tales that are the product of either some scanty memories of actual events or out of the storehouse of a vivid Oriental imagination . respectively).. popular traditions and tales long transmitted orally . as it is often maintained.. conscious or unconscious art (as in the Andersen and Grimm fairy tales. A. For there is a class of descriptions of any event under which the event cannot be witnessed.70 The Ideal Chronicler' would be an individual who had knowledge of everything that happens... romantic atmosphere. shepherds. the way it happens.. This 'Ideal Chronicle' is complete and the past.C. ['Ideal . What holds a simple audience of Bedouins.

What hinders many biblical scholars is a misunderstanding that historians use the same techniques as any literary artist to arrange or fashion their materials. So even if we could witness certain events. To this the Ideal Witness' is blind. The notion that none but the romantic histories are literary' thrives as vigorously as the discredited conviction that the facts of history can speak for themselves. Collingwood. 2) not being witness to the event is not such a bad thing if our interests are historical. and so fails to represent the ideal by which we should judge accounts. 'Cut away the future and the present collapses. Too many historians and teachers of literature accept also the dubious corolla- . the credibility of the biblical accounts does not necessarily decrease 'in the ratio of their distance in time from the narrator'. whether the author of the biblical text was an eyewitness or not need not effect our decision concerning whether it is history or not So. The whole truth concerning an event can only be known after. argues Danto.74 There seem to be two reasons for the failure of many to realize this.1. 'the Thirty Years War begins now'. without referring to the future. Preliminary Issues 41 Chronicle']. Levin puts it this way: I discovered that some fallacies persist as stubbornly today as if the work of Benedetto Croce. we could not verify them under these descriptions. Thus.72 Thus. and others had not shown them to be indefensible. D. Carl Becker. emptied of its proper content'. and sometimes only long after the event itself has taken place. R.73 Two obvious implications to be drawn from his discussion are: 1) a 'full description' cannot adequately meet the needs of historians. without going beyond what can be said of what happens. the way it happens.71 Hence. One reason is that what the historian says about his ostensible topic and how he says it are really indistinguishable. 'any account of the past is essentially incomplete' because 'a complete account of the past would presuppose a complete account of the future'. It is something even the best sort of witness cannot know. the historian could not write in 1618. and this part of the story historians alone can tell. as it happens.G.

He argues that this assumption is the legacy of the idea of Universal History—'the idea that there is a determinate historical actuality. He contends that this presupposition should be 'abandoned' because:78 1. If past actuality is a single and determinate realm then the truth value of the historical narrative should simply be a logical function of the truth or falsity of its individual assertions taken separately: the conjunction is true if and only if each of the individual propositions is true. In fact. 2. histories are more like fiction in that they have their own beginnings. The task of the historian is to find that untold story. like fictional narratives. or found it instructive or accurate to compare the historian with the novelist. or part of it. But while this may be true of chronicle it is not true of history. historians discover the story hidden in the data. Historical narratives.77 While fiction writers fabricate their stories any way they wish. the untold story to which narrative histories approximate'. contain indefinitely . many implicitly hold this presupposition.75 Levin then concludes that 'there is no necessary conflict between historical fidelity and literary merit. Louis Mink believes that while no one consciously asserts that past actuality is an untold story.76 Another reason for the failure to understanding that historians employ the same devices as any literary artist to arrange or fashion their works is the assumption that historical actuality itself has narrative form which the historian does not create but discovers. the one essential and the other ornamental'. History-as-it-was-lived. no easy division of the historian's work into two distinct parts. If past actuality is a single and determinate realm then narrative histories should aggregate because they each tell a part of that untold story.42 Ancient Conquest Accounts ry that good literature—whether history or fiction—always takes liberties with 'the facts'. and to retell it even though in abridged or edited form. Thus history needs only to be communicated. not constructed. that is. But in practice they do not. Historical narratives can and do displace each other. It is because of this presupposition that some historians have not emphasized literary skill—like my 8th grade history textbook!—. middles and ends. the complex referent for all our narratives of "what actually happened". is an untold story. or attempts to discover.

If the title to history writing hinged on the correspondence to the truth—the historicity of the things written about—then a historical text would automatically forfeit or change its status on the discovery that it contained errors or imbalances or guesses and fabrications passed off as verities. Uncertainty sets in as soon as we attempt to consider the limits of the application of the concept. On the one hand. 3.81 For history writing is not a record of fact—of what 'really happened'—but a discourse that claims to be a record of fact. under the same description or different descriptions. The antithesis lies not in the presence or absence of truth value.82 But this is where the problem arises. and some standard description of each putative event'. but on the other hand. or lack of it. Historical understanding converts congeries of events into concatenations. the analysis and evaluation of historical evidence may in principle resolve disputes about facts or to some extent about the relations among facts.80 While in fictional narrative the coherence of the whole may provide aesthetic or emotional satisfaction. the function of narrative form is not just to relate a succession of events but to present an ensemble of interrelationships of many different kinds as a single whole. in historical narrative it additionally claims truth. such procedures cannot resolve disputes about the possible combination of kinds of relations. And its particular significance will vary with its . It is such combination which we mean when we speak of the coherence of a narrative. If past actuality is a single and determinate realm then the term 'event' should presuppose 'both an already existing division of complex processes into further irreducible elements. Preliminary Issues many ordering relations. but for the complex form of the narrative itself. But hardly any concept is less clear than that of 'event'.1. and indefinitely many ways of combining these relations. Sternberg elaborates on this point: The difference between truth value and truth claim is fundamental. The same event. Historical narrative claims truth not only for each of its statements.79 43 Consequently. may belong to different stories (historical or fictional). but of the commitment to truth value. Nor is fiction writing a tissue of free inventions but a discourse that claims freedom of invention.

. it is only one figurative way of re-figuring. Also. just as 'evidence' does not dictate which story is to be constructed. artificial. bad historiography does not yet make fiction. When it comes to the narrative treatment of an ensemble of relationships we credit the imagination or the sensibility or the insight of the individual historian.86 Hence. history is always the imposition of form upon the past. it is evident that all historical accounts are artistically constructed and there is no necessary conflict between rigorous historical method and literary construction.87 Thus narrativization in historiography always produces figurative accounts. Thus history is imaginatively constructed and is always constructed from a particular point of view. White argues. Even mere narration is already the communication of a meaning. The form itself is not reality. bad historiography is bad historiography: no more. White explains this in his typically eloquent style: . And we cannot do otherwise. then it is. need not lead to historical skepticism: This fashioning process need not—be it stressed—entail violations of title so-called 'rules of evidence' or the criteria of Tactual accuracy* resulting from simple ignorance of the record or the misinformation that might be contained in it. different modes may be employed to accomplish this task. in a sense. or better.84 Because of this and because no past is ever given. our own reconstruction of Israelite history).44 Ancient Conquest Accounts place in these often very different narratives.e.85 But such an acknowledgement. It is always the writer's selective arrangement or presentation of the events. There are no rules for the construction of a narrative as there are for the analysis and evaluation of evidence. Obviously.83 Consequently. re-presenting reality. so it does not always bear on the preference of one narrative over another. Thus if history writing is the imposing of an interpretive form on the past. Whether 'narrative' is the best way to impose form on the past is moot here since we are not discussing the writing of a history of Israel (i. no less. H. but the interpretation and understanding of already extant narratives which have imposed form on the past.

however..89 This. there are varying degrees in the use of figurative language. or logically inconsistent (consisting as they do of what some philosophers call 'category mistakes'). And it is only a modern prejudice against allegory or. it seems to me at least. the notion of explanation which they brought to their investigation ruled out the consideration of figurative discourse as productive of genuine knowledge. an allegory. it is that of mistaking a narrative account of real events for a literal account thereof. it followed that whatever explanations might be contained in an historical narrative should be expressible only in literal language . this question has been ignored by the analytical philosophers concerned to analyze the logic of narrative explanations in historiography. as White argues. Obviously. If there is any 'category mistake' involved in this literalizing procedure.1. it is to miss the performance in language by which a chronicle is transformed into a narrative. a scientistic prejudice in favor of literalism. The theory of figures of speech permits us 'to track the historian in his encodation of his message'. does not mean that the figurative discourse of . . ambiguous. It being generally given that figurative expressions are either false. On the whole. that obscures this fact to many modern analysts of historical narrative. what amounts to the same thing... And this because. A narrative account is always a figurative account. But all historical narratives can be analyzed in terms of the modes of figurative language use that they variously favor. and you destroy much of its impact as an 'explanation' in the form of an 'idiographic' description. it was assumed that their 'truth-value' resided either in the literal statements of fact contained within them or in a combination of these and a literalist paraphrase of statements made in figurative language. This means that the clue to the meaning of a given historical discourse is contained 'as much in the rhetoric of the description of the field as it is in the logic of whatever argument may be offered as its explanation'. Remove them from his discourse. Thus figures of speech are the Very marrow of the historian's individual style'. Preliminary Issues To present the question of narrativization in historiography is to raise the more general question of the 'truth' of literature itself.88 45 Thus the historical narrative is always figurative.. To leave this figurative element out of consideration in the analysis of a narrative is not only to miss its aspect as allegory. Since historical narratives refer to 'real' rather than 'imaginary* events.

Consequently. The second and third can very often be understood in terms of the old-time standard type of ANE and OT parallels. they generally overlap so that a rhetorical figure communicates the ideological codes of the text and vice versa. it is possible to isolate these aspects. as F. the fact that in oral cultures there is 'the unobtrusive adaptation of past tradition to present needs* means that 'myth and history merge into one'.93 In the ancient Near East history writing included such literary categories as king's lists. history might be defined as 'a committedly true account which imposes form on the actions of men in the past'. we will not always attempt to differentiate and demarcate these aspects. This nature manifests itself in three ways:90 1) the structural and ideological codes underlying the text's production.91 and 3) the usage of rhetorical figures in the accounts. narratives. while. Hence. memorial inscriptions. The first is a different concept for biblical studies: that the biblical narratives are the structures which communicate the historical image. royal apologies.J. Both of these are utilized as ideological communicators.92 So while it is possible to have an oral account of the past. 2) the themes or motifs that the text utilizes. since to do so would impair the reader. chronicles. It must be stressed that a literary mode of cultural production is connected with the rise of history writing. annals. In conclusion. Levy comments.' It simply means that the interpreter of the historical text must work that much harder at the interpretive process. at times.46 Ancient Conquest Accounts the historical narrative is not productive of genuine knowledge and 'truth. Finally.94 Thus historiography. 'is interested primarily in the methods previous historians have used to attain their results'. Obviously. and history of historical writing*. theory. we are speaking primarily of this impositional nature of the account. historical poems. from a technical standpoint. when we say that a historical narrative is figurative.95 . etc. historiography is 'the principles.

The reason that they do not possess true consciousness is because 'social being . This definition does not restrict ideology to the conservative type. and also carry a more or less explicit evaluation of the Tacts. but every stage produces its own illusions.100 Second. It reflects the presuppositions of its observers. determines consciousness'.. Ideology consists of selected or distorted ideas about a social system or a class of social systems when these ideas purport to be factual. Karl Marx gave prominence to the term 'ideol ogy'.e. .'101 Thus ideology consists only of those parts or aspects of a system of social ideas which are distorted or unduly selective from a scientific viewpoint. hence. Preliminary Issues PART II: IDEOLOGY — UNMASKING THE CONCEPT 47 Few concepts play a larger part in present-day discussions of ancient Near Eastern and biblical historical topics than does that of ideology.. it is not always clear what meaning is applied to the term by those who employ it. ideology can be defined in a restrictive sense. and used it for distorted or selected ideas in defense of the status quo of a social system (i. but is due to disappear when a rational order has been created.. And this has been the state of affairs in history.1. In other words. ideology can be defined in the narrow sense as 'false consciousness'. This concept of ideology as 'false consciousness' leads back to the problem of establishing the true consciousness which will enable men to understand their role.99 Ideology was the distortion of reality because of a society's 'false consciousness'.97 There are at least three different meanings for the notion of ideology:98 First. Thus the concept of ideology demonstrates that men are not in possession of true consciousness which—if they had it—would enable them to understand the totality of the world and their own place in it. 'a capitalist ideology').96 and yet. the truth about man is one and the same for all stages of history. It is important to remember what David Apter has correctly noted: Ideology is not quite like other subjects. it is only those aspects which are distorted or unduly selective.

108 In many ways it is the issue of'distortion* that distinguishes these definitions from one another. since it entails a 'masking* or Veiling* of unavowed and unperoeived motives or 'interests' .108 Thus. represented in the Frankfurt School of German sociology. Thus Geertz defines ideology as 'a schematic image of social order'. he has influenced many (especially Georg Lukacs and Karl Mannheim who developed the tradition of the sociology of knowledge). something shady. and if he misleads others. something that ought to be overcome and banished from our mind . The proponents of Utopias contend for the realization of an 'ideal* which they allege has never existed previously within a society.102 He argues that it is hardly scientific to define ideology as distortion and selectivity because distortion and selectivity are secondary and an empirical question in each case. ideology is by its nature untruthful. while he himself knows well what the truth is.48 Ancient Conquest Accounts Third. does so unwillingly and unwittingly. Consequently. According to Johnson. [It] is a manifestation of a 'false consciousness'. a follower of Mannheim. Both •dying and ideology> are concerned with untruth. a person who falls for an ideology is himself deluded in his private thought. has concentrated mostly on understanding the ideological basis of all forms of social knowledge including the natural sciences. ideology embraces both normative and allegedly factual elements.108 . While Marx was the first to emphasize the concept of 'false consciousness* and subsequent 'distortion'. puts it this way: ideological thought is . ideology can be defined in a 'neutral sense*. Mannheim also used the term 'ideology' to refer to conservative ideas as distortions (although he was not consistent on this point). ideologies work for the realization of an 'ideal' which existed in the past but no longer exists.....104 The tradition's most recent advocate is Jilrgen Habermas. In this view. but whereas the liar tries to falsify the thought of others while his own private thought is correct.107 Werner Stark.. while on the other hand.. we will attempt to investigate this issue more fully. This approach. and these elements are not necessarily distorted.105 Mannheim distinguished between Utopias and ideologies.

anxiety. Ideology is a dirty river such that if one drinks from it. Eco argues that ideological manipulation endeavors to conceal the various present options. Hence.112 It follows. 'clouded') by the pressure of personal emotions like hate. By disregarding the multiple interconnections of the semantic universe. contain many propositions. because many sociologists have failed to recognize the usage of figurative language within ideological discourse. true propositions can coexist alongside false ones. Geertz has observed that: It is the absence of such a theory <of symbolic language> and in particular the absence of any analytical framework within which to deal with figurative language that have reduced sociologists to viewing ideologies as elaborate cries of pain. its pronouncements are seen against the background of a universal struggle for advantage. . therefore. they have often confused this usage with 'distortion'. and must therefore involve a rhetorical labor of code shifting and overcoding (via what he calles 'inventio' and *dispositio'). There is distortion. he will be poisoned. This oblivion produces a 'false conscience'.111 Shils points out the incorrectness of this view. and claim to possess. 'contaminated'. to a neglect of its broader. that to understand 'ideology* simply as 'a distortion of reality'113 is not adequate. desire. less dramatic social functions. even though ideologists strive for. This view that social action is fundamentally an unending struggle for power leads to an unduly Machiavellian view of ideology as a form of higher cunning and.110 According to this view in which vested interest plays a vital role.1. systematic integration. 'falsified'. 'distorted*. ideology is a mask and a weapon. but not every element in the ideology is necessarily distorted.109 Thus ideology has the unfortunate quality of being psychologically 'deformed' ('warped'. like all complex cognitive patterns. consequently. it also conceals the pragmatic reasons for which certain signs (with all their various interpretations) were produced. Ideology is *a partial and disconnected world vision*. men pursue power and control often in the midst of class conflict. Moreover. Ideologies. Preliminary Issues 49 Putting it more on a linguistic level. or fear. they are never completely successful in this regard.

meiosis (1 shall return'). In figurative language there is.114 He points out that although very few social scientists seem to have read much of the literature on metaphor. irony. Geertz notes: Metonymy ('All I have to offer is blood. a metaphor transforms a false identification into an apt analogy. The feature of metaphor that has most troubled philosophers (and. and sarcasm. rhythm. pun.115 The power of a metaphor derives precisely from the interplay between the discordant meanings it symbolically coerces into a unitary conceptual framework and from the degree to which that coercion is successful in overcoming the psychic resistance such semantic tension inevitably generates in anyone in a position to perceive it. in which an incongruity of sense on one level produces an influx of significance on another. for that matter. as are such syntactical devices as antithesis. with no recognition that these devices are of any importance in casting personal attitudes into public form. Obviously. synecdoche (Wall Street'). a metaphor (in the strict sense of that term) is not the only stylistic resource upon which ideology draws. eulogy. hyperbole. And. which. scientists) is that it is 'wrong*: It asserts of one thing that it is something else. The bulk of it consists of quite literal. flat-footed assertions. in a majority of cases. When it works. sweat and tears'). not all ideological expression is figurative. it tends to be most effective when most 'wrong'. paradox. and all the other figures the classical rhetoricians so painstakingly collected and so carefully classified are utilized over and over again. such prosodic ones as rhyme. such literary ones as irony. rhythm. of course. sociologists lack the symbolic resources out of which to construct a more incisive formulation. a stratification of meaning. ambiguity.50 Ancient Conquest Accounts With no notion of how metaphor. and all the other elements of what we lamely call 'style' operate—even. a . oxymoron ('Iron Curtain'). when it misfires it is mere extravagance. and repetition. personification (The hand that held the dagger has plunged it into the back of its neighbor*). worse yet.116 Moreover. and alliteration. inversion. an understanding of it is quite useful in the discussion of ideology. hyperbole ('The thousand-year Reich'). analogy.

code shifting and/or overcoding. While ideology is often equated with rationalization in the psychological sense because it is assumed to be essentially a defense of vested interests (which is partly true). 'a pattern of beliefs and concepts (both factual and normative) which purport to explain complex social phenomena' in which there may be simplification by means of symbolic figurative language. or 'oversimplification' are simply incompetent to formulate.119 So. an ideology that has developed beyond the stage of mere sloganeering consists of an intricate structure of interrelated meanings—interrelated in terms of the semantic mechanisms that formulate them—of which the two-level organization of an isolated metaphor is but a feeble representation. 'the whole of the morality of Europe is based upon the values which are useful to the herd'. and to a degree understand each other'. . and so forth. many people may have ideological ideas that are even contrary to their interests or that are related to their interests in so complex a way that experts would hesitate to attempt to calculate the net effect.118 Hence. it would seem best to advocate a neutral sense for the understanding of the concept of ideology so that: ideology is a 'schematic image of social order'. but an analysis of that structure forces one into tracing a multiplicity of referential connections between it and social reality.1. Not only is the semantic structure of the figure a good deal more complex than it appears on the surface. name things. 'selectivity'. make assertions. This interworking is itself a social process.117 Thus there exists in ideological language a subtle interplay of which concepts like 'distortion'. are difficult to distinguish from properly scientific statements: 'The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles'. Preliminary Issues 51 certain tendency toward prima facie implausibility aside. so that the final picture is one of a configuration of dissimilar meanings out of whose interworking both the expressive power and the rhetorical force of the final symbol derive. As a cultural system. an occurrence not 'in the head' but in that public world where 'people talk together.

If anything. . Thompson. if one compares the conquest account in the book of Joshua with other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. likely to be less than objective in their appraisal of the status quo and of the general merit of the proposed change. the relevance of the comparative material is questionable. J. a 'comparative/ contrastive' investigation of 'the literary context. it seems important to employ what W.52 Ancient Conquest Accounts The likelihood that groups and individuals who have vested interests will defend them by means of distorted arguments is too well known to require extended comment. while it produced many historical texts. Von Rad. but no his- .. From Egypt we know some historical legends.W.123 A similar type of objection is expounded by R.. Those who stand to gain from a proposed social change are also. It is exactly a lack of controls which has contributed—at least in part—to some of the interpretive problems in Old Testament studies. Some scholars have voiced the belief that the ancient Near East. He argues that because Israel was unique in the ancient Near East (Israel alone developed real historiography). felt that only in Israel and Greece did a 'historical sense' arise that could apply causal thinking to sequences of political events. one will gain a better understanding of the biblical narrative.124 He cites Mowinckel for support of this claim: It is a well known fact that Israel is the only people in the whole ancient Near East where annalistic writing developed into real historiography .. broadly interpreted as including the entire Near Eastern literary milieu to the extent that it can be argued to have had any conceivable impact on the biblical formulation'. for example. Such a method offers controls on the data. many people exaggerate the relative importance of concern for vested interests as a source of ideology.. Hallo has called the 'contextual approach*:121 in other words. of course. neither the Babylonians nor the Assyrians took it beyond short chronicles in annalistic form. did not produce works of history.120 PART III: METHOD: OBTAINING COMPREHENSION Establishing the Framework In the interpretive endeavor.122 For instance.

There is no question that there are differences between the Hebrew histories and their ancient Near Eastern counterparts. where the historical events are seen in the larger context. period was minimal. The only exception is Israel. Israel developed its own culture and traditions without a great degree of foreign influence. This objection should be spurned. just as there are differences between each ancient Near Eastern culture's history writing. While the degree of influence varied at different periods. Something more of a historical view is found among the Hittites. But there are also many similarities that argue in favor of 'real' history writing among these ancient Near Eastern cultures. as tendencies. and others have pointed out.T.128 One area of the ancient world which will not be included in this contextual investigation is Greece. this is again a case of using a comparative argument to dismiss the need of a comparative method. .T.126 Thompson has accepted this judgment (uncritically) and turned it into an argument against the comparative method. it is only through comparison that these differences can be discerned. One might wonder— especially in light of Van Seters's recent work—why this area will not be included for he contends: it would appear to be self-evident and entirely natural for biblical scholars who treat the subject of the origins of history writing in ancient Israel to give some attention to the corresponding rise of history writing in Greece and to the work of Herodotus in particular (p. but even here in fragmentary form.127 Another form of this objection is that the influence on Israel during the O. not as realizations. Moreover.125 53 It is very interesting that the comparative method can be dismissed by a comparative argument! Mowinckel has made an assessment of Israelite historiography by comparing it to ancient Near Eastern historiographies (an assessment which is highly debatable). Such an objection (unfortunately common among O. Tadmor. Preliminary Issues toriography. scholars) is groundless. 8).1. Roberts. and cry out for comparison with the Israelite material as Hallo.

Van Seters uses the same argumentation concerning the extant material to contest H. Moreover. Van Seters can use the absence of extant material to argue (probably rightly) against Cancik's thesis. but can also argue for the later dating of the biblical material. but by taking the theory and making it fact. such as the paratactic style of early prose and the anecdotal digressions within chronologies. who were the close contact with both regions. Van Seters argues that the issue of date cannot be used to avoid such a comparison. Once we admit that Phoenicia could serve as a bridge between Israel and the Aegean as well as a center for the dissemination of culture in both directions.54 Ancient Conquest Accounts Is it really 'self-evident and entirely natural'. while on the other hand. He has not proved that there was a definite 'conceivable impact on the biblical formulation'. nothing stands in the way of an intensive comparative study of the Bible and early Greek historiography. Most biblical scholars believe that there was some contact and subsequent influence between the Hebrews and the Greeks. Van Seters not only can argue for the legitimacy of his comparison of Greek and Hebrew historiography. But it would appear most reasonable that those features clearly shared by Greek and Hebrew historiography also belonged to the Phoenicians. [emphasis mine] 13° If there were some extant evidence. 103). is hard to answer on the basis of the extant material from Phoenicia. of course. doubtful that there was much direct cultural contact between the Greeks and the Hebrews before the fourth century B. No evidence for this kind of cultural influence is evident at Ugarit or in any extant Canaanite-Phoenician inscriptions' (p. he can choose . then perhaps this might be 'reasonable'.C. but he does so by redating the biblical material by means of such a comparison. Cancik's claim that the Hittite texts explain the rise of historiography in both ancient Greece and ancient Israel. He argues against Cancik that 'to see the agent of cultural mediation through "Canaan" is hardly justified. It is. he asks the reader to take a 'leap of faith': The question of the origin of other shared features. So on the one hand.129 This is highly circular argumentation! But going further. but that it was minimal in the early biblical period.

semiotics appears to offer a viable method. He must willingly suspend his disbelief in order to 'participate' in the world of the text. one must have some very strong reason beyond a simple suspicion of the presence of a K6nigsnovelle motif. Spalinger has recently shown that this war council at Yhm prior to the battle of Megiddo originated from war dairy accounts so that the account is.131 It is important to consider the 'willing suspension of disbelief. rulers. Hence. at a given point in human history. Due to overt skepticism. in all likelihood. This is not an endorsement of a naive approach which has repudiated criticism. He must ascertain the structure of the text and its mode of communication. A. historical. it is a warning that the modern reader must not dismiss something in the text simply because he finds it unbelievable. In other words. H. Performing the Reading Another important aspect in the interpretation of historical texts is the method of analysis. The reader of a historical text must curb his skepticism in order not to miscon-strue the obvious. J. Rather. one seeks to discern and understand the transmission code(s) which are used to convey the 'message' of the text.133 To accomplish this 'intricate textual analysis' of which Wise speaks. how should one read historical texts? Gene Wise has suggested that in the initial stage of analysis the critic must practice 'a willing suspension of disbelief in order to conduct an 'intricate textual analysis'. Cancik dismisses the 'staff meeting* by Thutmose III before the battle of Megiddo as a fictitious element from the so-called Konigsnovelle.1. taking its meanings from the interpretative gestures . on the contrary. The following will exemplify Wise's point. or generals down through the ages have taken counsel or held a 'staff meeting' before a major battle? To even consider a 'meeting1 of this type as fictitious. a piece of writing is understood as 'the product of a person or persons.13* But how many kings. in a given form of discourse. But. Preliminary Issues 55 to ignore the same absence of extant material to advance his own theory.134 As a text.

138 So while it is perfectly valid.M.. i. it will be possible to achieve a better understanding of the biblical historical narrative.) . The historical writing must be analyzed primarily as a kind of prose discourse before its claims to objectivity and truthfulness can be tested.. semantic. Barthes proposed anthrology—'the science of the components'141—to account for the interweaving of code and message in the system of a text. The strength of this method is that it does not confuse 'literary' questions with 'referential' or Tiistoricity* questions. important and necessary to ask questions concerning^ way in which the events were narrated. it is equally valid. Fales puts this way: the utilization of the document as source of information on the narrated events must be preceded by an analytical breakdown of the document itself into its ideological and compositional foundations. The narrative is a vehicle. into the complex of ideas (as indicated by lexical items) and into the literary structures (as indicated by the organisation of words into syntagms.142 Robert Scholes has suggested that 'we can generate meaning by situating a text among the actual and possible texts to which it can be related'. or trellis for the transmission of the message. In fact.e. the question of the veracity or reliability of the text) can be put aside (at least temporally) in order to shift one's attention to the texts themselves. such as a logical syllogism. having no more truthvalue or informational content than any other formal structure. or a mathematical equation. P.140 R. It must be emphasized that . Thus it is important to distinguish the components of a text in order to understand its meaning. etc.l39 Since reading a text entails 'expanding [etoiler] upon the text rather than gathering it together'. it is the latter questions which reveal the text's ultimate meaning and purpose. apparatus.135 The narrative form of the discourse is a medium for the message. a metaphorical figure. important and necessary to ask questions concerning which events were narrated.143 Consequently.196 Thus the dilemma of whether and to what extent the events of a text correspond to the 'truth'137 (i. and cultural codes available to them'. it is our assertion that by using semiotics in conjunction with a contextual method..e.56 Ancient Conquest Accounts of individual readers using the grammatical.

there will be an examination of the conquest . a clash between an objective. historical approach with newer methods of analysis is not. The conflict is rather a conflict between two equally theoretical methods of understanding. theoretical approach on the other.145 In the first stage of the study. Obviously this type of approach is very different from the common diachronic method with its concerns for correctly dating various stages in a tradition's development. scientific approach on the one hand. and authoritative interpretation' of any historical text.146 In the next stage. a thorough examination of ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts will be necessary. We are only suggesting that it will reveal certain aspects of the text's make-up which will further the interpretive endeavor. Therefore. It permits a finer distinctions to be maintained in the analyses. research has been dominated by these diachronic concerns. and so forth. We are offering it as a possibly more coherent method to analyze these texts. definite.1. for separating early traditions from redactional elements. as the partisans of the former might wish to assert. Hittites and Egyptians will investigated. and a subjective. in line with the contextual method. Because the inheritance of the nineteenth century has been so powerful for such a long time in biblical study. But Oden points out that this response is fundamentally mistaken: The clash of the traditional. So much is this the case that an initial response to some methods of understanding which accent rather a synchronic analysis has been that these latter methods looked suspiciously a priori and theoretical. conquest accounts from the Assyrians. Preliminary Issues 57 we are not arguing that the semiotic approach will give us 'the final. The pressing question for us is therefore that of which theory is the more coherent.144 Consequently we are not arguing that the combination of the contextual method and semiotics is the only method to understand historical texts. Hence this approach has come to be seen as self-evidently correct and as particularly appropriate to the alleged character of the biblical texts. neither of which can claim to be working in the first instance from a direct confrontation with the text itself.

Throughout a semiotic approach will be employed. . Lastly.58 Ancient Conquest Accounts account in Joshua. these two stages of the inquiry will be integrated and an evaluation of the evidence offered.


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. With the generic approaches to Assyrian history writing concern has been primarily with classification of the texts in varying degrees of comprehensiveness.J. lie at the very root of all Mesopotamian historiography..Chapter 2 ASSYRIAN CONQUEST ACCOUNTS . problems have arisen when improper criteria have been applied in the classification process. and 3) 'ideas of history' approaches..5 He suggested that: the omen texts and the historical information imbedded in them. the need for a thorough literary analysis must be the first concern in a study of a culture's history writing. Most past studies on the subject2 can be categorized according to their approach: 1) reconstructional approaches.not yet general IB the consciousness that the analysis of the 'events' narrated in the text must be set aside from the analysis of the literary and thought patterns according to which the events are presented. For example. one concentrates upon the evaluation of the Assyrian royal inscriptions for the historiographic purpose of reconstructing a modern history.1 Liverani's assessment still correctly describes. and that as a historical genre they take precedence both in time and in reliability over any other genre of Mesopotamian writing that purports to treat of the events of the past.. J. In the reconstructional approach.. Finkelstein made historicity the crucial test for Mesopotamian history writing in his search for the one genre which best represented the 'intellectual form' in which the Mesopotamians rendered account to themselves of their past. for the most part. the situation in the study of Assyrian history writing.3 Whereas the importance of historical reconstruction should not be underestimated.4 On occasion. 2) generic approaches.

But this is never really the case. one can obtain a better understanding of the accounts. By knowing that both types of inscriptions utilize the same syntagms and ideology.9 Knowing which type of inscription one is reading enhances the interpretive expectations as one approaches the text.6 Thus Finkelstein blatantly mixed literary analysis with historicity questions so that his contention must be judged as incorrect.62 Ancient Conquest Accounts Upon analysis.10 . generic approaches do not generally separate the 'analysis of the "events" narrated in the text from the analysis of the literary and thought patterns according to which the events are presented'. nor are we advocating that generic analysis is useless. the distinction between the 'Summary' and purely 'Annalistic' inscriptions is important and helpful. While such approaches7 can be helpful (and this to varying degrees). For example. the 'idea of history' approach attempts to identify a culture's concept or sense of history. it would become clear that all genres of Mesopotamian literature that purport to deal with past events. and the authenticity of the information they relate was not in itself the crucial point for their authors. This is not the case. are motivated by purposes other than the desire to know what really happened. Such an approach. they are hindered by the limitations of a purely generic approach so that at times they do not really further the interpretation of the texts. however. For example. We are not advocating that the brilliant work of scholars who have worked along these lines is insignificant or worthless. description of building activities. and blessings—with possible insertions)?8 Such a detailed breakdown is more confusing than helpful. Moreover. does it really help one in interpreting a certain Assyrian historical text to know that it is of the genre: commemorative inscription of the annalistic type with collections of annalistic accounts which follow the type (IA2a) (starting with subject (royal name and epithets) followed by the annalistic narration. usually assumes that there is a uniformity of thought about the past by a particular culture. But this is not the end of the interpretive endeavor. with the exception of omens and chronicles. Finally.

it is equally valid and important to ask questions concerning the way in which events were narrated. the digging of a canal is considered a positive achievement if accomplished by the Assyrian king. Moreover. In fact it is the latter questions which reveal the texts' ultimate purpose. if the enemy digs a canal.12 For example. Consequently. Zaccagnini observes that: 'in terms of informatics. in itself. While it is perfectly valid (and important) to ask questions concerning which events were narrated. While semiotic approaches and stylistic analyses do not rule out the possibilities of inquiries concerning the factual contents of the inscriptions.e. However. the same event which is recorded in an episode) can be viewed in a completely different way. They do not—to use Liverani's words—'set aside the analysis of the "events" narrated in the text' from the 'analysis of the literary and thought patterns according to which the events are presented'. and the morphological axes. . the reason according to which the messages of the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions are patterned and vehiculated is fundamentally binary'.13 This is true on the chronological.2. This is even clearer in the case of ruin or destruction of a territory or city (a negative event in itself). it has negative connotations. it is important to realize that the historical referent (Fevenement). the ideological. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 63 All three approaches fail to sufficiently distinguish between historical and literary questions. For instance. single elements can be used to describe either positive or negative events.1^Only among some recent semiotic or other modern literary approaches has this differentiation been maintained. the e~v6nementielle (or referential) items in the texts are not necessarily the primary point to which ultimate significance should be attached. If caused by the Assyrians. it is viewed positively. One of the most important requirements for attaining a suitable level of understanding of the messages of the Assyrian royal inscriptions is an appreciation of the peculiarities of the transmission codes which they employ. Thus the same referent (i. as concerns its ideological connotations. is but the occasional event which furnishes the trellis for the textual performance.

is it possible to gain a proper understanding of the text. whose aim is mainly literary. especially..18 . and 2) the preservation of the message for a future ruler.e. terror to be inspired upon inner or outer 'subjects'. non-existence. The referents make up the construction of the narrative.g. i. exaltation of the king. then one's attention shifts to the texts themselves. cater to preconceived ideological requirements. ruin. In short. of course. Even these few texts that are patently more reliable than others. we have to keep foremost in our mind that even strictly historiographic documents are literary works and that they manipulate the evidence. consciously or not.14 To this can be added two very important purposes: 1) the glorification of the gods of Assyria. etc. for specific political and artistic purposes. nearly all these texts are as wilfully unconcerned with the 'truth' as any other "historical text' of the ancient Near East. by reasserting the immensity of his power and the uniqueness of his legitimate rulership.e.17 Only after identifying the literary and ideological structures used in composing the historical narratives. the question of the veracity of the text) is put aside. perdition.64 Ancient Conquest Accounts The inscriptions* purpose was very specific. this is true of all historical narratives because of their figurative nature. But. Fales explains: that 'the utilization of the document as a source of information on the narrated events must be preceded by an analytical breakdown itself into its ideological and compositional foundations.) which led to the writing of the document along preconceived lines and slants'. They were: an optimal instrument for conveying (ideological) messages to serve for practical purposes: e.15 The Assyrian ideology is an important part of the super-structure undergirding the historical texts. ASsur. asseveration that outside the Assyrian 'cosmogonic' order there is but chaos.16 If the dilemma of whether and to what extent the events of the text correspond to the truth (i. Leo Oppenheim stated it this way: In all instances. into the complex of ideas (as indicated by lexical items) and into the literary structures (as indicated by the organisation of words into syntagms. etc. A.

It provides those who surrender their wealth.2. with a counterpart of a non-physical but moral.. 'an ideology of unbalance'. The authors and beneficiaries of the imperialistic ideology (i.20 He argues that this type of ideology has the aim: of bringing about the exploitation of man by man. religious.22 The agents of the ideology (i. it must be emphasized—as discussed in the previous chapter—that the figurative nature of the accounts includes not only these ideological and structural aspects.21 Furthermore. ASSYRIAN IDEOLOGY: How Do You Spell Torture'? Type and Nature M. enduring imperialism is generally a self-convinced and even fanatical imperialism'.19 He argues that Assyrian ideology was of the 'imperialistic type'. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 65 Thus there are two constituents on which we will concentrate in our analysis of the Assyrian historical text: ideology and literary structures. the whole of the Assyrian population which provided the human material for the war and production machines) are the receivers of its ideological propa- .. as advantageous to the disadvantaged. namely.. since other studies have dealt with these other aspects. as based on qualitative differences. their work. and the victims. victorious. While these are separate in many ways. in other words.. by providing the motivation to receive the situation of inequality as 'right'. they nevertheless intertwine to create the historical account. but also the use of motifs and rhetorical figures. It is our purpose in this chapter to delineate the Assyrian ideology and literary structures (especially the texts' syntagmic configuration). Ideology has the function of presenting exploitation in a favourable light to the exploited. cultural character. Hence. an imperialistic ideology is characterized by three 'roles'.e. the beneficiaries. At this point. 'an effective. their life. the Assyrian ruling class) need motivation which provides them with greater credibility and effectiveness. Liverani has offered the most comprehensive study on Assyrian ideology.e. the agents. as entrusted to the 'right* people for the good of all .

palaces). is always legitimate.. Saggs points out: There are frequent references in the Assyrian annals to the pouring out upon the enemy of'sajjurratu'.e. since indeed there cannot be a 'lay* war.26 In other words. Thus he states: I believe on the contrary that if we consider the divinities and the acts of cult as hypostatic expressions of social values. not the ruled. or *hattu' by the Assyrian king. 'nammurratu'. or as Olmstead described the policy of the Assyrians in the ninth century B. it means Assyrian. the problem vanishes. while he rules in Assyria. The war is always a holy one if fought by us.F. the external populations that were conquered) perceive it (in the first instance) as a ideology of terror. and I would maintain that this represented a definite conscious use by the Assyrians not of terrorism for sadistic purposes. and his legitimacy is . the deportation of certain sections of populations. without reaping the annexed benefits'.25 Even in the occupation and process of de-culturation the 'ideology of terror' enhanced the maintenance of control. a king. always a wicked one if fought by the enemy. was the only means of softening up an enemy population in advance. or the covering of the enemy land by 'burbasu' or by the king's 'pulufrtu'. the victims of the imperialistic ideology (i. the impositioning of linguistic unification. The 'holiness' of a war cannot result from an analysis. that of the ruler. but of psychological warfare .. In the absence of mass media of communication. the religious character is not autonomous from the ideology. spreading from village to village and town to town. This propaganda must achieve the 'arduous aim of prompting them to perform an active role.C. Liverani argues that the religious character of the imperial ideology is not 'an additional element that deserves a special section in the analysis. not a passive one. The process is accomplished by the breaking down of the foreign ideologically active centers (temples. With regard to the diffusion of the ideology. A king is not legitimate because of the approval of Assur.W. 'calculated frightfulness'. it is in fact the very form of that ideology in its general terms'.23 Finally. and the provincial administration.66 Ancient Conquest Accounts ganda. therefore 'holy' means only that it answers our social values.. terror.24 H.

and goods.31 Finally. And since 'exchanges are peacefully resolved wars and wars are the result of unsuccessful transactions'. the more it is emphasized). nonempirical existential ideas).27 67 Liverani's model of ideology at this point is too simplistic. In some cases the written texts were to be orally divulged in a ceremony: for example.2. it is scientifically desirable to distinguish between a value system itself and ideology.28 One reason for this is that a given value system may be compatible with more than one set of cognitive ideas. Liverani attempts to discuss the aspects of this imperialistic ideology in relationship to the diversity of space.32 Zaccagnini points out that the Assyrian ethnographic vision of the enemy is dualistic. And. We will now examine one of these aspects attempting to summarize and evaluate the findings. and these need not be ideological. At this point. It is a social value system. Assyrian Conquest Accounts expressed in religious terms (in fact the less obvious it is. Therefore. the historical texts . trade. by definition. Consequently. time. respectively. it is important to remember that there are interconnections between war. and ideology.29 The diffusion of the ideology was accomplished through the written message which was complemented by the visual and oral messages. as Harry Johnson has observed. Religion is a much more sophisticated system. as well as others. Ideological Patterns: The Enemy Recently both Zaccagnini and Fales have written articles on the enemy in the Assyrian inscriptions analyzing the 'ethnographic description' and 'the moral judgement aspects' of this topic.30 tribute—to a significant degree in the Neo-Assyrian empire— took the place of long distance trade. power centers. the conception of cognitive distortion and selectivity requires that a distinction be made between ideology and 'religious' ideas (more precisely. men. These aspects have been explored by others who are part of the Lessico ideologico assiro. Economic concerns played a significant role in the Assyrian ideology. Sargon's Letter to the God ASSur (giving account of his eighth campaign).

With this being the case. their culture. the foreign peoples. In the first grouping there are two subsections: . the foreign kings. the Assyrian scribes described the various individual historical figures through pre-established categories which were tied to a binary moral framework: 'negativity' as opposed to 'positivity'. instead. the purpose of their inclusion is 'not to record and describe the diversities of the 'other cultures'. and 2) the foreigner who errs by doing what he was not supposed to do. Fales emphasizes that: there is only one Enemy—with a capital letter—appearing in and out of Assyrian royal inscriptions. and that the different figures of opponents that appear in the texts themselves. described as separate manifestations of a unitary ideology of enmity. Thus the nakrutu is the product of the decision to take the 'wrong path'. the various Ursas and Teummans. I mean to state that the many topoi as regards antagonists to Assyrian kingship may—to a very large extent— be considered as tassels of a single coherent political ideology of nakrutu.68 Ancient Conquest Accounts are written from the point of view of the Assyrian political ideology in which everyone has a precise role: the king of As"§ur. shared among the collective authorship of annalistic texts.M. Fales suggests that discussion concerning the nakrutu can be divided into two groupings: 1) the foreigner who errs by not doing what he was supposed to do. F. lunacy. Except for descriptions of foreign landscapes.36 Consequently. only attitudes of hubris. When these are encountered in the texts.33 The ethnographic remarks concerning the enemy are in most cases confined to derogatory. Marduk-apal-iddinas and Inib-Tesubs. unique power over the rest of the world'. are as little observed with a chronicler's individualizing interest as much as they are.35 Operating with this ideology of the nakrutu. the dynamics of the encounter and opposition between the respective cultures. incidental and repetitive notations. but to celebrate the Assyrian self-legitimation as a hegemonic. or their way of life. etc.34 This ethnocentrical vision is not unique in the pre-classical Near East. With this seeming paradox. the descriptions are rarely concerned with foreign people. or downright wickedness could lead to this decision. when a 'right path' is existent and visible to all. the people of Assyria.

it was a civilization as highly developed as our own but along totally different lines (without the horrors of the industrial revolution) and with completely different attitudes. Ancient Mesopotamian society was not a 'primitive' culture. we will attempt to isolate the particular literary structure of syntagmic patterning. no common sense. since some of the other features have already been dealt with elsewhere40 and since this is unquestionably the predominant stylistic structure of the Assyrian conquest accounts. It seems that Assyriologists have believed that since the style of the Assyrian royal inscriptions has been given the (currently accepted) definition of Kunstprosa. treacherous. etc. his mind is altered. he does not respect them. insolent. he trusts in human or natural factors to oppose Assyria victoriously.37 LITERARY STRUCTURES: 'The Stereotyping Department* Fales rightly observes that very little research has been hitherto dedicated to this aspect of the Assyrian royal inscriptions. especially in relation to his actions.e. we must shake off our presuppositions and outlook if we ever hope to understand an alien and archaic civilization. hostile. in epistolary texts'. nor was it 'unsophisticated' or "barbaric'. for example. Assyrian Conquest Accounts a) The enemy violates the oaths/pacts. Thus Grayson urges: . sending to ask for the royal health.. an outlaw.39 With this in mind. murderous. he has no reverential fear. literary) elements are in fact irrelevant. he betrays. . he lies. he fails to perform the normal acts of submission (seizing the feet of the king.38 One reason for this lies in the presuppositions and outlook of the Twentieth Century interpreter. haughty.). c) The enemy is wicked. and the material can be 'altogether assimilated to unstructured prose accounts. he sins. proud. such as one finds. rebellious. 69 In the second grouping there are three subsections: a) The enemy is insubmissive.2. b) The enemy speaks words of suspicion. He plots against Assyria. he is false. he has no judgement. hostility. the artistic (i.. b) The enemy is forgetful of past kindness.

Fales has argued that the accounts of the Egyptian campaigns in ASSurbanipaTs inscriptions were: the product of a literary form of text-writing: scholastic and canonical in the sense of its being discernible from one account to the next.43 Concerning the syntagmic structures in the different recensions. In the case of the Assyrian royal inscriptions. they are not set more or less haphazardly side by side in a relatively free build . are present. i. and preconceived in the sense that it acted as a filter through which both the narrated fact and the basic ideological tenets were passed.44 He identifies eight features which at an experimental level correspond to the basic range of stylistic means by which effects and results of variation were achieved from one to the other version of the Egyptian campaign story of A&Surbanipal where the minimally similar themes are treated by all versions. in other words. Utilizing the first way.e.M. endowed with similar characteristics as for length and rhythm in a general way. Since the texts of our study are in prose. the individual functions or syntactic entities. F. Pales believes that these features take part in 'one homogeneous compositional process'. or 2) one can examine their use in the various episodes of a particular historical text. precise and easily recognizable structural elements were used along preconceived lines and slants.70 Ancient Conquest Accounts Syntagmic Valency41 Introduction This section is interested in investigating the syntagmic valency of the transmission code. There are two ways of analyzing these syntagms in the Assyrian texts: 1) one can investigate their use within a particular episode within the different recensions of a king's 'annals'.. 'the syntagm is a natural candidate as a unit of classification'.42 By syntagm we mean the individual elements configured within an episode. and with further similarities of a syntactical and/or semantic character. he concludes that: there is no doubt that series of elements (words making up a syntagm or chains of syntagms).

47 Eco describes the scheme as: A series of events repeated according to a set scheme iteratively.4* This redundance can often be used as a vehicle to express ideology or re-inforce the message.e. If we examine the iterative scheme from a structural point of view.. this type of syntagmic analysis is more applicable to the biblical narrative than the first type). i. The same elements occur throughout the episodes. and it is the patterning of these elements which provides the trellis for the historical referents. but at the same time clearly the offshoots of a single plant. Only in such a way. we believe that they often employ an iterative code pro- . Assyrian Conquest Accounts 71 up of the text.45 Thus he concludes: It does not therefore seem rash to posit an overall literary competence at work in this material: a competence summing up the 'title* to write. They witness to a 'scribal competence'. by positing a scribal competence. In the case of the Assyrian texts.46 While Fales has admirably shown the syntagmic features at work in the story of the Egyptian campaign in the versions of A§§urbanipal. n). ignoring where the preceding event left off. but represent 'a key to an organized way of writing.. This type of structure is a type of iterative scheme. we are interested in employing the second way in order to investigate the syntagmic patterns in the episodic structure of the Assyrian royal inscriptions (obviously. do we feel that a correct account may be taken of the many individual literary performances to be brought forth from Ashurbanipal's inscriptions (and perhaps also those of other kings?): performances which show the intriguing characteristic of being somehow always different. but in either case the episodes consist exactly of the same amount of structural elements (1 + 2 + 3 + . The episodes of the Assyrian royal inscriptions manifest a typical structural pattern where particular elements are used to build the narrative. we realize that we are in the presence of a typical high-redundance message. The sequential order may be altered. the background work in order to write.. + n = 1 + 4 + 2 + .. or stylistic code'. in such a way that each event takes up again from a sort of virtual beginning. and the entire complex of ready-at-hand literary instruments that we have analyzed.2.

insertions. The Syntagms of Assyrian Texts51 FUNCTIONS A — Spatio-Temporal Coordinates A1 = spatial collocation. Instead. the product of a single scribal environment over a short period of years (for individual kings). however. A1'2 = spatio-temporal collocation. Methodologically. it is clear that we are dealing with a series of narratives of homologous structure. For questions of historical worth and historiographic intent. is not forgotten or neglected. and not the entire text. A2 = temporal collocation. The analysis is divided into the following categories: Annalistic Texts. it manifests itself to a very high degree in the former. Individual episodes from these texts are extracted in order to exegete their syntagmic configurations. a = spatio-temporal reference within a campaign (esp.72 Ancient Conquest Accounts ducing a high-redundance message which communicates the Assyrian ideology. Some examples: . at th beginning of stages. In the Assyrian historical accounts. Both are part of the figurative nature of the Assyrian accounts. This is why the Assyrian ideology and literary structures cannot be divorced one from the other. or other narrative sections. This type of morphological analysis has been carried out on the Annals of A§§ur-nasir-pal II by a group of Italian scholars. Letters to the God. This latter aspect. Levine observes: For questions of sources and compositional technique.49 In order to show the peculiarities of the syntagmic structures of the Assyrian royal inscriptions. and Summary or Display Texts.D. it must be stressed that the individual episodes (the campaign in certain instances). both the individual campaigns and the entire manuscript must be examined. Moreover. we seek to be precise enough to render possible even the re-writing in Assyrian of the texts themselves.50 In many ways this work is foundational to the following analysis. it is necessary to analyze particular texts. our approach is more concerned with the stylistic analysis of the surface of the narrative than with the 'deep structure'. must serve as the basic unit of analysis. the episode and the campaign must serve. L. In our identifications of the syntagms.

evidently by means of an oracle (ina qibit DN :: 'according to the word of god N'). This function may be formulated as the interruption' of current relations which are usually manifested in the following syntagms: maddattu kudurru Sa ASSur beliya iklu (i. the withholding of tribute).. B — Disorder™ This the enunciation of a state of disorder which induces the Assyrian king to act. C — Divine Aid53 The description of divine aid has been sub-divided into: C1 = C2 = C3 = enunciation of normal divine favor towards the Assyrian king (ina tukulti DN :: trusting in god N'). to rebel (ittabalkit)'. the 'crossing over* of boundaries (eberu). As regards the numerous instances in which function B is absent.e.. and the typical verb employed to describe the situation is nabalkutu to rise against'. at-tu-muS (this value only at the beginning of a unit) A2 :: ina N palS(BALMBS)-ya II ina li-me N It ina iStet Satti. it is clear that the absence is due to the obvious and given existence of disorder. For example: in the case of the god (usually ASSur): melammu or pulhu melamtnu followed by sahapu to overwhelm'. D — Gathering of the Troops Most commonly this syntagm is expressed by the fixed formulation: narkabdti ummanati deku :: to assemble chariots and troops'. the obtaining of an explicit divine guarantee. and the carrying out of military deeds against the Assyrians. in the case of the monarch: melammu (+ Sar . This is part of the Assyrian royal ideology. E — Move from place to place™ E* « a non-connotated modality.2. The disorder is usually given in the form of a report (teniu). ED = a difficult road. tools or concrete aid provided by the divinity ^uri-gal alik paniya :: the (divine) banner that precedes me') and (ina idati sfrati Sa DN :: 'with the lofty arms (strength) of god X'). E! = the motive of priority. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 73 a1 :: iStu/ultu X.. This function is divided according to verbal usage: E1 E2 E3 E4 E6 E6 E7 E8 F1 = etequ alaku namaSu aradu erebu eberu qardbu sabatu E9 E10 E11 E12 E13 E14 E15 E!6 nabalkutu asu redu elu Sakanu eSeru rakabu nagaSu F — Presence the (terrifying) presence of the god and/or of the Assyrian king expressed through symbolic expressions. the killing of the legitimate rulers and replacement by usurpers.

G41 = the moment of 'fearing* (pal&hu}. The stereotyped motivations of flight are those of 'saving one's life' (ana Suzub napiSti). H — Pursuit This is the logical sequel to G and is similar in its structure to that of E. and £od£ hdtu to explore' + sahapu. G43 = the flight in the true sense of the word is indicated by the term naparSudu to fly (escape)'. f = the passing of the night. but it is most often indicated by the term elu to go up'. G"4 = In non-flight. elu. ana ummdndt GN rapSdti. F2 = the siege of the enemy city. There can be either G" = non-flight (only codified when the text explicitly refers to it). Se'u. or GA = a flight in difficult places. In a parallel way the verbs expressing 'fear' follow those corresponding to 'overwhelming* and 'pouring out'. ina gipiS narkabdti ummdnati iddti. The verbs employed are: alaku. GA4 = In flight this is represented by the term 'occupying* (sabdtu) protected places with the goal of there 'resting/staying*. sabdtu.66 G — Flight This syntagm reflects the flight of the enemy when faced by the presence of the Assyrian king.74 Ancient Conquest Accounts rutiya) and the verb pal&hu to fear'. redu. ana ummanate ma'dute. G*2 = the moment of the 'abandoning* uSSuru. and sometimes by maqatu to throw oneself into a river' and erebu to enter' a fortified place.In non-flight this is the action of 'assembling1 (deku) the troops. and ana emuqu ramaniSunu ittatkilu :: they trusted in their own strength'. It is most often characterized by the use of the verb lamu to surround'. this is the action of a battle (ana tarsi tebu). this is represented as that of hostilely 'occupying' the crossing or land. . G"2 . ina gipiS ummanati. The terminology of the nightly stage is absolutely stereotyped: it is always bdtu to pass the night' preceded by the term (uSmana) Sakdnu to encamp' [and sometimes tdru to return (to camp)'. 'hiding oneself (qararu). It can be difficult A. The logical and terminological sequence can be outlined as follows: G"1 = Most often this is expressed by the verb takdlu (to trust*) in connection with such phrases as: ana durani dannuti u ummanate ma'dute. The motivation of non-flight is that of making battle (ana epeS qabli u tdhdzi. Its most common lexical identification is seen in the expression arkfSu(nu)'after him/them'. there are often elements that allude to military strength — always with the use of verbs corresponding to 'fear' :: iStu pan kakkeya dannuti tahazya Sitmuri idatiya gitm&luti pal&hu or iStu pan namurrat kakkeya Suribat belutiya adaru. G"3 = In non-flight. tahaza epuSu). On occasion the expression is specified by ina gipiS umm&nate tahaziya Sitmuri and ina mithus tiduki.

especially if accompanied by x. sitdte hurru u nadbaku Sa §ad& akalu (usually preceded by damn* SadS sarapu or pagre ina Sad6 tabaku. aradu. However.2. Often there is a listing such as Sallatu + buSu + alpe + sene. osfi. = ina iSati Sarapu II qamu.g. Common syntagms ARE: L15 = e... L — Outcome of the Combat The outcome of the combat (i. L23yt = a description of the booty in terms of prisoners and goods. . ki litute iSten ina libbiSunu baltu ul ezib. commonly abikta Sakanu to bring about the defeat'. Occasionally one finds ana tilli u karmi turru. Function L is essential and often culminating in the narrative chain. Assyrian Conquest Accounts I — Combat 75 The terminology is simple: ittiSunu mahasu or the equivalent mithusa Sakdnu. to take alive'. commonly there are sequences within the function L. The simple term Sallatu (which alone could refer to " only. L13f) = a description of the massacre of the enemy combatants. or otherwise to a generic booty r+8+t to be codified hence as L2*) may be accompanied by other fairly generic terms such as buSu or makkuru.g. nasafyu to deport'.. L3 = e. The most characteristic sequence is: L2*5 L13p L23ft L*33*. seen in the expression Sallata (ma'atta or kabitta) Saldlu. L2*5 = an initial/generic statement of the conquest of the city.e. This type of sequence fits in cases of siege and. sabe baltuti sabatu.. the concrete results of victory) is usually expressed by either a character of destruction (L1) or one of acquisition (L2). L2"*'1 = ilaniSunu dSSa-a :: 'I took away their gods'. The basic verb Salalu may be substituted by naSti. It is almost always centered on napalu + naqaru + ina iSdti Sarapu with such variants as napalu + naqaru + ina tilli u karmi turru. or tdru. Lai. it is normally the outcome of F2. 1X315 = a description of the physical destruction of the settlement (normally in the last position in the sequence). L23 = e. Ln? = naqaru. hence. In certain instances this syntagm will be identified in the following way: L*5 = napalu. L. Special expressions include: lite sabatu to take hostages' [also: L2ny ana hubtani lu ahtabbatSunu :: 'I took prisoners']. There is an indicator of destruction of the enemy attributable to natural causes in addition to the Assyrian military action (L3).g. It is usually a stereotyped expression such as dla kaSadu 'to conquer the city'. and sise ekemu to take possession of horses'. It is expressed by a generic formulation: dikta ma'atta ddku :: to make a great havoc'. L115 = ana tilli u karmi uter.

76 Ancient Conquest Accounts The verbal extensions of the Assyrian syntagms are represented by superscripted Hebrew letters.' 'lay low' 'dye' 'devour' 'curse. capture' 'return' 'plunder' *bring down' to subdue' 'carry' 'deport' to take prisoner' take out' 'cause to go up' M — Submission The personal submission of the enemy king (M°) or of the enemy people (M^*) together with the delivery of the tribute (M**) are distinguished from the taking of booty (L2) insofar as the former occur spontaneously. execrate' 'cut off 'hang1 'capture. Exemplary punishments were generally carried out upon those enemies who have shown a stiffer resistance. n. . The usual act of submission is 'seizing the feet' Sepe sabdtu of the Assyrian king [the negative 'not to seize the feet' indicates non-submissions]. conquer' 'plunder' take. 66. 35). L2 'raze' K kaSddu 3 Saldlu 'destroy' *burn' 1 sabdtu 1 t&ru turn' 'cut' n tjabdtu i aradu "bring down' 'open' T kandSu 'lift' n naSu tear' u nasdfyu •> ekemu 'pour out' Tall' 3 asu to inflict a defeat' } elu (§) 'massacre' 'cast. lay 'fill' 'harvest' to make a devastation' 'scatter. N — Exemplary Punishment The Ideology of 'Terror' This function is distinct from the 'normal massacres' which the Assyrians would inflict. The more specific punishment of flaying alive seems to have been reserved for Assyrian traitors and usurpers (see: p. burst' 'fell. The following are the Assyrian verbal extensions for both L1 and L2:66 L1 K napdlu 3 naqdru / qatu a Sarapu / qamu i t&ru 1 Semu n nakdsu i aradu T petti n naSu u nasafyu ( ab alu) •> tabdku 3 ddku } abikta Sakdnu dfktaSuna lit aduk Q nadu 3 malu D esedu y aldku § + arbutu a pardru Y rnaqatu / nalum P sarapu 1 akdlu \y nazdru M. but without Assyrian recourse to military action. perhaps through fear. Obviously N is mostly preceded by or intermingled with the 'normal massacres' of type L1. instilling fear in the enemy peoples and provided the military with the upper hand in psychological warfare. kaSatu n elti. These punishments were designed as deterrences.

my lord'. or it could be expressed by a figurative phrase (O3). noses. With reference to the provision of work the term is kuddurru. Extensions include: N* = flaying alive :: kasu. 02 = the imposition of an Assyrian governor is stereotypically narrated as (PN) Saknu Sa ramaniya eliSun / ana mufyfyiSunu aSkun. N* = Removal of corpses. O* = ala/GN ana ramaniya sabdtu :: 'I took the city for myself. ina Gl^kusst belutiSu uSeSib.' Nf = heaping or piling up heaps :: asita rasapu (of corpses \pagru] or of heads [qaqqadu]). 03 = The basic verb is Sakanu which governs objects like litu u dandnu.. the use of corpses or parts of corpses in the narratives transmit the message quite eloquently. Nc = cutting or excising :: nahasu (usually the head qaqqadu). = belonging to Assyria: pan ASSur beliya uSadgilSunuti :: 'I made them vassals of As&ur. detached heads were sometimes hanged (inagupni e'elu). on the other hand. bataqu (usually the hands. . pulfyu u melammu ASSur. Nb = Impalement:: ina ziqpi zaqdpu. The extensions are: 01 = the parallelisms ofuSatir eliSunu aSkun and udannin eliSunu aSkun. matu Sa pa iSten. O6 = Annexation: ana misir matiya utir :: 1 annexed (it) to the borders of my land'. The terminology of O123 is based on the expression eliSunu Sakanu 'to place upon them (= the defeated)'. Quite often the expression eli $a pan 'more than before' is added. Nd = burning alive :: ina iSati Imaqluti Sardpu (usually batule batulate *young boys and girls'). This is related. normally with sabe baltuti 'soldiers (that are) still alive'. 04 = Summary statement of rulership: GN ana pat gimriSa apil:: 'I ruled over GN in its entirety*. O6 = Setting up a puppet ruler: PN. O — Consequences This function establishes an understanding of the new relationship between the Assyrian king and the vanquished enemy. with a spreading out of the skin on the city walls :: maSka halapu. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 77 Consequently. on the one hand. nfr belutiya kabta eliSunu uktn :: 1 imposed on them the heavy yoke of my lordship'. ears and so on). The generic affirmation of belonging to Assyria (O*) is more often than not rendered explicit with reference to the imposition of taxes or corvee (O1). and napalu (the eyes). N" = Smashing :: makaku to scatter.2. to the expression of O2 through the phrase ana ramaniya and. to the installation of an Assyrian governor (O2). to the acquisitive sphere of L2 by the verb sabatu.. With reference to the supplying of goods the object is defined a maddattu or biltu (or in the hendiadys biltu u tamartu).

Nevertheless. The terminology primarily emphasizes the work of reconstruction (ana aSSuti sabdtu). P3 = the offerings to the deity. As a rule there is a subdivision into three periods: (1) the stela/statue is 'made' (always epeSu). Sakdnu. The terminology is comprised by such phrases as kakke ullulu to wash the weapons'. R — Supplemental Royal Activities on the Campaign The Extensions are: R1 = killing wild beasts. obviously followed by //. The interest of the narration culminates and disappears with the victory and the acts of celebration. R2 = capturing wild beasts. Q = statements that booty and prisoners were brought back to Assyrian cities (here the return is only alluded to). TI y X X 4> ! = = = = = = = = = = = = = (enemy) king (enemy) troops civilians difficulty of route (used with EGHQ) animals inanimate goods cities the rest* leaders withholding tribute numerical quantification (used especially in LM) non-connotated or non-specified function motive of priority (used especially in E) . The description of the return journey is omitted as obvious and lacking ideological interest.78 Ancient Conquest Accounts P — Acts of Celebration There are three functions within P: P1 = the erection of a statue or stela of the Assyrian king. niq£ sabdtu to make libations' and so on. zaqapu). R3 = cutting down trees. The terminology of P1 is rich but stereotyped. and (3) it is erected (uzuzzu §. p Y A 5 £ t. P2 = the foundation or restoration of cities. but also of improvement (eli sa pan) and of accuracy and completeness (rasapu + Suklulu). (2) it is 'inscribed' (always Satdru). Q — Return It is significant that function Q is not very common. there are two types of 'returns' which are encountered: q = the return to the base camp during a campaign (ana uSmdni tdru + batu to return to camp + to pass the night'. S — Summary Statement T — Geographic note Connotations and Extensions a.

they are neither numbered or dated (by a palu or by an eponym year) as in the annals of later kings.K. Thus. Grayson states that the Annals of Tiglath-Pileser I (1114-1076 B. arranged in a chronological narrative. Grayson concludes that the inscription is: a collection of individual campaign reports and we may assume that separate accounts of single campaigns also existed by this time although none are actually attested until the reign of Ashur-nasir-apli II (883-859 B.C.2. as well as specific 'topoi* such as the royal hunt of lions. from my accession year to my fifth regnal year (5th paluY.) represent the 'first true annalistic text' among the Assyrian royal inscriptions. Furthermore. Assyrian Conquest Accounts * . but was not used again until the historical inscriptions of the Sargonids. *annals'> in all its complexity: metaphorical language. Furthermore.59 Although Tiglath-Pileser's annals appear to be chronological.e. each military campaign is introduced by a paragraph which contains the royal name and epithets distinctive of that particular paragraph.C. are combined here for the first time in a high style that was imitated by Tiglath-Pileser's immediate successors. The A§§ur prism records the events of the first five years as the summary near the end of the prism makes clear: 'I conquered altogether 42 lands .60 .. reveals this new literary genre <i. as Tadmor observes.). used especially in LM) indication of the non-materialization of the function. and his having stored more barley than his fathers. Syntagmic Analysis ANNALISTIC TEXTS 1. epic hyperbolae.. his putting draft animals to the plow. the ASSur prism of Tiglath-Pileser. These features.58 The ASsur prism (prism A) is divided into paragraphs (the scribe indicated these by drawing horizontal lines across the column and beginning the first line of each new paragraph in the margin). poetic comparisons. Tiglath-Pileser f7 A. * 79 = = = comparison listing (more than 2 elements.

21) ja y99 u*"iju_nu_sa URU dan-nu-ti-su-nu 100ki-ma til(DU6) a-bu-be as-hu-up . I conquered their cities. which from ancient times had not known submission. yet refined. Aruma. and destroyed their cities. I turned (them) into ruin hills and heaps.73-87) I2 III73mStSa-ra-ui InStAm-ma-us 74sa is-tu u4-um sa-a-te ka-na-a-sa 75la-a i-du-u ki-ma tfl(DU6) a-bu-be 76as-hu-up 1 I it-ti um-ma-na-te-su-nu DAGALME§(-te) ni-na KURAru-ma al-ta-na-an-ma 78 L1^ dab-da-su-nu ai-kun Nf §al-ma-at 79muq-tab-li-s'u-nu i-na gi-sal-lat KUR-i ki-ma ser-ma-se ^lu-me-si L^ URUMEg-ni-su-nu ak-sud 81 ilani(DINGIRMES)-su-nu as-sa-a L2nvej 23Ye L sal-la-su-nu 82bu-sa-su-nu nam-kur-su-nu u-se-sa-a 83 URUME§-ni-su-nu i-na isati(IZIME§) as-ru-up 84ap-pul aq-qur LBtat Ln? a-na tili(DU6) ii kar-mi 85u-tir O3 ni-ir belu(EN)-ti-ya kabta(DUGUD) 86eli(UGU)-iu-nu u-kin O* pa-an A§sur beli(EN)-ya 87ti-sad-gil-su-nu-ti I overwhelmed the lands Saraus (and) Ammau§. although. I carried away their gods. (so that they looked) like ruin hills (created by) the Deluge. I fought with their extensive army in Mt. nature of these episodes. I made them vassals of Assur. A comparison of the episodes exhibits how much the ancient writer sought to alternate their formulations.80 Ancient Conquest Accounts In the text of the prism. Episode 19 (V. I imposed on them the heavy yoke of my lordship. I burned. One is impressed by the repetitive.61 A examination of episodes 9 and 19 reveals the following: Episode 9 (111. my lord. possessions and property. The corpses of their men-at-arms I laid out on the mountain ledges like grain heaps. I carried off their booty.99-VI. he often repeated numerous lines verbatim. The prism is a testimony to the literary flowering under Tiglath-Pileser's reign. and I brought about their defeat. razed. there are twenty episodes concerned with Tiglath-Pileser's military campaigns. because of the number of campaigns.

DUME§)-su-nu 6ki-ma zi-ir-qi u-ni-ki-is 7 L11|J dame(U§MES)-su-nu hur-ri u ba-ma-a-te §a KUR-i 8lu-sar-di L** URU su-a-tu ak-sud" 9 Oani(DINGIRMES)-su-nu as-sa-a L2nYei L23ye sal-la-su-nu busa-su-nu nam-kur-su-nu 10u-ie-sa-a L1K31? URU i-na isati(IZIME§) as-ru-up U 3 duraniME§-su-nu GALME§ sai-na a-gur-ri 12ra-as-bu ti si-hir-ti URU-su I3ap-pul aq-qur L1^ a-na tili(DU6) u kar-mi Mu-tir" 1 L^ u NA4MES si-pa i-na muh-hi-su 15az-ru 1 P {biriq(NIM.GIR) siparri(UD. I inflicted on them a decisive defeat. I had conquered. (and) I carried off their booty. On that (site) I built a house of baked brick. The episodes can be charted: .GfR) siparri(UD. I laid low their men-at-arms in the mountains like sheep.2. The three great walls which were constructed with baked bricks and the entire city I razed (and) destroyed. possessions (and) property.KA. (Thus) I conquered that city.BAR) e-pu-us {16ki-§i-ti KUR.KURMES sai-na dA-§urbeli(EN)-ya nak-su-du URU su-a-tu {a-na la sa-ba-ti 18u dura-§u la-a ra-sa-pi i-na muh-hi 19al-tu-ur {bitu(E) §a a-gur-ri i-na muh-hi-§u 20ar-sip {biriq(NIM.KA. I made bronze lightning bolts (and) I inscribed on them (a description of) the conquest of the lands which by Assur. I turned (it) into a ruin hill and a heap. I burned the city. I cut off their heads like sheep. I put inside it those bronze lightning bolts. I made their blood flow into the hollows and plains of the mountains. I took their gods. (and) a warning) not to occupy that city and not to rebuild its wall. I strewed 'sipu'-stones over it. (so that it look ed) like a ruin hill (created by) the Deluge. their stronghold.BAR) sa-a-tu-nu 21i-na lib-bi u-se-si-ib I overwhelmed the city Hunusu. Violently I fought with their mighty army in city and mountain. Assyrian Conquest Accounts I! 81 Vl'it-ti um-ma-na-a-ti-su-nu gab-sa-a-te 2i-na URU u KUR-e sam-ris lu am-da-hi-is 3 L° a-bi-ik-ta-su-nu lu-u as-kun 4 Nr sabe(ERINMES) muq-tab-li-iu-nu i-na qe-reb hur-sa-ni 5 ki-ma su-be lu us-na-il Nc qaqqade(SAG. my lord.

amplification. the two episodes are practically identical in structure. and the referents of the episodes are entirely different (different geographical regions and different ethnic groups). and 7). ildni-s'u-nu dS-Sa-a (lines 111.. in the first line of episode 9.82 Ancient Conquest Accounts Episode 9 I2 I1 L" Nf .13)].84 and VI. the episodes occurred in different years of Tiglath-Pileser's reign (separated by at least two years). The referents have been attached to the narrative's trellis.81 and VI. or deletion. The variations in the structure can be easily explained in terms of expansion. there is expansion (another place-name m&tAm-ma-u§) and amplification (the phrase: §a i§-tu ufum sa-a-te ka-na-a~§a la-a i-du-u :: 'which from ancient times had not known submission').g. L3* L2^1 I/3"* L*m Ln< 0s 0* - Episode 19 I2 I1 L15 N* N« L»* L*« L**» I*1* Lnon I/* Liwt P1 As can be seen from the above chart. . in city and mountain').. replacement.9) or a-na tili u kar-mi tf. Stereotyped syntagms have been used to pattern the structure. For example. There are other episodes in this text of Tiglath-Pileser I which deserve attention (episodes 2. ellipsis. Yet. 4. 6. In the third line of the episodes there is replacement (dab-da-Su-nu (9) = abi-ik-ta-§u-nu (19)). But in a number of instances there is exact duplication [e.ft>(m. In the second line of episode 19 there is expansion and amplification (gab-sa-a-te i-na URU u KUR-e Sam-ris :: ^Violently mighty .

I took my chariots and warriors (and) I hacked through the rough mountain range and difficult paths with copper picks (and) I made a good way for the passage of my chariots and troops.89-II. Episode 6 (III. who had fled from my weapons (and) had crossed over to the city Serene which is on the opposite bank of the Tigris. made that city their stronghold. I laid out in the midst of the battle (the corpses of) their men-atarms like grain heaps. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 83 Episode 2 (I. I conquered the land of Kadmuhu in its entirely. their stronghold. razed (and) destroyed.IIME§) am-ma-a-te sa "Idiglat 5lu e-be-ru GM URU a-na dan-nu-ti-su-nu 6lu i§-ku-nu GI HA Wkabati(GIGIRME§) u qu-ra-di-yaME§ 7lu al-qi KUR-a mar-sa ia gir-ri-te-§u-nu 8pa-as-qa-a-te i-na aq-qul-lat ereME§ 9 lu ah-si-hu-la a-na me-te:iq 10Gt§narkabati(GIGIRME§)-ya u um-ma-na-te-ya lu-ti-ib urdldiglat lu e-bir URU Se-ri-se 12URU dan-nu-ti-§u-nu ak-§u-ud Lac? f 13 N sabe(ERfNMES) muq-tab-li-su-nu i-na qe-reb tam-ha-ri 14 ki-ma ser-ma-si lu-u-mi-si 15 L np dame(USME§)-su-nu har-ri u ba-mat ia KUR-i 16lu-sar-di At that time: I marched to the insubmissive land of Kadmuhu which had withheld tribute and impost from Assur. Their booty.62 I made their blood flow in the watercourses and the plains of the mountains. property. my lord. I crossed the Tigris (and) I conquered Seresse.15) Ad* * v a2 i-na u4-mi-su-ma m B a-na "Kad-mu-hi la-a ma-gi-ri ^sa bilta(GUN) u ma-da-atta a-na dA-sur E2 beli(EN)-ya 91ik-lu-u lu al-lik L*K r ad-mu-hu ^a-na si-hir-ti-sa lu-u ak-iud 23Ye 93 94 L LK:IM G*3" sal-la-su-nu bu-sa-ssu-nu nam-kur-su-nu u-ie-sa-a URUME*-ni-su-nu i-na isati(IZIMES) ITai-ru-up ap-pul aq-qur si-te-et 2mitKad-mu-hi §a i-na pa-an GlSkakke(TUKULMB*)-ya 3 ip-par-si-du a-na URlJSe-ri-es-se 4§a §epe(GlR. The remainder of the land of Kadmuhu. Their cities I burned.7-31) E2 III7i-na sit-mur qar-du-ti-ya-ma sa-nu-te-ya 8a-na matKadmu-hi lu-(u) al-lik nap-har 9URUME§-ni-su-nu ak-sud L*« .2. (and) possessions I brought out.

razed (and) destroyed their cities.e.. (and) I inflicted a decisive defeat on them.. and property. They waged war.J-ri-da 30m&t Q4 Kad-mu-hu a-na pat gim-ri-sa a-pfl-ma 5 31 O a-na mi-sir mati(KUR)-ya u-tir With my valorous onslaught I went a second time63 to the land of Kadmuhu. I burned.84 L23ye Ancient Conquest Accounts sal-la-su-nu wbu-sa-su-nu u nam-kur-§u-nu ana la-a mi-na as-lul u URUME§-ni-su-nu i-na isati(IZIME§) ai-ru-up I2ap-pul aq-qur u si-te-et 13um-ma-na-te-su-nu ia i-na pa-an GI§kakke (TUKULME§)-ya 14iz-zu-te ip-la-hu-ma ti-ib tahazi(ME)-ya 15 dan-na e-du-ru a-na su-zu-ub ^nap-sa^te-iu-nu gab-'a-a-ni dan-nu-te 17sa KUR-e eqla(A. I made their blood flow into the hollows and plains of the mountains. (Thus) I ruled over the entire land of Kadmuhu. combat. and I annexed (it) to the borders of my land. Adad). I piled up the corpses of their warriors on mountain ledges like the Inundator (i. which had taken fright at my fierce weapons and had been cowed by my strong and belligerent attack. in order to save their lives took to secure heights in rough mountainous terrain. possessions and property from the secure heights of the mountains. I conquered all their cities. Now the remainder of their troops.SA) mar-sa lu is-ba18 LK3% G^ GM HA a-na ilk-kat hur-§a-a-ni sa-qu-u-te 19u gi-sal-lat KUR-i pa-as-qa-a-te zSsa a-na ki-bi-is amelu(LU) la-a na-tu-6 21 ar-ki-§u-nu lu e-li G!§ I kakka(TUKULME§) qabla(MtR) *b tahaza(Mfe) it-ti-ya lu e-pu-§u L15 ^a-bi-ik-ta-su-nu lu-(u) ai-kun N1^ ial-mat 24qu-ra-di-su-nu i-na gi-sal-lat KUR-i ^ki-ma ra-hisi lu-ki-mir Lnp dame(U§ME§)-su-nu 26hur-ri u ba-ma-a-te sa KUR-i ^lu-sar? L21ye ial-la-su-nu bu-sa-su-nu ^u nam-kur-Iu-nu it-ti gab-*a-a-ni ^sa KUR-e dan-nu-te [. and battle with me. I climbed up after them to the peaks of high mountains and perilous mountain ledges where a man could not walk. possessions. I carried off without number their booty. tu The readout of the components of the structure of these two episodes is: . I bro[ught do]wn their booty.

2. Episode 4 (IL63-84) c3 D 2 E1A E EA H63i-na su-mur GI§kakke(TUKULME§)-ya iz-zu-te M Assur belu(EN) 64 da-na-na u me-til-lu-ta i§-ru-ka 65i-na 30 GI§narkabati (GIGIRME§)ya a-li-kat i-di66ga-mar-ri-ya ir-^iu-te qu-ra-di-ya 67 sa mit-hu-us tap-di-e li-tam-du 68lu al-qi a-na m"IS.II)ya 72lu e-te-ti-iq i-na KURA-ru-ma 73eqli(A. There is identical structure in a number of the following components (E2.SA) pa-as-qi §a a-na me-tiq GISnarkabati(GIGIRME§)ya 74la-a na-tu-u GISnarkabati(GIGIRME§) lu-u e-zib . G«n QM HA L!K? Nf L11" G4511 G44 H4 I L'5 Nf Ln" L2V - O4 O8 Episode 2 begins with a chronological marker which is very common in the inscription (i-na ufmi-su-ma :: 'at that time').nu. Assyrian Conquest Accounts Episode 2 Episode 6 85 a2 B E2 Lac5 . L*S L2*e.dis sap-su-te 69la-a ma-gi-ri lu 71 al-lik KURMES 7odan. L1"^. E2 L*^ L23* LUOH L23* LIKTH. The two accounts then have variant expansion in the next three components followed by identical structure in the next two (Nf and L11p).GA) i-na GI§narkabati(GIGIRMES)-ya u mar-sa i-na §epe(GIR. GA3"3 GA4} HA. etc.1:i eqil(A.).§A) nam-ra-si taba(DUG10. This marker is absent from the account in episode 6. Episode 6 rounds out the account with three components which are absent in episode 2.

tribute. and property I carried off.65 The land of I§dis I overwhelmed (so that it looked) like ruin hills (created by) the Deluge. and on foot where difficult. Their warriors I laid low in battle like sheep. I burned all their cities. I abandoned my chariotry.86 E8A E1A 75 pa-an 76 Ancient Conquest Accounts qu-ra-di-yaME§ as-bat ki-ma iib-bi ir-hi-ku-ma i-na qi-ial-lat KUR-i 77pa-as-qa-a-te sal-ti-is e-te-ti-iq 78mai I2 l£.SA) nam-ra-si it-ti-§u-nu 52am-da-hi-is . in my chariot where (the road) was good. I marched to the land of Isdis (where) rebellious (and) insubmissive people (lived). I passed over. Episode 7 (111.35-65) C2 HI35i-na e-mu-qi si-ra-a-te sa dA-sur beli(EN)-ya ^a-na mSt Ha-ri-a u um-ma-na-at 37m4tPap-he:eME§ DAGAL-ti hur-sa-ni ^sa-qu-ti sa a-sar-su-nu sarru(SAR) ia-um-ma 39la i-ba-'u dA-sur belu(EN) a-na a-la-ki 40iq-ba-a GI§ D narkabati(GIGIRMES) u um-ma-na-te-ya 41lul-te-sir 8 E bir-ti KUREt-ni 42u KURA-ia eqil(A. Aruma. I took the lead of my warriors. the lord.§A) nam-ra-si lu-as-bat A 43 E KURME§ sa-qu-te sa ki-ma zi-qip patri(GIR) <44u iam-tu sa a-na me-tiq GISnarkabati(GIGIRME§)-ya ^la-a na-tu-u GI§ narkabati(GIRIRME§) i-na la-a ba-ni ^lu e-mi-id 1A E KURMES pa-as-qu-te 47lu e-te-tiq 2 G' kul-lat m4tJPap-he-eMES ^um-ma-na-te-su-nu DAGALME§-(te) lu-ul-taq-si-ru-ma 49 G'4 a-na eois GI§kakke(TUKULME§) qabli(MtTR) u ta-ha-zi 50 i-na K A-zu dap-nisslu iz-zi-zu-ni-ma 1 51 I i-na KUR-e eqil(A. Their booty. In Mt. gave me strength and authority I took with thirty of my chariots escorting my aggressive personal carriers. Mighty mountains and rough country. and taxes.di§ ki-ma til(DU6) a-bu-be a§-hu-up 79 L1YP sabe(ERINME§) muq-tab-li-su-nu i-na qe-reb tam-ha-ri 80 ki-ma §u-be u£-na-il 2:iYe L sal-la-su-nu 81bu-|a-a-§u-nu nam-kur-su-nu a§-lu-ul 82 La? nap-har URUME*-ni-su-nu i-na i§ati(IZIMES) aq-mu 0» "li-i-ti1"* bilta(GUN) u ma-da-at-ta Meli(UGU)-§u-nu u-kin With the onslaught of my fierce weapons by means of which Assur. possessions. a difficult area which was impassable for my chariots. I imposed upon them (the obligation to provide) hostages.64 my warriors trained for successful combat. I climbed victoriously over the perilous mountain ledges with the aggressiveness of a viper.

§ezu. I put my chariotry and army in readiness. Etnu and Mt. Urusu and Anitku. Ai§ur. commanded me to march. against the land Haria and the army of the extensive land of Paphe in high mountains.2. Assyrian Conquest Accounts L15 Jtf L11P F2 L™ L23ye Lw»c 87 dab-da-su-nu ai-kun ^sal-ma-at qu-ra-di-§u-nu i-na ba-mat KUR-i Ma-na gu-runa-a-te lu-u-ki-ri-in 55 dame(lJSME§) qu-ra-di-su-nu hur-ri u ba-ma-a-te "da KURi lu-sar-di a-na URUME§-ni 57sa i-na gi-§al-lat KUR-i sa-ak-nu Sam-ris ^lu as-niq 25 URUte-ni sa ra*Ha-ri-a 59ia i-na iep(GIR) ^A-ia ""Su-i-ra ""Et-ni ^ie-e-zu «UBfie^l-gu &RAr-za-ni-bi-u 61KUR u-ru-su ti KURA-ni-it-ku 62§a-al-'a-ni ak-iud §al-la-su-nu 63bu-sa-§u-nu u nam-kur^u-nu a§-lul 64 URUME§-ni-iu-nu i-na i§ati(IZIME§) a§-ru-up ^ap-pu-ul aq-qur With the exalted strength of Aisur. where no king had ever gone. (and) I took a rugged route between Mt.16-35) a2 i-na u4-mi-su-ma I7mM Llxp um-ma-na-atmiit Pap-he-eMES sa a-na su-zu-ub 18vi ni-ra-ru-ut-te s"a Kad-mu-hi I9il-li-ku-ni it-ti um-ma-na-at 20mit Kad-mu-hi ki-ma su-be lu-us"-na-il . I stormed66 against the cities which were on mountain ledges. All of the Paphe. and battle in Mt. razed (and) destroyed. Aya. their extensive army. Selgu. Etnu. possessions. and they took up aggressively a position to wage war. In the high mountains. combat. joined together. and property I carried off. I fought with them in rough mountainous terrain. which are like the blade of a dagger and which were not suitable for the passage of my chariots. (Thus) I passed through the difficult mountain range. Their cities I burned. (and) I brought about their defeat. Their booty. I put the chariots on (the soldiers') necks. (and) I conquered 25 cities of the land Haria which lies at the foot of Mounts Aya. Episode 2a (11. the lord. I built up mounds with the corpses of their warriors in the plains of the mountain. my lord. Arzanibiu. Azu. Suira. (and) I made the blood of their warriors flow into the hollows and plains of the mountain.

If we add Episode 19 (see above) to the comparison. I2 .GIME§) u kaspu(KtJ.SUB mar(DUMU) Ka-li-dTE.BAR) 31it-ti ilani(DINGIRME§-su-nu hurasu(KUG. I brought out their booty (and) possessions. . 180 copper kettles. their gold and silver. who is called Errupi. KA.SUB 26sa 'Er-ru-pi i-sa-siu-§u-nu 27larra(SAR)-§u-nu i-na qe-reb tam-ha-ri qa-ti M ik-iu-ud T 2HY8+ as§ati(DAMME§)-su mare(DUMUME§) ^nab-ni-it lib-bi-§u el-la-su 3 su-si (60) 30ruq-qi ereMES 5 nir-ma-ak siparri(UD. the best of their property I carried off. son of Kali-Tesub. together with their gods. I burned. his clan. his sons. I allowed the river Name to carry the bodies of their warriors out to the Tigris.BABBARME§) 32u du-muq-nam-kur-ri-§u-nu assa-a L23ye ^sal-la-su-nu bu-sa-a-su-nu u-se-sa-a 34 L*:n? URU sa-a-tu u ekallu(E. the chart of these episodes is: Episode 4 . 5 bronze bathtubs.GAL)-§u i-ti isati(IZIME§) 35as-ru-up ap-pul aq-qur At that time: I laid low the army of Paphe which had come to the aid and assistance of the land of Kadmuhu together with the army of Kadmuhu like sheep. I built up mounds with the corpses of their men-at-arms on mountain ledges. His wives. - Episode 19 a2 . I captured in the midst of the battle their king Kili-Tesub. . . I2 Episode 7 C2 D E8 EA Ea G2 G4 - Episode 2a . razed (and) destroyed that city and its palace. C3 D E2 Eu E4 EM E" .88 N1 21 Ancient Conquest Accounts pa-gar muq-tab-li-su-nu a-na gu-ru-na-te ^i-na gi-sal-lat KUR-i lu-ki-ri-in Ng ^sal-mat qu-ra-a-di-§u-nu wNa-a-me 24a-na "Idiglat lu-use-si 25I Lace Ki-li-dTE.

Through the analysis it becomes obvious that several syntagms are constantly present and more detailed. L2) is incessant! This disparity in the utilization of various syntagmic functions demonstrates clearly what was considered to be more or less significant and functional for the attainment of the Annals' objectives (i. deterrence and celebration).2. Assyrian Conquest Accounts a 89 I1 L" L» 23 I1 L15 Nf - L«f Nf N' - w N€ Ln" - L11" F2 L^s L^o Lair«i L«« L2n». the repetition of certain key components maintains a structural unity in the narrative. amplification. variations in the patterning can be explained in terms of expansion. and creates an iterative scheme and a high-redundance message.i - L ** L '' L* * 3 6 23 L* Lira? - 23 L23" Ijrat L - a? JiL 1 L^ pi - O1 - Again. Another example can be seen in the case of the actual combat (I) which is infrequent. or deletion. For example. While there is variation (this obviously breaks the monotony). replacement. ellipsis. one can see the use of stereotyped syntagms. while the journey to the place of combat (E) is usually present and often connotates.. As before. Thus the annals of Tiglath-Pileser I illustrate the employment of stereotyped syntagms to pattern the campaign accounts of Assyrian monarch.67 . while the subsequent massacre and acquisition of booty (L1. while others appear less frequently and are only briefly expounded.e. persuasion. the return journey (Q) is seldom mentioned.

There are echoes of Tiglath-Pileser I in the inscription.-su]-nu u-bi-ul C1 + D i-na tukulti(GI§TUKUL-ti) As-sur beli(EN)-ya 10[. Ashur-Dan Jl68 This text includes six episodes of military campaigns which the scribe delineated by drawing a line on the tablet. alpe(GU4ME§)-su-nu UDUsi-niME§-§u-nu a-na L236 la-a ma-[ni] !4[as-lu-ul.... Those that survived I slaughtered........ I burned their cities (and) their citizens.] [In my accession year (and) in] my first regnal] .. u du-a-ki ig-muru-u-n[i] 18.] B sabe(ERINMES) miitYa-u-sa-a-ya e-li-u 1 G" *[.. I plundered their depots from the city Ekal-pi-nari [.. [.. Episode 2 (16-22) 16 B [....HI.. di-ik-ta-su-nu ma-'a-at-t]a a-duk L13n si-ta-te-§u-nu u-qa-at-[ta] !3 [nap-sat-su-nu.KAL)-pi-i-nari(fD) [. ME§ URUMES-su-nu mare(DUMU )-iu-nu i-na iMti(IZI[ME§]) LQ* 15 [as-ru-up L25e §al-la-su-nu kabit(DUGUD-ta) i]S-tu libbi(§A) raatA-ri-mi fi-iie-li [. Episode 1 (6-15) 6 A2 [i-na sur-rat SAR4-ti-ya i-na mah-r]i-e pale(BALME§)-ya [ ] sa i-na GISkussi(GU....MUNUS] )-su-nu a-na kaspi(KU.] n[.] They trusted in their own strength. [I carried of!] their [herds] (and) flocks without number..] the troops of the Yausu came up(stream). I inflicted [upon them a decisive defeat]........ they brought their [. my chariots (and) troops]... I brought up from the Arameans [valuable booty]. kul-lat(?) f/VAT MES 8890:1// [mare (DUMlO-su-nu marati (DUMU.] With the support of Assur. a-na e-mu]-qan(?) ra-ma-ni-§u-nu it-ta-at-ki-lu 9[...90 Ancient Conquest Accounts 2.ZA) SAR4-te f[ra-bi-is u-§i-bu .].AME§)-ya a]d-ki L2* is-tu URUEkal(6. . .BABBARMES)ipSuru(BlIRME§)-u-[m] .. sa] is-tu tar-si 'dSul-ma-nu-a§aridu(§AG) §AR4 [mat As-§ur abi-ya] 17<i-na libbi(SA) niseME§ mat As-sur . my lord. after [I nobly ascended] the royal throne.. GI§narkabati(GIGIRME§) ummanate(ERIN. [.mja§-kan-na-teME§-§u-nu ah-bu-ut I2 L1DP [. I mustered [.

i-na qi-bit Al-sur b]eli(EN)-ya a-na hu-ub-ta-ni lu ah-tab-[bat-su-nu] ^[di-ik-ta-su-nu] ma-'a-[at-ta] lu a-duk ial-la-su-nu busa(NI. had destroyed [the people of Assyria by .] they captured for themselves. the land of the Arameans. I destroyed. .. Assyrian Conquest Accounts C2 + L** L15 L238e 19 91 [... the River Zab of the land [. which is behind the land Pi[. my fore-father].] which from the time of Asiur-ra[bi (II). ravaged.AME§)-iu-nu sa] is-tu pa-an GIS kakke(TUKULMES)-ya ip-pkr-§i-du-u-[ni] ^[i^-tu .[. [property......2. . possessions.. I inflicted [upon them] a decisive <defeat[. my forefather.] Episode 3 (23-32) 23mst B u-lu-zu //VAT 8890:6// [... king of Assyria. I pursued [the remainder of their troops which] had fled from my weapons [from . [I mustered] chariots and troops.«.... which] from the time of Shalmaneser. O* ...HI.Y]ahanu....]-li matRu-qu-hu "Za-ba sa "**.] 24[..] [. my lord.]zi..... the cities of the district of [my land.... By the command [of Assur].GAME§)-§u-nu alpe(GU4MES)-sii-nu UDU]siniME§-iu-nu ai-lu-la Q a-na URU-ya [A§-§ur ub-la] M [] [.. (and) burnt their [cities]..] jjssn si-ta-te-su-nu a-su-ha i-na [.] I inflicted upon them a decisive defeat..] and murder. king of [Assyria.2 15 L [di-i]k-ta-iu-nu ma-'a-at-ta a-duk 31 L23?e sal-la-su-nu [bu§a(Ni.§UME§)-eu-nu 21[makkur(Ni.... [.§UME§)-iu-nu ai-lu-la ....AME§)-ya i-na A§-sur a-na abi(AD)-ya URUMES-ni sa sid-di [mati(KUR)-ya] [ad-ki] di-ik-ta-Su-nu ma-'a-at-ta a-[duk] L15 Laeaat 27[URUMES-su-nu] ap-pu-ul aq-qur i-na i§ati(IZIMES) a§-ru-pu H" ^[si-ta-at ummanate(ERfN... ia ifi-tu tar-si 'AS-sur-rabi] SAR4 mat A§-sur a-na abi(AD)-ya URUMES-ni sa sid-di [mati(KUR)-ya] 25 [.HI....] a-di URU ^al-ha-la-us sa matSa-[.]-zi ^^^(EGIRJ-Su-nu] ar-di. a-na mi-si]-ir mat As-sur am-nu-iu-nu-[ti] The lands of Uluzu . [. They had sold all /VAT 8890: 1/ their [sons and daughters]. I took prisoners....] The land Ruqahu.] a-na ra-ma-nisu-nu u-sab-bi-tu-u-ni GIS D narkabati(GIGIRME§) [ummanate(ERfN. (and)] flocks.. I carried off their booty. [I brought (them)] to my city [A§sur ...... herds....] to the city Halhalaus of the land Sa[.] mitY[a-ha-a-nu mfitA-ru-mu sa ku-tal matPi-[.

. The city of Sara[. I marched [to the land of Ka]dmuhu.. ravaged. ravaged. Episode 5 (42-45) C2 + D ^[i-na qi-bit As-sur beli(EN)-ya di-ku-ut um-ma-na-te-ya] as-kun m4t Mu-us-ra-a-ya ^[sa it-ti-ya ik-ki-ru-u-ni] ak-§ud Lac LltnK URUMES-su-nu ap-pu-ul aq-qur 44[i-na isati(IZIME§) as-ru-up] L23e [sal-la-su-nu a-na l]a mi-ni u-se-sa-a Q ^[a-na URU-ya As-s]ur ub-la [By the command of Assur. precious stones of the mountains.ZA) be-lu-ti-su u-se-sib Qa 'Ku-un-da-ab-ha-li-e SAR4 mfitKad-mu-hi ^[a-na mat As-sur ub-la URU Ar]ba-ili(DINGIR) lu a-ku-[us] masak(KU§)-su NA« {_n& 41 [dura sa URU.] -na-a5 u-ha-al-lip [By] the command of ASsur. ap-pu-ul a]q-qur i-na iiati(IZIME§) as-ru-up L«»t L*" 'Ku-un-da-ab-ha-li-e 35[SAR4 m"Kad-mu-hi i-n]a qabal(MtiR) ekalli (l.. I destroyed].. Episode 4 (33-41) E2 33[i-na] qi-bit As-sur [beli(EN)-ya a-na m5tKa]d-mu-hi lu allik(GIN-ik) URU §a-ra-[. [...NAME§) aban(ZA) KUR-e su-qu-[ru] 37[. a man loyal to me.. I captured Kundabhale... Kundabhale. his valuable booty [I brought] to [my] city [Ails'ur].GAL)-lu qa-a-ti lu ik-su-su 36 Qe [. [I carried off] [(and) in the city] Arbail I flayed (him and) I draped his skin [over the wall of the city .92 Ancient Conquest Accounts I inflicted upon them a decisive defeat.] I mustered [my troops]..]... I destroyed. sip]arru(ZABARMES) anaku(AN. [.. The rest of them I uprooted.. [the king of the land of Kadmuhu] inside his palace. (and) burnt... (and) [burnt] their cities. (and) I counted them [within] the borders of Assyria. [my lord]. I conquered the land of the Musri70 [which had rebelled against me].Jnash.. .]MES-s"u salla-su kabit(DUGUD)-ta a-na UR[U-ya] 38[As-sur ub-la O6 . (and) [I carried off] their booty and [possessions].... king of the land of Kadmuhu... tin....-sjilla.69 (and) [I settled them] in [. 34.] bronze.].. -sil-la amela da-gil pa-ni sa ra-ma-n[i-ya] 39[i-na Glskussi (GU. my lord.. [On the throne I set .

us-ie] ekal(E.GA)MES-su-nu L2!I6e 12 [alpe(GU4MES)-su-nu UDUsi-niME§-su-nu] u-se-sa-a Q a-na URU-ya As-sur ub-la 13 P3 [ilani(DINGIRME§-ni)-su-nu] ki-i kis-su-te a-na As-gur beli(EN)-ya lu a-qis M L2nae [. to] my own [.] of ASsur.] ilani(DINGIRME§-ni)-ya b!t(E) A§-sur bit(E) dSamas(UTU) 8[.]. I gave [their gods] as gifts to Assur... O* a-na sal-la-alt ra-ma-ni-ya lu am-nu 5 P2 [ ] EN uzna(GE§TU) rapas(DAGAL)-taiqis(NA..].GAL) a-lik pa-ni-ya 4[.] sa-ag-sa-a 3 P a-na As-sur beli(EN)-ya lu a-qis By the command of Ass[ur.] I counted. I conquered the cities of Suhu....of] my gods..J-e sa As-sur beli(EN)-ya sa is-tu 2[tar-si. [. my lord... which since [the time of. cities of the land of Kirriuru [. possessions.of] my durable dominion [..GAL)lim-ya ad-di [.... my lord. the temple of llamas... the land of Lu[..] ma-da-tu a-na As-sur beli(EN)-ya 3[ik-lu-u 13 C' i-na tukulti(G!§TUKUL-ti) As-sur beli(EN)-ya u durigalli(URI3. Episode 7 (R. Simerra..... Episode 6 (R. I carried off [...] mat Kir-ri-u-ri [..] I marched [to the land of Kirrjiuru..l-8) B R't-. property...9-14) C2 + E2 [9i-na qi-bit As-sur beli(EN)-ya a-na raStKir-r]i-u-ri lu a-lik L™ URUSu-hu URUH 10URUSi-me-ir-ra mfitLu[.] I gave (it/them) to Assur.] URUME§-ni sa [. [..BA) 6[.. [herds (and) flocks]. [.the foundations] of my palace I laid.][lu ak-sud] sal-la-su-nu busa(NI. [With the support of Assur].. the temple of Assur...... Assyrian Conquest Accounts 93 I brought forth [their booty without] number (and) I carried (it) [to my city Asjsur.. I brought forth their booty...SU)MES-su-nu makkur(Nl.. had withheld! tribute from Assur.2. my [lord] and the divine standard which goes before me [.... my lord.who] granted wisdom [. my lord..].. I took (them) to my city Assur. my lord. These seven episodes can be charted: ..... be]lu(EN)-ti-ya sa da-ra-a-te 7[....

L» La. and Q. and produces an iterative scheme. Q O* - Qe O6 Q' NAa - Q Q P* P8 Again. The analysis of the Italian team (SAAMA) has already disclosed the use of these syntagms. O. This can be seen especially in the use of C {Note how often the national deity ordered the conquest of 1Jfm various lands—the Asthe syrian justification (cf. L°» Li3n . L . As§ur-nasir-pal I f 1 The annalistic narrative sections of A§§ur-nasir-pal IFs inscriptions reveal the use of stereotyped syntagms in the creation of an iterative scheme. Josh. the use of key components maintains the structural unity of the narrative. . La* h - - H" La» Y« - La. Episode 7 - C1 D Lau C2 D L* . 1)}. 0* - E2 C2 L*s . I*4 La« ftr «• - - I/* - L*" 1 L" 3 L»* <• . L236e. L""* a. 1139-43 39 a1 i§tu(TA) us-ma-ni an-ni-te-ma at-tu-mu§ 2 E a-na URUME§ sa sir KURNi-sir §a a-sat-su-nu ma-am-ma la-a e-mu-ru a-lik .94 Episode 1 A2 B G1 Episode 2 Ancient Conquest Accounts Episode 3 B D L« L""* « Episode 4 E2 L»"* ss Episode 5 Episode 6 B cw . Here we are looking at three episodes which manifest the iterative scheme and its consequent high-redundance message. B C2 L*' L» . 3.

2.BAR) 41see-su na-a-di H iarru itti ummanati(ERIN. I threw down their corpses on the mountain. I brought back booty. 11. I conquered Larbusa. I hung their heads on the mountain trees. The (enemy) troops were afraid (and) they took to a rugged mountain. the fortified city of Kirtiara (and) 8 cities in its environs. I burned their cities.DUMES)-M-nu ina Gl5gu-up-ni §a KUR-e e-'e-il d Lfi N ba-tulMES-iu-nu Mfba-tu-la-ti-su-nu a-na maqluteCGIBIL-te) asrup (GIBIL) Q+f ina u§-ma-ni-ia utira(GUR-ra) be-dak I departed from this camp. I massacred 172 of their troops. Assyrian Conquest Accounts racs URU 95 La-ar-bu-sa 40URU dan-nu-ti-su sa 'Ki-ir-ti-a-ra 8 URUME§ §a li-me-tu-M aksud(KUR-ud) D1 G sabe(ERINMES) ig-dur-ru GD4 KUR-u mar-su is-sab-tu KUR-u kima(GIN7) zi-qip patri(GfR) parzilli(AN. The king went up after them with his army. (and) I poured out many troops on the mountain ledges.HI AME§)-su arki(EGIR)-§u-nu e-li Lwp ina qe-reb KUR-e pag-ri-su-nu ad-di L13fJ 172 sabe(ERINME§) ti-du-ki-su-nu a-duk L11p sabe(ERf NMES) ^ma'adutKHI AME§) ina ka-a-pi M KUR-e atbu-uk L21ye §al-la-su-nu bu^dME§-sti-nu alpe(GU4)MES-su-nu UDUsi-ni-§u-nu utira (GUR-ra) LQ5 URUME*-ni ina isati(IZIME§) ^asrupCGIBIL-up) Nb qaqqade(SAG. possessions. I returned to my camp (and) spent the night. I marched to the cities in the plain of Nisir which no one had ever seen. I burned their adolescent boys (and) girls. herds and flocks. The mountain has a peak sharp like the point of an iron dagger.53-60 E13 istu(TA) sep(GIR) KURSi-ma-ki GI§narkabati(GIGIRMES) dannutu(KALAG-tu) pit-hal-lu as"arid(SAG-RID)-su i-si-ya a-si-kin E11 mu-su a-di 54na-ma-ri ar-te-di 6 fD E Tur-na-at e-te-bir E7 ina mit-har sa-an-te a-na mat(KUR) URUAm-ma-H URU dannu-ti-iu sa 'A-ra-a§-tu aq-tf-ib S5 F2 ina mit-hu-si ti-du-ki URU a-si-bi aktasad(KUR-ad) 800 ME sab'e(ERlNME§) mun-dah-si-su-nu ina GI§kakkeLw (TUKULMte) u-sam-qit .

cavalry (and) crack troops. I dyed their houses red with their blood. the fortified city of Arastu. I razed.HI. I carried off booty. of the Dureans.72 I crossed the Turnat River.AME§)MES a§-lu-la L23Y£ L1K31? ) asrup(GIBiL-up) URU a_pul a_qur ina iMti(IZI URU Hu-du-un *7u 30 URUME*-ni M li-me-tu-§u-nu aksud L*5 (KUR-ud) dikta§unu(GAZ-su-nu) a-duk L15 L23Ye sal-la-su-nu alpe(GU4ME§)-iu-nu UDUsi-ni-S6-nu as-lul iKaa5 L URUMES-su-nu a-pul a-qur ina isati(IZIME§) a§-ru-up d LU N ba-tulMES-su-nu 58M1ba-tu-la-ti-i6-nu ana maqlute(GIBlLte) a§rup(GIBIL) URU Ki-sir-tu URU dan-nu-ti-§u-nu §a !Sa-bi-i-ni a-di 10 L2K5 URUMfcS sa li-me-tu-su-nu ak§ud(KUR-ud) L° diktasunu(GAZ-iu-nu) a-duk L23v£ ial-la-su-nu 59M-lul L1K^ URUME§ sa URUBa-ra-a-a sa 'Ki-ir-ti-a-ra sa URUDu-ra-a-a sa U8U Bu-ni-sa-a-a a-di ni-rib §a ^^ai-mar a-pul a-qur ina isati(IZIMEi§) asrup(GIBIL-up) Tm 60 anatili(DU6) u kar-me uter(GUR-er) From the foot of Mount Simaki I took with me strong chariots. the fortified city of Sabini. (and) of the Buniseans. I felled with the sword 800 of the combat troops. I filled the streets of their city with their corpses. I massacred them. At first light I approached the land73 of the city of Ammali. I conquered the city Hudun and 30 cities in its environs. I captured many troops alive (and) I carried off much booty. destroyed (and) burned the city. I massacred them. . I burned their adolescent boys (and) girls. I carried off their booty. destroyed (and) burned the cities of the Bareans.AMES)~ baltute(TLLAMfe§) ina qati(SU-ti) u-sa-bi-ta M-la-su-nu ma'atta(ffl. together with ten cities of its environs. I continued travelling through the night until dawn. I conquered the city Kisirtu.96 L UP Ancient Conquest Accounts pag-riME§-£u-nu suql(SILA) URU-iu-nu u-mal-li LW dame(ti£MB§)-su-nu %itatis\muOE. I razed. I razed.AME§-§u-nu) as-ru-up LU Lap sabe(ERINMES) ma'dute(HI. as far as the pass of Mount Hasmar. In a clash of arms I besieged the city (and) conquered (it). destroyed and burned their cities. of the man Kirtiara. herds and flocks.

qurr Ln^ ana tili(DU6) u kar-me uter(GUR-er) LU Nd ba-tulMES-su-nu 110Mfba-tu-la-ti-su-nu ana maqlute(GIBILte) airupCGIBIL) URU Ku-u-ku-nu sa pi-i ni-rib id KUR-e ^Ma-at-ni ak-sud L2K? L15fp 700 ME sabe(ERINMES) ti-du-ki-su-nu ina GISkakke(TUKULMES) u-Sam-qit U1 sal-la-su-nu ma'attu(HI. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 97 II.LAMES) u-sa-bi-ta K L™ URUMES ap-pul a-qur ina isati(IZIMES) a§rup(GIBfL-up) p L me-lam belu(EN)-ti-ya eli(UGU)-§u-nu at-bu-uk .BAL) eli(UGU)-s6-nu aS-gu-um nab-lu eli(UGU)-§u-nu u-sa-za-nin ina sip-si107u da-na-ni mun-dah-si-a kima(GIN7) dZee(MusEN) eli(UGU)-su-nu i-se-'e L^ URU aktasad(KUR-ad) L13rp 800 ME sabe(ERINMES) mun-dah-si-su-nu ina GI§kakke(TUKULM6s) u-sanvqit inp L ap qaqqade(SAG.AME§) ina qati(SU) usabita (DIB-ta) La" si-ta-ti-§u-nu ina isati(IZIMES) asrup(GIBfL-up) L23ye sal-la-su-nu kabitta(DUGUD-ta) as-lul Nf a-si-tu §a baltuti(TLLAMES) M qaqqade(SAG.DUME§) 109ina pu-ut abulli(KA.DUMES)-gu-nu lo8unikis(KUD-is) L sabe(ERINMES) baltiti(TI.pul a.HLAMES)-ya tahazi(ME-ia) §it-mu-ri 106it-tisu-nu am-da-his ina 2 u4-me la-am dSama§ na-pa-hi kima(GIN7) dAdad sa rihsi (GIR.GAL)-su-nu aME na zi-qi-pi u-za-qip L«c3? URU a.A) as-lul L23Ye 59 L ^ 50 URUMES-ni sa m"Di-ra-a aksud(KUR-ud) L° dikta(GAZMES)-su-nu a-duk L23ye sal-la-su-nu ag-lul Lap 50 sabe(ERINMES) baltuti(TI.2. 103-112 a1 ina tukulti(01§TUKUL-ti) ASSur beli(EN)-ya iitu(TA) URUTuui-ha-an a-tu-mu§ GI§ E13 narkabati(GIGIRME§) DAN-tu pit-tial-lu asarid(SAG)-su i-si-ya a-si-kin E6 ina rak-su-te 104°DIdiglat e-te-bir 11 E kal mu-sl-ti ar-te-di E7 a-na URUPi-tu-ra URU dan-nu-ti-iu-nu ia matDi-ir-ra-a-ia aqti-ib HD URU marsi(GIG) dan-nig 105 2 durani(BADMES-ni) la-a-bi kir-hu-§u kima(GIN7) uban(§U-SI) KUR-e §a-kin C3 -H ina Idati(DAMES) sirati(MAHME§) ia A§§ur beli(EN)-ya ina gi-bii I ummanati(ERIN.GAL)-su ar-sip Nb 700p*A sabe(ERfNME§) ina pu-ut abulli(KA.LAME§) ma'adlti(HI.

I conquered the city Kukunu which is at the entrance to the pass of Mount Matni. I took with me strong chariots. I poured out against them my lordly radiance. I conquered 50 cities of the Dirraens. .53-60 . - 11. I burned their adolescent boys (and) girls. (and) crack troops. destroyed (and) burned the cities. the fortified city of the Dirraens. I captured 50 soldiers alive. E13 Eu E6 E7 F2 . I piled up a heap of live (men and) of heads before his gate. its citadel was like a mountain summit. It was surrounded by 2 walls. I razed (and) destroyed the city. I departed from TuShan.74 I travelled all night (and) I approached the city of Pitura.39-43 a1 E . . I captured many troops alive. cavalry. G41 GA4 H 11. The city was very difficult. E13 E" E6 E7 . . before sunrise. I carried off much booty.98 Ancient Conquest Accounts With the assistance of Ai§ur my lord. I massacred them. . I razed. I turned the city into ruin hills. I carried off valuable booty.103-112 a1 . With the might and power of my combat troops I flew against them like the Storm Bird. For two days. I conquered the city. . 11. I impaled 700 troops on stakes before their gate. I carried off their booty. H4 . I crossed the Tigris by means of a bridge of rafts. With the exalted strength of As^ur my lord (and) with a fierce battle I fought with them. I felled with the sword 700 their fighting men. (and) I rained down flames upon them. I felled with sword 800 of their combat troops (and) I cut off their heads. I thundered against them like Adadof-the-Devastation.

37b-45a) A2 ina XVII pale(BALMES)-ya H E6 Puratta ^e-bir M ma-da-tu sa SAR4MES-ni sa mat Hat-te 89am-hur E12 a-na KUR-e KURHa-ma-ni e-li 3 R «°lSguMre(lJRMi!S) G1 Wni a-ki-si Q2 a-na 4lURU-ya Ai-iur ub-la 1 a' ina ta-ya-ar-ti-ya 42sa issu KURIJa-ma-ni . It would be impossible to present an analysis of them all. Shalmaneser III75 (Marble Slab Inscription)76 There are numerous inscriptions from the reign of Shalmaneser III which preserve the different recensions of his annals.2. Episode 19 (III. Thus we have chosen to show particular episodes from the Marble Slab inscription to demonstrate the use of syntagmic patterning in the creation of an iterative scheme in this king's royal texts. Assyrian Conquest Accounts L** L""1 La^ L"*1 L"> Jf J£ 99 L"^ L'* La" L23^ L1"31^ I** La Li3" LIK»^ N* L^ L" La3!f I7"» - O +f L*"^" - L11^ L^ L"P L"1" La^ Ln" l^f L"^ L"' L" N^ N" L^ Lrt La?t La> L1*31' Ln« c3-' 3 - 4.

perfect specimens (and) 2 calves (as hunted game)78 in the area of the town of Zuqarri on the opposite bank of the Euphrates River. I received the tribute of the kings of the land of Hatti. Hamanu (Amanus). These two episodes can be charted as follows: Episode 19 Episode 21 A8 E* A2 E* M M E'a R3 E12 R? . I cut down logs of cedar and juniper. perfect specimens77 in the area of the town of Zuqarri on the opposite bank of the Euphrates River.LI) a-ki-si R 19 a-na URU-ya Ai-sur ub-la Q ina ta-ya-ar-ti-ya ^ia issu KURHa-ma-ni a1'2 10 GUDrimani(AMME§) dan-nu-te su-ut 21qar-ni git-ma-lu-te R1* 2 GUDbure(AMARME§) ina URUZu-qar-ri ^Sa §epe(GiR. 15b-22a) ina XIX pale(BALMES)-ya A2 16 17-su fTuravtta e-bir E6 ma-da-tu sa SAR4MES-ni 17sa mat Hat-te am-hur M 12 a-na ^Ha-ma-ni e-li E3 18GI§ gusure(URME§) GI§e-ri-ni GI§burasi(§IM. I went up to Mt.100 Rlx Ancient Conquest Accounts 1 su-§i 3 GUDrimani(AMMES) ^dan-nu-te §u-ut qar-ni git-malu-te ina URUZu-qar-ri 41§a sepe(GlR.II) amma-a-te sa MPuratti a-duk In my 19th year: I crossed the Euphrates River for the 17th time. with horns. I brought (them) to my city Assur. I received the tribute of the kings of the land of Hatti. I brought (them) to my city AiSur. On my return from the Mt. I caught 4 alive with (my) hands! Episode 21 (IV. I went up to Mt. with horns. Hamanu (Amanus). Hamanu (Amanus): 1 killed 10 mighty wild bulls.II) am-ma-a-te ia "Puratti a-duk R2* 4 baltute(TLLAME§) ttina qa-te as-bat In my 17th regnal year: I crossed the Euphrates. On my return from the Mt. I cut down logs of cedar and juniper. Hamanu (Amanus): I killed 63 mighty wild bulls.

2.ELAME§)-su a-su-^a-Su Q a-na URU-ya 6As-sur ub-la 2 a ina sattim-ma si-a-te KUB E9 Kul-la-ar 7at-ta-bal-kat 4 E a-na ME§ Za-mu-a sa blt(E)-a-ni 8at-ta-rad mat L^^ URU -ni sa 'Ni-iq-di-ma ^Ni-iq-di-ma] aksud(KUR-ud) In my fourth regnal year: I crossed the Euphrates at its flood stage.KUR. I descended into the interior of the land of Zamua. his chariots. I brought them to my city. 48b . I besieged (and) I conquered the mountain top. I uprooted Ahuni of Bit-Adini together with his gods. I conquered the cities of Niqdima. In that same year: I crossed over the Kullar border. 12.000 of his troops. Assyrian Conquest Accounts Q a1-2 R1* R* 101 Q a1* R1* - One can easily see that these two episodes are identical except for the very last syntagm (R2*)! Episodes 5. into his fortress. Asssur. Episode 10 (II. He made Shitamrat. 35-44) 35 ina IX pale(BALME§)-a ina sane gir-ri-ya A2 36URU Ga-na-na-te aksud(KUR-ud) U*t .9a) A2 ina IV pale(BALME§)-ya 49id E6 Puratta ina mi-li-sa e-bir HM arki(EGIR) 50IA-bu-ni mar(DUMU) A-di-ni ar-te-di 51KUR G sl-tam-rat u-ba-an KUR-e sa a-fcat Col.II. a mountain peak on the bank of the Euphrates. and 22 also demonstrate the syntagmie patterning: Episode 5 (I. 11. I pursued after Ahum of Bit-Adini.RAMES)-§u 20 lim 2 lim 5ummanati(ERIN. his horses (and) 22. II 1MPuratti ana dan-nu-ti-iu is-kun 2 L2^ u-ba-an KUR-e a-si-bi ak-ta-sad 3 *A-hu-ni mar(DUMU) A-di-ni ardi ilani(DINGIRMES-m)-su L2u«p ^narkabati (GIGIRMES)-su sIse(AN§E.

DINGIR. Borsippa.SAP.RA. I moved on from the cities of Karkamis.DINGIR. Episode 12 (II. Marduk-bel-usate together with the warriors of rebellion who were with him I felled (laid low) with the sword. I pursued after him.KI) am-hur In my ninth regnal year. his royal city. I descended to the land of Kaldu. in my second campaign: I conquered the city of Gananate.KI) URUBarsip4(BAR. I received tribute of the kings of the land of Kaldu in the city of Babylon. together with 100 of the towns of its neighborhood. 45 . <I conquered> the cities of Sangara of Karkamis.KI) ^"Ku-te-e epui(DtJ-e) E4 a-na mat Kal-di u-ri-id ^URU^-ni-gu-nu akiud(KUR-ud) Lac5 M man(!)-da-tu sa SAR4ME§-ni "Sa mat Kal-di ina URUBabili(KA.RA.102 E12 Ancient Conquest Accounts rd Marduk-bel-u-sa-te 37a-na su-zu-ub napSati(ZIMES)-M a-na KUR-e Me-li H arki(EGIR)-§<i ar-di i dMarduk-bel-u-sa-te 39a-di sabe(ERfNME§) bel(EN) hi-at-ti LW«P §a it-te-iu ^ina G!skakki(TUiOJL) u-sam-qit 3 P niqe(SISKURMES) 41ina URUBabili(KA. Marduk-bel-usate went up into the mountains in order to save his life. (and) I drew near to the cities of Arame. 51-57) 5l A2 ina XI pal§(BALME§)-ya 6 E 9-su ndPuratta e-bir . I made offerings in the cities of Babylon. I conquered their cities. Episode 11 (II.50) 2 A6 ^ina X pale(BALME§)-ya E 8-M "Puratta e-bir ^URU^-ni sa 'Sa-an-ga-ra URUGar-ga-miS-a-a [ak§ud(KURLatt ud)l 3 47 E7 issu URUME§-ni sa URUGar-ga-mi§-a-a at-tu-mu§ E ^a-na URUMES-ni sa 'A-ra-me aq-ti-rib *9URUAr-ne-e URU SAR4-ti-su a-di 1 me "URU^-ni §a liLw me-tu-su aksud(KUR-ud) In my tenth regnal year: I crossed the Euphrates River for the eighth time. (and) Cuta. I conquered the city of Arne.

I summoned the kings of the land of Hatti (for corvee work). Assyrian Conquest Accounts LK 103 5297 URUME§-ni Sd 'Sa-an-ga-ra M l me URUMES-ni §a 'A-rame aksud(KUR-ud) M E8 ii-di ^Ha-ma-ni as-bat E9 ^^a-ra-qu 55attabalkat 4 E a-na URtr^-ni sa KURA-ma-ta-a-a Mat-ta-rad UEU Ab-§i-ma-ku 57a-di 89 URUME§-ni aksud(KUR-ud) L% In my eleventh regnal year: I crossed the Euphrates for the ninth time. Abarnani. I took (the way) along Mt. I massacred them. Hamanu (Mt. I achieved victory and triumph over Que. I carried off their spoils. I went down to the cities of the land of Hamath.2. all of them. 22b . I conquered the cities of Lusanda. I conquered 97 cities of Sangara (and) 100 cities of Arame. I passed over the land of Yaraqu. I erected the first at the beginning of his cities and the second at the end of his cities. Amanus). Episode 22 (IV. Hamanu (Amanus). I made two stelae of my royalty.34) A2 inaXXpale(BALME§)-ya E6 "20-&& fePuratta e-bir D9 §AR4ME§-ni sa mat Hat-ti 24kala-§u-nu it-ti-ya ad-ki E ^Ha-ma-nu attabalkat E4 ^ana URUME§-ni §a 'Ka-te-i KURQa-u-a-a ^at-ta-ra-daME§ ^"Lu-sa-an-da URUA-bar-na-ni ^URUKi-su-at-ni URU -ni L*K dannute (KALMES) a-di ^URU"^-^ a-na la ma-ni issu res URUME§-ni-gu ^a-di qa-na URUME§-ni-su ak-§u-ud 15 L dikta(GAZ)-su-nu 30a-duk P1 L23Ye O3 II sa-lam SAR4-ti-ya 31epu§ ta-na-ti ki§-§u-ti-a ina libbi altu-ur 32isten ina res URUME§-ni-su ianu ina qa-ni URUME§ni-§u ^ina res tam-di az-qu-up li-i-ti u da-na-ni 34eli(UGU) URUQa-u-e al-ta-ka-an In my 20th regnal year: I crossed the Euphrates River for the 20th time. where the sea begins. (and) I conquered the city of Absimaku together with 89 towns. sal-la-su-nu as-lu-la . I went down to the cities of Kati of Que. I wrote on them the praise of my power. Kisuatni fortified cities together with towns without number from the beginning of his towns to the end of his towns. I passed over Mt.

li-me-tu-su 29aksud(KUR-ud) 2 E a-di res ME-ni sa "Idiqlat 30a-sar mu-sa-u §a meME§ sak-nu al-lik In my seventh regnal year: I marched against the cities of Habini of Til-Abne. - L««e pS E8 E7 L*« - A2 E6 D E9 E4 L2*5 E L*5 M 4 . Episode 9 (II. . - L" Lsh» Pl 0s Finally. 31 . L»5 E H 12 A2 E6 L2*5 A2 E6 L** E» E» E4 Lac? I*-* Q a2 E9 E4 L*? . episodes 8 and 9 can also be cited. together with the towns of its neighborhood. Episode 8 (II. I went up to the source of the Tigris from whence the water comes. .30) A2 ^ina VII pale(BALME§)-ya 2 E a-na URUMES-ni sa 'Ha-bi-ni 27URUTil-Abne(NA4MES)-a-a al-lik URU Til-Abne(NA4MEg) 28URU dan-nu-ti-su a-di URUME§-ni M Lact.34) 31 A2 ina VIII pale(BALME§)-ya d B ' Marduk-zakir-sumi SAR4 mat Kar-du-ni-a§ 32UMardukbel-u-sa-te ahu-iu it-ti-§u ib-bal-kit 33 E2 a-na tu-ur gi-mil-li lu al-lik . I conquered Til-Abne.104 Ancient Conquest Accounts The readout of these episodes is: Episode 5 A2 E6 H GM L** Episode 10 Episode 11 Episode 12 Episode 22 A2 . his mighty city. 26 .

2. Assyrian Conquest Accounts



m6MES-t< URULa-hi-ru aksud(KUR-ud) In my eighth regnal year: (During the period of) Marduk-zakir-iumi, the king of Kardunias, Marduk-bel-usate, his brother, rebelled against me. I marched in order to avenge. I conquered the cities of Meturnat (and) Lahiru.


Thus the scansion reveals:
Episode 8 Episode 9

A2 E2 L** E2

A2 B
E2 L*5 -

Obviously, the two episodes are patterned along similar lines. Finally, within the recensions of Shalmaneser III, it is interesting to compare particular episodes. One particular episode is seen in a number of recensions: the 18th palu campaign against Hazael. Here we will compare the texts of the Marble Slab, the A§§ur Annal Fragment, the Bull inscriptions, and the Kurba'il Statue.79 The Marble Slabm

A2 E6 G-1
G'2 G4


H F2 Lin La E2


ina XVIII pale(BALME§)-ya 16-su ""Puratta e-bir I |Ja-za-'i-ilu(DINGIR) sa mat Imeri-s'u 47a-na gi-pi§ ummanati (ERIN.rJI.AME§)-su it-ta-kil-ma ^ummanatKERIN.HI AMES)-su a-na ma-'a-di§ id-ka-a 49KUR Sa-ni-ru KURu-ba-an KUR-e sa pu-ut ^"Lab-na-ni a-na dan-nu-ti-su iss-kun 51 16 lim 20 sabe(ERINME§) ti-du-ki-su ina GI§kakke(TUKULME§) 62u-sam-qit 1 lim 1 me 21 GISnarkabati(GIGIRME§)-iu 534 me 70 pit-hallu-§u it-ti ui-ma-ni-su Col. IV 'e-kim-su a-[na §]u-zu-ub napsati(ZIME§)-su 2e-li arkl(EGIR)-su ar-te-di ina URUDi-ma-as-qi 3URU §AR4-ti-su e-ser-su GI§ kire(KIRl6ME§)-su a-ki-s[i] 4 ku-ri-la-su ina isati(IZIMES) ai-ru-up a-di KUR-e 5KURHa-u-ra-ni al-lik URUME§-ni a-na 6la ma-ni ap-pul aq-qur ina isati(IZIME§) asru-up 7 §al-la-su-nu as-lu-la


Ancient Conquest Accounts

a-na KUR-e 8KURBa-a'-li-ra-'a-si ia put(SAG) tam-di 9sa puut mat sur-ri al-lik P1 sa-lam §AR4-ti-ya wina lib-bi u-te-ziz M ma-da-tu s£ 'Ba-'-li-ma-AN-zer UISur-ra-a-a sa 'la-a-u maKDUMU) 'Hu-um-ri-i 12am-fcur 12 a' ina ta-ya-ar-ti-ya E12 a-na I3lbRLab-na-na lu e-li P1 sa-lam §AR4-ti-ya 14it-ti sal-me Sa 'Tukul-ti-apil-4-iar-ra i5 §AR4 rabi(GAL-i) a-lik pa-ni-ya u-§e-ziz In my 18th regnal year:81 I crossed the Euphrates for the 16th time. Hazael of Damascus trusted in his numerous troops; and mustered his army in great numbers. He made Mt. Senir (Saniru), a mighty peak, which (lies) opposite the Lebanon, his fortress. I felled (laid low) 16,000 of his fighting men with the sword. I took away from him 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his cavalryhorses together with his camp. In order to save his life he ran away. I pursued after him. I enclosed him in Damascus, his royal city. I cut down his orchards. I burned his shocks. I went to the mountains of Haurani. Cities without number I destroyed, I devastated, I burned with fire. I carried off their spoils. I went to the mountains of Ba'li-ra'si at the side of the sea and (lies) opposite Tyre, I erected a stela of my royalty there. I received the tribute of Ba'limanzir,82 the Tyrian, and of Jehu,83 the son of Omri. On my return: I went up on Mt. Lebanon. I set up a stela of my royalty with the stela of Tiglath-Pileser (I), the great king who went before me.

The A§$ur Annal Fragment**
A2 E6 G"1 G'2 G-4 I1 ina XVIII pale(BALME§)-ya 16-su MPuratta 2e-bir I Ha-za-'-ilu(DINGIR) sa mat Imeri-sii Vna gi-pis ummanati(ERIN. gLAMES)-iu 4MES it-ta-kil-ma ummanati(ERIN.HI.A )-su 5a-na ma-'a-dis id-ka-a 6KUR Sa-ni-ru uban KUR-e 7g£ pu-ut mStLab-na-na a-na dannu-ti-§u 8is-kun it-ti-su am-dah-hi-is

2. Assyrian Conquest Accounts
LD Llxp*


dabda(BAD5.BAD5Hu a§-kun 16 lim wsabe(ERINMES) ti-du-ki-su ina GI§kakke(TUKULME§) "u-Sam-qit L2"* 1 lim 1 me 21GI§narkabati(GIGIRMES)-§u I24 me 70 pit-hallu-su it-ti ui-ma-ni-iu I3e-3dm-iu G*3 a-na iu-zu-ub l4napiati(ZIME§)-iu e-li H arki(EGIR)-su ar-te-di 15 F2 ina URUDi-ma§-gi URU §AR4-ti-§u e-ser-iu 16G1§ kire(KIRI6ME§)-§6 ak-kis L.n E2 a-di KUR-e nra"Ha-u-ra-m a-lik URUME§-ni /8a-na la ma-ni a-pul a-qur 19ina iiati(IZIME§) L«3i5 a§rup (GIBIL-up) L23Ye ial-la-su-nu ^a-na la ma-ni ai-lu-la 21 E2 a-di KUR-e mfitBa-a'-li-ra-'a-si ^ga put(SAG) tam-di4 a-lik 1 P sa-lam §AR4-ti-ya 23ina lib-bi az-qup 2 a ina u4-me-iu-ma M ^ma-da-tu id mfitSur-ra-a-a ^^i-du-na-a-a sd 'la-u-a ^marCDUMU) ^u-um-ri-i am-hur' In my 18th regal year: I crossed the Euphrates for the 16th time. Hazael of Damascus trusted in the mass of his troops; and mustered his troops in great number. He made Mt. Senir,85 a mountain peak, opposite the Lebanon, his fortress. I fought with him. I brought about his defeat. I laid low 16,000 of his troops with the sword. I took away from him 1,121 chariots, 470 cavalry-horses together with his camp. In order to save his life he went up/away. (But) I followed after him. I besieged him in Damascus, his royal city. I cut down his orchards.86 I went up to the mountains of the land of Hauran. Cities without number I destroyed, razed (and) burned with fire. I plundered their booty without number. I went up to the mountains of the land of Ba'lira'si87 which is on the seashore. I erected there a stela of my majesty. At that time: I received the tribute of the Tyrians, the Sidonians, and of Jehu, son of Omri.88


Ancient Conquest Accounts

The Bull Inscriptions*9 Schramm understands the inscription to be the Recension D of Shalmaneser Ill's annals. The text extends through the eighteenth regnal year. The part which should have contained the accession year and the first regnal year is destroyed. Interestingly, the account of the eighteenth palu follows immediately after the introduction and before the beginning of the missing annals of the accession and first years. 2 41 A6 ina XVIII pale(BALMES)-ya E1 16-su "Puratta 42e-bir G" 'Ha-za-'-iluCDINGIR) sa mat Imeri-su ^a-na gi-pi§ ummanati(ERfN. HI.AME§)-su "it-ta-kil-ma 2 GummanatiCERIN.HI AME§)-§6 a-na ma-'a-di§ ^id-ka-a G"4 ^Sa-ni-ru uban KUR-e ^sa pu-ut mStLab-na-na a-na dannu-ti-su 47is-kun I115 it-ti-§u am-dah-hi-is L!3fpx dabda(BAD5.BAD5)-su ^aS-kun 49 GI§ L (16 lim sabe(ERINME§) ti-du-ki-su ina kakke(TUKULME§) u-§am-qit soj Um l me 31 «§narkabati(GIGIRME§)-gti 514 me 70 pit-halL2'eX lu-su it-ti 82us-ma-ni-su e-kim-§u In my 18th regal year:90 I crossed the Euphrates for the 16th time. Hazael of Damascus trusted in the mass of his troops; and mustered his troops in great number. He made Mt. Senir, a mountain peak, opposite the Lebanon, his fortress. I fought with him, I brought about his defeat. I laid low 16,000 of his troops with the sword. I took away from him 1,131* chariots, 470 riding horses together with his camp. Kurba'il Statue91 The Kurba'il Statue is somewhat contemporary with the Marble Slab and according to Schramm belongs to Recension E.92 This text is not a typical annal inscription, but is addressed to the god Adad of Kurba'il. Nevertheless, it includes accounts of the 18-20 regnal years and must be considered in the analysis. 2 2 A2 4na 18 pale(BALME§)-ya E 16-su "Puratta e-bir

2. Assyrian Conquest Accounts


'Ha-za-'-iluCDINGIR) & raitlmeri-su a-na gi-pii ^ummanati (ERIN. HIAME§)-M it-ta-kil-ma 2 G" ximmanatiCERIN.HI AMES)-iu a-na ma-'a-di§ id-ka-a 4 G' ^Sa-ni-ru ^U-ba-an KUR-e §a pu-tu '""Lab-na-na ^a-na dannu(KAL)ti-!lu i§-kun I1 it-ti-su am-da-hi-is Lrt dabda(BAD*.BAD5)-§u as-kun L1YP* 16 lim LVun-dah-hi-si-su ^ina GI§kakke(TUKULME§) u-sam-qit L2'6* 1 lim 1 me 21GI§narkabati(GIGIRMES)-su 4 me 70 pit-hal-lu§u it-ti ui-ma-ni-sii ^e-kim-iti G63 a-na su-zu-ub nap§ati(ZIME§)-§u e-li H arki(EGIR)-su ar-te-di F2 ina uruDi-ma-as-qi 26URU §AR4-ti-§6 e-ser-su G1§ kire(KIRI6)-sii ak-kis Lin E2 a-di KUR-e m"Ha-u-ra-ni a-lik LlKSaS 27URUMES-ni a-na la ma-ni ap-pul a-qur ina i§ati(IZIMES) a§rup (GIBIL-up) L23Ye ^ial-la-su-nu a-na la ma-ni ai-lu-la E2 adi(EN) KUR-eKURBa-a'-li-ra-si id put(SAG) tam-di a-lik P1 ^sa-lam SAR4-ti-ya ina lib-bi az-qup a2 ina u4-me-sxi-ma M ma-da-tu sa m"Sur-ra-a-a mfitSi-du-na-a-a sa 'la-u-a '"mar (DUMU) 'Hu-um-ri-i am-hur In my eighteenth year: I crossed the Euphrates for the sixteenth time, Hazael of Damascus had trusted in massing his troops; and he had mustered his army in strength. He made Mount Saniru a peak of the mountains of the AntiLebanon, his stronghold. I fought with him; (and) I brought about his defeat. I felled with the sword 16,000 of his men-of-arms. I took from him 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his cavalry-horses, together with camp. He fled for his life. (But) I pursued him. I besieged him in Damascus, his capital city. I cut down his orchards. I marched as far as the mountains of Hauran. I destroyed, devastated, (and) burned with fire countless cities. I carried away their booty without number. I marched to the mountains of Ba'li-rasi which is over against the sea; I erected a stela of my sovereignty there. At that time:


Ancient Conquest Accounts
I received the tribute of Tyre and Sidon, and of Jehu (la-u-a), son of Omri Ojlu-um-ri-i).

These yield the following patterns (the superscripted letter represents the recension to which the text belongs according to Schramm).
ASSur Annal4 A2 Bull Inscription* A2 Marble Slab* A2 Kurba'il Statue* A2

E6 Gl G2 G4 I1 L» L»ftc
L '*

E6 G1 G2 G4 I1 L» L«fct

E* G1 G2 G4 LB<* L2'* GM H F2 Lia Ln E2 LIKB«

E» G1 G2 G4 I1 L'5 L«fe

H F2 Lin E2

L2"* Lm -


H F2 L'n E2 Lira«

L23* E2 P1 a2 M -

L2^ E2 P1 M a1-2 E12 P1

E2 P1 a1 M . -


One can see from this readout that the Marble Slab is the most complete account and hence most at variance with the other three. The Marble Slab is missing I1, L15, and aVa2; and adds Ln, a1'2, E12, and P1, Even though the A§§ur Annal and the Kurba'il statue are different recensions, in this episode they are almost exactly the same.

2. Assyrian Conquest Accounts


5. Sennacherib93 It is important to understand that a 'campaign', as it is reported in Sennacherib's annals, does not necessarily end with the events described in the original document. In fact, it was possible to produce an account of a campaign before that campaign had been completed.94 With regard to the principles underlying the composition of his 'annals', events are assigned to a particular campaign relative according to the writer's point of view rather than strict chronological grounds. High-redundancy is achieved in the text as in previous inscriptions via the use of the iterative scheme.
Second Campaign (I. 65-80a)95 A2 ^i-na 2-e gir-ri-ya d C1 Ai-§ur be-lf u-tak-kil-an-ni-ma B + E2 ^a-na mat(KUR) (LU)Ka§-§i-i u mat(KUR) (Ll))Ia-su-bi-gal-laa-a 67§a ul-tu ul-la a-na iarrani(LUGALMES-ni) abbi(ADME§)ya la kit-nu-su 68lu al-lik 15A E q6-reb hur-sa-a-ni zaq-ru-ti 69eqel(A.SA) nam-ra-si i-na sisi(ANSE. KUR.RA) ar-kab-ma 70G1§ E144 narkabat(GIGIR) sepi(GiR.II)-ya i-na ti-ik-ka-(a-)te usa-ai-si 71as-ru sup-iu-qu i-na §epi(GlR.II)-ya E16 ri-ma-nis at-tag-gis ^^BitCfij-'Ki-lam-za-ah URUHa-ar-di§-pi """BltCfc^RuL*C bat-ti alani(URUMES)-§u-nu bit(fi) durani(BADMES-ni) 74dannu-ti al-me aksud(KUR-ud) L23* ni§i(UNME§) sisi(AN§E.KUR.RAME§) 75ANSEpari(KUNGAME§) imeri(ANSEMES) alpi(GU4ME§) ti se-e-ni 76ul-tu qer-bi-su-un u-se-sa-am-ma O* ial-la-tis am-nu TT^ alani(URUME§)-sta-nu sehruti(TURME§) ia ni-ba la i-iu-u LiK»5 78 ap-pul aq-qur Lnt 6-§e-me kar-mis VK blt(6) seri(EDIN) kul-ta-ri 79mu-§a-bi-§u-nu i-na dGira(GlS.BAR) aq-rau-ma Ln5 di-tal-li§ 80u-se-me In my second campaign: A§§ur, my lord, encouraged me, and I indeed marched against the land of the Kassites and the land of the Yasubigalli who from old had not been submissive to the kings, my fathers. In the midst of the high mountains I rode on horseback across difficult terrain; and I had my chariot carried up by the tie-bar where it was too steep.

SIME§) 10hur-ia-a-ni ar-de-su-nu-ti-ma L a§-ta-kan utah-ta-su-un L^ alani(URUME§)-su-nu aksud(KUR-ud)-ma L23Y£ ai-lu-la sal-la-sun L1K3:it ap-pul aq-qur i-na dGira(GIS. in which they dwell I burned with fire. foremost of birds.II)-ya na-as-qu-ti Col. cattle.BAR) aq-mu In my fifth campaign: the warriors of Tumuru. Ezama. their fortifications. 11) 75 A2 i-na 5 gir-ri-ya B ba-hu-la-te URt"Tu-mur-ri 76URU§a-(a)-ru-um URUE-za-(a)-ma URU Kib-su URUHal-BU gld-da 77URUQu-u-a URUQa-na sa kima (GIM) qin-ni ari(TU8rUSEN a-sa-red 78issurati(MU§EN.ZA) sup-su-qu i-na sepi(GlR. I counted as spoil. whose abodes like the nest of eagles. horses. The Fifth Campaign (III. Kib§u. (these people) had not been submissive to my yoke. a steep mountain. 75 . Nibur. (and) Bit-Kubatti. I devastated. Qua. And their small cities which are without number I destroyed. Nibur. .II) KURNi-bur ka-ra-ii u-sa-as-kin-ma E8 "ijb-ti L"qur-bu-ti lepI(GiR. Sarun.ZA) a§-ta-am-di-ih 8a-§ar a-na GI§kussi(GU. Hardispi. mules. I pitched niy camp at the foot of Mt. and sheep from their midst I brought out. were set on the peak of Mt. like a strong wild-ox. The cities of Bit-Kilamzah. I. People.IV. took off before them.HA) se-er zuq-ti KURNi-bur gadi(KUR-i) mar-si 79§u-bat-sun sitku-na-at-ma la kit-nu-§u a-na ni-(i)-ri 80 f i-na sepi(GiR. I besieged (and) I captured. (and) Qana.112 Ancient Conquest Accounts Like a wild bull I crashed through. Halbuda. asses. I turned into ruins. And with my chosen body-guard and battle-experienced soldiers. and turned them into ashes. The houses of the steppe. IV 'u (LU)sabi (ERMMES) tahazi(ME)-ya la ga-mi-lu-ti 2a-na-ku kima(GIM) (GU4)rfmi(AM) eq-di pa-nu-ui-iu-un as-bat 3 EA har-ri na-hal-li na-at-bak sadi(KUR-i) me-le-e "War-su-ti i-na GI§kussi(GU.II)-ya a§-tah-hi-it 6 kima(GIM) ar-me E12 a-na zuq-ti sa-qu-(u)-ti se-ru-us-§u-un 7e-li E a-§ar bir-ka-a-a ma-na-ah-tu i-§d-a 8se-er aban(NA4) sadi (KUR-i) u-sib-ma me(AMB§) Ku§na-a-di ka-su-te 9a-na su(um)-me-ya lu as-ti H15 i-na ubanat(SU. the tents. their cities.

The Seventh Campaign (IV. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 113 The difficult ravines and streams of the mountains I traversed in a sedan chair. Wherever my knees found a Gi^(GIS. I sat down on the mountain rock. DUGUD) kab-ti pa-an same(AN-e) rap-su-ti 81u-§ak-ti-im In my seventh campaign: . and carried off their spoil. Where it was too steep for my chair. Their cities I conquered.pul aq.IM. and brought about their defeat. To the summits of the mountains I pursued them. I mounted the high peaks in pursuit of them. I advanced on foot like a young buck (gazelle or mountain goat). 54-81)96 A2 ^i-na 7-e gir-ri-ya d C1 Af3-sur be-li u-tak-kil-an-ni-ma E2 ^a-na mat(KUR) E-lam-ti lu al-Hk URU JJK Bit(fi)-IHa-'i-i-ri 56URURa-ZA-a alani(URUME§) sa mi-sir mat (KUR) As-surkl 57ia i-na tar-si ab!(AD)-ya E-la-mu-u eki-mu da-na-nis 58i-na me-ti-iq gir-ri-ya aksud(KUR-ud) 23ye L as-lu-la sal-la-sun 59 E5 sabi(ERINMES) su-lu-ti-ya u-se-rib qe-reb-iu-un 5 O a-na mi-sir 60mat(KUR) AS-sur* u-tir-ra-ma 2 O qati(SUJI) LUrab(GAL) URUbirti(HAL.BAR) aq-mu) aq-musdfc Lw qu-tur naq-mu-ti-su-nu 80kima(GIM) imbari(MURU9.SU) Deri(BAD.2. I drank cold water from water-skins to quench my thirst. I destroyed. devastated.qur 79i. DINGIR)ki 61am-nu URU F2 + Bu-be-e URUDun-ni-dSamas(UTU) """BittfD-'Ri-ei-ia 62URU Bit(E)-Ah ti*s la. (and) burned with UEUDu-ru "^Dan-nat-'Su-la-a-a ""•"Si-K-ip-tu URU Bit(fi)-IA-su-si URUKar-IZeru(NUMUN)-iqisa(BA-sa) 64URU Blt(E)-(1)Gi-is-si URUBlt(6)-Kat-pa-la-ni URflBit(fi)-IImbi-ia 65URUHa-ma-(a)-nu URUBit(6)-'Ar-ra-bi URUBu-ru-tu ••"""Dim-tii-ga-'Su-la-a-a "^Dim-tu-sa-^MaKDUMU)biti(E)-etir(KAR-ir) 67URUHar-ri-as-la-ke-e URURab-ba-a-a 68URU Ra-a-su URUAk-ka-ba-rT-na ^"TiKDUJ-'IJ-hu-ri 69URUHaam-ra-nu URUNa-di-tu a-di alani(URUM&) 70sa ne-re-bi sa URU Blt(E)-IBu-na-ki URUTil(DU6)-dHu-um-bi 71URUDim-tu-saI Du-me-ilu(DINGIR) "^BmEJ-'U-bi-ia 72URUBa-al-ti-li-sir URU Ta-qab-li-sir 73URU§a-na-qi-da-te URUMa-su-tu-sap-li-ti 74URU Sa-ar-hu-de-ri URUA-lum-sa-GASAN-bIti(6) 75URUBit(E)I Ahhi(PABflES)-idinna(SUM-na) URUIl-te-u-ba 7634 alani (URUME§) dan-nu-ti a-di alani(URUME§) sehruti (TURME§) 77 sa li-me-ti-su-nu sa ni-ba la i-su-u 78al-me aksud(KUR-ud) 23Ye L ai-lu-la ial-la-sun LiKaas ap.

I besieged. Hamanu. Duru. which during the time of my father. Bit-Arrabi. I devastated. Bit-Ubia. Dunni-Samas'. E16A E14A E16 . Bit-Asusi. Akkabarina. 0* . and I carried off their spoil. .114 Ancient Conquest Accounts AJSur. Rasu. the Elamite had seized by force. Burutu. I covered the98face of the wide heavens with the smoke of their conflagration like a heavy fog. E2 . L*t L23Te LM* . Alumsa-GA§AN(Belet or Sarrat?)-biti. encouraged me. Dim-tu§a-Sulaya. TaqabliSir. (The cities of) Bubd. cities on the border of Assyria. . Masutusapliti. Til-Humbi. Naditu together with the cities of the mountain passes of Bit-Bunaki. Bit-Katpalani. HarriaslakS. Hamranu. I caused soldiers. Lima? E6 06 + 02 F2 L2** L23»t L1K315 . I assigned (them) into the hands of the commander of the fort of Der. to enter into their midst. (and) I burned with fire. B ffl E8 EA EA E12 + E H L" Lac5 B E2 . BIt-Imbia. . Bit-Gissi. Sanaqidate. Dim-tu-saDume-ilu. Til-Uhuri. my lord. Baltilislr. Bit-Risia. These episodes can be charted as follows: 2nd Campaign A2 C1 5th Campaign A2 . Dim-tu-sa-Mar-biti-etir. 34 strong cities together with the cities surrounding their environs. I conquered. £3iliptu. Sarhuderi. Ilteuba. I destroyed. my garrison. BitAhhi-idinna. Rabbaya. which were countless. I carried off their spoil. and I (indeed) marched against the land of Elam. Dannat-Sulaya. . I returned them to the border of Assyria. I conquered in the course of my campaign (the cities of) Bit-Ha'iri (and) Raza. Kar-Zeru-iqisa. L1"15 L23" . L*5 7th Campaign A2 C1 . Bft-Ahlame.

.GI aq-mu From the strong cities of the land of Sangibutu I moved on. that was surrounded by two walls.URME§ ta-as-lil-ti-§u-nu i-na dBIL. Siniunak. The beams of their roofs I set on fire.. the fortress of Hundur. which lie at the foot of Mt. Ayyal£. together with thirty towns of their neighborhood.PADME§-§u-nu ma-'a-at-tu ia la ni-i-bi um-ma-ni-ia u-§a-a-kil ^EBUR tuk-lat UNME§-su u upu-e nap-iat bu-li-su ab-ri-is La a-qu-ud-ma Liy ar-bu-ti-i§ME§ ti-sa-li-ka ta-mer-tu-ui 276GI§ KIRI6 -su-nu a-kis-ma L in GI§ MES nR -§ti-nu ak-sit Liv> La nap-^iar GI§gxip-ni-su-nu a-na gu-ru-un-ni ag-ru-un-ma i-na dBIL. and . Ubianda. seven strong cities. and I leveled to the ground. of the tower. uncultivated mountains. Arna. This patterning of the syntagms gives the accounts coherence.2. erected . Sarni. Assyrian Conquest Accounts L"* Lu* Ln* 115 - Lag - Thus one can see the use of stereotyped syntagms in the episodes of the royal annals of Sennacherib. LETTERS TO THE GOD Sargon's Letter to the God98 Lines (269-276) a1 *TAmat MES-ni dan-nu-ti sa m5tSa-an-gi-bu-te at-tu-mus URU 7 E a-na Ar-ma-ri-li-i na-gi-i aq-ti-rib 270URU Bu-bu-zi bir-tu ^"tfu-un-du-ur sa 2 BADMES-ni LIK? la-mu-u pi-i di-im-ti tu-bal-e ma-fci-re ru-uk-ku-su 27IURUAiia_le-e URt)Si-ni-is-pa-la-a URUSi-ni-u-nak URUAr-na URUSar-ni-i m 7 URUMES-ni dan-nu-ti a-di 30 URUME§-ni sa li-meti-su-nu §a i-na §epe(GIR II) ^ti-bi-anda KUR-e na-du-vi 273 se-^er-su-nu ap-pul-ma L0? qaq-qa-res am-nu a? L1 GIS. Bubuzi..GI aq-mu-ma L1 ^ di-tal-li-ii fi-se-mi Ln ' ^^i-ra-a-te-su-nu na-kam-a-ti u-pat-ti-ma L §E.. I approached the district of Armarili. Sinispala. I destroyed in their entirety. while the variation within the episodes prevents monotony. along the moat of the .

All of their tree trunks I gathered into heaps. his god.BA gal-la-ti ti-bi-ik KURME§ GALME§ sa-ad-ru-ma su-us-bu-tu ki-ma us-si 287URUAr-gis-ti-u-na URUQa-al-la-ni-a bi-ra-ti-su dan-na-ate ru-uk-ku-sa bi-ru-u§-§u-un ^^l-en KURAr-si-du u KUR Mah-un-ni-a kak-ka-bis a-sa-ma a-na 4 U§ TA. and Riyar. URU Alu-ar-za URUQi-u-na u^uAl-li-i ^^"Ar-zu-gu URUSik-ka» nu URUAr-diu-nak URUDa-yazu-na UBUGe-e-ta URUBa-a-ni-fu ^"Bir-hi-lu-za URUDee-zi-zu URUDi-li-zi-a URUA-ba-in-dfi URU Du-a-in URUHa-as-ra-na 284URUPa-ar-ra URUA-ya-su-un URU A-ni-as-ta-ni-a URUBal-du-ar-za "^Sar-u-ar-di-i^^Suma-at-tar URUSa-al-zi-i URUAl-bu-u-ri URUSiqar-ra URUU-a-ya-dis la-bi-ru 28630 URUMES-su dan-nu-ti sa i-na a-hi A. the nourishment of its people. and I set on fire. and their great food supplies beyond counting I let my army devour. Their orchards I cut down. (members) of the royal family have their residence.AM . those cities I destroyed.NA atta-bal-kat E7 a-namStA-ya-di aq-ti-rib ^^^An-za-li-a^^rau-a-ya-m^Oa-al-la-ni-a^Bi-it-aiai GA. and their forests I felled. I set on fire like brush. where his brothers. the life of its cattle I burned like brush. and I made its plain like a devastation. and I destroyed his shrine (sanctuary). Lines (280-296) 280 a1 TA matAr-ma-ri-ya-li-i at-tu-mus E9 ^U-i-zu-ku KUR SIM. the city of the house of Rusa's father. Sardure's city. Their overflowing granaries I opened. Seven cities of their neighborhood.MI. (and) I made level to the ground. and whose guard was very strong.116 Ancient Conquest Accounts I made like a flame. The harvest.AB.LI sa si-pik-su NA4DtiR. Lines (277-279) 277 a1'2 i-na me-taq-ti-ya 2 E a-na URUAr-bu URU E AD-iu sa 'Ur-sa-a u URURi-ya-ar URU-§u ia mdXV-dure8 a-Hk 27«7URUME^-ni sa li-me-ti-su-nu sa SE§ME§-su NUMUN Lm LUGAL-ti-su i-na .lib-bi-Su-nu §u-s"u-bu-ma dun-nu-nu ma-sar-tu 279URUME§-ni su-a-tu-nu ap-pul V* qaq-qa-res am-nu La E dHal-di-a DINGIR-su ab-re-e§ a-qu-ud-ma 1K L u-§al-pi-ta sa-a-gi-su On my march I came to Arbu. and the chaff. The house (temple) of Haldi.

Birhiluza. Argistiuna. Arsidu and Mt. Ardiunak. A11J.GI aq-mu I departed from the land of Armariyali. his picked army.. Abaindi. erected among them. Wizuku. its strong fortresses.PADME^ la ni-i-bi um-ma-ni u-M-a-kil M6G1§ m KIRI6ME§-su-nu ak-kis-ma L GI§ TIRME*-su-nu ak-sit Li* La kul-lat GI§gup-ni-su-nu u-pah-her-ma i-na dBIL. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 117 in-na-at-ta-lu SUH-[su-u}n '"^qura-di-su a-sa-re-tu um-ma-ni-§u le-'u-tu ta-ha-zi na-a§ ka-ba-bi as-ma-ri-i tu-kul-ti mati-sti su-lu-u"q<§-reb-sm ^"ki-slt-ti raatAr-mari-ya-li-i na-ge-e i-te-e-su-nu e-mu-ru-ma it-ru-ra i§-da-asu-un 291 URUME§-ni-su-nu it-ti mar-sl-ti-iu-nu u-mas-se-ru-ma GA2 3 G* a-na q6-reb bi-ra-a-ti su-a*-ti*-na ki-ma is-su-re ip-par-iu H ^um-ma-ni ma-'a-at-ta-tu a-na URUMES-ni-su-nu u-§e-li-ma I** Nf G. Sikkanu. and their roof beams I left in flames. whose core is breccia.GA-iu-un 293 BADMES-ni-su-nu dan-nu-ti a-di 87 URUME§-ni sa li-me-tiLiKt §u-nu ap-pul-ma L13? qaq-qa-rel u-§ak-si-id LIK ^^-na fiME§ qer-bi-su-nu dBIL. Dilizia. Arzugu. Siqarra. which rise above Mt. Dezizu.GI u-M-as-bit-ma L1^ GIS. I approached the land of Ayadu. and they fled like birds into the midst of those fortresses. powerful in battle. the juniper mountain. which were lined up on the shore of the 'gallu' sea. Geta. I opened up their well-filled granaries.. and they carried off large quantities of their property. Aniastania. Aluarza. Their strong walls. Duain. §alzi. bearing shield and lance. And . Dayazuna. I set on fire the houses within them. Ayasun. I sent up large numbers of troops against their cities. at the foot of great mountains. I crossed Mt. Mahunnia like stars—their foundations were visible for 240 (. together with 87 towns of their neighborhood I destroyed. the support of his land.§U-iu-nu a-na mu-'u-de-e i§-lu-lu NfG. Qiuna. Kuayin. their goods.) each way—his warriors. their neighboring district. Anzalia. They saw the conquest of Armariyali. Sumattar. Old Uayis—^thirty of its strong cities. I leveled to the ground. Qallania. Their cities they abandoned with their possessions.2. Parra.tJRME§ ta-as-lil-ti-§u-nu di-tal-li-is u-§e-mi Lu ^^i-ra-te-iu-nu na-kam-a-te u-pat-ti-ma Ln §E. Alburi. Balduarza. Hasrana. Baniu. Saruardi. in an uninterrupted row. and their legs trembled. Qallania. Bitaya. were stationed therein.

his mainstay. and their forests I felled. were stationed therein. five strong walled cities. Their orchards I cut down. together with 40 towns of their neighborhood. the scouts (whose task it is to) bring in reports about the countries adjacent to his. Ualtuquya. I took that fortress from the rear. Asapa.GI aq-mu « ^^"Bar-zu-ri-a-ni URU0-al-tu-qu-ya URUQu-ut-ta URUQi-ip-pa L URU Asa-pa-a *°55 E BADMES-ni dan-nu-ti a-di 40 URUMfes-ni sa Ii-m4ti-su-nu i-na dBIL.GI aq-mu From Ayadi I departed. I set on fire. Qallania. which was stronger than any other of his fortresses. Barzuriani. and I set on fire. I crossed the rivers Alluria. I slaughtered its warriors in front of its gate like lambs. All their tree trunks I gathered.GAL-iu ki-ma as-le u-nap-pi-is 3033lS i« KIRI6ME§-su ak-§it-ma L GI§ TIRMES-su ak-kis L in La kul-lat gup-ni-§u nak-su-ti u-paj^-her-ma i-na dBIL.NAMMES-§u a-di ki-is-ri-Sunu i-na lib-bi u-§e-li-ma it-ti BAD-§u dan-nu mun-dah-se u-§al-mi L* ^sa URUbir-ti su-a-ti ku-tal-la-M ak-iu-ud Lt) Linp qu-ra-di-§u i-na IGI KA. And he surrounded the combat troops with strong walls. (and) Innayya. and I set (them) on fire. his great fortress. He manned it with his governors together with their troops. his fortification.118 Ancient Conquest Accounts food beyond counting I let my army devour. I gathered all of its severed tree trunks. Its orchards I cut down. Qippa. Lines (297-305) a1 ^TA m"A-ya-di at-tu-mu§ M E6 Al-lu-ri-a ^Qa-al-la-ni-a MIn-na-aiai f DME§ e-te-bir 7 E ^a-na URUU-a-ya-is na-gi-i tuk-la-te-iu ie-pit mi-is-ri ia mat Ur-ar-ti ia pat-ti mitNa-'i-ri aq-ti-rib ^"^U-a-ya-is URU dan-nu-ti-iu bir-tu-iu GAL-tu ia UGU G-2 kul-lat bira-a-te-su dun-nu-na-at-ma nu-uk-ku-lat ep-sees-sa *>oLuERfNMEs ti-duki-iu ek-du-ti L°da-aiai-li mu-seri-bu te-em KUR. Qutta. on the lower border of Urartu (and) on the border of Nairi.KURME§ lim<§-ti-iu §u-gu-bu qer-bu-uS-su 301LU EN. These lines can be charted as follows: . I drew near to the district of Uayis. its forests I felled. The city of Uayis. and whose workmanship was well performed—his powerful battle troops.

This iterative scheme is not limited only to cases in which combat is present. M 7 E4 . Assyrian Conquest Accounts 269-276 a1 277-279 a1-2 E2 . - 119 E7 L1K5 L1* L»? Ln* L11 L" La L» Lia Ln» La - LB {L'«} . . .2. The following chart demonstrates this through a scansion of some lines which contain descriptions of submissions: 31-36 E4 p« E2 M 37-38a 38b-41 306-308 a1 - E . - Lx . . L1** Lnt 280-296 a> E« ET G41 G42 G*» H L2* L** L1* Ln* Ln< L" L" 297-305 a1 E» E7 G2 . but also in cases of submission and the paying of tribute. LiiV Lin L* . L1* LQ - Lin La U* The use of stereotyped syntagms in the episodes of Sargon's Letter to the God is evident. . The employment of this patterning of the syntagms in a different literary type (Letter to the God) demonstrates that the usage is not confined to the 'annals' alone. F1 M E7 E2 M .

early and later military activities tend to be condensed into one geographically. but not chronologically.KUR) Na-i-ri mStHab-hi mSt Su-ba-re-e u matNi-rib kima(GIM) dAdad(I§KUR) ra-hi-si eli(UGU)-su-nu as-gu-um 10 L2T §ar4 M istu(TA) e-bir-tan MIdiglat(HAL. This type of inscription is usually much shorter than any edition of the royal annals.120 Ancient Conquest Accounts SUMMARY OR DISPLAYTEXTS99 The texts in this category are commemorative inscriptions without episodic narration.HAL) a-di KUBLabna-na u tamti(AAB.HLAME§) matati(KUR. but do manifest many of the other rhetorical devices used in the Assyrian military accounts. especially as it was often inscribed upon a surface with limited space.HLAME§) mitLu-ul-lu-me-e 8rapsate(DAGAL)MES ina qe-reb tam-ha-ri ina GI§kakke(TUKULMES) lu tisam-qit C1 ina re-su-te sa dSa-mas 9u dAdad(ISKUR) ilani(DINGIRME§) tik-li-a I ummanat(ERiN. such as a commemorative stela or a slab. For this reason. coherent narrative.TA) a-di ^TiKDU^-ba-a-ri ia el-laan mMZa-ban istu(TA) uruTfl(DU6)-sa-ab-ta-a-niKUR unTfl(DU6)a-di sd-Za-ab-da-a-ni 13uruyi-ri-mu umHa-ru-tu bi-ra-ca-te ia mat Kar-du-ni-as ana mi-is-ri mati-a 6-ter O* istu(TA) KURne-rib-sa KURBa-bi-te a-di InitHas-mar Ha-nca nisi (UKUME§) mati(KUR)-ya am-nu . The following Summary Texts illustrate this point. A§sur-nasir-pal II (The 'Standard' Inscription)100 a2 + C1 e-nu-ma GI§ Assur belu(EN) na-bu-u 7slumi(MU)-ya mu-sar-bu-vi sar4-ti-a kakka(TUKUL)-su la pa-da-a a-na i-da-at belu(EN)-ti-a lu-6 it-muh L'*p ummanati(ERIN. When military campaigns are included in the narration.BA) rablte(GAL-te) mStLa-qe-e ana si-hirti-sa mMSu-hi a-di uruRa-pi-qi ana §epe(GlR II)-su n6-§ixk-niw-sa L^ istuCTA) res(SAG) e-ni wSu-ub-na-at a-di matU-ra-xar-ti qat(SU)-su iksud(KUR-ud) O5 istu(TA) KURne-re-be M mMKir-ru-ri a-di mMGil-za-ni12icstu (TA) e-bit-tan HZa-ba supale(KI. Summary or Display Texts do not witness the iterative scheme.

The king who subdued at his feet (the area) from the opposite bank of the Tigris to Mount Lebanon and the Great Sea.UN) ma-da-tu 6a-na arkat(EGIR) u4-me eli(UGU)su-nu lu u-kin 2 lim biltu(GU. the cities of Hirimu.AME§) karase(KARASME§) lu ad-ki ana '""Hat-te alaka(GIN-ra) lu aq-bi ina istet(DIS-et) satti(MU. but there is also the usual hyperbole. from Til-Sha-Abtani to Til-Sha-Zabdani. In the lands over which I ruled I appointed my governors. Adad-nirari III (The Tell Al Rimah Stela)101 D E a2 L2T O1 Me 4GI§ M narkabati(TUKULME§) sabe(ERfN. the destroyer. He conquered from the source of the Subnat River to Urartu.UN) parzillu(AN. They did obeisance. from the opposite bank of the Lower Zab to the city of Til-Bari which is upstream from Zaban.BABBAR) 1 lim biltu(GU. Not only are a number of common syntagms employed in the narrative. Assyrian Conquest Accounts O2 0* 121 ina matati(KUR. I thundered like Adad. the Shubare. against the armies of the lands of Nairi. the entire lands of Laqe (and) Suhi including the city of Rapiqu.UN) kaspu(KU. Habhi. With the aid of Samas and Adad. my divine helpers. UN) eru 2 lim biltu(GU. entrusted his merciless weapon in my lordly arms. and Nirib. I counted as people of my land (the inhabitants) from the pass of Mount Babite to Mount Hashmar. I felled with the sword in the midst of battle the wide-spread troops of the Lullume. Harutu.AN-ti) ^"AmurrutMAR.BAR) 73 lim lu-bulti bir-me u TUGkite (GADAME§) ma-da-tu sa 'Ma-ri-'i sa mat lmeri-su im-hur Wda-tu sa !Ia-'a-su m5tSa-me-ri-na-a-a In4tSur-a-a m"Si-duna-a-a 9im-hur . fortresses of Karduniash (Babylonia).HI.KURME§) §a a-pi-lu-si-na-ni L°sak(GAR)-nute-ya al-ta-kan ur-du-ti u-pu-su When Aisur. I annexed within the borders of my land (the area) from the passes of Mount Kirruru to the land of Gilzanu.2.™*1 mStHat-te a-na si-feir-ti-s^ ina sepe(GIR IIMES)-ya lu u-sak-niS biltu(GU. the lord who called me by name (and) made my kingship great.

2 E ana tam-tim rabite(GAL-te) sa sul-me d§am-ii lu a-lik P' sa-lam belu(EN)-ti-ya 10ina ""Ar-ma-di sa qabal(MUR) tamtim lu-u az-qu-pu E12 ana ^Lab-na-ni nlu e-li 3 GlS R gusure(UR) 1 me GI§e-ri-ni dan-nu-te hi-si-ih-ti ekalli(E. CONCLUSION Through our analyses. or even 'half a year'. He received the tribute of la'asu the Samaritan. (and) I erected a stela of my royal self in the city of Arvad which is in the midst of the sea.KUR)-ya 12lu ak-kis M ma-da-te sa sarrani(SAR4MES-ni) sa "^Na-'i-ri kale(MES)-sunu lu-u im-hur I marched to the great sea where the sun sets. This inscription has been identified as a 'summary inscription'.122 Ancient Conquest Accounts I mustered (my) chariots. material needed for my palace and temples. Moreover. other rhetorical devices are employed in them so that their figurative nature is very clear. 3000 multi-colored garments and (plain) linen garments as tribute from Mari'103 of the land of Damascus. occurs earlier in the inscriptions of Samsu-iluna and in the Akkadian version of Suppiluliuma's treaty with Mattiwaza (BoST 8. He (sic) received 2000 talents of silver. 2000 talents of iron. He received tributes from all the kings of Nairi.105 It telescopes all the wars in the west into one 'single year'—a figure also employed in the Sheikh Hammad stela. (and) I cut down timbers: 100 mature cedars. In particular. troops and camps. I imposed tribute and tax for future days upon them.106 A similar figure of quick victory in 'one single year'. we have been able to reveal some of the ideological and literary structures underlying Assyrian history writing. I climbed the Lebanon mountains.107 While the Summary Texts do not evince an iterative scheme in the narrative. I ordered (them) to march against Hatti-land. 14:46).104 of the Tyrian (ruler). we have demonstrated that stereotyped . GAL) ekurrati(E. 1000 talents of copper. they do use many of the stereotyped syntagms. In a single year:102 I made the entire lands of Amurru and Hatti kneel at my feet. and of the Sidonian (ruler).

of the relentless efficacy of the action of the Assyrian king both in its operative aspects (whether in his bellicose. The monotonous iteration of the typical syntagms instilled in the ancient public a sense of forced anticipation of the obvious outcome of the event itself. the basic sequence is E -» GH -* IL -* M. and then submits. Assyrian Conquest Accounts 123 syntagms are utilized as components to build up the text's transmission code. The decisive moment. in turn. and thus the basic sequence is: E -» M. therefore. 3) Through flight. produces a 'high-redundance message' expressing the ideology of the inscriptions. 2) the antagonist decides to face the Assyrian king. Our analysis has revealed some of the narrative's literary structures. the basic sequence is: E -*• IL-M. The patterning of syntagms produces an 'iterative scheme' which. This submission can be obtained in three ways: 1) the antagonist decides immediately that it is convenient to submit. The enemy has brought about disorder and chaos. The real sense of a campaign is to be found in its desire for the restoration of order. Furthermore. The these can be graphically summed up as follows:108 . Thus the figurative nature of these accounts is heavily reinforced.2. this code provides the trellis for the historical account. righteousness and life. and hence. and is irreparably defeated. is set in function M: the submission of all the surrounding minor political centers to the Assyrian king. destructive nature or in his economicacquisitive nature) and in its institutional implications. the antagonist endeavors to evade submission or combat but nevertheless is caught. and made to submit. and the Assyrian king must reinstate order. The use of syntagmic patterning in the narration of each campaign—whatever its level of awareness—reflects the Assyrian concept of a girru (campaign). defeated.

the actual combat (I) is normally passed over. while the journey to the place of combat (E) is always present and often connotated. whatever happens. but for the enemies. there is a substantial difference between the fate of the enemy who resists and is suppressed (L1) and that of the enemy who submits and is granted his life.) within the same text. as well as in texts from different kings from different periods and from different genres.e. while others appear less frequently and are only briefly expounded. Thus. etc. This disparity among the functions demonstrates what was considered to be more or less significant for the attainment of the objectives (whether of persuasion or deterrence and/or celebration). the return journey (Q) is practically ignored.110 The fact that this configuring can be observed in different episodes with different historical referents (i. the Assyrians always obtain the material goods. The wide selection of inscriptions investigated shows that there was a common transmission code which was characteristic of the Assyrian royal inscriptions. Its employment in such different categories as Sargon's Letter to the God and the dedication text of the Kurba'il statue demonstrates that the usage is not confined to the 'Annals' alone. Or again. While the Summary/Display Texts do not show the iterative scheme (due to their lack of episodic narration). The Annals were configured and promulgated with these objectives in view. it is far more convenient to submit than futilely offer resistance. geographical locations. But some differences do exist (especially for the enemy) based on the manner of his submission. different characters.124 Ancient Conquest Accounts The fact that all three ways lead inevitably to the same outcome demonstrates that—from the Assyrian point of view— the object in whatever case is attained. they do evince these same ideological and literary structures as found in the other Assyrian texts. argues for the legitimacy of syntagmic valency. . For example. regnal years.109 Within the episodes several functions are constantly present and more detailed. While there is similarity between the listings of booty (L266) and the listings of tribute (M68). while the subsequent massacre (L1) is incessantly described.

and 2) the self-presentation of individual kings.6 These forms have 'an interest in history* beyond any religious expression that the text might also contain. Some of these contributions have been interested in the Hittites' 'sense of history*. Annelies Kammenhuber argued that there was a 'historical sense* among the Haitians and Hittites that can be documented from an early period. Nothing could be farther from the truth.Chapter 3 HITITTE CONQUEST ACCOUNTS1 By stressing the scientific character of their work.2 There have been a number of contributions to the study of Hittite history writing.G. gratuitous to speak of a praiseworthy *historischer Sinn' of the Hittites. which was clearly superior to the concepts of the neighboring contemporary .8 Moreover. Thus she understands Hittite history writing as being far superior to Israelite history writing since it. she concluded that Hittite history writing 'strictly speaking* ('im engeren Shine*) is found in only two forms: 1) 'ehronikliteratur'. historians of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have conveyed the impression that what they have written is strictly scientific and literally so. For example. It seems to me. therefore. Most of these have taken a generic approach being concerned chiefly with classification of the texts. was primarily concerned with ethic and eschatology.7 Hoffner strongly criticizes this idea pointing out the similarities between the Hittite and Mesopotamia!! views. like that in Mesopotamia.4 She believed that this *Hattian-Hittite historical sense' was superior to the Sumerian and Babylonian "historical sense* because the latter lacked any real sense of history as such. Guterbock's comprehensive work3. One prime example of this method is H.

is not a single uniform View* of history writing held by the Hittites. Such studies often assume that there was continuity and development in the civilization so that concepts of 'truth' and 'historical consciousness' are traceable. but not in Mesopotamia. therefore. but many individual viewpoints held by some of the Hittites who undertook to write down portions of their past as they conceived it. For instance. Erzahlformen). But the work is again damaged by Cancik's presuppositions and generalizations concerning other ancient Near Eastern history writing.11 Finally.18 M. Liverani has published an article which disputes the *prima lettura' understanding of the treaty between Suppiluliuma and SunaSSura (Kizzuwatna). objective and unbiased. Cancik compared Hittite and Old Testament prose on the basis of a historiographic narrative style (Erzahlstrukturen.10 Liverani also makes an important point: Hittite history writing is not impartial. 1.126 Ancient Conquest Accounts peoples and which one must attribute to the symbiosis between Haitians and Indo-European Hittites.15 Thus in Liverani's opinion.9 He concludes that there was a similar degree of historical consciousness and notions of causality in Hittite and Israelite history writing. The Hittites used the occasion of the treaty to send a message destined for the Hurrians. Kizzuwatna. Cancik's exploration of 'historical truth* in the Hittite texts. this type of approach is plagued from the start by numerous problems. was exploit ed for the purpose of establishing a communication between the Hittites and the Hurrians. While many of his observations are helpful.12 The analysis of Cancik of particular texts (such as Murslli II's annals) is very helpful. Kizzuwatna had no real choice. a few works have attempted to understand Hittite historiographic techniques. and by his thesis concerning the direct influence of Hittite historiography on Israelite and Greek history writing. I. It is highly selective (like any history writing) making precise moral evalua- .10 But Hoffher correctly counters: What we may learn.30-31) is expressive of a formula of reciprocity used in relationships of subordination. 1.8 Another illustration of this type of work can be seen in H.17-18 and I. therefore.14 He argues that the symmetry in the treaty (col.

This point of view is usually quite different in different cultures and in different ages. Hittite Conquest Accounts 127 tions and presenting the data in a positive or negative light. This pattern is a public one (i. a veritable mythical age. the pattern is a characteristic of the 'edict of reform. It would seem. our manner of organizing it does.e. It is a blatant use of propaganda.. Hittite historical texts were written from a particular Tendenz}1 This is important because it is too often assumed by ancient Near Eastern and biblical scholars that Tiistory' is objective reporting and that 'political propaganda* is tendentious reporting.' It is not a coherent structure that we 'find' embedded within the mass of 'facts/ and it is always constructed from a particular point of view.19 Liverani has also looked at the Proclamation of Telipinu. The happy past is pushed back into a more remote past. but the subject seems to have moved one step further in the sequence. all the hopes you had are fulfilled beginning from now'. between the king and his subjects). The sequence of qualities of time is: 'good* -»*bad' -* 'good'. But a *narrative* is a form of explanation that imposes a structure or a pattern on the 'facts.'20 Hence. The phase of corruption and chaos is over (i. a veritable mythical age (the kingship of'Labarna') and since he . therefore. just finished. the political authority arranges for his subjects a rotation of one degree in their existential cycle. moved from the present to a nearby past.e. while the second stage of order and prosperity is moved ahead from the future to the present). that the cycle had undergone a rotation of one degree. In this pattern. Furthermore. Whether the rotation really takes place (apart from an initial enthusiasm) or not. the characteristic qualities of time are viewed in terms of a 'rotation'.. In short.19 He argues that the underlying pattern of the text is the pattern of the 'restorer of order'.3. So while the past might not change. it establishes contact between two different groups: namely. Telipinu's rotation is of the make-believe type21 since he has pushed back the happy past into a more remote past. is another matter. and its function of ideal model of a corrected situation is underscored. In this text. Telipinu terms himself a 'restorer of order' and conveys in essence a message of this type: The negative present in which all of you used to live is over beginning now.

HrnTTE IDEOLOGY: Feeling a little vengeful Today? Very little has been written on the subject of Hittite ideology. our interest are primarily in the literary and ideological structures which undergird the Hittite accounts. Goetze. but did not derive all Hittite historiography from edicts. He emphasizes that he only spoke of historical texts which have the form of edicts. Gtiterboek has recently readdressed the subject. He points out that the 'umma' formula 'puts the historical accounts on the same level as any other pronouncement of the king'. H. In this chapter we will not attempt to offer a survey of Hittite historical texts nor will we endeavor to classify them according to genre. As in the previous chapter. Most of these contributions have taken some sort of generic connection with a strengthening of the royal Despot and the solidarity between the king and the immediate family of the royal house. but its seems that the tendency to press on further to the southeast remained alive in them'.G. For example.128 Ancient Conquest Accounts proclaims the introduction of a mechanism for the succession to the throne which was already in use.22 Finally. we will investigate the literary and ideological aspects in the writing of their history.23 He reevaluates some of the earlier work and attempts to offer a new survey of the Hittite historical texts. Other studies have already worked hard on accomplishing these things.25 Gurney . although a few have been interested in the Hittites' 'sense of history*. Thus Liverani sees in the Proclamation of Telipinu the final request of the old panku. We will also carry out syntagmic analysis on numerous Hittite historical accounts in order to demonstrate the simulated nature of these accounts.24 This fact observed by Guterbock is important because it shows that formulae are not necessarily always indicators of literary type or genre. A. he clarifies his earlier statements concerning the use of the 'umma' formula. proposed a model to explain Hittite expansionist ideology: 'At the Taurus the stream of immigrants came to a halt. writing in 1928. In our probe into Hittite history writing.

both of the Old and New Kingdoms. a true sport of kings'.28 Furthermore. The challenge of invasion and suffering called forth a furious . Gurney states: The phraseology of the early texts. no doubt. is the under lying economic cause which explains the early Hittite expansion and especially the direction that it took'.27 Gurney. explain the onward expansion into Syria and the Babylonian adventure. and acquire dominion over distant territories: 1). A geographic-economic basis. suggests that those old kings saw no further than this.26 Their ideology was a type of 'manifest destiny*. Hittite Conquest Accounts 129 feels that in this sentence we see an attempt 'to explain Hittite imperialism in terms of almost natural causes: the Hittites were like an irresistible flood which no dam could hold*. Expansion for its own sake. rejects this view of Hittite ideology arguing that *Hittite history is the history of a city-state and its rulers. The fact that both Mesopotamia and Anatolia are lacking in indispensable raw materials and that Syria possessed the ports to allow access to trade to acquire these materials meant that the possession of Syria assured supremacy in the world in antiquity. that for them expansion was an ideology in its own right. The motive of vengeance.33 3). For Gurney this was a major driving force in the Hittite imperialistic ideology. not a tribe which saw its kismet in an empire ruling all Anatolia and Syria'.3. with the frequent simile of the 'raging lion'. while it is true that successive kings are said to have 'made them borderlands of the sea* and that this refrain is even repeated in a prayer. expand their boundaries. according to Gurney. to conquer their neighbors. H. Otten seems to understand Hittite ideology in this way stating: 'the attainment of maritime boundaries was the natural goal of Hittite power from the earliest times'. however.31 Thus Gurney concludes: 'Here. this view that the Hittites believed it to be their natural fate to have maritime boundaries does not. In the fourteenth century the natural drive to control the wealth of Syria was intensified by the motive of vengeance.29 Thus for Gurney there are three bases for Hittite imperialistic30 ideology which explain what impelled the Hittite kings.32 2).

Guterbock points out that there is evidence for contact between central Anatolia and Mari at this time so that the use of the Babylonian type of script is not really a problem at all. Mezzulla (and) all of the gods ran before me > There are numerous Hittite conquest accounts which included more than one episode or campaign. this spilled over into the dissemination of their imperialism for the Hittites (according to Gurney) maintained their 'characteristic humanity.130 Ancient Conquest Accounts response and a determination to emulate the ancient kings. Apparently. some have assumed that Anitta and his father Pithana were not Hittites. but Hattic (or protohittite)37 and that the language originally used in the work was Hattic and later translated into Old Hittite. However. Suppiluliuma and his successors felt that the gods were on their side in avenging the wrongs that had been done to them. my lady. sense of justice and respect for the gods' so that their 'overlordship was generally acceptable'. The preambles to the treaties harp on the 'sins' that had been committed by neighbouring kings. Gurney points out that it was not a limitless expansionist ideology. a few observations are in order. their violation of oaths and other insulting behaviour.88 LITERARY STRUCTURES 'And the sungoddess ofArinna.which betrays them as translations.38 Furthermore. Neu points out in his new edition that translations from Hattic are always marked by a certain awkwardness (Holprigkeit). but in light of the much recent discussion concerning this text. The word Ttattawatar'Vengeance* appears significantly in the account of a campaign against Isuwa. The earliest text which we will examine which fits this qualification is the Anitta Text.36 It is too fragmentary to subject to a full syntagmic analysis. Retaliation followed as of right. E. my lord. Since the Babylonian type of script was employed in the extant copy.34 While these were the grounds of the Hittite imperialistic ideology.39 .and that the Anitta text does not manifest any of these. The Hittite kings were in many ways realists because they knew where to stop. the mighty stormgod.

First. the imperative 'speak*. Such assessments are a bit premature. king of Mari. and the narrative continues after this.44 Van Seters runs with this idea. it may be noted that the text has the appearance of being a compilation of various earlier texts and inscriptions. References to military campaigns and to temple building are known from inscriptions of the time of Shamshi-Adad I and Yahdun-lim. Yet it may be this rather unartistic46 compilation that ultimately gave rise to the Hittite annals. Several features of this text may also be found in Assyrian royal inscriptions. and title followed apparently by 'qibi'.43 But this mention of an inscription comes very early in the text. as though the author had added the accounts of the most important events to an existing short text. near contemporaries of Anitta. Also.3. to remember that the text states tha it was inscribed on the gate (common in Mesopotamia and Anatolia). patronymic. it may not be fair to judge the text as an 'unartistic compilation'. Hittite Conquest Accounts 131 Hoffner concludes: 'there is no cogent reason to exclude this text from the corpus of Hittite historical texts'. The last part of the text seems to be a rather haphazard collection of royal deeds. Here it42 almost sounds as if the command were addressed to Anitta! It is important. since it only consists of his name. stating: On closer examination. If indeed the text was a compilation of inscriptions it would be easier to explain its form in terms of Mesopotamian antecedents. This is indicated most clearly by the reference to a royal inscription containing the words of the first part of the account (lines 33-35). . which is common in letters but makes little sense without saying 'to whom* the reader should speak.. however. While it is probably true that the Anitta text has utilized other sources in the composition. two sets of curses follow two accounts of military campaigns. however. the fragmentary nature of the text does not allow us to know enough of the narrative to make such evaluations as Tiaphazard* or 'primitive compilation*. even though the events are not clearly dated.40 Guterbock notes that the Anitta text is one of two exceptions to the usual opening which employs the 'urnma' formula:41 Its introduction is still a crux. What is exceptional is the way in which various inscriptional accounts have been combined to give the appearance of a primitive annals text..

Also the mentioning of 'All the lands from Zalpuwa from the sea' (lines 31-32. king of Hatti. c[ame]' (Ihie 36) which seems to link to LUGAL Hfaat-ti:: 'king of Hattf (line 14). The Anitta Text is a very interesting work which hopefully someday we will be able to completely understand.47 But obviously a document from the time which the Anitta Text purports to come is not gping to be on the same level of development in historiographic technique as say the Annals of Murslli II. and in the inclusion of events from the reign of the author's immediate predecessor. and finally the descriptions of the building activities and the hunt (lines 55-63) are in between the two campaigns against Salatiwara (52-54 and 6467). A — Spatio-Temporal Coordinates A2 MU-on-ra-ma :: In the following year* A2 ma-afy-fya-an-ma foa-me-eS-fya-an-za :: 'So when it became spring* A2 nam-ma :: 'Meanwhile // At that same time* A2 nam-ma a-pi-e-da-ni MUU :: Then that very same year' A1-2 ^[nam-ma dUTK EGI]R-/xz ti-wa-nu-un :: "[After this. 39ft). the Kalkaens came' . came back again' A2 "lu-uk-kat-ti-ma :: 'On the next day1 B — Disorder *°!§A KUR araTur-mi-it-ta-mu ™Ka-a8-ka-aS ku-u-ru-ri-ya-afy-ta :: The Kaskaens of the region of Turmitta made war with me' nu-mu xxx3lnam-ma amKafaS-kafaS ti-it-pit:: "Furthermore. Syntagmic Analysis Syntagms of the Hittite Texts These are roughly the syntagmic functional equivalents to the Assyrian functions previously discussed. and the taking of the accursed cities 'in the night by force* (lines 18. Also the use of historical retrospect can be observed in the narrative by the use of the adverbs 'kam* and\appjezziyancC :: 'previously* and *but later* (lines 39-42).48). the two curses48 may be as a dividing technique utilized to produce symmetry within the accounts. That there are links between sections is apparent from phrases like ta-aan nam-ma ^i-i-u-us-ti-is LUGAL £m*]Ha~at-ti u-[ :: Tor a second time then Piyusti.132 Ancient Conquest Accounts Second. my sun.

GAL EN-YApa-ro-a fta-an-da-an-da-a-tar te-ik-kuuS-Sa-nu-ut :: the mighty stormgod. [my lady]. and uwa. my lord.HI. Arinnanda' B1 nu-mu ERfN. went to it (the region)' //1 marched' Main verbs = iyannai. the storm god of the go'. (and) all the gods ran before me' nu-uS-Si DINGIR. the storm god of march'.KUR. Mezzulla.ME§ ni-ni-in-ku-un :: 1 mustered troops and charioteers' E — Move from place to place 32 nu-u$-$i dUT" pa-a-un //i-ya-an-ni-ya-nu-un :: 1.KUR anPi-e$-fyu-ru-u$ 3 ME-jya ti-ya-at:: 'And I positioned myself behind Palhuissa (in order to) fight (against) the enemy of the city of Pishuru' .ME§ U-UL pi-eS-ki-it:: 'and they were not giving me troops (as an act of rebellion)' C — Divine Aid C 16nu-za 4U NER.ME§ AN§U.GAL EN-YA ^e-iz-zu-ul-la-aS DINGIR. and Istar of the Battlefield' D — Gathering of Troops 8 nu-za ERfN.ME§ kat-ta-an ti-i-e-er :: 'And the gods stood by him' C2 ["UTU araTUL-na] MU anlfa-at-ti dU KI.3.ME§fyu-u-ma-cm-te-eSpi-raran hu-i-e-ir :: 'and the sungoddess of Arinna.RA. my sun.: 'and struck the land of Arzawa' ^U-uh-fya-Uti-na.A-YA I*u8-ki-it:: *My army saw the meteor* nu ^kal-mi-Sa-na-aS pa-it:: 'And the meteor went' 19 nu KUR araAr-za-u-wa GUL-afy-ta . Hittite Conquest Accounts 133 nu KUR a"'Tur-mi-it-ta GUL-an-ni-ii-ki-u-an da-[a-i$l :: 'and began to attack the region of Turmitta' nu KUR UGU Sa-ra-a da-a-aS :: 'and seize (and plunder) the Upper Land' nu-za-kdn MA-ri-in-na-an-cla-an e-ip-pir :: 'and they occupied come' F — Presence nu GIM-a/i I-NA MLa-wa-Sa a-ar-fyu-un :: 'and as I arrived at Mt. my lord.BAD ^TAR LIL:: '[the sun goddess of Arinna. Lawasa' nu-mu-uS-Sa-an I-NA anPal-hu-iS-8a EGIR-an LU. gi-nu-uS-Su-uS &$e-e$-ta :: IThhaziti fell on (his) knees' na-aS ir-ma-li-ya-at-ta-at:: 'and became ill' C1 nu-mu dUTU araA-ri-in-na 39[GA§A2V-FA] dU NER. the mighty stormgod. showed his godly miracle' "nu **kal~mi-$a-na-an Si-ya-a-it:: *He hurled a meteor' nu ^kal-mi-Sa-na-an am-me-el KARAlS. pai.

A§.KUR.ME§ mHa-li-la-a§ ^"Du-ud-du-ug-ka-ag-Sa e-Sir na-aS GUL-un :: 'and I attacked Halila and Dudduska which were major cities of the Kaskaens' no-em dUTU*' ME-yo-nu-un // za-afy-fyi-ya-nu-un:: 'And I. Piyama-KAL.A§.ME§ AN§U.ME§ me-na-afy-fya-an-dapara-a na-e§-ta:: '(but) he sent his son. the son of Uhhaziti.R]Amrf EGIR-on-da H-i-ya-nu-un :: then I. sent troops and charioteers after him' nam-ma-an EGTR-an-pit AS-BAT :: Then I pursued him' I — Combat nu §A ™Ka-aS-ka ku-i-e-eS SAG. together with troops and charioteers to engage me' na-aS-mu nam-ma za-afy-fyi-ya**me-n&<tf}-fya-an-datJ-UL ti-it:: lie did not come against me to fight' na-an-Sa-an nam-ma U-U[L ti-e-mi-ia-zi]:: *but again he did not [engage] him' nu-mu ERfN. my sun.ME§ KUR.134 F1 Ancient Conquest Accounts "ma-afy-fya-an-ma LU.RA.A§.ME§ mAz-zi a-u-e-ir URU.KUR.HLA BADkdn ku-it za-afy-fyi-ya-az**kat-ta da-aS-ki-u-wa-an te-efy-fyu-un::-UN:: 'When the people of the city of Azzi saw that fighting (their) strong cities I subjugated them' "Va-ofc-fclo-a/i-ma KUR mKa-aS-ka §A ^Ha-li-la U &A mDu-ud-du-uS-ka ffar-ni-in-ku-u-ar"[tf-fla-ma-atf-to :: *But when the land of Kafika heard of the destruction of Halila (and) Dudduska' nu-za BAD KARA§ "I-NA "As-tar-pa wa-afy-nu-nu-un:: 1 pitched camp at the river Astarpa' nu-mu *C7$-$a-LU-tff tj-UL ma-az-zarai-ta :: 'and Uhhaziti could not withstand me' ""[nu-uS-fo-an iTa<~pa-l&zu-na}'U-li$ ku-ii DUMU 'lf-a^-§a-LTJ INA ""Pu-rcwui-da Se-ir e-eSta ^[na-aS na-afy-8ar-ri-ya-a]t-ta-at :: Tapalazunauli.DU. who was in Puranda. was afraid' nu KUR >mKa-aS-ka fyu-u-ma-an an-da wa-ar-H-eS-Se-eS-ta :: the entire land of the Kaskaens came together to help' ^[na-at-mlu M&-ya ti-it:: '[and] came against me for battle' nu-mu-kdn 'SUM-ma^KAL-ara DUMU4l723QA-I)l7ERfN.A§. MES ory[ pi-ra-an ar-fya par-8e-ir] :: '[And the troops of Huwarsanasanassa] and the troops of [ fled before me]' nu KUR-e-on-20 tyt-u-ma-an-za URU.ME§ mIju-wa-ar-Sa-na-Sa-na-aS-Sd\ "U ERfN.KUR. my sun.HLA BAD 37EGIRpa e-ip-pir :: *(But) the whole country withdrew to the fortress towns' F3 G — Flight G41 G2 G"3 G43 H — Pursuit [nu-uS-Si dUTli ERfN""1 AN§U. fought against it (the entire land)' ^[na-an-kdn an-da} fya-at-ki-ei-nu-nu-un :: 'And I pressed against it' 74 .

= take'] L2' = }R-af}-ta-at :: 1 subjugated' tfR-natffy).JHI. to PN' P —Acts of Celebration nu-za EZEN MUa a-pi-ya i-ya-nu-un :: 'and I celebrated the New-year festival there' ..= 'subjugatel L21 = te-efy-fyu-un :: 1 subjugated' [dot. Asharpaya empty (of humanity)* L13 = BA.:: lie died' nu '[°KUR] 9pa-an-ga-ri-it BA..KUR.RA.UG6 // BA.ME§ &U-TIINA [§A..ME&-o£ kat-ta-an ^fya-a-li-ya-an-da-at:: 'And they bowed themselves down at (my) feet' O — Consequences O* na-as-za ERfN.ME§ NA-RA-RU tar-afy-fyu-un :: '(So) I conquered the auxiliary troops of the landofKaska' L2 = IK-8U-UD :: *He captured' *nu |UKUR anKa-a8-kapa-a-an-ku-un EREM.ME§ AN§U. he met in [the country]' LnT = da-afy-fyu-un :: 1 took (as captives)'[do.= 'subdue'] L20 = fyulliya.BAD :: '(so that) the en[emy] died in multitudes' L2 = acquisition L*5 = tarafyfyun:: 1 conquered' "[nu-za §AK]UR mKaS-ka ERIM.KUR-T7] 'IK-SU-UD:: '(But) the Kaska enemy..BAD // akii.A i-ya-nu-un :: 'And I made them troops and charioteers' 01 ^[nu-mu EI&NME&jpi-ei-ki-u-an da-a-ir:: '[And] (again) they began to provide [me troops]' 02 nu-kdn ERlN..3.MES aSandulanni dalafyfyun :: 1 garrisoned troops' O6 nu KUR .to overturn' M — Submission na-at-mu GtR. Hittite Conquest Accounts u 135 \na-atiDa-pa-la-zu-na-wa-li-i\ri KA&-& EGIR-an-da ta-ma-aS-Sir :: 'And they pressed Tapalazunauli on the road from behind' L — Outcome of Combat L1 = destruction L1'' = na-an-kdn ku-e-nu-un :: 1 defeated it' L13 =fyar-ni-in-ku-un:: 1 destroyed' Lu = wa-ar-nu-nu-un :: 1 burned' ^""IfaKi-to-an-ma aruDu-ud-du-u8-ka~an-an ar-fya waar-nu-nu-un :: 1 completely burned down Halila (and) Dudduska' Ln = dan-na-at-ta-afy-fyu-un :: 1 made . empty (of humanity)' ^AS-tyar-pa-ya-an-ma dan-na-at-ta-afy-fyu-un:: 1 made Mt. ANA TN' AD-DIN II pi-efy-fyu-un:: 1 gave the land . all of their tribal troops..

According to Guterbock the Hittite term is not the same as 'res gestae'. but rather has the connotation of 'virtues'.. my sun.] iS-par-te-ir :: 'And those who had escaped' The 'Concise'Annals ofHattuSili748 The Annals of HattuSili I (both the 'Concise' and 'Extensive' accounts) are the oldest examples of what may be called annals among the Hittites. I sent forth the captive inhabitants to Hattuia' Q3 na-aS nraKtFBABBAR-& ar-fya d-da-afy-fyu-un :: 'and I brought them forth to Hattuia' S — Summary nu ki-i I-NA MU l. hence 'Manly Deeds'.. The term 'annals' is used here in the same sense as for the later Assyrian annals discussed in the previous chapter.50 Interestingly. The Hittite word for this type of work is 'piinadar'(it is usually written as *LU-notar'.500 people' nu-uS-Sa-an kap-pu-u-wa-u-wa-ar ""NU.51 This 'Concise* account was only a selected account of his most important achievements. brought into the royal palace* Q2 nam-ma-kdn NAM.KAM i-ya-nu-un :: 'And I did (all) this in one year* Y — Report (oral and/or written) With delineation by superscription.RA I-NA t LUGAL u-wa-te-nu-un :: 'And those of the inhabitants which I.ME& oraK$BABBAR-&" pa-ra-a "ne-efy-hu-un :: Tinally.RA e-eS-ta :: Vere 15..GAL e-eS-ta :: the number does not exist' nu-kdn a-pf-ya ^[ku-i-^-eS? [. the 'Concise' account of the 'Manly Deeds' of Hattusili I were written in both Hittite and Akkadian.RA.136 P3 Ancient Conquest Accounts I-NA 6 *Me-iz-zu-ul-fa pi-efy-tyu-un Mezrulla' 4i :: 1 gave to the temple of Q — Return Q1 nu-za iWIKku-in NAM.49 which means literally 'manliness'. Special Symbols — generally the same extensions as the Assyrian with the following being most common: X <I> TI ^na-aS 1 x 10000 5 LI-IM 5 x 100 NAM. leaving out the routine years of his reign and the campaigns that he did not deem to be signifi- .

The text is clearly a Hittite composition in the fundamental sense. Hofftier concludes: It is therefore probably the wisest course to give up any attempt to show absolute priority of either version. The incorporation of conquest of Ur§u and Alalah in the 'second year' in the 'Concise' Annals may have been a device of the narrator to emphasize a dramatic event by telescoping several different episodes into one year. the former's selectivity becomes obvious.54 Finally.55 While priority for each version (Hittite and Akkadian) of the 'Concise' Annals has been claimed. it will be sufficient to analyze the Hittite version.3.83 Secondly.66 For the purposes of our study. 'that it was to be engraved on the small golden statue presented to the Sungoddess of Arinna (KBo 10:2 rev. Firstly.82 Furthermore. namely. some important events in the reign are excluded. the 'Concise' Annals utilizes a literary comparison between Hattuslli I and Sargon the Great at the end of the text as a type of climax to the king's 'manly deeds'. unless the composer was a native speaker of that language. Kempinski and Kosak argue that this is clearly understood when consideration is given to the purpose of the selection. there appears to be the combining of events from different years. the important episode of the conflict with Purushanda (see CTH 9:6 and the Extensive Annals) is not mentioned by the writer of the 'Concise* Annals. Episode 1 (14-8) 4 ^(IMA^&anawittapait E L13 Sa-an na-at-ta&[fyarnikt]a nu(-)utne-$$et fyarnikta O2 \nu-kdn ERiN""*] 2 ASRA a$andulanni dallaj^un O7 [nu kwe k]we aSawar e$ta \n-(at)} ANA E^Nmel aSanduli pi-et}-t}u-un . For example. Even if the text was first drawn up in Akkadian. it was thought out in Hittite and translated mentally into Akkadian. Ill 21-24)'. through a comparison of the 'Concise' and 'Extensive1 Annals. There are five episodes which we will present to demonstrate the stereotyped syntagmic structure of the account. Hittite Conquest Accounts 137 cant.

I took (their) goods away from them.BABBAR 1 GE§PU K&. I gave them to the troops in the garrison. and he did not destroy it. . And I destroyed these countries.BABBAR I-NA t d I§KUR pf-efy-fyu-un I3 a-a$-$e-er-ma~kdn ku-i-e-eS [DINGIRm<rf] no-a^f I-NA t A Me-iz-zu-ul-la I4pi-efy-fyu-un [Thereaflter I went to Zalpa. Episode 3 (1. Episode 2 (19-14) fl E [EGIR*m-d]o-maI-NA ^Za-al-pa pa-a-u{n\ 13 10 LUtl [na-a]» tyxr-ni-in-ku-un L7 nu-uS-Si DINGIRmel-gl7 Sd-ra-a da-c^-^u-itn O '1U 3 «aGIGIRmei MA-AD-NA-NU A-NA dUTU ""TtiL-na pi-efy-fyu-un 12 1 GUD K&. and (its) 3 'madnanu'-chariots I gave to the sungoddess of Arinna. And I destroyed it. Afterwards I went to Warsuwa (A: Ursum).138 Ancient Conquest Accounts He went to Sanawitta. but those [gods] who remained. Its gods I took away. I went from Warsuwa (Ursum) to Igakali.IM.KURm<* fyar-ni-in-ku-un a L a-aS-Su-moaS-Si MSa-ra-a da-afy-fyu-un Q nu E-ri-mi-ti a-aS-Sa-u-i-it zlSa-ra-a Su-un-na-afy-fyu-un In the next year: I went to Alalha.15-21) A2 15 MU.MA-em-m-ma E13I-NA™A-la-al-fyapa-a-[un] I6 L naran fyar-ni-in-ku-un E EGTRran-dar[ma]I'NAmiWa-ar-$u*wa "pa-a-un ^Wa-ar-Su-wa-az-ma I-NA ^I-ka-ka-li ^pa-a-un ™I-ka-ka-la-az-ma I-NA ^Ta-a^-^ni-ya l*pa-a-un L13 nu ki-e KUR. [And whjatever sheepfolds were there. I gave to the temple of Mezzulla. I gave one silver bull (and) one 'fist' of silver to the temple of the stormgod. but he did destroy the countryside (around it). And I left troops for garrison duty at two places. and I filled my house up to the brim with their goods. and destroyed it. From Igakali I went to Tashiniya.

and I destroyed Zippassana. Episode 9 (IL54-III.6. and I gave them to the sungoddess of Arinna. «UGIGIR.MES "[EGIR-panda dUTU-u$ tfya* LU-na-tor-no 61[fcM-i£ P3 na-atf A-tfA dUTU ""A-ri-in-na "V-e^u-im L20 [. I overturned the chariots of the land of Appaya.. And I gave it to the sungoddess of Arinna.GAL **[Zl-an warSiJyanunun F nw-fcin 3A KUR.5..DAMES I$-TU KCl.GAL tabarnaS INA ^ZippaSna **[p]aun IIIluruffafyfyan-ma-za-kdnUR.46-II.GAL^A-a^ 3 SU an-da ME-fn te-efy-fyu-unun L135 *nu "™Ifa-aJ}-fya-anfyar-ni-in-ku-un atl L a-aS-Su-ma-aS-Si *$a-ra-a da-afy-fyu-un Q na-at ™"Ha-at-tu-$i wUR\J-ri-mi-it ar-fyau-da-afy-fyu-un 1 12 TA-PAL GlSMAR. And I.KAM za-afy-bieS-ki-nu-un L135 "[na-an I-NA ITU.3....fflA ANA ^TakSJarfnfrya Wpiran Sara dafyfyun In the next year: I went to Sanahhuitta to fight. . And I destroyed it in the sixth month. I continually fought Sanahhuitta for five months.KAM] 1yir-ni-in-[ku]-un Lla nu-za LUGAL.ME§ 5A KUR ""JAp-pa-yo "[fyu-ul-li-ya-nu-un] La [nw GUD.]"[. And I took the cattle and sheep of Taksanaya away. Hittite Conquest Accounts 139 Episode 6 (I.BABBAR nta-a-isti-ya-an e-eS-ta The Great King. But I kept looking angrily at Hahha like a lion.KUR. (The manly) deeds.MAH mafyfyan2arha tarkuwalliSkinun 3 L13? nu '""ZippaSs'anan fyarninkun 4 La DINGIRme<-mo-a^-^ ia-ra-a da-a^u-un & P3 na-aS A-NA dUTU ""TUL-na pf-e-da-afy-fyu-un E21 *nu I-NA ""^a-a^-^a pa-a-un L nu-kdn I-NA ^Ifa-a^-^a 7KA. I took its gods away from it.. satisfied my soul. went to Zippasna.12) M E LUGAL. which . the Great King.Gf D.57 The sungod afterwards took up his position in the midst of the countries.1) A2 "[MUmMA-on-m-ma E I-NJA '""Sa-na-ab-fyu-it-ta ME-yapa-a-un I 47[nw ™$a-na-afy-bu-it]-ta-an I[NA] ITU..HIA UDU. Tabarna.

we will concentrate our analysis on the 'Ten Year Annals'. Larf O7 E LM L1* La Q The Ten Year Annals ofMurSiliII58 The Annals of Murslli (his 'Ten Year Annals' and his ^Detailed' or 'Comprehensive Annals') are by far and away the best preserved and most developed historiographic texts of the Hittite Empire.140 Ancient Conquest Accounts Then I went to Hahha. my city. For example. . Since both of the Deeds of Suppiluliuma and the ^Detailed Annals' are fragmentary. E L" La Q Episode 6 A1 E I L1* L1" F O7 L* La - Episode 9 . And three times I carried the battle to the city-gates of Hahha.60 The use of archival records can be seen in a number of texts.89 Another work which comes from the time of Murslli II is the Deeds of Suppiluliuma. E L1* . It is unlikely that it was then all written from memory. MurSili says concerning his father Suppiluliuma: . and I brought it forth to HattuSa. E L13 O2 O7 Episode 2 E L13 . Two complete wagons were loaded with silver. And I destroyed Hahha. I took their goods away from it. which obviously could not have been earlier than the tenth year of his reign. These syntagms yield the following readout: Episode 1 . there must have been some records on which the writers could draw. Lad O7 Episode 3 A1 E L" . A work like Murslli's Ten Year Annals' must have been conceived as a whole and written at one time.

The epilogue and the prologue presuppose one another (note especially the emphasized last sentences): •Prologue* Vs I'ttTM-MA dUTU]<i ^Mur-Si-li LUGAL KUR Qarot-ti UR.SAG 2 [DUMU ^u-upj-pi-lurli-u-ma LUGAL. king of the land of Hatti. letters. and how the Stormgod concluded a treaty between the countries of Egypt and Hatti. and a symmetrical central section bisected by a 'Binnenschluss' (an internal conclusion) which occurs at the end of the account of year four. and carried them to Egypt and made them Egyptians. Murslli (II).SAG Thus (speaks) 'my sun'.ME§ LtJ.KUR fyu-u-ma-an-te-eS ku-u-ru-ri-yos-ah-fyi-ir nu-za A-BU-YA ku-wa-pi DINGIRB-z£ Vti-at 5 iAr-nu-wa-an-da-as-marza-kdn &E&-YA A-NA GI§GU. an epilogue which consciously resumes the prologue. Cancik thinks that this alternation is a conscious literary technique. son of Suppiluliuma (I).KUR. and (2) more literary descriptions CGeschichten') of the protracted Arzawa war and other matters..3.ME§ LTJ. report-like narratives CBerichte') one finds only stereotyped formulas. Hittite Conquest Accounts Then my father asked for the tablet of the treaty again.ZA A-BI-SU e-Sa-at EGIR-ara-mo-o^f *ir-marli-yarat-ta-at-pit ma-afy-fy&-an-ma KUR.ZA A-BI-YA n&wi e-eS-fya-at nu-mu a-rarab-ze-nara$ 4KUR. the basic organization of the Ten Year Annals is a prologue. There is no debate that the Ten Year Annals* is a literary unity. hero. great king. hero: 3 ku-it~ma-an-za-k6n A-NA GlSGU.KUR. sons of Hatti. speculations about hypothetical courses of action either by the king or his opponent. In the terse.KUR 1Ar-nu-wa^an-da~an &E&-YA ir-ma-an ^iS-ta-ma-aS-Sir . (in which there was told) how formerly the Stormgod took the people of Kurustama. which proves that MurSili's Ten Year Annals' were the end-product of an editorial process of selection and arrangement of narrative material from a larger corpus of written records. portrayal of simultaneous happenings in different locations. Within the central section episodes of two types alternate: (1) terse.GAL UR." 141 According to Cancik's analysis.. In the literary descriptions CGeschichten') one finds extensive use of speeches. report-like narratives CBerichte') of KaSka campaigns.

KUR. who also was in his early days a military hero. The neighboring enemy countries spoke thus: "His father. my brother.fflA KUR ga~at-ti-ya-wa ti-UL-TInu-zi When I did not yet sit on my father's throne.KUR ku-u-ru-ri~ya-ah-fyi-e$-ki-u-wa-an da-a-ir B ma-afy-fya-an-ma-za ^-nu-wa-an-daraS SE1§-YA DINGIRB-i£ ki-Sa-at nu KUR.KUR.ZAA-BJ-5l7 e-Sei-at fyi-ir nu-wa a-pa-a-aS-Sa ka-ru-u LU.ME§ Ltf. which had not yet become hostile. my brother. (was) ill.MES LtT.KUR ki-i$-$a-an wme-mi-ir A-BU'SU-wa-aS-Si ku-iS LUGAL KURIfat-ti e-eS-ta nu-wa-ra-aS UR. And now the one who is sitting on the throne of his father he is a child! And he will not be able to maintain (lit.142 Ancient Conquest Accounts nu KUR.KALA-are-zo e-eS-ta I3 nu~wa-r&a$ ir-ma-li-y&at-ta-at nu-wa-za a-pa-a-a8-$a DINGIRu-i^ ki-Sa-at "ki-nu-un-ma-wa-za-k&n ku-iSA-NA GlSGU-ZAA-BJ-5l7 e-Sa-at nU'Wa-ra-aS DUMU-Za-aS l& nu-wa KUR Ifat-ti ZAG. As soon as the enemy countries heard that Arnuwanda. sat down on the throne of his father. had become god. then the enemy countries. the enemy lands became hostile.KUR tar-ob-faon fyar-ta nu-wa-roraS-za DINGIRa-f^ DU-a^ DimU-SU-ma-waraS-Si-za-k&n lzku-i8A-NA GlSGU.SAG-«-« LUGAL-ttS e-e$-ta n nu-wa-za KUR.KUR. he has become ill. his son. But when Arnuwanda. All the neighboring enemy countries began to fight (against) me. (now) those enemy countries also became hostile. Moreover.KUR ti-UL-ya ku-i-e-eS ku-u-ru-ri-ya-afy-fyi-eSkiirr *nu arpu-u-u&Sa KUR. my brother. who was the king of the land of Hatti. But then he became ill. (he) kept (the) enemy countries in submission. Arnuwanda (II). who (afterwards sat on his father's throne).KUR. nevertheless.KUR LlJ. When my father became god.MES L{J.KUR ku-u-ru^ri-ya-a^nu a-rorafy-ze-na-aS KUR.ME& LtJ. and he also has become god. 'keep alive') the land of Hatti and the boundaries of Hatti!" . Now he has become god. who was a mighty king.

I did not yet go to any enemy country of the neighboring enemy countries which had begun the war against me until I had taken care of the established festivals of the sungoddess of Arinna.3. sat down on the throne of my father.KUR na-wi ku-itma-an ku-e-da-ni'ik-ki *lpa-a-un nu A-NA SA dUTU ™A-ri-in-na-pitGA&AN-YA SAG.ZA A-BJ-YA ku-wa-pi e-eS-ha-at nu-za ki-e a-ra-a^-ze-naraS 29KUR. my lady.KUR. my sun.KUR pi-ra-an ku-en-ni nu-mu dUTU """A-ri-in-na me-mi-an iS-tOf-ma-aS-ta na-aS-mu kat-ta-an ti-ya-at w nu-za-kdn A-NA GlSGU.KUR LU.IJI A EGlR-an ti-y&nu-un ^na-aS-za i-ya-nu-un nu A-NA dUTU ^A-ri-in-na GA&AN-FA &U-an Sa^ra-a e-ip-puun ™nu ki-i$-$a~an AQ-BI d UTU ""A-ri-in-na GA§AN-FA a-ra-afy-ze-na-aS-warmu-za KUR.A Sa-ku-wa-anda-ri-eS-ki-ir But because my father was garrisoned in the interior of the land of Mitanni.KUR LU. Hittite Conquest Accounts 143 l6 A-BU-YA-ma-kdn I-NA KUR ""Mi-it-ta-an-ni ku-it an-da a~Sa-an-duli-eS-ki-it "na-aS-kdn a-Sa-an-du-li an-da iS-ta-an-da-a-it SA dUTU ^A-ri-in-na-ma-kdn GA&AN-FA 18EZEN.KAM tar-afy-fyu-un narat-kdn ku-e-nu-un When I. my ladyl .KUR LU.ME§ LU.£I. the festivals of the sungoddess of Arinna.ZA A-BI-YA e-e$-Qa-at nu-mu a-ra-afy-ze-na-aS KUR.KUR I-NA MU 10. And I performed them myself.IHA da-an-na Sa-an-fyi-iS-ki-u-an da-a-ir nu-wa-mu dUTU ^A-ri-in-na GA§AN-FA xkat-ta-an ti-ya nu-wa-mu-kdn u-ni a-ra-afy-ze-na-aSKUR./a-an ^al-zi-eS-Sir nu-wa-mu-za te-ip-nu-uS-kir nu-wa tu-el SA dUTU ""A-ri-in-na ^GA^AN-yA ZAG.KUR ku-i-e-eS "DUMU. my lady.KUR **ku-i-e-e$ ku-u-ru-ri-yorafy-fai-ir nu A-NA KUR LU. remained unperformed. And I spoke thus: 'Oh sungoddess of Arinna. and lingered in garrison.U§-o£ A-NA EZEN. my lady. I grasped the hand of the sungoddess of Arinna. I9 ma-afy-ba-an-ma-za-kdn *UT* A-NA GlSGU.

Hoffner disagrees with Cancik that there la an internal conclusion ('Binnenschluss') at the end of year four. I have ruled already 10 years. my lady . The 'Detailed* or 'Comprehensive' Annals cover the ten years and also continue for several more.KUR/-MA MU lO. Hoffner feels that the central section is a seamless whole. And the sungoddess of Arinna heard my word. the writer of the 'Annals' has been selective in his narration. nor does year five begin remarkably differently. my lady.KAM ^LUGAL-u-iz-na-nu-un nu-za ki-e KUR. But what the sungoddess of Arinna.stand beside me. The enemy countries which the royal princes and the generals have conquered. A comparison of the end of .KAMom-me-e-do-az SU-az ^tar-afy-fyu-un DUMU. And when I had sat down on the throne of my father. I conquered these enemy countries in ten years. In instances where an episode is preserved in both. He feels that the end of year four is not described differently from the ends of other years. the 'Detailed Annals' often give the activities of the princes and generals as well as other details.144 Ancient Conquest Accounts The neighboring enemy countries who call me 'a child' and insult me. Hoffner Is correct in this criticism.KUR Lti. and defeat the aforementioned neighboring enemy countries before me'. and defeated them. sungoddess of Arinna. are not (preserved) herein.KUR Ltf . "Conclusion' M GI§ nu-za-kdn A-NA GU.KUR tar-afy-fyi-eS-kir ^na-at-Sa-an U-UL an-da pa-ra-a-ma-mu dUTU ""TtfL-na GA§AN-ya "ku-it pi-e§-ki-iz-zi na-at a-ni-ya-mi na-at kat-ta te-efy-fyi After having sat myself on the throne of my father.ME§ LUGAL-mo-zo BE-LlP^-ya ku-e KUR. and she stood beside me. they have begun to seek to take your boundaries! Oh. assigns to me.ZA A-BI-YA ku-wa-pi e-e$-fya-at nu ka-ru-u MU 10. These enemy countries I conquered in 10 years by my (own) hand. that I will carry out. Obviously. and I will accomplish. But this is the natural job of every historian.

then I came back to Hattuia.* nu ki-i I-NA MU l. it is a simple matter to argue [S] u E nam-ma ""KUBABBARp^i EGIRrpa ti-wa-nu-un . Hoffner also questions the differences in style between the alternating sections. a2 ^MU-an-ni-ma E I-NA KUR Az-zi pa-a-un In the following year: I went to the land of Azzi. 7-11). a2 39 MU. I did (all this) in one year.KAM Vt-nu-un Thus when I had conquered all of the land of Arzawa. Hittite Conquest Accounts 145 the account of year four and the beginning of year five with the end of year nine and the beginning of year ten demonstrates that there is no reason to posit an internal conclusion for the four year. I did (all) this in one year. He feels that they are minimal and could be outgrowths of the content. And since I had spent the winter inside the land of Arzawa.KAM-an-m'-ma E I-NA ^AS-ba-r-pa-ya pa-a-un In the following year: I went into the mountains of Asharpaya. Years 9-10 M L"15 nu-za ma-ab-ba-an ^Ya-a[b-ri-e]S-Sa-an [KUR ™Pi-ig-ga~ u ur i-na-ri-eSSa-yq tar-ab-b .KAM DiJ-nu-un Now when I had conquered Yahressa (and) Piggainaressa. He states: A question should be raised: What are the boundaries of the alternating units? Cancik's first stereotyped section comprises two regnal years (para.3. I came back to Hattu&a. Thus there is no internal conclusion. When only two types of narrative are distinguished. Years 4-5 m LK5 nu-za ma-afy-ba-anKUR """Ar-za-u-wa fyu-u-ma-an tar-afy-fyu-un a2 [S] E 37 nam-mo ""KUBABBARrSt ar-ba ti-wa-nu-un nu-kdn l-NA KUR ^Ar-za-u-wa ku-it **an-da gi-im-maan-da-ri-ya-nu-un nu ki-i I-NA MU l.

went to it (the region).43-48) A2 ^{nam-ma d E UTli EGI]R-po ii-warnu-un B nu-mu $A KUR ^U-bu-pt-it-ta ku-it ^Ka-aS-ka-aS "[ku-uru-ri-yaafy-ba-an har-t]a B1 nu-mu ERfN. Episode 1 (KBo III.RA GUD UDU ^^o-m-a da-ah-hu-un] Q na-an ""KtTBABBAR-^ ar-fya u-da-afy-bu-un La5 URU-an-mo ar-^a ^[wa-Xr-nu-nu-un L2' nu-za &A] KUR ^U-bu-pi-it-ta ^Ka-aS-ka da-a-an EGIR-pa \R-ab-bu-un O "[nu-muEEtN.ME.£pf-es'-ki-u-andara-i]r . We will now investigate the use of syntagmic patterning in this text of Murslli II.ME§ KUR. even if the types of paragraphs are represented schematically as AABABBAAAABAA. Episode 3 (KBo III 4 Vs 1. and began to attack the region of Turmitta. my sun. cattle (and) sheep. and I attacked Halila and Dudduska which were major cities of the Kaskaeans.62 The text of the Ten Year Annals* divides naturally into twenty-six episodes.146 Ancient Conquest Accounts that they 'alternate'. and I brought them forth to Hattusa. I took out from them the inhabitants (as captives).4 Vs 1. I. Furthermore.|JIA "[flo-m-a daafy-fyu-uncn na-aS """KtlBABBAR^ a^&au-da-afy-bu-un Knm ffa-li-lal-an-ma "'"Du-ud-du-uS-karan-an ar-fya wa-ar-nunu-un nu $A ™KaraS-ka ku-i-e-eS SAG.RA GUD.ME§ The Kaskaeans of the region of Turmitta made war with me.30-35) B M E SA KUR ""Tur-mi-it-ta-mu ^KoroS-ka-aS ku-u-ru-ri-yaafy-tad nu-mu za-afy-fyi-ya stnom-ma ia*Kafa&-kafa$ u-it-pit nu KUR Twr-m*-#-ta GUL-an-ni-iS-ki-u-an da-[a-i$l ^nu-uS-Si dUTlipa-a-zm I Lair* Q LU5 ™1lja-li-la>-as aiuraDu-ud-du-uS-ka^aS-Sa e-Sir na-aS GUL-im noraS IS-TU NAM.KUR. the Kaskaeans came to me in order to fight. I completely burned down Halila (and) Dudduska.DU.5IA UDU.ME§ tf-ULpi-eS-ki-it E nu tUT*11-NA KUR ^IS-hu-pt-it-ta "Ip&a-un I nu ""Xl-hu-mi-es-se-na-an GUL-un L^ noran iS-TU NAM.

49-52) A2 E B1 B I Q L™ 49 (MU-an-ni-ma) [I-NA KUR ""UGU"] pa-a-un nu-mu KUR """Ti-piya ku-it ku-u-ru-ri-ya*-afy-fya-[an] fyar-ta 50 d li iau erina mes u li poetrkeids ummu nu UT Kat-fya-id-du-wa-anGUL-im 5 Wa» IM&2T7NAM. E Episode 3 A2 E B B1 E Episode 4 A2 E B B1 - . LaY*.. Because the region of Tipiya had begun to make war against me.Jhumessena. and because the Kaskaeans of the region of Ishupitta had [started a war] against me. and IP\ Episode 1 . Note in particular the syntagms B. I. I. my sun. B . [I took out] from it the inhabitants (as captives). cattle (and) sheep. I completely [burned] down the city. Episode 4 (KBo III 4 Vs 1. I brought them forth to HattuSa. [and (again) they] beg[an to provide me troops]..3. my sun.KAM i-y&nu-un [After this. And I did (all) this in one year. . and were not giving me troops [I]. I attacked [the city of . I again subjugated the Kaskaeans of the region of Ishupitta for a second time.RA GUD UDU ""KUBABBAIUJ ar-%a u-da-ahuy-um 52 [URU-ara-ma ar-^a wa-ar-nu-nu]-un In the following year I went [to the Upper Land]. cattle (and) sheep to HattuSa. [and had not provided me troops]. ca]me back again. The similarity between the episodes is striking with the syntagms forming a iterative scheme and high-redundance message. [The city] I burn[ed down completely]. my sun. [went] to the region of Ishupitta. Hittite Conquest Accounts [S] 147 nu ki-i I-NA MU l. attacked the city of Kathaidduwa. Q. And I brought out from it the inhabitants (as captives).

..53-Bo II 43 Vs 11.KAM i-ya-nu-un] (Next) I cafme back to HattuSa from the region of Tipiya]..] And he [...DU. Nuntnatas .. And because the region of Ishupitta [was hostile]. This usage of the syntagms continues: Episode 5 (KBo III 4 Vs 1..] in the land of the Kaskaeans... Me]zzull[a (and) [all] the gods [ran before me]..MES [hu-u-maran-te-e$ pi-ra-an fyu-u-ie-ir] 21 L% nu-za V""Kam-ma-maran tar-afy-fyu-un L2y6 na-an IS-TU NAM.24) A2 ^(nam-ma) E [I&TU KUR ™Ti-p{-ya EGIR-pa I-NA ""KUBABBAIUi u-wa]-nu-un B nu KUR ™U-bu-pt-it-ta ku-it "[ku-ru-ur e&ta] I [nu . ] And [... my lord.... ... my sun.GAL EN-YA AMe-iz-z]u-ul-{lora$\ Bo H 43 Vs II ^DINGER. And he escap[ed .RA] ^GUD UDU [fe-m-a da-ofy-fa-un na-an ^tfa-at-tu-Si] ^ar-fya[u-dctrafy-fyu-un Q L12x URU-an-ma ar-fya wa-ar-nu-nu-un] Z4 [S] nu ki-[i I-NA UM l.. [and the sungoddess of Arinna]...... my lady. and[?] [and I]. ] (na-at-z)[a da]-a-an EGIR-pa tcar-afy-ta n nu-kdn a-pi-ya [ku-i-}e1-e§? [. ] x ? na-aS-Mn I-NA KUR ™Ka~a$-ka x 57[...] he(?) attacked it again for a second time. • The syntagms repeat in stereotyped fashion to form an iterative high-redundance message...] iS-par-te-ir 9 ^Nu-unHna-ta-aS . And those who had escaped..... the heads of the revolt. [the mighty stormgod.. ] (an-tu-u){h-Se-eS\ SAG............. .] 9 (na-a$-k)[an . [.... [attacked] the city of Kammaman... - Q Q La* Q LQ5 L' O [S] .] people. i3-pa]r-za-aS-ta 9 "(nu an)[ ..ME§ BAL 59[. I nu d]UT*£ ""JTam-mo-ma-an w[GUI^u« 1 c nu-mu dUTU ™A-ri-in-na] (GA§AN-Y)[A dU NER..] 9 (nu-kdn) [ ..148 Ancient Conquest Accounts I I Lar» La? 2 I Lar» La« ...

3. [I did (all)] thi[s in one year].ME&$U AN§U.RA.GAL BE-U-YA *Me-iz-zu-ul-la-a§DINGIRME&. Episode 9 (KBo III 4 Vs 11. Hittite Conquest Accounts 149 And [I conquered the city of Kammanmanj. [And I brought it] to [Hattuia].KUR.ME§-5t7 tar-a^u-un M L1^ na-an-Mn ku-e-nu-un H nam-ma-an EGIRran-pft AS-BAT E nu-kdn I-NA KUR """Ar-zorU-wa ^par-roron-da pq-a-un nu I-NA ™A-pa-a-$aA-NA URUU ^^A V-ufy-ba-LlJ an-da-an pa-a-un G43 nu-mu 1Ufy-fyarL!(j-i$ tf-UL ma-az-za-aS-ta 3l GA4 naraS-mu-kdn fyu-u-wa-i$ na-aS-kdn a-ru-ni par-ra-an-da ^gur-Saru-wa-na-an-za pa-it na-aS-kdn a-pi-ya an-da e-eS-ta GA4 ^KUR ^Ar-zoru-wa-ma-k&n fyu-u-maran par-aS-ta nu ku-i-e-eS NAM. KUR. ME§ AN§U.YA fyu-u-ma-an-tee§pi-ra-an fyu-u-i-e-ir L*5 *nu-za iSUM-ma-dKAL-on DUMU 'tf^a-Ltr QA-DU EKlN.RA I-NA A-ri-in-na-an-da upa-a-ir .GAL EN-FA pa-ra-a fya-an-da-an-da-a-tar te-ikrku-uS-Sa-nu-ut "nu **kal-mi-8a-an Si-ya-it nu ^kcd-mi-Sa-na-an am-me-el KARA&HIA-YA ™u$-ki-it KUR """Ar-za-u-wa-ya-an uS-ki-it nu ^kal-mi-Sa-na-aS pa-it I9 nu KUR ^Ar-zaru-wa GUL-a^-to $A ty-ub-barLti-ya ^A-pa-a-Sa-an URU-a» GUL-o^-to wufy-falti-na gi-nu-uS-Su-uS a-Se-eS-ta GA3 na-aS ij^ma-li-ya-at-ta-at-pdt 2l nu ma-afy'fya-anlU-ufy-J}&-L'(j-i8 GIG-a£ [ir-ma-li-ya-at-taat] na-a&-mu nam-ma za-afy-fyi-ya ^me-na-afo-faci-an-daU-UL u-it G"3 nu-mu-kdn iSUM-mo-dKAL-an DUMU-SU ^QA-DU ERfN.ME§ me-na-afy-fya^an-dapa-ra-a na-iS-ta 24 na-a4F-mw I-NA *A-a£-tar-pa I-NA ""Wa-al-ma-a Mfe[za-a^hi]-ya ti-yarat I na-an WT*1z&afy-fyi-ya-nu-un C1 nu-mu dUTU ™A-ri-in-na GA§AN-FA **U NER.15-49) A2 + E I6ma-afy-fya-an-mai-ya-afy-fya-at nu GIM-are I-NA "^La-wa-Sa &ar-fyu-un l C *nu-za dU NER. [And I took out from it the inhabitants (as captives)]. [I burned down the city completely]. cattle (and) sheep.RA.

RA. My army saw the meteor. the mighty stormgod.RA. Mezzulla. my lord.GAL e-eS-ta Q2 nam-ma-kdn NAM. showed his godly miracle.150 Ancient Conquest Accounts nu-za-kdn ^A-ri-in-na-an-da-an e-ip-pir ku-i-e-eS-ma NAM. Uhhaziti fell on (his) knees.ME§ ERfN. my lord. And I. my sun.RA e-eS-ta QI ^KfrBABBARraS-ma-sa EN.*3 the capital city of Uhhaziti. and became ill. my lady. the mighty stormgod. and struck the land of Arzawa.KUR.ME§-^o "ku-in NAM.ME§ a-ru-ni par-ra-an-da IT-TI lUfy-lba-IjC! pa-a-ir \pa-it] *nu W I-NA ^A-ri-in-na-an-da A-NA NAM.ME& u-wa-te:it 0 nu-uS-Saran kap-pu-u-woru-wa-ar ^NU.RA. He took his stand to fight with me at the river Astarpa at Walma. Piyama-KAL. And the meteor went. so he did not come against me to fight. and as I arrived at Mt.RA EGIRan-da pa-a-un I **nu A-ri-in-na-an-da-an za-afy-fyi-ya-nu-un C1 nu-mu dUTU TUL-na GA&AN-FA ^U NER. (but) sent his son.RA.KAM i-ya-nu-un So I marched. fought with him.ME&-FA fyu-u-ma-an-te-e§ pi-ra-an ^fyu-u-i-e-ir L815 nu-za ^A-ri-in-na-an-da-an tar-afy-fyu-un Q!A *lnu-za dUT" ku-in NAM.RA I-NA t LUGAL u-wa-te-nu-un X ^na-aS I x 10000 5 LI-IM 5 x 100 NAM. Lawasa.64 together with troops and charioteers to engage me.GALBS-L/-FA d Me-iz-zu-ul-la-a$ DINGIR. The sungoddess of Arinna. When Uhhaziti became ill. He hurled a meteor.RA.ME& ""KtJBABBAR-^i jm-ra-a ^ne-eA-Au-un Q1 na-an ar-fra u-wa-te-ir L*5 ^nu-za marafy-fya-an UAA-ri-in-na-an-daran tor-a^-ftu-un 2 a "nam-ma EGIR-po E I-NA ^A-aS-tar-pa u-wa-nu-un f nu-za BAD KARAS **I-NA ^AS-tar-pa wa-afy-nu-nu-un P nu-za EZEN MU*1 a-pi-ya i-ya-nu-un [S] *nu ki-i I-NA MU l. (and) all the gods ran before me.HI A ^pa-ra-a I-NA ^Pu-u-ra-an-da pa-a-ir nu-za-kdn ^Pu-ra-an-da-an e-ip-pir ^ku-i-e-eS-ma-kdn [ku-iS-ma-kdn] NAM. . It struck Apasa. (And) the land of Arzawa saw (it).ME§ AN§U.

went after the inhabitants to Mt.KARr5t7 ™an-da ME-^o ti-ya-at I no-on dUT*1 ME-yo-nu-nu-un . Then I.ME§ AN§U. When I had conquered Mt. I pitched camp at the river Astarpa. brought into the royal palace were 15. Arinnanda. I then came again to the river Astarpa. and I entered into the land of Arzawa. And I did (all) this in one year.65 And he remained there.RA. KUR. and certain ones of the inhabitants went to the mountains of Arinnanda. and they brought them forth.SA A. I conquered Mt. Episode 11 (KBo III 4 Vs 11. the mighty stormgod. and I celebrated the New-year festival there. Hittite Conquest Accounts 151 And I conquered Piyama-KAL. Arinnanda. He fled before me. And those of the inhabitants which I. the son of Uhhaziti. Arinnanda. the troops (and) the charioteers brought (home) the number does not exist. And I defeated him. and I fought (them) at Mt. my sun. my lady. into the capital city of Uhhaziti. my lord. Finally. Arinnanda. The sungoddess of Arinna.ME§ ™H&at}-ti kar-ap-pu-un E nu IN A """Pu-ra-an-da ME-ya [za-ah-fyi-ya] pararvn G'3 **nu-kdn tTa-ba-la-zu-nal-wa-liS IS-TU ERlN. Mezzulla (and) all the gods ran before me. and they occupied Mt. and Uhhaziti could not withstand me. Arinnanda.3. my sun. (And) those of the inhabitants which the generals of Hattuia. Thus. But certain others of the inhabitants went forth to Puranda. together with his troops and charioteers. Then I pursued him. and they occupied Puranda. and went across the sea by ship. MES ""Pu-ra-cw-do-sa kat-ta ti-it M [na-aS-m]u za-afy-fyi-ya^me-na-afy-fya-an-dati-it na-aS-mu-kdn ANA A. I entered into Apasa. I sent forth the captive inhabitants to Hattusa. The whole country of Arzawa fled.500 people. And certain other inhabitants went across the sea with Uhhaziti.57-65) 67 D [nu W ERlN.

RA] GUD UDU K[u-wa-te-it O nu-uS-Saran kap-gu-u-wa-u-wa-ar NU. and all the gods ran before me.KUR. and the sungoddess of Arinna. the mighty stormgod. Tapalazunauli came down from Puranda with troops and charioteers. KUR. and I entered. [. my sun.ME§]-ya ku-i[n NAM. my sun. Episode 14 (KBo III 4 Vs 11.152 C1 6l Ancient Conquest Accounts nu-mu dUTU ™A-ri-in-na [GA&VN-FA] dU NER. and went to Puranda to fight. together with his troops and his charioteers.RA. And he came for battle against me. mustered the troops of Hatti.RA M[e-eS-ta QIA ^KtlBABBARra^-ma^a EN. my lord. And I conquered Tapalazunauli .GAL e-e]s-t[a] Q2 ^[na-an-kdn ""KtlBABBAR-^ pa-rn-a ne-efrfyu-un 1 Q na-an ar-^al u-wartel-ir When I pressed against Puran[da].. (and) I surrounded Puranda. And I defeated him.GALBE-LIYA 6™Me-iz-zu-ul-la-a& DINGIR.RA I-NA fi LUGAL ti-w&te-nu-un X nja-a^f 1 x 10000 5 LMM [N x ] 100 NAM.GAL EN-F1A *Me-iz-zu-ul-la-[a$]82 [DINGIR..] QAZ>£7ERfN..ME&?a f}[u-u-ma-an-t]e-e$ pi-ra-qn fyu-u-i-e-ir L2*5 nu-za ^a-pa-la-zu-na-u-wa-li-in "[.ME§-ya fyu-u-maran-te-e$ pt-ra-an fyu-u-i-e-ir L345 nu]-za ""Pu-ra-an-cto-afn tar-aM^T^u-un Q1 **[nu-za ku-in NAM...ME§-5t7 ANSU. Mezzulla. Then I pursued him.. RA. And I.. he positioned himself for battle with me on his plain.ME§ ERfN. And I pressed against it.] I fought [against it].79-86) n I ma-[afy-fya-an~ma-k]dn""Pw-ral-an-da-an an-da fyorat-ki[e]S-nu-nu-un **[ za-afy-fyi'ya-nul-un C1 *l[nu-mu dUTU ""A-n-w-no GASAN-YA *U NER. . and I deprived him of water.ME§ AN§U.ME§-3l7tor-a£-£K-im L15 na-an-k&n ku-e-nu-un H "nam-ma-an EGIR-a» AS-BAT E nupara-un F2 Tu-ra-art-da-an are-da M>a-a&-n«-n«-im I ^[na-an-^dn an-c?a] fya-at-ki-eS-nu-nu-un La nu-uS-Si-kdn u*i-d[a-a-a]r ar-tyi da-afy-fyu-un So I.. my lady. fought against him.

(and) all the gods ran before me. the mighty stormgod. Mezzulla. [Finally. And I attacked the land of Arawanna.500 people. And the sungoddess of Arinna. (and) sheep which the generals of Hattusa.ME§ ERIN. my sun.ME& I-NA fi LUGAL u-wa-te-nu-un X '"W-aS 3 LI-IM 5 x 100 NAM. the mighty stormgod. (And) those of the inhabitants. my lady.RA e-eS-ta QI ""KtTBABBARraS-ma-za EN.3.47-56) 4t a2 nw ku-it-m&an A-BU-YAI-NA KUR ^Mi-it-tan-ni e-eS-ta B nu LU. the troops (and) the charioteers brought (home) . And I conquered all of the land of Arawanna.KUR ^A-ra-u-woran-na-aS "ku-i$ KUR ""Ki-iS-Si-yara GUL-an-ni-eS-ki-it na-at me-ik-ki ta-ma-aM-Sa-an 4fl&or-to E nu dUTli I-NA KUR ^A-m-u-wa^an-na pa-a-un I nu KUR ^A-ra-u-waran-na "GUL-un C1 nu-mu dUTU ""TUL-na GAJ§AN-FA dU NER. my lady. cattle (and) sheep which the generals of Hattusa.ME§-yo ft. [And they brought them] forth. Then I.KAM ki-i i-ya-nu-un While my father had been in the land of Mitanni.ME§ GUD UDU u-wa-te-it <I> nu-kdn kap-pu-u-wa-u-wa-ar NU. the enemy of Arawanna who the land of Kissiya had continually attacked had greatly pressured it.ME§ AN^U.GAL e-e$-ta £2Kt ^nu-za marah-fya-anKUR ™™A-3na-w-u?a-an-natar-afy-fyu-un Q nam-ma EGIR-pa ""KIJBABBAR-^ ^u-wa-nu-un [S] nu I-NA MU l.KUR.RA. Those of the inhabitants.000 people. I sent them forth to Hattusa]. And the captives which I brought from the land of Arawanna into the palace were 3. (and) all the gods ran before me. Mezzulla. And those of the people which I brought into the royal palace were 15. my lord. Hittite Conquest Accounts 153 And the sungoddess of Arinna. And I conquered Puranda. the troops (and) the charioteers brought (home) [the number does not ex]ist. went to the land of Arawanna.ME§-ya Mku-in NAM. cattle. Episode 19 (KBo III 4 Rs 111.RA.GALBE-LI-YA *Me-iz-zuul-la-as 61DINGIR.u-u-ma~an-te-es pf-ra-an fyu-u-i-e-ir Li2*5 nu-za KUR ""A-ra-u-wa-an-na fyu-u-ma-an tar-afy-fyu-un 1A Q ™nu-za iS-TU KUR ""A-m-u-wa-an-na ku-in NAM. RA. my lord.

GAL BE-LI-YA *Me'iz-zu-ul-la-a$ 8*DINGIR. Episode 26 (KBo III 4 Rs IV.RA e-eS-ta 42 «™KUBABBARra^-mo-2a EN.000 people. were 3.1JIA BAD-ptt ^A-ri-ip-Sa-a-an ™Du-ukkam-ma-an-na **za-dfy-bi-yarnu-un nu-mu dUTU ""TUL-na GA§AN-Ki dU NER.A§J^.ME§ AN§U.154 Ancient Conquest Accounts their number does not exist. Those captives which I.ME§ SA KUR Az-zi ^za-ab-fyi-ya &UL ti-yarat nu KU&e-an-za bu-u-maran~za URUA§A§.RA I-NA t LUGAL u-wa~tenu-un noraS 3 LMM NAM. the mighty stormgod. KUR.ME§-ya fyu-u-ma-an-te-eS pt-raran fyu-u-i-e-ir nu-kdn '""A-ri-ip-Sa-a-an 46uzaDu-uk-ka-am-ma-an-na za-aJ}-fyi-ya-za kat-ta da~afy-fyu~un nu-za W1 «ku-in NAM.MES-yo ku-in NAM. And when I had conquered the land of Arawanna. my sun.RA. (But) the whole country withdrew to the fortress towns. brought forth into the palace.ME§ ERfN. The troops (and) charioteers of the land of Azzi did not position themselves to fight against me. I took Aripea (and) Dukkamma through battle. And the sungoddess of Arinna.RA. And (all) this I did in one year. my lady.RA GUD UDU u-wa^te-it ^na-aS-Sa-an "(J-UL an-da e-eS-ta In the following year I went to the land of Azzi.ME§ AN&J.35-43) a2 E G*2 G43 I Cl Las Q1A X QI ® ^MU-em-m'-ma I-NA KUR Az-zi pa-a-un nu-mu nam-ma ERfN. . my lord. I came back to HattuSa.KUR.66 But I fought only against the two fortresses Aripea (and) Dukkamma.|JIA BAD 37 EGIRrpa e-ip-pir nu 2 URU. Mezzulla. (and) all the gods ran before me.

Episode 7 (KBoIII4VsII.KUR am Pi-e$-fyu-ru-u$ 8Mfe-ya ti-ya-at na-an za-afy-fyi-ya-nu-un I . Furthermore. cattle (and) sheep which the generals of HattuSa.3. . 18 and 20. I C1 L*< - Episode 19 a1 E B I C1 L*' - Episode 26 A1 E [G*J G* . Finally one can see the syntagmic patterning in episodes 7. I C1 L*< - Episode 9A* A1 E 1C] G* G4 I C1 L« Episode 9B* A1 E G48 GM I C» L*' QU . (and) the charioteers brought forth were numberless. one can see from the readout that certain syntagms are used in a stereotyped manner. the troops.l-6) a2 Vs II lnam-ma E |po-ra]-o I-NA '""IS-fau-pi-it-ta pa-a-un I nu ^Pal-fau-ig-Sa-lan] GUL-un F nu-mu-uS-Soran I-NA ™Pal-bu-i$-$a EGIR-ara LtJ. Hittite Conquest Accounts 155 The captives. . LB« H IE] [F2] [I] L» Q1 X QU Qu X Qu X * * 0* Q1 Q» * L»* Q1 * - L" H - X Q1 <i> Q2 Q1 E f P [S] La"> Q Q L*« a2 [S] [8] As with the first group of episodes. &» I C1 L*' L" Episode 14 . . the accounts use the same syntagmic pattern to produce an iterative scheme which in turn produces a high-redundance message. Episode 5 A* E B I +" I C1 La« Episode 11 ID] E .

And I fought (with) it. Mezzulla. And the enemy of Pishuru I defeated behind Palhuissa. I fought against these Kaskaeans of Mt. my lady. Asharpaya. And the sungoddess of Arinna.ME§ kar-aS-Sa-an fyxr-ta 4i I nu u-ni $A ""^AS-fyar-pa-ya """KoroS-kanza-afy-fyi-ya-nu-un 1 C nu-mudUTU "~TUI^na GA§AN-FA ^U NER. Asharpaya I conquered.GALSS-LJ-YA A Me-iz-zu-ul-la-aS DINGIR. . I burned down the city completely. my lord. the mighty stormgod. Asharpaya and the ways to the land of Pala they had cut off.ME§-yo fyu-u-nw-an-te-eS pi-ra^an ^Jiu-u-i-e-ir 1?* nu-za ^AS-fyar-paryaran ku-iS ^Ka-aS-ka-aS e-Sa-an fyar~ta M naranza-an tar-afy-fyu-un L1'7 na-an-kdn ku-e-nu-un Ln **AA$'har-paryaron-ma dan-na-at-ta-ah-hu-un Q ^nam-ma ar-fya u-wa-nu-un In the following year I went into the mountains of Asharpaya. Episode 18 (KBo III 4 Rs 111.KUR Pi-iS-fyu-ru-un I-NA ™Pal-bu-i§-$a EGIR-an ku-e-nu-un 6 La5 nam-ma URU-a» ar-^a wa-ar-nu-nu-un Meanwhile. Moreover. I made Mt. And the Kaskaeans who had continued to occupy Mt. And the Kaskaeans who had continued to occupy Mt. the mighty stormgod.KAM-<m-m-ma E I-NA ^AS-fyar-pa-ya pa-a-un B nu-za ***A$-f}ar-pOrya-an ku-iS MURU Ka-aS-ka-aS e-Sa-an fyar-ta nu $A KUR """Parla-a KAS. Mezzulla (and) all of the gods ran before me. my lord.ME&s'a fyu-u-ma-an-te-eS pi-raran fyu-i-e-ir LD \u-kdn Lti. And I positioned myself behind Palhuissa (in order to) fight (against) the enemy of the city of Pishuru. And I attacked the city of Palhuissa.156 C1 Ancient Conquest Accounts nu-mu dUTU ^A-ri-in-na GA§AN-FA "U NER.GAL BE-LIYA AMe-izzu-ul-la-aS DINGIR. Then I came back. And the sungoddess of Arinna. (and) all the gods ran before me. Asharpaya empty (of humanity). and I defeated.39-46) 39 A2 MU. my lady. I had gone forth to the city of Ishupitta.

Certain Kaskaeans who at the time my grandfather had occupied the mountains of Tarikarimu by force. my lady. my lord. Hittite Conquest Accounts 157 Episode 20 (KBo III 4 Rs 111. - m Episode 18 A2 E B - Episode 20 A2 E B [Edit C] Gs . And they greatly pressured it Then I. went. I made the mountains of Tarikarimu empty (of humanity). I completely burned down the land of Ziharriya. the mighty stormgod.GALBS-L7-FA A Me-iz-zu-id-lara& DINGIR.KAM DU-nu-un [B] The following year I went to the land of Ziharriya. And I defeated them. Episode 7 A2 E . (and) all the gods ran before me.3. my sun. And the sungoddess of Arinna.DIM4-oz e-Sa-at ^nam-ma-aS-za ""KtlBABBAIWi bw-g&a$ ki-Sa-at G^ nu u-e-ir ""KOBABBAR-fe-ow GUL-^i-ir M naran me-ik-ki dam-me-eS-ha^a-ir nu ^UT" poro-un E I nu-za ***Ta-ri-ka-ri-mu-un *lku-i$ maKa-a$-ka-a$ e-Sa-an fyar-ta no-em GUL-im C1 nu-mu dUTU ""TUL-na 62GA§AN-K4 dU NER.ME§-^a fyu-u-ma-an-te-eS ^pi-raan fyu-u-i-e-ir nu-za SA ^Ta-ri-ka-ri-mu ""Ka-aS-kan **tar-aJ}-fyu-un L* na-an-kdn ku-e-nu-un L15 fad Ta-ri-Jfea-ri-mu-un-ma^dan-na-at-ta-afy-fyu-un Ln La KUR '""Zi-fyar-ri-ya-ya fyu-u-ma-an ar-fya wa-ar-nu-nu-un ^nam-ma EGIRrpa UTOKtJBABBARr& u-wa-nu-un Q nu ki-i I-NA MU 1. Mezzulla. and I attacked those Kaskaeans who had continually occupied the mountains of Tarikarimu. And I came back to HattuSa.57-66) A2 HI "MU-an-ni-ma E I-NA KUR ™Zi-bar-ri-ya pa-a-un B nu-za A-NA PA-NI A-BI A-BI-YA "ku~i$ ^Ka-aS-ka-aS UA Ta-ri-ka-rimu-un §U. This I did in one year. I conquered the Kaskaeans of the mountains of Tarikarimu. —then there was calamity for HattuSa— they came (and) attacked HattuSa.

E I C1 L* L15 L" La Q Q Thus the Ten Year Annals of Murslli II evince an iterative scheme through the use of stereotyped syntagms.pJV i-ya-nu-un On the next day: I marched towards the city of Taptina. Hursama. (and) Pikurzi came before me. Then the people of the cities of Taptina. And they bowed themselves down at (my) feet.MES na-at-mu GIR.RA. And they spoke thus: "Our lord! Do not destroy us! Take us into servitude. Because of the limits of space. IR-an-nida-ah-fyu-un M4 naroS-za ERfN.ME§ AN§ I burned Tarkuma down completely.158 Ancient Conquest Accounts F I C1 L'5 Lat . I C1 L* L" L" .KUR.ME§-al kat-ta-an ^fya-a-li-ya-an-da-at Y nu ki-iS-Sa-an me-mi-ir Y1 BE-U-NI-waran-na-aS ^li-e fyar-ni-ik-ti Y2 nu-wa-an-na-aS-za \R-an-ni da-a Y3 "nu-wa-an-na-aS-za ERfN. we will only cite one very clear example.ME§ ™Hur-$a-ma LtJ.ME§ Tap-*z-na LtJ. . When I arrived at the city of Tarkuma. The Detailed Annals911 Another document from the reign of Murslli II utilizes these stereotyped syntagms: The Detailed Annals.ME§-al kat-ta-an ^fya-a-li-ya-an-da-at M2 na-at-mu GIR.ME§ ANSU.KUR.RA.HIA iya Y4 nu-wa-ad'da ^kat-ta-an la-afy-fyi-ya-an-ni-iS-ga-u-e-ni M3 na-aS-za.ti-ma E I-NATop-ft'-na pa-ra-ai-ya-afy-fya-at ma-cify-f}a-an-inaI-NA ^aaTctr-hu-mct a-cw-afy-fyu-un L« nu ^^Tar-ku-ma-an ar-fya woror-nu-nu-un M1 "nu-mu Ltf. KBo IV4 Rs 11143-51 43 A2 lu.

we will provide these.HI.ME§ SU.HI.28-37 a2 ^marab-bo-an-ma LtJ. I took them into servitude. And I made them troops and charioteers. and we will begin to provide to (your) lordship troops and charioteers.A EGIR-po far-kir na-at na-qfy-$a-ri-ya-an-da-ti nu-mu LU. and they bowed themselves down at (my) feet. and I made them slaves.A BAD NApf-e-ru-nu-u$ HUR. And they spoke: "Our lord! Do not destroy us! Lord.A§ AS. take us into servitude. my sun. rocky mountains.AS. GM M1 M2 Y Y1 Y2 3 Y nu-wa A-NA BE-LI-\. 159 Compare the following passage:68 KBo IV 4 Rs IV." Then I.R1A ""garat-ti-yarwa-an-na-aS-kdn ku-iS ^an-da nu-wa-ra-an pa-ra-a pi-i-y\a-u-\e-ni na-aS nam-ma dUTUli t-VL ^bar-ni-in-bu-un na-aS-za \R-an-ni da-db-bu-un na-aS-za \R-ah-hu-un When the people of the city of Azzi saw that fighting (their) strong cities I subjugated them: —the people of Azzi.MES ™Az-zi a-6-e-ir URU. (and) high difficult terrain— they were afraid! And the elders of the land came before me.NI\ ERlN.HI. did not destroy them.KUR. who have strong cities.MES ™Az-zi ku-i-e-eS "URUAS.GI KUR1132mc-no-a^-&o-on-da u-e-ir na-at-mu GIR." So I took them into servitude.RA.3.MES ANSU. Hittite Conquest Accounts and make us troops and charioteers. The Hittite fugitives which (are) with us.SAG.MES-a^ kat-ta-an tyjro-li-i-e-ir **nu-mu me-mi-ir BE-LI-NI-woron-na-aS li-e ku-it-ki bar-ni-ik-ti M nu-wa-an-na-a$-za BE-H-NI \R-an-ni da-a 1$IA p(-eS-ki-u-wa-an ti-i-ya-u-e-ni [NAM.A BAD-kdn ku-it za-dfy-fyi-ya-az^kat-ta da-aS-ki-u-wa-an teeb-bu-un nu Lti. And we will go on the campaign. ME§-w£pdr-ga-u-e-eS noak-ki-i 3IAS-RI.K Y* I/1 M3 M4 This yields the following readout: .

160 Ancient Conquest Accounts Rs 111.BAD dI§TAR LIL n L nu L[lJ.KUR [""go-ia-So EGIB-an-do] H-yaat-ta-at I na-an-Sa-an nam-ma u-U[L ti-e-mi-ia-zi] *nu LU.. Fragment 10) D Col i 2-10 (pp.ME§ SU-TIINA [§A.43-51 Rs IV. Even so the use of stereotyped syntagms can be observed. 3 I nu nam-ma LtJ.ME§ kat-ta-an ti-i-e-er C1 [••UTU^TtJL-TMi] "U ^Ifa-at-tidU KI.KUR ^Ka-aS-kapa-a-an-ku-un EREM.KUR-TI] 7IK-$U-UD 2 C nu-uS-Si DINGIR.KUR] 9pa-an-ga-ri-it BA. 62-63) 2 A2 /na-a&-&o-a[n-m]a A-BU-YA i-y[a . The text is preserved on a number of fragmentary tablets.... M* M4 a8 G" M* M* Y Y» Y1 Y» .KUR ^Ifa-ia-Sa I-N[A KUR . The Deeds of Suppiluliuma™ The Deeds70 of Suppiluliuma were composed by his son MurSili II in order to commemorate the great achievements of his father.BAD Wmel La SU.DIB-on-wa me[-ek-ki-in IS-BATl M 1 na-an EGIRrpo I-NA ™$a-mu-ba &-wa-te-[et] Q . U-UL] *u-emi-ia-zi E nu A-BU-YA A-NA LtJ. Y* L> M» M4 One can see from this readout that the two accounts are practically the same in their syntagmic structure. We offer four 'episodes' to demonstrate the synthetic patterning.71 1).KAL..28-37 A8 E La* M> M1 Y Y1 Y1 Y* Y4 .

38-46 (p..ME§ LU. the storm god of Hatti. L 5-10 (p.... ] nu EREM.KAL. 68) Y ^lUM-MA A-BU-YA] A-NA A-BI A-BI-Y[A . (But) the Kaika enemy. the storm god of the Army. He also [took] many prisoners.KUR-wa [ku-i$] 6[I-NA ^^A-ni-Sapa-ra-apa-dl-an-za e-eSta nu-w[a . [And when] my father [had marched for (?)] the first [day?. And the gods stood by him: [the sun goddess of Arinna. 2).... the storm god of Hatti.. he met in [the country]. [(so that) my father slew the] Arzawaean [enemy].3..KUR] ^[Alr-zarwaran x-x-x (ku-enta(l)}] n L "1. but again he did not [engage] him.PAL """jc-iS-Sa E nu-uS-Si A-BU-YA pa-it] L° . C1 *[nu A-NA A-BU-YA DINGIR]. (so that) the en[emy] died in multitudes... Fragment 15)FcoLiv // G col. and the enemy troops [died in] multitudes 3). the storm god of the Army. Fragment 14) F 'col Hi.... and litar of the Battlefield. he [did not] engage the HayaSaean enemy in [the country of ...] So my father went [after the Hayadaean] enemy. [he came? to the town of ? ]-a§ha. [The gods] ran before [nay father:] [the sun goddess of Arinna. ?2 *[. 75) B *[. all of their tribal troops. A-NA A-BU-YA me-mi-an] H-te-er Lti..BAD dISTAR LIL] D "[nu-kdn A-BU-YA LtJ..]J[ki-nu-un-wa-ra-a$ §A.KUR ^Ar-zla-u-wa-wa am-mu-uk lGl-a[n-da u-iia nu-kdn A-BIA-BI-YA *\A-BU-YA A-NA} LtJ..MES p[i-ra-a}n fyu-u-i-e-[er] C ^["UTU -"TOL-na dU] ™IJ[a-at-t}i dU K[I.. Hittite Conquest Accounts 161 But when my father marfched forward].... and litar of the Battlefield..] I-NA x[...KUR pa-an-lga-ri-it BA... 39 [DS] [A-NA LU. BAD] [Thus (spoke) my father] to my grandfather: ["Oh my lord!] Against the Arza]waean [enemy send] me!" [So my grandfather sent my father] against the Arzawaean enemy.i}a-aS-ha x [.. and brought them back to Samuha.KUR ^Ar-za-wwa me-n[a-afy-fya-an-dati-i-ya-at a2 + E *l[nu-kdn ma-ah-fya-an] A-BU-YA t}[a-an-t]e-ez-zi-i[n ..

to battle [and] he fought [ ..BAD [ ] they brought word to my father below the town of [. I C1 C> .BAD] [ GA§AN LtL-ya] L15 [nu-kdn u-ni pa\an-ku-un SU-TI [ku-en-ta] 13 l L *nu EREM.. the stormgod of the Army.... the Storm god of the Army. Fragment 50) BoTU 45 col i or w (?). is now below (the town of) [.72 And the gods ran before my father: the Sun Goddess of Arinna.ME§ "\pt-ra-an fru-u-e-er] C1 [dUTU ^A-ril-in-na dU ""IJa-at-ti dU KI-KAL.BA4.. z]a-afy-fyi-ia i-yaran-ni-iS I [ ] zarak-lyi-ia-at C2 nuA-NAA-BU-YA DINGER..KUR-mapa-an-ga-ri-it u-it a2 "[. IStar of the Battlefield and Zababa.] And the gods [ran before] my father: [The sungoddess of Ari]nna.]: "The enemy who had gone forth to (the town of) AniSa.ME§ p[i-ra-an fyu-u-e-er] [ UTU ^A-ri-in-na dU ^Mfa-at-tM dU [KI. [(so that) the enemy troops] died in [multitudes. (Thus) he slew the aforementioned whole tribe.KAL.. and the enemy troops died in multitudes.MES LtimURpa-an-ga-ri-ilt BA. C1 C1 Fragment 50 E Gs a* .. [the god X. 11-18 (pp.. 117-118) n E [ na]m-ma-a$ a-pe"-e-da-ni UD-ti i-ia-an-ni-eS-pdt 3 12 G [. Lf L dZA.]-iSSa.BA4-^a a 18 L [ pa-an~ga]-ri-it BA..162 C2 C1 8d Ancient Conquest Accounts [nu A-NA] A-BU-YA DINGIR.. and the Lady of the Battlefield. he went. the Storm god of Hatti. But the enemy came in multitudes... 9d These four 'episodes' evince the following pattern: Fragment 10 Aa I E I C1 C1 Fragment 1 Y [DSJ+D a1 E C1 C1 Fragment 15 . the stormgod of Haiti. the god Y].BAD Then he marched forth on that very day [ ].70 But when it became light and the sun rose...]LtJ..] GIM-an-ma lu-uk-kat-ta *UTU-u$-kdn u-up-ta-at M [.BAD n[d d ] d I§TAR.. 4)." (So) my father went against him. E .. B .

74 This produced an iterative scheme and high-redundance message reinforcing the text's ideology. we have seen that there are parallels with the Assyrian accounts. Consequently. although it placed less emphasis on 'an ideology of terror' than its Assyrian counterpart. L» L" La L» L» L" La Q1 As can be seen from this chart. Hittite Conquest Accounts . 163 . The stereotyped use of syntagms in the historical narrative episodes was also observed in the Hittite texts as it was in the Assyrian. . an iterative scheme of stereotyped syntagma was used to create the accounts of Suppiluliuma's conquests. the figurative nature of the accounts and the ideology underlying them are re-inforced. The Hittite imperial ideology was very similar to the Assyrian ideology.3. CONCLUSION Through our investigation of the ideological and figurative aspects of the Hittite conquest accounts.

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Gese maintains: we shall leave Egypt completely out of account. This assumption is due in part to the conclusion which L. First. since at first glance the Egyptian evidence seems to be quite irrelevant to our question/ But John Van Seters correctly points out the error in Bull's thinking: But what is significant is that the statement is more a remark about the theoretical impossibility of historiography among the Egyptians than a conclusion based upon the data . H. by their practice of keeping records of the past... have made themselves much the best historians of any nation . Bull reached in his article on the Egyptian idea of history: In the writer's view it seems fair to say that ancient Egypt cannot have had an 'idea of history* in any sense resembling what the phrase means to thinkers of the present age or perhaps of the last 2. Thus. This is especially true in the context of Israelite history writing.' Herodotus Egypt has been almost totally neglected in discussions of ancient Near Eastern history writing.Chapter 4 EGYPTIAN CONQUEST ACCOUNTS The Egyptians who live in the cultivated parts of the country. other scholars of ancient Near Eastern and biblical history have dismissed Egypt from consideration. There are two reasons for this neglect. it is assumed that the Egyptians did not have a concept or idea of history and consequently did not produce any historical pieces of any real merit.2 As a result of such a view.400 years.

And. Williams astutely elucidates the reason for this propensity: By the very nature of their training.4 Thus. . Moreover. legal 'codes' and practices.J. the Egyptian material has been overlooked or not given due consideration.5 Another reason for the neglect of Egypt in discussions of ancient Near Eastern history writing is the tendency in Old Testament studies to look first to Canaanite and Mesopotamian literary sources for some of the origins of concepts found in the Old Testament. Yet Egypt's legacy is by no means negligible. too often. proverb collections. Although the Hebrews and Greeks did develop continuous histories. while Bull does not deny that the Egyptians had a great interest in.166 Ancient Conquest Accounts collected. Old Testament scholars are more likely to have acquired a first-hand knowledge of the Canaanite and cuneiform sources than they are to have mastered the hieroglyphic and hieratic materials of Egypt. there are numerous historical genres which are observable in ancient Egyptian literature and which demand comparison with the biblical material. he has denied the theoretical possibility of history writing among the Egyptians. the inclusion of an analysis of Egyptian conquest accounts in our study is both legitimate and necessary. For this reason they have had to depend to a greater degree on secondary sources for the latter.7 and therefore.6 There can be little doubt that the Egyptians' influence on the historical literature of ancient Israel was much more than is usually considered. the past. R. and greater appreciation of this fact has been achieved during the past half century. Bull asserts that the Egyptians cannot have had an 'idea of history* by emphasizing their static view of life. then. it is not legitimate to compare ancient Near Eastern history writing to a twentieth century historicist or positivist model. It is not surprising. suzerainty treaties and royal annals has been more thoroughly investigated. that Israel's heritage from Western Asia in such areas as mythology. This must be rejected. as Van Seters points out. this kind of generalization leads to a neglect of true history writing among the Egyptians and of the comparison of this with Israelite history writing. so that. theodicy. psalmody. and reverence for.

there is 'a discrepancy between the ideal and reality. history writing (Geschichtsschreibung).11 Thus Otto differentiated three spheres: the historical ideal (Geschichtsbild).e. aspects of society. due in part to the opinions of scholars like Bull. no doubt. Egyptian Conquest Accounts PAST STUDIES 167 In the past. and historical reality (geschichtlicher Realitat). However. Otto argued that in ancient Egyptian history writing there was a tension between the world of facts and a historical ideal. This was. i. etc.10 For Otto 'History writing then stands in strained relationship between the world of facts and the ideal image of history*. Consequently. Furthermore. Otto correctly maintained that one should not deny that the Egyptians had any interest in history.4. chronological and figurative factors undergird the Egyptian historical accounts. While there is little argument that ideological. The situating of the historical texts between reality and the ideal picture is 'dictated by an over-riding individuality of the spirit of the age (Zeitgeist)'. Egyptologists have generally been more concerned with the writing of histories of ancient Egypt (and hence with different methods in obtaining a reconstruction of particular periods. Otto's three-fold division and his linking of the Egyptians' historical conception to the Zeitgeist must be rejected because of their historicist presuppositions. between that which should be. The Egyptians seemed to be aware of their long history and tried to come to terms with it. Lichtheim concluded that due to the nature of the material most histories of Egypt up to that point had concentrated on the political history. E.9 Obviously.) than with the analysis of the literary characteristics of Egyptian history writing. and that which is'.. M. in 1964. In this regard. For example. there have been some exceptions to these reconstructional tendencies. This 'discrepancy was much too great for the ancient Egyptians' so that they were inclined 'to confine the content of reality to a minimum'. She has been proven correct. Van Seters correctly comments: .8 But she predicted that future studies would concentrate on the social and economic history of Egypt.12 He felt that the two factors which distinguished these are the notion of time and the function of the king.

for . It was often used as a type of report which related the whereabouts and/or actions of the enemy. Iw.u The king-lists tradition has been treated by H. Hermann. Helck.168 Ancient Conquest Accounts No Near Eastern society was more meticulous in its record keeping. E. as well as S. and yet more ideological in its presentation of past events as they centered upon the king. as represented in the annals and king lists.).15 D. Moreover. they nevertheless were an attempt to present a factual report of a specific military Texts The iw. it came to be used as the prime method of recording the announcement to the Pharaoh of the hostilities of the enemy. it is reasonable to expect that considerable time elapsed between the announcement and the Pharaoh's response. texts contain a great degree of figurative language (or as Spalinger puts it 'much that is pure verbiage'22). For example. Hermann have studied the Egyptian genre of the 'so-called' genre thus appears to have been a fairly standardized form. annals17 and day-books.W.he examines the different genres of the Egyptian military accounts. but also the Egyptian sense of formula originates in conquest accounts from the reign of Thutmose II. in his important work Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians.20 For example. Since a large percentage of the these come from the time of the Empire (15001200 B. under the influence of the Middle Kingdom epistolary style. and not the military action of the king. 13 SOME GENERIC CONSIDERATIONS (It Depends on Your Purpose) There have been a number of studies on different individual genres of history writing in ancient Egypt.18 And Van Seters has tried to categorize the different literary genres. A. Furthermore. Bedford16 has recently dealt with not only the king-lists.21 The iw. In fact. While the iw. they were. our study will concentrate on this period. Otto has published a study on Late Egyptian biographies.19 Some very helpful studies have come from the pen of A.

tw stelae related the military activity of the Pharaoh texts was two-fold: 1). unlike those more detailed accounts. the iw. in the texts are often connected with the Nubian wars which were not as important as the Libyan or Asiatic military inscriptions was not to present a matter-of-fact narrative of a particular war. In other words. The purpose of these compositions was therefore not to narrate the day-to-day progress of a military campaign. the precise background information on the war is for all practical purposes ignored. The Pharaoh is depicted far less as a military commander and more as the supreme ruler of his land. Egyptian Conquest Accounts 169 the most part. However. The message report served the purpose of highlighting the rebels' moves against his might. it was to state the occurrence of a campaign and the restitution of the status quo ante bellum by means of the Pharaoh's decision to send his troops in reaction to a message of enemy hostility. texts. or the Medinet Habu texts of Harnesses III. the intention of the ancient authors of these iw. rather than as commander-in-chief of the army (here the Egyptian ideology of kingship comes into play). these compositions glossed over the sequence of events leading up to the defeat of the enemy. Consequently. in the role of leader of his land. 2).. the Pharaoh looms far more as a figure of permanent stability and omnipotence. Rather. Thus the rise of the Egyptian Empire and its concomitant se- .tw texts could also serve as brief resumes of a war which would be recorded in a more lengthy composition. they served as simple statements on a war.. the iw. That is to say.4. and within a set format which allowed for little freedom of expression or introduction of unique information. employed as relatively short accounts of campaigns in which the Pharaoh did not personally lead his army.23 It should be noted that the iw. such as the Karnak Annals of Thutmose III. Hence. the Kadesh Inscriptions of Harnesses II. These texts provided the mundane equivalent of the better known campaign reports. and the eventual success of the Pharaoh. Detail was kept to a minimum. Thus the purpose of the iw. relating the date. the name of the enemy.

25 Hymns of praise to the victorious Pharaoh were often placed after the announcement of the overthrow of the enemy. Spalinger's charts of the lexical data (which we cannot repeat) show that the Egyptian iw. Nhtw: The Daybook Reports Unlike the texts are artificial. in the name of the expedition and the names of the (individual) texts can be divided into three parts corresponding to each phase of the military encounter: the background. Spalinger demonstrates that up to the passage describing the defeat of the despised enemy forces a single set pattern was employed. as an aside in the Annals of Thutmose III reveals: Now all that his majesty did to this town and to that wretched enemy together with his wretched army was recorded on (each) day in its name.29 .tw texts. synthetic and simulated as their Assyrian and Hittite counterparts. this new form was based on the scribal war diary. but that the conclusion to the text could be approached in a variety of ways. like the Hittite and Assyrian accounts which utilize stereotyped syntagms in order to build the texts build an iterative scheme which in turn produces a high-redundance message which is a vehicle for the Egyptian ideology.26 The iw. Hence. but are also written with a set list of common lexical items. Spalinger studies the vocabulary which is used in the accounts and concludes that the iw. Even when the king was not present at a besieging of a texts were unified 'with respect to lexical vocabulary.28 When the king went out on a campaign. rather than an account of the return of the Egyptian army to Egypt (although this remained common).170 Ancient Conquest Accounts Ties of military campaigns formed the impetus for this new type of literary composition. indeed they are quite repetitious'. in hieratic. and the result. he took his war scribes with him. The iw. the Egyptian accounts construct the description of the military engagement.27 In this regard the iw. and they jotted down the days' accounts. the account was still written down. the reaction.24 In his analysis of the texts not only conform to a standard literary pattern.

Spalinger's analysis of the two stelae. Egyptian Conquest Accounts 171 We are told that the official war reports 'are recorded on a roll of leather in the temple of Amun to this day'.81 Thus the Annals have the Day-book Reports as their core. and the Kadesh Inscriptions of Harnesses n. the Bubastis Fragment of Amenhotep III. It is the journal that provides the exact arrangement for the scribe.. referred to both the daybook excerpts and the tribute and booty lists. From other sources it is known that the scribes had a terse style because they had to record the events as quickly as they occurred. the dates on the stelae cannot be accepted.32 This style. the Memphis and Karnak Stelae of Amenhotep II.36 The word hrwyt. Aharoni claimed that the story contained on the Karnak and Memphis Stelae of Amenhotep II 'jumps from place to place without any connecting text'.e.34 Hence the Daybooks formed the core of the narrative to which the literary embellishment of the scribes was added. While this is true. follows the diary reports. which they could embellish with any literary account they wished. . which Noth and Grapow noticed and labelled Tagebuchstil^ consists of a series of *bare' infinitives. With that document as the core of the narrative. hence. not the other way around. argues against this understanding. very little historical manipulation (either intentional or not) occurred. In either case. the Annals of Thutmose III (Stuck I).4. it is often difficult to determine the original report. however.30 The 'to this day' refers to the days following the battle of Megiddo. The narrative. i. however. The Egyptian scribes had at their disposal a complete diary of their king's campaigns. Spalinger isolates five New Kingdom texts that have the War Reports as their core: The Tomb Biography of Ahmose son of Ebana.38 To him the two texts compress or telescope events.35 It must be stressed at this point that the particular Daybooks which were employed in the construction of the military narratives were different from the Daybooks which were used to record the goods and tribute brought back to Egypt. the scribe was held to truth and accuracy. infinitives without a subject.37 The fact that the Daybook was the historical 'core' has certain implications for the accounts which have it as their core. 'daybook'. For example.

Switches from third to first person should not necessarily be understood as sloppy scribal editing. The Karnak and Memphis stelae of Amenhotep II clearly demonstrate this.40 Moreover. with respect to the so-called 'poem* of Harnesses II commemorating his victory at Kadesh.42 Spalinger convincingly shows that the Toem' preserves a regular and quite organized structure and that the supposed 'lapses' in the use of the personal pronouns are the result of the blending in the text of literary traditions (i.172 Ancient Conquest Accounts Aharoni has therefore misunderstood the historical core of these two inscriptions. Nhtw: The Literary Reports These are accounts which do not have the Daybook Reports as their core. they also had a third option: they could narrate the account without any reference to a Daybook Report and with a heavier dependence on the Egyptian literary tradition (rhetoric and poetics). For example. In the 18th Dynasty. two accounts based on the same diary as their core do not necessarily have to yield the exact same narrative. it is clear that the scribes were careful in the constructing of the accounts. and they could describe in a longer account the actions of the Pharaoh in battle which was based on the Daybook text).. While the scribes could record the actions of the Egyptian army (without) Pharaoh in a short account (an iw.39 Thus conquest accounts with the Daybook as their core are less likely to manipulate the historical data as some other type. highly rhetorical 1st person speeches and Daybook accounts).41 Finally. Gardiner argued that the composition was defective because the scribe often shifted from third person to first and back again. his Gebel . The literary ability and creativity of the authors must be brought into consideration since they embellished the accounts in accordance to their point of view.43 Thus he concludes that the 1st person accounts of 44 Harnesses II 'were blended into the narrative very effectively'. there are five texts which do not utilize the War Diaries: the Armant Stela of Thutmose III. as also the Kadesh Inscriptions of Harnesses II.e.

Spalinger concludes: the composition bears the mark of a highly trained author or authors who employed many literary images and turns of phrase (outside the literary opening).49 The tradition of the literary record continued into the Rainesside period: the Karnak Wall Scenes of Seti I. Egyptian Conquest Accounts 173 Barkal Stela. the Kadesh Reliefs of Ramesses II. and the Israel Stela. and Thutmose Ill's Annals—Stiicke V-VI. However.48 The Kamose Stela. Hence. one may hypothesize that Kamose's orders were part of his involvement in the actual composition of the narrative.46 and the Kamose Stelae and Stucke V-YE of Thutmose Ill's Annals are primary narratives based on the literary tradition (by and large less rhetorical than the Tombos Stela). Conclusion The Egyptians had names and titles for their literary compositions.47 In a recent study of the Gebel Barkal Stela. as with the texts of this category from the 18th Dynasty. the Tombos Stela of Thutmose formula and their greater use (to varying degrees) of rhetoric and poetics. the inscriptions of Merenptah: the Athribis Stela. and the inscriptions of Ramesses III: Year 5.4. Year 8 and Year 11 texts. These five can be further divided: the Armant Stela and the Gebel Barkal Stela are 'address' (sdd) texts. it must be noted that in lines 36ff is preserved his command to the treasurer Neshi. the Karnak War Inscription. The title which the Egyptians gave to their military . while not based on a Day-book account. Thus these texts are separated from the first two categories above primarily on their lack of the employment of the Daybook Reports or the iw. wherein the Pharaoh directly orders the carving and erection of his monument. shows great creativity in its well-developed narrative. the Ramose Stelae. the degree of usage of poetics dictates the difference between each inscription. Whether or not Kamose himself had a direct role in the creation of the work is another point. Irene Shirun-Grumach has isolated a number of the individual poems interspersed between the narrative.50 Again.45 the Tombos Stela of Thutmose I is a highly rhetorical text.

54 That two internally different inscriptions could be considered by the Egyptians to belong to the same genre is dramatically shown in the Annals of Thutmose III.56 But note Spalinger's description of Stiicke VVI: The format of this section (V-VI) of Thutmose's Annals avoids any connected narrative the length or extent of Stuck I. all combined with some daybook excerpts. The authors of Stiicke V-VI have preferred instead to employ short descriptive sentences and lists of impost and booty. They have often interpolated the return voyage and subsequent events before the tribute lists . 734. Thus one encounters in the Israel Stela of Merenptah the title: .13-14).5G).57 Moreover. IV. the 'narrations of thenfytw'). Interestingly.9ff). 684. IV. Thus.. it is stated that Amun gave to Thutmose his nhtw which the latter drew up on his temple walls (Urk. 647. and/or Victories'. Stiicke V-VI of Thutmose's Annals is therefore a combination of such brief descriptive narrative sections plus lists of tribute and booty. It is clear that the separate reports of booty lists and the military narratives were considered to belong to one genre—the king's personal deeds. it is stated that 'His majesty commanded the causing that one record the nfytwwhich his father (= Amun) gave to him' (Urk. the Megiddo campaign. his nbtw. 'powers'. and again 'now his majesty commanded that one record the nfytwwhich he had done from the twenty-third year to the forty-second'(Urk.53 and in the Armant Stela of Thutmose HI. 'even though the Poem with its straightforward narrative style interspersed with daybook accounts presents an entirely different approach from its Harnesses III counterparts.52 It had a nuance of 'military power' or 'military ability'..... all three texts belong to the same literary genre'. the Egyptians gave their military texts another specification: sdd 'narrations' (hence. the inscription itself is called a 'summary of the occurrences of knt and nhtw which this good god did'.174 Ancient Conquest Accounts documents was that otnfytw. In the opening phrases of Stuck I.51 The term nhtw seems to be a singular (perhaps a collective noun) which means something like 'strengths'. the Year 5 and the Year 11 inscriptions of Harnesses III are the only texts so labelled. IV.55 Later in Stiicke V-VI. the Kadesh Poem of Harnesses II.

the Egyptians themselves saw these. the scribes could narrate the account without any reference to a Daybook Report and with a heavier dependence on the Egyptian rhetoric and poetics. especially in those cases when the Pharaoh himself was not a participant. Morenz states: Strictly speaking.4. To this extent Egyptian history is written as a dogma of sacrosanct monarchy. Finally. Egyptian Conquest Accounts 175 'Recitation of his victories (nfytw)'. texts were used primarily for short accounts. Thus while there are numerous differences in their military accounts. in a longer account. or is free to decide for himself matters of war and peace. S. Even so. no matter whether he is appointed by God. it is quite clear throughout Egyptian history that royal power becomes continually weaker.59 Even so. as reporting the nfytwof the Pharaoh.And in the Armant Stela one finds that it is specifically written in order to 'relate' (sdd) the king's powers for 'millions of years'. a report based on the Daybook Records might be utilized. Second. who controls his actions. the iw. in which the actions of the Pharaoh in battle were recorded. it has been recognized that the ideology of kingship had a great influence on Egyptian history writing. EGYPTIAN IDEOLOGY (Just Being Better Than Everyone Else!) Royal Ideology For a long time. the only acceptable subject <of historiography> is the Egyptian sacrosanct ruler. through whom or in relation to whom all essential things happen. the king submits himself more and more profoundly to the might and will of the . the Egyptians were able (any one of them who was literate) to look at the different military texts and could determine which type of account was being presented.88 It has been demonstrated that there were three major categories of military inscriptions among the many Egyptian inscriptions. in the final analysis.

His borders reach the rim of heaven. at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. In order to justify his actions the monarch claims to be acting according to the 'commands' of the god.61 In order to legitimate his rule. During the 18th Dynasty. He gave to him the throne of Geb. Thutmose III legitimates his claim to the throne by an oracular pronouncement of the god Amun and ascribes his victories to that god's agency. Amenhotep II asserts: He Himself <Amun-Re> caused him <Amenhotep> to appear as King upon the throne of the living. He assigned to him the Black Land (Kmt) as his retinue. the king alludes to his 'election' by a god.60 Thus. He bestowed on him a heritage forever.64 At the ideological level. A kingship for all time. The Red Land brings him its dues. South and North are in his care. All countries have his protection. Their years of life and of dominion. in which the oracular decisions of Amun regulate everything that happens down to relatively insignificant administrative and political matters.63 Hornung notes that this movement culminates in the 'theocracy' of the Twenty-first Dynasty. and his dependence on other human and earthly possessors of power increases. Thus Harnesses II describes himself as: . The lands are in his hand in a single knot. The Two Ladies' shares. divine authority took precedence over the monarchy. The Two Lords' portions. The Red Land as his serfs.176 Ancient Conquest Accounts gods.65 This concept of the Pharaoh being the protector continues into the 19th dynasty. The mighty rulership of Atum. this concept was extended to cover relations with Western Asia.62 In a very similar way to his father. even one of the most important rulers of the New Kingdom. for example. Hence. Thus one finds. the Pharaoh was the protector of Egypt. as the Egyptian ideological foundations of kingship were reformulated. Amenhotep II stating concerning himself: He has taken all of Egypt.

he has rescued Egypt when it was plundered. victory here as anywhere was ordained by Amun. The Enemy From Egyptian literature (e. she is his forever. that he may protect her people.67 This concept of the Pharaoh as the protector of Egypt can be clearly seen in an inscription of Merenptah: Then spoke they. and these lands and their products belonged to Amun who cared not to give *his' timber to the Asiatics. that he may intervene for who(ever) is oppressed by any foreign country. the practical outworking was more complex as the Amarna correspondence shows.66 177 K. the diplomatic presents from foreign rulers (even of major powers) were termed inw—as tribute was. the Lords of Heliopolis. King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Usimare-setepenre.4. Merenptah Satisfied by Truth: 'Grant him a lifespan like Re'.69 Without much . He causes all lands to be under his feet.68 While this was the ideology which could justify Egyptian intervention in the political situations among its neighbors. Re' has turned again to Egypt.g.' Egypt has been assigned to him. This royal ideology. protector of multitudes. concerning their son. a buckler for millions. Similarly. generally. to be his given portion. Tuthmosis III took the line that his opponents were *rebel'. valiant shepherd in sustaining mankind. The Son is ordained as her Protector. Son of Re': Ramesses-miamun. marching against the Asiatics to repel them. Merikare and The Admonitions of Ipuwer) it is quite evident that the Egyptians had 'an intense hatred for their foreign neighbors'.A. he is an excellent wall for Egypt. he is an intervener for the needy. Egyptian Conquest Accounts a husband to the widow and protector of the orphan. Kitchen has noted concerning the extension of the royal ideology that: when beginning his first Syrian campaign. greatly influenced the generating of the Pharaoh's conquest accounts. however.

who beheads the northerners.72 The term nbdw has been associated with the root nbd. which made reverses abroad. Who smites the southerners. <emphasis mine>70 Thus the enmity between Egypt and her neighbors was rooted in the Egyptian sense of superiority. which means 'evil. an attitude that was validated by the religious system. who were themselves part of that threatening chaos. in the Gebel Barkal Stela.73 Not only is this root attested as early as the Old Kingdom.f hsk mhtyw The good god.71 For example. Who scatters the heads of those of bad character. Thutmose III is described as: nfr hw-rsyw ^ssh tpw nbdw-kd I6 ntr ig l£ m fypi.74 Thus Hoffmeier argues: . it is the name of the divinity 'the Evil One'. mere incidents in a cosmic drama in which Egypt and its gods would ultimately triumph. personified by the king. The characterization of Egypt's enemies as those of'bad character' (nbdw kd) is encountered on a number of occasions in the writings of the 18th dynasty. Many of the motifs continue for millennia. however serious. A potent factor in sustaining the sense of Egyptian superiority was its supernatural validity. the state... Mythic and real struggles were inextricably fused. who conquers with his arm. ritually aided the gods in their implicitly always successful struggle against supernatural enemies and disorder.178 Ancient Conquest Accounts variation over the years. while the gods promised the state ultimate victory over its foreign enemies. both Egyptian art and literature record the relationship between Egypt and her neighbors. bad'. By the New Kingdom centuries of successful military and quasi-military commercial activities in neighbouring regions had established an Egyptian self-image as a culturally superior group whose foreign activities were encouraged by their gods . O'Connor explains it in these terms: Another important continuity was the Egyptian attitude to foreigners. This had its outworking in the Egyptian vocabulary used to describe the enemy.

who loved word plays.i mS' A vile report is in the interior of your town.' One wonders if the Egyptians.g.k wi m wr tw.ti r. and hsyt 'wrongdoing.' so as to want for yourself what is wrongly seized. the King of Hatti. Egyptian Conquest Accounts apparently related to the same root is the word nbd meaning *plait* and ndbt meaning 'tress of mS'. had long and sometimes braided hair. the chief of the Libyans.k r. through which you shall fall! Your back sees misfortune. the vocabulary was basically the same: the enemy was wicked and evil. hence also 'mean of conduct*. Libyans and Asiatics specifically. crime'.k bin mS'. the enemies of the cosmic order) and those whom pharaoh grasped by their long locks of hair when he smashed their 3m-hnw ht. he was often described as vile or wretched (e. humble'. or the Nubians. fyrw pf hsi n Kd§w: 'that vile/wretched enemy of Kadesh').' Nbd the Evil One.k hns m ir.s m' s'.75 179 Since the enemy was by nature evil.76 The root hs(y) means 'weak..k nn iwr hmtw Ht-w'rt nn sn ibw. since my army is after sdmt hmhmt ntp'y.4. Apophis:79 First Speech l smi hs m hnw dmik tw.™ The utter contempt which the Egyptians had for their enemies can be seen in two speeches of the Egyptian king Kamose to the Hyksos ruler. (D-3 of Gardiner's sign list). the town of Kadesh itself.e.k n.k tf.' and nbdw kd are all written with the hair determinative "35\.k m hk' r dbh zn.i m s'. You are driven back with your army! Your speech is vile. when you make me as 'a chieftain. hsy 'coward'. . etc. and it is connected with the terms hst 'cowardice'. The link with hair is clear since the words nbd 'plait.' while you are 'a ruler. feeble.k t' nmt hrt. The idea of hair may enter the picture because many of the foreign peoples. saw a connection between 'those of evil character' (i.77 So whether the Egyptian scribes wanted to describe the ruler of Kadesh.

I will not tolerate you. fallen chief of the Libu fled in the dead of night alone.i mnw. Another passage which illustrates the Egyptians' contempt towards their enemies is found in the Merenptah Stela. and I am taking away (your) chariotry.wi ii. I will not let you walk the fields without being upon you.kwi m'r. for their hearts will not open in their bodies. when the battle cry of my army is heard. My situation is fortunate.k r wnwt nhm.k ir. I am drinking the wine of your vineyard.k 12 m 'th n. As I have carried off your women to the holds (of the ships). O Asiatic. . Here we see the development from simple name calling to a detailed description of the divine reasons behind the enemy's downfall:82 The despised. no plume on his head. In the description of the Libyan chief we can detect the paragon of the enemy personified. 0 wicked of heart.180 Ancient Conquest Accounts The women of Avaris will not conceive.i mlrpn k'mw. I am cutting down your trees.i mn}} sp.. his feet bare. As the mighty Amun lives. 1 am leveling your dwelling places. I am successful.k erm. I have come..i "mw n h'k. What is left over is in my hand.k 'ht iw nn. fit to perish! May your heart fail! 0 wretched Asiatic .k hmst S'd.i hmwt.i wTi Imn kn nn wTi.i spt m-'.81 wretched Asiatic! Behold.n.kiry.f °m hs mk swr.i hbii st.k whm ib.i t nt-htn "m'Tt 16whm'tb.80 Second Speech hnpw io mk. which Asiatics of my capturing press for me.wi hr.i tw nn did ndgs.f °m hs wn hr dd It is an attack! Behold.

—they have ceased living pleasantly. (ready) to kill him. he reached his country (racked) with misery. safe in a cave. there's no doubting tomorrow('s fate) for (any) who attacks his border. he is in the power of the gods. and all his goods became food for the (Egyptian) troops. those of his town. There is no carrying loads(?). —power and victory are his. those left in his land were (too) angry to receive him: 'Ruler whom an evil fate has deprived of the plume!'. and his son occupies the throne of the Sun. Their encampments have been burned. addressing his son. who can fight. —so say they who gaze at their stars. In a single day their wandering was ended. The faces of his brothers were furious. her attacker was delivered as a prisoner into her power. and reduced to ashes. from son to son of his family for ever! Baienre Meryamun shall pursue his children. knowing his (bold) stride? A mindless fool is (any)one who takes him on. Egyptian Conquest Accounts His wives were seized in his (very) presence. the Lord of Egypt has cursed /us name— Mauriyu83 is an abomination to Memphis (lit. these days. —so all say of him. hiding away is best. the eye of every god pursues who(ever) would rob her. he had no skin of water to sustain him. . "since the time of the Gods.86 181 The great Lord of Egypt. A great wonder has happened for Egypt. all who know their spells by observing the winds." None who attacks her people will succeed. (she is) the sole Daughter of the Sun-god (Pre). and his food supplies were snatched away. in roaming about in the meadow(s). plundered are their settlements at his word. —so says every old man. Woe to the Libu. generation shall tell generation of his victories: "It was never done to us since Be('s reign)!". "It is she who shall vanquish her foes". White WalT). In a single year the Tjehenu were consumed.4. Seth** has turned his back on their chief. "As for Egypt." they say. and his commanders fought among themselves. the lords of Memphis. Merenptah Satisfied by Truth is his appointed fate! He has become a proverb for the Libu.

'to fall into*. Amenemhat. It was at that time that the Egyptian armies penetrated up to the fourth cataract of the Nile and permanently took control of Nubia. especially at the beginning of the 18th Dynasty. Moreover. Spalinger notes that one of the standard opening phrases occurs: a foreign land fell into a state of active hostility against Egypt.88 The word int came to have a frozen use. the enemy was arrogant. <emphasis mine>. He trusted in his many troops and not in Amun-Re'. The Egyptians' concept of the enemy was to regard them as cowardly. the evil-doer.90 This was a stereotyped introduction to an ensuing narrative which was used as a common literary topos by the writers of military inscriptions. a lexical item which occurs quite frequently in . Baienre Meryamun".fhrww nb n Nhsyw m int St'[t] It was in an inaccessible valley that he found all the Nubian ene« «o mies. by whom he stood trial in Heliopolis. Hence one reads: gm. upright.86 He arrogantly rebelled against the order of the Egyptian pharaoh and the Egyptian deities. gracious and mild. condemned(?) by every god who is in Memphis. To the Egyptians. triumph(ant) over his foes in Pre's presence. The military aggression of the foreign monarch is painted as having been dependent upon (presumed) arrogance. —the Ennead found him guilty of his crimes.f Ikheny.n.182 Ancient Conquest Accounts through the counsels of the king. Mariyu. described the beginning of the war of Thutmose I against Mitanni in terms similar to these. in discussing a fragmentary text in which a rebellion against Egypt is related.87 One of the most common expressions of the Egyptians' concept of the enemy's homeland speaks of the cowardly army of rebels holing up in a remote locality—a hidden valley. the boaster. The Asiatic and Nubian territories were remote and strange to the Egyptians. Consequently. Thus one reads: 'Ifynyp' "b'w m-hnw mS'. and boastful. vain. was in the middle of his army. The typical verb used by the scribes is w'. one sees that the astrologer. Said the Lord-of-All "Give the (victory~)sword to my Son. *Rebellious foreign lands that were falling into attacking his boundary*.14.. IV.w) r b$tw hr hm.91 e.. fy'swt bSt'w wn. (w) w'. Stuck I: Urk.n.i: The Phoenician lands which had fallen into attacking my boundaries'. (w) tk t'&f: ^Rebellious foreign lands that were falling into attacking his boundary*.fw) r fi' hn1 hm. The reason why these enemy countries 'fell' into rebellion was due again to their evil nature. IV. Thutmose II Assuan-Philae Text: Urk. fy'swt bSt'w wn.w w'. Harnesses II: Undated War Scene: KRI II. m-h'w k'w tw'yt ntt im I2m dim n S'rh'n is£ $"-m yrd' I3nfrytphwwt' w'(. .w w' '.f w h'd''s ll . for example. Thutmose Annals. Harnesses II: Undated War Scene: KRI II. Tie planned hostility in his heart*92 or 'they planned hostility*93 or 'they have made a conspiracy'. 139. g.15. Thutmose III Annals.(w) r bSt' hr hm. should re-establish order and stability.bStw '. Stuck V: Urk. the good god. of the upper reaches of Asia—they were more numerous than the sand of the seashore —fell into attacking his majesty*.ti r..7. sbtt w\(w) r hwtfrhyt_ Kmt: 'Rebels have fallen into robbing the people of Egypt. nw phw t' '$' st r S'w n wdb w'. IV..6-7. c.(w) r '$': They have become numerous*.3. Spalinger lists some of the occurrences: a. Stuck I: Urk. 648. 138. w'. IV. IV.' Thutmose II Assuan-Philae Text: Urk.3. 710. it was necessary that pharaoh. t'w fnfyw wn. lst_ S"-mYrd nfiyt-rphw t' w'. Egyptian Conquest Accounts 183 Egyptian military texts. By nature they could only conspire and plot rebellion.13. b. d. IV.(w) r tk t'S. r-ntt K$ hst w'.f?].w r tkk t'$w. 758. 138. This is illustrated by a section95 of Thutmose Ill's Annals: 9 is£ *h' nw '$' m rnpwt iw Rt[nw w' r] nb hr rk? r [sn-nw. iw.2.. Thutmose III *Now (the land) from Yrd to the upper reaches of Asia fell into hostility against his majesty*. i. 154. h. tr n rkt: He has fallen into an occasion of conspiracy*. hpr. Thutmose II Assuan-Philae Text: Urk. Thutmose HI Dedication Inscription: Urk.94 Enemy rulership meant anarchy and chaos—hence. to the effect that vile Rush has fallen into hostility*. w'. 650.6-9.

Thus: He enters into the mass of men.184 Ancient Conquest Accounts Now for a long period of years Retftenu had fallen into] a state of anarchy. gmt. h't.e. the king is the passive component of war. Thus the incentive to establish an empire derived primarily from political and .. Some wretched foreigner had disrupted the status quo which had been set up at the 'first beginning*. shwy ms\ sbt. The iw.' there was every reason to annihilate him (if not literally. he makes them non-existent. rebel) against his majesty. His army is dispatched only after others have stirred up texts (e. He acts only after he has received news of foreign unrest. The Egyptians' hatred for foreigners during the New Kingdom period is a possible explanation for why the Egyptians adopted an expansionist foreign texts. During the Hyksos period.].tw texts illustrate this outlook starkly. k't. Furthermore..g. iw. while they are prostrated in their blood. It is his uraeus-serpent that overthrows them for him.104 Here the ideological and the figurative aspects obviously overlap.101 Thus the king of Egypt in accomplishing ultimate victory over his foreign enemies in'. shwy. his royal serpent which subdues his enemies. For it happened in a later period. Egypt suffered oppression by a foreign power.99 Now (the land) from Yrd' to the upper reaches of the Earth had begun to fall100 into hostility (i.105 and the desire to drive out the foreigners was kindled.97 that the garrison98 which had been there was (now) in the town of Sharuhen.96 every man showing hostility towards/overpoweringC?) his neighbor [.102 The very strict patterning of the vocabulary of the iw.. then figuratively!). and then only to reestablish the status quo. h'yt "fr)103 created such a format that a highredundance message was produced which was a vehicle to reinforce the Egyptian ideology. brought stability and order and ma'at. It was not the fault of the Egyptians or their king that hostility broke out.. who were themselves part of 'the threatening chaos'. since the enemy was 'evil. Hence in the iw. his blast of fire attacked them like a flame.

Egyptian Conquest Accounts 185 military reasons rather than from the desire for material gain per se. The rulers of the independent Nubian Kingdom. Administration This imperialistic ideology also had its outworking in the administration of the conquered territories.J. local chiefs are almost never featured except as occasional rebel leaders.110 In Nubia.113 The pattern of these settlements was a replica of that in Egypt. it is very clear that 'two types of imperial rule must be differentiated'. on the whole. The Viceroy of Nubia Citing's Son of Kush') headed a purely Egyptian bureaucratic regime and was directly responsible to the king. Interestingly.4.109 it is clear that. while there are some similarities in the way in which these two were administered. were close allies of the Hyksos kings. Under the Viceroy there was a separate military commander who oversaw the militia. Hence.112 In Nubia.107 Therefore. which came into existence in the centuries preceding the New Kingdom. and then they are without any command of resources or a culture remotely comparable with those of Egypt. Frandsen has recently argued that while the evidence is extremely . P.106 Not only does this appear to be the case for the expansion northwards. The two regions over which Egypt gained control and which we possess enough information to assemble some type of model were Nubia and the Levant. in that it exercised authority over other nation-states or nations for its own benefit'. the success of the Egyptianization policy was largely due to the new settlements which were established in great number especially in Lower Nubia. the reason for the retribution upon Nubia and its108 subsequent subjugation was the same as that for the Levant.111 The country was governed using the Egyptian administrative of technique dividing the land into two regions: Wawat and Kush (thus corresponding to Upper and Lower Egypt). they were quite different. but it also may explain the expansion southward. while Egypt possessed 'an empire by any standard definition of the term. Although the administration was backed by these Egyptian armed forces garrisoned in the numerous fortresses throughout the area. the Egyptians attempted and accomplished 'an almost perfect Egyptianization'.

The population already had an evolved social and political structure. by and large. and continue to trade and quarrel with their neighbors. the transformation of the settlement pattern.. but they were bound to pharaoh by an oath. the integration of the economy into the Egyptian ^distributive economy—reveals. and since— with the exception of gold—the products of Nubia were. In contrast to this Egyptianization policy in Nubia. the outcome was a relationship between societies based on a system of international law. after all. and a mature culture and ethos.. ostrich feathers. Above all. of a kind unobtainable in Egypt (ivory.) the control of this area assumed a more overt.''5 Thus an Egyptianization policy was carried out on Nubia which manifested itself in the restructuring of the political and administrative institutions. and an ideological expansion amounting almost to propaganda. occasionally repressive—and ideologically more intensive form . leopard skins. etc. in return for political and social stability. The Canaanite rulers might keep their their small feudal levies of 'knights* (maryannu) and men-at-arms. In this situation individual vassals. nothing short of a conscious effort on the part of the Egyptians to push also the non-material borderline southwards to the 4th cataract. it was an old enemy territory. the acculturation of at least the upper strata of Nubian society. such as to leave no real vacuum to be filled by an alien structure and culture. ebony.186 Ancient Conquest Accounts sparse. in my opinion. the Egyptian rule in Syria and Palestine seems to have had the maintenance of ordered relations between separate societies as its primary objective so that trade would not be hindered.114 He maintains that: since. swore allegiance to the reigning king. While the Egyptians' original intention might have been complete subjugation of the Levant. Lorton is probably correct when he states: . it appears that 'the Nubian economy was structurally integrated into the Egyptian which roughly speaking was a system of redistribution'.117 Although no treaties and fealty oaths have been discovered so far in ancient Egypt.116 In Syria the Egyptians made no serious attempt to displace the local rulers of the city-states in favor of any thoroughly Egyp tian administrative network.

the Egyptians kept in all probability a close watch on the flow of tribute to Egypt from the different petty rulers as a practical test of their loyalty. Thutmose III made the Canaanites swear an oath of allegiance:119 lst_ st V hr inbw..n r bin hr Mn-hjpr-R' 'nfy dt Moreover. and there were Palestinian territories which were assigned to the domains of the Egyptian temples. The Egyptians retained. Although Egypt's administration of Syria and Palestine was different from that of Nubia.4. the existing political and administrative organization to which they added only a small top administration to oversee the preservation of Egyptian suzerainty. they stood on their walls in order to give praise to my majesty. Egyptian Conquest Accounts documents were [probably] as important to the Egyptian system as to the Asiatic .i di. there were royal and temple lands which would have served in the Egyptianization endeavour.n hm.i l& si tw rdit n. may he live forever! I4i Hence the Egyptian adminstration of Syria and Palestine in certain general respects resembled that of a feudal society. Also there were Egyptian 'inspectors' who estimated the yield of Palestinian harvests.120 Since this was the case.121 Thus this Egyptian administration was: .sn t^w n 'nfy 16e h'. Then my majesty caused them to swear their oath of allegiance. the terms 'oath' and treaty* have been used interchangeably here. there is indirect evidence that the Egyptians used loyalty oaths. by and large. in the area of land holding.118 187 tryt m dd "nn whm. just as in sdf. For example. saying: Never again will we commit evil against Menkheperre*. Since the oath was the constitutive element of the agreement.n rdi. this does not mean that there were no attempts at Egyptianization in the Levant. and since the documents were only evidentiary. seeking that the breath of life might be given to hr rdit i'w n hm. For example.

On the one hand there was the practical reason of . Having established that there were two distinct types of imperial rule in the Egyptian empire. Syria-Palestine was apparently divided into three provinces: Amurru with its capital at Simyra.124 And yet the Egyptians obviously were the ones who benefitted the most from the political and economic arrangements in the Levant. there were no deliberate attempts to impose Egyptian cults upon the people of the Levant. the question of how to account for the two types must be raised. one reason had to do with the geography of the two regions.188 Ancient Conquest Accounts applied to the princedoms of Syria-Palestine. religion or customs of the Nubians.123 But in contradistinction to what happened in Nubia. Another reason may have been the difference in the Egyptians' outlook toward the peoples of these two areas. By contrast.122 Whereas in Nubia the overall control was in the hands of the Viceroy. Each province was administered by a provincial official (rabisu). Like European colonists in Africa more recently. the Levantines were more skilled than they were and Asiatic deities soon found an honoured place in the Egyptian pantheon. <emphasis mine>125 Thus it seems that there were at least two reasons for the differences in the different types of rule in the Egyptian empire. the Egyptians had no respect for the technology. and the Palestinian revenues for some temples even under Harnesses III. Nubia was more geographically suited for the type of administration which was instituted there. Unquestionably. and Kana'an with its capital at Gaza. Trigger asserts that Egypt did not 'alter the internal social or political arrangements' of the Asiatic states because: the Egyptians were well aware that in some crafts. they dismissed the local technology and failed to appreciate religious practices or patterns of kinship and reciprocity that were based on principles that were radically different from their own. Upe with its capital at Kumidi. such as weaving and metal-working. and was to last right through to the end of the LBA—witness the octraca from Laehish itself concerning harvest-tax in a Year 4 (? of Merenptah). The cultural atmosphere was more one of constant 'give and take between Egypt and Syria'.

neither conclusion is necessary. The publication of the texts on the outside walls of temples. too many scholars have dismissed the accounts altogether. On the one hand. it is very clear that the message was communicated by the visual. the Egyptian ideology of kingship dictated this. on stelae set up in key locations throughout the empire.128 the diffusion of these messages was greatly enhanced. Unfortunately. Egyptian conquest accounts are figurative accounts. the type of account employed demanded it. before coming to grips with the use of rhetoric within the accounts. Egyptian conquest accounts utilize a high percentage of rhetorical figures.130 Of course. Since the temple-centered towns probably formed the backbone of urbanism in Egypt during the Empire period (ca. then each account can be understood and appreciated on its own merits.4. Egyptian Conquest Accounts 189 geography.). But. 1500-1200 B. and the very nature of the hieroglyphs themselves demonstrate that the messages of the texts were intended for the public and that some attempt at a high-redundance message was being undertaken. since Year 33 in Thutmose Ill's Annals131 parallels with . and it is this fact that has led some scholars to the conclusion that either the Egyptians did not have a concept of history or that certain accounts which exhibit a high degree of figures were of such inferior quality that they were not really history writing. Even in their most sober cases.C. on the other hand. In the case of the Egyptian conquest accounts.126 On the other hand there was the ideological reason which was linked to the difference in the Egyptians' outlook towards the peoples of these two different regions.129 LITERARY ASPECTS (Never Any Embellishments Here!) Like their counterparts in Hittite and Assyrian conquest accounts. For example. this is most manifest in the area of rhetoric.127 Diffusion of the Ideology With regard to the diffusion of the Egyptian imperialistic ideology. oral and written modes. When the figurative nature of the accounts is acknowledged. Caution must be used as one approaches the texts.


Ancient Conquest Accounts

the more literary narratives of the Armant and Gebel Barkal Stelae of Thutmose HI,132 one might suspect that a sober war report is not included here. But since the language is freely flowing, one must entertain the possibility that the policy of the composers was to use terse phrases for unimportant accounts and a smoothly written narrative for the more detailed ones.133 In such a situation, narrative embellishments would be used to heighten significance within the account [not all that different than a modern TV newscast!}. In the case of Year 33, there was, of course, a very important event. That year witnessed Thutmose's famous Euphrates campaign. Similarly, Year 35 employs common lexical items in the normal order for such inscriptions. It also contains more high-blown language and turns of phrase.134

One method of embellishment which the Egyptian scribes utilized was hyperbole. A few examples of the hyperbolic function of certain Egyptian syntagms will illustrate this: (1) n sp ir.t(w) mitt:: 'Never had the like been done ...*135 This is a very common phrase which may be reminiscent of the concept of 'permanent revolution* which Hornung has seen in Egyptian thought.136 The phrase is first used by Thutmose I in the description of his hunt of elephants in Niy.137 It is subsequently used by Thutmose III138 and by Amenhotep III at Konosso.139 Its equivalent is also seen in the Israel Stela' of Merenptah: 'Never has it been done to us since the time of Re'.140 A similar expression is 'whose like has (never) existed in the whole world':
who has widened his frontiers as far as he wished, who rescued his infantry and saved his chariotry when all foreign countries were in rage, who makes them non-existent, being alone by himself, no one else with him, valiant warrior, hero, whose like has (never) existed in the whole world.141

In Egyptian conquest accounts, it is often only a matter of degree which separates the 'so-called' sober accounts from the

4. Egyptian Conquest Accounts


'so-called' bombastic accounts. Surely the preceding quote from Harnesses II is as 'bombastic' as any passage in the Medinet Habu composition of Harnesses III. Thus it was not only the so-called 'jaded Egyptians of the Silver Age of Egypt's might' who relished complicated imagery and intricate literary motifs.142 (2) irr stmtmm wn :: 'who makes them non-existent'. This is a common syntagm in the military accounts. For example:
k m wmt wn th i s m sdt 2 m tm wn hdbw hr He enters into the mass of men, (6)his blast of fire attacked them like a flame. he makes them non-existent, while they are prostrated in their blood.143 *mS"fnMinn sfyrw m km n 't 6 sbyw rssy mi ntyw n fypr 1 mt r-'(wy) n imy sdt The great army of Mitanni, it is overthrown in the twinkling of an eye. It has perished completely, as though they had never existed. Like the ashes Git. 'the end*) of a fire.144 Ynnw'm irmtmm wn Yanoam is made nonexistent.l45

These three examples demonstrate the use of this hyperbolic syntagm. (3) ir fy'yt "t:: 'A Great Slaughter was made'. This is commonly encountered in the texts.148 Thus one reads:
irw fy'yt °t n rh tnw $'d drwt iry A great slaughter was made among them: The number of hands cut off was not known thereof.147 iry h'yt n rfy tnw A slaughter was made among them: The number was unknown.1


Ancient Conquest Accounts
ir fy'yt [m] sw nb Who makes a slaughter among all men.149 ir S' fyt inLsn who makes their slaughter throughout their valley.180 Tt'.n ir fy'yt °t Then a great heap of corpses was made among them.151

Thus it is clear just from these few examples that hyperbole played a major role in the construction of the Egyptian conquest accounts. Metonymy Another figure which one regularly encounters in the Egyptian historical account is that of metonymy. One specific example which relates to conquest accounts is that figure of the Pharaoh trampling or treading on his enemies and their land.152 In treading on the enemy, the king shows himself as victorious over the vanquished enemy, and that the enemy is now subject to him. In other words, for an Egyptian monarch to tread on the land of his enemies meant that Egypt was staking its claim over it. Quite a few conquest accounts support this view.153 The most impressive example of this metonymy is seen in the Poetical Stela of Thutmose HI where Amun-Re* first states:
*di.i fir rkw.k hr tbwt.k titi.k Sntyw Mtw-ib 7 hnd.k h'swt nbt ib.k 'w I made your opponents fall under your soles, so that you trampled the rebels and disaffected persons. You trod all foreign lands with joyful heart.

and then at the beginning of each strophe in the poetic section of the text the deity speaks the refrain: ii.n.i di.i titLk :: 'I came to make you trample'. Thus:
ii.n.i di.i titi.k wrw DJiy sS.i st hr rdwy.k f}t fy'swtsn di.i m".sn hm.k m nb stwt shd.k m snn.i I came to make you trample the chiefs of Djahy, I spread them under your feet throughout their lands; I caused them to see your majesty as lord of light rays,

4. Egyptian Conquest Accounts


so that you shone before them in my likeness. w.7i.z di.i titi.k imyw Stt skr.k ipw "mw nw Rtnw di.i m".sn hm.k 'pr m-hkrw.k Ssp.k fy'w 'h' hr wrryt(.k) I came to make you trample those of Asia, so that you smote the Asians' heads of Retjenu; I caused them to see your majesty equipped in your panoply, as you displayed your weapons on your chariot. I5 ii.n.i di.i titi.k t'-i'bty fynd.k n'wt m ww t'-ntr I came to make you trample the eastern land, as you trod down those in the regions of god's land;154

Later, in a text of Harnesses III it is stated: sf}r.n.f t'w ptpt.n.f t' rib hr rd.wy.fy:: 'he overthrew lands and trampled every land under his feet'.155 These texts seem to indicate that by the process of defeating one's enemies and treading his turf one could claim possession of it. Hence the terms for treading and trampling are metonymies being put for the subjugation and possession of a land.156 Another example is iw :: 'to come'. In numerous instances this is a metonymy being put for the mustering and arrival of the enemy in preparation for war with the Egyptian forces.187 A final example is seen in the usage of spr 'to arrive'. It is used as a metonymy being put for the army's attack of the enemy 158 rpwo exauipieg demonstrate this figure:
Ti'.n mS'pn n hm.fspr r KS hst Then the army of his majesiy arrived at wretched Rush.159

spr mi hwt btk
His majesty reached them (the enemy) like the stroke of a falcon.160

Obviously, there are many more figures which one could delineate. But our purpose here has been primarily to emphasize the fact that the Egyptian conquest account was a figurative account (obviously, to varying degrees).


Ancient Conquest Accounts

In this chapter, the three major categories of the Egyptian military inscriptions have been delineated. In the first category, it was shown that the texts were used primarily for short accounts especially in those cases when the Pharaoh himself was not a participant. These stereotyped inscriptions produced a high-redundance message which reinforced the Egyptian ideology. In the second category, a longer account, in which the actions of the Pharaoh in battle were recorded, would be based on the Daybook Records. The third category shows that the scribes could narrate an account without any reference to a Daybook Report and with a heavier dependence (to varying degrees) on rhetoric and poetics. We then discussed Egyptian ideology showing that the person of the king played a major role in that ideology. It was a binary and imperialistic system in which the enemy was viewed as vile, wretched and evil. He was the cause of disorder and rebellion. The Pharaoh was the means by which order was restored to the status quo. The texts played a significant role in the diffusion of this ideology since they employed a high-redundance message. In the administration of the empire the Egyptians employed two different systems: one for Nubia in which there was an Egyptization policy, and another for Syria and Palestine in which international law was the administrative policy. Finally, we demonstrated that the Egyptian texts (whether texts, Nfytwtexts based on Daybook Reports, orNhtw texts based on the Literary Reports) are fashioned by utilizing a high degree of literary devices. We have been able to isolate some of the rhetoric use in the accounts. In all, it is best to remember that the Egyptian scribes were selective with their material and constructed their accounts from their particular point of view. Beginning to understand that point of view has been one of the objectives in our survey.



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the Canaanites. and the Jebusites— heard about these things.Chapter 5 THE CONQUEST ACCOUNT OF JOSHUA 9-12 We should neither exempt biblical literature from the standards applied to other ancient Near Eastern literatures. the first two verses of chapter nine give an introductory statement which forecasts the content of the narrative: 1 2 'When all the kings west of the Jordan who were in the hill country. nor subject it to standards demanded nowhere else. and verse seven: . the Hivites. It is reiterated in 9:3 (7^33. Thus we know the story's setting and the major emplotment. the outworking of this story is manifested by the use of a key phrase in 9:1 (b'35nn 53 yovJ3 TPI) linking up the narrative unit. in 10:1 kjhsfdgs150 PTX '31K vnwi)—introducing a partial refzdfsolution in the south. and in 11:1 (nxn i5n p3' ynvJ3 TPI) —introducing a partial resolution in the north.safkdjashfsjakd asfdkjsadfja kfdsjpartial resolution in a central area.1 Joshua 9-12 forms a unit in which the Israelite Conquest is narrated. 2they came to together and united to fight unanimously against Joshua and Israel. the Amorites. Second. the introductory statement of 9:1—2 receives its final resolution in chapter 12 where in verse one we are told: these are the kings of the land which the Israelites smote. and all along the sea coast of the Great Sea as far as Lebanon—the Hittites. In the first place. Third. the Perizzites. This is evident for a number of reasons. the Shephelah.

whereas in the biblical accounts it is commonplace. Thus chapters 9-12 form a unit in which the conquest of 'all the kings west of the Jordan' (9:1. While there are other conquest accounts before and after this section. In this one recalls a similar structure in the Ten Year Annals' of Murslli II. but does not necessarily add significant information. This only obscures in some ways the similarity in syntagmic structure between the biblical and ancient Near Eastern material. however. Moreover. There is no debate that the 'Ten Year Annals' is a literary unity. in fact. while a full scale comparison of the conquest accounts in Joshua 10 and Judges 1 would be very interesting and is very important. however. include many comments on the relation between the two. therefore. I did such and such'. In many ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts (such as in the Assyrian texts) direct speech is generally minimal. . my lord. The introductory statement and the concluding summaries and lists presuppose one another. affords comparison with the ancient Near Eastern material. in the Assyrian texts it will be stated 'By the command of ASSur. In the biblical account. Hence there is. is the major narration of the conquest in the book. For example. This feature creates a more sophisticated surface to the narrative. The unit. its exact content is unknown. The actual command is not stated. There is only one major difference which needs to be noted before a full scale analysis of Joshua 9—12 can proceed. 12:7)—and then some—is enumerated. it will not be carried out.198 Ancient Conquest Accounts These are the kings which Joshua and the Israelites smote on the west side of the Jordan. the actual command is given. Thus we have for reasons of economy and clarity of analysis chosen to restrict the comparison to Joshua 9-12. We will. nonetheless. this unit. The prologue and epilogue presuppose one another (see chapter 3). an essential similarity of content between the ancient Near Eastern and biblical materials. again for reasons of economy and clarity.

2 While the syntagmic iterative scheme is encountered primarily in chapters 10 and 11. and is a component of sequential discourse. we are primarily speaking of the impositional nature of the account. Obviously. The first is a different concept for biblical studies: that the biblical narratives are the structures which communicate the historical image. Consequently. since to do so would impair the reader. We are not arguing that it is exclusively a historiographic code. we will not always attempt to differentiate and demarcate these aspects. Stambovsky identifies as Depictive Imagery. while. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 199 LITERARY STRUCTURES {Writing it just like everyone else) As we have already noted. [For the text. and syntagmic identification. The ancient authors (just like their modern counterparts) utilized literary conventions as they fashioned their accounts. However. All of these are utilized as ideological communicators. the nature of the figurative aspect manifests itself in three ways: 1) the structural and ideological codes which are the apparatus for the text's production. when we say that a historical narrative is figurative. This iterative scheme is not ornamental. it may well be encountered in fictive literature as other literary devices are. The second and third can very often be understood in terms of the old-time standard type of ANE and OT parallels. we will attempt to give proper indication when it is possible. Thus. . they generally overlap so that a rhetorical figure communicates the ideological codes of the text and vice versa. it is possible to isolate these aspects. This utilization facilitates presentationally the (phenomenological) apprehension of meanings and occurrences. Consequently we are interested in the figurative or metaphoric usage that P.5. It is an important literary convention for communicative purposes. translation. and 3) the usage of rhetorical figures in the accounts. 2) the themes or motifs that the text utilizes. the over-all transmission code in chapters 9-12 is very similar to what we have witnessed already in the ancient Near East. at times. see the Appendix].

10:1 and 11:1 introducing the particular. like the KaSku and Urumu.4 These examples illustrate the accounts in chapters 9-11.5 One reason for this is the fact that the tradition is attested convincingly in the tragic account of II Samuel 21:1—14. or Tieroic deeds* of the victorious monarch and his army (or. as in some cases. detailed accounts. The splendor of my valor overwhelmed them. Fearing battle they seized my feet (submitted to me). It is the syntagm A2 which reveals that chapter 9 is linked to chapters 10-12. and a second time in verse 3 to introduce the specific account of the treaty agreement between Israel and Gibeon. the reaction of the Gibeonites is to submit to Israel and to become integrated into its society. Together with their property and 120 chariots (and) harnessed horses I took them. In the first. Chapter 9 of Joshua in many ways follows in this pattern. Hence verses 1 and 2 produce a general introduction to the account. and I reckoned them as people of my land. It is used in verse one to introduce the entire conquest narrative of chapters 9-12. the deity). insubmissive troops of Hatti-land— who had seized by force the cities of the land of Subartu which were vassals of Assur. like Tarharqa.200 Ancient Conquest Accounts Chapter 9 The function of the submission of the *Enemy' (usually denoted M) is a common feature of the ancient Near Eastern historical texts.000 Kasku (and) Urumu. A- . but in the second. 'valor'.3 and also: 4. the king of Egypt and Nubia. The semantic equivalent to syntagm A2 is used to introduce similar types of accounts in the Assyrian material. and in order to make armed resistance and to make battle with me he mustered his warriors. my lord—heard of my coming to the land of Subartu. For example: Tarharqa. The fact that there was some type of treaty between the Gibeonites and the Israelites has not really been questioned. with 9:3. Often this submission follows on the heels of a recognition of the 'splendor'. in Memphis heard of the coming of my expeditionary force. the reaction of Adoni-Zedeq and Jabin is to muster armies against Joshua.

In the midst of being pressed by his enemies. was being overrun by Cimmerian invaders. but that the deceit was integrated into the text by an editor contemporaneous with Saul in order to justify Saul's attack upon the Gibeonites. the rider relates the circumstances which brought him to the court of A§§urbanipal. According to recension E. A£§urbanipal agreed to accept Lydia into the Assyrian fold. king of distant Lydia. no doubt. The god As^ur himself had revealed this formula for overcoming the Cimmerians. Noth. a land which had remained outside the political horizons of A§§urbanipal's forefathers. i. who for reasons of expedience. 'the written name' of As^urbanipal12 and had heard a voice ordering him to subject himself to Assyria in order to defeat those who were threatening his country.9 In the present form of the biblical account. Liver claims that the account contains a historical tradition. entered with deceitful motives into alliance with Assyrian kings. His master. one example of submission which may have been tied up with deception is the famous character of Gyges (Assyrian: Gugu). Thus Gyges desired a vassal relationship to ASSurbanipal.. As a result of this dream. has been regarded with almost complete skepticism. they simply explain the origin of an institution. Many scholars feel that most of the components of the story are etiological in origin and are. numerous kings.11 Gyges. unlike the treaty. the ruse was introduced into the account as an 'etiological explanation' of the Gibeonites' service to the altar of YHWH in the sanctuary at Gilgal. the Gibeonites resort to a ruse in order to gain a treaty with Israel. the Lydian king. However.10 While there were.8 But the Gibeonite ruse in Joshua 9. However. Gyges undertook a yearly tribute to Assyria. had seen in a dream the nibtt Sumi.7 For M. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 201 nother reason is that it is clear that the Gibeonites did serve in some capacity in ancient Israel. Gyges dispatched a rider to go from Lydia to Nineveh with a plea from him for Assyrian help against the enemy.8 J. unhistorical.e. he did not remain a loyal vassal. After describing the devastating invasion. Prism A relates the death of Gyges: . therefore. there does not appear to be an exact parallel to the biblical account in the Assyrian material per se.5. Awe-struck by the dream.

Once the enemies of Gyges were eliminated there was no reason to continue the deceptive stratagem.10-22):15 But as I came back out of the land of the Seha River. (and) the old women to meet me. And so I did not go into the Seha River(-land).14 While the Assyrian account is helpful. Yet the strategy of shifting alliance was Gyges's undoing as the Assyrian text so stresses. your reverent servant. He sent forth his mother. they handed over to me (freely). The fugitives which they handed over to me were 4. the god. my support.000 people. I prayed to ASiur and IStar: let his corpse be cast before his enemy. They bowed down at (my) feet. his son inherited his throne. Now because women bowed down at my feet I gave to the women as they wished. The fugitives of Hattusa. king of Egypt.202 Ancient Conquest Accounts The riders which he constantly sent to inquire of my well-being broke off. and did not come forth to meet me. Gyges expediently entered into relationship with Assyria for political gain. (As a result of) the harsh treatment which the gods. his begetter—in response to my prayer—he sent his messenger. . his bones carried off (i. he had become proud. scattered about).13 One might suggest that the dream itself was a type of ruse to gain support from the Assyrian monarch. be gracious. laid hold of my royal feet and said: You are the king singled out by god. After his demise. when Manapa-Datta heard concerning me: "The king of Hatti comes!" He was afraid. (However). Before his enemies his corpse was cast. came about. who had thrown off my yoke. I was informed that he had become unfaithful to the word of Aisur. who were in the Seha River(-land). there are two Hittite texts that also illustrate Joshua 9. rose up and swept over his entire land.' That which I implored of AMur. They came to me. I would have had to fight in the heart of Seha River(-land) Manapa-Datta who was the ruler (of that region). One is found in the Ten Year Annals of Murslli (KBo HI 4 Rs III. And they brought them forth. The Cimmerians. had given his father. And I sent them forth to Hattusa. He had sent troops to aid Psammetiehus. the old men. Unto me. my begetter. misfortune befell him.e. You cursed my father and so. But Manapa-Datta and the land of the Seha River I took into servitude. and that he trusted in his own strength. whom he had defeated by invoking my name. his bones were carried off. so that I may bear your yoke.

there is always the possibility of insincerity on the part of one of the participants so that deceptive stratagems may play a role in the treaty-making process (the twentieth century gives ample witness to this!). But they later yielded and became his slaves when he yet again threatened an attack. This is a ruse of the rank of the Gibeonites. Since submissions to the different ancient Near Eastern kings are regularly encountered in the texts. (and) high difficult terrain— they were afraid! And the elders of the land came before me. Mursili had captured and plundered numerous towns when the text states: When the people of the city of Azzi saw that fighting (their) strong cities I subjugated them: —the people of Azzi. For.5. rocky mountains. who have strong cities. And they spoke: "Our lord! Do not destroy us! Lord. did not destroy them. it appears that they are part of the transmission code of these texts. I took them into servitude. the Azzians subsequently broke the oath. It is certainly possible to accuse the people of Azzi of only going through the motions of submitting themselves to Mursili in order to get rid of him.16 Here Mursili had been waging war against the Azzi. my sun. So MurSili took them into servitude. and we will begin to provide to your lordship troops and charioteers. take us into servitude. who like the Kaska17 were a traditional enemy of the Hittites and were ruled by elders." Then I. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 203 Manapa-Datta was a cunning ruler. Thus the possibility that the Gibeonite ruse is historical must be. we will provide these. when MurSili had returned home for the winter. not by a monarch (note the similarity to the Gibeonites in our context). at least. The Hittite fugitives which (are) with us. and they bowed themselves down at (my) feet. permitted. By craftiness Manapa-Datta saved his country from sure destruction. Another text comes from Mursili's Detailed Annals'. This . Whenever a treaty is entered into. and I made them slaves. He sent forth his mother. the old men and women of his country to meet the mighty Hittite army knowing (or at least trusting very strongly) that the Hittite ruler would not attack them and would grant to them their request (which apparently meant a treaty).

bringing their tribute [on their backs ... Thus there is no compelling reason to break up this narrative of Joshua and dismiss it as history writing. the biblical text utilizes an iterative code both in a general manner and in a dense form..19 we see the Libyan groups (Meshwesh. (merely) to offer us up. In Harnesses Ill's account of his victory over the Libyans in the text of the 5th year at Medinet Habu.204 Ancient Conquest Accounts means that through analogy chapter 9 might be considered as an integral part of the Joshua conquest narratives. and coming with praijse to adore [him = the king].. The point which the comparison makes is that the account in Joshua 9 functions plausibly in its present context because it basically follows the same transmission code as observed in the ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. Hittite. They all make a brt (a treaty). Chapters 10 and 11 In these two chapters. indeed.18 One final example which illustrates this comes from Egyptian sources. The following readout visualizes this (cf. we were trapped. cowed.. Libu. and Egyptian accounts above.your terror seizes them. like in a net.20 One must keep in mind that this in no way proves the historicity of the account in Joshua 9.. Temeh. also the Appendix): Chapter 10 A (10:1) G41 (10:2) G2* (10:3-4) G-2 (10:5a) G-3 (10:5b) B (10:6) E12 (10:7) 2 Chapter 11 A2 (ll:la) - G* (ll:lb-3) G 2 (11:4) GJ (11:5) - . These groups are then described in an address to the pharaoh: .. The gods caused us to succeed. to overthrow us for Egypt! (So. miserable and straying... and Tejhenu) crying out: .) let us make a brt (a treaty) with [the Egyptians (?) before they de]stroy us . One is free to question the veracity of the historical referents in Joshua21 as one might also question the referents in the Assyrian. they drew us in.

5. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 C2 (10:8a) C* (10:8b) °L* (10:8c) N(10:8d) E* (10:9) - 205 C4 (10:10) LHp (10:10b) H (10:10c) Llxp (10:10d) - G43 (10:1 la) C4(10:llb) N(10:llc) a2 + C4 (10:12a) + N (10:12b-14) [Q (10:15) Inclusio]*** G*3 (10:16a) GM (10:16b) L201 (10:17-18) H (10:19a-d) C4 (10:19e) L1 (10:20a) G" (10:20b) G44 (10:20c) Q (10:21a) [ ] (10:21b) N (10:22-25) L11" (10:26a) Ll3a (10:26b) N (10:26c-d) N« (10:27a-c) Nr (10:27d-e) A2(10:28a) L*? (10:28a) L""* (10:28b) - C2 (ll:6a) C* (ll:6b) C L* (ll:6c) N(ll:6d) E? (ll:7a) L1" (ll:7b) C4 (ll:8a) Lap (ll:8b) H (ll:8c) L1X1J (ll:8d) Llh (11:8) - C4(ll:9a) N(ll:9b) LnT(10:28c) Llfl (10:28d) N (10:28e) A2 (10:29a) L1? (10:29b) - a2 <ll:10a) L*? (ll:10b) L11** (ll:10c-d) L1*5 (11:1 la) L n? (ll:llb) L1" (llrllc) La?(ll:lld) - .

206 Ancient Conquest Accounts C4 (10:30a) L*? (10:30b) LIX? (10:30c) - L*50 (ll:12a) La?n (11: 12b) L05 (ll:12c) - L1* (10:30d) N (10:30e) - A1-2 (10:31a) F (10:31b) L1* (10:31c) C4 (10:32a) L2*5 (10:32b) Lixt (10:32c) L135 (10:32d) N (10:32e) a2 (10:33a) G^ (10:33a) L1Y<* (10:33b) L1" (10:33c) A1-2 (10:34a) F (10:34b) L1* (10:34c) C4 (10:35a) L2** (10:35b) L13t* (10:35c) L13? (10:35d) N (10:35e) A1-2 (10:36a) L1? (10:36b) - C2 (ll:12d) <L wt >(ll:13a) < LQ? > (ll:13b) - IPU (ll:14a) L1*5 (ll:14b) - L1" (ll:14c) Ll" (ll:14d) - C2 (11:15) - L2*5 (10:37a) L1X5a (10:37b) L1" (10:37c) N (10:37d) - L815 (11:16) L*a (ll:17b) L"" (ll:17c) Lrt (11:18) - G* (ll:19a) G46 (H:19b) - Ln? (10:37e) - A1-2 (10:38a) L1? (10:38b) L*50 (10:39a) L13t* (10:39b) L135 (10:39c) Lat (ll:19c) C4 (ll:20a) °L13 (ll:20b) C 1 L * (ll:20c) C2 (ll:20d) a2 (ll:21a) Lln (ll:21b-c) - L13 (ll:21d) .

e. my lord. .000 men whom Pitaggatalli had brought with him joined in battle with me. my lady. The stereotyped syntagmic account in chapter 10 is very similar to an account found in Murslli's Comprehensive Annals?2 Note the sequence in the narrative: As soon as I heard such words (i. the stormgod of the army. I made Altanna into a depot and left the baggage there. And I destroyed the enemy.. and so he would not have waited for me and would have slipped away before me. the sungoddess of Arinna. and those 9. and daybreak found me on the outskirts of Sapidduwa. So I turned my face in the opposite direction towards Pittapara. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 L1" (10:39d) N (10:39e) L1X? (10:40a) L1" (10:40b) L135 (10:40c) C2 (10:40d) L1'5 (10:41) Lac?a (10:42a) C4 (10:42b) [Q (10:43) inclusio]*** L1" (ll:22a) I/> (ll:22b) - 207 La (ll:23a) C4(ll:23b) O6 (ll:23c) O7 (ll:23d) The syntagms are employed in the two conquest accounts to form an iterative scheme. the 'miracles' and 'the capture and killing of the 5 kings') are temporarily laid aside. the figurative nature of the account is reinforced. and I fought with them. a reported plot by one Pitaggatalli to prevent the entry of the Hittite army into the city of Sapidduwa).5. the stormgod of Hatti. The synthetic or simulated nature of the narrative account is evident from the continued use of the hyperbolic stereotyped syntagms throughout the two chapters. I turned about and advanced against Pitaggatalli. Istar of the field. And as soon as the sun rose I advanced to battle against him. I marched the whole night through. the protective deity of Hatti. But when night fell. Consequently.e. if I had tried to surround Pitaggatali. If the two expansions in chapter 10 (i. but the army I ordered to advance in battle order. the outposts would have seen me. And the gods stood by me: the proud stormgod. and Yarris. And because (the enemy) had outposts. then it is abundantly clear that the two accounts exhibit this iterative scheme.

(and) all the gods ran before me. In the case of the two expansions in chapter 10.26 He hurled a meteor.27 My army saw the meteor. together with his troops and charioteers. and as I arrived at Mt. MurSili pursues him in person. and it is on this level that the similarity between the ancient Near Eastern texts' and the biblical narrative's codes is most evident. my sun. the capital city of Uhhaziti. Then I pursued him. and the booty is brought back to the Altanna camp. (and) the land of Arzawa saw (it). Mezzulla. my lord. the mighty stormgod. showed his godly miracle. my lord. i. I entered into Apasa. And I defeated him. And I. and Uhhaziti could not withstand me. It struck Apasa. When Uhhaziti became ill. the son of Uhhaziti. and became ill.23 it narrates the pursuit of Pittaggatalli by the Hittite army. (but) he sent his son. my lady. He took his stand to fight with me at the river Astarpa at Walma. The Hailstones A comprehension of the transmission code underlying ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts enhances our understanding of the biblical account of the 'miracles' of Joshua. the hailstones and the long day. the mighty stormgod. Piyama-KAL.. Uhhaziti fell on (his) knees. they do make a significant contribution to the build up of the narrative and evince a similar transmission code to other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. and they oc- . while fragmentary. and I entered into the land of Arzawa. in the case of Pittapara. into the capital city of Uhhaziti.24 One text which is particularly helpful in understanding the 'stones from heaven' is that of the Ten Year Annals of Murslli (KBo HI 4 Vs II. He fled before me. In these expansions the figurative nature of the account is manifested primarily on the motif level.15-49):25 So I marched. And he remained there. Lawasa. while they are not part of the iterative scheme per se. together with troops and charioteers to engage me. And I conquered Piyama-KAL. fought with him.e. and certain of the inhabitants went to the mountains of Arinnanda. The Code: Joshua 10:11-15 1. and went across the sea by ship. The whole country of Arzawa fled. and struck the land of Arzawa. he did not come against me to fight. The sungoddess of Arinna.208 Ancient Conquest Accounts The account continues and. Moreover. And the meteor went.

so YHWH "hurled stones' (D'UUK Diroy TOvJn). went after the inhabitants to Mt.500 people. the stormgod sends his 'miracle' and there is confusion and discouragement among the enemy. the mighty stormgod. Finally.28 In the context of the miracles of Joshua 10. I then came again to the river Astarpa. Thus. The Hittite phrase para handandatar ('miracle') is very interesting. It is a means of preserving divine order and justice. and it can be accompanied by miracles. When I had conquered Mt. my sun. my sun. Arinnanda. Arinnanda. And I did (all) this in one year. H. Arinnanda. Joshua and his army march and come upon the Amorites suddenly and YHWH throws them into confusion and there is a great victory.29 Just as MurSili fights a great field battle and then pursues the enemy. This passage is especially helpful in understanding Jos. Just as Mursili and his army arrive. I sent forth the captive inhabitants to Hattusa. Arinnanda. (And) those of the inhabitants which the generals of Hattusa. and they brought them forth. Just as the stormgod's meteor killed the people of Arzawa. my lord. Just as MurSili conquered the entire region of Arzawa in one campaign ('one year'). I pitched camp at the river Astarpa. so Joshua 'conquered the entire region in one campaign* (10:42). Wolf concludes that this phrase means divine power usually displayed as an out-pouring of grace to strengthen. I conquered Mt. and they occupied Puranda. and more of them died from the hailstones than were killed by the swords of the Israelites'. brought into the royal palace were 15. so Joshua fights a great field battle and pursues the enemy. The sungoddess of Arinna. Thus it would seem that the . Arinnanda. And those of the inhabitants which I. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 209 cupied Mt. and I celebrated the Newyear festival there. my lady. and I fought (them) at Mt. Then I. Mezzulla (and) all the gods ran before me. 10:11 where THWH hurled large hailstones down on them from the sky. one can also see how YHWITs work is an outpouring of divine grace to strengthen the Israelites and to carry out justice in the destruction of the Amorite alliance. so YHWH killed many Amorites. But certain others of the inhabitants went forth to Puranda.5. Just as the stormgod 'hurled his meteor'. or encourage its recipient. the troops (and) the charioteers brought (home) the number does not exist. And certain other inhabitants went across the sea with Uhhaziti. deliver.

he left Turuspa. I left behind a terror never to be forgotten in the future <emphases minex It can be clearly seen that in the midst of a factual account of the battle there is some type of divine intervention which is very similar to that of the Joshua account—in fact. squeezed through narrow paths. and I filled ascents and descents with the bodies of (their) fighters. my lord. the wicked enemy. Adad. including Metatti and other puppet kings. Like a woman in confinement he became bedridden. like ants in straits. the jasper mountain. Like a roaming fugitive he hid in the recesses of his mountain. he totally annihilated the remainder. their prince. my lord. for all time to come upon Urartu. Over 6 'doublehours' of ground from Mt. the mechanics of this intervention are revealed:32 i-na ur-pat re-efy-si u NA4 AN-e . uttered his loud cry against them. together with its allies. I pursued them at the point of the javelin. the comparison is strikingly similar in narrative flow. The confederation under the direction of Rusa. and with the flood cloud and hailstones (lit. Food and water he refused in his mouth. Furthermore. the valiant. the violent. became afraid at the noise of my mighty weapons. UauS to Mt. (the ruler) of Zikirtu. whom he had abandoned that the glorious might ofASSur. the king of the gods. 'the stone of heaven' [NA4 AN-e]). I filled the mountain ravines and wadis with their horses. I brought about the defeat of the armies of Urartu. might be magnified. the son of Ami.31 Rusa. And I broke up their organized ranks. Zimur. The rest of the people. his royal city. 1 established the glorious might ofASSur. together with the kings of his neighboring regions I felled their assembly (of troops). The national deity could fight on behalf of his people and this might involve the employment of natural phenomenon.210 Ancient Conquest Accounts similarity between the text of Joshua and that one of Mursili is due to a common ancient Near Eastern transmission code. who had transgressed against Samas and Marduk. who had not kept sacred the oath of A£sur. and his heart palpitated like that of a partridge fleeing before the eagle. And thus he brought a permanent illness upon himself. In the midst of Mt. Like a man whose blood is pouring out from him. is broke up (u-par-ri-ra ki-is-ri-§u-un = oarm safffsafjklsamm :: *YHWH threw them into confusion be- . And they. UauS he came to a stop. In the heat of my mighty weapons I climbed up after him. Another passage which is beneficial in this discussion is found in Sargon's Letter to the God:80 Metatti.D'ovsn fa CP33K. who had fled to save their lives.

. The text of Joshua 10:12-14/15 is very often seen by biblical scholars as a type of separate alternative tradition to the narrative of lO:!-!!. the hailstones) first.. so that more of them died from the hailstones than were killed by the swords of the Israelites'). YHWH hurled large hailstones.. The Long Day Not only can a comparison of ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts and the biblical account help us to gain a better understanding of the miracle of the hailstones. on the basis of the evidence from the ancient Near East. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 211 fore Israel').38 Hence. And finally. 6 'double-hours' (Jos.5. TK functions very much like its Assyrian semantic counterpart ina umiSuma in the Assyrian royal annalistic inscriptions where it lacks strict chronological significance. before he then proceeds to the special point to be cited from the book of Yashar. Thus. the biblical writer relates the principal incident which is connected to the battle (namely. The pursuit was over a great distance. it appears that the narrative of the miracle of the hailstones is a notable ingredient of the transmission code for con quest accounts. 'the glorious might of A§§ur was established for all time' (in this single campaign of Sargon) (= 10:40—42). The Urartian king.34 However. 10: 'from Gibeon to Azekah'). There is a great slaughter which takes place during the pursuit on the ascent and descent of the mountain (= 10:10 'smote them in a great victory at Gibeon.. hid in the recesses of his mountain [sd-fya-at KUR-Su} (the five kings hid themselves in a cave). but it can also help us achieve sagacity into the performance of the heavenly signs. and who pursued them on the road of the ascent of Beth Horon. During the descent the divine intervention occurred so that the remainder (si-ta-at UNMES. on the descent of Beth Horon to Azekah*). the use of TK and the preterite (i3T>) should be understood as a type of flashback— simply introducing a section of the text which narrates material which chronologically belongs between verse 9 and 10. Rusa.36 . the land of Urartu and its allies were subdued.33 2. re-e-fya) were totally annihilated (= 'during their flight from Israel on the descent of Beth Horon.

secondly. Joshua was fighting to defend it.42 He argued that through a comparison with ancient Mesopotamian (especially Assyrian) astrological texts in which the position of the sun with the moon have positive and negative implications for the present and future.212 Ancient Conquest Accounts The phenomenon of the 'sun standing still' in Joshua 10:12— 14 has perplexed many interpreters. whatever that may mean. Some modern interpreters have attempted to understand the poem (10:12b-13a) as poetic hyperbole.37 For example.39 J. The first stich is a prayer (or incanta- .38 Other scholars have tried to understand the event against the background of eclipses of the heavenly bodies which occurred in Joshua's time. and that Israel's enemies in this encounter were in fact the cities of Gibeon and Aijalon. Thus Sawyer dates the text exactly to an eclipse of the sun which lasted four minutes on 30 September 1131 B. and the moon is setting in the west. J. What seems to be clear is that celestial bodies participated in the battle which YHWH fought for Israel. over the Aijalon valley. the meaning of Josh 10:12c— 13b could hardly be more clear. we can see that: Within this context.m. Bus (following Heller) argued that the heroic song was a polemical curse against the cities of the Sun and Moon god. On the contrary. He concluded in his analysis that the poem is: a) intimately related to the geographical area occupied by the Gibeonite confederacy.C.S. de Vaux correctly points out the problems with this interpretation: there is nothing to indicate the presence of these cults at Aijalon and Gibeon and. It would be foolhardy to believe that a definite explication can be given here. J. and c) this latter phenomenon is somehow to be connected with the question of the defeat of 'the enemy* by the nation (Israel). b) concerned that both the sun and the moon *stand*.40 R. over Gibeon. Holladay offered a study of the passage with some further comparative analysis. Bright understood the poem to be a prayer that the sun not dissipate the early morning mist in the valley before the surprise attack can take place. Gibeon was not an enemy town.41 In 1968. beginning at 12:40 p. with the very strong possibility being that the sun is understood to be rising in the east.

the land will be satisfied. the appearance of the sun and moon together on the fourteenth day was understood by the late Assyrian astronomical texts as a 'good sign': On the fourteenth day the Moon was seen with the Sun. The second and third stichoi.43 213 In support of this Holladay cites numerous astrological texts to demonstrate his point that the sun and the moon serve as 'signs'.izuzzum) in opposition (= Sitqulu. a powerful enemy will raise his weapons against the land. especially the usage of the terms OQT and iay. an appearance of the sun with the moon on another day was interpreted as a bad omen. When the Moon and the Sun are seen with one another on the fourteenth. Halpern endorses this interpretation of these verses in Joshua and argues that this is a case in which . Firstly. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 tion) that the sun and moon will 'stand' (dmm . there will be unsuccessful traffic in the land. the king of the land (on) the throne will grow old.47 Thus Holladay felt that these passages elucidate the poem in Joshua 10. The enemy will destroy the gate of my city.46 Or on the fifteenth day: When the Moon and Sun are seen with one another on the fifteenth day. then. For example if on the thirteenth day: There will not be silence. thus delaying conjunction until the unfavorable fifteenth of the month). the gods44 intend Akkad for happiness.5. simply report a favorable outcome to the prayer. the land will be secure. Joy in the heart of the people. the enemy will seize on the land. 'the nation* in effect gaining its ascendancy over 'its enemies' during those few fateful minutes of opposition when the great lunar and solar orbs 'stood' in the balance. hence the very necessary reference to Gibeon on the east and the valley of Aijalon on the west) on a day favorable to the nation' (most probably the fourteenth of the month) rather than to her enemies (the result if the moon were to flee' from the approaching sun.46 On the other hand. When Sin and Shamash are 'balanced' (Sitqulu) [on the fourteenth of the month]. In a recent article. there will be silence. trustworthy speech will be established in the mouth of the people.

to mean that the sun stood still.53 Weinfeld asserts that this is paralleled by the battle of Saul and Jonathan against the Philistines in I Samuel 14.214 Ancient Conquest Accounts the writer of the prose (i. the day and thus enable the fighting nation to take vengeance on its foes. not unreasonably. but the consequence was that they remained there until revenge had been taken on the enemy. Miller's objections is that 'the iy of verse 13a and. de Vaux argues that: One can accept Joshua's asking for a favourable omen and the fact that the sun and the moon were in their respective positions at the required time. the understanding of the whole line is not clearly explained by Holladay's interpretation. The prose interprets the poetry. been without its critics. 13) is organically connected with the poetic section which precedes it in verse 12 so that the sun needs stop from its course in order to lengthen.D.48 While this view has some obvious merit. There is no parallel to this situation in any of the Assyrian texts.49 One of P. who does battle here for Israel performs an extraordinary act in order that the warriors will be able to complete their victory while it is still day'.e. God.. the historian) has misinterpreted the poetry which he is quoting: The poem.150 Furthermore. Weinfeld argues that the phrase 'until the nation avenged itself on its enemies' (v. however.52 He feels that the prose narrator correctly understood the phrase when he comments 'thus the sun stopped in the middle of the sky and delayed going down about a complete day. it has not. except that there the extraordinary act is on the part of the people following the swearing in of the leader: Tor Saul had laid an oath upon the troops: "Cursed be the man who eats any food . as it were. therefore. the examples which Holladay cites do not indicate that the good or bad fortune will take place while the astronomical phenomena are happening but that they are indicators that such things will happen in the immediate future. situated In the day when YHWH gave the Amorites over before the children of Israel/ reports a request for a favorable omen—that the sun should be visible in the east while the moon remained visible in the west—and the granting of that omen (Josh 10:12-13). R. he points out.51 Similarly.

or were visible in the heavens at the time. I plundered from the edge of the land of Suhu to Carchemisk of Haiti-land in a . the sun stands still and thus the framework of a single—albeit long—day is preserved (Josh. Addressing more directly the sentences in verses 13b-14. I marched against the 'ahlamu' Arameans. Ironically. He also points out a passage from the Iliad in support of his thesis where Agamemnon declares: Zeus.5. enemies of ASSur. It is very possible that the Canaanite view would have understood the appearance of the sun and moon together on the fourteenth day in their 'stations' as a favorable sign. I took my chariots and warriors. involves a prayer that the Lord and Creator of the world would not suffer the sun and the moon to set till Israel had taken vengeance upon its foes. 10:12-14. grant that the sun set not.. it may be preferable to understand this phenomenon as containing a polemic. 24). One passage which is unquestionably the closest parallel to Joshua in this sense comes from the Annals of Tiglath-Pileser I (V.. until the heroic feat is accomplished.55 Taking these criticisms into consideration. most glorious. In the case of Joshua.57 Because of the figurative nature of the accounts of the ancient Near East.. One is also reminded of some typical biblical examples: Joshua defeats the Kings of Canaan and Saul the Philistines within a single day. my lord..1 Sam. who in answer to his a prayer to YHWH. burned with consuming fire. my lord. received control over these elements as YHWH fought for Israel. that dwellest in the heaven. and inasmuch as it was spoken to the Lord. Tadmor argues that there was a literary convention in which a king's military prowess was concentrated in one single year. (and) I set off for the desert. 14:23-24). neither darkness come upon us.56 This was a convention of the heroic epic: Another unit of time typical of the heroic-epic narration is one day . The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 215 before night falls and I take revenge on my enemies"' (v. most great. until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam . it was Joshua. it seems that this might very well be the explanation of D'onoTS (10:13). the one of the dark clouds.44-53): With the support of A§§ur.54 Thus the address to the sun and the moon implies that they both stood.

' against the town of Yenoam. he has prevented the chief of Rehob from getting out " Seti reacted quickly to this report: So His Majesty dispatched the 1st Division of Amun. he received a report which stated: On this day. he seized the feet of Puzur-InSuiinak. Mighty of Bows. Here Puzur-In-Su§inak claims to have conquered seventy towns in one day..1.59 he subdued (these towns) to his feet.. This certainly seems to be a possible explanation for the phrase in verse 14 DTD o'fln which might very well be a hyperbole. I Puzur-In-Susinak. And in league with the people of Pahil. capturing the town of Beth-Shan.60 As Seti I moved north to confirm his hold on Canaan. there is a list of more than seventy place-names which for the most part are unknown. and goods without number. It seems best to understand this as hyperbole.' against the town of Hammath. and he vanquished Hubsana. In the space 6 a single day. I carried back their booty.] Col. 'Strong of Bows.216 Ancient Conquest Accounts single day. 'Abounding in Valor. the son of Simpi-iihuk... the governor of Susa. One can see how the phrase ina iSten time :: 'in a single day' is used here in a hyperbolic sense for the distance between Suhu (on the middle Euphrates) to Carchemish (in northern Syria) is very great to traverse in a single day. This enumeration occupies the end of column I. and when the king of SimaSki came. V In one day. Lacuna . Finally.. possessions. and the 1st Division of Seth.. Another example of this type of figure can be seen in the inscription of Puzur-In-Su§inak:58 Col. he went and he captured his enemies. [After two lines whose reading and interpretation is difficult. the viceroy of the land of Elam.' against the (captured) town of Beth-Shan. of they had fallen to the power of His Majesty! . the 1st Division of Re'. column II to IV and the first four lines of column V. I massacred them. His Majesty was informed as follows: "The despicable foe who hails from the town of Hammath has gathered a large force. When (the land of Kirnes") and Hurtum rebelled against him.. [Puzur]-In-Susmak granted his request and [. a passage from an inscription of Seti I should be added to this discussion.

It was not known that you might learn/witness the miracle65 of [Amun-Rel before the face of all the Two Lands (Egypt). This is a section from the Gebal Barkal Stela ofThutmoselll.. remembering that in the biblical message a miracle is always a 'sign' of an extraordinary divine intervention which imparts a grace unmerited by man and inconceivable in any other way... states: Thus it seems more prudent to regard the phenomenon as one of the numerous miracles of which the Bible tells us (such as are found elsewhere in the ancient world). Not one remained standing there.] My [majesty speaks]: Hear. which were scattered in [plain(?)].. A. There were two hour-watchers. Soggin. we offer another passage from the ancient Near East which might prove to be helpful63 in understanding the text of Joshua. It beamed towards them from its position.. lord of Karnak].] In this text we have some type of astrological phenomenon (possibly a comet or supernova?) which aids the Egyptians against their enemies in battle. prostrating (them) in their blood. [The guards] were about to come to meet in the night to make the regular (change of) watch. No one of them found his hand. (35)[(Then) I slaughtered them (the enemy).. with fire to their faces. A star71 comes from the south and beams toward the enemy on a level with it (remaining stationary as the sun and .5. when the enemy troops came near66]. . who gave the terror [of me] [. But arguing along different lines.. They had not their horses.67 then a star came from 68 south of them. casting (them) down]70 in heaps. like they had never existed.. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 217 It would appear that the victory of Seti I is put forth in hyperbolic terms: three cities in a day.] . The like had 69 the never happened.. O people of the Southland who are at the Holy Mount. which was called Thrones-ofthe-Two-Lands' (Karnak) among the people (the Egyptians(?)).. (34)[It was evening.64 (33)[ .. It is he who commanded these victories. in order to cause all foreign peoples to see the glory of my majesty. [Amun-Re. nor looked back.62 Therefore. This phenomenon is called a 'miracle'. after discussing the numerous different opinions concerning this passage. Now [the royal serpent] was behind them. having triumphed for my lord. [. I came south with joyful heart.

incapable of fighting the victorious Egyptians who have this phenomenon working in their behalf.218 Ancient Conquest Accounts moon in Joshua?) so that not one (of the enemy) remained standing there. His splendor was like the sunrise. he makes them non-existent. moreover.. his royal serpent which subdues his enemies. Thus in the Egyptian text as in the Hebrew text of Joshua 10 there is the aid of celestial bodies in the battle against the nation's enemies—a motif reminiscent of Judges 5:20. It should be emphasized here that these are celestial bodies under the direction of YHWH. Consequently. ^KI\D^ on^3 mn' *3 :: 'Surely YHWH fought for Israel!' Furthermore. This is very similar to Jos. rays flashed from his hand . . while they are prostrated in their blood. Sun and moon stood still in the heavens at the glint of your flying arrows. and we are told that 'the like had never happened' (n fypr mitt). and his praise filled the earth. at the lightning of your flashing spear. it was Amun-Re who commanded these victories for Thutmose (line 222). destroying the Amorite allies who are unable to fight back. like a star he crosses the sky.. the text in Habakkuk 3 also illuminates Joshua 10 as it states concerning YHWH: His glory covered the heavens. It is his uraeus-serpent that overthrows them for him. and in anger you threshed the nations . it is apparently this same star which is used as a personification of the Pharaoh in first Euphrates Song' of the Stela which states:72 His radiant splendor73 is between the Two Bows. just as the Israelites have 'complete victory'.whereas.. the enemies are completely destroyed. 10:14: Tnrwn TJQ^ Kinn DTD mn jOi :: 'there has never been a day like that day before or after*)..74 He enters into the mass of men. In the Egyptian text. In wrath you strode through the earth. his blast of fire attacked them like a flame. Moreover.

through an understanding of astrological omen techniques in the ancient Near East one can better understand the biblical command concerning the sun and the moon in 10:1213a. the phraseology of 10:13b-14 may very well be figurative as can be seen from numerous ancient Near Eastern texts in which phrases such as 'in a single day'. then it would truly be ironic that YHWH in fighting for Israel answered Joshua's request. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 219 P. in the ancient Near East. 'in a single year'. The biblical account. in the ancient Near East.D.75 But to support this Miller must advocate a textual error. continues the same transmission code.76 While the likelihood of this seems doubtful. there were accounts of divine intervention in which hailstones or meteors fell upon the enemy. not Joshua. are simply hyperbole. etc. If the Canaanites viewed the appearance of the sun and moon together on the fourteenth day in their 'stations' as a favorable sign. It seems preferable to understand this phenomenon as containing a polemic. To summarize. the text of Habakkuk definitely supports Miller's contention that according to Israel's understanding cosmic elements (under the control of YHWH) were involved in her wars as *YHWH fought for Israel'—just as the star was involved in warfare in behalf of the Egyptians in the Gebal Barkal Stela above. First. That it is found in the context of the Israelite conquest of Palestine should be no surprise. Second. Fourth. We cited Hittite and Assyrian examples of this. Third. which is common with naqam) was lost by haplography from the original form of the text'. through comparison with other ancient texts one can discern a literary technique in which a deity is implored to maintain daylight long enough for there to be victory—a kind of ANE daylight-savings time! . From the ancient Near Eastern accounts we can learn the following concerning the biblical text. 'a mem (for min.5. with respect to this. one encounters within conquest accounts narration of divine intervention. Miller argues that according to this verse one should understand that it is YHWH who commands the sun and the moon to stand still.

kings. 27). etc. The Code: Joshua 10:16-27 The story of the capture and execution of the five kings in Joshua 10:16—27 has been understood by numerous biblical scholars to be an element from a different independent tradition from the preceding verses. by comparing the biblical account with its ancient Near Eastern counterparts one is able to better decode and elucidate the former. invented to explain the cave at Makkedah.e. i. mountain cave. or a- .78 One of the main reasons why Noth maintained this isolation of 10:16-27 from 1-14 was because of the evidence of verse 15 which rounds out the battle account by removing Israel from the Makkedah area. On the other hand. But this is all very unnecessary. non-historical. When one peruses ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts one quickly realizes that it is very common in the transmission code of these accounts to narrate an open field battle in which the enemies are defeated and from which the king. and/or people flee and take refuge in some place (whether high mountain. There is no reason to dismiss them from being a integral part of the text. the ancient text may simply be recording something which it is not now possible to identify and explain by scientific means. as secondary additions. Thus—to re-emphasize the main point of our discussion— 'the miracles' of Joshua 10 are very much within the ancient Near Eastern transmission code for conquest accounts. Butler argues that the passage is a 'narrative fragment transformed into a secondary etiology to illustrate holy war technique'.80 Therefore this section is viewed as etiological and hence fabricated.. the place where the following verses locate the nation.220 Ancient Conquest Accounts Finally.79 Following Noth's thinking. the truthfulness of such utterances is to be sought in the subjective sphere of religious intuition. or rather the great stones at the mouth of the cave which are said to have been there 'unto this day* (v. secondary.77 Noth maintains that verses 16-27 are purely etiological. On the one hand. Furthermore. and not in a literal interpretation of the words. one can seen that in the ancient Near East divine intervention may come in the form of a miracle/sign.

his royal city. in victory and in power which I had ordained for you..5. king of Elam. and fled and went up into the mountains. I caused their blood to flow like a flood in the mountain wadis. and he abandoned Madaktu. The speedy runner. A few examples will demonstrate this. and he did not save his life.81 ASsurbanipal states concerning the Elamite king: Ummanaldaii. 1. heard of the entrance of my army into the midst of Elam. who fled to the stepped ledges of far-off mountains. and like bats (living in) cracks (caves). Two examples from Egypt must also be mentioned. I caused the dread of your majesty to pervade their hearts.A:Col. in other they are not. hearing your war-shout they hid in holes. He has trampled underfoot the rebellious foreign lands who have attacked his boundaries. First Amun-Re* states in a speech to Thutmose III: You crossed the water of the Euphrates of Nahrin. He received the mace like Horus in [his] panopQy]. they flew alone to inaccessible places. Concerning Rusa. His . My uraeus-serpent on your brow destroyed them. In some instances the kings are captured.10-14): Whoever had fled into the sea in order to save himself did not escape my net. they fled their abodes.83 Esarhaddon stated concerning fugitives in general Qfin.82 and concerning Arabian fugitives: None of those who had gone up and entered the mountains to find refuge escaped. He [is like Montu?].. I deprived their nostrils of the breath of life. the king of Urartu. And Sennacherib states (Col. Not one survivor slipped through my hands. I caught and tied their wings like a bird from the mountain caves. Like a woman in confinement he became bedridden . his [bow] being with him like Bastet. V.16-19): And the mighty princes feared my battle array. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 221 cross the sea). Sargon states that after he had defeated him he fled and: like a roaming fugitive he hid in the recesses of his mountain. My hands captured them in their hiding-places.84 Also in a fragmentary text of Harnesses II at Karnak: [The good god] has come back after he had triumphed over the chiefs [of] all forei[gn lands].

he would have immediately captured the city:87 Then his majesty overwhelmed them at the head of his army. Thus it is more than evident from these few examples that the narrative in Joshua 10:16-27 is in full accord with other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts in that kings who were defeated in open battle often would flee and take refuge in some hiding place such as a cave. [Col. Also the fact that Joshua executed . For example. as his uraeus overwhelmed them. Terror of him is in their hearts. it very well may have been for the Canaanites in Joshua's day who fled to their cities. They abandoned their horses. having become at peace . VI. who had fled for their lives. their chariots of gold and silver.86 The very word mgrt SolL1^-** is a Semitic loan word for cave (cf. so as to admit them into their town. He who stands on the battle-field. He has made an end of them. Now if his majesty's troops had not set their hearts to plundering the possessions of the enemies. defeated armies were generally pursued in order to cut off the retreat. ignoring [the bearers of the bows]. They spend the time in the caves (mgrt) hiding like jackals—the fear of you is in their hearts.. when the wretched enemy of Kadesh together with the wretched enemy of this town were being pulled up hurriedly.. Those among them who had escaped.88 Furthermore. No foreign country can stand before him . For the people had shut the town behind them. All [rebellious?] foreign lands . in the Annals of Sennacherib: In pursuit of them. and their arms became weak. And they now [lowered] 87garments to hoist them up into the town. Hebrew myo). they fled headlong [to] Megiddo with faces of fear. For the fear of his majesty had entered "[their bodies]. so as to be hoisted up into the town by their garments. and that such kings were sometimes captured and put to death. I despatched my chariots and horses after them. then they would have [captured] Megiddo at that very moment.32-35] Thutmose III tells us that if his troops had cut off the enemy troops from entering Megiddo.... wherever they (my charioteers) met them.222 Ancient Conquest Accounts arrow is [like (that of) the son of] Nut. As it was for the Canaanites in the days of Thutmose III. When they saw his majesty overwhelming them. they cut them down with the sword..

the king of Kirinu. the king of Adaenu. Hence. III. For example. the king of Nazabia. p. king of Uzulu. Thus. the king of Sinibirnu. the king of Adurginu. and they advanced to wage war and combat. the king of Albaya. the king of Sururia. together with those who had come to their aid. the king of Himua. the king of Abarsiunu. the king of Tuali. I destroyed their extensive army like the inundation of Adad. an army might come to the aid of its ally and be defeated. I seized in battle 120 of their chariots with the equipment. the king of Abaenu. the king of Dardaru. the plains of the mountains and the environs of their cities. the king of Unzamunu. but its land not be invaded (or perhaps invaded at a later time). the king of Tunube. 60 kings of the lands of Nairi. the king of Piladarnu. one reads: (Thus) I crossed the Euphrates. . Notice that the number of kings is different (23 * 60). the king of Paiteru. the number of cities involved also varied (see more on this point below. the king of Dayenu. 8-10). The corpses of their warriors I laid out like grain heaps on the open country. 230). With the onslaught of my fierce weapons I approached them. in the Annals of Tiglath-Pileser I. It is hardly the type of thing to lead one to the conclusions of Noth and Gray since one can see this same phenomenon in ancient Near Eastern accounts. and I hung their corpses on poles around the city (Col. The king of the land Tumme. the king of Uiram. the king of Ugina. The feet that other cities are mentioned or that another citystate comes to the aid of one of the cities is nothing to become alarmed about. altogether 23 kings of the lands of Nairi. the king of Kulibarzinu. The number five (which Noth and Gray feel is evidence for the passage 16-27 being etiological) is a clear link to the description of the alliance related in verses 1-5 (see also note 90). Sennacherib states concerning the rulers of Ekron: the governors (and) nobles who had sinned I put to death. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 223 these kings and hung them on trees is paralleled by numerous instances where Assyrian monarchs hung the corpses of the foreign leaders on trees. combined their chariotry and army in their lands. Furthermore. But in ancient Near Eastern warfare there were always vassal 'kinglets' who were among the more powerful 'kings' so that depending on how one counted the number of 'kings' would vary. the king of Andiabu.5.88 Thus. I chased at arrow point as far as the Upper Sea.

224 Ancient Conquest Accounts Tiglath-Pileser I relates that when he defeated the land of Kadmuhu (the first time). the king of Gezer. but was defeated—'no survivors were left'. Pasiru.35-6 5). he 'laid low the army of the land of Paphg which had come to the aid and assistance of the land of Kadmuhu and he captured in the midst of the battle their (Paphe's) king Kili-Tesub' (Col. there is no mention of an Israelite conquest of Gezer at this time. Lastly. but he does not mention the king of Paphe by name (Col. (and) all of Chaldea. dust etc. The kings who organized the alliance against Israel were captured and executed just as those in the above mentioned ancient Near Eastern texts. Shalmaneser I states: I gathered (some of) its [the city of Arina's] dust (and) at the gate of my city. 11. Later we are told that he invaded Paphe and defeated its army and conquered its land.93 This phrase is closely parallel to a phrase in the Annals of Thutmose III which states: . ana afyrdt ume). Aiiur. I made a heap (of it) for posterity Git.89 The heaping of stones at the cave can hardly merit the account the label of an etiology.91 Sennacherib shows the etiological force of a memorial heap!:92 In order that no one might ever forget the might of A§iur my lord. came to the aid of Lachish. all the Arameans—(in this ground) I harvested their skulls like shrivelled grain and I piled (them) up into heaps.90 Sargon relates that he slew the warriors of a certain city and piled them up in the gate of the city. Ellipi. as much as there was.16-35). for a symbol was a common practice. So there is no compelling reason to conclude that the passage (verses 16-27) is etiological. in the ground where I had brought about the defeat of the king of Babylon and Ummanmenanu the king of Elam—all of their lands together with Parsuas. the phrase nrn ovn my TV 'until this selfsame day' does not necessarily signal that the preceding narrative is an etiology. Anzan. III. Yet. The heaping up of the enemy and/or stones. Again. But he did not apparently invade the land immediately after the battle. the biblical text of Joshua has a transmission code which is very similar to that of other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. that all peoples might magnify the praises of his warriorship. Horam. Thus.

Soggin argues that: there was a cave half closed by great rocks which did not seem to have got there naturally. what in the text would lead one to the conclusion that the cave and the great rocks were not there naturally? Second.5. Since Joshua 10:16-27 follows a transmission code very similar to other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 225 [iw s]n smn hr rdit snn nt dhr m hwt-ntr nt 'Imn m hrw pn They are recorded on a scroll of leather in the temple of Amun to this day. It does not (in this instance) refer to the creation of 'a narrative which seeks to explain why something has come to be. . there were several trees.94 The reference is to the time of the writing of the account and its depositing in the temple of Amun. then the argument is circular and must immediately be dismissed. who does not think that a cave surrounded by trees. is a sufficient factor to give rise to an aetiological legend. what elements does Soggin mean other than the cave.98 This is persistence in spite of all odds! First. The biblical phrase simply refers to the time at which the account was written. and they stood. it is best to treat it as non-etiological.97 It would not automatically mean that the story was fabricated and unhistorical. in a region where according to tradition Israel had conquered several enemy armies and executed their kings. Nevertheless. or why it has become such and such'.m But even if the phrase run DTH Dxy iy (or some other element in 16-27) were etiological. which is a very common phenomenon. This was sufficient material to provide a localization for the story. in disagreement with Kaufmann. it would only explain the preservation. moreover. and since there are no other compelling reasons to conclude otherwise. nearby. not the creation of the story. for them all to be found together in one place is exceptional.95 There is certainly no 'mythical causality principle' present in 16—27. This must be emphasized. rocks and trees—which are in fact very common—to merit him making the assertion that to be 'found together in one place is exceptional?' If he means to include the 'tradition' of Israel's conquest in the region as an element. But it must be noted that whereas each of these elements individually is quite common.

The narrative . This section is composed of eight episodes utilizing eleven syntagms. And this section is in turn linked with the high-redundance message of chapters 10 and 11. 28 As - 29-30 a* 1 L** L""* V* L"1 N - Ll? C4 U** L'« - 31-32 a'-2 F L* C4 V**LtK LIK - 33 34-35 a1* au [G*] F L« C4 L*« LwoL"5 Ln? L'- 36-37 a1'2 - 38-39 aw - 40-42 L. the iterative scheme is manifested in its greatest denseness. The writer/historian has used the same techniques as any literary artist to arrange or fashion his materials. C4 Q B C Al A2 B' A'2 A'l Not only do these syntagms build a structural pattern that creates the iterative scheme. but they are also arranged in a 'palistrophe'. Thus the account is simulated or artificial in its structure.99 This structural pattern cannot be fortuitous.« L« - L« Latto Latu La5» - L" N - 1 N - N - L" N L« 1 LBS LI3« L1" N - - L1- L"5 C4 L1K Lac?c. Thus the iterative scheme creates a high-redundance message with a chiastic presentation.226 Ancient Conquest Accounts Chapter 10:28-42 We have analyzed this section separately because within it.

the syntagms (n3 "NOK vJasn 5a ron nmx mrm :: 'they completely destroyed it and everyone in it') and Cia incvJn lO VIM. (noun 53 TPKVJH »O :: *Not sparing anything that breathed').5. The Merenptah Israel' Stela:103 Yanoam made nonexistent. and so is necessarily mediated by language and its effects. and (qmK ona\on iv :: 'until they exterminated them'). And I fought against the town. These episodes are even more so because of the hyperbolic nature of the various syntagms. I killed all the inhabitants of the town. and I took it. it is overthrown in the twinkling of an eye. The Gebal Barkal Stela of Thutmose III:102 The great army of Mitanni. This is also true for these: (novJ3 ^ a i m j j O :: 'Not sparing anything that breathed'). The Mesa Inscription:105 But I saw my desire over him and his house.101 The seven episodes of 10:28-39. For example. That these are figurative is clear from numerous ancient Near Eastern texts. For example. It has perished completely. 2). as though they had never existed.100 Thus M.104 Israel is wasted. his seed is not. are figurative. and Israel has utterly perished forever. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 227 only approaches a representation of the reality which it purports to describe. 1). like any historical account. 3). of course. Fishbane correctly perceives that: in the Hebrew Bible historical narrative is always narrative history. It is thus language in its artistic deployment that produces the received biblical history. 'the end*) of a fire. this is the case with any historical narrative. But. :: *he left no survivors') are obviously hyberbole. as an offering of propitiation106 to Kemofi and Moab. . (7)Like the ashes (lit.

5). Thus it is evident that the syntagms (53 mi nniK mm m IVJK Y7a:in :: 'they completely destroyed it and everyone in it'). it is important to point out that the use of summary statements within conquest accounts is quite common. The forming of the Canaanite coalition in the north Is parallel to the Amorite alii- . see: pp. Just like other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. Hence the two chapters (10 and 11) combin to create a larger iterative scheme. 230-31 and 251-53 below. Mursili II (KBo III 4 Rs 111." So I went by night. Chapter 11 Chapter 11 clearly is a new episode in the conquest account of Joshua 9-12. dangerous enemies.. both natives and aliens. Sennacherib:107 The soldiers of Hirimme. 64-65):108 I made Mt. Asharpaya empty (of humanity). and fought against it from the break of dawn until noon. I cut down with the sword. and I killed everyone in it. and I took it. and female slaves. because I had dedicated (nnoinn) it to 'Astar-Kemos. 4). I made the mountains of Tarikarimu empty (of humanity). (VTYJ m -pKVJn iO :: 'he left no survivors'). concerning Joshua 10:40—43. Israel has gained a victory over the Amorite alliance in the south and now faces the Canaanite coalition of the north.44.. and not one escaped. seize Nebo from Israel. For a further discussion of the figurative nature of these summary type of syntagms. The chart of the syntagmic structure of the chapter given above shows that the syntagmic patterning is continued in this chapter. seven thousand men and women. are to be understood as hyperbole. the biblical narrative utilizes hyperbolic.228 Ancient Conquest Accounts Then KemoS said to me: "Go. Finally. etc. stereotyped syntagms to build up the account.

the mention of divine intervention is a common part of the ancient Near Eastern transmission code. because by this time tomorrow I will hand all of them over to Israel. I have delivered them into your hand. is present. . In all three.5. And Ba'alshamayn spoke to me through the hand of seers and the hand of envoys and Ba'alshamayn said to me: 'do not be afraid because I have made you king. stereotyped syntagms are utilized in order to build up the iterative structure. slain. nevertheless. Not one man of them will be able to withstand you'. This type of quotation formula is used as a type of flashback so that the materials of these episodes can be linked together. Just as Adoni-Zedeq took the initiative in the south and organized the alliance. Joshua 10:8 Joshua 11:6 Zakkur™ 12 12 14 14 YHWH said to Joshua: 'Do not be afraid of them. and I will deliver you from all these kings who have raised a siege against you'. so Jabin did in the north. The Conquest of Joshua 9—12 229 anee in the south. divine intervention. You are to hamstring their horses and burn their chariots'. As previously stressed. and I will stand with you. The chapter contains three sections (1-9). and (21-22) with the last two set off by the use of the temporal indicator K'nn nv3. While the chapter does not contain any 'miracles' corresponding to those in chapter 10. A particularly relevant text in this regard is that of Zakkur. •YHWH said to Joshua: 'Do not be afraid of them. (10-20).

Annals I conquered in the course of my campaign (the cities of) Bit-Ha'iri (and) Raza. though a comparison of the list contained in Sennacherib's annals111 (after his seventh campaign) with the list in the Walters Art Galley inscription112 one can quickly see that these lists are partial. I assigned (them) into the hands of the commander of the fort ofDer. the Elamite had seized by force. . and I carried off their spoil.113 [Cities which occur in both lists are italicized]. I returned them to the border of Assyria. I stationed in them archers (and) shield bearers. which during the time of my father. I caused soldiers. which during the time of my father. my garrison. to enter into their midst. Moreover.230 Ancient Conquest Accounts Chapter 12 Chapter 12 continues the code with the following structure: Introduction (General) List L*« (12:la) If (12:lb) L* * (12:2-5) Transjordanian Moses L11 (12:6a) O6 (12:6b) Lls (12:7a) O6 (12:7b-8) Cisjordanian List L'* (12:9-24)"° A Joshua B Summarizing statements and lists of defeated lands following accounts of military campaigns are common in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. Walters Art Galley I conquered in the course of my campaign (the cities of) Bit-Ha'iri (and) Raza. They are very selective. cities on the border of Assyria. cities on the border of Assyria. and I carried off their spoil. the Elamite had seized by force. I assigned (them) into the hands of the commander of the fort otDer. I returned them to the border of Assyria.

TilUhuri. Bit-Ahlame.Ubia. the strong fortresses of Razi and the smaller cities surrounding [their] environs. Taqabli8ir.!§anaqidate. R&su. I devastated. Akkabrina. Masuttu. Harria&lake. Kar-Zeru-iqfSa. Bit-Liseru. Alumqasti. or mean that there are different sources for the lists.Dim-tu-$a-Sulaya. I conquered. Rdsu. [which were countless]. Bft-Ahhi-idinna. Muthuse. Dim-tusa-Sulaya. Dim-tu-sa-Naba-sarhi-ili. Ilteuba. Til-raqu. Bft-Asusi. Sanaqidate. Bit-Imbia. 43-47. Bft[Imbia]. Duru. I destroyed.Bft-Ubia. (and) I burned with fire. Kusurtain. Another instance of this phenomenon can be cited from the Kadesh inscriptions of Harnesses II. Bit-Risia. Hamanu. Thus for a city to be contained in one list and lacking in another (both lists describing the same campaign) does not constitute an error or interpolation. I destroyed. Bit-Gissi. Dannat-Sulaya. the inclusion of Megiddo in the list of chapter 12 means only that the account of the conquest of the north is selective and does not include the account of that city's capture. Bft-Asusi. Til-Humbi. Sarhuderi. Akkabarina. I carried off their spoil. BaltfiliSir]. Damte. 34 strong cities together with the cities surrounding their environs. Hamranu. Bit-Risia. Siliptu. Dunni-SamaS. Alum$a-GA§AN(Bllet or §arrat?)-bfti. [Ilteuba]. Sarhuderi. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 (The cities of) Bub6. I devastated. KarZeru-iqfSa.. Bft-Arrabi. Rabbaya. BitKisiya. Bil'Katpalani. Burutu. Dim-tuSa-Belit-biti. I carried off their spoil. Bit-Gissi. Naditu as far as the pass of Bft-Bunakki I conquered. A list of the Hittite allies is given three times (in the Poem twice: 1-6. and in the .5. Alum-sarri. Ibrat. but for which there is not a conquest account).. Dunni-SamaS. Hamanu. [ ]. DurDannu-Nergal. Til-Humbi. Dim-tu-§a-Dume-ilu. I burned with fire and turned (them) into a ruin heap. Dannat-Sulaya. TaqabliSir. It means only that lists of conquered cities in the ancient Near East were often selective or partial. Bft-Katpalani. which were countless. TilU[huriJ.HarriaSlakS.. BubS. Dimtu-Sa-Mar-bfti-etir. Burutu. Hamranu.. Duru. Blt-Unziya. Rabbaya.]. Naditu together with the cities of the mountain passes of Bft-Bunaki. BitAhlame. Bft-Ahhi-idinna. just like the account of this Elamite campaign of Sennacherib was selective and does not include the account of the conquest of the city of Til-raqu (a city which is in the Walters Art Galley list. [. Apdinu. Hence. Bit.. Siliptu. Dim-tu-SarMar-bfti-etir. Dim-tu-sa-Sullume. BaltiliSir. Masutui-iapliti. Ekalsalla. Alum-Sa-Belit-bfti. Dimtu-Sa-Dume-ilu. 231 (The cities of) Btt-arrabi. I besieged. I covered the face of the wide heavens with the smoke of their conflagration like a heavy fog.

all (of these) I captured. Tastami. That which the Lord of the gods. They are obvious parts of the transmission code of conquest accounts. Kabani. ISRAELITE IDEOLOGY (What you can do through the right 'connections') With regard to the functions of ideologies. Raksi. who feel a strong need to distinguish between comrades and enemies. Consequently. the Lord of Hermonthis. Notice that the number of cities named is 13 while the round number of 12 has been give for the total. Not only are lists commonly encountered in ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts but summary statements as well. Sitera. or who might have been raised in a salva- . Gurrusupa. Ubabara. Thus. In two occurrences of the list 18 allies are mentioned. The reason for this remains obscure and in all probability it is attributable to the selective nature of ancient lists. Chapter 12 is a natural part of the narration as seen by our comparison with the ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. (and) Tesammia—12 of their mighty cities. they would be too numerous to put into writing. Saktatud. AukanS. consider the following inscription of Thutmose III (Armant Stela):118 Year 22. for if one were to mention each occasion by name. Barunakka. so that his conquests might be related for millions of years to come. day 10: Summary of the deeds of valor and victory which this good god performed on every excellent occasion of activity from the beginning since the first generation (of men). Shils believes that ideologies are often accepted by persons who are predisposed and who are often inclined to express their views with aggressive affect. it is entirely natural to have summary statements and lists in historical narratives.232 Ancient Conquest Accounts Bulletin once: 42-58). strongholds— together with 84 cities of their environs. but in Poem 1-6 only fourteen are named. there is no reason to posit these as the work of redactors.114 One final example is found in Sargon's Letter to the God (lines 87-89): The cities of IStaippa. apart from the deeds of activity which his majesty did in both seasons. Gimdakrikka. the second month of winter. did for him was to magnify his victories. For example. Nanzu.

they are viewed through the same unitary ideology of enmity. Og. His law and ethic. In the conquest accounts of Joshua 9-12 there is definitely a 'them' vs. they are in opposition to YHWH. 'us' outlook which seems to be attributable to this Israelite ideology. And what is most important. ideology will greatly reinforce their motivation to act. They will gain courage from perceiving themselves as part of a cosmic scheme: actions that they would not dare to envisage before will now 117 the legitimacy which proximity to the have sacred provides. Jabin. Israel's ideology is one of'terror'. Shils's description aptly fits the Israelites in the book of Joshua. apocalyptic culture. The execution and hanging of kings on trees must also be considered in the light of ancient Near . They seek Israel's destruction. one quickly see a number of similarities. The Israelites strongly distinguish between comrades and enemies. The constant reiteration for Joshua and the Israelites to be 'strong and of good courage'. They are in contact with the Ultimate Power of existence and they have motivation and courage to act. relationship.5.116 By making these people believe that: they are in contact with the ultimate powers of existence. They are all a Common Threat to Israelite well-being. the Hebrew account seems to evince a similar view of the 'enemy' as that observed in Assyrian and Egyptian accounts. Second. a positive. 'Do not be afraid of them' demonstrates this ideological aspect. One can clearly see the function of ideology in Joshua 9-12. Sihon. hence binary. Type If one compares the ideology which is present in the ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts with the biblical text. The destruction of the populations of enemy cities is a practice of an ideology of 'calculated frightfulness'. and even more importantly in the context of 9-12. It is a negative vs. They reject Him. First. There is but one Enemy—with a capital letter— so that whether one is looking at Adoni-zedeq. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 233 tionary. or the Anakim.

Wayne Pitard has convincingly shown that op 3 means as a verb 'to avenge. And like the Hittites and Egyptians. and as a noun Vengeance. they responded with a determination to avenge these wrongs. YHWH as Judge pronounces recompense and his decree is always completely warranted. Victory must be described in black and white terms since there is only a 'them1 vs. the Egyptians suffered under the hand of the Hyksos. Third.234 Ancient Conquest Accounts Eastern ideologies of conquest. there is a stress on revenge. This instilled in them a deep drive for revenge which motivated them to expansions both to the north and to the south. recompense. although not in a strict legal context. the Hittites suffered under the hands of their neighbors. innocent nations were conquered. It is a plain statement of retributive justice.118 It is a vengeance which is a just recompense. to give recompense. This is conquest for Lebensraum. the extensive use of hyperbole is linked to the Israelite ideology. Israel too had been oppressed. feeling that the gods were on their side. Thus. op 3 has the nuance of'just recompense for a crime'. The elimination of the population also enhances the speed of de-culturation and hence colonization. Thus. a just payment for a crime. to be avenged. No doubt. the Israelites' God fought for them and awarded to them just recompense. however. This is most clearly seen in the use of the term Dpj. like in Hittite and Egyptian ideology. Such practices did 'soften up' the opposition. 'us' relationship. nations who had not been party to the oppressions. and the drive to conquer was motivated by a desire for vengeance. retribution. This just vengeance is exactly what is called for in the lex talionis. retribution'. It is also evident that ideology is connected with the figurative aspect encountered in Joshua 9-12. In both cases. be a possible difference between the Israelite ideological view as preserved in Joshua 9-12 and that of the other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. Likewise.119 For generations. which is so central to the legal conceptions of the Hebrew Bible. and not simply brutal revenge. In Joshua 10:13. There may. In those cultures the ideology underlying the texts has its origin in the . avenge oneself.

The concept of total war (i. In this text one can clearly see that total warfare was not a concept unique to Israel. the Dp 3 and the fanatical desire to gain complete conquest so that a 'new* and 'better' society can be achieved argue against this conclusion.e. The similarities to the other ancient Near Eastern ideologies are too great to conclude otherwise. we may be looking at an ideology which was generated by malintegration in the existing society." So I went by night.e. because I had dedicated (nnflinn) it to *A£tar-Kemo§. Then KemoS said to me: "Go. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 235 'establishment' of the particular culture. i. and J killed everyone in it. and I took it. or more ideal realization of particular cognitive and moral values than exist in the society in which the ideology obtains currency'.. Two examples will document this: 1) Once again. as an offering of propitiation to KemoS and Moab. However. I killed all the inhabitants of the town.. i. in the elite power structures of the culture. even the Dp 3 is observable in the final line quoted.5. the destruction of the population as well as the military) was a practice which one encounters on numerous occasions in the ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. and female slaves. it is the product of the same underlying ideology?121 The indications from this study seem to point to an affirmative answer. In the case of the biblical ideology. One may object that the case of the ban. and I took it.120 On the other hand. both natives and aliens.122 and there is every indication that the concept of the Dp 3 was not unique to Israel. and fought against it from the break of dawn until noon. the MeSa Inscription:m And I fought against the town. seven thousand men and women. the implementation of the Dp 3 was selective. seize Nebo from Israel. can one conclude that since the text of Joshua 9-12 manifests the same transmission code as other texts of ancient Near Eastern history writing. In fact.. an ideology which contends 'strenuously for a purer. fuller.e. .

Jural Aspect Finally.J. and he took up arms to avenge Akkad. I burned 3. who had. gave Nebuchadnezzar (I) a command. I made a pile of their corpses. (and) burned the city.129 Marduk. who constantly seeks after the lord of lords. / did not leave one of them alive as a hostage. alive. Nabopolassar states: He (Marduk) had Nergal.M. (and) I draped his skin over the wall of the city of Damdammusa. This notion is also seen in the ancient Near East. I chased them (the Assyrians) out of the land of Akkad and caused (the Babylonians) to throw off their yoke <emphasis minex127 Here one can clearly see the jural ideology of war in an ancient Near Eastern context. I flayed Hulaya. I besieged with the mass of my troops (and) my fierce battle array. the strongest among the gods. the powerless. J. their city ruler. I conquered the city. The Assyrian. the king of the gods. their city ruler. the fortified city of Hulaya. I burned their young boys (and) girls. I slew with the sword 800 of their combat troops. with the mighty strength of Nabti and Marduk my lords. he felled my foes.125 The nation of Israel is the tool through which YHWH judges the Amorites (10-. there is a jural ideology of war present in the biblical account. This is definitely an ideology of total war! Thus it would appear that the conquest account in Joshua 9-12 evinces the same basic ideology as one sees in other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. walk at my side. ruled the land ofAkkad and who had oppressed the people of the land with his heavy yoke—I. destroyed.000 captives from them.236 Ancient Conquest Accounts 2) The Annals of AiSur-nasir-pal II:124 I crossed over to Mt.128 According to a Babylonian boundary stone. I captured Hulaya. he killed my enemies. because of the wrath of the gods. the weak. I razed. Roberts correctly points out that this 'clearly implies that the Elamites had sinned .12-14).126 There are numerous examples from the ancient Near East in which the events of the past (including wars) are seen as the judgment of the gods. In a recently published inscription. Kashiyari (and) I approached the city of Kinabu.

this conclusion seems justified. The code is observable in the narrative of the Gibeonite vassalage (eh. he plundered its possessions. he captured the land of Elam. Moreover. we have also been able to come to a better understanding of how to interpret the biblical account. Since the account utilizes similar literary and ideological aspects to the ancient Near Eastern conquest account. 9).130 Thus later in the inscription it is stated: By the command of Ishtar and Adad. The Conquest of Joshua 9-12 237 against Marduk and his land in the past'. . and destruction overtook him. CONCLUSION In conclusion. the gods who are arbiters of battle. 12). there is a common jural ancient Near Eastern ideology of war underlying the biblical text. And King Nebuchadnezzar triumphed. as well as similar syntagmic structuring. it appears that the text of Joshua 9-12 is structured on a transmission code similar to that of other ancient Near Eastern royal inscriptions. 10 and 11) and the summary and lists (ch. the conquest accounts of the south and north (eh.5. he (Nebuchadnezzar) turned evil against the king of Elam.131 Hence.

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does not exclude possible textual corruptions (some of which we point out in the Appendix) or glosses by the hand of (a) socalled Deuteronomistic editor(s). But it seriously questions the prevailing opinion that the section is a composite of many different independent traditions. In its literary and ideological aspects.Chapter 6 IMPLICATIONS AND ENTAILMENTS It is now time to explore some of the implications of this study. In the foregoing chapters. our analyses have demonstrated that the conquest account in Joshua 9-12 shares a similar transmission code with its ancient Near Eastern counterparts. It is more likely that the section is a narrative unity exhibiting a typical ancient Near Eastern transmission code commonly employed in the history writing of conquest accounts.3 It is time to re-evaluate some of the conclusions of past studies. THE NOTION OF A 'COMPLETE CONQUEST' Joshua 10:40-42 states: 40 .2 Thus on the basis of the similarity between the conquest account in Joshua 9-12 and other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. Consequently. we would suggest that it is unnecessary to posit so many various traditions for the make-up of these chapters. the biblical text evinces the same general characteristics that one encounters in ancient Near Eastern works. this may not be the best explanation.1 This. while it remains possible that this section of Joshua is a composite of many separate traditions. of course.

42. the Negev. and the mountain slopes. just as YHWH the God of Israel had commanded. together with their kings. 18:1.242 Ancient Conquest Accounts 41 42 40. 41. Joshua smote them from Kadesh-Barnea. 17:11-13. If one were to interpret this paragraph literally. there is a conflicting view of the conquest represented by Judges 1 and its parallels in Joshua (15:13-19. such as the theory proposed by G. 16:10. it states that Joshua conquered 'all these kings and their lands: (ran n5jcn 0'35fln 53 asdfsad This is the way many Old Testament scholars read the account in Joshua. 19:47) which appears to picture the conquest as undertaken by individual tribes. the conquest is pictured in the main source of Josh. This would be evident from the very first words of the text: Thus Joshua took the whole region (\~\KT\ 53)'. and from the whole land of Goshen to Gibeon. and unsuccessful in driving out the Canaanites from much of the land. It portrays a complete conquest of the land of Palestine as compared to the partial conquest portrayed in Judges 1. 63. then there would be no question that Joshua and the Israelites conquered every bit of southern Palestine. 22:43). the Shephelah. He left no survivors. Mendenhall of an internal social -political upheaval . (including) the hill country. B. 1—12 as a unified assault against the inhabitants of the land under the leadership of Joshua which succeeded in conquering the entire land (11:23. Thus Joshua took the whole region. extending over a long period beyond the age of Joshua. Moreover. to Gaza. All these kings and their lands Joshua conquered in a single campaign because YHWH the God of Israel fought for Israel.. He totally destroyed all who breathed. Childs lays out the problem: First.. Any number of variations on these two options are possible. Usually the description of the conquest which portrays a complete conquest of the . On the other hand. critical scholars have long since pointed out the tension—it is usually called a contradiction—in the portrayal of the conquest of the land. On the one hand.

and of short duration? In my opinion.4 243 The usual solution which Old Testament scholars have adopted is to posit two different sources or traditions for the different portrayals. Moore states: Which of these two conflicting representations of the Israelite invasion is the truer. unconditional.5 Childs has a different solution: How then is one to explain the peculiar features within Josh. that the subjugation of the land by the tribes was gradual and partial. cannot be for a moment in question.* These interpretations do not take fully into consideration the figurative nature of the account in Joshua 9-12. the whole political and religious history of these centuries would be unintelligible if we were to imagine it as beginning with such a conquest of Canaan as is narrated in the Book of Joshua. All that we know of the history of Israel in Canaan in the succeeding centuries confirms the representation of Jud.7 Once one admits this element into the interpretive process. but that many cities and whole regions remained in their possession. there is no reason to maintain that the account in Joshua 9-12 portrays a complete conquest. On the other hand. Hence (to quote a traditional commentator) G. that not only were the Canaanites not extirpated. for ex- . this feature of the book of Joshua is not to be dismissed as a variant historical tradition. One point which must be stressed in the analysis of any 'conquest account' is the fact that the terms 'conquer' and 'conquest* can have a number of nuances which are not always present in every context in which they are used. 1-12 which present the conquest in the Deuteronomic idiom but as total. that the conquest of these was first achieved by the kings David and Solomon. The Deuteronomic editor of Joshua fashioned his material into a highly theological pattern which not only disregarded strictly historical method. but which also shifted the emphasis to a different focal point from that ordinarily represented by the Deuteronomic tradition. They have not realized the use of hyperbole in the narrative. When. but understood as a unique theological perspective of the Deuteronomic editor which the final canonical shape has preserved as normative. The account in Judges 1 is the older and more reliable account. Implications and Entailments whole land under Joshua is assigned to the Deuteronomic redaction of the book.6.

244 Ancient Conquest Accounts ample. Shalmaneser's claim to have 'conquered' (ak$ud) the land of Kaldu must be understood in a very different way than his 'conquest' of Til Barsip which he renamed Kar Shalmaneser. It did not mean the complete subjugation of the land. (Thus) this is the land that remains"' (13:lb-2a). for the Canaanites were determined to live in that region* (17:12). Another example can be seen in these statements of Shalmaneser III: I descended to the land of Kaldu. or says that 'Germany "conquered" France'. in his Ten Year Annals of Murslli II states: Thus when I had conquered all the land of Arzawa ..10 'Judah could not dislodge the Jebusites.11 This is a very similar situation in the vast majority of ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. But this 'conquest* was in many instances temporary. In the case of Kaldu.. The Israelites may very well have 'conquered' the land as generally described in the narrative. "You are very old and there are still very large areas of land to be taken over. who were living in Jerusalem . But it did not subjugate the French people. For example. 'They did not dislodge the Canaanites living in Gezer' (16:10).. The claims to conquest have been overstated. etc. one speaks of 'the "conquest* of France' during World War II. I conquered their cities. colonized and which remained a permanent Assyrian city. 'When Joshua was old and well advanced in years.9 In this way too the biblical account in Joshua 10—11 must be understood.12 . This is clear from statements such as 'Joshua waged war against all these kings for a long time* (11:18).. the meaning is something like 'the German army defeated the French army in battle and occupied France'. YHWH said to him. But it was. not permanent. I received tribute of the kings of the land of Kaldu in the city of Babylon. I conquered all the landofHpiya. The phrase 'all the land' must be understood as hyperbole. a 'conquest'. And I conquered all the land of Arawanna .. *Yet the Manassites were not able to occupy these towns.' (15:63). nor did it bring about the colonization of France by Germany. he temporarily gained possession of these cities.. nevertheless.

His majesty slew the entire force of the wretched Foe from Hatti. everything that my majesty has spoken I did it in truth. one upon the other. none other with him. carried off is Canaan with every evil. his power flared up like fire against them.1* Hurru is become a widow for Egypt. I was after them like a griffin. Israel is wasted. together with his great chiefs and all his brothers. For my infantry and my chariotry had deserted me. Thnw I}t' htp h'k p' K'n'n m bin nb inw 'Isk'rn mhw m K'd'r Ynw'm tri m tm wn Yar'r fk. into the water of the Orontes. I defeated all the foreign countries. as Re loves me.14 These two paragraphs stand in the midst of a fairly straightforward narrative.t bn pr. But the hyperbole is obvious.(all) should be understood as a hyperbole or possibly as a synecdoche. he burned all the countries with his blast.n. they sprawled before his horses. as well as all the chiefs of all the countries that had come with him. as crocodiles fall. An example from Egypt which can be cited is the "Bulletin' of Harnesses II recording the Battle of Kadesh.t n t'-mri All the ruler* are prostrate saying: "Shalom!117 Not one dare raise hit head among the Nine Bows: TJehenu (Libya) ic plundered. His majesty slaughtered and slew them in their places. he regarded them as chaff. He took no note of the millions of foreigners. His eyes were savage as he beheld f}'r hjsrw m h'r. Hatti i» pacified. as my father Atum favors me. the use of the term human. like Sakhmet in the moment of her rage. We would prefer hyperbole considering the use of stereotyped syntagms in these contexts of MurSili's Annals (see chapter 3). Then his majesty charged into the force of the Foe from Hatti together with the many countries that were with them. Yanoam made nonexistent. .15 Or consider the hyperbolic language of the Merenptah ('Israel') Stela:16 a b a b a b a b wrw [nbw] phd(w) hr dd irm bn w' hr f(t) tp. Gezer seized. I alone. not one of them stood looking back. their infantry and their chariotry falling on their faces one upon the other. and his majesty was alone. As I live. Note the hyperbole: All his ground was ablaze with fire. Implications and Entailments 245 While Mursili did gain control over these lands. Brought away is Ashkelon.f m-t'-pdt 9 hf. My majesty caused the forces of the foes from Hatti to fall on their faces.6.13 in the presence of my infantry and my chariotry. his seed is not. great-of-strength. His majesty was like Seth.

and as a result there would have been no need to regard the first narratives of Judges as historical at the expense of their counterparts in Joshua. VI.49-50).E. let us remind him that all history writing is selective being written from a particular point of view.f Thus when the figurative nature of the account is considered. The fact is that both Joshua and Judges are selective in their presentation of the events. the image of the conquest as represented in Joshua would have emerged in far clearer focus than it has.21 But this is a common practice in ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. It does preserve much information which is quite ancient.19 a t'w nbw dmd(w) at m htpw b p' nty nb m ttm'. if they had compared it with other ancient Near Eastern accounts of complete conquest.w iwtwhr wf. This statement is not a later editorial comment. For example. While G. he adds that there were many more battles which he cannot mention. While Judges 1 does have numerous problems. Tiglath-Pileser I states: This is apart from many other expeditions against enemies which are not connected with (this enumeration of) my triumphs (Col. But before one passes judgment on these texts because of this selectivity. it would have meant that one would not have had to sacrifice one account at the expense of the other. but a simple declaration of the nature of the material described.22 . If scholars had realized the hyperbolic nature of the account in Joshua. error filled account. Because he only describes part of the conquests. there is no rea son to represent it in this fashion. there are really no grounds for concluding that Judges 1 presents a different view of the conquest from that of Joshua or that it must be an older account. if they had differentiated a little more closely in the past between occupation and subjugation.246 Ancient Conquest Accounts All land* in their entirety are (now) at peace. he does so by reverse argumentation: Judges 1 is a composite. Wright correctly points out some of the errors of those who discredit the account in Joshua. and everyone who roamed has been §ubdued. Furthermore.20 The writer of the conquest account in Joshua expressly states that the work is selective: 'Joshua made war a long time with all those kings' (11:18-19).

6. 16:10 and 17:12. The use of the stereotyped syntagms in the narrative of Joshua 10-12 builds an iterative scheme. total conquest. Another figure encountered in the text of Joshua is 'all Israel'. literal sense. Implications and Entailments 247 Thus. local penetration and gradual consolidation of the components of the historical Israel in Palestine. Auld misses the hyperbolic nature when he states: Verse 20 reads rather oddly in the RSV* translation—if their opponents were entirely wiped out then there could hardly have been a remnant to escape. such as 'no survivors'. THE NOTION OF AN 'ALL ISRAEL' REDACTION In the previous section we looked at the figure 'all the land' and its implications for the concept of a complete conquest. 2—11 is generally the stylisation of the occupation as a conquest by a compiler familiar with the ideal of a united Israel of twelve tribes. Gray believes that: The sporadic. but it gives me the impression that Israel completed all it could immediately after the battle and only when no more could be done (because any enemies still alive were now behind walls) did they return to their chief outside Makkedah. The use of hyperbolic syntagms. we must question not only Moore's solution. argues against the notion of a complete. contrasts strongly with the general representation of the occupation as a conquest by all Israel which proceeded practically without check under Joshua's leadership in fulfillment of the ineluctable purpose of God.23 All of this is unnecessary if one recognizes that the syntagm is hyperbolic. 1 and Jos. But there is more evidence which needs to be marshalled. It is not meant to be interpreted in a wooden. This phrase is often understood by biblical scholars as a reference to a 'pan-Israelite redaction'. noticed in Jg. who enervated the opposition usually without a struggle. It is therefore obvious that Jos. 15:63. as . The account of the conquest in Joshua does not contain a view of a complete conquest which is 'a highly theological pattern' resulting from 'a unique theological perspective of the Deuteronomic editor'. For example. but also Childs'. Thus the account is simulated or synthetic. The Hebrew is certainly ambiguous.

was working together in the conquest of this part of the land. From the Annals of Mursili one reads: nu KUR "^Ka-aS-ka fyu-u-ma-an an-da wa-ar-ri-eS-Se-eS-ta The entire land of the Kaskaeans came together to help.2* Miller and Tucker state: It was generally assumed that all Israel was directly involved in all these significant events.26 But the use of 'all Israel' is nothing more than a commonly encountered synecdoche found in ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts in the form: 'all [a people's name]. 15. as we have seen. .' Thus one could read a verse like Joshua 10:29: Then Joshua and all Israel with him moved on from Makkedah to Libnah.J. but evidence tends to suggest that in fact 'all Israel' did not exist until after the individual tribes had settled in Palestine. nu-kdn KUR """Ar-za-u-wa ku-it fyu-u-ma-an 55x xxxx I-NA "^Pu-ra-an-da Sa-ra-a pa-a-an e-eS-ta And because the whole land of Arzawa x x x x (?) had gone over to the area of Puranda. 43) reflect a view that the whole of the Israelite tribal league as it later became. KUR uruAr-za-u-wa-ma-kdn fyu-u-ma-an par-aS-ta The whole country of Arzawa fled. woman and child from the families and clans of every tribe)' moved on from Makkedah to Libnah with Joshua. 31. in the light of both the context of the book of Joshua and a comparison of ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. This suggests an idealized rather than a sober factual account.25 And E. and interpret 'all Israel' to mean literally 'every Israelite (man. Yet. However. the Joshua group probably included only a part of what later became 'all Israel'.248 Ancient Conquest Accounts in the J source of the Pentateuch. Hamlin recently has commented: References to 'all Israel' (w. it seems better to understand this as a synecdoche. A few examples from ancient Near Eastern materials will help demonstrate this. which was realised only under David over two centuries after the decisive penetration of Palestine by the Rachel group and the dynamic activity of Ephraim.

Implications and Entailments 249 nu KUR-e-an-za fyu-i^maran-za URU.A$.%IABAD37EGIR-pa e-ip-pir (But) the whole country withdrew to the fortress towns. but if the main thrust of Noth's arguments is valid then it is a past viewed from a great distance.29 Therefore. SOURCES. a particular text is history writing only if it is dependent on accounts of eyewitnesses and the distance between the account and its author is not too remote. If Deuteronomy or Joshua through to Kings is a unit then it was written after the last king had fallen. so also the idea conveyed in the phrase 'all Israel* is figurative (probably equivalent to Israel' as represented in the Merenptah Stela).30 Similarly. The Israelite and Judean monarchy lasted for a little over four hundred years. the proposal of a pan-Israelite redaction is unnecessary. Miller and Tucker conclude that: . Secondarily they were elevated to a status involving 'all Israel' and 'Joshua'. Furthermore. STRUCTURE AND COMPOSITION According to many biblical scholars. Just as the references in the Annals of Tiglath-Pileser I28 to 'all the Paphu (kullat "^Pap-fye-e)'are figurative (probably a synecdoche). Hamlin's evaluation that 'this suggests an idealized rather than a sober factual account' is especially questionable. One may think that we are pointing out the obvious.27 But in light of the foregoing discussion of the figurative aspect in these chapters. But the number of commentators who misunderstand this figure is plethora. Noth's hypothesis appears less plausible.6. Thus he attributed the expression 'all Israel' to this secondary stage in the compilation of the book. Memory of the past they may be—but historical record hardly. And the rest of the chapters of the story were more distant from its writer or writers than Elizabeth I and Shakespeare and the founding fathers of the new world across the Atlantic are from us. Thus it is not surprising to find in a recent commentary on the text of Joshua the following: Joshua and Judges are about the past. Noth felt that chapters 10—11 were two war narratives which originally were of merely local importance.A$. For instance.

. one finds that this is not always the case. or the nearer it is to the events under consideration. with its diplomatic exchanges. Is able to present the events of the War in the right order and is generally reliable. In 1945 as the Second World War ended..000 pages and over 200 photographs. the nuclear age. Moreover. Let us closely scrutinize the statement of Miller and Tucker that: the older the document. the ideal source is one which comes from the time of the events . concerning the causes of the war.... It failed to recognize the psychology of Europe which for three hundred years has been a 'breeding ground* for war. it placed too great faith in the pledges of the war-mongers. Much of the material is too late to be veryreliable .250 Ancient Conquest Accounts It is a sound principle of historical reconstruction that—all other things being equal—the older the document.34 Whether the author of the biblical text was an eyewitness or not need not effect our decision concerning whether it is history or not. the more reliable it is. a history of that war was published. the more reliable it is .32 This was a massive account of almost 1. or the nearer it is to the events under consideration.38 There are numerous points at which our study concerning the literary fashioning of the ancient historical narrative has . while the author of the volume. Furthermore... For example.33 Few historians today would agree with this interpretation of the treaty. However. this volume should be 'more reliable* than later histories of the War and 'an ideal source'.31 But our study has questioned such assumptions. etc. the credibility of the biblical accounts does not necessarily decrease 'in the ratio of their distance in time from the narrator'. the ideal source is one which comes from the time of the events. Thus the implication is that not being witness to the event is not such a bad thing if our interests are historical.. In its compromises. the volume states: The Treaty of Versailles has been criticized as both too severe and too lenient—events have proved that it was too lenient. he cannot interpret them in terms of their relationship to the Cold War. According to Miller and Tucker. By these principles the book of Joshua has severe limitations as evidence upon which to base historical reconstruction.

in short. It is through the syntagmic analysis that we further comprehend the figurative aspect of the conquest account. Implications and Entailments 251 implications for the understanding of the structure and composition of the narrative. is more grandiose than the sum of the individual stories. The transition is abrupt. the only link with the preceding narrative being the note that 'Jabin.37 This has ramifications on understanding the structure and composition of Joshua 9—12. For example.40 and Butler sees this as the theological conclusion of the Compiler.39 Noth attributes 10:40-42 to the work of the Sammler. in light of the syntagmic patterning in Joshua and other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. Israel's victories. Miller and Tucker argue that: His statement envisages an alliance of all the rulers of the diverse and independent city states of Palestine. heard of all this'. The remainder of ch. 9 reports how one city sought and won peace with Israel.6. our discussion of Tiglath-Pileser I's war against Nairi in chapter 5). 11:16-20). 10:40-42. 10 tells of the defeat of a coalition of five cities in the southern hill-country. The use of hyperbole in 9:1 is one example. probably as the traditions of one or more northern tribes. But the summary is not entirely consistent with the material which follows. The editor has a tendency to exaggerate and simplify events. and does so in similar transitional passages throughout the book (cp. 11 gives an account of the destruction of Hazor and her allies in the north.38 However.e. The iterative scheme created by the usage of stereotyped syntagms reveals the representative or simulated nature of the account. king of Hazor. It exhibits a high degree of similarity to chapter 10. ch. and ch. i.41 Such conclusions are un- . Miller and Tucker comment concerning 1:1-15: This report of victory in the north has something of the appearance of an appendix: it must have circulated independently. Another example of the figurative aspect can be seen in the use of syntagmic structure. the section 11:1-15 is simply an episode constructed on a common transmission code of the ancient Near East. This statement. before it was made a part of the account of the conquest by all Israel under Joshua.* But if the passage is understood as hyperbole the problem disappears (cf.

I pursued my enemies43 by chariot in favorable terrain and on foot in rough terrain. the use of summary statements in a historical account should not lead modern interpreters to necessarily conclude that such statements are the product of redactional work as biblical scholars have often envisioned it.44 Therefore. 'all the land'. For example. the interpretation of the text must take this into account. such syntagms as 'there were no survivors'. I prevented the enemies from setting foot in my land. That which the Lord of the gods. My heroic victories. It is quite natural to have a summary statement in the ancient Near Eastern royal inscriptions. For example. I imposed on them tribute and tax. the repetitive patterning of stereotyped syntagms creates an almost artificial or simulated account so that the individual syntagms must be interpreted figuratively. Tiglath-Pileser I states:42 Altogether 42 lands and their kings from the other side of the Lower Zab in distant mountainous regions to the other side of the Euphrates—the Hatti-land and the Upper Sea in the west—from my accession year to my fifth regnal year—I conquered. apart from the deeds of activity which his majesty did in both seasons. (and) the suppression of the enemies (and) foes of ASSur. which An and Adad granted me. so that his conquests might be related for millions of years to come. my successful battles. I subdued them to one authority. did for him was to magnify his victories. Therefore. etc. syntagmic analysis reveals the figurative nature of the account. This is apart from many other expeditions against enemies which are not connected with (this enumeration of) my triumphs. Since the iterative code employing stereotyped language is figurative (and hence in a sense synthetic). the Lord of Hermonthis. This explodes . I wrote on my steles and clay inscriptions.252 Ancient Conquest Accounts necessary. In this regard. the second month of winter. I took hostages from them. as noted above. day 10: Summary of the deeds of valour and victory which this good god performed on every excellent occasion of activity from the beginning since the first generation (of men). the Armant Stela of Thutmose HI also demonstrates the use of summaries in the transmission code of ancient conquest accounts: Year 22. they would be too numerous to put into writing. Consequently. in all probability are hyperbolic. for if one were to mention each occasion by name.

My point is that.6. in spite of the two different historical horizons in the traditions about the aftermath of the battle of Gibeon. Both accounts are extremely patterned. I am not. or Egyptian accounts are. IDEOLOGICAL ASPECT Israelite ideology had certain similarities with the 'Imperialistic' ideologies of the ancient Near "East—Assyrian. The account in Joshua 9-12 is no more an 'ideologizing of a confrontation between Israel and the royal aristocratic statist system of rule centered in the cities' than any of the Assyrian. therefore. highly legendary in their stylization. calculated terror. Egyptian. but they show that the sociopolitical situation they are ideologizing was a confrontation between Israel and the royal aristocratic statist system of rule centered in the cities. Hittite.45 In the light of our study. If this is true. then it may signal difficulties with the 'peasant revolt' theory of Israelite origins.. it would appear that Gottwald is incorrect. however. when separately examined they attest a common early emphasis upon the kings and their armies as the enemies of Israel and not the populace of the cities 'in toto'. the high use of hyperbole. It would seem that a similar ideology is underlying both the ancient Near Eastern and biblical texts.46 These . as the subsequent account reports.. Hittite. and the use of stereotyped syntagms to transmit the high-redundance message of the ideology. in contrast to their having been taken one by one. Norman Gottwald has probably presented the most powerful case for regarding Israel in this period as an egalitarian society throwing off the oppressive rule of the Canaanite city-states: Joshua 10:16-43 is noteworthy because it stands out from its later Deuteronomic mold in emphasizing that the royal-aristocratic establishment was what Israel opposed and not the populace in its entirety . a jural aspect. In the previous chapter we described the areas of similarity: a similar view of the enemy. Implications and Entailments 253 the position which contrasts Joshua 10-11 and Judges 1 and concludes that the latter is history writing and the former is not. claiming that those particular five cities were all taken in one blow by defeating their kings in coalition.

51 He feels that the strongest evidence that this was the situation behind the text of Joshua 11 is threefold mentioning of'horses and chariots' (w. can exist and function 62 against the kings and their powerful tools of domination. The different sociology of these texts needs to be correlated with the different mode of literary expression in which it is reported. peasant movement that is hostile to every concentration. 4. and monopoly'. did not have horses and chariots and greatly feared them.9). asserting: The Bible is not content simply to describe the royal status quo which seems beyond challenge. which is 'an egalitarian. The struggle reflected in Joshua 11 is how this community.. Thus the positive assertion of royal power is characteristically reported in lists. the alternative power of Yahweh does not come articulated in such controlled modes of expression. By contrast.6. Brueggemann argues that the tension between monopoly and liberated structures is observable in the narrative form itself. so vulnerable and helpless. but in narratives of a playful kind which allow for surprise and inscrutability. surplus. Israel. The modes of power are . Yahweh's hostility to horses and chariots bespeaks Yahweh's hostility to the social system which requires.49 W. In addition.254 Ancient Conquest Accounts accounts describe 'total warfare' which often included the population47 using many of the same syntagms and figures that are encountered in the biblical account. inventories. and memos.. political power which are managed in hierarchal and oppressive ways' and which are in direct opposition to Israel. countering and overcoming this formidable royal power.48 Thus we see no reason to posit that the Israelite conquest was a confrontation between Israel and the royal elite of the city-states (at least not in these chapters).50 He follows the analysis of Gottwald in considering 'the city-states to be monopolies of socio-economic. The Bible also offers teles of liberation which show Israel challenging. The narrative form lends itself to the articulation of another kind of power which the royal world neither knows nor credits. Brueggemann has recently analyzed Joshua 11 using a sociological and literary method. The narrative mode challenges royal rationality even as the narrative substance challenges royal policy. in its early period of tribalpeasant life. legitimates. and depends upon them.

Implications and Entailments matched to ways of speech and to the different epistemologies and rationalities practiced by the speech forms. The contrast between the descriptions of royal domination and narratives of alternative forms of power reflects Israel's alternative reading of the historical process . That contrast between descriptive inventory and imaginative narrative leads to a warning that Israel should not imitate or be seduced by such royal modes of power (cf. knowledge. That is. imperialistic—.6. assuming that Brueggemann is correct in his assertions concerning modes of communication].. of course. Not only did Israel win a victory over a much larger army. then 'egalitarian.. the mode of discourse correlates with ways of reality and modes of power. but also one which had superior military might. employing the same ideology. How Israel speaks is related to what Israel trusts in and hopes for.. The inscriptions of Seti I are very informative on this point.54 The phenomenon of one army being technically and/or numerically superior to another army is so common that one must wonder why such an interpretation would ever arise. knowledge. or language. we see no reason to posit the type of interpretation to 'horses and chariots' that Brueggemann does. 17:14—20) or royal modes of communication ... Finally. It is simply the result of the difference in technology which is here used to magnify YHWH's (and thus Israel's) victory over the Canaanite coalition. Deut. The Shasu are pictured . Israel knows it is not to emulate royal modes of power.63 255 If our analysis of the transmission code of Joshua 9-12 is correct. On the lowest register on the east side of the Great Hypostyle Court at Karnak the account of Seti's first campaign northward is preserved in which he encountered the Shasu nomads in the Sinai and outside of Gaza. peasant' Israel is employing a transmission code (a 'communicative mode*) which is self-contradictory [This is. . Since the ideology which lies behind the text of Joshua is one like that underlying other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts—namely. and language are available which permit freedom and justice. Israel also knows that alternative modes of power. The historical narrative in which Joshua 9-12 is cast utilizes a common transmission code observable in numerous ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts.. then there are serious problems with Brueggemann's assertions.

These theories are usually based on archaeological evidence since the biblical data is considered to be very unreliable.61 and Callaway62 fall under this assessment. Therefore. But in a register containing the account of the Seti Fs Libyan war. the Libyans have no chariots or horses. a weaker army may lose. this conclusion is usually based on a superficial. While our reading effects most directly the "Peasant Revolt' model of Israelite origins. The Canaanite enemy of Seti have Tiorses and chariots this time.60 Coote and Whitelam. In this scene the Asiatics have horses and chariots too. and the Persians had numeric and technical superiority over the Greeks and lost. it has implications for a number of other recent models in which Israel is indigenous to the land. the Canaanites had the superior position against the Egyptians under Thutmose III at Megiddo and lost. Natural phenomena and the element of surprise are very often the causes of decisive victories. we hesitate to endorse Brueggeman's interpretation which seems to build so much on so little. the Urartian king Rusa and his allies had superiority in numbers and position against Sargon and the Assyrians and lost.58 In some conflicts. legitimates. Seti is pictured as fighting against the city of Kadesh.87 Thus the feet that an army lacked 'chariots and horses' was only an indication of its lack of military expertise. not YHWITs 'hostility to the social system which requires. For example.256 Ancient Conquest Accounts 'without chariots or horses and are armed with epsilon tangtype axes which may indicate the backward state of their military preparedness*. in others it wins.59 Lemche. Seti is shown defeating the Canaanite enemy outside the city of Yenoam (located almost adjacent to the southern tip of the Sea of Galilee. The work of such scholars as Finkelstein. east of the Jordan). evidence of military ability far superior to the Shasu'. . presumably stressing that the Libyans would only attack at night'. and are likened 'to jackals which spend the day in their holes. There are many cases when an army of superior numbers and strategic position is defeated.86 In yet another register. Unfortunately. and depends upon them'. literal reading of the text.88 In another register which appears to be a continuation of the campaign.

g. one comes to a very different conclusion than these reconstructions! . Lemche considers the traditions of Israel's early history to be so late in origin as to be useless for historical reconstruction:'. I propose that we decline to be led by the Biblical account and instead regard it. the biblical text's commonality with these other ancient accounts demands full consideration. it becomes apparent that with the biblical text considered as secondary data. and pastoral nomads Svas given political and incipient ethnic form in the loosely federated people calling themselves Israel'. or Egyptian). His alternative reconstruction is based entirely on what one can deduce from archaeological materials 'of the social. as essentially ahistorical. And when this is done. cultural and political developments in Palestine towards the close of the second millennium*. Hittite.6. Implications and Entailments 257 Thus. Coote and Whitelam also explicitly reject the biblical narratives as a source for the reconstruction of Israel's early history. subjective archaeological reconstructions dominate. The origin of Israel is to be found in the context of an economic decline which occurred at the end of the LBA. like other legendary materials. He feels that all of this indicates that there was a very gradual (re)tribalization process from the 14th century BC on and that Israel is the product of this evolutionary process. Rather. None of these hypothetical models give adequate account for the biblical traditions which are usually seen as late fabrications on the grounds of a literal reading! Our study has shown that regardless of the text's date of origin when it receives the same scrutiny as one would give any ancient text (e.. Assyrian... the historian's task is 'to explain the archaeological record in the context of comparative history and anthropology'.63 Without discussing the archaeological merits of the individual models. resulting from a breakdown of the interregional trade on which Canaan's urban economy ultimately depended and spurred a combination of processes. economic. the settlement into villages in the hill country of various groups such as peasants. that is. as a source which only exceptionally can be verified by other information'. for example. At this time. bandits.

258 Ancient Conquest Accounts AN ENTAILMENT CONCERNING 'HOLY WAR' Many of the terms and concepts of so-called *holy war' which many biblical scholars have attributed to Israelite origin must be re-evaluated in light of a comparison with ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. just before or in the midst of the battle. is so common in ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts that we could quote ad nauseam. The theme of panic. Judg 4.65 And Butler states: Yahweh sent the enemy into a panic before the unexpected reinforcements. 'terror'. terror or fear which is brought upon the enemy by the national deity. Amun-Re' states to Thutmose (Urk. This panic.68 Along similar lines D. I caused your majestic war-cry to traverse victoriously the Nine Bows.69 In the Poetical Stela.J..]. TV. He put the fear of me in [all] foreign peoples'. Thutmose III states that it was Amun-Re 'who commanded these victories who gave the terror [of me . 'panic'. DQn is a technical term in holy war narratives. Thus Muller is correct when he states: .3-4.6* For instance.. 9): I gave you valor and victory over all foreign lands. the dread of you as far as heaven's four supports. McCarthy studied the Hebrew term nan and stated: it is suggestive that the word is so associated with things which inspire fear.. For example. or 'fear' are described by numerous biblical scholars as 'the regular instruments of God in Holy War'. when fear and panic are common in every war. Josh 10.70 I placed your might (and) fear in all lands. I caused the dread of your majesty to pervade their hearts.64 Gray tells us: Indeed most of the conflicts in the settlement of Israel in Palestine are represented as being settled by this psychological factor rather than by bitter hand-to-hand fighting.67 One cannot help but wonder why such scholars would argue that 'fear' and 'panic' are essential elements in *holy war'. one of the essential elements in the theory of the holy war <emphasis mine>. binding Exod 14.. and 1 Sam 7 together. 610. Heb. I magnified your awe in all bodies.

we must conclude that there is nothing specifically biblical in the notion of military intervention on the part of the deity or in the motif of an ensuing panic.72 But is this really the case in light of our comparison? In the ancient Near East (for that matter. the agreement with Rahab) all living things were to be killed and all property destroyed except what was taken to the LORD's treasury. the Israelites were encouraged to stand firm and have no fear.). 2:9. Some features of the institution were revived for a time by Josiah (640-609 B. religious ceremonies in which the will of God was determined and the army consecrated were performed. The presence of the LORD at the head of the army was often symbolized by the Ark. In Assyria. The mysterium tremendum of the power sublimated in the deity everywhere evinces its destructive nature in battle. the enemy was thrown into panic. Implications and Entailments 259 When we come to consider the religious or theological significance of the idioms using the qaJ of DOtl. see Deut.6.71 Thus we see no sound reason to understand 'fear and panic* as motifs which are unique to Israelite 'holy war'. All the spoils of battle belonged to the LORD. 20).73 The king of each country was chosen by the deity to lead . The victory was usually accomplished by a miracle accompanied by a war-cry. In the holy war. 5:1). (For laws concerning such warfare. Some other typical thoughts about Tioly war' are seen in this discussion. for the vast part of history). at the same time inspiring those fighting on the side of the deity with demonic frenzy. divination would often determine whether a campaign would even take place and also why a particular outcome had occurred. While the enemies trembled before the army (cp. While it is not always possible to separate historical fact from theological ideas in the holy-war traditions. 6—destruction of Jericho has been shaped to a great extent by the institution and ideas of the holy war. It seems much more likely that the account <ch. their leader had to be called by the LORD. The soldiers were not professionals but ordinary Israelite men summoned to fight by the sound of the trumpet. except in special circumstances (for example. it is known that such stories reflect a military institution (with non-professional soldiers and divinely ordained leaders) which was practised in the period before the monarchy. no battle could begin without religious ceremonies in which the will of God was determined and the army consecrated.C.

ordered by Ashur and approved by oracles. an eternal victor. A defeat of 'Assyria's (or Ashur's) mighty armies'—to use the ideological clich^ of the period—was rendered in the traditional terms of theodicy: either the oracles must have been misinterpreted— and some astrologer or haruspex would pay dearly—or the king must have committed some cultic offence to incur the divine wrath. The enemy was usually 'afraid' of the on-coming army and. in Assyria the 'weapon of ASSur* was probably some sort of standard which represented the god.260 Ancient Conquest Accounts the nation in its wars (eg. Hattuslli III.J. be overcome by the distant Nubians?76 And H. With regard to *holy wars' in the ancient Near East (in particular those of Assyria). OTHER ENTAILMENTS Our study has ramifications for the interpretation of the text of Joshua. There is a need for a complete rethinking on this subject. For example. The panicstricken flight of the enemy was a common motif in the ancient Near Eastern conquest account (very few lack it). Tadmor has very perceptively recognized and stated: Every war of Assyria.74 Butler.77 Therefore.E. as shown in the previous chapter. divine intervention was not unusual. led by her monarch—and in theory the high priest of Ashur—was on a theological as well as on a practical-cultic level a *holy war'. How else could Ashur's armies. The presence of the deity was often at the head of the army. however. etc. E. we follow Craigie78 in advocating that in the description of certain wars in the biblical narrative the label 'holy war' is best not employed. headed by the king. but that it is the theme around which the Compiler has tied all his varied material.78 One must wonder how a motif of pursuit is in any way an indication that the account narrates 'a holy war' as opposed to a 'secular war'. argues that pursuit is not only a motif of holy war.). Moreover. von Waldow concludes: The question is: Did ancient Israel really know the category of holy wars as opposed to other wars that were not holy? The answer should be no. Esarhaddon. Hamlin has recently made a . celestial and terrestrial. Thus we must object to this way of defining *holy war'. H.

Hamlin has no grounds whatever to conclude that this is 'teaching material'. or survivors on the Amorite side. in the ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts. it is equally fatuous to brand it as 'a symbolic.6. particularly the Assyrian royal inscriptions so that one can conclude that it is the product of the Deuteronomist at a very late stage as a fabrication to explain 'how the people got into the land'. suggests that we are dealing with teaching material rather than a careful report of the actual battles. Implications and Entailments 261 number of assertions concerning the nature or kind of writing used in Joshua 10:28-39.81 Another entailment of our study concerns the date of composition for these chapters of Joshua. reports of casualties within one's own army are rare. One would hardly label such texts (as for example. Van Seters has recently argued that the book of Joshua was modelled after ancient Near Eastern inscriptions. theological kind of writing*. Through motif comparison. theological kind of writing. theological kind of writing*. (2) The lack of any report of casualties on the Israelite side. The reading of one ancient Near Eastern conquest account would have quickly shown Hamlin the errors in his statements. First. it is very common in the these texts to describe the total annihilation of the enemy.80 Numbers for such groups as the dead or prisoners of the enemy are more often included than the survivors (although the group 'survivors' does occur). rather than factual reporting. Second. Furthermore. the syntagmic patterning which Hamlin calls 'stereotyped expressions' hardly indicates 'a symbolic.79 Hamlin has obviously missed the mark. theological writing*.82 . This would be absurd! Since the text in Joshua utilizes the same code. To tag these verses of Joshua with such a phrase is very inane. Our study has shown that numerous ancient Near Eastern texts exhibit this phenomenon because it is an important component in the transmission code which they employ. Tiglath-Pileser's Annals) 'symbolic. Two of these are: (1) The stereotyped expressions already referred to in the descriptions of the conquest of each of the six cities indicate a symbolic. Thus.

86 It is found in an inscription of Samsi-Adad V. It is also found numerous times in the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III. a few major battles given. Van Seters lists a number of common motifs: a confident inspiring oracle. evidence is not sufficient to allow for the dating of documents by this criterion.87 and it is found in an inscription of Adad-nirari III88 which states: I ordered to march to the land of Hatti. which was in flood. Moreover. summary.83 Van Seters argues that since the majority of these are encountered in the late Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions. the motif can also be seen in the historical writings of other cultures. positions of heavenly bodies). and omens (esp.262 Ancient Conquest Accounts While there is abundant evidence for a common ancient Near Eastern transmission code for conquest accounts (as we have been arguing throughout).C. capture and execution of kings. Euphrates in its flood. I crossed the Lastly. But. Esarhaddon. in rafts (made of inflated) goatskins. coalitions of foreign lands. therefore the Joshua material is late and highly fabricated. the crossing of a river (at flood). Hatti-land (as a designation of Syria-Palestine). crossing a river at flood stage is first found in the Annals of A§sur-nasir-apli II (883-859 B.C. and ASSurbanipal.89 Thus—in just the Assyrian Annals—one can trace the motif of crossing a river at flood stage throughout the period 883-645 B. most of these 'motifs' occur in earlier texts or can easily be explained as West Semitic influence (Aramaization) in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. repopulation of conquered regions. it occurs numerous times in the inscriptions of Sargon II. But is it really possible to date texts on the basis of common motifs? This must be deemed a very difficult procedure since there are no controls on determining the terminus a quo and the terminus ad quern for the use of such motifs in one culture let alone establishing their use in another culture. (and) I crossed the Euphrates. terror and fear of Assyria—foreign people submitting. .84 For example.):85 I moved on from the land of Bit-Adini.

6. .n hn. it is apparent that the use of this motif for dating purposes is unjustified. Summary inscriptions and 'Letters to the God'. the king crossed the 'turbulent* Orontes River.n [hm. The transmission code of the ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts dates roughly 1300-600 BC.90 d'. from the evidence presented here.fmSdt*/rn£ m hrwpn st d'.92 Through the identification of some of the figurative. But such general dating really does not say very much. not in determining the narrative's date. it seems that it is only possible to date the composition of the conquest account in Joshua 9-12 in very general terms. it has been possible to advance the interpretation of Joshua and other military narratives have all provided insight into the writing of conquest accounts in the ancient Near East. The analysis contained in this study is helpful mainly in understanding and interpreting the composition.f 'Irntw hr mwm hsmk mi RSp it was upon the turbulent water that his majesty crossed the Orontes like Reshep. in both the Karnak and Memphis Stelae of Amenhotep II. CONCLUSION By making a semiotic analysis of ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts from numerous different genres. Now [his majesty] crossed the Or[ontes Ford] on a horse in turbulence like the strength of Montu the Theban.26: The crossing by his majesty of the Orontes Ford on this day. and the Egyptian iw. Implications and Entailments 263 For example.fmSsdt] 'Ir[nt]w hr htr m hsmk mtphty Mntw W'sty 10. as well as the Hittite Annalistic texts. syntagmic and ideological aspects which make up the transmission code of these texts. On the basis of our study. it has been possible to formulate interpretive expectations which have aided the process of interpreting the biblical text. Genres such as the Assyrian Annalistic texts. These narratives are based on the war diary of Amenhotep II: "bd 1 Smw sw 26 d't hm.91 Therefore.

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places. are common to classicists. While there are differences (e. we did not feel that it was necessary at this time to engage the question of the historicity of the names. In fact. we chose the semiotic method as our interpretive guide in our comparative approach to the material. there is a common denominator. typical of any ancient Near Eastern account. of a common transmission code that is an intermingling of the texts' figurative and ideological aspects. Hence. the questions as to the veracity of the reports of numbers killed. but the main goal of our sketch has been to avoid explicit ^historical' conclusions and to concentrate on the texts as texts. the characteristics of the deities in the individual cultures).. Unquestionably. or numbers present in many of these compositions. for purposes of generalization. Since the modern historian must first deal with the ancient inscriptions as they are preserved today before even attempting a historical analysis of the events they narrate. by and large. etc. so that it is possible for us to speak. This study has shown that one encounters very similar things in both ancient Near Eastern and biblical history writing. In other words. and modern historians. we have clearly recognized that they are not final and that much more work remains to be done. the Hebrew conquest account of Canaan in Joshua 9-12 is. medievalists.CONCLUSION As we have presented the results of our investigation into the techniques of writing conquest accounts in the ancient Near East and Joshua. a certain commonality between them. the numbers of prisoners taken..1 The feet that ancient Near Eastern and biblical conquest accounts have figurative and ideological superstructures means . We have only 'scratched the surface'.g. such a task is worthwhile and necessary.

Tie left no survivors'. or 'he conquered all the land' does not invalidate them any more than the use of such syntagms as 'a great slaughter was made' or 'his majesty dispatched' invalidates the Egyptian accounts. In this we would stress the tentativeness of our own interpretations of the various texts studied herein. The fact that there are figurative and ideological underpins to the accounts should not make us call them into question per se—it should only force us to be cautious! So what can be said concerning the author of the biblical narrative in Joshua 9—12? Is this the work of the Deuteronomistic historian? We simply cannot divine the identity of this writer. 'Joshua put the city and everyone in it to the sword'. the goal of this study is quite modest. Certainly this is the case in the area of our study on conquest accounts. We do not wish to give the reader the impression that we believe that none of the data in the ancient texts is trustworthy or that all is rhetoric and stereotyped vocabulary. This contribution is just a start. the commonality of such set language does not negate the fact that a war took place. that someone won or that the army performed certain specific actions. so that we are not able to give a annu henu—ten affirmative yes!' At the end of the day. The use in the biblical narrative of such stereotyped syntagms as *YHWH gave the city into Israel's hand'. It is simply that the use of a common transmission code underlying the ancient texts must be taken into account.2 . The simulated nature of the accounts must be fully considered.266 Ancient Conquest Accounts that the interpreter of such texts must work hard at the process of interpretation. The area of ancient Near Eastern and biblical history writing is very large and much further work remains and needs to be done.

significant. John Van Seters. The German Conception of History.. histories purport to be true. History. E.. See in this regard. philosophy of history* (Tropics of Discourse. . so to speak. White correctly points out that 'those historians who draw a firm line between history and philosophy of history fail to recognize that every historical discourse contains within it a full-blown. Genesis.NOTES NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE (pp. i. and coherent sequence of past human events . In Search of History.A. see: R. Iggers. pp. For him "history is the undertaking of rendering an account of a particular. We have chosen to examine these two scholars basically for two reasons: 1) because they offer detailed definitions which requires interaction. 'Hermeneutics and Historiography: Germany and America'. representations of events and relationships in the past.. Jr. 3-35). H. pp. Jr. a selective approximation.. The Use and Abuse of History.I. Oden. R. pp.. Oden. is a literally false but scientifically more or less useful coherence imposed by reason on reality5 (pp. 6. 5. in sum. 7. Obviously. M. in Seminar Papers of the SBL. or probable. 1-18. pp. History and Ideology in Ancient Israel. Halpern in which he devotes two chapters to this topic and makes a real contribution to its understanding (The First Historians. 4. 126-127). Intellectual History and the Study of the Bible'... One notable exception is the work of B. and George Coats. 3. *History is akin to the poets and is. and 2) because they are representative of opinions concerning history writing which make up a large segment of Old Testament scholarship.g. 61. G. see: G. 31) (in this context solutum means free of metrical restrictions).A. p. Finley. the German historiographic tradition had its impact on German Old Testament scholars (for the German tradition itself. X. 2. in The Future of Biblical Studies. 135157). 6-7). for its impact on German OT scholarship. Garbini. a prose poem <emphasis mine>' (Institutio Oratorio. if only implicit. 25-58) 1.

. So Van Seters's genre analysis becomes a hunt for the point of transformation into the nationalistic form. Huizinga was a 'cultural historian'. p.W. all historical texts may be subsumed under the term historiography as a more inclusive category than the particular genre of history writing' (pp. 9. AHR 69 (1963-64): 607-630. (Vorlesungen fiber die Philosophic der Geschichte. For Huizinga's concept of history. Huizinga. Siblical History in its Near Eastern Setting: The Contextual Approach'. See: Colie. pp. Hallo. p. 46. see: R. p. 1-2). The German Conception of History. 83). For the sake of discussion. 'A Definition of the Concept of History*. Meinecke.L. in Reden und Aufsdtze. German historians from Johann Herder on lay emphasis on the nation/state (howbeit with variations) (Iggers.. *De Taak van Cultuurgeschiedenis <The Task of Cultural History^. JBL 104/3 (1985): 507. H. Vol. He is quoting J. 5-7. the origin of any . p. for it is in the transformation of such limited forms of historiography into a particular form ofliterature that the origin of history is to be found' (p. Colie. So. 15. He states: 'most historical texts of the ancient Near East do not really fit this nationalistic sense of history writing.268 Ancient Conquest Accounts 8. 9. p. historicism found its highest achievement in Ranke (Entstehung des Historismus. Huizinga. see W. Van Seters. 13. 6). pp. For a more accurate reading of Huizinga.. 10.. p. 52. 12. pp. Hegel stated: It is the state which first presents a subject-matter that is not only adapted to the prose of History. There is also a transformation between these two: 'One must pay close attention to the matter of the genre and function of historical texts. and also B. Huizinga and the Task of Cultural History*. Gunkel felt genre was the key data because it gives one access to history's general process. p. 11. 14. in Philosophy and History: Essays Presented to Ernst Cassirer. In Search of History. Gunkel maintained that genre analysis alone could differentiate history from legend or saga ('Die Grundprobleme der israelitischen Literaturgeschichte'. For example. 1. p. Halpern. 642). a fact of which Van Seters seems to be unaware. E. 29-38. 'A Definition of the Concept of History*. See also Colie. in Scripture in Context: Essays on the Compartative Method. 7. 35ff). AHR 69 (1963-64): 608.. but involves the production of such History in the very progress of its own being*. See our review of Van Seters in JSOT 40 (1988): 110-117. In the opinion of F. In Verzamelde Werken. Ibid. 6. and *Die israelitische Literatur'. in Die Kultur der Gegenwart: Die orientalischen Literaturen. 354.g. Emphasis on the political history of the nation was an emphasis common throughout the period of German historicism. AHR 69 (1963-64): 614-622.

A. Ricoeur—production of text). The Propaganda of Hattusili III'. or by going beneath classification to some larger or more fundamental dimension of the task of defining genre (Gadamer—genre history.A. LaCapra.M. The Law of Genre'. *Hermeneutics and Historiography*. Hoffner. Beckman. Cuddon. New Literary History 17 (1986): 204. JAAR 45 (1977): 309-325. 26. New Literary History 17/2 (1986): 221. Thus their rise and decline are intrinsic to textinterpretations (Truth and Method. On the propagandists and apologetic character of the Hattusili text see A. Jameson. M. Harry Shaw.or a specific political assembly in order to be an apology. pp.N. Der Erlass Telipinus. D. 51. 25. are the attempts to distinguish fictional from historiographic writing by their form . See: Mary Gerhart. see: our article in JSOT 40 (1988): 116.. in Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics. 22. "Propaganda and Political Justification in Hittite Historiography*. A Dictionary of Literary Terms. For another example of misuse. 27. 20. 19. the text does not have to be addressed to the panku. 212. Derrida. 29. J. Ibid. The Political Unconscious. because unmindful of convention and its variability. 105. 18. Dictionary of Literary Terms. JAOS 102 (1982): 435442). 27. J. 146). 76ff. pp. 23. But obviously.. Hoffmann. 52. Critical Inquiry 1 (1980): 64-65. The Hittite Assembly'. 210. p..G. 17. *History and Genre'. p. The Apology ofHattusilis Compared with Other Political Self-Justifications of the Ancient Near East. 'Comment'. pp. Halpern. H. pp. 'Generic Studies: Their Renewed Importance in Religious and Literary Interpretation'. Orsini. Wolf.. 16. Studi Mwenei ed EgeoAnatolici 14 (1971): 185-216. one . JBL 104 (1985): 508. concerning these two terms see G. Sternberg puts it this way: 'Equally fallacious. p. 28. 'Genres'. p. 21. 250ff). and H.Notes to Chapter 1 269 genre was to be sought in the people's overall social life (Oden. 307-309. 24. See also G. Along these same lines Hans-Georg Gadamer has argued that genres can no longer be regarded as timeless a priori categories since they are history-bound (much more than literary critics usually acknowledge). 217. Todorov—relation of single texts to others). p. p. Ralph Cohen. Ibid. Either by assimilating classification within other more essential functions of genre (Hirsch—determination of meaning. Arehi. in Unity and Diversity.

and one much more in keeping with Ranke's philosophical ideas. fiction from history within narrative—since they may be equally present in both. 32. Trompf points out the didactic character of the Hebrew concept of historical recurrence CNotions of Historical Recurrence in Classical Hebrew Historiography*. pp. 29. Waldman. Thus Ranke's emphasis on understanding of the uniqueness of historical characters and situations led him to reject speculation. Our the point is that Coats' definition reflects Ranke's phrase although embedded now with some of its popular misconceptions. Hence. essential. M. 31. equally absent. 34. p.W. 270. 35. This gives the phrase an entirely different meaning.. his insistence on strict method' (p. Studies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament. 122-123. pp. 30. pp.. The Meaning of "Historidsm"'. to the possible disappointment of shortcut seekers. AHH 59 (1954): 568-577. It is not factuality. Genesis. 213-229). Historicism is a widely used term. in Leopold von Ranke. Iggers and von Moltke note: Indeed Ranke's oft quoted dictum Vie es eigentlich gewesen'. See the discussion of Lee and Beck. vii. Coats. The Theory and Practice of History. 26. Ranke's writings make it clear that he did not mean this. Rogerson points out that Van Seters's definition of history has to be stretched in order to sustain his thesis (JTS 37/2 (1986): 451-454). 4-10. We are following Iggers's discussion (The German Conception of History. pp. 287-290).270 Ancient Conquest Accounts simply cannot tell fictional from historical narrative—still less. Note the influence of the German *historicist' view. 33. has generally been misunderstood as asking the historian to be satisfied with a purely factual recreation of the past. fictive form' (The Poetics of Biblical Narrative. In the nineteenth century this word was ambiguous in a way in which it no longer is. To understand the unique individuality in history required a reconstruction of the past "wie es eigentlich gewesen". there are simply no universals of historical vs. pp. equally present and absent in varying combinations. This phrase was used by Ranke in the preface to his Geschichten der romanischen und germanischen Volker von 1494 bis 1514 (1824) p. xix-xx). It certainly had the modern meaning of 'actually* already. . by Iggers and von Moltke. p. but the emphasis on the essential that makes an account historical' ('introduction'. Coats. In fact the word 'eigentlich' which is the key to the phrase just quoted has been poorly translated into English. Van Seters.' and the latter is the form in which Ranke most frequently uses this term. 29-30). G. beginning with a strict dedication to the relevant facts. ed. Toward A Theory of Historical Narrative: A Case Study in Perso-Islamicate Historiography. So.. but it also meant 'characteristic. 9. xlii). chapter 3. 9.

pp. Levine. JSOT 35 (1986): 54. 44.N. Ibid. . see: I. Grayson. 1-2. 'Explanation and Understanding: On Some Remarkable Connections Among the Theory of the Text. 43. Thucydides: Peloponnesian War. 148. A. esp. A Historical Commentary on Thucydides. He is quoting Barry Barnes. 53. 50. 39. 49.H. What is History?. 9 and 23. 37. ABC. 142-143.. Vol. 48. and Van Seters. 342. 143. pp. *Hermeneutics and Historiography*. Theory of Action.1-3. 45. pp. See also F.K. 'Hermeneutics and Historiography*.Notes to Chapter 1 271 36. 41. ix. H. p. Rokeah. R. 80-85. p. Oden. 156. 1/historiographie chez les Semites'. 16. p. Ibid. p. 38. 7-8. 11-14. I. pp. L. Ronald Nash. See. 10. p. RB 15 (1906): 509-519.A. 11. Vol. p. Cp. Millard. Ill lines 66-71. See also the comments of Keith Whitelam. Christian Faith and Historical Understanding. in On History. Troblematical Battles in Mesopotamian History'. Guidi. A. 'Speeches in Thucydides: Factual Reporting or Creative Writing? Athenaeum 60 (1982): 386-401.. Scientific Knowledge and Sociological Theory.D. 51. 52. E. A. pp. p.22. Legends of Genesis. pp. 54. 388-389. XIII-XV. pp. FT 110 (1983): 41. 140. and that any imagined objectivity is likely to be an exercise in self-deception (Knowledge and Human Interests). White. Gressmann. A Historical Commentary on Thucydides. however. JCS 34 (1982): 50. Gonime. The translation is that of D. Ricoeur. in The Philosophy of Paul Ricoeur. pp. pp. 46. The Situation of History in 1950'.R. Carr. Whybray. p. 50. E. P. R. and Theory of History*. I. Christian Faith and Historical Understanding. Braudel. R. 42. p. in Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on His Seventy-fifth Birthday. Oden. History and Theory 23 (1984): 21. In Search of History.. Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth Century Europe. 19. 395. 40. Jurgen Habermas has shown how all knowledge is related to matters of interest.W. White. Nash's balanced critique. Col. Book 1. Gomme. 160. 47. Prism A. 82.g. Die alteste Geschichtsschreibung und Prophetic Israels. 82ff. Along similar lines. p. The Old Testament and History: Some Considerations'. p. The Succession Narrative.

The Autobiographical Apology in the Royal Assyrian Literature'. Schneidau. The whole issue of the place and understanding of direct speech in ancient history writing is in much need of investigation. in Scope and Authority of the Bible. One wonders how Clements treats any historical text which seeks to justify or legitimate (e. Tadmor. 56. 3). p. 166-204). In history writing. Robert Alter. 'Divine Intervention in War in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East'. Coggins. pp. Kieran Egan. Ronald Clements. FT 110 (1983): 34-53. Cp.g. p.. the majority of Egyptian historical texts. Gomme. pp. etc. 55. 60. 36-57.J. Cook has recently complain- . 145. 82. Waldman laments this same situation in Islamic historiographic studies (Toward A Theory of Historical Narrative: A Case Study in Perso-Islamicate Historiography. in HHI. the secret dialogue between Thutmose III and his captains concerning the particular route to take to Megiddo in Thutmose's Annals—according to Whybray*s position—prejudices the work so that it is not history writing in the modern sense. The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays. Ricoeur. H. and Millard. and Hans Frei. Thucydides. 215. as well as Hittite historical texts. *History and Story in Old Testament Study*. Ibid. Egan's opinion on this passage (p. 58. pp. 59. Tragedian'.. 5. Otherwise. 'Story and History in Biblical Theology*.g. 78. A. JSOT 11 (1979): 36-46. p. narrative discourse (The Philosophy of P. E.. The Art of Biblical Narrative. 54. 64. in particular. p. in HHI. p. The Eclipse of Biblical Narrative. See: Weinfeld. von Rad. Sacred Discontent. For instance. James Barr. In saga. in The Writing of History.). p. Also see: R. Ricoeur uses 'story* to mean ^historical texf. 121-147. 152 and 161). 65. Literary Form and Historical Understanding. 63. the historian 'depicts a succession of occurrences in which the chain of inherent cause and effect is firmly knit up—so firmly indeed that [the] human eye discerns no point at which God could have put in his hand. Horizons in Biblical Theology 4-5 (1982-83): 51-55. Rokeah's arguments (Athenaeum 60 (1982): 386-401). pp. p. 62. Alter quotes H. 82). von Rad felt that the way God's activity was depicted distinguished liistory writing* from saga. 67. But also see. 61. 10 and passim. 57. are not examples of history writing. Yet secretly it is he who has brought all to pass* (G. "History and Theology in Biblical Narrative'. Ibid.272 Ancient Conquest Accounts 55. The Apology of Hattuslli or the inscription of Bar-Rakib. 24. p. p. the activity of God is 'confined to sensational events'. 66. Cp..

pp. R. in Philosophical Analysis and History. 77. we identify what is historiography and what is not based on our perception of the author's relationship to the evidence' (The First Historians. in Literary Form and Historical Understanding. Ibid. The Poetics of Biblical Narrative. 76. ^Narrative Form as a Cognitive Instrument'. Intentionality is the issue. 80. 135-141. Sternberg. Levin. p. p. p. Halpern recognizes this and roots the intentionality in the author: 'As readers. 73. p. the work mediated through the history of its interpretation' ('Reading the Bible Critically and Otherwise'. 160-192. This would allow us to entertain seriously those creative distortions offered by minds capable of looking at the past with the same seriousness as ourselves but with . 27-29. The Autonomy of Historical Understanding*. Danto. 246. Mink. 148. D. 82. White. 84. 137. 74. A. 71. 81. 78. p. Ibid. Ibid. each requiring its own style of representation. p. 151. 72.. L. p. p. more concretely. White argues that this is the key to historical interpretation. pp.N. p. p. viii. Ibid. The Poetics of Biblical Narrative. 85. in The Future of Biblical Studies. pp. See: Louis O. Analytical Philosophy of History. pp. 8). JSOT 36 (1986): 27).. Introduction to the Old Testament. 146. *Narrative Form as a Cognitive Instrument'. 79. 17. The Poetics of Biblical Narrative. 14. p. 75. Mink. Ibid.. 32.. We would prefer grounding intentionality in the text itself! 83. 145. 24. 70. p. 25. Mink.. 25. p. Sternberg. On the other hand. namely. A. Sternberg. 66).. In Defense of Historical Literature. pp. 69. Alan Cooper argues for a reader based understanding of history: 'history is nothing but our relation to the work through time or. p. L. Cp. Danto. Ibid. 68. 24-25. History and Theory Beiheft 14 (1975): 60. 'to recognize that there is no such thing as a single correct view of any object under study but that there are many correct views. Adventures of Ideas. Pfeiffer. This is one of the things which differentiates history from science. Whitehead. H. 149ff.Notes to Chapter 1 273 ed that 'attention to this element <f!ction> runs the risk of implicitly slighting the predominantly historiographic thrust of these writings' ('"Fiction" and History in Samuel and Kings*.

Mandelbaum. 86. II. Goody. 2) depictive imagery which presentationally facilitates the (phenomenological) apprehension of meanings and occurrences. History and Theory 23 (1984): 24-25. History and Theory 10 (1971): 157. P. Concerning the figurative nature of the biblical motifs. W. p. and idem. Noth. 89. JSOT 37 (1987): 37. The Consequence of Literacy9. 'Geschictsschreibung im A.T. and 3) cognitive imagery which is operative on the meta-historical plane and orchestrates interpretive discourse CMetaphor and Historical Understanding*. 'On the Nature and Role of Narrative in Historiography'. sequential. 93. J. S.274 Ancient Conquest Accounts different affective and intellectual orientations' (Tropics of Discourse. Thus he sees in the following three categories: 1) heuristic imagery which advances deliberative. 25-26. and which is a component of sequential discourse.. History and Theory Beiheft 14 (1975): 60. RGG3. Our interest is primarily in number 2.J.M. and Van Seters. For the implications of this for those who assume a great degree of reliability in oral tradition. 90. 87. 92. In Search of History. History and Theory 6 (1967): 417. in affirming this poetic feature of history writing. depictive imagery. which by definition is secondary. Dray. 209-227. 9.'. Concerning the fact that narratives are prominent. A motif stands for the essential meaning of a situation or an event. History and Theory 27 (1988): 286). Anatomy of Historical Knowledge pp. n. History and Theory 27 (1988): 125-134). 91. not for the facts themselves' CHar and Midbar: An Antithetical Pair of Biblical Motifs'. analytic understanding and falls within the domain of explanatory discourse. Literacy in Traditional Societies. Roberts. ^Literacy and Domination: G. 1498-1504. . Stambovsky delineates the three fundamental ways that metaphor functions in historiography (corresponding to Mandelbaum's historiographic forms: explanatory. White. ways of history writing.H.. p. although not universal. a motif constitutes a concentrated expression of the essence which inheres in the original situation . pp. Dray. White. Talmon argues: 'In its literary setting. 34. Brett. 47). In no way. pp. 'A Note on History as Narrative'.A. in Figurative Language in the Ancient Near East.H. CBQ 38 (1976): 3. And also. see: W. 122). Herion's Sociology of History Writing*. H. M. CSSH 5 (1963): 304-345. History and Theory Beiheft 14 (1975): 53-54. See also along these lines. JSOT 37 (1987): 20-24. Brett. 88. Goody and Watt. 15. are we denying the factual nature of narrative emplotment in history (see in this regard. H. pp. M. White. 48. n. H. and interpretive). M. see: M.

48.. Levy. Hallo. Cf. 76-77.. Apter. in Ideology and Discontent. p. Johnson. and M. For two examples of this use of the term. p. Johnson. see: G. W. pp. 'Ideology: The Concept and Function of Ideology*. Ideology and Discontent'. 174-177. See: J. Vol. 105. 99. The Concept of Ideology'. Johnson. in Ideology and Discontent. pp. Ideology and the Social System'. Jurgen Habermas.Notes to Chapter 1 275 94. p. pp. Stark. Vol. 186-192. Karl Mannheim. 107. Ideology'. Ibid. History and Ideology in Ancient Israel. Lichtheim. in The Social Science Encyclopedia. 290-297. p. 1-12. Ideology and the Social System'.W. AHR 69 (1963-64): 30-46. 375-376. 'Editor's Foreword' To The Theory and Practice of History. Harry M. Lichtheim. vi. 101. p. Theorie und Praxis. pp. 7. Cf. U. 73. Gould. 315-317. p. 95. G. E. 104. p. 100. Sozialphilosophische Studien. p. p. Garbini. in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. . pp. 77. in A Dictionary of the Social Sciences. The Concept of Ideology*. 63. Webster's 3rd New International Dictionary. The Concept of Ideology'.g. 'Ideology5. in HHI. 98. Eco. in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Geschichte und Klassenbewusstsein: Studien fiber marxistische Dialektik. 106. 183). Clifford Geertz. 77.g. Shils. 102. 96. 103. pp. 'Ancient Egypt: A Survey of Current Historiography'. Ideology as a Cultural System'. A Theory of Semiotics. 1073. Georg Lukacs. 16. The concept of ideology as a mask is rooted back in Nietzsche's thought of 'unmasking*. and Knowledge and Human Interests. D. Lichtheim. see: W. Ideology and Utopia. On Mannheim's derivation from Weber and dependence on the early Lukacs. Here we are attempting to maintain a distinction which will help clarify our discussion. History and Theory 4 (1965): 173. I. p.. Lichtheim. For him all thought is ideological and must be 'unmasked* (see G. E. It must be stressed that not everyone who assumes the Marxist definition of 'false consciousness* applies it only to the Right. Friedman. *Sumerian Historiography*. 97. J. 108. The Sociology of Knowledge. G.

he also recognizes its 'rhetorical labor' (A Theory of Semiotics. pp. 3551). p. p. Ideology and Utopia. 121.. 1-26. very conservative southerners refused to vote Republican because of ideological hangovers from the days of Reconstruction. 57. 74. Ideology as a Cultural System'. Cf. 290-297). 122. 116. Ancient Orient and the Old Testament. Garbini clearly sees ideology in the sense of false consciousness and distortion (History and Ideology in Ancient Israel. Geertz. that man stood to gain much more because of his social position than if the Democratic candidate Jimmy Carter had been elected. One old Texan remarked. pp. Geertz. Mannheim. himself. 118. "Metaphor as Mistake'. pp. 117. 52-54. 112.W. Cf. pp. in Scripture in Context: Essays on the Comparative Method. n. 55-59. W. pp. If we level ideology to only distortion of reality/false consciousness. Percy. 2. Ibid. Eco's discussion of metaphor. Stark. 30. many older. 73. Johnson. 60. Hallo. during the election of 1980. p. 120. p. A Theory of Semiotics.276 Ancient Conquest Accounts 109. 1 would rather vote for a dead dog than a Republican!' Yet through the election of the Republican candidate. political structures and socialized subjects who are only mere agents of the system (see: Friedman. 119. U. 111. 30. xvi). 297 and 312. Although Eco. This view is evident among recent structural Marxists (e. Shils.A. p. One example that we can cite: While the *New Right' was gaining power in the U. a system of economic exploitation that generates its own self-maintenance by way of the production of appropriate mentalities. . p. Ideology as a Cultural System'. W. in Lenin and Philosophy. 375). n. Ideology as a Cultural System'. Ronald Reagan. 110... 113. with in their extreme functionalism where ideological apparatuses are conceived as instruments that exist to maintain the coherence of a mode of production. The Sewanee Review 66 (1958): 79-99. 74. pp. p. Kitchen. are we not then faced ultimately with a iype of Nietzsche's nihilism? 114. Also K. 54. in The Social Science Encyclopedia. Ideology5.g. p. Ibid.. See also. Ibid. Biblical History in its Near Eastern Setting: The Contextual Approach'. Geertz. follows the Marxist notion of ideology as 'false consciousness'. p. n. Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses'.S. pp. 80. 115. Althusser. 90-91. Eco.

otherwise the Hebrew writings have to be treated in a vacuum.. p.(or pre-) conceptions we invariably bring to our disciplines (Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia: A Comparative Study. 171. 1-24. Roberts. The Rise of Historiography in Israel'. 19-30). IEJ 2 (1952): 82-88. Wise is advocating a "New Critic' reading.. <Hebrew>. and Van Seters. extremely misleading* (TB 36 (1985): 75). 118-120. 209-248. While the existence of parataxis might explain certain problems. in El 1 pp. he nevertheless does undermine the argument against the comparative approach. The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays. B. 125. n. Von Rad. RGG3. While Albrektson overstates the case. p.M. 'Gesehichtssehreibung im A. in fact often have been. Maisler. pp. U. 7-16. Ibid. pp. pp. ASTI. esp. Gene Wise. Mowinckel. American Historical Explanations. Thus Millard concludes: Svhere comparisons are possible they should be made.Notes to Chapter 1 277 123.J. 85-88. 131. 8. 9ff). J. 127. . p. pp. p. idem. In Search of History. vol. Karel van der Toorn insists that we practice 'self-restraint' when dealing with ancient cultures in order to sweep away the generalizations and mis. Thus it does not follow that because one finds parataxis in Greek and Hebrew history writing there is a necessary link between the two. History and the Gods-. Thompson. 53-54. 'Scripture in Context'. Even so. Parataxis can be found on different levels in many different languages and in many different periods..J. 'Ancient Israelite Historiography'. 13. his judgment concerning Egyptian history writing is quite wrong. Van Seters has not delineated exactly what he sees as the demarcations of parataxis in Greek and/or Hebrew literature. II. 166-204. The Autobiographical Apology . pp. 59. Moses and the Law in a Century of Criticism Since Graf. See also: M. 218. R. Hallo.T.g. one cannot use parataxis to argue for dating as Van Seters does. Tadmor. 1500. Van Seters. CBQ 38 (1976): p. p. 130. 126. p. Cassuto. 33).. In Search of History. See also B. Israelite Historiography'. esp. In this connection. pp. Long has attempted to define the parameters of parataxis in the Hebrew historical narrative (I Kings. exact relationships and dating remain very moot. p. But Van Seters correctly points out one of the errors in such thinking: there is an implied comparison here on the level of "historical thinking* between a Near Eastern mythological perspective and an Israelite 'historical' perspective that at least prejudices any comparative approach on the literary level' (Van Seters. 129. Noth. p. See: B.'. 1. Albrektson. pp. We agree with his debunking of the idea that Greek and Hebrew thought were entirely in contrast. in HHI. and the results of that can be. E. 128. 124. 8.'. in Biblical and Oriental Studies. 56.

H. p. With reference to biblical studies. Elements de Semiologie. 116. not of one single code monolithically utilized. E. not to mention attitude toward and subliminal evaluation of its subject— matter—attests to his talents as an artist. 136. Barthes. 149. and the Figurative Imagination'. 65. pp. 130. especially in light of the overemphasis in biblical studies on referentiality. White. Oden. p. 140. History. Semiotics and Interpretation.g. La Plaisir de Text. Cooper. 187-210. R. S/Z.M. White. p. This explains the 'density* of the various ANE and biblical historical texts (see further: White. semiotics remains a practical means of analysis. 134-141. rather than as only a vehicle for the transmission of information about an extrinsic referent' (History and Theory 23 (1984): 19). History and Theory Beiheft 14 (1975): 52. but rather of a complex set of codes. 35-76. inARINH. It must be kept in mind that every narrative discourse consists. Scholes. in The Poet and the Historian: Essays in Literary and Historical Biblical Criticism. A Theory of Semiotics. Two areas with which this book will not deal are: 1) the idea of history in the ANE and the Bible. Barthes. 170. Cancik. 117-131. 144. The Life and Times of King David According to the Book of Psalms'. 'Hermeneutics and Historiography*. 'A Literary Code in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The Case of Ashurbanipal's Egyptian Campaigns'. 137. 'Ancient Mesopotamia'. pp. Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians. Biblical and Oriental Studies. 143. Numerous scholars have written on this subject [e. pp. So our utilization is in many ways pragmatic. R. R. 'Historicism. White's criticism at this point is valid. one can overcome the 'fallacy of referentiality*. and The Biblical Idea of History in its Common Near Eastern Setting*. H. 134. 16. Grundzilge der hethitischen imd alttestamentlichen Geschichtsschreibung. See also: U. 130. 145. M. However.A. 141. in The Idea of His- . 107. H. 'Ancient Israel'. 135. p. as master rather than as the servant of the a single code available for his use. 49. He argues that a discourse should be regarded 'as an apparatus for the production of meaning. 138. Fales. 133. Spalinger. p.278 Ancient Conquest Accounts 132. Eco. History and Theory 23 (1984): 18ff). Speiser. 139.. p. F. see A. History and Theory 23 (1984): 20. Barthes. 142. Robert Scholes. H. the interweaving of which by the author—for the production of a story infinitely rich in suggestion and variety of affect. 20. pp. in The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East. p. Hence.p. p. 30. Burrows.

57-58). 'Memorandum on the Approach to Historiographieal Texts'.g. but many individual viewpoints held by some of the Hittites who undertook to write down portions of their past as they conceived it' [Or (1980): 288]. N. By investigating this broad category (genre?!) we will be better able to understand Joshua's main conquest account (chs. 9-12). A. but stylistic analysis seems to be a method best suited for this study. in our discussion of the Joshua conquest account. Or 42 (1973): 181. the main concern must be with how to read and interpret these texts. Often similarities are oversimplified [e. different heuristic methods can be put forth. therefore. Press's remarks. [A vivid example of this problem is Gese's study in which the selectivity of the ANE and biblical materials does not present an accurate picture of any of the cultures' ideas of history]. Krecher and H. So also it appears to be the case with other nations. H. pp. J. p. Albrektson. is not a single uniform View* of history writing held by the Hittites. Hence our interest in the syntagmie aspect of Assyrian history writing (see pp. etc. while a reconstruction is. In his statement Liverani is following the work of linguists like Roland Barthes and Umberto Eco .). of necessity. 72-78 above). UF11 (1979): 825-832]. concerned with questions of historicity.. Hoffner's important comment: What we may learn. 61-124) 1. The kinds of ANE texts that we will be investigating are ANE conquest accounts—obviously including many literary genres (e. 238. VT 5 (1955): 1-12]. Annalistic texts. But Van Seters points out that these studies are often flawed by the notion of a uniform idea of history in a particular culture (In Search of History.g. Our primary concern is with texts that contain more than one episode or campaign. Cf.-P. Gese. History and the Gods. B.A. Moreover. Muller.Notes to Chapter 2 279 tory in the Ancient Near East. although we will not neglect scrutiny of single campaign texts (like the Kadesh Inscription of Harnesses II). M. 57 and p. Thus. Letters to the God. Saeculum 26 (1975): 13-44. we will offer no reconstruction. but also because a historiographic inquiry is primarily a literary study. Obviously. Since a thorough investigation of the ANE and biblical accounts must be completed before the issue of a reconstruction of Israelite history can be addressed. and 2) a reconstruction of Israelite History. these studies are flawed by their selectivity (See: Van Seters. NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO (pp. Display/Summary inscriptions. Liverani. The Development of the Idea of History in Antiquity. not only because of the pragmatics of space. Malamat. and note G. pp. ZThK 55 (1958): 127-145. Wyatt. 146. 99-131. 142). p.

While very different from Olmstead. Grayson. down through the years. A Theory of Semiotics. 154)—means that we are dealing with a very 'open* genre. In Search of History. 463 and 469. 2. See: A. pp. 3. ABC (1975). 'Assyrian Historiography*. BiOr 28 (1971): 3-24. 4. inEucharisterion Gunkel. Grayson. in RLA 6 (1980): 59-65. p. ['Assyrian Historiography Revisited'. See A.und Fursteninschriften: Eine stilistische Studie'. More comprehensive studies are: H. Finkelstein. the Assyrian commemorative inscriptions reveal considerable experimentation by the scribes.. The University of Missouri Studies.K. Edzard. Hallo. cf. von Soden. 278-322] had numerous weaknesses.K.280 Ancient Conquest Accounts (U. Mowinckel's article [Die vorderasiatischen Konigs. see most recently. 265277. S. Grayson. Grayson. 8. J. Die historische Tradition und ihre Hterarische Gestaltungbei Babyloniern und Hethitern bis 1200'. W. see: A. *Zur lypologie und Entstehung der babylonischen und asyrischen Konigslisten'.K. ZA 42 (1934): 191.g. Ibid. 55-99.E. B. A.O. HUCA 33 (1962): 1-43.W. E. pp. 'Sumerian Historiography'. To name a few: W. There have been numerous studies of particular genres of Assyrian and/or Babylonian historical texts. IConigsmsehriften. 'Mesopotamian Historiography*. pp.W. IEJ 16 (1966): 231-242. Guterbock. Or 49 (1980): 143-148.G. 44 (1938): 45-149. Barthes. Renger. A. Social Studies Series HI/1 (1916). Baumgartner. Grayson. 5. Hallo has also examined the Assyrian texts with reconstructional goals in mind. 120). Sumerisch'. For the Sumerian royal inscriptions.T. 9-20]. Borger. in HHI. El 14 (1978): 1-7]. Rollig. in liSan mitfyurti. pp. R.W. Le Plaiser du Texte. in particular. Olmstead. OLZ 27 (1924): 313-318]. Eco. 6. Or 49 (1980): 151. The very fact that—according to Grayson. (1969).K. 7. . Festschrift W. and John Van Seters. J. For a more comprehensive review of past studies. J. the very limited corpus of royal inscriptions which he utilized in the study [See: W. He also has worked along these lines in Sumerian historiography [W. also W. Akkadisch'. Hallo. The earliest study on Assyrian history historiography was concerned with this. Or 49 (1980): 143148 for a complete list. W. pp.W. D. Hallo. Finkelstein is following Huizinga's definition (see our discussion in the previous chapter). A. Or 49 (1980): 140-194. 64-65. PAPS 107 (1963): 461-472). in-RLA 6 (1980): 65-77. ^Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East: Assyria and Babylonia'. pp. with the view to include more and more details about the military enterprises of the king* (p. 'Konigsinschriften. 'Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East: Assyria and Babylonia'.

inARINH. 15. it is far too brief to deal adequately with the material. It is a question of priority. Ibid. While the study is much more controlled than Speiser's. 262. For some brief comments on the idea of history in ancient Mesopotamia. 10. Francois Furet. Lambert. p. Tadmor distinguishes between these two types designating one as 'annals' and the other as 'summary inscriptions'. 147-148. This does not mean questions of veracity are unimportant. 13. 54-60. Barthes. E.Notes to Chapter 2 281 9. 216-220]. Zaccagnini. 11. Or 39 (1970): 170-179. 35-76.A. 8. 308). We are not using the term evenementielle as it is understood in the 'Annalistes'. pp. being opposed to quantitative history (e. The 'summary inscriptions' are called 'display inscriptions' by Olmstead (1916) and Grayson (1980) in their respective articles. 'Quantitative History'. LeRoy Ladurie. 261. Krecher suggests that there were a variety of ideas about the past in ancient Mesopotamia [J. Muller. and A. H.p.G. In the discussion of the French 'Annales' school. Furthermore. 35-50. *Vergangenheitsinteresse in Mesopotamien und Israel'. Speiser proposed that *Mesopotamian man* had a unified concept of history stemming from the ancient Sumerians and running through the subsequent civilizations of Assyria and Babylonian ['Ancient Mesopotamia'.. Le Plaisir du Texte. 260-262. pp. R. The Mind and Method of the Historian.g. 143-144. 17. The Historical Inscriptions of Adad-Nirari III'. Krecher. . More recently.g. pp. and H. Leo Oppenheim. Ancient Mesopotamia. 'An Urartean Royal Inscription in the Report of Sargon's Eighth Campaign'. It must be stressed here that Oppenheim was not in the semiotic or literary camp. Ancient Mesopotamia. These inscriptions carefully carved in inaccessible spots and addressed to the deity are attempts at manipulation of the deity. also see: W. and OTS 17 (1972): 65-72.. 12. 16.. Iraq 35 (1973): 141. pp. and 'Geschichtswissenschaft*. and E. through a generic analysis. in RLA 3.-P. in The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East. Carlo Zaccagnini.K. Grayson. Tadmor. Or 49 (1980): 151. Tiistoire eV6nementielle' is usually viewed negatively. one must question whether it is possible to understand the ideas of history in a particular civilization simply through analysis of its genres. cylinders deposited within buildings). J. See: A. Oppenheim. They report the king's victories and his piety and demand blessings in return. 14. Saeculum 26 (1975): 13-44]. pp. pp. in Historical Studies Today. This point is not to be underestimated since a large number of Assyrian royal inscriptions were designated for the gods or a future king (e.

With regard to lower class ideologies. 21. due to the shortage of evidence. 19. Liverani. Ibid. Michael Twaddle discusses imperialism and concludes: Trobably imperialism is best defined in some median manner. The Ideology of the Assyrian Empire'. p. ought to be characterized by greater simplicity and by non-involvement in the problem of the empire'. H. Eco argues that one must understand ideology in the Marxist sense as 'false consciousness' so that ideology is 'a message which starts with a factual description. The Ideology of the Assyrian Empire'. 299. M. 18. For some 'underdevelopment theorists'.. FT 110 (1983): 34-53. Hence. 20.M. A Theory of Semiotics. For example. 170.. not just its monopolistic stage. we are not linking imperialism in tiiis discussion to capitalism (certainly as an economic system of the 19th and 20th centuries). 297-317. in The Social Science Encyclopedia. gradually being accepted by society through a process of overcoding* (U. as far as they have not been absorbed and crushed by the official ideology. p.p. or whether it is a refine- . 41 (1921): 345-382.282 Ancient Conquest Accounts Concerning the Veracity' of ancient writers. Eco. 377-379).E. pp. Ibid. see: A. p. Fales. pp. to classical Marxists it means the triumph of (mostly Western European) monopoly finance capital over a still larger array of non-European peoples at the end of the 19th century. 298. in Power and Propaganda: A Symposium of Ancient Empires. Liverani. Eco. it is easy to overestimate the importance of this as a source of ideology. Tadmor notes that the annals of Shalmaneser III refrain from describing the atrocities which ASs" ur-nasir-pal II systematically narrate. 299.T. Millard. inARINH. 23. Imperialism has acquired so many meanings that its use proves to be problematic. He wonders Svhether the absence of atrocities reflects an actual change of Assyrian policy toward the West. It is wise to keep in mind at this point that while it is well known that the likelihood of a group or individual who has a vested interest will defend it by means of distortion. Imperialism is probably best separated analytically from both 'capitalism' and 'colonialism* and treated principally as the pursuit of intrusive and unequal economic policy in other countries supported by significant degrees of coercion' [Emphasis mine] ('Imperialism'. Liverani states: The identification of ideologies belonging to the lower social classes or to marginal groups (such as peasants and nomads) is problematical. A. *A Literary Code in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The Case of AshurbanipaTs Egyptian Campaign'. 290). JAOS 38 (1918): 209-263. 24. p. Liverani's conception of ideology is influenced by U. Olmstead. F. and then tries to justify it theoretically. Such ideologies. the term is simply synonymous with capitalism in general. 22.

5).Notes to Chapter 2 283 ment in the character of historical writing* ('Assyria and the West: The Ninth Century and its Aftermath'.F. The Enemy in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The Moral Judgement". in Assyrien und seine Nachbarn. p. Iraq 25 (1963): 149. Ibid. 418. in Unity and Diversity. Mesopotamien und Seine Nachbarn. in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Zacagnini. 428-430. For the definition of Kunstprosa. 78. 36. 28. pp. 33. and 425-435. 30. p. He also points out that in Akkadian the terms girru and fyarranu both have the following meanings: road/route. 135. Hecker. 2." were usually exterminated with the utmost savagery* (The Annals of Sennacherib. p. 38. 37. and 274-306).. 78.B. Fales. 36). Saggs. Trade and the Emerging Power Center'. p. 171. p. p. The Enemy*. While the Assyrian ideology tended to picture the enemy in a 'them' versus His* manner. 26. 409-424. H. 39.. Zaccagnini. pp. p. 32. 19-21. p. The Ideology of the Assyrian Empire'. Rowton. see: K. The Enemy. Ibid. 34. Ninian Smart argues that the distinction between church and state. 25. *War.. 154.. 29. 35. must be maintained in order to facilitate scientific analysis (Religion and the Future of Western Civilization. 301. Or 49 (1980): 194. pp. 427. p.W. those who "sinned against ASSur and the great gods. p. it is important to remember at this point that one should not confuse ontological and epistemological questions. religion and ideology. 'Assyrian Warfare in the Sargonid Period'. Ibid. Grayson. The Enemy in the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The *Ethnographic' Description'. trading expedition and military expedition. Finally. 31. pp. H. Luckenbill noted that: The Assyrian kings always distinguished between enemies and rebels.. Ibid. Liverani. The Elementary Structures of Kinship. n. C. 191. 430. For example. they did distinguish between 'pure' enemies and rebels (see our discussion of function N. 27. 40. p. Moreover. Ideology and the Social System'. 425. ARINH. Harry L. p. 418. 208-237. pp. Enemies were given a chance to submit and become tributaries. D. Ibid. Tadmor has recently discussed the use of temporal and genelogical formulae CHistory and Ideology in the Assyrian . Johnson. and Fales. 84-85). 301. LeVi-Strauss. Untersuchungen zur akkadischen Epik. Fales. but rebels ("sinners" is a literal translation of the term employed). p. 67. M.

react. R. Vicino Oriente 5 (1982-83): 13-73 [henceforth: SAAMA]. with regard to the principles underlying the composition of the 'annals'. 120. 49. Hill. while on the other hand.. Badali. U. the capacity of something to unite. for the most part. Finally. following SAAMA. Ibid. Morphological Analysis'. The Dominant Ideology Thesis. 51. 72-73). p. p. However. Ibid. Ibid. On the one hand. and Turner. pp.. p. Along these lines see the arguments of N. events may be assigned to a particular campaign relative to the writer's point of view rather than strict chronological grounds (p. 'A Literary Code'. he discusses the temporal formulae which express the military and pious 'erga' of the king upon his accession to the throne. 69. et al. Levine. and that it was possible to produce an account of a campaign before that campaign had been completed (pp. Ibid. p. in ARINH.D. By valency we mean: *Broadly. 46. as reported in the annals of Sennacherib.. 24-25). *Studies on the Annals of ASsurnasirpal II: I. at least in the way Tadmor seems to imply. Interestingly. 13-33).. F. does not necessarily end with the events described in the original document. we are. E. Abererombie. 48. pp. 1414).. pp. Eco.284 Ancient Conquest Accounts Royal Inscriptions'. In the labelling of these syntagms. pp. 201-202. Treliminary Remarks on the Historical Inscriptions of Sennacherib'. L. 50. Hence. We are simply pointing out that caution must be employed and generalization avoided (even if only implied). 45. in ARINH. The Role of the Reader. he discusses the Assyrian genealogical formulae demonstrating that the Assyrian king's reign could be legitimated either by the use of a formula of his royal descent or by an account of his divine election. 18-41. 47. 44. 43. 172. or interact with something else* (The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language. This does not mean that we believe that the Assyrian accounts do not distort reality (which they do on occasions) or that Tadmor's analysis of the individual examples is necessarily incorrect. 42. they must purposefully distort historical reality (pp. He points out that a 'campaign*.M. 171. pp. 171-176.. in HHI. 73). p. 117. Borger has also noted . 41. They argue that one must know in advance the ideology in order to conclude that it is distorting reality. 173. Fales. such an understanding is certainly not correct since all historical narratives employ ideological and literary conventions. Ibid. Tadmor seems to imply that since these are literary or ideological conventions. ideology does not always distort reality. Obviously. 117. pp.

esp.K. in the inscriptions of Shalmaneser I and Tukulti-Ninurta I). one may remark that from an ideological point of view the lack of an explicitly enunciated disorder does not mean that there was no disorder. 60. 59. 53. apart from the specific functions of pursuit (H) and return (Q)' (SAAMA. the absence of an explicit B would be due to the obvious and given existence of such disorder. p. This signifies that the acquisition of the divine assent is a prerequisite of the most operative technical and military preparation for the campaign and that the link between the ideological and operative levels (C and D) is solidly acknowledged and recorded' (SAAMA. 'Observations on Assyrian Historiography*. Borger. Tadmor. *Normally function E describes any movement in space of the protagonist (= the Assyrian king). p.74-77.'. ARI. pp. p. 25). p. since every action of the Assyrian king was aimed at the re-establishment of order. Tadmor. function C is never expressed by a principal sentence (except in 144-45). . pp. the sequence ABC2DE is typical and recurrent (1. 24). Textkritisehes zur PrismaInschriftTiglatpileser's I. p. p. 209. 3ff. Grayson.g. Rather. AKA. 129ff. 56. in ARINH. 125-28). It is also important to note that Borger has shown the utilization of many of these syntagms in a number of Assyrian kings prior to Tiglath-Pileser I (e. 161-165. 57. A. p. 27ff. p. Translation: Grayson. and H. 30). 38. 'On the level of syntax. p. 101-104. 'Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: Literary Characteristics'. AfO 25 (1974-77).K. 209. EAR I. 54. 209ff. Tadmor. 55.. II. In the case of ASsurnasirpal II. 'Observations on Assyrian Historiography*.23-27. Rarely are they followed by violent actions (EfL)' (SAAMA. 'Observations on Assyrian Historiography'. ARI II. Here we are attempting to improve the analysis of SAAMA. p. but rather by a circumstantial expression annexed to sentences that enunciate the function which follows (D or E or some other one). Studies: Borger. As regards the numerous cases in which function B is absent. *Here we are dealing with stages of a purely functional character. and H. p. 3. 49-51). This may have implications on the beginning of 'annaT writing in Assyria! 52. or in the proximity of the cities where tributes are to be collected (EfM). See: A. His isolations and identifications are incorporated in this analysis.Notes to Chapter 2 285 a number of these syntagma in his analysis of the style and vocabulary of Tiglath-Pileser I's prisms (EAR I. 11. 58. Grayson. Text: King. stages which take place in the course of one's moving from one place to another (Ef// qf).

71. ser-morSi. p. there naturally sprung forth a great number of essential variants. Text: following the reconstruction by Weidner. pp. esp. pp. Borger. 125). and on the right side of a stela fragment . According to Schramm. Sumer 7 (1951): 3-21.16 reads: os-su-tya i-na.C. 66. Translations: Grayson. and AfO 22 (1968-69): 75ff. EAK II. Grayson feels that gamarriya is a variant of magarriya (ART. 68. 7478. Following the reading of C. 8. and was reconquered by Ashurdan II. 70-105. Cf. p. n. 1-122. CAD B p.K. 64. 67.286 Ancient Conquest Accounts 61. It was conquered in the 12th century B. Le Gac. 111. n. and ARIII p. 18-31. Michel. TUAT 1/4 pp. SAAMA. p. VAT 8890. 'A Further Text of Shalmaneser III from Assur'. WO II/2 (1955): 153-154). If this is true. is also recorded on the Black Obelisk (E. 7. pp. Translation: Grayson. Grayson 'Studies in NeoAssyrian History: The Ninth Century B. Le Gac. 72. the scribe's writing of magarru may be flawed (cf. p. metathesis would be the probable explanation. pp. 33. p. 78. 77. (Asiur Text #32) Text: F. AfO 3 (1926): 151161. EAK II. AKA. iv. By the Sargonid period. CAD G p. We follow the identification of Musri as put forward by H. For Sib-bu see: AHw p. 62. Tukulti-Ninurta Epic IV. 70. 73. omissions and additions (EAK. pp. p. 79. I. On the other hand. pp. 1226. 1030a. 146). See also the remarks of A. Studies: Schramm. 76. For a full discussion of the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III. 24). Text: King. 42. 88. Borger feels that. Asn. Cf. 366-367 (partial). 77). IEJ 11 (1961): 143-150. CAD G p. 254-387. 69. 4. 75. AKA p. Grayson.C. Concerning Ashur-Dan's policy see A. BiOr 33 (1976): 134-145. Translation: R. revolted.. E. 117-147. •Studies in Neo-Assyrian History5. Joshua 10. 72. 65. ARIII. Tadmor CQue and Musri'. 63. ARI II. n. Cp.'. BiOr 33 (1976): 136. CAD S p. See: AHw p. Asn. Safar. it was an integral part of Assyria proper. (by Tiglath-Pileser I).K. 341. This Musri is to be placed not too far from Qummani. See AHw sub raksu le (p. 67. 135. 74. 40).. 948a). 62. WO 2/1 (1954): 27-45. and Tukulti-Ninurta I. The 18th palti. this is the main exemplar of Recension E (EAK II. since the writer's intentions were deliberate. see W. Michel. Schramm.

Thiele argues that 1x>th Jehoram and Jehu were rulers in Israel in 841. E. 81. arguing that la-u-a mar JIfu-um-ri-i does not have to be identified with Jehoram (Joram II Kgs. "mdr Jfumri") actually denotes (Sa) bit PN "(which is) of the house PN" (Ungnad. Na'aman argues against McCarter's proposal stating: The recent proposal of McCarter (1974) to interpret the name "Jo-zi-a lla-au" in these passages as a shortened form of Jehoram (based on a hypocoristic PN Yaw!) is unsound. However. WO 2/1 (1954): 38-39. Brinkman. Regierungsjahr'. Furthermore. According to Assyrian chronology this would have been 841. Weippert's arguments seem to be strong and we must add that McCarter has not adequately addressed the spelling of Jehoram in the II Kings passage (Joram): the 1 has remained in th shortened form. in DOTT. the references in Shalmaneser's annals to 'Yaw. 'Jaua. 83. it is not necessary to include in our comparison. 1:17). Phoenician: ~ITy^y3. The Assyrians often denoted coun- .. mar Humri'. who lived forty-five years and reigned six*.R. It may be Jehu who is meant.K. so either of these kings could have been the Hebrew ruler mentioned by Shalmaneser' (BASOR 222 (1976): 19). M. OLZ 9 (1906): 224-226). Jehoram. Wiseman. On the other hand.. McCarter argues that 'it is probable that the name written la-u-a or la-a-ti in Shalmaneser's records is in fact the hypocoristicon 'Yaw'" .. the account is so abbreviated. das Jahr des Tributs Jehus (841) sein 1. it was this last of the Omrides. who paid tribute to Shalmaneser in 841' (BASOR 216 (1974. In the case of the Black Obelisk. 4650. the title "son of Omri" is decidedly in favor of Jehoram .. such a solution is "a priori" inadequate. Michel. E. Accordingly. Thus. hence why is it missing in the Assyrian translation? Finally.g. Ungnad showed that the name "mar PN" (e. Weippert disagrees with McCarter's identification. erch. He concludes that 'Salmanassars ]Ia-u-a kann daher als Yaw-hu'a 'YHWH ist es!" interpretiert werden' (VT 28 (1978): 115). 82. Thus for him. 1975): 6). hypocoristic names are rare exceptions in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. Against Apion I 124: TOUTOV 6ie6eirr\ 8| :: '(Ithobal) was succeeded by his son Balezor. JNES32 (1973): 40-46 (too wanting to merit inclusion)..Notes to Chapter 2 287 (J. or it may be Jehoram . D. son of Omri" (as we should now read it) are ambiguous so far as the name of "Yaw" is concerned. Hence. pp. he argues 'Dazu kommt. It is preferable to adhere to the original interpretations which consider the above cuneiform spellings as attempts to approximate the pronunciation of the biblical name Jehu. See Flavius Josephus. P. dass McCarter mit *Yaw(a*) fur *Yawram einen kaum gebrauchlichen Namenstyp rekonstruiert hat' (p. Furthermore. 80.. 116). 'das Jahr der schlacht bei Qarqar (853) ist zugleich das Todesjahr Ahabs. as scholars have surmised.A.

pp. pp. 94. 91. n. Luckenbill's words still are on the mark: The Assyrian account of the investment of the city is very full and detailed. JCS 34 (1982): 28-58.D. 58-75. in HHI. the synchronization between Jehu and Shalmaneser III in 841 B. Prelude to Empire. See also A. n. pp. p. 150-151. esp. Idem. Treliminary Remarks on the Historical Inscriptions of Sennacherib'. 87.288 Ancient Conquest Accounts tries by the name of the founder of the ruling dynasty at the time of their first acquaintance with it (e. A.C. Michel. 225-258. Bit Humri"). Bit Agusi.'. 26).and J. Levine. Chicago. JNES 38 (1979): 311. Liverani. . L. pp. EAR II. Iraq (1962): 96-115. Borger notes that the location is unclear. Michel. Cf. 6a). 86. north of Beirut. W. 78. 1924. However. Wiseman states that this is 'the headland by the Nahr-el-Kelb (Dog River). although apparently in the neighborhood of Tyre (according to the *Marble Slab* inscription of Shalmaneser. E. 69-73. Kinner-Wilson. Treliminary Remarks on the Historical Inscriptions of Sennacherib'. Brinkman.365366. regardless of which dynasty was in power at the time. 90. BAL2 pp. 93. Text: Borger. D. Deut. Tel Aviv 3 (1976): 102. 366. Wiseman correctly states: 'Note that the Assyrian makes no claim to the capture of the city* (DOTT. D. 89. Beitrage zur Assyriologie und semitischen Sprachwissenschaft 6 (1908): 129-155. WO 1/4 (1949): 265-268. pp. •Sennacherib's Southern Front: 704-689 B. p. A. Billerbeck and F. Thus the name "mar Ifumri" for Jehu poses no problem. Luckenbill. pp.R. "Die Palasttore Shalmanassars II von Balawat'. See also: D. in HHI. remains valid' (N. 85. 'Critique of Variants and the Titulary of Sennacherib*. Borger comments: 'Gemeint ist der Antilibanon oder der Hermon. The Annals of Sennacherib. (Ill R 5.D. Accordingly. Millard. *text #22. According to Assyrian chronology this would have been 841. 54-70. 84. 68ff. 6). [OIP 21. 92. Borger for additional bibliography and translation: TUAT1/4.D. p. 3:9: T»3M?. Delitzsch.C. . This is informative of the situation in Sennacherib's campaign against Jerusalem. E. p. 49). See note 83 above. WO 2/1 (1954): 27ff). Levine. See R. a sure sign that the victory claimed was not at all decisive' (The Annals of Sennacherib. inARINH. Na'aman. Die von Salmanassar verwendete Namensform lautet Saniru' (TUAT. where inscriptions and stelae of Shalmaneser III and later kings have been discovered cut in the rock face of the pass' (DOTT. Concerning that account. Schramm. "Bit Bahiani. 49). p.E.g. Studies: L. 11). 88. Schramm understands this text as Recension D.

W. Oppenheim. p. However. esp. while the events of the seventh campaign are all contained in a short three month period immediately following upon the last event of the sixth. Paris. for the comparative purposes of our investigation we are isolating it as a separate episode. and this for historical-geographical and historiographic reasons (see JCS 34 (1982): 29-40.K.'.C. are all assigned to the sixth campaign. 31-35. JAOS 62 (1942): 130-138. Annals. Additions: B. A divergent tradition is also evident in the Walters Art Gallery Inscription [A.D. 'Die Finanzierung einer Kampagne'. *Neue Bruchstueke des Berichtes uber Sargons achten Feldzug5. 65-132. Iran 12 (1974): 99-124. JNES 19 (I960): 133-147. pp. Text: Most recently see. MDOG 115 (1983). For a different understanding of the first two girru. pp. 37-38. events beginning in the summer of 694 and ending over a year later. Rigg.D. There may well be grounds for maintaining separate campaigns (see now especially. where yet another system of splitting up the campaigns was used. and is. 98. Une Relation de la Huitieme Campagne de Sargon [TCL 3]. 96. as does the seventh. Levine argues that the sixth and seventh campaigns of the annals should be combined and viewed as one campaign (JCS 34 (1982): 46-47). L. Leo Oppenheim. Jargon's 'Eighth Military Campaign". L. 2) According to the annals. W. 3) The Nebi Yunus inscription (Luckenbill. 97. JNES 32 (1973): 312-317). Earlier publication: F. 47).L. and "The Second Campaign of Sennacherib'. Brinkman. CAD N I.A. see J. Levine. AfO 20 (1963): 84]. as such it represents a divergent historiographic tradition within the royal chancery. E. 86-89) separates the first half of the sixth campaign from the second half of that campaign (and combines the second half of the sixth with the seventht). *Geographical Studies in the Neo-Assyrian Zagros . Weidner. . Mayer. in the summer of 693.F. Meissner. Anadolu Arastirmalari 4-5 (1976-1977): 252-269. Levine concludes: The historical continuum was. A. Mayer. in Studies Presented to A. He marshalls three reasons for this conclusion: 1) the sixth campaign does not end with any statement about returning to Assyria.IF. Prelude to Empire. The City of ASSur in 714 B. pp. pp.Notes to Chapter 2 289 95. 336. Grayson. ZA 34 (1922): 113-122. AfO 12 (1937-1939): 144-148. L. pp. The Walters Art Galley Sennacherib Inscription'. AA. Here we are treating only the first episode of the second campaign for comparative reasons. *MerodachBaladan IF. Thureau-Dangin. subject to various legitimate attempts at periodization. 58-60). Brinkman. UF 11 (1979): 571-595. depending upon the goals of the inquiry* (p. Feldzug*. He suggests that the 'first* and the 'second' campaigns of the Annals should be combined and understood as one campaign. The Eighth Campaign of Sargon IF.D. 1912. Studies: H. gilingiroglu. Levine feels that Sennacherib's 2nd campaign was a logical extension of his 1st. Die Eroberung der Stadt Ulhu auf Sargons 8.

Iraq 35 (1973): 62. A. while some of these texts were intended for display. 101. Here. Tadmor. Zaccagnini. 103. and Olmstead called them Display Inscriptions' (Assyrian Historiography. p. TUAT 1/4. pp. a placing that is unparalleled among the find spots of other royal stelae' (p.p. the son of Hazael (Iraq 30 (1968): 149-150). Le Gac. 100. The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical Study. AKA 212-221. The inscribed ivory from Arslan Tash states: fXlD^ tJKTil showing that Hazael. Iraq 34 (1972): 122. pp. 99. 260-279. pp. pp. it is likely that his son Ben-hadad also held it on becoming monarch. ARIII. Reade has suggested that inscribed bricks may have been the original form of the display inscription (Twelve Ashur-nasir-pal Reliefs'. the Sea-shore [802]. Grayson argues that the designation Display* is inaccurate since. EAKII. 18. like so .290 Ancient Conquest Accounts and MDOG 112 (1980). Iraq 35 (1973): 141). Paley. pp. Even so Grayson uses the term for convenience. pp. The Royal Inscriptions of ASiur-Nasir-Apli II (883-859 B. H. 115).C. J. Summary Texts could be used as sources for later annals [H. p. (This verse. 115-144 and W. p. others were buried in the foundation or other parts of buildings (Or 49 (1980): 152). 143 and *History and Ideology in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. n. 'A Stela of Adad-Nirari III and Nergal-Ere§ from Tell Al Rimah'. Lines 6-14. King of ike World: Ashur-nasir-pal II of Assyria 883859 B. set beside the poduim. C. like the annals. and the defeat of Damascus [796] were telescoped into one by using the figure (ina iStet Satti) (cf. Tadmor. 152170. Borger. which implies that he died either in the same year as Jehoahaz or later. JCS 12 (1958): 36ffl. 368. Paley. pp. 13-33. Tadmor prefers the label 'Summary Inscriptions' (The Historical Inscriptions of AdadNirari III'. It is obvious that several campaigns to Syria (= war against Arpad [806]. See also: King. See also now R.C. 17). Iraq 30 (1968): 139-153. 13). p. CI 13). 139). de Filippi. Grayson. Since Hazael had the title.M. E. Hazael ruled 'all the days of Jehoahaz' (II Kings 13:22). 102. in ARINH. Asn. 39-42. Schrader labelled these as Trunkinschriften' (Zur Kritik der Inschriften Tiglath-Pileser II. 164-167 (no. It is dedicated ana dAdad. 4-17. king of Damascus had the title mr'(n). see also: S. Adad-nirari III claims that he subjugated the lands of Amurru and Hatti (= Northern Syria) within 'a single year*. in ARINH.K. 'An Urartean Royal Inscription in the Report of Sargon's Eighth Campaign'.). Schramm. The stela was discovered at Tell al Rimah where it stood in 'position inside the cella of a Late Assyrian shrine. Page identifies lMa-ri-'i "^Imeri-Su as Ben-hadad.. S. He traces this to an earlier label of Schrader's: 'Ubersichtsinschriften'. Text and translation: Stephanie Page. 3). King of the World.

Notes to Chapter 2 291 many. Pitard. p.u. being the occasion when the Assyrians overcame Damascus and received the tribute of her dependents. 109. 17.. Tadmor. being directed to the Sea-Land. Iraq 35 (1973): 143. Since la'asu is probably Joash. 359). 104. See for example: A. if ina iStSt Satti (line 4) is figurative. or more probably his son Ben-hadad (II Kings 13:25). n. is suspected of corruption by enthusiastic commentators for no compelling reason). Adapted from SAAMA. p. and J. Ancient Damascus. 72 . after considering the evidence of the various inscriptions of Adad-nirari III concludes: 'the campaigns of 805-803 B. Samaria. and 162). 72 110. Many scholars date the year of Jehoash's tribute to 805-802 B. Jepsen. Aram. in das Jahr 802 zu setzen. *Ein ausserbiblisches Zeugnis fur die Chronologie des Jeh6'asV J6'a3. were limited to subduing the rebel states of north Syria—the campaign of 802 B. 70. (Ein fruheres Jahr kommt schwerlich in Frage.C.h. Jepsen points out that ina iStet Satti translates more correctly (Verbesserf): In einem einzigen Jam*'.. VT 20 (1970): 359-361. 108. p. 'Adad-Nirari III in Syria: Another Stele Fragment and the Dates of His Campaigns'. Jehoash paid his tribute in 796 B. Iraq 35 (1973): 143. d. PEQ 105 (1973): 163. or possibly referring to the subjugation of Arpad noted in the Rimah Stele. Page suggests that since no verse in the Old Testament records either Adad-nirari's intervention in Damascus or tribute given to the Assyrian monarch by Joash (or Jehoahaz for that matter). Thus he argues that the campaign mentioned in this text should be dated to the year 802 rather than 798..C.C. the Israelite king (Joash) took his chance by siding with the Assyrians when the Assyrians appeared at the gate of Damascus. Tadmor.C. s. wird man ihn nur mit der Angabe der Eponymenchronik fur das Jahr 802 kombinieren konnen. Millard. Iraq 35 (1973): 57-64. VT 20 (1970): 366-368. Millard and H. 796 B. 150). pp. Ibid. then the Assyrian sources are not necessarily in favour of a date of 805-802 B. W. *Ein neuer Fixpunkt fur die Chronologic der israelitischen Koniger. See further. Ibid.C.R. See: A. 105.. Accordingly. Tadmor. and Arpad'. 160-189. Alberto Soggin. den in der Inschrift bezeugten Zug nicht in das Jahr dieses Eponymen.)' (p. Philistia. Thus according to this interpretation. . Joash's gift was then recorded by the Assyrian scribes (p.C. Konig von Israel'. 107. Solange nicht neue assyrische Quellen diesen Heerszug eindeutig anders datieren. He interprets this literally and states: *Es gibt daher keinen Grund. 106.C. and Edom' ('Adad-Nirari III. Mari' may be either Hazael. southern Syria was the aim of the later effort noted as 'to Mansuate' in 796 B. However.

H.A.C. OA 12 (1973): 295. Hoffner. Mythische und historische Wahrheit (1970). 146. Ceram. She states: *Wie schon die Sumerer. ZA 44 (1938): 45-149. 35-76. 1750 B. 11.292 Ancient Conquest Accounts NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE (pp. 146. 1200 B. Or 49 (1980): 312-322. and Or 49 (1980): 283-332 [the most comprehensive study on the subject of historiography to date. 7. 146). 'Propaganda and Political Justification in Hittite Historiography'. Jr. p. so hatten auch die semitischen Babylonier keinen Sinn fiir Geschichte als solche' <emphasis mine> (p. owero: Delia Reciprocita'. Guterboek subdivided the native ones into two divisions: 1) products of the 'official history writing* ('offizielle Geschichtsschreibung*). Kammenhuber... See also. 101). Kammenhuber's literary analysis has been shown to be contradictory (see: Hoffner. The Secret of the Hittites. 60). Or 49 (1980): 283]. Saeculum 9 (1958): 146. p. Hoffner. pp. After classifying the historical texts into native and non-native Hittite compositions. 10. Or 49 (1980): 322. in Unity and Diversity.C. Cancik. 5. 3. Hoffner. and 2) literary works based upon an oral tradition which existed alongside the official history writing (p. 6. Hoffner. Other examples of generic approaches include: Annelies Kammenhuber.. and also Liverani's criticism. in restricting the term *Hittite' to 'the immediate subjects of that sequence of kings beginning with Anitta of Ku§§ar (reigned c. Jr. We will utilize this work throughout our discussion]. 49-62. Saeculum 9 (1958): 136155. Van Seters. and Van Seters. 113. The reason for this is the fact that we possess only a small portion of the ancient historiographic endeavors . Ibid. Ibid. Zweiter Teil: Hethiter'. 100-126. A. and H. pp. in The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East. See for example Speiser's arguments in 'Ancient Mesopotamia'. 'Die historische Tradition und ihre literarische Gestaltung bei Babyloniern und Hethitern bis 1200. In Search of History. 125-163) 1. 'La Storiografia ittita'. Athenaeum 47 (1969): 7-20. n. 60.) and concluding with Suppiluliuma II (reigned c. p. Liverani feels that Guterbock's work shows 'di dipendere da modelli storiografici [allora dominant! in Germania] ispirati alia obbiettivita. p. 2. 8.W. pp. 4. *Die hethitische Geschichtsschreibung*. n. We are following H.)' ^Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East: The Hittites'. Archi. §una§sura. OA 12 (1973): 295. In Search of History. 119. Or 49 (1980): 268.A. C. 9. al non-impegno' ('Storiografia Politica Hittita—I.

Liverani.Notes to Chapter 3 293 which were undertaken during the some five centuries of the Hittite period. Van Seters violently objects to these. Furthermore. This in no way diminishes the importance of individual statements in the Hittite texts concerning these issues.C. 130. 100-126. SunaSSura. 267-271. 17. Goetze.C. 19. if Levi-Strauss' analysis which is based on the moiety system of tribal relationships in South American Indians is applicable to the relationship between nations in ancient Anatolia and Syria in the late 2nd millennium B. 'Storiografia Politica Hittita—II. see: J. pp. p. 14. In this regard. ^Reciprocity and Hierarchy'. American Anthropologist 46 (1944): 266-268. Anthropology and the Old Testament. He is following the arguments of C. Certainly. 12. Owero: Della Solidarieta'. one must be doubly cautious in the use of such a model in the interpretation of the relations between nations of the 2nd millennium B. however. Ibid. Ibid. it is important to note that Levi-Strauss states that there are numerous indications that the present relations between the moieties which he studied are not very ancient. 'Storiografia politica Hittita—I. owero: della reeiprocita'. 11). One must question. In Search of History. Hence. Rogerson. must be rejected.. Levin has pointed out that not only do all historians have to select. 15. Sheffield. OA 16 (1977): 105-131. a moiety is one of two basic complementary tribal subdivisions. LeviStrauss. pp. such a tribal arrangement is not clearly present in the context of the treaty between Suppiluliuma and Sunaiiura. Telipinu. For the *prima lettura* interpretation. 13. 6-7. but not in Mesopotamia or Egypt.. He states: *L'andamento della storia istituzionale dello stato hittita che Telipinu fornisce (compattezza -* disgregazione -* ricompattezza) non e altro che un'applicazione del generale sche- . OA 12 (1973): 3267-297. one (as a phratry) of two unilateral usually exogamous groups. see A. 20. Ibid. p. Grundzuge der hethitischen und alttestamentlichen Geschichtsschreibung (1976). For a thorough analysis of the use of anthropology in the interpretation of ANE and biblical texts.. Furthermore to conclude as Cancik does that this liistorical consciousness concerning truth and causality* was found in Hatti and Israel. p. In the context of Levi-Strauss' discussion.. pp. 295. 18. 297. 16. but that they do so from evidence which is itself a selection (In Defense of Historical Literature. 1984. CAH II. But it does mean that generalizations of this sort cannot be maintained. Ibid. p. especially.

Ibid. and 442). Part 2. like those of its divine counterpart. He adds: Taradoxically. and esp. 27. in Power and Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires. DerAlte Orient 27. Gurney. see: M. H. 105ff. JAOS 102 (1982): 435. 13. WO 15 (1984): 99. Das Hethiter Reich'. 22. ZA 21 (1963): 160ff. perhaps. p. p. p. Again.G. namely of witnessing agreements and royal proclamations of great importance. p. The Hittite Empire'.. 'Hittite Historiography: A Survey*. G. 153. Otten. 1. Gurney. are judicial."' 21. p. a judicial character. subject even in this area to the will of the monarch. 28. No evidence for an elective system of kingship is found .294 Ancient Conquest Accounts matipo (bene -* male -* bene) che caratterizza tutti gli editti di "riforma. 105 and in passim). in HHI.. it did not lead to an empire.and tuliya-. Gurney. and not the nobility per se.. Ibid. 31.. 25. 163.. F. but rather primarily a judicial body. p. 32.. panku. Goetze. 29. 153. demonstrates that the Hittite assembly was not the gathering of a class. All that had been gained was immediately lost again and .K. CAH* II. meeting in assembly for this purpose. and of trying criminal offenders of particularly high status* (The Hittite Assembly*. 26. 128. Beckman who states: It has been widely held that during the earliest period of Hittite history the king was elected by the nobility. although the actual relationship between the two groups remains to be elucidated. 30. pp. 163. 22. Cf. p. 23. we are using the term 'imperialism' as the pursuit of intrusive and unequal economic policy in other countries supported by significant degrees of coercion'. Thus the attested functions of the Hittite assembly. 163. p. 440.. esp. Concerning the panku-.. Heft 2. Or in Liverani's words: 'storia "gia fatta" o storia da farsi* (p. O. Ibid. 'Aitiologische Erzahlung von der Uberquerung des Taurus'. Marazzi. H. WO 16 (1985): 102. 24. Ibid. Goetze. It is further suggested that this assembly was composed of the members of the higher state bureaucracy. p. 21-35. Examination of the available attestations of the two Hittite words for political assembly. Starke. and even here are constrained in most instances by the will of the monarch . 33. which differ only in their syntactic employment. Guterbock. T)er Erlass Telipinus'.

Or 49 (1980): 292. 132ff. the Azitawadda inscription. In Search of History. and F. Hoffner. 35. A. E. 47.. Neu. ZA 69 (1979): pp. Der Anitta-Text. *Hittite Historiography'. 40. "Hittite Historiography*. 37. *Hittite Historiography'. 494 and bibliography). 1750 B. 22.' (see: Kummel. Ibid. But note his earlier position. One wonders if this attitude did not continue throughout the period of the Hittite kingdom. p.. 'Halmasuit im AnittaText'. 47-120. 23. 105-107. Neu lists the texts as A = KBo III 22 = BoTU 7. Hoffner. See Hoffner. If Gurney is correct. pp. Der Anitta-Text. Van Seters. Or 40 (1980): 292-293. 24-25.. 41.Notes to Chapter 3 295 the Hittites were thrown back on to their plateau'. 42. p. 3). ZA 44 (1938): 139-143. 44. the Hittites may have depended less on a policy of 'calculated frightfulness' than the Assyrians. . Kammenhuber. 22-25. The other text is the text of Suppiluliuma II which uses the words: 1 am Suppiluliuma. pp. 10-15. Or 49 (1980): 283. It is possible that the Akkadogram qibima should be understood as an artificial representation standing for the Hittite equivalent. Guterbock. Cf. pp. But on the other hand. 34. Guterbock has offered a new translation and added some comments in his article on Hittite historiography in HHI. 43. With regard to control. C = KUB XXXVI 98 + 98a + 98b (p. Ibid. Starke. pp. according to H.C. 106-107. Anitta of Kuigar reigned ca. 39. In Search of History.A. We would understand lines 20-35 as one curse. There may have been a third and final curse in the missing lines at the end of the tablet. 45. pp. 36. See also Van Seters's comments. Clearly the latter depended heavily in the de-culturation process on their ideology of terror'. then there may be an important difference between the Hittite and Assyrian imperialistic ideologies. Guterbock. Cf. Saeculum 9 (1958): 148. B = KUB XXVI 71 = BoTU 30. for a much later example. Neu. this could simply be the result of our knowledge of the administration of the two empires which corresponds proportionally to the material preserved from each. 46. 163-164. TUAT 11/5 p. Guterbock. pp. the vengeance motif in Joshua 10:13.. E. the Great King . 38. She feels that Pithana and Anitta were 'protohattische Fursten'. 164. p.

Saporetti. Falkenstein. The 'Concise' Annals do not use precise chronological phrases. One can compare the Hebrew mi31. 52. A. Melchert argues for a reduction in the year count within the text from six to five (C. This is also the case for another work of this king. Otten. or for some other theological or political reason' (Ibid.MA (= Akkadian Saddaqda :: 'the previous year*) and thought that it was the equivalent to the Akkadian ana balat :: *in the next year' (JCS 16 (1962): 24ff). Sommer and A. Tel Aviv 9 (1982): 109. See J. Or 40 (1980): 294. Anatolica 10 (1983): 91-109). but instead only generally mark off the episodes with the phrases: ana balat :: 'in the next year'. and Hoffner. 110. are they not written in annals of the kings of Israelsf. 54. Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des HattuSili I. Neu and H. Friedrich. Goetze suggested that the Hittite scribe may have misunderstood the Sumerian MU. CTH 4. We use the term 'concise' to differentiate the bilingual text of HattuSili I from the recently published text (CTH 13) which Kempinski and KoSak call the 'extensive' annals of Hattusili I (A.MA-an-m'-ma :: 'in the following year'. 110. p. the discussion of the Egyptian iw.. the term 'concise' may be more precise since this text obviously condenses some of the material from the reign of Hattuslli. 31. (The History of Warfare According to Hittite Sources: The Annals of Hattusilii I'. 45. *Hittite Historiography'. cf. Melchert. See Houwink ten Gate for a discussion of the priority of the text. JNES 37 (1978): 1-22). n. p. Imparati and C. For the texts of the 'concise' annals: F. Kempinski and KoSak speculate 'that the divine judgment on a quarrel between Hatti and Puruslianda was not fit to be inscribed on the statue dedicated to Hie Sungoddess of Arinna.IM. In this regard. p. For the Hittite reading see E. Guterboek.296 Ancient Conquest Accounts 48. 5). and MU. H. p. Kempinski and S. as in I Kings 16:27: As for the other events of Omri what he did ntyy 1MJK 11111311 (and his *manly deeds' which he achieved).slgllgdkgherrotifsjasklfj 50. Kempinski and KoSak state: That the conquest of Syria took place in stages over many years (and was certainly not accomplished in a single year) can be adduced from the Extensive Annals where the campaign around Hatra and Sukzija alone took at least two years ("he [the Hurrian] wintered in Sukzija" II 36)'. 'CTH 13: The Extensive Annals of Hattu&li r. Tel Aviv 9 (1982): 87-116). Furthermore. The Political Testament of Hattuslli': see F. They call CTH 4 the 'Six-year Annals'. 51. Hoffner adds that if this is . HW. 'L'autobiografia di Hattusili F. The Acts of Hattuiili T. 49. Koiak.. Indogermanische Forschungen 77 (1972): texts in the next chapter 4. 53. Studi Classici e Orientali 14 (1965): 40-85. perhaps because the judgment was passed by another deity. Kempinski and Kosak. I&id. However.

p. 67. Mursili IP. Guterbock. Thus the text does not employ a strict chronology. p. 115). 62. 68. 56. Or 49 (1980): 294. 65. Or 40 (1980): 313. Apasa. See: Kummel. JCS 10 (1956): 41-50. 107-130. the same mistake was not made in all copies of the Hittite version. The Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by His Son. Repertoire Geographique des Texte Cuneiformes. Kummel suggests that it may be an island on the coast of Asia Minor (TUAT. pp. 4-22. Friedrich suggested a 'ship' (HWt p. 63. Gurney. 11/5 p. 88. n. The Geography of the Hittite Empire. p.43-51. just as Mursili II in his Ten-Year Annals' (Or 49 (1980): 295. 61. 75-85. Otten. Guterbock. p. Goetze. Also for this context see: E. 138-139.28-37. One could speculate that there were individual campaign reports. Mursili IP.g. 66. See Guterbock. The deity's name is uncertain. Hoffner. 128131. However. 11/5 p. 26. 55. for KBo X 3 i 15 ("D") has MU-an-n[i-ma]. 57. 71. H. Grundzuge der hethitischen und alttestamentlichen Geschichtsschreibung. A. Ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie des Alten Kleinsasien. 69. p. See also J. HED. Fragment 43. Cancik. The Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by His Son. 47). Puhvel. 14-137. 22a). This episode may have also been included in the last column of the ^Extensive' Annals which unfortunately is not preserved. 'Neue Fragmente zu den Annalen des MurSili*. Goetze.K. KBo IV 4 Rs 111. 59-68. Hittite: SuppiluliumaS lAJ-nannaS (the Genitive plural of LUnatar)— hence. 235. See H. p. The word is an hapax. H. von Schuler. TUATII/5 p. TUAT. We would certainly lean towards the Hittite version.G. For the text. pp. Die Annalen des MurSiliS. 64. n. 59). Piyama-KAL. 32. Die Annalen des MurSiliS. 60. 59. A number of other episodes in the narrative show the same syntagms (e. 58. KAL reflects the standard reading of the cuneiform (see: Kummel. 28ff. n. Die Annalen des MurSiliS. 90-98. Garstang and O. gur-Sa-u-wa-na-an-za. 475. 'the manly deeds of Suppiluliuma'. 475. pp. see A. *Ephesus or perhaps some site in the vicinity of Izmir'. JCS 10 (1956): 98. MIO 3 (1955): 161-165. they are too fragmentary . Hoffner. See: Goetze. Die Kaskaer. 461. 70. KBo IV 4 Rs IV. 31a). pp.Notes to Chapter 3 297 the case. *Hittite Historiography'.

Gese. p. esp. pp. Following the reading of the text of G (line 3ff). served as the basis for the development of Assyrian annalistic writing. the KaSkaean enemy consisted of 12 tribes! 72. H. 'Ancient Egypt: A Survey of Current Historiography'. O'Connor. 165-194) 1. 'Assyrians and Hittites in the Late Bronze Age'. Williams.. While Wilson was not denying the possibility of history writing among the Egyptians. the opinion is voiced that Hittite historiography. pp. 53-70. Trigger. 'A People Come Out of Egypt: An Egyptologist Looks at the Old Testament'. J. the essence of the argument. Each developed independently of the other (see: P. p. a number of motifs relating to warfare and enemies in the OT have been influenced by their Egyptian counterparts. 3. But this is exaggerated. 6.C. 4. nevertheless. 128-187. Van Seters. Machinist. E. Cambridge.B. 314). 40. Otto. 'Ancient Egypt'. 1983. 8. 267). . in Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn. For example. Occasionally. Hoffmeier. p. Grundzilge der hethitischen und alttestamentlichen Geschichtsschreibung. de Selincourt (tr. and A.K. B. H. 9. ZThK 55 (1958): 128. if not misleading. B. VTS 28 (1974): 321-32. leads to almost the same conclusion. in The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East.A. For example.). 73. R. In a similar way. 131. in Egyptological Miscellanies: A Tribute to Professor Ronald J. 'Geschichtsbild and Geschichtsschreibung in Agypten'. AHR 69 (1963-1964): 30-41. Coincidentally. Wilson argued that the Egyptians' concept of history was so primitive that it never led to a type of'real' history writing (as compared to the Greeks) (The Culture of Ancient Egypt. In Search of History. NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR (pp. 74. Kemp. particularly the annals. Lloyd.J. Bull. Ancient Egypt: A Social History. 5. Williams. D. 2. J. Ibid. Herodotus: The Histories. p. see now. 3. 'Geschichtliches Denken im Alten Orient'. Both base their arguments on Bull's assessment. Cancik. R. 32. Note the irony conveyed by the use of the term pangarit in lines 12 and 18. 7. pp. L. 127-128. Liehtheim. *Some Egyptian Motifs Related to Warfare and Enemies and Their Old Testament Counterparts'.298 Ancient Conquest Accounts to include here. M. p. 10. See also. See: A. WO 3/3 (1964/1966): 161-176.

which do not allow for a lengthy or verbose description. they recorded the military activity of the king briefly. 18. Hermann. Annals and Day-Books See also the review of E. was abandoned by the Egyptian scribes together with the form behind the royal boun- . Ibid. In Search of History. 163.. developed over the centuries of Egyptian history into a broad category which included cosmogonic myths that narrated the *historical* reigns of the gods (Pharaonic King-lists. Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den dgyptischen Konigslisten. 17. 12. Die Konigsnovelle in Agypten und in Israel*. 13. 16. They were built. pp. Studien. 1). BiOr 45 (1988): 108. and *2 Samuel VII in the Light of the Egyptian Konigsnovelle—Reconsidered'. Ibid. 67-96). He posited two areas from which the iw. 22. In Search of formula originated. with their 1st person narration and literary r dd n hm. A. 20. p. p. Herrmann.. 21. in Pharaonic Egypt.. Aspects. W. Redford. E. upon the daybook tradition. 20. but were classified as a wd. The scribe was faced with providing *a terse account of the military venture of the king with all the concomitant facts included. p. Spalinger discusses the Kamose Stelae in the context of the development of the iw. p. S. 23. the iw. form stating: the tradition of the Kamose Stelae. 19.. p. 15. pp. Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Karl-Marx Universitat Leipzig 3 (1953/54): 51-62. within a set format' (Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians (Henceforth: Aspects}. r dd :: 'One came to say*. Die agyptische Konigsnovelle-. Hornung. Ibid. Die biographischen Inschriften der dgyptischen Spatzeit.Notes to Chapter 4 299 11. 119-128. (2) the scribes utilized the MK epistolary style for the recording of a military campaign: reports quickly became rather bland and often stereotyped. Van Seters. 14. pp. 129. Helck. p.. Pharaonic King-Lists. Grapow. See bibliography. The 'so-called' Annals of Thutmose III were not called gnwt. Spalinger. (1) the Egyptian scribes evolved the phrase iw. Recorded mainly on stelae. in part. Donald B. Van Seters. 161. 127-187. 20.f:: 'One came to say to his majesty* from similar phrases common in literary texts of the Middle Kingdom in order to introduce the military action as quickly as possible. Redford demonstrates that the Egyptian vrordgnwt. 24. pp. which is commonly translated 'annals'.

2. pp. and it is because of this that we label they as forming a high-redundance message. however. 48ff. 6 and 12. Annals. we read: 1 was the one who set down the victories which he achieved over every foreign country. Egyptian Hieratic Texts I. 31. see P. 34. 70-75. p. rejects completely the idea of a scribal war diary/daybook—& TCriegstagebuch'. and Grapow. See Ibid. But it is evident that the iw. 47). we are not arguing that the iw. 27. 35. Noth. For other examples of the terse style. 122).6) and (2. Ibid. pp. 25.. Aspects. 662. Redford correctly points out that it is a mistake to use the occurrence of this infinitival construction as a mechanical criterion (Pharaonic King-lists. in the name of the report served well. Ibid. who served under Thutmose III (Urk. Lit. Spalinger. Spalinger does not. ZDPV 66 (1943): 156-174.. IV. He argues against the leather roll as evidence of a war journal and also the autobiographical statement of the scribe Tjaneny (Pharoonic King-lists. Urk. For longer texts. 39. 237.. p. of course. Anastasi I (1. conclude that this is a high-redundance message. p. the style of the Kamose Stelae was abandoned' (p. pp. and in the names of the commanders of [troops]'. In the Theban tomb biography of'the Army Scribe' Tjaneni. and those wars in which the king personally led his army. pp. 121-126). 30. n. Instead. 32. For small historical narratives.. 1004).5-6. 123. . p. Furthermore. put into writing as it was done'.tw texts followed a very strict style of stereotyped syntagms. 'On the day in its name. p.300 Ancient Conquest Accounts dary stelae. 26. Studien zu den Annalen Thutmosis des Dritten und zu ihnen verwandten historischen Berichten des Neuen Reiches. 29. See: Wilson. als Geschichtsquelle'. Ibid.. He notes that two later inscriptions also are of this type: the Piye Stela and the Dream Stela of Tanwetamani (p. 28. 126-128. 33. the iw. the apparatus for disseminating the Egyptian royal ideology. 661. This is our interpretation of his data..5-6) in Gardiner.14-662. IV. 128).tw texts are exact equivalents to the phenomenon in the Assyrian and Hittite annalistic tradition. Redford. and Day-books. Aspects. Urk. 140. p. 49. the Egyptians developed from the classical epistolary form a message report which was employed as brief accounts of campaigns in which the Pharaoh rarely participated at the head of his army . IV. Die Annalen Thutmose III. ANET.

This does not mean that there will not be problems in the interpretation of the data. Spalinger.k h'rw n 'd' st §tmw ° n mwt st 'nfyyw " n sdf-tryt st n smtr n whmw :: 'do not make false journal entries. 132. They (involve) serious oaths of allegiance (?). This is a style so overloaded with far-fetched figures and unfamiliar words that it is often quite unintelligible' (BAR II. that section of Stiicke V-VI parallels other records of Thutmose III of a nature more eloquent than sober (the Gebel Barkal and Armant Stelae)' (Spalinger. The division is more one of degree: the more poetic texts as opposed to the less rhetorical. Spalinger. 46. Aharoni. JEA 32 (1946): 39-42). p. JNES 19 (1960): 177-178. 41. 200-206. 166-173. 47. 40. Aspects. p. should caution certain biblical critics from making quick hypothetical conclusions concerning the cases where a narrative and a poem about the same general subject occur side by side. See in connection with the 'oaths of allegiance'. to P 110. for that is a serious capital offence. Ibid. there is still a problem concerning the actual date of the battle of Megiddo. 37. Ibid. 28-29). 39. but is written in that fulsome style so often found in victorious hymns of the Pharaohs. and Spalinger. Aspects. The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dyn. Spalinger. See note 28.. D. The Kadesh Inscriptions of Harnesses II. n.. 44. while Daybook Reports were employed in the writing of Stuck I of the Annals. pp. JARCE 14 (1977): 44). pp. In fact. 'Some Geographical Remarks Concerning the Campaigns of Amenhotep IF. Gardiner. p. pp. 148. XVIII. For the two differing opinions see: Helck.Sff states: m-lr Ir n. 38. Aspects. almost repetitious account of Stuck . 152. 42. 173. Breasted comments: This important inscription offers no sober narrative of the events which it commemorates. 43. This can be seen to reflect a literary perspective containing more verbiage than facts. 20. Lorton. Thus Thutmose III interrupts the consistent. MDAIK 28 (1972): 101-102. 45. The fact that poetic and narrative accounts (or if one prefers rhetorical and less rhetorical accounts) could originate from the same time period (if not even from the same author). Thus in Stiicke V-VI in the midst of tribute and booty lists. Amenemope xxi. p. MDAIK 30 (1974): 221-229. For example. and are destined for criminal investigation*.Notes to Chapter 4 301 36. one finds the more detailed account of Year 33 (the Mitanni campaign during which Thutmose crossed the Euphrates and erected his stela (Faulkner.p.

his majesty commanded the establishment of this inscription (wd)upon this temple* (Urk. 50. then might one not maintain that they were composed at the same time? After all. the land of Naharain is mentioned in the latter sections (e. Spalinger. 49.302 Ancient Conquest Accounts Vof the Annals to tell of his sailing on the Euphrates and the erecting of a stela there. Spalinger. 'A New Reference To An Egyptian Campaign of Thutmose III in Asia'.. IV. 52. p. 55. 1244. p. hence *Manly Deeds'. the latter half of Thutmose's Annals presents a rather formalized arrangement of the wars of Thutmose except for one or two narrative sections. Now.15. 228. Shirun-Grumaeh.. if the connections between the two major divisions of the Annals are as close as I have described. the Hittite word piSnadar which means literally 'manliness*. Concerning the god giving victories to Pharaoh. Years 24 and 40 on Stuck I were written in the style of the later reports of Stiicke V-VI and the reference to Year 40 would imply a date after Year 39. in Scripta Hierosolymitana: Egyptological Studies. p. 117-186.2. JNES 37 (1978): 40. p.1. Spalinger argues: *Now. Urk. Significantly. In fact. then it must have been composed at a time contemporary with Stiicke V-VI as well as with the decision of Thutmose III to dishonor his stepmother <Hatshepsut>. 734. (Spalinger. Ibid. IV.13-16). 48. Aspects.. 24 and 40. Ibid. 199. 24. This complex analysis of the Annals of Thutmose III derives from the inherent difficulties in elucidating the date of composition of Egyptian inscriptions. 54. In connection with the Gebel Barkal Stela. 224. see Morenz. Die Poetischen Teile der Gebel-Barkal-Stele'. p. Egyptian Religion. Cp. To the Egyptian scribes.5. 53. 56. Even though all their king's deeds were not inscribed on the temple walls . 234-236. 317. 51. pp.710-711. This new policy of the Pharaoh occurred significantly at the time when Thutmose III ceased from actively campaigning abroad. Grapow felt that Thutmose Ill's Annals were nothing more than elaborate Heldentaten (See: Grapow.. p. 6). one must also add the Poetical Stela. Thus. Studien. See Wb II.. p. IV. Aspects.g. n. Stuck I and Stiicke V-VI belonged together. CDME p. Urk. 139. The concluding lines ofStucke V-VI state: 'Now. 61. Stiicke V-VI could not have been finished before Year 42. year thirtyfour) almost as if the Egyptian scribes wished to stress the importance of their monarch's military campaigns in that area'. it Stuck I of the Annals was drawn up as a unit on this north wall and thereby included the reports for Years 23.

Notes to Chapter 4


of Karnak and even though all the Annals—not to mention Stiicke VVI alone— were written in quite different styles, the Egyptian composers had piously fulfilled their purpose' (Spalinger, JARCE 14 (1977): 52). 57. Spalinger, JARCE 14 (1977): 48 and 50-51. 58. Urk. IV, 1244.18. 59. S. Morenz, Egyptian Religion, p. 11. He also notes that once the king has departed from the path of order, the deity punishes this violation in accordance with an almost biblical theodicy. Egypt is, of course, not unique in this emphasis on the monarchy being the subject of historical writing. 60. E. Hornung, Der Eine und die Vielen, p. 186. 61. Ibid., p. 188. 62. For example, see: the Poetical Stela: Urk. IV, 610-619 (lines 2325). 63. The Great Sphinx Stela at Giza: Urk. IV, 1276.17-21. 64. Hornung, Der Eine und die Vielen, p. 188. 65. The Great Sphinx Stela at Giza: Urk. IV, 1276-1283, line 5ff. 66. Beth-Shan Stela of Harnesses II. See J. Cerny, *Stela of Harnesses II from Beisan', in El 5 (1958): 75-82. (lines 15-17). 67. See K.A. Kitchen, Interrelations of Egypt and Syria', in La Siria del Tardo Bronzo, p. 82. 68. KRIIV, 17.2-4; 19.1. 69. J.K. Hoffmeier, 'Some Egyptian Motifs', p. 53. 70. David O'Connor, *New Kingdom and the Third Intermediate Period, 1552-664 B.C.', in Ancient Egypt: A Social History, pp. 194195. 71. Urk. IV, 84.3; 613.16. Wb. II, 247.5. 72. See: A.H. Gardiner, AEO I, p. 134. 73. Wb II, 247,4-5. 74. CDME, p. 130. 75. Hoffmeier, 'Some Egyptian Motifs', p. 55. 76. Thutmose III, Annals: Urk. IV,645.20 and in passim. 77. CDME, p. 204. 78. Cf. the common epithet Sale Kush'. Also see D. Lorton, The SoCalled *Vile' Enemies of the King of Egypt (in the Middle Kingdom and Dyn. XVIIF, JARCE 10 (1973): 65-70.


Ancient Conquest Accounts

79. Text: L. Habachi, The Second Stela of Kamose, pp. 31-44. W. Helck, Historisch-Biographiscke Texte der 2. Zwischenzeit und neue Texte der 18. Dynastic, pp. 82-97. Translation: J.A. Wilson, ANET, pp. 554-555. Studies: H. and A. Smith, RKT, 48-76; Barta, BiOr 32 (1975): 287-290; Gitton, BiOr 31 (1974): 249-251; Spalinger, Aspects, pp. 193-199. 80. Smith and Smith point out that lines 1-3 comprise a taunting speech of Kamose to Apophis. It is formally proved by the alternation of second person singular pronouns (dmi.k, tw.k tf.ti, mS'.k, r,k, ir.k, iw.k, n.k, hrt.k, s'.K) with first person singular pronouns (wt, mS'.i), and by the prophesying character of the sentence containing the two future negatives nn iwr, nn sn (RKT, p. 51). 81. Habachi states: *Whm must be the mason's error for whf (p. 36, n. d). Also CDME, s.v. whi:: *be undone of heart', Kamose 11 (p. 65). 82. KRIIV, 14.10-16.10. 83. The name of the Libyan ruler. 84. Lichtheim comments: The god Seth was viewed as the protector of the foreign peoples to the east and west of Egypt. Here the god has turned against Libya* (AEL II, p. 78, n. 7). 85. Cf. Joshua 10:16ff. 86. Gebel Barkal Stela states: There is no flight (since) they trust in many troops, (since) there is no limit in men and horses. They have come stout-hearted, no terror is in their hearts. 87. Amenhotep III, Assuan Philae Road Stela: Urk. IV, 1666.13. 88. See Spalinger, Aspects, pp. 52-55. 89. Thutmose IV, Konosso Stela: Urk. IV, 1547.20. See: Spalinger, Aspects, p. 54). 90. Spalinger, JARCE 14 (1977): 50. 91. Ibid., pp. 50-51. See also Aspects, pp. 56-58. In the latter half of Dynasty XVIII the Egyptian scribes preferred the more common lexical item k'y 'to plan', in place of w'. For k'y, see: (1) Thutmose II—Urk. IV, 138.14; (2) Thutmose IV— Urk. IV, 1542.12; (3) Amenhotep III—Urk. IV, 1666.4 and 1959.17; (4) Amenhotep IV—Urk. IV, 1963.11; Seti I—KRI 1,102.14/15; (6) Harnesses III—KRIIII, 26.1 and 69.14; and (7) Psammetichus III—Sauneron and Yoyotte, BIFAO 52 (1950): 174 and p. III. 92. Amenhotep III, Assuan Philae Stela: Urk. IV, 1666.4. 93. Seti I, Nubian War Texts: KRI I 102.14-15. 94. Harnesses III, Medinet Habu Wall Text: KRI V 12.3.

Notes to Chapter 4


95. Following Redford, The Historical Retrospective at the Beginning of Thutmose Ill's Annals', in Festschrift Elmar Edel, pp. 338-342. 96. Or 'criminal activity*. Cf. H. Goedicke, The Report about the Dispute of a Man with his Ba, pp. 162ff. 97. Redford, Festschrift Elmar Edel, p. 340, n. 12. 98. The phrase, 'the garrison which was there*, appears to refer to Egyptian troops in Asia, see: Redford, Festschrift Elmar Edel, p. 339, n. 6. 99. Where the troops had been before this is difficult to say. Byblos is perhaps a possibility (See: Helck, AfO 22 (1969): 27. The town of Sharuhen is mentioned in the inscription of Ahmose, son of Ebana (Wilson, ANET, p. 233; see also Goedicke, JARCE 11 (1974): 31-41). The traditional identification of Sharuhen is Tell el-Far'ah (Wilson, ANET, p. 233, n. 12). But recently an identification of Sharuhen with Tell el-'Ajjul has been suggested: A. Kempinski, Tell el *Ajjul BethAglayim or Sharuhen', IEJ 24 (1974): 145-152; and J.R. Stewart, Tell el-'Ajjul: The Middle Bronze Remains (1974), pp. 62-63; and James M. Weinstein, The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment', BASOR 241 (1981): 6, 18. 100. Spalinger states: 'At the beginning of Stuck I and before the historical narration, this phrase serves a similar function to that of the w' clauses in the message reports' (Aspects, p. 57). 101. See: Redford, Festschrift Elmar Edel, p. 341; and Helck, Beziehungen, p. 120. 102. This concept of passivity has been amply covered by Hornung, especially in his Geschichte als Fest. 103. See Spalinger, Aspects, p. 232. 104. Thutmose III, Gebel Barkal Stela, Urk. 17, 1230.1-4. 105. The Egyptian attitude toward the Hyksos and their Egyptian allies can be seen in the following words of Kamose: 'I destroyed their towns, burning their abodes which are made into desert mounds forever, because of the damage which they have done within Egypt, who set themselves to hearken to the summons of the Asiatics, after they had wronged Egypt their mistress' (See Habachi, The Second Stela of Kamose, (lines 17-18). 106. This is the case whether one feels that the Hyksos were *Hurrian' or 'Semitic'! For an example of one who argues that the Hyksos were not of Semitic stock but were Hurrians and feels that this explains why the Egyptian expansion already under Thutmose I had Mitanni as its military goal, see: Helck, Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v, Chr2, pp. 110-116; and OA 8 (1969): 310-311). For arguments against this view, see: Van Seters,


Ancient Conquest Accounts

The Hyksos: a New Investigation, pp. 181-185; and D. Bedford, The Hyksoe Invasion in History and Tradition', Or 39 (1970): 1-51. 107. This is clear from the captured letter of the Hyksos ruler Apophis to the ruler of Rush as recorded in the Second Stela of Kamose (lines 18-24). 108. Trigger, Nubia Under the Pharaohs, p. 103. 109. For example, the military architecture utilized the forts along the Ways of Horus' in northern Sinai was similar to that used in fortifications in Nubia. And in both places the sites served as administrative and cultic centers. See: E. Oren, The *Ways of Horus' in North Sinai'. In Egypt, Israel, Sinai: Archaeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period (Ed. by A.F. Rainey. Tel Aviv, 1987), pp. 69-119. 110. P.J. Frandsen, 'Egyptian Imperialism', in Power and Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires, p. 177. Also see Hayes, CAH II3, pp. 346-353; R. Giveon, The Impact of Egypt on Canaan; and D. Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic King, pp. 23-27, and 193-203. 111.Ibid,,p. 169. 112. T. Save-Soderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, pp. 12-25. 113. P.L. Shinnie states: This period marks the real beginning of urban development in the region, and though its impact on native life is hard to assess, it seems to have been considerable. These towns served as centres from which Egyptian influences penetrated the countryside and the number of them (there were towns at Sesibi, Kawa, and Napata, in addition to those already mentioned) meant that the whole rural population could now be in touch with centres of a sophisticated urban culture' CUrbanism in the Ancient Sudan', in Glimpses of Ancient Egypt, p. 124). 114. Frandsen, 'Egyptian Imperialism', p. 171. Concerning the Egyp tian economy as redistribution, see Janssen, SAK 3 (1975): 183-185. 115. Ibid., pp. 173-174. But according to Frandsen, this exploitation may not have been any different than that in any other area (even Egypt itself): 'Contrary to the usual idea of a unilateral exploitation of Nubia on the part of its conqueror I am suggesting that Nubia was no more exploited than any other region of considerable economic potentialities in Egypt itself. 116. Ibid., p. 175. 117. Redford remarks: The Egyptian term 'to cause (the vassal) to eat the tryt' (whatever that was) may originally have indicated some kind of ritual that accompanied the swearing ceremony; but the oath itself was a simple promise, taken in the king's name, to be loyal and not rebel. Because the obligation was personal, each new pharaoh upon

Notes to Chapter 4


his accession had to reimpose the oath, employing his own thronename' (Akhenaten: The Heretic King, p. 25). 118. D. Lorton, The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts Through Dynasty XVIII,p. 178. 119. The Gebel Barkal Stela (Urk. IV, 1235.14-18). For more indirect evidence, see Weinfeld, The Loyalty Oath in the Ancient Near East', UF 8 (1976): 413; and W. Helck, Die Beziehungen*, p. 246. For the Egyptian use of the term bryt in the political context, see Kitchen, •Egypt, Ugarit, Qatna and Covenant', UF 11 (1979): 453-464, esp. pp. 453-457. For a very interesting interpretation of the data, see M. Liverani, <Le lettere del faraone a Rib-Adda', OA 10 (1971): 253-268. 120. D. Lorton, The Judicial Terminology, p. 176. 121. See KA. Kitchen, Interrelations of Egypt and Syria', p. 80. See also, the group of Hieratic Ostraca from Tel Sera*: O. Goldwasser, Hieratic Inscriptions From Tel Sera* in Southern Canaan', Tel Aviv 11 (1984): 77-93. Goldwasser states concerning one of the texts: This appears to constitute the documentation of the $mw (harvest tax) paid by one of the city-states in the Negev to an Egyptian religious institution, and it may provide the explanation for the mixed character of our finds, namely texts of an administrative nature written on votive bowls' (p. 86). 122. Ibid., p. 81. Frandsen disagrees arguing that the evidence which Kitchen uses 'applies in fact only to the Egyptian domains' (p. 188, n. 63). But we see nothing in the texts which contradicts Kitchen's interpretation. Moreover, the evidence from Tel Sera* seems to support Kitchen's view (see previous note). 123. According to W. Helck: 'Ganz anders war der Aufbau der Verwaltung in den agyptischen Besitzungen in Asien. Dabei durfen wir wohl die Zustande, wie sie durch die Amarnabriefe bekannt sind, auch fur die Zeit Thutmosis' III. annehmen: Es bestanden 3 Provinzen: Kanaan mit der Hauptstadt Gaza, Upe mit Kumidi, Amurru mit Simyra an der Eleutherosmundung. Dort amtierten agyptische wVorsteher der nordlichen Fremdlander" (akkadisch jvbisu" genannt), jedoch blieb die Verwaltung der einzelnen Stadt-staaten fast vollstandig in der Hand der einheimischen Fursten* (Geschichte des alien Agypten, p. 157); MDOG 92 (1960): 5; and Beziehungen*, p. 256. 124. Ibid,, p. 83. See also Frandsen, *Egyptian Imperialism', p. 177. Obviously, many Egyptian customs were adopted. But there was also a great degree of Asiatic influence on Egypt too. Kitchen enumerates and discusses some of the areas of 'give and take' (see, pp. 83-94). 125. Trigger, Nubia Under the Pharaohs, pp. 109-110. While the Egyptians may have had some respect for the Asiatic peoples, when it came to conquest accounts, the Asiatics were, nevertheless, character-


Ancient Conquest Accounts

ized as 'vile, evil, wretched...' because the Egyptian ideology dictated these categories. 126. This pragmatic reason is mentioned by Drower who states:'... to introduce into Syria the whole machinery of Egyptian government would have put too great a strain on manpower, even had it been wise' (CAHII3,p. 468). 127. See Frandsen, *Egyptian Imperialism', p. 179. 128. Kemp, The Early Development of Towns in Egypt', Antiquity 51 (1977): 185-200. And Tortified Towns in Nubia', in Settlement and Urbanism, p. 654. 129. The outer walls at Abydos and Luxor which record the battle of Kadesh are certainly two examples among many which could be cited. 130. In the former case, L. Bull, The Egyptian Idea of History', pp.l34. In the latter case, Van Seters, In Search of History, pp. 156-157. 131. Urk. W, 697.3, despite the opening lacuna. 132. Grapow, Studien, pp. 21-22 and 57-58. Urk. IV, 1232.5 (Gebel Barkal Stela) is similar to Urk. IV, 697.12 and Urk. IV, 1247.4 (the Armant Stela) is similar to Urk. IV, 697.14; see also Urk. IV, 1232.1112 and 1245.20-1246.2 and Sethe's part restoration in Urk. IV, 697.35. See also the Seventh Pylon text: Urk. IV, 188.15-189.15.—Spalinger, JARCE 14 (1977): 53, n. 28. 133. Spalinger, JARCE 14 (1977): 46-47. 134. Ibid., p. 49. 135. See Gardiner, Gram, p. 81, § 106. 136. 'Politiche Planung und Realitat im alten Agypten*, Saeculum 22 (1971): 48-58; esp. pp. 57-58. 137. Urk. IV.103-104. See also Gardiner, AEO I, pp. 158-159. 138. Urk. IV.1233.13fF; and University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania number 39-12-3 (line x + 2) (see: A. Spalinger, 'A New Reference to an Egyptian Campaign of Thutmose III in Asia', JNES 37 (1978): 35-41). 139. Urk. IV.1662.12. 140. KRIIV, 15.7. 141. Beth-Shan Stela of Harnesses II. See J. Cerny, 'Stela of Harnesses II from Beisan', in El 5 (1958): 75-82. (lines 11-13). 142. As depicted by Wilson, The Language of the Historical Texts Commemorating Ramses IIP, in QIC 7 (1930): 24-25. Spalinger cites the Tombos Inscription of Thutmose I (Urk. IV, 82.9-86) as support (Aspects, p. 45). 143. Thutmose III, Gebel Barkal Stela: I.20-II.4.

Notes to Chapter 4


144. Thutmose III, Gebal Barkal Stela (lines 5-7): GA. Reisner and M.B. Reisner, ZAS 69 (1933): 24-39. 145. Merenptah, Israel' Stela: KRI, IV, 19.5-7. 146. Spaiinger, Aspects, p. 77. 147. Hatshepsut, Deir El Bahri Fragment: Naville, The Temple of Deir El Bahari W, pi. 165. 148. Thutmose III, List of Southern Lands: Urk. IV, 795.9-10. 149. Thutmose III, Gebel Barkal Stela: Urk. IV, 1230.9. 150. Amenhotep II, Karnak Eighth Pylon: Urk. IV, 1333.15. 151. Piye Stela: Urk. Ill, 10.14 (also found 3 more times in this stela). 152. For this figure see Hoffmeier, 'Some Egyptian Motifs', pp. 63-64. 153. Hoffmeier cites numerous examples from Egyptian art and from Middle Egyptian texts. For example, *Sinuhe hails Senusret I as "one who extends the borders" (swsh t'S) by smiting (hwi) and trampling (ptpt) the enemies (A.M. Blackman, "Middle Egyptian Stories," Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca II, (1932) B71-73)' (p. 64). 154. 'God's land* was a vague designation of regions south and east of Egypt and included the land of Punt. 155. H.H. Nelson, Medinet Habu, Vol. I, plate 36. 156. Hoffmeier notes that this idea of trampling the enemy and his territory strikes a familiar note when we consider several Old Testament passages. In Joshua 1:3 God tells the Israelites: 'Every place that the sole of your foot will tread upon I will give it to you'. He concludes: This seems to have been the rationale of campaigning Egyptian kings. For the trampling of one's foes, consider the following references: "He (God) tramples kings under foot" (Psalm 60:12); "With God we shall do valiantly, it is he who will tread down our foes" (Psalm 108:13); "Through thee we push down our foes; through thy name we shall tread down our assailants" (Psalm 44:5) (p. 64). Cf. also Isa. 63:6' (p. 65). 157. See Spalinger's list for this term, Aspects, pp. 49-52. 158. See Grapow, Studien, pp. 45,49, and 70. 159. Thutmose II, Assuan Philae Inscription: Urk. IV, 140.6. 160. Amenhotep III, Assuan Philae Stela: Urk. IV, 1666.7. Here is a clear reference to the encounter between the enemy and the Pharaoh. Cf. also Harnesses II in the Kadesh Toem': 'I entered into the ranks fighting like the pounce of a falcon' (KRIII 86.1/5; P. 280).

43).W. Streck.. The use of craftiness and deception is not only encountered in ANE accounts of submissions. Liver. esp. Halpern opts cautiously for this stating: Though reason exists to regard the Gibeonite ruse as fictitious—Saulide invention seems its most likely provenance—this judgment remains at best an informed hypothesis. p. The Literary History of Joshua IX'.6). See AKA. History and Theory 27 (1988): 125-134. Fensham. pp. 53-59.C. J. 8. Das Buck Josua. M. CBQ 35 (1973): 1-19]. J. BA 27 (1964): 96-100. 5.. See also Boling. pp. 56-60 {first campaign}. 271. On the general historicity of the treaty see F. 5. A§3urbanipal: Prism A (Rassam) 1. 4. the compulsion remains for Jerusalem and the south to attack' (CBQ 37 (1975): 315. pp.' (The Treaty of Joshua with the Gibeonites'. Kearney has argued that the ruse is the product of the Deuteronomist who fabricated it and inserted it into the narrative in order to historize the episode [The Role of the Gibeonites in the Deuteronomic History'.M. 7. W. and acknowledges that in this he is following Gressmann and Alt. B. While this is an obvious possibility. JAOS 86 (1966): 113-126. Grintz. AMSurbanipal. JAOS 86 (1966): 125). B. 10. Halpern. p. p. but is so much a part of political life that the biblical account of the Gibeonite ruse certainly could be historical. the material that we are investigating here seems to indicate that such an understanding may not be the best explanation. 197-237) 1. CBQ 37 (1975): 308-310. It should be noted. 'Josua'. that if in spite of other indications the ruse is historical. I. BZAW 66 (1936): 19ff.M. 48-49. See: P. 3. Stambovsky. Annals of Tiglath-Pileser I. From the very first sentence of his discussion Noth asserts that the story is an etiology because of the ending phrase ilTil DT»n IV. See also Soggin. .100-II. J. n. K. 'since the Gibeonite cities had not been captured in fighting . ZAW 56 (1938): 241ff. The Treaty Between Israel and the Gibeonites'. 224-25 above and note 93 below). Alt. 53. (II. Mohlenbrink. Scripture in Context. lllff. 111-115.78-80. and Soggin. A. 2. 6. Hallo. JSS 8 (1963): 227243. P. See our discussion of this phrase as a 'quick indicator' of an etiology (pp. Grintz concludes that in broad terms the treaty which Israel made with the Gibeonites was one of the prot6g£ type.310 Ancient Conquest Accounts NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE (pp. therefore. pp. 9. Noth.

Fairman. 281-282. pp. pp. kill! If it pleases you. Prism E: A. While a ruse is not necessarily present. Piepkorn. spare! If it pleases you. 25. Cogan and H. Concerning the chronology. 124.W. See: AKA. my lord. a designation which A. R. 203-224). p. ARJII. Millard states: 'c. Tadmor. pp. 121). But this does not negate its pragmatic function in the transmission code of the historical narrative. overwhelmed them. in ARINH. Finally. C. Gelio is undoubtedly correct that the dream had an ideological function in the Assyrian texts. it has utilized the genre of the dream to an apologetic function as political propaganda for the legitimation and guarantee of the continuance of the dynasty (*La Delegation Envoyee par Gyges'. pp. Oppenheim points out that typologieally the dream of Gyges corresponds to the dreams of the allies of Hattuslli.C.79-81). They seized my feet and said: "If it pleases you. p. esp. Translation follows Cogan and Tadmor. do whatever you will!"' (1. pp. the account of the dream is a type of ruse. Oppenheim violently rejects (The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East'. 212-214. Or 46 (1977): 65-84. Moreover. 202).Notes to Chapter 5 311 11. and fell to Dugdamme [the Cimmerians' leader].L. This formula of priority has two components: a historicalcircumstantial component and ideological one which is tributary and interpretive of the former. Since the role of the formula of priority is legitimation of the royal aspirations. see H. the thrust of a plea for mercy can be seen in the Annals of A§sur-nasir-pal II where we read: 1 approached the city of Suru which belongs to Bit-Halupe. in Glimpses of Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honour of H. 'Gyges and AshurbanipaT. pp. The awe of the radiance of A§5ur. c. p. Grayson. Tadmor. 14. 203-224. Prism A: 11. in The Proceedings of the 25th International Congress of Orientalists. one can see that the inclusion of the dream in the account is the product of a formula of priority' within the recensions of Assurbanipal which has reinterpreted the events of the past. The Last Three Decades of Assyria'. Gadd called the dream the fiction of an ambassador' (Ideas of Divine Rule in the Ancient East. 13. 12. For the order of the recensions. J. 240-242. in ARINH. Gelio has traced this episode through the different recensions CLa Delegation Envoyee par Gyges. The nobles (and) elders of the city came out to me to save their lives. pp. Historical Prism Inscriptions ofAshurbanipal. n. 65-84. 5). . he asserts that the dream-story was inserted into the annals solely to exemplify and to extol the power of the mere name of the Assyrian king (p. 202). Gelio has recently argued that if the question whether the dream was real or whether it was the product of a literary fiction is put aside. 223). 652 BC' (The Scythian Problem'. But in either case. p. 665 BC Gyges of Lydia solicited aid against Cimmerian invaders and repulsed them. 8-17 + M. Roi de Lydie: un Gas de Propagande ideologique'. then forfeited his claims on Assyria by helping Psammetichus of Egypt.111-125.

Noth understood the narrative as an etiological *Uberlieferung* (Dos Buch Josua. and n. Although this is not explicitly stated. 24. The Hittites. p.312 Ancient Conquest Accounts 15. 93. 156-159 (lines. pp. 139. Divine Intervention in War'. in HHI. . our presentation in chapter 3. pp. 58-66 Qines 38. 53-55). 16. 121-147. JNES 25 (1966): 168. HW defines the word as 'Donnerkeil' (Thunderbolt') which it very well may be. See also Edgerton and Wilson. HW defines as 'gottliches Walten. The Early History of Israel. pp. 28ff. 262). KRIV. 66-73. Die Annalen des MurSiliS. 21. but relied on an efficient intelligence network. p. pp. 29. Weinfeld. von Schuler. 34. See: Ten Cate. also M. H. In this regard the loyalty oath (adti) to the Assyrian monarch is informative. p. pp. 146. 19. Die KaSkaer. 23. For the text. Weinfeld. 177 and 184. On these phenomena in ancient Near Eastern and biblical texts. 20. see A. M. 34). the fact that the *meteor' struck the land and specifically the capital city. Apasa.Ten Gate. 17. Ugarit. Hittite: para handandatar. Cf. IV. UF 11 (1979): 453. 109. R. Wonder'. 18. Translation follows Kitchen. pp. 111. Goetze. Wolf. 31-40. Die Annalen des MurSiliS. 1140) -i. p. Historical Records of Ramses III. There is still uncertainty concerning the meaning of the term G ^kalmi$ana-. although many interpreters prefer 'meteor'. Weinfeld prefers thunderbolt and attempts to trace its relation to the same in Ugaritic (see 'Divine Intervention in War'. 28. 25. 52). 82 and 85. JNES 25 (1966): 162-191. de Vaux. Qatna and Covenant'. The same seems to be the case with the Gibeonite vassalage to Israel. 139. Cf. pp. pp.43-51 and R. Ein Beitrag zur Ethnographic des Alien Kleinsasien. Cf. p. III. 'Divine Intervention in War in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East*. Goetze notes that the phrase is peculiar to supernatural phenomena of salvation by the gods (Kleinasien2. Boling argues that: There can be no doubt about the historicity of a treaty with the Gibeonites'(Joshua. Die Annalen des Mur~ SiliS. 26. 27. 125-27. n. 624.28-37. Malbran-Labat. Col. L'arme'e et I'Organisation Militaire de I'Assyri. 'Egypt. 148). 139ff. Goetze. p. pp. See E. Translations: Gurney. pp. A. see now the fine work of M. pp.G. Text: Goetze. See also Col. The Assyrians often did not maintain control by stationing large garrisons. 22. it seems very probable that there were casualties. The Apology of HattuSiliS.

R.. Holladay. R. PEQ 107 (1975): 119. and Boling. p. 'Joshua 10:12-14 and the Solar Eclipse of 30 September 1131 B.A. we are dealing here with alternative memories of divine action . p.. Mayer. VT 10 (1960): 353-374. in verses 12-14. Bright. pp. 16-17). 41. JBL 87 (1968): 169-170. PEQ 104 (1972): 139-146. p. ArOr 26 (1958): 653-656.G. MDOG 115 (1983): 82-83. In verse 11 God's weapons are great hailstones. The Early History of Israel. de Vaux. Butler..v. Das Buch Josua. 41. see: 10:33. pp. Tadmor. 33. F. Stephenson. mais serviraient uniquement d'ornement poeiique pour illustrer le caractere merveilleux de la victoire de Josu6' (Le Miracle de Josu£. Scott suggests that it is a request that the clouds hold (Josh. 'Joshua'. then the time of day could only have been morning which fits . p. Cf.F. 43. R. 34. p. p. P. For an earlier discussion using this type of argument see A. and Ruth." (Joshua. 176. the account in Joshua 10:12-13a is 'passage essentiellement poetique' and is simply following the tradition of'les poetes orientaux' (pp. Schulz. s. Ill.C.. Roussel who felt that the account was a legend inspired by scattered large stones so that the miracle was 'tres folkorique' (Le Livre de Josu4. qatu 'vernichten'. Heller. Cogan and H. Of. 40. 'Der Name Eva'. 38. Ibid. p. In fact it is rather like an alternative account. 282. 39. Auld states: Verses 12 to 14 <chapter 10> seem to be a separate piece of information.. 74ff. Joshua. Judges. 313 32. esp. in IntB. A. ZAW 64 (1952): 1920). 69-70). but what they report is far from peripheral. 16). AHw. 634. Dus. 97-98). For example. See J. 37. For example. If the sun stood still over Gibeon and the moon over Ayalon. Millard's discussion. lines 141-152. and J. 42. Joshua.'. TB 36 (1985): 61-77. 36. Text: W. 31. 35. They read rather like an appendix. Hence. in El 14 (1978): 55-57 <Hebrew>.Notes to Chapter 5 30.Y.F. pp. J.B. 911-912. 'Astronomical Verification and Dating of Old Testament Passages Referring to Solar Eclipses'. Sawyer. For a similar example of flashback introduced by TX. 'Ahaz and Tiglath-Pileser in the Book of Kings: Historiographie Considerations'. This calls into question the understanding of L. 10:11) in order that the heat of the day not interfere with the pursuit of the enemy ('Meteorological Phenomena and Terminology in the Old Testament'. a stopping of sun and moon in their tracks . Ceuppens states: 'L'arret du soleil et la prolongation du jour ne constitueraient done pas des faits historiques. See M.

. J. regardless of the outcome (Iliad XVHI:239fD' (Introduction to the Old Testament. no. On September 17. Lee's Lieutenants: A Study in Command. n. such as the standing still of the sun and moon in order to assure the victorious conclusion of the fight. Freeman. Early History of Israel. 17. 634. Doctrine by Misadventure Between the Israelite Source and the Biblical Historian'. 126. *History and Ideology'. Weinfeld. The Divine Warrior in Early Israel.. For example. 146.. The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon in the British Museum. 50. p. Tadntor. 51. 127 (rev. P. 46. 54.K. 'Divine Intervention in War'. 674). 47. Iliad 11:412-415. 120. p. Ibid.M. 55. 12ff). Ibid. 44. the Federals repeatedly attacked General Lee's lines and by the narrowest of margins repeatedly failed to break though. not necessarily true. de Vaux. Ibid. 55. The fighting was so intense that one confederate soldier wrote: 'The sun seemed almost to go backwards. 52.S.. Ibid. This assumption is.. p. Campbell Thompson. M. 53. Joshua would have had a full moon to aid his march to Gibeon. p. p. of course. p.314 Ancient Conquest Accounts the context very well since Joshua is supposed to have marched all night in order to arrive and attack the enemy 'suddenly* (10:9). R. 1-2). no. Harrison argues along these same lines stating. Abel has pointed out a number of examples of this nature from classical antiquity (Bible de Jerusalem. 17. R.D. 48. . Others have argued along similar lines. 5). Bewer also argued that the narrator who quoted the poem interpreted it prosaically (hence misinterpreting it) as a stupendous miracle (The Literature of the Old Testament. 57. 'Other aspects of Joshua can also be paralleled from the eastern Mediterranean cultures. Halpern. since in antiquity battles normally ended at sunset each day.A. in HHI. 45. 126. If this were the case. 56. II. F. 157. 13. R. pp. 124 (obv 5b9). and it appeared a$ if night would never come!' (see: D. Ibid. Another illustration that helps understand the language utilized here comes from the American Civil War. p. Ibid. no. p. in The Poet and the Historian. in ARINH. 1862 during the battle of Antietam.. Miller. p. 224). p. 49. Partly behind this is the assumption that the poem is older than the narrative in which it is embedded. no. 146. p.

p. 1238-1239. Inscriptions royales sumeriennes et akkadiennes. 63. n. p. Urkunden. The Northern Wars of Seti I: An Integrative Study'. 60. Ubersetzung. 61-62. we translate 'from its position' which fits the context better. 68. 126. W. Sollberger and J. pp. pp. Again following Helck's reconstruction and translation. Cf. pp. Concerning the identification of the cities here see Wilson. 73. See: Helck. Weinfeld discusses this text. 64. 10). p. 50. 10. 67. 126. 62. Wilson. J. 1238. 300 10-12)'.-R. Lines 5-6. HHI. Urkunden der 18. 80. 1st Beth-Shan Stela of Seti I (KRII12. See AEO I. ANET. 72. M. Tel Aviv 3-4 (1977): 168-177. It is even probable that several campaigns are alluded to here. Scheil. She feels that through a comparison of sSd here and . p. 123. Pharaoh Triumphant. not Joshua 10 (Divine Intervention in War'. Na'aman. Helck. 132-136). wnwty = ^hour-watcher. However. Friedrich made a comparison between the phenomenon described in the Annals of Mursili and the Gebel Barkal Stela of Thutmose III. Spalinger. p. 1229-1230. 10. Following Helck. p. Reisner. see OLZ 39 (1936): 135ff.p. 9ff. 125-128. 'Divine Intervention in War'. 59. 253). Helck. astronomer* CDME. Joshua. but in relation to Judges 5. and Ubersetzung. p. p. Text: V. Memoires de la D6lagation en Perse. bi(')yt = 'miracle' CDME. Sollberger and Kupper comment: The assertion does not have to be taken literally. Hinz. 14. Translation is that of K. cf. 7. pp. 66. p. ZAS 69 (1933): 35-36. 70. Following W. Lines 33-36. Ubersetzung. p. 22. 1-15. n. Kupper. Dynastie. r-'k' s 'on a level with' CDME. There is an obvious parallel here to the 'stars fighting' in Judges 5:20 against Sisera.Urkunden. JARCE 16 (1979): 31. n. CAH1/2 p. 61. ShiranGrumach argues that 's$d describes the activity of the star in analogy with the numinous appearance of Pharaoh on the war chariot (cp. 1). 253. 652ff (p. 10. 71. 65. ANET.Notes to Chapter 5 315 58. p.p. (Ubersetzung. 6. pp. Soggin. 125-127). See also A. also the Concise Annals ofHattuSili I (see: pp.A. Kitchen. See Weinfeld. sSd s thunderbolt' according to CDME. p. Helck. for Yenoam see now N. who argues for a location east of the Jordan at Tell esh-Shihab. p. 249. Translation: E. WB IV. 69. 61.

See Appendix. p. MDOG 115 (1983): 82-83. pp. . pp. 16-27. 49. Judges. See also J. 80. 74. 78. although he argues that 'the lack of homogeneity between vss. 81. 53). Elliger divided chapter 10 into three main sections (1-15. He derived the number 'five' etiologically from the five trees at Makkedah on which the kings were supposed to have been hung. Joshua. 111-112. whereas Noth felt that there were only two main sections (1-15. Hence the number of the kings was determined by the number of the trees. JNES 5 (1946): 112. p. 60ff. Also see Elliger pp. as you trod down those in the regions of god's land. 128. lines 150-151. pp. But cf. 60-67. 16-43). 28-43 is evident on closer inspection' (Tribes of Yahweh. 104-107. (as one) that scatters its flame in the fire as it sheds its flame. W. 28-43). 16-27 and vss. P. and 'Die funf Konige in der Hohle von Makkeda'. 75. wie ganz abgesehen vom Inhalt selbst die Schlussworte in 27 deutlich zeigen. 14* (Joshua. In order to maintain this theory he eliminated verses 28 and 33 as glosses. and T)ie funf Konige in der Hohle von Makkeda'. and Halpern. 47-71. Das Buck Josua. also. Miller. 127. 79. und zwar handelt es sich auch hier um eine Ortsatiolgie' (p. and Ruth. Gottwald distinguishes only two main sections for the chapter (1-15. pp. Butler. 103). pp. 77. 76.E. For example. pp. or the number five in both cases may have had a mnemonic value in folk-narration. CBQ 37 (1975): 307. pp. 128. 610-619: I came to make you trample the eastern land. 22-36. Mayer. Gray thinks that the number five may have been suggested by the five trees at Makkedah to the aetiological tradition was attached. one can see that the meaning is brightness not thunderbolt or flash CDie poetischen Teile der Gebel-Barkal Stele'. G. Cp. Judges and Ruth.D. He felt that the story in 16-43 was 'ausgesprochen atiologisch. pp. Gray. 60ff. Noth. Palastinajahrbuch 40 (1934): 47-71). Palastinajahrbuch 33 (1937): 22-36. IV 615. Ibid. p. Noth. Cf. Interestingly. 13 = line 15). Also see Elliger who argues along similar lines CJosua in Judaa'. p. like the five kings in Gen. note 87 below.316 Ancient Conquest Accounts in the poetical stela (Urk. Noth. Josua. 16-43). 552-554).. note 23. n. Wright. I caused them to see your majesty as the radiant splendor of a star. He saw verses 28-43 as a continuation of the etiological story in verses 16-27. the Poetical Stela (line 15): Urk. IV. and the cities to which the kings belonged were simply chosen from among those in the neighborhood of Makkedah. Joshua. However. 60). there are significant difficulties with verse 15.

89. B. this is a sine qua non of the etiological principle. For text. 34/13-14). Inscriptions Royales Sumeriennes etAkkadiennes. 88. Poetical Stela: Urk. the Shephelah campaign has a regular. 72 and note e. pp. At sunset. Third. 314. V. Col. Halpern feels that there are three objections to an etiological argument. Shalmaneser I. the battle account of 10:1-14 locates Joshua at Makkedah (vs. Corpus des inscriptions royales prfsargoniques de LagaS. Ent. 84.Ph. Urluma escaped. Cf. Note the use of the number 'five*. see: E. 610. Prism A (Rassam). 310. Fig.7-9. The practice is also observed in Egypt. IV. TUAT. 12. IX. Memorial mounds are even much earlier than this as the inscription of Enmetena of Lagash demonstrates: 'Enanatum. The Sumerians. lines 86-89: Urk. see: J. Cooper.-R. recent scholarship has emphasized. fought with him (Ur-Lumma) in the Ugiga-field. 5.. p. the action of the Israelite chiefs in placing their feet on the neck of the enemy kings (10:24) is found in the Annals of Tukulti-Ninurta I: 1 captured KaStilias". no. Prism A (Rassam). Gaballa. it seems likely that the southern hill cities are not presented in a random order. beloved son of Enanatum. Enmetena. Kupper. JEA 55 (1969): 82-88. Sollberger. the field of Ningirsu. 10) . Depending on the location of Makkedah. p. defeated him. See: IAK. 111-126: lines 11-13. 90.. 85. S. I trod with my feet upon his lordly neck as though it were a footstool' TN. p. but was killed in Umma itself. 11-14. IV. Kramer. 657-658.. 55. 83.A.N. ruler of Lagash. 28-29. SARI. 16-27).. 91. since the tale of the stone may very well have been secondarily attached to a local narrative. Interestingly. and Willem H. and left the bones of their personnel strewn over the plain. Second. Letter to the God (lines 300-302). Joshua 8:29 which states: *He hung the king of Ai on a tree and left him there until evening. 28-39' (CBQ 37 (1975): 307-308). 60-63. pp. logical north to south sequence in vss. p. 'First. Col. Joshua ordered them to take his body from the tree and throw . king of the Kassites (alive). 86. p.Notes to Chapter 5 317 82.11. He (Enmetena) made five burial mounds (heaps) there for them*. For example Merenptah states: They (the Libyans) are cast to the ground by hundredthousands and ten-thousands. Noth is unable to demonstrate that the etiological factor is determinative in the story of the pursuit to Makkedah (vss. E. Sollberger and J. For translations. 87. He had abandoned sixty teams of asses at the bank of the Lumagirnunta-canal.38-41. 1/4. Annals of Thutmose III. the remainder being impaled (put to the stake) on the South of Memphis' (KRIIV. Romer. G.

p. VT 24 (1974): 392. She also notes that this leather scroll' is a reference to the campaign diary. 18. The Definition of an etiology according to M. 127-128. Dynastie. M. 92. p. . Urkunden der 18. While many OT scholars have thought that the formula ilin DTil "IV *until this day' is the sign par excellence of the etiology. For this type of symmetric structure.5-6. Only in those cases in which elements of mythical causation can be clearly demonstrated is there an adequate warrant for such a move' (VT 24 (1974): 397). Sennacherib claims to have set up a stela to memorialize his victory over the Elamites at Halule (lines 113114). p. Childs correctly concludes: 'extreme caution should be observed in assuming an inferential model of etiology which implies that the link between cause and effect is artificial and unhistorical. AEL II. 93. ZAS 69 (1933): 24-39. 94. 102. but in the great majority of cases is a formula of personal testimony added to. 98. 294. p. p. and R. JBL 82 (1963): 292. "Until This Day"' JBL 82 (1963): 279-292). 152. See the discussion in chapter 2. IV 662. 96. 29. Childs argues that the formula 'seldom has an etiological function of justifying an existing phenomenon. Soggin. Vol. The Etiological Tale Re-examined'. 101. the formula can be used in a non-etiological way expressing only the terminus a quo for a particular text. 1228-1243. 1. AfO 20 (1963): 94-95. See Doling. And they raised a large pile of rocks over it. IV. p. Boling. Nilsson. 17. Childs' discussion. 33. pp. 97. n. White argues that the historian fashions' his material and that this fashioning is a 'distortion' of the whole factual field of which the discourse purports to be a representation [History and Theory 14 (1975): 591. Joshua. Joshua. Geschichte der griechischen Religion2.P. Reisner. 25. Urk. Text: Helck. In addition to this heap. Cf. pp. and confirming a received tradition' CA Study of the Formula.318 Ancient Conquest Accounts it down at the entrance of the city gate. The translation follows Lichtheim. 95. Also. *I Samuel 3: Historical Narrative and Narrative Poetics'. McE venue. see: S. in Literary Interpretations of Biblical Narratives. pp. 203. Text: KRI. And also Childs. 103. which remains to this day. 100. The Narrative Style of the Priestly Writer. 12-19. Fishbane. The Walters Art Galley dines 108-112): Grayson. 99.

72. 14-17. 79). KAI I. pp. 106. 132136).K. p. Lidzbarski. AfO 20 (1963): 83-96. #202. See Goetze. Chicago-Taylor Prism (II. BAL2. 117. 1. SSI II. It is just like a listing of the Allies in an account of World War II in which usually the Big Three are mentioned. 164. p. in Proceedings of the Fifth World Congress on Jewish Studies. In the context of Joshua 9-12. 14-15. Poles. Die Annalen ofMurSiliS. pp.1 p. 37-60a). Text: M. Cf.g. etc. 174191. 11-12. esp.p. 109. 118.T. 26-29. Gibson's objection is unconvincing (SSII. 110.58 (see Borger. no. depending on contributions. G. Millard.pp. 115. The Egyptian tm wn is literally 'did not exist' or 'non-existent'. 175). 17. Lines 7. such terms as "13X. Segert has endorsed this suggestion ('Die Sprache der moabitischen Konigsinschrift'. 112. Pitard's study calls into question Mendenhall's understanding of the term Op 3.. p. Myers.Notes to Chapter 5 319 104. 'Amarna ekemu and Hebrew naqam*'. Also see: Esarhaddon: Nin. Concerning the 'Heilsorkal'. but sometimes. pp. and Isaiah 40:17 (1113 f ' K D D ' H H ^D :: 'All the nations are as nothing before you'). 72. 105. Ibid. Canadians. *Epigraphic Notes. Maarav 3 (1982): 24. Ibid.A IV. are also semantically the same. BAL? p. also the Libyan War Inscription (Karnak) of Merenptah which states: 'and none of them (the Libyans) escaped' (KRIIV 6/2-3). Cf. Col. Handbuch dernordsemitischen Epigraphik.. Concerning the name. The Kadesh Inscriptions ofRamesses II. Mond and 0. 73.C. Chicago-Taylor Prism. Mendenhall believes that Dj73 is . See Gardiner.). For the text. It is equivalent to Hebrew f>X in Isaiah 41:11 OUJDK TIUK 1 7'KD VJP ~p"n :: those who oppose you will be as non-existent ones and perish'). 139. PEQ 110 (1978): 23-26. The Zakir Inscription and the Danklied'. Text: KAI. 62-69.R. p. i n i 3 X^. others might be listed (e. W. 107. S. 114. Shils. plate I. 81]. 113. ArOr 29 (1961): 244). 6-17. Pitard. pp. 116. see: A.. 70). etc. p. SSI I. 119. Ryckmans identified the term rP~l as a cognate to South Arabic ryt 'offering' [JEOL 14 (1956): 73-84. the list of kings in the Zakkur inscription. 108. Aramaic and Hebrew'. The Temples ofArmant. pp. and Tukulti-Ninurta I: TN #16 (lines 69-87). 78-81. Grayson. 181. p. Another ANE example can be seen in the Concise Annals ofHattuSili I (see: pp. 71-83. Greenfield. "PflVJn. R. Rollig translates as Darbringung' (KAIp. see: J. see A. 111. and also Spalinger's discussion Aspects.

120.106-110. One has to admit the possibility that the biblical writer has cast the account in this ideological mode. pp. ARIII. 15:16 which states: 'for the sin of the Amorites has not yet reached its full measure*. For text and bibliography. s. Cf. JBL 104/3 (1985): 385-400. the rulers of the city-states. Hence the biblical view is that YHWH is judging and driving out the Amorites because of their sin (f IV —'crime. For a jural ideology of war in the Old Testament.. 121. in Miscellanea Giovanni Galbiati. Pitard shows that the root nqm* did not have this meaning in Hebrew or in the cognate languages. See also Theological Wordbook of the Old Testament. but externally. 78). Good. The differences. Israel (The Tenth Generation.e.320 Ancient Conquest Accounts a technical covenantal term which meant 'the executive exercise of power by the highest political authority for the protection of his own subjects' (The Tenth Generation. p. 124. In the context of the ancient Near East. Such an understanding would appear to support a revolt theory concerning the origins of Israel. 39-47. He sees the term as connoting extralegal but legitimate intervention by YHWH during a crisis in his vassal territory. 125. in religious outlook—and we must emphasize that we are only speaking with regard to Joshua 9-12—are not very great. see R. 122. *Le guerre guali giudizi di dio presso i babilonesi e assiri'. Shils. 76-82). In Exodus 23:23-30 the promise of YHWH to drive out the inhabitants of the land gradually seems to imply that there was a policy of selectivity even in this policy of the Q~in. See AKA. 125126. The difference between the Israelite ideology in Joshua 9-12 and other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts may be more apparent than real. The Just War in Ancient Israel'. for example. But there are indications that the ideology has not developed internally. see section 10:28-42 (pp. 226-28 above) and note 105 above. pp. Of course. It was the power used by a sovereign to correct a situation of danger for the sovereign's faithful vassals when all regular and normal legal processes to clear up the danger had been tried and had failed. pp. perversion'). one must assume that the ideology arose in opposition to the 'establishment'—i. . see G. 291-292. 123.1.M. Din. Gen.v. the Sungoddess of Arinna. and Grayson. Furlani. 741-742. p. 67. or KemoS who is the deity who actively intervenes on behalf of his people. pp. Amun. We cannot pursue this question more fully since we do not know enough about the *historical context* from which the text arose. 126. pp. Here it is YHWH rather than ASsur.

H. p.) in which 'the goddess Nana. 4. diaries(?). 78-79).9-32) (R. also the prisms of Asiurbanipal: Prism T (V.M. and a theological summary' (Joshua. The Prisms ofEsarhaddon and Ashurbanipal. Al-Rawi. etc. Lines I. Cf. For example. a typical conquest itinerary.' 128. 241-263) 1.72-VL11) (J.. Yeivin. the weak.W. Moore. also the similar phrase in the Mesa Inscription: 'Omri. VI (pp. 29-36). p. Roberts. pp. 8. In Judges 2 and 3 we shall find two "divine" reasons to justify a less than complete conquest' (pp. 33..Notes to Chapter 6 321 127. chose Ashurbanipal to deliver her and bring her back to her proper abode. NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX (pp. a poetic fragment transformed into a secondary etiology to illustrate holy war technique. p..24-II. Compare this recent comment of Auld: There is an ambivalence in the Book of Joshua over just how complete Israel's conquest was . a place not proper for her'. 'Nabopolassar's Restoration Work on the Wall Imgur-Enlil' at Babylon'. Childs. Childs. King. 183-187. 112). G. Cf. And Miller and Tucker: 'separate traditions have been combined and edited to comprise the narrative' (Joshua. King. note the meoisis in the Nabopolassar text: 1. Introduction.. F. the powerless . Of. Sh. L. Butler states concerning the nature of chapter 10: 'the chapter contains a holy war narrative. Obviously. Campbell Thompson. Iraq 47 (1985): 1-13. 130. p. and Prism F (V.J. 6. Aynard. who for 1635 years had been angry and had gone to live in the midst of Elam. J. 247. 3. p. had oppressed Moab many days because Kemo§ was angry with his land* (line 5). biblical writers who speak of Joshua 9-12 as a composite of various different traditions which accrued over a long time period. the Book of Yashar. 2. p.933. But this is quite different from the notion of most. 131.5. 249. . Judges. p. pp. Moreover. An Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture. 3. Le Prisme du Louvre AO 19.N. 29-36). no. Babylonian Boundary Stones. Babylonian Boundary Stones. *Nebuchadnezzar Ps Elamite Crisis in Theological Perspective'. 5. The Israelite Conquest of Canaan.) so that in one sense separate accounts were collected (just like Assyrian annals were probably constructed from a collection of campaign reports).F.M. the king of Israel. the writer utilized source material (war reports. 89). 129.

da man ja wenigstens um Gilgal herum sich schon festgesetzt hatte. dass nach den vorausgegangenen Feldzugen. nach denen man immer wieder nach Gilgal zuruckgekehrt war.h. Der Ergdnzer von 2-6 aber hat das julschlich dahin verstanden. is the semantic equivalent of the Hebrew verbsgsakhfsakjlfg 10. 138) and the Hebrew nnK DVQ may have a similar range of meaning. Noth argues. M. in this instance. not even "around Gilgal". narrated using this idiomatic expression. the meaning of the reference in verse one is that until then the Israelites had established themselves only in the area 'around Gilgal' where the camp was. For example. In realiiy. von den Stammen besiedelt werden musse—allerdings nicht im ganzen. How could it be said of "all the Land". Furthermore. 26) to the hand of a 'supplemented who erroneously thought that the reference in verse one that there are still very large areas of land to be taken over' was to the territory which had not yet been conquered. 23:2-14. the term 'girru :: campaign' has a wide semantic range (CAD G p. there was no settlement anywhere. das veranlasste ihn. 73-74) [emphasis mine]. sondern nur noch ^n sehr weitem Umfang". and now they had to settle in the rest of the land as well. Mursili's accomplishments (whether always done in a single year) are. The Akkadian verb kaSddu. Furthermore. And 'to subjugate' is to bring under complete subjection*. p. Y. advanced in years"? The meaning of this introduction is plain: thou art old and therefore cannot complete the conquest. before the allocation of portions. d. cf. dass ein Teil des Landes noch unerobert sei. 13:1-6: This interpretation is illogical. apart from the camp area. But the essential point is that 13-19 speak of the distribution of "remaining" territory. Kaufmann violently objected to this understanding of Jos. The term conquest means 'act or process of conquering* <emphasis mine> according to Webster's New World Dictionary. Tiglath-Pileser claims to have ^plundered from the edge of the land of Suhu to Carchemish of Hatti-land in a single day (ina iSten umef.322 Ancient Conquest Accounts 7. 8. Deut. das Land nun wirklich erst in Besitz genommen. 31:2-3. nevertheless. 311. ^das ubrig gebliebene Land" nun sekundar noch genau festzulegen' (Das Buck Josua. Noth ascribes the description of the land that remains' (w. The synonyms 'subdue* and 'subjugate' have connotations of completeness that we believe the Hebrew terms for 'conquer* in the context of Joshua ~D} and np^ lack. The notion of'a single campaign' (nfW DUD) must be understood figuratively. To subdue' means to defeat so as to break the spirit of resistance'. that Very much" of it remained? And what sense then do the opening words make: "Thou art old. . Jos. These chapters assume that. at the end of each year of Mursili's Annals this syntagm occurs: nu ki-i I-NA MU l.KAM i-ya-nu-un :: 'And I did (all) this in one year'. pp. 9. He states: 'Der Satz <lb(3> besagt also.

137. pron. 337). pp. p. 12-19.T. Translations: Gardiner. Hence. See: F. p. 15. While these scenes have usually been attributed to Harnesses II. The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramses II. cities. It means that the Egyptians did not regard them as a city-state with fixed borders like e. 12. it can only mean the territory which remained unconquered' (The Biblical Conquest of Palestine. In this phrase Israel is understood to be a collective. but an important and strong people by this time' (Williams. One of the scenes may even represent Merenptah's action against Israel. e.. Cern . 14. 'Since Israel is here made parallel with Hurru. no. pp. By hyperbole. KRI IV. But the masc. 140- . 66. 119-124. 13. not named after any particular territory or city. and provinces are fern. II. the names of countries. 16. beforethe distribution. However. the war scenes at Karnak on the south approach. 62. Another hyperbole in the biblical narrative is encountered in Joshua 10:2 ('all of its men were heroic warriors'). we may surmise that the former was not an insignificant tribe. west wall may indicate that Merenptah did in fact campaign in Canaan. 17. Since there is no reference to an Asiatic campaign in the O. DOTT. 30. Goetze.g. Yurco. the oldest readable cartouches in the scenes are those of Merenptah—never Harnesses II. we mean the use of exaggerated terms for the purpose of emphasis or heightened effect. 34).. L. AEL. if. p. fk. Inscriptions of Sinai. p. In Egyptian. Late Egyptian Grammar. 56). 92).t is an old perfective (See Cerny and Groll.' (Joshua. Srm is a transliteration (not a translation) of the Canaanite sfsafd 18. SSEAJ 8 (1978): 70.g. p. 196-197 (paradigm 2). pp. p. more is said than is literally meant. A. and Williams. a distinct people. While there appears to be a discrepancy between the opening words of 13:1-6 and the description of the territorial distribution. n. Die Annalen des MurstliS. 17. pp. DOTT. 58. ed. some scholars doubt the historicity of Merenptah's claims. Boling is probably right when he states concerning verses 2-6: "This most extravagant description of the extent of the Israelite conquest is perhaps to be recognized as hyperbole . the phrase "remaining territory" is used. 18th and 19th' (The Kadesh Inscription of Ramses. Stager. El 18 (1985): 56-64.. Gezer. 53. in historical texts of Dyns. 11. Yurco points out that the determinative for Israel is not a haphazard designation.Notes to Chapter 6 323 seeing that the settlement was by tribes. pi. Gardiner notes that 'the swearing of an oath to declare that one has spoken the truth goes back to the Middle Kingdom. (see Gram. pp. is used with Israel which possibly indicates an identity with a male deity or eponymous ancestor (SSEAJ 8 (1978): 70). Lichtheim.. KRI II.

Hamlin. As Pfeiffer put it (Introduction to the Old Testament. 83. 29. pp. Miller and Tucker. p. Danto. Cf. as reported in the annals of Sennacherib. also MurSili II's Annals. 27. 19. 34. Col. 26. 14. Miller. 1945. Throughout this discussion the adjectives artificial. does not necessarily end with the events described in the original document. A. p. On Joshua's selective strategy. 31. pp. 36. See Stager's discussion concerning this in El 18 (1985): 56-64. Gray. Joshua: Inheriting the Land. Stager remarks: Thus. 60-67. Judges and Ruth. Levine points out that a 'campaign'. 33. in HHI. pp. Judges and Ruth.47-52: AKA. Joshua. 53-54. pp. Graeme Auld. 149-151. 93. The poem is beautifully structured. AKA. and that it was possible to produce an account of a campaign before that campaign had been completed. 35. 20. L..D. preserves some interesting and very specific details about Merenptah's enemies' (JEI18 (1985): 61). see Y. pp. 30. 4. Joshua. Joshua. 111. Noth. The Complete History of World War//. 73. 32. p. although couched in poetic and rhetorical forms. Yadin. Joshua.324 Ancient Conquest Accounts 141). Miller and Tucker. 22. Military and Archaeological Aspects. Judges. synthetic. Analytical Philosophy of History. 72-73). mentioned in our discussion of Joshua 12 in the previous chapter. p. A. and Ruth. p. p. Joshua. 24. pp. 23. the Egyptian account. F. Finally. 6-8. 12. simulated and representative are used neutrally. 25. Thutmose III (Amant Stela). 12-13. 27-29). p. 35-45). . etc. The enemies are clustered in a 3 (countries) + 3 (cities) + 2 (countries). Furthermore. Noth theorized a panIsraelite redaction which was the work of the Sammler (Das Buck Josua. p.T. Auld. pp. 40. Chicago. 37. Miller and Tucker. p. Joshua. Ibid. Josua. The last pair forms the relationship: Israel (as husband) and Hurru (as wife/widow). 21. 28. 72. events in the campaign were assigned to that particular campaign because of the writer's point of view rather than any strict chronological grounds CPreliminary Remarks on the Historical Inscriptions of Sennacherib'. 5. Srm and htpw are a pair which help form an inclusio (lines la-lb and 5a-5b).

Gottwald. pp. in Palestine in Transition. 113. Lachish and Eglon. 41. Col. The Temples of Armani. VI. so lieavily and repeatedly redacted' is the prose of Joshua that the evidence is *more ambiguous than a modern historian might wish' and hence only 'circumstantial' in its support of the revolt model. although its date of origin is uncertain. While still arguing for a peasant revolt model of the conquest. Along similar lines Auld argues: 'At first hearing the opening of Joshua 11 makes a rather similar impression to the opening of chapter 10. 45. While this does not 'disprove' the revolt model—such is beyond the scope of this study—. Only one of the kings is named (contrast 10:3). will reappear in Biblical history. 46. king of Jerusalem. 76). In fact. 43. and after mention of three minor places the report turns to generalities' (p. pp. here Jabin. Tribes of Yahweh. p. 82-84. p. Instead. Das Buck Josua. AfO 25 (1974-77): 164. Ibid. He feels that the Song of Deborah is more direct evidence for a revolt model ('Ancient Palestinian Peasant Movements and the Formation of Premonarchic Israel'. 92. there Adonizedek. 44. like Jerusalem. Joshua. 90.. From the evidence of our research. Noth.Notes to Chapter 6 325 38. Butler. king of Hazor. 69-70). and Borger. p. 40. Myers. p. See: AKA. R.104. pp. We would agree that Joshua 9-12 may be 'the product of royal functionaries'. Does Auld really think that the towns mentioned and the kings named make such a great difference in the two accounts? 39. it questions whether Joshua 9-12 really supports this model. M. Both start with the initiative of an apparently prominent king. Miller and Tucker. the towns to which Jabin sends are known only in the town lists of Joshua 12 and 19.39-54.39-44. See also G. Joshua. 139. 67. p. . This questions the statement of Miller and Tucker that 'pursuit of the fleeing enemy is a consistent element of holy war accounts' (Joshua. 552-554. Chaney admits that this passage is 'the product of royal functionaries and/or priestly elites' from the period of the 'Josianic reform' who 'could not be expected to transmit traditions of peasant uprisings in a sympathetic and unrefracted form'. 42. VHI. 12. The Hebrew Conquest of Palestine'. But to the attentive listener these two stories have a somewhat different ring. Mendenhall. Mond and O. 93). In each case reports of Joshua's prowess prompt the king in question to organize an anti-Israelite alliance. it seems that the passage exhibits all the trademarks of an imperialistic ideology. the events were interpreted 'in terms of Deuteronomistic ideology*. BA 25/3 (1962): 66-87. While Hazor. p.

Another powerful argument of Gottwald is the analogy of premonarchic Israel to segmentary lineage systems. There is a difference between a siege and an open field battle! E. Rogerson has recently argued that pre-monarchic Israel was not a segmentary lineage society but an association of small chiefdoms.g. pp. and then to have a siege of that city. 49.. and 48. a king flee (not necessarily to his own city). J. After a thorough analysis of the arguments concerning segmentary lineage systems. But hopefully the point is clear that the biblical text is well within the transmission code of ANE conquest accounts. Such enumeration could continue. Sargon defeats Rusa in a battle in a ravine in the mountains of Urartu during which Rusa flees on the back of a mare. 54. Syntagms like m*X dan-na-at-t&afy-fyu-un(1 made Mt. Brueggemann. Joshua. pp. 50. X empty (of humanity*) and u-Sam-qit-ma e-du ul e-sdb (1 slaughtered and not one escaped*) are directed at city populations as well as kings and their armies. Since these are semantically the same as Olfl^l iiD I^K yjfnii !?D run nniK and TKYJn JO T-nu n:i it would follow that these too can be directed at the urban populations.32-46). 55. n. 52. Or consider the campaign of Shalmaneser III against Hazael. pp. 48. IV. 38. p. 47. 316. See Boling. // this is done. Rusa hides in a mountain cave while Sargon sieges. 10-15.. Ibid. captures and destroys Rusa's cities (narrated basically one at a time). Revelation and Violence: A Study in Contextuo> lization.326 Ancient Conquest Accounts 47. there are not 'two different historical horizons in the traditions about the aftermath of the battle of Gibeon'. it is necessary to relate those aspects of the segmentary societies to their structure and function as a whole. One point which many biblical scholars (including Gottwald pp. 37-38. 253-54 above) seem not to be able to comprehend is that it is possible to have a battle in the open field. . 51. Moreover. Rogerson con cludes: 'Although the negative direction of this article is much greater than its positive suggestions. it will have succeeded if it serves to warn all those interested in the sociological study of the OT against an over-hasty and superficial equation of pre-monarchic Israel with segmentary lineage societies. the analogy with the Old Testament is hardly persuasive' <my emphasis> (JSOT 36 (1986): 17-26). Sennacherib's campaign against the people of Bit-Yakin is a prime example (Col. 38. Although parallels can indeed be found between aspects of segmentary societies and passages in the Old Testament.. 53. Shalmaneser defeats Hazael in open battle and then sieges and captures Damascus (but not Hazael). Ibid. Ibid. W..

59... He calls them 'sedentarizing pastoralists'. Fritz. 1988. Some scholars have equated the Shasu with the ancestors of the early Hebrews [e. defeat in Southeast Asia and the Soviets defeat in Afghanistan]. 42-44. pp. 'Conquest or Settlement?'.g.Notes to Chapter 6 327 55. The Northern Wars of Seti F.427-433. 261. from the Bedouin tent. This view is most often (though not always) connected with the Infiltration theory* of Israelite origins. The lack of chariots and horses continued in underdeveloped militaries and can be seen in the Arab wars of Assurbanipal. Chaney. Eph'al. and D. The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands I. Esse. The three main aspects of the material culture that Finkelstein uses for his 'sedentarizing pastoralist' model are: a) Pillared four-room houses. BAR 14/5 (1988): 8ff. see: M. consult V. Finkelstein believers that the Iron I settlers were formerly pastoral nomads who had had prolonged contact with the LBA Canaanite culture. p. Weippert. Yadin.1. M. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. Ibid. p. pp. in Palestine in Transition. Also see Y. n. This is very clearly the case as seen in the Arab contingent at the battle of Qarqar. Biblica 55 (1974): 265-280. 56. See the review of D. 'An Egyptological Perspective on the Exodus Narrative'. A. For the most recent delineation of this view.. Moreover. Superior technology does not guarantee victory [e. Ibid. Finkelstein's theory is based on the archaeological studies of the Iron I settlement process. 230 and 85. Finkelstein believes that sanctuaries and cemeteries away from the centers of settled population point to the existence of such groups during the LBA. BA 50/2 (1987): 84-100.g. and he tentatively identifies them with the shasu/sutu referred to in a number of ancient (most Egyptian) texts. and the origins of the four- .. While nomadic groups are notoriously difficult to detect archaeologically. 76. 58. Israel. The Ancient Arabs. Bedford. Spalinger. architectural form are generally linked with their environments. JARCE 16 (1979): 30. 'Semitisehe Nomaden des zweiten Jahrtausends: Uber die S'sw der agyptischen Quellen*. The Arabs lacked chariots and horses and used camels for their calvary. n. Sinai. 151]. 31. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement. he sees this as evidence for pastoral sedentarization. 230. Hence. Finkelstein. But while the house is a successful adaptation. the U. both socially and naturally. p. 35. p. However. in Egypt.S. 57. 'Ancient Palestinian Peasant Movements and the Formation of Premonarchic Israel'. See I. Finkelstein believes that this house is a successful adaptation to its environment. only outside (see Spalinger's discussion). the scene indicates that the Shasu lacked the strength to capture any of the key cities held by the Egyptians or their allies because they are not pictured as being in the city of Gaza.

The combination of four-room houses. pp. 60. contemporary with the fourroom house construction of the village end of the continuum [Esse. 1985. J. pp. N.A. 411-435. If the Iron I villagers were refugees from the coastal plain and the Shephelah. c) Elliptical settlement compounds. 'A New Perspective on the Hill Country Settlement of Canaan in Iron Age I. But they might also reflect simply functional requirements rather than a process. Coote and K. R. 266). small family' silos and a limited ceramic repertoire illustrate the rural foundation of Israelite society and its successful adaptation to its ecological niche.B. The Emergence of Early Israel in Historical Perspective (Sheffield: Almond Press). BAR 14 (1988): 10]. BAR 14 (1988). These highland settlers eventually emerged as Israel. the process of pastoralists settling down. so that Israel's origins must ultimately be sought in the Canaanite villages of the plains and lowlands.J. pp. 100-102.N. b) Proliferating use of silos for grain storage. Esse disagrees: The large number of modest size silos are typical of smallscale rural production.W. Brill. 10]. p. pp. Finally. London: Institute of Archaeology. Lemche.e. however.328 Ancient Conquest Accounts room house should be sought in developments within rural village life rather than from Bedouin/pastoralist antecedents [So argues Ease. The presence of such silos need not imply a group of pastoralists in the process of'sedentarization. Finkelstein argues that 'a proliferation of silos generally characterizes groups in the process of sedentarization or societies organized in local rural frameworks' (Finkelstein. 31-49. These compounds may illustrate specialized architecture for the pastoralist end of the continuum. 61. i.' however [Esse. Early Israel [VTS 37] (Leiden: E. moving inland under pressure from the Philistine inva- . Callaway. in contrast to the more developed redistributive network evident from the largesize communal silos at sites from the time of the monarchy. by J. 1985).. Whitelam. preferring to view them as Canaanite villagers displaced from the coastal plain and the Shephelah. 62.Ed. Finkelstein argues that the occurrences of elliptical settlement compounds reflect the intermediate stage between pastorialism and rural village life. To him the cause for these refugees' movement was pressure and conflict as the result of the arrival of the Philistines and other 'sea peoples'.' in Palestine in the Bronze and Iron Ages: Papers in Honour ofOlga Tufhell. 1988). p. BAR 14 (1988): 10]. Callaway has put forward arguments against semi-nomadic origins for the Iron I settlers.P. A more popular form in his theory can be see in his Ancient Israel: A New History of Israelite Society (Sheffield: JSOT Press. 85-90. Tubb. 117-138.

49. F. See for a few examples.. p. xxiii.M. 73. 77. 71.D. "'Heiliger Krieg" im Israel und Assyrien'.W. 115. it means Assyrian' (The Ideology of the Assyrian Empire'. The policy was continued during the monarchy (cf. 'Divine Intervention in War'. Eberhard von Waldow. Der heiligen Krieg im alien Israel*. Joshua. 38. Butler.Notes to Chapter 6 329 sion. J. ZAW 84 (1972): 460-493. 111-119. Gebel Barkal Stela 6-11. M. 107. Jr. Weippert.B. Joshua. Miller and Tucker. but this is not the case. 'Autobiographical Apology'. 70. Muller. in TDOT. 64.f here as past tenses. D. 65. p. 124-136. The Concept of War in the Old Testament'. Craigie. 66. M. Joshua. He also discussed nO'K (2:9). p. and Ruth. Weippert argues that it is not possible to speak of *holy war' as a distinctively Israelite special 'sacral institution' of the 'amphictyony* [as von Rad. or perhaps better because broader. and 110 and concludes that these are all words 'show clearly the intertwining of the vocabularies of the holy war and of the theophany. 107. 75. in Biblical Motifs. CBQ 33 (1971): 228. Finally. ZAW84 (1972): 460-493]. since indeed there cannot be a lay* war. in HHI. The Divine Warrior in Early Israel. The Divine Warrior in Israel's Early Cult'. Whitelam. Tadmor. Jahwekrieg und Stammebund2. 228-230). OSO (2:11). David with the Urim and Thummim and Ahab and Jehosaphat in I Kgs. 55. McCarthy. pp. pp. Ibid. 3:420-421. Cf. . R. 21). p. 68. 1.. H. Horizons in Biblical Theology 6 (1984): 36-37. p. Cross. 72. 63. Gray. On a number of these themes see M. 42-43. 136. therefore. We are translating the sdm. 'Hmm'. P. 69. Miller. p. von Rad. 'holy* means only that it answers our social values. P. n. R. Coote and K. ZAW84 (1972): 460-493. and M. See also G. The war is always a holy one if fought by us.C. pp. the divine visitation* (pp. 301).J. 'Some Holy War Vocabulary in Joshua 2'. The Emergence of Early Israel in Historical Perspective.-P. Weinfeld. AELII. one would expect them to encounter a number of early Iron Age settlements in the highlands of Judah. It is worth repeating the words of Liverani at this point: The 'holiness' of a war cannot result from an analysis. p. H. 76. Judges. 78. Smend. always a wicked one if fought by the enemy. 74. 67. The Problem of War in the Old Testament. Joshua. Weippert. Butler. Lichtheim. p.

92. Casualties of one's own army are uncommon.7. Reliefstele Adadniraris III. the analysis of the ancient Near Eastern material has improved the over-all understanding of the biblical narrative.330 Ancient Conquest Accounts 79. One could reasonably argue that a great deal of ancient Near Eastern history writing was in some way didactic. 88. and not from genre classification. 147-148. Van Seters. The purpose of this document as part of a public ceremony explains this innovation. Casualties of the enemy (often inflated) do occur. 'Adadnirari III in Syria'. 330-331. to categorize this narrative as a Summary text and to draw certain conclusions from that classification would cause innumerable problems. IV. In Search of History. Tadmor. Millard and H. So. II. Assyrien und seine Nachbarn. IV.18 and 1311. cf.64-65: AKA. 80. it is . p. Even then it hardly represents the actual casualties of Sargon's eighth campaign: eight persons! Note that the casualty list at the end of Sargon's Letter is identical with that at the end of Esarhaddon's Letter! (see: R. pp. See also. while the biblical text may be geographically arranged like an Assyrian Summary text which telescopes the material. 90. 86. 70. Col. 1302. 1310. 550-561. Unger. 13. pp. 81. The Sheikh Hammad Stele. For some of these. the Memphis Stela is the more reliable according to Spalinger. Grayson.. For example. Borger. 111. 91. 85. Of the two versions. 330-331. cf. Memphis: Urk. 365. 102-107). pp. Hamlin. Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Konigs von Assyrien. 322-331. A. pp. 87. pp. Ibid. 89. 84. 1R 30 iv 9. The scribe of this stela has mistakenly repeated the war diary twice. Michel. Iraq 35 (1973): 57-64.R. WO 1 (1949): 458:42 (and passim). Joshua: Inheriting the Land. p. 82.K. While the text of Joshua 9-12 cannot be identified as any particular genre per se. Tadmor. J. But by analyzing texts from many different genres within the general 'open' category of 'conquest accounts'. For a listing see: CAD M II. pp. the expression teaching material' is very inadequate. The biblical account's *mixed nature* means that we can benefit only from a thorough comparison with other ancient Near Eastern conquest accounts in terms of the interpretation. it also evinces the episodic nature and syntagmic structure of the Annalistic texts. Karnak: Urk. 92-93. 83. 'Aramaization in the Assyrian Empire'. One clear exception is the casualty list at the end of Sargon's Letter to the God. aus Saba'a und Semiramis. esp. A. 141. ART. H. In fact. E.1-2. p. Aspects.

. 239. For an application of this method to the narrative of 1 Kings 1-11. one thinks especially of the conflicting numbers in the Vietnam War and the Iran-Iraq War.Notes to Conclusion 331 possible to gain a much better understanding of the biblical conquest account as a whole. 265-266) 1. 2. In recent years. in The Bible in Three Dimensions. One always receives conflicting information concerning the numbers killed in wars. Spalinger. Aspects. 142-160. p. pp. NOTES TO CONCLUSION (pp. see our article: The Figurative Aspect and the Contextual Method in the Evaluation of the Solomonic Empire (1 Kings 1-11)'.

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London and Sydney. B. Rois. Josue. Paris. 1971. 1958. Leprisme du Louvre AO 19. R. La Statue de Tell Fekherye et son inscription bilingue assyro-arame'ene. F. Bordreuil. Albrecht. E. Abercrombie. and Turner. 1974. A.BIBLIOGRAPHY Abel. Y. N. 1984. 'Joshua: The Hebrew and Greek Texts'. Hill. Barnes. Lund. Barry. 1984. 1964. Aharoni. and Ruth. Vicino Oriente 5 (1982-83): 13-73. 'Nabopolassar's Restoration Work on the Wall Imgur-Enlil' at Babylon'. Samuel. *Some Geographical Remarks Concerning the Campaigns of Amenhotep II'. Althusser. Albrektson. Critique textuelle de I'Ancien Testament: 1. Ne'he'mie. N. The Art of Biblical Narrative. In Lenin and Philosophy. 1982. and Millard. The Israelite Conquest of Canaan in the Light of Archaeology'. pp. Scientific Knowledge and Sociological Theory. "La storiografia ittita'. 1957. Barr.N. Juges. 1964.939. Joshua. Barthelemy. New York. BASOR 74 (1939): 11-23. Paris: Editions Rescherche sur les Civilisations. 1981. 'Ideology and Discontent'. pp. A. = JR 56/1 (1976): p. Bible de Jerusalem? Paris. et al. Albright.M. London and Boston. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press. Abou-Assaf. Etudes Assyriologiques. D. David L. London. Chroniques. Alt. Judges. Ruth. Archi. Apter. Studi Micenei ed Egeo Anatolici 14 (1971): 185-216. 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses'. 1-17. Esther.H. 1971. Textual and Literary Studies in the Book of Joshua'. Athenaeum NS 47 (1969): 7-20. Elements de Se"miologie. Aynard. A. A. W. Gottingen.F. Paris. Robert. Graeme.-M. Barthes. The Propaganda of Hattusili III'. In Ideology and Discontent. 'Josua'. P. Auld. David L. Esdras. *Story and History in Biblical Theology'. Apter. New York. L. .. 50/1]. Al-Rawi. 5. BZAW 66 (1936): 24-26. LaPlaiserde Text. [Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis. J. JNES 19 (1960): 177-183.R. The Dominant Ideology Thesis. In Scope and Authority of the Bible. Iraq 47 (1985): 1-13. 1967. Alter.. 1-12. VTS 30 (1979): 1-14. F.. *Studies on the Annals of AiSurnasirpal II: L Morphological Analysis'. History and the Gods: An Essay on the Idea of Historical Events as Divine Manifestations in the Ancient Near East and in Israel. [The Daily Study Bible]. J. Paris. Badali. ZAW 90 (1978): 412-417. Ed. 1982.

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Berlin. Jerusalem. 4th Edition. M. In History Historiography. The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment*. Weinstein. pp. Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East: The Israelites'.356 Ancient Conquest Accounts 'Jaua. Mar IJumri'. M. Vol. An Introduction to the Philosophy of History. Karel. In Assyrien und Seine Nachbarn. Max. Horizons in Biblical Theology 6 (1984): 36-37. Walsh. E. Van Seters. 1983. II. Jerusalem. pp. OLZ 9 (1906): 224-226. In Pharaonic Egypt: The Bible and Christianity. . Tadmor and M. 491-519. New Haven. Weinfeld. Assen/ Maastricht: Van Gorcum. s. 1980. Eberhard von. Graz.M. gegen Hanigalbat'. Ed. VT (1967): 93-113. Israelit-Groll. Weinfeld. [AfO Beiheft. '"Justice and Righteousness" in Ancient Israel against the Background of "Social Reforms" in the Ancient Near East'. and Interpretation. 758-778 Tubingen. 1987. The Loyalty Oath in the Ancient Near East'. Vol. AfO 3 (1926): 151-161. John. p. Webster's 3rd New International Dictionary. 121-147. Toward A Theory of Historical Narrative: A Case Study in Perso-Islamicate Historiography. Or 50 (1981): 137-185. van der Toorn. 1959. 1985. Die Kampfe Adadnararis I.F. J. In Search of History: Historiography in the Ancient World and the Origins of Biblical History. *Bruchstucke assyrischer Konigsinschriften'. by H. The Period of the Conquest and of the Judges as Seen by the Earlier and the Later Sources'. 22]. Waldman. UF 8 (1976): 379414. AfO 22 (1968-1969): 75-77. Waldow. 1927. Columbus: Ohio State University Press.H. BASOR 241 (1981): 1-18. von Assyrien*. 1983. 1951. by S. Die Inschriften Tukulti-Ninurtas I. I. 1966. New Haven and London. W. Divine Intervention in War in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East'. 'historiograph/. Ed. The Concept of War in the Old Testament'. 12]. AfO 5 (1928-1929): 89-100. Weber. pp.v. 1. 1985. 1073. "Freedom Proclamations in Egypt and in the Ancient Near East'. pp. London. 317-327. [Studia Semitica Neerlandica. Die Annalen Konigs A£surdan II. Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia: A Comparative Study. Weidner. The Hyksos: A New Investigation. H. Wirtschft und Gesellschaft: Grundriss der verstehenden Soziologie. *Neue Bruchstucke des Berichtes uber Sargons achten Feldzug*. AfO 12 (1937-1939): 144-148.

D. 1978. JNES 5 (1946): 105-114. M. Chronicles of the Chaldean Kings (625-556 B. 1968. *Semitische Nomaden des zweiten Jahrtausends: tJber die §'sw der agyptischen Quellen'. Dissertation. Ed. pp. [Studies in Biblical Theology. Marten H. In Documents from Old Testament Times. Whybray.iterature as a Medium of Political Propaganda in Ancient Egypt*. Winton Thomas. H.S. 111. 21]. by D. The Succession Narrative. 1973. A. American Historical Explanations. 'Jau(a) Mar Humri—Joram oder Jehu von Israel?* VT 28 (1978): 113-118. Theory of Literature. Ed. 1958. 1964. Baltimore and London.M. 1971. The Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon. 1958. McCullough. Tropics of Discourse. History and Theory Beiheft 14 (1975): 48-67.) in the British Museum. Harris (1971). Die Kampfe des assyrisehen Konigs Aisurbanipal gegen die Araber*. Ed. Welleck R. Grand Rapids. 'Recreating the History of Israel*. 1967. The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe. Baltimore and London. Ed. History and Theory 23 (1984): 2-42. The Settlement of the Israelite Tribes in Palestine. London. WO 7 (1973): 39-85. and the Figurative Imagination'. Adventures of Ideas. New York. Meek. White. 1973. New York. Wolf. New York. Woudstra.Bibliography 357 Weippert. pp. J. The Apology of Hattu&lii Compared with Other Political Self-Justifications of the Ancient Near East*. and Warren. What Archaeology Can and Cannot Do*. SBT 2/9. 46-83. In Legacy of Egypt. New York. 14-30. Whitelam.. R. G. Biblica 55 (1974): 265-280. BA 34/3 (1971): 70-76. 1956. K W. Winton Thomas. 262ff. ZAW84 (1972): 460-493. Toronto. London. The Literary and Historical Problem of Joshua 10 and Judges 1*. Gene. In The Seed of Wisdom: Essays in Honour of T. 1956.N. The "Israel Stele" of Merenptah*. pp.J. H. 1971.N.C.R. . Brandeis University. Metahistory.J. 'Egypt and Israel*. pp. 1981. Wright. London. 'Historical Records of Assyria and Babylonia*. R. Wise. "'Heiliger Krieg" in Israel und Assyrien: Kritische Anmerkungen zu Gerhard von Rads Konzept der "Heiligen Krieges im alien Israel1". In Documents from Old Testament Times. 137-141. History. London. Whitehead. Homewood. by J.E. JSOT 35 (1986): 4570. 1958. A. Wiseman. *Historicism. 427-433. T. [NICOT]. Williams. by D. by W. The Question of Narrative in Contemporary Historical Theory*. The Book of Joshua.

Clines. JSSEA 8 (1978): 70. 'A New Egyptian Source for the History of Palestine and Syria'. C.. Fowl. and S. [El Ha'ayin. Zimanksy. Military and Archaelogical Aspects of the Conquest of Canaan in the Book of Joshua. ^Merenptah's Palestinian Campaign'. UF 11 (1979): 825-832. 1987. Paul E. JPOS 14 (1934): 194-229. 41. S. 1971. N. In The Bible in Three Dimensions. pp. The Israelite Conquest of Canaan. The Enemy in the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The "Ethnographic" Description*. 409-424. Tanammuwa and Bar-Rakib: Two Structural Analyses'. The Figurative Aspect and the Contextual Method in the Evaluation of the Solomonic Empire (1 Kings 1-11)'. [Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. Zaccagnini. InARINH. 1981. 'An Urartean Royal Inscription in the Report of Sargon's Eighth Campaign'. 1990). Yurco. JSOT 40 (1987): 110-117. Younger. Yadin. 1965. 2 Vols. pp. Jr. Trans.M. Porter (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. K.Ed. The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands: In the Light of Archaeological Study. In Assyrien und seine Nachbarn. Pearlman. Berlin. II. Ecology and Empire: The Structure of the Urartian State. Rome. Y. . by F. by M. New York. Jerusalem. F. In Search of History*. 260-264.L. Fales. by D. Yeivin. pp. Vol. 'Some Observations on the Idea of History among the West Semitic Peoples'. Istanbul: Nederslands Historisch-Archaeologisch Institut in Het Nabije Oosten. S. JANES18 (1986): 91-103. 1985.358 Ancient Conquest Accounts Wyatt. The Oriental Institute. 'A Critical Review of John Van Seters. 1]. Ed. 1963. 142-160.

by and large. Notes and Syntagmic Analysis This appendix offers a syntagmic identification and analysis as well as a selective presentation of particular issues concerning textual transmission and other important exegetical points.M. cannot be sustained. One should compare the listing of Assyrian syntagms. and that the difference between these two texts are such that a third text must be assumed. Translation. It appears that H.3 The Syntagms of Joshua 9-12 The following is a list of the Hebrew syntagms which occur in Joshua 9-12.APPENDIX JOSHUA 9-12 Text. Fortunately. Max L. which he then modified in the direction of a general curtailment. Orlinsky was correct in his arguments that the translator of the OG of Joshua was faithful to his text. that the differences between the OG and the preserved Hebrew are due to the fact that behind the OG of Joshua lay a different Hebrew Vorlage from that of the preserved Hebrew.1 His methodology was. his assessment that the OG translator utilized a text almost identical to the MT. 72-78). The MT and the Greek version of the book of Joshua do not coincide at every point (this is surely litotes!). Margolis turned his attention to Joshua in order to present a text as close as possible to the original form of the Old Greek. sound and the results have stood the test of time.2 However. A — Spatio-Temporal Coordinates This function typically includes syntagma like: A2: a1-2: A2: . especially in the case of the connotations and extensions (pp.

this function is connotated by either ' or a . G^is: G2 = G* H — Pursuit The pursuit of the enemy is an important syntagmic function in the narrative: L — Outcome of the Combat Like the Assyrian syntagma." G — Flight Like in the Assyrian syntagma. A list of conquered cities is represented by L* " M — Submission Seen in the syntagma: and . Common syntagma include: L1*' L»* L1" Lm&. Hence. this function is divided into two areas: destruction (L1) and acquisition (L2).360 B — Disorder Ancient Conquest Accounts This represents the breakdown of order caused by the enemy often communicated in the form of a report: C — Divine Aid Here the two most common syntagma are: C2 (the oracle):: C* the divine intervention :: Extensions used with this function are Cf <v E — Move from place to place Two common syntagma used in tills function are: E11 E« F — Presence The function is expressed in the narrative by the syntagm: and he took up positions against it.

they also6 resorted to shrewd trickery. the Hivites. 4. 3 4 A2 0s u 5 6 [f] 3. 5. They went as a delegation7 after they had loaded on their donkeys worn-out sacks and worn-out wineskins. And they wore worn-out and patched sandals on their feet. the Perizzites. . the Canaanites. 2.Appendix: Joshua 9—12 N — Exemplary Punishment Often expressed by the following syntagm: But also connotatedn O — Consequences These syntagma represent this function: o» o7 Q — Return Obviously used in this regard is: 361 Text and Translation Chapter Nine 4 1 A2 2 G1 1. tattered and mended. and all along the sea coast of the Great Sea as far as Lebanon—the Hittites. the Amorites. But When the inhabitants of Gibeon heard what Joshua had done to Jericho and Ai. they came together and united to fight against Joshua and Israel. and the Jebusites—heard about these things. When all the kings west of the Jordan who were in the hill country. the Shephelah.

and they said to him and to the men of Israel: We have come from a distant land. Then they went to Joshua in the camp at Gilgal. and all that He did to the two kings of the Amorites east of the Jordan: .' 7 V 8 8 10 11 12 13 7. The men of Israel said to the Hivites: 'But perhaps you live near us. And they said to Joshua: *We are your servants!' But Joshua said to them: Who are you? And where do you come from?' 9. 10. 6. And they said to him: *Ybur servants have come from a very distant land because of the fame of YHWH your God. make a treaty with us. and all that He did in Egypt. For we heard of his reputation. How then can we make a treaty with you?' 8.362 Ancient Conquest Accounts And all the bread of their provision was dry and mouldy.

But the Israelites did not attack them because the leaders of the congregation had sworn an oath to them by YHWH. W 14 15 M 14. king of Heshbon and Og. Y1 19 20 . Then the Israelites set out. These our clothes and sandals are worn out by the very long trip"'. 17. The men9 (of Israel) sampled the provisions. the God of Israel. Then Joshua made peace with them. make a treaty with us'. But they did not inquire of YHWH. and the leaders of the congregation ratified it by oath with them. Beeroth. Moreover.Appendix: Joshua 9—12 363 11. our elders and all the inhabitants of our land8 said to us: "Take provisions for your trip. And these wine-skins which we filled with wine were new. who (reigned) in Ashtaroth. 16 X E L1* 17 18 16. Three days after they had made the treaty with them. and Kiriath Jearim. Kephirah. 12. to Sihon. go and meet them and say to them: *We are your servants. king of Bashan. and on the third day came to their cities: Gibeon. 15. and look (now) they are cracked. 13. This bread of ours was hot when we packed it at our homes on the day that we left to go to you. they heard that they were neighbors. 18. But now look it is dry and mouldy. living near them. and he made a treaty with them to let them live.

and to wipe out all of the inhabitants of the land from before you. when you actually live near us?! 23. but let them be woodcutters and water-carriers for the entire congregation'. We are now in your hands. 25. Whatever seems good and just to do in your eyes do to us'. the God of Israel. They answered Joshua saying: 'Because your servants were clearly told that YHWH your God had commanded his servant Moses to give you all the land. 26 M . then Joshua summoned them and spoke to them saying: "Why did you deceive us by saying: "We live a long way from you". This is what we will do to them: We will let them live so that wrath will not be upon us for breaking the oath which we swore to them'. 19. y2 22 23 When the leaders had spoken to them. But all the leaders said to the entire congregation: *We have sworn an oath to them by YHWH. 20.364 Ancient Conquest Accounts 21 Then the entire congregation murmured10 against the leaders. 24 Y8 25 24. And the leaders said to them: 'Let them live. So we did this thing. You are now under a curse: You will never cease to serve as woodcutters and water-carriers for the house of my God'. 22. we feared for our lives because of you. 21. and we can not injure them now.

joined forces and came up—they and all their armies. and that the inhabitants of Gibeon had made peace with Joshua13 and Israel. So Adonizedek king of Jerusalem. 2.11 Chapter Ten 1 A* 2 Ga 3 G* 4 1. the king of Lachish. 3. 27. the king of Hebron. as he had done to Jericho and its king. . Piram16 king of Jarmuth. sent to Hoham king of Hebron. they very afraid14 because16 Gibeon was an important city like one of the royal cities. and (that) they (Joshua and Israel) were in their midst. Then the five kings of the Amorites—the king of Jerusalem. because it has made peace with Joshua and the Israelites'. Now when Adoni-Zedek. the king of Jarmuth.Appendix: Joshua 9—12 365 27 26. heard that Joshua had captured Ai and had totally destroyed it. 5 G2 GS 5. Thus he did to them and rescued them from the hand of the Israelites. 'come up to me. Japhia king of Lachish. and because it was larger than Ai and all its men were warriors. and the king of Eglon. And on that day Joshua made them woodcutters and water-carriers for the congregation and for the altar of YHWH: until this day at the place which YHWH chooses.12 king of Jerusalem. and help me to attack Gibeon. and Debir king of Eglon. saying: 4.

7 E 8 C2 C L N 7. I have delivered them into your hand. So Joshua went up from Gilgal. and attacked it. 8 B 6. .19 and who smote them up t« Azekah «nd up to Makkedah. Come up to us quickly. 8. who18 smote them in a great victory at Gibeon. and more of them died -from the hailstones than were killed by the swords of the Israelites. by having marched up all night from Gilgal. Joshua came upon them suddenly. he and all the people of his army and all of the elite warriors. because all of the Amorite kings have joined forces against us'. 9 E* 10 C4 L«P 11 H L«" G* C* N 9. and rescue us! Help us.366 Ancient Conquest Accounts They took up positions against Gibeon. and who pursued them on the road of the ascent of Beth Horon. And YHWH said to Joshua: *Do not be afraid of them.17 10. YHWH threw them into confusion before Israel. Then during their flight from Israel oan the descent of Beth Horon to Azekah. 11. YHWH hurled stones20 down on them from the *ky. Not one man of them will be able to withstand you'. Then the inhabitants of Gibeon sent to Joshua in the camp at Gilgal saying: *Do not abandon your servants.

Surely YHWH fought for Israel! [Then Joshua and all Israel with him returned to the camp at Gilgal. and the moon stopped. 14. It was related to Joshua: *we have found the five kings hiding in the cave at Makkedah'.Appendix: Joshua 9—12 12 367 a2 C4 N 13 14 Q 12.]23 16 G« G« L*' 17 18 19 H c4 16. and said in the presence of Israel: 21 15 'Sun. So the Sun stood still. At that time. and they had hidden in the cave at Makkedah. Moon. Now these five kings had fled. on the day that YHWH gave the Amorites over to Israel. (a day) when YHWH listened to a man. 18. overthe valley of Ayalon'. Joshua said: 'Roll large stones up to the mouth of the cave. and delayed going down about a complete day. Joshua spoke to YHWH. . until the nation avenged itself on its enemies. stand still over Gibeon. There has never been a day like that day before or after. 13. 17. and post some men there to guard it. Is it not recorded in the Book of Yashar?22 So the sun stopped in the middle of the sky.

Thus they did. for YHWH your God has given them into your hand'. Now as Jo? Hua and the Israelites24 victoriously finished exterminating them completely. 21. So they came near and placed their feet on their necks.26 2 N 23 24 22. Joshua said: 'Open the mouth of the cave. 23. 20 L1 G43 G44 31 Q [] 20. 24. Joshua called all the men of Israel27 and said to the chiefs of the army who had come with him: 'Come near and place your feet on the necks of these kings'. although the survivors ran away from them and entered their fortified cities. Pursue after your enemies. When they had brought these kings to Joshua. the king of Hebron. the king of Lachish. bringing out these five kings out from the cave—the king of Jerusalem.368 19. All the army returned safely to the camp26 to Joshua at Makkedah. 25 26 L«" L"" . Ancient Conquest Accounts But do not stay there. and cut off their retreat! Do not let them enter their cities. and the king of Eglon. the king of Jarmuth. No one uttered a word against the Israelites. and bring those five kings out to me'.

Then Joshua struck them. Because this is what YHWH will do to all the enemies you are going to fight'. do not be discouraged. and they were left hanging on the trees until evening. 28 29 30 31 32 34 34 \* + U* L1*5" L1* L1" N a1-2 LK C* I** L«« L1" N a1-* F L* C* L*5 L«* Lnt N a* + G s Lw<* L1" a1-2 F . And he hung them on five trees. 26. Be strong and courageous. 27 N« Nf 27. And they placed large28 stones (back) over the mouth of the cave which are there until this selfsame day. and they took them down from the trees. At sunset Joshua gave the command. and threw them into the cave where they had been hiding.Appendix: Joshua 9—12 369 N 25. Joshua said to them: 'Do not be afraid. and put them to death.

31. He left no survivors there. but Joshua smote him and his army.29 and he destroyed it and everyone in it. and YHWH gave it into the hand of Israel too. and [he destroyed it] and everyone in it.]32 And he (Joshua) put it and everyone in it to the sword. . And he did to its king as he had done to the king of Jericho. On that day Joshua took Makkedah. He put the city and its king to the sword. YHWH gave Lachish into the hand of Israel. He took up positions against it.370 Ancient Conquest Accounts 35 38 L* C< L*« Lm L"« N aw L« L*« L»?» L1" N Lm 38 au L« 39 Lac&. At that time. Then Joshua and all Israel with him moved on from Lachish to Eglon. They took up positions against it. Lm L" N Lm 1 28. Then Joshua and all Israel with him moved on from Libnah to Lachish. and he took it on the second day. 30. until no survivors were left.** He left no survivors. 29. [and they took it and its king. He put it to the sword. 33. and attacked it. 32.33 according to all that he had done at Libnah.31 and he did to the king of Makkedah as he had done to the king of Jericho. Horam king of Gezer had come up to help Lachish. He attacked Libnah. Then Joshua and all Israel with him moved on from Makkedah to Libnah. and attacked it. 34.

and they put them to the sword.39 the Shephelah. 38. Joshua smote them from Kadesh-Barnea. according to all that they had done to Eglon. 36. And [YHWH gave it into the hand of Israel. (including) the hill country. All these kings and their lands Joshua conquered in a single campaign. They left no survivors. And they put it to the sword and everyone in it on that day. 42. together with their kings. He left no survivors. 37.38 40 L« L1" Lnt C4 L'« 41 42 L**. They completely destroyed it and everyone in it.]40 . They took it and its king and all its villages. Then Joshua returned with all Israel to the camp at Gilgal. They completely destroyed everyone there. [43. 39. Then Joshua and all Israel with him marched up from Eglon3* to Hebron. As they had done to Hebron so they did to Debir and its king like they had (also) done to Libnah and its king.Appendix: Joshua 9—12 371 35. and from the whole land of Goshen to Gibeon. the Negev. Then Joshua and all Israel with him turned around. C4 43 Q 40. and the mountain slopes. And they attacked it. 41. They completely destroyed them. just as YHWH the God of Israel had commanded. to Gaza. He totally destroyed all who breathed. They took it. because YHWH the God of Israel fought for Israel. Thus Joshua smote the whole region. they left no survivors. according to all that they had done to Lachish. and attacked Debir.]34 [and] they took it on the same day.36 and they put it and its king and all of its towns37 and everyone in it to the sword.

4. king of Acshaph. and to the Hivites below Mt. And all these kings joined together. Hermon in the region of Mizpah. and they came and made camp together at the Waters of Merom. and in the Arabah south of Kinnereth. and the Jebusites in the hill country. to fight against Israel.43 the Hittites. 7 8 E* L«* C4 L"" H Lw L1" C2 N 9 . to the king of Shimron. to the Canaanites in the east and on the west the Amorites. he sent to Jobab king of Madon.372 Chapter Eleven Ancient Conquest Accounts 1 A* G* 2 3 4 G2 G* 6 1. 8 C* (5 'L5 N 6. and to the kings who were from the northern hill country. You are to hamstring their horses and burn their chariots'. as numerous as the sand on the seashore. to the 2. 5. because by this time tomorrow I will hand all of them over to Israel. YHWH said to Joshua: 'Do not be afraid of them.41 and in the Shephelah and in Naphath Dor42 on the west. They came out and all their armies with them and a large number of horses and chariots—a huge army. the Perizzites. slain. Now when Jabin king of Hazor heard of this.

And YHWH gave them into the hand of Israel. 13. and they smote them until there were no survivors left. At that time: Joshua turned back. because Hazor had been the head of all these kingdoms. 9. Yet Israel did not burn any of the cities on their mounds. and captured Hazor.46 . and they smote them. Joshua took all these royal cities and their kings. and attacked them. And he put them to the sword. 11.44 and the Valley of Mizpah on the east. and pursued them as far as Greater Sidon and Misrephoth Maim. 8. not sparing anything that breathed. 373 So Joshua and his entire army came against them suddenly at the Waters of Merom. So Joshua did to them as YHWH had said: He hamstrung their horses and burned their chariots. 10 a2 L«« L1*" L»* L»5 L1" L1* 11 10. He put its king to the sword. as Moses the servant of YHWH had commanded. He totally destroyed them. And they burned Hazor. They totally destroyed them. 12 L2K5n 13 Lin° L»« C2 Li-at La* Ls3a. L«* L1" L1" C2 14 15 12. They put everyone in it to the sword.Appendix: Joshua 9—12 7.

He captured all their kings. the inhabitants of Gibeon. They took them all in battle. the Shephelah. Joshua made war on all these kings for a long time. and so Joshua did. There was not one city which made peace with the Israelites. As YHWH had commanded Moses his servant. 20. the whole region of Goshen.46 but all the people they put to the sword. which rises towards Seir. 15.374 Ancient Conquest Accounts except Hazor which Joshua burned. and he smote them. all the Negev. and put them to death. For it was YHWH himself who hardened their hearts to make war against Israel. not sparing anyone who breathed. as YHWH had commanded Moses. except for the Hivites. the Arabah. 21 a2 Lin . 19. in order that He might destroy them completely without mercy being shown to them. 18. their foothills. until they had exterminated them. and the mountains of Israel with 17. He left nothing undone of all that YHWH had commanded Moses. 14. 16 I/* 18 19 20 L*" L»« L13° L15 G* G* L2* C4 «L13 •L"> C2 16. So Joshua seized this entire land: the hill country. to Baal Gad in the Valley of Lebanon below Mount Hermon. in order that he might exterminate them. from Mount Halak. The Israelites carried off for themselves all the plunder and livestock of these cities. so Moses commanded Joshua.

22. Sihon. from all the hill country of Judah. and destroyed the Anakites from the hill country: from Hebron. No Anakites were left in Israelite territory. Debir and Anab. At that time: Joshua went. and Ashdod did any survive. and from all the hill country of Israel. which is the border of the Ammonites—including half of Gilead.Appendix: Joshua 9—12 375 L" L1" L1-" 22 21. only in Gaza. just as YHWH had said to Moses. And Joshua gave it as an inheritance to Israel according to their tribal divisions. Then the land had rest from war. And they dispossessed their lands over east of the Jordan: from the Arnon Gorge to Mount Hermon. So Joshua took all the land. He ruled from Aroer on the rim of the Arnon Gorge—from the middle of the gorge—to the Jabbok River. 23 La C2 O6 O7 23. These are the kings of the land which the Israelites smote. Joshua totally destroyed them and their towns. who reigned in Heshbon. Chapter Twelve 1 L«Ln 1. including all the eastern side of the Arabah: 2 L"* 3 4 6 2. . king of the Amorites. Gath.

Moses. all of Bashan to the border of the people of Geshur47 and Maacah. —the hill country. He ruled over Mount Hermon. 7 U* O* 8 7. the Arabah.376 Ancient Conquest Accounts 3. and the Israelites conquered them. Canaanites. the desert and the Negev—(the lands of) the Hittites. who reigned in Ashtaroth and Edrei. Joshua gave it to the tribes of Israel as an inheritance according to tribal allotments. And the territory of Og king of Bashan. Hivites and Jebusites: 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 Lp* 19 20 21 22 23 24 . the servant of YHWH. Salecah. 8 L* O* 6. to Beth Jeshimoth. Amorites. (He also ruled) over the eastern Arabah from the Sea of Kinnereth to the Sea of the Arabah—the Salt Sea—. These are the kings which Joshua and the Israelites smote on the west side of the Jordan: from Baal Gad in the Valley of Lebanon to Mount Halak. and the half-tribe of Manasseh to be their possession. 4. And Moses the servant of YHWH gave their land to the Reubenites. the Gadites. and then southward below the slopes of Pisgah. 8. and half of Gilead to the border of Sihon king of Heshbon. one of the last of the Rephaites. the western foothills. the mountain slopes. 5. which rises towards Seir. Perizzites.

who . In the expression nan Bi. As it stands. 6. then the stress would be on the Canaanite kings immediate response to the destruction of Ai in 8:28-29. Textual Studies in the Book of Joshua. The functions occurring in this section are: U = the preparation of the deception. there is a reference implied to what Joshua had done at Jericho and Ai so that there is an ironic twist.J. The Booh of Joshua in Greek. the fall. 4. as well as an emphasis on the 'aliens who lived among them* (8:35b) which is immediately followed by the story of how the 'alien' Gibeonites came into the Israelite camp (9:3ff). pp. 1931. Auld. 5. if the Greek Vorlage is maintained. Margolis. Y = the consequences [it is divided into three sub-functions: Y1 = the decided action in response to the deception. H. while the MT probably preserves the correct order. Greenspoon. 3-6).G. 2. 3. p. VTS 30 (1979): 1-14. the unit poses the sharpest possible contrast with the resourceful response of the Gibeonite dwellers' (pp. Notes To Appendix 1. Holmes argued for this understanding (Joshua: The Hebrew and Greek Texts. etc. See also A. 'Joshua: The Hebrew and Greek Texts'. Also S. 1. W = the result of the deception (i. VT 17 (1968): 187-195. X = the discovery of the truth.. On the other hand. Paris. Y2 = the confrontation. 261-262). The Israelites. however.M.Appendix: Joshua 9-12 9 king of Jericho king of Jerusalem king of Jarmuth king of Eglon king of Debir king of Hormah king of Libnah king of Makkedah king of Tappuah king of Aphek king of Madon king of Shimron Meron king of Taanach kingofKedesh king of Dor in Naphoth Dor48 24 kingofTirzah 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 377 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 king of Ai (near Bethel) king of Hebron king of Lachish king of Gezer king of Geder kingofArad king of Adullam king of Bethel king of Hepher king of Lasharon king of Hazor king of Acshaph king of Megiddo king of Jokneam in Carmel king of Goyim in Gilgal49 thirty-one kings in all. Max L.). Orlinsky. Y3 = the revelation of the cause of the deception]. The Hebrew "Vorlage" of the Septuagint of the Book of Joshua'. OG inserts 8:30-35 here.e. L. V = the execution of the deception. Boling states: "It is not impossible that the LXX is correct in reading 8:30-35 next.

Margolis stated: 'apparently read ivavPl and IIOKI (Joshua in Greek. Num. 14-17. 59:16 and here. Gesenius favored ni»*l stating: 'HITHPAEL T»UYH Josh. It is reminiscent of the Exodus and Numbers contexts in which the people of Israel murmured against the leaders . Boling feels that this reading is reflected in the *LXX. (trans. this is certainly not the explanation in every instance. 258). p.. 151)." But no other trace of this form and signification is either found in Hebrew. The latter occurs nowhere else in Scripture' (Joshua. where 'txtoiifoaVTO K a i fjetoi/iAaavTo' s e e m s t o r e f l e c t a Hebrew text that has been obscured by haplography: "ptyum TV/U'TI. p. 8. may be "they betook themselves to the way. see also. Boling feels: '(tuovaAvrtt. The Hebrew text should be restored TTUJni TVitt'i. B). 257). Barthelemy hesitantly favors the MT. C). The OG reads: dKouoxSvreg. But Barthelemy points out that D'K'Vn is not employed in this narrative without the determinative of the genitive mvn (vss. The textual problem here is difficult. 19 and 21) (Critique textuelle. it is also possible that the term was added to continue the thought started in v. p. and the ancient interpreters have all given it as TT>t3Y "they furnished themselves with provisions for the journey. which appears to me preferable' [Gesenius' Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon. Boling argues that the OG (61 apxovtes) reflects D'JnVnn and is a 'scribal anticipation of their pivotal role and the repeated references to this group in the remainder of the chapter* (Joshua. 14. 7. 15-17. 8. The Book of Joshua. are themselves now the victims of deception. whereas major Hebrew witnesses read only the second verb. p.g. 15). Margolis. probably reflects a converted imperfect (as at the beginning of 2:11) lost by haplography in MT: wy[Sm'w wy]'mrw' (Joshua. 709]. E. Woudstra. see: Critique textuelle. There are three positions which scholars have taken on the problem in the past: A). 155. or in Aramaean. p. Hence the implication is that D'YJJKii is the better reading. The reading of the MTs rPinm is favored. A few manuscripts read only the first verb. 15 and 18) or in the immediate context of the word (vss. However. E. 159)." as in ver. There are other places where the Greek has added in order to amplify the text (see for example 9:27 below). S. p. 10. Some of the proponents of this argue that the reading ntum is only a conjecture of the translators of the ancient versions. 258. While many of the differences between the Greek and MT must be attributed to the Greek translators using a different Vorlage then the MT. The verb 7 15 meaning to murmur against' (KBL p. p. We understand the verbs TTUXM 135'1 as a hendiadys. The reading ITtMf'l is favored. p.g. 9. Joshua in Greek.P. 157).. p. 10. n. 9:4. 12. 477) occurs only in Ex. The Book of Joshua in Greek. Ps. See also: Margolis. Tregelles). p.378 Ancient Conquest Accounts had used trickery and deception to conquer Jericho and Ai.

B-McL p. Greenspoon 17. . 275). Adoni-bezek sounds very much like Adoni-zedek in Joshua 10. p. the event bears all the marks of verisimilitude' (JNES5 (1946): 108). 167). 709). then Joshua may preserve not only the original reading of the name but perhaps also a more reliable tradition regarding the incident itself. Doling adds that 'Adonibezeq is most likely a title. For these reasons it is commonly thought that the two were one and the same. See: Barthelemy. Furthermore. Again. p. 11. Wright argued that the original form of this name may well be preserved in the MT of Joshua since Judges 1 is full of difficulties. 172. ^rOlil 70 ntJV nti'On tn is a noun clause used in an adverbial accusative of manner (Williams. He argued that pix 'JJTX was a later attempt to adapt this tradition to Jerusalem ('Jerusalem und die israelitische Tradition'. in Gesammelte Studied*. Critique textuelle. 275). p. The same spelling is encountered in the MT and LXX in Judges 1:5-7. p. 171) and esp. 168. 170). and *bezek' does not seem to meet these requirements. p. Syntax. note the irony. In addition. Immediately after their great victories at Jericho and Ai and after the covenant renewal in the midst of the promised land the people murmur. Margolis gave the best explanation for this lengthy phrase: The plus was introduced by the Greek translators to mitigate the zeugma' (Joshua in Greek. While Boling sees a haplography in the MT.Appendix: Joshua 9-12 379 of the nation. 14. p. p. If that is the case. 18. OG: cpeftwv MT: OK1Q. The beginning of the next chapter has ^n'T which could have easily confused the reading of mrp at this point. p. 15. 167-168 and B-McL. 16. While Wright's argument concerning the sounds of Adonibezeq and Adoni-zedeq could go either way. 13. 17. However. Boling feels that the MT has sustained a haplography so that the text should read: }mVP [ron VUMIP] n»c (p. The OG here and in verse 3 reflects pra '3TK in its Hebrew Vorlage (Margolis. (p. we believe that he is correct concerning the second element of the name. pp. not a name' (p. As recounted in Joshua. The second element according to ancient nomenclature should be either the proper name of a god or an appellative of such a god. G. OG: A&ovip«£eK MT: pisr >3TK. see also. 68). The final [iccpio?] has the overwhelming support of the Versions and should be included. Joshua. 81). 709). we feel that the Greek witnesses an amplification of the text (Margolis. from no other source do we know of a town named Bezek in southern Palestine. The plural reading would be further supported by the suffix on the last word of verse 1 (impa). 12. More serious is the name of the king itself. 119). The analogies of 9:2 and 10:4 and the plural ViPI seem to indicate that this is correct. See Margolis (p. Soggin. The OG has a lengthy addition at this point (see: Margolis. We are understanding the subject of the three Svaw'-clauses as Israel'. Noth felt that this reflected the original in Joshua 10.E. M.

it is unlikely that the OG translator would have failed to translate ni^ni had it been present in his Hebrew Vorlage. 670).380 Ancient Conquest Accounts 19. However. He argues: 'instead of translation "h"lo" by the rhetorical question. upper and lower* (p. We agree with Boling and retain the rhetorical question (note: whether a rhetorical question or statement. Introduction to the Old Testament. 803). 177). pp.g. Greenspoon argues that it is probable that in the text underlying both the OG and MT traditions 'stones' stood unmodified at this point.. 285). Kraft. p. In the OG Vorlage 'stones' became "hailstones' (xaM^Tjg) drawn from a clause later in this same verse (113). there are also two others. Boling opts not to restore this to the text and/or translation (p. E. Harrison. Joshua. 50. 20. 4). JTS 11 (1910): 518ff. 69-70). 23. 119). 277). However. C. Both the OG and the MT readings arose from marginal glosses (see. Hence the literal repetition of verse 15 in verse 43 amti- . p. that the quote comes from the Book of Yashar). lines 31-32. But Doling argues: 'Here and in the next verse LXX reads "Horonaim. p. Verses 15 and 43 are missing in the best witnesses to the OG (See Margolis. Textual Studies. Perhaps the Hebrew text of LXX had a 'mem' enclitic which was no longer understood as such' (Joshua. The glossator did not recognize the digressionary character of w 12-14' (p. 21. Concerning Jrtn. p. The ending is dual and may be taken as referring to the two (Beth)-Horons. The OG reflects 031111 or a similar form in its Hebrew Vorlage. 181 and 205. A number of scholars have concluded that the verses are not original. 119). p. p. Soggin states that the translation should be 'Surely*. 119). Soggin argues that this is 'improbable since it introduces a town which is found only in Moab in the OT and on the Mesha stele. While this is certainly a possibility for the insertion of the verse.F. First. it seemed better to translate it as a 'lamed' affirmative' (Joshua. Boling argues: The statement is probably a gloss that seeks to understand where Joshua received the report with which the next unit begins. To us the Greek seems to be amplifying. pp. The OG adds significantly to the text. 276). one is found in Bb(?)e(?)G8cgiknoqrv(mg)x y'(?)z(mg)AEfS. 22. and S. It was not an anthology in which poetic compositions by David and Solomon were included and must be regarded as pre-monarchic (see R.' but he does not explain the prefixed interrogative particle' (Boling. x^^lS is f°r m^TX by interpretation from what follows (p. WBII. the meaning is still the same: namely. 276). While a translation is lacking in the OG. The Book of Yashar probably comprised an ancient national song-book that may have originated as early as the period of the Wilderness wanderings (Thackeray." which need not be the Transjordan town of that name. but <5uteotpei|»ev in 10:43 in Gbcxz(mg)AEcS (sub x G3). p. But Boling objects stating: 'Soggin revowels as lamed' affirmative and translates 'Surely. While Holmes and Soggin argue for the originality of the OG (Joshua: The Hebrew and Greek Texts. Joshua. OG: AC0oug xa^&lSAccording to Margolis. Holmes.K. DMfl is translated Jjceo-tpetjiev in 10:15. p. verse 15 could be a part of the quote from the book of Yashar (the quote = 12-15). Is it not written?'.

LXX*8 lack an equivalent for n:non 5K. Hence the purpose of the second of the repeated phrases is to return the reader to the scene in which the first phrase occurred. 290). Second. 126-129).. LXX has the verbs in different persons. Head nmit (OG has *v erfrt$) instead of MT DniK (Margolis. The OG lacks a translation of ^na. 70-71. This seems to be the most likely explanation in our opinion for verses 15 and 43. 29.g. Berlin. thus the meaning is: *he put them (the population and king) under . 277). 27. 26. pp. Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative. 120). and wrote jKivta lapatjX. E. p. E. in Scripta Hierosolymitana 28 (1978): 9-26. 24. pp. This is necessary because in the interlude the reader was taken to a different scene. Boling. Boling sees this as haplography (P. See Greenspoon.. however. 11:21-23 and 14:6-15) narrates events that are roughly simultaneous [the former emphasizing Joshua's role (as primary) and the latter Caleb's role (as secondary) in the conquest of the Anakites]. Here and in the verses that follow. The Presentation of Synchroneity and Simultaneity in Biblical Narrative'. p. although it is found in the asterisked addition of Origen. The same idiom is found in Ex. Talmon. The OG translator probably did not read ul'K in his Hebrew Vorlage here. Textual Studies. ll:7a 'But among all the Israelites not a dog will bark at any man or animal'. Along these lines one might then see the two verses functioning as an inclusio which sets off the section (16-42). 30. roughly simultaneous section (see: 8. and a complete formulation where this is not so in MT (Joshua. and emphasized to the ancient reader that he was entering a digressionary. 108-109). This is a narrative technique whereby the narrative can convey somewhat simultaneous events.e. Such a technique may be involved in the scribal repetition of the return voyage of Pharaoh in Sfficke V-VI of Annals of Thutmose III. 7i\tf} Y"in i» literally 'sharpen the tongue against' (KBL p. Joshua. the return of the Israelites to Gilgal may be a type of resumptive repetition. and A. Another example of resumptive repetition in Joshua can be seen in the phrase found in ll:23b and 14:15b: yiKHl non^OQ nupY7 :: then the land had rest from war'. argues that while the equivalent for rotJQ roc 1 is lacking in LXX*8 and may be secondary. Soggin argues that n:Da roc 1 is missing in the LXX and 'from the stylistic point of view is an addition in the Hebrew. to see what was happening there at roughly the same time as the intervening events. there is a chiastic pattern in the 1st half of the verse (direct object:: verb :: temporal phrase :: verb :: direct object) which argues the contrary (p. 28. 336).Appendix: Joshua 9—1% 381 cipates the literal course of events (Delitzsch. Merrill argues that the Svaw' on n)Cl should be understood as a Svaw explicativitum' (GKC @ 154a) so that the plural MT is preferable. The section preceding both verses (i. 190). pp. Some have argued that the MT is the lectio difficilior' and hence retain the reading on IK. 25. Now he returns to his original point.

OG lacks Q31^y/9 as the result of inner-Greek halpography involving *[ic . pp.. For the OG see: B-McL p. 290). p. The MT and OG Vorlage evince contrasting omissions (Boling. 715. 290). 290. 34. in H Chron. p. 191. p. in Jos. 13:30 we see that ~PV can be the equivalent of 'settlement': . It is probably best to see it as original (see chart. 16). 192. to no city (such as Debir in v. p. 39) are other cities attributed in the Bible. Thus the singular seems preferable. 714 and Margolis. Debir and ten other cities in xv 48-51 'and their settlements' (-up-crm)' (ibid. the syntagmic structure seems to argue for the singular (Of. Boling. 290. it is 'settlements' (iinjm). and Boling. Quite simply Orlinsky is wrong! Three examples will demonstrate: First. p. See Margolis. p. p. Judah and Israel). 31. 42:11 we are told that the desert has CPIV: MT: OG: Third. Hence we read: 1*3 w miP fn'31 35. 196). p. see: B-McL p. the verse should be restored (see chart. Restored from the OG after an obvious haplography (so Boling. Lost by haplography in LXX** (cf. He saw this as a dittography 'only after original anxn (53 nxi il35o ran) (LXX Tdg K<&vag afrcfjs = anjffl! —^had become corrupted into preserved any)' (VT 17 (1968): 192).. 33. Boling. 203-206 above). Second. p. This sentence fell out through haplography as Boling suggests (p. eveiy person in it—he left no survivor' (GTJ 3 (1982): 14. This syntagxn is evident in almost every episode of this section. 14:14 (MT v. 290). While this ia a possible explanation. 192)..ell? (cf. Soggin. not 'cities' (any) that are thus associated. n. 36.382 Ancient Conquest Accounts the ban. 13) we find: OT: OG: fdsfgfgvfg Thus the city of Gerar (which is not one of the two capitals) is attributed with any. 120. that is. (Cf. also 10:30c and 10:39c. Cp. Margolis. 290): MT: OG: In light of the structure. 205-206 above). Orlinsky argued that the phrase any 53 I1K1 a35a OKI was lacking in the Hebrew Vorlage to the OG and was a later post-LXX accretion in the Hebrew text (JAOS 59 (1939): 22-37 and VT 17 (1968): 192). OG adds teatftiajieqpevy&g(see Joshua 8:22).. pp. 10:37e: IMC >l>Q3n 53 run annc mnn mO. Thus TJnlike the capital cities Jerusalem and Samaria (which may be treated as synonymous with their respective countries. 32. 37. in Isa.

Appendix: Joshua 9—12 MT: OG: 383 Cp. The phrase is thus retained. This is far more plausible than the argument that the longer reading is secondary and based on a supposed but unattested prior corruption which must be posited' (p.g. 321. Boling believes the LXX anticipation of 'Greater Sidon' in v. 201). 303).i35Q}l J13355 iWJ» l¥»m is lacking in LXXB and thus is often considered to be secondary (e. See Soggin's discussion of m ma 33 (Joshua. 'ayin. 44. 313m. 190. 716): AGGKNOabcghykp stv-b2 $. 285. Barthelemy argues similarly: lei. situee egalement par rapport a (la mer de) Kinerot' (p. See the discussion at 11:2. 47. 291). p. au sud de Kinerot" a done bien des chances de designer la meme depression. Doling rightly understands there to be a sizeable halpography. 20). also I Chron. 39. livestock of these cities'. 19:15. Boling correctly points out the reading should be tells* or 'mounds' following the plural in the LXX as opposed to the MTs o?n (p. p. Doling argues in favor of retaining it as original: 'But this is the last of six victories (seven including the Gezer force). p. For mttxa 5i3l see Boling. 46. and Coptic (Sahidic"). 42. Boling correctly notes the chiastic pattern (Canaanites: east :: west: Amorites) which is obscured by the misdivision in the LXX (where both groups are 'on the west*) (p. 40. . Margolis. 301). Critique textuelle. 43. See Greenspoon. it is attested in numerous Greek manuscripts (according to B-McL p. we should expect special treatment. However. 10:37 is within its semantic range. n. 296) and Greenspoon (pp. 45. Armenian. Concerning D'Q niQIM/a. 41. 49. 4243). p. See our discussion of this verse in note 23 above. especially in view of the frequency with which LXXA is proving now to be the carrier of superior readings' (p. .. 290). triggered this development which ends with "Kabbah opposite Kinnereth' (p. "la Araba. 38. see: Barthelemy. 20. Thus the usage of vy in the context of Jos. 8 and a loss of one letter. 134). 27:25 and Jer. 48. See Boling (p. This is lacking in the LXX and Syriac. and Orlinsky's 'supposed corruption' is mythical. 301).

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31. 256. 269 Colie 268 Cook 272 Coote 256. 282. 306-308 Freeman 314 Frei 272 Friedman 275. 255.329 Craigie 329 Cross 34. 326 Bull 165-167. 271 Cassuto 277 Ceram 292 Cerny 303. 284 Edel 305 Edgerton 312 Edzard 280 Egan 37.257.298. 258. 269 Danto 40. 312. 313. 126. 272 Barthelemy 378. 272 Coats 26. 325. 315 . 214. 325. 282-284 Fensham 310 Finkelstein. 379. 325. 323. 313. 67-71. 269 Dray 274 Dus 212. 321 Cilingiroglu 289 Clements 38. 293. 316. 62. 329 Callaway 328 Cancik 54. 321. 267 Fishbane 227. 267. 318. 330 Braudel 271 Breasted 301 Brett 274 Bright 212. 298 Carr 32. 188. 319. 294 Bewer 314 Billerbeck 288 Boling 310.INDEX AUTHOR Abel 314 Abercrombie 284 Aharoni 171.318 Frandsen 185. 328 Finkelstein. 34. 313. 280 Finley 25. 40. 292. 71.271 Barr 37-39. 272 EUiger 316 Eph'al 327 Fales 56. 297. 318. 243. J. 290. 313 Coggins 272 Cohen 28. 288. 297. 292 Auld 247. 32. 260. 270 CoganSll. 327. 33.308 Burrows 278 Butler 220. I. 276. 324 de Vaux 212. 64. 278-281 Baumgartner 280 Beck 270 Beckman 269. 377 Aynard 321 Barnes 33.313 Brinkman 287-289 Brueggemann 254. 172. 278-280. 312-314 de Filippi 290 Delitzsch 288. 275. 41. 301 Al-Rawi 321 Albrektson 277. 323 Ceuppens 313 Child* 242. 29. 39. 247. 278. 326.279 Alt 310 Alter 39. 381 Derrida 28. 61. 284-286. 377-383 Borger 280. 329 Cuddon 29.276 Friedrich 296. 383 Barthes 56. 251. 324. 275 Archi 269. 308.J. 55.328. 272 Althusser 276 Apter 47. 141-145. 273.313 Eco 49. 321. 278.

292. 261. 42. 271. 280. 305 King.313 Holmes 377. 67. 131. 309 Gray 223. 267-269. 324. 275-277.313 Hirsch 269 Hoffmeier 178. 316. 329 Grayson 69.275. 307. 136. 380 Hornung 176. 323 Geertz 48-50. 268. 318 Heller 212. 303.276 Gardiner 172. 300. 312. 270 Imparati 296 Jameson 28. 294. 310 Grintz 310 Guidi 271 Gunkel 32. 273. 126. 128. 326 Gould 275 Grapow 171.279. 258. 275. 27.386 Ancient Conquest Accounts Hegel 268 Helck 168. 301. 280. 72. 310. 383 Gressmann 32.314 Lemche 256. 190. 314. 305 Houwink ten Cate 296 Huizinga 26. 293. 279. 315. 302. 295. 330 Greenspoon 377.296 Kramer 317 Krecher 279. 308. 268. 304.290 Lee 270. 295-297 Holladay 212-214. 254. 319. 260. 276. 297. 312. 137. 283 Kammenhuber 125. 275 Hall 215 Hallo 52-53. 312 Guterbock 125. 289.299. 298. 247. 299. 305. 294. 317 LaCapra 29. 276 Gelio 311 Gerhart 269 Gese 165. 297 Kupper 315. 303. 288. 330 Harrison 314. 308.269 Ladurie 281 Lambert 281 Landsberger 271 LeGac 286. 301. 319. 295 Kaufmann 225.298 Gibson 319 Giveon 306 Goedicke 305 Goetze 128. 268. 324 Lidzbarski 319 Lie 61 Liver 310 Fritz 327 Furet 281 Furlani 320 Gaballa 317 Gadamer 269 GaddSll Garbini 267. 322 Kearney 310 Kemp 298. 276. 280 Iggere 267. 321 Kinner-Wilson 288 Kitchen 177. 380 Hayes 306 Hecker 283 . 144-145. 284. 325. 293 Levine 34. 308 Kempinski 137. 300. 292. 179. 269 Jepsen 291 Johnson 48. 125. 297. 131. 275. 303.257. 295-297 Habermas 48.281 Kummel 295. 292. 316. 296. 307. 318-320. 324. 296. 323 Goldwasser 307 Goody 274 Gottwald 253.328 Levi-Strauss 283 Levin 41. 310 Halpern 213. 317 Hamlin 248. 303. 130. 309 Hoffher 30. 268. 273. 79. 316. 379-381. 271. 269. 249. 280 Gurney 128-130. 271. 299. 311. 315 Koiak 137.

298. 383 387 Orsini 269 Otten 129.288.294. 329 Lloyd 298 Long. 271. 306. 249-251. 293. 282. 329 McEvenue 318 Meissner 289 Melchert 296 Mendenhall 242. 281. 382.302. 288.319-320 Press 128. 168. 276 Shirun-Grumach 173.126-128. 274.321 Morenz 175.279. 272 Schoks 56.303 Oden 32.288. 236. B.297 Otto 167. 305. 277 Luckenbill 283. 307. 321 Rogerson 270.278 Schrader 290 Schramm 286. 275. 377-383 Mayer 289. 33. 327 Reisner 309.291. 320 Shils 49.180. 272 Rollig 280.319. 53. 300. 322-325. 283 Saporetti 296 Sawyer 212. 267. 220-223. 237 Scheil 315 Schneidau 39.313. 225. 232. 326 Rokeah 37. 319 Roussel 313 Rowton 283 Ryckmans 319 Safar 286 Saggs 272. 280 Muller 258. 300. 310. 379-383 . 325 Moore 243.316 McCarter 287 McCarthy 258. 302. 271.330 Mink 273 Mink 42 Mohlenbrink 310 Mond 319. 274-277. 233. 292-294.290 Oppenheun 64. 273. 310-317. 290 Schulz 313 Scott 313 Segert 319 Sethe 308 Shaw 30.281. 278 Olmstead 66. 277. 379 O'Connor 178.Index Liverani 61-67. 315 Smart 283 Smend 329 Soggin 217.315 Nash 33.303 Mowinckel 52.313. 275. 271 Neu 130. 315. 315.311 OrenSOG Orlinsky 359. 236. 279.282288. 201.325 Michel 286-288.291. 329 Na'aman 287. 277. 269. 299 Page 290. 275 Machinist 298 Maisler 277 Malamat 279 Malbran-Labat 312 Mandelbaum 274 Mannheim 48. 288.289 Lukacs 48. 318. 269 Shik 319.247. 377. 229.328 Puhvel 297 Rainey 306 Redford 299.295. 318 Renger 280 Ricoeur 269.311.279.296 Noth 171. 324 PiepkornSll Pitard 234. 313. 330 MiUard 34.298. 277.291 Paley 290 Percy 276 Pfeiffer 40. 271.319.272 Rigg 289 Roberts 53. 291. 57.296. 276 Marazzi 294 Margolis 359.

308 Wiseman 287. 311.276. 181. 165-168. 72.272 Williams 166. 277.329 White 35. 53. 329 Twaddle 282 Unger 330 Ungnad 287 Van Seters 26. distortion 47-51. 257. 281.298. 283 'Complete Conquest' 241-247 contextual approach/method 5255 date of composition 261. 327 Yeivin 321 Yurco 323 Zaccagnini 63. 37. 263. 311-314. 329 Whybray 36. 54. 304. 299.277.298. 330 SUBJECT administration of ideology 65. 215. 321.388 Ancient Conquest Accounts Waldman 31. 272 Display Texts—see: Summary Texts 268. 268. 128. 329 Weinstein 305 Weippert 287. 168. 318 Whitehead 273 Whitelam 256. 328. 272 Waldow 260. 316. 250 false consciousness 47-51.379 Wilson 288.307 Trompf 270 Tucker 248-251. 269. 292 Stager 323. 272. 307. 293. 274 direct speech 36-37. 279. 170-174. 44. 327. 308 'Enemy* 67-69. 27. 271. 291.327.329 Watt 274 Weber 275 Weidner 286. 279. 273 Streek 310 Tadmor 39. 295 Stephenson 313 Sternberg 43. 269.323. 234. 272. 174. 38. 67. 317 Spalinger 55. 276. 381 Thackeray 380 Thiele 287 Thureau-Dangin 289 Toorn 277 Trigger 188. 324. 312 Woudstra 378 Wright 246. 177-185 eyewitness 40-41. 329. 290 Sollberger 315.271. 330. 72. 308. 267. 310 Starke 294. 261-262.280. 308-309. 185-189 annalistic texts 68. 279. 330 . 79.271. 318 Egyptian genres 168-175 Egyptian ideology 169. 79-115. 269. 277. 182183. 308. 282. 234. 198. 312.289 Weinfeld 214.306. 193 generic approaches 61. 280.67. 299-305. 275. 305. 312-315. 79. 45. 281-286. 330 Assyrian ideology 64-69. 270.282. 305. 290. 379 Wyatt 279 Yadin 324. 270. 298. 29-31. 295. 267. 315319. 292. 175189.302 depictive imagery 199. 315 Wise 36. 274. 260. 331 Speiser 278. 62. 278. 325. 168. 281.288 Wolf 209. 283. 53. 300. 324 Stambovsky 199. 278. 194. 170. 55.274. 292 genre 61. 131. 271-274. 298. 330 Talmon 274. 282 figurative account 45. 62.

177. 185.189. 306-308 intentionality 273 Israelite ideology 232-234. 321.327 'story1 37-45 Summary Texts 72. 290. 308. 115-119.184. 175. 329 impartial 126 imperialism 65-66. 290 suspension of disbelief 55-56 Syntagms of the Assyrian Texts 72-79 Syntagms of the Hittite Texts 132-135 Tagebuchstil 171 Thucydides 37. 253. 219.256. 280. 282 . 255. 193 Nhtw: the Literary Reports 172173 Nhtw: the Daybook Reports 170172 objectivity 271 panku 128. 269. 184. 282.219. 300 semiotics 275. Protector of Egypt 176. 243-245. 175. 258-260. 72. 253. 76.175. 234.311 Habermas 271.189. 300. 128-130. 282-284. 267. 194.192. 227-228.271.Index German historiographic tradition 267 girru 123.278 Hittite ideology 128-130 Hittite syntagms 132-136 holy war 220. 64-68. 320. 177.270.194. 125-128.276. 169. 71-73.282 Metonymy 192. 320 iterative scheme 223-228 iw.123.167 Shasu 255. 191. 314. 253. 329 hyperbole 190. 294. 232-237. 323 'ideas of history' approaches—see: 'sense of history' Ideal Chronicle 40-41. 278. 275 hailstones texts 168-170. 295 veracity 64. 129. 380 Herem 135. 279 Marxist 275. 325. 296. 184.302 political history 167.250 ideology 62.170.272 umma formula 128 vengeance 129.202. 276.216. 283. 170. 282 'sense of history' 62. 276. 299 Letters to the God 72. 300 jural aspect 236. 234. 251. 295. 313. 275. 325. 281. 253. 123.194. 130. 253 389 KOnigsnovelle 168. 265.212. 235-236. 204. 235-236 high-redundance message 71.177 reconstruction of Israelite history 279 reconstructional approaches 61 royal ideology 73. 322 Greek historiography 53-55 Gyges 201. 130. 300 historicism 268. 214. 263. 215. 294 parataxis 277 piSnadar 136.

255. 218-223. 325.200 11:1-15 251 11:18-19 246 11:6 229 12 197.247 16:10 242. 253. 198. 308. 258. 298-300. 292. 308. 246. 330 10 197-202.271. 228. 309. 295. 263. 254.247 17:12 244.211. 323. 287. 243. 243. 319-321. 237. 378. 378-380. 329. 215. 289. 229. 237. 330.198 9:1-2 197 9:3 197.200 9-12 197-199. 310.279. 315. 251. 272. 268. 233-236. 381. 382. 379 5:20 218. 304-306. 303. 268. 242. 304.211 10:11 209. 286. 303-305. 289. 205.247.249. 295-298. 229. 381 12:2-5 230 12:7 198 12:7a 230 12:7b-8 230 12:9-24 230 13:lb-2a 244 13:30 383 15:63 244. 242. 321. 279. 275. 314.241. 384 10:10 205. 244. 293. 251-253.315 1 Samuel 14:23-24 215 .225 10:16-43 253 10:28-39 261. 209. 198. 204. 293. 236 10:12b-13a 212 10:13 215. 228. 244. 207. 244. 320-323. 325. 236. 320 10:29 248 10:40-42 211. 263. 266. 317. 200. 384 9:1 251 9:1 197. 286.237. 200-202. 311. 29. 225-229. 307. 378-382. 230-232. 288. 325. 317-321. 204-207. 313. 251. 204-209.251 10:42 209 10:8 229 10-11 244. 241. 281. 379. 31.295 10:14 218 10:16-27 220. 247. 298. 317. 248. 237. 377-379. 212. 292. 258. 310.253 11 197.313 10:11-15 208 10:12-14 313 10:12-13a 313 10:12-14 211. 326. 232. 323-325. 384 11:1 197. 199-201. 270-272. 268. 290. 281. 292. 261. 271. 319-322.222. 319. 237. 268. 230. 279-281. 244.390 Ancient Conquest Accounts SCRIPTURE Joshua 2-11 247 9 197. 242. 251. 253. 270. 259. 211-215. 307. 330. 254.234. 325. 308. 296. 309. 274. 274.214. 245. 200. 226.244. 241. 313-317. 329. 309. 246.247 Deuteronomy 17:14-20 255 Judges 1 198. 311-313. 281. 212.227 10:28-42 226. 288. 265. 279. 234. 292.

128. 228.221. 223. 221. 260. 130. 293. 321 Hittite AnittaText 130-132 Proclamation of Telipinu 30. 330 Tell Al Rimah Stela 121-122 Sheikh Hammand Stele 330 Samsi-AdadV 262 Sargon II 115. 286. 262. 317. 228. 291. 311 Standard Inscription 120-121 Annals 94-99 Shalmaneser III 99-110. 284. 330 Assurbanipal (Prisms A. 319 Extensive Annals 137. 230.310. 289. 30.262. 215. 262. 132. 94-99. 281. 315.311. 244. 329 . 70. 315. 244.260 Apology 29. 282. 269. 324. 312. 290. 293 HattuSilil 137-140 Concise Annals 137-140. 297. 319. 14:46) 122 Murfiili H 126. 297 Suppiluliuma's Treaty with Mattiwaza (BoST 8. 289. 207-209. 318. F. 295.202. 286. T) 39. 277. 321. 326 Adad-nirari III 121. 244 Hattusililll 30. 262. 282. 297 Deeds of Suppiluliuma 160-163.198. 326 Walters Art Galley 230-231 Annals 111-115 Esarhaddon 39. 310 Ashur-Dan 90-94 Assur-nasir-pal 72. 158-160 Ten Year Annals of Mursili II 140-158. 322-324 Detailed or Comprehensive Annals 140. 288. 248. 290 Letter to the God 115-119 Annals 262 Sennacherib 221-224. 203. 236.201. 272. 231. 31? Tukulti-Ninurta I 285. 127. 245. 285. 283.71. 312. 296 CTH9:6 137 Suppiluliuma 126. 319. 319 AnnalsofTiglath-Pileserl 79-89. 292. 144.Index 2 Samuel 21:1-14 200 391 Habakkuk 3 218 2 Chronicles 14:13 382 Isaiah 42:11 382 ANCIENT TEXTS Assyrian Shalmaneser I 224. 288.

181. 309 Thutmose IH Annals 55. 315 Merenptah Israel' Stela 173. 169-174. 217. 304. 309 Hatshepsut 302. 193 Medinet Habu 169. 258. 304-306 Tomb biography of Ahmose son of Ebana 171 Tel Sera' Hieratic Ostraca 307 Tombos Stela of Thutmose I 173 Thutmose II 168.319 .221. 174. 221. 256. 183.190. 317.231. 216.14 183 Beth-Shan Stela 303. 381 Armant Stela 172-175. 304. 309 Memphis and Karnak Stelae 171 Great Sphinx Stela at Giza 303 Thutmose IV 304 Amenhotep III 171. 178. 319 Athribis Stela 173 Ramesses III 169. 249. 323 Undated War Scene: KRIII. 321 Nabopolassar 236. 301. 302. 301-303. 232. 304. 190. 190. 263.183. 309. 232. 327 Harnesses H 169.279. 315. 192. 308. 301. 172. 174. 176. 309 Piye Stela 300. 183. 309 Bubastis Fragment 171 Assuan Philae Road Stela 304 Amenhotep IV 304 Seti I 173.7 183 List of Southern Lands 309 Amenhotep II 171. 189. 217. 176. 304. 315. 187. 303. 319. 154. 298 Iliad 215. 305 Stuck V 183. 304.204. 299-303. 301.392 Egyptian Ancient Conquest Accounts Admonitions of Ipuwer 177 Amenemope 301 Merikare 177 Ramose 173. 308.3 183 Undated War Scene: KRI II. 258.245. 303. 272. 227. 308 Gebel Barkal Stela 173. 317 Dedication Inscription: Urk. 271.174. 255. 252. 178. 173. 224. 166. 309 Psammetichus III Stela 304 Other Bar-Rakib 272 Enmetena 317 Herodotus 53. 301. 329 Poetical Stela 192. 300.191. 304. 183. 299. 222. 231. 758.314 Josephus 287 Mesa Inscription 227. 272 Zakkur 229. 308. 309. 191. 252. 235.174. 256. 227. 324 Karnak War Inscription 177. 302. 188. 204. 171. 305. 317. 172.188. 309. 307-309. 302. 165. 316. IV. 305. 321 Nebuchadnezzar I 321 Quintilianus 25 Puzur-In-SuSinak 216 Samsu-iluna 122 Thucydides 37. 302 Stiicke V-VI 173. 180. 315. 323 Kadesh Inscription 169. 323. 179. 176. 191. 319. 171-174. 245. 324 Stuck I 171.

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