Oxford University Press, Amen House, London E.C. 4 GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI CAPETOWN IBADAN Geoffrey Cumberlege, Publisher to the University

Gesenius, F. W. (2003). Gesenius' Hebrew grammar (E. Kautzsch & S. A. E. Cowley, Ed.) (2d English ed.) (Page i). Bellingham, WA: Logos Research Systems, Inc.



THE translation of the twenty-sixth German edition of this grammar, originally prepared by the Rev. G. W. Collins and revised by me, was published in 1898. Since that date a twenty-seventh German edition has appeared; and Prof. Kautzsch was already engaged on a twenty-eighth in 1908 when the English translation was becoming exhausted. He sent me the sheets as they were printed off, and I began revising the former translation in order to produce it as soon as possible after the completion of the German. The whole of the English has been carefully compared with the new edition, and, it is hoped, improved in many points, while Prof. Kautzsch’s own corrections and additions have of course been incorporated. As before, the plan and arrangement of the original have been strictly followed, so that the references for sections and paragraphs correspond exactly in German and English. Dr. Driver has again most generously given up time, in the midst of other engagements, to reading the sheets, and has made numerous suggestions. To him also are chiefly due the enlargement of the index of subjects, some expansions in the new index of Hebrew words, and some additions to the index of passages, whereby we hope to have made the book more serviceable to students. I have also to thank my young friend, Mr. Godfrey R. Driver, of Winchester College, for some welcome help in correcting proofs of the Hebrew index and the index of passages. ‫.בן חכם ישמח אב‬ Many corrections have been sent to me by scholars who have used the former English edition, especially the Rev. W. E. Blomfield, the Rev. S. Holmes, Mr. P. Wilson, Prof. Witton Davies, Mr. G. H. Skipwith, and an unknown correspondent at West Croydon. These, as well as suggestions in reviews, have all been considered, and where possible, utilized. I am also much indebted to the Press-readers for the great care which they have bestowed on the work. Finally, I must pay an affectionate tribute to the memory of Prof. Kautzsch, who died in the spring of this year, shortly after finishing the last sheets of the twentyeighth edition. For more than thirty years he was indefatigable in improving the successive editions of the Grammar. The German translation of the Old Testament first published by him in 1894, with the co-operation of other scholars, under the title Die Heilige Schrift des A Ts, and now (1910) in the third and much enlarged edition, is a valuable work which has been widely appreciated: the Apocryphen und Pseudepigraphen des A Ts, edited by him in 1900, is another important work: besides which he published his Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramäischen in 1884, two useful brochures Bibelwissenschaft und Religionsunterricht in 1900, and Die bleibende Bedeutung des A Ts in 1903, six popular lectures on Die Poesie und die poetischen Bücher des A Ts in 1902, his article ‘Religion of Israel’ in Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible, v. (1904), pp. 612–734, not to mention minor publications. His death is a serious loss to Biblical scholarship, while to me and to many others it is the loss of a

most kindly friend, remarkable alike for his simple piety and his enthusiasm for learning. A. C.

Sept. 1910.

THE present (twenty-eighth) edition of this Grammar,1 like the former ones, takes account as far as possible of all important new publications on the subject, especially J. Barth’s Sprachwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Semitischen, pt. i, Lpz. 1907; the important works of C. Brockelmann (for the titles see the heading of § 1; vol. i of the Grundriss was finished in 1908); P. Kahle’s Der masoretische Text des A Ts nach der Überlieferung der babylonischen Juden, Lpz. 1902 (giving on p. 51 ff. an outline of Hebrew accidence from a Babylonian MS. at Berlin); R. Kittel’s Biblia Hebraica, Lpz. 1905 f., 2 vols. (discriminating between certain, probable, and proposed emendations; see § 3 g, end); Th. Nöldeke’s Beiträge zur semit. Sprachwissenschaft, Strassburg, 1904; Ed. Sievers’ Metrische Studien (for the titles of these striking works see § 2 r). The important work of J. W. Rothstein, Grundzüge des hebr. Rhythmus, &c. (see also § 2 r), unfortunately appeared too late to be used. The two large commentaries edited by Nowack and Marti have been recently completed; and in P. Haupt’s Polychrome Bible (SBOT.), part ix (Kings) by Stade and Schwally was published in 1904. For full reviews of the twenty-seventh edition, which of course have been considered as carefully as possible, I have to thank Max Margolis (in Hebraica, 1902, p. 159 ff.), Mayer Lambert (REJ. 1902, p. 307 ff.), and H. Oort (Theol. Tijdschrift, 1902, p. 373 ff.). For particular remarks and corrections I must thank Prof. J. Barth (Berlin), Dr. Gasser, pastor in Buchberg, Schaffhausen, B. Kirschner, of Charlottenburg, (contributions to the index of passages), Pastor Köhler, of Augst, Dr. Liebmann, of Kuczkow, Posen, Prof. Th. Nöldeke, of Strassburg, Pastor S. Preiswerk junior, of Bâle, Dr. Schwarz, of Leipzig, and Prof. B. Stade, of Giessen (died in 1906). Special mention must be made of the abundant help received from three old friends of this book, Prof. P. Haupt, of Baltimore, Prof. Knudtzon, of Kristiania, and Prof. H. Strack, of Berlin, and also, in connexion with the present edition, Prof. H. 1 1 The first edition appeared at Halle in 1813 (202 pp. small 8vo); twelve more editions were published by W. Gesenius himself, the fourteenth to the twenty first (1845–1872) by E. Rödiger, the twenty-second to the twenty-eighth (1878–1910) by E. Kautzsch. The first abridged edition appeared in 1896, the second at the same time as the present (twenty-eighth) large edition. The first edition of the ‘Übungsbuch’ (Exercises) to Gesenius-Kautzsch’s Hebrew Grammar appeared in 1881, the sixth in 1908. SBOT. SBOT. = Sacred Books of the Old Testament, ed. by P. Haupt. Lpz. and Baltimore, 1893 ff. REJ. REJ. = Revue des Études Juives. Paris, 1880 ff.

Hyvernat, of the University of Washington, who has rendered great service especially in the correction and enlargement of the indexes. I take this opportunity of thanking them all again sincerely. And I am no less grateful also to my dear colleague Prof. C. Steuernagel for the unwearying care with which he has helped me from beginning to end in correcting the proof-sheets. Among material changes introduced into this edition may be mentioned the abolition of the term Šewâ medium (§ 10 d). In this I have adopted, not without hesitation, the views of Sievers. I find it, however, quite impossible to follow him in rejecting all distinctions of quantity in the vowels. It is no doubt possible that such matters may in the spoken language have worn a very different appearance, and especially that in the period of nearly a thousand years, over which the Old Testament writings extend, very great variations may have taken place. Our duty, however, is to represent the language in the form in which it has been handed down to us by the Masoretes; and that this form involves a distinction between unchangeable, tone-long, and short vowels, admits in my opinion of no doubt. The discussion of any earlier stage of development belongs not to Hebrew grammar but to comparative Semitic philology. The same answer may be made to Beer’s desire (ThLZ. 1904, col. 314 f.) for an ‘historical Hebrew grammar describing the actual growth of the language on a basis of comparative philology, as it may still be traced within the narrow limits of the Old Testament’. Such material as is available for the purpose ought indeed to be honestly set forth in the new editions of Gesenius; but Beer seems to me to appraise such material much too highly when he refers to it as necessitating an ‘historical grammar’. In my opinion these historical differences have for the most part been obliterated by the harmonizing activity of the Masoretes. .......... E. KAUTZSCH.

July, 1909.

Page 42, line 13 from below, for note 1 read note 3. Page 63, § 15 p. [See also Wickes, Prose Accentuation, 130 f., 87 n. (who, however, regards the superlinear, Babylonian system as the earlier); and Ginsburg, Introduction to the Hebrew Bible, 76, 78. In Ginsburg’s Hebrew Bible, ed. 2 (1908), pp. 108 f., 267 f., the two systems of division are printed in extenso, in parallel columns—the 10 verses of the superlinear (Babylonian) system consisting (in Exodus) of v.2.3–6.7.8– (as numbered in ordinary texts), and the 12 verses

ThLZ. ThLZ. = Theologische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schürer. Lpz. 1876 ff.

of the sublinear (Palestinian) system, consisting of v.2––16.17.—S. R. D.] Page 65, note 1, for ‫ אָָ֫א‬read ‫( אָָ֫֫א‬as § 105 a). ‫ֽנּ‬ ‫נּ‬ [Editions often vary in individual passages, as regards the accentuation of the first syllable: but in the 7 occurrences of ‫ ,אנא‬and the 6 of ‫ ,אנה‬Baer, Ginsburg, and Kittel agree in having an accent on both syllables (as ‫ )אָָ֣֗א‬in Gn 50:17, Ex 32:31, Ps ‫נּ‬ 116:16, and Metheg on the first syllable and an accent on the second syllable (as ‫)אָָ֣ה‬ ‫ֽנּ‬ in 2 K 20:3=Is 38:3, Jon 1:14, 4:2, Ps 116:4, 118:25, 25, Dn 9:4, Ne 1:5, 11, except that in Ps 116:4 Ginsburg has ‫—.אָָה‬S. R. D.] ֥ ‫נּ‬ Page 79, § 22 s, before ‫ הרּ ִי ֻהוּ‬insert exceptions to b are. After Jer 39:12 add Ps ‫ִ ְד פ‬ 52:5; and for Ez 9:6 read Ezr 9:6. [So Baer (cf. his note on Jud 20:43; also on Jer 39:12, and several of the other passages in question): but Ginsburg only in 10 of the exceptions to b, and Jacob ben Ḥayyim and Kittel only in 5, viz. Jer 39:12, Pr 11:21, 15:1, Ps 52:5, Ezr 9:6.—S. R. D.] Page 111, line 12, for ‫ ַהוּה‬read ‫. ַהוּא‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ה‬ Page 123, § 45 e, add: cf. also ‫ מהפּ ָה‬followed by ‫ ,את‬Is 13:19, Am 4:11 (§ 115 d). ‫ַ ְ ֵכ‬ Page 175, § 67; . See B. Halper, ‘The Participial formations of the Geminate Verbs’ in ZAW. 1910, pp. 42 ff., 99 ff., 201 ff. (also dealing with the regular verb). Page 177, at the end of § 67 g the following paragraph has been accidentally omitted: Rem. According to the prevailing view, this strengthening of the first radical is merely intended to give the bi-literal stem at least a tri-literal appearance. (Possibly aided by the analogy of verbs ‫ ,פ״ן‬as P. Haupt has suggested to me in conversation.) But cf. Kautzsch, ‘Die sog. aramaisierenden Formen der Verba ‫ ע״ע‬im Hebr.’ in Oriental. Studien zum 70. Geburtstag Th. Nöldekes, 1906, p. 771 ff. It is there shown (1) that the sharpening of the 1st radical often serves to emphasize a particular meaning (cf. ‫ ,ִָר‬but ‫ ָ ֵל ,ְגֹר֫הוּ‬and ‫ ,ִסֹּב ,ַ ֵל‬and ‫ ִשֹּׁם ,ָסֹב‬and ‫ ,) ֵשׁם‬and elsewhere ‫יגּ‬ ֵ ‫יח י‬ ‫יח‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ַ‫הּ‬ no doubt to dissimilate the vowels (as ‫ ִַל ,ִָר‬never ‫& ַָל ,ַָר‬c.): (2) that the ‫י דּ יגּ‬ ‫י ד יג‬ sharpening of the 1st radical often appears to be occasioned by the nature of the first letter of the stem, especially when it is a sibilant. Whether the masoretic pronunciation is based on an early tradition, or the Masora has arbitrarily adopted aramaizing forms to attain the above objects, must be left undecided. Page 193, the second and third paragraphs should have the marginal letters d and e respectively.

ZAW. ZAW, = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, Giessen, 1881 ff., and since 1907 by K. Marti.

Page 200, § 72 z, line 2, after Est 2:18 add 4:14. Page 232, § 84a s, add ‫ 2 שֹׁמ ָה‬S 13:20. ‫ֵמ‬ Page 236, § 85 c, add ‫ הְָ ָה‬Ezr 4:22. ‫ַ נזק‬ Page 273, § 93 qq end, add ‫ מוֹ ֵרוֹת‬Jer 5:5, ‫ שׁ ֵשׁים ,רבּ ִים‬Ex 20:5, ‫ שֹׁ ֵמוֹת‬Is 49:8, ‫ס‬ ‫ִ לּ ִ ֥ ִ ֵע‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ שֹׁמ ִים‬La 1:16 (cf. König, ii. 109). ‫ֵמ‬

The following abbreviations have occasionally been used for works and periodicals frequently quoted:— AJSL. CIS. = American Journal of Semitic Languages. = Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. = Biblia Hebraica ex recensione Sal. Norzi edidit Raphael Ḥayyim Basila, Mantuae 1742–4.

Ed.Mant. Jabl. JQR. KAT.3 Lexicon

= Biblia Hebraica ex recensione D. E. Jablonski, Berolini, 1699. = Jewish Quarterly Review. = Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 3rd ed. by H. Zimmern and H. Winckler, 2 vols., Berlin, 1902 f. = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, based on the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius, by F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Britts, Oxford, 1906.


= J. Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen. Lpz. 1889–94. = Nachrichten der Göttinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. = Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. Vienna, 1898 ff. = Realencyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed. by A. Hauck. Lpz. 1896 ff. = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology. London, 1879 ff. = Revue des Études Juives. Paris, 1880 ff. = The (Hebrew) Pentateuch of the Samaritans.



= Sacred Books of the Old Testament, ed. by P. Haupt. Lpz. and Baltimore, 1893 ff. = Theologische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schürer. Lpz. 1876 ff. = Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, ed. by A. Jeremias and H. Winckler. Lpz. 1907 ff. = Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, ed. by C. Bezold. Lpz. 1886 ff. = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by B. Stade, Giessen, 1881 ff., and since 1907 by K. Marti. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Lpz. 1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A. Fischer. = Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästinavereins, Lpz. 1878 ff., since 1903 ed. by C. Steuernagel.

§ 1. The Semitic Languages in General.
B. Stade, Lehrb. der hebr. Gramm., Lpz. 1879, § 2 ff.; E. König, Hist.-krit. Lehrgeb. der hebr. Spr., i. Lpz. 1881, § 3; H. Strack, Einl. in das A.T., 6th ed., Munich, 1906, p. 231 ff. (a good bibliography of all the Semitic dialects); Th. Nöldeke, article ‘Semitic Languages’, in the 9th ed. of the Encycl. Brit. (Dis semit. Sprachen, 2nd ed., Lpz. 1899), and Beitr. zur sem. Sprachwiss., Strassb., 1904; W. Wright, Lectures on the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, Cambr. 1890; H. Reckendorf, ‘Zur Karakteristik der sem. Sprachen, ’ in the Actes du Xme Congrès internat. des Orientalistes (at Geneva in 1894), iii. 1 ff., Leiden, 1896; O. E. Lindberg, Vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen, i A: Konsonantismus, Gothenburg, 1897; H. Zimmern, Vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen, Berlin, 1898; E. König, Hebräisch und Semitisch: Prolegomena und Grundlinien einer Gesch. der sem. Sprachen, &c., Berlin, 1901; C. Brockelmann, Semitische Sprachwissenschaft, Lpz. 1906, Grundriss der vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen, vol. i (Laut- und Formenlehre), parts 1–5, Berlin, 1907 f. and his Kurzgef. vergleichende Gramm. (Porta Ling. Or.) Berlin, 1908.—The material contained in inscriptions has been in process of collection since 1881 in the Paris Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. To this the best introductions are M. Lidzbarski’s Handbuch der Nordsem. Epigraphik, Weimar, 1898, in 2 parts (text and plates), and his Ephemeris zur sem. Epigraphik (5 parts published), Giessen, 1900 f. [G. A. Cooke, Handbook of North-Semitic Inscriptions, Oxford, 1903].

1. The Hebrew language is one branch of a great family of languages in Western Asia which was indigenous in Palestine, Phoenicia, Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Assyria, and Arabia, that is to say, in the countries extending from the Mediterranean to the other side of the Euphrates and Tigris, and from the mountains of Armenia to the southern coast of Arabia. In early times, however, it spread from Arabia over Abyssinia, and by means of Phoenician colonies over many islands and sea-boards of the Mediterranean, as for instance to the Carthaginian coast. No comprehensive designation is found in early times for the languages and nations of this family; the name Semites or Semitic1 languages (based upon the fact that according to Gn 10:21 ff. almost all nations speaking these languages are descended from Shem) is, however, now generally accepted, and has accordingly been retained here.2

1 1 First used by Sohlözer in Eichhorn’s Repertorium für bibl. u. morgenl. Literatur, 1781, p. 161. 2 2 From Shem are derived (Gn 10:21 ff.) the Aramaean and Arab families as well as the Hebrews, but not the Canaanites (Phoenicians), who are traced back to Ham (vv. 6.15 ff. ), although their language belongs decidedly to what is now called Semitic. The language of the Babylonians and Assyrians also was long ago shown to be Semitic, just as Aššur (Gn 10:22) is included among the sons of Shem.

2. The better known Semitic languages may be subdivided1 as follows:— I. The South Semitic or Arabic branch. To this belong, besides the classical literary language of the Arabs and the modern vulgar Arabic, the older southern Arabic preserved in the Sabaean inscriptions (less correctly called Himyaritic), and its offshoot, the Ge ez or Ethiopic, in Abyssinia. II. The Middle Semitic or Canaanitish branch. To this belongs the Hebrew of the Old Testament with its descendants, the New Hebrew, as found especially in the Mishna (see below, § 3 a), and Rabbinic; also Phoenician, with Punic (in Carthage and its colonies), and the various remains of Canaanitish dialects preserved in names of places and persons, and in the inscription of Mêša , king of Moab. III. The North Semitic or Aramaic branch. The subdivisions of this are—(1) The Eastern Aramaic or Syriac, the literary language of the Christian Syrians. The religious books of the Mandaeans (Nasoraeans, Sabians, also called the disciples of St. John) represent a very debased offshoot of this. A Jewish modification of Syriac is to be seen in the language of the Babylonian Talmud. (2) The Western or Palestinian Aramaic, incorrectly called also ‘Chaldee’.2 This latter dialect is represented in the Old Testament by two words in Gn 31:47, by the verse Jer 10:11, and the sections Dn 2:4 to 7:28; Ezr 4:8 to 6:18, and 7:12–26, as well as by a number of non-Jewish inscriptions and Jewish papyri (see below, under m), but especially by a considerable section of Jewish literature (Targums, Palestinian Gemara, &c.). To the same branch belongs also the Samaritan, with its admixture of Hebrew forms, and, except for the rather Arabic colouring of the proper names, the idiom of the Nabataean inscriptions in the Sinaitic peninsula, in the East of Palestine, &c.
For further particulars about the remains of Western Aramaic (including those in the New Test., in the Palmyrene and Egyptian Aramaic inscriptions) see Kautzsch, Gramm. des Biblisch-Aramäischen, Lpz. 1884, p. 6 ff.

IV. The East Semitic branch, the language of the Assyrio-Babylonian cuneiform inscriptions, the third line of the Achaemenian inscriptions.
On the importance of Assyrian for Hebrew philology especially from a lexicographical point of view cf. Friedr. Delitzsch, Prolegomena eines neuen hebr.-aram. Wörterbuchs zum A. T., Lpz. 1886; P. Haupt, ‘Assyrian Phonology, &c.,’ in Hebraica, Chicago, Jan. 1885, vol. i. 3; Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik, 2nd ed., Berlin, 1906.

If the above division into four branches be reduced to two principal groups, No. I, as South Semitic, will be contrasted with the three North Semitic branches.1

1 1 For conjectures as to the gradual divergence of the dialects (first the Babylonian, then Canaanite, including Hebrew, lastly Aramaic and Arabic) from primitive Semitic, see Zimmern, KAT.3, ii. p. 644 ff. 2 2 In a wider sense all Jewish Aramaic is sometimes called ‘Chaldee’. 1 1 Hommel, Grundriss der Geogr. und Gesch. des alten Orients, Munich, 1904, p. 75 ff., prefers to distinguish them as Eastern and Western Semitic branches. Their geographical position, however, is of less importance than the genealogical relation of

.All these languages stand to one another in much the same relation as those of the Germanic family (Gothic. but has also forced its way in all directions into the domain of other languages. and the prevalence of simple co-ordination of clauses without periodic structure. Serbian. occur peculiar gutturals of different grades. col. of which Coptic is a descendant. or preserved only in a debased form. ZDMG. Amharic). as compared with that of other languages. Ethiopic (Ge ez) in the later Abyssinian dialects (Tigrê. A considerable number of Semitic roots and stems agree in sound with synonyms in the Indo-Germanic family. 1901. and fem.e. within the same consonantal framework. as well as all the possessive pronouns and the pronominal object of the verb. 1906. Lpz. and is called IndoGermanic2 since it comprises. e. (g) great simplicity in the expression of syntactical relations. which reaches from India to the western limits of Europe. (b) the word-stems are almost invariably triliteral. 1846 ff. i. ZDMG. although many of them are found singly in other languages. p. Gött. especially the Indo-Germanic. composed of three consonants. Danish. These are—(a) among the consonants. (d) the noun has only two genders (masc. 2 2 First by Klaproth in Asia Polyglotta. although there is apparently more agreement here than in the grammar.). 1892. cf. From a lexicographical point of view also the vocabulary of the Semites differs essentially from that of the Indo-Germanic languages. exhibits numerous peculiarities which collectively constitute its distinctive character. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. They are now either wholly extinct. Greek. High and Low German in their earlier and later dialects). which in fact form the substance of these languages. the small number of particles. Bohemian). (f) the almost complete absence of compounds both in the noun (with the exception of many proper names) and in the verb. form a not unimportant exception as regards the last-mentioned point. ’ in the ZDMG.. Fischer. Classical Arabic and Syriac. xlvi. as the Phoenician and Assyrian. except in so far as they attempt a purely literary reproduction of the language of the Old Testament. With the Old Egyptian language. (c) the verb is restricted to two tense-forms. as Neo-Syriac among Syrian Christians and Jews in Mesopotamia and Kurdistan. the vowels are subject. Arabic alone has not only occupied to this day its original abode in Arabia proper. 291. but on the other hand there are fundamental differences between them. see Erman. Old Norse. the Indian (Sanskrit). 454. p. The Semitic family of languages is bounded on the East and North by another of still wider extent. and Brockelmann. Jeremias in Th. Gesellschaft. as rightly pointed out by A. 3. and peculiar expedients are adopted for the purpose of indicating the case-relations. Leo Meyer in Nachrichten d. Russian. But apart from the various groups of dialects. as well as Gothic and the other Germanic languages.. 1823. (e) the oblique cases of the personal pronoun. especially from a lexicographical point of view. The grammatical structure of the Semitic family of languages. i. Old and New Persian. ‘Das Verhältnis des Aegyptischen zu den semitischen Sprachen. or as the Slavonic languages (Lithuanian. especially in grammatical structure. Old Slavonic. and Hebrew among some modern Jews. in the most varied ramifications. Paris. Polish. Latin. 4. Swedish. Grundriss. the Semitic had from the earliest times much in common. with a peculiarly regulated use. as well as with the languages of north-western Africa.LZ. Lettish.g. Tigriña. by A. to great changes in order to express various modifications of the same stem-meaning. however. 93 ff. Slavonic. are denoted by forms appended directly to the governing word (suffixes). since 1903 ed. 3.

in Egypt. Skt. draws attention moreover to the Semitic equivalents for earth. As onomatopoetic words.’s. kapi. gam. yaruu). Assyr. ‫ )עַל . horn. ‫ל נ‬ ‫ָנ‬ canna. Germ. ‫ָ ַ ְ ָק‬ ‫גּל‬ ‫ָג ג‬ volvo. although it is possible that a pure Semitic ‫ יאר‬has been confounded with the Egyptian name of the Nile (so Zimmern). to lick. incense. PSBA = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology. Reuss.g. Skt. cassia. ‘Semitische Lehnworte im aälteren Griechisch. ἅµα (ἄµφω). seven. p. A. Berlin. by H. Sprachen. Friedr. PSBA. goat. ‫כּ‬ ‫ְצ ע‬ ‫גּמ‬ ‫ ע ָֽבוֹן‬ἀρραβών. Göttingen. cane.: some originally Semitic names of Asiatic products and articles of commerce. ham (sam). the real similarity may be reduced to imitative words (onomatopoetica). Arab. Persian gold ‫ֲ ַר‬ coin.S.אַָל‬κυλίω. park. 1898. ham. λιβανωτός.A. Möller in Semitisch und Indogermanisch. Germ. ii. ‫( פּר ֵס‬in Zend ‫ַ ְדּ‬ pairidaêza. to smell. Gk. Schriften A. Eng. Persia. 1902 f. cuminum.ח ַט . der hl. 1876 f. ‫ פּ ַק‬frango.ל ַק‬λέχω.). Studien über indogermanisch-semitische Wurzelverwandtschaft. camelus. Magdeb. ‫ ַם‬also. Zimmern and H. ‫ לחך . ‫ ק ִי ָה‬κασσία. with the corresponding sibilant Skt. ’ in Bezzenberger’s Beiträge zur Kunde der Indo-germ. On the other ‫ַ ְפּ‬ hand it is doubtful if ‫ קוֹף‬corresponds to the Greek κῆπος. or as stem-sounds of a similar character. karpâsa) cotton. to sound. The phonetic relations have been thoroughly investigated by H. Quae res et vocabula a gentibus semiticis is in Graeciam pervencerint. i. to grate. p. kam. E. to kneel. together. Ries. Aryo-Semitic Speech. ξυνόσ=κοινός. Andover. lih. Müller. sama. Comp. Ital. ’ in PSBA. 1879 ff. Konsonanten. Essentially different from this internal connexion is the occurrence of the same words in different languages. ξύν. &c. ape. to measure. ‘Mots égyptiens dans la Bible. a work which has evoked considerable criticism. as ‫( כּר ַס‬Pers. 2 vols. perhaps from the Malabar tôgai or tôghai.expressions actually borrowed (see below. Glossen zu Fick und Curtius. khârı̂dan. where one language has borrowed directly from the other. Cf. to well. KAT. ox. cum. (b) In Greek. Winckler.ח ַת . under i). samâ (with).T. ‫ ְבָֹה‬λίβανος.g. we may compare. 1907. vol. zusammen. McCurdy. sam. ‫ גּמע‬to ‫ֻמּ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫גּ‬ collect. Gesch. e. Braunschw. Germ. ‫ קֶה‬κάνη κάννα. clear. kratzen. lécher.). p. to place. arrha. ‫ בּוּץ‬βύσσος.. 1877. Germ. pledge. Such transitions have perhaps been brought about ‫ֵרּ‬ chiefly by Phoenician trade. 38. in Hebrew ‫אָ ַם‬ ‫מ‬ (whence ‫ א ָה‬people. Eng.3 = Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. to mix. in the sense of the German samt. ‫ָר‬ &c. U. κῆβος. from Egyptian yoor. hamah (at the same time). Lpz. ‫ָ ר ָ ר גּר‬ grattare. σύν. cumin. Germ. circumvallation=παράδεισος) pleasure-garden.3. byssus. or India. κάρπασος. Eng. Fr. and harder κοινός. ‫( ִם‬with) samt.ָ ַד‬χαράττω. cunctus. moreover. ‫ .. sammeln.. Skt. arrhabo. to scratch. Such loan-words are— (a) In Hebrew: some names of objects which were originally indigenous in Babylonia and Assyria (see a comprehensive list of Assyrio-Babylonian loan-words in the Hebrew and Aramaic of the Old Testament in Zimmern and Winckler. 648 ff. e. e. Lat. ὁµός. KAT. Gk. and to those in which one and the same idea is represented by similar sounds in consequence of a formative instinct common to the most varied families of language.. Semit. p. 1881. samt. Some of these words are also ‫ֻ ִיּ‬ found in Greek. 1881. ‫ ָ ָל‬κάµηλος. Copenhagen and Lpz. ‫ אד ְכּוֹן‬daric. ‫( ְאֹר‬also in the plural) river. Delitzsch. lecken. raven. yaro. but many of these instances are doubtful. carbasus. gratter. ‫ תּכִּים‬peacocks. 1873. &c. brechen. ‫( ָ ַל‬cf. generally as the name ‫י‬ of the Nile (late Egypt. Nöldechen. ὁµοῦ (ὅµιλος. London. Pers. for which an agreement in grammatical structure would also be necessary. quellen. properly assembly). wallen. Fr. karbâs. Pers.g. Neither of these proves any historic or generic relation. ‫ ַמֹּן‬κύµινον. 202 f. KAT. . ‫( אָ֫חוּ‬Egyptian) Nile-reed (see Lieblein.. Teil i. An example of a somewhat different kind is am. 3rd ed. lingo. ὅµαδος. cumulus. 273 ff. Goth. Skt. six.

15 ff. The cuneiform writing also runs from left to right. 109 ff. see § 5 a. H. i. J. Lewy. and Ephemeris (see the heading of § 1 a above). The old Greek. our knowledge of the Semitic characters. CIS. and are therefore often wholly omitted in Semitic manuscripts and printed texts.’ in the Transactions of the American Philological Association. Muss-Aruolt. some few old inscriptions exhibit. hieratischen Texten. CIS. = Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. Cf. 261 ff. No system of writing is ever so perfect as to be able (o reproduce the sounds of s language in all their various shades. iii. Punic). Lehnwörter in hieroglyph. note 3. 1907.. On the Assyrio-Babylonian cuneiform writing.. but this is undoubtedly borrowed from a non-Semitic people. the all but exhaustive bibliography (from 1615 to 1896) in Lidzbarski’s Handbuch der Nordsemitischen Epigraphik. Lpz. see the next note. The old Hebrew writing. but as a rule from right to left. and the writing of the Semites has one striking fundamental defect. of which the bronze howls from a temple of Baal (CIS. king of Moab (see below. In Ethiopic writing the direction from left to right has become the rule. ‘Semitic words in Greek and Latin. tab. and even alternately in both directions (boustrophedon). 1895. 22 ff. and especially § 5 e. p. § 7). has become considerably enlarged and more accurate. 5. and indirectly all European alphabets. Die semitischen Fremdwörter im Griech. It was only later that special small marks (points or strokes below or above the consonants) were invented to represent to the eye all the vowel-sounds (see § 8). although differing widely in some respects. § 5 d. and in the old Phoenician inscriptions. 1–5. i. ad fin. u.. i.-phöniz. p. the Siloam inscription (see below. that only the consonants (which indeed form the substance of the language) are written as real letters. 1886. 1837. 4 ff. viz. 173 ff. exhibits essentially the same character. last note. all varieties of Semitic writing. These are.Breslau. pp. almost invariably proceeds from right to left. as it appears on the oldest monument. Old-Hebrew. § 2 d). are descended from the old Phoenician writing (see § 5 i). See the Table of Alphabets at the beginning of the Grammar. which like-wise indicates the vowels. 35 ff. however.. which afterwards represented the vowels by small appendages to the consonants. Berlin. H. 142. p. For a more complete view. see Gesenius’ Scripturae linguaeque Phoeniciae monumenta. Giessen. superfluous for the practised reader. Cf. and on the origin of the Semitic alphabet.. Bondi. or by some other change in their form. the opposite direction. § 2 d). pt. Lips. 4 to. 1 1 So also originally the Ethiopic writing. Dem hebr. i. Sprachzweige angehör.. are derived from one and the same original alphabet.. i. pt. represented on extant monuments most faithfully by the characters used on the stele of Mêša . and Plate IV) are somewhat earlier than Mêša . From numerous monuments since discovered. however.2 With the exception of the Assyrio-Babylonian (cuneiform). 2 2 The Sabaean (Himyaritic) writing runs occasionally from left to right. .1 whilst of the vowels only the longer are indicated by certain representative consonants (see below. and his ‘Altsemitische Texte’. p. 1890. xxiii. especially the Phoenician. which shows the relations of the older varieties of Semitic writing to one another and especially the origin of the present Hebrew characters from their primitive forms.. moreover. ibid. Semitic writing.—On the origin and development of the Hebrew characters and the best tables of alphabets. Phoenician. Kanaanäische Inschriften (Moabite. and pt.

have developed most exclusively some of the principal traits of the Semitic race’.. 1907..C. cit. ZA.) and the Panammu inscription (740 B. The assertion that the Arabs exhibit Semitic characteristics in their purest form. and the organic structure of a language is often considerably impaired even before it has developed a literature. ed. 1886 ff. Lpz.. however. Arabia. 1906 (and in a cheaper form by Staerk. B.C.C. p. including the Hadad inscription of thirty-four lines (early eighth cent. by Sayce and Cowley. another question which of these languages has adhered longest and most faithfully to the original character of the Semitic. It is. B. i. p. p. ed. on which see Nöldeke. Die Aramäer. Šanda. 642]) only as a modification of the original. art. = Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete. Ethiopic translation of the Bible in the fourth or fifth century. however. 859–829 B.. the oldest literary remains of them are to be found in the Assyrio-Babylonian (cuneiform) inscriptions. (cf. The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania. as spoken by nations and races. in the reign of Shalmanezer II. by Sachau. and in its own way the Assyrian.1 with which are to be classed the earliest Hebrew fragments occurring in the old Testament (see § 2). are not in pure Aramaic. It must. 195]. 26). and that found at Teima. owing to the seclusion of the desert tribes. Syria. 1902. Bezold. Berlin. B. specially important being the papyri from Assuan ed. 376. For the more or less rapid transformation of the sounds and forms of a language. Littmann in the Monist. 1908. especially by early contact with people of a different language. Brit.1 Even here. however. be admitted that the former exalted estimate of the primitiveness of Arabic has been moderated in many respects by the most recent school of Semitic philology. Arabic.).. op. cf.C. (Sabaean inscriptions. 9. the inscriptions found at Nippur embrace the period from about 4000 to 450 B.. and those found in 1888–1891 at Zenjîrlî in N. in N.C.). ZA. North-Arabic literature from the sixth century A. should. p. is dependent on causes quite distinct from the growth of a literature. by C. Thus in the Semitic group. p. Spr. next to them the Hebrew-Canaanitish. 5 [=Encycl. in 1880. the Aramaic dialects exhibit the earliest and greatest decay. probably of the fifth cent. E. be rather that ‘the inhabitants of the desert lands of Arabia.D. Bonn.C. there appeared. 11 ff. ZA. and three others of 407 B. The earliest non-Jewish Aramaic inscriptions known to us are that of ‫ זכר‬king of Hamath (early eighth cent. according to Nöldeke.). xiv. which are precisely dated from 471 to 411 B. . Lpz. SEMITIC LANGUAGES. Ezr 6:3 ff. 1 1 Even now the language of some of the Bêdawı is much purer and more archaic than that of the town Arabs. The monuments of Kalammus of Sam’al. p. under the influence of the extraordinarily monotonous scenery and of a life continually the same amid continual change. Monuments of the Arabic branch first appear in the earliest centuries A. The Jewish-Aramaic writings begin about the time of Cyrus (cf. 1907). was the longest to retain the original fullness and purity of the sounds and forms of words.C.C.). 4 [and Cooke. A.6. through the 1 1 According to Hilprecht. London. ed. and which consequently represents to us the earliest phase of its development.D. Much apparently original is to be regarded with Nöldeke (Die semit. As regards the relative age of the Semitic languages.

(3) that it is a mistake to consider with some that the Aramaic. But even the toughest organism of a language often deteriorates. and this is the case with the Semitic languages. on account of its simplicity (which is only due to the decay of its organic structure). Buhl. as found in the sacred literature of the Jews. afterwards as a proper name for the south of Palestine) for the south. p. und Kirche. which gradually extended the name Jews. (2) that. Hence in the Old Testament Hebrews are only spoken of either when the name is employed by themselves as contrasted with foreigners (Gn 40:15. 1 and ‫ ְהוּ ִית‬in the Jews’ language 2 K 18:26. 1. The distinction between the names Hebrew (‫ עב ִים‬Ἑβραῖοι) and Israelites (‫ )בֵּי ִשׂר ֵל‬is ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ְנ י ְ ָא‬ that the latter was rather a national name of honour. from what has been said: (1) that the Hebrew language.’ in the forthcoming ed. Bd. Edinb. 3:18 &c. It thus occupies amongst them a position similar to that which Sanskrit holds among the Indo-Germanic languages. Jon 1:9) or when it is put in the mouth of those who are not 1 1 That Hebrew in its present form was actually developed in Canaan appears from such facts as the use of yām (sea) for the west.. has. ‘Hebrew.. It follows. which appears much later on the historical horizon. ii. A. an ever-increasing decay. ’ in Beiträge zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. Gesch. there still remains here and there something original and archaic. 506 ff. Lpz. 13) Neh 13:24. nègeb (properly dryness. Instead of it we find in Is 19:18 the term language of Canaan. and the book of Esther. or Gothic in the narrower circle of the Germanic. Sprache u. für prot. although it only appears as a written language at a later period. R. notwithstanding this fact. is the oldest form of Semitic speech. 1899. 1815. ‘Das klassische Arabisch und die arabischen Dialekte. ‫י ד‬ 28 (cf. has yet in many respects preserved a more complete structure and a more original vowel system than the other Semitic languages. while on the contrary. It is also called Ancient Hebrew in contradistinction to the New Hebrew of Jewish writings of the post-biblical period (§ 3 a). The name Hebrew Language usually denotes the language of the sacred writings of the Israelites which form the canon of the Old Testament. cf. that in its grammatical structure the ancient Hebrew agrees more with the modern than with the ancient Arabic.. and that the latter. 1984 ff. A. 1875. ‘Sprache. London. Lpz. p.revolutionary influence of Islam. F. Schrift. Hence the phenomenon. until Arabic at length reached the stage at which we find Hebrew in the Old Testament. Fuller proof of the above statements belongs to the comparative Grammar of the Semitic languages. in the midst of what is otherwise universal decay. hebräische. Smith in the Encycl.’ in Hastings’ Dict. The name Hebrew language (‫ ָשׁוֹן עב ִית‬γλῶσσα τῶν ‫ל ִ ְר‬ Ἑβραίων. § 2. p. vii (1899). Th. as in Haggai. W. with also a religious significance. at least in single forms and derivatives. Lukyn Williams.’ in Schenkel’s Bibel-Lexikon. In the last-cited passage it already agrees with the later (post-exilic) usage. however. Brit. ἑβραϊστί) does not occur in the Old Testament itself.. Ex 2:6 f. der hebr. we cannot at once and in all points concede priority to the latter. Jewish to the whole nation.. 325 ff. ‘Hebrew Language and Literature. Is 36:11. Theol. ii. §§ 5–18. 1901. of the Encycl. ‘Hebräische Sprache. 1 ff. Nehemiah. .. while the former appears as the less significant name by which the nation was known amongst foreigners. v.. p. already suffered more considerable losses than the Arabic. Nöldeke’s art.’ in Hauck’s Realencycl. Sketch of the History of the Hebrew Language See Gesenius. Cowley. in respect to its organic structure. Nöldeke. employed by the people themselves. Bibl. of the Bible.

.. the district on the other side of the Jordan (or according to others the Euphrates). and 26:14 is doubtful (cf. the name. which was found in the ancient territory of the tribe of Reuben. alone occurs.e. about twelve miles to the east of the Dead Sea. ‘the Hebrew. as well as in Josephus.1 The term ἑβραϊστί is first used. i.C. The meaning of the expression ἑβραῒς διάλεκτος in Acts 21:40.2 &c. Most of the fragments are now in the Louvre in Paris. the Hebrew genealogists have assigned to it a much more comprehensive signification.). f–h). on the spot. afterwards restricted in the form of the gentilic brı̂ exclusively to the Israelites.. Nordsemitische Epigraphik. and in the bibliography (under Me). The useful reproduction and translation of the inscription by Smend and Socin (Freiburg in Baden. Of the latter—(1) an inscription. It was afterwards broken into pieces by the Arabs. by the German missionary F. In the Greek and Latin authors. unfortunately much injured. 2. Hebraei. Gramm. i. and in the New Testament. des Bibl. A. 1886) was afterwards revised and improved by Nordlander. Die Inschrift des . see Lidzbarski. p. unique of its kind. so that only an incomplete copy of the inscription could be made.). must have originally included a considerably larger group of countries and nations. We must.. 2 2 This monument. 22:2. 19:13. and within certain limits (see above) had become naturalized among them. 2 K 3:4 ff. to denote the old Hebrew. For since in Gn 10:21 (Nu 24:24 does not apply) Shem is called the father of all the children of Eber.) or.). when it is used in opposition to other nations (Gn 14:13 43:32. among the ruins of the city of Dı̂bôn (now Dı̂bân). see below.Israelites (Gn 39:14. Of the many explanations of the gentilic ‫ . Rv 9:11. of thirty-four lines.C.2 Of old Hebrew: (2) an 2 2 The Graeco-Roman form of the name is not directly derived from the Hebrew ‫ .עב ִי‬the derivation from ‫ ע ֶר‬a country on the ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ֵב‬ other side with the derivative suffix ‫ 68 §( ־ י‬h) appears to be the only one philologically ִ possible. Josephus also uses the term Hebrew both of the old Hebrew and of the Aramaic vernacular of his time. inhabited in earlier times by the Gadites. and to the latter there also belonged according to Gn 11:14 ff. The etymological significance of the name must in that case not be insisted upon. then. 39 ff. was first seen in August. For the history of the discovery and for the earlier literature relating to the stone. afterwards by the Moabites. 13 21:2). and 10:25 ff. 415 f. Kautzsch. 19 f. the Aramaic vulgar tongue. in the prologue to Jesus the son of Sirach (about 130 B. his buildings. In 1 S 13:3. In referring this name to the patronymic Eber. only very few remains of old Hebrew or old Canaanitish literature have been preserved. 17 perhaps also in 19:20 and Rv 16:16 to denote what was then the (Aramaic) vernacular of Palestine as opposed to the Greek. pp. the name Ἑβραῖοι.) recounts his battles with Israel (cf. 7 and 14:21 the text is clearly corrupt. and would therefore originally be only appropriate when used by the nations on this side of the Jordan or Euphrates.-Aram.) as freebooters and mercenaries in Palestine and its neighbourhood. as being the language of the sacred books in opposition to the lingua profana. suppose that after the crossing of the river in question it had been retained by the Abrahamidae as an old-established name. With the exception of the Old Testament (and apart from the Phoenician inscriptions. The name accordingly denoted the Israelites as being those who inhabited the eber. 1868. Aramean and Arab races. On the other hand it serves in Jn 5:2. Klein.עב ִי‬but from the Palestinian Aramaic ebrāyā.C.e. 103 f. Ex 2:11. i. In it the Moabite king Mêša (about 850 B. finally. p. The Hebrew language is first called the sacred language in the Jewish-Aramaic versions of the Old Testament.’ ‫ִ ְר‬ 1 1 We may also leave out of account the linguistically possible identification of the Ibriyyı m with the abiri who appear in the Tell-el-Amarna letters (about 1400 B. 17 41:12 &c. and other matters.

the literature in Schörer’s Gesch. 1905. J. pp.. p. F.. .. and by Lidzbarski. p. but linguistically and palaeographically very important—referring to the boring of the tunnel. and the fact that the books contained in the Old Testament were handed down as sacred writings. 402..]. i. op. but without justification. emissio) ָ ִ Is 8:6 refers to the discharge of water from the Virgin’s Spring. hebr. 122 ff. 163. and G.. p. 1 ff. Dec. 1874. 236 ff. im Louvre (Wien. through the tunnel (so Stade. Cooke. p. p. Archäol. p. d). Münzen. Gemmen. 1907). [Cooke. Archäol. Lehrb. Numismatique de la Terre Sainte. Revue Sémitique. 1901. (four old-Semitic seals published in 1896).. 1890. W. 1901. ii. 20 ff. 1907).. i. I. 1). Gesch. op. 352 ff. 233 ff. (also in ZDMG. Cooke. Lpz. Oxford. 800 f. pp. i. see Lidzbarski. pt. p. 1900.. 169 f. 1862. Levy. 1902. Königs Mesa von Moab.. p.) and his successors. 362]. [Cf. (4) coins of the Maccabaean prince Simon (from ‘the 2nd year of deliverance’. 1899).3 and the coinage of the revolts in the times of Vespasian and Hadrian. Prätorius in ZDMG. then the latter. 140 and 139 B. Nordsemitische Epigraphik. facsimile. Sächsischen Gesell. Lpz. 1905. ii. 723 ff. [Cooke. on the new drawing of it by Socin (ZDPV.—Cf.) that the six lines are the continuation of an inscription which was never executed. and consequently the inscription. d. 501 ff. (3) about forty engraved seal-stones.. Les monnaies juives. also Driver. Benzinger. Breslau. p. M. p. Hebr. 61 ff. p. 594). 297 ff. (text in Altsemit. 225 ff. xxii.. ‘Zur Mesainschrift’ (Berichte der K.. some of them pre-exilic but bearing little except proper names2. In the whole series of the ancient Hebrew writings. Against the view of A. the language (to judge from its consonantal formation) remains. &c. 1 ff. p. as regards its general character. Reinach. 1. ZAW. and separately published at Freiburg i. the name ‫( שׁלֹּח‬i. Texte. 1904.. Revue biblique internationale. Madden. cit. in the tunnel between the Virgin’s Spring and the Pool of Siloam at Jerusalem. i. 3. Nowack. Bresl. p. cit. 439 (bibliography. Jahn in Das Buch Daniel. J. Paris. 1897. 80.inscription of six lines (probably of the eighth century B. Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel. Par. If. which includes the beautiful seal inscribed ‫ לשמע עבד ירבעם‬from the castle-hill of Megiddo. 522 ff. and 310 f.C. It has since been well restored. Its genuineness was attacked by A. Lpz. a facsimile is given at the beginning of this grammar.. A. pp. Siegel u. p. Levy. it may at an early time have been fixed as a literary language.C. 105. (Freib. must have contributed to this constant uniformity. at about the same stage of development. Lidzbarski. lxxxv ff. 56 ff. Gesch. ‘Eine Nachprüfung der Mesainschrift’ (Ephemeris. as can hardly be doubted. found in 1904. 33 ff. The inscription was removed in 1890. Inschr. and broken into six or seven pieces in the process. C. Fischer (ZDMG. 1903). des jüd. p. A. Lond. as shown by E. 9 f.C. 262 f. 1869. 3 3 De Saulcy. i.Volkes im Zeitalter J. 1901. Die Echtheit der Moabit. and apart from slight changes in form and differences of style (see k to w). Stade. See also Lidzbarski. 1880. 289 ff. In this form. 71. see Lidzbarski.. 1881.] 2 2 M. 53 ff. Lagrange. was already in existence about 736 B. d. Halévy. Isr. Giessen.). i. i. p. and 743 ff. [Cf. vol. Ephemeris. text in his Altsemitischs Texte. König in ZDMG.. der jüd. Handbuch. M. 1. 1894). B.] 1 1 Of this inscription—unfortunately not dated. 1896. i. 1897). 15 ff.. Ephemeris. 1905. and is now in the Imperial Museum at Constantinople. p. 1888. The Coins of the Jews.3.).2 (Tübingen. Ephemeris. plate xxi. 10 ff. p. Wiss. p.. 1906. Löwy.1) discovered in June. by Socin and Holzinger. as found in the Old Testament and also in non-biblical monuments (see above. 33 ff.e.

‫ חנבעל‬Hannibal. ‫ זבח‬sacrifice. p. 1891. ‫ עת‬time.g. A. ‫ )היה‬to be. ‫ אחד‬one. From the monuments we learn the native orthography. Winckler. Halle. Böhl. Of special importance is the inscription on the sarcophagus of King Ešmûnazar of Sidon. e. where the ‫ וֹ‬was regularly pronounced as û. two lists of fees for sacrifices. e. while they called themselves ‫ כנען‬on their coins. the ‫ ע‬as o. ‫ צר‬Tyre. alonim) gods . i. copies of which have been collected by Gesenius. 1896 f. Paul Schröder. Variations from Hebrew in Phoenician orthography and inflection are. Sprache. tom.)עָה‬iazkur = ‫ . § 6 c.בּ ֶן‬belly. B. 5). Forschungen. ‫ ארבע‬four. Schröder. and KAT.] ‫ַדּ‬ . 651 ff. ִידוֹן‬for ‫ כּֽהִים‬priests.g. common both to the Canaanitish tribes in Palestine ‫ְ נ ֲ נ ְ נע‬ and to those which dwelt at the foot of the Lebanon and on the Syrian coast. the almost invariable omission of the vowel letters (§ 7 b). ‫ בהן‬priest. Stade. ‫ שבע‬seven. see the bibliography in Lidzbarski.)צ ִיק‬c. the two together give a tolerably distinct idea of the language and its relation to Hebrew. [Cf. ‫ שנים‬two.g. Euting. 30 ff. See the complete vocabulary in Lidzbarski. ‫ קבר‬grave. 154 ff. 430 ff.] cf. inter alia : aparu. ii. ‘Erneute Pröfung des zwischen dem Phönic. Davis.כַּ ַן‬is the native name. ‫ בעל‬lord..ְִכֹּר‬zuru u = ‫. ’ in Keilinschr. ‫ חמש‬five. ‫בת‬ daughter. also aparu (Assyr.. and Assyr. Phoenician (Punic) words occurring in inscriptions are.אָב ָה‬ša ri = ‫ . The latter we find in their peculiar writing (§ 1 k. but especially in Part I of the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum..C. H. [transcription and translation]. ‫& . 97 ff. e.. fasc. plate iv. ZA. Nordsem. ‫ בקש‬to seek. ‫ מצבת‬monument. 1884.מל ִי־צ ֶק‬c. i. ‫ כל‬all. ‫ מלך‬king. 1869. p. as is evident partly from the many Canaanitish names of persons and places with a Hebrew form and meaning which occur in the Old Testament (e.3. ‫ מקם‬place. ‫& . ‫ שׁלשׁ‬sālûs (three). epru. ‫ קל‬for ‫ קוֹל‬voice.]. 1907 f. 1881 ff. ipru)=‫ . ‫ נדר‬to vow. ba nu = ‫ . ‫ שמש‬sun. bestehenden Verwandtschaftsgrades. Zimmern. e. 23 ff. ‫ שֹׁ ֵט‬sûfēṭ (judge).עמ ִי‬azzatu = ‫ .g. l) in a great number of inscriptions and on coins. ‫ שמע‬to hear. 141 f.זרוֹע‬ ‫ָ ְר‬ ‫ֶזּ‬ ‫יז‬ ַ abadat = ‫ . 1909. 1875.’ in the Morgenländ. ‫ פתח‬to open. ‫ חנא‬Hanno. found in 1855. Bourgade. e. P. ‫ שלש‬three. kilūbi = ‫ . Lpz. ‫ שש‬six..) ֲשׁר‬c. whom we call Phoenicians.. The people of Carthage also called themselves so. H. ‫ עשר‬ten. ‫ אבן‬stone. The differences in ֶ‫א‬ pronunciation are more remarkable.קרַת ס ֶר . J. See the collection of the grammatical peculiarities in ‫מ ֲכ‬ Gesenius. ְלוּב‬net. p. ‫ צדן‬for ‫ כהנם . ‫ עבד‬servant. and partly from the numerous remains of the Phoenician and Punic languages.g. on ‘Canaanite glosses’1 to Assyrian words in the cuneiform tablets of ‫ִ ְ י ֵ פ ַ ְכּ ֶד‬ Tell-el-Amarna [about 1400 B. Monuments Phoenicia.ע‬cf. e. umri=‫ . ‫ שמן‬oil. &c. ‫ בן‬son. from the Greek and Latin transcriptions the pronunciation and vocalization. Lpz. now in the Louvre. 169 ff. de Vogüé. ii. Amarnabriefe. vol. ‫ )אית( ֵת‬yth. Knudtzon. und Hebr.To this old Hebrew. Epigr. v. as ‫ בת‬for ‫ בית‬house. ‫כן‬ (=Hebr. Proper names: ‫ צדן‬Sidon. 1–3 (best treated by Gildemeister in Ritschl’s edition of Plautus.g. ‫ מעקר‬Mocar ‫ִנּ‬ ‫א‬ (cf. ‫צ‬ ‫ֲֹנ‬ ending in ‫( ת‬ath) (§ 80 b) as well as ‫( א‬ô). ‫ אדם‬man. the language of the Canaanitish or Phoenician 4 stockscame the nearest of all the Semitic languages. p. Among the inscriptions but few public documents are found. ‫ ארץ‬land. ‫ הֶנּוּ‬ynnynnu (ecce eum). Judas. Lpz. Die phöniz. Paris. Die El-Amarna-Tafeln. on the inscription.. ‫( אלנם‬in Plaut. Lips. Bibliothek. ‫ ַֽע ָה‬LXX. [Cooke. by far the most are epitaphs or votive tablets. Die Sprache d. the relative ‫( אש‬Hebr. ‘Die Thontafeln von Tellel-Amarna. Berlin.). v. Nordsem. i. p. the fem. i and e often as the ‫פ‬ ָ obscure dull sound of y. Maltzan.. 2.ש ַר‬gate. ‫ ים‬sea. Poenulus 5. &c. ‫ אל‬God. Levy. ‫משכב‬ bed. Gn 22:24 Μωχά). even in the absolute state.g. and the Punic texts in Plautus. 1 1 Cf. 417.ע ָר‬ullu=‫( עֹל‬with hard ‫ָפ‬ ‫ . 4 4 ‫ כַּֽעִי . Epigr. ‫ רש‬rûs = ‫ רֹאשׁ‬head. ‫ ברזל‬iron. ‫ כסף‬silver.. aduk = ‫ָדֹק‬ ‫ֽ ְד‬ ‫ַע‬ ‫ֶט‬ ‫כּ‬ ‫צ‬ (‫& . To these may be added isolated words in Greek and Latin authors. especially in Punic. 204 ff. ‫ ברך‬to bless.

Isaiah II (ch. Nahum. in which this earlier stage of the language has been frequently preserved even down to later times (§ 1 m. Jeremiah. it is nevertheless indispensable for the scientific treatment of Hebrew to refer to the groundforms1 so far as they can be ascertained and to compare the corresponding forms in Arabic. the larger half of the Old Testament books. Although the systematic investigation of the linguistic development indicated above belongs to comparative Semitic philology. contain anything more.D. (2) in general by an a posteriori conclusion from traditional forms. and consequently of Hebrew literature generally. Isaiah I. its vocalization and accentuation. in which very different strata may be still clearly recognized. § 3 b. such as the epicene use of 1 1 Whether these can be described simply as ‘primitive Semitic’ is a question which may be left undecided here. The beginning of this period. cf. after the exile. so far as according to the laws and analogies of phonetic change they clearly point to an older phase of the language. Micah. rest on the tradition of the Jewish schools. 40–55). so also the writers of the Old Testament books used merely the consonant-signs (§ 1 k).4. i. perhaps a part of the Psalms and Proverbs.. as it was finally fixed by the system of punctuation (§ 7 h) introduced by Jewish scholars about the seventh century A. according to ancient custom. Certain linguistic peculiarities of the Pentateuch. Even in the language of the Old Testament. Judges. As the Hebrew writing on monuments and coins mentioned in d consists only of consonants. as well as in isolated forms chiefly occurring in poetic style. although the Pentateuch in its present form. can still be discerned in its principal features:—(1) from many archaisms preserved in the traditional texts. is undoubtedly to be placed as early as the time of Moses. Obadiah (?). a large part of the Pentateuch and of Joshua. and the second. . and (3) by comparison with the kindred languages. Samuel. and Kings. when it must have stood nearer to the common language of the united Semitic family. Ezekiel. a form of it anterior to the written documents now extant. (a) of the prose and historical writings. n). (c) the writings of the earlier prophets (apart from various later additions) in the following chronological order: Amos. and even now the written scrolls of the Law used in the synagogues must not. for their explanation. In numerous instances in examining linguistic phenomena. is to be regarded as a gradual production of the centuries after Moses.e. Even elementary grammar which treats of the forms of the language occurring in the Old Testament frequently requires. apart from isolated traces of a later revision. Two periods. notwithstanding its general uniformity. especially in the names of persons and places dating from earlier times. To the former belongs. down to the end of the Babylonian exile. there is noticeable a certain progress from an earlier to a later stage. 5. viz. Zephaniah. An earlier stage in the development of the Canaanitish-Hebrew language. (b) of the poetical. which it was once customary to regard as archaisms. a reference to theseground-forms. The present pronunciation of this consonantal text. Habakkuk. may be distinguished: the first. Hosea. especially Arabic. the same—and consequently so much the more certain—result is attained by each of these three methods. though with some reservations.

‘Der Sprachgebr. by B.1 The prophets. 1908. Marti. 1908. and probably are to be regarded largely as archaisms which poetry retained. at least the earlier. inflexions and syntactical constructions which it uses in addition to those usual in prose.’ in Theol. König. Lpz.’ in ZAW. for example. Some perhaps. 1897. or at least officers of state.. and. not only by a rhythm due to more strictly balanced (parallel) members and definite metres (see r). &c. are on the whole the same.’ ZDMG. while the common people in Jerusalem did not. see besides the Commentaries on the poetical books and Introductions to the O. for example. on the contrary. youth. De criticae sacrae argumento e linguae legibus repetito. Thus Isaiah. This distinction. des hexateuchischen Elohisten. König. Halle. we meet. ZAW. 201 ff. as might be expected. But the poetic language is in many ways distinguished from prose. Krit. ed. Driver. Edinburgh. Einleitung in das A. with considerable differences in linguistic form and style. xi. T. i. Stade.. &c. On the rhythm of Hebrew poetry. cf. ‘Abriss der bibl. T. = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Metrik. Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament8. p. 1893. except that with them the sentences are often more extended. 1896.. Einleitung ins A. writes quite differently from the later Jeremiah. and the parallelism is less regular and balanced than is the case with the poets properly so called. Kräutlein. Ley. Verschiedenheiten in den Hexateuchquellen. 1879 (analysis of Gn 1–11). Stud. . p.. u. De Elohistae Pentateuchici sermone. 1906. vol. Einleitung in den Hexateuct. and partly to the individuality and talent of the authors. Freib.-hebr. Amongst the historical books of this period. 1 1 That already in Isaiah’s time (second half of the eighth century B. Leitfaden der Metrik der hebr. Lpz. 1878. iv. and ‫ הוא‬for ‫ . Halle. also. ‫נע‬ ‫נ ֲר‬ § 17 c. as the ordinary modes of expression. Hiob. Giesebrecht.. Lpz. however. J. Giessen. 1895. F. Die sprachl. T. The language of the later prophets. even the vocabulary and phraseology. partly modified by Driver in the Journal of Philology.‫ ַ ַר‬boy. 1897. but also differently from his contemporary Micah. 6. 1881. 1881 ff. especially in the prose books. Munich. Grundzüge des Rhythmus. ‘Die metr. apart from isolated cases... which embraces about 600 years. Even in the writings of this first period. 529 ff. 1902 (on which see Beer in ZAW. the texts borrowed from earlier sources have a linguistic colouring perceptibly different from those derived from later sources. Yet the structure of the language. are embellishments which the Hebrew poets who knew Aramaic adopted into their language.. Poesie. especially in Aramaic. is evident from 2 K 18:26 (Is 36:11). Psalmenprobleme. 1887. understood Aramaic. does not go far as. but also by peculiar words and meanings. Many of these poetic peculiarities occur in the kindred languages. in language and rhythm are to be regarded almost entirely as poets. Strack. for ‫ ַֽע ָה‬girl. 683 ff. p. Bonn. which are due partly to differences in the time and place of composition.—Abundant matter is afforded also by Holzinger. Beschaffenheit des B. 1875. or passages which belong to the latest redactor himself.היא‬are merely to be attributed to a later redactor. The linguistic character of the various strata of the Pentateuch has been examined by Ryssel. approaches nearer to prose.. 1893. p.. Grimme. and since 1907 by K. in Greek. Freiburg (Switzerland).6.) educated Hebrews. 177 ff.C.

i (1903). Sievers.g. Schürer. That a regular repetition of an equal number of syllables in arsis and thesis was observed by other poets. Rhythmus. or lengthening the arsis so as to give a double accent) and contraction. The most important are as follows:— Hebrew poetry. has indicated. 1 Untersuchungen. due to change of pronunciation or corruption of the text. Döller. very frequently. 188 ff. Duhm. 1899. i. The metrical scheme consists of combinations of feet in series (of 2. 1899 (on the same lines as Grimme). the second at least one beat shorter than the other. der Text des Hohen Liedes. 9 Haggai.v. Connected sections do not always maintain the same metre throughout. however. Amos metrisch bearbeitet (with H. 5 ff. a number of fresh facts and views.. 1909). 1904–7. 234 ff. Lpz. R. double fours in narrative. 1876 ff. who cites a Babylonian hymn in which the members are actually marked (ZA. p. in the works mentioned above. 3793 ff. 1 Texte. Metrische Studien : i Studien zur hebr. 60 ff. Zeitschr. ‘Die Metrik u. e. Propheten3. however.’ in the Theol. p. Lpz. 1904. The foot always concludes with the ictus. of the first two syllables. Lpz. Harper.. 11). de Wette. 1907.. E.T. Strophik in d. 41 ff. für d. this system often finds ready confirmation and leads to textual and literary results.: iii Samuel. Das babyl. A criticism of systems of Hebrew Metre. 2 Zur Quellenscheidung u. the only one generally accepted as sound was at first Ley’s and Budde’s discovery of the Qina. Einleitung ins A. viii (1905). This verse. Schloegl. various difficulties in carrying out the scheme consistently and extending it to the prophetical writings and still more to narrative: (1) not infrequently the required number of feet is only obtained by sacrificing the clearly marked parallelism. Lowth. Orelli. 1 ff.ThLZ. On their predecessors. 1896. [Cf. 3 ff. 1903. 6 Joel. Sievers regards the last two metres as catalectic double threes and fours.. ev.. are to be disregarded. but often exhibit a mixture of metres. Duhm in EB. resolving the ictus into two syllables. Miszellen (1 Is 24–27. is accentual. 31 ff. and sevens.’ in his Kommentar zu den kl. ed. Cornill. Lpz. H. ‘Zur Metrik der alttest. cf.. had been established by Ley. The number of unstressed syllables between the beats (ictus) is. Ewald. 3 DeuteroZecbariah. consists of two members. 3 or 4). Vindobonae. W. but the scheme of the verse is based on an irregular anapaest which may undergo rhythmical modifications (e.. 236 ff. Rundschau. It can no longer be doubted that in the analysis of purely poetical passages. Grimme. ThLZ. and of these again in periods—double threes. 1908. ‘The rhythms of the ancient Heb. Metrik. De re metrics veterum Hebraeorum disputatio. 10 Micah). or the grammatical connexion (e. however. pt. Lpz. Psalmen3. p. especially Zimmern. as distinguished from the quantitative Classical and Arabic and the syllabic Syriac verse. Genesis. 2 Jena. Metrik. not arbitrary. 165 ff. Poesie. 1892. 1891. 9. and sometimes even by ThLZ. Lpz. see Löhr. Lpz.g. 1909 (also separately Psalmentexte u.. Klagelied2. 1907. C. 1905.T. such as the elimination of glosses. and others. Rothstein. the recognized authority on metre in other branches of literature. fives in Lamentations (see above) and very often elsewhere.. and his Grundzüge des hebr. 1907. 382 ff.—In full agreement with Sievers is Baethgen. Tübingen. by Sievers simply ‘five-syllabled’ (Fünfer). Göttingen. and Semitic Studies in memory of W. Textkritik..g. W.-Unterricht. Munich..’ in Altsehüler’s Vierteljahrschrift. 7 Obadiah.. Sievers. 1907. but especially Ed. 1 ff. Guthe). 1904 f. Paderborn. called by Duhm ‘long verse’. also Delitzsch. R. iv. Gunkel.] Of all views of this matter. Cobb. Weltschöpfungsepos. bibl. Lpz. which have frequently been confirmed by the conclusions of Ley and others. Budde in DB. 4 Malachi. 1901: ii Die hebr. 5 Hoses.). although as a rule the ictus coincides with the Hebrew word-accent.—As a guide to Sievers’ system (with some criticism of his principles) see Baumann.-hebr. xii. by E. Prophetenschriften. pp.. 8 Zephaniah. Arnold. 1905. Recently. Rhythmus.T. = Theologische Literaturzeitung. 2 Textproben. There are. of the construct state with its genitive). Metrik u. and his Alttest. pt. das A. 1882. according to whom the number of syllables between the beats is only limited by the physiological possibilities of phonetics. no. so that toneless endings.). . p. Rel. x. ‘Gedanken über hebr. p.5. Oxford.’ in O. xxvi ff. Lpz.or Lamentation-Verse (ZAW.. Chicago. 11 ff. iii.

e. Ec 3:2–8. was still in use as a literary language. Nevertheless the supplanting of Hebrew by Aramaic proceeded only very gradually. ַל‬the endings ‫ וֹ . the longer forms of prepositions of place (§ 103 n) ‫ע ֵי‬ ‫ֲל‬ = ‫ . is chiefly distinguished by a constantly closer approximation of the language to the kindred western Aramaic dialect. To the syntax belongs the far ָ ֵ ִ ִ more sparing use of the article. the shortened imperfect with the same meaning as the ordinary form (§ 109 i). 647 ff. To sum up.מוֹ‬ ‫ֱל ע‬ ‫ֲד א‬ ‫ע‬ ִ ָ ֵ ‫ מוֹ‬for ‫ . ibid.בּוֹא‬ ‫ר‬ ְ ֶ ֶ ‫ִלּ‬ ‫ָ ז ָב‬ ‫ת ר‬ To the poetic meanings of words belongs the use of certain poetic epithets as substantives. from the principles laid down by Sievers. Ju 5. 1898. ibid.1 When it had finally ceased to exist as a living language. and others may be expected. the pronominal suffixes ‫־֫ . Müller. and the Liturgy. Segal. p. ‫ ֱנוֹשׁ‬man = ‫. for which others are customary in prose. and Komposition u. (2) the whole system assumes a correct transmission of the text and its pronunciation. and a fortiori in narrative.means of doubtful emendations.).’ in JQR. the Mišna. but also that it was still at least understood by the people. the wider governing power of prepositions.אֵֹב‬ ‫ְ ָנ‬ ‫צ‬ ‫י‬ Of word-forms. can hardly be brought forward. ‫ ַר‬enemy for ‫. ‫ )א ִיר‬the strong one for God. The great work of D. e. Cf. is a study of the most important monuments of early Semitic poetry from the point of view of strophic structure and the use of the refrain.ם‬the plural ending ‫ ־ ין‬for ‫ 78 §( ־ ים‬e). ֶל = א ֵי . 1907).)85 §( ־ ם . our conclusion at present is that for poetry proper some assured and final results have been already obtained. moreover. the repetition of the same or similar phrases or words in corresponding positions in different strophes. 23:1–7. The arrangement of certain poetical passages in verse-form required by early scribal rules (Ex 15:1–19. we may note. 1 Ch 16:8–36: cf.אָ ָם‬ ‫א‬ ‫ד‬ ‫ אֹ ַח‬path = ‫ מ ָה .־֫ מוֹ . for example. The second period of the Hebrew language and literature. Die Propheten in ihrer ursprüngl. Form (2 vols. Est 9:7–10) has nothing to do with the question of metre in the above sense. ַד = ע ֵי . Ps 18. 1896. for neither of which is there the least guarantee. Writings intended for popular use. (also separately). who lived in close contact with the recent and thinly-populated colony in Jerusalem. and whose dialect was already of importance as being the official language of the western half of the Persian empire. such as the Hebrew original of Jesus the son of Sirach and the book of Daniel. ‫ לבָה‬alba for luna. not only show that Hebrew about 170 B. a faultless arrangement of metres cannot be expected.דּ ָר‬to see = ‫ אָ ָהּ . it was still preserved as the language of 1 1 The extensive use of Hebrew in the popular religious literature which is partly preserved to us in the Midrašim. Pr. Strophenbau. ‘Mišnaic Hebrew and its relations to Biblical Hebrew and Aramaic.דּרך‬word = ‫ חָה . horse. 31:10–31. 1908. indicates. Convincing proof of the consistent use of the same metrical schemes in the prophets. 2 S 22.g. of the relative pronoun. st. 1 S 2:1–10. ‫ אַ ִיר‬the strong one ‫ֲב‬ ‫בּ‬ for bull. Respension.g. ‫( אביר‬only in constr.. M. Dt 32:1–43. 136. e. cf. i. and in general a forcible brevity of expression. This is due to the influence of the Aramaeans. after the return from the exile until the Maccabees (about 160 B. thus. ָאָה‬to come = ‫..־ י‬in the noun (§ 90). of the accusative particle ‫ . Vienna. although.C.־ ם . 7. . considering the way in which the text has been transmitted. ֵת‬the ‫א‬ construct state even before prepositions. Words are used in poetry. H. his Strophenbau u. also Jo 12:9–24. that Hebrew was widely understood much later than this.C. H.

‫ ִיר‬chalk. ‫( אָ ַר‬to say) to command. Daniel. these books are sometimes far inferior to those of the first period. that the Jews immediately after the exile had completely forgotten the Hebrew language. Later words (Aramaisms) are. But all the peculiarities of these later writers are not Aramaisms. Strauss. cannot be determined.רֹב‬the interchange of ‫ ־ ה‬and ‫ ־ א‬final. as is indicated. Teil). ‫ ַר‬son. lexikal. and most of the Psalms. Ruth. and is at least understood by all classes of the people. ‫ אַָס‬compel. ‫ָו‬ 1 1 ‫ דִּיד‬in the Minor Prophets throughout (He 3:5. according to which the Ephraimites in certain cases pronounced the ‫ שׁ‬as ‫( . As literary compositions.וּת . may have originated. 1888. Entwickelung seit Abschluss des Kanons u. whilst the High German serves essentially as the literary and cultured language. ‫ ֵף‬rock. The Old Testament writings belonging to this second period. Zürich. or a (wholly different) Philistine dialect is intended. 1–6. Joel. (i. Die hebr. although work was still produced which in purity of language and aesthetic value falls little short of the writings of the golden age. On later developments see L. ‫ ל ַח = ק ֵל‬take. Metman. the books of Ezra. for the Psalms Cheyne.)אשׁ‬for ‫§( ֲשׁר‬ ֶ ֶ‫א‬ 36). pp. Esther. the prophetical books of Haggai. 1881. 19 ff. Sprachl. 1902. the common dialect prevails orally. many peculiarities in the North Palestinian books (Judges and Hoses) are probably to be regarded as differences in dialect. Marquart in ZAW.) is due merely to a caprice of the Masoretes. (Ju 12:6). Of dialectical varieties in the old Hebrew language. p. ‫ אָ ֵץ = תּ ֵף‬be strong. 1900. the ‫ָו‬ ‫ָו‬ ‫ד‬ ‫ד‬ ָ ָ more frequent use of substantives in ‫& . 276 ff. Malachi. and so also some anomalies in the Moabite inscription of Mêša (see above. Gramm. ‫ חסד‬Pi. Ecclesiastes.־ ן . ‫( עָה‬to answer) to being speaking.קֹ ֶשׁ‬for ‫ . ‫ ר ַץ = ר ַע‬break.g. Job. reproach. ihre Geschichte u. only one express mention occurs in the O. by ‫ . Jonah. T. based on an erroneous interpretation of Neh 8:8. Lamentations.ס‬Cf. ִ ‫( 1דִּיד‬elsewhere ‫ . ‫ֵץ = סוֹף‬ ‫זק‬ ‫ָע‬ ‫כּ‬ ‫ק‬ end. and therefore needed a translation of the Holy Scriptures. ‫ טלל‬Pi. especially it would seem in northern Palestine. ָ hebr. of the poetical books. the Song of Songs.-Aram. Cf.. Jerusalem. For particulars. There certain parts of Judges. 1. and Ecclesiastes.) Whether in Neh 13:24 by the speech of Ashdod a Hebrew. which afterwards recurs in Jonah. Rem.g.— ‫ִבּ‬ ‫ָק‬ ‫ָע‬ ‫ָצ‬ ‫ָג‬ ‫ְַָ ָל‬ ‫ָק‬ ‫מ‬ Later meanings are. 461 ff. roof over. e. ‫ ט ָה‬stray. T.the Schools—not to mention the numerous Hebraisms introduced into the Aramaic spoken by the Jews. Nehemiah. We may conveniently regard the relation of the languages which co-existed in this later period as similar to that of the High and Low German in North Germany.שׁ‬a common form in Phoenician (as well as ‫ . p. in general. Sirachfragmenten.־ י‬e.. Isaiah III (56–66). Origin of the Psalter. Chronicles. e. e. Zechariah. ‫ אַחָה‬declaration. ‫ שָׂא‬be many. 151 ff. a large part of Proverbs. amongst others. or to that of the High German and the common dialects in the south and in Switzerland.g. and especially Giesebrecht in ZAW. are: certain parts of the Pentateuch and of Joshua. Gegenwart. ihr Bau in d. Kautzsch. Lexikal. Sprache. p. Even amongst the more educated. the later Psalms. Wholly untenable is the notion.וֹן‬c. Halle. On the other hand. 1906. . Song of Songs. Several do not occur in Aramaic and must have belonged at an earlier period to the Hebrew vernacular. see Kautzsch.g. d). the frequent scriptio plena of ‫ וֹ‬and ‫ . Dav. ‫ מלך‬advise. des Bibl. Studien zu d. Die Aramaismen im A. ‫ ָ ַף‬raise up... ‫ מלך = שׁ ַט‬rule.)דִּד‬even ‫ קוֹ ֶשׁ‬for ‫ רוֹב . in all of which the Aramaic colouring appears in various degrees. &c. ‫ֵת = ְ ָן‬ ‫ְו‬ ‫נ‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫זמ‬ ‫ע‬ time. p.— ‫מ‬ ‫ָנ‬ Orthographical and grammatical peculiarities are.

) from Ez 20:37 (‫ . Pick.T. Studien. 314 ff. p. Erziehungs. the Jews began to explain and critically revise their sacred text. der hebr. p. d. Cincinnati. Breslau. and 1885.). p.. article ‘Grammar’ in the Jew. 1904. bis zur Mitte des XVI. belong mainly the vocalization and accentuation of the hitherto unpointed text of the O. also the literature cited above in the headings of § § 1 and 2. L. 69 ff. i. according to the pronunciation traditional in the Synagogues and Schools (§ 7 h. ‫. vol.T. p. p. one recension (the Jerusalem or Palestinian Gem. Sprache. Grammatical Treatment of the Hebrew Language Gesenius. was finally brought to its present form towards the end of the second century. 147 ff. B. as well as the greater part of the collection of critical notes which bears the name of Masōra (‫ ָֽסוֹ ָה‬traditio ?). the Gemāra. vi. 2.. ֽוֹס ָה‬ ‫מ ר ַ ְר‬ ‫מ ֵר‬ . of the remainder. xvi.’ in Bibliotheca Sacra. Spr. (in the 2nd ed. or Targums (‫ תּ ְגּוּ ִים‬i. ‘The Study of the Hebrew Language among Jews and Christians. and the ve sedivision in the O. 1 1 On the name Masora (or Massora.u.. Cf. the first part of which. Jahrh. interpretations). in Deutschl. T. Unterrichtswesens. W. p. and the great difficulty of satisfactorily explaining it. p. Both kinds of tradition are preserved in the Talmud.1 From this the text ‫מ ר‬ 2 2 According to the calculation of the Dutch scholar Leusden..g. hebr. refer almost exclusively to civil and ritual law and dogmatic theology. Das Studium der Hebr.. Geiger. 346 ff. Encyclopaedia. so also C. des ges. contains 5. 79.. also the note on d. e. H. The oldest translation is the Greek of the Seventy (more correctly Seventy-two) Interpreters (LXX).). Sprache.2. iii. Somewhat later the Aramaic translations. W. The canonical books of the Old Testament formed certainly only a fraction of the whole Hebrew national literature. T. Einleitung in das A. revised by Nestle. Cf. and was intended for the use of Greek-speaking Jews. Nestle. To the interval between the completion of the Talmud and the earliest grammatical writers.’ in Schmid’s Encykl. 1904. and sometimes to translate it into the vernacular languages which in various countries had become current among them. 1891. De Lagarde. treats of the number of letters and words. ָסֹ ֶת הבּ ִית‬i. 1. Mitteilungen. 450 ff.T. the other (the Babylonian Gem. Levias in the Hebrew Union College Annual. the O. vol. 1906. E. §§ 19–39.) about the middle of the fourth century. especially in Alexandria. were formed by successive ‫ַר מ‬ recensions made in Palestine and Babylonia.e. p. ZAW. 785 ff. ‘Hebr. i). also E. König. Lehrgeb. the language of the Gemaras is for the most part Aramaic. It was the work of various authors.. p. der hebr. 91 ff. 38 ff. according to rabbinical calculations. 357 ff. canon was approaching completion. Cf. which was begun with the Pentateuch at Alexandria under Ptolemy Philadelphus.2 the entire store of the ancient language is not preserved. the Mišna. 1866.D. 1907. 1884. and are no more scientific in character than much of the textual tradition of that period. Strack. ‘Neue masoret. and the formation of the O.. Bacher’s derivation of the expression (in JQR. vom Ends des XV.מסרה .. New York and London. Gesch. The explanations. cf. i. 30 ff. but only completed later. Sprache. ZAW. 358 ff. p. in the extant remains of old Hebrew literature.) about the middle of the sixth century A. 470 ff. Lpz.642 different Hebrew and Aramaic words. some of whom had a living knowledge of the original. Bacher. as e.. At the time when the old Hebrew language was gradually becoming extinct. Oehler’s article.. ii. Spr. Lehrb. 283. derived in part from alleged tradition. 1870. ’ in JQR. § 3. It is evident that. The Mišna forms the beginning of the New-Hebrew literature. Blau.856 altogether in the Pentateuch. also Böttcher.

Cf. 309). 1909. 1880 ff. in ZAW.. 128 ff. 1834) maintained that our O. H. however.. 1797. E. 1 ff. cf. ’ ibid. &c. and is the result of a much more exhaustive labour than the Masora. In the use of the Massora for the critical construction of the Text. The Correctness of the form ‫( ָֽסֹ ָה‬by the side of the equally well-attested form ‫ ) ַסֹּ ֶת‬does not seem to ‫מ ר‬ ‫מ ר‬ us to be invalidated by his arguments. 563 ff. 88 ff. ‘La langue et le langage de la Massore’ (as a mixture of New-Hebrew and Aramaic).. pp. Wildboer. Lond. kirchl.. Comm. J. JQR.-Deut. and p. des A. Oct..T. and B: ‘Lexique massorétique. which will be noticed in their proper places. The punctuation of the Text. Lond. p. text was derived from Codices belonging to a single recension.. p. and his Massor. a revised edition is in progress). and since 1891 by Baer alone.. Strack in Semitic Studies in memory of … Kohut. p. 1897 (his text. Berlin. and Ch. Hanover. 515 ff. Written likewise in Arabic. ‫מ ר‬ 241). G. following the example of the Arabs. i.. The remark of Levias (l. have still to appear). f. only the explanation in Arabic of the seventy (more correctly ninety) hapax legomena in the O. = Jewish Quarterly Review. 247. followed by Harris in JQR. useful work has been done especially by S. c. . T. 243 ff.. T.. 1864. see Delitzsch. is not to be confounded with the compilation of the Masora. 1876. Ḥayyîm [Venice. Jüdische Ztschr. Hanover and Lpz. An excellent foundation for the history of the Masora and the settlement of the masoretic tradition was laid by Joh. in the Revue biblique. p. p. xii. but frequently translated into being an equally legitimate form) is rightly rejected by König. D. which was not completed till a considerably later time.). first published at Basel in 1620 as an appendix to the Rabbinical Bible of 1618 f.. Liter. Exegese. Wiss. edited from 1869 conjointly with Fr. Cf. Delitzsch. Rosenmüller already (Handbuch für d. and the earliest editions. 39. König in Ztschr.c.. der bibl. 42. Kritik u. H. Sa adya. part i..e. in the editions of the several books (only Exod. 1905. T. i. ZAW. Mayer-Lambert. Cornill. K. plene. F. Sommer (cf. 1892. p. 75. JQR. S. T. zu den Psalmen4.. &c. 279 f. For more recent work see Geiger. nor by Blau’s proposal to read ‫( ְסוֹ ֶת‬JQR. was published in 2 vols. have even made it probable that the original Masoretic text was derived from a single standard manuscript... it must be a late denominative in this sense. 47. Ochla W’ochla. Frensdorff. Of the numerous grammatical and lexicographical works of R. p. 1906.) deserves notice. l. and only later came to mean traditio. 3. Olshausen (since 1853). iii. Vorrede zur Stereotyp-Ausg. i. 2nd ed.. contends that as ‫ מסר‬to hand on is not found in the O. 1904. Hyvernat.. also § 7 h. 1903. 1 1 On his independent attitude towards the Masoretic punctuation. 1897. 1863. Ginsburg. 1524–5] with variants from MSS.which has since been transmitted with rigid uniformity by the MSS. Buxtorf in his Tiberias seu Commentarius Masorethicus. 3 vols. that with the earlier Masoretes ‫ מסורת‬is equivalent to orthography.. reprinted from that of Jacob b.T. has been preserved. 1887. It was not until about the beginning of the tenth century that the Jews. and especially De Lagarde (Proverbien. p. Lpz. 521 ff. however. has obtained the name of the Masoretic Text. 1 beyond fragments in the commentary on the Sepher Yeṣira (ed. 74. Wörterb. The various readings of the Qerê (see § 17) form one of the oldest and most important parts of the Masora. indicate that the Masora itself is by no means uniform but shows clear traces of different schools and opinions.). The Massora compiled from Manuscripts.and defective writing. Oct. at London in 1894. 78 ff. p. Baer. began their grammatical compilations. and Introduction to the Massoretico-critical edition of the Hebr. p. and is still the received text of the O.—G. 481 ff. 529 ff. E. and especially his Einleitung ins A. Moreover a great many facts. Bible. The former was settled at an earlier period.

at Berlin. Böttcher (Ausführl. hebr. were the still extant works of the grammarians R. 1866–8) endeavoured to present an exhaustive synopsis of the linguistic phenomena. complete in 1488: see the description of the twenty-four earliest editions (down to 1528) in Ginsburg’s Introduction. Spr. Gött. d.. 1522). 1879. Feb. Liter.. By the aid of these earlier labours. Lpz.Hebrew. c. as ‫ בַּדכּ ַת‬and the ‫ְגְ ְפ‬ like.2 to whom Greek literature also is so much indebted. 1875.T. Trier.. became offruitful service to Hebrew grammar. 170. 3 vols. F. Lehrb. . see Strack and Siegfried. chiefly through the leaders of the Dutch school.. der ältesten Auslegung u. W. and the prefaces to the Hebrew Lexicons of Gesenius and Fürst. as well as to give an explanation of them from the sphere of Hebrew alone. 23. Handb. Stuttg.1 4. p. hebr. 1235) especially gained a classical reputation by their Hebrew grammatical writings. Brunswick. 1870). The father of Hebrew philology among Christians was John Reuchlin (ob. Gr.. Lehrb. Sprachwissenschaft vom 10. i. J. Gr. from the year 1810 Professor at Halle. 2. 1879). Carlsr. 8th ed. the Bologna Pentateuch in 1482. Lpz. Albert Schultens (ob. and the study of the kindred languages. Abraham ben Ezra (commonly called Aben Ezra. about the year 1000) and R. f. preserved according to him notably in old Arabic. Midrasch. 1882. 1750) and N. 1895. Kahle’s criticisms in ZDMG. David Qimḥi (ob. Spr. 1846. Schroöder (ob. who above all things aimed at the comprehensive observation and lucid presentation of the actually occurring linguistic phenomena. Lpz.פעל‬certain voces memoriales. 1842). the naming of the conjugations and weak verbs according to the paradigm of ‫ . he still adhered almost entirely to Jewish tradition. De rei grammaticae apud Judaeos initiis antiquissimisque scriptoribus. 1884. neuhebr. some of which are still retained. the Sencino O. where he died Oct. u.g. Lpz. In the nineteenth century3 the advances in Hebrew philology are especially connected with the names of W. lv. ed.. From these earliest grammarians are derived many principles of arrangement and technical terms.. who chiefly aimed at referring linguistic forms to general laws and rationally explaining the latter. 1861) who attempted a consistent explanation of the existing condition of the language. e. and Die hebr. 1798). d. ’ in ZDMG. Gesch.. Hupfeld. Lehrb. 3. 1629). Spracherklärung des A. pt. andere alte grammatisch-massorethische Lehrstücke. Stade. Gramm. Yona (Ahu l-Walı̂d Merwân ibn Ǵanâḥ. Ewald (ob. From the middle of the seventeenth century the field of investigation gradually widened. 1827. from the presupposed primitive Semitic forms. Ausführl. Olshausen (ob. p. Gesenius (born at Nordhausen. Lehrb. Spr. Baer and Strack. Berliner. n..Mühlau.. H. see a tolerably full account in Steinschneider’s Bibliogr. 5. adopted a 1 1 On the oldest Hebrew grammarians. Berlin. by F. Krit. 3 3 Of the literature or the subject down to the year 1850. T. 2 2 A strong impulse was naturally given to these studies by the introduction of printing—the Psalter in 1477. hebr. W. at Göttingen. bis zum 16. Die Dikduke ha-teamim des Ahron ben Moscheh ben Ascher u. about 1030). der Hebr. Hal. Gramm. 1786. till the time of John Buxtorf the elder (ob. B. on the other hand (Lehrb. Sprache. 1859. 1844. Beiträge zur hebr. Ewald and Dukes. Jahrh. der hebr. 1879.. 107 ff. 779 ff. Like the grammarians who succeeded him. 1892. Lpz. d. Sprachkunde. Beiträge z. der hebr. 1 ff. ob. Spr. and 335 ff. Bacher. and P.. 1167) and R. 2 vols. ‘Die Anfänge der hebr. im Talmud u. Yehuda Ḥayyûǵ (also called Abu Zakarya Yaḥya.

T. has suffered to a much greater extent than former scholars were inclined to admit. dem Verbum. haplography. Ps 40:14 ff. 1 1 This scriptio continua is also found in Phoenician inscriptions.—Among the works of Jewish scholars. Die konsonant. and to the insertion of glosses. e. partly from the general laws of philology (the logical element). generelle Formenl. II. e. Such observation has more and more led to the belief that the original text of the O. transposition or omission of single letters. = Ps 70. hebr. 763. p. Varianten in den doppelt überlief. = Mi 4:1 ff. Stücken d. ii. its opposite. Lpz.). Sprache mit steter Beziehung auf Qimchi und die anderen Autoritäten: I.strictly scientific method in endeavouring to reduce the systems of Ewald and Olshausen to a more fundamental unity. Luzzatto written in Italian (Padua. poet. see the facsimile at the beginning of this grammar). since at a certain period in the transmission of the text the words were not separated. As to the extent and causes of the corruption of the Masoretic text. which has sometimes taken place in the early ‘Phoenician’ writing. and frequently marks the close of a sentence by a stroke.. Textes. Other causes are dittography. Is 36–39 = 2 K 18:13–2019. in spite of the number of variants in parallel passages: Is 2:2 ff. words. 2. Lehrgeb. such omission is generally due to homoioteleuton (cf. after showing their organic connexion (the empirical and historico-critical element). E. The inscription of Mêša always divides the words by a point (and so the Siloam inscription. takes pains to re-open the discussion of disputed grammatical questions. Introd.. masoret. ‘Historisch-kompar. Vodel. 158 ff. which are then often added in the margin and thence brought back into the text in the wrong place. The chief requirements for one who is treating the grammar of an ancient language are—(1) that he should observe as fully and accurately as possible the existing linguistic phenomena and describe them. 171 ff. Smend. der hebr. 1906. the newly discovered fragments of the Hebrew Ecclesiasticus are very instructive. p. ‘Lehre von der Schrift. Ginsburg. 1853–69). König1 in his very thorough researches into the phonology and accidence starts generally from the position reached by the early Jewish grammarians (in his second part ‘with comparative reference to the Semitic languages in general’) and instead of adopting the usual dogmatic method. . ’ 1897. and 60:7 ff. The causes of unintentional corruption in the great majority of cases are:— Interchange of similar letters. der Aussprache.. and even sentences. 1905.. 1. i. Cf. i. gel.’ Lpz. Gött. the scribe’s eye wanders from the place to a subsequent word of the same or similar form. Ginsburg. Anz. Introd. cf. erroneous repetition of letters. Ps 108 = Ps 57:8 ff. 1 1 Historisch-krit. p. (2) that he should try to explain these facts. ’ 1895. special attention may be called to the grammar by S. Spr. partly by comparing them with one another and by the analogy of the sister languages.). ‘Abschluss der speziellen Formenlehre u. 2 S 22 = Ps 18. and F. or even whole sentences. Syntax d. also the parallels between the Chronicles and the older historical books. some of them very early.. words.. Jer 52 = 2 K 24:18–2530. and lastly wrong division of words (cf. Ps 14 = Ps 53. D. The syntax König has ‘endeavoured to treat in several respects in such a way as to show its affinity to the common Semitic syntax’..1—Intentional changes are due to corrections for the sake of decency or of dogma. dem Pron. u. 1881.

Ḥayyı̂m (see c). Notes on the Hebr. emendationes. Gesenius. 1871.. A. The systematic pursuit of the latter has only begun in recent years: cf. W. Deut. with a valuable selection of variants from the versions. F. Masoretic text from Jacob b. or syntax in the stricter sense of the term). Oxf. Driver. 1886. E. (2) the principles of inflexion. and indicating the different documents by colours. Deuterojesaja. Inc. Kautzsch. d. and united to form syllables. Oxf. 1903.. 1909. The division and arrangement of Hebrew grammar follow the three constituent parts of every language. Text der Bb. with full textual notes. 1879. Ed. and comprises: (1) the principles of the formation of words. (2) states the laws according to which the parts of speech are combined in sentences (the principles of the sentence. and Megilloth are still to come). (sixteen parts have appeared: Exod. Haupt in The Sacred Books of the Old Test. and how other ideas. (2003). Oort. T.Advance in grammar is therefore closely dependent on progress in textual criticism. 1900. is being published in a handsome form by P.. § 4. Sam. e.) (2d English ed. (2) words. and specifies the laws and conditions under which this combination takes place... and Baltimore. Kön.. are expressed by periphrasis. Nördl.2. Biblia hebraica2. Wellhausen. Kittel. Kautzsch & S. Lpz. of the various forms which the words assume according to their relation to other words and to the sentence. the commentaries of Marti and Nowack. Cornill. or of the derivation of the different parts of speech from the roots or from one another. Gesenius' Hebrew grammar (E. Munich. Comm. WA: Logos Research Systems. The first part (the elements) comprises accordingly the treatment of sounds and their representation in writing. The second part (etymology) treats of words in their character as parts of speech. Division and Arrangement of the Grammar. u. teaches the pronunciation of the written signs (orthoepy). or the arrangement of words): (1) shows how the wordformations and inflexions occurring in the language are used to express different shades of ideas. Burney on Kings. viz. and emendations. A critical edition of the O.. Lpz. (1) articulate sounds represented by letters. Die heil. Bellingham. i. Textus hebr. 2 . the Internat. and the established mode of writing (orthography). for which the language has not coined any forms. Minor Prophets. 1909–10. especially Doorninck on Ju 1–16. Gött. Lugd.T. and (3) sentences.) (Page 1). Leid. Crit. 1893 ff. Ezechiel. The third part (syntax. It then treats of the sounds as combined in syllables and words. text of the Books of Sam. Bb. It describes the nature and relations of the sounds of the language. Schriften des A. Cowley. Sam. 1887. 1893. Klostermann. Klostermann. 1890.

—L. Strassb. Schrift bei d. ‘Writing.. also Lidzbarski’s in the Jewish Encycl. F. iv. his Ephemeris. 1906. 1902. . G. On some other names for Old Hebrew writing. i. 1902. The Hebrew letters now in use. p.. p. Grimme. Blau. Alphabets. 316 ff. Hebr. Berlin. Berliners. ‘Die sem it. see above. Bickell’s Outlines of Heb. p. by J. 200. Lpz. and ‘Die Namen der Alphabet-buchstaben’. R. vii of the Oriental Series of the Palaeographical Soc. Macpherson).. in Chwolson’s Corpus inscr. 1894. 1904. 279 ff. Hebräern. Kenyon. 1881. Schreibkunst u. Edinb. Nöldeke. zu Ehren A. = Realencyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche. 3rd ed. Buchwesen. 172 ff. in which both the manuscripts of the O. Gram. (Cf. and. xx. p.. and his ‘Ueber d. p.) Among the abundant literature on the subject. Schrift. Weimar. transl. London. ed. art. Hebr. 1892. The Consonants: their Forms and Names. Nowack... PRE. and pronunciation of the consonants in Talmud and Midrash. p.. Bezold. I. 1879. p.’ in the Jewish Encyclopaedia. In the path of the Alphabet. ’ in Beitr. Lidzbarski. Sprachwiss. 15 ff. Petersburg... 124 ff. 766 ff. 334 ff. commonly called the square character (‫ . to include the countries on the Mediterranean inhabited by Aramaeans. Fort Wayne. zur semit.. Buchstabennamen. Canon and Text of the O. hebr. ibid. by S. 1903. p. = Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete. 1907.. ZA. cf. in Pt.. Jermain. H.FIRST PART ELEMENTARY PRINCIPLES OR THE SOUNDS AND CHARACTERS CHAPTER I THE INDIVIDUAL SOUNDS AND CHARACTERS § 5. Lpz.. The best tables of alphabets are those of J. Hauck. Hoffmann. Epigraphik. ‘Hebrew Alphabet. 439 ff.. Lpz. in Festschr. 1901. i. 1896 ff. 292 f. Lehrbuch d. 1907. i. 944 ff. Strassb. Strack. Praetorius.3. p. Edinb. special attention is directed to: A. ’ in ZA. Tübingen.. Archäologie2. Euting in G. PRE. Stade in ZAW. Buhl. are written and our editions of the Bible are printed. 1886 ff. T. Berliner. ‘Zur Genesis des semit. Berlin. 1877. (cf. on the names. i. 1 1 The name ‫( אַשּׁוּר‬Assyria) is here used in the widest sense. 1882. Freiburg.)כּ ָב מר ָע‬also the Assyrian character (‫ 1. Studien zum althebr. Lpz. 125 ff. (transl. the fullest of all.. Handbuch d. T. PRE. 1906. 1882. Frkf. 1907. Beiträge zur hebr. Alphabets. forms. althebr. 1882.. &c. 49 ff. Benzinger. 1898. Originale’. 1. ZA. Buch wesens auf d. the Table of Alphabets. d.).. &c. Gramm. Ueber den Ursprung des kanaan. Munich. Einfluss d. nordsem. Stübe. by A. Archäol. H. also his art. cf. Grundlinien zu einer Entwickelungsgesch.’ in the Dictionary of the Bible. by C. 173 ff. p. ii. 1907. in Ephemeris.) ְ׳ אַשּׁוּ ִי‬are not those originally ‫ְת ְ ֻבּ‬ ‫ר‬ ‫כּ‬ employed. Curtiss.

Schrift bet den Juden im Gebrauch?’ in Kaufmanngedenkbuch. which consequently bears great resemblance to the extant forms of Aramaic writing. in das A. have also a kind of vocalic power (§ 7 b). Einl.D.C. Bonn. bark. JQR. König. found in Jerusalem in 1905. however. next in age is the codex of Moses ben Asher at Cairo (897 A.. 44 ff. Yiṣḥāqı̂. Bibel. almost without exception exhibit a pure square character. p. 1901.—In the synagogue-rolls a distinction is drawn between the Tam-character (said to be so called from Rabbi Tam. at the head of his sixty principal MSS. ‘Wie lange stand die althebr. the Nabatean and especially the Palmyrene. The date (916 A. § 2 d). for use on softer materials. Driver and Lidzbarski now read ‫ .C. names. = Jewish Quarterly Review. containing the ten commandments and the beginning of Dt 6:4 f. Prätorius has shown good grounds for believing that the South Semitic alphabet is derived not from the Mêša character. solely of consonants. T.. of the end of the first or beginning of the second century A. p. as well as in that of Siloam. p. Die älteste Abschr. Petropol.. in the twelfth century) with its straight strokes. Kittel. Breslau. or from some kindred and hardly older script. From this gradually arose (from about the fourth to the middle of the third century) what is called the square character. 1905. The Alphabet consists. 1909. § 2 f. rounded style was early developed. . Lpz. is to be seen in the inscription of Mêša&#62. 2. papyrus. 1905. Of Hebrew inscriptions in the older square character. Blau.טוביה‬ JQR. 20 ff. cf.D. like all Semitic alphabets. and also on ancient gems. and the Table of Alphabets).C. Notwendigk.ערביה‬correctly. twentytwo in number.. still bear much resemblance to this (cf. in German and Polish MSS. described by Ginsburg. pronunciation.. and the like. 189 ff. so that the age of a Hebrew MS. 1900. Freibg. der 10 Gebote. square corners and ‘tittles’ (tāgı̂n). 469 ff. while the Jews gradually1 (between the sixth and the fourth century) exchanged it for an Aramaic character.. The following Table shows their form. that of Arâq al-Emı̂r (15 ½ miles north-east of the mouth of the Jordan) probably belongs to 183 B. einer neuen hebr. Ueber d. See further E. From the analogy of the history of other kinds of writing. 1893. skins.D. The oldest known biblical fragment is the Nash papyrus (found in 1902). 1 1 On the effect of the transitional mixture of earlier and later forms on the constitution of the text. In ZDMG. not ‫. see R. grandson of R.Old Hebrew (or Old Canaanitish 2) writing. This altered little in the course of centuries. the art. With the Old Hebrew writing the Phoenician is nearly identical (see § 1 k.. B. ‘Scribes’ in the Jew. Herausg.D. as it was used on public monuments in the beginning of the ninth and in the second half of the eighth century B. N. i. such as the Egyptian-Aramaic. 16 ff. however. as formerly held. 32).—L. cannot easily be determined from the style of the writing. (see § 8 g.. d. cf. of the Bible the oldest is probably one of 820–850 A.. and the foreign character with rounded letters and tittles in Spanish MSS. a less antique and in some ways more convenient. it may be assumed that out of and along with this monumental character. p. p. p. Introd. xi and Gottheil in JQR. some of which. Of actual MSS.2 The Jewish sarcophagus-inscriptions of the time of Christ..) of the Codex prophetarum Babylon. Encycl. Peters. The characters on the Maccabaean coins of the second century B. This the Samaritans retained after their separation from the Jews. and numerical value (see k):— 2 2 It is tacitly assumed here that this was the mother of all Semitic alphabets.. 2 2 Not 176. but from some unknown and much earlier form of writing. note) is quite certain.

but see § 6 n l m n s `a peculiar gutteral (see below) p (f. 119 ff.שׁ‬ 1 1 In the Talmud. although by nature they are vowels. disregarding the alphabetical order. with A. 113 ff. iv. ‫ כּמַ ֵץ‬i.. p. p. e. § 8 m. a strong k2 formed at the back of the palate r ś š. a strong gutteral ṭ. cf. u and i. buy see § 6 n 3. Consonanten ‫ ו‬und ‫ ’ .שׂ . i. and were combined by the Jewish grammarians in the mnemonic word ‫ כּמֶ ֶץ‬Kamnèphäṣ.as in English (softs) ḥ. " " ") d (dh. Is 52:8). since it occupies in the alphabet the place of the Semitic ‫( ק‬Greek κόππα).ף . Of these.כ‬final ‫ך‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ .FORM.) has shown that the original order was ‫. As the Table shows. p. 639 ff.ך‬are distinguished from the common form by 1 1 Philippi. e. 1897. pronounced sh t (th.ן . as ‫ַ ְ נפ‬ ‫ַ ְ נפּ‬ 1 the breaker in pieces. or better. 66 ff. 1897. ‫א‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ג‬ ‫ד‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ו‬ ‫ז‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ט‬ ‫י‬ ‫ . ‘Die Aussprache der semit. but see § 6 n) g (gh. 1907. They are called final letters. see § 6 n NUMERICAL VALUE.צ‬final ‫ץ‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ר‬ ‫שׂ‬ ‫שׁ‬ ‫ת‬ NAME. five letters have a special form at the end of the word. Müller and Stade. ְ ‫מ ַי‬ . Bacher (who would read ‫ = ִן־צֹפִך‬proceeding from thy prophets.) h w (u)1 z.. empahatic s q. adduces reasons in detail for the opinion that ‘the Semitic ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬are certainly by usage consonants. viz. " " ". spiritus lenis b (bh. 3 3 Nestle (Actes du onzième Congrès … des Orientalistes. and consequently are consonantal vowels’. ‫ ִן־צֽפך‬of thy watcher. emphatic t y (i)1 k (kh.י‬in ZDMG. See the discussions of this mnemonic word by Nestle. 1886. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 200 300 300 400 Ṣādê Qôf Rêš Śı̂n Šı̂n3 Tāw (Tāu) ṣ. Ālĕph Bêth Gimĕl (Giml) Dālĕth Hē Wāw (Wāu) Záyı̆n Ḥêth Ṭêth Yôd Kaph Lāmĕd Mêm Nûm Sāmĕkh Áyı̆n Pê PRONOUNCIATION.נ‬final ‫ן‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ . ‫ ץ . 2 2 As a representation of this sound the Latin q is very suitable. König.פ‬final ‫ף‬ ‫ .. ZAW. ָ ְֹ ‫מ‬ prophet.מ‬final ‫ם‬ ‫ .

and printed texts. the tables in Nöldeke.C. ZAW. The forms Deleth (and delth). Cf. which only adopted the opposite direction exclusively about 400 B..ע‬In the Phoenician alphabet. Thus Yôd. 22. Moreover. 1906. ‫. ֵ Šı n. by B. pı .. i. properly denotes hand (Heb. Sprachwiss.)ע֫ין‬stands for the consonant ‫ . Lidzbarski.. . All the twenty-two letters. rightly observes that the more original forms of these letters are preserved in the literae finales. ed. Ephemeris. ibid. Beiträge zur sem. Rem. The LXX give them (in almost the same form as Eusebius. see below. 112. cf. 5. wāw. ‫ ִ ֶל‬camel ‫ל‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫גּמ‬ (according to Lidzbarski. Instances of them go back to the time of Christ. the names of which. They may be merely due to a later.ג‬the similarity is still preserved in the square character. 3 3 The same was originally the practice in Greek. and in the Safa-inscriptions of the first three centuries A. In some MSS. Hebrew is read and written from right to left. cf. as ‫ . Zain. and not always accurate. where the division of words appears to be customary. Sen (LXX also χσεν.2 In the case of ‫ ם‬the letter is completely closed. dating from the fifth century B. 1882. Lehrb. 170 f. in the earlier alphabets the rude picture of a hand. 3. Hebr. respectively.4 but. 7. while in the usual form it is bent round towards the left. with which this word begins. Praep. col. Mêša. 1881 ff. and the vowel of ῥῶ = rōš. Hebr. Zai. 126 f.ז . ‫ ֵית‬house.. early Sabaean. p. In his opinion (and so Lidzbarski.ד‬cf.ט .ו . amongst others. 116 f. perhaps originally ‫ ַרֶן‬axe or pick-axe). Marmorstein. tāw. Amiatinus) in ψψ 111. 5 5 We possess Greek transcriptions of the Hebrew names. ‫ דּ ֶת‬door ‫גְּו‬ ‫ָל‬ Krauss. On the boustrophēdon writing (alternately in each direction) in early Greek. The usual explanation of the present names of the letters5 is: ‫ אָ ֶף‬ox. as do also many Codices of the Vulgate (e. it is possible that in the period from about 1500 to 1000 B. 1–5. in MSS.D. In our printed texts these literae dilatabiles are the five following: ‫ﬢ ﬤ ﬧ ﬥ‬ ‫( ﬠ‬mnemonic word ‫ אהל ֶם‬ahaltèm).. In some letters (‫ )ש . 2 2 Chwolson. The forms of the letters originally represent the rude outlines of perceptible objects. = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Giessen. dalt.. begin with the consonant represented (akrophony). especially. 8. Siloam 2. Stade. 4 4 This does not apply to early inscriptions or seals. Strack in the Theol. ZAW. i. other letters suitable for the ‫ֲ ַ ְתּ‬ purpose are also employed in this way. in order that no empty space may be left. but with many variations from the customary forms. Nestle. for Daleth.כ . mouth. the Cod. 68. are all Hebraeo-Phoenician. p.C. 278 ff. &c.)ָד‬ ‫י‬ but as a letter simply the sound ‫( י‬y). the original forms underwent considerable change. Corpus Inscr. Evang.3 Words must not be divided at the end of the lines.g.the shaft being drawn straight down. 5) in La 1–4. certain letters suitable for the purpose are dilated at the end or in the middle of the line. and since 1907 by K.C. ZAW.ר . occur in Zp 3:8. II. It is another question whether the present names are all original. bêt. which rest on the traditional Jewish pronunciation. properly an eye (‫ . head. interpretation of the forms. 10. together with the five final forms. 134) the form and meaning of the names point to Phoenicia as the original home of the alphabet. No. originally a circle. since alf. p. Marti. the ַ resemblance of the forms to the objects denoted by the name is still for the most part recognizable (see the Table). ‫ שׁן‬tooth) are to be noticed. Cf. 119. Ephemeris. 1. Ayı̆n. pei = pê. 4.

according to Lidzbarski. i. Sellin found a jar-handle with the Canaanite characters ‫ ית‬which he dates (probably too early) about 1500 B. and Ball from the archaic Assyrian cuneiform... der Keilschriftzeichen dargel. barrier (but perhaps only differentiated from ‫ ה‬by the left‫וי‬ ‫ח‬ hand stroke). ZDMG. 331 ff.. E. Schrift’ in Ephemeris. (1898) p. Leiden.). who refers twelve fundamental sounds to the Babylonian Zodiac. de Rougé). as was formerly supposed. 356 ff. He holds that the choice of the objects was probably (in about fifteen cases) influenced by the Babylonian system. 1902. still an open question whether the inventors of it borrowed (a) From the Egyptian system—not.. The identity of the objects may perhaps be due simply to the choice of the commonest things (animals. Halévy in Rev.. ‘perhaps originally ‫ ָ ָשׁ‬snake. Epigr. ‫ קוֹף‬eye of a needle. pp. and mostly rectilinear. p. cf. but cf. 1896. and in complete agreement with him. that it originated on Canaanitish soil. however. ‫ ל ֶד‬ox-goad. ‘perhaps ‫ ֶשׁת‬bow’). ‫ מִם‬water. Hebr. p. Ephemeris. This view still seems the most probable. signs. ‫ שׁין‬tooth. Lpz. represents the letter t. Lpz.’ as in Ethiopic). in Egyptian tot. It is now accepted by Lidzbarski (‘Der Ursprung d. 261 ff. 667 ff. 134 and 261 ff.C. ‫דּ‬ ‫ה‬ lattice-window (?). ‫ ַף‬bent hand. . p. It is. 1904. Schriftsystems od. since 1903 ed.g. ‫ ָו‬sign. 1846 ff. preceded by a very clear outline of the theory) that the old-Semitic alphabet arose in Canaan under the influence both of the Egyptian system (whence the acrophonic principle) and of the old-Babylonian. Wuttke’s and W. and in the Verhandlungen des xiii. ֶ‫ק‬ ‫ר‬ ִ ‫תּ‬ With regard to the origin of this alphabet. ‫ ֵית‬fence.C.. ‫ ָו‬hook. p. ZDMG. Archäologie2. p. nord. by direct adoption of hieroglyphic signs (an explanation of twelve or thirteen characters was revived by J. Lpz. according to Zimmern (ZDMG. 173 ff.. ‫ ִַן‬weapon (according to Nestle. 173 ff. Lidzbarski. ‫ו‬ ‫וי‬ rather ‫ ִַת‬olive-tree). … Orient. limbs) in both systems.). cross. and certain constellations.. The correspondence of names had all the more effect since. The derivation of the Semitic alphabet from the signs of the Zodiac and their names. 1897. Ephemeris.). zu Hamb. der Urspr. Hommel connects the original alphabet with the moon and its phases. the hand. This theory is by no means convincing.(properly folding door. i (1900).. first attempted by Seyffarth in 1834. eight appear in the same order in the Babylonian arrangement of signs. ‫ ֵישׁ‬head. Sémit. ‫( ֵא‬also ‫ ) ֵי‬mouth. A vigorous discussion has been aroused by the theory of Frdr. ‫ ֵא‬air-hole (?). 199 ff. More recently Peters and Hommel have sought to derive it from the old-Babylonian. though in his Nordsem..Kongr. Delitzsch (in Die Entstehung des ält. ‫ סמך‬prop (perhaps a ‫נח‬ ְֶָ modification of ‫ עִן . but by the adoption of the acrophonic principle (see e) by which e. by A.)ז‬eye. ‫כּ‬ ‫ָמ‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ נוּן‬fish (Lidzbarski. But it must first be shown that the present names of the ‘Phoenician’ letters really denote the original picture. it may be taken as proved that it is not earlier (or very little earlier) than the fifteenth century B. Lidzbarski. 1 1 In the excavations at Jericho in April. comparing the Greek ζῆτα. out of twelve names which are certainly identical.u. he was still undecided. whence the principle of the graphic representation of objects and ideas by means of simple. implements. Benzinger. cf. the letter l.1 It seems equally certain on various grounds. 1907. the lion = laboi. ‫ צ ֵי‬fish-hook (?). 109 ff. ‫ יוֹד‬hand. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. südsemit. i. since otherwise the el-Amarna tablets (§ 2 f) would not have been written exclusively in cuneiform. nail. 1901. 1898. Fischer. perhaps ‫ ַד‬the female breast). has been revived by Winckler. or of hieratic characters derived from them (so E. according to others a leather bottle or a snake (but perhaps ‫ט‬ only differentiated from ‫ ת‬by a circle round it). and with the same title ‘Ein Nachwort’. ‫ ֵית‬a winding (?). 269 ff. Deecke’s derivation of the old-Semitic alphabet from new-Assyrian cuneiform is impossible for chronological reasons. according ‫ַי‬ ‫פּ‬ ‫פּ‬ ‫ָד‬ to others back of the head (Lidzb.. (b) From the Babylonian (cuneiform) system.

and Rosenthal.).י . La 1–4 (in 2–4 ‫ פ‬before ‫. 2 2 On this superfluous ‫ פ‬cf. Nahum. = Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästinavereins. [Cf. Pr 24:1. 1896. edûth. each strophe. so that e. Arnold (ZAW.ת–ק‬cf. &c. 1880) detected traces of an alphabetic arrangement. 1878 ff. since 1903 ed. qi.הו‬c. .ל‬and vv12–17 ‫ . Grimme.. [See Evans. p. 1909. des phöniz.. Löhr. 29.’ in ZDPV. qe. According to Kluge (1897) and others. p. with the omission of the ‫-ו‬verse and with ‫ 1פ‬at the end.C.g.c. as discovered by D. p. 119 (in which every eight verses begin with the same letter. see above. 5 at any rate as many verses as letters in the alphabet). but the attempt of Gunkel.כ‬exactly fit in between ‫ . 2. p.. Lpz. Berlin. 1903.. 207 ff. see Löhr. 37. 225 ff. p. the combinations ‫.. 1 1 On the supposed connexion of this artificial arrangement with magical formulae (‘the order of the letters was believed to have a sort of magic power’) cf.. ZDPV. 31:10–31 (in the LXX with ‫פ‬ before ‫ . ZAW.] (d) From a system. 112. Alph.)3ע‬also in Na 1:2–10 Pastor Frohnmeyer of Württemberg (ob. 26.. in ethers there are grave difficulties. The hypothesis of Fries is thus connected With that of Delitzsch. 3. 1906).. des kanaan. who shows that Ps 9:3. ‫ עס‬was excluded. but qa. 1904. and Nestle. 80 ff. tôrā.ך . but by a rearrangement we get ‫ סף‬and ‫. Scripta Minoa. containing the eight leading words of Ps 19:8 ff.]— Bickell. 173 ff. Urspr. 1905. 1100 B. 1901. ZAW. Praetorius claims to explain about half the twenty-two Canaanite letters in this way. 118 ff. &c. Der Urspr.עץ‬ 1 1 See note 3 on p. were used in magical texts. 340 f. 1908.כ–א‬cf.C.). Steuernagel. 1900) to discover further traces. 40. In reality. Ztschr f. 53 ff.גד . 5 therefore has the reverse order ‫ . 1882. Bickell. and i and u as Yod and Waw. ten letters are in their right positions. p. p. ZAW. p. 111. ‫ ק‬is not really q. Kath. Gray in Expositor. by C. 5. although the order from ‫ ג‬to ‫ ל‬is partly disturbed or obscured. Of the five Cypriote vowels also they retained only the star (in Cypriote = a) simplified into an ālef (see alphabetical table) to express the vowels at the beginning of syllables. we possess early evidence in the alphabetic1 poems: Ps 9 (‫ . had already deduced from the versions the alphabetical character of Ecclus 51:13–30.] ‫ פ‬before ‫ ע‬is probably due to a magic alphabet.. Evans in inscriptions in Crete (esp. and Klagelieder2. vii ff. ZAW. but ‘the Phoenician-Canaanite-Hebrews gave to the Mycenaean signs names derived from the earlier cuneiform signs’. n. 1906. 3 every three verses with the same initial.. Cf. 233 ff.ל‬also ψψ 25 and 34 (both without a separate ‫-ו‬verse and with ‫ פ‬repeated at the end2). On this theory the Canaanites transformed the syllabic into an apparently alphabetic writing. J.. 3.ט . p.) really supplies the original forms of the Phoenician alphabet as brought to Palestine by the Philistines about 1100 B. and seven can be restored to their places with certainty.. Theol. derived from Asia Minor. p.. As to the order of the letters. Gray in the Expositor.אב‬ ‫& .ח‬and that Ps 10:1. But although the derivation of the Phoenician forms from ‘Mycenaean’ types appears in some cases very plausible. Oxf. Happel (Der Ps. If ‫ ו‬before ‫ ע‬is deleted. ZAW. and according to Fries (‘Die neuesten Forschungen über d.נ . Driver. has not been successful. xxii. p.ל .. 1901.)י . Gött. closely related to the Cypriote syllabary (Praetorius. but there are various objections to his ingenious hypothesis. p.. His conjectures have been brilliantly confirmed by the discovery of the Hebrew original. 17 ‫ . Lpz. assigned for the introduction of the alphabet is clearly too late. Müller of Vienna. Ps 10:1 ‫ . According to Böhmer. 1898. 1 ff. however. p. in chap. H. 3 3 [Perhaps also originally in Ps 34. at Cnossus) and elsewhere. Euphemistic liturgical appendices. Würzb. ZDPV. 1.(c) From the hieroglyphic system of writing discovered in 1894 by A.3ע‬ in chap. they merely retained a single sign for the various syllables. who considers it an appendage to the Greek alphabet. this represents the ‘Mycenaean script’ used about 3000–1000 b. Alphabets. and moreover the date. 8 ff. in the Century Bible. 1907. 319 ff. Nah. 15.

)יהוה‬For a similar reason ‫ טז‬is also mostly written for 16. 6 f.. p. 1880 ff.11 יא‬But 15 is expressed by ‫ . Ayı̆n and Pê). Die Zahlzeichen. Taylor in the appendix to Schechter and Taylor. Buxtorf. e. In default of special arithmetical figures. Schlögl.נ . ֹׄ‫א‬ 1000. i. p. 183 ff. 1 and the Jewish new year.ג . The Wisdom of Ben Sira.. and their use is extremely frequent amongst the later Jews.ל‬indicates an attempt at classification. Thus it is certainly not accidental. from § 41 d onward.g. ‫ ישׂ׳‬for ‫ פ׳ . as also two (if Qôph = back of the head) which represent the head. and numerical values of the letters have passed over from the Phoenicians to the Greeks. These numerical letters were afterwards commonly employed. representing a hand (Yôd. lxxvi ff.ד . 1899. &c. end). ‫.. and in general several forms denoting objects naturally connected (Mêm and Nûn.ְהָֹה‬ ‫יי‬ ‫י‬ ‫י ו‬ REJ. are directly or indirectly dependent on the Phoenician. palatal. In the dates of the first thousand ‫ק‬ years after Christ. So also the Old Italic alphabets as well as the Roman.. 3 3 Cf. and dental sounds ‫ .. p. p. e.)לפ׳ ָטוֹן‬in which they are omitted. and so on. Löhr. cf.ב‬and of the three liquids ‫ .121 קכא . 669 ff. . p. Jo. JQR. 1907.יהוה‬ ‫א‬ The thousands are sometimes denoted by the units with two dots placed above.)לפ׳ ג׳‬with the addition of the thousands. The earliest traces of this usage are. but they occur on coins. however. if the date falls between Jan. a. in whose alphabet the letters Α to Υ are borrowed from the Old Semitic.005 תק‬In compound numbers the greater precedes (on the right). serves as the sign of abridgement in old MSS. and consequently all alphabets derived either from this or from the Greek. the Christian era is obtained by the addition of 240. The order. Basel. Gundermann. xxx (1906). 1899. Also in the middle of ‫פּ נ‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫ו מ‬ what is apparently a word. The units are denoted by ‫ .3 A point. 1905. instead of ‫ .ת–ק‬the numbers from 500–900 by ‫ . Pietro Perreau. 238 ff.יו‬which in compound proper names.—Note also ְָ or ‫( ָי‬also ‫ )ה׳‬for ‫. e. T.צ–י‬by ‫ . C. 3. De abbreviaturis Hebr. The sequence of the three softest labial.g. Ephemeris. of Philol..)הי‬cf. such strokes indicate that it is an abbreviation or a vox memorialis (cf. ‫ . 53.. Paris. Cambr. 1905.יוֹ ֵל‬also represents the name of God. The reckoning of the years in Jewish writings (generally ‫ ליצירה‬after the creation) follows either the full chronology (‫ לפ ָט ָדוֹל‬or ‫ . ZAW. that two letters.. where a trace of this method of writing occurring as early as Origen is noted. e. 4. § 2 d. being the first two consonants of ‫ 2. e.מ .g.. in the second thousand years by the addition of 1240 (i. Nestle in ZAW. to mark the different classes of weak verbs. REJ. for marking the numbers of chapters and verses in the editions of the Bible. otherwise add 1239). Lévy. REJ.g. 250. thus ‫ . At the same time other considerations also appear to have had influence. 2 2 On the rise of this custom (‫ יה‬having been originally used and afterwards ‫ . like ‫ . ‫ וגו׳‬for ‫ ְגוֹ ַר‬et complens. ZDMG. or ‫ִ ְר גּ‬ the abridged chronology (‫ . = Revue des Études Juives. G.g.ִשׂר ֵל‬for ‫י ְ ָא‬ ‫ ְלִֹי‬aliquis. p. Giessen. 1613. names.)004=( ת‬with the addition of the remaining hundreds.ט–א‬the tens by ‫ 004–001 . Kaph). e. the thousands of the Creation era being omitted.. 95 ff. first found on the Maccabean coins (see above. stand next to one another. b. I. 62 ff. ‫ ד׳‬for ‫ דּ ָר‬aliquid. the consonants were used also as numerical signs. Abbreviations of words are not found in the text of the O.)תא״ם‬Two such strokes are employed. p.6+9 טו‬not ‫יה‬ (which is a form of the divine name. 106 ff.N. 1884. e. and in the Journ. § 15 d ‫ . and editions. i. and Lidzbarski. or later an oblique stroke.

however. ‘Gymn. 59. L. no. 1906). Sprachlaute u. 6 ff. i. 1891. 6 ff. 1886.2 As.. Schreiner. partly by observing the affinity and interchange of sounds on Hebrew itself (§ 19). 90 ff.)בקמיהם‬and Nu 7:2 (‫ )5( . p. Königsberger. but yet in its way very important system is seen in the manner in which the LXX transcribe Hebrew names with Greek letters. Krauss. The pronunciation of Hebrew by Christians follows the latter (after the example of Reuchlin). Fragments of … Aquila. 46:22. Berlin. Burkitt. p. 341 ff.. Nu 3:39. &c. 1892. Accad. 29:15. Blau. and minusculae (e.מַשֶׁה‬Ps 80:14 (the middle of the Psalms1) and Jb 38:13.. C. 37:12. Lpz.. 30 (1895). 13. in almost all cases. (2) The literae majusculae (e. ‫ו‬ Lv 11:42 as the middle consonant of the Pentateuch. Introd. a sort of bracket to indicate that the verses are out of place. by Delitzsch and Haupt. 15. Gn 16:5. 2 2 Cf. [Cf. REJ. 1841. Sprachwissenschaft. 57 ff.. and partly from the tradition of the Jews. and after ver. 132. 1897. Könneke. 19:33.1 The pronunciation of Hebrew by the modern German Jews.) ‫ נ‬Ju 18:30 (which points to the reading ‫ משׁה‬for ‫ ע . u. P.ק . p..ט‬are wanting in the Greek alphabet. 21:30. Vorstudien zu der Septuag. 1902. 35. This knowledge is obtained partly from the pronunciation of the kindred dialects. E. 167. p. properly a large ‫ . —all no doubt critical marks. even as to their number.ע . especially the still living Arabic. see Butin (Baltimore. Lit. which are already mentioned in the Talmud. p. 249 ff.) only become intelligible from the nature and pronunciation of the sounds. cf. Cambr. Dt 29:28. p.. Sievers. Introd. which approaches nearer to the Arabic. ‘Zur Gesch.. 18:9. 14 ff. or on whole words.ע‬called tlûyā because suspended between the two halves of the Psalter. 318 ff. Meinhof. are—(1) The 15 puncta extraordinaria.. Ez 41:20. 1902. Metrische Studien. Pädag. Pronunciation and Division of Consonants. “Die Aussprache des Hebr.. C. Gn 33:4. Juüd. des Hebr. 1896. ‫ ה‬Gn 2:4). ’ in ZAW. and Einleitung in die hl. see Mercati. as also before Ps 107:23–28 and 40. on particular consonants. since very many grammatical peculiarities and changes (§ 18 ff. Mayer-Lambert. 29–31. Buchwesen. p.. ‫ ב‬Gn 1:1. 1894. 1885. (4) The ֶ ּ ‫ְנ‬ ‘mutilated’ Wāw in ‫ שלום‬Nu 25:12. differs considerably from that of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews. and Mêm apertum in ‫ המפרוצים‬Neh 2:13. ” in Neue Jahrb. (3) The literae suspensae (Ginsburg. about which the tradition (from Siphri on Nu 9:10 onwards) differs considerably. Schrift. 146 ff. Frankel. On the transcription of eleven Psalms in a palimpsest fragment of the Hexapla at Milan. p. a later. ’ Stargard. ‫ י‬Nu 14:17). semit. text. 213 ff. Lpz. who regards the inverted Nûns as an imitation of the Greek obelus. (6) Nûn inversum before Nu 10:35. Prolegomena Critica.-Blatt. nos.] . Peculiarities in the tradition of the O. and especially Ginsburg.. vergleich.g.. Lpz. Studien zum althebr. 88 ff. Is 44:9.. only an approximate 1 1 According to Blau. i. Turin. ‘Die Semit. p. Strack. 2 S 19:20. to be deleted. § 6. p. ’ in Beiträge zur Assyriologie u.)הפקודים‬Mêm clausum in ‫ לםרבה‬Is 9:6. and then incorrectly taken for a littera suspensa. xxxi. according to Ginsburg. M. 1889. Strassburg.-Progr.צ .. ZAW. p. The oldest tradition is presented in the transcription of Hebrew names in Assyrian cuneiform. corresponding signs for several sounds (‫ )שׁ . An accurate knowledge of the original phonetic value of each consonant is of the greatest importance. which partly resembles the Syriac and is generally called ‘Polish’. Atti della R..g. cf. Budapest. 1 1 Cf. Talmudkritik. Nu 9:10. 1885. Strassburg. and ‫ ק‬Ex 32:25 (‫ . Ps 27:13. who considers that they are as old as the Christian era and probably mark a letter.. Masoretische Untersuchungen. 36.5. f. Bd. p. 1901. 1. p. Philol.. Introd. der Ausspr. 334 ff. also on the ten points found in the Pentateuch. and Aus Masorah u. Haupt. T. 1891. ihre Umschrift..

The stronger sound might be approximately transcribed by gh or rg. at the end of ְ ַ ְ‫נ‬ a word the consonantal ‫ ה‬has a point—Mappı̂q—in it. §§ 7 b and 75 a. On the lingual ‫ . and of ‫ט‬ and ‫ . ‫ ַד‬ad. cf. ‫ָר‬ ‫ ה‬before a vowel corresponds exactly to our h (spiritus asper). as ‫ אַר ַע‬arba.g.g. see § 14). pronounced in many words feebly. cf. e. (from a Yemen MS. e. 1868. 1871 (extrait 6 du Journ. however. Knecht). as heard generally in Swiss German.ר‬cf. the exhaustive and systematic discussion by Siegfried. ‫ ע ִי‬Ἡλί. or it stands inaudible at the end of a word. homme. always) coalesces with it. 1848. 4 4 It is. a deep guttural ch. of the year 1390). Asiat. 1870).‘Die Aussprache des Hebr.g. a weaker sound of the same kind. however.representation was possible in these cases. elsewhere.3 On the pronunciation of the modern Jews in North Africa. Arab.4 In the mouth of ‫ֵל‬ ‫ֲ ָל‬ the Arabs one hears in the former case a sort of guttural r. Paris. edited by P. ‫ אָ ַר‬āmár. § 23 a.g. which ‫ַזּ‬ ‫ע ר‬ the LXX reproduce by a spiritus (lenis or asper). cf. the glottal stop ‫ א‬is the lightest. and similar to the Spanish j. Like ‫ ע‬it was.ר‬its pronunciation as a palatal (with a vibrating uvula) seems to have been the prevailing one. like the h in hour and in the French habit.—It is as incorrect to omit the ‫ ע‬entirely. Even before a vowel ‫ א‬is almost lost to our ear.א‬but is a much stronger guttural. Macht.With regard to the pronunciation of the several gutturals and sibilants.ק‬it may be remarked:— I. qărăă. e. e. guttural g. in others strongly. Asiat. Nov. After a vowel ‫ א‬generally (and at the end of a word. somewhat as in the German Achat. The same applies to the Latin transcription of Hebrew words by Jerome. Zucht (not as in Licht. J. Lpz. de Lagarde. see Bargeès in the Journ. e. It may stand either at the beginning or end of a syllable. as to pronounce it exactly like g or like ‫ֵל‬ ‫ֲ ָל‬ a nasal ng. Hence in some respects it is also classed with the gutturals (§ 22 q r). according to the Jewish pronunciation of his time. bei Hieronymus. in the latter a sound peculiar to themselves formed in the back of the throat. Dérenbourg. e. ‫ָ ָה‬ ‫גּל‬ gālā. 1884. corresponding to the spiritus lenis of the Greeks. ’ in ZAW. 34–83. ‫ עמ ֵק‬Amalek). 3 3 Numerous examples occur in Hieronymi quaestiones hebraicae in libro geneseos. in reading and transcribing words (‫ ע ִי‬Eli. Docht. 27 g. o. As regards ‫ . see further. . ‫ עמ ֵק‬Ἀµαλέκ. but since in Hebrew the softer sound was the more common. ‫ְבּ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ ח‬is the strongest guttural sound. ‫ ק ָא‬qārā for an original qāră. ‫ . ‫ ֶהפּך‬nähpakh. generally as a mere orthographic indication of a preceding vowel.g.. ‫ ֲמֹ ָה‬Γόµοῤῥα. it is sufficient to represent it by the sign . 2. &c. after a vowel it is either a guttural (so always at the end of a syllable which is not final. Sache. on that of the South Arabian Jews. Its strongest sound is a rattled.g. ‫ֶ ְשׁם‬ ‫מ‬ ַ ‫יא‬ yäšám. doubtful if the LXX always consciously aimed at reproducing the actual differences of sound. ‫ ע‬is related to ‫ . Among the gutturals. Manuel du lecteur.עָה‬LXX Γάζα. pp.

‫ שׂ ְלוּת‬for ‫ ס ְלוּת‬folly. Brown. pp. ‫ . 1906. by Rāphè (§ 14 e). Glaser. ‫ ס ַל‬to be foolish.ס‬and its relation to the original value of ‫ שׂ‬and ‫ . De Lagarde. is clear from the fact that they are differentiated in Arabic and Ethiopic (cf. in MSS. Hüsing. and is denoted by a point. Britts.. 1898 ff. Six consonants. D.g. 229 ff. Ezr 4:5.—On the phonetic value of ‫ צ‬see G. we transcribe it by ṣ. Ec 1:17. OLZ. n). ‘Zum Lautwerte des ‫ ’ . 133). Congresses. no. R. It is occasionally denoted. as ‫ סכר‬for ‫ שׂ ַר‬to hire.ך‬which correspond to our t and k and also are often aspirated (see below. placed in the consonants.. G. 100 f.. based on the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius. 1888. the French and English z. at any rate in some cases. g (hard). d. ‘Samech. . and Labials ‫)בַּדכּ ַת( ב ג ד כפ ת‬ ‫ְגְ ְפ‬ have a twofold pronunciation. 121. 1 1So at any rate at the time when the present punctuation arose. ‫ כּ‬k. p. ‘Zur Geschichte der semit. f. 467 ff. A. E. Müller. 1891. 19 ff. p.. ‫ גּ‬g. (1) a harder sound. Nöldeke in Ztschr. OLZ. Driver. Brockelmann. 3. 257 ff. as mutes. H.שׁ‬is still undetermined. cf. Hüsing. ZAW. and (2) a softer sound as spirantes. viz. ‫ ץ‬is distinguished from every other s by its peculiar articulation. Nöldeke. Oxford. 762 f. esp. ַָ ‫ָכ‬ ‫ִכ‬ ‫ִכ‬ ‫( ז‬transcribed ζ by the LXX) is a soft whizzing s. esp. ‫ בּ‬b. Munich. 1 1 The modern Samaritans. ‫ פּ‬p. In Lexicon. the weak and middle hard Palatals. In the Masoretic punctuation they were distinguished by means of the diacritical point as ‫( שׁ‬sh) and ‫( שׂ‬ś). altogether different from the German z (ts). Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. t. 1891.)שׁ‬ ‫ שׁ‬and ‫ שׂ‬were originally represented (as is still the case in the unpointed texts) by only one form ‫ .1 The harder sound is the original. Vienna. ZDMG.שׁ‬ 2 2 The original value of ‫ . The first two are thus essentially different from ‫ ת‬and ‫ . ‫ ס ַר‬to close.ט‬and probably ‫ ץ‬are pronounced with a strong articulation and with a compression of the larynx. Semitic section. like k. in reading their Hebrew Pentateuch pronounce ‫ שׂ‬invariably as ‫.ץ‬in OLZ.2. when there is no vowel immediately preceding to influence the pronunciation.’ in the NGGW. ‫ שׂ ַר‬to hire. p.ש‬but that the use of this one form to express two different sounds (at least in Hebrew) was due only to the poverty of the alphabet. 3. 467 ff. 1893. 5. Grundriss. Müller. These have. e. 1880. wissensch. Aug.. but in printed texts usually by the mere absence of the Dageš. to be wise. however.Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. OLZ. Dageš lene (§ 13). i. 1873. Vienna. ‫ תּ‬t. by F. and C. or initial b.ק . arisen from dentals which are retained as such in Aramaic and Arabic (see in the Lexicon. despite the valuable investigations of P.. ZDMG. Dentals. Theol. p. Zwei Wiener Publicationen über Habaschitisch-punische Dialekte in Südarabien. 173. p. the letters ‫ ץ .ס‬and in Hebrew also they are sometimes interchanged . It is retained at the beginning of syllables. Zischlaute. Haupt. and in no way corresponds to the German z or ts. ’ in the Verhandlungen des Wiener Orient. ‫ דּ‬d.1 The original difference between the sounds ‫ שׂ‬and ‫ 2ס‬sometimes marks a distinction in meaning. x.. Syriac ‫ָכ‬ ‫ָכ‬ ‫ָכ‬ ‫ָכ‬ always represents both sounds by ‫ .ז‬and ‫. p. 1902. S. p. 1907. The Hebrew language is unusually rich in sibilants. ‫ שׂ ַל‬to be prudent. The weaker pronunciation appears as soon as a vowel sound immediately precedes. p.

ח ע ה א‬ ii. ‫ כ‬χ.ג כק‬ ‫. Palatal ‫גּ‬ Dental ‫דּ‬ Labial ‫בּ‬ …‫ז‬ …‫וי‬ m. as well as p. the following scheme of the Hebrew phonetic system is substituted for the table formerly given in this gramar:— i. b–h. 1. Consonants which are produced by the same organ of speech are called homorganic (e. see § 21. The meaning of the letters at the top is. ‫ פ‬φ.כ . whether within Hebrew itself or with the kindred . ‫כ‬ ‫ת‬ ‫פ‬ 2. According to their special character the consonants are divided into— (a) Gutturals (b) Palatals (c) Dentals (d) Labials (e) Sibilants (f) Sonants ‫. On the twofold pronunciation of r in Tiberias.g.the case of ‫ . and § 7 of the Hebrew text. 1879. Mouthsounds: 1.ד ט ת‬ ‫. k–h.כ .ב פ‬ ‫. i.g. ‫ ג‬and ‫ כ‬as palatals). Wagen. In accordance with E. On their hemorganic character and homogsneity depends the possibility of interchange. ‫ בִּת‬bais. The modern Jews pronounce the aspirated ‫ ב‬as v. ‫ג‬ ‫ד‬ ‫ב‬ m. as distinguished from ‫ גּ‬and ‫. consonants whose sound is of the same nature homogeneous (e. Lpz.ב‬the two sounds are clearly distinguishable even to our ear as b and v. ‫ פּ‬π. ‫ק‬ ‫ט‬ — ‫צ‬ ‫נמ‬ w. kh. the aspirated ‫ ת‬as s. The Greeks too express this twofold pronunciation by special characters: ‫ ךּ‬κ. = emphatic. 4. 10 ff. k and German (weak) ch. in the case of bh and kh) to an erroneous conception of the sounds as real aspirates. end) is to be distinguished from its more unusual sound as a lingual.פ . = middle hard. und Musik. Metrische Studien. Sievers. th is only an unsatisfactory makeshift. m. w.g. ‫ ַב‬rav (or even raf).ת . e. Mutes and Spirants: w.א ה ע ח‬ ‫. ‫ ת‬θ. g.ר ל . = weak.ז שׁ שׂ ס צ‬ ‫. note a. ‫ תּ‬τ. Dikduke ha-teamim. Physiol. and ‫ ר‬like th in the.נמ . Lpz. 82. The customary transcription (used also in this Grammar) of ‫ר‬ ‫ַי‬ the spirants ‫ ת . ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬as semi-vowels). cf. p and ph.. pronounced in the front of the mouth.ו י‬ In the case of ‫ ר‬its hardest pronunciation as a palatal (see above. In the same way ‫ ג‬should be pronounced like the North German g in Tage. 14. Throat sounds (Gutturals): ‫. p. ‫כּ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫פּ‬ ‫שׁשׂס‬ ‫רל‬ e. Baer and Struck.Sibilants: 3. e.ב‬by bh. 1868. 5. p. since it may lead (esp.דּ‬ For more precise information on the cases in which the one or the other pronunciation takes place. t and th (in thin). Delitzsch.Sonants: Rem.

medial.ן‬and in certain cases ‫ ה‬and ‫ . Rem. &c. p. In such cases the soft sound generally interchanges with the soft. yôm.g. by the Samaritans and Galileans ‫ ע‬and ‫ ח‬were pronounced merely as ‫ .שׁ = ת . 34 ff. ‫ ש‬like s.)ק = ך = ת( ק‬Here it is of importance to observe whether the change takes place in an initial. The Vowels in General. ‫ יוֹם‬Arab.א‬like h.א‬ ‫ . however.א‬as to ‫ .g. or final letter. the combined sounds ay and aw are therefore retained uncontracted and pronounced as diphthongs (ai and au). § 7. The partial expression of the vowels by certain consonants (‫ . short a alone of all the vowels is not represented.ז = ר‬Further transitions are not. e. on 1 Ch 1:2.dialects. § 23 k).g. as e. excluded. ‫ שׁוֹט‬Arab. viz. That in certain cases the character of the consonantal sound also influences the preceding or following vowel will be noticed in the accidence as the instances occur. viz. ‫עני‬ sauṭ. Very probably in course of time certain nicer distinctions of pronunciation became more and more neglected and finally were lost.. &c. the a in modern Persian. especially Stade. short ŏ from ŭ. ĕ by modification from ı̆ or ă. became in many cases altogether lost to the later Jews.ל‬finally the gutturals and ‫ ר‬for the reason given in § 22 b and 22 q. Similarly. English. e.). however. in the French pronunciation of ai and au. i. (e.g. very doubtful whether the αἰ and αὐ of the LXX really represent the true pronunciation of Hebrew of that time.). E and o always arise from an obscuring or contraction of these three pure sounds. and likewise in the German popular dialects (Oge for Auge. Lehrb. Ionic θῶµα.g. in Greek and Latin (θαῦµα. u. as in the other Semitic tongues. at least after weaker or softer consonants. It was only in later Arabic that they became in pronunciation ê and ô.ו . The consonants which it is usual to describe especially as weak. and in Ethiopic. e). 1.ו . Thus e. der hebr. the change in a letter when medial does not always prove the possibility of the change when initial. u.g. ‫( י . 2.ה‬cf. ‫ .)א . § 1 k). &c. are a.י‬and ‫ .ו . ê by contraction from ai (properly ay). as again ‫. yaum. which was known to the LXX (see above. 20.ה‬which sufficed during the lifetime of the language. 3. the obscuring of the vowels plays a part in various languages (cf. ‫ ע‬like ‫ ח .י . must in the main have passed through the following stages2:— 1 1 In proper names the LXX often use the diphthongs αἰ and αὐ where the Hebrew form has ê or ô. e. are those which readily coalesce with a preceding vowel to form a long vowel. and for a still longer period afterwards (cf.)צ = ט .א‬and so in Ethiopic. or those which are most frequently affected by the changes described in § 19 b–l. . ‫ ֵין‬Arab.1 2. It is. but the consonant by itself is pronounced with short a. and ô sometimes by modification (obscuring) from â.g. and ‫ ֵיִַ֫ם‬Arab. The original vowels in Hebrew. 2 2 Cf. 1 1 In Sanskrit. bên. the interchange of ‫ ת‬and ‫ . cf. Rem. Swedish. the stronger ‫ ע‬rg. since e. the hard with the hard. sometimes by contraction from au (properly aw).1 In Arabic writing there are vowel signs only for a. Gr.. ‫בּ‬ The same contraction appears also in other languages. Vowel Letters and Vowel Signs. see the instructive statistics given by Kittel in Haupt’s SBOT. plaustrum = polostrum). i. bain. in the Old Persian cuneiform. ‛ainain.

In point of fact we find even in the Old Testament. Against this. Tijds. bahn.g. 374.g. cf. or with a preceding u coalesced into û. we might also include the ‫ י‬of the constr.. the employment of ‫ ה‬for ā probably took place first in the case of the locative accusatives which originally ended in ‫ .(a) The need of a written indication of the vowel first made itself felt in cases where. e. e. the suffix of the 3rd sing..g. after the rejection of a consonant.)91 . a ‫ ה‬employed in this way (see below) as an indication of a final o.ל״ה‬the vowels ā. So Chwolson. so throughout the Mêša inscription ‫( ֵיתֹה .1 (b) The employment of ‫ ו‬to denote ô.קד י ָג . bo. elsewhere ‫ כ‬for ‫ִי‬ (but ‫ כי‬in the Mêša&#62 and Siloam inscrr. 1. Petersb. 1. Finally ‫ א‬also will in the first instance have established itself as a vowel letter only where a consonantal ‫ א‬with a preceding a had coalesced into â or ā.1( ָֽאסחבה .8 ‫בּ‬ ‫ִ ְתּ ח‬ ‫ר‬ = ‫ ָ ָיו‬his days is unusual. in the inflection of the verbs ‫ . From this it was only a step to the employment of the same consonant to indicate also other vowels when final (thus.־ ה‬as ‫. in Melit. § 91 e. 1902. ‫ז‬ ‫( בִּ ִי = בנת‬so Mêša) or ‫& . ‫ְ נ ְנ‬ ‫כּ‬ 1 1Thus there occurs.הוּ‬But in the places where this ‫ הוּ‬with a preceding a is contracted into ô (after the rejection of the ‫ . e) these consonants were also employed—although not consistently—for the same vowels at the end of a word. it may be urged that the Phoenician inscriptions do not usually express this ê. at least as a vowel letter. may have resulted from those cases in which a ‫ ו‬with a preceding a was contracted into au and further to ô. After the employment of ‫ ו‬as a vowel letter for ô and û. As final ā is represented by ‫ ה‬and ‫ א‬and final ı by ‫ . In this case the previously existing consonants were retained as vowel letters and were further applied at the end of the word to denote the respective long vowels. numerous instances in Ginsburg.הל ַֽ ֲמֹה . and of ‫ י‬to denote ê. ‫ ז‬for ‫( ֶה‬the latter in the Siloam inscr.. Theol. p. cf. ‫ סוּתֹה . or with a preceding i into ı̂ (cf. ’ in Travaux du Congrès … des Orientalistes. e. as already in the Mêša inscription. ְנֹה‬on the other hand already in the Siloam inscription ‫ ימה 4. Introd.) and ‫. i. Cf. in the noun (as in the verb) was originally pronounced ‫ . 3 3 According to Stade. state plur. if its ê (according to § 89 d) is contracted from an original ay. lahu. and where ‫ י‬with a has been contracted into ai and further to ê. The verbal forms with ‫ה‬ ‫ימ‬ suffixed are to be read ‫21 . ִירֹה‬Gn 49:11. It is indeed not impossible that Hebrew orthography also once passed through a period in which the final vowels were left always or sometimes undenoted. masc.).1( ְַָֽ ְשׁה‬ ֻ ֵ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ְֵֶָֻ ‫ו‬ ֻ ֵ ‫ויג ר‬ As an example of the original consonant being retained.1( ַַלפה‬f. or of an entire syllable. that the above instances from the Mêša-inscription are to be read benhu. è). however.). According to § 91 b and d.בִּי ִי‬c.)ה‬we find the ‫ ה‬still frequently retained as a vowel letter. ‘Die Quiescentia ‫ הוי‬in der althebr.אַ ְצֹה‬also ‫. lo. nor any other final vowel.י‬so final û is almost everywhere expressed by ‫ ו‬in Mêša. merely as an indication of a final vowel. a long vowel formed the final sound of the word. û. Orthogr. and that not a few strange forms in the present text of the Bible are to be explained from the fact that subsequently the vowel letters (especially ‫ ו‬and ‫ )י‬were not added in all cases. . as also ‫ 02 . e. p. ֵעוֹ‬Mêša.בֹּה . ı̂. The first step in such a case was to retain the original final consonant. which were afterwards vocalized as beno. and always in the Siloam inscription. l. and of ‫ י‬for ê and ı̂.לֹה . masc. ‫( אנכי = אנכ‬unless it ‫ָ נת‬ ‫ָנ ת‬ was actually pronounced anôkh by the Moabites!).) ֵתֹה‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ר‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ .)6 . on the other hand in Mêša.1 רשה‬if it is for ‫ ראשיו‬his chiefs. 146 ff. § 24).3 ē. 3 ‫ שֵׁי בֵי = שנבן‬the two sons.אַר ָה‬ ָ ‫ָ ִ מ ְצ‬ 4 4 The form ‫ רעו‬contradicts the view of Oort. had been established (see below. 1876.

while we seldom find an originally consonantal ‫א‬ rejected.g. ‫( עוֹר‬from aud). qôṭēl.לְָה = ללה‬or ‫. is by far the more common. This view is in a great measure confirmed by the orthography of the Mêša inscription.The orthography of the Siloam inscription corresponds almost exactly with the above assumptions. When the language had died out. Instances of the retention of an originally consonantal ‫ א‬as a vowel letter are ‫ . The conclusion is.יוֹם‬instead of ‫( יוֹם‬Arab. yaum) day. if it is to be read ‫ . § 9 d. ִשׁ‬or ‫. that it was gradually developed by Jewish grammarians in the sixth and seventh centuries A. so that (at least in the middle of the word) the vowel letters were omitted in places where they should stand. without vowel letters. of the many possible ways of pronouncing a word. in the plural endings ‫ ־ ים‬and ‫ )וֹת‬the vowel letters are habitually employed to ִ express long vowels which do not arise through contraction.חֹצ ִם . under the influence of different Schools. . qèṭel. indicated by a vowel letter—and almost always by the same letter in certain nominal and verbal endings. according to what has been stated above. In many cases (as e. 1 1Thus e. and the very doubtful cases in § 8 k).) we find all the long vowels.אַ ָה :ה‬To this ‫ יֹם‬alone would form an ‫ָי מּ‬ exception (cf. and we even find short vowels indicated. either these laws were not consistently carried out in the further transmission of the text. the vowel signs or vowel points were invented in order to fix it.)מָ ִן‬ ‫ְב א‬ ‫ממ‬ ‫ִ יּמ‬ ְ ‫ממ‬ ‫ . qiṭṭēl. and added where there was no case of contraction.ק ָא‬as also ‫ . with very few exceptions (cf. yet there were also cases where.קֹל . ‫ ֵתֹה‬once.ָֽאוֹשׁיב‬four times. or errors and confusion afterwards crept into it. ֵין‬ ִ ‫בּ ו‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ַ יל‬ ‫י‬ ‫א‬ (c) In the present state of Old Testament vocalization as it appears in the Masoretic text. that if there ever was a period of Hebrew writing when the application of fixed laws to all cases was intended. ִי ִן‬is an ‫צ‬ ‫צ‬ instance of the retention of a ‫ י‬which has coalesced with i into ı̂.מוֹ ָא . ֻר‬On the other hand ‫( מוֹ ָא‬from mauṣa). Moreover much remained uncertain even in texts which were plentifully provided with vowel letters. which have not arisen from original diphthongs.g. It is true that there is no historical account of the date of this vocalization of the O. T. and of ‫ י‬for ê or ı̂. and several of these forms have also different senses. arising from contraction. qāṭôl. ‫ =( דיבן‬Daibōn.הָה . and the simple phonetic principle taking the place of the historical orthography. qāṭāl. By means of these points everything hitherto left uncertain was most accurately settled.1 3. ‫= ואשב‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ה ִ ַנ‬ ‫ה ִ ַנ‬ ‫ ֵת . For. from a comparison of other historical facts.D. as might be expected.שׁלשׁ . qaṭṭēl.נקבה .רֹאשׁ‬Otherwise ‫צ מ ַי‬ ‫ָר‬ final ā is always represented by ‫ .)69 § . Here (as in the Mêša inscr. traces of ֵָ 2 2 ‫ השעני‬is the more strange since the name of king ‫ הוֹשׁע‬is represented as A-u si in cuneiform as late as 728 B. which one would expect.אַמֹּת . In many cases the use of ‫ ו‬to mark an ô or û. ‫ מימן‬also. the ambiguity of such a writing must have been found continually more troublesome. If the reading be correct. ָאתִ֫ם‬and ‫ . text. ‫ קטל‬can be read qāṭal. but also even ‫ 2 ֽשׁעִי‬instead of ‫( ֽוֹשׁעִי‬from hauš-). On the other hand the number of exceptions is very great. however the note on ‫ . although in most cases the context was a guide to the correct reading. Thus the final long vowel is. ‫ אִַ֫ן = אן .זרה . ‫( חוֹרָֹן‬ô ‫נ‬ from au). qeṭōl. There we find. quṭṭal. and ‫( ֵיתֹה‬ê from ai). yet we may at least infer. thus ‫( ִי ִן . and as there was thus a danger that the correct pronunciation might be finally lost. in spite of the inconsistencies which have crept in. for ‫ ֵית‬and ‫( ֵיתֹה‬from bait). the striving after a certain uniformity cannot be mistaken. as the ∆αιβών of the LXX proves). this is to be regarded as an argument that a consciousness of the origin of many long vowels was lost at an early period. more than one appeared admissible.C.

. Gesch. 1872. (a good outline).. Halle. xxvi. as well as the analogy of the kindred languages. ’ in Monatsschr. Stade. Strack. ‘Zur Nakdanim-[Punctuators-]Literatur.. C. i.. 1907. K. who shows that neither Jerome nor the Talmud mentions vowel signs. Martin. Test. 128 ff. u. d. in the Verhandlungen des Orientalistenkongresses zu Berlin. cf. iii. d. Syrern. i.1 See Gesenius. e.—On the hypothesis of the origin of punctuation in the Jewish schools for children. 1875. JQR. Kritiken.. Ginsburg.. f. de la ponctuation ou de la Massore chez les Syriens. Leben. 1873. i. p. (a) those between the Orientals. Ginsburg. ed. &c. Abr. 1875.. Hersmann. Pick. Wissensch. Ruhrort.’ in the Jewish Encycl. Nestle. Lips. 1830. REJ. Krit. E. p. Giessen. Nöldekes. 1875. 1879.. 1889. Midrasch. though with independent regard to the peculiar nature of the Hebrew. 197 ff. Vokalisation. 2 pts. Berlin. p. Marti. in ZDMG. im Talm. Merx. i. the scholars of the Babylonian Schools. J. J. Nevertheless in many cases. p.. and of numerous later corruptions. 1881 ff. To complete the historical vocalization of the consonantal text a phonetic system was devised. between Ben-Naphtali and Ben-Asher. (b) amongst the Occidentals. u. Crit. (see § 3 c). Warsaw. 153 ff. p. in Hebraica. by B. p. H. Graetz. Studien u. 188 ff. no. especially in view of the transcription of proper names in the LXX.. Bachrach. Punktation. die ges. Gramm. 1881. ’ in Theol. Harris. and p. The pronunciation followed is in the main that of the Palestinian Jews of about the sixth century A. and esp. 651 ff. so exact as to show all vowel-changes occasioned by lengthening of words. p. ‘Zur Gesch. 287 ff. the scholars of Palestine (Tiberias. 736 ff. Hist. in Theol.. ‘Massorah. 1 1 See Geiger. 223 ff. x. and the Occidentals. Par. Dérenbourg in the Rev. Hebr. P. 26 ff. and B.. 182 ff. testify in a high degree to the faithfulness of the 2 2 The most important of these differences are. = Jewish Quarterly Review.. REJ. REJ. p.‘The Rise … of the Massorah. art.. ’ in Orient. 619 ff. p. p. d.. p. Both sets of variants are given by Baer in the appendices to his critical editions. Introd. Breslau. internal reasons. des Streites über die Entstehung der hebr. 1906. Geiger. A. pt. 393 ff. 1887.. Our printed editions present uniformly the text of Ben-Asher. who flourished in the first half of the tenth century at Tiberias. with the exception of a few isolated readings of BenNaphtali.’ JQR. ‘Massorah bei d... 1876. u. des hebr.. which in other languages are seldom indicated in writing.which have been preserved to the present time in various differences of tradition. ’ in ZDMG. für Wissensch..-Enc. = Revue des Études Juives. e. p. Prolegomena critica in Vet. = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.. 285. but based on a much older tradition. ‘Die Anfänge der Vokalzeichen im Hebr. Massora nach Bar Hebraeus.. Paris. p. 1873.2 hey mainly followed. xiii. Introd. Tiberions. 164 ff. 3. 1893. Gesch. That the real pronunciation of early Hebrew is consistently preserved by this tradition. Accentuation. Judenth.‘Diakrit. 148 ff. ZAW. xii. Berliner. cf. u. Zeit. by the tone. J.. H. p. p. u.’ in the Protest. Mayer-Lambert. as observed in the solemn reading of the sacred writings in synagogue and school. Spr. Introd. 1897. Levias. Bacher. and since 1907 by K.3. Zur Gesch.. Theol. ZAW. Real. Studien zu Ehren Th. Vocalisation u. ’ in Jüd. 1881. Hupfeld. 25. Budde. ‘Vocalization. .. Weingarten. by gutturals. and 395 ff. Bibeltextes. 1885. 274 ff. Ginsburg. 348 ff.). i. ‘Beitrag zur Gesch. bibl. 10 ff. 525 ff. JQR. as also in the Ztschr. Ztschr. Die syr. luth. Stud. cf. the example and pattern of the older Syrian punctuation. i. 1880 ff. has recently been seriously questioned on good grounds.D. 241 ff.. and p. hebr. &c.. ’ in ZAW. Zeichen in vormasoret. pp. Das Alter d. Beiträge zur hebr. f. 4.

1901. with regard to Qameṣ and Segol. by E. in the last note on § 8 a [English ed. 2) for assigning a definite quantity to each of the several vowels. 136 a. in spite of the analogy ‫ָב‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ְַ cited by Sievers (p. or from other circumstances. There is. = Theologische Literaturzeitung. ThLZ. or in general with any question of quantity. At the same recension of the text. p. qå̄:ŏ́n (form ‫ . since not only does ‫ ־‬stand.)ק ַל‬but in pause kå̄bḗd. qå̄ṭṓn.’ I have therefore long shared the opinion that ‘the vowel-system represented by the ordinary punctuation (of Tiberias) was primarily intended to mark only differences of quality’ (Sievers. 1876 ff.. classified according to the three principal vowel sounds (§ 7 a). e. 17). ed. ֶ ֵ e. § 8. original ı̆ and ŭ often pass into ĕ and ŏ dialectically. xxii.g. 1. in Elias Levita ‫ַיּאֹ ֶר‬ ‫ִ ְע ְ ָכ‬ ‫ו מ‬ ‫ . Metrische Studien. ‫ כּ ֵד‬and ‫ . P. Newhaven. § 10 a–f). no. ‫ = עָב‬ĕnab or ‫ = בֹּרך‬bŏrakh. while remaining in a closed syllable. note 4]. To me ‫ = כּ ֵד‬kā̊bĕ́d. In Philippi’s opinion they were mistaken (excluding of course ı̂. With regard to Ṣere and Ḥolem. ô when written plene) in a very great number of cases. 138 ff. ‫ָב‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ָט‬ I readily admit.־ . ê. Haupt. and ׄ‫ ־‬for ō or ŏ. 1897. ָ according to circumstances. &c. and in the Johns Hopkins Semitic Papers. Cincinnati. distinguishes the five long as mothers from their five daughters). Mikhlol. by means of writing. Their efforts are directed to fixing the received pronunciation as faithfully as possible.’ JAOS. it was stated: ‘it must be mentioned that the Masoretes are not concerned with any distinction between long and short vowels. ThLZ.־‬ ֶ ֵ are merely signs for ä. 16) were added. the various other signs for reading (§§ 11–14.)אלָהוּ‬Šureq and Qibbuṣ being counted as one vowel. Levias in the Hebr. Union Coll. however. 7 ff. that the account formerly given in § 8 f. o: ‘whether these are long or short is not shown by the signs themselves but must be inferred from the rules for the pause which marks the breaks in continuous narrative. ed. and the accents (§ 15). Schürer.tradition. ‘The names of the Hebrew vowels. p. Preliminary Remark. however. 18. and ‫ ־‬for ā̈ or ă̈. Annual.’ But in the twenty-fourth and subsequent German editions of this Grammar. p.g. 38. is as impossible as e. The division of the vowels in respect of ‫ֵ ִיּ‬ quantity is a later attempt at a scientific conception of the phonetic system. note 1) that ‘in old German e. ThLZ. C. The next two sections (§§ 8 and 9) have been severely criticized (Philippi. The Vowel Signs in particular. whereas in reality ‫־ׄ . or soon after. are as follows:— First Class. 1904. of course a further question how far these ‘later’ grammarians were mistaken in assigning a particular quantity to the vowels represented by particular signs. but also ‫ ־‬for ē or ĕ. For a long time only ‫ שב ָה מל ִים‬seven kings were reckoned (vox memor. Lpz. for ā̊ or ă̊. Rittenb. A-sound. The full vowels (in contrast to the half-vowels or vowel trills. which was not invented but only represented by the Masoretes (Qimchi. was open to misconstruction. i. I can only follow Philippi so long as his view does not conflict with the (to me inviolable) law of a long vowel in an open syllable before the tone and (except Pathaḥ) in a final syllable with the tone.g.. . ָטֹן‬out of pause kå̄bĕ́d.

also Ginsburg. c and § 9 u. shows that the Massoretes did not intend to draw a sharp distinction between them. are very frequent in the language. cf. see also Gaster. i. ִ ‫ַדּ‬ I 2. ‫ ־ י‬Ḥı̂rĕq with yod. ‫ ָאשׁים‬rā’šı̂m (heads).ֵ שׁב‬ ֶ ‫י‬ 1 e 1 These S gôls. or å̆ (in future transcribed as ŏ). ‫ ָד֫יך‬yādèkhā (cf. as in the first syllable of ‫ ֶד ֶם‬yädkhèm (your hand) from yădhèm—or ‫יְכ‬ in a tone-syllable as in ‫ פּ֫ ַת‬pĕsaḥ. and on the really monosyllabic character ‫ֶס‬ of such formations. cf. ִ‫ק ד‬ either naturally or by contraction. the latter suggesting the obscure pronunciation of Qameṣ as å. 1892. The latter occurs almost A exclusively as a modification of ŭ. ֵ ‫ ־‬either ê. 1 either in an untoned ֶ closed syllable.2 as ָ ִ ‫ר‬ ‫ ָד‬yå̄d (hand). As regards the others. ‫י‬ called Qāmeṣ ḥāṭûph. almost always ı̂.g. ‫ ־‬Segôl. πάσχα.g. is due to contraction from ay. Segol. as in dābār. 1. the sign for Qameṣ is a stroke with a point underneath. p. For Qameṣ ḥaṭuph. after careful consideration. whenever this is not the last. modified from ă. 2. regard the Jewish grammarians as making a merely idle distinction between Qāmeṣ rāḥāh.. ă.1. ô those lengthened only by the tone. ‫ ֵיתוֹ‬bêthô (his house).’ in ZAW. as ‫ צדּ ִים‬ṣaddı̂qı̂m. ‫ ־‬Páthăḥ. ‫.g. or light Qameṣ. should have been indistinguishable from e. i. however. ē. the notation ā. p. an open e. as being typographically simpler and not liable to any misunderstanding. but the penultimate syllable of the word.. â. § 91 i). as ‫ צ ִיק‬ṣaddı̂q (righteous). see § 28 e. according to Nestle’s discovery (ZDMG. ‫ ־ י‬Ṣerı̂ or Ṣērê with yod=ê. ĕ. see § 9.—The mark stands in the following pages over the tone-syllable. more strictly å̄ (the obscure Swedish å) and å̂. . e. It is quite impossible that in the living language an ā lengthened from ă. the last vowel in ‫ ַָשׁב‬or ָ ‫ויּ‬ the first in ‫—. I. and Qāmeṣ hatûph. 609.)צדיקם(צדיקים‬or ı̆. the distinction into i and ĭ. ă. and therefore changeable. Pathạ with Ḥolem. i).e.and E-sounds. ‫ִד‬ ‫בּ‬ 3. ֵ ֵ E 1 1 In early MSS. hurried Qameṣ. Introd. The Babylonian punctuation (see § 8 g. ‫ ־‬either ı̂ (see below. 60 ff. 411 f. But Segôl in an open tone-syllable with a following ‫. ‘Die Unterschiedslosigkeit zwischen Pathach u. ‫ 1־‬Qāmĕṣ denotes either ā. as ‫ צ ְקוֹ‬ṣı̆dqô (his righteousness). or broad Qameṣ. note 3) has only one sign for it and tone-bearing Pathah. ŭ and ŭ is sufficient. â in this grammar. è (ǟ or ä̆).). e. e. ַ ‫בּ‬ Also 3. ê. or ē as ‫ שׁם‬šēm (name). as a modification of ă. 2 2 Instead of the no doubt more accurate transcription å . 1894. ô expresses here the vowels essentially long. p. we have. in the previous German edition expressed by å . We must not. ‫גֶּ נ‬ ָ ֶ‫י‬ Second Class. but rarely (see below. å we have retained ā. § 75 f). i). Cf. ָֽ ָשׁים‬The notation ā. returned to ŏ The use of the same sign ‫ ־‬for ָ å (å ) and å . ŏ the short vowels. ‫ ַת‬băth (daughter).י‬ as in ‫ ְל֫יָה‬gelènā (cf. only orthographically different from ִ ‫ַ ִק‬ ‫—. as is usual.

spirit). rarely ‫ וֹ‬for ō. the point is placed over its right arm. of the mouth (also ‫ 1 ְלֹא פוּם‬fullness of ‫ל‬ ‫מ‬ 2 the mouth). p. 807 ff. 2. ‫ ר‬rē. 1. ‫ַת‬ ‫ֵר‬ also ‫=( שׁ֫ ֶר‬ı̆) breaking.)צ ִי‬in order ‫ָמ‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ַת‬ ‫ֵר ֶת‬ ‫ְר‬ to carry this out consistently some even write Sägôl.בֹּאָם‬since ‫ א‬here begins a syllable. e. for šûreq (hence also pronounced melu pum to indicate û). ‫ ־‬Qibbûṣ. 1904. U. ibid. like Dageš. ZDMG. 597 ff.g. ‫ ק ֵץ‬and ‫ פּ ַח‬are rather Aram. see E. after which it is to be pronounced. the Arab. 1886. ‫ רוּח‬rûaḥ (wind.ק֫וּמוּ‬ 3. participles.g. ‫ צ֫ ֵי‬a wide parting (of the mouth).. a modification of ı̆.. in my opinion. Qomeṣ-ḥaṭûf. and ‫ָמ‬ ‫ָת‬ consequently to be transliterated Qa mēṣ and Pâthah.Ṣere can only be ĕ. the vowel sign stands regularly under the consonant. ô and ō. . ‫ ־‬Segôl. Anz. Third Class.בֹּא‬ ‫ . The names of the vowels are mostly taken from the form and action of the mouth in producing the various sounds. ֹ‫ ר‬rō (but ֹ‫=ל‬lō). as ‫ שׁוּ ֶק‬and ‫( ִבּוּץ‬also ‫ )קבוץ פּוּם‬a firmer.g. Often also a defective ֹ‫ ־‬for ô. 873. as ‫ פּ֫ ַח‬opening. usually û. i. ‫ָ נק‬ Moreover the names were mostly so formed (but only later). ‫ רֹב‬rōbh (multitude).. &c. The Pathaḥ ָ ַ ֵ ֻ called furtivum (§ 22 f) alone forms an exception to this rule. generally modified from ŭ. ‫ ־‬On Qāmĕṣ ḥāṭūph=ŏ.. ‫ ק֫מוּ‬qūmū (rise up). and so previously Luzzatto). ‫ וּ‬Šûreı̆q. see ָ ‫ח‬ above. follows a consonant which is to be pronounced with ō. a. Bacher. being pronounced before the consonant. Simonsen.קֹ ֶץ‬for ‫ צ ִי פּ ַח‬for ‫ . Melopum. parting (cf. only in Germany. &c. rarely ŭ.. Qübbûṣ. 1 1 On the erroneous use of the term melo pum. ‫ֶב‬ ‫ִ ר‬ ‫ִר‬ ‫ ח֫וֹ ֶם‬closing. ‫ ר‬rū.א‬as a vowel letter. As the above examples show. p. O On the question whether ֹ‫ ־‬under some circumstances represents ŏ.e.g. see § 93 r. ibid. ‫ שׁן־‬šän ֶ (ground-form šı̆n). 799 ff. ‫ חפ ִי‬ḥı̆äƒṣı̂ (ground-form ḥı̆ƒṣ). ‫ קוֹל‬qôl (voice). kasr). ‫ וֹ‬and ֹ‫ ־‬Ḥōlĕm. p. ֻ ‫ֻלּ‬ ֻ instead of the usual ‫. U 2. ‫ָמ‬ ‫ַת‬ 2 2 The usual spelling ‫ ק ֶץ‬and ‫ פּ ַח‬takes the words certainly rightly as Hebrew substantives. e. ‫ ר‬ră. ‫ ס ָם‬sŭllām (ladder): or û. ‫ֶ ְצ‬ ֶ 4. thus ‫. gel. Nestle. e. either ŭ. according to De Lagarde (Gött. ‫ָמ‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ק‬ e compression or contraction of the mouth. The Ḥōlĕm (without wāw) stands on the ַ left above the consonant.רֹאשׁ‬but e. 4. ă̈. ‫ מוּת‬mûth (to die). ‫ ר‬rā. as ‫ ָק־‬ḥŏq (statute). So ‫( שׁלשׁ ְ ֻדּוֹת‬three points) is another name for Qibbûṣ. ‫( ח֫י ֶק‬also ‫ )ח ֵק‬narrow opening. such as those mentioned in § 29 f. that the sound of each vowel is heard in the first syllable (‫ ק ֶץ‬for ‫ פּ ַח . in few cases. according to others fullness.and O-sounds. If ‫ . ‫ . p. S gôl (‫ ְגוֹל‬bunch of grapes) takes its name ‫ס‬ from its form. ‫ ק֫ ֶץ‬also denotes a slighter.

e.. this Babylonian punctuation exhibits the system which was developed in the Eastern schools. the dot is placed over its right arm. It is rather to be regarded.e. 719 (Babylonian ‫ . or approximation to the original of both systems of punctuation. Katalog der hebr.g. Text des A. 1875. ‫ לֶֹה‬lôwè. although a higher degree of originality.g. Merx. Recently. öffentl. as a later and not altogether successful attempt to modify. however. The vowel signs. but is by no means the Oriental system. der babyl. all except ‫ . there is a simpler one. Hence ‫ שֵׂא‬śônē (hating). 475 f.. either ô or. in the synagogue at Tschufutkale in the Crimea. Der masoret. 1888. T. The ‫ וֹ‬is then either to be read ōw (necessarily so when a consonant otherwise without a vowel precedes. p. Margoliouth. no. 3 Since 1846 we have become acquainted with a system of vocalization different in many respects from the common method. The accents differ less and stand in some cases under the line of the consonants.) to contain a recension of the Biblical text partly Babylonian and partly Palestinian.). Cf.. When ō precedes the śin. Gaster. a ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ distinction is at least made between ‫ וֹ‬wo and ‫( וֹ‬i. used in Targums. and thus to simplify. 1899. ZDMG. according to him. xv. Petrop. the system common to all the Schools in the East and West. also the publication by A. p. also Barnstein. Wiss. pp. and also Ḥaṭeph Pathaḥ. and M. that the ‘Babylonian’ punctuation may certainly be an Oriental. Petersb. 1879. Targ. p. Kahle. and Lpz. parts i and ii. toneless ĕ and Ḥaṭeph Seghôl. Oxford. was generally conceded to the latter. and his Chrestomathia Targumica. Petersb. P. St. ôw3). 124. London. xi. 1903. ‫ ָוֹן‬āwôn (iniquity) for ‫ . has been shown by Ginsburg (Recueil des travaux rédigés en mémoire … de Chwolson. 1899. 223 ff. p. L. Bibliothek zu St... has endeavoured to show. 149. e. 1887. G. see A. ‫ הֽשֹׁ ִים‬hannôśeı̂m (those who carry). ‫ַנּ ְ א‬ In the sign ‫ . with the valuable review by Rahlfs in GGA. when ‫ו‬ a vowel already precedes the ‫ . ibid. 216 ff.ו‬e. Lastly in toneless syllables before Dageš. Strack edited a fragment of it in Hosea et Joel prophetae ad fidem cod. and differ almost throughout in form. 4.. 5.וּ‬are there placed above the consonants. 1905. Chrest. 15 ff. 1896. 1875. which Firkowitsch discovered in 1839. p. and Ḥaṭeph Qameṣ. ZDMG. 142 ff. It is still uncertain whether the latter is the foundation of the former (as Merx. p. p. Lpz. Strack. Accents of the Twenty-one Books. 6 f. established the probability that the 3 . ‫ ְשׂא‬neśō (to bear). nach d. quoted above. 1876. and some even as regards the sound which they denote: tone-bearing ă and In an unsharpened syllable toneless ă and è. 181 ff. or is a later development of it among the Jews of South Arabia (as Praetorius.וֹ‬the ‫ ו‬may also be a consonant. ָווֹן‬In more exact printing. fol. Bibelhandschr. Nestle. Überlief.)ִקּוּד בּב ִי‬as it is called. Juden. The Targum of Onkelos to Genesis.). and Introd. lending) or wō. A more thorough study of the system was made possible by H.. and Bacher. from the accents. Petersb.No dot is used for the Ḥolem when ō (of course without wāw) is pronounced after ŝn or ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ ֶ ֶ ‫מ‬ before šı̂n. p.ע‬According to the opinion formerly prevailing..) of the year 916. 1902. Berlin. ZDMG. la. der Kaiserl. Strack’s facsimile edition of the Prophetarum posteriorum codex Babylonicus Petropolttanus (St. Babylon. § 7 h. Berlin. Wickes. St. ‫נ ַ ְל‬ Harkavy and H. The MS. Besides this complicated system of the Codex Babylonicus (see below) and other MSS.g. ‫ משׁה‬môšè (not ‫ . when another vowel follows the wāw. cf. Jahresb. ֹ‫ ִ ְפּשׁ‬yirpōś ‫יר‬ (he treads with the feet).)מֹשׁה‬but ‫ שֹׁ ֵר‬šômēr (a watchman). Petersb. Strack. 1895. For the older literature on this Babylonian punctuation (‫ . in the PSBA. der ZDMG. corresponding to and contemporaneous with the Western or Tiberian system.

ibid.ְקוֵֹי‬ ‫י‬ ‫ו י‬ ‫ו י‬ Jer 38:11 ֵ‫ ְלוֹ‬for ‫ ). (see above).. Kahle. ō.מ ְווֹת‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫ִצ‬ ‫ִצ‬ That much is here arbitrary (see § 7 g). Lidzbarski. also generally with â. above. immediately precedes as a strong consonant. 44:8.־ ה‬ ֶ ָ ‫ ־ ה . ê. and frequently agrees with the transcriptions of the LXX and Jerome.גּוִֹים‬commandments) for ‫. ‫ ה ִימוֹ ִי‬Ez 16:60: ‫ ה ִמֹ ִי‬and also ‫ ה ִמוֹ ִי‬Jer 23:4. but the ָ ֶ long vowels of the I. matres lectionis or supports (fulcra).־ י‬ ‫ ו‬with Šûrĕq and Ḥōlĕm (‫ וּ‬and ‫1. there are certainly some cases in which only the one or the other is admissible.. p. vowels of the superlinear punctuation arose under Arab influence from the vowel letters ‫( יוא‬so previously Pinsker and Graetz). Neubauer. Only it may be observed. ’ in ZAW. Studien zur Gesch. and esp.. JQR. represented only by vowel signs. probably the basis of the other two.g. ô is called scriptio defectiva in contrast to scriptio plena. for û. Segôl (‫. im Althebr. ē.־ א‬at the end of the word (§ 9 a–d. . ı̂. zu der Gesch. ’Alĕph (‫ . ְלוֵֹי‬On the other hand the defective writing is common when the ‫בּ י‬ ‫בּ י‬ letter. 680. p. e. ā (cf. Thus— ִ ֵ ֶ ‫ י‬may be combined with Ḥı̂rĕq.ִָי . So far as the choice of the full or defective mode of writing is concerned. p. however § 9 d).and U-class largely by vowel letters. Journ. 273 ff. Punktation. p. 157 ff.. 33 ff.g. chiefly dealing with the Berlin MS. follows from the fact that sometimes the same word is written very differently. The vowels of the first class are. widely different system (Palestinian). A third. 86 ff. § 25 ‫ֲק ת‬ ‫ֲק ת‬ ‫ֲק ת‬ b. vii.. of Sem.קט֫ל ִי . 1894. Schreibung. as well as for è in ‫& חֶֹה‬c. der Orthogr. cf.)וֹ‬ In Arabic the long a also is regularly expressed by a vowel letter. e. ‫ק‬ Cf. ‫( גּוִֹם‬nations) for ‫( מ ְוֹת . which contains a number of variants on the biblical text. viz. T. and PSBA. qu.קוֹל‬are written plene. f). ‫ קוּם . ‘the vowel letter rests (quiesces) in the vowel-sign. der hebr. 182. 361 ff. ‘Midrasch der vollen u.קֹלֹת‬defective. Ṣērê.. and Friedländer. xv. 1 1 After the example of the Jewish grammarians the expression.’ has become customary. is described by A. ‫ז‬ (§ 9 f).־ י . ô. In Hebrew ‫ א‬is rarely used as a vowel letter.3. 1895. e. Bardowitz. defekt. ‫( . which would have to be employed as a vowel letter. Ezr 6:21. p. 1907.גּוֵֹי‬Zp 2:9 ִ‫גּוֹ‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ [perhaps an error due to the following ‫ ]י‬for ‫ . The vowel sound to which the letter points is determined more precisely by the vowel sign standing before.g. ‫ ֻם . Or. and in Der masoret. the vowel letters are also called by the grammarians. 2 Ch 32:13 ֵ‫ גּוֹ‬instead of ‫ .. 1896. 275. ָֽ ְלוּ‬But the ‫ַ ְ כ יד ָ ַ ְ תּ ק ט‬ Masora requires in Jer 26:6. i.)־ י . Marmorstein. while the Tiberian system shows Syrian influence. with the exception of ‫ ־ י‬in the middle and ‫. or within it. 1901. see § 9 b and § 23 g.מל ֵי . Lang. Levias. Text des A. Beitr. The omission of the vowel letters when writing ı̂. 4. û. C. ’ in ZAW. P.)־ א‬so that ָ in that language three vowel letters correspond to the three vowel classes.גּוִֹי‬Is 40:31 ֵ‫[ ְקוֹ‬followed by ‫ ]י‬for ‫. Ephem. ê.. On the other hand. and Lit. 564 ff. p. Thus the full form is necessary at the end of the word.

āsûy. lengthened only by position (i. To understand this better a short explanation of the character and value of the several vowels is required.g. (2) ā. is more usual. very seldom ‫ְת‬ with a following ‫ . but with the Italian Jews more like wāu. bayith (or even as vaf. 2 2 Of a different kind are the cases in which ‫ א‬has lost its consonantal sound by coalescing with a preceding a. of two kinds:— ‫־‬ (1) The essentially long â (in Arabic regularly written ‫ . if the ā of this form were to ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ be explained as a contraction of ăă cf.י‬in such combinations as ‫ . This is also to be regarded as the Old Hebrew pronunciation. i.־ ו‬i.־ יו . ḥai. cf. ‫ . syllables ending in a vowel (§ 26 b). The sound of ‫ ־ יו‬is the same as ‫ . either in the tone-syllable itself (or in the secondary tone-syllable indicated by Mèthĕg. Numerous as are the vowel signs in Hebrew writing.קוֹל . &c. by nature and origin. ַי .—The rarity of the â in Hebrew arises from the fact that it has for the most part become an obtuse ô. gôy. 4 (see the examples in § 72 p).ֵוּ‬are even marked with Mappı q (§ ‫ח גּ‬ 14 a).ָו‬are not to be pronounced according to the usual ‫ח ו‬ ‫ַי גּ ע‬ 1 Jewish custom as vāv. 1. First Class. (and regularly in post-biblical Hebrew) the full form.g.צדּ ִים‬ ‫ַדּ נִא‬ ‫ַ ִק‬ ַֻ ‫י‬ ְָֻ (b) That in the later Books of the O. is. especially with respect to length and shortness. especially in regard to their length and shortness as well as to their changeableness (§§ 25.־ י .(a) That the scriptio plena in two successive syllables was generally avoided. ָשׂוּי .2 ‫ר‬ The writing of ‫ ָאם‬Ho 10:14 for ‫ ָם‬would only be justifiable. Circulars.א‬as ‫ 2 ָאשׁ‬S 12:1. A-sound. e. ‫ ו‬and ‫ . ‫ָ ִיא‬ ‫נב‬ but ‫ . § 27 e– h). gēv.ְהוֹשׁע .־ י .g. T. &c. 3 3 In Arabic this ă is always retained in an open syllable. ַיּ .. . e. This sound is invariably lengthened from an original ă. 2 2 Cf. 70 ff. June.ְב ִים‬but ‫. or just before or after it.e. they are yet not fully adequate to express all the various modifications of the vowel sounds.צ ִיק . see below). a § 23 a–d. p. ‫ כּ ָב‬k thâbh (writing). C. 27).). ‫ ָאג‬Neh 13:16 for ‫( ָגּ‬dāg) is certainly ‫דּ‬ ‫דּ‬ incorrect. Foote. in the earlier the defective. ai)2 is formed if the ָ ֵ ִ ַ ָ heterogeneous vowel be a. ev ef for αὐ. almost like āu. 1903. see below. note 2). when a vowel precedes a vowel-letter which is not kindred (heterogeneous). e.־ ו . modern Greek av af. In the cognate dialects. cf. ḥay.־ יו‬ ָ § 9. T. The diphthong ai in Hebrew (Johns Hopkins Univ. when it represents a long a.מצא֫הוּ .e. tone-long or at all events lengthened under the influence of the tone. Thus such words as ‫ בִּ֫ת . according to the laws for the formation of syllables. q. εὐ).גּוֹי . 3 and is found in open syllables.ֵו .)־ א‬which is not readily ָ e shortened and never wholly dropped (§ 25 c).e.קֹלוֹת . Qameṣ (ָ). 1 1 In MSS. so that ‫ ־ ו‬is often written ָ ָ ָ defectively for ‫. 5. since it agrees with the vocalic character of ‫ ו‬and ‫ 5 §( י‬b.־ ו‬a diphthong (au. Character of the several Vowels. however § 72 a.

e. On the cases where a ‫( י‬originally consonantal) follows ‫יה‬ this Segôl. Eng. ‫תּ‬ ‫ן‬ fem. masc.לכ֫ם . I. of ā lengthened from ă. On ă as a helping-vowel. in ‫ אַתּ‬thou ָ (masc.g. state ‫ָכ‬ e ‫ְב ָב‬ ‫ְ ָל ָט‬ ‫( ה ָס‬ḥ khăm). fem. ‫ . however.עוֹל֫ם . e. but in reality traceable to an original ă. ‫ . ‫ א֫ ֶץ‬from ’arṣ.. In some terminations of the verb (ָ in the 2nd sing.ה‬the final ā can stand even without a vowel letter. see § 93 xx. 4. however. ָֽ ֶן .g. è [ǟ]) by origin belongs sometimes to the second. e. in such cases the Pathaḥ which underlies the Segôl is lengthened into Qumeṣ. qămḥ. f. ‫ַ֫ ַל‬ ‫נח‬ (ground-form naḥl).g.)־ י‬but a naturally long ı̂ can be also written defectively (§ 8 i).ק ַל‬For examples of the retention.)־ א( א‬see § 23 d. p. and with regard to two cases of a ‫ַי‬ different kind. ָ On ‫ ־‬for ŏ see below.g.ק֑ ַח‬A Segôl apparently lengthened from ‫קר ָמ‬ Šewa. and a helping vowel (ă. as well as in the 3rd and 2nd pl. In a ‫כ י‬ closed syllable. as ‫( כּוֹ ָב . Büder.ָקוּם . see § 28 d. ‫ . qătălă. at the end of a sentence or of an important clause (in pause). ‫ .דּב֫ר‬whereas ָָ ָ in an open syllable it is especially frequent before the tone.g. Pathaḥ. pl. ‫צ ִיק‬ ִ ‫ַדּ‬ (righteous). men). however. c. i. ָ in the 2nd pl. ‫( אָ ִיר . Second Class. e.ִ ְֽאוּ‬Whether a defectively ‫ַ ִק‬ ‫יר‬ ‫יר‬ . man. ăsı̂rŭ). but most frequently to the first vowel class (§ 27 o.דּ ָר‬d bhăr). of the imperf.ח ָם‬constr. A ָ ָ ‫ ה‬is.)קטלתּ֫ם . bait). stands in Hebrew almost exclusively in a closed syllable with or without the tone (‫ . as well as in closed ָ ְ ‫ָט‬ ‫ס י‬ syllables. This S gôl is often retained even in the strongest tone‫ֶמ‬ syllable. &c. either in a toneless syllable.ִי ָא‬he fears). below.g.) and in the suffixes ‫ ך‬and ‫ . yăd.קט ָם . ‫ ק֫ ַח‬Arab. ‫( ֶֽ ִי‬yăhy). ‫ק֫ ֶן‬ ‫יְכ‬ ‫ֶר‬ ‫ֶר‬ e Arab. e. and only apparent union of Pathaḥ with ‫ . As a rule. while in an open syllable it becomes Šewa (§ 27 i): ‫ .קט֫ל‬In places where it now appears to stand in an ַָ ְְֶַ open syllable the syllable was originally closed. those ending in a consonant. and § 91 k. of the imperat.and E-sounds. h.לך‬Arab. § 22 f(Pathaḥ ַ furtivum). perf. or short ă. lăkă.ָק֫ן .ָד‬vulgar Arab. cf. On the rare. stands in pausal forms. pl.ק ַל . ‫( . u). e. ‫־‬ On the very frequent attenuation of ă to ĭ. qărn. in these cases (except with ‫ )ה‬frequently added as a vowel letter. kaukăb). ‫( ֶד ֶם‬for yadkhèm). sā̈́dä̆q). plur. and § 28 e.g. h. ‫ צדּ ִים‬ṣaddı̂qı̂m. e.). ָ 2. yăqûmŭ. ‫ . see § 75 f. It belongs to the first class when it is a modification of a (as the Germ. § 25 g. Bad. The long ı̂ is frequently even in the consonantal writing indicated by ‫( י‬a fully written Ḥireq ‫ . § 89 a) the original short ă (Pathaḥ) is retained in a closed syllable. it can only stand when this has the tone. or with the tone. Segôl (ĕ.דּב֫ר‬Where ָ ָ ֵ‫ָ ֶ ז‬ the tone is moved forward or weakened (as happens most commonly in what is called the construct state of nouns.מ֑לך‬ ְֶ ֶ ‫צ ד‬ (mā̈́lä̆kh. as ‫ֶֽ ֶק . Otherwise ă in an open syllable has almost without exception passed into ā (ָ). plur. see above. ‫( בִּ֫ת‬Arab. 3. as ‫( ֶֽ ִי‬ground‫פּר‬ form păry).e.. ı̆) has been inserted after the second radical merely to make the pronunciation easier. end. in the ‫ֲכ‬ secondary tone-syllable. ‫( דּ ַר . cf.

‫ַי‬ The earlier grammarians call every Ḥireq written fully. 7. as ‫ ֵ֫ ֵא‬Ex 16:29. 18. ‫א ֵם‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ dumb. cf. (b) in a toneless open final syllable. in monosyllabic words before Maqqeph. e. the remarks of I. for wayyiphn. § 8 b 3 end).g. 1904.־‬e. Rem. either replacing a tone-long ē which has lost the tone. ‫( צד ִי‬ground‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ִ ְק‬ 2 form ṣădq). as in ‫ דּב ֵי‬from original dăbărê. is very rarely retained except in and before the tone-syllable. ‫ ִֶ֫ל‬for yigl (§ 28 e). or with Metheg (see ‫ֵפ‬ ‫ֵנ‬ § 16 d. ‫יצ‬ 8. ‫ עֵי‬for ‫ ֵיֵי‬Is 3:8. 1884. on Italian e for Latin i.g.written Ḥireq is long may be best known from the origin of the form.הל ִי‬from the ground-forms ‫צ‬ ‫ֶ זר ֶ ְ ק‬ e ḥilq. f) in the secondary tone-syllable. or as in ‫ .and O-sounds. often also from the nature of the syllable (§ 26). It stands in an open syllable with or before the tone. ‫יג‬ Third Class. The longest ê ‫( ־ י‬more rarely defective ‫ . Ḥireq magnum. and even ‫ . as in fede = fı dem. 208 ff. Wellhausen. which in the tone-syllable had become ē.—a misleading distinction. also § 64 f. as ‫ ֵן‬son. Ṣere likewise occurs in examples of the nāsôg ’āḥôr. Arab. ‫ ֵֽץ־‬Nu 35:18. as well as in the examples of nāsôg ’āḥôr ‫ע‬ mentioned in § 29 f (on the quantity cf. p. ‘La pronuncia del ṣērē. ‫יר‬ 5. § 7 a. Guidi. The short Ḥireq (always1 written defectively) is especially frequent in sharpened syllables (‫ )א ִי . so far as quantity is concerned. ZAW. ‫ שׁ ֵֽל ִי‬my request. ‫( יֽצרך‬thy ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ‬ ָ ְ ֶֹ creator) from ‫ . ‫( ס֫ ֶר‬ground-form sı̂phr) book. cf. 9. e. as in ‫ 82 § . 3 3 Cf. e.יֹ ֵר‬or in the case discussed in § 93 o. ‫ עְ ִי .. Exceptions: (a) ē is sometimes retained in a toneless closed syllable. or else it is the original ı̆. like the tonelong ā (see c). e. e. 2 2 Jerome (cf. p. Text der Bb. p. ‫ ֶן־‬from ‫( ֵן‬give). sı̆năt) sleep. ‫( ֵי ָל‬palace). every one written defectively.ִַ֫ ֶן‬with a helping Segôl. ַ ‫הכ‬ and Syriac haikal.g. ‛izr. pece = pı cem. Leiden. It has arisen ‫ויּ פ‬ very frequently by attenuation from ă. cf.ִֽ ְאוּ‬from the Metheg attached to it (§ 16 f). at the end of a ֵ ֵ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ענ‬ word also ‫ )־ה‬is as a rule contracted from ‫ ־ י‬ay (ai). 77) in these cases often gives ă for ı . as in ‫( אִֽבך‬thy enemy) from ‫( אֵֹב‬ground-form ’âyĭb)3 It is sometimes a simple helping ָ ְ ‫ֹי‬ ‫י‬ vowel. and is always lengthened from an original ı̂.-Kongr. of 1902. The Ṣere without Yôdh mostly represents the tone-long ē. des Hamburger Orient. however ‫ ִַשׁבּ‬in ‫ִמּ ִטּ‬ ‫ִז‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ a closed tone-syllable. ‫( שָׁ֫ה‬Arab. which. On ‫ְ א ָת‬ ‫נ ְכ‬ the other hand in a closed syllable it is almost always with the tone. For the U-sound there is— 1 1 At least according to the Masoretic orthography. Sam.ק ֵל‬and in toneless closed syllables (‫ מְמוֹר‬psalm).g. ’ in the Verhandl. S gôl appears as a simple helping-vowel in cases such as ‫ס֫ ֶר‬ ‫ֵפ‬ for siphr.g.בִּ֫ת‬e. 6. cf. Ju 9:39. ‫ ֵֽל ָה‬let us go. Ḥireq parvum. U. The Segôl of the I(E)-class is most frequently an ĕ modified from original ı̆. ..g. Siegfried.

‫ט‬ Arab. The pronunciation of the Qibbûṣ like the German ü. yaqtŭlû. It occurs not only in the tone-syllable. e. ‫ שׁל ָן‬and ‫ שׁל ָן‬Arab.g. ‫ ְשׂוּ ָתוֹ‬Is 5:5. ‫ יוּל֑ד‬Jb 5:7. 15 f. u.g. Sometimes the form in â also occurs side by side with that in ‫ְל‬ ô as ‫ שׁרָן‬and ‫( שׁ ְיוֹן‬coat of mail. ‫( ִבּוֹר‬hero). that ‫ֲ ֻלּ‬ this ŭ was pronounced somewhat indistinctly. qâṭēl.g. ‫ַ ול‬ ְָ ַ (2) The long ô which arose in Hebrew at an early period.ִק ְלוּ‬ ‫כּ‬ ‫ֻלּ‬ ‫י ְ ָ ְ ָ יק‬ ‫יְט‬ where original ŭ is weakened to Šeŵa: yiqɩelû. ‫( ס ָה‬booth). 31:34. ‫גּ‬ ‫ת‬ ‫ר‬ Arab. ‫ וּ‬Šureq. Cf. Aram.(1) the long û. 10. ‫ ֲרוּ ִים‬Gn 2:25 for ‫& . ‫מ כּ‬ ‫ע מּ‬ ‫ֻכּ‬ For this u the LXX write o. or in general according to the laws for the formation of syllables. see however § 29 u). Lpz. above. ‫( שׁוֹק . This tone-long ō is only ̣̇ as an exception written fully. plur. ‫ ְִקֹטוּן‬Ps 104:28.ִ ְטֹל‬and ‫. ‫כּוּ ָם‬ ‫כּ‬ ָ ‫לּ‬ Jer.אֽה ִים‬But the original ŏ (ŭ) is ‫ֹ ָל‬ ‫ֹע‬ retained in a toneless closed syllable. It stands in the same relation to Ḥolem as the Segôl of the second class to Sere. ‫( ְבוּל‬boundary).g. e. ‫( הוֹ ָם‬seal).וּ‬e. § 8 a. as ‫( שֹׁרך‬thine ox) from ‫ שׁוֹר‬Arab. ‫( שׁ ְטוֹן‬dominion). qâtı̆l. ‫ . by the tone. ַ ‫א‬ ‫א ה‬ ‫ קֹ ֵל‬Arab. the Turkish buülbuül for the Persian bulbul. rŭmmân. ‫=א ֵר‬Ἐµµήρ. or (b) ‫גּ‬ defectively written ‫ ־‬Qibbûṣ ‫. ‫ בֹּרך‬for burrakh. Arab. Cf. ‫ ַָ֫ ָם‬wayyāqŏm. end. Arab. 75. On Jerome’s transliteration of o for ā. On the distinction between this and ‫כּ‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ Qameṣ. sauṭ. and the pronunciation of the Arabic dunyā in Syria as dünyā. sălâm. The O-sound bears the same relation to U as the E does to I in the second class. ‫ כֹּל‬all. Arab. whereas in a toneless open syllable it is weakened to Šeŵa. but also in an open syllable before the tone. ‫ ָל־‬kŏl. cf. it only follows. e. as well as ‫ד‬ ְַ ‫יל‬ (with Metheg) in the secondary tone-syllable. ‫ִל‬ ‫ֻ ְט‬ ‫ָ ְט‬ ָ Aram.g. e. ‫( כּ ָם‬kŭllām). also § 68 b.פּֽ ֲלוֹ . găbbâr. although the occasional pronunciation of the U-sounds as ü in the time of the punctators is attested. note 2) modified from ŭ ָ and is therefore classed here. sŭlṭân. Physiologie u. It has four varieties:— (1) The ô which is contracted from aw (=au). but ‫( ָל־‬ko l). ṯaur. Aram. which was formerly ‫ִמּ‬ common. or from an ŏ arising from ŭ. ‫( שׁוֹט‬a whip). mostly represented by Qibbûṣ. ‫( וֹ‬Holem plenum). 1 1 Cf. ‫( עוֹ ָה‬iniquity) from ‫ל‬ ‫ . It is usually written fully in the tone-syllable. by a general process of obscuring. ḫâtăm.ה ָה‬c. Aram. Musik.g. 2 2 Cf.g.g. ’ı̆lâh. 2 while the latter has been retained in Arabic and Aramaic. and accordingly is mostly written fully. 1868. p. ‫ִ ְי‬ ‫ִר‬ (3) The tone-long ō which is lengthened from an original ŭ. . ‫( ִמּוֹן‬pomegranate). § 7 a. ‫ ִקטלך . either (a) written fully.ְ ֻלוֹ‬ ֻ ‫גּב‬ ‫ימ‬ (2) the short ŭ. b. sâq. ‫ ֱלוֹהּ‬Arab. The LXX also express the sharp Ḥireq by ε. is incorrect. ‫ הוּ ָה‬Ps 102:5. ֱלֹ ִים‬leg). e. ‫ עד ָם‬Ὀδολλάµ. at least as regards Palestine1. cf. 1884. (4) ‫ ־‬Qameṣ-ḥaṭuph represents ŏ (properly å̆. e. in a toneless closed syllable and especially common in a sharpened syllable.שׁ ָם‬Arab. see below. see ZAW. from which.ְ ֻתוּן . out of an original â. however.עְָה‬More rarely defectively. ’ĕlâh. p. defectively in the toneless. ‫( קֹ ֶשׁ‬ground-form qŭď) sanctuary. ‫( שׁל ָן‬table). Delitzsch. ‫( שׁלוֹם‬peace). ‫ֻ ְח‬ ‫ֻכּ‬ Sometimes also ŭ in a sharpened syllable is written ‫ . Arab. in e. ‫ .

‫ ָל־‬kŏl. ְ ‫ ־‬ŏ. sometime ĕ ‫ ־‬short ă ַ ‫ ־‬ı̆ attenuated ִ from ă. § 16 i. ‫ ־‬tone-long ā ָ (from original ă) chiefly in the tone-syllable but also just before it. Third Class: U and O.11. may depend meanwhile on the following principal rules:— 1. since such a syllable can have only ָ a short vowel (§ 26 o). With Metheg ‫ ־‬is ā (å̄) and according to the usual view stands in an ָ open syllable with a following Šewâ mobile. Cf. ‫ֽ ְל‬ 1 1 These statements. see h. from original ay (ai). 43. from original aw (au). ‫־‬ĕ. ‫אָכל֫ה‬ ’ŏkh-lá̄ (food). ‫ ־ י‬ê. e. ‫־‬e . But the identity of the two signs is certainly original. ֵ ‫ ־ י‬or ‫ ־‬long ı̂. The above case occurs— ְָָ ְָ (a) When Šewâ follows as a syllable-divider. e. Utmost weakening to ‫־‬a. note) ā and ŏ are carefully distinguished. 1 1 In the Babylonian punctuation (§ 8 g.g. or ‫־‬e. especially in a sharpened ֻ syllable. Utmost weakening to ‫־‬a. ‫ ָם‬qām. ‫( ־‬as a ֶ modification of ă) sometimes a tone-long è. in which ְֳ is used for ŏ as well as for . and the use of ‫ ־‬for is ֳ misleading. ‫־‬ p. ‫ וֹ‬ô. ֲ ֱ ֳ ְ Rem. long ā or ā̊ (Qameṣ) and short ŏ or å̆ (Qameṣ-ḥaṭuph) are in manuscripts and printed texts generally expressed by the same sign ( ָ ). The following table gives a summary of the gradation of the three vowelclasses according to the quantity of the vowels:— First Class: A. ִ ִ ‫ ־‬tone-long ē (from ı̆ generally ֵ in the tone-syllable but also just before it. must be studied in connexion with the theory of syllables (§ 26) and Metheg (§ 16 c–i).g. or ֲ ֱ ‫־‬e . So also in many MSS with the ordinary punctuation and in Baer’s editions of the text since 1880. The sign ‫ 1־‬is ŏ in a toneless closed syllable. ‫־‬o. modified from ŭ ָ ‫ ־‬short ŭ. ‫ וֹ‬or ֹ‫ ־‬ô obscured from â. Baer-Delitzsch. Liber Jobi. as in ‫ חכמ֫ה‬ḥŏkh-má̄ (wisdom). ‫ק‬ ‫כּ‬ The beginner who does not yet know the grammatical origin of the words in question (which is of course the surest guide). but cf. . ‫ ־‬original â ָ (Arabic ‫.)־ א‬ ָ Second Class: I and E. otherwise in an open syllable. On the distinction between Qameṣ and Qameṣ-ḥaṭuph. ֲ ‫־‬ĕ . ‫־‬ĕ.1 According to § 8 a. in order to be fully understood. ‫ וֹ‬or ‫ ־‬û ֻ ֹ‫ ־‬tone-long ō (from original ŭ in the tone-syllable. ֱ ֵ ‫־‬ĕ ֶ ‫ ־‬short ı̆ ִ Utmost weakening to ‫־‬a. ‫’ אָכ ָה‬ā-khelá̄ (she ate).

§ 16 f ζ) bâttı̂m. Gn 32:18. are not tolerated by the present system of pointing in Hebrew.ה֫ ְאָה‬lá̄mmā.g. dā-rebān. Under some circumstances. qŏdā-ším. e. though preserved in the kindred languages.ס ָד‬and Ez 37:8 with ‫( ִַק ָם‬so Baer after Qimḥi.g. As a matter of fact. e. They generally take the place of vowels originally short standing in open syllables. but ‫( ָֽתּ֫ים‬with Metheg. Ju 19:5 with ‫ .)ויק ַם‬ ‫ר‬ (d) In a closed final syllable without the tone. ָ ֲ ָ ‫ִמ‬ ָ ֳ ָ ‫ִמ‬ ‫ . although it is so in ‫ ָֽאִי‬bā-°nı̂ (in the ‫בּ ֳר אָ‬ ‫בּ ֳנ‬ navy).. It is just possible that Qameṣ is here used loosely for å̄. Mant. ִ ‫בּ‬ (c) When the syllable in question loses the tone on account of a following Maqqēph (§ 16 a). ‫ הִֵ֫י‬ḥŏnnēnı̂ (have ‫ָנּ נ‬ mercy upon me). This is the case. it has a ‫ְת ַ דּ‬ ‫ָ ל‬ Metheg in correct manuscripts and printed texts.־‬which indicates an extremely short.(b) When a closed syllable is formed by Dageš forte. pā-ŏlekhā. n. however. or simple vocal Šewâ. Kittel ‫. In cases like ‫ ל֫ ָה . qā-dāšı̂m. Baer ‫ 1 )ל ְשֽׁחך‬S 15:1. The cases in which ‫ ־‬appears to stand in an open syllable and yet is to be read as ŏ ָ require special consideration. e. ‫ ָֽ ֳלוֹ‬his ‫פּע‬ work. ‫ְע‬ ‫ויּ ְ ר‬ Ginsburg. on the analogy of ‫& פּֽ ֲלוֹ‬c. and § 61 f. on ‫ אָ ָה־ ִי‬and ‫ ָֽ ָה־ ִי‬Nu 23:7. Ju 14:15). Ginsb. ְ and (as regards pronunciation) indeterminate vowel sound. The Half Vowels and the Syllable Divider (Šewâ). (a) when Ḥaṭeph-Qameṣ follows.g. thus pā-olô. ‫כּ‬ so by Darga.11:42 ַֽה ֲָֽך‬and ‫( ִֽפָּשֽׁך‬so Baer. 1.. e. n. Hebrew has also a series of vowel sounds which may be called half vowels (Sievers. 16:1 and the cases mentioned in § 48 i. since here the ā of the article appears under the ‫. Murmelvokale). allows us to regard this view as correct. however..g.g. ֫‫ ָֽעלך‬thy work. Such short vowels. ed. other examples are Ob 11.. the original short vowel may reappear.)ִפָשֽׁך‬b) before another Qameṣָ‫ל ֲר ג‬ ָ ֲ ‫י ְג‬ ָ ְ ‫יְגּ‬ ḥaṭuph. ‫ ַָ֫ ָם‬wayyá̄qŏm (and he stood ‫ויּ ק‬ up). as the equivalent of ō.ב‬ § 10. § 93 q. e. nor the transcription of proper names in the LXX.—In the cases where â or ā in the final syllable has become toneless through Maqqēph (§ 16 a) and yet remains. something like an obscure .g. e. slight. Mant. ‫כּ ה ד‬ In Ps 35:10 and Pr 19:7 Maqqēph with ‫ ָל‬is replaced by a conjunctive accent (Merekha). Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ follows in ‫( ל ְשֽׁחך‬so Ginsburg. (c) in the two plural ְָָ ‫פּ‬ ‫ֽר לּ‬ ‫קב לּ‬ forms ‫ ָֽ ָשׁים‬sanctuaries and ‫ שֽׁ ָשׁים‬roots (also written ‫ ֳד׳‬and ‫ .)שׁר׳‬In all these cases the ִ‫ק ד‬ ִ‫ָ ר‬ ‫ק‬ ֳ Jewish grammarians regard the Metheg accompanying the ‫ ־‬as indicating a Qāmeṣ raḥabh ָ (broad Qameṣ) and therefore read the ‫ ־‬as ā. see §67 o. ‫ כּ ָֽב־ה ָת‬Est 4:8. others ‫( . To these belongs first of all the sign ‫ . e. ‫ָמּ ָל‬ ָ 2. ‫ שֽׁת־ ִי‬Gn 4:25. ‫ ָֽר ָן‬ox goad. nor the analogous formations in Hebrew and in the cognate languages. but either undergo a lengthening or are weakened to Šewâ. cf.—Quite as inconceivable is it for Metheg to be a sign of the lengthening into ā in ‫( ָֽח ִי־ ֽף‬Ex 11:8). ‫( שֽׁמ ָה‬so ed. pŏŏ-lekhā. The punctuation makes use of these to represent extremely slight sounds which are to be regarded as remains of fuller and more distinct vowels from an earlier period of the language.g. the tone shows that ‫ ־‬is to be read as ā. ‫ ָל־ ָֽאָ ָם‬kŏl-hā-’ādá̄m (all men).) ‫דּ ְב‬ ‫ְע ב‬ ‫ָ ְר‬ preserve Ps 86:2. ‫ בּ ָֽ ְרוֹ‬Jo 4:7. Besides the full vowels.. But ָ neither the origin of these forms. we ought no doubt to divide and ‫ֹע‬ read pŏo-lô (for p -lô).

and 130 f. ‫ ה ְלוּ־ָהּ‬ἀλληλούια. as the word is still pronounced in Arabic. ‫ ְדֹם‬Σόδοµα. Cf. 22. ‫ מל ָא‬Malaga. by Baer and Strack.1 A similar account of the pronunciation of Šewâ is given by Jewish ‫נ ַ נא‬ grammarians of the middle ages. but very frequently by assimilating its indeterminate sound to the following ‫ְ א‬ principal vowel. 1 1 The same occurs frequently also in the Greek and Latin transcriptions of Phoenician words. ‫ ְבוּ ִים‬gubulim (Schröder. τετυµµένος.ָשׁב‬Levias. The fact that a following Begadkephath letter (§ 6 n) remains spirant instead of taking Dageš lene.)כּ ֵא‬from ‫ )ִ ַח‬the ‫ִס‬ ‫ִסּ‬ ‫יק‬ ‫יקּ‬ dropping of the Dageš forte shows that the original vowel is completely lost. e. e. is due to a supposed connexion with Aram. i. with the Greek in τέτυφα.. The sound ĕ has been adopted as the normal transcription of simple Šewâ mobile. The Manuel du lecteur. Die phöniz.2 How the Šewâ sound has arisen through the vanishing of a full vowel is seen. p.מל ֵי‬According to Sievers. also contains express rules for the various ways of pronouncing Šewâ mobile: so too the Dikduks ha-ṭeeamim.1 which may be either simple Šewâ (Šewâ simplex) as distinguished from the compound (see f). ‫ְ ָכ‬ ‫גּ ל‬ 139 ff. 28 ff. In cases like ‫( כּ ְאוֹ‬from ‫( ִ ְחוּ . It is called Šewâ. The LXX express it by ε. ‫ִ ב ֵב‬ ַ‫י‬ xvi. as a kind of grace-note.). which is silent and stands as a mere syllable divider (see i) under the consonant which closes the syllable. the name of the Syriac accentual sign of similar form ‫=( ־‬Hebr. ZAW. as in ‫ . ‫ ממ ֵא‬m mallē (filling). The form ‫ . 1844). 68. Cf. ‫ שׁ ָת‬rest. Lehrgebäude der hebr.g. vi. p. ‫ צ ָאוֹת‬Σαβαώθ. ed. In that language the full short vowel regularly corresponds to the Hebrew Šewâ mobile. corresponding to p.שׁ ָה‬stem ‫ . 4 f. Gesenius..half ĕ (e). Sarûq. p. of Philol. but entirely elided. e. 1879. and that the prehistoric malakai became malakhai before being shortened to malkhē’.שׁמוּ ֵל‬Σαµουήλ. These syllables are really closed.) seems impossible. in ‫בּר ָה‬ ‫ְ ָכ‬ from bărăkă. The derivation from ‫( שׁי ָה . in Nutt’s edition (Lond. ‫ שׁלֹמֹה‬Σολοµών (as well as Σαλωµών). Spr. ‫ס‬ ְ ‫ְב‬ ‫ ְתְ ֵל‬Ναθαναήλ. or (b) in the middle of the word. 3. mentioned above. note 3. Zaqeph). more frequently by α. 236 ff. The vocal Šewâ stands under a consonant which is closely united. 2 2 See especially Yehuda Ḥayyûǵ.g.שָׁא‬the older and certainly the only correct form (as in Ben Asher). like the Arabic sukūn (rest). also Schreiner. § 6 b.g.בְּפֹל . and the original vowel is not merely shortened. is explained by Sievers on the ‘supposition that the change from hard to spirant is elder than the elision of the vowel. Lpz. 12 ff. 1870). 18. Metrisch Studien. either (a) at the beginning of the word. although it is certain that it often became assimilated in sound to other vowels. pupugi. as ‫ ֽוֹט ָה‬qô-ṭ lā. the Latin augment in momordi. and the old form memordi. or vocal Šewâ (Šewâ mobile) as distinguished from Šewâ quiescens. 200 of the edition by Dukes (Stuttg. . this distinction must now be ‫ַ ְב‬ ‫ִנ‬ abandoned. with the following syllable. who compares Šewayya. see Bather. American Journ. pp. p. and ‫ְב‬ e hence would originally have denoted only Š wâ quiescens. as ‫ְטֹל‬ ‫ק‬ e e e q ṭōl (to kill). p. Sprache. ‫בּ ב‬ ‫ַל י‬ ‫ . ‫ ְרוּ ִים‬χερουβίµ.שׁ ָא‬customary in Spain since the ‫ְב‬ time of Menaḥem b. Ibn Ezra’s Ṣaḥoth. ‫ְ ַלּ‬ ‫ק ְל‬ ‫ ִק ְלוּ‬yiq-ṭelû. 1 1 On ‫ . 1895. or even by η. ‫ְו‬ ZDMG. ‫יְט‬ In former editions of this Grammar Šewâ was distinguished as medium when it followed a short vowel and therefore stood in a supposed ‘loosely closed’ or ‘wavering’ syllable.

Mant. e. ‫( ַֽ ֲלוּ‬but ed. in a strengthened medial consonant with Šewâ (consequently not in cases like ‫& .2. after Qôph in ‫( ֽקדר ֽי‬so Baer. ‫אר‬ ‫וֲּע‬ ֲֶָ ‫ב‬ Ginsb. ‫ ה ִֽ ֲלֹך‬Jer 22:15. . Introd. ‫ ֲֽ ַב‬Gn 2:12. and hence with a Metheg always preceding). and Ginsb. the Ḥaṭeph is necessary1 when. Ju 5:12.. According to the rule given by Ben-Asher (which.. in ed.. see Minḥat shay (the Masoretic comm. ‫ )וּ ְ׳‬Ez 23:41. p. and so always ‫ הְִי‬behold me. e. cf. ‫א ֲכ נּ‬ ‫( . ass. 409 ff. e. chiefly (a) under strengthened consonants. e. also ‫ִ ננ‬ ‫ִנ‬ ְ ָ in certain forms under Kaph and Rêš after a long vowel and before the tone. Only ‫ ־‬and ‫ ־‬occur under letters which are not gutturals. Mant.) on Gn 12:3 and Ju 7:6. since these letters by their nature require a more definite vowel than the indeterminate simple Šewâ mobile. § 27 v. cf. e. A. vol. Ec 9:7—to emphasize the vocal character of the Šewâ. ‫ וּ ֵֽרכךּ‬so Jabl. 71 f. ‫ תּֽאב֫לָה‬Gn ‫ֹ ְ ֶנּ‬ 3:17. or at least the first two. ‫ . stand especially under the four guttural letters (§ 22 l). u. appears to be unknown to good early MSS. ‫ ֽשׁ ָע‬Nu 23:18.. Zc 4:12. even under ‫ ת‬Eze 26:21. under ‫ ב‬Est 2:8. but ed.g. and Ginsb. as ‫& ֵֽ ְכוּ‬c. Accordingly a guttural at the beginning of a syllable. to say. ‫ ִֽצ ַק‬Gn ‫בר‬ ‫י ֲח‬ 21:6. June 1903. because ‫בּ ֲכ‬ ֵ ֲ ָ ‫ותּ‬ ‫וי ְ ָ ר‬ e the tone is thrown back on to the ā. Ginsb. Jb 33:25. ‫ הְנוּ‬behold us. cf. Ginsb.2) ֵֽ ְ׳‬b) under initial sibilants after ‫ וּ‬copulative. since this strengthening (commonly called doubling) causes a more distinct pronunciation of the Šewâ mobile. cf. ֲ ֱ Rem.e. ‫ וּ ֵֽ ְ׳‬Dt 24:13. e. Mant.ְַ ִי‬c.) ֵֽ ְ׳‬Gn 18:21. ‫ ֲִֽרוֹת‬Jos 11:2. Dn 9:18. e. 2 K 9:17. the sign of the strengthening (Dageš forte) has fallen ‫ויה‬ away. cf. sickness. p. and is therefore rejected by Ginsburg. ‫ֲר‬ ָ ְ ‫ֽ ֲל‬ Mant. ‫־‬ ‫א‬ (ֳ)Ḥâṭēph-Qāmĕṣ. e.g. in some cases which come under a. ‫ . Circulars. There are three Šewâ-sounds determined in this way. 1 Ch 29:20. ‫ ֲמוֹר‬ḥamôr. preceded by a Pathaḥ. 30:38 and Ez 21:28 (under ‫ ִֽ ֲרוֹת . e. On ‫ ־‬the shorter Ḥaṭef as compared with ‫ ־‬cf. ’ in the Ztschr. ‫ ֽק ָב־‬Ps 55:22.g. ‫ סוֹר ִים‬Ps 68:9. Johns Hopkins Univ. on ‫ ך‬before the suffix ‫ .g. Mant. 2 S 15:7 Jer 40:15.g. luth. ‫בּר‬ but before Maqqef ‫ ֵֽל ָה־ָא‬Baer Ex 4:18. ‫־‬ ‫ֳל‬ These Ḥâṭēphs. Mant. ‫צל ֵי‬ ‫ִל‬ ‫ִ ְק‬ ‫ִ ְל‬ Jer 6:4.)ק‬Ps 12:7. ‫ חק ֵי־‬Ju 5:15. Jb 14:1. where after a consonant with Šewâ the same consonant follows (to separate them more sharply.g.g. 466. 2 2 On the uncertainty of the MSS.. f. ‫־‬ ‫ח‬ (ֱ) Ḥâṭēph-Segôl). ‫( קל ָֽתך‬ed.g. Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ is found ֲ ֳ instead of simple Šewâ (especially Šewâ mobile). can never have a mere Šewâ simplex. Kirche. (c) under sonants. xxiv. ‫ ק ְל׳‬Gn 27:13 (but not without exceptions.ך‬see § 20 b). cf. Jabl.ח ִי‬ḥolı̂. ‫ ֽשׂ ָה‬Gn 27:26. ‫ ֽר ֵם‬Ps 28:9. Is 10:1. i. corresponding to the three vowel classes (§ 7 a):— (ֲ) Ḥâṭēph-Páthăḥ. ‫ ֱמֹר‬emōr. Foote. Jer 4:2. where the Šewâ is necessarily vocal.. Jabl. Connected with the simple Šewâ môbile is the compound Šewâ or Ḥâṭēph (correptum). Jer. 1863. Is 37:17.). under Rêš in ‫( ֵֽר ָה‬ed. ‫ 1 ַ ְשֽׁרת֫הוּ‬K 1:4 (but ‫ ְִתבּ֫ ְכוּ‬Ps 72:17. Theol. sibilants or Qôph after ı̆. but ‫הט‬ ‫וֲּ ָ ְתּ‬ ed.. ‫ ה ְלוּ‬praise ye! ‫ ַתּאַל ֵהוּ‬Ju 16:16. 32:9. 1 K ‫וֲּד‬ ‫וֲּק‬ ‫וֲּמ‬ 14:21. p. ‫אמ‬ ְ ‫ֲת מ‬ ‫כנ‬ 1 1 See Delitzsch. ‫ ֽס ַר‬Is ‫אל‬ ‫וּזה‬ ‫וֲּח‬ 45:14. no less ‫הל‬ ‫ַל‬ ‫ו ְ ֽ ֲצ‬ universally. a Šewâ the pronunciation of which is more accurately fixed by the addition of a short vowel..g. Jer 48:20. ‫ִ ֲל‬ however.). ‘Bemerkungen über masoretisch treue Darstellung des alttestam. ‫ ָֽר ִי‬Ps 103:1. cf. After ē Š wâ remains even before the tone. instead of a simple Šewâ mobile. For the same reason under the emphatic ‫ ט‬in ‫ ֽוּ ֲלוּ‬Jer 22:28. ‫ שׁבּ ֵי‬branches. but ed. ‫ק‬ ‫וֲּר‬ ‫א ֲד‬ Mant. Textes. ‫ ֽשׂ ֵה‬Lv 25:34.

i). and elsewhere before suffixes. ‫ ִרדּפ֑ך . 1 K 11:1 (sing. (c) after another Šewâ. ‫ אַל־ ְשׁתּ‬drink thou not. at the beginning. ‫ 2 הקּה ִים‬Ch 34:12 (ed. 7). ‫ ִֽב ָל‬Pr 28:22. Opitius. 12:7. In the middle of a word it stands under every consonant which closes a syllable. ִֽק ָב־‬Ps 18:7 ‫. Mi 4:10. Further. even ‫ . The sign of the simple Šewâ ‫ ־‬serves also as a mere syllable divider. also ‫ֻ ֳח‬ ‫ ס ֳלוֹ‬Is 9:3. ‫ אַתּ‬thou fem. 14:25. the final Šewâ comes somewhat nearer to a vocal Šewâ.ִ ְדֹּף‬Nu 23:25. like ‫ . at the end of words on the other hand it is omitted except in final ‫( ך‬to distinguish it better from final ‫ . ‫ . and in ְ ְ‫נ‬ ְְ ‫ אַל־תּוֹסףּ‬ne addas (for which we should expect ‫ )תּ֫וֹ ֶף‬Pr 30:6 the final mute of itself attracts a ְְ ‫ס‬ slight vowel sound. 11). ‫ 2 ַֽסע ָה‬K 2:1 (Baer’s ed.)ה ְ׳‬Finally in most of the examples which have been adduced. also in ver. ְסֹם‬where again the ō ‫ק ֳמ‬ ‫ק‬ represents an ŏ. in ‫( ר ִי‬ground-form rŏy) vision (cf. Gn 16:8. &c. ִֽל ַג‬Jb 29:25 ‫ . note).שׁ ַים‬ ‫ְתּ ְתּ‬ 97 b. also in the ‫( . and in the less frequent case. the Ḥaṭeph-Qameṣ is no doubt due ‫וֳּ ָ ד‬ ‫וּס‬ ‫וֳּ ָ ק‬ to the influence of the following guttural as well as of the preceding U-sound. In this case it is disregarded in pronunciation and is called Šewâ quiescens.ל״ה‬see § 75 m. In ‫ ֵרדּ‬borrowed from the Indian. (b) under a consonant with Dageš forte. but ‫1. It is only through the influence of a following guttural that we can explain the forms ‫ ִק ֳאָה‬Est 2:14. The proper distinction between simple Šewâ mobile and quiescens depends on a correct understanding of the formation of syllables (§ 26). Qal of verbs ‫ . viz. ‫ ִֽפָֽשׁך‬Gn 32:18 after ŏ (cf. (2) Šewâ is quiescens (a) at the ‫יְט‬ end of a word. note.ח ְא . ‫ קמלתּ‬from ‫( קט֫ל ִי‬cf. also ‫ אלקּ ָה‬Ru 2:2.g. ָאת‬after a vowel. ‫ ִק ְלוּ‬yiqṭelû (except at the end of the word. Delitzsch. (for ’ant). ֶֽק ָא‬ ‫בּ ַר‬ ‫א ֲר‬ ֲ ‫ל‬ ‫תּ ֲח‬ 68:24 ‫ . in this form. In this example. perf.. Qerê ‫ֳא‬ ‫ֳ נני‬ (Keeth. see above. ‫גּדּ‬ e. The Ḥaṭeph-Qameṣ is less restricted to the gutturals than the first two. ‫ ֶשׁק ָה‬Is 18:4 Q rê. the influence of an ‫ַקּ‬ emphatic sound (‫ . &c.) In ‫( ֽט ָר־‬û-ṭohŏr) Jb 17:9 it is also influenced ‫וֳּה‬ by the following O-sound. and ‫ ֽצע֫ ִי‬Jer 22:20. Mant. and stands more frequently for a simple Šewâ mobile when an original O-sound requires to be partly preserved. perf.־‬it stands under ‫ָד‬ ‫א ְ ֳט‬ consonants. ‫ מלך‬king. ִֽב ַר 5:56 . ‫ 2 ַֽ ֲצֹר ִים‬K 7:8. as well as after a in ‫ ַֽ ֲשׁי ָה‬Dn 9:19. Psalms.g. but with ‫ לק ָה‬cf.ך‬b) before another Šewâ. § 93 z). ‫שֽׁמ ָה‬ ‫נְר‬ ‫נ ֳה‬ ‫נְ ֳח‬ ֳ ‫ֶפ‬ ‫וא ְ ֳ ע‬ ‫ִ ֳע‬ Ps 39:13. ‫ ִסר ָה‬Jer 49:7. the ְ 2nd sing. ‫ 2 ֽ ֳאָה‬K 7:18. ) ַמּוִֹית‬for the usual ‫ ִרדּפ֑ך‬Ez ‫ַ ֳנ‬ ‫יְ ֳ ֶ ָ ע נ‬ ָ ֶ ֳ ְ‫י‬ 35:6.. ‫ ִ ְפוּ‬gid-dephû..‫ ִֽסב ְ־‬Ps 74:5. ‫ל ֳח‬ ‫ֻ ְח‬ as in ‫ 1 ֽסע֫ ְה‬K 13:7. 10:27. e. ‫ ָ ֶֽשׁמ ָה‬Dn 8:13. ִֽשׁאוֹל 51:94 .ַַ ְא‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ְ ְ‫תּ‬ ‫ֵ ט ויר‬ However.g. (Elsewhere indeed after ‫ וּ‬in similar cases Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ is preferred. the original form is ‫ . &c. as in ‫( ֻֽק ָה‬for ‫ )לקּ ָה‬Gn 2:23.ִשׁ ֶה‬c. § 9 v). ‫ ַֽבר ָה‬Gn ָ ֲ ‫י ְג‬ ‫ה קִ ב‬ ‫ה ֲ ָכ‬ 27:38.ט . ְ ִ . ‫ א ְשׂעה‬Is 27:4. ‫ קמלתּ‬thou fem. ‫ 2 כְַָּהוּ‬Ch 31:12. The Arabic actually has a short vowel in ְ ְ‫י‬ ‫יְבּ‬ analogous forms. ‫ עמִּיּוֹת .)כונ״‬Ammonitish women. hast killed. Rem. especially as in almost all the cases a weakening era final ‫תּ‬ ְִַָ ‫ָ ַ ְתּ‬ vowel has taken place. cf. in the examples where a mute closes the syllable. ‫ֲ ַ ֳט‬ ְ 3. as also in ‫( קשׁט‬qōšṭ) Pr 22:21. fern. ‫ה מ ָע‬ B.ר‬hence Baer reads in 2 S. according to Baer also in ‫1 שֽׁ ֲמוֹת‬ ‫בּ ֲ ָך‬ ‫ִ פ‬ S 30:28. —for the same reason as the cases under b3. ‫ִ ֲח‬ ‫תּ ֲע‬ ‫א ֲח‬ 1 1 On ‫ ־ ית‬as an ending of the 2nd sing. 15:5 ‫ . The beginner may observe for the present. ְ 3 3 Ben-Asher requires ‫ ־‬for ‫( ־‬even for Šewâ quiescens) generally before a guttural or ֲ ְ ‫ .ק‬cf. according to the ְ ‫בּ‬ readings of Baer). fem. ‫ אַתּ‬atte from ‫ אַ ִי‬atte (anti). Jer 31:33. b. or of a sibilant is also to be taken into account. ‫ ִשׁבּ‬yišbe from ‫& . In ‫ 1 ָֽס ִי‬S 28:8 Qerê. e.. see above. ‫בּ ֳ ָר‬ ‫ַ ֳ ָת‬ &c. where the U-sound must necessarily be admitted to have an ‫ֻבּ‬ influence on the Šewâ immediately following. ‫קד ֳדוֹ‬ ‫ִ ֳ ֶ יר‬ ‫ָ ְק‬ e ֲ his pate (from ‫ )ק ְקֹד‬Ps 7:17. that (1) Šewâ is always mobile (a) at the beginning of a word (except in ‫§ שׁ ֵי . which ought to have Dageš forte. ְ ְ‫נ‬ ְ ְְַָ ‫ ַַשׁק‬and he watered.g. where a word ends with a mute after another ְֶֶ vowelless consonant as in ‫ ֵרדּ‬nard.)ן‬e. ‫ ִַשׁבּ‬and he took captive. Qal. § 60 a. ֶֽב ַר‬cf.תּמ ַץ‬Pr 30:17 ‫ . from ‫ תקּב֫נּוּ .

‫ָפ‬ 2. Graetz. according to § 11. rightly insists on the expression strengthened pronunciation instead of the older term doubling.§ 11. It may be compared to the sicilicus of the Latins (Lucul us for Lucullus) or to the stroke over m and n . § 14 e. Tijdschr. ‫ דֵּשׁ‬acuens ‫ָג‬ (literam) would then be a sign of sharpening and hardening (like Mappı̂q ‫ מ ִיק‬proferens. But the names of all similar signs are derived rather from their grammatical significance. 1902.e. and 473 ff. not the soft or aspirated sound. as well as to harden it. 44.1 and Dageš forte in particular. Judent. d. The Rāphè. or (2) Dageš lene. a point standing in the middle of a consonant. Dageš. easily to be recognized since it cannot take a vowel before or under it. For a variety of the latter. point. In grammar Dages forte. has almost entirely gone out of use in our printed texts (§ 14 e). 3 3 Stade. was selected. since the consonant in question is only written once. Bedeut. 425 ff. 1. for which purposes a prick of the pen. 1879. 1887. Dageš in general.’ This may be true.g. especially in the case of ‫ ה‬at the end of the word (§ 14 a). which excludes the insertion of any of these points. The root ‫ דגשׁ‬in Syriac means to pierce through. 1 1 Oort. Wiss. or (b) ‫ִטּ‬ the harder pronunciation of the letters ‫( בַּדכּ ַת‬Dageš lene). The common expression arises from the fact that in transcription a strengthened consonant can only be indicated by writing it as double. ’ in Monatsschr.)וּ‬in the latter case the point should stand higher up.ק ֵל‬qiṭṭēl (§ 20). a sign of the harder pronunciation of certain consonants (§ 13). für Gesch. Cf.שׁ‬a point is placed within a consonant to show that it has a stronger sound. the sign of strengthening. a sign to bring out the full consonantal value of letters which otherwise serve as vowel letters (§ 7 b). e. On the other hand a horizontal stroke (Rāphè) over a consonant is a sign that it has not the stronger sound. but the old-established distinction between the two kinds of Dageš is essential for the right understanding of the grammatical forms. to pronounce it as hard and without aspiration. § 12. or puncture. (a) the strengthening3 of a consonant (Dageš forte). . 2 2 Wāw with Dageš (‫ )וּ‬cannot in our printed texts be distinguished from a wāw pointed as Ŝûrĕq (‫ . 376. however. as ‫ַפּ‬ signum prolationis). u. der hebr. Gr. solely with reference to its form..e. 103. Theol. or (3) Mappı̂q. ‫ . pp. pp. Other Signs which affect the Reading. to bore through (with sharp iron). and § 22 n.. ‫ְגְ ְפ‬ now rarely used in our printed texts. hence the name Dageš is commonly explained. p. i. is the more important. like the vowels and other reading signs. des Dagesch. to sharpen a letter. The opposite of Dageš is ‫ ר ֶה‬soft. In the unpointed textit is omitted. which were probably introduced at the same time. ‘Die mannigfache Anwendung u. Lpz. see § 13 c. i. The ‫ וּ‬û is. Accordingly ‫ דגשׁ‬may in the Masora have the sense: acuere (literam). a sign of strengthening (§ 12). Very closely connected with the vowel points are the reading-signs. According to the different purposes for which it is used the point is either (1) Dageš forte. Lehrb. They used a Dageš where they considered that a letter had the sharp. by puncture. maintains that ‘the Masoretes recognized no distinction between Dageš lene and forte. Besides the diacritical point over ‫ שׂ‬and ‫ .2 denotes.

1874. sound. Texte. 1. § 91 e on the 3rd fem.For the different kinds of Dageš forte. 114 ff. ְֶֶ ‫ַל‬ ‫ָפ‬ but ‫ ִ ְפֹּר‬yith-pōr.—Delitzsch appropriately gives the name of Dageš orthophonicum to this variety of Dageš (Bibl. § 13. however. 413. 121. Kommentar. 662) reject it together with the Ḥaṭefs discussed in § 10 g. It is inserted in consonants other than the Begadkephath to call attention expressly to the beginning of a new syllable: (a) when the same consonantprecedes in close connexion. Lpz. Luth.אְַ ִי‬ ‫פּ‬ ‫נפּ‬ § 14. i. ‫ית‬ ‫ָת‬ ‫יְתּ‬ 2. as a consonant. (b) in cases like ‫ מח ִי‬Ps 62:8 = maḥ-sı̂ (not măḥa‫ַ ְסּ‬ sı̂). There are. owing to the Dageš. 12##. 1. 3. ‫ תּ ַר‬tāphár. the ‫ְ כ ִבּ‬ coalescing of the two Lameds is avoided. It occurs almost exclusively at the beginning of words and syllables.g. ‫ מלך‬mèlĕkh. Dageš lene. cases in which this ‫ ה‬has lost its consonantal character (the Mappı̂q of course disappearing too). whereas Dageš lene never has. 1878. e. ‫ר ִים‬ ‫פּ‬ ‫ַבּ‬ rabbı̂m must be forte. on Ps 94:12). (c) according to some (including Baer. the sign of hardening. 603. ‫ . moreover Delitzsch. The cases in which a Dageš lene is to be inserted are stated in § 21. except in Gn 38:9).g. but ‫ מ ְכּוֹ‬mal-kô. Mappı̂q and Rāphè. p. In the middle of the word it can easily be distinguished from Dageš forte. a strong. Mappı̂q. 1. pp. The name ‫ מ ִיק‬means proferens. p. Without doubt such a Hē was distinctly aspirated like the Arabic Hā at the end of a syllable.: Dagesh and Raphe. see also § 20 e and g. ‫ בּ ָל־לּ ִי‬Ps 9:2. . llke Dageš. not in ed.g. cf. or ‫ לֹא לּוֹ‬Hb 1:6. ‫ְצ‬ Rem. In most editions of the text it is only used in the consonantal ‫ ה‬at the end of words (since ‫ ה‬can never be a vowel letter in the middle of a word). Dageš lene. accordingly the Dageš in ‫’ אַ ִי‬appı̂.. Introd. Introd. is in ordinary printed texts placed only within the ‫ בַּדכּ ַת‬letters (§ 6 n) as a sign that they should be pronounced with their ‫ְ גְ ְפ‬ original hard sound (without aspiration). ‫גּב‬ ‫ אַר ָהּ‬arṣāh (her land) which has a consonantal ending (shortened from -hā). e. as well as in Baer’s editions.) in ‫ לֹא‬in the combination ‫לוֹ לֹּא‬ Dt 32:5. since the latter always has a vowel before it. ‫יגדּ‬ A variety of the Dageš lene is used in many manuscripts.אַ ִי‬from ‫. 130. e. ‫ שׁ ָה‬šāthā. ‫ ָ ַהּ‬gābháh (to be high). p. also his Complutensische Varianten zu dem Alttest. also a point within the consonant. cf. since both are intended to indicate a hard. Ginsburg. Hence Rāphè (see e) is the opposite of both. the strengthening necessarily excludes its aspiration. serves in the letters ‫א ה ו‬ ‫ י‬as a sign that they are to be regarded as full consonants and not as vowel letters.e. but in ‫ ְִ ַל‬yigdal it is lene. 1863. Mant. though others (including Ginsburg in the first two cases.g. see § 20. When Dageš forte is placed in a Begadkephath. different ‫ְצ‬ from ‫ אַ֫ר ָה‬árṣā (to the earth) which has a vowel ending. Ztschr. a sign which brings out the sound of the letter ‫ַפּ‬ distinctly. (so always also in Ginsburg’s text. e. The same sign was selected for this and for Dageš. i.. sing.e. 2:6 &c. where. so that it remains only as a vowel letter. but ‫ ִשׁ ֶה‬yiš-tè..

London. M. Adams. On the ordinary accents (see below. Books]. 1881. see § 8 g. Dikduke ha-tẹamim.) Rāphè is used only when the abseuce of a Dageš or Mappı̂q requires to be expressly pointed out. . p. e. art. In the printed editions the point occurs only four times with ‫ אׄ( א‬or ‫ . Berlin. the ‘Conjunctivi’. according to Kahle (see above). p. 2. (1. M. Mappîq is also found with ‫ . by Heinemann. h). ‫[ טעמי כ״א ספרים‬The Accents of the Twentyone Books]. Rödelheim.. 609.. ZDMG. see Ginsburg.. i (1901). with a commentary). see above. Lpz. cf. The Massorah. In exact manuscripts every ‫ בגדכפת‬letter has either Dageš lene or Rāphè.’ in the Jewish Encycl. Berlin. Accente. Prätorius.g. 1891. is the opposite of ‫ָפ‬ both kinds of Dageš and Mappı̂q. cf. not with König as Dageš forte). and (in answer to Gregory’s criticism in the TLZ. as well as the numerous contributions to the accentual criticism of the text. ‫[ טעמי אמ״ת‬Accents of the Poet. ִ‫( ק‬qāw. ’ ZDMG.ר ִוּ‬where the point can be taken only as an ‫ֻא‬ orthophonetic sign.א‬ (also Introd. ‘Zur Gesch. § 15. in the Journal of Bibl. as ְ‫& . 1881.’ (where these points are extremely frequent). 2. especially. S. 1880).. 17 ff. e). Delitzsch. and his appendix to Delitzsch’s Psalmencommentar. like these. 557. Sermons in Accents. 179 ff. note). 1901. and in the 5th ed. i. Rāphè (‫ ר ֶה‬i. Schrift (exclusive of the books ׄ‫ . = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. ‘Accents. 1894 (an epitome is given in Baer-Delitzsch’s Liber Psalmorum hebr. Margolis. weak. on p. Lpz. der hebr. for which ְ is also used. but especially of Dageš lene. 1861.—On the accents of the Books ‫( תא״ם‬see below. a horizontal stroke over the letter.e. As Prätorius (see above) has convincingly shown. 1902. 144 ff.. Oxford. § 8 g.. Wickes (see also below). Ezr 8:18 and Jb 33:21 (‫ . in his Psalmencommentar of 1874. no. Lpz. Mitchell. 1906. Japhet. For the various statements of the ‫ָו‬ ‫ו‬ ‫עָו‬ Masora (where these points are treated as Dageš). in the editions of Beer and Delitzsch. 149 ff.]אמ״ת‬ Roödelheim. on the earliest Jewish lists of accents. 1808 (a compilation from older Jewish writers on the accents. 1860. 1901.2. The great differences in the statements found in the Masors point to different schools. Cf. ֵשׂ‬c. Wickes. ii.g. ‫[ תורת אמת‬Accentual Laws of the Books ‫. ִ‫גּוֹ‬ ‫י‬ (gôy). and ‘The Dageshed Alephs in the Karlsruhe MS. Oxford. ‫ . 167 ff. The Accents. and. which soon caused the Jews to forget its real origin. qōu). The complete transformation and amplification of the system (in three different forms. W. W. Fischer. Beer and Strack.שׁ ָֿה ֶָ ַֿר‬In ‫ֶ ֶך‬ ‫ָת תּ פ‬ modern editions (except Ginsburg’s 1st ed. Berlin.)א‬Gn ִ 43:26. 637. ְֿ ‫ קל‬mèlĕkh. W. note).. their primary purpose was to regulate minutely the public reading of the sacred text. by A. Hiob. 1852. a. an exhaustive investigation in English. 22) Die Uebernahme der fruüh-mittelgriech. J. 1.י . and in the commentaries of the latter. &c.א‬to mark them expressly as consonants. Frankf.. soft). e. p. Lv 23:17. 439 ff.. were adopted by the Jews from the neums and punctuation-marks found in Greek gospel-books. in the Verhandlungen des Berliner OrientalistenKongresses. since 1903 ed. 1846 ff. P.ו . ‫[ ִשׁפּ ֵי הטּע ִים‬The Laws of the ‫מ ְ ְט ַ ְ ָמ‬ Accents]. pp. In MSS. p. is clearly connected with the gradual change from the speaking voice in public ZDMG. on the mutual relation of the various systems of accentuation. he deals with the accents of the 3rd system. 770). Die Herkunft der hebr. 2nd ed. the majority of the Hebrew accents. 55 (1901). Neumen durch dis Juden. 136 ff. also Delitzsch’s most instructive ‘Accentuologischer Commentar’ on Psalms 1–3. Heidenheim. Die Accente der hl. 1874. one of which appears to have intended that every audible ‫א‬ should be pointed. Accente. letter ‫5 § . 1887. Beer. J.)אׄמׄת‬ed. 1896. Kahle. Lit. vol.

Besides this. Jb 12:15. viz. e. Psalms. e) with the syllable which has the principal tone in the word. however. with the exception of a few traces. 285 f.—The earlier Jewish accentuologists already distinguish between ‫ מל ִים‬Reges and ‫ ְשֽׁר ִים‬servi. but also musically more significant than the ordinary accentuation. (b) as marks of punctuation to indicate the logical (syntactical) relation of single words to their immediate surroundings. less frequently the penultima.4 3. Reges. As a mark of the tone the accent stands almost invariably (but see below. ‫ . As marks of interpunctuation the accents are subdivided into those which separate (Distinctivi or Domini) and those which connect (Conjunctivi or Servi). Consequently in both cases the tone-syllable must be ascertained independently of the accent (but cf. ‫ ִשׁ ֵי‬Proverbs. Further a twofold system of accentuation is to be noted: (a) the common system found in twenty-one of the Books (the ‫ כ״א‬i. This is usually the ultima.מל ֵיל‬accented above). Ex 15:8. ZAW. 4 4 Cf. p. e. Ortenberg. The division of the disjunctive ‫ְ ָכ‬ ‫מ ָ ְת‬ accents into Imperatores. a ‫ִ ְר‬ ַָ word which has the tone on the penultima is Milêl (Aram. Duces. ‫ תּה ִים‬Psalms. 3 3 ‘Above’ in this sense means what comes before. for which the vox memor. DISJUNCTIVE ACCENTS (Distinctivi OR Domini). p. ‫נ ַ ְד ח‬ La 2:16) are regarded by the Jewish grammarians as even proparoxytone.g. The latter system is not ‫ט ֲמ‬ ‫ַע‬ only richer and more complicated in itself. Delitzsch on Is 40:18. Proverbs.א ֶת‬from the initial consonants of the names. according to their original sequence. those marked as postpositive. so that ‫תּ‬ ‫ ַֽע ֵי תא״ם‬means the accents (sing. cf. ‫ )ט ַם‬of these three Books. one which is almost imperceptible (as in Gn 1:1).e. viz. e. ZDMG. accented below3).1 1 1 On the attempts of Christian scholars of the sixteenth century to express the Hebrew accents by musical notes. which became common amongst . in many cases a secondary tone is indicated in the word by ‫ֶ ֶך‬ Mèthĕg (cf. become lost in transmission. Preliminary remark. to the left over or under the last consonant. Examples such as ‫ ֽ֣עמ ָה יּ֑ ַד‬Is 50:8 (cf.. Amongst the Jewish grammarians a word which has the tone on the ultima is called Milra (Aram. 40:18. and thus to the whole sentence. 1907.e. thus. according to their original design they have also a twofold use which is still of the greatest importance for grammar land syntax). ‫ ְאֹם( תא״ם‬twin). is ‫ . Bacher.reading to chanting or singing.. or more correctly. at another. 534. cf. Comites. 1889. ‫ִיּוֹב‬ ‫ֱמ‬ ‫ְ ִלּ‬ ‫מְל‬ ‫א‬ Job.2 2.1 Their value as such has. The Common Accents. twenty-one). ‫ מל ַע‬i. On the other hand. and (b) that used in the first three Books of the Hagiographa. ‘below’ is what comes after. ‫ קט֫ל‬qāṭál. Athnâḥ as regards the logical structure of the sentence may at one time indicate a very important break (as in Gn 1:4). below. ‫ִ ְע‬ ‫ מ֫ל ְ׳‬mèlĕkh. 2 2 At the same time it must not be forgotten that the value of the accent as a mark of punctuation is always relative. 1 1 All the disjunctives occur in Is 39:2. their value (a) as marking the tone. The accents then served as a kind of musical notes.g. and Job.g. The accents which are marked as prepositive stand to the right over or under the initial consonant of the word. § 16). l).

89 ff.. ii. c. between identical or very similar words. des Domgymn. Or. In respect to the height of tone (in chanting) 1. Theol. the reviews of E. See. ZDMG. ‘Die Bedeutung des Paseq für Quellenscheidung in den BB. 1889. 3 b. ‫ַלֶל‬ distinguished by the following stroke2 from the conjunctive in the poetic Christian grammarians. stud. G.. 120 ff. (֒‫ סֽוֹלתּא )־‬Segôltā. counting backwards from Athnâḥ (e. (but see Wickes. where PaÆseµq is divided into distinctivum.. 3 a. and in the article. are to be distinguished from the high notes (7. marks the fourth or fifth subordinate ָ ְ ‫ְנ‬ division. Wiss. 28). however. parts 5 and 6. 13. Praätorius. 10).. ‘Pasekstudien. The order of the accents in respect to their disjunctive power is shown in general by the above classification. 11. p. The Noteline in the Heb.) in showing that the tradition with regard to the 479 or 480 uses of Paseq is by no means uniform. Wickes. Accents of the Twenty-one Books. Freiburg (Switzerland). 1887. 1903.האָ ֶץ ׃‬ ‫ָ ֽר‬ 2. Rostock. But PaÆseµq (= restraining. Ztschr. 86 f. u. For further treatment of Paseq see H. p. see the Masoretic lists at the end of Baer’s editions. 1899. A. 13. The purpose of Paseq is clearly recognizable in the five old rules: as a divider between identical letters at the end and beginning of two words. homonymicum.g. is intended to draw attention to some peculiarity in the text. with whom Ginsburg agrees (Verhandlungen des Hamb... pointed out that Paseq (which is pre-masoretic and quite distinct from Legarmēh) besides being a divider (used especially for the sake of greater clearness) also served as a sign of abbreviation. 173. of which he distinguishes sixteen different kinds. Bohlius.-kongresses von 1902. A. as the source of manifold confusion.e. and was no longer understood by them. that Pâsēq served also to point out marginal glosses subsequently interpolated into the text. Maas. ‫ ט׳ כ״א‬p. J. 1902. 1636.. (ֽ) ‫ ִלּוּק‬Sillûq (end) always with the tone-syllable of the last word before ‫־‬ ‫ס‬ Sôph pāsûq (‫ . it existed long before the Masoretes. d. 3. the principal divider within the ‫ְנ‬ ‫ְנ ְתּ‬ verse. and esp. ’ in ZAW.1. &c. 3a. (֑‫ אַתָח )־‬Athnâḥ or ‫ אַתָֽח ָא‬Athnaḥtā (rest). Grimme. T. postpositive. Legarmeh. 301 ff. 12. According to Kennedy the ‘note-line’. Klostermann. between words which are absolutely . u. kirchl. in the Ztschr. 117 ff. p.). 2 2 This stroke is commonly confused with Paseq. and Psalmenprobleme. f. also incorrectly called PesiÆq) is neither an independent accent. dividing.. and the highest (3b. Edinb. see Kahle. which has the same form. ex accentibus of Sam. emphaticum. viii.g. Leben. p. 1887.’ in Progr.. Gn 1:7.. ‫.. 1. or Great Šalšèleth. chain). zu Verden. as disjunctive. but is used as a mark for various purposes. 6. 1905.. The conjecture of Olshausen (Lehrb.. had better be given up.-blatt. ‘Paseq u. 1904. ’ in the Bibl. has been further developed by E. and. p. Koönig.. in Hebraica. 12 ff. e. Scriptures. no. p. p. 121 ff. 28 ff.—The name ‫( טע ִים‬later=accents in general) was originally ‫ְ ָמ‬ restricted to the disjunctives.). 9). and euphonicum. p. kirchl. 1904. i. Lit. 5. no. 149 ff. Krit. (| ֓‫ שׁ ְשׁ ֶת )־‬Šalšèleth (i. 448 ff. Theol. yon Ortenberg. p 683 ff. TLZ. nor a constituent part of other accents. cf. also E.)׃‬the verse-divider. König. and Wickes. which were low and long sustained notes. 4. ibid. where it is argued that Paseq indicates variants in a difficult sentence. originated in the Scrutinium S. 1904. with an index of all the occurrences of Paseq.. Leiden. 337 ff. 210 ff. p. following Wickes. Kennedy. v. 2. S. 169. Beer. 1888. 8.

(֡‫ פְּר )־‬Pâzēr. only used 16 times. between words which are liable to be wrongly connected. used for Gèreš. between heterogeneous terms. Fuchs. ֮ ‫זְק‬ 8 a. cf. 1 ff. ‫ְב‬ 10 a. (‫ ֶ ֶשׁ )־‬Gèreš or ‫ ט ֶס‬Ṭères. 1 1 If the word in question has the tone on the penultima. (֔‫ ָ ֵף ָטוֹן )־‬Zâqēph qāṭôn. p. below.g. not preceded by a conjunctive accent. and ‫ָז‬ 11 b.—Cf. As a ‫זק ק‬ disjunctive.)ֵ ְשִׁם‬ ‫גּר ַ י‬ . Yethîbh ֚ ‫ית‬ is used in place of Pašṭā when the latter would stand on a monosyllable or on a foretoned word. and thus different from Mehuppākh. and Joshua’. prepositive. when the tone ֞ ‫גּר ַ י‬ rests on the ultima. 12. prepositive. 9. cf. Little Zâqēph is by nature stronger than Great Zâqēph. but if they stand together. (‫ ַר ָא )־‬Zarqā. 1908. l 2 2. (֟‫ פֵּר ָדוֹל )־‬Pâzēr gādôl (Great Pâzēr) or ‫ קרֵי פ ָה‬Qarnê phārā (cow‫ָז גּ‬ ‫ַ ְנ ָר‬ horns). The names refer to their musical character. and p. 5. 97 ff. (ׄ‫ ר ִיע )־‬Rebhîa. (Ù) ‫ ַשׁ ָא‬Paŝṭā. postpositive. a subordinate disjunctive before Sillûq and ‫ִ ְח‬ ‫ַ ְח‬ Athnâḥ. as ‘Eleazar the High Priest. ‘Pesiq ein Glossenzeichen. (‫ ְ ָשִׁ֫ם )־‬Ger šáyim2 or Double Gèreš. is used for Segôltā (seven times altogether) when this would stand at the head of the sentence. (‫ ְ ִיב )־‬Yethîbh.accentuation. for special emphasis. But the assumption Of a far-reaching critical importance in Paseq is at least doubtful. 4 a. but very often the principal disjunctive of the whole verse instead of Athnâḥ. (֖‫ טפ ָא )־‬Ṭiphḥā or ‫ טר ָא‬Ṭarḥā. Wickes requires Geršáyim (‫. Bibelkunde. (֕‫ ָ ֵף ָדוֹל )־‬Zâqēph ḡdôl. and ֜ ‫גּר‬ ‫ֶר‬ 10 b.g ‫ תֹהוּ‬Gn 1:2. and lastly. (‫ תּ ִישׁא ְדוֹ ָה )־‬Telı̂̌ā gedôlā or Great Telı̂s̄ā. 11 a. postpositive. always so when the verse consists of only two or three words (e. but also in longer verses (Gn 3:21). Is 2:13). (A ) ‫ תּ ִיר‬Tebhîr. 1 and ‫פְּט‬ 8 b. and Azlā does not precede. e. ’ in the Vierteljahrsschrift f. 6. Pašṭā is placed over it also. ֠ ‫ְל ָ ג ל‬ contradictory (as God and evil-doer). the one which comes first is always the stronger. and ‫זק גּ‬ 4 b. ַ ‫ְב‬ 7. Gn 19:16. also the important article by H. &c. Aug.

i. 6. . serves to mark ‫ְ ֶ יּל‬ ‫ָ יל‬ the secondary tone in words which have Sillûq or Athnâḥ. Wickes. 14. c. ‫ַ ְגּ‬ 18.13. I. e. (֣‫ מוַּח )־‬Mûnaḥ. cf. (֖‫ מאְָא )־‬Meayyelā or ‫ מֽאְָא‬Mâyelā. or which are united by Maqqēph with a word so accentuated.e.. in longer verses Ôlè weyôrēd serves as such. (֦‫ מ׳ ְפוּ ָה )־‬Mêrekhā khephûl̄â or Double Mêrekhā. and is then mostly followed by Athnâḥ as the principal disjunctive of the second half of the verse. 2). Rebhı̂a with Gèreš on the same word. l. (‫ ֵיר ָא )־‬or ‫ ֵֽאר ָא‬Mêrekhā.g. 3 b). postpositive. ‫נ‬ 15. (‫ תּ ִישׁא קטָה )־‬Telı̂šā qeṭannā or Little Telı̂šā. ֩ ‫ְל ָ ְ ַנּ‬ 20. ‫גְּגּ‬ ‫יר‬ [21. ‫ ֵַצ֖א־נֹ֑ח‬Gn 8:18. ‫כ ל‬ 17. 5. ְְָֻ ְְָ ַ 16 a. when associated with Gèreš (see above) also called Qadmā. I. (֑‫ )־‬Athnâḥ (see above. ( ‫ עוֹ ֶה ְיוֹ ֵד )־֫ ־‬Ôlè weyôrēd. although the accent underneath is in no way connected with Mêrekhā.תא״ם‬ Distinctivi. 1 a stronger divider than ֥ ‫ל ו ר‬ 3. 1. (‫ אְַָא )̀־‬Azlā. ‫־‬ 2. (| ֣‫ לַר ֶהּ )־‬Legarmēh. 14. ‫ְג ְ מ‬ CONJUNCTIVE ACCENTS (Conjunctivi OR Servi). In shorter verses Athnâh suffices as principal distinctive. a variety of Ṭiphḥa. (ֽ) Sillûq (see above. (֧‫ דּרָא )־‬Dargā. (֤‫ מהפּך )־‬Mehuppākh or ‫ מהפּך‬Mahpākh. (֗֜‫ )־‬Rebhı̂a mugrāš. p. ָ ‫זל‬ 19.e. (ֹ‫ )־‬Rebhı̂a gādôl (Great Rebhı̂a).] ַ ֵ ‫ויּ‬ The Accents of the Books ‫. i. (֪‫ ַלַל )־‬Galgal or ‫ ֶ ַח‬Yèraḥ. 4. 1). and ֥ ‫מ ְכ‬ ‫מ ְכ‬ 16 b. 1 1 Wrongly called also Mêrekhā mehuppākh (Mêrekha mahpakhatum). I. (֬‫ )־‬Great Šalŝèleth (see above. Mûnaḥ (see below) with a following stroke.

i. 20). Conjunctivi. e. 11 a). 18. εἰµί and εἶµι. prepositive. 14. (‫ )־‬Mêrekhā (see above. (ׄ‫ )־‬Rebhı̂a qāṭôn (Little Rebhı̂a) immediately before Ôlè weyôrēd. cómpact and compáct) so also in Hebrew. I. to the right underneath the initial ‫ְח‬ consonant. (‫ )־‬Ṣinnôrı̂th. 15). 14). e. 9). . fem. (֤‫ )־‬Mehuppākh or Mahpākh (see above. Mahpākh with a following stroke. is easily distinguished from ‫ִנּוֹ ִית‬ ֮ ‫צ‬ ‫צ ר‬ Ṣinnôrı̂th similarly placed. 11 b. ‫ע‬ 15. 9. 16 a). 16. (֬‫ ִלּוּי )־‬Illûy or Mûnaḥ superior. ‫ ָנ֫וּ‬banú (they built). Azlā with a following stroke. ֥ 13. (ֽ) Šalšèleth qeṭannā (Little Šalšlèth). 7. ַ 10.g. ‫( ה֖גּוֹי‬consequently it does not mark the tone-syllable). 18). which is not an independent accent.g. [20. (֖‫ טר ָא( )־‬Ṭarḥā (under the tone-syllable. and thus easily distinguished ‫ַ ְח‬ from No. (| ֨‫ )־‬Azlā legarmēh. I. (֖‫ דּ ִי )־‬Deḥı̂ or Ṭiphḥā. The last three are distinguished from ‫־‬ the disjunctives of the same name by the absence of the stroke. ̀ 19. (‫ )־‬Azlā (see above. 12. I. As in Greek and English (cf. ‫קמ֫ה‬ ‫בּ‬ ָ ‫ָמ‬ ָָ qamá (standing up. 8. I.] ֮ REMARKS ON THE ACCENTS As Signs of the Tone. (| ֤‫ )־‬Mehuppākh legarmēh. (‫ ִנּוֹר )־‬Ṣinnôr (Zarqā). but stands only over an open syllable before a consonant which has Mêrekhā or Mahpākh. I. i. (֡‫ )־‬Pâzēr (see above. I. 17. (֪‫ )־‬Galgal or Yèraḥ (see above.).e. 11 a. ‫ בּ֫נוּ‬bánu (in us). ‫ ק֫ ָה‬qáma (she stood up). as postpositive.e. words which are written with the same consonants are occasionally distinguished by the position of the tone. see above under No.7. 1. (֧‫ )־‬Mûnaḥ (see above.

5. note).—When two or more equivalent accents (Zâqēph. and the system of accents can only be studied in correct editions [see Wickes’ two treatises]. The condition of our ordinary texts is corrupt.g. 22 and 23 into one.פני‬regarded as closing v. A double accentuation occurs in Gn 35:22. Urschrift u. In many MSS. 2 has Silluq (to closethe verse) in the lower ‫ֲ ָד‬ accentuation. aims at uniting vv. 1900).תא״ם‬the Rebhıa mugrāš before Sillûq.. every verse is regarded as a period which closes with Sillûq. e. must be changed into ̂ conjunctives. or Ḥolem (with Metheg) is to be regarded as forming a syllable. p. to avoid misunderstanding. 3. Dt 5:6 ff. As a rule the accent stands on the tone-syllable. 3. I. Gn 120 a. so as to pass rapidly over the unpleasant statement in v. Delitzsch on Ps 45:6). so the prepositive sign in ָ ְ ‫ֶ ֮ר ֮ י‬ cases like ‫ ְַהי‬Gn 8:13. ֠ ִ ‫וי‬ ֠ As Signs of Punctuation. no. in order to reduce the original twelve verses (with sublinear accentuation) to ten. Here. 2–6 (the actual words of God) into a single period.) Further the upper accentuation unites vv. we shall only notice further the rule that in the accentuation of the books ‫ . Here also the later (mainly superlinear) accentuation which closes the first verse with ‫עבדים‬ (instead of ‫ )פני‬is adopted simply for the purposes of public reading. e.2. 12–15 the lower accentuation combines commandments 5–8 into one verse. . § 16. In the case of prepositives and postpositives alone (see above. from ‫ וישכב‬onward (where the later accentuation. Johns Hopkins Univ. Circ. 158. the postpositive sign in foretoned words stands also over the tone-syllable after the analogy of Pašṭā (see above. Übersetzungen der Bibel. the Zâqēph. Again ‫ . op. and in the Decalogue. For the closest connexion between two or more words Maqqēph is added (§ 16 a). intended for public reading. (Originally ‫ָנ‬ there may have been a third accentuation requiring ‫ עבד֑ים‬and ‫ . 145.פָּֽי‬and thus representing vv. 6. 22). i. ֒‫ ט ֶם ִשׁכּ֒בוּ‬Gn 19:4. J.g. and the Deḥı̂ before Athnâḥ. xix (May. 8–11 into one period. 8 a. the province great or small. 29 ff). For this purpose Šewâ mobile after Qameṣ. p. Cf. The Accents of the Twenty-one Books. unless at least two toneless syllables precede the principal disjunctive. only Rebhia. Rebhı̂a) occur consecutively. Japhet. Of Maqqēph and Mèthĕg These are both closely connected with the accents.. Geiger. The consecution of the several accents (especially the correspondence of disjunctives with their proper conjunctives) conforms in the most minute details to strict rules. 2 ִָ ֲ ‫ָנ‬ and 3 as the first commandment. When possible. 373. and esp. e) the tone-syllable must be ascertained independently of the accent. p. for a further investigation of which we must refer to the above-mentioned works. the number of the Commandments. After Ôlè weyôrēd the Athnâḥ does not necessarily act as pausal (cf. Grimm. In respect to this use of the accents. the subdivisions themselves are also split up into parts according to the law of dichotomy (see Wickes. but in the upper accentuation it is ‫ פַֹּי‬with Pathaḥ because not in pause. 4. Thus ‫ עב ִים‬at the end of v. or in the figurative language of the grammarians. cf. as a province (ditio) which is governed by the great distinctive at the end. In general a conjunctive (Servus) unites only such words as are closely connected in sense. Sere. cit. but in the upper. as well as in Baer’s editions of the text. is pointed ‫( פָּֽי‬pausal Qameṣ with ‫ָנ‬ Silluq).g. e. the accent which precedes marks a greater division than the one which follows. there are several subordinate Domini of different grades. According as the verse is long or short. as governors of greater and smaller divisions. while in vv. a noun with a following genitive or a noun with an adjective. which unites vv. K. Ex 20:2 ff.e. and properly on its initial consonant.

however. Heft i. Two. whether. ִֽי־לך‬c. Baer and Strack. ‫ ַד־‬until.1 It is divided into: 1. οὐ. (β) To emphasize a long vowel in a closed syllable immediately before ‫י ְ יר‬ Maqqēph.מ ִם . such as ‫ ֶל־‬to. a bridle). Occasionally ‫ֵע ֵע‬ Maqqēph is replaced by a conjunctive accent (see above.ִֽ ְאוּ‬c. however. the exhaustive treatment by S. lengthener. 56 ff. provided they have not become independent forms by being combined with prefixes.g. 29:25. and ‫ ֵֽת־‬Jb 41:26 ‫ָ ל‬ ֹ ‫א‬ (for ‫ ָל־‬and ‫ . &c.. ‫& . 194 ff. cf. and lean on the following word.g. Dikduke ha-ṭeamim.e. consequently we do not find ‫& . εἰ. ‘Mèthĕg-Setzung nach ihren überlieferten Gesetzen.1. 1867.e. ‫ . Maqqēph (‫ מ ֵף‬i. ‫ ַל־‬upon. three.בֵּֽי־ִשׂר ֵל‬on the on her hand ‫ . ‫ ֶת־ ָל־ע֫שׂב‬every herb. but ‫& . ֫‫& .ִֽשׁנוּ . a small perpendicular stroke under the consonant to ‫ֶת‬ the left of the vowel. Gn 7:11. This is subdivided again into (a) the ordinary Mèthĕg of the counter-tone. the Greek proclitics ἐν. ‫ָֽאָד֫ם‬ ָ ‫ה‬ (cf. otherwise Little Gayā. 1 c). e. binder) is a small horizontal stroke between the upper part of ‫ַקּ‬ two words which so connects them that in respect of tone and pointing they are regarded as one. when it already stands in the second. contrary to b. ‫ ֶן־‬lest. ‫ ִם־‬if.ֽבֵי‬c. ‫וּ‬ copulative. e. § 9 u. 30 ff. Merx’s Archiv für die wissenschaftl. which has become toneless ‫כּ‬ ‫א‬ ‫ֵא‬ 1 1 Cf. ‫א‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ ִם־‬with. which is Great Gayā with long vowels. as. α. (α) With all long vowels (except in certain cases.g. Hence other names of Mèthĕg are Maarı̂kh. (nor even ‫& . ‫ אַל־‬ne. This Mèthĕg may be repeated in the fourth syllable before the tone. ֶת־‬cf. e. are almost always found with a following ‫ע‬ ‫א‬ ‫מ‬ ‫פּ‬ Maqqēph. ὡς. Jer 25:30. i. Cf. raising of the voice.e.. e. 1868. Longer words are. ‫ . The ordinary light Mèthĕg is omitted with a movable ‫ וּ‬copulative. § 10 g. (γ) With Ṣere. ‫ שׁב ָֽה־ ָשׂר‬seventeen. indicates most frequently the secondary stress or counter-tone. and Heft ii. and therefore have only one accent. ‫ התהלּ ְ־נֽח‬Gn 6:9.. which is joined by Maqqēph to a word beginning with a toneless syllable and so without Mèthĕg (e. Test. p.)לֹא־ ֶֽהֶה . e. which are atonic. but should be allowed its full sound. which are followed by a Šewâ mobile preceding the tone-syllable. according to b. e. ‫ שֽׁת־ ִי‬Gn 4:25 (not šŏth-lı̂)..שֽׁ ֻעֹ ֵיכ֫ם‬Finally it is always added to the ֶ ‫ָ ב ֥ת‬ vowel of an open ultima.אל ָל־‬Ps 47:5. ָ ‫ִ ְע ע‬ εἰς.ֽבִים‬c. ‫ . as a rule in the second (open) syllable before the tone. also such cases as ‫ .שׁלֹמֽה־בִ֫י . Mètheg (‫ מ֫ ֶג‬i.g. as the source of this account of Mèthĕg. Pr ‫ֶ֥ כּ‬ 3:12 in the case of ‫ . ἐκ. Ec 9:4 in the case of ‫ . (b) The firm or indispensable Mèthĕg.. Gn 1:29. β. ‫וָּנ‬ ‫וְּנ‬ ‫וּזה‬ b). connected by ‫א‬ Maqqēph with a following monosyllable. ’ in A. p. Gn 25:5. or even four words may be connected in this way. according to the Masora. Erforschung des A. e.ֲֽ ַב‬c.g. 2 S 20:23. e. Halle.g. and Gayā.) ֶֽ ֶד־המּלך‬and when the third is not suitable for it.g.g. in other cases to point out that the vowel should not be hastily passed over in pronunciation.. ‫ ָל־אָד֫ם‬every man. 60:2. in Dt 27:9. as opposed to the principal tone marked by the accents. ֶ‫א כּ א‬ Certain monosyllabic prepositions and conjunctions. It serves. ‫ ְַֽ ִי־ ֵֽן‬Gn 1:7. i. p. also ‫ מ ֵֽת־‬Jo 15:18. the object e being to prevent the Š wâ from becoming quiescent. see above). . ִשׁ ֵי־ק֑שׁת‬or to ‫ְנ י ְ ָא‬ ֶ ָ ‫א ְי ר ְ פ‬ e ָ ְ ‫ְ ֹ ְנ מ‬ a word beginning with Š wâ before the tone-syllable.).g. e.e. ֶת־‬the objective particle. Baer. hence also with ‫ כּֽל־‬Ps 138:2. or two words ַ ֹ ‫ִ ְ ַ ֶך‬ ‫ו יה כ‬ of more than one syllable.) ֶֽל ְ־צֹר‬but also in the third when the second is closed.g. ‫ ִן־‬from. 2. The light Mèthĕg.g. ‫ָֽאַרבּע֫ים‬ ‫מ ֶך‬ ְִָ ‫ה‬ (also in such cases as ‫ . ָ ‫כּ‬ ֶ ֵ ‫א כּ‬ ‫ ֶת־ ָל־ ֲשׁר־לוֹ‬all that he had.מ ַל‬in which case Maqqēph as a rule does not follow. e. even in the fourth ְֶֶ ַ ‫ע ב‬ (open) syllable before the tone.

do not consider the syllables lengthened by Mèthĕg as open. Mant. (b) with the interrogative ‫ ה‬with Pathaḥ (except when it ַ precedes ְ.g. ‫& . with the exception of ‫ ְַֽ ִי‬and ‫ . . 9. where a short vowel has taken the place of a Ḥaṭeph. Of the Qerê and Kethı̂bh. and in Merx’s Archiv. ‫ אָכל֫ה‬ā-khelā (she has eaten). The euphonic Gayā.ַַֽ ְדוּ‬c.. e.ְַֽ ִי‬when they are followed by ‫ו יה‬ ‫וי ח‬ Maqqēph. &c. and ‫ חָה‬to live. For the above mode of writing and position of the tone cf. Baer.through retraction of the tone. cf. The ‫יר‬ ְ ‫י‬ ְ‫י‬ Jewish grammarians.] 1 1 The common form is ‫ . &c.ח‬e. e. ‫ 2 בּ֣ ִים‬Ch 34:11. ַֽאלך‬When a Šewâ follow the ‫ה‬ ‫י‬ ְֵֵ ‫ה‬ ַ e and after the Š wâ there is an untoned syllable.)בִּת‬and with ‫ 1אָָ֫ה‬prithee! to ‫ַי‬ ִ ‫בּ‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ֽנּ‬ guard against the pronunciation bŏttı̂m. or in such cases as ‫ויּ ּ ב‬ ‫ַ ֶ נ ֲר‬ ‫ ֽוּ ַֽ־ ֵל‬Jb 33:4.g.g. 183 ff. ‫ו ָי‬ 3. i. the tone is always to be placed on the former. ‫ָתּ‬ 2. § 63 q. Thorat Emeth. and must therefore be a short vowel. (ζ) With the Qameṣ of the ‫תּ ְי י ְי‬ plural forms of ‫ בִּ֫ת‬house (thus ‫ ָֽתּ֫ים‬bâttı̂m. ‫ֽנּ‬ according to Qimḥi. Is 38:3. ַֽמס ָה‬c. e.g. (δ) With all vowels before composite Š wâ. but ‫ ִ ְא֫וּ‬yirû (they see).ַֽ ֲמֹד‬c. so in the cases discussed in § 28 c. ‫אֹ֫ ֵֽב‬ ‫ה‬ e ‫ֲֹק י ע‬ ‫ דּ֑ ַת‬Pr 12:1 (not ôhĕbh). ‫ָע‬ (except when the following consonant is strengthened. ‫—. cf. but ‫( ִשׁנוּ‬they repeat). but ‫ אָכל֫ה‬ŏkhlā (food).g.g..ִֽהֶה‬yih-yè. ַֽמס ָה . ‫( פּדָּֽ֫ה א ָם‬here to avoid a hiatus) 28:2. tiḥ-yè).g. a) is a guide to correct pronunciation..g. § 17. ‫ ְֽהָֹה‬Ps 1:3.) ַֽב׳‬c) with the Pathaḥ or Segol of ‫ה ְ ָכ‬ ‫ה‬ the article before a guttural (which cannot take Dageš). Masora marginalis and finalis On Qerê and Kethı̂bh see Ginsburg.ל . § 96 under ‫ .. e.g. They regard the Šewâ as quiescent in cases like ‫ .g.כ . in which case. p. p. and especially Dikduke ha-ṭeamim. e. and neither before nor after the common Mèthĕg. e. ‫( ִֽשׁנוּ‬they sleep). ‫ ִ ְֽב֫נּוּ‬Is 62:2.אָָ א‬with an accent on both syllables. Jon 1:14. ‫& . ‫ . p. e. e. (ε) In ‫יע מ‬ the preformative syllable of all forms of ‫ הָה‬to be.g. Baer places the Mèthĕg to the right of the Pathaḥ. however. because the ֶ ‫יקּ‬ strengthening by Dageš excludes the retarding of the vowel by Mèthĕg). Intr.הֽה ִים . ‫( ִֽחֶה . p.אָכ ָה‬and belonging to the ‫ֽ ְל‬ preceding vowel. when Šewâ quiescens stands ‫ָי‬ ‫ָי‬ under the ‫ ה‬or ‫ . Dageš forte or the tone-syllable of the word). &c. thus also ‫ִֽ ְא֫וּ‬ ‫יר‬ e yı̂-r û (they fear). cf. or accented with Pašṭā). but not before ְ (before which ַ also ‫ל ְ ִלּ ה ְ ִלּ‬ ‫י‬ ‫ו‬ remains without Mèthĕg. Rem.צֽע ִים .—Every kind of light Mèthĕg may in certain circumstances be changed into a conjunctive accent. or because they close a syllable. Ps 116:4. might easily be neglected. ַֽחִים‬The Šewâ-Gayā ‫ֶ ָר ה ַיּ‬ ( ְֽ) is especially important in the accentuation of the ‫ . 60. since the ‫ ־‬stands ְָֽ ְָ ָ here in a toneless closed syllable.ב‬when followed by Šewâ under a consonant without Dageš. e. ‫רח א‬ ֵ‫תּ ד‬ Mèthĕg (especially in the cases mentioned in 1. ‫־‬ it stands chiefly in words whose principal tone is marked by a disjunctive without a preceding conjunctive. b) and ı̂ from ı̆. 4:2. in order to prevent its being pronounced as Seghôl. The grave Mèthĕg (Gayā in the more limited sense) is especially employed in the following cases in order more distinctly to emphasize a short vowel or an initial Šewâ: (a) with the Pathaḥ of the article or of the prefixes ‫ . as ‫& . and Ginsb. ŏnnā. 13. likewise not in words which are connected by a conjunctive accent with the following word. e. nor before the tone-syllable of a word.g. b.תא״ם‬for purposes of musical recitation. to ensure the distinct pronunciation of those consonants which in consequence of the loss of the tone. ‫ ַֽ ְשׁא‬Gn 1:11. since it distinguishes ā from ŏ (except in the case noted in § 9 v. ‫ ַֽבר ָה‬Gn 27:38 (but ed. ‫( . e. ‫ ִַשָׁ֫ ַֽע לוֹ‬Gn 24:9. 1.

since there is no trace elsewhere of this epicene use.D. Masoretische Untersuchungen.. and C. 2 2 On the necessity of the punctuation ‫ ק ֵי‬as passive participle (=legendum) instead ‫ְר‬ of ‫ ק ִי‬Qerı .אנחנו קרי‬Read ‫ ֲנוּ‬we (or according to Jewish tradition ‫ )אָנוּ‬in the text. since. On this account the vowels of the marginal reading (the Qerê) are placed under the consonants of the text. are called ‫( כּ ִיב ְלֹא ק ֵי‬scriptum et non legendum).ק ֵי ְלֹא כ ִיב‬e.21:93 אם‬Conversely.. which was formerly common but is properly a past tense (=lectum est). 3.ְ ֽוּשׁ ֵם‬Q. 983 ff. 64. while for the reading of the text (the Kethı̂bh) its own vowels are to be used.שֵׁי‬see § 97 d. Petersburg MS.קטלתּ‬cf. Jer 31:38. Genesis. Kings. Ezra-Nehemiah.3:15 ידרך . is inadequate. and § 135 q. § ְַָָ 2 n. R.g. in ‫א‬ the margin ‫ . 84. Chronicles. and below.אַ֫ ְנוּ‬A small circle or asterisk in the text always refers to the marginal ‫ֲנ ח‬ reading. Britts.שׁ ֵי . text always has ‫ . See further Strack. counting Samuel.. Words or consonants which are to be passed over in reading. 2 S ‫ְת‬ ‫ְר ו‬ 8:3. and (p.כּ ִיב‬i. what is written in the text. 81. § 102 m. based on the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius. see the Lexicon. 1906. ‫( ְ ֽוּשׁ ִַם‬Q. Lexicon.–Other instances are: ‫( ִשָׂש ָר‬Q.) the masoretic treatise from the St. The masoretic apparatus accompanying the biblical text is divided into (a) Masora marginalis. called ‫ 2ק ֵי‬to be read. which are always to be read otherwise than according to the Kethı̂bh. as in ‫ . Minor Prophets. The margin of Biblical MSS. our child. 1000 ff. it has not been considered necessary to place the Qerê in the margin. note to § 47 b. they are ‫ְר‬ to be preferred to the ‫ . but its vowels are simply attached to the word in the text.e.)ְ ֽוּשׁלִ֫ם‬ ‫יר ָ ל‬ ‫יר ָ ַ י‬ properly ‫( ְהָֹה . except in Dt 22:19 (but ֲָ ‫נ‬ ‫נ ֲר‬ the Sam. ‫ְר‬ ‫ְת ו‬ ‫ . or (after ‫( ֱהִֹה ) ֲדָֹי‬Q. ‫ )ִשָׂ ָר‬Gn 30:18 &c.1. the vowels in the text must be applied to the marginal reading. Dikduke ha-ṭeamim. and in order to understand both readings properly. ‫ְר‬ see Kautzsch. 49 ff. according to the opinion of the Jewish critics. 2. and Baer ‫י ּ כ‬ ‫י ּכ‬ and Delitzsch. are called ‫ . end. Gramm. 85. in ‫ֲ נוּ‬ the margin ‫ . e. 423 ff. On all three varieties see especially Ginsburg. ‫ את‬Jer 38:16. §§ 62. ‫ נער‬for ‫ נערה‬is rather a survival of a system of orthography in which a final vowel was written defectively. A. . p. but required by the Masora (as indicated by the insertion of their vowels). and editions exhibits variants of an early date (§ 3 c).. each as one book. and are actually to be read ‫ְת‬ instead of it. p.שֵׁים‬for ‫ .)נערה . ‫.g.נער‬Q rê ‫ )ַֽע ָה‬always. Oxford.. Thus in Jer 42:6 ְַ‫ א‬occurs in the text. consisting of (α) Masora (marginalis) magna on the upper and lower margins of MSS. Prolegomena Critica. (β) Masora (marginalis) parva between and on the right and left of the columns. Driver. note). of A.-Aram. S. This Qerê perpetuum occurs in the Pentateuch in ‫( ִוא‬Qerê ‫ ) ִיא‬wherever ‫ הוא‬stands for the ‫ה‬ ‫ח‬ e e feminine (§ 32 l). on the analogy of Greek ὁ παῖς and ἡ παῖς. Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. ‫ְתּ ְנ‬ ‫ְתּ ְנ‬ 4. by F. and in ‫( ַֽער‬K thı̂bh ‫ . (b) Massora finalis at the end of the several books. p. des Bibl.) specimens of the Masora parva and magna on two chapters.היא‬The ordinary explanation of this supposed archaism. Brown.. Introd. and the appendices containing (p. on ‫ שׁ ֵים . p. ‫ ֲדָֹי‬the Lord). and are therefore left unpainted. words not contained in the text. 1009. note. In the case of some very common words. p. Blau. ‫ ) ֱלֹ ִים‬properly ‫ַהֶה‬ ‫י ו יר ָ ל‬ ‫א נ‬ ‫י ו א נ‬ ‫א ה‬ ‫יְו‬ Yahwè (cf.

‫תּב‬ ‫תּ י‬ ‫ְר‬ . e. in general. from ‫ ָא ִית‬non est)=the form is not found elsewhere. scriptures.)ב‬in Hiphil to chant an accent.רבּ ָא‬Aram.–‫ ב׳‬as a numeral=two. ‫ַ ָת ַ ְת ַ ְת‬ ‫ ֵי ָה‬word (consisting of more than one letter). as ‫ ק֫ ֶץ בָּ ֵף‬Qameṣ with Zaqeph used instead ְ ‫ָ מ ְ זק‬ of Pathaḥ (§ 29 i).g. ‫ ְנוָּרוֹת‬separated. T. &c. ‫פּ‬ ‫ ַמּוּד‬column of a page. ‫( רבּ ִי . ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ִ ְצ‬ ‫ ָח‬fem. ‫ מלּמ֫ ָה‬below=‫ 51 §( מל ַע‬c). ‫ַע‬ ‫ָע‬ ‫ ַ ִיר‬superfluous. ‫ 51 §( סוֹף ָסוּק = ס״ף‬f). des Judentums. ‫קוֹ ֵא‬ ‫ְר‬ ‫ֳד‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ק צ‬ ‫ר‬ reader of the sacred text.רבּ ָה . esp. as in ‫ ב׳ טע ִים‬two accents. indicating the number of verses. p. ‫ְכוּם = סך׳‬ ְ ‫סמ‬ ‫ס‬ total. pl. 1222 ff. ‫דּ‬ ָ ‫דּ‬ ‫דּ‬ ‫ ְ ֵיר‬fem. sing.) two. ‫נ‬ ‫נח‬ ‫נְל‬ ‫ ִקּוּד‬a point. ‫ מ ֵא‬full i.. not sacred. in the phrase ‫ פ׳ באמ ַע ָסוּק‬a space within a ‫פּ‬ ‫ִ ְק‬ ‫ְ ֶ ְצ פּ‬ verse. ‫ בּ‬with. ‫ א ָא‬nisi. sentence. Strack. Grätz. T. the name of the strangely formed Nûns before Ps ‫ִ ְע ִ ְ ַ ְל‬ ‫מ זּ‬ 107:23 ff. 3). all fem. ‫ ָמוּץ‬fem. may suffice with the help of the lexicon to elucidate the subject.e. ‫ח ֵר‬ ‫א נ‬ ‫ָס‬ written defectively.g. ‫ ָ ָה‬quiescent.. ‫יתּ‬ ‫ ַאן‬here.) after.בּ‬σηµεῖον.In nearly all printed editions only the Masora finalis is found. ‫ קודם‬properly ‫ ק ָם‬before. the name for all the O. ‫ אמ ַע‬middle. a mnemonic word or.e. ‫ל‬ ‫ל א‬ ‫ ְדוָּק‬accurately corrected. 26 ff. i. ‫ . ְנוּס ָן אַח ֵיָן‬in other books. Gn 35:22. also wanting as ‫ ח׳ א׳‬aleph is omitted. The following alphabetical list of technical expressions (some of them Aramaic) and abbreviations.. ‫ . as adv.. H. ‫ אַתַח סוֹף ָסוּק=אס״ף‬in the formula ‫ְלֹא אס״ף‬ ‫ֶלּ‬ ‫ֶ ְצ‬ ‫פּ‬ ‫ְנ‬ ‫בּ‬ without Athnaḥ or Soph-pasuq i. ‫ָת‬ ‫ ָגּוּשׁ‬fem. Further details will be found in the appendix to Teilo’s edition of the Hebrew O. ‫ ַף‬leaf. p. ‫ ָקוּד‬pointed. ‫ ְגוּשׁה‬marked with Dageš (or Mappiq). ‫ חוּץ‬except. the middle point of the book. ‫( תּ ֵי‬Aram. ‫בּ ְח ֽ ֲר נ‬ ‫בּ ְח ֽ ֲר נ‬ ‫ִ ְ גר ֲ ֵ ר‬ ‫( בּ ַר‬Aram. ‫ בּסָ ִים אח ִים=בס״א־. i. not sounded. ibid. ‫מ יּ‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ְִַ טּ‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ 51 §( מל ֵיל=מלמ֫ע ָה‬c).) total. except.e. although no Athnaḥ or Soph-pasuq is written. p. only retained orthographically. ‫כּ‬ ‫ְל‬ ‫( ֵית=ל׳‬Aram. ‫ אוֹת‬letter. ‫ מק ָא‬that which is read.) large. ‫ מק ָת‬part. written plene. page. ‫ ְלוָּה‬suspensa (§ 5 n.e.במקצת‬see ‫= בנ״א . c. 1878. ‫ע‬ ‫ ָסוּק‬a masoretic verse. and a scanty selection from the Masora parva.. ‫ פּס ָא‬a space.מק ָת‬ ‫ְ ָמ‬ ‫ִ ְצ‬ ‫( ְנוּס ָא אַח ֵיָא‬Aramaic) in another copy. e. esp. 1879. and H. ‫ ֶע ָם‬concealed. ‫ ֲדַֹי‬Gn 19:2 because not referring to God. (§ 5 n). before names of vowels or accents. Monatschrift für Gesch. ‫( כּ ָל‬Aram.ק ֵיּ=ק׳‬see above. ‫ ְמוּ ָה‬pointed with Qameṣ. ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ ס״א‬see ‫ ִי ָן . frequently. u. 481 ff. ‫ ט֫ ַם‬accent (see ‫ ט ַם . sign. ‫( ְ ֵי ָא‬Aram. Wiss. ‫זע‬ ‫זע ר‬ ‫ חוֹל‬profane.) small. cf.

Commutation1 may take place between consonants which are either homorganic or homogeneous (cf.ל ָה .. or to influences connected with the progress of the language. THE changes which take place in the forms of the various parts of speech. as Dt 33:9.ע ַץ‬to exult. (a) most frequently with ‫ . all in the principal pause. Is 29:1. To the latter belong the interchange (a) of ‫ ת‬and ‫ ט‬in Hithpaēl (§ 54 b). however ‫ ָת֫תּ‬for nāthántā) except when another ָ‫ָ ַ נ‬ ָ ַ‫נ‬ Nun follows. ‫ ָ ַל‬into ‫ ָאַל‬to ‫ָח‬ ‫ָח‬ ‫גּע‬ ‫גּ‬ reject. assimilation. συλλαµβάνω for συνλαµβάνω. p.g. 1.CHAPTER II PECULIARITIES AND CHANGES OF LETTERS: THE SYLLABLE AND THE TONE § 18. and § 66 f. euphony. e.)ח‬nor when it is the third consonant of the stem. and forms with it a strengthened letter.נ‬e. softening. Etymologische Forschungen. the harder and rougher sounds especially were changed into the softer. Lpz. In process of ‫ָח‬ ‫נח‬ ‫ָג‬ ‫ָכ‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ָל‬ time. 15 ff. (‘Lautverschiebungen’). and the sibilants into the corresponding mutes: ‫ ז‬into ‫ שׁ . belongs rather to the lexicographical treatment of stems2 than to grammatical inflexion. e. (b) of ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬in verbs primae Yôd (§ 69). § 19. ‫ול‬ 2. ‫ ע ַו . ‫ ַָד‬for ‫יל‬ ‫& .עלס . are commutation. ‫ .g. addition.ט‬In many cases these mutes may be regarded as a return to an earlier stage of the pronunciation. ‫( מֶה‬for min-zè) ּ ‫מ‬ ‫ִוּ‬ from this.g. affero for adfero. as illustris for inlustris. 2 2 See in the Lexicon. § 44 o. owing to the formation of words. transposition. cf. however. depend partly on the peculiar nature of certain classes of letters and the manner in which they affect the formation of syllables.ת‬into ‫ . In Hebrew this occurs. ָאָה‬Aram. on ‫ הְדֹּף‬and ‫ תְּדֹּף‬Ps 68:3. ‫ סַר‬and ‫ ס ַר‬to close. ‫ ל ַץ‬and ‫ ָ ַץ‬to press.g. rejection. nor in some isolated cases. ‫ ל ָא‬to be ‫ָל ָ ַ ָל‬ ‫ָה ל‬ ‫ְע‬ weary. ‫ צ ַק‬into ‫ שׂ ַק‬to laugh. § 6 q). and partly under the influence of Aramaic. 58:3. partly on certain laws of the language in regard to syllables and the tone. The interchange of consonants. ‫ נ‬is not assimilated after the prefix ‫ . the preliminary remarks on the several consonants.ל‬e.ד‬into ‫ ץ . ‫( שׁכְ֫תּ‬cf. ‫ מ ַט‬and ‫ פּ ַט‬to escape. ‫ִנ‬ ‫ִנ‬ 1 1 Cf. e. ‫( ִ ֵן‬for yintēn) he gives.לְגּׄף‬nor ‫יתּ‬ ְ ‫ִנ‬ as a rule before gutturals (except sometimes before ‫ . Barth.ַָט‬c. Assimilation usually takes place when one consonant which closes a syllable passes over into another beginning the next syllable. see § 51 k. Changes of Consonants The changes which take place among consonants. . 1893. ‫ . ‫( ִשָׁם‬for min-šām) from there.g. inflexion.

ל ַח‬for ‫ ִי . Kethı bh for ‫( ְִשׁק ָה‬cf. especially the sonants ‫ נ‬and ‫ . see § 35 d. ‫ָ ֲל‬ as is undoubtedly ‫ ָאֹר‬Am 8:8 for ‫. ‫ מדּ ֵר‬for mithdabbēr. ְֶ ֶַ ְֶ ְֶַ ‫ ַק ִיל‬for ‫ 35 §( ְהק ִיל‬a). all these forms are to be regarded merely ‫ְ ָח‬ as old textual errors. the ‫ א‬is orthographically retained. e.אַ֫ ְנוּ‬ ‫נח‬ ‫דּ ֲנ ח‬ for ‫ ַח . Ochla Wochla. ‫ ַ֫ ְנוּ‬we.). ‫ ִכּוֵֹן‬for tithkônēn. in ‫ מוּם‬for ‫ .ה‬and the two half vowels ‫ ו‬and ‫. Dageš.ל .g.ו . the elision of ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬in verbs ‫ 57 §( ל״ה‬h) is an instance of syncope. ְאוּם‬As a rule ‫מ‬ in such cases. ְַָ ‫ְַָ ת‬ ‫ א ַק‬for ‫ 66 §( אס ַק‬e) is an Aramaism.י .g. ‫ קטל֫תּוּ‬from ‫ 95 §( קטל֫ ְהוּ‬g). 2 2 Syncope of a strong consonant (‫ )ע‬occurs in ‫ ִי‬prithes ! if this stands for ‫( בּ ִי‬see ‫בּ‬ ‫ְע‬ Lexicon. § 102 m). In all these cases. gives a list of forty-eight words with quiescent ‫.g. ִ‫ו ע‬ Finally.לל֫ ֶת‬ ַ (c) In isolated cases with ‫ . takes Dageš.ָת֫ ָה‬in ‫ שׁוֹב‬for ‫ ָשׁוֹב‬Je 42:10. ‫ ֵת‬to give (from tint). however.1 On the cases in which ‫ א‬is wholly omitted after the article. (a) at the beginning of a word (aphaeresis).תּתַשֵׂא‬ ‫ִ ַבּ‬ ‫יַמּ‬ ‫תּ נ‬ ּ ‫ִנּ‬ ּ ‫ִ ְנ‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ֶָ ד‬ ‫ אַח֫ת‬for aḥadt. ‫ ִטּ ָא‬for yithṭammā. but have only Šewâ. see § 23 k. thus in the case of ‫( א‬see further § 23 b–f. In reality. ‫ למּ֫לך‬for ‫ 32 §( להמּ לך‬k and § 35 n).ל‬e. however. ‫תּ‬ The cases are less frequent where a weak letter is lost in pronunciation.ד .e.)5:9 ְשֽׁק ָה‬and in ‫ בּ ָה‬Jos ‫ק‬ ‫ונ ְ ְ ע‬ ‫ו ָ ְע‬ ‫ָל‬ 19:3 for ‫( :בּע ָה‬as in 15:29). ‫ֶסּ‬ ‫ֶ ְל‬ 3.. ‫ .g.י‬ Such rejection takes place. ‫ לק ַאת‬for ‫. ‫ תַּשֵׂא‬for ‫. also in ‫ ונשׁ ִה‬Am 8:8.ה‬e. Probably.א‬ . 97 f.ת . ‫יְט‬ ‫יַ ְט‬ ‫נ‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫בּא נ‬ Syncope of ‫ א‬with Šewâ occurs in such cases as ‫ ַֽאדָֹי‬for ‫( ַֽ ֲדָֹי‬cf.1 and in place of it the preceding stronger sound is sharpened. e.ה‬e. is omitted when the strengthened consonant would stand at the end of a word.(b) Less frequently and only in special cases with ‫ .ְַע‬for ‫ ַשׁ . ‫ אַף‬nose (from anp). ‫ק וד‬ ‫גּ ְק‬ ‫ה נג‬ ‫נה‬ Aphaeresis of a weak consonant with a full vowel is supposed to occur in ‫ רד‬Ju 19:11 for ַ ‫ .)59( כְאֹר‬ ‫כ‬ ‫ַי‬ 1 1 Frensdorff.g. since the strengthening would then be less audible (§ 20 l). ‫ אָ ָא‬prithee! if from ‫ ו . e. ‫ ונשׁקה‬and ‫ בלה‬are only clerical errors. and § 68 b–k).ל‬the gutturals ‫ א‬and ‫ .א‬ ‫ )נ‬are not supported by a full vowel. however.לק ְאַת‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ְ ִר‬ Syncope occurs frequently in the case of ‫ . when these weak consonants (‫. but in 1 S 4:19 for ‫ ל ַת‬read probably ‫. end. (b) In the middle of a word (syncope).י . e. ‫ ַא ְשׁר‬Zc 11:5. Complete rejection takes place only in the case of weaker consonants.g. i. instead of the assimilated letter. p.ל ַח‬and on ‫ ק ָם‬Ho ‫יר‬ ַָ ‫נַ תּ‬ ‫י‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ָק‬ ‫ָח‬ 11:3 for ‫ . a Dageš forte appears in the following consonant. when Šewâ precedes the weak consonant2. however.לק ָם‬see § 66 g. on ‫ ָח‬Ez 17:5 for ‫ . ‫( ִ ָח‬for yilqaḥ) he ‫יקּ‬ takes.g.—On the syncope of ‫ ה‬between two vowels. 1 1 Such a suppression of a letter is sometimes inaccurately called ‘backward assimilation’.g.אָהּ ָא‬and ‫ י‬mostly ‫ֽבּ‬ ‫נ‬ before sibilants in the verbal forms enumerated in § 71. also ‫ַע .ְַשׁ‬for ‫ ְ ִי‬Ez 2:10.ָ ַד‬in ‫ 2 תּתּ֫ה‬S 22:41 for ‫ . e.

according to the correct Masora.g.g. preceded by Methĕg. e. is prefixed to some words. In a wider sense this includes the cases in which a consonant is sharpened by Dageš forte. This ‫ק ֲל ה ֲל‬ pointing is not used before the suffix ‫ . 5. § 93 ee and kk. took place in earlier periods of the language.ַַ ְא‬where ‫ א‬though really rejected is orthographically retained.g.שׁ֫ת ִי‬ ‫ַ ְתּ‬ (b) in eases of assimilation (§ 19 b–f). spiritus. also in ‫ ִישׁ‬man from inš. p. &c. 3 3 Cf. 1 ff. e.—A prosthetic ‫ ע‬occurs probably in ‫ עק ָב‬scorpion.ל״ה‬see § 24 g. . it is more frequent in the lexicon (‫ כּ֫ ֶשׂ‬and ‫ כּ֫שׂב‬lamb. 16 f). but the first ‫ כ‬has a vocal Šewâ. 1893. 1893.g. ָ ָ ְ ֶ ‫ְב‬ otherwise the second ‫ כ‬would have Dageš lene.g. Königsberger. In the latter case. according to the ‫טט‬ common opinion. and § 80 f. name of a city (cf. in Zeitschrift f. however § 96. a compound Šewâ should be used. The strengthening of a consonant. Also when the former of the two consonants 2 2 This awkward term is at any rate as suitable as the name Alef protheticum proposed by Nestle. Tübingen. p. ֫‫ תּ ָֽרכך‬Gn 27:4. Etymologische Sludien. ‫ִ ְל‬ ‫ַ ְמ‬ 6. notably the weakening of the feminine ending ‫ ־ ת‬ăth to ‫ ־ ה‬ā.g. ‫ . ‫ אְרוֹע‬and ‫ ְרוֹע‬arm (cf. ἐχθές. ‫ ל ַד‬he has learned. e. cf. To avoid harshness in pronunciation a helping sound.ך‬e. ξθές.g..(c) At the end of a word (apocope). ‫ֶב‬ ֶֶ ‫ שׂמ ָה‬and ‫ שׂל ָה‬garment). (c) When it is characteristic of a grammatical form. cf. ֽוֹל ִים‬c. and § 75 a. ‫ ִתּן‬for yintēn. Barth. e. ‫& . Materialien. ֵ‫י‬ In both these cases the Dageš is called compensativum. e. e. Aleph prosthetic2 with its vowel. ‫ ְמ ִים‬camels for ‫גַּלּ‬ gemālı̂m. but is mostly confined to sibilants and sonants. p. Softening occurs e. to preserve a preceding short vowel (which in an open syllable would have to be lengthened by § 26 e). ַ ָ 4. 1894. wissenschaftliche Theologie. The Strengthening (Sharpening) of Consonants. Marginalien u.g. indicated by Dageš forte. ‫כ‬ Syriac raurab=rabrab). thus we have ‫ ָת֫נּוּ‬for ‫ ָתְ֫נוּ‬nāthăn-nû and ‫ שׁ֫ ִי‬for ַ‫נ‬ ‫נַ נ‬ ‫ַתּ‬ ‫. ‫ ֽוֹ ָפוֹת‬phylacteries for ṭaphṭāphôth. 451 ff. 1. ‫ִֽילִֹי‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫גּ נ‬ Gilonite). from kaukabh=kawkabh for kabhkabh (cf. § 93 pp. ִ ‫א‬ § 20.g. e. Transposition3 occurs only seldom in the grammar. ‫ ִשׁתּ ֵר‬for ‫45 §( ה ְשׁ ֵר‬ ‫ה ְ ַמּ‬ ‫ִת ַ מּ‬ b) for the sake of euphony. in ‫ כּוֹ ָב‬star. see § 44 a. uṣfûr bird ‫ַ ְר‬ (stem ṣafara). ִֽל ַת . cf. This coaleseing of two consonants as indicated above does not take place when the first has a vowel or Šewâ mobile. On the ‫ויּר‬ apocope of ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬in verbs ‫ . Arab. ‫ ִלֹה‬pr. is necessary and essential (Dageš necessarium) (a) when the same consonant would be written twice in succession without an intermediate vowel or Šewâ mobile. §§ 10 g. ‫ ל ַד‬he ‫ָמ‬ ‫ִמּ‬ has taught (Dageš characteristicum). (cf. ַ Bolder changes (especially by violent apocope). 67 ff. ַ ‫ֶז‬ ַ ‫ז‬ French esprit). Lpz.

‫ ָאָ֑לתּ‬ver.שׁאֹל . and even with Rêš. 1 Ch 22:1.e. Mant. Prätorius. invariably takes the Dageš forte conj. 29. after ‫( ַה־‬for ‫ ) ָה‬what?. if that word ends in a tone-bearing Qameṣ (‫ )־ ה‬with Šewâ mobile ָ preceding. or a tone-bearing ‫— . and in the imperf. ‫גּ‬ ‫ג‬ ‫כּ כ‬ ְָ ‫גּ‬ ‫כּ ב‬ 16. A consonant is sometimes strengthened merely for the sake of euphony (Dageš euphonicum). (2) In the first letter of a monosyllable.) ֽוֹשׁיע ה ָא‬Is 5:14. even if the ‫ז‬ next word is neither a monosyllable nor has the tone on the initial syllable. The term monosyllable here and in f (by § 28 e) includes Segholates like ‫& . ‫ ֻֽק ָה־וּאֹת‬Gn ‫ְכ נּ‬ ‫ל ֳח‬ 2:23. In ‫ הֶה֣ ָ ֽ־‬Gn 19:2 (where ּ ‫וז‬ ‫וז ִ ְ י‬ ‫ִ נּ נּא‬ Maqqēph is represented by a conjunctive accent. it can only have a vocal Šewâ. ֶ . 1880. ‫ ְשׁד ֵם‬Jer ‫ָד‬ ‫י ָ ְד‬ 5:6.2 when closely connected with the preceding word.שֹׁ֫ ַד . as in ‫ ע֫שֹׁה פּ ִי‬Gn 1:11. also be due to a subsequent retraction of the ‫ְנ ע‬ ‫ֶ ְר‬ ְ ְ ְ ‫ו‬ tone (nāsôg aḥôr. a Dageš forte conj. Rem. The Milêl may. f. ‫ הוֹשׁ֫י ָה ָא‬Ps ‫ִָ ָ ּב‬ ‫ִ ע נּ‬ 118:25 (so ed. p. This applies also to cases where Dageš forte has been omitted (see below. conj. When ‫ ֶה‬this has Maqqēph after it. but Ginsburg and Kittel ‫ הרח֫י ָה שְׁאוֹל . In all these ְ ָ ‫יַוּ‬ ְ ַ ‫מ ֲנ‬ ‫מ ְנ ֶ ס‬ examples the tone. ‫ )אֹ ֶה ֵֽ ָחוֹק‬veniens e longinquo (in ‫ת ֵר ח‬ ‫ת מר‬ respect of the tone). 1 c. (ascribed to an original assimilation of ‫ ת‬or ‫.has been already strengthened by Dageš forte.g.ב‬and ְ alone do 1 1 Cf. when ‫ משׁה‬with a conjunctive accent precedes. conjunctivum. 17 ff. &c. lene. c. In these the Dageš can only be intended for Dag. and § 16 b).)נ‬ ‫ל‬ 2 2 ‫ ֵאמֹר‬alone. and the strengthening is then not so essential. 21. ‫ ַֽ ֲלוּ‬properly ‫=ה ְלוּ‬hal-lelû. 2. On the origin of Dag. Ex 6:10.=Heb. The attraction of the following tone-syllable by Dageš forte conj. thus not only in ‫ ְֶה־שְׁמוֹ‬Jer 23:6. ‫ח ֶס‬ as well as forms like ‫ . or of a word with the tone on the first syllable after a closely connected milêl ending in ‫ ־ ה‬or ‫ . 1. § 9 u.־ ה‬Such a milêl is called by ָ ֶ the Jewish grammarians ‫( אָ ֵי מ ַֽ ִיק‬Aram. Qal the non-contraction of the ‫ַ נּנ נ‬ monosyllabic root would be as strange as it is in ‫ שׁ ְדוּ‬Jer 49:28. ‘Über den Ursprung des Dag. The form ‫ ְִֵַֽ֫י‬Ps 9:14 (not ‫)חְִֵ֫י‬ ‫הל‬ ‫ַלּ‬ ‫ח ננ נ‬ ‫ָ ננ נ‬ might be explained as imperat. Piēl=‫ . 15:24. e. compressed) by the Jewish ֶ ‫ְח‬ grammarians.—The prefixes ‫ ל . e. m. 13. This occurs1— (a) when two words are closely united in pronunciation by Dageš forte conjunctivum: (1) in the first letter of a monosyllable or of a word having the tone (or occasionally the counter-tone) on the first syllable. would be on the ultima of the first word. although having the tone on the ultima. 2. the 2nd ‫ ָמֹ֖ ָה‬in ver. ‫ וּ ִֽשֶׁה־כּ֫ ֶף‬Gn 43:15. see § ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ 37 b.חְִֵ֫י‬if it were imperat. is here also due to the exigencies of rhythm. F.־ ה‬called ‫( דּ ִיק‬i. pp. ’ in his Liber Proverbiorum. Such cases as ‫ ָאֹ֣ה ָאָ֫ה‬Ex 15:1.שׁמוֹ . § 29 e). ’ in ZAW. do not belong here. ‫אַ֫ר ָה‬ ‫נּ‬ ָ ִ ‫ה‬ ּ ‫ְִִ ב‬ ‫ְצ‬ ‫ כַּ֫ ַן‬Gn 11:31.כַּ֫ ַן‬ ‫ְר‬ ְ ְ ‫ְנ ע‬ Some limit the use of the Deḥı̂q to the closest connexion of a monosyllable with a following Begadkephath.פּ ִי‬and even ‫. were it not for the Maqqēph. ‫ ַֽעֶה־רּך‬Pr 15:1. Lpz. 11. the Seghôl coincides with the secondary tone-syllable. ‫ ְצֶה־לּך‬Ps 91:11. ‫ ָאָ֑ ֶן‬ver. always follows. f... see § 21 d. it also applies to cases like ‫ ל ָה־ָא‬Nu 22:6.כּ֫ ֶף‬c. ‘De primarum vocabulorum literarum dagessatione. Baer. however. ‫ שׁב֫ית שֶׁ֫ ִי‬Ps 68:19. and any further contraction is therefore impossible.ך . but also in ‫ ְֶה־פּרָהּ‬Nu 13:27. 1883. However.g. vii–xv.

(c) When a vowel is to be made specially emphatic. ‫ ָשׂ֫ית קּ ָֽרֹ ָיו‬Ex 25:29.)ל‬Ju 20:43. 1 1 S 1:6 (with ‫ . except in ‫ . Jer 51:58. Jer 4:7.g. Ex 15:17. 54 b. and even after û (Ps 94:12).—It is doubtful ‫תּ‬ ַ ‫בּז‬ ‫כּ ה‬ whether we should include here those cases in which Dageš forte occurs after a word ending in a toneless û.לך‬always. and ‫ לּלְָה‬Ps 19:3. Psalmen. § 13 c. 89:52). The extension of the use of Dageš to consonants with a strong vowel. ‫ ֶן־ ִיא‬Jb 5:27. ‫ ר֣ח ָה ִֶֽי‬Jb 21:16. also. ‫ ְִֽרוֹע‬Ps 77:16.e.not take a Dageš in this case. ‫ לּוֹ‬Ju 18:19. Dt 23:11. Am 5:21. Ex 12:31. e.. perhaps also Jb 21:13 (‫. see König. and Delitzsch. When we explained the Dageš in ‫ְע‬ ‫נּ‬ ‫רּ‬ these examples not as conjunctive. On the other hand. )ק‬Ex 2:3.51:23 ָשׂ֫ית‬and ‫( ָעוֹת‬so Baer.)לו‬Ho 8:10. except that in the first word Metheg. ‫ א֣ ֶה ֽוֹ ְדוֹת‬Gn 2:4). (b) When a consonant with Šewâ is strengthened by Dageš forte dirı̆mens to make the Šewâ more audible.)צ‬Pr 27:25 (‫ . with ‫ כ‬Ho 3:2. Ex 12:15 (‫ .)ר‬Gn 49:10. not ‫ לּך‬since the first ā of ‫ ח ָה‬could not have Metheg. in the secondary tone. however.)מ‬Is 57:6 (with ‫ . takes the place of the accent. however. cf. On the other hand. Such forms as ְָ ‫ְ ַ יל‬ ‫ ִשָׁ֫ב ָה ִי‬Gn 21:23.)עְ ֵי‬ ‫ִ נּב‬ ‫ִ נב‬ ‫ כְּלתך‬Is 33:1 (where. ‫ מ֣ ְאָה שּֽׁ ַד‬Ps 26:10.)חד֑לּוּ‬Jb 29:21 (‫ . ‫ ֵֽל־‬Jos 8:28. Ju 5:7 (‫ . cf. with ‫ 1 ת‬S 10:11. Ps 141:3. is due to an attempt to preserve its consonantal power. Thus in a following sonant. Finally.) ִי ְ׳‬ ‫ְי ְ ה‬ ‫בּקּ‬ ‫לקּ‬ . and even ‫ ַ֣עמ ָה ָ֑ ַד‬Is ‫ה ּ ְע לּ‬ ‫ֹח‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ָ ֲק מּ נּ‬ ‫נ ַ ְד יּ ח‬ 50:8 (i. e). by a Dageš forte affectuosum in the following consonant. however above. sibilant.) ָֽמּוּ( 21:22 . following Ben Asher. In almost all cases the strengthening or sharpening can be easily explained from the character of the particular consonant. ‫ עְ ֵי‬Lv 25:5.g. are likewise regarded as milêl. the Dageš forte in ‫ י‬after a preceding ı̂ (Ps 118:5. cf.)ֵ ַֽתּוּ‬ ‫יח‬ 1 1 The ordinary reading ‫ . Jb 9:18. 17 (and so always in ‫ עקּ ֵי‬Ju 5:22. such as ‫ ק֫וּמוּ ְאוּ‬Gn 19:14. Jo ָ ְ ֽ‫ַנּ‬ ָ ְ ‫ְ ַלּ‬ 1:17 (with ‫ .)נ‬in ‫ ת‬Is 33:12. Jer 51:56. Ct 1:8 and ‫ ע ְבוֹת‬Ps 77:20. In many instances of this kind the influence of the following consonant is also observable. Dt 32:32 (for ‫. 1 S 8:19. ‫ ה֣ ָה ִֽי ְשׁ֫וּ‬Ps ‫ֵמּ יּ ר‬ 37:9. ‫ א֣לּה ַֽ ֲקֹ֫ב‬Is 44:21. seems. ‫ 1 ְדוּ‬S 15:6. 17:2. also ‫ לֹּא‬Gn ‫צּ‬ ּ 19:2. or the emphatic Qôph. the cases where the tone is thrown back from the ultima on to the syllable which otherwise would have Metheg). and in Pr 30:17 ‫( לִקּ ַת‬Ben Naphthali ‫ ִי ְ׳‬and ‫. and ‫ . with ‫ ב‬Is 9:3. ‫ ח֣ ָה לך‬Gn 4:6. Haupt regards the Dageš as due to the enclitic character of the ‫ מּ ָט . When ְָ ‫ָ ר‬ ְָ ‫ָר‬ words are closely united by Maqqēph the same rules apply as above.הר ִיפ הוּ‬where ‫ ד‬is without Dageš. 18).)שְׂאֹר‬Dt 2:24. &c. Such cases as ‫ קֶּ֨ך‬Dt 32:6.)שׂ‬Is 5:28. ‫ הִֽי ָה־ָא‬Gn 32:30. Ps 37:15. p. Neh 4:7 (‫ . because beginning with a Begadkephath. Pr 4:13 (‫ .)ְִח֑לּוּ‬Ez 27:19 (in ‫ . ‫ ֻ֫דוּ‬Jer 49:30. but with a syllable having Metheg. ָ ֶ ‫ְ יקּ‬ 2 2 Also in Ps 45:10 read ‫ בִּ ְרוֹת יך‬with Baer and Ginsburg. ָ ‫ָנ‬ ָ ִ‫כּ‬ ‫נּ‬ ‫בּ ֵל‬ &c. to indicate that these are cases of the ‫ . generally in the principal pause. Is 58:3. 4th ed. which is almost always a sonant. ‫ֵלּ תל‬ Rem. Ju ‫ִ ְב‬ ‫ִקּ‬ 2 20:32.אָ ֵי ֵֽר ִיק‬which was required by some ‫ת מ ַח‬ Masoretes but not consistently inserted. is only intelligible if the ֻ ‫ִ ְד‬ ‫ ר‬has Dageš. Est 6:13 (where P. Mant.)שׁ‬Also. the Dageš is used when the attracted word does ‫ַנּ ד נּ‬ not begin with the principal tone. ‫ָֽא ִם‬ Ex 15:11 (cf. Na 3:17.) 1 S 1:13 are therefore anomalous.. provided that the second word ‫ֵֶ יּע‬ ‫ע ִ ָ ְע ת‬ e does not begin with a B gadkephath letter (hence e. Lehrgeb. but not ed. ‫ כּכ ֽוֹתך‬is to be read). ִָ ֵ ‫וי‬ ‫ר‬ 41:17. 1 S 28:10 (‫ . but orthophonic (see above. we especially had in view those cases in which the consonant with Dageš has a Šewâ. ‫ ֽשֹׁה־פּ ִי‬Gn ‫ע ֶ ְר‬ 1:12. on Ps 94:12 a).

מלמ֫ע ָה‬ ‫י‬ ‫י ק י ְ ִ ְ א ִ ל ה ל ִ ננ ל ְ נ ֵ ַ ִ ְ ַ ְ ל‬ ‫& . ‫ ַן‬garden. ַֽ ֲלוּ . a formation on the analogy of verbs ‫ . and others even ‫ ִשׁמֵי . mel.—and finally in the emphatic ‫3. ‫ ג‬in ‫מְ ֽוּר ָם‬ ‫ִ ְצ‬ ‫ִ גב ָ ת‬ Ez 32:30. ‫ַ ְל כ‬ 3 3 According to some also in ‫ ט‬in ‫ תּט ִי‬Is 17:10. 2nd ed. with the final consonant ‫ע‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫בּ‬ virtually sharpened.ל‬also in the sibilants. ‫ ַת‬daughter..). Grimm.מ‬and ‫ .ע״וּ‬and moreover to read ‫ְ ִית֫ך‬ ָ ֶ ‫יח‬ with the LXX).ָ ַח‬lastly. on ְ after ‫ 73 § .רבב‬people. Contrary to rule the strengthening is omitted (especially in the later Books). However. ‫ 42:83 ִשׁלשׁ‬for ‫מ ְ ַנּ מ ס‬ ְ‫מ‬ ‫ 1 ַֽשׁל ִים .ָשׁק‬Ez 40:43 and ‫ ַֽשׁפִים‬Ps ּ ‫ה ְ ַבּ מ‬ ‫א ְ ק‬ ַ‫ה ְ ַַ י נ‬ ‫ל ְ ַנּ‬ 104:18. &c.) hast given ְ ְ ַ‫נ‬ Ez 16:33. correctly read.עמם‬but e. ְאָ ְ׳‬Gn 27:28.כּס ִי . but ‫ המּק ֶה‬the roof Ec 10:18 (cf. read ‫ָֽעֶ֫יה‬ ָ ‫מ ֻ זנ‬ ָ ‫מ ֻזּ‬ 1 1 So in Latin fel (for fell).g. mellis. gen. ‫ ַֽצפרדּ ִים‬Ex 8:1 &c. since the absence of a strong vowel causes the strengthening to be less noticeable. fellis. see § 22 c. or at least the loss of the Dageš forte occurs. supposing that it is the ‫נְח‬ Participle Niphal of ‫ . it is perhaps more correct ַ ‫יח‬ ‫יִתּ‬ to suppose. ‫ ת‬in ‫ תּ ְצוּ‬Is 22:10. hence Ps 104:3 ‫ ַֽמק ֶה‬who layeth the beams.ק‬ ‫מְתּ‬ ‫ה ְ ַ ְ ְע‬ Of the Begadkephath letters. Mant.ה֫ ָה‬and in ‫ ל֫ ָה‬why? cf. Omission of the strengthening. ‫ ִיקוֹת‬Is 50:11 for ‫.מ ְלוֹת‬c. since here a strengthened consonant cannot easily be sounded. also ‫ בּ ָה . e.הְִי .ִשׂאוּ . ‫ִ ְע‬ .נ‬Thus for ‫ ָֽעְֶ֫יה‬Is 23:11. with König. ַֽמַצּח . Deutsche Gramm. see § 10 k.g. ‫ ד‬in ‫ ִד ֵי‬Is 11:12 56:8. to give greater firmness to the preceding tone-vowel. ‫ ִשׁ ֵים‬Jon 4:11. i. (b) Very frequently in certain consonants with Šewâ mobile. 3. 2 2 Dageš forte is almost always omitted in ‫ מ‬when it is the prefix of the participle Piel ְ or Pual. ‫ה ְ ָר‬ ‫ַ ְ ָר‬ ‫ המּ ָא ָה‬the work. for ‫ ְח ֵן‬Hb 2:17 (where. ַה־‬b).). ‫ . l).הָ֫ה .מ ְאוּ . and Ginsb. we must assume at least a virtual strengthening of the consonant (Dageš forte implicitum. ָם‬from ‫ . and in ‫י‬ ‫יּ‬ ‫יּ‬ ‫מ‬ the sonants ‫ נ 2 .ל‬are strengthened by Dageš fortz firmativum in the pronouns ‫ .מ . but only in the middle (as in Old High German). however..בּ ֶה‬whereby? ‫ כּ ָה‬how much? ‫ֵלּ ֵנּ ֵמּ‬ ‫ָמּ‬ ‫ַמּ ַמּ‬ ‫ַמּ‬ (§ 102 k. with a distinctive accent or after the ‫ע‬ article. 1. from ‫ ַם . especially when a guttural follows (but note Is 62:9.1 In such cases the preceding vowel is frequently lengthened (§ 27 d). in these cases. see § 22 b.) and ‫ ָת֫תּ‬thou (fem. owing to the lengthening of the preceding short vowel. end). while Baer has ‫ מאָ ְ׳‬with ‫מ ְפ‬ ‫ְ ֽס‬ compensatory lengthening. In correct MSS.. valles. gen. ossis. see § 35 b.ִ ְחוּ .מק ֵה . &c. the omission of the Dageš is indicated by the Rāphè ‫ִ ְצ ַק‬ stroke (§ 14) over the consonant.(d) When the sonants ‫ נ . This occurs principally in the case of ‫ ו‬and ‫( י‬on ְ and ֵ after the article.g. e. Examples. generally ḥireq (cf. ְאַס ָיו‬as ed. mı̄le for mille). e g. Ps 147:2 (not in Jer 49:36). ‫ רֹב‬multitude. swam (Schwamm. val (Fall). 39. ‫ 1 ֶֽשֽׁ ָה־‬K 19:20 from ‫ ַֽשׁפתִּ֫ם . (c) In the Gutturals. ִשְׁ׳‬K 7:28. Very doubtful are the instances in which compensation for the strengthening is supposed to be made by the insertion of a following ‫ . 383. (a) almost always at the end of a word.ִקּוֹת‬ ‫ז‬ ‫ז‬ 2. In Middle High German the doubling of consonants never takes place at the end of a word. ‫ ב‬occurs without Dageš in ‫ מב ִיר‬Ju 8:2. ‫( ְַ ִי . but see Baer on the passage.עְ ִים‬so always the ‫נד‬ ‫ִת‬ ‫ויה ִ ור‬ preformative ְ in the imperf. ‫ . ‫. On the exceptions ‫ אַתּ‬thou (fem. ‫ ְ ִית֑ן‬he makes them afraid. of verbs). os. Rem.א֫ ֶה .

ְהָֹה‬since the Qerê perpetuum of this word (§ 17) assumes the reading ‫. ‫ְג‬ is uncertain.א . &c.g. 1. ‫ כֹּל‬kōl. Jb 19:2. hence e.ו . ‫ ְכֹל‬lekhōl. from which the softer sound was weakened (§ 6 n and § 13). e.פ‬even at the beginning of a syllable. as their older and original pronunciation. the ּ ‫בּ ֲמ‬ instances mentioned above. ֲדָֹי‬ ‫י ו‬ ‫א נ‬ 2. Delitzsch. Kirche. In close connexion they are therefore followed by the aspirated Begadkephath. This almost always occurs with the prefixes ‫ בּ‬and ‫ כּ‬in the combinations ‫ְפ .1 The harder sound of the six Begadkephath letters. 1880. and ‫( ַֽל ֵל‬after ‫ )ְִלא֫י ִי‬Jer 20:9 are ‫כּד‬ ְִ ַ‫ו‬ ‫כּ ְכ‬ ‫ונ ְ ֵ ת‬ doubly anomalous. when a Begadkephath with Šewâ precedes the same or a kindred aspirate) and ‫( ְם‬see ‫בּ‬ ‫כ‬ Baer. ‫ אדָֹי ָֿם‬Ps 68:18). is to be regarded. even with a full vowel. The original hard sound is maintained when the letter is initial.)א‬In all these cases the object is to prevent too great an accumulation of aspirates. ‫ קטל ֶם‬ye have ‫יְפּ‬ ‫ְ ַ ְתּ‬ e e killed. e. e. and after a consonant.ק‬ ‫י ְ ְע‬ . Is 10:9.כב .g. 62). e. i.g. e.ה‬as such.תּ֫מּוּ‬In Nu 23:13 ‫ ק ְנוֹ‬is not an instance of ָ ‫מ נ‬ ‫ָמ‬ ַ ‫ָב‬ compensation (see § 67 o. ‫ ִר ָא‬yirpā (he heals). In a number of cases Dageš lene is inserted. Φαρφάρ.e. p. The vowel letters ‫ . ‫ו יה כ‬ Rem. Sometimes the Begadkephath letters.g. 1 S 25:1. Hence the ‫ָר‬ ‫יפ‬ ‫ל‬ e e B gadk phath take Dageš lene (1) at the beginning of words: (a) without exception when the preceding word ends with a vowelless consonant. almost always represent the ‫ כ‬and ‫ . Χαλδαῖοι. at the beginning of a syllable immediately after a vowelless consonaut. i. read ‫ .—The forms ‫( ַֽ ְכֹד‬after ‫ )ְשׂמתּ֫י‬Is 54:12. Theol. ‫ פּ ַץ‬pāraṣ.g. § 21. The distinctive accent in such a case prevents the vowel from influencing the following tenuis. although the preceding word may end with a vowel. Praef. ְג‬and ‫ְפ‬ ‫כ ב‬ ‫ב‬ ‫כ‬ ‫כ‬ according to the Dikduke ha-ṭeeamim.י . on this passage).e. ְד . but when it immediately follows a vowel or Šewā mobile it is softened and aspirated by their influence. The LXX. or even of a minor division of a sentence after a distinctive accent (§ 15 d). 2 on Ps 23:3). Ztschr. Proverbiorum. and by ‫ הּ‬with Mappı̂q.g. ‫ ָֽב ָה‬she was heavy. ‫יְ ְא‬ 1 1 The exceptions ‫ ָקת ֵל‬Jos 15:38 (see Minḥat shay. The Aspiration of the Tenues. 1878. u. indicated by a Dageš lene. § 20 e (mostly tenues before ‫ . ‫& . ְב‬ ְ ְ ‫בּ כּ בּ‬ (i. ix. take Dageš before aspirant (and even before ‫ ח‬in ‫ 1 ַֽח ִשָׁה‬K 12:32). on the other hand. 585 ff. 92. ‫ְפ‬ ‫כּ ְד‬ 1 1 Cf.(or ‫ . p.) ְעוֶֹ֫יה‬and for ‫ ת֫ ְנוּ‬La 3:22. On the ‫ָצ ב‬ other hand. end). Psalmorum. although a vowel precedes in close connexion. Χερούβ. L. ‫ ֵץ פּ ִי‬ēṣ perı̂ (fruitֵ ‫ע‬ ‫ע ְר‬ tree). ְד‬and ‫ ְכ‬according to David Qimḥi do not take Dageš. that when. 2 K 14:7. e. ְכ .g. ‫ ר ָא‬r phā (heal thou). 30 (in German in König’s Lehrgeb. p..g.1 e. ‫ שׁ ֵו֣ ָֿהּ‬Ez ‫ק‬ ‫ָל ב‬ ‫ָל פּ ה‬ 23:42. by χ and φ. 2 2 Also L. f. ‫ בּ ֵאשׁית‬Gn 1:1. and ‫ ָקד ָם‬Jos 15:56 may perhaps be due to the character of the ‫. e. ‫ . p. (b) at the beginning of a section. and Dikduke ha-ṭeamim.g. there is Dageš lene in ‫ע ַי֣ ִי ֶם‬ ‫ֲ נ ב‬ and always after ‫ . syllables are closed by the consonantal ‫ ו‬and ‫( י‬except ‫ ַו־תֹ֫הוּ‬Is 34:11. but after Š wâ mobile. luth. p. ‫ ְַה֕י ַֽ ֲשׁר‬and it ֶ ‫וי ִ כּ א‬ was so. naturally do not close a syllable. cf. (2) In the middle of words after Šewâ quiescens. ‫ ְִרֹץ‬yiphrōṣ. nor ‫ . 1880. Ju 11:5 (but ‫ ְַֽ ִי־ ֵן‬Gn 1:7). 30. cf. according to the general analogy of languages. p.וּמ֣ ָא ָהּ‬c. ‫ ַל־כּן‬al-kēn (therefore). Ps 34:2. or at the beginning of a ִ ‫ְר‬ sentence.

—Of (b) ‫ִחוּט . terra and the French terre. the strengthening of the gutturals was hardly audible to the Masoretes. and (b) the mere echo of it.־ ך‬since Šewâ mobile ְָ ‫ְכ ְכ‬ is characteristic of these forms (see § 58 f. Arabic still admits of the strengthening of gutturals in all cases. see § 10 i. ְדֹף‬not ‫ .קטלתּ‬and similar forms.ח‬ 1. depends upon the origin of the particular form.א‬as the weakest of these sounds.־ ֶם . virtual strengthening. e.ה ָר . but better. in which we should expect an aspirated ‫ת‬ ְַ ַָ after the vowel. It is almost always vocal (a) When it has arisen from the weakening of a strong vowel.־ ֶן .א‬ Examples of (a) ‫( ֵֽח ֵא . Forms like ‫ שׁל֫חתּ‬thou (fem. ‫ . Rem. the Gorman Rolle and the French rôle. ְ ְ ַ ָ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ Whether Šewâ be vocal and consequently causes the aspiration of a following tenuis. and the preceding vowel therefore remains short. ַהוּא‬c.ח‬in consequence of their peculiar pronunciation. Pathaḥ being here simply a ְ ַ ‫ויּ‬ ְ ְ ַ ָ ְ ְ‫י‬ helping vowel has no influence on the tenuis. or delitescens).ִ ֵץ . mostly before a guttural with Qameṣ.שׁלחתּ‬c. .א .ה ָם .ע‬and very seldom with ‫.)א‬differ in several respects from the stronger ‫ ה‬and ‫. § 28 e. note 2).ע‬less frequently before ‫ .ע . have special characteristics. But a distinction must be drawn between (a) the complete omission of the strengthening. In the other case (virtual strengthening) the Dageš is still omitted. commonly called half doubling. In the former case.בּ ֵר . have arisen from ‫& . the short vowel before the guttural would stand in an open syllable.—In all these cases of virtual strengthening the ‫נא ִ ע ה‬ Dageš forte is to be regarded at least as implied (hence called Dageš forte implicitum. also ‫ֶֽעִי . a short A-sound. in consequence of a gradual weakening of the pronunciation (see below. cf. ‫& . § 91 b).2 For a distinction must again be drawn between the full lengthening of Pathaḥ into Qameṣ—mostly before ‫א‬ (always under the ‫ ה‬of the article. cf. ‫ ִַ֫חדּ‬Ex 18:9. ֶֽה ִים .ִחדּ . and must accordingly be lengthened or modified. but ‫ . ‫ ר ְפוּ‬pursue ye (not ‫ִד‬ ‫ )ר ְפּוּ‬from ‫( מל ֵי .מ ֵן‬for yiḥḥābhē). This virtual strengthening occurs most frequently with ‫ . ַחֹ֫ ֶשׁ‬ ‫ה ד‬ ‫מ‬ (from minḥûṭ).א ָד‬ ‫י ָב ָה ָע ה ד ֵא‬ ‫ה ָנ ה ָר ֶח ֶח‬ (see more fully on the pointing of the article before ‫ ע‬in § 35). The omission of the strengthening shows a deterioration of the language. The four gutturals ‫ .ה‬less frequently with ‫ . since.. and sometimes also ‫ע‬ (which elsewhere as one of the harder gutturals is the opposite of ‫ .) hast sent. Hence 2 2 Cf. (b) With the ‫ כ‬of the pronominal suffixes of the 2nd pers. § 22. ָֽאָ ָם . They do not admit of Dageš forte. as a rule also before ‫ . occultum. German drollig and French drôle.ה‬and least often before ‫—ח‬and the modification of Pathaḥ to Seghôl.On ‫ ִַשׁבּ . but the strengthening is nevertheless regarded as having taken place. and sometimes after them (cf.)מל ֵי‬because originally mălăkhê. Peculiarities of the Gutturals. but ‫ מל ִי‬from the ground-form ‫ִד‬ ‫ַ ְכ ר‬ ‫ַ ְכּ‬ ‫ַ ְכּ‬ malk. 2.ה ָג .g.ה . They prefer before them. see § 35). h). because this vowel is organically the nearest akin to the gutturals.ח‬usually with ‫ .

Rem. The LXX (and Jerome.ֶ ְגּוּ . (b) After a heterogeneous long vowel. 79) write ε. ‫( ַ֫ ַר‬not naĕr) a youth. &c. 1.g. since here the rapidly uttered ă is no longer heard. ‫ חָיוֹן . Accent im Hebr. the hard gutturals1 (consequently not ‫ . ַ ַ ‫י‬ ZAW..ר ֶם .g.g. ZAW.פּ֫ ֶא . not zèbĕḥ. 1881 ff. especially in Segholate forms. ZAW. remarks that Pathaḥ furtivum has not arisen merely under the influence of the guttural.אק ֵל . ֱמֹר .g.ה ֵל‬but when this ‫ִטּ ִנּ ִלּ‬ sharpening is removed.ח ָה . the gutturals take without exception a compound Š wâ. In ‫ שׁ ַח‬and ‫ ַ ְמֹד‬ă is the original vowel.ֶא ָר . by B. so that e.בֹּ ֶן . This is more especially so when a was the ‫ֵמ‬ original vowel of the form.נוֹע‬when consonantal ‫ ה‬is final it necessarily takes Mappı̂q). ‫& . and is only ֶ ֶ ‫ֶר ֶל ֶנ‬ retained orthographically (see § 23 a). ‫ הָיוֹן‬constr. Seghôl is again apt to appear. ‫ . . or is otherwise admissible. ed. On the other hand. ‫ שׁ֫ ַע‬report. sometimes α. ‫רוּח‬ ַ rûaḥ. The guttural may also have an influence upon the following vowel.רוּ ִי‬c..דּ֫שָׁא‬the ‫ א‬has no consonantal value. ‫( פֹּ֫ ַל‬not pōĕl) deed.טֶ֫א . Instead of simple Šewâ mobile.g.g.שֽׁ ֲטוּ‬c. after all except Qameṣ.g. would stand before or after a guttural in the first syllable of a word. a furtive Pathaḥ is here involuntarily intruded before the deep guttural sound. in some Swiss dialects of German. ‫. but sounded before it. and since 1907 by K.g. ‫ ָצוּד .e. e. It is thus merely an orthographic indication not to neglect the guttural sound in pronunciation..חְיוֹן‬ ‫ִגּ‬ ‫ִזּ ֶג‬ ‫ֶז‬ 3. ‫ נֹח‬Νῶε. Perf. ‫( ֶח ַשׁ‬also ‫& .g. is analogous.. In Arabic the same may be heard in such words as mesı̂aḥ. ‫ ַ֫ ַר‬a youth. ‫ ַַָ֫ח‬and he rested (not ‫ִלּ‬ ֵַ ִ ‫יח‬ wayyānŏḥ).)ַֽ ֲבשׁ‬c. Pathaḥ readily (and always before ‫ ע . instead of furtive Pathaḥ.)שׁלּח‬he will desire (not yiḥmōd) . ‫ח‬ Iach for ich. Marti.ָשׁיב‬would also be ִ‫י‬ ‫י‬ i u pronounced yasî bh.רע . e. ‫’ ַדּוּע‬Ιεδδούα (also ’Ιαδδού). but is due to a duplication of the accented syllable. although it is not expressed in writing. e. not šēmĕ. ִשׁ ִיח . p. e. 17. cf.g. ‫ שׁ ַח‬send thou. e.אֹ ֶל‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ֶח ֶח‬ 2. ‫ ִשׁ ַח‬he will send (not yišlōḥ).חב ֵי .פּ֫ ֶא . Where in the present form of the language an ı̆. e.הֵה .ח . In such cases as ‫ . but ַ ֵַ ַ ‫גּ ַ הְל‬ e. whether original or attenuated from Pathaḥ. ‫ֲ ַטּ ָ ח‬ ‫ֳנ א‬ e 1 1 Prätorius. ‫& .)א‬when standing at the end of the word. the slighter and sharper Ḥireq is retained even under gutturals when the following consonant is sharpened by Dageš forte. ‫ֶ֫ ַח‬ ‫זב‬ sacrifice.אִי . e.(a) before a guttural. i..הְיוֹן‬constr. ‫( . The only exceptions are ‫נע‬ ‫ע‬ ‫.ל ֶם . ‫נע‬ ‫ִלּ‬ ‫יח‬ Rem. This Pathaḥ is placed under the guttural.עְ ִי . = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.הּ‬closing a syllable) takes the place of another short vowel or of a rhythmically long ē or ō. Ueber den rückweich. require the insertion of a rapidly uttered ă (Pathaḥ furtivum) between themselves and the vowel. yaṣû dh although the short intermediate vowel was not so noticeable as before a guttural. and Imperf. Giessen. e. Qal of guttural verbs. Piel ‫ְל‬ ‫יְל‬ ‫ויּ נ‬ ‫( שׁ ַח‬but in Pausa ‫ ַ ְמֹד . Stade. Halle. iv. &c. a Seghôl as being ‫יְבּ‬ ‫ֶ זר נ ְ דּ ֶ ְ ל יה י ח‬ between ă and ı̆ is frequently used instead. 1897. Thus in the Imperat.ָבוֹהּ .

Ps 52:5. A kind of virtual strengthening (after ‫ מ‬for ‫ ) ִן‬is found in ִ ‫מ‬ ‫ ִֽרְֶך‬Is 14:3. ‫ִ ִד פ‬ ‫ִרּ‬ Pr 15:1. ‫ א ִי‬lion.ח‬at the beginning of a syllable prefer ‫ . ‫( ֽע ָה ֵֽאָה‬see § 63 p). In Samaritan and Arabic this strengthening has been retained throughout. ‫( ָֽע ַד‬regular form ‫ . when farther from the tone syllable. ‫( ַֽע ְדוּ‬from ‫( ָֽעלך .)הק ִיל‬Perf. and for ‫ ַָ֫ ֶר‬and he caused to turn back. ‫ בּרך‬to bless for ְֵַ ְֵָ barrēkh.ֶֽע ְמוּ .g. z). the choice of ‫הֹ ֲ ל מ ֲ נ‬ the Ḥaṭeph is generally regulated by it. The 1st pets. e.g. even with ‫. but ‫ א ֵיכ֫ם‬to you..)ֶחַק‬pŏolô (for pŏlô). ground-form ary).ָד֫עתּ .g. 2..g. Hiph. but ‫( א ָל־‬akhŏl. ‫ בּרך‬he has blessed for birrakh.שׂ ָה‬ ‫ָר‬ .4.ר‬which in sound approximates to the gutturals (§ 6 g).־‬e.ה . Piēl regularly has ‫ . toneless on ֲ ‫ֱל‬ ‫א‬ ֶ ‫ֲל‬ ‫א‬ ‫ֲכ‬ account of Maqqēph). the ‫ ־‬even under ‫ א‬changes into the ‫א‬ ֱ lighter ‫ . Ez 16:4 ‫ָרּ‬ ‫ָרּ‬ ְֵ ָ (cf.g. Pr 11:21. shares with the gutturals proper their first. Hoph. The ‫ . and ָ ‫מ ָ גז‬ the LXX write e. peculiarity. Pr 14:10.)פֹּ ַל‬The original forms. Jb 39:9.ח‬and ‫ ה‬at the end of the tone-syllable.ַֽע ְדוּ‬c. are really only different ‫י ַמ‬ orthographic forms of ‫& . and to a certain extent their second.ע . pŏlekhā. Hb 3:13. sing. viz. When a guttural with quiescent Šewâ happens to close a syllable in the middle of a word. § 93 q. ‫ ַַ ְא‬and he saw (from ‫.g.)ִר ֶה‬ ‫ויּר‬ ‫יְא‬ ‫ ַָ֫ ַר‬both for ‫ ַָ֫ ָר‬and he turned back. and ‫ ־‬if there be a weakening of an original u (e. Perf. Jer 39:12. Hence ‫& . see further §§ 62–65. and would be better transcribed by yaamedhû. then instead of the Ḥaṭeph its fall vowel is written. Cf. ‫ַֽע ִיד‬ ‫ה ֱמ‬ ‫ה ֲמ‬ (regular form ‫ .־‬but ‫ א‬prefers ‫ . according to § 28 c. ‫יח‬ ‫יח ז יח‬ ‫יְז‬ ‫פּע‬ But when. i). ‫ כ ַת‬khŏrrăth and ‫ שׁרּך‬šŏrrēkh. ‫ֳנ‬ (b) In the middle of a word after a long vowel. ‫י ֲמ‬ Rem. ‫( ֽ ֲשֹׁב‬also ‫( ֶ ֱַֽק . ‫ֲר‬ ֳ ‫ֳנ‬ ‫ עִי‬affliction. Σάῤῥα for ‫. Ezr 9:6. e. &c.שׁל֫חתּ‬but also before the ָ ְ ַ ָ ָ ְ ַ‫י‬ tone (see examples under i). ‫ 1 מ ְדֹף‬S 23:28.g.g. instead of which the preceding vowel is almost always lengthened. ‫י ַמ‬ ‫יע‬ ‫פּ ָ ְ ָ נ ֶר‬ ‫ע‬ were yamedhû. ‫ ֲרֹג‬to kill. but if a short vowel precedes. Pr 3:8). On the use of simple or compound Šewâ in guttural verbs.־‬e. the strongly closed syllable (with quiescent Šewâ) may remain. ‫( א ֵי‬poetic for ‫ ) ֶל־‬to. e.g. ‫ויּ ס‬ ‫ויּ ס‬ ‫ויּ ס‬ The exceptions to a are ‫ מ ַת‬mŏrrăth. 17:25.)ַֽ ֲמֹד‬from ‫ . e. 20:22.)ַ ְשֹׁב‬also ‫ ָֽ ֳלוֹ .־‬Likewise ‫ ־‬is ֲ ֲ naturally found under ‫ א‬in cases where the Ḥaṭeph arises from a weakening of an original ă (e. 1. Infin. a Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ takes the place of a simple Šewâ mobile. § 20 h).א‬ But in the syllable before the tone and further back. imperf. ‫( ֶֽע ִיד‬see above. ‫ ֲמוֹר‬ass. it may be remarked: (a) ‫ ע . 2 Ch 26:10. exceptions to b ִ ֶ ‫ַ ְ ִמ‬ ‫ַ ְא ת‬ are ‫ הרּ ִי ֻהוּ‬Ju 20:43 (cf. e. ‫ ֱכֹל‬to eat. also on account of ‫ 02 §( דחיק‬c). (b) The preference for ă as a preceding vowel. the closed syllable is generally opened artificially by a Ḥaṭeph (as being suited to the guttural) taking the place of the quiescent Šewâ. cf. ‫ 1 הרּ ִי ֶם‬S 10:24. ‫ שֽׁ ֲדוּ‬Jb 6:22 (§ 64 a). ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ה ֳמ‬ ‫ָ ְט‬ ‫ִ ח‬ 5. Respecting the choice between the three Ḥaṭephs. ‫ 1 הרּע ָהּ‬S 1:6. e. e.)הק ַל‬but cf. 2 K 6:32. (a) The exclusion of the strengthening. ֲ ֱ ‫ח‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ ֱמֹר‬to say. ‫ אִי‬a fleet. ‫ . the strong vowel following the Ḥaṭeph is weakened into Šewâ mobile. owing to a flexional change. necessarily so with ‫ . ‫ שׁרֹּאשׁי‬Ct 5:2.g. however.g.g. neremû.ַֽע ְדוּ‬c. § 27 w. and in particular that Ḥaṭeph which repeats the sound of the preceding vowel. 2 S 18:16. and on account of ‫ 02 §( אתי מרחיק‬f) 1 S 15:6.

The ‫ .. ‫ ֶא ָר . ָֽ ֲסוּ . (§ 19 l). Dn 1:4 for ‫ ֻא ָה . according to b below.אחטּאָה‬ ‫ותּ זּ ֵ נ‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ֲ ַ ֶנּ תּ מ‬ ‫ֲ ַ ְ ֶנּ‬ ‫ 1 שֽׁלתך‬S 1:17 for ‫ ר ִים . l). and ‫ ָארוּר‬Jo 2:6 for ‫ ֵאמֹר .g.דּ֫שׁא‬see above. (b) When it originally closed a syllable. ‫צ נ ְצ נ‬ ‫מ‬ ‫כּ‬ however. ‫ מ ָא ָה‬work for ‫ְל כ‬ ‫( מ ְאָ ָה‬as in the Babylonian punctuation). as a rule entirely loses its slight consonantal power whenever it stands without a vowel at the end of a syllable.ר ֵם‬At the end of the word ‫ ה‬also is written for ‫ ְמ ֵה . as an indication of the etymology. one of the vowel letters ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬is often written according to the nature of the sound. ‫ַל כ‬ ‫י ְ ָע‬ ‫י ְ ַ ְא‬ ְ ְ ground form simâl. we have. in ‫& . e. ֶֽ ֱמֹר‬for ‫. ‫ 2 ַתֹּ֫ ֶז‬S 20:9.. On the other hand.ח ְאוֹת‬Sometimes a still more violent suppression of the ‫ א‬occurs at the beginning of ‫ַטּ‬ a syllable.מ ֵא ִי‬Nu 11:11. ֽוֹ ְאָם‬Jb ‫מ ַי‬ ְָ ָ ְָֽ ְ ‫ד‬ ‫בּד‬ 31:7. ְצֹא .g.מ ָאִי‬cf.§ 23.ַֽאדָֹי‬c.ְַר ְאוּ‬ ‫ֵָ ת‬ ‫ָ ָ ת ָל ת‬ ‫ו ה‬ ‫ויר‬ ‫ו ַ זּ ֵ נ וי ַ פּ‬ 2 S 22:40. when it stands in a closed syllable with quiescent ‫לא‬ Šewâ after a preceding Seghôl or Pathaḥ. but ‫ ַ ְאְַרִי‬Ps 18:40. 1 K 11:39. ‫ . however.ָצ֫א ִי‬ ‫יָ ת‬ ‫יָ ת‬ ‫ מל֫ ִי‬Jb 32:18 for ‫ מצ֫ ִי . e.g. ֶֽ ֱלֹ ִים‬ ‫ויּ ֲ צ‬ ‫פּ‬ ‫פּא‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ה לא‬ ‫ל‬ ‫לא ה‬ but the contraction does not take place in ‫ ֶֽא ִיל֫יה‬Is 10:11. e. ‫( הוֹ ִיא . ‫.הבּ ֵֽר״‬and so 2 S 23:37. sometimes lengthened and retains the following ‫ א‬only orthographically. e. ‫ ַאדּ֫ימוּ‬yadı̂mû.מ ֵא . ‫ ֵים‬buffalo for ‫ .אָ ַר‬or when it is protected by a Ḥaṭeph after a short ‫מ‬ ‫מא‬ syllable.ְאָה‬Ch ְֵָ ֵ ‫ֵמ ְ א ל‬ ‫גּו ְ ֵ מ‬ ‫ַבּ ת גֵּו‬ 11:39 for ‫ . not ‫( ָלוּא . 2. ֽוֹ ִיאִַ֫י . viz. Dt 24:10. ‫ . ‫ ָאשׁים‬heads (for reāšı̂m).תּמצ֫אָה‬Similarly in cases like ‫. It then remains (like the German h in roh.מ ָא‬but when a syllable is added with an ‫צ ָל ָצ‬ introductory vowel. The Feebleness of the Gutturals a and h. § 74 a).93:13 אחטָּה . The long vowel is then occasionally thrown back into the place of the Šewâ.ַַ ְא . § 19 k). § 22 e). ְאוֹ ִם‬for . ‫ ַַאת‬Is 41:25. e. The short vowel is ָ ֶ ‫ל ֱל‬ retained. although the consonantal power of ‫ א‬is entirely lost.g. Mi 1:5. ‫ ־‬or ‫ . ‫פּ ר מ‬ ‫ְ ֻר‬ ‫ט‬ ‫ְֹא‬ and § 75 oo). ‫ ִשׁמ ֵאל‬for ‫ שׂמֹאל . In these cases ‫ א‬is generally (by § 22 m) ֲ ֱ pronounced with a Ḥaṭeph. ‫ . When ‫ א‬is only preserved orthographically or as an indication of the etymology (quiescent).רא ִים‬Jb 22:29 for ‫ 1 ה ֵֽרֹ ִי .א‬he fills for ‫ ְמ ֵא‬Jb ‫ר‬ ‫ְא‬ ‫יַלּ‬ ‫יַלּ‬ 8:21 (see below.א‬a light and scarcely audible guttural breathing. 1.g. geh. and the ‫ א‬is only retained orthographically.g. ‫ ְַ ַפּוּ‬Jer 8:11 for ‫ַתְּרִ֫י . Even ְ ‫נ ְ דּ ויּ‬ ִ ְ‫י‬ in such cases the consonantal power of ‫ א‬may be entirely lost. nahte) merely as a sign of the preceding long vowel.שׁאָטך‬Neh 6:8 for ‫ מאוּם . ‫ . ‫ ָצ֫ ִי‬Jb 1:21 for ‫. ‫( מצ֫את‬for māṣatā). 1 S 14:33 for ‫( חֽט ִים‬cf. ‫ א‬is in general retained as a strong consonant whenever it begins a syllable. Is 10:13. ִ ‫ר‬ e ‫ ָאתִ֫ם‬two hundred (for m ātháyim). it is sometimes entirely dropped (cf. ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ר ב‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ח‬ &c. ‫ תּוֹ ִם‬Gn 25:24 for ‫ .ִשׁמע ֵל‬or ‫ שׂמֹאול‬the left hand.g. ‫ ַָ֫א ֶל‬Nu 11:25 for ‫ויּ צ‬ ‫( ַַֽא ֵל‬cf. ְאוּם‬for ‫ פּא ָה‬Is 10:33. from ‫ . ‫ ָֽראוּבִי‬Nu 34:14. ‫ויּ‬ ְֶָ ‫ו‬ ְֶָ ‫ו א‬ Instead of this ‫ א‬which has lost its consonantal value.g. which then causes a further change in the preceding syllable. e. and even in ‫( פּ֫ ֶא . 3. ַֽ ֲרוּר‬for ‫ ִֽאלֹ ִים . e. for ‫ . ‫ שֽׁאטך‬Ez 25:6 for ‫ בּוֹ ָאם . e.מ ָאִַ֫י‬since the ‫א‬ ‫ה צ נ ְצ נ‬ then stands at the beginning of the syllable.שׁא ִית‬K 19:25 ‫ַ ְא‬ ‫ֵר‬ ‫ְ ֵר‬ ‫ַה‬ .ֶַאסֹר‬nädār. ‫ 1 שׁ ִית‬Ch 12:38 for ‫ 2 ל ְשׁוֹת . ֶֽ ֱכֹל‬and finally. ְאיּ ֵן‬so always ‫ ַטֹּאת‬or ‫ 1 ַטֹּאות‬K 14:16.־‬The preceding short vowel is.ח ְא‬ ָ ָָ ‫ְִֶ נ‬ ‫ָ ו ויּר ֵ ט‬ &c. the former with ô and the latter with ô and ı̂.)הוֹ ִיאִי . the ‫ א‬only retains an ֶ ֶ ‫ֶל‬ orthographic significance. e.g. ‫ חֹ ִאים‬ḥôṭı̂m.ָֽ ֲאַבּדך‬cf.שׁ ֵֽ ָ״‬Ps 22:22 for ‫ ֵָה . § 74 h. e.שְׁא . (see § 102 ‫נ‬ ‫ו‬ m). (a) when it would stand with a long vowel in the middle of a word after Šewâ mobile. ‫ ָֽאַבּדך‬Ez 28:16 for ‫ . Ju 9:41).g.

however. as in ‫ ִָשׂוּא‬Je 10:5 for ‫ . Je 46:20. ‫ ָאשׁ‬Pr 10:4. § 93 r (‫. ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ Rem. ‫ לוּא‬for ‫ לוּ‬if.e. is the true reading. (cf. e.אֹא ַר‬see § 68 g. Yet at times the consonantal sound of ‫ הּ‬at the end of a word is lost. ‫ל ק‬ ‫ְה ק‬ ‫ ַיּוֹם‬for ‫[ כּ ַיּוֹם‬but see § 35 n].g. if for ‫( ַֽ ֲס״‬but read ‫ . it is almost always a firm consonant. ‫ ִבּוֹא‬for ‫ ִבּוֹ‬myriad. on the other hand.חָה ֵל‬Another exception is ‫ . ָהּ‬Zc 5:11. as early scribal errors.—Finally.ָֽשׂאוּ‬Cf. § 103 g.פּ ָהצוּר .א‬and never loses its consonantal sound (i.)אה ְים‬ ‫ֽ ָל‬ 3. ‫ ֵחְתּ‬is unquestionably a corruption of ‫ ננחת‬for ‫. at the end of a word it is always a mere vowel letter. also ‫ ְהוּא‬Ec 11:3 (§ 75 s). quiesces) in the middle of a word1 except in the cases noted below.g. In Aramaic the ‫ א‬is much weaker and more liable to change than in Hebrew.שָׁה‬Jer 23:39 ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫נ‬ for ‫& . ‫בּ‬ ‫ָה‬ Rem. ‫ ָ ִיא‬for ‫ ָ ִי‬pure. Neh 7:66.א‬in ‫ ָסֹ֫ ֶת‬Ez 20:37. with ‫.Kethı̂bh for ‫( ל ַשׁאוֹת‬cf. cf. ‫ ֵזוֹר‬girdle for ‫ . e.)בּ ֶם‬c. According to Arabic orthography. &c. c.ח ְאָה‬In ‫ 1 ַכֹּ֫ ֶת‬K 5:25 (for ‫) ַֽ ֲכ״‬ ְ ‫ְה‬ ‫ֵמ‬ ‫ֶמ‬ ‫מ ל‬ ‫מא‬ the strengthening of the following consonant by Dageš compensates for the loss of the ‫ .ְ ֽוָֹ ָן‬perhaps also ‫בִּי ֶם‬ ‫כּ‬ ‫ְה‬ ‫בּ ַּ י‬ ‫י נת ְ ה ּ ַ י‬ ‫יה נת‬ ‫ְנ ה‬ for ‫ בְּ ִי ֶם‬Ez 27:32.בּ ַשָׁמִ֫ם‬for ‫ . Thus it is evident that final ‫ ה‬as a vowel letter has only an orthographical ‫נ‬ importance.ִָֽשׂאוּ‬and in ‫ ָשׂוּא‬Ps ‫ינּ‬ ְ ‫ינּ‬ ‫נ‬ 139:20 for ‫ . the ‫ . (b) By contraction of the vowels preceding and following the ‫.ִרמָה‬c. § 63 p. ‫ ַבֹּ֫ ֶר‬for ‫( ל ַבֹּ֫ ֶר‬the ‫ ה‬of the article being syncopated as it almost always is).ְֵהפָה‬the reading of many MSS. and §§ 58 g. takes the corresponding full vowel. ֱזור‬cf. above. a ‫ ה‬which only marks the vowel ending is occasionally changed into ‫ ו‬or ‫ ח ֵה=ח ֵי . On ‫ הוּא‬and ‫ ִיא‬see § 32 k. but especially with ā.מוּ ָר‬with Cornill).ָשֹׁהּ‬c. or ô. whereas in Hebrew it very rarely occurs as a mere vowel letter after Qameṣ.ה‬with Rāphè as an indication of its nonֿ consonantal character. ‫יפ ִ יּ‬ . for the artificially ‫ֲז א‬ ‫יפ ִ יּ‬ divided form ‫ ְֵה־פְה‬in the printed texts. ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ה‬ 4. unless expressly marked by Mappı̂q as a strong consonant (§ 14 a). ı̂. These examples. in which it is completely elided by syncope.g. as in ‫ ָאם‬Ho 10:14 for ‫ ָם‬he rose up. the preceding vowel is ‫מ ר‬ ‫מא‬ ‫ס‬ lengthened. 71. ‫ ח ָה‬Jb 29:6 for ‫ 1. 13:23 for ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ ָשׁ‬poor. e. and the analogous cases in § ‫א‬ ‫א‬ 52 n.g. forms like ‫חָאל‬ ֵ‫ֲז‬ for ‫ . q. In connexion with ō and ē. 91 ָֿ ‫ל‬ e).)!א‬Is 28:12.g. ָאֹה= ָאוֹ( י‬Ho 6:9). ‫ר‬ ‫ַ ַל כ‬ 2. § 76 d.—A violent suppression of ‫ה‬ together with its vowel occurs in ‫( ָם‬from ‫& . In literary Arabic. are not so much instances of ‘Arabic orthography’. ‫ ֲשָׁמִ֫ם‬for ‫ ֽוָֹ ָן . and its place is taken by a simple ‫ ה‬or more correctly ‫ . The ‫ ה‬is stronger and firmer than the ‫ . ֲשׂה ֵל‬which are ‫עָ א‬ ‫ְר‬ compounded of two words and hence are sometimes even divided. In some cases at the beginning of a word. and with any vowel into ‫ א‬in the later or ‫ר‬ ‫ַכּ ַכּ ר‬ Aramaic orthography. ‫ ָֽ ְכוּא‬for ‫ָֽ ְכוּ‬ ‫הל‬ ‫הל‬ Jos 10:24 (before ‫ אָבוּא . in very many ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫יְ ְי‬ cases a complete elision of the consonantal ‫ ה‬takes place by syncope: (a) when its vowel is thrown back to the place of a preceding Šewâ mobile (see above.ה‬ ‫ְ נה ה‬ e. ‫ ֵפוֹא‬for ‫ ֵפוֹ‬then ְ ‫נ‬ ‫י‬ ‫נק‬ ‫נק‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ (enclitic). ‫ שָׁא‬sleep. c. e.א‬instead of a compound Šeuâ. also ‫ ָה‬for ‫( ָהּ‬from ‫ )ָהוּ‬in proper names like ‫& . § 24. ‫ א‬serves also to indicatea long a.)א‬ e. On the other hand. Changes of the Weak Letters ‫ ו‬and ‫. Is 37:26). but in 2 S 11:1 the Kethı̂bh ‫ המּ ְאָ ִים‬the messengers. Cf. cf. cf.ֶֽאַ חתּ‬ ְ‫נַנ‬ ְ ַ ‫נ ֱנ‬ 1 1 Only apparent exceptions are such proper names as ‫ . ‫( סוּסוֹ‬also written ‫ )סוּסֹה‬from sûsahu (a+u=ô). An ‫ א‬is sometimes added at the end of the word to a final û. Ps 127:2 for ‫ ָשֹׁא .g. § 84 a. On ‫ אֹ ַר‬for ‫ . 1. § 7 b. ‫ לה‬to her for ‫ .י‬ 1 1 In Jer 22:23.

‫ ִיאֹר‬as the Nile. note 1).עִי‬ ‫א‬ ‫ע ֱו‬ ‫ר ֲו‬ watering Jb 37:11 for ‫ כּי[ . 2 S 6:23 Kethı bh ‫ו‬ ‫ול‬ [elsewhere ‫ . at the beginning they remain as consonants. cf. This fact is especially important in the formation of those weak stems.פ״ו‬a. whilst the preceding vowel becomes Šewâ (e. and also attracts to itself the tone. and approach so nearly to the corresponding vowels u and i. ‫ פּר֫י‬from ְִ piry. ‫ עב ִי‬a Hebrew. initial ‫ ו‬occurs only in ‫ ָו‬hook.כִּי‬cf. Metrische Studien. a thorough investigation of their phonetic value as consonantal. properly ibrı̂y. also E. § 85. ‫ִי ֵי‬ ‫בּ ר‬ ‫ו ד ִי‬ ‫כּ‬ ‫ל ד‬ ‫מד‬ from the hands of. Haupt. i . coalesces with the ı̆ to ı̂. Complete syncope of ‫ ו‬before ı̂ occurs in ‫ ִי‬island for ‫ ִי . The cases in which ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬lose their consonantal power.Philippi. so weak. and others.g. § 5 b.)עב ִים‬Jb 41:25 for ‫( ָשׂוּו‬cf. Die Aussprache der semit. cf. ‫ 1 ֲשׂוּוֹת‬S 25:18 Kethı̂bh). ‫ תֹּ֫הוּ‬from tuhw). ‫ ָָד‬child Gn 11:30.g. § 93).)בְּ׳‬and Judah. 15. or more accurately it assumes its vowel-character (‫ ו‬as u. and also almost always after ‫( ם‬see § 102 b). i. e. and at the end of a word they are sometimes rejected (see below.g. § 93 x) or ‫ֶכ‬ ‫ְכ‬ become again vowel letters. ‫ שׁ ֵו‬quiet. not palatal or labial fricatives.1 The instances may be classified under two heads: (a) When either ‫ ו‬or ‫ י‬with quiescent Šewâ stands at the end of a syllable immediately after a homogeneous vowel (u or i).g. § 47 b. f). so also at the end of the word. end. vowelsounds. fem. It then merges in the homogeneous vowel. ‫ְו‬ ‫ְו‬ Thus an initial ְ after the prefixes ‫ . note. e.g. In the latter case ‫ י‬becomes a homogeneous Ḥireq. ‫ ִו‬the month of May. ‫ָלוּי‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ז‬ ‫גּ‬ revealed. belong almost exclusively to the middle and end of words. e. 93 y].בּ‬which would then be pronounced with ı̆ ‫י‬ ְ ‫ְ ְ ו‬ (see § 28 a). and are then transcribed by P. see § 26. i. merge into a vowel.כּ .g.אִי‬ruins for ‫ִי . ‫י ל‬ ‫וז‬ . ‫ ִֽיהוּ ָה‬for Judah.]ֶ ֶד‬and the doubtful ‫ ָָד‬Pr 21:8. ‫ ִי ַץ‬for ַ ‫יק‬ yiyqaṣ. ‫ י‬as i). According to § 19 a. following the practice of Indogermanic philologists. e.עברָה‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ִ ְ ִיּ‬ pl. On the other ‫ִ ְ ִיּ‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ hand. as consonants. ‫וּ‬ for ְ and. and is then contracted with the preceding vowel into one vowel. as u . Sievers.ל . Thus ‫ הוּשׁב‬for huwšab. ‫. ‫ גּוֹי‬nation. ‫ בּ֫ ֶה‬from bikhy. But with a preceding ǎ the ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬are mostly contracted into ô and ê (see below. they are either wholly rejected and only orthographically replaced by ‫( ה‬e.. On ‫=י‬i at the ‫ו‬ beginning of a word. (b) When ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬without a vowel would stand at the end of the word after quiescent Šewâ. Apart from a few proper names. ‫ ו‬is changed sometimes into a toneless u (e.י‬always in verbs originally ‫ 96 § . if the preceding vowel he heterogeneous.e. 1. in which a ‫ ו‬or ‫י‬ occurs as one of the three radical consonants (§ 69 ff. Konsonanten ‫ ו‬und ‫( י‬mentioned above. Philippi. as well as the regularly formed ‫ בּ ִי‬weeping. cf. g). properly pary). 1 and § 104 e. ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬are. §§ 84a c. but is mostly retained orthographically as a (quiescent) vowel letter. ‫( עברִים‬and ‫ ָשׂוּ . non-syllabic. initial ‫ ו‬in Hebrew almost always becomes ‫ .רִי‬burning Is 3:24 for ‫ .e.ְ . that under certain conditions they very readily merge into them. necessarily long. i. ִ ‫ ִֽיהוּ ָה‬in Judah (for ‫ ִֽיהוּ ָה . alone is a standing exception. 1 1 Or as consonantal vowels (see above). ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬are retained as full consonants (on the pronunciation see § 8 m).

write Ἰουδά for ‫ . the locatives ‫& . i. In fact the Babylonian ‫ֶק‬ punctuation always has ı̆ for ä in the 1st pers. 1905. 2 2 Instances in which no contraction takes place after ă are. see above. ‫ָל‬ . Unchangeable Vowels. ZAW. modification.1 On the origin of ‫ָל‬ ‫ .מוֹת‬ground-form ayn [ain]) eye. ֵין‬ ‫ַ י‬ ‫ע‬ 1 1 The Arabic. The latter. In Syriac. note 2. and consequently must be lengthened to ā.—On the ַ ‫ַי‬ suffix ‫ ־ ְִי‬for ‫ ־ ִך‬see § 91 l. Nestle. which properly had a simple vocal Šewâ.ולד‬see § 69 ‫יגל‬ ‫ק‬ ‫יל‬ b.. § 1 m). in which ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬quiesce after such vocalization and contraction. So also ‫ שׁ ָה‬for šālaw.e. can be known with certainty only from the nature of the grammatical forms. ‫( ע ִן . state ‫ . 2. and in some cases by comparison with Arabic (cf.ל״ה‬e. b. originally ‫ . (b) With short ă they form the diphthongs ô and ê according to § 7 a.א‬see § 93 x. from ‫ . With regard to the choice of the long vowel. even ‫ ִיח֫לּוּ‬Jb 29:21 ‫כּ ת‬ ‫ְ ית‬ ֵ‫ו‬ (in some editions) for ‫ .e. constr.ָ ָה=ָל)י(=ָ ַי‬since ă after the ‫גּל‬ ַ ‫גּל גּ‬ rejection of the ‫ י‬stands in an open syllable. in accordance with ‫י י‬ this.g. But even in Arabic ‫סנ‬ ‫ שלא‬is written for ‫ שׁ ַו‬and pronounced salā.עוֹ ָה‬ ‫ָ יכ‬ ְ‫ָ י‬ ‫ַ ול‬ ‫ל‬ cf.Rem. Ben-Naphtali regarded the Yodh in all such cases as a vowel letter. p. Sina. e. The rejection of the half vowels ‫ ו‬and ‫( י‬see above. readily become short again. those long by nature or contraction. § 70 b).בּ ְ ָה‬c. What vowels in Hebrew are unchangeable. or shortening.—On the weakening of ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬to ‫ .מְ ִיב‬from ‫& . was pointed ‫ א ְטֹל‬to avoid confusion. So especially in verbs ‫ . So ‫גּל‬ the LXX ‫ ִיַי‬Σινᾶ. The LXX also.מצר ְ ָה . when a change takes place in the position of the tone or in the division of syllables. ‫. ‫ ַי‬living.ַ ַי‬but pronounces galā. in such cases.g. where the weak letters more readily become vowel sounds. on ‫ ָם‬as perf. Vulg. the following rules may be laid down: (a) With a short homogeneous vowel ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬are contracted into the corresponding long vowel (û or ı̂). often writes etymologically ‫ . i.—Sometimes both forms are found. ‫ֵי ִיב‬ ‫מט‬ 2 from ‫ יוֹשׁיב .קוּם‬see § 72 b and g. b) occurs especially at the end of words after a heterogeneous vowel (ă). are not liable to attenuation (to Š wâ). ‫ 1 מְ ִיִים‬Ch 12:2. ֵי‬Analogous is the contraction of ‫( מ ֶת‬ground-form mawt) ‫ח‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ָ ו‬ death. as distinguished from those which are only lengthened rhythmically. (according to the reading of Ben-Naphtali1) ‫ ִֽל ַת‬Jer 25:36 for ‫( ְִֽל ַת‬so ‫וי ֲ ל‬ ‫וי ֲ ל‬ Baer). lengthening.e. ‫וי ח‬ ‫יק‬ and therefore the 1st peps. on account of the special laws which in Hebrew regulate the tone and the formation of syllables. cf.ְַשׁיב‬c. constr. of ‫ . e. or are reduced to a mere vocal Šewâ. ‫אְַ ִי ֵם‬ ‫ַ ימ נ‬ ‫יס ר‬ ‫ִ ְ ַ ימ ַ ית‬ Ho 7:12 (but cf. a simple i may stand even at the beginning of words instead of ְ or ִ. ‫ ִֽי ְרוֹן‬Ec 2:13 for ‫ . ‫ִ ַ יט‬ ִ ‫יו‬ Rem. 362 f.g. i. if according to the nature of the form the contraction appears impossible. The ‫ה‬ is simply an orthographic sign of the long vowel.ֵֵד‬c. as ‫ עְָח‬and ‫.ִצ ָק‬Hence may be explained the Syriac usage in ‫י ד‬ ‫יְח‬ Hebrew of drawing back the vowel i to the preceding consonant.ְהוּ ָה‬Ἰσαάκ for ‫ .ְִ ֶה‬see § 75 e. ‫ הְשׁר‬Ps 5:9 Qerê.ְִ֫ ֵלּוּ‬According to Qimḥi (see § 47 b) ‫ ִ ְטֹל‬was pronounced as iqṭōl. on ‫& . also the examples in § 20 h. § 25. This hems good especially of the essentially long vowels. e 1 1 According to Abulwalid. constr.כִּ ְרוֹן‬cf. and part.

ְבוּל‬for ‫ . i. o). e.2 unless it has become ô (cf. Toy. 494 ff. ı̂.קוֹל‬but this is merely ‫יט‬ ‫יט‬ ‫גּב י ט‬ ‫נ‬ an orthographic licence and has no influence on the quantity of the vowel.g. § 9 q). ‫ ֵי ִיב‬he does ִ ֵ ‫יט‬ well. those long vowels are unchangeable which. though it is indispensable in an unpointed text. a consonantal vowel.א‬on the few instances of this kind in Hebrew. ‘The Syllable in Hebrew. 73 ff. ‫ ממל ָה‬kingdom. similarly..א‬see § 24 e. a merely tone-long vowel of both these classes is sometimes written fully. According to the Tiberian pronunciation ְ and is resolved into ‫ו‬ e ‫ֶ ֶ ְ ְב‬ the corresponding vowel ‫ וּ‬before Š wâ. i.g.. e. Short vowels in closed syllables (§ 26 b).g. ‫ קוֹל‬voice. 1884. ‫ ְבוּל‬boundary. their lengthening. H. p.1. Strack. depends on the theory of syllable-formation. the û in ‫ְ ֻל‬ ‫גּב‬ is just as necessarily long. can often be recognized by means of the vowel letters which accompany them (‫ . e. § 27 n. The defective writing (§ 8 i) is indeed ‫חכ‬ ‫גּ‬ common enough.’ Amer. ‫ מ ְבּוּשׁ‬garment. and now stand in an open syllable.ר‬have arisen by lengthening from the corresponding short vowels.כּ ָאב‬c. ‫ . e. ְַ § 26. A syllable may end— 2 2 By vocales impurae the older grammarians meant vowels properly followed by a ‫ְת‬ vowel letter. H. ‫ִ א‬ note. Syllable-formation1 and its Influence on the Quantity of Vowels.וּד ַר‬the Babylonian punctuation in the latter cases writes ֿ.e. ‫ מד ָר‬wilderness.g. p.ְבוּל‬ ‫גּ‬ As an exception. ô. ‫ ֵי ִב‬and ‫ ֵ ִיב‬for ‫ ְ ֻל . as in ‫. Journal of Philol. § 23 g. shortening. ‫ ִ ְטוֹל‬for ‫. ‘The Syllables in the Hebrew Language.2 The copula is a standing exception to this rule.’ Hebraica. Apart from the unchangeable vowels (§ 25). The naturally long â and the merely tone-long ā therefore can only be distinguished by an accurate knowledge of the forms. ‫ מ ֵן‬for mĭ”ēn. Thus ‫ כּ ָב‬kethâbh was regarded as merely by a licence for ‫& . i. 2 2 We are not taking account here of the few eases in which initial Yodh is represented as simple i. which are not final. and especially § 47 b. owing to the omission of the strengthening in a guttural or ‫ . The essentially long and consequently. ‫ו‬ ‫ו‬ 2. 3.־ י . e.וּמ֫לך . ‫ֵא‬ ‫ בֹּרך‬for burrakh.)וֹ . 1. § 26 p. short ‫ַל‬ ‫ִ ְבּ‬ ‫ַ ְ ָכ‬ vowels in sharpened syllables.g. The essentially or naturally long â (Qameṣ impure). ‫גּנּ‬ 4.־ י‬e. the use of short or long vowels. has as a rule in Hebrew no representative among the consonants. before Dageš forte. .g.e.e. ‫ ַָב‬thief. while in Arabic it is regularly indicated by ‫ . C. cf.ֵי ִיב‬for ‫ קֹל . by being written ‫ ִי‬or ‫ . ‫ְת‬ 1 1 Cf.ִ ְטֹל‬ ‫יק‬ ‫יק‬ 2.g. or change into vocal Šewâ. as a rule (but cf. ê. nor of certain other eases in which ‫ א‬with an initial vowel has only a graphic purpose. û. The initial syllable. are as a rule unchangeable. Finally. in the case of initial ‫ ו‬and ‫( י‬cf. e. The initial and final syllables especially require consideration. A syllable regularly begins with a consonant. Oct. The final syllable. § 9 b. note on § 5 b).וּ . 1884. or. ‫ ֵי ָל‬palace. unchangeable vowels of the second and third class. and the labials. ְ before a full vowel.

‫ . the Aramaic ‫ל‬ ‫ְב ְ ט י‬ simply a vocal Šewâ (‫ . except of course in the case of naturally long vowels. 3.ק ַל . the original short vowel is found always in Arabic. and is then called an open or simple syllable. xiv. q. See below. qătălă. bayt. see the previous note. but when the tone is moved forward it becomes Šewâ. ְהוֹן‬and even in Hebrew. from the transcription of Hebrew proper names in the Nestorian (Syriac) punctuation. ‫1. whether they have the tone as in ֫‫ בּך‬in thee. when the tone is thrown forward the pretonic vowel almost always becomes Šewâ. sing. Such are also the syllables ending in a ‫ֵב ָ ט‬ strengthened consonant. short vowels were pronounced in open syllables.־֫ ִי‬however (Gn 30:6.g. a doubly closed syllable. text. e. however. e. Although it is certain therefore that in Hebrew also. ‫( קטלִ֫י‬Arab. below. be incorrect to assume from this that the pretonic vowel has taken the place of Šewâ only on account of the following tone-syllable. yirb.קט֫לתּ‬Cf.לה֫ם‬ ֶָ ‫ֵָ ָ ַ י‬ Short vowels in open syllables occur: (a) In apparently dissyllabic words formed by means of a helping vowel from ַ monosyllables. p. or are toneless as in ‫ עָ֫ב . the undoubtedly very old lengthening of ı and ŭ in an open syllable into ē and ō. and sometimes in the other Semitic languages.g. The above examples are pronounced in Arabia bı kă. e. as the first in ‫ ק ֵל‬qaṭ-ṭēl.)ל ַב . Open or simple syllables have a long vowel..ָק֫וּם . ‫ַטּ‬ (c) With two consonants. ı năb. ‫י‬ (b) In the verbal suffix of the 1st pers. &c. The ‫ַ נ‬ ‫ְַָ נ‬ uncommon form ‫ . as ‫ ַ֫ ַל‬brook. r. less frequently Ṣere) is especially common in an open syllable before the tone (pretonic vowel).). is certainly right. But see § 28 e. ‫ בִּ֫ת‬house. It would. e. as the second in ‫ . cf. e. T.אַברהם‬He regards their lengthening in ְָָ the syllable before the tone as a means adopted by the Masoretes to preserve the pronunciation of the traditional vowels. yăqŭm. it may still be doubted whether the present pronunciation is due merely to an artificial practice followed in the solemn recitation of the O. in ‫ קט֫לתּ‬where ְָ ַָ the first and last are open.קט֫ל‬a bunch of grapes. and e.g.ל ָב . see § 27. On this hypothesis we should have still to explain. qătălănĭ).ְקוּם . also ֫‫־‬ ‫נח‬ ‫ַי‬ ֶ‫י‬ ‫ ִם‬the ending of the dual (§ 88). 3 3 In opposition to this fundamental law in Hebrew (a long vowel in an open syllable).קט֫ל . See below. at an earlier period. (‫ ־֫ ִי‬me). (b) With one consonant. and is then called a simple closed or compound syllable.g. ְְ ְְ ַָ and § i–l. as ‫ קשׁט‬qōšṭ. since such a vowel is mostly lengthened in an open syllable before the tone. . ‫ ֵ֫לך‬he goes. from naḥl. o. This explanation of the pretonic vowels as due to a precaution against their disappearing.g. proves that the tone-bearing Pathaḥ ‫ַ נּ‬ produces a sharpening of the following sonant. and thus virtually stands in a closed syllable. ‫ ִר֫ב‬let him increase. from the Arabic Ibrâhîm=‫ . 1 1 That these pretonic vowels are really long is shown by Brockelmann.לב֫ב .3 A long ְָ ְֶ ‫י‬ ַ ָ ‫ֵנ‬ vowel (Qameṣ. § 59f). cf. as to whether the precaution can be ascribed to the Masoretes. It always arises from an original short vowel. 343 f. ZA.(a) With a vowel. For the pretonic vowel the Arabic regularly has a short vowel (lăhŭm.ק ַל‬See below.

בּד ַר‬ &c. are frequently preceded by a single consonant with vocal Šewâ.). ‫ חכ ָה‬wisdom.g. ָ ‫ְִַ ר‬ only.1 e. bı̆kă. ‫וא נ‬ (d) In the combinations ‫ . generally § 22 m. 4. ‫.)69 §( אַ ִים . Closed syllables ending with one consonant.g. state (1 K 19:15). end.even when the Nun is not expressly written with Dageš. ‫ בּך‬Arab.כ . since the former then takes the vowel contained in the Ḥaṭeph (see § 102 d and § 104 d). st. yaqtŭlû. e.g. that a long vowel should stand in an open syllable). On ‫ שֽׁ ָשׁים‬and ‫ . This concerns ‫ְח‬ ‫ֳל‬ ‫יְמ‬ especially the prefixes ְ. . ‫ ַֽערוֹ‬his boy. than are the exceptions cited above.כּד ַר .g. however. from this.g. ‫ ֶ ְסֹר‬and ‫ . ַחֹ֫ ֶשׁ‬w) do not come under this head. nor does the tone-bearing Seghôl in suffixes (e. and § 28 c. ‫ ַָ֫ ַר‬and he turned back. or (as in h) by the secondary tone in the constr. in the constr. To the same category belong also the cases where these ‫ִ ְבּ ִ ְב‬ prepositions with Ḥireq stand before a consonant with simple Šewâ mobile. Even the use of Metheg with Šewâ in special cases (see § 16 f) is no proof of such a view on the part of the Masoretes. when without the tone.מדבּ֫ ָה‬ ‫ְִָ ר‬ In all these cases the short vowel is also supported by the tone. ‫ ִק ְלוּ‬Arab.g. or by the counter-tone with Metheg. ‫ַ ְכּ‬ ‫ ֶשׁבּוֹן‬understanding.ב‬See § 102.ֶֽ ־ . either the principal tone of the word. ְָָ ‫פּ‬ Such eases as ‫ 76 §( ַֽ ִתֹּ֫ת . as in ‫ ַ ֽדָֹי‬above. ‫ ֶחְקוּ‬also occurs). e.)ֶֽ ֱסֹר‬The ‫יא‬ ‫יא‬ same vowel sequence arises wherever a preposition ‫ .ל . but rather attaches itself so closely to the following syllable that it forms practically one syllable with it. ‫ ָֽעלך‬pŏŏ lekhā (thy deed). ‫ מל ָח‬queen. ‫יְז‬ ‫ ָֽעלך‬is properly pŏlekhā. ‫ְ ְ ְ ו‬ The Šewâ mobile is no doubt in all such eases weakened from an original full vowel (e.ָֽ ־ . however. although the closed syllable has lost the tone owing to the following Maqqeph). since ‫ח ה ד‬ ָ ‫הח‬ they all have ă in a virtually sharpened syllable. e. it cannot be inferred that the ‫יְט‬ ְָ Masoretes regarded it as forming a kind of open syllable. (c) Sometimes before the toneless ‫ ־ ה‬local (§ 90 c).. the effect of the arsis on the short vowel in classical prosody. ‫ ִל ְרוּ‬yilìmedhû. 5. ‫( ל ִי‬cheek) leḥı̂. whether at the beginning or at the end of words. ‫ ָֽ ֳלוֹ‬his ֲ ‫־ ֳ ־ ֱ ־‬ ֲ‫נ‬ ‫יא‬ ‫פּע‬ deed. ָֽ ָשׁים‬see ָ ְֶָ ִ‫ָ ר‬ ִ‫ק ד‬ § 9 v. and it was only when the guttural took a Ḥaṭeph that it became in consequence open (but cf. In all these cases the syllable was at first really closed.)דּבר֫ך‬nor Seghôl for ă before a guttural with Qameṣ (§ 22 c). g. necessarily have short vowels. These ‫י ֶז‬ ְָָ ‫פּ‬ again are cases of the subsequent opening of closed syllables (hence. ‫ .ַֽ ־‬e.g. The independent syllables with a firm vowel which have been described above. e. cf. since the toneless suffix ‫ ־ ה‬does not affect the ָ character of the form (especially when rapidly pronunced in close connexion).ל . f–k. ‫ . ‫ ֶֽ ֱסֹר‬he will bind. Such a consonant with vocal Šewâ never has the value of an independent syllable. &c. simple or compound. ‫ מדבּ֫ ָה‬towards the wilderness. otherwise it is ‫. ‫( ה ִי‬sickness) ḥolı̂. ְ‫ח‬ ‫ָ ְמ‬ ‫ויּ ס‬ ‫ויּ ק ויּ ק‬ ‫ָ ל‬ 1 1 In exceptions such as ‫ שֽׁת־ ִי‬Gn 4:25 (where šāt is required by the character of the form. e. for this would be even more directly opposed to their fundamental law (viz.ַָ֫ ֶם‬wayyāqǒm).כּ . (e) In forms like ‫ ֶֽחְקוּ‬yäḥä-ze-qû (they are strong). In cases like ‫ 201 §( ַֽאדָֹי‬m) Pathaḥ ‫נ‬ ‫ו‬ is retained in the counter-tone after the ‫ א‬has become quiescent. ‫( ַָ֫ ָם .g.בּ‬or ‫ ו‬copulative is prefixed to an ְ ְ ְ initial syllable which has a Ḥaṭeph. cf.g.

הֶ֫נּוּ . only the tone-long ā. ֵ ‫ע‬ 2 2 See § 9 e. also such forms as ‫§ ִַשׁבּ‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ 26 r and § 75 q.ֵרדּ‬or Ḥolem. ŭ into ō (see 9. That vowels originally short have in the tone-syllable. ‫ אמּי‬ı̆mִִ mı̂. 7.ה֫ ָה . when in close dependence on a following genitive in the construct state). e. ִם . ‫ שֽׁם־‬Gn 2:13. ִן . as also in the open syllable preceding it. but. fem. not the longest ı̂. If without the tone. like the rest. as ‫. either short vowels as ‫ . f. ‫( מ ָר‬Arab. û. is derived partly from the phenomena which the language itself presents in the laws of derivation and inflexion. however.2 The tone-bearing closed penultima admits. ı̆ into ē. ‫( עָ ָה‬ground-form ăgălăt) a waggon.g. the tone be shifted or weakened. r). The changes in sound through which the Hebrew language passed. Hiph. A special kind of closed syllables are the sharpened. ‫ְ ָק‬ ‫קט‬ ‫( ְק ְלוּ‬Arab. especially as regards Quantity.g. Imperf.g. Syllables ending with two consonants occur only at the end of words.ֵַבדּ . (see § 2 k). only ă. ı occurs thus only in the particles ‫ . Qal) ‫ַ ְ ֵ ְנ‬ but ‫ קֹ֫מָה‬fem. been generally changed into the corresponding tone-long vowels. i.תּוֹסףּ קשׁט‬Cf. ŭ. of the long vowels. Usually the harshness of pronunciation is avoided by ְ ְ ְְ the use of a helping vowel (§ 28 e). e. T.. it must as a rule be either Pathaḥ or Seghôl. k. ‫יַטּ‬ e 2. they have. e. jŭqattĭlŭ). ê. partly from the comparison of the kindred dialects. we arrive at the following facts as regards Hebrew: 1. ִ ְ‫י‬ masc. A precise knowledge of these vowel changes. ĕ. masc. ‫ ֵֽץ־‬Gn 2:16. are entirely lost through a change in the division of syllables. which is indispensable for the understanding of most of the present forms of the language. have especially affected its vowel system. ‫ְנ‬ 6. principally the Arabic. those which end in the same (strengthened) consonant with which the following syllable begins. occasionally. Cf. § 27. ē. a–e. By these two methods. .שׁ֫ ָה‬ ַ ‫ִנּ‬ ‫ֵמּ ָמּ‬ On the omission of the strengthening of a consonant at the end of a word.e.ִַשׁבּ . as ‫ . The Change of the Vowels. ō. finally. where there originally stood a full short vowel. see § 29 g). e. or. or reduced to mere Šewâ mobile. similarly ē is sometimes retained before Maqqeph.קטלתּ‬but sometimes Ṣere. § 10 i. see § 20 l. before it assumed the form in which we know it from the Masoretic text of the O. are still further shortened. ŏ (but on ı̆ and ŭ. of the short vowels. ‫ ֻלּוֹ‬kŭl-lô. however. ă into ā.) but ‫3 תּקט֫לָה‬rd pl. ‫ . not ı̆. Imperat. but if the latter. Thus ‫3( ַקט֫ילוּ‬rd pl. and ‫( קוּ֫מוּ‬and pl.A tone-bearing closed syllable may have either a long or short vowel. ‫( ָֽ ְלוּ‬Arab. or. and have most naturally short vowels. That in an open syllable the language has frequently retained only a half-vowel ‫ֲ גל‬ (Š wâ mobile). Metheg is used to guard against a wrong pronunciation. ְ ְ ַ ָ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ ְ ְ נ‬ ‫ .ק֫לּוּ‬or long. ִם‬but these usually (‫ִן‬ ‫מ ע א‬ ‫מ‬ always) are rendered toneless by a following Maqqeph. qătălŭ).g. măṭăr) ‫ָט‬ rain. ô. these tone-long vowels mostly revert to their original shortness.. short vowels. if bearing ‫כּ‬ the tone. ‫( צד ָה‬groundform ṣădăqăt) righteousness. If.

Cf. For instances of complete loss. When a word increases at the end and the tone is consequently moved forward. e. i. the original ı̆ or ŏ (properly ŭ) reappears.סוּ ַת‬Similarly ă mostly becomes ā even ְָ ‫ָת‬ ‫ס‬ ָ ְ ‫ְט‬ ‫ס ְ ָ ָט‬ ‫ס‬ before a suffix beginning with Šewâ mobile. or in general to the following syllable.ָקֹם‬but ‫( ַָ֫ ָם‬wayyāqŏm).ח ִים‬but ‫ עֹז‬strength. ‫ ֵן‬son. ‫י‬ ָ ְ ‫ֹי‬ ‫ . when the tone recedes. as in ‫ .ק ַל‬from ‫.g. e. yăqtŭlû). Thus.כּס ֵי‬cf.ו . 3.סוּ ַת‬ (b) When a syllable has become open by complete loss of the strengthening of its final consonant (a guttural or Rêš). finally. ‫. takes place— (a) When a closed syllable becomes open by its final consonant being transferred to a suffix beginning with a vowel. in the construct state (see § 89). but ‫ א ִי‬my mother. In spite of the helping vowel. The same is true of syllables with a virtually sharpened final consonant: the lengthening of original ı̆ to ē and ŭ to ō takes place only in a tone-bearing syllable. also § 20 n. ‫ אֵֹב‬enemy. the principal tone in the last word of a sentence or clause (§ 29 k).g. but ‫ ק ְשׁי‬my holiness. ‫ מ ָא‬for ‫ . or when. but ‫ ספ ִי‬my book. e. its tone is weakened. pl. ‫ . and the open syllable requires a long vowel. ְַ ֵ (c) When a weak consonant (‫ )י .שׁטוֹת‬but ‫ שׁ ִי‬my name.א‬following the short vowel quiesces in this vowel.g. ‫ ק ָֽלך‬from ‫ סוּ ָֽתך .g. yăqtŭl). Sometimes also through the influence of the article (§ 35 o). the following details of vowel-change must be observed: 1. ‫ ס ֶר‬and ‫ קֹ ֶשׁ‬are really ִ ‫ָד‬ ‫ֵפ‬ ‫ד‬ closed syllables with a tone-long vowel. ‫ .קּ‬see § 20 h]. or a kindred short vowel reappears— (a) When a closed syllable loses the tone (§ 26 o). § 93 m. loses also the power of closing the syllable. ‫ כֹּל‬the whole.e.ֵלך‬but ‫. ‫ ָד‬hand.ק ַל‬ ‫ָט‬ ‫ קט|לוֹ‬he has killed him. e. when the syllable loses the tone. ‫חֹק‬ ‫א‬ ‫ִמּ‬ law.becomes ‫( ע ֵב . e. ‫ . in such cases a full vowel (short or tone-long) may. ‫( ִ ְטֹל‬Arab. ăqı̆b) heel. by a change in the division of syllables.מ ַא‬where the ‫ . but ‫ ֶן־המּ֫לך‬the son of the king. so also when a tone-bearing closed syllable loses the tone on taking a suffix. The lengthening of the short vowel to the corresponding long. d. or otherwise in close connexion with the following word.g. but ‫ ַד־ְהָֹה‬the ‫י‬ ‫י י ו‬ hand of Yahwe. ‫קֹ֫ ֶשׁ‬ ‫ֵפ‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ד‬ holiness.עקבִ֫ם‬dual construct (with attenuation of ‫ָק ְט‬ ‫ֲֵַ י‬ the original ă of the first syllable to ı̆) ‫[ עקּ ֵי‬on the ‫ . e. ‫ שׁם‬name. c. ‫ שׁמוֹ ָם‬their ֵ ֵ ‫ְמ‬ ‫ְ ת‬ . ‫ִ ְב‬ ‫יק‬ plur. ‫ בּ|רך‬for birrakh. plur. (d) Very frequently through the influence of the pause. § 24 f. ‫יְט‬ ‫ַ ְפּ‬ According to § 26. so that its place is taken by the mere syllable-divider (Šewâ quiescens).מ ַר‬Arab. see § 22 c. but ‫ ָל־ה ָם‬the ‫בּ‬ ְֶ ֶ ַ ‫בּ‬ ‫כּ ָע‬ whole of the people. Examples of the first case are. in a toneless syllable the ı̆ or ŏ (or ŭ) remains. ‫( ִק ְלוּ‬Arab. ‫ סוּס| ִי‬primarily from ‫ . be weakened to Šewâ mobile. ‫( עִי‬and ‫ )עִי‬my strength. according to § 23 a.g. ‫ֻקּ‬ ‫ָזּ‬ ‫ֻזּ‬ 2. ‫ ֵם‬mother. or even be entirely lost. The original. dual ‫ .א‬losing its ‫ָצ‬ ‫ָצ‬ consonantal value.ֵַ֫לך‬ ‫י‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ ְ ֵ‫י‬ ְ ֶ ‫ויּ‬ (b) To the same category belong cases like ‫ ס֫ ֶר‬book. but ‫ אִֽבך‬thy enemy.

‫ מ֫לך‬king (ground-form malk). st. constr. ‫ ָקֹם‬jussive.ְדוֹל֫ה‬heart. ‫ דּ ָר‬word. constr.בּר ַת‬Whether the vowel is retained or ‫ְ ָכ‬ ‫ִ ְכּ‬ becomes Šewâ (‫ . Die semit.g. especially in the inflexion of nouns.g.ָד֫וֹל . Ulmer. ֫‫ . st. è) as a modification of ă: (a) In a closed antepenultima. especially in ‫י ְ ט יק‬ ‫יל‬ verbal forms. ı̂. ‫ . ‫ בּר ָה‬blessing. although sometimes in such cases û may really have been intended by the Kethı̂bh.ק ַל‬fem. notwithstanding the lengthening of the word. ‫ . ‫ לבב֫י‬my heart.אבָ ָף‬where LXX Ἀβι‫ֶ ְ ית‬ ‫ֶ ְ יס‬ = ‫ .ְִקֹטוּן‬ ‫ָט‬ ‫ק ְל‬ ‫& . Eigennamen. Rem. e. e. Niph. ‫ ַָ֫ ֶם‬and he ‫יק‬ ‫יק‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ ‫וָ ר‬ raised. In general the rule is that only those vowels which stand in an open syllable can become Šewâ.. ‫ ַ֫ ַר‬boy. 1.צד ַת‬an example of ‫ָב‬ ‫ְ ָק ְב‬ ‫ִ ְק‬ the second case is. In the place of a Pathaḥ we not infrequently find (according to § 9 f) a Seghôl (ĕ. vowels a. in the proper names ‫ אבָ ָר‬and ‫ . but also in the ְִָ ‫גּ‬ ָ ‫ֵָ גּ‬ ְִָ verb. ‫ לב֫ב .g. ‫ .g. an ā lengthened from ă before the tone is retained in the Perfect consecutive of Qal even in the secondary tone. ‫ ַ ֲרוֹ‬his boy.)שׁ ִי . p. and ŏ in a toneless syllable. ְנוּס֫י‬The not uncommon use of ‫ וּ‬in a sharpened ‫מ‬ ָ ‫מ‬ ִ ‫מ‬ syllable.שׁם‬and which of the two disappears in two ‫ָמ דּ‬ ֵ ‫ְמּ‬ consecutive syllables.בּח ֵי‬cf. e. ‫ַָ֫ ָם‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ and he arose. constr. is to be regarded as an ‫ְח קּ‬ ‫ְ ֻקּ‬ orthographic licence. and the second changed into Šewâ. ‫ . ‫ ָֽט ָה‬qāṭelā. of vowels of the I-class. and ē stand in a tone-bearing closed final syllable. ‫ ִק ְלוּ . ָם‬but ‫ . or. but note also ‫. or merely tone-long.ְ ָֽטלתּ‬cf. ‫ ָ ֵים‬he will raise. ‫ ָקוּם‬he will arise. ‫ מל ִי‬my king. the former of the two vowels of a dissyllabic word may be shortened.ִ ְטֹל‬yiqṭelû.names. ְֶ ֶ ‫ַ ְכּ‬ are weakened to Ḥaṭeph. ‫ִ ְ ָק‬ e. o of the ultima. fem. If the tone remains unmoved. § 28 a) their words. ‫ָב‬ in the plur.תּדבּ ִין‬c. Similarly.אַ ְי׳‬which is certainly the better reading. as ‫ בּ ֻוּ ֵי‬Ez 20:18 (for ‫ .דּבר֫ים‬with heavy suffix ‫( דּב ֵיה֫ם‬cf. e. depends upon the character of the form in question. plur. § 49 i. ‫ . ê. Of the vowels of the U-class.g. Cf. On the ְִָ ֶ ‫ִ ְר‬ attenuation of the ă to ı̆.ִק ְלוּ‬ ‫יְט‬ Where the tone moves forward two places. under the influence of a guttural.דּ ַר‬righteousness. according to § 47 m and o.g. On the other hand. ‫( ְקוּמ֫וֹת . e. st. ָ ְ ַ ‫וק‬ (b) The short.g. The only instance of ı̆ in an ultima which has lost the tone is ‫ ַתּ֫ ִץ‬Ju 9:53 (see § 67 p). û and tone-long ō stand in a tone-bearing closed final syllable. ‫דּב֫ר‬ ָָ word. An ô arising from aw=au.דּבר֫ים‬great. ְשׁוּב֫יָה‬and so always. t. let him arise.g.g.g. when the tone is moved forward. also the examples in § 9 o). 2. e.)קוּם‬flight. ‫ צד ָה . and ĕ in a toneless syllable. 1901. ְנוּס֫ה‬with suffix. ‫ . ‫ ָ ֵם‬let him raise.ָקוֹם‬see Paradigm Perf. Thus the change into Šewâ takes place in— (a) The ā and ē of the first syllable. when the originally short ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ ֶ נ‬ vowel of the prefixes of the Imperfect comes to stand in an open syllable which is not pretonic. ‫ . 12: or ‫ב‬ . plur. of ‫ָ נ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ ָנוֹס . e. the ‫נע‬ ‫נע‬ vowel also is retained. cf. e. or by an obscuring of â (see § 9 b). e. The only instance of ŭ in an ultima which has lost the tone is ‫ ַָ֫ ֻם‬Ex 16:20 (see ‫ויּ ר‬ § 67 n). e. s. ‫ִ ְטֹ֫לוּ‬ ‫יק‬ pausal-form for ‫. see further.דּ ִי . ‫ . sometimes becomes û. fem. The helping vowels are either entirely omitted. ‫ ָשׁ֫וּב‬she will return. ‫ דּ ָר‬word.

‫ ָאָב‬the a closed penultima. of segholates from the ground‫ַ ְכ‬ form qaṭl. as will be shown in the proper places. as ‫דּמ ֶם‬ ‫ִ ְכ‬ your blood. the Lat. ‫. ָֽאָבוֹת‬the head. decerpo. ‫ִ ְק‬ (b) In a loosely-closed syllable. in the tone-syllable.g. plur. for ’aḥāw. Lv 11:44. It is evident from a comparison of the dialects.דּמ ֶם‬and so commonly in the st. spargo. ‫ בְּ ֵי‬from ‫( בֶּד‬ground-form bagd) a garment. ‫ֶר‬ ‫( ְֶֽרכָ֫הוּ‬pr. constr. carpo. is modified into ‫( כּ֫ ֶב‬also in modern ‫ֶל‬ 1 ‫יר‬ Arabic pronounced kelb). for hárrā. immediately before the tone Pathaḥ is lengthened into a ‫הע‬ (pretonic) Qameṣ. ָֽ ָאשׁים‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ה‬ ִ ‫הר‬ Exceptions.g. a). e. ‫ ה‬for ‫ ִתֶ ָם . with a helping Pathaḥ. conspergo. constr.ח‬as ‫ ֶֽח ָשׁים‬the months. pl. in ‫מ‬ ‫מ מ‬ ְֲֶָ consequence of the loss of the strengthening.ְָֽרכָהוּ‬On ‫ ה‬as a form of the interrogative ‫ . provided that a lengthening of the Pathaḥ into Qameṣ be not necessary. for ‫ . In all these cases the ‫יה‬ ‫יְכ‬ character of the surrounding consonants (see § 6 q) has no doubt had an influence.פּ ַת‬coal. after receiving a helping Seeghôl.g. st. The attenuation of ă to ı̆ is very common in a toneless closed syllable. ‫יַ ְתּ‬ ָ Especially is this the case in a large number of segholates from the ground-form qaṭl. for kaḥāš. for ‫ . ֶ ָ Is 59:5. . for ṣadqı̂. Finally.g. Before ‫ה‬ ָ ֳ ִ ‫ה ֳד‬ ָ e and ‫ ע‬S ghôl generally stands only in the second syllable before the tone. e.מל ִיצ ֶק‬ ‫ַ ְכּ ֶ ד‬ 1 1 Analogous to this attenuation of ă to ı is the Lat. e. that the attenuation was consistently carried out in a very large number of noun and verb-forms in Hebrew. the lengthening of the Pathaḥ into Qameṣ almost always takes place.g. ‫ ְלדתּ֫יך‬I ִ ‫מ‬ ָ ִ ְ ִ‫י‬ hare begotten thee. &c.אכלּך‬and ‫ ְחְ ֵאל‬Ezekiel for ‫= ְחְ ֵאל‬ ְֲַָ ‫י ֶ זק‬ ‫י ַ וּק‬ ‫ ְחֵק ֵל‬God strengthens. and so always before ‫ ה‬and ‫ . ‫ צד ִי‬my rIghteousness. laxus.) ַהּ( ָה‬e. and § 44 d.ֶ֫ ַח‬The same phenomenon appears also in the formation of verbs. when combined with singular suffixes. ‫ פּ ָם .ה ָר‬but cf. tango. ‫ֶֽה ִים‬ ָ ‫ה ָר‬ the mountains. see § 35 k. one followed by an aspirated Begadkephath. (a) In a firmly closed syllable. prolixus. ‫ ה֫ ָה‬towards the mountain. Thus the groundform kalb (dog). ֶ 1 1 So the LXX write Μελχισεδέκ for ‫.ה ָם . in cases like ‫( ֶֶ֫ל‬jussive of the Hiphîl of ‫ . in addition to the cases mentioned in o and p. pl.g.) ַ( ה‬see § 100 n. for examples of Locative forms in ‫ ־ ה‬see § 90 i end. e. when a helping vowel (§ 28 e) is inserted after the second consonant. for yadekhèm. (b) Regularly before a guttural with Qameṣ or Ḥaṭeph Qameṣ.)ָ ָה‬with a ‫יג‬ ‫גּל‬ e helping S eghôl. e. f. q). Pr 24:14 (see § 48 l). ‫יב ֶ ְ י‬ ‫יב ֶ ְ י‬ ֶ ֲ ‫ה‬ on ‫ ֶה‬for ‫ 73 § . ‫ מדּוֹ‬his incasure. Gn 14:10. ‫ ה ָי‬the living (with the article. Ez 38:23. ‫ א ָיו‬his brothers. ‫ ָרֹאשׁ . In most cases of this kind the ‫ִ גד‬ ‫ֶג‬ attenuation is easily intelligible from the nature of the surrounding consonants. from ‫ ָל֫ד ִי‬with the suffix ‫ . ‫פּ ָה‬ ‫ֶח‬ ‫ֶח‬ ‫ֶח‬ governor. ֫‫ אכלך‬Ex 33:3 also comes partly under this head.ך‬cf. ‫ ֶֽ ָוֹן‬the guilt. also ‫ הטּה֫רוּ‬Nu 8:7. ‫ . Before the weak ‫ָע ָה‬ ִֶָ consonants ‫ א‬and ‫( ר‬cf. ‫יַזְּא‬ (c) As a modification of the orIginal Pathaḥ in the first class of the segholate forms (§ 93 g). e. Ps 20:4 (?).ֶ ְדֹּף‬but also ‫ ֶד ֶם‬your hand. yarḥ (month). name) for ‫ . ‫ . where the strengthening has been dropped. attingo.e. for ‫( ַדּוֹ‬in a sharpened syllable).. ‫ . to the transition of ă to ĕ (see above. i.)ה‬Nu ‫ֶח ַח‬ ‫ֶח‬ ֶ ַ ‫י ְ נח‬ 23:19. also from the weakening of ā of the final syllable in the isolated cases (‫ ־ ה‬for ‫ )־ ה‬in 1 S 28:15 (? see § 48 d). ‫ בּ ָשׁ‬false.1 4. e. Seghôl arises. 3. for yagl.g. § 22 c.

‫ ִֽ ְיוֹת‬to be.־‬and consequently the vowel ֲ ֱ group ‫ַֽ ־‬is shorter than ‫ . ε. 1892. or closely related vowels. δ. According to § 26 m a half-syllable. Gn 32:16.כּ . Cf. ‫ ַֽ ֲבֹד‬to serve. ‫ ֶֽ ְֵֽה‬and live.תּוֹך‬from ‫ ֵירֹם .e. from following one another in the same word. the change of one vowel into another entirely heterogeneous.ֵשׁוּע‬which were formerly explained in the same way.לפ ִי .בּ‬before a ְ ְ ְ consonant with Šewâ mobile become ‫ . § 28. To the chapter on vowel changes belongs lastly the dissimilation of vowels. cf. would stand before a vocal Šewâ. Theol. Fischer. Among the Ḥaṭaeph-sounds ‫ ־‬is shorter and lighter than ‫ . see § 16 f. ֶֽ ֱסֹר‬and even ‫ ַ ְצֹר‬Jb 4:2.בּ‬e.. Qal of the verbs ‫ הָה‬to be and ‫ הָה‬to live. For the Metheg. in order to prevent two similar. Stud. ִ ָ ֲ ‫ה ֱ ַ ְתּ נ‬ ִ ְ ַ ֲ ‫וה‬ ָ‫נ ע‬ ‫נע ְ ת‬ 6.—On ‫י‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ק י‬ the proper names ‫ ֵהוּא‬and ‫ . ‫ ִפּוֹד‬porcupine.g. ‫ ֶ ֱשׂ ָה‬cf. p.g. p. ְ ‫ִז‬ 2. but before Ḥaṭeph Seghol or Ḥaṭeph Qameṣ it is modified to ֲ ‫־ ֳ ־ ֱ ־‬ the short vowel contained in the Ḥaṭeph. i. p. cf. ‫ לְפֹּל‬Nu 14:3 for lĭnephōl.ַֽ ־‬ e. Sometimes here also a fully closed syllable is formed. ZDMG.כּפ ִי .2 Hence ‫ לוּ ֵא‬for lû lô ‫ל‬ (unless). Lpz. ‫ ִֽ ְיוּ‬and ‫ָי‬ ‫ָי‬ ‫לה‬ ‫וה‬ be ye. A. and Nestle. ZDMG.חוּץ‬from ‫ ִיכוֹן .. e. p. in isolated cases also with ‫ . § 63 f. Barth.. 1846 ff. ‫ ֱדוֹם‬Edom. Thus arise the vowel groups ‫.e. 573 f. ַֽ ֲטֹב‬Is 47:14 for ‫( ַֽח ָם‬see ‫ַח‬ ‫ַ ְמ ל ח‬ ‫ל ֲמ‬ § 67 cc).g. In most cases it is probably an attenuation of an original ă.. e.3 This vowel is almost always Ḥireq. see now ‫י‬ ַ ‫י‬ Praätorius. according to § 102 d.כ‬as ‫ כְּכֹּר‬Jer 17:2. Spr. If another half-syllable with simple Šewâ follows. ‫ ָֽח ִי‬in sickness. ִן‬as ‫ .ל . note. ZDMG.ְ ַֽעברתּ֫י‬but also conversely ‫ ַֽ ֲשׂה‬fem. ִֽ ְיוֹת‬on which cf. also ‫ ִיצוֹן‬from ‫ ִאשׁוֹן . 341 f.g. but ‫ ֶֽהֵה‬and be. This applies especially to cases in which the Ḥaṭeph stands under a 2 2 Cf. ‫ ֶֽ ֱכֹל‬to eat. ‫מ‬ ‫מה‬ ‫ו ְי‬ ‫וחי‬ have ĕ instead of ı̆ under the prefix.ַֽעלמ֫ים‬but ‫ . When a Ḥaṭeph in the middle of a word.ַי׳‬The first half-syllable. pl. the prefixes ‫ ל . which would have belonged to the suppressed Ḥaṭeph.בּפ ִי‬before ְ they are ִ ִ ִ ‫ִ ְר ִ ְר ִ ְר‬ ‫י‬ e pointed as in ‫( ִֽיהוּ ָה‬from bi-yeh dûā. can only occur in close dependence on a full syllable.נֹ֫ ַח‬from ‫ח‬ ‫ר‬ ‫תּ‬ ְ ‫נכ‬ ‫כ‬ ‫ע‬ stem ‫ . and so almost always in the infin. e. cf. 1. owing to flexional changes. and Imperat.ֻלּ׳‬see § 68 c. which generally becomes ‫ וּ‬before a simple Šewâ. ‫ ל ְסֹר‬but also ‫ . ֻפּ׳ . In some instances analogy may have led to the choice of the ı̆. for ‫ . 1905. On the ‫ו ֲנ‬ ֶ‫כּ א‬ ‫לע‬ ‫לא‬ ‫ל ֳל‬ Metheg with every such short vowel. after the ‫ו ר‬ ‫וי‬ ‫ו‬ restoration of the short vowel.g. with which it is compounded. ‫ א ִתּ֫וֹ‬his truth. so too with Wāw ‫בּ ר‬ copulative. ‫ו‬ .5. ‫ ִֽיהוּ ָה‬for ‫ ְִ׳‬attenuated from ‫ . xxix. § 104 c. since 1903 ed.ֶֽ ־ .כּ . Müller.רֹאשׁ‬from ‫ ִ ְחוֹ . even with ‫ . by A. ‫ ַֽ ֲשׁר‬as. ‫ ֶֽעל֫ם‬hidden. ‫ִנ‬ constr. sometimes combines with the second to form a firmly closed syllable. a consonant with Šewâ mobile (always weakened from a short vowel). Die Nominalbildung in den semit. after ‫ 54 §( ל‬g). according to § 24 c). Krit. but ‫( ֲדֹמ֫י‬Edomite). So always in the ‫ֶא‬ ‫לא‬ ‫וע‬ Infin. 3.עוּר‬most probably also ‫ ִלּוֹד‬offspring. the first takes a full short vowel again. If a guttural with Ḥaṭeph follows. § 102 b. ‫ . Thus. u. e.g. In such a case. 177 f. § 16 f. ‫ ( אמ֫ת‬mèth) truth.ָֽ ־ . the prefix takes the short vowel.g. ‫ ל ְטֹב‬for ‫ לח ָם . The Rise of New Vowels and Syllables. 3 3 Except ְ and. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. it is changed into the short vowel. the original ă of the prefixes is retained before Ḥaṭeph Pathaḥ. ‫ ַֽאִי‬and I. 3. and never a mere helping vowel. ֱֶ ‫ ֶֽעב֫ר ִי .ֶֽ ־‬e.. ibid. shortened at the beginning ֲ ‫־‬ ֱ ‫־‬ ‫א‬ ִ ‫א‬ e ‫ֲמ‬ ֱָ ‫נ‬ because the tone is thrown forward. i.

however. ġ.ףּ‬the only example is ‫ תּוֹסףּ‬Pr 30:6. ḫ. § 26 k. Lpz. ‫ ִ֫ ֶב‬let ‫ויּ ג‬ ‫יר‬ it multiply. ‫ַֽ ֲמֹד‬ ‫יע‬ a e ä e he will stand (for ‫ . 1. ִ ‫ָד‬ ‫ַ ית‬ 5. and is only retained orthographically. for wayyigl.)קֹ֫מָה . ‫ ַע ֲדוּ‬for ya m dhû.דּ . This harsh ending is elsewhere avoided by the Masora. cf. Hahn and others) ‫. ָֽ ְלוּ֫ . see § 29 m.דּ ָר֫וֹ . e. des arab.g. e. § 22 e. but with medial or final gutturals a Pathaḥ. ‫ אָמ֫רתּ‬thou ְ ְ‫י‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ְְ ַ (fem. ‫ . These helping vowels ְַ ַָ are. Gramm.תּוֹסף‬ ֶ 3 3 An analogy to this practice of the Masora is found among the modern Beduin. in order to point out that the helping Pathaḥ is not to be regarded as a really full vowel. ְ ַ‫י‬ ‫ָד‬ . other instances in which ‫ א‬has ֶ‫דּ‬ entirely lost its consonantal value. ֶשׁא‬c.) hast said. usually Seghôl. ‫—ק ְר֫וֹן . At the end of words. An analogous case is ‫ ִחדּ‬yiḥăd from ‫ 57 §( ח ָה‬r). ‫ בְּ֫ ָה‬home-ward. to ensure the correct pronunciation.תארגּי‬ 2 2 With a final ‫ .ל֫כָה . cf.ק֫מוּ .א‬see § 23 h.ק֫לּוּ . Vulgärdialektes von Aegypten.דּבר֫ים . ֵ ֱ § 29. The principal tone rests.בּ‬e. as an echo of the preceding short vowel. and printed ְ ְְ editions incorrectly have ‫ ף‬without Dageš. ‫ ִַשׁבּ‬and he took ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ְ ְ ‫וי‬ ְ ְ ‫ווּ‬ captive. e. for yirb.קט֫לתּ‬but a closed penultima can only have ‫ַ יל‬ ְָ ַָ ַ ָ the tone if the ultima is open (e. syllables occur which close with two consonants (§ 10 i. 1880. ‫ ק ְשׁ֫י‬my holiness. § 15 c). ‫ֵט‬ ‫ ְַא‬valley (also ‫ שְׁא . On the rise of a full vowel in place of a simple Šewâ..g. § 26 r). they do not alter the monosyllabic character of the forms. but only when the latter of the two is an emphatic consonant (‫ )ק . ‫ קֹ֫ ֶשׁ‬holiness. ‫ ִֶַ֫ל‬and he revealed. ground-form bayt. its Changes and the Pause.g. under the influence of the pause. The syllables are to be divided ְָָ ‫פּ‬ yăă-medhû. e. as in ‫ לְָ֫ה‬night. where several MSS. ‫ ַ֫ ַל‬brook. and ‫ ֶֽ ֶֽ ְכוּ‬for nĕh ph khû (they ‫יע‬ ‫יֽמ‬ ‫נהפ‬ have turned themselves). ḥ. Less frequently it rests on the penultima. ‫ . on initial ‫ א‬for ‫ .g.דּב֫ר . ‫ ְֵרדּ‬and let him have dominion. ground-form naḥl. cf.1 and after ‫ י‬a Ḥireq. g). and the second ă is to be regarded exactly as the helping Pathaḥ in ‫.קטלתּ֫ם .)ַי‬vanity (Jb 15:31 Kethı bh ‫.guttural instead of quiescent Šewâ.ַ֫ ַד‬ ‫נע‬ 1 &c.3 which inserts between the two final consonants a helping vowel.)ְַמֹד‬but plur.קט֫ל‬in the ַ ָ ָָ ‫ְב‬ ְִָ ְֶַ ְ ‫ק ט‬ ‫ִד‬ last five examples on the formative additions to the stem.)2תּ . ‫ ַַשׁק‬and he caused to drink. ‫ ָֽעלך‬thy work. 1 1 On the apparent exceptions ‫& . ‫ ֵַבךּ‬and he wept. according to the Masoretic accentuation (cf. but merely as an orthographic indication of a very slight sound. although a vowel precedes. § 43 d. who pronounce such a helping vowel before h. are ‫ ח ְא‬sin.קט֫לתּ‬whilst a closed ultima can as a ָ ְ ַ ָ ‫ְ נ ֵ ְנ‬ ‫תּ ְג‬ 1 1 In Ju 16:13 read ‫ ַֽאַרִי‬not (with Opitius.g. to be regarded as exactly like furtive Pathaḥ (§ 22 f. Spitta. ground-form qudš. The Tone.g. ‫ד‬ ‫נח‬ 2 ְ ְַ ָ ‫ַי‬ ‫ שׁל֫חתּ‬for ‫ שׁלחתּ‬thou hast sent. 4. ‫ ֵשׂט‬let him turn aside. ‫ . ‫ בִּ֫ת‬house. Instead of this masoretic caprice we should ְ no doubt read ‫.ךּ . as a rule on the final syllable.)שׁו‬ ‫גּי‬ ‫ָו גּ‬ ָ 2 2 In this form (§ 65 g) the Dageš lene remains in the final Tāw.ט‬or a tenuis (viz. and they disappear before formative suffixes.

ַָ֫ ֶם‬see also below. ‫ דּב֫ד‬word. On the other hand. can be seen from the use of Metheg. ָֽד֫שׁ֫ים‬with suffix ‫ .2 The grave suffixes ‫. the tone is moved forward (descendit) one or two places according to the length of the addition. follows a word with the tone on the ultima. and § 65 g. has fully discussed the nasog ’aḥor. 2 2 The reading ‫( עד ִים‬so even Opitius and Hahn) Ez 16:7 for ‫ עדִים‬is rightly ‫ֲָ י‬ ‫ֲ ָי‬ described by Baer as ‘error turpie’. Ueber den ruückweich. Qimḥi. Wijnkoop in Darche hannesigah sive leges de accentus Hebraicae linguae ascensione. Dn 11:13.ְ ָֽטלתּ‬On the consequent vowel-changes. on these forms in Pause. Ps 5:11. but cf. frequently shifts its place in consequence either of changes in the word itself. e. the numerous cases in which the usual retraction of the tone does not occur. where the object probably is to avoid a kind of ְֶ ‫ר‬ hiatus.—Jos. 4b. on euphonic and syntactical grounds. however.g. when a monosyllable. line 13 ‫ָי‬ ff. 1881. as opposed to the principal tone. e. as it is called by the Jewish grammarians).קטלתּ֫הוּ‬with Wāw consecutive ‫ד‬ ִ ָ ‫ַָ ְָ ק‬ ְְַָ ֫‫ . see § 27 d. A kind of counter-tone or secondary stress.־ ֶם‬ ‫כ ֶח‬ ‫ ־ ֶן‬are exceptions. ‫ קט֫לתּ . That this was intended by the marking of the tone. Prätorius.־ ֶם . above. must be either an open syllable with a long vowel. 1897. ָָ ִ ָ ְ ֶ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ קֹ֫ ֶשׁ‬holy thing. ‫ק֣ ָא לְ֑לה‬ ָ‫ָ ר ָ י‬ Gn 1:5. 27:25. does not take effect.הָה‬and before ‫ .. Moreover a fair number of instances ‫ה‬ occur in which the above conditions are fulfilled. ָ ְ ַ ‫וק‬ 3. i–m.g. also Am 4:13. Halle. as they never lose the tone. however (‫ ָסוֹג אָחוֹר‬receding. ‫ תֹּ֣א ַל ל֫ ֶם‬Gn 3:19. when the ‫ ו‬consec. ‫ יֹאמ֫ר‬he will say. which loses the tone. ֶן . which now receives the tone.ַָ֫ ָם . 1862). or of its close connexion with other words. The original tone of a word. Mikhlol. ‫ . This rhythmical retraction of the tone. e. under the influence of a prefixed Wāw consecutive (·ַ see § 49 c–e).—That an unchangeable vowel in a closed final syllable cannot lose the tone is shown by Prätorius from the duplication of the accent (see above. with ‫ . plur. Cf. p. Accent im Hebr. the original tone is shifted from the ultima to the penultima (ascendit): (a) In many forms of the Imperfect. e. e. in order to avoid the concurrence of two tone-syllables1. 1 1 Even Hebrew prose proceeds. but the tone is not retracted. according to the accentuation. Niphal. Rittenberg (Lyck. (b) For rhythmical reasons (as often in other languages). . e. If the word is increased at the end. Bat. endeavours to explain. or a closed syllable with a ‫ה כ כ‬ short vowel. Words which are closely united by Maqqeph with the following word (§ 16 a) can at the most have only a secondary tone. ‫ ֵל֫ך‬he will go. ‫ויּ ק ויּ ק‬ e.g. Ex 16:29. is marked by Metheg (§ 16 c). is an open syllable (with a long vowel. 22:28. esp.g. or a word with the tone on the first syllable. 4:17. ‫ דּב ֵיכ֫ם .g. ed. plur. p.דּבר֫ים‬your words. Jb 3:3. see below. 2. ‫ ַיֹּ֫א ֶר‬and he said. is ‫נ‬ only admissible according to a. whilst the ultima. ‫ו‬ ַ ‫ו מ‬ ְ ֵ‫י‬ ‫ ֵַ֫לך‬and he went. Ludg. e. provided that the penultima. but see g). on the impf. end.א‬cf. § 22 f).rule only be without the tone if the penultima is open. ְ ֶ ‫ויּ‬ Piel.g. in a kind of iambic rhythm. also § 51 n on the impf. 104:14. ‫ וּבוֹ ֵא חשׁך‬Is 45:7.g.

Zaqeph qaṭon. ‫ ע֫שֹׁה פּ ִי‬Gn 1:11 (on the Dag. no doubt in order to prevent its being pronounced as Seghôl.e. cf. Jos 8:32. Rebhıa. ‫ ִ֣ ַר שׁוֹע‬Jb 34:19.g. ‫ֶ ְר‬ ְָ ‫ָ ת‬ According to the above. e. 17. see § 32 c.g. Jer 3:9 [but Ginsb. e. The four ֲ ‫ויּ ְ ר‬ ֲ instances of ‫ אִָי‬for ‫ אִי‬apparently require a different explanation. ַֻ Ginsb. with Metheg of the ‫ֻקּ ע‬ ַ ‫נכּ‬ ‫יקּ ָי‬ secondary tone. it must be regarded as anomalous when the Masora throws back the tone of a closed ultima upon a virtually sharpened syllable with a short vowel. whereas it ‫וִ ח‬ ָ ‫ְַ ח‬ elsewhere allows a closed penultima to bear the tone only when the ultima is open. p. Tiphḥa. e. ‫ ַיּ֫אֹ ְרוּ לוֹ‬Gn 19:5. ‫ לב֣ ֵֽר קִ֑ן‬Nu 24:22.g. in correct editions. Very important changes of the tone and of the vowels are effected by the pause. Pr 25:3.]ותחַף‬Ru 4:4. a retarding Methog. with Frensdorff. By this term is meant the strong stress laid on the tone-syllable in the last word of a sentence (verse) or clause. ‫ ְכ֫ ֶשׁ בּוֹ‬Jb 8:18. ָ ‫ויּ ה‬ (c) In pause. also ‫ ֻֽ ַם־קִ֫ן‬Gn 4:24. ‫ . e. Ju 20:2. In the same way ‫ הִצ ָח‬Ez 17:15 (with Mahpakh ‫ֲיְל‬ before ‫ )ה‬and ‫ ִַק ָם‬Ez 37:8 (with Darga before ‫ )ע‬are to be explained. ַ ‫ו‬ ‫א‬ ָָ ‫ו ר‬ where ā has munaḥ. Sillûq. Apart from these principal pauses (the great pause). ‫נ‬ ‫ . Is 66:3. i. 167.הוֹל֫ם פּ֫ ַם‬K 16:24. Nu 17:23. are very irregular. 4. Massora Magna.—The ‫נ‬ ‫ֲנ‬ theory of Olshausen and others that the phenomena of the pause are due entirely to liturgical considerations. when the ultima is closed. Kittel. ‫ לצ֫ ֶק בּ֫נוּ‬Gn 39:14. Still more anomalous is the placing of the tone on a really sharpened syllable. ‫ ט֫ ְנוּ ִי‬Ps 31:5. ‫ ִַכ ָב־שׁ֫ם‬and he wrote ָ ‫ויּ ְ תּ‬ there. cf. probably on account of a following guttural or (at the end of a sentence) ‫( וּ‬cf.. Athnâḥ.—The retraction of the tone even occurs ‫ֵ ַע‬ ‫ֵא ֶמ‬ when a half-syllable with a Šewâ mobile precedes the original tone-syllable. It is marked by a great distinctive accent.g. § 20 f). and (Pr 30:4) Pazer.הקּ֣ם‬or.. Gereš. and in the accentuation of the books ‫ . f) is avoided also by connecting the words with Maqqeph. especially Segolta. ‫ י֫וֹר ֵי בוֹר‬Ps 28:1. ‫ ה֫וֹ ֶם פּ֫ ַם‬who smiteth the anvil. as also when the tone-syllable of the second word is preceded by a halfsyllable.. Lv 5:22. end) and ‫ ִַ֣ ְיוּ שׁם‬Dt 10:5.1 The changes are as follows: 1 1 In most cases. there are often pausal changes (the lesser pause) with the lesser distinctives. We should read either ‫ . e. that it is ‘a convenient way of developing the musical value of the final accents by means of fuller forms’ in liturgical reading (Sievers. e. f. ‫ ְטֹ֣עֵי ח֫ ֶב‬Is ‫ו מ‬ ‫ְד‬ ‫ָמ ל‬ ‫מ ֲנ ָ ר‬ 14:19. although there is no question here of two successive tone-syllables. cf. ‫ ָאָ ֶץ‬Is 65:17. Ho 9:2. in which case the first word entirely loses the tone. 11:26. § 101 a. ‫אַ֫ ַר ֵן‬ ‫ח כּ‬ 1 S 10:5. At any rate it then always has. In other cases the shortening into Seghôl does take place.g.Although Ṣere can remain in a closed ultima which has lost the tone.]יכשׁר‬before ְ Jer 17:11) [see also § 29 w]. after Bomb. . for ‫ 1 מ֫ ֶת שׁ֫ ֶר .תא״ם‬Ôlè weyôrēd (§ 15 h).. &c. Ez 22:25. Ps 37:7. cf. and even with a following furtive Pathaḥ Pr 1:19.g. and frequently. and even with ̂ Pašṭa.g. ‫ ל֫ ֶת לך‬Gn 15:7 (cf. ‫ . see i–v. § 20 c). e. it is perhaps not to be regarded in this case (see § 8 b) as a long vowel. ‫ 1 שׁפ ט ֶת־‬S 7:17. Jer ‫ְָ ע ָ י‬ 23:29. but the lengthening here is probably only to avoid the cacophony šphá ṭ ĕt. Ec 11:6 [but Ginsb. as in ‫ 2 ה֣ ַם ָל‬S 23:1.ה֣ ַם‬Other abnormal forms are ‫ ַַחֶק בּוֹ‬Ex 4:4 (for similar ‫ֻק‬ ‫ויּ ֲ ז‬ instances see § 15 c. Is ‫ל ַע‬ 41:7. The meeting of two tone-syllables (see e. Ex 21:31.

is lengthened. p. however.g. ‫ אִי‬I. line 4 from below.קט ָה‬as ‘late formations ‫ָָ ל‬ ‫יְט‬ of the grammarians’) is contradicted by the fact that similar phenomena are still to be observed in modern vulgar Arabic.־ ך‬e. (b) When a full vowel in a tone-bearing final syllable has lost the tone before an afformative. especially after Ôlè ‫תּ‬ Metr. ‫( ק֫שׁר‬ground-form qašr) in pause ‫ 2 ק֫שׁר‬K ֶ ֶ ֶ ָ 11:14.בּך‬ ְָ ְָ ְָ ְָ ְָ ִ (c) This tendency to draw back the tone in pause to the penultima appears also in such cases as ‫ ֽנׄכ֫י‬I.ִשׁמר֫ך‬but after the prepositions ‫ ) ֶת( ֵת . ed. e..ב‬the ְָָ ְ‫י‬ ָ ְֶ ְ‫י‬ ְ ְ ‫א א‬ suffix ‫ ־ ך‬in pause becomes ‫ .ל֫ ִי‬ ‫ֶר ֶת‬ ‫ֲצ‬ ‫ֵצ‬ ‫ֳל‬ original ı̆ becomes ē. ‫ 2 ְהקדּ֑שׁנוּ‬Ch 29:19 (so Baer. in pause ‫שׁ ֶם‬ (ground-form šakhm). also explains pausal forms like ‫ ִק ֵֹלוּ . Ps 100:8. ָֽ ְאָה .) ָשָׁב‬becomes in pause ‫.ל .ָ ֵן‬cf. in pause ‫ .ֶ֫ ִי‬because in the full forms ‫ ִהֶה‬he will be. ‫ ע֑ד‬Gn 49:27. though under the form of a tone-bearing Seghôl.g..מִ֑ם . and. ‫ . especially after Ôlè weyored (§ 15 o). if short. Mant. ‫( קֽט ָה‬qāṭelā).ל֫ ִי‬c. in pause ‫ אַתּ֫ה . and has become vocal Šewâ. below. ‫זק‬ ַ ְ ַ ְ ִ‫ו‬ ‫דּ‬ Mant.אִָ֫י‬cf. Rittenberg.אָנ֑ׄ ְי‬thou. thus ‫.g. y. &c. q. ‫ . but Ginsb. ‫ .g. 236. ‫( ִ ְטֹ֫לוּ . &c.קט֑ל . the distinct and sharper ă is intentionally retained in pause. see § 20 i. the shortened Imperfects ‫ ְ ִי‬and ‫ְ ִי‬ ‫ֶת‬ ‫יה‬ ‫יח‬ become in pause ‫ .פּ֫ ִי .g. .אַ֑ ָה‬since in those books Athnaḥ.קט֫לתּ . ‫ 2 כּ ַֽת‬S 12:3.קט֑ ָה‬šmeû). &c. especially if the following consonant is strengthened.)שׁ ַע‬sing. ‫ ַֽז‬Is 8:1. in pause ‫( שׁ ְעוּ .ֶ֫ ִי .ח֫ ִי‬original ŏ (ŭ) becomes ō. ‫ ֻכּ֑תּוּ‬Jb 4:20.מִ֫ם . ‫( ח ִי‬groundform ḥuly).ל ִי‬ground-form laḥy.)ִ ְטֹ֫ל‬The fuller ‫ְמ‬ ‫ְמ‬ ‫מל‬ ‫יְט ָל‬ ‫יק‬ endings of the Imperfect ‫ וּן‬and ‫ 74 §( ־ ין‬m and o) alone retain the tone even when the ִ original vowel is restored. ‫ . Pr 30:9. In the accentuation of the ‫ד‬ ‫ְבּ‬ three poetical books (§ 15 d) the use of Pathaḥ with Athnaḥ is due to the inferior pausal force of Athnaḥ. ‫ דּ ָֽרך‬thy word. ‫ א֫ ֶץ אָ֑ ֶץ‬Jer 22:29.)הק ָ׳‬and regularly in the numeral ‫ אַר ַע‬four. ‫ל‬ On the analogy of such forms as ‫& . ‫. z).הק ָ׳‬ed. ‫ְר ְח‬ the original ă returns. and Qimḥi. Mikhlol. e.ִק ְלוּ . ‫ .מ ֵאָ֑ה . ‫ .קט֫לתּ .ק ַל‬An ă which has been modified to ‫ָ ָ ְ ָ ָ ַ ְ ָ ָ י ַ י ָ ָ ָט‬ e S ghôl usually becomes ā in pause. i. pary). and the pron. e. e. like ‫( פּ ִי . the ı̆ is attenuated from an original ă. (Baer ‫ֶר ר‬ ֶ‫ק‬ ‫ דּ ֶר—.אתּך . e.(a) When the tone-syllable naturally has a short vowel. Studien.דּבּר‬ ֵ‫ק‬ ‫ִבּ‬ ִֵ Sometimes.קט֫ל‬fem. Lv 11:20.ח ִי‬in pause ‫ . In segholate forms.g. it as a rule becomes tonelong in pause.דּבר֫ך‬ ְָ ָ ְ ‫ְב‬ ָ ְֶָ ֫‫ ִשׁמרך‬he guards thee. cf. in pause ‫. Compare the list of instances of pausal ă and è in the appendices to Baer’s editions.g.לך . in pause ‫ 39 ( חֹ֫ ִי‬x. thee. where they can only be attributed to rhythmical reasons of a general character. in pause ‫ . or ought to be ַ‫י‬ strengthened. e. in pause ‫( אָ֑ ָה‬but in the three ִ ‫אָ‬ ‫כ‬ ָ ‫תּ‬ poetically accented books also ‫ . in ַָ ‫ָ ְל‬ ‫ִמ ָָ ל‬ 1 ‫יק‬ pause ‫( שׁ ָֽעוּ‬from sing. ‫ְב‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ז ַ נתּ‬ because from ‫ . Similarly ‫ שׁ ֶם‬shoulder. 1 1 Such a pausal syllable is sometimes further emphasized by strengthening the following consonant.g. also in 2 K 4:31 read ‫ ָשׁב‬with ed.. but also in other cases as ‫ ָקְ֑ ִי‬Gn 27:2. 5b. e. it is restored in pause as tone-vowel. and ‫ ִחֶה‬he will ‫יח יה‬ ‫יְי‬ ‫יְי‬ ‫ְכ‬ ‫ֶכ‬ live. also the restoration of the ‫ֲנ‬ ‫נ‬ original ă as è before the suffix ‫ ־ ך‬thy.

ִתּהלּך‬But pausal forms like ‫( שׁ֫ ֶט . like ‫ כּ֫לוּ‬Ps 37:20 for ‫ . ‫ תּל֑ן‬for ‫ תּ֑ ֶן‬Ju 19:20. where the voice would naturally rest on the word. cf. ‫ . when in pause. the tone on the ultima with a tone-long vowel.g. and the first Seghôl. ֱתוּ . ‫ָמ‬ ‫צ‬ ‫צ‬ ‫ט ְאַ‬ ‫ט ְא‬ ‫ שׁשֽׁר׃‬Jer 22:14. take.. ‫ ספר֑ר‬Ob 20. the second becomes ā in pause. On S ghôl in pause ְֵ ‫י‬ ְ ַ ‫ויּ‬ ְַ ‫ו‬ ַָ ‫ָל‬ instead of Ṣere. ַָ ְַָ ‫ויּנּ פ‬ ‫ויּ נ‬ ‫ ה ַר‬Gn 17:14. ‫ ק ַל‬Is 33:9. ‫וה י‬ (2) The transition from ă to è in the ultima.. So also ‫( ֵַ֫לך‬shortened ַ‫ה‬ ‫ֵר‬ ְ ֶ ‫ויּ‬ e from ‫ )ֵ֫לך‬becomes in pause ‫ . imperat. and imperf. for Seghôl.. Ps 135:14. st. so always in the formula ‫( ְעוֹ ָם ָ ֶד‬for ‫ ) ַד‬for ‫ל ל וע‬ ‫ע‬ ever and ever. § 67 v.שׁ֫ ֶט .g. (5) The transition from ô or ō to ā in pause: as ‫ שׁאָ ָה‬Is 7:11.weyôrēd. and then lengthened to ē with the tone (cf. 60 d. e. and very often in such cases.] ‫יפּ‬ ‫יבּ ל‬ 2 2 ‫ ְִלוּ‬Ps 45:6. according to § 22 c and § 27 q. Ez 5:13. but not ‫ ה ָֽלט י‬Zc 2:11. 37. ‫ִ ָפ‬ (d) Conversely all forms of imperfects consecutive. cf. Cf.ס֫ ֶר‬in the ְָ ַ ְ‫י‬ ְֵ ַ ְ‫י‬ ‫ָב ָת‬ absol. (6) When a Pathaḥ both precedes and follows a virtually strengthened guttural. are Gn 15:14 ‫ . ‫ ִַָ ַֽשׁ׃‬Ex 31:17. if it be a locative of ‫. ‫ את֫יוּ . ‫ ַיּׄל֫ך‬La 3:2. in pause ‫. 40:24. cf.המּל ִי‬ ִ ִ ‫ִמּ‬ ֵּ ‫ה‬ ‫ִֵָ ט‬ .ס֫ ֶר‬ ‫ֵב ֵת‬ ‫ֵב ֵת‬ (4) The restoration of a final Yodh which has been dropped from the stem. ‫ 2 ֵַֽאַָֽשׁ׃‬S 12:15 (below. for ‫ . 8:7. we should expect ‫.אח֑י‬Similarly in cases where an original Pathaḥ after a guttural has been ֶָ attenuated to i out of pause. ‫ ה ַז‬for ‫ ה ֵז‬Is 18:5 (cf.ל״ה‬see § 75 hh. in pause ‫ . mostly before liquids or ‫ֵפ‬ ‫ַ ְצ‬ ‫תּ ח‬ ‫ַ ְח‬ sibilants (but also ‫ ָשֽׁב‬Is 42:22. and especially § 75 n.—On pausal Ṣere. 2 K 21:13.שׁאַל‬Gn 43:14 for ‫ ָז . ‫ . el. § 51 m)—S. lengthened from original ă) in Hithpaēl (but not in Piĕl) for Ṣere. Is 21:12. Qal of ‫ שׁ ָֽל ִי . (1) the transition of an ē (lengthened from ı̆) to the more distinct ă (see above.g. ָ ‫ָ כ ְתּ‬ ‫ע ָ ְֹתּ‬ ‫יְר‬ perhaps also ‫ 1 שׁרָן‬K 22:34. ‫ ַָ֫ ָת‬and he died.[ אָ ֵל‬see v.g. Is 59:17.g. ‫ 1 הפ ַר‬S 15:23. Mant. and ‫ ִשׁק֫ ֶת‬Is 28:17.]). e. Nu 8:7. ‫ אַ ַי‬my ‫ח‬ brothers. e. is to be explained in the same way. st. § ‫ֵת‬ ‫ֵת‬ 72 dd).יעבֹדו‬Is 8:15. on the analogy of ‫ ִשָׁמ רוּ‬Je 9:3. D.. Ho 4:12. &c. when not in pause. ָ‫יְנ‬ in infin. ְעוּ‬the latter also without the pause Is ְָ ָ ֵ ‫א בּ‬ 56:9. (3) The pausal Qameṣ (according to § 54 k. ‫ ִתהלּך‬Jb 18:8 for ‫ .ס֫ ֶר‬go back to a secondary form of the abs. hence also ‫ ִ ָֽלא֑וּ‬Pr 24:4 instead of ‫. has only the force of a Zaqeph. and the same occurrence even in the word before the pause Dt 32:37.ַָמֹ֫ת‬ ‫ויּ מ‬ ‫ויּ‬ Of other effects of the pause we have still to mention. e. Jb 12:6. ‫ ָֽב ֽל׃‬Is 7:6 (‫ ָֽב ֵל‬Ezr 4:7). § 52 n. § 54 k). and without the pause ‫ תּ ַד‬La 3:48). whose final syllable.שׁכֽל ִי‬Gn 49:3. Dn 9:15. ‫ 1 אָ ַל‬Ch 8:38 (beside ‫ . ‫ ִט ָף‬Gn 49:27.ֵַל֫ך‬cf. cf. e. e.ִתַ ֵם‬but ‫י ְ נח‬ in pause ‫ ִתֶח֑ם‬Dt 32:36.2)ִמּל֫אוּ‬ ְ ‫ימּ‬ ֵ ָ‫י‬ ‫ ע֫ ָה‬now. 12. ָל֫וּ‬but in 1 S ‫ַתּ‬ ‫ָתּ‬ ָ ‫כּ‬ 12:25 ‫ תּסּ ֽוּ‬with Baer and Ginsb. ‫ )שׁ֫ ֶט . also ‫ ִָֽ ְמוּ‬Ps 40:15. together with the preceding vowel. loses the tone and is pronounced with a short vowel.ע֑ ָה‬and in other sporadic instances. R.בּע֫יוּ‬Is 21:12. l). ‫. ‫ הר ַק‬Jb 13:21. is to be preferred to the reading of ed.g. ‫ ְאַ ַֽר‬Ps 40:18.שׁאֹל‬ ‫ְ ל‬ ְ and not rather imperat. on ‫ ֶ ֶָֽה‬Pr 4:4 and 7:2. of verbs ‫ . where. [Other instances of the full vowel in lesser pause. On the other hand ‫ִ ְי‬ ‫מְ ָ ל‬ the regular pausal form ‫( ֶח ָץ‬ordinary imperfect ‫ )ַ ְפֹּץ‬corresponds to a perfect ‫( ח ֵץ‬see § 47 ‫יְפּ‬ ‫יח‬ ‫ָפ‬ h). 23:19.

1. ְַ ָ For the historical investigation of the language. ‫ ס ַל‬to stone. and on the other hand. ‫ ָמֹ֫ק‬deep. ‫ ֶֶ֫ב‬south. ‫ ָדוֹשׁ‬holy. see g. and Quadriliteral.SECOND PART ETYMOLOGY. sing.ֶֶ֫ב‬ ‫נג‬ Rem. the verbal stem ăbınă (to become compact. also possessed them. hard) corresponds to ‫ . e. in Arabic. ‫ד‬ ‫ק‬ Sometimes the language. Triliteral.א֫ ֶן‬and the Aramaic ‫ֶב‬ e verb n gab (to be dry) to ‫. is fruitless. considered as vowelless and unpronounceable. On these the meaning essentially depends. ‫ ח ָם‬a wise man. Moreover. it represents the common foundation of the verbal and nominal stems developed from it. that by far the majority of them consist of three consonants. but also the noun-forms. e. the term root.g.g. ‫ֶב‬ ‫נג‬ Since.g. ‫ קֹ֫ ֶשׁ‬holiness. Hence it became customary among Christian grammarians to call the stem radix. just as in the vegetable world. does not ‫ָמ‬ ‫ע‬ occur) it was deep. as 1 1 On the questions discussed here compare the bibliography at the head of § 79. as we have it.g. perf. plain. this hypothesis of unpronounceable roots. ‫ ֶ֫ ַע‬seed. e. as in the other Semitic languages. which are not now found in Hebrew. it has long been the custom to regard as the stein the 3rd pers. ‫ ע ֵק( עמק‬or ‫ . ָמֹק‬the 3rd pers. generally occur in one or more of the other Semitic dialects. however. Root: ‫ .e.g. the ‫ָק‬ ‫נה‬ noun sometimes exists without the corresponding verb. Such a stem may be ‫ע‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ֵמ‬ either a verb or a noun. Stems and Roots1: Biliteral. Others regard the three stem-consonants as a root. Thus. . ‫ . ‫ מ֫לך‬king. Qal (see § 43). ‫ ָ ַע‬he ‫זר‬ has sown. 2.g. ‫ א֫ ֶן‬stone. and its three consonants litterae radicales. as a rule. e. On the correct use of the term root. since it is one of the simplest forms of the verb. from which the figure is borrowed. Stems in Hebrew. Not only are the other forms of the verb referred to this stem.ע֫ ֶק‬a valley. stems grow from the hidden root. in contradistinction to the litterae serviles or formative letters. ‫ עֹ֫ ֶק‬depth. exhibits only the verbal stem without any corresponding noun-form. it may be assumed. ‫ מלך‬he has reigned. ‫ ק ַשׁ‬he was ‫ָד‬ holy. 1. e. e. however. ‫זר‬ ‫ָכ‬ ‫ָכ‬ however. with indeterminate meaning. Perf. and the language commonly exhihits both together. when a living language. while the various modifications of the idea are expressed rather by changes in the vowels. have this peculiarity. The Jewish grammarians call the stem (i. Qal) ‫שֹׁ֫ ֶשׁ‬ ‫ר‬ root. sing. sing. ‫ ָ ַק‬to bray. the nominal or verbal stems. that Hebrew. For practical purposes. Verb-stem. ְַָ Noun-stem. ‫ ח ַם‬he was wise. the 3rd pers. OR THE PARTS OF SPEECH § 30. and the large number of particles derived from nouns. Perf.מלך‬the indeterminate idea of ruling. without any formative additions. in the sense that.

‫ ק ַע‬to cut into. qâḍi. to kill. it seems. ‫ ק ַר‬to cut off. e. and ‫ כּ ַם‬to shave.פ״ו‬cf. is usually regarded.קט‬whence ‫ ק ַב‬to cut in pieces. a large number of triliteral stems really point to a biliteral base. the development of the root into a stem is effected by the addition of a strong consonant. to judge (whence ‫ .g. Leipz. ‘Der Grundstamm des starken Verbums. which were formerly ‫א‬ all regarded as original monosyllabic forms (nomina primitiva). also ‫ ק ַב‬to cut off. 1897. Kohut. as it ‫ָט‬ is in literary Arabic. in some cases at least. e. ‫ . or when the second and third consonants are identical. Usually such a change of sound is accompanied by a modification of meaning.1 Finally. of verbs ‫ . ‫ . ‫ק ַל‬ ‫ָט‬ ‫ָט‬ to cut down. Very frequently. 1875. Lehrg. imitating the sound). the latter also metaph. The law of the triliteral stem is so strictly observed in the formation of verbs and nouns in Hebrew (and in the Semitic languages generally). ‫ אָח‬brother. §§ 67. as the ground-form. is generally in Hebrew a dissyllable. ‫ ָָה‬to hew stone. ‫ ק ַל‬from qătălă.it is generally understood by philologists.g.e. both lexicographically and grammatically. e. Lambert in Studies in honour of A. these roots are usually pronounced with ă between the two consonants. ‫. which represents the fundamental idea of carving off. ‫ כר‬as the root of ‫ .כּוּר . ’ in Morgenländische Forschungen.כּ ַר‬The reduction of a stem to the underlying root may ‫ָר ָר‬ ‫כ‬ generally be accomplished with certainty when the stem exhibits one weak consonant with two strong ones. 2. which may be properly called a root (radix primaria.דּוּך .g. and are represented in writing by the sign . especially. to shear.גד‬to cut off. Perf.גּוּז‬ ‫גּז‬ ‫גּז‬ ‫גּז‬ 1 1 Cf.g.דּכך‬may all be traced to the idea of striking. which. further modifications of the same root are produced when either a consonant of the root. breaking. and the ְ ַָ ְ ‫ָכ ָכ‬ root common to them all is evidently the two strong consonants ‫( דך‬dakh).1 3. through a loss of the final vowel. With the initial letter softened. to slay (sacrifice). 370. 69–106. constr. Conversely such nouns. cutting in pieces. On the other hand. § 69 ‫ֶב‬ b. ‫ שׁ֫ ֶת‬for the inf.כס‬whence ‫ כּ ַח‬to cut off. however. ii.כּ ָה . cannot be applied to the Semitic triliteral stem (see f). the stems ‫ דּ ָה . 1.ַָם . e. or from stems whose second and third consonants are ‫ק‬ identical. to decide. ‫ ָם‬from qăwăm . M. 72). changes by phonetic laws into a kindred letter (see the examples below). to ‫ָס‬ ‫ָס‬ kill. that the language has sometimes adopted artificial methods to preserve at least an appearance of triliteralism in monosyllabic stems. have arisen from mutilation of a triliteral stem.g. pp. p. liquid or guttural. ‫ ַל‬and ‫( צ ַר‬but see below. to destroy.g. to cut off. are derived directly: ‫ קצץ‬and ‫ קצה‬to cut. as ‫ אָב‬father. With the greatest softening to ‫ גז‬and ‫ ַָז .g. The dissyllabic forms have themselves ‫צ‬ ‫ָר‬ no doubt arisen. 354 ff. ‫ ק ַף‬to tear off. according to the above. the root ‫ָט‬ becomes ‫ . 1 1 That all triliteral stems are derived from biliterals (as König. Though in themselves unpronounceable. Examples: from the root ‫( קץ‬no doubt onomatopoetic. Philippi. e. a ‫ָצ‬ judge). ‫ ק ַף‬to tear. or the letter which has been added. to shear. from trisyllables. ‫ ֵם‬mother. Qal. to pluck off. . bilitteralis). The 3rd sing. e. to ‫ָצ‬ ‫ָצ‬ ‫ָצ‬ ‫ָצ‬ reap. also ‫ נכס‬Syr. to break.ק ִין‬Arab. Thus e.דּ ָא . i. since it forms the starting-point for several triliteral modifications of the same fundamental idea. a sibilant. With a dental instead of the sibilant.) cannot be definitely proved.קד .אָ ַר . Berl. may. cf.ק ַל‬The monosyllabic forms have only arisen by contraction (according to ‫ָט‬ the traditional explanation) from stems which had a weak letter (‫ ו‬or ‫ )י‬for their middle consonant.

ר ַל .g.חטט‬in the Lexicon.ר ַד‬Not loss ‫ָע ָע ָע ָע ָע ָע‬ numerous are the developments of the root ‫ )פל . ‫ גד .זעק‬and ‫ רקק . 241 ff. which were only gradually extended by additions to denote more delicate shades of meaning.חסף .חוּס‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ חצר . cf. They represent rather the hidden germs (semina) of the stems which appear in the language. ‫ .חוּץ . hámhama.גט . KR. &c.. cf. e. eat up. which is made with the mouth closed (µύω). cf. Driver. to snarl. by a kind of sound-painting. Brown. ‫ ח ַד‬to split.חסל . At the most only the gradual multiplication of stems by means of phonetic change (see below) can be historically proved. Lang. from which a number of later stems probably arose through softening of the consonants. although in many ways very difficult and hazardous. either isolated and invariable or combined with inflexions.טעה‬Hebr. that the language at first expressed extremely few elementary ideas.חזה . Yet these stems are sometimes so short as to consist simply of the elements of the root itself.חדל‬and further ‫. e. (b) Many of these monosyllabic words are clearly imitations of sounds.חטף . thus often distinguishing. (c) Stems with the harder.g.כס . the harder stems have only been adopted at a later period from Aramaic. .חצב . to buzz.חזז .ָ ַף .ה ַם‬Arab.ָ ָה‬ ‫גּז גּז גּז‬ ‫גּד‬ ‫גּד‬ ‫גּד גּד‬ ‫ .חדר . &c. and sometimes coincide with roots of a similar meaning in the Indo-Germanic family of languages (§ 1 h).ר ַע . (d) When two consonants are united to form a root they are usually either both emphatic or both middle-hard or both soft.חסם . based on the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius. hence ‫ )ָאַם( ָ ַם .עלז‬and ‫ . p. ‫ ַם‬to be finished.ַָע‬to cut off.חדק . Britts. the stems ‫ . Journ. xxiii (1907). The root ‫ הם‬expresses the sound of humming. cut.2 Closer investigation of the subject suggests the following observations: (a) These roots are mere abstractions from stems in actual use.תעה‬Finally in many cases the harder and softer stems may have been in use together from the first. to hum.בזר‬and ‫ צעק . In such a case it would have to be admitted. of Sem.עלס . 1906. to tear off.רכך‬and the ְ almost consistent change of initial ‫ ו‬to ‫ . It is a wholly different and much contested question whether there ever was a period in the development of the Semitic languages when purely biliteral roots.ר ַשׁ .קט . also ‫. similarly ‫ ָ ַד‬to cut into. stronger consonants are in general (§ 6 r) to be regarded as the older.ר ַם . whilst the Indo-Germanie instinct fails to recognize in them any imitation of sound. Haupt in the Amer. and C. ‫ גזז‬to shear. ‫ פזר‬and ‫ צחק . and are themselves not used. by P..חצה .קז . A. 2 2 Cf.ר ַץ .חדשׁ .גז . also ‫ . is of great lexicographical importance.קץ‬never ‫ . ‫ָמ‬ ‫נה ָ מ‬ ‫נ‬ As developments from the root ‫ רע‬cf. Of other roots there is definite evidence that Semitic linguistic consciousness regarded them as onomatopoetic. the interesting examination of the Semitic roots QR.g.‫ ַָר . ‫ .הוּם . The apparent exceptions are either Lexicon. At all events this process of transformation would belong to a period of the language which is entirely outside our range. R. Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. by F. served for the communication of thought.חצץ .ה ָה .ָ ַר‬Allied to this root also is the series of stems which instead of a palatal begin with a ‫גּד‬ guttural (‫ .גס .חטב . ‫ ַל‬light.גץ . The ascertaining of the root ‫תּ‬ ‫ק‬ and its meaning.g.פר( בר‬and many others.ַָל .שׂחק‬and ‫ עלץ .י‬In other instances. however. see above ‫ קצץ‬to cut. e. ‫ ָ ַע‬to cut off. the intensive action from the less intensive. Oxford. S.)ח‬e. XR.כץ‬Within (triliteral) stems the first and second consonants are never identical.

by F. 1 1 Consonants which are not found together in roots and stems are called incompatible.g. scid.דאדא‬or result from other causes. which earlier scholars attempted to explain from Hebrew sources. and consequently need no longer be taken into account. xi. but most probably it is to be read ‫ צ ְמוּת‬darkness from the stem ‫[ צלם‬Arab. ẕalima. They arise from an extension of the triliteral stem: (a) by addition of a fourth stem-consonant.1 (e) The softening mentioned under l is sometimes so great that strong consonants.כיל‬from ‫ִ ְכּ‬ ‫ְ ַ ְח‬ ‫ . 1897. actually pass into vowels: cf.חע .ן‬e. Driver. (b) in some eases perhaps by composition and contraction of two triliteral stems.מף . e. and C. p. are independent of the ordinary formative laws. The letters r and l. cf.. e. ‫ שׁ֫ ֶט = שׁר ִיט‬sceptre (this insertion of an r is especially ‫ִ ְ ס ָס‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ ‫ֵב‬ frequent in Aramaic).זד .g. 1906. scindo.בף .תט .g.זץ . 1 1 So expressly Nöldeke in ZAW. ‫ . (b) the Pronouns. Britts. ‫ כּר ֶל‬garden-land (from ‫. and ‫ עָאֵל‬Lv 16:8 ff. see § 67. ‫. Stems which have arisen from reduplication of the biliteral root. have since proved to be loan-words (§ 1 i).נתן‬and on ‫ עלע‬Jb 39:30 see § 55 f.עַלֵל‬ ‫ֲזְז‬ (f) Some of the cases in which triliteral stems cannot with certainty be traced back to a biliteral root. ‫. ‫. A special class of formations. ‫ כּל ֵל‬from ‫ כול‬or ‫ סחר ַר . e. cf. They are chiefly consonants belonging to the same class. Aram.ל ַב‬correspond to the Aramaic conjugation Šaphēl. may be due to a combination of two roots—a simple method of forming expressions to correspond to more complex ideas. Arabic ‫ . tud. 3. The first and third consonants are very seldom identical except in what are called concave stems (with middle ‫ ו‬or ‫ .זס . jug into findo.g. The second and third consonants on the other hand are very frequently identical.כק . however.נגן‬ ‫ . are inserted between the first and second radicals. ‫ ַרֶן‬axe. which. to be dark]. ‫ כּר ֵם . as being direct imitations of natural sounds. At the end of words the commonest expansion is by means of ‫ ל‬and ‫ . Brown. expanded ‫זְ ָפ‬ ‫זע‬ ‫ַ ְגּ‬ from ‫( עֵל‬conjugation Paēl. ‫ צלמֶת‬shadow of death. 183 ff. ‫גּב‬ ‫גּב ע‬ Rem. on (a). ‫ בבּה‬in the Lexicon. though the explanation of them all was uncertain.אע . jungo. Stems of four.שׁל ֵב‬ ‫ָה‬ ‫ַ ְה‬ Rem. distinct from the fully developed stems of three or four consonants. or as relics of a period of language when the formation of stems followed different Lexicon.. or even (in the case of nouns) of five consonants2 are secondary formations.)י‬e. on (b). so also the few words which are formed with the prefix ‫ .דט‬c.1 ְְֵַַ ‫ֲֶַ ל‬ ‫ַ ְ ָו‬ were long regarded as compounds. S. ‫ַל‬ . by which means even quinquiliterals are produced.כּ ַם‬to eat up. or from the mere repetition of one or two of the three original stem-consonants. Many words of this class. but as conjugational forms (§ 55). Whether these are to be regarded as the mutilated remains of early developed stems. especially. Is 38:15). Forms such as ‫ צפרדּע‬frog.גק . Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. based on the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius. 4. corresponding to the Hebrew Piēl). Oxford. Cf. especially in the middle of the stem.צוץ .נון‬note.שׁמשׁ .g. e.. ‫ ַלע ָה‬hot wind from ‫ ָ ַף‬to be hot. ‫ חבצּ֫ ֶת‬meadow-saffron. or in the reverse order. are (a) the Interjections (§ 105).due to reduplication of the root. § 85. ‫ ערֵל‬to roll. A. ‫( דדח‬Ps 42:5.)כּ֫ ֶם‬ ‫גְּז‬ ‫ַ ְמ‬ ‫ֶר‬ ‫ ִ ְעֹל‬corolla (ַ ‫ ָ ִי‬cup). In Latin there is a similar ‫ַגּ‬ expansion of fid.g.סחר‬are usually not regarded as quadriliterals or quinqueliterals. R. ‫ֲז ז‬ if is for ‫. tundo. § 19 o.צס . e.g.שׁרשׁ .שׁ‬as ‫שׁלה֫ ֶת‬ ‫ַ ְֶ ב‬ flame from ‫ .גכ‬ ‫& .

chiefly in the formation of the persons of the verb. L.הק ִיל‬c. in Greek (including modern Greek). by affixing formative syllables. 2 2 Cf. § 31. Grundriss. prepositions.. the many peculiarities of their formation2 require special treatment (§ 32 ff. appears on the whole to be the more ancient..g. Both methods of formation exist together in Hebrew.ק ֵל . The internal mode of formation by means of vowel changes is tolerably extensive (‫.. not to etymology. P. Fürwort u.ק ַל . 296 ff. die Verbalflexion in den chamito-semit. 1909).ִקטל . Brockelmann.ק ֵל . The Separate Pronoun. 427 ff. 98 ff. and in Latin with its Romance offshoots. but to syntax.). The Personal Pronoun.g. 1897. and particularly the Semitic. Of case-endings.. § 32.). is recommended for occasional reference. ‘System der semitischen Demonstrativbildung. and during their youthful vigour widely developed their power of forming derivatives.g. der Wiss. as in almost all ‫ָ ְט ָ ְ ַטּ‬ languages. The formation of the parts of speech from the stems (derivation). Sprachwiss. pp.התק ַל‬The addition of formative syllables occurs. i. It is also employed to distinguish gender and number in the verb and noun. in Egyptian. CHAPTER I THE PRONOUN. ii. The expression of grammatical relations (e. At all events. 2. f. are effected in two ways: (a) internally by changes in the stem itself. 124 ff. the underlying stem is no longer recognizable (see § 99 ff. The same process may be seen also e. most of the particles (adverbs. Semit.הק ַל . This is accompanied in numerous cases by external formation also (‫. in consequence of extreme shortening. Hupfeld. must remain undecided.laws.התק ֵל‬ ‫ִ ְ ַטּ‬ ‫& . ‘Die Formenbildungsgesetze des Hebr. conjunctions) seem to have arisen in Hebrew from fully developed stems. 47). On the other hand.. ‫ .). e. . vol. and their inflexion. on the contrary. Berlin. ’ in the Ztschr. Sprachen’ (Wiener Akad. p. Yet other families of language. ָטֹל . only scanty traces remain in Hebrew (see § 90). The external method (b) of formation. the comparative degree and some case-relations in Hebrew) periphrastically by means of separate words belongs. ‘Das persönl. But the continuous decay of this power in the later periods of language made syntactical circumlocution more and more necessary. Reinisch. where the meaning of the affixed syllables is for the most part still perfectly clear (see §§ 44.ק ַל‬ ‫ָט ָט‬ ‫ֻטּ ִטּ ק‬ &c. 1. which occurs e.g. Kunde des Morgenl. at a very early period had recourse also to the internal method. although in many instances. Dörwald.). Grammatical Structure. and even these formative additions again are subject to internal ‫נְ ַ ִ ְט‬ change.’ (Hilfsbuch für Lehrer des Hebr. particularly in its vowels: (b) externally by the addition of formative syllables before or after it.). d.

Ps 119:125 with Merkha ‫ח נ‬ 1 1 On the prevalence of ‫ אָנֹ ִי‬in the earlier Books compare the statistics collected by ‫כ‬ Giesebrecht in ZAW. 1893. 2. p. thou 3rd Person. p. ‫ ֲנֹי‬and ‫א‬ ‫]. 35). 143. The pausal form ‫ אִָ֫י‬occurs not only with small disjunctive accents. his Introduction. p. Lat. line 1) it is written ‫ . line 1 f. but even with ‫נ‬ conjunctives. Common. but in no other of the kindred dialects. 135. and 478. 251 ff.. she (it) ‫ ֽנֹכ֫י‬in pause ִ ‫אָ‬ ‫.). REMARKS. xi. 1881. Masc. 1.אָא‬Arab. partly contested by Driver in the Journal of Philology. The independent principal forms of the personal pronoun serve (like the Gk. Krit. he (it) 3rd Person. ἐγώ. 1. &c. Schröder. In Assyrian the corresponding form is anaku. however. 47). 5. s.1 from the latter the suffixes are derived (§ 33). tu. nok. 1882. and in his Einleitung in das A. v. since it plays an important part in verbal inflexion (§§ 44..)אַתּ( אַתּ֫ה‬in pause ָ ָ ‫ אָ֫ ָה‬or ‫אַ֫ ָה‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫ אַ ְי( אַתּ‬properly ְ ‫תּ‬ ‫.אָנֹ ִי‬ ‫כ‬ 1 1 In Phoenician and Moabite (inscription of Mêša. 464 ff. ִ Cf. thou. § 135 d). In some of the latest books ‫ אנכי‬is not found at all. It must be discussed before the verb. 1st Person. ֵן‬ ‫ֵנּ‬ ‫ה ה‬ The forms enclosed in parentheses are the less common. 6.אנך‬without the final ‫ . p. Phöniz.־ י‬In Punic it was pronounced anec (Plaut.ַ֫ ְנוּ‬in pause ‫)אנו( . Poen. Fem. (but cf. The ô most probably results from an obscuring of an original â (cf. Fem. 2nd Person. and ‫אָ כ‬ ‫ֲנ‬ Assyrian. ‫ה֫ ָה . Plural.אָנֹ֫ ִי‬ ‫כ‬ ‫ .אִי‬in pause ‫אִָ֫י‬ ‫ֲנ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ .)אַ ִי‬ ‫תּ‬ in pause ‫אָתּ‬ ְ ‫הוּא‬ ‫ִיא‬ ‫ה‬ ye. and their plurals) almost exclusively to emphasize the nominative-subject (see.. 2. A table of these pronouns with their shortened forms (pronominal suffixes) is given in Paradigm A at the end of this Grammar.1. The personal pronoun (as well as the pronoun generally) belongs to the oldest and simplest elements of the language (§ 30 s). 222 ff. u. and hardly at all in the Talmud. ‫ .) ֶם־( ֵם‬ ‫ֵמּ ה ה‬ ‫ הָ֫ה‬after prefixes ‫ֶן . The form ‫ ֽנֹ ִי‬is less frequent than ‫ 1אִי‬The former occurs in Phoenician. ego.. Masc. in old Egyptian anek. They are as follows: Singular. vol. pp. ed. 2nd Person. Sprache.)אַתָּ֫ה( אַתָּ֫ה‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ֵנּ‬ ‫תּ תּ‬ they. 8) or anech (5. ‫ אַ֫ ְנוּ‬in pause ‫אָ֫ ְנוּ‬ ‫ֲנ ח‬ ‫ֲנ ח‬ (‫ . we. Coptic anok. ‫אַ ֶם‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫)אַ ֶן( אַ ֵן . σύ. so always in ‫ ַי אִָ֫י‬as I live! also Is 49:18 with Munaḥ. Aram. T. [For details see the Lexicon. Stud.)ָ֫ ְנוּ‬ ‫נח‬ ‫נח‬ m. First Person. but thoroughly established by König in Theol. ‫ֲנ‬ ’ána). p. . 168. I. Moabite.

thou. Gn 42:11. ‫ )אְַתּוּן . fem. Jer 4:30. Dt 5:24. gradually dropped in pronunciation. with ‫ אַ ָה‬as Qerê.־֫ ִי‬ ִ ‫ַ יכ ֵ כ‬ 5. exhibits a certain analogy with that of the noun. has been altered from Deḥı̂). 20. In Western Aramaic ‫ אְַתּ‬is usual for both genders. ye. in 13:20 ‫( אַ ֶם‬before a ‫ )מ‬is even ‫ֵנּ‬ ‫תּ‬ used as feminine. &c. of the common gender.אַ ֵין‬The form ‫ אַ ֵן‬is ‫נ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫נתּ‬ ‫תּ‬ found only in Ez 34:31 (so Qimḥi expressly. The short form ‫ )אָנוּ( אנו‬from which the suffix is derived occurs only in Jer 42:6 Kethı̂bh. ‫ אַנתי‬are written. always as Kethı̂bh. in this and the other persons. ‫ְ תּ‬ ‫ֵנ תּ‬ The kindred languages have retained the n before the ‫ .אַ ֶם . also ı̂ as the ending of the 2nd fem. § 23 i) might be regarded only as an orthographic addition closing the final long vowel.85 §§( ־֫ ְִי . The same ‫תּ‬ ְ final ‫ ־ י‬appears in the rare (Aramaic) forms of the suffix ‫. as does the 2nd person. 2 K 4:16. ’ánti.)אַ ֶן‬for which some MSS. even in these seven passages.. ְ‫נ‬ ‫( אַתּ‬without ‫ )ה‬occurs five times. while at the same time (like the pronouns of other languages) it is characterized by many differences and peculiarities. ְ The feminine form was originally ‫ אַ ִי‬as in Syriac. ‫ . á̆ntŭm (Aram. 6. In three ָ ‫תּ‬ places ‫ אַתּ‬appears as a masculine. who is addressed (in Greek. Arabic. fem.g. before suffixes. ‫ה‬ cf. cf.קטלתּ֫יִי‬a [c]. as a rule in languages. 8. Third Person. and twice in Mal 1:6. others ‫( אַתָּ֫ה . The pronoun of the 1st person only is. Gn 31:6. The plurals ‫( אַ ֶם‬with the second vowel assimilated to the fem.אַתּ . viz.. ’ántum. English. The ‫ י‬therefore finally disappeared (cf. this distinction is also lacking). are contracted from ’antā. Nu 11:15. 3. f) it was eventually only written. as ‫ 95 § . In the Mišna ְ‫נ‬ ‫ )אָנוּ( אנו‬has altogether supplanted the longer forms.)אַ ֶן( אַ ֵן‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ תּ‬ with the tone on the ultima.)אְַ ֵין . Ez 28:14. Arab. have ‫תּ‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ )אַתָּ֫ה‬only four times. 8:1. just as in Syriac (see above. however. and Ethiopic. ‫ְְִַ נ‬ of the imperative and imperfect. &c. form) and ‫. § 19 h) only in Ex 16:7. Latin. In Syriac ‫ . sing. 4. not pronounced. ’antúnna. only partially correspond to the assumed ground-forms antumū. The final ı̂ was. ’ánā.אַתּוּן‬and ăntú̆nna (Aram. but both are pronounced ’at.)19 . pl. ‫ ָח֑נוּ‬in pause. 23. Second Person. La 3:42.אַתָּ֫ה . Ps 6:4. 2.g. e. § 10 k). In all these cases there is manifestly a disagreement between the vocalization already established and the special laws regulating the system of accentuation.אַנת‬fem. as .(which. This form is ‫תּ‬ found seven times as Kethı̂bh (Ju 17:2. 1 K 14:2. have pointed the word in the text as ‫ אַ ְי‬to indicate the Qerê ‫( אַתּ‬see § 17). fem.אַ ָה‬c. and still more the 3rd person who is absent. Ez 13:11. and hence the Masoretes. The form ‫( ַ֫ ְנוּ‬cf. and necessarily. however. especially. (a) In ‫ הוּא‬and ‫( ִיא‬hû and hı̂) the ‫( א‬corresponding to the Elif of prolongation in Arabic. ‫נח‬ Nu 32:32. antinnā. The formation of the plural. 34:17. because the person who is present and speaking needs no further indication of gender. in Arabic năḥnu is the regular form. The forms of the 2nd person ‫& .ת‬e. Ez 36:13) and appears also in the corresponding personal ending of verbs (see § 44 f). Arab.

In Western ‫ֵמּ‬ ‫ֵנּ‬ Aram.ה‬In Arabic (as in ‫ה‬ ָ Syriac) they are written ‫ הו‬and ‫ הי‬but pronounced húwă and hı́yă. ֵן‬are of doubtful origin. 25 f. Leviticus (in Haupt’s Bible).הא‬ 7. On their meaning as demonstratives see § 136. § 135 o and § 145 t). ִיא‬but in the Zenjirli inscriptions (see § ‫ה‬ 1 m) both ‫ הא‬and ‫ הו‬occur (Hadad i. that originally ‫ הא‬was written for both forms (see k. also the Assyrian ya-u-a ‫ה‬ for ‫ )ֵהוּא‬show that the ‫ א‬was original and indicated an original vocalic termination of the two ‫י‬ words. however. 14 ‫ ִוא‬and ‫ ִיא‬are found close to one another. since it is unnecessary to follow the Masora in writing ‫ ִיא‬for ‫ הוּא‬in 1 K 17:15. ‫א ה ה ה‬ hômû. 371 ff. Lpz. ֵם‬ ‫ֵמּ ה‬ ‫ֵנּ‬ ‫ה ה‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ ה ָה‬have probably been assimilated to ‫ הָ֫ה‬which goes back to a form hı́nnā.־֫ מוֹ‬l. irrespective of gender. if we consider (1) that no other Semitic language is without the quite indispensable distinction of gender in the separate pronoun of the 3rd pers.) ִנּוּן . 108 f. 1 Ch 29:16.ָ ִיא . ִנּוּן( ִמּוֹ . p. ‫ . since the vowel complement might have arisen from the more consonantal pronunciation of the ‫ ו‬and ‫. Nu 5:13.. so that the ‫ ִיא‬cannot be regarded as having been ‫ה‬ subsequently adopted from the Aramaic. In the text Driver always reads ‫. but ‫. This assumption is. This Arabic pronunciation alone would not indeed be decisive. and was almost everywhere. know nothing of this epicene use of ‫ . 175 and xxix. ZDMG. 1846 ff. or ‫ח‬ ‫ הוּא‬for ‫ היא‬in Ps 73:16. Arab. Fischer. lines 6 and 27.הוא‬On the whole question see Driver. however. Baer. ‫ה‬ (b) The form ‫ הוּא‬also stands in the consonantal text (Kethı̂bh) of the Pentateuch2 (with the exception of eleven places) for the fem.־מוֹ‬ ‫ 19 §( ־֫ מוֹ . Ct 6:8. The orthography was. note).הוּא‬Consequently there only remains the hypothesis. and in Vulgar Arabic even húwwa and hı́yya. Ezechiel.D. . that the writing of ‫ הוא‬for ‫ היא‬rests on an orthographical peculiarity which in some recension of the Pentateuchtext was almost consistently followed. peculiar to the Pentateuch-text alone. Buhl.לוּא‬c.) ‫ הוּא‬arose from a primitive Semitic ha-va. According to Philippi (ZDMG. xxviii. T. ‫ . Is 30:33. Jb 31:11. always written in the case of the separate pronouns. For the quite anomalous ‫2 ַד־ ֵם‬ ‫ע ה‬ K 9:18 read ‫( ָֽ ֵי ֶם‬Jb 32:12). 2 2 Also in twelve places in the Babylonian Codex (Prophets) of 916 A. (3) that outside the Pentateuch the ‫ה‬ ‫ה‬ distinction is found in the oldest documents. ZDMG. expanded into ‫ . ִוא‬has indicated the Qerê ‫( היא‬Qerê perpetuum. an ô or ô is appended. ‫עדה‬ 8.הוּא‬and in the inscription of Ešmunazar. húmû (archaic form of hum).הוּא‬yeetı̂ (=hia-tı̂) for ‫( ִיא‬cf. we find ‫ הא‬for ‫ . 240. henûn (enûn). The pronouns of the 3rd person may refer to things as well as persons.. Levy’s explanation of this strange practice of the Masoretes is evidently right.י‬ but the Ethiopic weetû (=hua-tû) for ‫ .. for the 3rd fem. The Samaritan recension of the Pentateuch has the ִ correct form in the Kethı̂bh throughout. ָ ֵ In some passages ‫ ה֫ ָה‬stands for the feminine (Zc 5:10. The ‫ א‬is. (2) that this distinction does occur eleven times in the Pentateuch.1 and ‫נק‬ only as a toneless suffix (§ 33 a) does ‫ הוּא‬appear as ‫ . (Edinb. l. since 1903 ed. 38:25. clearly untenable. but was afterwards very properly rejected by the Masoretes. ‫ ִיא‬from ha-ya. however. 29). and that in Gn 20:5. Ru 1:22. 3).in ‫& . (4) that those parts of the book of Joshua which certainly formed a constituent part of the original sources of the Pentateuch. cf. ִמּוֹן‬Syr. cf.. for ‫ . The plural forms ‫ )ה֫ ָה( ֵם‬and ‫( הָ֫ה‬after prefixes ‫ ) ֶן .. p. by A. ִיא‬In all such cases the Masora. 1 1 In the inscription of King Mêša (see § 2 d). Canon and Text of the O. viz. The old explanation regarded this ‫ה‬ ִ phenomenon as an archaism which was incorrectly removed by the Masoretes. line 22. 1892). p.הוּ‬while ‫ ִיא‬becomes ‫ . the use of the ‫ֵמּ‬ suffix of the 3rd masc. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. see § 17). which in Hebrew seems to reappear in the poetical suffixes ‫. by the punctuation ‫ה‬ ‫ . and Ethiop. Ec 5:8.

πατήρ µου for πατὴρ ἐµοῦ. ‫. Greek. between me (cf.. in Ethiopic even in the verbal form (qatalka. and others. &c. according to the Indo-Germanic case-system. of the prepositions with suffixes in § 103. eccos. ‫ִנּ‬ ‫ִֶ נּ‬ 3. Journ. ‫ . The independent principal forms of the personal pronoun (the separate pronoun). Pronominal Suffixes. ‫ קטלתּ֫יהוּ‬I ְְִַ have killed him. ‫ סוּסוֹ‬his horse. Grundriss.g. e.. ‫( אוֹר֫וֹ‬also ‫ )אוֹר֫הוּ‬lux eius. p. a fuller treatment of the verbal suffix and the mode of attaching it to the verb will be found in § 58 ff. ‫( אָ ִי‬ābh-ı̂) my father.. The suffix of the verb (the accusative) and the suffix of the noun (the genitive) coincide in most forms. 1901. ‫ ִן‬from. German. ‫( מִי‬usually ‫ )ממִּ֫י‬from me. eccum. (b) When affixed to substantives. Sprachwiss. § 117 x). joined to the end of verbs.g.g. The case which these suffixes represent is— (a) When joined to verbs.. and particles (pronominal suffixes or simply suffixes). So in all the Semitic languages. either the genitive or accusative. ‫ִ ננ‬ (d) Where. 306 ff.. usually shorter. Tartar. ecce eos. ‘Beiträge zur Suffixlehre des Nerdsemit. Semit. J. ‫ ־ִי‬me. with a t-sound. Latin. the genitive (like πατήρ µου. Latin. as well as in the Egyptian. e. They then serve as possessive pronouns. 1. ֵיִי‬literally ‫בּנ‬ interstitium mei.)קטל ִיו‬or (with ְְִַ ‫ְ ַ ְתּ‬ ְְַָ āhû contracted into ô) ‫ קט ְתּ֫וֹ‬thou hast killed him. according as the particles originally expressed the idea of a noun or a verb.g. and German we find only slight traces of the kind. ‫ קטלתּ֫יהוּ‬I have killed him (also ‫ קטלתּ֫הוּ . ‫ בּוֹ‬in him. nouns. e. of the noun-suffix in § 91. like ‫ְך‬ the separate pronouns of the 2nd person. pater eius). p. 1 1 On apparent exceptions see § 135 d. given in the preceding section. 100 f. . (c) When joined to particles. er gab’s for er gab es. mea causa). e. ‫ לוֹ‬to him (ei) and to himself ‫ל‬ ְ ‫מ‬ (sibi). ‫ בּ‬in. e. the dative or ablative of the pronoun is required. thou hast killed=Hebr. which ‫ב‬ may be either equus eius or equus suus. ’ in the Amer. e. Finnish. e.§ 33. but ‫ הְִי‬behold me. 2. ecce me. 193 ff...g. ‫ְ ַל‬ ֵ The same method is employed in all the other Semitic languages. of adverbs with suffixes § 100 o. in Greek. express only the nominative. ‫ ־ י‬my.1 The accusative and genitive are expressed by forms. The suffixes of the 2nd person (ָ ‫& . ‫( הוּ‬toneless) and ‫( וֹ‬from āhû) eum and eius. the suffixes in Hebrew are joined to prepositions expressing those cases (ְ sign of the dative. but some differ. Brockelmann. not. § 102).)קט֫לתּ‬ ְָ ַָ 4. the accusative (cf. Lang.־‬c.g. Barth. i. in Plautus and Terence for ecce eum. however.) are all formed with a k-sound. ‫נ‬ ִ Paradigm A at the end of the Grammar gives a table of all the forms of the separate pronoun and the suffixes.g. Persian. of Sem.

com. always with the article. 26:3. Kethı̂bh. this. sa. and Eng.§ 34.ֶה‬and Aram. 1. sometimes interchanges with a sibilant. (8 times).. 1. ‫ יה ִישׁ הֶה‬this man. sô. Untersuchungen zum Semit.3 are shortened from ‫ . 1. ‫ ֶת־ֶה‬hunc. ַזֹּאת . p. 4 4 According to Kuenen (cf. s..ה ָז‬sometimes masc.4 Both the ‫ָ ֵלּ ֵלּ‬ singular and the plural may refer to things as well as persons..].דא‬ ‫ז‬ 2 2 That ‫ ֶה‬may stand for the feminine. 2 K 4:25: cf.זוֹ . ֵ ְֵ ‫ְָ דּ‬ da.)63 §( ֲשׁר‬it serves for all numbers ֶ‫א‬ and genders. Poen. Dn 8:16. s. The Demonstrative Pronoun. 2. Sansk. 2. ָ ‫ֵלּ‬ ‫א‬ ‫ז‬ though not etymologically.זֹאת‬In Ps 132:12 ‫ זוֹ‬is used as a relative.הֶה‬according to the same rule ‫ַזּ‬ ‫ָא ָ ֵ לּ ה‬ as adjectives. Like ‫ . sometimes fem. see Commentaries and Kittel]. above. Sing.לא֫ ֶה‬to these. and in 1 Ch 20:8 without the article [cf. with strengthened demonstrative force. &c. ‫]. § 2 n) and Driver. and in seven other places. § 80). 1 S 14:1 [and 20:19 LXX. and later copyists wrongly omitted the addition of the ‫ . Driver on Dt 4:42].. The feminine form ‫ זֹאת‬has undoubtedly arisen from ‫ . . ’ in ZDMG. ‫ז‬ ‫ז‬ and the forms ‫ . 30 ff. Cf. tat. 3 3 ‫ 2 זֹה‬K 6:19. ‫[ ה ֵל‬as well as ‫ָא‬ ‫ הא ֶה .זֹה‬both of which are rare.ָאת‬by obscuring of an ‫ז‬ original â to ô (for ‫ ֶה = ָא‬cf. these ‫( א֫ ֶה‬rarely ‫) ֵל‬ ‫ֵלּ‬ ‫א‬ Rem. v.אל‬but pronounced ily according to Plautus.זֹאת‬The forms ‫ א ֶה‬and ‫ ֵל‬are the plurals of ‫ ֶה‬and ‫ זֹאת‬by usage. 59. Rem. &c. Sprachwiss.דּן‬masc. 25. [See the Lexicon. masc. The form ‫ ֵל‬occurs only in the Pentateuch (but not in the ‫א‬ Samaritan text). Lpz. 1 1 In many languages the demonstratives begin with a d-sound (hence called the demonstrative sound) which. Zc 2:8. that. Demonstr. see § 126 u. cannot be proved either from Ju 16:28 or from ‫ז‬ the certainly corrupt passage in Jos 2:17.. Gn 19:8. ‫ ָזֹאת . this. ‫ זוּ‬below. Germ.הא֫ ֶה . and shortened ‫ . ‫ הלּ֫זוּ‬fem. are ‫ הלֶּה‬Gn 24:65. on Lev 18:27 in Haupt’s Bible. e. Ps 132:12. ְזֹאת‬to this (fem. ‫ . ‫( ַזּאֹ ָה‬with the article and the demonstrative ‫ה ת‬ termination ‫ )־ ה‬is found for ‫ . 4. ‫ַ ָז‬ 37:19. f. ֶת־‬even before the verb Ps 75:8.א ֶה‬frequently]. The personal pronouns of the 3rd person also often have a demonstrative sense. 2 K ֵַ ‫ַלּ‬ 23:17. The secondary form ‫ זוּ‬occurs only in poetic style. (this). cf. &c. Cf. v. also without ‫ . ָא‬fem. the Arab. 3. J. das. Ez 36:35. der.g. sā. thata.. ‫ דּך .. 1 S 17:26. 159 ff. This pronoun takes the article (‫ )יה ֵל . ‫ דּך . ‫ לא֫ ֶה . as in Ju 6:20. ‫1ֶה‬ ‫ז‬ ‫2)זוֹ . Aram.ל‬g). &c. the. this ‫ ֵל‬is due to an error of the punctuators. but ‫ ֶה ה ִישׁ‬this is the man. for ‫ ת‬as the feminine ending. and mostly for the relative. this m. see § 136. ‫ֶת־א֫ ֶה‬ ָ ‫ל‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ֵָ לּ ְֵ לּ‬ ‫א ז‬ ‫א‬ ‫א ֵלּ‬ hos. v.זֹה( זֹאת‬ Plur. In combination with prepositions to denote the oblique case we find ‫ לֶה‬to this (cf. It goes back to a time when the vowel of ‫א‬ the second syllable was not yet indicated by a vowel letter. 1907. Rarer secondary forms. die. ‫ זוֹ‬only in Hos 7:16.. for ‫ָז‬ ‫ 201 § . In Jer 26:6. and 633 ff. like our that for who [see Lexicon.ה‬In Phoenician also it was written ‫ . Gothic sa. Note also ‫ מ ִיר ֶה‬pretium huius (1 K ‫א‬ ‫ְח ז‬ 21:2). ‫ָא ַזּ‬ ‫ז ָא‬ 2. hâ-ḏâ.). 9. ‘Zum semit.די .. however. ‫ ֶת־זֹאת‬hanc. ḏ. Barth.

the Pathaḥ is either modified to Seghôl or fully lengthened to Qameṣ. Ju 9:41. In the former case. ‫ ה ֵם‬the mother. because syncopated from ‫( ָֽאַשׁפּוֹת‬cf. p. zum Semit. ‫ ַֽמ ֻשָׁ ָה‬Is 23:12. ‫ ה ִישׁ‬the man. ‫ הרֶ֫ל‬the foot. Dageš forte also stands after the article in the prefix ‫ מ‬in certain ‫ַ י ָד ַ י‬ ‫ַי‬ ְ nouns and in the participles Piēl and Pual (see § 52 c) before ‫ ע . ‫ָא‬ ‫ָא‬ ‫ה‬ ‫הא ה‬ ‫ֶָ ג‬ ‫ ָרֹאשׁ‬the head. J. thus ‫ ה ְהוּ ָה‬Ez 22:5.g. that it is inserted when a ‫ה‬ ‫י‬ or ‫ ע‬follows the ְ e. ‫המּע ָה‬ ‫ַמּ מ‬ ‫ַ ְ ָר‬ the cave. Before ‫ . ‫ ָֽחרי ִים‬Is 3:22.. der aram. because the syllable is still regarded as closed. ‘Der heb.ה‬less often with ‫—ע‬or the strengthening is wholly omitted. 47 ff. but ‫ ַֽמהלּך‬Ps 104:3 (Ec 4:15. Consequently. ’ in Sprachwiss. ‫ . ‫ ַֽלִִם‬the Levites (according to § ‫ה ּמ‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ה ְ ויּ‬ 20 m for ‫. in the second case. ‫ ָֽחמִּים‬Is 17:8 [not elsewhere]. never appears in Hebrew as an independent word. the Pathaḥ of the article (since it stands in an open syllable) is always lengthened to Qameṣ. according to the character of the guttural (cf. ‫ַ ְ ֵע‬ ְְֵַ ‫ה‬ before ‫ ע‬Ps 103:4). ‫ הְאֹר‬the river. e.ר‬except when the guttural (or ‫ )ר‬has under it a short vowel in a sharpened syllable.הְאוֹר‬c. Before letters other than gutturals ַ ‫ה ְ ע ּק‬ ‫ה ְ ַ גּל‬ this ‫ ם‬remains without Dageš. ‫( ָֽאִ ִים‬as in Nu 11:4.ח‬ā occurs only in ‫ה ד‬ ‫ַַ י‬ ‫ַ ָ ְמ‬ ‫ ה ַי‬Gn 6:19 [not elsewhere]. 1 Ch 4:41). e. then ‫־‬ ‫־‬ (1) before the stronger sounds ‫ ה‬and ‫ ה‬the article regularly remains ‫ . ‫ הְהוּ ִים‬the Jews. 2 K 8:28).א‬and also with ‫ 22 §( ר‬c and q). 2 S 23:33. Barth. 1907. When the article stands before a guttural.הְאֹר‬ ‫ַ ְ ויּ ַ יּ‬ Rem.g. Lpz. verse 14 and Baer ְ ‫ה‬ ְ ‫ה‬ on the passage). ‫ה‬ ָ‫ה ר‬ So also ‫ ָֽשׁפוֹת‬Neh 3:13. ‫ ַחֹ֫ ֶשׁ‬the month. With regard to the Dageš in ְ after the article. ‫הא‬ (2) In the case of the other gutturals either the virtual strengthening takes place (§ 22 c)—especially with the stronger sounds ‫ ח‬and ‫ . u.)הלִִּם . the following cases arise. § 27 q). ְ 2. ‫ הְע ִים‬the weary (‫ כְּעִים‬La 4:3 Qerê is an exception). the Pathaḥ of the article remains. ָֽ ֲס׳‬Ch ‫הא‬ ‫בּ‬ ִ ‫ה‬ ‫ה ַמּ ה א‬ 22:5 for ‫( ָֽ ֲר׳‬cf. ‫ בּמּר ִים‬Ps 37:1 (cf. ‫ החכ ָה‬the wisdom.הה֫ ָה‬ ‫ָה ָ ֵ מּ‬ . ‫ ָֽאז׳‬verse 1). ‫ָֽאַ ֵר‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ה ח‬ the other. the strengthening is altogether omitted. but always in closest connexion with the word which is defined by it. ‫ ַֽמרְ ִים‬Jos 6:22. Artikel.ה‬always in ‫.הְל ִים . 1. When the guttural has any other vowel than ā (ָ) or ŏ (ֳ).ה‬with ă and a strengthening of the ַ next consonant. with the ‫ א‬orthographically ‫ה זקּ‬ retained). The article. which is by nature a kind of demonstrative pronoun. ‫ ָֽ ֱלֹ ִים‬ὁ θεός.הְסוֹד . the rule is.ה‬and ‫ .ה ֵם . ‫ ַשֶׁ֫ ֶשׁ‬the sun. (1) In the case of the weakest guttural. before ‫ָח‬ ‫ה ֲִ ט‬ ‫ה ַ ָנ‬ ‫ .g.g. for ‫ ָֽ ֲז׳‬Jer 40:4 (cf. which (according to § 22 b) cannot properly be strengthened. ‫ ָֽסוּרים‬Ec 4:14 for ‫ 2 ָֽר ִים . ‫ ָאוֹר‬the light. That is to say:— A. Jb 38:40. ‫י‬ ‫ַיּ ד‬ ‫ַיֵּפ‬ ‫ַיֵנ‬ but ‫& . The Article. ‫ החִ֫ל‬the force.ה‬e. ‫ ָאָב‬the father.§ 35. It usually takes the form ‫ . ‫ ָֽ ָשׁע‬the wicked. Untersuch. according to § 20 m. 2 Ch 23:12. ‫ַהוּא‬ ַ ‫ה‬ that.

ice=‫( ָ ִישׁ‬Arab. hādēn. plur. cf. e. ‫ֶֽח ֵבוֹת‬ ‫בּ ֳר‬ ‫בּח‬ ‫ה ֳר‬ Ez 36:35. Safa-inschriften.. and the sharpening necessarily involved the shortening of the vowel.בּ ָה‬c. Rem. is also quite uncertain.g. ‫ ח ָר‬the mountain. 2 2 In the Liḥyanitic inscriptions collected by Euting (ed. The original form of the Hebrew (and the Phoenician) article ·‫ ה‬is generally ַ considered to have been ‫ . is open to grave objections. Sitzungsber. from the ‫ו‬ ‫ַמּ ַמּ‬ close connexion of the ha with the following word. hāḏa. Is 42:18. Cf. p.g. 7 ff. al-qaum. cf. ‫ ֶֽח ָם‬the ָ ֶ ‫ה ָכ‬ wise man. Akad.2 The Arabic article is supposed to occur in the Old Testament in ‫ 1 אַלמִים‬K 10:11. ‫ל‬ commonly explained as=Arab.g. der Berl. ‫ה ּנ‬ Journ. by D. also cases like ‫& . ֳ ֶ ֳ ִ ‫ה ֳד‬ o ‫ ֶֽח ָבוֹת‬in the waste places (without the article ‫ ָֽ ֳ׳‬bŏḥ rābhôth) Ez 33:27. and r. but (according to § 22 c) ‫ ֶֽהר֫ים‬the mountains. Rem. v. ‘Der hebr. x (1907). When the guttural has ā (ָ) then ‫־‬ (1) immediately before a tone-bearing ‫ ה‬or ‫ ע‬the article is always ‫ . . 12 (also ‫ְ ֻגּ‬ ‫ 2 אַ ְגּוּ ִים‬Ch 2:7.. and ZDMG. p. e.. ‫ הה֫ ָה‬towards the ֶ ‫ָע‬ ‫ָה‬ ‫ָָ י‬ ‫ָָ ר‬ mountain. Müller in Epigraphische Denkmäler aus Arabien.כּ ָה . also in Gn 10:17 ‫ ָֽער ִי‬is ‫ֶָ ב‬ ‫ל ֲ גל ה ֲ ָ ד‬ ‫ה ַ ְק‬ the better reading. H. 1. ‫ 2 ַֽעְ ִים‬S 5:6. 80 ff. But Barth (Amer. Müller (see ‫ל ד‬ ‫א‬ Lexicon. 8. Littmann.g. and in ‫ אלָ ִישׁ‬hail. and p. but ‫ ה‬before ‫ . ‫ 1 ַֽ ֵיִַם‬S ‫ה ְֹכ‬ ֶ ‫בּ‬ ‫ה ֹזב‬ ‫ה זב‬ ‫ל ע ני‬ 16:7. ‫ ֶֽח ָשׁים‬the months. Aram. according to E.). Ec 11:7. 34. Baer on Is 42:18. s. but this explanation can hardly be correct. ָ ֳ ‫ה ֳ ָר‬ The gender and number of the noun have no influence on the form of the article. ǵibs) Ez ‫ל מּ‬ ‫ֶ ְ גּב‬ ‫גב‬ 13:11. Pr 10:26. Laug. ‫( העִ֑ן‬in pause) the eye. n. This ‫יקּ‬ view was supported by the form of the Arabic article ‫( אַל‬pronounced hal by some modern Beduin). § 102 k). 38. 2 Ch 27:4. but ‫ ָֽ ֵינ׳‬Gn 3:6. as suggested by D. ’ in OLZ. ָֽעב ִים‬K 12:32.ה‬otherwise it is ָ ָ ָ ‫ . ‫ ַשָָׁה‬the year. § 19 d.. the ‫ ל‬of which is also assimilated at least before all letters like s and t and before l. 210 f. Wien. 9:10. has shown that the Hebrew article is to be connected rather with the original Semitic demonstrative hā.ע‬as ‫ ָֽעמ ִים‬the sheaves Ru 2:15.ה‬e. 2. 1 1 An original form han. ַל‬the ‫ ל‬of which (owing to the proclitic nature of the article) has ‫ה‬ been invariably assimilated to the following consonant. 1908. ‫ ַע֫שׁק‬Ez 22:7. When the guttural has ‫ ה‬the article is ‫ ה‬before ‫ ח‬e. 1896. ‫ ַעְֽ ִים‬Pr 2:13 and ‫ ַעֶֹ֫ ֶת‬Pr 2:17.. ’al-Qur’ân but ’as-sá̆nă (Beduin has-sana)=Hebr. ִָ ‫ה‬ ‫הע‬ (2) before ‫ ח‬the article is invariably ‫ ה‬without regard to the tone. 1889) the article is ‫ . Exceptions are ‫ ַֽעוֹפ֫ ֶת‬Ex 15:10. proposed by Ungnad. e. ‫ ֶֽ ָוֹן‬the iniquity. Arab. ‫ הע֫ ֶד‬the servant. following Hupfeld and Stade. ‫ העִ֫ן‬the eye. in the proper name ‫ אַ ְמוֹ ָד‬Gn 10:26 the first syllable is probably ‫ ֵל‬God. ‫ 1 ָֽעָ ִים . 11). p.) and Nöldeke. col. &c.. ‫ה ִיר‬ ‫ַָ י‬ ‫ָע‬ the city. The sharpening of the following consonant is to be explained exactly like the sharpening after ַ consecutive (§ 49 f. 1 cf.. ‫כּע֫ ֶד‬ ‫כּ ֶר‬ ‫ה ִ ור‬ ‫ֶַ ב‬ Is 24:2. sandal-wood (?). Art. 38:22.ה‬and also in a North Arabian dialect. ֶָ C. ‫לע‬ B. ‫ ַעֽר ִים‬Is 65:11. H. 13.(2) before ‫ ע‬the Pathaḥ is generally lengthened to Qameṣ. the militia. 1186.g. p. ‫ ה ָם‬the people. ‫ אַ ְקוּם‬Pr 30:31. of Sem. 1882. as in ‫ ִ ַח‬from yilqaḥ. On the other hand. ‫ הח֫ג‬the festival.

cf. against § ‫ַ מ‬ ‫י‬ 20 m) may be explained (like the art. Socin calls ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ attention to the Arabic mah (in pause with an audible h: Mufaṣṣal. The words ‫ א֫ ֶץ‬earth. Elsewhere.g. Ec 8:1. and § 23 k). &c. Also in New Hebrew ·‫ שׁ‬has become the common form. 8). Hebräische Grammatik. st. ‫ . es. ‫ֶֽח ָשׁים‬ ‫ְה ּ ַ י‬ ‫ָע‬ ‫ְ ָע‬ ‫בּ ָר‬ ִ ‫בּ ֳד‬ in the months. but only ‫ . The interrogative pronoun is ‫ ִי‬who? (of persons. 25:10. ‫ ַג‬feast. 47:22. especially Eccles. also ‫ ַת־ ִי‬whose daughter? Gn 24:23.ְה ָם‬ ‫ו‬ ‫וָע‬ 3. sy. read ‫ ֶֽע ָר‬instead of the impossible ‫ . 2 S 21:20. Neh 9:19. ָה‬see b) what? ‫בּ מ‬ ‫ְמ‬ ‫א מ‬ ‫מ מ‬ (of things). ֵֽע ָר‬Exceptions to this ‫כּ ָפ‬ ‫כּ ָפ‬ rule occur almost exclusively in the later Books: Ez 40:25.) and ‫ ַיּוֹם‬first of all (Gn 25:31. Ezra (once). 2 Ch 24:8. Comparative Grammar. (twice).). ‫מ‬ e. 124. 1890. ‫ ַם‬people. Sprache. The Relative Pronoun. The Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns.ש‬in ZAW. and even before a guttural. 1 S 9:13.ה ָר . is. Jon. § 261.. or—especially in the later Punic and in the Poenulus of Plautus—‫( ש‬sa. also Bergsträsser. e. 193. &c. ·‫ שׁ‬is used ֶ instead. 3 3 The full form ‫ אשר‬does not occur in Phoenician.g. After the ‫ְה‬ ‫כּ‬ copula ְ (and) elision of the ‫ ה‬does not take place. 162 ff. ‫ ל ִי‬to whom? ‫ ֶת־ ִי‬whom?)—‫( ַה .] § 37. Mi 1:5. ‫ מהם‬Ez 8:6 Kethı̂bh. before ‫ ה‬even ‫ שׁ‬Ec 3:18. 1909. more rarely ·‫ שׁ‬Ju 5:7. in the place of the Šewâ (§ 19 k.—‫ ֵי־ֶה‬which? what? ‫א ז‬ The form ·‫& . used in Ex ‫מ‬ 16:15 in explanation of ‫ ָן‬manna. p. ‫ ַר‬mountain. § 155. (17).). Cambridge. as ‫ מלּ ֶם‬what is it to you? Is 3:15. in 2 K 12:10. e. Phön. ‫מ‬ which goes back through the intermediate forms math. ‘Das hebr. p. also Lam. Mal 1:13. 2 K 7:12. ַהּ( ה‬as Olshausen). and below. Hb 2:1. 2 Ch 10:7. consec.—and always in the Canticle (cf. mat to an original mant: so W. A distinction in meaning is observed between ‫ כּ ַיּוֹם‬about this time (Gn 39:11. 2 K 6:11).g. In the later books. p. and the late Psalms. 2 K 18:35. Schröder. cf. ָאָ֫ ֶץ‬cf. ‫ ל ָם‬for ‫ לה ָם‬to the people. Ju 13:17. Observe further that— (a) In the closest connexion. s. 29:27. the Masora requires the elision in the Qerê.)? ֲשׁ·=( אש‬pronounced ֶ‫א‬ asse. ֶ‫א‬ originally a demonstrative pronoun.: even in ְ. ‫מ‬ Is 60:8. Ex ְָ ‫מ‬ ‫ַ ָכ‬ 4:2. and sometimes also of things Gn 33:8.ל . ·‫ 53 § ה‬l. § 138) is usually the indeclinable ‫( ֲשׁר‬who. Qimḥi) also ֶ ְ in Ec 2:22.3 [See Lexicon. ‫. ys. Wright. however. su).g. always appear after the ‫ֶר‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ע‬ ‫פּ‬ article with a long vowel (as in pause). 12:33. which. Präfix ‫ ’ . Chron. v. while ‫ ַן‬is the regular Aramaic for who. and according to some (e.בּ‬come before the article.ה ָר . Most probably. &c. When the prefixes ‫ )201 §( כּ . 40 ff. partly following Böttcher. Ct 1:7 (Jb 19:29?). even before plurals. esse (also as.2. Dn 8:16. also ‫ ֲרוֹן‬ark (so in the ‫ַפּ ָע ֶח ָה ה ר‬ ‫א‬ absol. by means of Maqqeph. and ·ַ in the imperf. 1 S 13:21.) from the rapid ַ ‫ו‬ utterance of the interrogative in connexion with the following word. see further §§ 138 and 155. but to be read ‫ . 8:26. us). also Ju 7:12. ‫ ֶֽה ִים‬on the mountains. si. A ground-form mant would most easily explain ‫( ָן‬what?). ‫ ָשָׁמִ֫ם‬in the heaven for ‫( בּ ַשָׁמִ֫ם‬so Ps 36:6). once ‫ שׁ‬before ‫ א‬Ju 6:17 (elsewhere ַ ָ ‫ שׁ‬before a guttural). the Dageš forte is rather due to the assimilation of an originally audible ‫ . (4 times). ‫ ַד‬bull. e. and its vowel ְ ְ ְ ‫בּ ַּ י‬ is thrown back to the prefix. cf. ָֽאָרוֹן‬ ‫ה‬ § 36. . the ‫ ה‬is elided. ֶ Cf. The relative pronoun (cf. ‫ ַה־לּך‬what is it to thee? and even in one word.ה ָג .g.. however. ַה‬c. (followed by Dageš forte conjunct.ה ָם . 1. ‫ ַה־‬takes a following Dageš (§ 20 d). also in Is 41:2. &c.מ· . Gn 33:5.)אָרוֹן‬with the article always ‫.

either ‫ ַה‬is used with a virtual strengthening of the guttural (§ 22 c). On the other ‫מ‬ hand.g.1 i. ‫ ֶה‬more often stands before letters which are not gutturals. derived from the pure stem (letter a). and Eng.g. ְַָ (b) Verbal derivatives. 2 K ‫ֵנּ ֵמּ‬ 8:14).ה֫ ָה‬and so ‫( ה‬Hb 2:18). J. § 102 k and l. when at a greater distance ‫מ‬ from the principal tone of the sentence. 2. 2 K 1:7. before ‫—זן‬or the doubling is wholly emitted. On ‫ ִי‬and ‫ ָה‬as indefinite pronouns in the sense of quicunque. e. however.g. 1896. and then the form is either ‫ ָה‬or ‫ . e. by means of Maqqeph or (e. ‫ התק ֵשׁ‬to sanctify oneself.ע .g. especially before ‫ . cf.) ‫מ‬ ‫ַמּ ַמּ‬ ‫ָמ‬ (c) In the principal pause ‫ ָה‬is used without exception. (c) Denominatives.אָ ַל‬Qal and Pi‛ēl. 1 S 4:6. denomin. (On ‫ ֶה‬in the combinations ‫ . Jb 7:21. for nouns. Ps ‫מ‬ 4:3.ע‬and generally ָ ָ before ‫ . 15:14.. Sprachgebr. see § 137 c. 1 S 20:1) a conjunctive accent.כּ ֶה‬and even ‫ 1 . im theol. which exhibit the stem without any addition. ‫ לבָה‬a brick (verbal stem ‫ לבן‬to be white). from ‫ ק ַשׁ‬to be holy. ‫ ק ַשׁ‬to sanctify. praedari. and almost always before gutturals (‫ ֶה‬only in very few cases). ‫ה‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ ִשׁ ִישׁ‬and ‫ שֹׁ ֵשׁ‬to take root. to pitch a tent.ע‬if Maqqeph follows.ה‬and. ‫הְר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ֵר‬ ‫ר‬ This does not exclude the possibility that. quodcunque.g.e.בּ ֶה .ה‬when they ָ ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ have not Qameṣ. also before ‫ . Jb 21:21. is qui. ‫ְ ֵנ‬ 1 1 Cf. These ‫ִדּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַדּ‬ ‫ָד‬ are usually called conjugations (§ 39). ‫ . In the latter case either (cf.. from ‫ אֹ֫ ֶל‬tent. ‫ מלך‬he has reigned. however.ח . Hag 1:9 (see Köhler on the passage). W. or modified to Seghôl. verbs derived from nouns (like the Latin causari. The meaning. &c. Verbs denom. and ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ as relatives. e. T.ח .g. des A. secondary verbal stems. from ‫ שֹׁ ֶשׁ‬root (§ 52 h). Die hebr. so ‫מ‬ especially before ‫ . ‫מ‬ but sometimes ‫ ֶה‬when at a greater distance from the principal tone of the sentence. i. in Gn 31:36. and Delitzsch on the passage. and ‫ שׁ ֵשׁ‬to root out.. id quod. e.הָ֫ה . or even from particles (see d. Ps 10:13. to skin. from which denominative verbs are derived.e. Is 1:5. As a rule ‫ ָה‬is then used. cf. ‫( ע‬Gn 31:22. Lpz. ‫ 2( א‬S 18:22. is sufficient to show that the denominatives have come from the noun. Pr 31:2. CHAPTER II THE VERB § 38.(b) Before gutturals in close connexion. e. also as a rule with the smaller ‫מ‬ disjunctives. § 35 e–k) ă is fully lengthened to Qames (so always before the ‫ה‬ of the article. 2 K 8:13). . They are usually divided into— (a) Verbal stems proper (primitive verbs). ֶה‬the latter especially before ‫ ח‬or ‫ . The longer forms ‫ ָה‬and ‫ ֶה‬are also used (‫ ֶה‬even before letters which are not gutturals) ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ when not connected by Maqqeph but only by a conjunctive accent. to stone). not from the verbal stem. Gerber. insbes. General View Verbal stems are either original or derived.. the corresponding (original) verbal stem may still be found either in Hebrew or in the dialects. Ju 14:18. except in Ec 2:12.ה‬The omission of the strengthening also takes place as a rule with ‫ . end) either in a primitive or derivative form.ל֫ ֶה‬S 1:8.

The vocalic distinctions have mostly become obsolete.e. p. ‫ ק ַל‬he has killed. the meaning in Hebrew-English Lexicons is usually given in the Infinitive. in which the idea of the stem assumes the most varied shades of meaning. Sem. or in the repetition of one or two of the stem‫ט‬ consonants (‫ . Haupt in the Amer. however. stem ‫ ח ַף‬to pluck). these formations are incomparably more regular and systematic than (e. properly he has learnt.g.)ִק ַל‬ ‫ְ ַ ְט ִ ְ ל‬ ‫נְט‬ which may also be accompanied by internal change (‫ . is not the 3rd sing. or Qal. given both in Lexicon and Grammar. lactere (to suck. some of them with corresponding passive forms). in Qal. Germ. ‫ ל ַד‬to teach. Lang. ‫ ל ַד‬to learn.ק ֵל‬ ‫ט ֻטּ ִטּ‬ ‫ .)התק ֵל .g. xxii (1906). Grundriss. ‫ דּוּג‬to fish. ‫ שׁ ַט‬to judge. to lie. In ‫ָמ‬ ‫ִמּ‬ ‫ָכ‬ ‫הְכּ‬ ‫ָפ‬ ‫נְפּ‬ other languages such formations are regarded as new or derivative verbs. Germ. e. Ground-form and Derived Stems Brockelmann. γεννάω. with which the Imperfect (see § 47) is connected. säugen). ‫ָמ‬ 1 1 The term Conjugation thus has an entirely different meaning in Hebrew and Greek or Latin grammar. Sprachwiss. ‫ ל ַד‬to learn. ‫ר‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ַי‬ stem ‫ ִיץ‬to be hot). § 31 b. fällen (to fell). to fall. ‫ ָג‬a fish (verbal stem ‫ דָּה‬to be prolific). iacĕre (to throw). p. the derivative stems are formed according to an unvarying analogy. ‫ק‬ On ‘Semitic verbs derived from particles’ see P. frequentative.קט ַל‬or finally in the introduction of formative additions (‫.קוֹ ֵל .בְִָּים‬i. of Sem. denomin. since the time of Reuchlin. perf. iacēre (to lie down). From the pure stem. see e) is generally regarded. and the Participle also is connected with it. ‫ שׁוּב‬to return (3rd pers. 257 ff. formations. winter. tränken (to drench).g.י‬e. ‫:)שׁב‬ ָ the same is the case in most stems with medial ‫ . Lat.. γίνοµαι. e. reflexive. Germ. ‫ ְטֹל‬or ‫ . Perfect (consisting of two consonants). masc.הק ִיל‬Cf. ‫ ִין‬to judge.g. 504 ff. ‫ ִשׁ ַט‬to contend. reciprocal. ‫ שׁ ַב‬to lie. causative. to lay. masc. as the ground-form of the verb (§ 30 a).) in Greek. they have usually been called conjugations of the primitive form (among the Jewish grammarians ‫ . e. ‫דּ‬ 2.ו‬which appears in the Imperative and Infinitive. e.. ‫ ִשׁ ִיב‬to lay. saugen).ק ַל . privative. fallen (to fall). ‫ כּ ֵד‬he was heavy.קוֹ ַל‬cf.g. or more correctly species). ‫ ח ַף‬to winter ‫ָב‬ ‫דּ‬ ‫ָג‬ ‫ָר‬ (from ‫ חֹ֫ ֶף‬autumn. with ‫ ו‬for their second radical) the stem-form. The changes in the primitive form consist either in internal modification by means of vowel-change and strengthening of the middle consonant (‫.1 3.‫ ל ַן‬to make bricks.g. e.e.. however. . ‫ק‬ ‫ְט‬ may also be regarded as an alternative ground-form. In Hebrew. the 2 2 For the sake of brevity. Latin.ק ַל‬like the Imperative and Infinitive construct in sound. 119 ff. to fell).)קטל ַל .e. ‫ קוּץ‬to pass the summer (from ‫ קִ֫ץ‬summer. Journ. e. trinken (to drink). In verbs ‫( ע״וּ‬i.g. The 3rd sing. but the form with medial ‫ . and. and ‫ִ נינ‬ are always treated together in the grammar and lexicon. lexicographically and grammatically. 1. so that. according to the changes in its form (intensive.2 From ‫ָט‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫ק‬ this form the other persons of the Perfect are derived. ‫ ָטֹן‬he was little. § 39. of the Perfect in the form of the pure stem (i. lactare (to suckle. ‫ִ ְ ַטּ ִ ְט‬ In Aramaic the formation of the conjugations is effected more by formative additions than by vowel-change. or English.g.

Qal 2. ‫ִ ְ ַטּ‬ 1. 5. Qal. and is especially adapted for the comparative treatment of the Semitic dialects. 24:14). Several of these have passives which are distinguished from their actives by more obscure vowels. and.הקּ ַל‬ ‫ָ ְט‬ [Very rare. according to Bacher. More serious is the defect. as it were. Arabic has preserved great wealth in both methods of formation. some of which. It is true that in Hebrew it occurs only three times in Qal. while Hebrew in this. Pi‛lēl (see § 55 d). Niph‛al Passive. (Cf. Hiph‛îl ‫ הק ִיל‬to cause to kill. 8. 9. are more common in the kindred languages.פּקדתּ‬ ְַָָ ‫ . of calling them by the old grammatical terms. and even in Hebrew (in the weak verb) regularly take the place of the usual conjugations (§ 55). e. because it has ‫ק‬ no formative additions).ק ַל‬commonly used since the time of Danz. It was. to ‫ִטּ‬ massacre. Hothpa‛al ‫]. 6. Niph‛al. Hithpa‛ēl (see § 54 l). § 52 e. . (3) The reflexive or passive Niph‛al.את . being weighted. Jb 13:15. (2) The causative Hiph‛ı̂l with its passive Hoph‛al. but very few verbs exhibit them all: Active.g. Pi‛ēl ‫ ק ֵל‬to kill many. and their arrangement is more appropriate. as in other respects.) 4. Hithpa‛ēl ‫ התק ֵל‬to kill oneself. On the other hand. According to the Arabic method. A more satisfactory division would be into three classes: (1) The intensive Pi‛ēl with the derived and analogous forms Pu‛al and Hithpa‛ēl. Hithpa‛ēl and Hothpa‛al. Hithpô‛ēl (see § 55 b). 4.reflexives with the prefix ‫ את . 1 1 This paradigm was borrowed from the Arabic grammarians.ק ַל‬ ‫ֻטּ‬ 6. ‫. however. ‫ )קתל‬in all of them. 7. ‫ִ ְט‬ 7. the others (‫ כּב ִים‬heavy. and the analogous forms (Šaph‛ēl and Tiph‛ēl). 5. On the ְִ ְִ ְֶ other hand. unsuitable on account of the guttural. The common conjugations (including Qal and the passives) are the seven following. ‫ָט‬ ‫ ִק ַל‬to kill oneself (rarely ‫נְט‬ passive). In Arabic there is a greater variety of conjugations. Pu‛al‫. and even then only in poetic style (Ps 139:19. Hoph‛al ‫. 3. 4. Pi‛ēl and Pu‛al. yet it is worth retaining as a model which has been sanctioned by usage. Hiph‛ı̂l and Hoph‛al. This verb has the advantage. probably first adopted throughout by Abulwalîd. with the ‫ְ ֵד‬ strengthening of consonants or with formative additions) take their names from the paradigm of ‫ פּ ַל‬he has done. usually exchanged in later times for ‫ . that all its ‫ָק‬ conjugations are actually found in the Old Testament. The common practice. however. avoids this ‫ְ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ָט‬ defect. holds the middle place (§ 1 m). 2.פּקד ֶם‬The paradigm of ‫ . however. therefore.הת‬have entirely usurped the place of the passives. Grammarians differ as to the number and arrangement of these conjugations. and consequently as to the correct division of the syllables. and was. The simple form is called Qal (‫ ַל‬light. 3. Pô‛̄l and Pô‛al (see § 55 b). ‫ ק ַל‬to kill. inasmuch as it is found with slight change (Arab. the Hebrew conjugations would stand thus: 1. 1 which was used in the earliest Jewish grammatical ‫ָע‬ works.התק ַל‬ ‫ָ ְ ַטּ‬ There are besides several less frequent conjugations. prevents any misunderstanding.פּ ַד‬after the example of Moses Qimḥi. that a number of forms of the paradigm of ‫ קטל‬leave the beginner in doubt as to whether or not there should be a Dageš in the Begadkephath letters. and Ethiop. it has the disadvantage of indistinctness in the pronunciation of some of its forms.

it is. The following table will serve for the beginner as a provisional scheme of the formative syllables (afformatives and preformatives) of the two tenses. The three stem-consonants of the strong verb are denoted by dots. 1. 2. by Fr. Cf. two Infinitives and a Participle. owing to these derivative forms or conjugations. see the note on § 47 a). Imperfect. § 106 ff. PERFECT 3. 2. 59 (1905). and the Paradigms. m. absolute and relative. m. Ungnad. c. · · · · · ‫י‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫א‬ 3. The verb has only two tense-forms (Perfect and Imperfect. 766 ff. The inflexion of the Perfect. · · f. f. Verbs. 2. It is from the union of the pronoun with the verbal stem that the personal inflexions of these tenses arise. All relations of time. ‫· · ־ ה‬ ָ m. 2. 2. are expressed either by these forms (hence a certain diversity in their meaning. 3. f. 1. ‫וּ‬ ‫ֶם‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫ֶן‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫נוּ‬ · · · · Plural. c. While the Hebrew verb.) or by syntactical combinations. ‫· · ִי‬ ‫תּ‬ Singular. m. Of moods properly so called (besides the Imperfect Indicative and Imperative). on the other hand. · · · · Plural. 1907. and Imperative as to persons. m. 3. Singular. Tenses. § 44 ff. which correspond to the different forms of the personal pronoun. Delitzsch and P. Deviations from the model of the strong verb are only modifications due to the special character or weakness of certain consonants. 1. 1. ‘Die gegenseitigen Beziehungen der Verbalformen im Grundstamm des semit. The same laws which are normally exhibited in stems with strong (unchangeable) consonants. Moods.’ in ZDMG. p. c. f. distinct forms for the two genders. 2. hold good for all other verbs. 2. 3. Verbalsystem’. m. 2. 2. · · · · · · · · · IMPERFECT 3. only the Jussive and Optative are sometimes indicated by express modifications of the Imperfect-form (§ 48). Variations from the Ordinary Form of the Strong Verb. 55 ff. and his ‘Zum hebr. Haupt. ‫· · תּ‬ ְ c. f. besides an Imperative (but only in the active). poor in the matter of tenses and moods. in Beiträge zur Assyriologie ed. 1.§ 40. m. · · · · · · ‫· · ־י‬ ִ · · · · · · · 3. possesses a certain richness and copiousness. ‫· · תּ‬ ָ f. to a great extent. ‫וּ‬ ‫ָה‬ ‫נ‬ ‫וּ‬ ‫ָה‬ ‫נ‬ · · · · · · · · · · ‫י‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫נ‬ § 41. viz. :— . f.. c. Flexion A. differs from that of the Western languages in having.

consisted of only two consonants (verbs ‫ . where each point is elucidated on its first occurrence. especially in transitive verbs (but see § 44 c).g. to call the first radical of any stem ‫ . 1 1 But cf.פ‬the second ‫ ..מ ָא . originally ı̆). through aphaeresis.ָשׁב‬ ַ ‫גּל ָ צ י‬ Taking the old paradigm ‫ פּ ַל‬as a model. A full explanation of them is given in the following sections (§§ 43–55). In this case. of the weak consonant. The common form of the 3rd sing. following the example of the Jewish ‫ָע‬ grammarians. 1894. In Paradigm B a verb middle a.ו‬for a verb whose second radical is repeated to form a third. Amer. literae] ‫ע״ו . Cf.פ״ן‬and ‫ . corresponding to Hebrew verbs with ē in the second syllable. only a variety of the strong verb.76 . together with the Table of the personal preformatives and afformatives given in § 40 c. and a verb middle ō are accordingly given side by side.. ‫ כּ ֵד‬to be heavy. the variations only occur in the vocalization (according to § 22). originally ŭ) in the second syllable. ַל . &c. both of which. The second example ‫ כּ ֵד‬is chosen as showing. The guttural verbs (§§ 62–65) are. have almost always an intransitive1 meaning. § 42. not in the consonants. § 43.ָ ָה . Paradigm B. it is usual. § 68 ff. THE PURE STEM.g. the inflexion of the Perfect.ע״וּ‬as ‫. for these verbs. As the formation of the strong verb is the model also for the weak verb. the Imperfect and its modifications.66 §§ . and another with ō (Ḥolem. thus e. transitive verbs are found with middle ı . .ל‬Hence the expressions. a verb middle ē.ע״ע . Hence P. The Strong Verb. Soc. In this case. offers a complete survey of the normal forms. Haupt (Proc. such as ‫. &c.)א‬ for mediae radicalis ‫ ע״ע . Its Form and Meaning. Or. such instances as Jer 48:5. verb ‫ פ״א‬for a verb whose first radical is ‫( א‬primae radicalis [sc. will be found under Qal. or when the stem originally. various important deviations from the regular form occur.ע‬and the third ‫ . elision. masc. In Arabic also. a statement of the general formative laws should precede the treatment of special cases. and serve to express states and qualities. however. when the ‫ָב‬ Dageš lene is to be inserted or omitted. (b) When a stem-consonant (radical) disappears by assimilation (§ 19 b–f).קוּם . There is also a form with ē (Ṣere. of the Perfect Qal is ‫ . ‫ ָטֹן‬to be ‫ָב‬ ‫ק‬ small.) prefers to distinguish them as verba voluntaria (actions which depend on the will of the subject) and involuntaria (actions or states independent of the will of the subject). p. OR QAL. however. ci f. therefore.ַָשׁ‬ ‫ק נג‬ (c) When one of the stem-consonants (radicals) is a weak letter. e.ק ַל‬with ă ‫ָט‬ (Pathaḥ) in the second syllable.)27 .(a) When one of the stem-consonants (or radicals) is a guttural. at the same time.

‘Die Endungen des Perfects’ (Untersuchungen zur semit. from ‫ מ֫ ַח‬salt. 1904. § 27 i and § 43 b. masc. ē).g.) to buy or sell corn. and ‫ וּ‬is the termination of the plural. 15 ff. Flexion of the Perfect of Qal. In the Aramaic dialects the vowel of the first syllable is always reduced to Šewâ. consecutive. The formation of the persons of the Perfect is effected by the addition of certain forms of the personal pronoun. from ‫ שׁ֫ ֶר‬corn. l... p. Nöldeke.קטלתּ֫ן‬cf. and hence on it depends the distinction between the transitive and intransitive meaning. by an interchange of ‫ כ‬and ‫( ת‬cf. sing.c. 419. Perfect. Perf. 2.אַ֫ ְנוּ‬we (§ 32 b. otherwise.ִרא אַ ֶם‬The ending of the 1st pers. § 33 f). as in a great number of nouns (§ 80 c). 2 2 According to Nöldeke. plur. The Qameṣ of the first syllable is lengthened from an original ă (cf. d). (as afformatives) to the end of the verbal-stem. as ‫=ק ַל‬Hebr.) or before it. in meaning if not in form. Strassb. and marks of the 3rd fem. and may be regarded. .2 In the third person ‫( ־ ה‬originally ‫ . ‫ֶל‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫ֶב‬ § 44. This tendency to assimilate to the moro common verbs middle a may also 1 1 Cf. § 49 i.קט֫ ְנוּ . like all the pretonic vowels (ā. ‫ קט֫ ְ־תּ‬thou hast killed (as it were. as ‫. e. the Qameṣ ‫ָ ַ ל ָ ַ ְתּ‬ ְָ ָָ ְְֶַ of the first syllable. for the latter. Verbs middle ē in Hebrew (as in Ethiopic. the original Semitic termination of the 1st sing. Arabic qătălă). ‫ י ֵא־ ֶם‬ye were ‫תּ‬ ‫יר‬ ‫ר ת‬ fearing=‫ .קטל אַ ָה‬he was fearing. a killer wast thou=‫ ָ ֵא .).קט֫לתּ‬ ְָ ַָ ְְ ַָ ‫ .)קט֫לוּ . or a killer thou). see above. (‫ )־נוּ‬is also certainly connected with ‫תּ‬ ‫י‬ the termination of ‫ אנו . the pronominal or subject idea inherent in the finite verb is sufficient: thus. or at the most (with an open ultima) in the counter-tone with Metheg. 2. (‫) ִי‬ ‫ֲנ ח‬ ‫תּ‬ is to be referred. killing ‫ָט‬ ָ ‫ַָ ל‬ thou. ‫( שׁ ַר‬usually Hiph. ‫ . sing. f) is the ‫אָ כ‬ ָ ַ mark of the feminine. being no longer a pretonic vowel. as a Participle or verbal adjective. Sprachwiss. but not in Arabic or Aramaic) generally change the E-sound in their inflexion into Pathaḥ (frequently so even in the 3rd sing. On the retention of ā with Metheg of the counter-tone in ְְֶַ the Perf. which contains the idea of a predicate. ii.קט֫לתּ . ֽנֹ ִי‬I.. sing.קט֫ ָה‬Before an afformative beginning ְָ ‫ק ט ק‬ ‫ָָ ל‬ ָָ with a consonant the Pathaḥ remains.). For the 3rd pers. the Ethiopic qatalku. vol. 407 ff. nouns in literary Arabic.1 1. ָֽ ְל֫וּ . the termination of the 3rd and 2nd pers. below. ‫ מ ַח‬to ‫ָמ‬ ‫ֵמ‬ ‫ָל‬ salt. The characteristic Pathaḥ of the second syllable becomes Šewâ before an afformative beginning with a vowel. In the latter case. § 38 c. cf. whether in the tone-syllable (‫. and 3rd pl. in Hebrew (after the ‫ְט‬ ‫ָט‬ rejection of the final vowel) ı̆ being in the tone-syllable has been regularly lengthened to ē. it becomes Šewâ. cf. p. ָֽטל֫ה‬but in pause ‫ . ûna in Arabic and û (often also ‫ )וּן‬in Hebrew. Perf. masc. ‫ ק ַל‬he has killed. from ‫ ח ָר‬pitch . p..־ ת‬cf. in ZDMG. also ûna (in the construct state û) as the plural termination of masc. Imperf. 1. qătŭlă. ‫2 קטלתּ֫ם‬nd ְְֶַ plur.קטלתּ֫ם‬ ‫ .ק ַל‬The intransitive forms in Arabic are qătı̆lă. becomes vocal Šewâ. was most probably kû. plur. but it can be retained in Hebrew only immediately before the tone. Examples of denominatives in Qal are: ‫ ח ַר‬to cover with pitch. to that form of the pronoun which also underlies ‫ . Gramm. cf.קט֫ל ִי‬in pause ‫& קט֫לתּ‬c. 1. however. The vowel of the second syllable is the principal vowel. masc. and ŭ to ō. The afformative of the 1st pers. 38. where it would otherwise stand in an open syllable (as ‫ . and more fully in Beiträge zur sem. Arabic qataltu. Rem.Rem.

ע״וּ‬cf. 25:5. Is 37:23. e. see also Mi 413. Jb 29:10 (not ‫ . from ‫ ַָד‬to bring ‫ויר ְ תּ‬ ‫ויר ְ תּ‬ ‫יל‬ forth. ‫ . Jer 2:27. regularly so in the weak stems ‫§( ל״א‬ 74 g). ‫ בַּ֫ד ָה‬thou hast dealt ‫תּ‬ ָ ‫ָ ג ְתּ‬ treacherously. Gn 21:23.g. &c. and in most of them also by the tendency towards assimilation of the vowels (cf. 2 S 1:23.הל כ ִי‬c. the Pathaḥ under the second radical sometimes. &c.שׁ ַן‬Is 32:16). 2nd fem. ‫ .ְשׁ ַת . 4:19 (but read the ptcp. e. Gn 3:12 (‫ ָת֫ ָה‬which is twice as common as ‫ . and Ez (1618. Ethiopic. and so ‫ַע‬ ‫ָ ַ ְתּ‬ commonly in Jeremiah.דּב֫ ָה‬cf.ָת֫תּ‬cf. This original feminine ending -ath is regularly retained before suffixes. Jer 31:21. Moreover.ָ ַשׁ‬ ‫יר‬ see § 69 s). ‫ ִֽ ִשׁ ָם‬Dt 19:1.g. in one example. 2. Ṣere is retained in an open syllable. instead of the 2nd fem. ‫ ָכֹ֫לוּ‬in pause for ‫ ָֽ ְלוּ‬they were able.שׁ ֵן‬Dt 33:12 (out of pause ‫ . therefore. In some weak stems middle a. 1 S 15:3.g. however. equally well have arisen from an attenuation of ă (§ 27 s). ֫‫( ְָֽכלתּ‬see § 49 h) then shalt thou be able. e.־ ה‬e. the ı̆ in these forms might. 15:10). ‫ אְַָת‬it ַ ‫ֽ זל‬ is gone. Ex 18:23. and three times ‫ 1 שׁאל ֶם‬S 12:13. e. ‫ָ ָ ְתּ‬ 3:4. however. of which the Ṣere is a lengthening (cf. as in ‫ הל֑כ ְי‬thou wentest. are usual in the other Semitic dialects. and may. be regarded as cases of borrowing. Ps ִ ְ ָ‫י‬ 13:5. it is worthy of notice that in all the above cases the ı̆ is favoured by the character of the following consonant (a sibilant or dental). Ps 60:4). from ָ ִ ְ ִ‫י‬ ‫פְתּ‬ ‫ שׁאל ִיו .־‬Thus from ‫ ִֽ ִשׁ ָהּ :ָ ַשׁ‬and thou ִ ֶ ‫ויר ְ תּ יר‬ shalt possess it.פּוּשׁ‬Mal 3:20.־‬and. see § 59 a. Nu 11:12. ‫.).g. or with the Pathaḥ weakened to vocal Šewâ before the pleonastic ending ‫ . and Aramaic). § ‫נַ תּ‬ ָ ַ‫נ‬ 66 h).שׁאַל‬I have asked him. Jb ָ ‫ְ ְתּ‬ ‫ְ ֶ ְתּ‬ 21:29. e. Is 2:6. Ru 3:3. ‫ ִֽ ִשׁ ֶם‬Dt 4:1. e. and never of Ḥireq. for ‫ . is really 1 1Many of these forms. ‫ונ ְ ַ ח‬ ‫ונ ְ ְ ח‬ ‫וָב‬ § 72 o. from ‫ וּ ִשׁ ֶם . be called Aramaisms (Syriasms) or Arabisms. 5. to beget. 2 K 9:3. ‫ ָגֹרתּ‬thou didst ְָ ‫י‬ tremble. according to § 29 q. The possibility of this explanation cannot be denied (especially in the case of ‫. 1 S 1:20 (Ju 13:6). Dt 32:36. has sometimes a Yodh at the end. which are uncommon in Hebrew. that the ı̆ (ĕ) of these forms of ‫ שׁאל‬and ‫ ירשׁ‬is the original vowel. and similarly in stems ‫ . § 26 p). in a closed toneless syllable. 4. ‫ ְִשׁכּ֫ ַת‬Is 23:15 (in the Aramaic form.g. § 54 k and § 64 f). Mal 2:14. In ָ ‫גּ ְת‬ Ez 31:5 the Aramaic form ‫ ָֽב ָא‬occurs instead of ‫.be explained from the laws of vocalization of the tone-bearing closed penultima. Ps 56:9 (so also in Hiphil. Jb 41:15. the Ḥolem is retained in the tone-syllable. becomes ‫ .g. Rarer forms1 are: Sing. in ‫( ־ ת‬as in Arabic. They must not.)ְִשׁכּ ָה‬from a verb ‫ .שֹׁמ֫ ַת‬with the LXX. ‫ ָה‬for ‫( תּ‬differing only orthographically).g. Qimḥi already suggests the explanation. cf. ‫ ְכלתּ֫יו‬I have prevailed against him. in a toneless open syllable it ָ ְ ָ ‫וי‬ ‫יכ ל‬ ‫יכ‬ becomes vocal Šewâ. ‫& . Dt 17:14. before suffixes (§ 59 i). In verbs middle ō. On the other hand. 3. such as must in any case be assumed in the other instances.ְָֽלוּ . and in the pausal forms of the strong stem in an open tonesyllable. since along with ‫ שׁאַל‬and ‫ ָ ַשׁ‬are also found ‫ שׁ ֵל‬and ‫( ָ ֵשׁ‬see the ָ ‫יר‬ ‫ָא‬ ‫יר‬ Lexicon). cf. but in a toneless closed syllable the original ‫י‬ ‫יכ‬ short vowel appears in the form of a Qameṣ haṭuph. ‫ ְלדתּ֫יך‬Ps 2:7 (cf. even (contrary to § ‫ֵָ ק‬ ‫ָָ ק‬ 29 q) in a closed pausal syllable.. and frequently. .4611.ל״ה‬either in the form āth (which is frequent also in stems ‫ 47 § ל״א‬g).).ִָֽ ָה‬ 4.ָֽב ָה‬ ‫גּ ְה‬ ‫גּ ְה‬ 2nd masc. 2 K 9:7. ‫ דּב֫ ָה‬it cleaveth. 3rd fem. 2 S 2:26.. ‫ . 2:33. but ‫ קמ֑ל‬Is ‫ָכ‬ ‫ָכ‬ ַָ 33:9. ‫ 57 § ָֽל ָה‬i. which does not readily admit of Ṣere. but as a return to original forms.

p. cf. for an analogous case. ‫( ק ַת‬as LXX). it has rather taken the form as 1st pers. on ‫ וּן‬in the Imperf. 32. Tenses3. plur. p. Gn 49:22. Mi 3:12.). Sprachwiss. The ordinary form has rejected the final i. sometimes without Yodh. where the Masora uniformly inserts the termination û. see § 47 m. p. fem. vol. in ‫( -תָּ֫ה‬according to others ‫ )-תָּ֫ה‬Am 4:3. p. ְָ ַָ The place of the tone may. The Q rê requires the ordinary form. ְִ ַ ‫ָ מ‬ 2 2 That these examples can hardly be referred to a primitive Semitic ending ûn in the 3rd plur.א‬and hence. In his Beiträge zur sem.2וּן‬Dt 8:3. to which the vowels of the text properly belong. 1 S 4:15. cf. sing. in Jer 2:20 (twice). 757 f. without a Q rê. but it ‫תּ תּ‬ regularly reappears when pronominal suffixes are added (§ 59 a. Ez 26:2. 6 note. p. 14. Jos 15:4. Gramm. ָֽ ְא֫וּ‬b) in certain cases after ‫ָָ ל‬ ְָ ָ ‫ֵָ ק‬ ְָ ‫דּ‬ ָָ ‫קט‬ ֵָ ‫מל‬ wāw consecutive of the Perfect (see § 49 h).. and (against Nöldeke) 1 K 22:49 (where ‫ ה‬is undoubtedly the article belonging to the next word).intended. the 3rd.. Ez 16:59 ִ ְ ַ‫י‬ e e ְִ ַ (all in K thîbh). is not unexampled.)תּ( . [See also Driver. as ‫ ָד֫עתּ‬Ps 140:13. Hoffmann proves that the terminations in Nûn of the 3rd plur. plur. c). which omitted vowel-letters even at the end of the word. 409 ff. and the forms with these inflexions ָ ְ ‫תּ‬ are consequently Milêl (‫& .. 1891. ִי . (cf. by the termination ‫. also Jer 48:41.קט֫לתּ‬c. has three times the very strange termination ‫ ָֽ ְעוּן . for ‫ ֶם‬Ez 33:26. whilst the Kethîbh is probably to be regarded as the remains of an earlier orthography. see § 23 i. but is probably a copyist’s error.. Ps 18:35. 38 [1884]. are secondary forms. comm. 1 1 Where the Masora apparently regards the ‫ ִי‬as the termination of the 2nd sing. It is very doubtful whether. vol. so in Ju 5:7.. no doubt.תּ‬are generally toneless. as well as Ps 73:2.) explains all these Kethı̂bh. or is due to an erroneous pronunciation of the form ‫ קמת‬as ‫ ק מתּ‬instead of 3rd sing. note). might just possibly be due to the ‫ת‬ ‫ת‬ following ‫( ת‬cf. whenever a vowel which has become vocal Šewâ under the second stem-consonant is restored by the pause. formerly adduced by us. 5. in 2 K 18:20 also ‫ אָמ֫רתּ‬is really intended. be shifted: (a) by the pause (§ 29 i–v). on the affixed ‫ א‬in Jos 10:24. Mi 4:13. 16 (both ‫יד‬ before ‫ .. it is perhaps merely due to dittography. Jb 16:16 (where the masc.ק מ ִי‬on account of verse 12.] . must ‫ַ ְתּ‬ either have originally been intended as 2nd sing. comm. p. Ps 68:14. Nöldeke (ZDMG. 1 K 8:48. 6 ff. Heb. but the reading is very doubtful. Stade. as ‫ קט֫ ָה‬for ‫ דּב֫ ָה( קֽטל֫ה‬for ‫ . and to Gn 48:10 in the Samaritan Pentateuch. if the text is correct. 19. Neh 13:10.g. 2nd fem.fem. however.־ ה‬ ָ as in Biblical Aramaic. Perf. 22:6. 1st pers. Jb 42:2. p. 38. where G. ‫ פַּי‬requires the marginal reading). Ps 16:2. m. however.ו‬On the other hand Mayer Lambert (Une série de Qeré ketib. sing. for the vowel signs in the text belong to the marginal reading ‫( הלכתּ‬without ‫ 1)י‬as in ְ ְַָ the corresponding pronoun ‫ 23 § )אַ ִי( אַ ְי‬h.. with all the other afformatives they are Milra (§ 15 c).. in Hebrew was originally distinguished from the 3rd masc. ‫ ֶן‬as the termination of the 2nd plur. fem. ‫תּ‬ fem. plural with the 3rd sing. also ZDMG. 18:12.. § 87 e). 51:56. Is ‫צ‬ 28:12. The afformatives ‫ נוּ . and in the still more doubtful form ‫ ָקוּן‬Is 26:16. however. as appears e from Is 36:5. Plur. ‫ֶנ‬ ‫ֶנּ‬ since ‫ ה‬follows. ‫ 23 § אַתָּ֫ה‬i. and also that ‫ ה‬is often found as a mistake for ‫ . he observes that the construction of a fem. to avoid a hiatus). but tended to be retained in the perfect of verbs ‫. ‫ָנ‬ as remains of the 3rd fem.. 19. e. plur. ‫ֵנ‬ 3rd plur. where ‫ .) ָֽבק֫ה‬and ‫ קט֫לוּ‬for ‫ מל֫אוּ( ָֽ ְל֫וּ‬for ‫( . in Aramaic. Paris.־ ה‬The form was abandoned as being indistinguishable ָ from the (later) form of the 3rd fem.ל״ה‬ as ‫ היה‬Kethı̂bh six times in the above examples. has been shown by Nöldeke in ZDMG. in ‫ . fem. Jer 50:6 (?). Jer 2:15. 411) referred doubtfully to the textual readings in Dt 21:7. 253). as in most Semitic languages (see § 47 c.

as the principal form. ‫נ‬ § 45. in Niph. where with Baer and Ginsburg ‫ תּרֵָ֫ה‬is to be read. 1. the analogous forms of the noun. Ezr 9:7. ‫תּ ננּ‬ ‫ְ ַנּ נ‬ with ‫ ָה‬in the Imperat. Prätorius. Gn 34:7. ְטֹל‬mostly from intransitive verbs. under the name of Infinitive simply.קט ָה‬and ‫( קט ָה‬which are feminine forms2 of ‫ק ַל‬ ‫ַ ְל‬ ‫ָ ְל ִ ְל‬ ‫ֻ ְל‬ ‫ְט‬ and ‫ .g. and the rigidity and inflexibility of the Infin. 2 Ch 29:19. with the afformative ‫ ָה‬in the Imperfect Qal Ez 17:23. in pause ‫ )לט ַח‬as an Infinitive=ַ ֹ‫.. p. § 114 f). the use of the longer form. Is 32:9.6. in the Hiphı̂l of ‫ . according to others ‫תּרֶָ֫ה‬ ‫ְ ַנּ נּ‬ ‫ְ ַנּ נּ‬ (cf. &c. absol. constr. or governing a substantive in the genitive. absol. F.שׁ ַב‬see ‫ְכ‬ above) occur in the closest connexion with the following word.. especially with verbs which have ă ‫ְט‬ ‫ְכ‬ ‫ְפ‬ in the second syllable of the Imperf. while the ō of the Infin.) ְטוֹל‬is ‫ק‬ used in very various ways. ‫נ‬ Piēl Ps 71:23. ‘Ueber den sog. or with suffixes (see § 61 c). ְטֹל‬according to § 84a. in Polel ‫ ְקוֶָֹ֫ה‬Ez 32:16).. constr. ‫. and sometimes in ‫ִק‬ dependence upon substantives as genitive. &c. the Infinitive absolute (in Qal ‫. Qal of the strong verb are— (a) ‫ . in Hiph.. in the Perf. All the examples (except ‫ . Hiph.שׁבת‬Contraction of a final ‫ נ‬with the afformative ‫ נוּ‬occurs in ‫ ָת֫נּוּ‬Gn 34:16. In Ez 21:33 the Masora seems to treat ‫( לט֫ ַה‬verse 20. ed.g. Other forms of the Infin. ‫ ְאַשׁ ָה‬to be guilty. these feminine forms occur almost exclusively in connexion with the preposition ‫. independent nouns (verbal substantives). In the Paradigms the Inf. ָטֹל‬obscured from original qăṭâl).ק ַל‬e.ל‬ ְ . a shorter and a longer. 14 a.: hence sometimes also with those. ‫ק‬ goes back to the ground-form qŭṭŭl. § 93 t. in ‫ כּר֫ ִי‬Hag 2:5. without regard to the subject or object of the action. ָטוֹל‬ ‫ק‬ sometimes also ‫ . ‫ שׁ ַב‬to lie. Dt 4:25 in the Hiphı̂l of ‫ . The ‫ק‬ shorter form. The Infinitive.. ‫ שְׂאָה‬to hate. Ec 12:4. constr. ‫ַָ תּ‬ cf. absol. des Hebr. constr. constr. strictly speaking. The latter has unchangeable vowels. 2 2 According to the remark of Elias Levita on Qimḥi’s Mikhlol. ַ‫נ‬ cf. Lv 5:26. (‫ָטוֹל‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ ground-form qăṭâl). Opitius and Hahn. &c. On the other hand. whose second or third radical is a guttural (frequently besides the ordinary form). or upon verbs as accusative of the object. It stands most frequently as an adverbial accusative with a finite verb of the same stem (§ 113 h–s). ‫ֶַ ב‬ (b) ‫ קט ָה‬and. ְטֹל‬sometimes incorrectly ‫ . sometimes in connexion with prepositions (‫ ל ְטֹל‬to kill. ‫ אַה ָה‬to love. are reflected in their vocalization. the Infinitive construct (in Qal ‫ 1 .g.שׁחת‬Is 21:2. both are.. attenuated from it.ל ְבּ‬ ‫ְֶ ב‬ ‫ְ ָב‬ ‫ִט ח‬ probably ‫ לט֫ ַח‬should be read. and sometimes found along with forms having no ‫ק‬ feminine ending in use). Rittenb. For ‫ . The Infinitive is represented in Hebrew by two forms. but certainly not ‫ תּרֵָ֫ה‬with the Mantua ed. 1902. e. Is 14:20.לִ ְאָה‬ ‫ל ְמ‬ ‫ֽ ֲב‬ ‫ִנ‬ ‫ְ יר‬ 1 1 Cf. sometimes in connexion with pronominal suffixes. Gn 4:23. however. or with an accusative of the object (§ 115). 1 1 The terms absolute and construct are of course not to be understood as implying that the Infin. ‫ שׁ ַל‬to sink. 546 ff. Inf. ’in ZDMG. is placed before the other.. may be lost. is restricted to those cases in ‫ק‬ which it emphasizes the abstract verbal idea. e. 2 Ch 14:10.1 The flexibility and versatility of the Infin. Contraction of a final ‫ ת‬with the ‫ ת‬of the afformative occurs e. Poel. ‫ קט ָה . ‫ ְטֹל‬forms the construct state (see § 89) of the Infin.

. the original ă has been modified to ĕ. to fear. e.often in Dt. In the same way. into a single grammatical form seems to be ְ indicated by the firmly closed syllable. ‫ִצ‬ ‫וִנ‬ ‫ִנ‬ ְ‫ל‬ ַ ‫ִט‬ Ps 37:14. (d) ‫ ְטֹ֫ ֶת‬in ‫ ְב֫שׁת‬Gn 8:7. also ‫ ָֽה ָה‬to be far off. p. also ‫ מהפּ ָה‬followed by ‫ . 5. &c. and fem. Ez 21:16. Ez 8:6. 1874). Jb 4:13. ‫ לרב ָה‬to lie down. Dt 11:22. fem. ‫ִנ‬ The blending of the ‫ ל‬with the Infin. and ‫( ק ַל‬see below. and plur. &c. forms. ‫ לקר ָה‬to approach. and even the second person must always be expressed by the Jussive.ל‬as ‫ל ְטֹל‬ ְ ‫ִק‬ ad interficiendum. Cf. Nu 4:24.)ל ְבּשׁ‬on the other hand ‫ ִשׁכֹּן‬Gn 35:22. Koch. 2 2 In Hophal an Imperative is found only twice (Ez 32:19.1 They represent the second person. if it be used with a negative. Ex 30:18. hence. 50. ‫ חְ ָה‬Is 8:11. Est 9:19. ‫ק‬ as Niphal and Hithpaēl. ‫ חמ ָה‬to pity. masc.. ‫ ִשׁ ַב‬Gn 34:7. Nu 10:2 (Dt 10:11). ‫ לְפֹּל‬ad cadendum (see § 28 a). ‫ ל ָשׁ ָה‬to anoint. ‫ לְפֹּל‬Ps 118:13. The ground-forms of the Imperative. 1. ‫ ִקָה‬to be old. ‫ ְכֹ֫ ֶת‬Nu 14:16.g. constr.. 31:28. Qal: ‫ִ ְט‬ ‫ ִשׁלוֹח‬to send. in general.ל ְרשׁ‬ ‫ִד‬ § 46. is also sometimes used for the Imperative (§ 113 bb). c). On the other hand in ‫ חמ ָה‬Gn 19:16. Lv ‫ֻמ‬ ‫ְ ָ ְב‬ 12:4. &c.)אַל־ ְטֹל‬The passives have no Imperative. ‫ֶ זק‬ (c) In the Aramaic manner (‫ מק ַל‬but cf.. (§ 45). The Afformatives of the 2nd sing. are also the basis for the formation of the Imperfect (§ 47). which is for an ‫ק‬ original qŭṭŭl). Der semitische Inf. even ‫ ל ַשׂאוֹת‬Ez 17:9). also with a feminine ending ּ ‫מ‬ ְ ‫ְמ‬ ‫ ַֽע ָה‬to go up. Hag 1:6. 5). De Elohistae ‫מ ֲל‬ Pentateuchici sermone. 8:24. the same in pronunciation as the forms of the ‫ְט‬ Infin. absol. ‫ַ ְ ֵכ‬ Am 4:11.. The third person is supplied by the Imperfect in the Jussive (§ 109 b). Ezr 7:9. (Schaffhausen. 49:8). 35:33. for these forms (almost all very late) Ryssel. cf. ‫ 2 ל ְדוֹק‬Ch 34:10. 2 Ch ַ ְ‫מ‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ַסּ‬ ‫ִקּ‬ 19:7. like ‫ )ט ְאָה‬to be unclean. ‫ לרח ָה‬to wash.. Jer. and the 2nd plur. constr. ‫ כְּכֹּר‬Jer 17:2. (cf. there are certain ָ shortened forms of this person analogous to the Jussive (§ 48. Ex 36:2. the Imperative of the 2nd sing. ‫ לְתוֹשׁ ְלְתוֹץ‬Jer 1:10. according to some also ‫ ל ְבֹב‬Nu 21:4 and ‫ 2 ל ְבשׁ‬Ch 28:10 (Baer ‫ִב‬ ‫ִס‬ ‫ִכ‬ ‫ . as.. and closely approximating in meaning to the reflexive. Cf. like the Greek Infin. 18:7. and have both fem. Ex 29:29. ‫ק ל‬ ֶ ‫י‬ ‫י ל‬ ֶ ‫ח‬ 2. ‫ ַשָׂא‬to carry. ‫ שׁמוֹר‬Ec 12:13. For the meaningless ‫ לד ְיוֹשׁ‬Ezr 10:16 ‫ִכ‬ ְ‫בּ‬ ‫ִז‬ ‫ְ ַר‬ read ‫. cf. but ‫ בְּפֹל‬binephōl. 1.. masc. Ho 7:4. ‫ אַל־תּ ְטֹל‬ne ‫ִק‬ occidas (not ‫ . &c. are identical in every case with those of the Imperfect (§ 47 c).את‬Is 13:19. ‫ ל ְבוֹח‬Jer 11:19. also Arab. ‫( ְטֹל‬properly qeṭŭl. e. Instead of the form ‫( ְטֹל‬sometimes also plene. admits of the lengthening by the ‫ ־ ה‬paragogicum (§ 48 i). &c. &c. ‫ מק ָא‬to call and ‫ מ ַע‬to depart. ‫ֶ ְל‬ cf.. with the preposition ‫ . Ez ‫ר ֳק‬ ‫ֻ ְל‬ 16:5. probably also ‫ ֲר֫שׁת‬Ex 31:5. Rem. constr.2 2. in common with the Imperfect. also liq-ṭōl. A kind of Gerund is formed by the Infin. ‫( לט ְאָה‬also a subst. Exceptions ‫ִנ‬ ‫ִנ‬ ‫ ל ְבֹא‬Nu 4:23. before ‫ק‬ ְ Maqqeph ‫ ק ָל־‬with Qameṣ ḥaṭuph). The Imperative. Lv 15:32. on the other hand. ‫ ק ְאָה‬to meet (in ‫ 91 § לק ַאת‬k). but it occurs in the reflexives. (§ 115 d). maqtal) there occur as Infin.g. cf. those verbs which have an a in the final syllable of the ‫ְט‬ 1 1 The Infin. &c. ‫ 2 כְּפֹל‬S 3:34.. and Strack on Nu 4:24. Lv ‫זְנ‬ ‫ִר‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ְ ִ ְע‬ 20:16. Is 30:19. ‫ ִשׁדוֹד‬Jer 47:4. cf. with Dageš lene in ‫לְכּ‬ ‫ִנ‬ the ‫=פ‬lin-pōl. ‫ מ ַח‬to take.. &c.= ‫ְמ ְ ח‬ ‫ְ ָ ְצ‬ ‫ְ ָמ‬ uncleanness.

־‬Is 32:11. without Dageš lene.)ל ֵשׁ‬lie down! in pause ‫ 1 שׁכ֑ב‬S 3:5. Ex 12:21. and even ‫ ִֽשׁכוּ‬with Metheg. see § 10 h. and with the same phonetic combination ‫ ֶשׂ ִי‬Is 47:2. 1. ‫ מל ִי‬rule. 1889. even though it be continued into present time or even be actually still future. that which is just happening. the use of Indo-Germanic tense-names for the Semitic tenses. fem. and plur. present. The persons of the Imperfect. also that which is represented as accomplished. § 48 i). ְלוֹ ָה‬c. K th. has involved many misconceptions. less frequently we find an ŏ instead of the ı̆. ָ‫9:1 מצ֫א‬ ‫ִ ְא‬ ‫ְֶ נ‬ ‫ְֶ ן‬ ‫ְֶ ן‬ and ָ‫. likewise also that which occurs repeatedly or in a continuous sequence in the past (Latin Imperf. must rather be regarded with Barth (ZDMG. The Hebrew (Semitic) Perf. and is to be taken in a wider sense than in Latin and Greek grammar.. are formed by placing abbreviated forms of the personal pronoun (preformatives) before 1 1 On the use of the Semitic Perfect and Imperfect cf.e. completed. See further analogies in §§ 47 i and 48 i. but at the same time. not from a retraction of the original ŭ of the second syllable. ‫ אס ִי‬Jer 10:17. masc. 106 ff. 182) as analogous to the original ı̆-imperfects. ‫ ֳָר֑ ִי‬Is 44:27). fem. and the literature cited in § 106. from ‫& . especially verbs middle ē) make their Imperative of the form ‫ .שׁמ֫עוּ . see ‫ִ ְפּ‬ ‫חְפּ‬ ‫ָ ְכ‬ analogous cases in § 93 m).. ‫ ל ַשׁ‬and ‫ שׁ ַב . unless it is simply to be pointed ָ‫ . the beginning. and future) is entirely foreign to the Semitic tense-idea.שׂ ַה‬Jo 2:21. from ‫ שׂמ֫ ִי . (i. and past. denotes. even without the pause ‫ ְל֫וֹ ִי‬Ju 9:10. that which has happened and has come into effect. ָ § 47. (cf. masc.חְ ִי . ‫ע ר‬ ‫מ כ‬ e ‫מ כ‬ ‫ְ ָ ח ְמ‬ ‫ 1 ְס֫וֹ ִי‬S 28:8.שׁפ ִי‬c.g. on ‫ 1 ָֽס ִי‬S 28:8 Qerê. The Imperf. denotes in general that which is concluded. We must abandon the ‫ִ ְ ר ִ ְ ר ִ גר ִ ְ ר‬ view that the forms with ı̆ in the first syllable (cf. in ֫‫ .שׁמ֫ע‬Also instead of the ‫ְ ַ ְן‬ abnormal ‫ קר ֶן‬Ex 2:20 (for ‫ )קר֫אָה‬we should perhaps read as in Ru 1:20 ָ‫( קר֫א‬cf. 12.שׁ ַע‬c. a) from a singular ground-form qŭṭŭl. ‫ שׁמ֫ ַן‬occurs once.. is ‫ 1 ְזֽרוּ‬K 3:26.. which was adopted by the Syrians under the influence of the Greek grammarians. also. with this also ‫& . or at least some of them. ‫ ח ְבוּ‬Jer 2:12 (cf. and the continuing. e. ְ‫מ‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ח ָב‬ ‫ק ֳמ‬ ‫ֳָ ק‬ 22:20 (cf. 1 K 13:7). 63 n. are usually to be pronounced with ‫ִ ְכ‬ ְ ‫מ‬ Šewâ mobile (qı̆ṭelı̂. In fact. p.מכ ִי . Ez 32:20. Keth.)21:1 ל֫כ‬ ‫ֵ ְן‬ On the examples of a 2nd plur. This ŏ arises (see above. the unfinished. fem. and so ‫& . The pausal form of the 2nd plur. 61 b. The first syllable of the sing. In the 2nd plur. similarly ֹ‫גּ‬ ‫ְמ‬ ְָ the 2nd sing. The Indo-Germanic scheme of three periods of time (past.1 in contradistinction to those of the Perfect.ק ַל‬e. also ‫ )עב ִי . that which is yet future. as a Future emphasizes only one side of its meaning. For our present purpose the following account will suffice :—The name Imperfect is here used in direct contrast to the Perfect. ‫ָב‬ ‫ְ כ ָב‬ ְָ 2. ֹ‫ ל ַשׁ‬dress! ‫ְט‬ ‫ְב‬ (Perf. Ju 9:10. on the other hand. in Gn 4:23 (for ‫ )שׁמ֫עָה‬with loss of the ‫ ־ ה‬and ‫ְַ ע‬ ‫ְ ַ ְנ‬ ָ insertion of a helping vowel. They. fem. 6.Imperf. ‫ק מ‬ 3. and finally by Jewish scholars. ‫ ָשׁכוּ‬draw. The Imperfect and its Inflexion. 9. in pause is ‫ ֲבֹ֫ ִי‬Is 23:12.). but cf. and after their example by the Arabs.g.אמ ִי‬arise from a weakening of the characteristic vowel ŏ. qı̆ṭelû. see § 48 i. which regards an occurrence only from the point of view of Completed or incomplete . It follows from the above that the once common designation of the Imperf. and hence. ‫ צע֫ ִי‬Jer. which is conceived as in process of coming to pass.

according to Qimḥi. but also § 51 p). as in the 3rd pers. qeṭálā. while in the Imperf. § 24 e. the Arabic points to the ground-forms ăqṭŭl and năqṭŭl: the ı̆ of the 1st plur.א . but in the kindred languages even there only for the masculine.י‬remaining in each form. sing. 2 2 This is also the proper gender of the plural syllable û.תּ ְטֹל‬ground-form tăqṭŭl. by special afformatives.) ִישׁ‬S 14:19 (unless. the distinction had to be farther indicated. In Hebrew.) passes over to the afformatives. according to the LXX. ‫ א .1 ‫יְט‬ The preformative ‫ ת‬of the second persons (‫ . &c. in Syriac qeṭálû. Cf. qătălû. But as this preformative combined with the stem-form was not always sufficient to express at the same time differences both of gender and number. can still. indeed.ִ ְקֹד‬Is 51:19 for ‫ . connected with the ‫ ת‬of ‫& . fem. was likewise pronounced iqṭōl. from which the action proceeds or about which a condition is predicated. the preformatives of the Imperfect appear in a much more abbreviated form than the afformatives of the Perfect. is probably connected with ‫ הָ֫ה‬eae and ‫ אַתָּ֫ה‬vos ‫ן‬ ‫ֵנּ‬ ‫ֵנ‬ (fem. with Perles. it is restricted in both persons to the masculine.—In the formation of the two tenses the chief distinction is that in the Perfect the verbal stem precedes and the indication of the person is added afterwards for precision. ‫ . the table. is. the subject. qeṭálûn. 2. In the Imperfect.ִק ִֹל‬which. 1 1 Cf. As ‫נח‬ regards the vocalization. in Western Aram. ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ֻ Mi 6:10. qătălû. The ‫ִ ְ ְל‬ ‫תּ‬ afformative ‫ וּ‬of the 2nd masc. qătălâ. Eth. and also in the Perfect (§ 44 a). ִשׁבּשׁת=ישבשת‬In ‫אְי‬ ֶ ְ‫א‬ Assyrian also the simple i corresponds to the Hebrew ‫ י‬as the preformative of the Impf. fem. as in the other preformatives. and the 3rd and 2nd plur. . ִישׁ שׂ ָר=אשש׳‬Similarly. in Arab. only one consonant (‫ )נ . masc. e. § 40 c. attenuated from a.וּן‬see m) is the ‫ִ ְט‬ sign of the plural. In favour of the above view of Qimḥi may be urged the phonetic orthography ‫( ִשׁ‬in Pr 18:24 ‫ 2 . qeṭálû. ‫ תּקט ִי‬with the i of the original feminine form ‫( אַ ִי‬see § 32 h). or even (as in the 2nd sing. Perfect for both genders. plur.) ְטֹל‬As.הְִ׳ = ַֽאְ׳‬Is 10:12 for ‫ אנחמך . it arises from an endeavour to avoid the similarity of sound between ‫( א ְטֹל‬which is the Babylonian punctuation) ‫ִק‬ and ‫ . ‫ִק‬ without doubt. Qal. ‫ .the stem. for ‫ . it is used in the 3rd plur. The derivation and meaning. fem.ָ֫ ְנוּ‬here no indication of gender or number by a special ending was necessary. and the afformative ‫ ־ י‬of the ‫תּ תּ‬ ִ 2nd fem. however. § 22 o.g.תּ . In the first pers. ‫ 1 ישוי‬S 14:49 is probably for ‫ ִשׁיוֹ‬or ‫א ָכ‬ ְ‫א‬ ‫ . is expressed by a prefixed pronoun. according to this view.ְַֽחמך‬and ‫ֲ יז ה ִ ז‬ ‫יט‬ ְ ֵ ֲ ‫ינ‬ conversely ‫ יששכר‬is for ‫ . ִשָׁה‬in 2 S 23:8 ‫ ישׁב בשבת‬is. therefore. or rather before the abstract form of the stem (‫ .אַ ָה‬c.ֵשׁ‬and ‫ 1 ִישׁי‬Ch 2:13 for ‫( ִשׁי‬as verse 12). qătálnă. Also ‫ ַֽאְֶה‬Mi 6:11 is ‫י‬ ַ ‫א‬ ַ‫י‬ ‫ה ֶ זכּ‬ probably for ‫ אפקד . the tone is ‫ק‬ retained on the characteristic vowel of the Stem-form.אַ ֶם . action.2 while the afformative ‫ָה‬ ‫נ‬ (also ָ) of the 3rd and 2nd plur.ִ ְטֹל‬is probably connected with ‫ . in several cases.א ְטֹל‬plur. in most cases. fem.אִי‬and ‫ נ‬with ‫ֶק‬ ‫נק‬ ‫ֲנ‬ ‫ . is probably to be explained by the preference of the ‫ א‬for this sound (cf. The Seghôl of the 1st sing. ûn. with the feminine form qeṭálên.) is. both of the preformatives and the afformatives. ‫( תּק ְלוּ‬in its more complete form. be recognized.). an error for ‫ . ‫ אָשׁב‬is to be read)... however.

with August Müller. i.ע״ע‬and in many verbs ‫ פ״א‬and ‫.. in Jb 40:17). to ‫יק‬ ‫יְצ‬ ‫ָל‬ overcome. constr. ZAW. ed. has the form ‫.ִק ְלוּ‬ground-form yăqṭŭlû.g. and ‫ 86 §( פ״א‬c). ZAW. ‫ 76 §( ע״ע‬p).ָה‬see c. sing. Kittel against the other editions.g. ō. 1889. Barth. ‫ ֶח ַץ‬and ‫ ַ ְפֹּץ‬he is inclined (but only the ְ ‫י‬ ְּ ‫י‬ ‫יְפּ‬ ‫יח‬ latter with a transitive meaning=he bends. Stade. is only tone-long (§ 9 r). written plene. ‫ ִר ַץ . = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.)17–96 §§( פ״י‬ 2 2 Cf.ר ַץ‬to couch. ’ ZDMG. ‫ ִק ַר‬he is cut off. ‫ ִבֹּל‬to wither). Ex 17:13. ‫§( פ״י‬ 69 b). iezbuleni for ‫ . it is to be found in ‫ פ״ן‬and ‫ . p.) are intended. ‘Das ı -Imperfekt im Nordsemitischen. Jos 8:32 (but cf. 1 1 This ă is. ‫ ִשֹּׁך‬and ‫ ִשַׁך‬he bites.g.ל ַר‬to learn is also originally intransitive ‫יְבּ ָב‬ ‫יְכּ ָכ‬ ‫יְמ ָמ‬ = to accustom oneself). of verbs middle and third guttural. perfect. also Ex 21:37. and since 1907 by K. apart from verbs third guttural (§ 65 b). ă. For the ַ afformatives ‫ )וּן( וּ‬and ‫ . like ‫ . ‫תְּמ‬ 2. In some verbs first guttural (§ 63 n). and in ‫ ִ ֵן‬for yintēn from ‫ ָ ַן‬to give. ‫יז ְ ֵ נ‬ Quite anomalous are the three examples which. 1. ‫יק‬ plur. likewise ֑‫ לֽא־ ַֽ ֲבוּר֖י מֶה‬Ru 2:8. impf.. impf. instead of ă or ō a movable Ṣere ‫יתּ‬ ‫נת‬ (originally ı̆) is found in the second syllable.ק ַל‬Intransitives middle a and ē almost always take ă (Pathaḥ)1 in the impf.. e. On the a of the impf. but according to Qimḥi ‫ה‬ ְ‫י‬ (ed. and imperat. Marti. e.תּ ְטֹ֫לָה‬ ‫ִק ל‬ ‫ִ ק ְנ‬ Rem. o. is short. by no means restricted to intransitive strong verbs. impf. ‫ . ‫ . ed. although somewhat frequently. cf. 83). Hence it follows that: (a) it is incorrectly. being lengthened from an original ŭ in the tone-syllable. ‫ ִשׁ ַב . ‫ ח ַשׁ‬impf. to be overcome. ִ but Jerome still heard e. but is retained (as being in the tonesyllable) before the toneless afformative ‫ . ‫ ת‬in the fem. ּ ‫ויּ ְ תּ‬ Jos 18:20).ִ ְטֹל‬ground-form yăqṭŭl. e. e. in virtue of a retrogressive ְ‫י‬ ‫ַע ר‬ ְ‫י‬ effect of the pause. a. Mant.). with the tone on the ultima. ‫ ְִ ַל . With ‫ ת‬might most obviously be compared the original feminine ending ‫ ־ ת‬of nouns. ‫ שׁ ַן‬and ‫ שׁ ֵן‬imperf.תּקטל֫י‬but in pause ‫נ‬ ְְִִ ‫ִ ְט יְט‬ ‫& תּ ְטֹ֫ ִי‬c. exhibit a long û: ‫ ִשׁפּוּטוּ ֵֽם‬Ex 18:26.. Giessen. Rittenb. In the first two ‫ֹ ת ע ִ ִוּ‬ ‫תְּ ר‬ cases perhaps ‫ ִשׁפּ֫וֹטוּ‬and ‫( תּ ֲב֫וֹ ִי‬for ‫& . (c) it becomes Šewâ before the tone-bearing afformatives ‫ ־ י‬and ‫( וּ‬see above. in Pr 14:3 ‫ ִשׁ ְרוּם‬is to be read. ZAW. and of the 3rd fem. p. ‫ .g.תּ ְטֹל‬plur. 1881 ff. 177 ff. More rarely both forms are used without any distinction. instead of a shortening to Šewâ.ָה‬Thus: ‫( תּק ְל֫וּ . A trace of these i-imperfects2 in the ordinary strong verb is probably to be found in ‫ 2 ַַטמ֫נוּ‬K 7:8.ִק ַן‬ ‫יְט‬ Sometimes both forms occur together. ‫ ִשׁכֹּן‬to dwell ‫יגדּ גּד‬ ‫ָכ‬ ‫ָכ‬ ְ‫י‬ and to inhabit. iv.ְִבּלִ֫י‬cf.שׁ ַב‬to lie down (‫ ִל ַד . ‫ָט‬ e. and those with ă an intransitive meaning. since ‫ טמן‬otherwise only occurs in Qal. ‫ ָ ֵל‬imperf. e. however. § 65 b. The ō of the second syllable (as in the inf. also from verbs middle ō. the ‫נב‬ ‫י‬ ‫ק‬ imperf. Ginsb.The preformatives of the third persons (‫ י‬in the masc.ִק ְל֫וּ . ‫ ) ִָ ְטֹ֫לָה‬have not yet met ‫יְט‬ ‫ִק‬ ‫תּ ק ְנ‬ with any satisfactory explanation.). ‫ ִַכ ָב־שָׁם‬and he wrote there. ‫ ִ ְצֹר‬he cuts off. ‫( ִשׁמוּ ֵֽם‬in principal pause) Pr 14:3.18b). immediately before the principal pause. (b) before Maqqeph the short vowel appears as Qameṣ ḥaṭuph. § 64 b. Jb 14:10. . The characteristic vowel of the second syllable becomes Šewâ before tonebearing afformatives which begin with a vowel. ‫.ָ ֵל‬to become great (but cf.g. ִ ְ ‫ויּ‬ We call these three forms of the imperfect after their characteristic vowel impf. those with ō having a transitive.e. as ‫ ָטֹן‬to be small. ‫נ‬ 3. The ō of the second syllable is to be found almost exclusively with transitive verbs middle a.ִשׁפֹּ֫טוּ‬c. by B.

but cf.). ‫ תּ ְטֹ֫לָה‬appears in some cases to be incorrectly used even for the fem. as ‫ ִשׁל֫חָה‬Ju 5:26 (where. fem. where the 2nd fem. . 23:32. Mant. where it is found in the parallel passage in the Books of Kings. Gn ֶ ֶ ‫יְר‬ 18:28. the pause especially which exerted an influence on the restoration of this older and fuller termination (cf. § 930.)ִשׁ ֲבוּן‬Ju 11:18 after wāw consec. as is manifest from Is 26:11: ‫ ַל־ְֽחָי֑וּן ֶֽ ֱזוּ ְֵב֫שׁוּ‬they see not. 4:3. with the termination ănnă. e. 36. Jos 4:6 (‫ . 15:20. Ps 11:2 ‫ . precedes and follows. ‫ )ַתְּבּהָ֫ה‬for ‫וִגְּ ֶ נ‬ ‫ו ִ גְּ ֶ נ‬ ‫ ַתְּבּ֫הָה‬they were high. Dn 8:22. Dt 1:17. and Silluq. in Gn 30:38. Ex 34:13. cf. and Ob . e..)תּ ְגּשׁ‬For the 2nd sing. ‫תְּמ‬ Jos 24:15. and consequently occurs most commonly at the end of sentences (in the principal pause). Böttcher. Driver on 1 S 2:15.. cf. 43 with 2 Ch 6:29. and often. Nu 25:2. probably ‫ תְּר ִין וּב׳‬is to be read with Marti for ‫—. with Zaqeph qaṭon.. ‫ִפ‬ ‫ִ ְ ְל‬ ‫ִק‬ Ez 22:4. Arab. ִשׁ ַח ָד‬in Pr 1:20.)תקותי‬it is equally ‫ט ָת‬ possible to explain the form as a plural.. with Segolta. but Baer. (‫ )תּקט ִי‬the form ‫ תּ ְטֹל‬is found in Is 57:8. 1 S 6:12. in Ex 1:10 read ‫ תּקרא֫נוּ‬with the Samaritan. for 2nd sing. Instead of the plural forms in ‫ וּ‬there are. 33..תְּרע֫נּוּ‬ ‫ִזָע‬ ֶ ָ‫ִז‬ For the 3rd plur. This usually expresses marked emphasis.ִד ְכוּן ק֫שׁת‬cf. 30 ff. 19. 4. All this applies also to the corresponding forms in the Imperfect of the derived conjugations. For the 3rd sing. Gn 19:33.g. is irregular. as also in Jb 17:16 (if we read ‫ ֽוֹב ִי‬with LXX for the 2nd ‫ . 17:12 with Athnaḥ and Silluq. This small number of examples hardly justifies our finding in the above-mentioned passages the remains of an emphatic form of the Impf. see § 60 e.1 In Aramaic and Arabic this earlier ‫( וּן‬old Arabic ûnă) is the regular termination.] 1 1 It is to be observed that the Chronicles often omit the Nûn.)תּבט֫הָה‬and thrice ‫ִ ק ְנ‬ ְִָ ‫ִ ְ ַ ְנ‬ (as if to distinguish it from the 2nd pers. however.. 1 S 9:13. analogous to the Arab.3. ‫ן‬ always nă. with ‫ ־ י‬inserted after the manner of verbs ‫ע״ע‬ ‫ו ִ גַ ְנ‬ ֶ and ‫ 76 § .) the form ‫ ִ ְטֹ֫לָה‬with the preformative ‫( י‬as always ‫יק ְ נ‬ in Western Aram. in Arab.ע‬It was. according to Olshausen it is an error caused by the following form. note). perhaps ‫ ִשׁלחָ֫ה‬is to be ‫תּ ְ ַ ְנ‬ ‫תְּ ֶָ נּ‬ 13 ‫תְּל י‬ read). Ru 2:9 (‫ִ ְצֹרוּן‬ ְ‫י‬ ‫יק‬ and ‫ . Baer requires in 1 S 25:20 ‫( תּ ְגשׁ‬but read with ‫ִק‬ ‫ִפ‬ ed. 1 S 9:13. to avoid a hiatus before ‫ א‬or ‫ . of the 2nd pers. 23:4. ‫ תּ ְטֹ֫לַה‬we find in Jer 49:11. Ez 3:20. ‫ . ‫=( תּ ְטֹל‬tiq-ṭōl). Modus energicus I. The form ‫( ַתְּבּה֫יָה‬so also Qimḥi and ed. and cf. For ‫ ָה‬we frequently find. or for ‫ִ ק ְנ‬ the masc. Ez 16:50. Athnaḥ. also Ez 26:14. but in some dialects of vulgar Arabic it has also become û. 32:20. 41:5 after wāw consec. over 300 forms1 with the fuller ending ‫( וּן‬with Nûn paragogicum). 29. 2 K 11:5 with 2 Ch 11:4. e. cf. ‫נ‬ simply ָ nā. certainly Ex 17:2. 37:7. Nu 16:29.—In Is ‫תּ נּ‬ ‫ִ ְנ‬ ְִֵָ 27:11. Without the pause. fem. on its retention before suffixes. in every case after the regular form.)ִשׁאָלוּן‬Is 8:12. ‫ ִרָז֑וּן‬they tremble. 1 K 12:24.g. § 159 c.. fem. Ex 15:14. § 29 m and § 44 l. Eth. Ps 104:28. Is 13:8 and 17:13 with Zaqeph qaṭon. On the other hand. masc. ‫יל‬ ‫יְגּ‬ ‫ ִשׁ ָע֑וּן‬ye shall hear. Mant. in pause ‫( תּבט֫חוּ‬for ‫ . 1 K 9:6. 16:55. 8:3 for ‫ ָרָֹ֫ה‬read ‫ תּרֶה‬as in Jb 39:23. 44:1. § 72 i. Thus there arise fullsounding forms such as ‫ ְִקֹט֑וּן‬they collect. especially in the older books. ‫בּ י ֱ ז י ח וי‬ may they see and become ashamed. always bearing the tone. ‫יְא‬ Some of these examples may be partly due to euphonic reasons. however. also defectively ‫ ְ ִי ֻן‬Ex ‫יר ב‬ 21:18. 1 1 [See details in F. According to Elias Levita ָ‫ 2( תּלבּ֫שׁ‬S 13:18) is the only example of this kind in the ‫ְִַ ְן‬ strong verb. Jer 3:5.ע״וּ‬d. Lehrb. &c. and Assyr.g. Nu 32:23. 22:8. &c. sing. in which case also the (pausal) vowel of the second syllable is generally retained. Ginsb. according to Olshausen a corruption of ‫ . of the 3rd pers. 1 K 8:38. In Is 17:10. especially in the Pentateuch and mostly after wāw consecutive. 28:3.. Ex 1:18.

thus ‫ תּדבּ ִין‬Ru 2:8. and this final ‫ ־ ה‬has ָ 2 2 The perfect has only one form.g. besides the indicative yăqtŭlŭ. or plur. On the reappearance in pause of the ō which had become Šewâ in the forms ‫& .ָשׂוֹא‬In ‫ ְשׂשׂוּם‬Is 35:1. 2. also always with ִ the tone. although much less frequently. fem.ִָֽשׂאוּ‬caused by the preceding ‫—. The laws of the tone. The characteristic of the cohortative form is an ā (‫ )־ ה‬affixed to the 1st pers.) ִשׁתּכּ ִין‬Jer ‫ִ ְ ָק‬ ‫תּ ְ ַ ָר‬ 31:22. 21. since ‫ מ‬follows. (c) a double ‘energetic’ mood of the impf. like the imperfect. to express mood-relations (see § 106 p). e. while the latter is mostly found in the 2nd and 3rd persons. the ‫ ם‬is no doubt only ְ ‫ינּ‬ ‫נ‬ ֻ‫י‬ due to dittography.תְּדּ֫ ִי‬This influence of the pause extends ‫ִ גָ ל‬ ָ ‫יג‬ even to the forms without afformatives.g. which in Arabic (see above. Certain modifications which take place in the form of the imperfect. consequently it often—and.. 1 S 1:14 (‫ . Is 45:10. e. .. 3:4. Niphal) ‫ ִָשׂוּא‬Jer 10:5. since the vowels û and ı̂ in a closed final syllable never allow of the retraction of the tone. e. however. serve to some extent as a compensation for the want of special forms for the Tempora relativa and for certain moods of the verb.א ְטֹל‬It occurs in almost all conjugations and classes ‫ֶ ְ ְל‬ ‫ֶק‬ of the strong and weak verb (except of course in the passives). and express invariably. (a) a subjunctive. and a shortened form (the jussive).ְִַדּ֑ל‬But the fuller forms in ûn ‫ויּגדּ‬ ָ ‫ויּג‬ and ı̂n have the tone always on the ultima. and of the formation of syllables in Hebrew. 7. mostly treated as Hophal. a distinct shade of meaning. hence. yăqtŭl. Shortening and Lengthening of the Imperfect and Imperative. Corresponding to the use of ‫ וּן‬for ‫ וּ‬there occurs in the 2nd sing. the imperfects with ă restore this vowel in pause and at the same time lengthen it (as a tone-vowel) to ā. e.. The Jussive and Cohortative.ְִדּ֫לוּ . and in Hebrew (see the footnote to § 58 i) often stands before suffixes.ְִַ ַל‬in pause ‫ . yăqtŭlănnă and yăqtŭlăn. ‫ אקט ָה‬from ‫ 1. That language distinguishes. (b) a jussive. ָ sing. and Arab. the fuller ending ‫( ־ ין‬as in Aram. similarly. old Arab. there exists also a lengthened form of it (the cohortative). ‫ִ ְ ְל‬ see above. or nearly so. On the numerous instances of passive forms in the imperfect. Rem. 3.. in pause yăqtŭlā. Along with the usual form of the imperfect.g. 1.. and less frequently in the 1st person. evidently an error for ‫ינּ‬ ‫ . 1 1 Probably this ā goes back to the syllable an. In classical Arabic the difference is almost always evident. the last form thus corresponding to the Hebrew cohortative. ı̂nă).תּקט ִי‬c.־ י‬generally again in the principal pause. 18. 5. § 48. not infrequently precluded the indication of the jussive by an actual shortening of the form.With an affixed ‫ א‬we find (in the imperf. ‫ . always—coincides with the ordinary imperfect (indicative) form. see § 53 u.2 The former occurs (with few exceptions) only in the 1st person. 6. yăqtŭlă. ‫ . and almost in all cases with retention ִ of the vowel of the penultima. to b) is used for the formation of the ‘energetic’ mood. for ‫ . since it cannot be used. in the imperfect forms with afformatives. cf.

‫ . the movable vowel of the last syllable of the verbal ָ e form becomes Š ewâ. ‫ . § 47 g. might be meant. ‫ . although there ‫ תּע֫ ָה‬might also. ‫ . on ָ the analogy of the 3rd sing.ע״י‬as ‫ .מוּת‬and ‫ . ‫אְ ר‬ The change of ‫ ־ ה‬into the obtuse ‫ ־ ה‬seems to occur in 1 S 28:15. on ‫ ֶשׁק ָה‬Is 18:4 Qerê (cf. ‫ ָֽאק ִַא‬and ‫ . however. is also found with the 3rd pers. a resolution or a wish.). due to a confusion with ‫ תבואת‬in verse 14). cf. the ָ ‫זִ ר‬ e vowel which became Š wâ is restored as tone-vowel. ‫ . This tendency has. e.)ַק ִיל‬and similarly in the weak verb. ‫ אְַכּ֫י ָה‬I will praise. see § 10 h. in certain forms. ָ and again in verse 16 according to the Qerê.ִָיל‬in ‫ימ‬ ‫ימ‬ ‫י‬ ‫יג י‬ ‫יג‬ all conjugations of verbs ‫ . in a ‫ו ֶ ְר‬ ‫ו ֶ ְר‬ syllable sharpened by a following Dageš forte conjunct. In pause (as before û and ı̂). Gn 18:21. Ez 23:20. ‫ . 4. from ‫ ָשׁב‬impf. perfect. an unchangeable vowel in the final syllable is retained as tone-vowel before the ‫ . It is not impossible. e. Ezr 8:25. In the strong verb the jussive differs in form from the indicative only in Hiphı̂l (juss.־ ה‬as (e. fem. an exhortation to others at the same time). ָב֫וֹאָה‬For ‫ ְבוֹאָתך‬Jb 22:21 the noun ‫ ְבוּאָתך‬thine increase.ֶֶ֫ל‬and in the Piēl ‫ְ ַו‬ ‫יגל‬ ‫יג‬ ‫יגל‬ ‫יג‬ ‫יצ‬ .g. be regarded as 2nd masc. on ‫ 1 ותבאתי‬S 25:34. in Piel ‫ ְַתּק֫ה‬let us break ְָ ְ‫א‬ ָ ְ ‫ננ‬ asunder. &c. wherever the imperfect ‫יְט‬ ‫יְט‬ indicative has ı̂ in the second syllable. instead of ‫ . b) the nature of the form does not admit of any alteration.ִֶ֫ל‬Hiph. with Nestle. in order by that means to express the urgency of the command in the very first syllable. thus for the cohortative ‫ֶשׁמר֫ה‬ ְָ ְ‫א‬ the pausal form is ‫ ֶשׁמֹ֑ ָה‬Ps 59:10. Is 41:26.יוֹשׁיב‬juss. e. For the doubly irregular form ‫ ָב֫וֹא ָה‬Dt 33:16 (explained ‫תּ ת‬ by Olshausen and König as a scribal error.ָמוּת‬ind. Ps 20:4.ַק ֵל‬ind. Ps 2:3. however.ְַ ֶה‬juss.g.ָ ֵת‬also in Qal of the verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬and ‫ .the tone wherever the afformatives ‫ וּ‬and ‫ ־ י‬would have it. as an optative. however. even caused a material shortening of the termination of the word. compare the analogous cases ‫& .. see § 59 a. with or without a helping vowel under the second radical.ָֽאק ֶה‬and with the 3rd pers. As before these endings.ָמֹת‬ind. ‫ . see § 76 h. combined with a tendency to retract the tone from the final syllable. Probably another instance occurs in Jb 11:17. 90 i. in Qal ‫ ֶשׁמר֫ה‬I will observe. also 27:4. An ‫ ־ ה‬cohort. see § 108.ְִ ֶה‬juss. 80 i. but the Masora ‫תּ נ‬ ְָֽ ‫תּ‬ ְָֽ ‫תּ‬ has evidently intended an imperfect with the ending ath. but in both these cases without any effect on the meaning.־ ה‬before the suffix.ֵָל .ישׁפוטו‬c. gives rise to monosyllabic forms. read ‫ . ‫ . cf. and very frequently (see above. ‫ .. so that the expression of the command appears to be concentrated on a single syllable. &c.g. ‫—ְַשְֶׁ֫ה‬with suffix—is ֶ ָ ‫י ד ּנ‬ probably intended. in Is 5:19 (twice).—On the other hand. The general characteristic of the jussive form of the imperfect is rapidity of pronunciation.) in Hiph. ind.יוֹשׁב‬from ַ‫י‬ ִ ֵ ‫ ָ ִית . ‫ . with ‫ָֻ פ‬ Qimḥi. with ‫א ְ ֳט‬ the Kethı̂bh of these passages. Qal ind. that even in such cases the jussive in the living language was distinguished from the indicative by a change in the place of the tone. similar cases of the change of ‫־ ה‬ ָ into the obtuse ‫ ־ ה‬in l and in §§ 73 d. The cohortative expresses the direction of the will to an action and thus denotes especially self-encouragement (in the 1st plur.. In Ps 20:4. so ִ also before the ‫ ־ ה‬cohortative. unless.ל״ה‬so that the rejection (apocope) of the ending ‫ ־ ה‬in Qal ֶ and Hiph. without its losing the tone.g. we ָ ֶ are to assume a conflate reading. In other cases. Hiph. the jussive is simply marked by a shortening of the vowel of the second syllable.

from the indic. ‫( ְצֶה‬called apocopated imperfects). But almost all1 the plural forms of ‫יַוּ‬ the jussive coincide with those of the indicative, except that the jussive excludes the fuller ending ‫ .וּן‬Neither do the forms of the 2nd sing. fem., as ‫& ,תְּ ִי , ָמ֫וּ ִי ,תּקט֫י ִי‬c., ‫ִ גל תּ ת ַ ְ ִ ל‬ admit of any change in the jussive, nor any forms, whether singular or plural, to which suffixes are attached, e.g. ‫ תּ ִיתִ֫י‬as ind. Jer 38:15, as jussive Jer 41:8. ‫ְמ ֵ נ‬ The meaning of the jussive is similar to that of the cohortative, except that in the jussive the command or wish is limited almost exclusively to the and or 3rd pers. On special uses of the jussive, e.g. in hypothetical sentences (even in the 1st pers.), see § 109 h. 5. The imperative, in accordance with its other points of connexion with the imperfect in form and meaning, admits of a similar lengthening (by ‫ ,־ ה‬Arab. imper. ָ energicus, with the ending -ănnă or -ăn, in pause -ā) and shortening. Thus in Qal of ‫ִ ְל‬ the strong verb, the lengthened form of ‫ שׁמֹר‬guard is ‫( 2שׁמ ָה‬šŏmerâ, cf. ‫ קט ִי‬qı̂ṭelı̂, § ְ ‫ָ ְר‬ 46 d); ‫ עְ ָה , ֲזֹב‬Jer 49:11; ‫ שׁכ ָה ,שׁ ַב‬lie down; ‫ שׁמ ָה ,שׁ ַע‬hear, in lesser pause ‫שׁמ֫ ָה‬ ‫ָ זב ע‬ ‫ִ ְב ְ כ‬ ‫ִ ְע ְ מ‬ ‫ְָ ע‬ Dn 9:19; in Niphal ‫ ִשָֽׁב ָה‬Gn 21:23. Cf., however, also ‫ מכ ָה‬sell, Gn 25:31, ‫ה ּ ְע‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ notwithstanding the impf. ‫ ער ָה ;ִ ְכֹּר‬Jb 33:5 (cf. ‫ ע ְכוּ‬Jer 46:3), but impf. ‫;ַֽ ֲרֹך‬ ‫ֶ ְ כ ימ‬ ‫ִר‬ ְ ‫יע‬ ‫ ֶֽס ָה‬collect, Nu 11:16 (for ‫ ִס׳‬cf. § 63 l and the plural ‫ ,)א ְפוּ‬but 2nd masc. ‫; ֱסֹף‬ ‫א ְפ‬ ‫א‬ ‫ִס‬ ‫א‬ ‫ ִצּ ָה‬Ps 141:3. Barth (see above, § 47 i note) finds in these forms a trace of old ‫נְר‬ imperfects in i, cf. § 63 n. On the other hand, ‫ קר ָה‬Ps 69:19 (also Imperat. ‫ ק ַב‬Lv 9:7, ‫ָ ְב‬ ‫ְר‬ &c.), but impf. ‫ .ִק ַב‬Without ‫ ,ה‬we have the form ‫ לך‬go, Nu 23:13, Ju 19:13, 2 Ch ‫יְר‬ ְָ 25:17. The form ‫ ְטֹל‬in pause becomes ‫ , ְטֹ֫ ָה‬the form ‫ ק ַל‬becomes ‫ ,קט֫ ָה‬e.g. ‫ְר֫שׁה‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ק ל‬ ‫ְט‬ ‫ְָ ל‬ ָ ָ‫י‬ e Dt 33:23. But also without the pause we find ‫ מ֫לוֹ ָה‬Ju 9:8 K th. and ‫ ְרוֹ ָה‬Ps 26:2 ‫ְ כ‬ ‫צ פ‬ e K th., on which see § 46 e. On the other hand ‫ ֲג֫וֹ ָה ,עֹ֫ ָה , ְשֹׁ֫ ָה ,רָָ֫ה‬Is 32:11 are to ‫ר פּ ט ְג ז‬ ‫ח ר‬ be explained as aramaizing forms of the and plur. fem.; also for ‫ ח ְדוּ‬v. 11 read ‫,חר֫ ָה‬ ‫ִר‬ ‫ֲָ ד‬ and for ‫ סֽפ ִים‬v. 12 read ‫. ְפֹ֫ ָה‬ ‫ְֹד‬ ‫ס ד‬ The shortened imperative is found only in verbs ‫ ,ל״ה‬e.g. in Piēl ‫ ַל‬from ‫ .ַ ֵה‬The ‫גּ‬ ‫גּלּ‬ shade of meaning conveyed by the imperatives with ‫ ־ ה‬is not always so perceptible as ָ in the cohortative forms of the imperfect, but the longer form is frequently emphatic, e.g. ‫ קוּם‬rise up, ‫ ק֫וּ ָה‬up! ‫ ֵן‬give, ‫ תָּה‬give up! ‫מ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫ְנ‬
Rem. The form ‫ דּ ֶה‬for ‫ ,דּ ָה‬best attested in Pr 24:14 (where it is taken by the Masora as ‫ְע‬ ‫ְע‬ imperat., not as infin., ‫ )דּ ָה‬is evidently due to the influence of the ‫ ה‬which follows it in close ‫ַע‬ connexion (so Strack, on the analogy of Jb 31:2); for other examples of this change of a to Seghol, see above, under d, § 73 d, and § 80 i. On the other hand, it is doubtful whether ‫ ר ֶה‬Ju ‫ַבּ‬ 9:29 (from ‫ )ר ָה‬is intended for ‫ ,ר ָה‬and not rather for the common form of the imperative ‫ָב‬ ‫ַבּ‬ Piēl ‫ .ר ֵה‬In favour of the former explanation it may be urged that the imperative ‫( צ֫אָה‬from ‫ַבּ‬ ֵ ‫ )ָ ָא‬follows immediately after; in favour of the latter, that the ending ‫ ,־ ה‬with imperatives of ‫יצ‬ ָ verbs ‫ ,ל״ה‬is not found elsewhere, and also that here no guttural follows (as in Pr 24:14).

1 1 Only in 1st plur. do we find a few shortened forms, as ‫ 1 ַשׁ ֵר‬S 14:36, parallel ‫נְא‬ e with cohortatives; and ‫ ֵ ֶא‬Is 41:23 K th. ‫נ ר‬ 2 2 On the reading ‫( שֽׁמ ָה‬i.e. šāmera, according to the Jewish grammarians), required ‫ָ ְר‬ by the Masora in Ps 86:2, 119:167 (cf. also Is 38:14, and ‫ שֽׁמרִי‬Ps 16:1), see § 9 v; on ‫ָ ְ ֵנ‬ ‫ ,מלוכה‬Ju 9:8 Keth., see § 46 e.

§ 49. The Perfect and Imperfect with Wāw Consecutive. 1. The use of the two tense-forms, as is shown more fully in the Syntax (§§ 106, 107, cf. above, § 47, note on a), is by no means restricted to the expression of the past or future. One of the most striking peculiarities in the Hebrew consecution of tenses1 is the phenomenon that, in representing a series of past events, only the first verb stands in the perfect, and the narration is continued in the imperfect. Conversely, the representation of a series of future events begins with the imperfect, and is continued in the perfect. Thus in 2 K 20:1, In those days was Hezekiah sick unto death (perf.), and Isaiah … came (imperf.) to him, and said (imperf.) to him, &c. On the other hand, Is 7:17, the Lord shall bring (imperf.) upon thee … days, &c., 7:18, and it shall come to pass (perf. ‫ )ְהָה‬in that day … ‫וָי‬ This progress in the sequence of time, is regularly indicated by a pregnant and (called wāw consecutive1), which in itself is really only a variety of the ordinary wāw copulative, but which sometimes (in the imperf.) appears with a different vocalization. Further, the tenses connected by wāw consecutive sometimes undergo a change in the tone and consequently are liable also to other variations. 2. The wāw consecutive of the imperfect is (a) pronounced with Pathaḥ and a Dageš forte in the next letter, as ‫ ִַ ְטֹל‬and he killed; before ‫ א‬of the 1st pers. sing. ‫ויּק‬ (according to § 22 c) with Qameṣ, as ‫ ָֽא ְטֹל‬and I killed. Exceptions are, ‫ ַֽאכסּך‬Ez ‫ו ֶק‬ ְֲֵַ ‫ו‬ e ְֵ ‫ו א‬ 16:10 according to the Dikduke ha-ṭ amim, § 71; also ‫ 2 ַֽ ֲמֹתת֫הוּ‬S 1:10 according to Qimḥi; but in Ju 6:9 ‫ ָֽאָ ֵשׁ‬should be read according to Baer, and ‫ ָֽ ֲ׳‬in both places ‫ו ֲ גר‬ ‫וא‬ in Ju 20:6. Dageš forte is always omitted in the preformative ְ, in accordance with § ‫י‬ 20 m. (b) When a shortening of the imperfect form is possible (cf. § 48 g), it takes effect, as a rule (but cf. § 51 n), after wāw consec., e.g. in Hiphil ‫ 35 §( ַַק ֵל‬n). The tendency ‫ויּ ְ ט‬ 1 1 The other Semitic languages do not exhibit this peculiarity, excepting the Phoenician, the most closely related to Hebrew, and of course the Moabitish dialect of the Mêša inscription, which is practically identical with Old Hebrew. It also appears in the inscription of ‫ זכר‬of Hamāth (cf. Noöldeke, ZA. 1908, p. 379) where we find ‫ ואשּׂא ידי‬and I lifted up my hand, ‫ ויענני‬and he answered me, after a perfect of narration. 1 1 This name best expresses the prevailing syntactical relation, for by wāw consecutive an action is always represented as the direct, or at least temporal consequence of a preceding action. Moreover, it is clear from the above examples, that the wāw consecutive can only be thus used in immediate conjunction with the verb. As soon as wāw, owing to an insertion (e.g. a negative), is separated from the verb, the imperfect follows instead of the perfect consecutive, the perfect instead of the imperfect consecutive. The fact that whole Books (Lev., Num., Josh., Jud., Sam., 2 Kings, Ezek., Ruth, Esth., Neh., 2 Chron.) begin with the imperfect consecutive, and others (Exod., 1 Kings, Ezra) with wāw copulative, is taken as a sign of their close connexion with the historical Books now or originally preceding them. Cf., on the other hand, the independent beginning of Job and Daniel. It is a merely superficial description to call the wāw consecutive by the old-fashioned name wāw conversive, on the ground that it always converts the meaning of the respective tenses into its opposite, i.e. according to the old view, the future into the preterite, and vice versa.

to retract the tone from the final syllable is even stronger after wāw consec. than in the jussive. The throwing back of the tone on to the penultima (conditional upon its being an open syllable with a long vowel, § 29 a), further involves the greatest possible shortening of the vowel of the ultima, since the vowel then comes to stand in a toneless closed syllable, e.g. ‫ ,ָקוּם‬juss. ‫ ,ָקֹ֫ם‬with wāw consec. ‫ ַָ֫ ָם‬and he arose (§ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ 1 67 n and x, § 68 d, § 69 p, § 71, § 72 t and aa, § 73 e). In the first pers. sing. alone the retraction of the tone and even the reducing of the long vowel in the final syllable (û to ō, ı̂ to ē, and then to ŏ and ĕ) are not usual,2 at least according to the Masoretic punctuation, and the apocope in verbs ‫ ל״ה‬occurs more rarely; e.g. always ‫( ָֽאָקוּם‬or ‫ ,ָֽאָק֫ם‬a merely orthographic difference) and I ‫ו‬ ֻ ‫ו‬ arose; Hiph. ‫( ָֽאָ ִים‬but generally written ‫ ,ָֽאָ ִם‬implying the pronunciation wāá̄qem, ‫ו ק‬ ‫ו ק‬ as ‫ ָֽאָ ֻם‬implies wāāqŏm); ‫ ָֽאר ֶה‬and I saw, more frequently than ‫ 57 § ,ָא֫ ֶא‬t. On the ‫ו ק‬ ‫ו ֶ ְא‬ ‫וֵ ר‬ other hand, the form with final ‫ ־ ה‬is often used in the 1st pers. both sing. and plur., ָ especially in the later books, e.g. ‫ ָֽ ֶשׁל ָה‬and I sent, Gn 32:6, 41:11, 43:21, Nu 8:19 ‫ו א ְ ְח‬ (‫ ,ָֽאתָּה‬as in Ju 6:9, 1 S 2:28, and often, probably a sort of compensation for the lost ‫ו ֶ ְנ‬ ‫ ;)נ‬Ju 6:10, 12:3, 2 S 22:24, Ps 3:6, 7:5, 90:10, 119:55, Jb 1:15 ff., 19:20, Ez 7:28, 8:25, 9:3, Neh 2:13, 5:7, 8, 13, 6:11, 13:7–11, 21 f., &c.—Sometimes, as in Ps 3:6, with a certain emphasis of expression, and probably often, as in Ju 10:12, ‫ָֽאוֹשׁ֫י ָה‬ ‫ו ִ ע‬ before ‫ ,א‬for euphonic reasons. In Is 8:2 ‫ ָֽאָע֫י ָה‬may have been originally intended; in ‫ו ִ ד‬ Ps 73:16 ‫ ָֽ ֲח׳‬and in Jb 30:26 ‫ .ָֽ ֲי׳‬In Ez 3:3 read ‫ ָאֽכלה‬or ‫.ָאֽכ ָהּ‬ ‫וא‬ ‫וא‬ ָ ֶ ְֹ ‫ו‬ ‫ו ְֹל‬
This ·‫ ו‬is in meaning a strengthened wāw copulative, and resembles in pronunciation the form which is retained in Arabic as the ordinary copula (wă).3 The close connexion of this wă with the following consonant, caused the latter in Hebrew to take Dageš, especially as ă could not have been retained in an open syllable. Cf. ‫( ל֫ ָה ,כּ ָה ,בּ ָה‬for ‫ ,)ל ָה‬where the prepositions ‫ָ מּ ַמּ ַמּ‬ ‫ַמּ‬ ‫ בּ‬and ‫ ,ל‬and the particle ‫ ,כּ‬are closely connected with ‫ ָה‬in the same way (§ 102 k). ְ ְ ְ ‫מ‬ The retraction of the tone also occurs in such combinations, as in ‫( ל֫ ָה‬for ‫ 201 § למּ֫ה‬l).— ‫ָמּ‬ ַָ The identity of many consecutive forms with jussives of the same conjugation must not mislead us into supposing an intimate relation between the moods. In the consecutive forms the shortening of the vowel (and the retraction of the tone) seems rather to be occasioned solely by the strengthening of the preformative syllable, while in the jussives the shortening (and retraction) belongs to the character of the form.

3. The counterpart of wāw consecutive of the imperfect is wāw consecutive of the perfect, by means of which perfects are placed as the sequels in the future to preceding actions or events regarded as incomplete at the time of speaking, and therefore in the imperfect, imperative, or even participle. This wāw is in form an ordinary wāw copulative, and therefore shares its various vocalization (ְ, ‫ ,ָ ,וּ‬as 2 K ‫ו ו‬ 1 1 The plural forms in ‫ וּן‬also occur less frequently after wāw consecutive; cf., however, ‫ ְִַיבוּן‬Ju 8:1, 11:18, Am 6:3, Ez 44:8, Dt 4:11, 5:20. The 2nd fem. sing. in ‫־‬ ‫ויר‬ ִ ‫ ין‬never occurs after wāw consecutive. 2 2 In the 1st plur. ‫ )ַַֽע ִיד‬Neh 4:3 is the only instance in which the vowel remains ‫ונּ ֲ מ‬ unreduced (cf. ‫ ,ונשׁוב‬i.e. ‫ 9:4 ,ַָשׁוּב‬Keth.; Qerê ‫ .)ַָ שׁב‬On the treatment of the tone in ‫ונּ‬ ָ ‫ונּ‬ the imperfect, imperative, and infinitive Niphal, see § 51 n. 3 3 In usage the Hebrew wāw does duty for the Arabic fă (wāw apodosis, see § 143 d) as well as wă.

7:4, and ַ); e.g. ‫ ,ְהָה‬after an imperfect, &c., and so it happens = and it will happen. It ‫ו‬ ‫וָי‬ has, however, the effect, in certain verbal forms, of shifting the tone from the penultima, generally on to the ultima, e.g. ‫ הל֫כ ִי‬I went, consecutive form ‫ ְ ָֽלכתּ֫י‬and ‫ָ ַ ְתּ‬ ִ ְ ַ ‫וה‬ I will go, Ju 1:3, where it is co-ordinated with another perfect consecutive, which again is the consecutive to an imperative. See further on this usage in § 112.
As innumerable examples show, the Qameṣ of the first syllable is retained in the strong perf. consec. Qal, as formerly before the tone, so now in the secondary tone, and therefore necessarily takes Metheg. On the other hand, the ō of the second syllable in verbs middle ō upon losing the tone necessarily becomes ŏ, e.g. ֫‫ ְָֽכלתּ‬Ex 18:23. ָ ְ ָ ‫וי‬ The shifting forward of the tone after the wāw consecutive of the perfect is, however, not consistently carried out. It is omitred—(a) always in the 1st pers. pl., e.g. ‫ ְָש֫ ְנוּ‬Gn 34:16; (b) ‫וי ַ ב‬ regularly in Hiphil before the afformatives ‫ ־ ה‬and ‫ ,וּ‬see § 53 r; and (c) in many cases in verbs ָ ‫ ל״א‬and ‫ ,ל״ה‬almost always in the 1st sing. of ‫( ל״א‬Jer 29:14), and in ‫ ל״ה‬if the vowel of the 2nd syllable is ı̂, Ex 17:6, 26:4, 6, 7, 10 ff., Ju 6:26, &c., except In Qal (only Lv 24:5, before ‫ )א‬and the 2nd sing. masc. of Hiphil-forms before ‫ ,א‬Nu 20:8, Dt 20:13, 1 S 15:3, 2 K 13:17; similarly in Piēl before ‫ ,א‬Ex 25:24, Jer 27:4. On the other hand the tone is generally moved forward if the second syllable has ê (in ‫ ל״א‬Gn 27:10 &c., in ‫ ל״ה‬Ex 40:4, Jer 33:6, Ez 32:7); but cf. also ‫ ְָר֫את‬Lv 19:14, 32 and frequently, always before the counter-tone, Jo 4:21, Ps ָ ֵ ‫וי‬ 1 19:14. With ā in the penultima the form is ‫ ְָשׂ֫את‬Is 14:4, and probably also ‫ ְקר֫את‬Jer 2:2, ָ ָ ‫ונ‬ ָ ָ ָ‫ו‬ 3:12, 1 S 10:2 with little Tēlı̂šā, a postpositive accent. But before a following ‫ א‬the ultima mostly bears the tone on phonetic grounds, e.g. ֫‫וּ ָאת‬ ָ ‫ב‬ ‫ אל־‬Gn 6:18, Ex 3:18, Zc 6:10 (by the side of ‫& ,)וּב֫את‬c. (cf., however, ‫ ,ְקר֫את‬before ‫ ,א‬Gn ֶ ָ ָ ָ ָ ָ‫ו‬ 17:19, Jer 7:27, Ex 36:29); ‫ ְה ִית֫ ֶת־‬Ju 6:16, cf. Ex 25:11, Lv 24:5 (but also ‫ ְצִ֫י ִי ֶת־‬Lv ‫וִכּ ָ א‬ ‫וִוּ ת א‬ 25:21). Likewise, before ‫ ,ה‬Am 8:9, and ‫ ,ע‬e.g. Gn 26:10, 27:12, Lv 26:25 (cf., however, ‫ ,ְקר֫א ִי ע ָיו‬Ez 38:21); on verbs ‫ ,ע״ע‬see § 67 k and § ee. ‫וָ ָ ת ָל‬ (d) The tone always keeps its place when such a perfect stands in pause, e.g. ‫ ְשׂ ָֽעתּ‬Dt ְָ ‫וָב‬ 6:11, 11:15; ‫ ְאָמ֑רתּ‬Is 14:4, Ju 4:8; sometimes even in the lesser pause, as Dt 2:28, Ez 3:26, 1 ְָ ָ ‫ו‬ S 29:8 (where see Driver), with Zaqeph qaṭon; and frequently also immediately before a tonesyllable (according to § 29 e), as in ‫ ְָשׁ ב ָה בּ֑הּ‬Dt 17:14, Ez 14:13, 17:22, Am 1:4, 7, 10, ָ ‫וי ַ ְ תּ‬ 12—but also ‫ ְ ָֽשׁקתּ֫ ב֔הּ‬Dt 21:11, 23:14. 24:19, 1 K 8:46. ָ ָ ְ ַ ‫וח‬

§ 50. The Participle. 1. Qal has both an active participle, called Pôēl from its form (‫ ,)פֹּ ֵל‬and a ‫ע‬ 1 passive, Pāûl (‫.) ָעוּל‬ ‫פּ‬
Pāûl is generally regarded as a survival of a passive of Qal, which still exists throughout in Arabic, but has been lost in Hebrew (see, however, § 52 e), just as in Aramaic the passives of Piēl and Hiphı̂l are lost, except in the participles. But instances of the form quṭṭāl are better

1 1 The irregularity in the tone of these perfects manifestly results from following conflicting theories, not that of Ben Asher alone. ‫נא‬ 1 1 The constr. st. ‫ ְ ֻם‬in the formula ‫ ,נאם יהוה‬the word (properly the whispering) of the Lord, &c., is always written defectively.

regarded as remnants of the passive participle Qal (see § 52 s), so that ‫ ָעוּל‬must be ‫פּ‬ considered as an original verbal noun; cf. Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 173 ff.

2. In the intransitive verbs mid. e and mid. o, the form of the participle active of Qal coincides in form with the 3rd sing. of the perfect, e.g. ‫ ָשׁן‬sleeping, from ‫ָגוֹר ;ָשׁן‬ ֵ‫י‬ ֵ‫י‬ ‫י‬ (only orthographically different from the perf. ‫ )ָגֹר‬fearing; cf. the formation of the ‫י‬ participle in Niphal, § 51 a. On the other hand, the participle of verbs mid. a takes the form ‫( קֹ ֵל‬so even from the transitive ‫ שֵׂא‬to hate, part. ‫ .)שֵׂא‬The ô of these forms has ‫ט‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫נ‬ arisen through an obscuring of the â, and is therefore unchangeable, cf. § 9 q. The form ‫( ק ָל‬with a changeable Qameṣ in both syllables), which would correspond to the ‫ָט‬ forms ‫ ָשׂן‬and ‫ ,ָגֹר‬is only in use as a noun, cf. § 84a f. The formation of the participle ֵ‫י‬ ‫י‬ in Piēl, Hiphı̂l, and Hı̂thpaēl follows a different method. 3. Participles form their feminine (‫ קֽט ָה‬or ‫ )קֹט֫ ֶת‬and their plural like other ‫ְֹל‬ ‫ֶל‬ nouns (§ 80 e, § 84a r, s, § 94).
Rem. 1. From the above it follows, that the ā of the form ‫ ָשׁן‬is lengthened from ă, and ֵ‫י‬ consequently changeable (e.g. fem. ‫ ;)ְשָׁה‬and that the ô of ‫ קֹ ֵל‬on the other hand is obscured ‫יֵנ‬ ‫ט‬ from an unchangeable â.2 In Arabic the verbal adjective of the form qătı̆l corresponds to the form qāṭēl, and the part. qâtı̆l to qôṭēl. In both cases, therefore, the ē of the second syllable is ‫ט‬ ‫ָב ֹ ְ ל‬ lengthened from ı̆, and is consequently changeable (e.g. ‫ ,קֹ ֵל‬plur. ‫ ,כּ ֵד ;קֽט ִים‬constr. pl. ‫.)כּב ֵי‬ ‫ִ ְד‬ ‫ תּוֹ ִיך‬Ps 16:5, instead of the form qôṭēl, is an anomaly; it is possible, however, that ‫תּוֹ ֵיך‬ ְ‫מ‬ ְ‫מ‬ ְ ַ‫י‬ (incorrectly written fully) is intended (cf. ‫ 2 סֹ ֵיב‬K 8:21), or even the imperfect Hiphı̂l of ‫.ָמך‬ ‫ב‬ The form ‫ יֹ ִף‬in Is 29:14, 38:5 appears to stand for ‫ ,יֹ ֵף‬but most probably the Masora here ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ (as certainly in ‫ יוֹ ִיף‬Ec 1:18) intends the 3rd sing. imperf. Hiph., for which the better form ‫ס‬ would be ‫ 1 אוֹ ִיל ;יוֹ ֵף‬Ch 27:30, being a proper name and a foreign word, need not be ‫ס‬ ‫ב‬ considered.—‫( אֹ ַד‬constr. state of ‫ ,)אֹ ֵד‬with ă in the second syllable, occurs in Dt 32:28 (cf. ‫ב‬ ‫ב‬ moreover, § 65 d). On ‫ ה֫וֹ ֶם‬Is 41:7 (for ‫ ,)הוֹ ֵם‬see § 29 f. ‫ל‬ ‫ל‬ 2. A form like the pass. ptcp. Pāŭl, but not to be confused with it, is sometimes found from intransitive verbs, to denote an inherent quality, e.g. ‫ אָמוּן‬faithful; ‫ אָנוּשׁ‬desperate, Jer 15:18, &c.; ‫ ָטוּח‬trustful, Is 26:3, Ps 112:7; ‫ ָצוּם‬strong; ‫ שׁכוּר‬drunken, Is 51:21; and even ַ ‫בּ‬ ‫ע‬ ָ from transitive verbs, ‫ אָחוּז‬handling, Ct 3:8; ‫ ָכוּר‬mindful, Ps 103:14; ‫ ָדוּע‬knowing, Is 53:3; cf. ‫ז‬ ָ ‫י‬ § 84a m.

VERBA DERIVATIVA, OR DERIVED CONJUGATIONS. § 51. Niphal.1 1. The essential characteristic of this conjugation consists in a prefix2 to the stem. This exists in two forms: (a) the (probably original) prepositive nă, as in the Hebrew perfect and participle, although in the strong verb the ă is always attenuated to ı̆: ‫ִק ַל‬ ‫נְט‬ 2 2 Cf. Vollers, ‘Das QaÆtil-partizipium, ’ in ZA. 1903, p. 312 ff. 1 1 Cf. A. Rieder, De linguae Hebr. verbis, quae vocantur derivata nifal et hitpael, Gumbinnen (Progr. des Gymn.), 1884, a list of all the strong Niphal forms (81) and Hithpaēl forms (36) in the Old Testament; and especially M. Lambert, ‘L’emploi du Nifal en Hébreu, ’ REJ. 41, 196 ff. 2 2 See Philippi in ZDMG. 1886, p. 650, and Barth, ibid. 1894, p. 8 f.

for original nă-qăṭăl, participle ‫ ,ִק ָל‬infinitive absolute sometimes ‫( ;ִ ְטוֹל‬b) the ‫נְט‬ ‫נק‬ (later) proclitic in (as in all the forms of the corresponding Arabic conjugation VII. inqătălă), found in the imperfect ‫ ִקּ ֵל‬for yinqāṭēl, in the imperative and infinitive ‫יָט‬ construct, with a secondary ‫ ה‬added, ‫( הקּ ֵל‬for hinqāṭēl), and in the infinitive absolute ‫ִ ָט‬ ‫ ה ָטֹל‬The inflexion of Niphal is perfectly analogous to that of Qal. ‫ִקּ‬
The features of Niphal are accordingly in the perfect and participle the prefixed Nûn, in the imperative, infinitive, and imperfect, the Dageš in the first radical. These characteristics hold good also for the weak verb. In the case of an initial guttural, which, according to § 22 b, cannot take Dageš forte, the emission of the strengthening invariably causes the lengthening of the preceding vowel (see § 63 h).

2. As regards its meaning, Niphal bears some resemblance to the Greek middle voice, in being—(a) primarily reflexive of Qal, e.g. ‫ ִל ַץ‬to thrust oneself (against), ‫נְח‬ ‫ ִשׁ ַר‬to take heed to oneself, φυλάσσεσθαι, ‫ ִס ַר‬to hide oneself, ‫ ְִאַל‬to redeem ‫נְמ‬ ‫נְתּ‬ ‫נג‬ oneself; cf. also ‫ ַֽעֶה‬to answer for oneself. Equally characteristic of Niphal is its ‫נ ֲנ‬ frequent use to express emotions which react upon the mind; ‫ ִ ַם‬to trouble oneself, ‫נח‬ ‫ ֶֽאַח‬to sigh (to bemoan oneself, cf. ὀδύρεσθαι, lamentari, contristari); as well as to ‫נ ֱנ‬ express actions which the subject allows to happen to himself, or to have an effect upon himself (Niphal tolerativum), e.g. ‫ דּ ַשׁ‬to search, to inquire, Niph. to allow ‫ָר‬ oneself to be inquired of, Is 65:1, Ez 14:3, &c.; so the Niph. of ‫ מ ָא‬to find, ‫ ָ ַר‬to ‫ָצ‬ ‫יס‬ warn, to correct, Jer 6:8, 31:18, &c. (b) It expresses reciprocal or mutual action, e.g. ‫ דּ ֶר‬to speak, Niph. to speak to ‫ִבּ‬ one another; ‫ שׁ ַט‬to judge, Niph. to go to law with one another; ‫ ַָץ‬to counsel, Niph. ‫ָפ‬ ‫יע‬ to take counsel, cf. the middle and deponent verbs βουλεύεσθαι (‫ ,)נוֹ ַץ‬µάξεσθαι ‫ע‬ (‫ ,)ְל ַם‬altercari, luctari (‫ ִ ָה‬to strive with one another) proeliari. ‫נְח‬ ‫נצּ‬ (c) It has also, like Hithpaēl (§ 54 f) and the Greek middle, the meaning of the active, with the addition of to oneself (sibi), for oneself, e.g. ‫ ִשׁאַל‬to ask (something) ְ‫נ‬ for oneself (1 S 20:6, 28, Neh 13:6), cf. αἰτοῦµαί σε τοῦτο, ἐδύσασθαι χιτωσνα to put out on (oneself) a tunic. (d) In consequence of a looseness of thought at an early period of the language, Niphal comes finally in many cases to represent the passive1 of Qal, e.g. ‫ ַָד‬to bear, ‫יל‬ Niph. to be born; ‫ ק ַר‬to bury, Niph. to be buried. In cases where Qal is intransitive in ‫ָכ‬ meaning, or is not used, Niphal appears also as the passive of Piēl and Hiphı̂l, e.g. ‫כּ ֵד‬ ‫ָב‬ to be in honour, Piēl to honour, Niph. to be honoured (as well as Pual ‫ כּ ַד ;)כּ ַד‬Piēl to ‫ָח ֻבּ‬ conceal, Hiph. to destroy, Niph. passive of either. In such cases Niphal may again coincide in meaning with Qal (‫ ה ָה‬Qal and Niph. to be ill) and even take an ‫ָל‬ accusative.

1 1 Cf. Halfmann, Beitraäge zur Syntax der hebraäischen Sprache, I. Stuück, Wittenb., 1888, 2. St. 1892 (Gymn.-Programm), statistics of the Niphal (Pual, Hophal, and qāṭûl) forms at different periods of the language, for the purpose of ascertaining the meaning of Niph. and its relation to the passive; the selection of periods is, however, very questionable from the standpoint of literary criticism.

Examples of denominatives are, ‫ ְִַר‬to be born a male, Ex 34:19 (from ‫ ;ָָד‬but probably ‫נזכּ‬ ‫זכ‬ ‫ הָ ָר‬should here be read); ‫ ִל ַב‬cordatum fieri, Jb 11:12 (from ‫ ל ָב‬cor); doubtless also ‫ ִבָה‬to ‫ַ זּכ‬ ‫נְבּ‬ ‫ֵב‬ ‫נְנ‬ obtain children, Gn 16:2, 30:3. The older grammarians were decidedly wrong in representing Niphal simply as the passive of Qal; for Niphal has (as the frequent use of its imperat. shows), in no respect the character of the other passives, and in Arabic a special conjugation (inqătălă) corresponds to it with a passive of its own. Moreover, the forms mentioned in § 52 e point to a differently formed passive of Qal.—The form ‫ ְגֽ ֲלוּ‬Is 59:3, La 4:14, is not to be regarded as a passive of ‫נ ֹא‬ Niphal, but with Koönig and Cheyne as a forma mixta, in the sense that the punctuators intended to combine two optional readings, ‫ ,ְִ ֲלוּ‬perf. Niph., and ‫ ,גּֽ ֲלוּ‬perf. Pual [cf. also ‫נגא‬ ‫ֹא‬ Wright, Compar. Gramm., p. 224]. Although the passive use of Niphal was introduced at an early period, and became tolerably common, it is nevertheless quite secondary to the reflexive use. Rem. 1 The infin. absol. ‫ ִ ְטוֹל‬is connected in form with the perfect, to which it bears the ‫נק‬ same relation as ‫ ָטוֹל‬to ‫ ק ַל‬in Qal, the ô in the second syllable being obscured from an ‫ק‬ ‫ָט‬ original â. Examples are, ‫ ִ ְסֹף‬Gn 31:30; ‫ ִ ְחֹם‬Ju 11:25; ‫ 1 ִשׁאֹל‬S 20:6, 28, all in connexion ‫נכ‬ ‫נל‬ ְ‫נ‬ with the perfect. Examples of the form ‫( ה ָטֹל‬in connexion with imperfects) are, ‫ הָתֹן‬Jer 32:4; ‫ ֵֽאָכֹל‬Lv ‫ִקּ‬ ‫ִנּ‬ ‫ה‬ 7:18; once ‫ א ָרשׁ‬Ez 14:3, where, perhaps, the subsequent ‫ אדּ ֵשׁ‬has led to the substitution of ‫א‬ ‫ִדּ‬ ‫ִ ָר‬ for ‫—.ה‬Moreover, the form ‫ הקּ ֵל‬is not infrequently used also for the infin. absol.,2 e.g. Ex ‫ִ ָט‬ 22:3, Nu 15:31, Dt 4:26, 1 K 20:39. On the other hand, ‫ כּהָ ֵף‬should simply be read for the ‫ְ ִ נּד‬ wholly abnormal ‫ ,כּהְדֹּף‬Ps 68:3 (commonly explained as being intended to correspond in ‫ְ ִנ‬ sound with the subsequent ‫ תְּדֹּף‬but probably a ‘forma mixta’, combining the readings ‫כּהָ ֵף‬ ‫ִנ‬ ‫ְ ִ נּד‬ and ‫.)כְּדֹף‬ ‫ִנ‬ Elision of the ‫ ה‬after prepositions is required by the Masora in ‫ בּ ָֽ֫שׁלוֹ‬Pr. 24:17 (for ‫,)בּה ָ׳‬ ְ ‫ִכּ‬ ‫ְ ִכּ‬ ‫ ֵֽה ֵג‬Ez 26:15 and ‫ ֵֽע ֵף‬La 2:11; also in verbs ‫ ל״ה‬Ex 10:3 (‫ ,42:43 ;) ֵֽ ָנוֹת‬Dt 31:11, Is 1:12 ‫בּ ָר‬ ‫בּ ָט‬ ‫לע‬ (‫ ;) ֵֽ ָאוֹת‬in verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬Jb 33:30 (‫ .) ֵאוֹר‬It is, however, extremely doubtful whether the infin. Qal ‫לר‬ ‫ל‬ of the Kethı̂bh is not rather intended in all these examples; it certainly is so in La 2:11, cf. Ps 61:3. 2. Instead of the Ṣere in the ultima of the imperfect, Pathaḥ often occurs in pause, e.g. ‫ ִַָ ַֽל‬Gn 21:8; cf. Ex 31:17, 2 S 12:15 (with final ‫( 32:71 ;)שׁ‬with ‫ ;)ק‬Jon 1:5 (with ‫ ;)מ‬see § ‫ויּגּמ‬ 29 q. In the 2nd and 3rd plur. fem. Pathaḥ predominates, e.g. ‫ תָּכ֫רָה‬Is 65:17; Ṣere occurs ‫ִ זַּ ְ נ‬ only in ‫ ֵֽעֵָ֫ה‬Ru 1:13, from ‫ ,עגן‬and hence, with loss of the doubling, for ‫ ; ֵֽעֵָ֫ה‬cf. even ‫תּ ָג נ‬ ‫תּ ָג נּ‬ ‫ ֵֽאָ ַָֽה‬Is 60:4.—With Nûn paragogicum (see § 47 m) in the 2nd and 3rd plur. masc. are ‫תּ מנ‬ found, ‫& ,תּ ָֽ ֲמוּן ,ִָֽ ְדוּן‬c., in pause ‫& , ִשָֽׁ ֵדוּן ,ִָֽ ֵלוּן‬c.; but Jb 19:24 (cf. 24:24) ‫.ֵ ָֽצ ֽוּן‬ ‫ילּ כ‬ ‫ִלּ ה‬ ‫תּ ּ מ יבּ ה‬ ‫יה ְ ב‬ 3. When the imperfect, the infinitive (in ē), or the imperative is followed in close connexion by a monosyllable, or by a word with the gone on the first syllable, the tone is, as a rule (but cf. ‫ ֵַאָ ֵק ִישׁ‬Gn 32:25), shifted back from the ultima to the penultima, while the ‫ויּ ֽ ב א‬ ‫יָ ֶ בּ‬ ‫ויּ ָ ח‬ ultima, which thus loses the tone, takes Seghôl instead of Ṣere; e.g. ‫ ִכּ֫שׁל ָהּ‬Ez 33:12; ‫ֵַע֫ ֶר לוֹ‬ Gn 25:21; in the imperative, 13:9.—So always ‫( ִשָׁ֫ ֶר לך‬since ‫ לך‬counts as one syllable) Gn ְָ ‫ה ּ מ‬ ְָ ‫ֵָ ז ר‬ ֵ ‫ויּע‬ 24:6, &c., cf. 1 S 19:2; and even with Pathaḥ in the ultima, ‫ תּעַ֫ב אָ֑ ֶץ‬Jb 18:4 (but cf. ‫ֵַָֽת֫ר‬

2 2 But, like ‫ ,ה ָטֹל‬only in connexion with imperfects, except Jer 7:9. Barth is ‫ִקּ‬ therefore right in describing (Nominalbildung, p. 74) both forms as later analogous formations (in addition to the original Semitic ‫ ,)ִ ְטוֹל‬intended to assimilate the ‫נק‬ infinitive to the imperfect which it strengthens.

‫ 2 ֱלֹ ִים‬S 21:14). Although in isolated cases (e.g. Gn 32:25, Ezr 8:23) the tone is not thrown ‫א ה‬ back, in spite of a tone-syllable following, the retraction has become usual in certain forms, even when the next word begins with a toneless syllable; especially after ‫ ו‬consec., e.g. ‫ִַשָׁ֫ ֶר‬ ‫ויּ ּ א‬ Gn 7:23; ‫ ִַלּ֫ ֶם‬Nu 21:1 and frequently, ‫ ;3:52 ִַצּ֫ ֶד‬and always so in the imperative ‫ ִשָׁ ֶר‬Ex ‫ויּ ָ ח‬ ‫ויּ ָ מ‬ ‫ה ּמ‬ 23:21, Jb 36:21, and (before Metheg of the counter-tone) Dt 24:8, 2 K 6:9. On the avoidance of pausal-forms in the imperative (Am 2:12 with Silluq, Zc 2:11 with Athnaḥ), and imperfect (Pr 24:4, &c.), see § 29 o, and note; on the other hand, always ‫& ,ִמּ ֵט ,המּ ֵט‬c. ‫יָל ִ ָל‬ In the imperative, ‫ ,ִק ְצוּ‬for ‫ ,ה ָֽ ְצוּ‬with the rejection of the initial ‫ ,ה‬occurs in Is 43:9, ‫נְבּ‬ ‫ִקּ ב‬ and in Joel 4:11 in pause ‫( ִקבּ֑צוּ‬cf. ‫ ִ ְווּ‬Jer 50:5); but in these examples either the reading or ָ ְ‫נ‬ ‫נל‬ the explanation is doubtful. The 2nd sing. imperat. of ‫ ִשׁ ַע‬is always (with ‫ ־ ה‬paragogicum) ‫נְבּ‬ ָ ‫ ִשָׁ֫ב ָה ִי‬swear to me, Gn 21:23, &c. (also ‫ ִשָֽׁב ָה ִי‬Gn 47:31, 1 S 30:15). ‫ה ּ ְע לּ‬ ‫ה ּ ְע ל‬ 4. For the 1st sing. of the imperfect, the form ‫ אקּ ֵל‬is as frequent as ‫ ,אקּ ֵל‬e.g. ‫ אדּ ֵשׁ‬I shall ‫ִ ָט‬ ‫ֶ ָט‬ ‫ִ ָר‬ be inquired of, Ez 14:3; ‫ ִשָׁבע‬I will swear, Gn 21:24; cf. 16:2, Nu 23:15, Ez 20:36, and so ַ ֵּ ‫א‬ always in the cohortative, e.g. ‫ אָֽק ָה‬I will avenge me, Is 1:24; cf. 1 S 12:7, Ez 26:2, and in ‫ִנּ ְמ‬ the impf. Niph. of ‫ 96 §( פ״ו‬t). The Babylonian punctuation admits only ı̆ under the preformative of the 1st person.

§ 52. Pi ēl and Pu al. 1. The characteristic of this conjugation consists in the strengthening of the middle radical. From the simple stem qaṭal (cf. § 43 b) the form ‫( ק ַל‬cf. the Arabic ‫ַטּ‬ conj. II. qăttălă) would naturally follow as the perfect of the active (Pi ̄l). The Pathaḥ of the first syllable is, however, with one exception (see m), always attenuated to ı̆ in the perfect. In the second syllable, ă has been retained in the majority of cases, so that the conjugation should more correctly be called Pi al; but very frequently1 this ă also is attenuated to ı̆, which is then regularly lengthened to ē, under the influence of the tone. Cf. in Aram. ‫ ;ק ֵל‬but in Biblical Aramaic almost always ‫.ק ִל‬ ‫ַטּ‬ ‫ַטּ‬ On the three cases in which ă before a final ‫ ר‬or ‫ ס‬has passed into Seghôl, see below, l.—Hence, for the 3rd sing. masc. perfect, there arise forms like ‫,ִ ֵף ;ק ַשׁ ,ל ַד ,א ַד‬ ‫גּדּ ִ דּ ִ מּ ִ בּ‬ ‫& ,כּ ֵד‬c.—Before afformatives beginning with a consonant, however, ă is always ‫ִבּ‬ retained, thus ‫& ,קטּ֫ ְנוּ ,קטּל ֶם ,קטּ֫לתּ‬c. In the infinitives (absol. ‫ , ַטֹּל‬obscured from ָ ְ ַ ִ ‫ִ ַ ל ִ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ַטּ‬ ‫יַטּ‬ ‫ַטּ‬ ‫ְ ַטּ‬ qaṭṭâl; constr. ‫ ,)ק ֵל‬imperfect (‫ ,)ְק ֵל‬imperative (‫ ,)ק ֵל‬and participle (‫ )טק ֵל‬the e original ă of the first syllable reappears throughout. The vocal Š wâ of the preformatives is weakened from a short vowel; cf. the Arabic imperfect yŭqăttı̆l, participle mŭqăttı̆l. The passive (Pu al) is distinguished by the obscure vowel ŭ, or very rarely ŏ, in the first syllable, and ŏ (in pause ā) always in the second. In Arabic, also, the passives are formed throughout with ŭ in the first syllable. The inflexion of both these conjugations is analogous to that of Qal.
Rem. 1. The preformative ‫ ,מ‬which in the remaining conjugations also is the prefix of the ְ participle, is probably connected with the interrogative or indefinite (cf. § 37) pronoun ‫ִי‬ ‫מ‬ quis? quicunque (fem. i.e. neuter, ‫ ;) ָה‬cf. § 85 e. ‫מ‬

1 1 So in all verbs which end in Nûn, and in almost all which end in Lamed (Olsh. p. 538). Barth is probably right in supposing (ZDMG. 1894, p. 1 ff.) that the vowels of the strengthened perfects have been influenced by the imperfect.

2. The Dageš forte, which according to the above is characteristic of the whole of Pi ēl and Pu al, is often omitted (independently of verbs middle guttural, § 64 d) when the middle radical has Šewâ under it (cf. § 20 m), e.g. ‫ שׁל ָה‬for ‫ שׁלּ ָה‬Ez 17:17; ‫ 2 בּ ְשׁ֫הוּ‬Ch 15:15 (but in ‫ִ ְח‬ ‫ִ ְח‬ ֻ ‫ִק‬ the imperative always ‫ 1 בּ ְשׁוּ‬S 28:7, &c.), and so always in ‫ ה ְלוּ‬praise. The vocal character ‫ַקּ‬ ‫ַל‬ of the Šewâ under the litera dagessanda is sometimes in such cases (according to § 10 h) expressly emphasized by its taking the form of a Ḥaṭeph, as in ‫ ֻֽק ָה‬Gn 2:23, with ‫ ־‬owing to ‫ל ֳח‬ ֳ the influence of the preceding u, cf. ‫ ָֽ ֳלוֹ‬for ‫& ,פּ ְלוֹ‬c.; Gn 9:14, Ju 16:16. In the imperfect ‫פּע‬ ‫ָע‬ and participle the Šewâ under the preformatives (Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ under ‫ א‬in the 1st sing. imperfect) serves at the same time as a characteristic of both conjugations (Gn 26:14 f.). 3. According to the convincing suggestion of Boöttcher2 (Ausfuührliches Lehrbuch, § 904 ff. and § 1022), many supposed perfects of Pu al are in reality passives of Qal. He reckons as such all those perfects, of which the Pi‛ēl (which ought to express the corresponding active) is either not found at all, or only (as in the case of ‫ )ִֵד‬with a different meaning, and ‫ילּ‬ which form their imperfect from another conjugation, generally Niph‛al. Such perfects are the quṭṭal form of the stems ‫( אבל‬imperfect ‫ תּא ְלוּ‬Is 1:20), ‫,שׁטף ,שׁגל ,עבד ,לקח ,יצר ,ילד ,טרף ,חפשׁ‬ ‫ְ ֻבּ‬ ‫ .שׁפך‬Barth (see below) adds to the list the apparent Pu‛al-perfects of ‫,כרת ,חצב ,זנה ,בזז ,אסר‬ ְ ‫ ,ראה ,עשה ,עזב ,נפח‬and of verbs with middle ‫( ר‬hence with ŭ of the first syllable lengthened to ō), ‫ הרה ,הרג‬Jb 3:3 [‫ ,זרה‬see § 67 m], ‫ ;שׂרף ,קרא ,מרט ,טרף ,זרק ,זרע‬also the infinitives absolute ‫ הֹרוֹ ְהֹגוֹ‬Is 59:13. In these cases there is no need to assume any error on the part of the ‫ו‬ punctuators; the sharpening of the second radical may have taken place in order to retain the characteristic ŭ of the first syllable (cf. Arab. qŭtı̆lă as passive of qătălă), and the a of the second syllable is in accordance with the vocalization of all the other passives (see § 39 f). Cf. § 52 s and § 53 u.

2. The fundamental idea of Pi‛ēl, to which all the various shades of meaning in this conjugation may be referred, is to busy oneself eagerly with the action indicated by the stem. This intensifying of the idea of the stem, which is outwardly expressed by the strengthening of the second radical, appears in individual cases as—(a) a strengthening and repetition of the action (cf. the intensive and iterative nouns with ‫ָח‬ the middle radical strengthened, § 84b),1 e.g. ‫ צ ַק‬to laugh, Pi‛ēl to jest, to make sport (to laugh repeatedly); ‫ שׁאַל‬to ask, Pi‛ēl to beg; hence when an action has reference to ָ many, e.g. ‫ ק ַר‬to bury (a person) Gn 23:4, Pi‛ēl to bury (many) 1 K 11:15, and often ‫ָב‬ so in Syr. and Arab. Other varieties of the intensive and iterative meaning are, e.g. ‫פּ ַח‬ ‫ָת‬ to open, Pi‛ēl to loose; ‫ ס ַר‬to count, Pi‛ēl to recount: [cf. ‫,ח ֵשׂ ,ר ֵא ,הלּך , ִשֵׁב ,כּ ֵב‬ ‫ָפ‬ ‫ִ פּ ִפּ ִ ֵ ְ ח ּ ִתּ‬ ‫.]מרצּח , ְאַ ֵב ;תּ ֵשׂ‬ ‫ְ ַ ֵ ַ מ ה ִפּ‬ The eager pursuit of an action may also consist in urging and causing others to do ‫ָמ‬ the same. Hence Pi‛ēl has also—(b) a causative sense (like Hiph‛ı̂l), e.g. ‫ ל ַד‬to learn, Pi‛ēl to teach. It may often be turned by such phrases as to permit to, to declare or 2 2 As Mayer Lambert observes, the same view was already expressed by Ibn Ǵanâḥ (see above, § 3 d) in the Kitāb el-luma , p. 161. Cf. especially Barth, ‘Das passive Qal und seine Participien, ’ in the Festschrift zum Jubilaäum Hildesheimer (Berlin, 1890), p. 145 ff. 1 1 Analogous examples, in which the strengthening of a letter has likewise an intensive force, are such German words as reichen, recken (Eng. to reach, to rack); streichen (stringo), strecken: cf. Strich (a stroke), Strecke (a stretch); wacker from wachen; others, in which it has the causative sense, are stechen, stecken; wachen (watch), wecken (wake); τέλλω to bring to an end (cf. the stem τέλω to end, in τέλος, τελέω); γεννάω to beget, from the stem γένω to come into being (cf. γένος).

when followed by Maqqeph. e. e. and generally express a being occupied with the object expressed by the noun. also to emigrate.קטּ֫ ְנוּ‬In the 3rd sing. Also with an intransitive sense Pi‛ēl occurs as an intensive form. but only in poetic language. Or again. owe their origin to some particular school of Masoretes. to injure the tail (‫ .שׁ ֵשׁ‬from ‫ שֹׁ֫ ֶשׁ‬to root out. ‫ ִֵד‬to help in child-bearing. is usually shortened into Seghôl. ‫ִנּ‬ ‫ִפּ ק‬ to dust (from ‫ עֵן . from ָ ‫ִבּ‬ ‫ דּ ָר‬a word. and imperative Pi‛ēl (as also in Hithpa‛ēl) the Ṣere in the final syllable.)ָָב‬hence to rout ‫ֵר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫זנּ‬ ‫זנ‬ the rear of an army. in the same ֶ ֶ ‫ִטּ‬ ‫ִצּ ֵט‬ ‫ֶצ‬ sense.g.g. fem.)ח ְא‬to break any one’s bones (‫ . 7. ‫ דּ ֶר‬to speak. but Qameṣ never appears in this pausal form.g. ‫ רָה‬to be drunken. ‫ ק ֶשׁ־ ִי‬sanctify unto me. Gn 41:51. ‫ 2 ק ַץ‬K ‫גּדּ‬ ‫גּדּ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ ‫ִצּ‬ 8:16 with ‫ ק ֵץ‬Ps 129:4. ‫ַ֫שִַׁי‬ ‫נ ּנ‬ he made me forget. infinitive. Is 10:33 (from ‫ ס ִיף‬a bough).קטּ֫ ָה‬except ‫ קבּ֫ ָה‬Mi 1:7. &c. the pausal form of ‫ כּ ֶר‬does not ‫ִבּ ִבּ‬ ‫ִפּ‬ occur. when Qal has acquired a figurative sense.קטּ֫לוּ‬the 2nd ‫ִֵ ל‬ ‫ִָ צ‬ ִֵ and 1st sing.)עָן‬to divide in three ‫ִנּ ָפ‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ parts. and 1st plur. Pr ‫ִח‬ 28:14. The meaning of the passive (Pu‛al) follows naturally from the above.. ‫ ִ ֵל‬Is 49:21 with ‫ ִ ַל‬Jos 4:14. to clear away stones. Ex 32:6 in the infinitive.ָ ָה‬Pi‛ēl to uncover. ‫ פּ ַד‬to tremble. e. injuring. Ec 12:3]. Jer 51:56. Some ‫גּר‬ ‫ֵע גּ ר‬ ‫ְע‬ words are clearly denominatives. and ‫ִקּ‬ to remove stones (from a field). Ex 13:2. In Pi‛ēl the literal. to attack it. to extirpate. Cf. our to skin.)למּ֫ד ִי‬ ָ ְ ָ ִ ְ ְ ָ ִ ‫ִ ָ ְתּ‬ ‫ִבּ ְ תּ‬ ‫ִ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ . or to do a thing for the third time (from ‫ . e.)ע ָר‬to gather the clouds together (from ‫ שׁ ֵשׁ . Is 51:13. 60:11 instead of ‫ִוּ‬ ‫ִע‬ the Pi‛ēl of ‫ פתח‬the Niph‛al is certainly to be read.e. e. cf. ‫ ִֵב‬prop. ‫ ס ֵל‬to stone. although the noun from which they are derived is no longer found. ‫ מ ֵט‬Ez 33:5 with ‫ מ ַט‬Ec 9:15.ע֫ ֶם‬cf. the denominative may express taking away. e. our to stone. to behead.דּ ֵר‬S 19:25).. Is 34:5. and .) ֵן‬to throw dust. to nest (from ‫ ע ֵר . Qal to reveal. the ‫ָב‬ object denoted by the noun (privative Pi‛ēl. of course as ‫( קטּ֫ל ִי . e. to pelt with stones (also used in this sense in Qal). ‫ . but at the end of the sentence (in pause) the form with Ṣere is more common.g. ‫ ֵ ֵם‬from ‫ ס ֵף . ‫יַח‬ ‫ֲ ַח‬ and Gn 21:9 in the participle). Is 40:20. ‫ ִשֵׁן‬to remove the ashes ‫ִבּ‬ ּ ‫דּ‬ (‫ ח ֵא . Pu‛al to be sought. e.קטּ֫לתּ . to emphasize more clearly the play on the name ‫.)שׁלשׁ‬probably also ‫ דּ ֶר‬to speak.מַשֶׁה‬ ּ ‫ְנ‬ 2. ‫ . always as ‫ . In the imperfect (and jussive Ju 16:25). as ‫ ְר ֶף‬Dt 32:11. ‫ילּ‬ (c) Denominatives (see § 38 b) are frequently formed in this conjugation. ‫גּל‬ to make the land bare. ‫ ל ֵב‬to ravish the heart. cf. Rem.hold as (the declarative Pi‛ēl).g. Pathaḥ in the first syllable (as in Aramaic and Arabic) occurs only once. but become in pause ‫ 2( כּ ֵס . and ‫ כּ ֶס‬to wash clothes (also ‫ כ ֵס‬Gn ‫ִָ ל‬ ‫ִבּ‬ ‫ִפּ‬ ‫ִבּ‬ ‫ִבּ‬ e 49:11) take S ghôl. in ‫ִצּ‬ pause is always of the form ‫ . to bone). The 3rd sing. Pausal‫יַקּ‬ ‫ַדּ ל‬ forms with Seghôl instead of Ṣere. ‫בּ ֵשׁ‬ ‫ִקּ‬ Pi‛ēl to seek. i. used also in the sense of taking out the stones from fruit. to help to. ‫ צ ֵק‬to declare ‫ִיּ‬ ‫ִדּ‬ innocent. 12:9) and in the middle of sentences in continuous discourse.)ֶ֫ ֶם‬to lop the boughs. ‫ חתת‬in Pi‛ēl to be broken in pieces. perf. 1. with Cheyne.g. either to form or to make use of it.קטּ֫לתּ‬but always ‫ דּ ַֽר ִי‬and ‫. ‫ כּ ֶר‬to pardon. ‫ אר ֶם‬Ho 2:6 (cf. Est 3:1. ‫ קֵן‬to make a nest. The (more frequent) form of the perfect with Pathaḥ in the second syllable appears especially before Maqqeph (Ec 9:15.g.)דּ֫שׁן‬to free from sin (‫ ע ֵם . [‫ מ ֵט‬to be few. concrete meaning of the verb has sometimes been retained. the 3rd plur. ‫ חָה‬to cause to live. but in Is 48:8. ‫ ְב ֶשׁ־לוֹ‬he seeks for himself.g.

before a suffix ‫ צדּקתּך‬Ez 16:52. Dt ‫ִבּ‬ ‫ִבּ‬ 4:15 (in each case after ‫ . p. 2 K 6:19. in 1 Ch 8:8 ‫ . § 45 d). ‫ תּד ֵר֑וּן‬Ps 58:2 (but Gn 32:20 ‫ . p. read ְּ ‫ְמ‬ ‫ .g.—Before the full plural ending ‫( וּן‬see § 47 m) the Ṣere is retained in pause. e. Dt 12:3.. the form ‫( ק ֵל‬with ă attenuated to ı̆ as in the ‫ִטּ‬ perfect). 3. As infinitive absolute. Na 2:4. ‫יְר‬ ‫ ַמּ ָה‬Ps 147:1. ‫גּ‬ occurs in the strong verb in Pu‛al. e. ‫ 2 ל ָח‬K 2:10. also ‫ המּאִים‬Jer ‫ֶד‬ ‫ָא‬ ‫א‬ ‫ַ ֵ ֲנ‬ 13:10. 4. 12:14 and ‫ ְאס֣ע ֵם‬Zc 7:14 (in accordance with § 23 ‫ֱ זר‬ ‫וֵ ָ ֲר‬ ‫ְ ַבּ‬ h). § 29 s and 65 e.)תּח ַת‬in all of which places it is considered by ‫בּ‬ ‫ְ ִלּ‬ König (after Qimḥi) to be infinitive construct.g. however. e. 3:7 ‫ . ‫ יוּ ַד‬Ju 18:29. 9:2 (always after ‫ .)ל״א‬Ps 40:2 ‫י‬ (from a verb ‫ . in exceptional cases. cf. and for the ‫ִל‬ ‫ִטּ‬ sake of assonance even for infinitive absolute in 2 S 12:14 (‫ . from ‫ ל״ה‬with suffix ‫ ֻנּוֹתוֹ‬Ps 132:1.)ר‬it remains even in pause. Is 3:16. Ps 118:18. 13:18. read ‫ ְאַ ְ׳‬with ed.א‬Lv 26:33. of Pu‛al we find ‫ ֻנֹּב‬Gn 40:15. and so also Ben Ašer.) and ‫ מ ֵר‬Zp 1:14 (and Is 8:1. Notice. 264 ‫ַמּ ֲנ‬ ‫ַ ְמ ֲנ‬ f. Ps 72:20. The infinitive construct Pi‛ēl. inf.) ְיוֹם‬Ho 1:2 (after ‫ . with the fem. 3?). Ec 9:12 (where ‫ . Also ‫ פּ ַג‬Ps 55:10 occurs as the 2nd sing. with ‫ ת‬of the fem. Pi‛el.מ‬as in Is 18:2. in both cases before a sibilant and in pause. while ‫ דּ ֶר‬Ex 6:28. ִם‬but cf. they are perfect participles of ‫ֻכּ‬ former passives of Qal (see e). cf. 1 K 19:10 (from a verb ‫ . &c.)מוֹע֫ ֶת‬so also in the participle Pi‛ēl ‫ מ ֵן‬Ex 7:27.)קטּ ָה‬see § 84b e. Grundriss.)ל״ה‬but much more frequently the form of the infinitive construct (‫ )ק ֵל‬is used ‫ַטּ‬ instead. and in Jer 13:10. is really perfect of Pi‛ēl. ‫ע‬ 6. e. Nu 3:1. Ex 21:19. A few examples occur of the participle Pu‛al without the preformative (ְ ). perfect participles of Pi‛ēl.שׁ ְחוֹ‬perhaps also (if not a substantive) ‫ ק ֵר‬Jer 44:21. If the final syllable of the imperfect Pi‛ēl has Pathaḥ (before a guttural or ‫ . § 53.—No instance of the inf. ‫ ַסֹּר‬castigando. ‫( יוּ ָד‬for ‫ )מָֻד‬Ju 13:8.תּקטּ֫לָה‬forms like ‫ תּקטּ֫לָה‬are also found. These participles are distinguished ‫לּ‬ ‫ְ ילּ‬ ‫ֻקּ‬ ‫ֲר‬ from the perfect (as in Niph‛al) by the ā of the final syllable. Mant.g. constr. where. For other examples.תּר ְחוּ‬It is merely an orthographic ‫ְ ָצּ‬ ‫ְ ַצּ‬ licence when ŭ is written fully. ִ‫ק‬ ‫ְ יקּ יקּ‬ not Ez 26:17. Hiph‛ı̂l and Hoph‛al. 7 (but also ‫ . e. The rejection of the ‫ מ‬may be ‫ה ָֻ ל‬ ְ favoured by an initial ‫ .are wrongly accepted by Baer. but Ben Naphtali ‫ .g. so before Silluq Ps 58:3. e. stands for ‫ .)מ ֻשָׁך‬Pr 25:19 (where. cf. since ‫ ַֽהלּ֫ ָה‬as Mil‛êl can only be the perfect.)מֻ ָ׳ = ֻ ָ׳‬but. e. In the 1st sing.יוּ ָשׁים‬according to § 20 n. ‫ְ ֽ ְפ‬ ‫מ ס‬ and Ginsburg. In Pu‛al ŏ is sometimes found instead of ŭ in the initial syllable. ‫ַלּ‬ imperative (probably an intentional imitation of the sound of the preceding ‫ )בּ ַע‬and ‫( ק ַב‬for ‫ַלּ‬ ‫ָר‬ qarrabh) Ez 37:17. Instead of ‫ . ‫לּ‬ 5. ‫שׁ ֵם‬ ָ ְ ‫נא נ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ Dt 32:35 and ‫ דּ ֵר‬Jer 5:13 are better regarded as substantives. as the active of forms like ‫ א ָל‬only occurs in Qal.)ִ ֵץ ִאַ֫צתּ‬On the other hand. 23:32. ‫ ְאָ ָם‬dyed red. Jb 21:11 and even ‫ְ ַבּ‬ ‫ְ ַ ֵ ְנ‬ ‫ְ ַ ַ ְנ‬ before Zaqeph qaṭon Dt 7:5. Pa‛il (‫ . the analogous cases in § 75 n and hh. Ez 5:12. According to Baer’s reading also in ‫ָ ְד‬ ‫ תּר ְחוּ‬Ps 62:4. The latter has also. see § 65 d. imperfect the e-sound occurs in two words for Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ. however. however. ‫ המ ָֽאִים = ה ָֽאִים‬is to be read. according to the Masora. Is 62:9) as ptcp. ‫ א ָל‬Ex ‫מ‬ ‫ֻכּ‬ 3:2. cf. Barth’s suggestion (Nominalbildung.שׁדּ ָה‬Ez 16:4. under the preformative ‫ אָ ֶה .)תּד ְר֣וּן‬cf.g. see Is 30:24. with Brockelmann.g. occurs in ‫ ַסּ ָה‬Lv 26:18. The infinite absolute of Pi‛ēl has sometimes the special form ‫ ַטֹּל‬given in the ‫ק‬ paradigm. On the verbal nouns after the ‫זְר‬ ְֵ ְֶַ form of the Aram.—On ‫מר ַע‬ ‫ְ ֻבּ‬ Ez 45:2. Ex ‫מ דּ‬ 25:5. ‫ סֹע ָה‬Is 54:11. . ‫ַה‬ 273) that. 80:11. ‫ַ ָל‬ Instead of the abnormal ‫( מאָס ָיו‬so Baer. ending (cf.g.

as its characteristic. Philippi.g.)מהק ָל‬ ‫ֻ ְט‬ ‫יְט‬ ‫יָ ְט‬ ‫יְט‬ ‫ָ ְט‬ ‫ֻ ְט‬ ‫ְ ָ ְט‬ but the infinitive absolute has the form ‫. Hiph. e. e.ֻק ַל‬Part. as in Pi‛ēl). perdidit. Pi‛ēl to honour.g. IV. . Pi‛ēl and Hiph‛ı̂l.־‬cf. ’aqtălă. however. ‫( ָק ַל‬syncopated from ‫ )ְהק ַל‬or ‫ . e. it is always replaced in the strong ‫ַ ְט‬ verb by ı̂. only one of these two conjugations is in use. 2. or else they differ from one another in meaning. In Hebrew the regular lengthening of this ı̆ to ē appears in the strong verb at least in the jussive and in the imperfect consecutive (see n). ‫כּ ֵד‬ ‫ָב‬ gravem esse. (see m). Hiph‛ı̂l then takes two accusatives (see § 117 cc). moreover. to sanctify.אַק ֵל‬beside ‫ְט‬ ‫ הק ִל‬in Biblical Aramaic. to bring forth. Hiph. masc. whilst the second syllable has ă (in pause ā). ‫ ק ַשׁ‬to be holy.g. on ‫ תּקט֫לָה . 52 f.הק ִיל‬and in the imperfect and participle ‫ ַק ִיל‬and ‫ . ‫ . e. Pi‛ēl and Hiph‛ı̂l occur side by side in the same sense. In the passive (Hoph‛al) the preformative is pronounced with an obscure vowel. in the imperfect and participle Hiph‛ı̂l. ‫ הצ ִיק‬to pronounce just.הק ֵל‬ ‫ָ ְט‬ Thus the characteristics of both conjugations are the ‫ ה‬preformative in the perfect. ‫ ָ ָה‬to bow oneself. 1 ‫ . to draw ‫יצ‬ forth. § 26 p. as also in the imperative of the 2nd sing. Jb 9:20. Similarly in the ִ ִ infinitive construct ‫ . § 9 g.. to the imperfect of the strong verb and afterwards to the whole of Hiph‛ı l. cf. Instead of this. Hiph. ‫ ה ְשׁיע‬to make one an evil ‫ִ ְדּ‬ ַ ִ ‫ִר‬ doer (to pronounce guilty).טק ִיל‬which ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫יְט‬ ‫ַ ְט‬ are syncopated from ‫ ְהק ִיל‬and ‫ 32 § . e. &c. Praetorius. and infinitive. however. cf. ‫& .g. ‫אָ ַד‬ ‫ב‬ periit. ‫ ָ ָא‬to go forth. Hiph‛ı̂l to bring to honour. according to the Hebrew point of view (and that of the Semitic languages in general. ‫ הק ַל‬or ‫ָ ְט‬ ‫ . The second syllable of the perfect had also originally an ă. also to make heavy. as a rule.1. After the attenuation of this ă to ı̆. If Qal has already a transitive meaning. The characteristic of the active (Hiph‛ı̂l) is a prefixed ‫( ה‬on its origin see § 55 i) ַ in the perfect ‫( ה‬with the ă attenuated to ı̆. to bend.מהק ִיל‬k. as in Aramaic ‫ .הקט֫לתּ‬c. imperative. which we have to express by periphrasis. under the influence of a guttural.g. a series of actions and ideas. to lead forth. and even more frequently than in Pi‛ēl (§ 52 g). to bow. 1883. To these inwardly transitive or intensive Hiph‛ı̂ls belong: (a) Hiph‛ı̂l stems which express the obtaining or receiving of a 1 1 This ı may have been transferred originally from the imperfects of verbs ‫ . Jussive. it ought by rule to have been lengthened to ē in the tone-syllable. p. Pathaḥ under the preformatives. Under the causative is also included (as in ‫ָד‬ Pi‛ēl) the declarative sense. causative of Qal. Among the ideas expressed by the causative and transitive are included.הק ַל‬Imperf. in the Hoph‛al ŏ or ŭ. which forms a closed syllable ִ with the first consonant of the stem. thus:—Perf.־ י‬but sometimes written defectively ‫ . ZAW. § 65 f. The corresponding Arabic forms ‫יַ ְט‬ ‫ְ ַ ְט‬ (juqtı̆l and muqtı̆l) point to an original ı̆ in the second syllable of these forms. cf. On the return of the original ă in ‫ַ ְ ֵ ְנ ַ ְ ֵ ְנ‬ the second syllable of the Imperat. the Arabic conj. in order to understand their being represented by the Hiph‛ı̂l-form.הקט֫לָה‬cf. The meaning of Hiph‛ı̂l is primarily. especially Arabic). ‫ מק ָל‬or ‫( מק ָל‬from ‫. In some verbs. so Stade. to represent as perverse.עקשׁ‬in Hiph‛ı̂l.ע״וּ‬as a convenient means of distinction between the indicative and jussive. and in Hebrew the return of the ְָ ְִַ Pathaḥ in the 2nd and 1st pers. Verbs ‫נט‬ which are intransitive in Qal simply become transitive in Hiph‛ı̂l.

‫ אצר‬to set over the treasury. and consequently is changeable. from ‫אְָח‬ ‫ה ֶ זנ‬ ‫ֶ זנ‬ stinking or stench. ‫ שׁכם‬to set out early (to lead the back [of the camel. ‫ עטף‬to be ְ weak. ‫נק‬ Rem. ‫ תעב . to boil over. ‫ לשׁן‬to move the tongue. ‫ לבן‬to become white. for the sake of brevity. ‫ רשׁע . ‫ שׁפל‬to be low. the Lat. cf. corpus. abominably. (c) Stems which express action in some particular direction: ‫ חטא‬to err. ‫ פרס‬to get or to have hoofs. ‫ חרה‬to become hot. further. to exult. ‫ מתק‬to be sweet. to trust in. for. ‫ שׁמן‬to grow fat. to put forth.גבר . ‫. to be at peace. robur. Further. ‫ צמת . ă) takes its place.חרשׁ‬to be silent (silentium facere. to be avenged (but see below. ‫ יתר‬to attain superiority. ‫ בכר‬to bring forth ‫וא ַ וּ‬ a firstborn. u). e. to slander. The Hiph‛ı̂l forms of some verbs of motion constitute a variety of this class: ‫ נגשׁ‬to draw near. ‫ שׁרשׁ‬to put forth roots. and the German äugeln (to make eyes). to become ashamed. ‫ זוד‬to become boiling. far forze. without exception.רגע‬to become quiet (to keep quiet). ‫ שׁלם‬to act peacefully. Ho 8:7. under the influence of gutturals. to make fat.זהר . ָ‫ע‬ for. with retention of the ‫ א‬prosthetic. &c.עדף‬to overflow. far frutto. to make fruit.1 e.רעע‬to act wickedly. (In the following examples the Qal stems are given. ‫ קדם‬to come before. is proved by the forms of the imperative and imperfect where ē (or.סכת . cf. as ְַ ְ‫הְ ְַ ה‬ ‫ ָ ַם‬to avenge. ‫ באשׁ‬to become stinking. the producing of a thing. Of a different kind are the denominatives from: ‫( אזן‬scarcely to prick up the ears. ‫ הום‬to be in tumult. Hiph‛ı̂l remains. to make branches. godlessly. ‫ שׁכל‬to produce ‫ה ְ ְא‬ abortion. ‫המ‬ ‫ ִשׂמ ִיל‬to go to the left. ‫ שׂכל‬to act wisely. 1 1 The same ideas are also paraphrased by the verb ‫( ָשׂה‬to make).אמץ‬to be strong (to develop strength). schwänzeln. perf. only in very isolated instances has it been weakened to Šewâ (see n and o).שׁחת‬to act corruptly. cf.. (b) sometimes equivalent to a passive of Qal. The ı̂ of the 3rd sing.g. näseln. &c. divitias facere. and the Ital. That it was. § 19 m (but see below. ‫ ארך‬to be long (to acquire length). The meaning of Hoph‛al is (a) primarily that of a passive of Hiph‛ı̂l. ‫ חלק‬to flatter (to act smoothly). the being in the same: ‫ אמן‬to become firm. but) to act with the ears.עור‬to become awake. ‫ קרן‬to get or to have horns. in the 3rd fem. to hear. ‫ שׁלג‬to become snow-white. to be submissive.) Thus ‫ צוץ . ‫ חלה‬to become ill. ‫ קוץ . to shine (to give forth brightness). cf. Neh 13:13 (unless ‫ ָ ְַֽצֶה‬is to be read.אהל‬to be bright. ‫ סכל‬to act foolishly. ‫ ערם‬to act craftily. Jb 15:27. ‫ פרח‬to bloom. ‫ חזק . ‫( ימן‬Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ ) ֵי ִין‬to go to the right. In an open syllable the ı̂ is retained almost throughout. ‫ צנע‬to act submissively. and so are properly regarded as causatives. 1. to yield. far corpo. to produce fat upon his body. ‫ צלח‬to have success. they have become stinking. . sobolem. ‫ זרע‬to produce seed. only lengthened from a short vowel.g. opposed to ‫. ‫ יטב‬to act well.רוע‬ ְ ‫ רנן‬to make a noise. (in the tone-syllable). as in Neh 7:2). however. ‫ִשׁ ִיך‬ proiecit. to do good.חשׁה . ‫ שׁוק . ‫ הסר‬to come to want. there are in Hiph‛ı̂l a considerable number of denominatives which express the bringing out.יפע . ‫ יבשׁ‬to become dry. masc.concrete or abstract quality. ‫ רחק‬to withdraw far off (all these three are besides used as causatives). ‫ זעק‬to cry out. with the addition of the meaning which—often together with other meanings— belongs to the Hiph‛ı̂l. ‫ גשׁם‬to cause to rain. opposed to ‫ חשׁך‬to become dark. e. ‫ שׁבר‬to sell corn. Jb 14:9. so also according to the ordinary acceptation ‫ ֶֽאְִ֫יחוּ‬Is 19:6. ‫ אדם‬to become red. ֶֽע ִיב‬ ‫ה ֱר‬ ְ ‫הְל‬ 3. ‫ קרב‬to come near. ‫ שׁמם‬to be astonished.]?). ‫ גבהּ‬to be high. ‫ קשׁה‬to become hard. füsseln. ‫ חלף‬to sprout (to put forth shoots). Pliny). ‫ ָשׁלך‬or ‫ ֻשׁלך‬proiectus est. (b) Stems which express in Hiph‛ı̂l the entering into a certain condition and. Hoph. ‫ סכן‬to become familiar. p).g. ‫ שׁקט .

2. after ‫ ו‬consec. The ‫ַ ְכּ‬ same weakening occurs also in the imperfect in 3rd and and masc. cf. Lv 14:46.—The form ‫ הק ִיל‬for ‫ הק ֵל‬appears anomalously a few times: ‫ַ ְכּ נ‬ ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ַ ְט‬ Ps 94:1. ‫ ַַדבּ֫יקוּ‬Ju 18:22. not ‫ הוֹשׁיע֫ה ָא‬as Ginsb.תּקט֫ילוּ .. e. ‫ ָֽאוֹצ ָה‬Neh 13:13. 2 K 8:6. e. ‫ ה ְשׁ֫י ָה‬attend to. e. ‫ ִשׁ ִיד‬to destroy. unless the form be Pi‛ēl=‫ . cf. On the elision of the ‫ ה‬after prefixes. also ‫ ַב ֶר־‬Ex 22:4. 23:32. ‫ הק ֵשׁ‬Ju 17:3.g.ְַע ְשִׁי‬since the Hiph‛ı̂l ‫וי ַ ק ֵ נ‬ is not found elsewhere. The infinitive absolute commonly has Ṣere without Yodh. With ‫ א‬instead of ‫( ה‬probably a mere scribal error.אצר‬but probably ‫ָֽאצֶה‬ ‫י ַב‬ ‫ו ְר‬ is to be read. ִ ְ‫י‬ ְִַ ִ ְ ‫ויּ‬ e The only exceptions. of Philol. It is hardly likely that in these isolated examples we have a trace of 1 1 As to the doubtfulness.. ‫ְכּ‬ are. and fem. Dt 15:14. Pr 25:2. sing. in 1st plur. With ă in the second syllable there occurs ‫ הְכּר ֶם‬Ez 21:29 (cf. e. On the other hand.. see Robertson Smith in the Journ. Ob 12. of this form of the Inf.בּהְ ִיל‬read perhaps ‫ . ‫ אַל־תְּ ֵל‬make not great. see q. 72 f. ֵ ‫ַע‬ ‫ַע‬ 17 (=to take the tithe). Dt 32:8 (Sam.ה‬for ְ ‫ַע‬ ‫ )ל ַֽ ֲשׂיר‬the right reading is simply ‫ .g. On the other hand. 2 S 22:1 (Ps ‫ִק‬ ‫ַק‬ ‫ָצ‬ 18:1). imperfect Qal). Hiph. ָ ‫ַק ִ ב‬ ‫ הוֹשׁ֫י ָה ָא‬Ps 118:25. Jer 50:34. elsewhere the Masora has preferred the punctuation ‫ . Ps 105:28. Gn 49:4. § 69 v and § 72 y).g. the substantival infin. Similarly. cf.י‬as ‫ָאַס ִר‬ ‫ואַ ְ מ‬ ‫וֽ ְתּ‬ Ez 39:23 f.. ‫ . ‫ ַשׁ ֵיד‬Am 9:8. perhaps also ‫ תּה ְרוּ‬Jb 19:3 (according to others. . 1 S 17:25. not an Aramaism) we find ‫ אַשׁ ֵים‬Jer 25:3. 4:15.g. 44:25. In the imperfect Hiph‛ı̂l the shorter form with Ṣere prevails for the jussive in the 3rd masc.g. ‫ו ת‬ before a sibilant (see § 29 q) ‫ ַַַשׁ‬Ju 6:19. only in Neh 4:3. in the 3rd sing. masc. Jos 11:14. Ps 65:10. e. ‫ ַֽע ְרוּ‬Jer 11:15. In the plural again. cf. 7:24. on general grounds.g. Qal (‫ )בּ ְשׂר‬was intended. e. and consequently also before suffixes (see § 61 g) and ‫ ־ ה‬paragogic.g. cf. v. ‫ הס ֶן־ָא‬Jb 22:21. on the ‫ְ ַ נח‬ ‫ְ ַ נח‬ other hand. and before suffixes. § 49 e and § 74 l. ‫ ָ ֽשׁ ִיד‬Am 2:9 (but generally without ‫ . Gn 1:4... Jb 13:3 (?). the original ı̆ ‫ַ ְל ח‬ ‫הְמ‬ (cf. Ec 10:10. for ‫ בּ ְשׂר‬Neh 10:39 perhaps the inf.g. and in the lesser pause.g. xvi.ק ָה‬scarcely. are ‫ ַַד ְכוּ‬Jer 9:2.—In the Aram. and 2nd masc. Is 59:4. and ‫ ַֽא ֶר‬Jb 39:26 before the principal ‫י ֲב‬ pause. as in 7:2.ל ַשֵׂר‬since elsewhere the Pi‛ēl alone occurs with the ִ ‫ְה ע‬ ּ ‫ְע‬ meaning to tithe. however. before suffixes. ‫ 1 ַַד ְקוּ‬S 14:22. 3. ‫ ַשׁ ֵן‬make fat.—In La 5:1 ‫ הבּ֫י ָה‬is required by the Qerê for ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ִַ ט‬ ‫. 51:33 and ‫הְמ‬ ‫ ה ְצוֹת‬for ‫ ה ְצוֹת‬Lv 14:43 from ‫ . With ă in the principal pause ‫ ַתּוֹ ַר‬Ru 2:14. 1 K 20:33.).. Dn 11:23). where the form with Ṣere stands for the infinitive construct. where the ı̂ is weakened to Š wâ. and becomes Seeghôl before Maqqeph.g. 25. in the 2nd sing. even incorrectly ‫ תֵּיד‬Ex 19:3 and ‫ ֵַיד‬Ec 10:20. [cf. &c.הק ֵיל‬e. 1 Ch 10:2. according to i. In the imperative the ı̂ is retained throughout in the open syllable. Rare exceptions. Jer 17:18 (cf. Jer 3:15. as in 1 S 8:15. ‫ויּ ְ ר‬ ‫ויּ ְ בּ‬ ‫ו ֲ ַוּ‬ 31:2. e. Is 43:8. Lv 7:35 (see § 155 l). and in Jb 9:20. where the ‫ַגּ‬ ‫יגּ‬ ‫י ְע‬ jussive form is to be explained according to § 109 h.)בּהְ ִל‬Jer 44:19. but also § 72 aa. manner ‫ ל ַשׁ ָעוּת‬is found in Ez 24:26 (as a construct form) ְַַ ‫ְה ְ מ‬ for the infinitive Hiph‛ı̂l (cf. ı̂ is ‫ויּ ְ דּ‬ almost always retained in the 1st sing.g. the infinitive Hithpa‛el.) ַד‬and in the passages so explained by König (i. in the lesser pause ‫ ַַ ַף‬La 3:5. as in ed. e. e. ‫ַזַ ְכ‬ ‫ 1 הפצ֑ר‬S 15:23).. less ‫ַ ְדּ‬ frequently it takes ‫ . 28:55]. Mant. and Kittel. Ps 142:5. Baer. ‫ ַַב ֵל‬and He divided.הביט‬ 4. Driver on Dt 3:3. ‫ ַַֽחֶק־בּוֹ‬Ju 19:4. Before Maqqeph the ‫ויּגּ‬ ‫ויּ קּ‬ Ṣere becomes Seghôl. Instead of the ordinary form of the infinitive construct ‫ הק ִיל‬the form ‫ הק ִיל‬sometimes ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ִ ְט‬ occurs. 276) where ‫ִשׁ ִיר‬ ‫ע‬ ‫הְא‬ appears after prepositions1. Jabl. the Qal and the Pi‛ēl. 1 K 11:16 (after ‫ . Dt 7:24. with the ‫ִ ע נּ‬ ‫ִ ָ נּ‬ b tone at the end only ‫ הצ ְי ָה‬ibid. p. e. Arabic ’áqtı̆l) is lengthened to ē. At the same time it is doubtful whether the present punctuation does not arise from a conflation of two different readings. Jb ֵ ‫הְמ‬ 34:35.ַקט֫ילוּ‬even in the jussive and after ‫ ו‬consecutive.־ י‬e. 28:48. if it is Hiph‛ı̂l of ‫ . for ‫ ל ְשׂר‬Dt 26:12 (which looks like an infinitive Hiph‛ı̂l with elision of the ‫ .g. e. 25 .g. ı̂ remains ‫ויּ ֲ ז‬ in the forms ‫ . sing. ‫ ַכ ֵת‬let Him cut off! ‫ַ גדּ‬ ‫יְר‬ Ps 12:4.

yaqtı̆l. So G. see above. in the partic. the participle Qal is probably to be read in both places.)הק ַל‬in the ‫ֻ ְט‬ strong verb less frequently in the perfect and infinitive. ‫ 2 מעְ ִים‬Ch 28:23 (but as ‫ם‬ ‫מ ֲ ָכ‬ ‫ַ ְ ְמ‬ ‫ַ ְ זר‬ precedes. see above. 1887.ַק ִיל‬but it is retained in the infinitive after prepositions.—The fem. or an Aramaism.the ground-form. ‫ ְהוֹ ֶה‬He will praise for ‫ יוֹ ֶה‬Neh 11:17. k. Mi 6:3. In the perfect there occur occasionally such forms as ‫ 1 הכל֫ ְנוּ‬S 25:7. also in ‫ מחל ִים‬Jer 29:8. through the influence of the initial ‫( מ‬but cf. ‫ַ ְ ְכ‬ however. Ps 28:7.א‬to avoid a hiatus). ‫ָב‬ ‫ַמ‬ ‫ לְחוֹ ָם‬Ex 13:21. but the plural ending ‫( וּן‬see § 47 m) always has the tone. ‫ 2 ֻשׁלך‬S 20:21 (beside ‫ ָשׁלכתּ‬Is 14:19) ‫ המל֫חתּ‬Ez 16:4. ‫ ַֽהל ִים‬should be read). maqtĭl. ‫ 1 ַֽא ִיב‬S 2:33. as also previously. ‫ ל ְרוֹת‬Is 3:8. With regard to the tone it is to be observed that the afformatives ‫ וּ‬and ‫ ־ ה‬in Hiph‛ı̂l ָ have not the tone. ‫ בּ ִיר‬for ‫ בּה ִיר‬Ps ‫ל ֲד‬ ‫לְמ‬ ‫ול ְ בּ‬ ‫ָע‬ ‫ְ ָע‬ 73:20 (but in the city is probably meant). ‫ ְהוֹשׁיע‬He will save for ‫ 1 יוֹשׁיע‬S 17:47. The Masora appears to require the weakening of the vowel to Šewâ (see above. for ‫ ל ְחוֹת‬Pr 31:3 read ‫ַמ‬ ‫ ְמֹחוֹת‬or ‫. ‫ַ ִר‬ 9.להק ִיל‬The exceptions are in the imperfect. n) in ‫ מהל ִים‬Zc 3:7 (probably. ‫ ְהת֫לּוּ‬Jer 9:4. Literaturzeitung. further.e. the proper name ‫ְהוּ ַל‬ ‫י ד‬ ‫ד‬ ‫י כ‬ Jer 37:3. ‫ תּק ִב֫וּן‬Dt 1:17. in the infinitive (where. Christian) empire.אַשׁ ֵים‬ ‫ֶ ג ֽ ְתּ‬ On the other hand. The passive (Hoph‛al) has ŭ instead of Qameṣ ḥaṭuph in the first syllable (‫ . thus ‫ . Is 63:3. from verbs ‫ַנ ת‬ ‫ַנּ‬ ‫ַר ֹ ְ כ‬ ‫ . ‫ ל ִיא‬Jer 39:7 (2 Ch 31:10). and partly are intended. however. ‫ . ‫ ַשׁ ִד‬Is 23:11. yet ‫צ‬ the Ṣere may also possibly be explained by the retraction of the tone.ֻשׁלך‬part. . Jer 27:20. however.—In ִ ‫וַ ְא‬ ‫ְכּ‬ ‫ 1אְאָל ִי‬I have stained.g. above. § 51 l.להס ִיר‬and ‫ ל ְבּוֹת‬Nu 5:22. in pause ‫ ַשׂכּֽ ֶת‬Pr 19:14. ‫ ַשֶֶׂת‬Lv ‫מ ח ְֹר‬ ‫ַ זֶ ר‬ ‫מ ּג‬ 14:21.g. ‫ א‬stands at the beginning instead of ‫ . ‫( לל ֵן‬doubly anomalous for ‫ )להל ִין‬Dn 11:35.ה‬Lv 15:29 before ‫ . col. (where the ‫ַ ְ ְר‬ Kethı̂bh ‫ ַֽ ֲצֽצ ִים‬is better). Ps 116:6 ‫ְ ַ ְמ‬ ַ ִ ‫י‬ ַ ִ (in pause). Jb 16:7. ‫ ַשׁל֑ם‬Is 44:28).למ ַחוֹת‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ִ ְמ‬ 8.ה‬cf. ‫ ל ְאֽת ֶם‬Dt 1:33: cf. Instead of the firmly closed syllable. ‫ ְ ֶֽאְִ֫יחוּ‬Is 19:6 (see above. however. ‫( כְּלוֹת‬see. ‫ ְאדרכם‬and ‫( ְֵז‬instead of ‫ ָֽאד׳‬and ‫ )ֵָז‬are made future instead ‫ו‬ ‫וי‬ ְֶ ‫ו‬ ‫ויּ‬ of past. for which 38:1 ‫[ יוּ ַל‬and ‫ ְהוֹ ֵף‬Ps 81:6). In the imperfect and participle the characteristic ‫ ה‬is regularly elided after the preformatives. More probably they are due partly to a misunderstanding of the defective writing. and the ‫ א‬is only an ‫גּ ְתּ‬ indication of the change of the perfect into the imperfect. n). ‫תּהת֫לּוּ‬ ‫כ‬ ‫י ס‬ ‫יה ל‬ ֵ ָ‫י‬ ְֵָ Jb 13:9] and ‫ מהק ָעוֹת‬Ez 46:22. to combine the forms of Qal and Hiph‛ı̂l. by a purely orthographic licence. which is found. ‫ַ ְמ יְמ‬ ‫ . k. Ps 78:17.מק ִיל . ֵ‫תּ ד‬ 5. ‫ ַֽח ִיא‬Ec 5:5. as in Niph‛al. and in the Qerê ‫ 1 מחצ ִים‬Ch 15:24 &c. cf. 292. ַֽ ְשׁא‬with euphonic Ga‛ya (see § 16 h). Jewish exegesis applied these Edomoracles to the Roman (i. with the original ă in the first syllable ‫ ְהר ֵית֫י‬Na 3:5. e. and accordingly dittography may well have taken place.ל״ה‬Nu 5:22. 45:18 (cf. the Masora requires in Gn 1:11 ‫ . ‫מְָ ל‬ 6. who had the ‫וה ֶ זנ‬ Aramaic form in mind and corrected it by prefixing ‫. ‫ ָשׁ ָת‬Pr 25:26). ‫( ֵאָל ִי‬perfect Pi‛ēl) is to be read. Moore in Theol. ְַ ְ ‫ה‬ ְַ ְ‫י‬ ְָ ְ ‫מ‬ ָ ְַ ְ ‫ה‬ ְַ ְַֻ 1 1 Most probably. ‫ַֽע ִיר‬ ‫ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ַ נפּ ְ ַ ְ תּ‬ ‫ַצ‬ ‫ל ֲב‬ 2 S 19:19. by a change of punctuation. [‫ 07 §( ְ ֵי ִילוּ‬d) Is 52:5. e. on ‫. 2 K ‫ְֶַ מ‬ 17:11. the reading of the text is perhaps again intended to combine Qal and Hiph‛ı̂l. even in the perfect with waw consecutive (except in Ex 26:33 before ‫ . the ‫ְ ֻ ְצ‬ infinitive Qal is generally to be read) ‫ לס ִר‬Is 29:15 for ‫ לְ ִל .ה‬ 7.)91:23 ָשׁכּ ָה‬ ‫מְח‬ ‫הְכּ‬ ‫ה ְ ְב‬ ‫ ֻשׁלך‬impf. as formae ְִ‫י‬ mixtae. ‫ַשׁמע‬ ‫ל ֲל‬ ‫ל ֲט‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ ‫ְ ַ ְבּ‬ ִַ ְ‫ל‬ Ps 26:7. is ordinarily pointed as ‫ מְכּ֫ ֶת‬Nu 5:15. e.g. Gn 41:28. ‫ מ֫וֹ ֵא‬Ps 135:7 appears to be traceable to the ground-form. in numerous other cases (even in 3rd sing. ‫ ְַשׁ ִית‬Am 8:4 (certainly corrupt). but generally in the participle. § 20 h) Is 33:1. ‫ ַֽה ִק‬Jer 37:12. In the participle. Jer 29:1. g) is a mere error of the scribe. ‫ ֻשׁ ַב‬Ez 32:32 (beside ‫. on Dt 26:12 and Neh 10:39.

A passive of Qal is also indicated in the Tellel-Amarna letters. § 52 e) a number of supposed imperfects Hoph‛al are. Like the preformative ‫ )הְ) נ‬of Niph‛al. Hithpa‛lēl and Hithpalpel (§ 55).ה ְשׁ ֵר‬to become burdensome.e. cf.ֻ ַח‬that ‫יתּ‬ ‫יקּ‬ of these frequently used verbs.ָ ַן‬from ‫( ל ַח‬cf. see above. on this metathesis. according to Knudtzon. § 66 g). by a number of imperfect forms.Hoph. ’et2). Ps 59:5). Stein. 1.ֻ ַן‬from ‫ ָ ַם‬and ‫ ֻ ַח . 1893.דּוּשׁ‬the verbs ‫ יוּשׁת .הַד‬cf. 12.כּתת‬the verb ‫ יוּ ַשׁ :ע״וּ‬from ‫ . In point of fact it would be very strange. qaṭṭal) the syllable ‫( הת‬Western Aramaic ‫ . e. being formed by prefixing to the Pi‛ēlstem (qaṭṭēl. cf. for ‫ה ְ ַמּ‬ ‫ הסתּ ֵל .צ . ‫ הֵד‬Jos 9:24. Hithpa‛ēl. on the other hand.כ‬e. Dn 11:14). for ‫ הצט ֵק . Der Stamm des Hithpael im Hebr.יוּשׁר . ‫יגּ ֻ גּ‬ 10. ‫ הח ֵל‬and ‫ המלח‬Ez 16:4. Ps 76:6 (‫. ‫ תּ ַוֵֹן‬Nu 21:27 (cf. as ‫ִ נּבּ‬ well as ‫( התַ ֵא‬cf.שׁ ַד‬Barth adds the verbs ‫ תּ ַשׁ :פ״ן‬Ez ‫יח ר‬ ‫ּ ָנ‬ ‫ָד‬ ‫ֻתּ‬ 19:12 from ‫ ֻ ָץ . Hithpôēl.g. An infinitive construct does not occur in the strong verb. without elision of the ‫ מהק ָעוֹת :ה‬Ez 46:22. pt. so with ‫( ַֻם‬for ‫ . ‫ הטּ ֵר‬to ‫ִ ַבּ‬ ‫ִ ַכּ‬ ‫ִ ַה‬ purify oneself.חקק‬c. which are undoubtedly due to Canaanite influence.נתץ‬the verbs ‫ ֻח֫קוּ :ע״ע‬Jb 19:23 from ‫& ַֻת . and at the same time the ‫ ת‬after a ‫ צ‬becomes the corresponding emphatic ‫ :ט‬thus ‫ ִשׁתּ ֵר‬to take heed to oneself. ‫ הת‬has also a reflexive force. imperfects of the passive of Qal. The Hithpa‛ēl1 is connected with Pi‛ēl. under certain circumstances. as also in Hothpa‛al (see h). here the Hiph‛ı̂l).g. ‫ִנ‬ ְִ 2. ‫ מדּ ֵר‬speaking.ְֻ ַם‬cf.את‬but in Biblical Aramaic ‫.צ ַק‬ ‫ִ ְ ַבּ ִת ַ מּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַדּ ִ ְ ַבּ‬ ‫ָד‬ The only exception is in Jer 49:3. note.נתשׁ‬Lev 11:35 from ‫ . yuqtălŭ as ‫יקּ‬ ‫ינק‬ imperfect Qal in Arabic) and ‫ .ד‬the ‫ ת‬of the preformative is assimilated to it (§ 19 d). ‫ הַ ֵא‬to prophesy.חַן‬Ho 10:14 (cf. § 46 a. from ‫. As in the case of the perfects passive of Qal (see above.ט .יוּח֫ל :ע״י‬from ‫ שׁיר . nor the other tense of the same conjugation (i. Ez 5:13.ש‬the ‫ ת‬and the sibilant change places (cf.)ת . (An exception occurs in Ju ‫ִ ַמּ‬ ‫ִ ַמּ‬ 19:22. especially in the case of ‫ ֻ ַן‬and ‫ . conversing. Is 33:1) from ‫ .) The assimilation of the ‫ ת‬occurs also with ‫ נ‬and ‫ . verbs ‫ פּ״ן‬always have ŭ ‫ְ ֻ ְצ‬ (in a sharpened syllable): ‫( ַֻד . With regard to the imperative Hoph‛al.) ֶשׁתּוֹ ְלוּ‬ ‫ֶ ְ ַבּ‬ ‫אְ ל‬ . Nu 24:7. ‫ . According to Böttcher (Ausführliches Lehrbuch. The ‫ ת‬of the prefix in this conjugation. iv. ‫ יוּאָר‬Nu 22:6 ‫יתּ‬ ‫נק‬ ‫יקּ נת‬ ‫ָק‬ from ‫ ֻ ַן . Beitr.. ‫ִ ַסּ‬ 1 1 A. ִיל‬and ‫ . § 54.e.שׁית‬On ‫ִַ֫ישׂם‬ ‫ד‬ ָ ַ ַ ‫ִ ח‬ ִ ֶ ‫ויּ‬ &c. only the imperfect Hoph‛al should have been preserved. ‫ הטּ ֵא‬to defile oneself.הת‬ ְִ ְִ ְִ Syr.g.אָ ַר‬from ‫ יוּשָׁ֑ד . § 73 f. 1. suffers the following changes: (a) When the stem begins with one of the harder sibilants ‫ . The infinitive absolute has in Hoph‛al (as in Hiph‛ı̂l) Ṣere in the last syllable. in fact.or t-sound (‫ . ‫ הדּ ָא‬to be crushed. gives alphabetical statistics of the 1151 forms. from ‫יתּ‬ ָ‫י‬ ‫יכּ‬ ‫ . § 906) and Barth (see above. (b) When the stem begins with a d. with ‫ שׁ‬Ec 7:16 with ‫ ר‬Is 33:10. § 52 e) the question is again of verbs of which neither the corresponding causative (i. 410. ‫ התּ ֵם‬to act uprightly.ס‬or ‫ . ‫ִ ְ נבּ‬ ‫ִכּ נ‬ ‫ תּכּ ֶה‬Pr 26:26. Schwerin. § 19 n). here the perfect Hoph‛al) is found. e. zur Assyriologie.ְה ְשׁוֹט֫טָה‬to avoid the cacophony of three ‫וִת ַ ְנ‬ successive t-sounds.התס ֵל‬to justify oneself. § 9 n). amongst all the forms of Hiph‛ı̂l and Hoph‛al. 2 2 So also in Hebrew ‫ 2 אתח ַר‬Ch 20:35. ‫ָ ְתּ‬ ְֵַָ ‫ֻגּ‬ 11. Is 54:14.

Gn 42:1. 20:7 and Ez 38:23.ק . Metathesis would likewise be expected. to act in an excited ‫ה ְ ָר‬ ‫ִ ְ נבּ‬ manner like a prophet. ‫ ִשׂתּ ֵר‬Nu 16:13. Job 13:27. in the only instance of the kind (‫ הַכּוּ‬Is ‫ִזּ‬ 1:16) the ‫ ת‬is assimilated to the ‫— .הַ֫כּוּ‬imperative Niph‛al of ‫ . 2 S 10:12. with ְ consecutive Is 8:21. § 51 d. ‫ תּתח ַם‬Ec 7:16. 64:11. The meaning of Hithpa‛ēl sometimes coincides with that of Qal. Lv 13:55. ‫ הת ַשֵׁר‬to make.מ . to feign oneself ‫ִ ְ ַלּ‬ ּ ‫ִ ְע‬ rich. so in Hithpa‛ēl.ל‬In the perfect.—In Lv 11:44. so also in meaning. when ‫ ת‬and ‫ ז‬come together. crafty.זכך‬is intended. e. ‫ התהלּך‬to walk about for oneself (ambulare). Est 5:10. 15:8. ‫ הת ָאָה‬to look upon one ‫ִ ְר‬ another. both forms being in use together. 58:14.g. Hithpa‛ēl is primarily (a) reflexive of Piēl. Rem. ‫ 1 התַ ֵא‬S 18:10. ‫ הצטֵד‬Jos 9:12. e. where the reflexive sense (to bring oneself into oblivion) has altogether disappeared. to conduct oneself as such. ‫ התח ָה‬to pretend to be ill. simply to take revenge). ‫ ה ְאֵַר‬to gird oneself. to show oneself. and imperative of Hithpa‛ēl (as well as of Hithpô‛ēl. ‫ אָ ַל‬to mourn.g. ‫ התַ ֵל‬to make oneself great. ‫( הדּ֫שָׁה‬for ‫ . ‫ 1 התחַק‬K 20:22. The passive form Hothpa‛al is found only in the few following examples: ‫ הטּ ָא‬to be ‫ֻ ַמּ‬ defiled. 1 S 3:10. to affect to be of a certain character. ‫ִ ְ ַזּ‬ Ps 37:4. —but (c) It moro often indicates an action less directly affecting the subject. in one’s own special interest (cf. to make oneself a prince.g. to imagine oneself.g.g.g.g. 18. E. Cf. As in form. ‫ הת ַשֵׁט‬exuit sibi (vestem). 1 K 11:9. imperfect (with the exception of Ec 7:16). ‫ִ ְ ַקּ‬ note. on Is 14:2. to ı̆ and then lengthened to ē). ‫התפּ ַח‬ ‫ִ ְ נצּ‬ ּ ‫ִ ְפּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַתּ‬ solvit sibi (vincula). ‫ התפּ ֵל‬sibi intercedere (see ְֵַ ְ ִ ‫ִ ְ ַלּ‬ Delitzsch on Is 1:15). ‫ התח ֵם‬to show ‫ִ ְ נּדּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַכּ‬ oneself wise. ‫ו‬ ‫ִ ְ ַכּ‬ cf. ‫ התַ ֵם‬to how ‫ִ ְ נקּ‬ oneself revengeful (Niph. plur. i. as well as a change of ‫ ת‬to ‫ .ד‬Instead of this.. see § 117 w. Niph‛al.g. cf.) it is made fat. to rave. and describes it as performed with regard to or for oneself. e. Hithpalpēl.g.הת ָֽ ְדוּ‬see l. ‫ָ ְפּ ק‬ Denominatives with a reflexive meaning are ‫ התַ ֵד‬to embrace Judaism. § 51 f. to take (something) as one’s provision. e. the perfect very frequently (in stems ending in ‫. § 51 e). from ‫)ְהוּ ָה( ְהוּד‬ ‫ִ ְ יה‬ ‫י ד י‬ Judah. infinitive ‫ הכּ ֵס‬to be washed. &c. e. § 44 d). Is 55:2. as in the cases under b. e. (b) It expresses reciprocal action. . ‫ ִיא תתה ָֽל‬Pr 31:30 she shall be praised. ‫ 1 ָ ֶֽ ְאַ ַק‬S 13:12. and in the last passage before ‫ . Hithpa‛ēl in such cases readily takes an accusative. in Qal only in poetic ‫ב‬ style. Is 34:6. without an ‫ִ ְ ַיּ‬ accusative. Ps 55:2. 56.Rem. 1. Ps 41:8. so also in the imperfect and imperative. to act proudly. 2 Ch 13:7. ı̆ takes the place of ă ‫וא ת פּ‬ in the final syllable of the stem before ‫( שׁ‬cf. On ‫ . ‫ִשׁתּ ַח‬ ‫ה ִ ְ ַלּ‬ ‫ה ְ ַכּ‬ to be forgotten. As in Pi‛ēl.ג‬ ‫ )פ‬has retained the original Pathaḥ in the final syllable (while in the ordinary form it is ‫ִת נּ‬ attenuated. and in the numerous instances where the Hithpa‛ēl expresses to make oneself that which is predicated by the stem.הת ַשָׁה‬the ‫ ָה‬being ‫ֻ ַבּ‬ ‫ַֻ ְנ‬ ‫ֻ ְדּ ְ נ‬ ‫נ‬ treated as if it were the afformative of the fem. § 55) the original ă always returns in pause as Qameṣ. Niph‛al. Although in these examples the ‫ִת זּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַדּ‬ intensive meaning is not distinctly marked.e. e.g. Dt 9:8. cf. Hithpa‛lēl. in Hithpa‛ēl in prose. e. ‫ התח ָה‬to draw a line for oneself.ז‬unless indeed ‫ . (d) Only seldom is it passive. see § 57. Ec 8:10. ‫ ה ְאַַף‬Dt 4:21. Dt 24:4. ‫ הצטֵד‬to provision oneself for a journey. it is so in other cases. like Niph‛al. ‫ התק ֵשׁ‬to sanctify oneself. from ‫ ֵי ָה‬provision for a journey (see § 72 ‫ִ ְ ַיּ‬ ‫צד‬ m). ‫ התפּ ֵק‬Ex ‫ִ ְ ָר‬ 32:3 and ‫ התַ ֵל‬Ex 33:6 to tear off from oneself. ‫ִזּ‬ 3. On the accusative after Hithpa‛ēl (regarded as a transitive verb). as in Pi‛ēl. e.

as regards their inflexion and partly in their meaning: 1.—In the Aramaic manner an infinitive Hithpa ēl ‫ התח ְרוּת‬occurs in Dn 11:23 (cf. ‫ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ ְסֹ ֵר‬Ho 13:3. ‫ב‬ ‫ְ ִ ְתּ ח‬ § 55. e.—Like the Pi ēl ‫ 25 §( תּקטּ֫לָה‬n). as Hithpa ēl forms. ‫ ַשׁ ָעוּת‬in Ez 24:26). According to others.ְקוֹ ֵל‬ ‫י ט‬ participle ‫ . lines 11.9:12 . 2:33. and 32.ל״ה‬ ‫ִ ְגּ ע‬ ‫ שׁוֹשׂ֫ ִי‬Is 10:13. ‫ ִתהלּך‬Jb 18:8. pass.הת‬on the analogy of Hithpa ēl. Of the less common conjugations (§ 39 g) some may be classed with Pi ēl.g. ‫י ְ ָק‬ ‫ָ ְפּ ק‬ Nu 1:47. who would contend with me.מ ְנֹ ֵץ‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ִת א‬ Po el proper (as distinguished from the corresponding conjugations of verbs ‫ 76 § ע״ע‬l and ‫ 27 § ע״וּ‬m. ‫ט ֽוֹשִׁי‬ ‫מ ְֹט‬ ‫ְל ְ נ‬ (denominative from ‫ ָשׁוֹן‬the tongue) slandering (as if intent on injuring with the tongue) Ps ‫ל‬ 101:5 Keth. As instances of the reflexive ‫( התק ֵל‬connected with Pi ēl) a few reflexive forms of the ‫ִ ְ ַטּ‬ verb ‫( פּ ַד‬to examine) are also probably to be reckoned. in the ‫נְח‬ first two places in the imperfect with wāw consecutive ‫ . with the ‫ ת‬transposed. Amongst the conjugations analogous to Pi ēl are included the passive forms distinguished by their vowels. Arab. like the Aramaic Ithpe ēl (Western Aramaic ‫ . passive ‫ . but they are more correctly explained. VI. forms occur in Hithpa ēl like ‫ תּתהלּ֫כָה‬Zc 6:7. with ē only in La ‫ִ ְ ַ ַ ְנ‬ 4:1. in Hithpô ēl ‫ התֽׄ ֲשׁוּ‬they shall be moved. Jb 96. Pô ēl ‫ . Jer 25:16. occurs in ‫( הלתחם‬on the analogy of O. in the sense of to present oneself for review. cf. ‫ בּהל ַֽ ֲמֹה ִי‬in his fighting against me. Jer 49:3. Less Common Conjugations. ‫ ִ ְאַ ָל‬Ez 7:27. 1 S 21:3 (unless ‫ הוֹד֫ע ִי‬should be read). these forms are rather reflexives of Qal. while the passive form is distinguished simply by the a-sound in the second syllable.אתק ֵל‬Syr.—The ā also appears before the fuller ending ‫ וּן‬in the plural of the imperfect (cf. with the meaning of the ‫ִ ְ ַח‬ O. from an internal modification or development of the stem.קוֹ ַל‬reflexive Hithpô ēl ‫ . § 47 m) ‫ְ ַ ַ ְנ‬ in Ps 12:9. from a verb ‫. the doubling of the ‫ ק‬being abnormally omitted.שׁוֹ ַשׁ‬denominative from ‫ שֹׁ֫ ֶשׁ‬root (but ‫ שׁ ֵשׁ‬to ‫י ע‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ֵר‬ root out). above. qûtĭlă. qâtălă. Ps ‫ְל ְ נ‬ ‫גד‬ ‫זר‬ 77:18 (if not rather Pu al). 16:10. like the ‫ ה‬of Hiph ı̂l. as well as the reflexives with the prefix ‫ .ָֽאלתּ ֵם‬in line 19 in the infinitive with ‫ו ֶ ְ ַח‬ suffix. 1 K 20:27. The participle ‫ ִנֹּאָץ‬Is 52:5 is probably a forma mixta combining the readings ‫ֵת‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ ְנֹאָץ‬and ‫.51:02 ִתפּ ֵד‬The corresponding passive form ‫ הת ָֽ ְדוּ‬also occurs four times. ‫ התקדּ֑שׁוּ .קוֹ ֵל‬passive Pô al ‫ .)וְּ ָול־‬they have poured out.T. Hebrew to be pronounced ‫ )הלתּ ֵם‬in the inscription of the Moabite king Mêša . ‫ הת ָֽ ְדוּ‬Ju 20:15. and conj. the ‫ִ ְ ַבּ‬ Hiph ı̂l inf. ‫ )אתק ֵל‬and the Ethiopic taqatela. Jb 9:15. Examples: participle ‫ ְשֽׁפ ִי‬mine adversary. ְִ The following conjugations are related to Pi ēl. ‫ שֹׁ ֵשׁ‬to take root. ‫הְמ‬ 2. Am 8:13. in fact. cf. Niph al ‫ ִל ַם‬to fight. others with Hiph ı̂l. which take the place of the ordinary causative Pi ēl) expresses an aim or . 19. (The Qeré requires ‫ מ ָשִׁי‬melŏšnı̂ as Na 1:3 ‫ ֽׄ ְמוּ . to wage war: see the inscription. b). reflexive tăqâtălă. imperf. the last with ‫ִ ְ ְט‬ ‫ֶ ְ ְט‬ the t always placed after the first radical (cf. ‫ִ ְפּ ק‬ imperfect ‫ . 26:62. Hence it appears that in Hebrew the ô of the first ‫מ ט‬ ‫י ט‬ syllable is in all the forms obscured from â. 17. with König. In the strong verb these conjugations are rather rare. iqtatala.ה ְקוֹ ֵל‬corresponding to the ‫ט‬ ‫ט‬ ‫ִת ט‬ Arabic conj. 46:8.T. Am 9:13. To the former belong those which arise from the lengthening of the vowel or the repetition of one or even two radicals. to be reviewed. Instead of a Pathaḥ in a sharpened ‫ָק‬ syllable after the first radical. and so in Hithpo ēl.03:83 ִתל ָֽדוּ‬Jos 3:5. III. imperfect ‫. ‫ יוֹד֫ע ִי‬I have appointed. Jb 33:5 and § ָ‫ִת זּ‬ ‫ית בּ‬ ְָ ַ ְ‫י‬ ‫י ְ ַכּ‬ ַָ ְ ִ 74 b. to the latter belong those which are formed by prefixing a consonant. 15.֑‫ ה ְאַָר‬Ps 93:1. ְקוֹ ֵל‬imperfect passive ‫& ְקוֹ ַל‬c.—Such a reflexive of Qal. these take Qameṣ in an open syllable.

חלל‬read ‫נְל‬ ‫ . if it ‫ִ ְ ַ ְמ‬ ‫ויּ ְ ַ ְ ָ ִ ַ מּ‬ is to be derived from ‫ . 11:11. ‫ שְׂשׂג‬Is 17:11 to hedge in.צמתֽתִי‬for ‫ִ ְת נ‬ ‫ִ ְ ָ ְנ‬ ‫ ִפ ַל‬Ez 28:23. to be red. all of them found only in the perfect and ‫ר ֲנ‬ ‫ֻ ְל‬ with no corresponding Qal form. cf.קט ַל‬the ē in ‫ִ ְל‬ ‫ִ ְל‬ the final syllable also arises from ĭ.)די‬and ‫ֶ ַדּ‬ ‫ֶ ְ ַ ודּ‬ also ‫ התמה ְהוּ‬tarry ye.מ ַהּ‬and not Hithpa el from ‫. iqtăllă and XI. in German by -eln. 3. . but only ‫ח צ‬ ‫ֲצ ְר‬ in the participle.ָ ַל=ַל‬reflexive ‫ התַלֵל‬to roll oneself down. Of the ְ ‫י ְ ַק‬ ‫ו ִ ְ ַ ְח‬ ‫ויּ ְ ַ ְ מ‬ same form is ‫ אדּ ֶה‬Is 38:15. ‫ שֽׁאַן‬to be at ‫ַ ֲנ‬ rest. On the other hand.אָ ֲבוּ‬and for the equally meaningless ‫ ָפָפ֫ית‬Ps 45:3 read ‫ . from ‫ ח ֽוֹצ ָה‬a trumpet. by Ewald. The same thing is expressed also by ‫ָק‬ ‫ָק‬ ‫ָפ‬ diminutive forms. &c.g. to palpitate (of the heart) Ps 38:11. e. 1 Ch 15:24 &c.endeavour to perform the action. also ‫( ֵא ֵא‬so Baer and Ginsb. the stem expressing aim (Zielstamm). which did not venture to alter the Kethı̂bh.)ָ ַל‬These forms are more common in verbs ‫ . Pŏlpal).ְע ְעוּ‬also ‫ ַא ְאָה‬Is 27:8. 303 ff.מה ַהּ‬ ‫ָה‬ ‫ַ ְמ‬ 1 1 Cf. which has manifestly arisen only from confusion with the following ‫ .ָפ֫ית‬In both these ‫ֲ ַ ְה‬ ‫ֽה‬ ָ ִ‫יְי‬ ָ ִ‫י‬ cases a scribal error (dittography) has been perpetuated by the punctuation. klingklang. if contracted from ‫ אתדְֶּה‬or ‫ אתדידה‬from the root ‫ דו‬or ‫ . § 52 s. cf. passive Pu lal ‫ .1 e. ‫ ַֽעַן‬to be green.) for ‫ . the examples given above from Jb 9:15. our tick-tack. ְעוֵֹן‬cf.g.g. Pa lēl.צ ַל‬ ‫ִ ְצ‬ ‫גּר‬ ‫ָל‬ As Hithpalpel we find ‫ ִשׁתּ ְשׁקוּן‬Na 2:5. Pe al al: ‫ קטלטל‬with repetition of the last two radicals. Journ. Jer 48:45 ‫ )ק ְקֹד‬and Is 22:5. ‘The Pi lel in Hebrew. in the ‫ַ ְק‬ parallel passage. of colours. of Or. as in Latin by the termination -illo.התקט ֵל‬like the Arabic conjugations IX.שׁאשׁא‬This form also commonly expresses ‫ַ ְס‬ ּ ִ rapidly repeated movement.ע״וּ‬and ‫ .ָ ַר‬and ‫. with a strengthening of the two essential radicals in stems ‫.ע״ע‬ ‫ . after Qimḥi.קט ַל‬reflexive ‫ֻ ְל‬ Hithpa lēl ‫ . tintinno. and ‫ 1 עוֵֹן‬S 18:9 Qerê (probably for ‫י‬ ‫ . 1 1 Cf. Wolfensohn. Jb 16:16. the former used of ‫ִ ְ ַ ְל‬ permanent. used of movements repeated ְְַַ in quick succession. if that form is to be referred to an ‫יַל‬ ‫ס סּ‬ infinitive ‫ . iqtâllă. and subsequent obscuring of ā to ô. ‫ ט ֵף‬to trip along. passive ‫ אמ ַל‬to be withered. ‫ סחר ַר‬to go about quickly. e. ‫ ִלֵל‬to roll. Studies. also § 75 kk. in the participle.חצר ַר‬by absorption of the first ‫ . others ‫ ) ִא ֵא‬Is 14:23. ‫ כּל ֵל‬from ‫.. Probably to this form also belongs ‫ .g. and with ă ‫ָ ְכּ‬ ‫ט ט‬ ‫ט ט‬ in both syllables owing to the influence of ‫ קר ַר . 2. from ‫ . Is 29:9 (but read probably ‫( ִַתמהמהּ . and is hence called. ‫ ִַתמר ַר‬Dn 8:7. On the employment of Pe al al in the formation of nouns. passive ‫ חמר ַר‬to be in a ferment. trillern. to be heated.כּל ַל‬cf. ‫ דּ ַק‬to pound. cantillo.ע״וּ‬where they take the place of Pi ēl and ‫נפ‬ Hithpa ēl (§ 72 m). § 84b n.עוּף . flimmern. § 55 f: seeking to cast an evil eye).כּוּל‬ ‫גְּגּ‬ ‫גּל גּ‬ ‫ִ ְ גְּגּ‬ ‫ִ ְכּ‬ passive ‫ . e. to trickle. The repetition of the radical in verbs ‫ ע״ע‬also produces this effect. and the German wirrwarr. ‫מ י‬ With ‫ קוֹ ֵל‬is connected the formation of quadriliterals by the insertion of a consonant ‫ט‬ between the first and second radicals (§ 30 p.g. La 1:20.)התּ ְהוּ‬in pause) Gn 19:16. Keth. § 56). -ern. ding-dong. Ps 101:5. Pilpēl (pass. Cf.ר‬lengthening of ‫ֲ ַ ְצ‬ ă in the open syllable. ‫ָח‬ ‫ֳ ַ ְמ‬ 2:11.’ Amer. endeavour (Suche-stamm) or attack (Angriffs-stamm). tröpfeln. tinnio. ‫ צפ ֵף‬to chirp. ‫ָד‬ ֵ‫ִג‬ to others make to grow. cf. e. (For the barbarous form ‫ צמּ ֻת֫וִּי‬Ps 88:17 read ‫ . the latter of accidental or changing conditions. Lat. ‫ ַתּתחל ַל‬Est 4:4. especially with hostile intent. however. acc. generally with the ă attenuated to ĭ=Pi lēl1 (Pi lal). as in ‫ ל ַק‬to lick.סא ֵא‬perhaps also ‫ שׁשֵׁא‬Ez 39:2 for ‫ .ְלע ְעוּ‬the emended reading of Jb ‫יַ ְל‬ 39:30 instead of the impossible ‫ . cf.g. p. Closely related to this form is— 4. and this again from ă. for the meaningless ‫ אָ ֲבוּ ֵב֫וּ‬Ho 4:18 (which could only be referred to this conjugation if it stood for ‫ֽה ה‬ ‫ )אהב ֲבוּ‬read ‫ . from ‫ְ ַ ְח‬ ‫ ס ַר‬to go about. Probably this is also the explanation of ‫( ֲצוֹ ַר‬denom. ‫ קט ֵל‬and ‫ .ר‬from ‫ קוּר‬Nu 24:17 (cf. which all languages incline to indicate by a repetition of the sound.ע״י‬e. in the Lexicon the nouns derived from ‫ . xxvii (1907).

‫נְ ַטּ‬ as ‫ ְִַ ְרוּ‬for ‫ ְִתַ ְרוּ‬that they may be taught. ִשׂמ ִיל‬by syncope ‫ ִשׂ ִאיל‬and ‫ ִשׂ ִיל‬to turn to the left ‫ה ְ ְא‬ ‫הְמ‬ ‫הְמ‬ (denom. to ‫ִ ְל‬ ‫ֻ ְל‬ ‫ְ ֻ ְפּ‬ ‫ח ַ ָס‬ scale. Perhaps of the same form is ‫ שׁ ְלוּל‬a snail (unless it be from the stem ‫ . It is more correctly.קט ַל‬in ‫ ַרִיף‬a rain-storm. to ‫ִ ְט‬ ‫ִ ְגּ ְתּ‬ lead (denominative from ‫ רֶ֫ל‬a foot?) Ho 11:3.ז‬Moreover.ָ ַף‬ ‫ַ ְק‬ ‫זְז‬ ‫זר‬ 9. 3 3 [See Segal.1 2 2 The existence of a Taph ēl is contested on good grounds by Barth. Nominalbildung. Jer 12:5. Is 30:21. On the origin of these altogether secondary formations cf. cf. ְ ‫ה ֶ זנ‬ STRONG VERB WITH PRONOMINAL SUFFIXES. ‫ שׁל ֵב‬from ‫ להב‬to flame. While quadriliteral nouns are tolerably numerous.ח ַף‬to peel.] . on p. Mišnaic Hebrew. 8.תּק ֵל‬with ‫ ת‬prefixed. cf. eager). and is adopted by Beer in the text of Job. ‫ ִכּ ֵר‬probably an error for ‫ התכּ ֵר‬to be ‫ו נ וּסּ‬ ‫ו נ ְ וסּ‬ ‫נַפּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַפּ‬ forgiven. 30 ff. as a perfect of Aramaic form with Pathaḥ not attenuated. cf. Jb 33:25.כּר ֵם‬imperfect ‫ ְכרסמָ֫ה‬he doth ravage it. No. &c. 1909. however.ל״ה‬the imperfect ‫ ְ ַֽח ֶה‬to ‫ֶג‬ ‫יר ֲ ר‬ contend with. ‫ָס‬ ‫גּז‬ ‫ר ֲפ‬ ‫ְ ֻ ְבּ‬ Aramaic ‫ כּ ַל‬to bind). is weakened from a sibilant. (b) On the analogy of Hiph ı̂l: ‫ . On ‫ ֶֽאְִ֫יחוּ‬cf. with Delitzsch. 1 Ch 15:27.קט ַט‬as ‫ מחס ָס‬peeled off. ‫ָר‬ ‫ תּרֵם‬to interpret. from ‫ ָשׂף . as the infinitive absolute of a Pi lel formation. * ** Forms of which only isolated examples occur are:— 7. ‫ . 50. This conjugation is perhaps the original of Hiph ı̂l. whence also in Hebrew the passive participle ‫ מתרָם‬Ezr 4:7. ‫ . ‫נְתּ ו‬ § 56. Tiph ēl (properly Taph ēl2): ‫ . Šaph ēl: ‫ . § 85. 22:15 (from ‫ ח ָה‬to be hot. Ez 23:48. § 30 p. 279. Participle ‫ מכר ָל‬girt. from ‫ )שׂמֹאל‬Gn 13:9. p.ַָם‬Passive ‫ ֻֽט ַשׁ‬to grow fresh again. ‫( ִתק ֵל‬regularly in Mishnic Hebrew3) a form compounded of Niph al and Hithpa ēl. 48 of his edition.קט ַט‬passive ‫ . with euphonic change of the first ‫ שׂ‬to ‫ . On ‫ ִשׁ ָָֽה‬Pr 27:15. p. Oxf. from ‫ פּ ַשׂ‬to spread ‫ָר‬ out. e.שׁ‬and the second to ‫ . clothed (cf. the Rem. from a stem ‫ . Ex 16:14. from ‫.Only examples more or less doubtful can be adduced of— 5. ‫ .שׁק ֵל‬frequent in Syriac. ‫ְ ַע‬ in which case the ‫ . the reading ‫פּ ְשׂז‬ ֵ ‫ַר‬ also is very well attested. ‫ תּרַ֫ל ִי‬to teach to walk. § 53 p. like scales.כּ ַם‬cf. whence in Hebrew ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ַ ְה‬ ‫ שׁלה֫ ֶת‬flame. see § 75 x. Dt 21:8. only the following examples of the verb occur: (a) On the analogy of Pi ēl: ‫ .g. regarded. Ps 80:14 from ‫ִ ְס‬ ‫יַ ְ ְ ֶ נּ‬ ‫ . Quadriliterals.ה‬by a phonetic change which may be exemplified elsewhere. It is usual also to include among the quadriliterals ‫ פּ ְשׁז‬Jb ‫ְב‬ ֵ ‫ַר‬ 26:9. ‫ַ ְגּ‬ ‫ְ ֻ ְגּ‬ 6. participle. Similarly in Aramaic.)שׁבל‬and ‫ַ ְֶ ב‬ ‫ַבּ‬ ‫ שׁק ֲרוּרֹת‬hollow strakes.

Giessen. not ‫. part ii.2 may be expressed (1) by a separate word. and we are here ‫ְט‬ concerned with it alone. viz. f. in the ‫ . The rules which relate to the union of the suffixes with weak verbs will be given under the several classes of those verbs. J. with Hithpa ēl Is 14:2 (‫התַ ֵל‬ ‫ִ ְ נח‬ to appropriate somebody to oneself as a possession). see § 117 e. Grundriss.נביאים ראשנים‬Leipzig. ‫ התק ֵשׁ‬he sanctified himself. Brockelmann. ‫־֫ ִי‬ ‫ֵ נ‬ ‫ . 159 f. § 54 f. and § 117 w. p. 4 4 The exceptions in Jer 7:19.. B. ‫־֫ ִי‬ ‫נ‬ ‫( ־֫ ני‬in pause ‫)־֫ ִי‬ ַ ‫ָ נ‬ ‫( ־ ך‬in pause ְָ ‫־֫ ך‬ ָ ‫־ך‬ ְ ‫ . however. cf. § 58. The pronominal suffixes appended to the verb express the accusative of the personal pronoun. you (vos).־֫ ך ־ ך‬rarely ‫־ ך‬ ְְֵ ֶ ְָ ‫וֹ .ק ְשׁוֹ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַדּ‬ ‫ִדּ‬ which could only mean he sanctified him. thee. ’ AJSL. Ez 34:2. In that case a reflexive verb is used. 2. f. Niph al or Hithpa ēl (§§ 51 and 54). or (2) by a mere suffix. 1895. in order that both the forms of the suffixes and the general laws which regulate their union with verbal forms may be clearly seen. Das Verbum mit Suffixen im Hebr. = American Journal of Semitic Languages. Sprachwiss..4 Two points must be specially considered here: the form of the suffix itself (§ 58). i. To a form ending in a Vowel. him. ‫ ק ַל אֹתוֹ‬he has killed him. 1. m. W. the statistics collected by H.־֫ הוּ‬ ָ ‫־הּ‬ ָ ‫־֫ נוּ‬ ָ ‫־ ֶם‬ ‫ְכ‬ C. In all these instances the sharp antithesis between ‫( אֹ ָם‬themselves) and another object could only be ‫ת‬ expressed by retaining the same verb.3 Neither of these methods. us. ‫א‬ 3 3 On the cases where ‫ ֵת‬is necessary. ֶת‬with ‫א‬ ‫א‬ the pronominal suffix.־֥֫ ך‬also ‫)־ ך‬ ָ ֶ ְָ ‫־ך‬ ְֵ ‫־֫ הוּ‬ ֵ ‫־֫ ה‬ ָ ֶ ‫־֫ נוּ‬ ֵ 1 1 This subject of the verbal suffixes is treated here in connexion with the strong verb. suff. ‫קטל֫הוּ‬ ‫ָט‬ ְָָ or ‫ ק ָלוֹ‬he has killed him.g. Diehl.־֫ הוּ‬ ‫־֫ ה‬ ָ ‫־֫ נוּ‬ ‫־ ֶם‬ ‫כ‬ ‫)הֹ( וֹ . p. To a form in the Perf. Barth. ‘Beitraäge zur Suffixlehre des Nordsem. and the form which the verb takes when suffixes are added to it (§§ 59–61). 205 f. m. Cf.g. e. depending on an active verb. e.§ 57. 638 ff. The accusative of the personal pronoun. The Pronominal Suffixes of the Verb. m. They are the following:— A. 1890. her. AJSL. Semit. Petri. ‫ ֵת‬the accusative sign (before a suffix ‫ )אֹת . 8. and according to some. To a form in the Imperf. Das Pronomen pers. 3. is employed when the accusative of the pronoun is reflexive. Plur.. . Sing. ending in a Consonant. xvii (1901). me. 1. 1. 10 are only apparent. The latter is the usual method (§ 33). com. also in Ex 5:19 ‫ אֹ ָם‬after an active verb serves ‫ת‬ to emphasize the idea of themselves. 2 2 An accusative suffix occurs with Niph al in Ps 109:3 (since ‫ ִל ַם‬is used in the ‫נְח‬ sense of to attack). com 2. in Is 44:21. above.. AJSL. ending in a Consonant.. … des Hebr.

below.g. e. The variety of the suffix-forms is occasioned chiefly by the fact that they are modified differently according to the form and tense of the verb to which they are attached. poet. of the strong verb. That these suffixes are connected with the corresponding forms of the personal pronoun (§ 32) is for the most part self-evident. note). 55. 7 times with the imperfect. contrasted with Hebrew qeṭālat-ni and Arabic qatalat-ni. In the feminine. König accordingly prefers the expression ‘vocalic ending of the stem’. and only a few of them require elucidation. m. The connective a is most probably the remains of the old verbal termination. like the i in the 2nd pers. and participle. . is originally due to the analogy of verbs ‫ מ ֵיִי = מחִי( ל״י‬from meḥainı ). while the forms ‫2( ֶן‬nd f.־֫ נוּ‬c.ך‬when a long vowel in an open syllable precedes) ‫נ‬ ָ ָ never have the tone. pl. The suffixes ‫( ה . but never in pre-exilic passages. 13. ‫& .1 eos.ה‬frequently gives rise to ô (§ 23 k). . ‫ . § 8 m. see § 59 g and § 60 e). the suffix ‫ ה‬should be pronounced with a preceding a ָ (cf.קטל ִיו‬pronounced q ṭaltı̂u. The connective ē. ‫ . pl. and with Mappiq. 3. whereas the accus. with Kahan. ‫נ‬ ‫ה‬ These are attached to verbal forms which end with a vowel.קטלתּ יהוּ‬Observe e. masc. it ָ ָ ָ ֶ ָ ָ was simply pronounced ‫ .ם ) ֶם( . unless.. then of the impf. see below. ‫ אַפ ִי ֵם‬from ‫ָאַהּ‬ ‫ְא ה‬ ‫פּ‬ is to be read).־֫ ִי‬used with verbal forms ending with a consonant (for exceptions.) and Barth (ibid. added by Qimḥi..) show by reference to the Syriac connective ai in the imperf. but the weakening to ‫ ־ ה‬is also found. which always rests on the preceding syllable. and moreover these vowels are of various origin. instead of ‫ .. the Hebrew form qeṭāl-ani in connexion with the ְְִַ Arabic qatala-ni. in which the ‫ְח נ ְ ֵנ‬ final ê was used as a connecting vowel first of the imperat. as Prätorius (ZDMG. as ‫ ־֫ ה‬or ‫ . 267 ff.. on the other hand. g. ‫כ‬ ‫ה‬ In the 3rd pers.־֫ ה‬however. 1 1 We have kept the term connecting vowel. 1 1 According to Diehl (see above)..וֹ‬much less frequently ֹ‫( ה‬see § 7 c). sing. ֶם‬ ‫ה‬ ‫־֫ מוֹ‬ ‫־ן‬ ‫( ־ ם‬from ‫־֫ ם .. 2.).־֫ ֶם‬ ָ ‫ָ ָ ה‬ ‫־֫ מוֹ‬ ָ ‫־֫ ן .־֫ הוּ . aŒ¬.־֫ ִי‬only after ı̂).ִי‬and ‫ . 61. p.f.. 205 f. ‫ . ‫ את ֶם‬occurs 40 times in Jer.־֫ ה‬on the analogy of āhû.—‫ ֶם‬occurs only once as a verbal ‫ֶ ְכ‬ ‫ה‬ suffix (Dt 32:26.. eas. ‫ ֶם‬and ‫ ֶם‬always take the tone. ָ 3.הוּ .1 ‫ם 1 . For almost every suffix three forms may be distinguished: (a) One beginning with a consonant.)־֫ ִי .נוּ .ִק ְל֫וִּי‬for ‫יְט נ‬ ְְִַ e which by absorption of the ‫ ה‬we also get ‫ . ordinarily written ‫ . ‫ ֶם‬occurs only once with the perfect (see § ‫כ‬ 59 e). ‫ְ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ֵ נ ַ נ‬ (b) A second and third with what are called connecting vowels1 (‫ .קטלתּ֫יהוּ . fem.־֫ הוּ‬by contraction of a and u after the rejection of the ָ weak ‫ . as ‫( ו . instead of ‘connecting syllable’. f. and 36 times in Ezek..־ ן‬ ָ ַ ‫( ־ ם‬from ‫)־֫ ֶם‬ ֵ ‫ֵ ה‬ ‫־֫ מוֹ‬ ֵ . § 60 d). Infinitive u. Participien. p. and of the infin. (besides many forms with a. cf.־ הּ‬with the rejection of the final vowel. f.g.) and ‫ ־ ן‬and ‫3( ֶן‬rd f. although it is rather a superficial description. ָ since the ‫ ה‬is consonantal. p. ‫כ‬ ֵ ‫ה‬ never occur.

and sometimes intentional emphasis.־ ָה‬ ‫ֶ נּ‬ 3 3 According to Barth ‘n-haltige Suffixe’ in Sprachwiss. since it has arisen from ‫( ־֫ הוּ‬cf. 12. 13. with the 2nd fem.־ הוּ‬the 1st pers. §§ 91 f. e. cf. Jer 44:19. always ‫ . Ju 4:20.g. ‫־ ם‬ ‫קח נ‬ ָ ‫ויּכּ‬ ֵ has lost the tone before Maqqeph and so is shortened to ‫—. is longer. Ps 73:6.־ הה . was originally in. with Munaḥ Is 54:6. 178 ff.־ ך‬ ‫ֶ כּ‬ ‫ֵ כ כ‬ ְֵ which is usual even in the perfect (e. fem. a question whether.־ הּ‬with the jussive in the ֶ ‫ֶ נּ‬ ֵ ָ ֶ ָ 2nd and 3rd pers. Rem. 1 ff. with retraction of the tone before a following tone-syllable. The form ‫ וֹ‬also belongs to the suffixes of the perfect. Nu 23:8. on ‫ ־ ן‬and ‫ ־ ן‬as suffixes of the 3rd fem. ‫ק ָֽלך‬ ְָ ‫ְכ‬ ָ ְ ‫ְט‬ e e (q ṭāl khā). p. The reason is ‫נ‬ ‫ֵ נ ַ נ‬ ִ that the pronominal object is less closely connected with the verb than the possessive pronoun (the genitive) is with the noun. with the imperfect Ex 15:5 (‫ מוּ‬for ‫. ‫ 1 ֶַַם־שׁם‬Ch 14:11 according to Baer). analogous to the Arabic energetic mood (see l.9 . ‫ .g.אֹ ִי‬c.ִקטל֫הוּ‬ ֵ ְ ְ‫י‬ ‫ . with the imperative Ps 5:11.־ ָה‬but with waw consec. Lambert has shown in REJ. ֹ‫ ה‬Ex 32:25. 140:10. the connecting element.־ ך‬e.־֫ ִי .9 . a special connecting-syllable2 (ăn)3 is inserted between the suffix and the verbal stem. 45:17. 83:12]. 55:5 always in pause).קטל֫נוּ . e.—In the 3rd masc. 1. ‫ ־ הוּ‬and ‫ ־ ה‬or ‫ . e. ֵ 2 2 It is. thus ‫ . ִי‬Ps 103:4. cf. Jer 23:37. ָ Am 1:11. Instead of the form ‫.—In Gn 48:9 ‫( ָֽ ֶם־ָא‬cf. Ez 27:26). instead of a connecting syllable. when.51 . all in poetry1 (except Ex 23:31) [viz.7:51 . or when the final consonant of the verb is a guttural.שׁ ָֽחך‬In ֲָ ֲָ ‫ְל‬ e pause. at the end) and probably also appearing in the Hebrew cohortative (see the footnote on § 48 c). however.קטלך‬the ordinary form of the 3rd masc.This connecting vowel is a with the forms of the perfect.־֫ מוֹ‬occur 23 times. Untersuchungen.21 . 23:31.קטלִ֫י‬on ‫ְ ָל ְ ָ ָ ְ ָ ַ נ‬ ‫ . 59:12.־֫ מוֹ . 28:45.ך‬the connecting sound is only a vocal ָ ָ ‫כ‬ Ŝewâ. ְְֵָ and e (less frequently a) with the forms of the imperfect and imperative.). i). where it differs from that of the noun. the forms and relations of the verb itself being more various. On the age of these forms. 137:6.g. the original short vowel (ă) reappears as S ghôl with the tone ‫( ־֫ ך‬also ‫ . g).־ הוּ‬and ֵ ָ ֶ ֶ ֵ always ‫. § 91 e) Ex 2:3. § 60 d). A verbal form with a suffix gains additional strength. Since. 21:10.)מוֹ‬ 17. 17.. . however. Is 60:9 (as masc. in pause also ‫( ־֫ ָה‬see below. ‫ ־֫ ִי . ‫ ־ ה‬without Mappı̂q (cf. ‫( קט ָם .קט ֵם‬also with the infinitive and participles. § 60 d. ‫ְכ‬ &c. On the appending of suffixes to the final ‫ וּן‬of the imperfect (§ 47 m). with ‫ָנ צ‬ ָ ֵ the perfect Ex 15:10. 2nd pers.. ַ ָ of the imperfect. but read certainly ‫שׁ ַר‬ ‫ָמ‬ ‫—. ‫ ־ ך‬occurs as fem. with the impf. plur. which has arisen from an original short vowel. as in Aramaic. ‫ ־ ָה‬Gn 27:7. 1903. more often ‫ ־ נּוּ‬than ‫ . ְָ Dt 6:17.ַ ְשׂימוּם‬ ִ ‫ותּ‬ 2. (‘De l’emploi des suffixes pronominaux …’). Is 30:19. 1 K 18:44. which in Hebrew became en in a closed tone-syllable. As rare forms may be mentioned sing.g. ‫ . ‫ת‬ 4. when these do not take noun-suffixes (cf.־֫ ך‬see ָ ֶ ְ ָ g).—(b) the verbal suffix. 1907. ֶם . 22:5.לֶ֫ ַח‬The forms ‫ ־֫ מוֹ . see § 91 l 3. and ‫ ־ ם‬only twice. perf. this syllable 1 1 Thus in Ps 2 ‫ ־מוֹ‬occurs five times [four times attached to a noun or preposition.—As M. without waw in prose are ‫ ־ נּוּ‬and ‫ ..־ ך‬e. see § 60 e. From a comparison of these verbal suffixes with the noun-suffixes (§ 91) we find that (a) there is a greater variety of forms amongst the verbal than amongst the noun-suffixes.־ ֶם . consequently the former can also be expressed by a separate word (‫ את‬in ‫& . 80:6. ‫ָ ְל‬ § 61 a and h). masc. however. Ps 2:5. in the 3rd fem. p. instead of the mere connecting vowel. With ‫ . Lpz. we should not assume a special verbal form.־ ם‬In Ez 44:8 ‫ ַ ְשׂימוּן‬is probably ֶ ִ ‫ותּ‬ only an error for ‫. suffix.g.g. the suffixes of the 3rd pers. ‫( ־֫ ִי . 103 c]. ‫.־֫ ִי‬me) with ‫( ־ י‬my). below.

On the other hand. see § 67 o.)־֫ ְהוּ‬fem. the original feminine ending ‫ ־ ת‬or ‫ ־ ת‬is used for ‫.). and 1st plur. when connected with pronominal suffixes. Rem..־֫ ְִי‬ ‫ַ נּ‬ ‫ֶ נּ‬ ‫ֶ ננ ַ ננ‬ 2nd pers. The endings (afformatives) of the perfect occasionally vary somewhat from the ordinary form. e. Nu 14:40 for ‫( הְנוּ‬instead of ‫ . In far the greatest number of cases. This Nûn is frequent in Western Aramaic. Dt 32:10 [bis]. The uncontracted forms with Nûn are rare. Jer 5:22. ‫( ־֫ ךּ‬Jer 22:24 in pause ‫ )־ ְךּ‬and. Dt 32:10 bis) in pausal forms of the imperfect.:— (a) In the 3rd sing.)ה‬and the Nûn consequently sharpened.g. ‫( ־֫ ִי‬even in pause. ‫ֶ כּ‬ ‫ֶ נּ‬ ָ‫ֶ נ‬ 3rd pers.always has the tone. 1. they are never found in the 3rd fem. Apart from the verb. ‫ָנ נּ‬ however. cf. 22:24). Hence we get the following series of suffix-forms:— 1st pers. Lehrgeb. only orthographically different. An example of ‫ ־֫ נּוּ‬as 1st plur. ֶ . hardly in ֶ ֵ Ho 12:5. which are used in connexion with suffixes (e. ‫ ־֫ ָה‬for ‫.— ‫ִנּ‬ ‫ִנ‬ ‫ִנּ‬ In Ez 4:12 the Masora requires ‫ .g. ָ ֶ ָ‫ֶ נ‬ ‫( ־֫ ָה‬Is 10:24. plur. cf.הְנוּ‬see § 20 m). the contracted forms are tolerably frequent.־֫ ְה‬ ֶ ‫ֶ נ‬ [1st pers. ‫ְ ֻג נ‬ That the forms with Nûn energicum are intended to give greater emphasis to the verbal form is seen from their special frequency in pause. rarely in the perfect. occurs perhaps in Jb 31:15 [but read ‫ ־ נוּ‬and cf. 1 1 On ‫ ־ נּוּ = נוֹ‬Nu 23:13. this Nûn is assimilated to the following consonant (‫ . ‫( ־֫ ִי‬for ‫. viz. Jb 7:14.)־֫ ְִי .)כ . and occur only in poetic or elevated style (Ex 15:2.־ ה‬ ַ ָ ָ 4 4 So König.] ֶ ‫ֶ נ‬ In the other persons Nûn energetic does not occur. ‫ ְָֽר ְֶֽהוּ‬he will bless him (Ps. &c. Nûn energicum occurs also in the union of suffixes with certain particles (§ 100 o). and occurs principally (see. ‫ הֶ֫נּוּ‬behold us. 72:15. ‫( ־֫ נּוּ‬for ‫ . ‫יב ֲ כ נ‬ ָ‫ֶ ְ ֶ נ‬ ‫ ְכ֫בּדְִי‬he will honour me (Ps 50:23) is unusual. § 26 g. Dt 24:13 ‫. ‫( ־֫ נּוּ‬for ‫ 1.)־֫ ְנוּ‬see the Rem.תּעֶָ֫ה‬without Dageš in the Nûn. 226. Gn 44:16. however. even in prose. Pr 2:11 in pause). yaqtulan-ka or yaqtulanna-ka) as well as without them.) modified to tonebearing Seghôl. The Perfect with Pronominal Suffixes. cf. § 59. fem. ֵֽרכךּ‬ ‫י ַ ְ ָ ֥ננ‬ ְֶָ ‫בּ‬ On examples like ‫ דִַּ֫י‬Gn 30:6. sing.נ‬or the latter is lost in pronunciation (so ‫ . § 72 cc]. Jer 5:22). ‫ אתּקְ֫ךּ‬Jer 22:24. In Arabic the corresponding forms are the two energetic moods (see § 48 b) ending in an and anna. This is called the Nûn energicum4 (less suitably demonstrativum or epentheticum). § 59 f. however. 50:18. the ă is invariably (except in the 1st pers. i. p. sing.

besides ‫ תּ‬we find ‫ . Considerations of tone. c. had become Šewâ. 3. f.־֫ ִי‬ ‫ַ נ‬ (c) In the 2nd sing. since it would otherwise fall. ‫ . The ‫תּ‬ fem. (b) the original Pathaḥ of the second syllable. ‫ 1 א ֵב֫וּך‬S 18:22. fem. especially in the Perfect Qal.תּ‬appears. ‫קט ְנוּ‬ ‫ְ ַל‬ Plural. ִי‬the original form of ‫ . c. m. c. note. ‫ 23 § . Zc 7:5. § ‫תּ‬ ְ ‫ָ ַ ְתּ תּ‬ 44 g. reappears before the suffix. with the heavy suffixes (see e) the tone is even transferred to the suffix itself. f. in an open syllable before the tone. The beginner should first practise connecting the suffixes with these Hiph ı̂l forms and then go on to unite them to the Perfect Qal (see d). Singular.הקטל ִי‬ ‫ִ ְ ַ ל ִ ְ ַ ְתּ‬ 1. ‫הקט ְתּ .הקטלתּ‬ ָ ְ ַ ְ ִ ‫ִ ְ ַל‬ 2. f. ‫ק ָלוּ‬ ‫ְט‬ 2. ָ ‫ֲה‬ The forms of the perfect of Qal consequently appear as follows:— Singular. 2 2 On the ă as an original element of the verbal form.קט ָת( קט ַת‬see g) ‫ְ ָל ְ ָל‬ 2. and sometimes into vocal Šewâ. c. ‫ק ָל‬ ‫ְט‬ 3. (d) 2nd plur. fem. masc. on the antepenultima. . and 3rd plur. m. ‫ .תּ‬to which the connecting vowel is ָ directly attached. m.קט֫ל ִי . The connexion of these forms with all the suffixes is shown in Paradigm C. ‫ תּוּ‬for ‫ . 3. f. no longer standing before the tone. ‫הקטל ִי‬ ‫ִ ְ ַ ְתּ‬ 3. Pr 19:7. e. always becomes vocal Šewâ. masc. ֶם‬The only examples are Nu 20:5. which in the 3rd sing. ‫הק ִילוּ‬ ‫ִ ְט‬ 2. ‫הק ִי ַת‬ ‫ִ ְמ ל‬ 2. ‫ . ‫ קטל ֶן‬never occurs with suffixes. as used in connexion with suffixes.קט ְתּ( קטלתּ‬see h) ָ ְ ַ ְ ‫ְ ַל‬ 2. 2. It will be seen there also.קט ְתּ( קטל ִי‬see h) ‫ְ ַל ְ ַ ְתּ‬ 1. ‫ְ ַ ְתּ‬ We exhibit first the forms of the perfect Hiph ı̂l. see § 58 f. 21:5. m. m. c. occasion certain vowel changes: (a) the Qameṣ of the first syllable. c. ‫הק ִיל‬ ‫ִ ְמ‬ 3. is lengthened to Qameṣ.g. probably it had the same form as the masculine. ‫הקט ְנוּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַל‬ Plural. ‫הקט ְתּוּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַל‬ 1. ‫הקט ְתּ . The addition of the suffix generally causes the tone to be thrown forward towards the end of the word. m.אַ ִי‬f. similarly original ı̆ (as in the 3rd sing. without a suffix) is lengthened to ē. how the Ṣere in the Perfect Pi ēl changes sometimes into Seghôl. cf. except as regards the tone (see c). ‫קט ְתּוּ‬ ‫ְ ַל‬ 1.(b) In the 2nd sing. ‫קטל ִי‬ ‫ְ ַ ְתּ‬ 3. masc. and. This form can be distinguished from the 1st pers. since here no further changes take place in the stem itself. ‫ . only by the context. in some cases. but the only clear instances of this are with ‫2.

For ‫& ־֫ תך . viz. 1 1 ‫ חבּ ָֽתך‬Ct 8:5 is an exception. In the 3rd sing. Compare the connexion of these (and of the corresponding feminine forms ‫ ֶן‬and ‫ ) ֶן‬with the noun. From a verb middle ō there occurs ‫ ְכל ִיו‬I ‫ֲֵַ ת‬ ‫יר‬ ‫יָ ְתּ‬ have prevailed against him. ‫ָנ נ‬ ‫ָנ נ‬ but even with a conjunctive accent. but cf.ִי‬without a connecting vowel. ‫כ‬ ‫ה‬ ‫כ‬ Ps 118:26.חבּ ָֽתך‬she was in travail with thee. Ps 48:7.־֫ ְה‬ ֶ ‫ֶ נּ‬ ‫ֶ נ‬ ָ‫ֶ נ‬ cf.ל״ה‬not only in pause (as ‫ עִָ֫י‬Ps 118:5. ְֶ ַ ‫ אהב֫תך‬she loves thee. ‫ .. ‫ —־ ִי‬is also written defectively. With a perfect ‫ ֶם‬alone occurs. The 3rd sing. With a sharpened ‫ דִַּ֫י :נ‬Gn 30:6. ֫‫ א ֵֽבך‬Dt ָ ְ ‫ֲה‬ 15:16. Is ‫ְ ָכ ת‬ ‫ְַָ תּ‬ ָ ְ ֵַָ 34:17. ‫ְְַַ נ‬ ‫ְֲַַ נ‬ ‫ֲזְ ָ נ‬ ‫ְְַָ נ‬ however. In Is 8:11 ‫ ְִסּרִ֫י‬is probably intended as an imperfect. and ‫ ָֽ תך‬Ct 8:5. ‫ ) ָֽט ָה=( קט ַת‬has the twofold peculiarity that (a) the ending ath ‫ְ ָל‬ ‫ק ְל‬ always takes the tone. ‫ ־֫ ִי‬occurs several times with the 3rd ְְַָ ‫ְ ַל‬ ‫ָ נ‬ sing. (b) ‫ָ נ‬ ָ before the other suffixes the connecting vowel is indeed employed. ‫ קִָּ֫י‬Pr 8:22 with Deḥi). Ct 5:9. which are called light suffixes. 1. Gn 31:32.T. cf. c). Ru 3:6.קט ְתּוֹ‬As a suffix of the 1st sing. where ‫ הוֹרדתּ֫נוּ‬would be expected. but with the suff. ‫ְַָ ת‬ ‫ֲ ֵב ת‬ elsewhere it takes in pause the form ‫ סמ ָֽ ְהוּ‬Is 59:16).) didst let us down. as ‫ הֹרִ֫י‬Jb 30:19.ק ָלוֹ‬according to § 23 k. Ru 4:15) has arisen.) dost adjure us. Jer 15:10. Qal of verbs ‫ . in pause ‫ ָֽ תִי‬is found. ‫כ‬ ‫כ‬ 2. from ‫ ָכֹל‬with ŏ instead of ō in a syllable which has lost ‫י‬ the tone (§ 44 e). ‫וי ְ ֵ נ‬ 5.־֫ ־ ך‬e. therefore. the form ‫ קטלתִּ֫י‬is used. plur.ה . § 58 i). The form ‫( קטל֫תּוּ‬e. Jos 2:18. ְַָ ְ‫ה‬ ְֵַ ְִַ with Ṣere ‫ הוֹרדתּ֫נוּ‬thou (fem. ‫ שׂרפּ֫ ַם‬it ְֶ ֲֵָ ‫גּנ ָ ת‬ ‫ְ ָָ ת‬ burns them. and also without the pause for the sake of the assonance ְָ ‫־‬ ‫ . The suffixes of the 2nd and 3rd pers.T. § 58 f.־ תּ‬viz. Ct 4:9.)נוּ . Ru 4:15. 18:22. however. Occasionally the suffix is appended to the ordinary form ‫ . fem. in pause Ez 14:15. e.1 and consequently is joined to those suffixes which form a syllable of themselves (‫ . ְ ‫ ִשׁבּעתּ֫נוּ‬thou (fem.g. ‫ְט‬ before ‫ ֶם‬and ‫ ֶן‬is only formed by analogy.־֫ ־ ם . from the form ‫ . ָ ְ ‫ִ ְל‬ ‫כ‬ but no example of the kind occurs in the O. without Mappı̂q in the ‫ . quite abnormally. 4. always. on the authority of Qimḥi. so that they are pronounced with shortened vowels.—In the 2nd sing.g. ‫ ְ ֵא֫וּהוּ‬Jb 37:24. ‫ ֶם‬and ‫ . Jer 49:24. but the tone is drawn back to the penultima. The form ‫ ק ַל‬which is usually given as the connective form of the 3rd sing. Ps ָ ְ ַ ְ ָ ְ ‫זנ‬ 60:3. and is without example in the O. ‫ְט‬ masc. Ju 11:35.Rem. ‫ ְָב֫ ַם‬she has stolen them. and the suffixes have. with Qameṣ. ‫ ֶם‬would probably even here have the tone (see e). ְְַָ no connecting vowel.קטל֫תה‬cf. cf. likewise in the 2nd sing. Ps 13:5. ‫ חקרתִּ֫י‬Ps 139:1. ibid. Jos 2:6. ‫ 1 ר ִיתִ֫י‬S 19:17. ‫ 1 עִָ֫י‬S 28:15 (where. ‫ ְַחתּ֫נוּ פרצתּ֑נוּ‬thou hast cast us off. masc. Jos 2:17. In the 2nd sing. e.הוּ .g.ל״ה‬in the strong verb only in Jer ְָָ 20:15 in Pi ēl) is mostly contracted to ‫ . Jer 2:27. ‫ עַבתִּ֑י‬Ps 22:2. Ps 69:10. are distinguished as heavy suffixes (suffixa gravia) from the rest.ך . § 91. so ‫ קטל֫ ָה‬from ‫ . ‫( קטל֫הוּ‬especially in verbs ‫ .ה‬which is consequently always a more vowel-letter. perf. also ‫ צרפתִּ֫י‬Ps e ‫תּ‬ ‫ִמּ ִ נ‬ 17:3 with Mer kha. masc. fem.g. masc. ‫ 1 אהב֫ ְהוּ‬S 18:28. ֶם‬since they end in a ‫כ‬ ‫ה‬ consonant and also always have the tone. the ‫ָנ‬ ‫ָנ נ‬ reading ‫ עִַ֫י‬is also found). through ָ ְ ‫ִ ְל‬ ְַָ the loss of the ‫ ה‬and the consequent sharpening of the ‫( ת‬as in ‫ ־֫ נּוּ‬and ‫ ־֫ ָה‬for ‫ ־֫ ְהוּ‬and ‫. Ho 2:14. thou hast broken us down. ‫ָנ נ‬ ‫ָנ נּ‬ ‫יְ ַ נּ‬ 3. and. e. ‫ ִסרִ֫י‬Ps 118:18. In verbs middle ē. the form ‫ קטלתּ‬is mostly used. 20. ‫ קטלתּ֫הוּ‬to ‫—. the ē remains even before suffixes (see above.־֫ תִי‬c. ‫ַ ְ ָ ַ ְנ‬ ‫־ ְנ‬ Jer 8:21.קטל֫ ְהוּ‬which is also found even in pause (‫ 1 אה ַֽ ְהוּ‬S 18:28. masc. Is 47:14. In Is 51:2 the imperfect is used instead of the perfect with a suffix.g. cf. Ju 1:15 (with Zaqeph qaṭon). in pause. Is 47:10.g. . contrary to the general rule. e. 1 S 1:6. of the 1st sing.

‫ )ַ ְאַלצ֑הוּ‬Ju 16:16.)ַַך‬Jer 23:6 (see § 74 e). plur. ‫י ְ ָ ֻ ננ‬ ָ‫נ‬ ‫ֻנ‬ ‫ ־֫ וְּה‬Jer 2:24. 62:2. even before a conjunctive accent. elsewhere always without a connecting vowel. 2 S 14:6 (where read with the old versions ‫ .. § 1047 f.§ 60. 9:34. 1. Ps 74:8. meaning thou shalt not allow thyself to be brought to worship them? Verbs which have a in the second syllable of the imperfect. see § 61 g) into Šewâ before suffixes. however. before the principal pause. Ec 4:12.ִק ְאוּ‬cf.—On pausal Seghôl for Ṣere in ‫ ַֽא ָֽר ָֽם‬Gn 48:9 ְ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ו ֲב ֲכ‬ and ‫( ַתּאַלצ֑הוּ‬so Baer. Instead of ‫ . 2 S 11:27.־֫ ִי‬Gn 27:19. is lengthened to Qameṣ. 31.. ֲֶ ֽ ְ‫ו‬ ֵ ְ ‫ותּ‬ 3. ‫ ִַל ָשִׁ֫י‬Jb 29:14. Ez 17:23.תּד ְאוִַּ֫י‬ ‫ְ ַכּ נ נ‬ will ye break me in pieces? Jb 19:2. sometimes ‫ . § 64 and § 65) do not. ‫( ִשׁמרך‬but in pause ‫ ִשׁמר֫ך‬or ‫ . ‫ ִַשׁל ֵם .5:3 ְִאָל֫וּהוּ‬Jos 8:3. As a matter of fact. 91:12. 23:24. before a secondary pause. Ez 37:7. the vowel ō of the second syllable mostly becomes ‫( ־‬simple Šewâ mobile). ‫ ִקראְִ֫י‬with two other examples Pr 1:28. ְָָ ְ‫י‬ ָ ְֶ ְ‫יְ ְֶ ָ י‬ ‫& . 21:14 (where. ‫יְר‬ ‫יְר‬ 2. Jb ‫ְִַָ נ‬ 9:18. 1 Ch 20:2. the ancient versions ‫ֲמ ל‬ ‫ויּ ִ ע‬ ‫יח ת‬ read ‫ . Jb 28:27. Jb 7:14. Nu 21:30. Ginsb. yet why has the retraction of the ŏ taken place only in these examples (beside numerous forms like ‫ ?)ַֽעבדִ֫י‬Could the Masora in the two ‫י ְֵַ נ‬ Decalogues and in Ex 23:24 (on the analogy of which Dt 13:3 was then wrongly pointed) have intended an imperfect Hoph al with the suffix. 8:17. and ‫תּ ָ ְד‬ ֲ‫תּ‬ ‫ ָֽ ָב׳‬Dt 13:3. Is 56:3. § 74 e. ‫ ִַַי ָהּ‬Gn 37:33.)ַתּצפֵּם‬S 18:1 ָ ֶ ִ‫י‬ ‫יְדּ‬ ‫ו ִ ְ ְנ‬ Keth. ‫( ְשֽׁ ְת֑וֶּך‬here necessarily with a connecting vowel) Is ְ‫י ָ ר נ‬ 60:7. ‫. Nu 22:33. others ‫ )ִפָֽשׁך‬Gn 32:18 for ‫ .)ְחתּ֫ך‬even ‫( ִר ְפוֹ‬ô from āhu) Ho 8:3. Ho 5:15. e. see § 29 q. Ex 33:20. Before ‫ .־ ך‬however. as a rule. according to the usual explanation. In those forms of the imperfect Qal. with König. cf. as a clumsy correction of ‫וִ ְר‬ the original ‫ . even ָ ָ‫י‬ ָ ‫יְבּ‬ ‫ ַֽוֹשׁי ָן . cf.)ְדע֫נוּ‬Ex 29:30.ִשׁמר֫ךּ‬with Nûn energicum. Pr 5:22 (‫ וֹ‬but probably corrupt). all in principal pause. Qal (to which class especially verba tertiae and mediae gutturalis belong. [See Böttcher. the explanation of these forms as imperfects of Qal appears ‫נע‬ to be required by the last of these passages. however.. Suffixes are also appended in twelve passages to the plural forms in ‫ .] ָ‫נ‬ 1 1 This form is also found as feminine without a suffix. Jb 19:15. 10. ‫ ־֫ וְּך‬Ps 63:4.עצ מוֹת‬ ֲָ . ‫ ִַיר֑נוּ‬Is 63:16 (manifestly owing to the ָ ‫יכּ‬ influence of the preceding ‫ ִל ָשׁם . Rem. ‫ ־ְ֫הוּ‬Jer 5:22. it is shortened to Qameṣ ְָ ‫ְכ‬ ḥaṭuph.g. 13:21 (in principal pause). Dt 7:15.וּן‬viz.ִפָֽשׁך‬To the same category as ‫ ְחברך‬belong ָ ְ ‫י ְג‬ ָ ְ ‫יְגּ‬ ָ ֲ ‫יְגּ‬ ָ ְ ְ ָ‫י‬ also. change the Pathaḥ of the imperfect (nor of the imperative. 29:32. Ex 22:29.־ ֶם . Jer 31:33. ‫י ְ ָ ְכ‬ ‫ִ ק ְנ‬ ‫ִ ְט‬ before suffixes in three places: Jer 2:19.g. 1 K 2:24 Qerê. and imperative. Jos 2:4 (but read ‫ 1 .־‬thus in the ְ ֳ principal pause. Ho 10:10. cf. Ps 35:8. cf. Dt 5:9. ‫ ִקרא֫הוּ‬Ps 145:18. and ‫ ְ ִי ַֽן‬Hb 2:17 (where. see §58 i). Ct 1:6. Lehrb. Not infrequently suffixes with the connecting vowel a are also found with the imperfect. Ez 35:6.ַתּקר בָה‬to agree with the usual ‫ויּ‬ ‫ו ִ ְ ַ ְנ‬ gender of ‫.ִשׁמר ֶם‬c. coming to stand in an open syllable before the tone.g.ִַק׳‬intended to suggest the reading ‫ . ‫ַ נּ‬ ‫ויּכּ ר‬ 16:7. ‫ תּדבּקִ֫י‬Gn 19:19. cf. the analogous ‫ 76§ ָחְך‬n) and ָ ְ ְ ָ‫י‬ ָ ְ ָ ְ‫י‬ ָ‫יְנ‬ ‫( ִֽפָֽשׁך‬so Baer. in Jer 49:11. e. Imperfect with Pronominal Suffixes. 2:17. In the latter passage ‫ ַתּק ְבוּ‬is probably to be regarded. Mant. but ‫ ִק ְאוֹ‬Jer 23:6. Ps 119:33.) ַֽעבֹד‬Ex 20:5. ‫ויּ ְ בּ ֵ נ‬ ‫יג‬ ‫ויּ ְ ָ ח‬ ֻ ָ ְ‫י‬ ‫יְר‬ is probably a forma mixta combining the readings ‫ ִק ָאוֹ‬and ‫ . ‫ ְתברך‬Ps 94:20 is an anomalous form for ‫( ַתבּרך‬cf.21–01:811 א ִי ַֽם‬Ex 2:17. Is 27:3. e. which have no afformatives. Nu 35:20. also ‫ . ‫( ָֽעב ֵם‬from ‫ . Is 26:5. Jos 23:5.תּ ְטֹ֫לָה‬the form ‫ 1תּק ְלוּ‬is used for the 2nd and 3rd fem. but the Pathaḥ. but ed. the text is corrupt).

g. T. see § ‫ָ ְר‬ ‫ָל‬ 115 a and e. Jer 37:7. and therefore can also take a verbal suffix. Ps 30:2. are infinitives with the verbal suffix of the 1st pers. (‫ )ם‬is affixed to the afformative ‫ . however. ‫פּע‬ ְֲַָ ְֲַָ sometimes qiṭl. § 115 c). 35—elsewhere ‫ שׁכבּך‬and ‫ )שׁ ְבוֹ‬before suffixes sometimes take the form qaṭl. ‫ט‬ ‫ָט‬ ‫ֻט‬ Rem. § 47 i with the note) these forms with i in the first syllable point to former i-imperfects. § 53 n.g. The infinitive Qal. ē is retained in the tone-syllable.. e. see § 46 a). Is 25:1. e. in the O. of verbs which have ō in the last syllable of the imperfect of Qal. f. which may be either subjective or objective.בֵּי ֶן‬a neglect of gender ‫ְנ ה‬ ‫ְנ ה‬ which can only be explained by § 135 o). 37:34. Is 51:2. 1 S 6:10 (where also ‫ בֵּי ֶם‬is for ‫ . Infinitives of the form ‫ 54 §( ק ַל‬c) in verbs middle or third guttural (but cf. ‫ מכ ָם‬Am 2:6 (but ‫ מכ ָהּ‬Ex 21:8) ‫ 2 ִ ְלוֹ‬S 1:10 (but ‫ 1 ָ ְלוֹ‬S 29:3). unless the ְְָ ‫בּ‬ ָ ‫ְ ָ ְג‬ vowel be retained in the second syllable.e.—For ‫ ַֽהרֻן‬Zc 11:5 read perhaps ‫ ַֽהרֵן‬with M. ‫ַע ְ ֶ נּ‬ 6.פּת ִי . and Po lēl. masc.)ק ְל‬a a.־֫ נוּ‬On ‫ רדופי‬my following Ps 38:21 (but Qerê ‫ֵ נ‬ ֵ ‫ . ‫ מ ְכוֹ‬his reigning. ‫ . The only undoubted instances of the kind. ‫ עב ִי‬my passing by. Ex 31:13.)רד ִי‬cf. then. e. see d. Imperative and Participle with Pronominal Suffixes. ‫ שׁב ִי‬Lv 26:26. the Ṣere of the final syllable. where with ֲָ ‫אַלּ‬ Qimḥi ‫ תּכבּ֫דך‬is to be read. the analogous examples in § 46 e.)ן‬the suffix of the 3rd plur. so in Po lēl. ‫ הפ ִי‬Gn 19:21.בּטחך‬ ְ ֵ ְ ִ ‫ִ ְע‬ ‫—רב ָהּ . becomes vocal Šewâ. cf. also in Pr 4:8. With the form ‫ ְטֹל‬generally. ‫ לשׂ ְנוֹ‬Zc 3:1. In Hiph ı̂l the ı̂ remains. 5. Instead of the suffix of the 3rd plur. Ez 30:18 &c. 52:12. ‫ 1 עצ ִי‬Ch 4:10. but cf. fem. sing. ‫י ַ ְג‬ ‫י ַ ְג‬ Lambert. Infinitive. e. cf. § 68 h. § 93 q. e. ‫ ְקבּצך‬Dt 30:4. cf. Ps ְָ ‫ְכ‬ ָ ְ ֶ ַ‫י‬ 34:12. however. The infinitive construct of an active verb may be construed with an accusative. with the a attenuated to i. e. Cf. the accusative of the personal pronoun. ‫ בּכ ְבוֹ‬in his writing. Dt 32:7. In Pi ēl. as ‫ַ ְפּוֹ‬ ְְָ ָ ‫ָכ‬ ‫זע‬ Jon 1:15 (and. As a rule ‫ְ ָר ֵ נ‬ the infinitive (as a noun) takes noun-suffixes (in the genitive. compare ‫ק‬ the closely allied nouns of the form ‫( קֹ֫ ֶל‬before a suffix ‫ ק ְל‬or ‫48 § .g. i. Ps 65:10. Forms like ֵ ‫ויּ ְ בּ‬ ‫ תּ ְשׁרָ֫ה‬thou enrichest it. Ex 2:17 (where ‫ ַֽוֹשׁ ָן‬occurs ‫ִתּ‬ ‫ויּ ִ ע‬ immediately after). ‫ָ ְפ‬ .. (‫ . ‫ ַַל ִשׁם‬Gn 3:21 and ofton). e. e. with the syllable loosely closed. are rare.g. however. ‫ בּבְדוֹ‬Ex 21:8.. above. ‫ ְַמ ְאוּם‬Gn ‫וי ַ ל‬ 26:15 (previously also with a perf.g. 1. ‫( ְָפּוֹ‬so ed. an analogous case in Hiph ı̂l is ְָ ְֵַ ‫א ִ ְכ‬ ‫ ְֵַ֫דך‬Dt 32:7. others ‫ְ ָת‬ ‫ָ ְכּ‬ ‫נג‬ ‫ )ְָפוֹ‬Ex 12:27. Mant. ‫ְ ִג‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ָ ְר‬ sometimes takes the form qiṭl before suffixes. 20. Jer 45:1. ‫ ְאָספּך‬Ex 23:16.g. like the ō in Qal. also ‫ שׁכ ָה‬Gn ‫ְט‬ ‫ִ ְב‬ 19:33.בּק ָם‬Contrary to § 58 f ‫ 1( ־֫ ִי‬Ch 12:17) and ‫( ־֫ נוּ‬Ex 14:11) are sometimes ‫ִ ְע ִ ְ ח ִג ִ ְ ע‬ ‫ַ נ‬ ָ found with the infinitive instead of ‫ ־֫ ִי‬and ‫ . retaining the original short vowel under the first radical (on the probable ground-form qŭṭŭl. ‫ תּל ִישִׁ֫י‬Jb 10:11 (after wāw consecutive it is often ‫ַ ְבּ ֵ נ‬ written defectively.g. Is ָ ְ ‫ויגּ‬ 1:15. § 61. ‫ מחאך‬and ‫ רקעך‬Ez 25:6. cf.g.g. 39:18. ‫ ֲשׁ ֵֽחך‬Gn 32:27. 33:13. especially in verbs third guttural. as ‫. 145:1. but before the suffixes ‫ ־ ך‬and ‫ ־ ֶם‬it is shortened to Seghôl. ‫ ֲאַמּצ ֶם‬Jb 16:5.)ס ְמוּם‬Gn 26:18. Pô ēl. The resulting syllable as a rule allows a following Begadkephath to be spirant. before ‫ ־ ך‬and ‫ ־ ֶם‬also the syllable is completely ‫נג‬ ‫ָ ְבּ‬ ְָ ‫ְכ‬ closed. ‫ ַֽ ֲמוֹ‬Ju 13:25).וּ‬to avoid a confusion with the personal ending ‫ .4. Less frequently Ṣere is sharpened to Ḥireq. e. ‫ לד ְשִׁ֫י‬to inquire of me. The infin.פְּעוֹ . and probably also in Qal ‫ 1 אֽספך‬S ָ ְ ִֹ 15:6. usually has the form qŏṭl. With a final guttural. 1. Lv 23:39 (but in pause ‫ להרֶֽ֫ך‬Gn 27:42).בּל ִי .וּן‬cf. 1 S 17:25. According ‫נפ‬ ‫נפ‬ ‫ִט‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ to Barth (see above.

.שֹׁ ֵֽתך‬Jer 28:16. e. since it then stands in an open syllable. belongs to the disputed cases discussed in § 9 v ָ ְ ‫ֲמ‬ and § 48 i note. Is 6:8. ‫ דּבּ֫רך‬Ex 4:10. 2 S 12:28. cf. see § 60 f) the ē before the suff. The leading form of the imperative Qal before suffixes (‫ )ק ְל‬is due probably ‫ָט‬ (see § 46 d) to the retention of the original short vowel of the first syllable (groundform qŭṭŭl). is.g.. ֵ ‫ַ ְר‬ 3. In the ְָ ַָ ‫פּ רְכ‬ infinitive Pô ēl. c).g. ‫ֹ ְ ָ ֲֹל‬ ‫ בֹּ ַֽאך‬Is 43:1. imperfect ָ ְ ‫ֹי‬ ָ ְ ִֹ Qal.—Very unusual are the infinitive suffixes of the 2nd sing.g. &c. ‫ ה ָֽב ִי‬Ex 14:18. or with the original ı̆.קט ִי‬which are not exhibited in Paradigm C. 23:5. ‫ כּת ֵם‬kŏthbēm ‫ָ ְב‬ (not kŏthbēm). In the ְ ‫ה ּ ְד‬ ‫ה ּפ‬ ‫ִזּ ֶ ְכ‬ ‫ה ּ ְד‬ infinitive of Pi ēl (as also in the imperfect. ‫ְ ָצ‬ masc. as ‫ ַסּר֑ךּ‬Dt ָ ֶ ְ‫י‬ 4:36. ‫ ֽוֹשׁס ָם‬occurs (with a for ĕ or ı̆) Am 5:11. suffixes are found united to the stem by an a-sound.חק ֵל‬but ‫( הק ִיל‬with ı̂ on account of the open ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ַ ְט‬ syllable. with a middle guttural (‫ . §§ 64 and 65). all in principal pause. ‫ ִשָֽׁ ְטוֹ‬Ps 37:33. ‫ כּת ָהּ‬Is ‫ָ ְב‬ 30:8. . ‫ִט ִ ְל‬ undergo no change.2. ‫ ִשָֽׁמ ָם‬Dt 7:23. and ‫( ָֽאָס ֶם‬read mŏŏsekhèm) your despising. e. ‫ ־ ֶם .. and with a sharpening to ı̆ ‫ ָֽ ִשׂ ָם‬Is 1:15 (see § 60 f). the form used in conjunction with ‫ו ֲ ָג ת‬ suffixes is not the 2nd sing. Instead of ‫ . p. e.. as in the corresponding noun-forms. is the right reading. e.מק ֵל‬with suffix ֲָ ‫ר‬ ֲָ ‫מַלּ ֲָ ל‬ ‫ְ ַטּ‬ e ‫ .1 As in the imperfect (§ 60 d) and infinitive (see above. ‫ בּחִֵ֫י‬Ps 26:2.g. &c. but ‫ ְשׁ ֵֽחך . 1 S 15:6.. ‫ . see § 116 f. § 58 i).. ‫ אכל ֶם‬Gn 3:5. ְטֹ֫לָה‬the masc. In Am 9:1. Is 38:14 and ‫ ע ָֽדך‬Ob ). but probably ‫ .גּֽאַלך . ‫ קראִ֫י‬Ps 50:15. with ō ְֲָָ ‫ֲ ָ ְכ‬ ְָָ ֲ ָ ְ ‫ֲמ‬ shortened in the same way as in the imperfect. cf. § 68 h). ‫ ִשָֽׁמ ָֽך‬verse 24). Mant. But the analogy of the nouns is followed in such forms as ‫ קצר ֶם‬your harvesting. cf. lengthened to Qameṣ (just as in imperfects Qal in a.־ ֶם‬contrary to the analogy of the correspending nouns. with ‫ ן‬energicum (on the analogy of suffixes with the imperfect.—The forms ‫ . Like the infinitives. ‫ ִשָֽׁמדך‬Dt 28:20 ‫ִכּ ְד‬ ְֶָ ּ ‫ה‬ (in pause. as in the ‫ק ְנ‬ ‫ִט‬ imperfect. ‫( עמדך‬others ‫ )ע ָֽדך‬Ob11. as a mattter of course.בּצ ְמוֹ‬as ‫ ַֽהרָ֑ ַם‬Am 9:4 from ‫ְ ַע‬ ‫ו ֲ ָג ת‬ original ‫—.רֽד ִי :קֹ ֵל‬c. but. ֽוּס ָם‬with ‫בּ ַ ְכ‬ ‫בּ ְכ‬ Wellhausen. from an original ‫ . ‫בּצ֫ ַם‬ ‫ְ ֵָ נ‬ ‫ְ ָנ נ‬ ‫ְֵָ נ‬ ‫ְמ נ‬ ‫ְָ ע‬ (so ed. the correction ‫ ס‬has crept into the text alongside of the corrigendum ‫.מקטּ ִי‬before Š wâ sometimes like ‫ מלמּדך‬Is 48:17.־ ך‬becomes ְָ ‫ְכ‬ Seghôl. Mal 1:8. Dt 20:2. form (‫ )ק ְלוּ‬is used. see § 60. In the imperative also ŏ is not followed by Dageš lene. masc. cf. In both cases the vowel of the participles is shortened or becomes Šewâ before the suffix. from the form ‫& . § 60 c). ‫ . this a retains its place when pronominal suffixes are added. the participles can also be united with either verbal or noun-suffixes. ‫ְַ ע‬ with Margolis. The form ‫ . so also in the imperative. 23:22 (with retention of the ‫ֻ ְ ְכ‬ original ŭ).e. ‫ 2 אֽספך‬K 22:20 (coinciding in form with the 1st sing. e. Baer. § 60 g). ְָ ‫ְכ‬ forms occur like ‫ אכלך‬thy eating. Jb 33:32. Gn 2:17. 45 ff. ‫ הק ִיב֫הוּ‬present it. Ginsb. cf.ש‬ 2. cf. Examples of the infinitive Niph al with suffixes are.g. xix. cf. ‫ שׁ ָע֫וִּי‬Gn 23:8. Is 30:12. ‫ט‬ ‫ְֹפ‬ ‫ֹד‬ ָ ְ ֶֹ ‫ אִֽבך‬Ex 23:4. ‫ שׁלחִ֫י‬send me. but before Šewâ mobile ‫& . instead of the ordinary reading ‫ )בּצ֫ ְם‬is to be explained. e.g. ‫ָ ְֵ נ‬ ‫ָ ְר‬ 11 119:167. ‫ הָֽכר ֶם‬Ez 21:29.רֽ ְפוֹ .ק ְלוּ . Lv 19:9.21:15 מַחמ ֶם‬sometimes like ‫ְ ַ ְל‬ ְֶַָ ְ ‫ְנֶ ְכ‬ 1 1 ‫ שֽׁמר ִי‬šāmerēnı required by the Masora in Ps 16:1 (also ‫ שֽׁמ ָה‬Ps 86:2. With the suffixes ‫ ־ ך‬and ‫ . § 65 d.)גּֽא ִי‬with a third guttural. on ‫ְמֹ ַֽא ֶם‬ ‫מ ְכ‬ ‫בּ צ ֲכ‬ Gn 32:20 (for ‫ . i.)בּמ ְ׳‬see § 74 h.ַֽהרָ֑ ְמוֹ‬In the imperative Hiph ı̂l. like ‫( שׁ ַח‬to which class belong ‫ְל‬ especially verbs middle and third guttural. In verbs which form the imperative with a.יֽצרך‬c. AJSL.

in which only those conjugations are omitted which are wholly regular. therefore. cf. except ‫ ַתּעַב‬Ez 23:5. 2nd ‫ע‬ ‫א‬ plur. or the vowel of the preformative is repeated as a Ḥaṭeph under the guttural. 28. while the ‫ ה‬in verbs ‫ ל״ה‬was never anything but a vowel letter. Verbs which have a guttural for one of the three radicals differ in their inflexion from the ordinary strong verb. At the most. ָ‫נ‬ § 62. ‫ָמ‬ In this class the deviations from the ordinary strong verb may be referred to the following cases:— 1. Verbs with Gutturals.‫ . however. The really consonantal ‫ ה‬at the end of the word is marked by Mappı̂q. d) with participles are the suffixes of the 2nd sing. (Cf. in a few ‫ 37 §( ע״א‬g). as ‫ עוֶֹ֫ךּ‬Jb 5:1. 12:14. as in ‫ .קטלוֹ‬and so always with initial ‫ ־‬before a suffix for an original ă. Thus the infinitives ‫ ֱכֹל . ‫& תּע ֶה‬c. the ‫א‬ was at least originally a full consonant. the Paradigms D. only the entire omission of the strengthening in some of the verbs middle guttural (as well as in the imperfect Niph al of verbs first guttural) can be regarded as a real weakness (§§ 63 h. cf.g.רֹאִ֫י‬instead of the meaningless ‫ֻלֹּה‬ ‫מ ִ ְכ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫כּ‬ ‫ מקל ְִַֽי‬Jer 15:10 read ‫. and in most ‫ . For more convenient treatment. and not vowel-letters like the ‫ א‬in some verbs ‫§( פ״א‬ 68). share some of the peculiarities of the guttural verbs. according to § 22 q. masc. Instead of a simple Šewâ mobile. according as this a remains or passes into Seghôl.) § 63.עמד ָם‬from ‫ ח ֵץ‬to be inclined. ‫ חפצ ֶם .כּלּ ֶם ק ְל֫וִּי‬ ‫ְ ַ ְ ל ונ‬ ‫ֻ ְה ִ ל נ‬ Also unusual (see above. and the perfects. ‫ ע ַד‬to stand.21:25 ְאַסּפ ֶם‬In Is 47:10 ‫ רֹאִָ֫י‬is irregular for ‫ . which have degenerated in the ordinary strong verb. § 10 f. 584 ff. ֲמֹד‬to eat.ַע ֶה‬but cf. e. Verbs First Guttural. the initial guttural takes a compound Šewâ (Ḥaṭeph. and it is. 2. Grundriss. ‫—. § 75. Brockelmann. correspond to the forms ‫ ְטֹל‬and ‫ֲ ַ ְ תּ ֲ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ָפ‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ .)47 §( ל״א‬In all these cases.ַ ְשֹׁך . When a preformative is placed before an initial guttural. F. according to the general rules in § 22.ִ ְטֹל‬In guttural verbs ‫ א‬and ‫ ה‬are only taken into consideration ‫יק‬ when they are actual consonants.ַ ְמֹל .ַ ְשֹׁב . If the vowel of the preformative was originally a.ַ ְמֹד‬which elsewhere is ‫יח‬ attenuated to ı̆. 22 r. 64 e). two methods of formation may again be distinguished. Examples: (a) of firmly closed syllables after the original vowel of the preformative (always with ō in the second syllable. ‫ו ַ ְגּ‬ ‫ַ ְד‬ from ‫ ע ָה‬to adorn oneself.g. E. more correct to regard the guttural verbs as a subdivision of the strong verb. the ă of the initial syllable in the imperfect Qal. second. e): ‫ ְַקֹב . or third radical.—Verbs containing a ‫ ר‬also. according as the guttural is the first. and ‫ . Dt 8:5. with ‫נ‬ energicum.קטל ֶם‬also ‫ א ָלוֹ‬to ‫ .ַ ְמֹד‬Jer 9:3 ‫ָד‬ ‫יְט‬ ‫יח‬ ‫יח‬ ‫יה ְ יה‬ ‫יע‬ . p. On the other hand. § 22 l). These differences do not affect the consonantal part of the stem. some original elements have been preserved in guttural stems. either the two may form a closed syllable. masc. e. ‫ְ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ֲכ‬ ְָ ֲ according to § 22 o. the cases will be distinguished.

ַֽ ֲשׂה‬but ‫3 ֶֽ ֶשׂ ָה‬rd sing. ַֽאַס ִי‬but with ָ‫נ ע‬ ‫נ עְת‬ ‫יא‬ ‫ה ֱמ תּ ְ פ‬ wāw consecutive ֫‫& . corresponding to the imperfects of verbs ‫ . ָֽע ַד‬but cf. ‫ַה ְלוּ‬ ‫יְבּ‬ they take as a pledge (cf. e. and also to the imperfects of verbs ‫ 27 § . Very rarely the original ă is retained in a ‫יְס‬ closed syllable under the preformative ‫ נ‬of the perfect Niph al: ‫ ַחבּ֫את‬Gn 31:27. &c.ֶ ְפֹּד‬and ‫ .. which repeat the ă as a Ḥaṭeph.־ י .ַֽ ֲמֹד .g.)אח ְשׁה‬in pause).a-me-dhû as an equivalent for ya -me-dhû). ‫( ַח ָה‬see above).g. also the infinitive absolute ‫ ַ ְתּוֹם‬Est 8:8. ‫ה ֱמ‬ ‫ו ֱנ‬ Rem. ‫ ֶ ְלוּ . are explained by the next remark. but cf. in general. In Jb 32:17 ‫אַעֶה‬ ‫אח‬ ָ ‫ֶ ְס ֶ ְבּ‬ ‫ֽ ֲנ‬ must unquestionably be Hiph ı̂l. ‫ ַֽ ֲפוֹך‬Est 9:1. since elsewhere the pointing is always ‫ . cf.ְ ַֽעמדתּ‬c..ֶע ַד .ֶהפּך‬Am 6:6. ‫ ַע ָרוֹת‬Pr 27:6.)ַֽ ֲבֹל‬also ‫ )ֶֽחְקוּ‬they are ‫ַח‬ ‫יח‬ ‫יְז‬ ‫י ֶז‬ strong. ‫ . fem.ַֽ ֲמֹד‬the vowel of the final syllabl becomes a vocal ‫נ ֱמ י ע‬ ִ ָ Š wâ in consequence of the addition of an afformative (‫ )־ ה .g. ‫& . ֶֽ ֱ׳‬Cohortatives ‫אע‬ like ‫ אַהרָה‬Gn 27:41 and ‫ אַחדּ ָה‬Jb 16:6. ‫נ ֲר‬ (b) Of the corresponding Ḥaṭeph after the original vowel: ‫( ַֽ ֲבשׁ‬but ‫ ֶח ָֽשׁ‬Jb 5:18 ‫יח‬ ‫יְבּ‬ in pause).ֶ ְסֹר . § 22 m... In these forms the original ă is ‫נְל‬ ‫נְתּ‬ commonly kept under the preformative and is followed by Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ. ‫ . § 27 p) becomes Seghôl (cf. e. Gn 11:8. and thus ָ ְ ַ ֲ ‫וה‬ ‫ויּ ְ ס‬ ‫ויּ ְ ס‬ generally a change of the stronger Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl group ( ‫ )ֶֽ ־‬into the lighter Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ ֱ ‫־‬ group takes place whenever the tone is moved one place toward the end (cf. in the infinitive absolute.ע״וּ‬h. so ‫ ַַח ְרוּ‬Gn 8:3 the plur. The same form appears also in the imperfect Hiph ı̂l ‫& . ‫ . ‫( ַֽע ְדוּ‬ya. however. and vice versa.ֽ ֲלֹם‬and so almost always with ‫ ע‬and often with ‫ ה‬in the ‫יח‬ ‫יע‬ ‫יה‬ imperfects of Qal and Hiph ı̂l. ‫ ֶֽעְ ָה‬she is ‫יע‬ ‫י ַמ‬ ‫נ ֶ זב‬ forsaken.וּ‬or suffix. With regard to the above examples the following points may also be noted: (1) The forms with a firmly closed syllable (called the hard combination) frequently occur in the same verb with forms containing a loosely closed syllable (the soft combination). &c..ֶֽע ַד .ח‬although sometimes parallel ‫יח‬ forms exist. and the ‫נח‬ ‫נע‬ participle fem. ‫& . § 27 v).ַֽ ֲשֹׁב‬c. in Hoph al. ‫י ֳמ ה ֳמ‬ ְָָ ‫ הח ֵל‬Ez 16:4.g. ‫ . whether in a firmly or loosely closed syllable. ‫ ֶֽעַשׁ‬Niph al. in ָ‫נ ע‬ ְ ‫נה‬ the participle ‫ .g..g.. &c. But even in these forms the hard combination frequently occurs.ַֽ ֲמֹד‬plur. the compound Šewâ of the guttural is changed into the corresponding short vowel..g. e.ֶֽחַק‬in imperfect Qal. ‫הע ִים . (3) The shifting of ‫ֽ ַ ְג‬ ‫ְ ְל‬ the tone towards the end frequently causes the Pathaḥ of the preformative to change into Seghôl. cf.ֶ ְשׁם .ע״ע‬with original ı̆ in the first and ă in the second syllable. 3. plur.ֶ ְדֹּף‬in Niph. e. of ‫ .ֶֽ ֱסֹף .g.: sometimes (d) followed by Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl. q). ‫י ֱז‬ ‫יא‬ ‫יֱר י ה‬ ‫ ֶֽע ִיד‬Hiph ı̂l. m and.(probably to distinguish it from the name ‫ . This Seghôl again appears sometimes (c) in a closed syllable. ‫ . in Hiph.ַח ִיר‬c.תּ ְבֹּל‬also ‫( ֶחְקוּ . § 28 c. imperfect Qal the preformative ‫ א‬invariably takes Seghôl.ַֽ ֲקֹב‬just as in Jer 10:19. &c. ‫ָ ְתּ‬ The ă of the preformative before a guttural almost always (§ 22 i. Niph al of ‫ ח ָה‬is ‫ ַח ָה‬to distinguish it from ‫& . also ‫ החבּ֑אוּ‬Is 42:22.ֶח ַד . also ‫ .ֶַח ַר‬cf. in the sing.g. 1 ָ ֵ ְ‫נ‬ S 19:2. ‫( ֶֽ ֱבשׁ‬with the cohortative ‫( אח ָד .ל״ה‬e.ֶֽ ֱשּׂף . ‫ . ‫ 1 ַ ְתּוֹר‬Ch 5:20.ֶח ַשׁ‬always with ă in the second ‫יא ַ י ְ תּ י ְ ס י ְ בּ‬ syllable. e. e. e. ‫ ֶע ַב . e.הח ִיר‬ ‫יא‬ ‫יא‬ ‫יה‬ ְ ַ ְ ‫נח נ‬ ‫ֶ ְל ֶ ְס‬ 2 K 4:7 &c. ֶֽע ִיד . e .ֶֽ ֱסֹף‬but ‫ .ָֽע ַד . ‫ . the ‫יע‬ participle fem. thus in the perfect of some verbs ‫ . and so ‫ָל‬ ‫נְל‬ ‫נ ֲל‬ generally in the imperfect Qal of stems beginning with ‫ .)ַֽח ָה‬c. (2) In the 1st sing.ַֽע ָץ‬Ps 89:8.ַֽ ֲשׂה‬c. When in forms like ‫ . Jos 2:16.ַֽ ֲרֹס . § 67 n. Cf.

especially ‫ֶ ְכ‬ ‫חְפּ‬ when the second radical is also a guttural. ‫ֶה ֳ ַ ְתּ‬ But since the Hiph il and Hoph al of ‫ ח ֵל‬nowhere occur. e. ‫ ֵֽע ֵד‬for yi c—For ‫ ֵֽי ָשׂה‬Ex 25:31 (according to Dillmann. Hag 2:16.הקּ ֵל‬the strengthening is always omitted. The Seghôl of the ‫ ה‬interrogative is explained.. also in verbs ‫ ֱנוּ . ִן‬Jb 3:17 affords sufficient evidence. causing a change of ı̆ (on this ı̆ cf. ‫ )ֶח ַם . ‫מ‬ Also in the other forms of the imperative the guttural not infrequently influences the ‫ֶ ְפ‬ vowel. Ps 31:24. ֶֽח ָשׁים‬k). but also ‫ 1 ֶֽ ְזׄר‬Ch 15:26. 1 &c. 1 S ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ 12:3) and ‫ א ִי‬Jo 1:8.ה ָֽחד֫ל ִי‬or (according to Olshausen) with the omission of the ‫ ה‬interrogative.)א ָר־ל‬Jb 34:18. Mant. but Ben-Naphtali ‫ ַתּחל ֵם .אכל ֶם . it is difficult to believe that such ‫ָד‬ was the intention of the Masora. 12:23. ֵֽעֶה‬with Baer. Even in the strong verb ‫ ֶַֽחַק‬is found along with ‫. and ‫יָט ִ ָט‬ ‫י ָמ‬ āmēd.)ַַֽע ְ׳‬Neh ‫ו ַ ְנּ‬ ‫ויּ ְ ְ ֵ נ‬ ‫ו ַ ְ ְ ק ויּ ַ ק‬ ‫א ָנ‬ ‫א ָנ‬ 1 1 ‫ ֶֽעֶה‬Jb 19:7 (so even the Mantua ed. ‫ ל ְשֹׁב‬Ex 31:4. the imperf. cf. § 46 d).. &c. For the accusative after ‫ . Zc 8:19. ַֽ ֲשׂה‬ ֶ‫תּ ע‬ ֶ‫תּ ע‬ which the LXX and Samaritan follow) read ‫. ‫ ֱחֹז‬seize ‫א‬ ‫ֱה‬ ‫א‬ thou. Nu 21:17. ‫ ֶֽ ֱבוּ‬Am 5:15. cf. was naturally less emphasized than in ‫ .אכלך‬ ‫א‬ ‫ָא‬ ‫בּא‬ ָ ְ ָ ֲ ָ ְ ָ ֲ ‫ֲ ָ ְכ ֲ ָ ְכ‬ d). ‫& ֶֽח ֶה . the plur. 2) of the imperfects in ă with Seghôl under the preformative in a firmly closed syllable (e. ‫ א ַב‬love thou.אמרך . infinitive ‫ 1 ֲחֹז‬K 6:6. No. and imperfect Niph al. however. In verbs ‫ פ״א‬the infinitive construct and imperative take Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl in the first syllable (according to § 22 o). (on Is 2:20. to prevent the pronunciation ‫.g. 13 is altogether anomalous. Ex 4:4 (on ‫ ֵפו‬bake ye. e. ‫ ֶשׂ ִי‬strip off. § 84b n). Ginsb. Jer 2:12) we find in Is 44:27 ‫ח ננ נ‬ ‫ָ ְב‬ ‫( חר֑ ִי‬cf. (but cf. where the first radical should by rule be strengthened (‫ . Pr 20:16. Jb 38:3.חד֫ל ִי‬without the ‫ ה‬interrogative. ‫ ֶֽ ֱזוּ‬Ct ‫אה‬ ‫אח‬ 2:15. ‫& ֶהֶה‬c. ‫ )ֶֽח ַב‬with the ŏ repeated in the form of a Ḥaṭeph-Qameṣ. ֶֽ ֱכֹל‬Is 5:24.ֶחַק‬ ‫יְתּ‬ ֶ ‫ֶע‬ ‫ויּ ֱ ז‬ ‫יְז‬ Cf. ‫ אס ָה‬gather thou.4. ‫ ֶֽ ֱהֹב‬Ec 3:8. § 48 i) into Seghôl.ֶח ַל‬regularly gives way to the soft ‫יְכּ יְדּ‬ combination in verbs which are at the same time ‫ . ‫ ער ָה‬set in order. ‫ ַַעקבִי‬Gn 27:36 (so Ben-Asher. Ex 16:23. and only a few authorities give ‫ֶֽחדל ִי‬ ‫ה ֳ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ה ֱ ַ ְתּ‬ (Hiph il). in ‫ 53 § . 2. Jb 33:5. ‫ ֱזֹר‬gird thou. not to simple Šewâ. Olshausen. We should expect the perfect Qal.ה‬falling between the tone and counter-tone. e. ‫ ֱכֹל‬to eat.g. Is 47:2 (on this irregular Dageš cf.g. Sometimes. e. ‫2 ל ְזֹר‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ַע‬ e S 18:3 Q rê. and probably ‫ֱל‬ ְֵַ also in Ps 9:14 (‫—. ‫י ֱצ י ֱז‬ ‫יְגּ‬ ‫ ַח ֶה‬Pr 6:27. ֶֽחד֫ל ִי‬But the Qameṣ ‫ה ָ ַ ְתּ‬ under the ‫ . the similar pointing of the article. see § 76 d).ֶֽחֶה‬c. § 22 the vowel of the preformative lengthened to Ṣere. ‫בּע‬ ‫ ֶֽחד֫ל ִי‬Ju 9:9. Ho 3:1. ‫ַח‬ ‫ ל ְפֹּר‬Jos 2:2 f.)ִקּ ֵל . see § 10 h and § 46 e. infinitive with a prefix ‫.ח ֵל‬instead ִ ‫ה ֳד‬ ‫ָד‬ of the usual ‫ .g. from § 100 n (cf.g. With a firmly closed syllable after ‫ ל‬cf. ‫ ל ְתּוֹת‬Is 30:14. adopted by Moore in Haupt’s Bible. but to ‫ָ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ . In the infinitive. ֵֽ ָשׂה‬ ֶ‫תּ ע‬ REMARKS On Qal. imperative.g. Nu 11:16. always in close ‫ֲ מ ְך‬ connexion with the following word. . 1. The pronunciation (mentioned above. Ex 3:20). ‫לא‬ ‫ֶא‬ ‫לא‬ e. cf. Pr 25:7 (ָ ‫ . ‫ א ְשׂה‬ed.ל״ה‬sing ye. Cf. also ‫ ַתּעַב‬Ez 23:5.g. Ps 147:7 (compared with ‫ ֲנוּ‬answer ye. ֶֽ ֱחֹז‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫לא‬ ‫ כּֽ ֱכֹל . cf. Ps 102:5.—Pathaḥ occurs in ‫ חבל֫הוּ‬hold him in pledge. Consequently it was weakened. Dt 7:20. Ez 25:8. 11. For other ‫ֳָ ב‬ ‫י ֱר‬ examples of this kind. Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ is found as well. ‫ . in any case.) ְִֵַֽ֫י‬As a pausal form for ‫( חר ִי‬cf. According to Qimḥi.ל״ה‬e. ‫ ל ְסוֹת‬Is 30:2. the Masora intended a perfect Hoph al with syncope of the preformative after the ‫ה‬ interrogative = ‫ . ‫ ַֽ ֲכֹל ה ֵשׁ‬Nu 26:10 (before a suffix ‫16 § אמר ֶם .) is altogether abnormal: read ‫ ..־‬in order to represent the sound of the Qameṣ (likewise pronounced as å) at least in a ֳ shortened form. and others.

note 2) and without preventing the closing of the syllable.—Instead of the unintelligible form ‫( ֵַ ָֽל ֵם‬so ‫י ֲר‬ ‫ויּח ְ ק‬ ed. Proverbs. 27:19.העתּ֫ירוּ‬verse 5 ‫ . and ‫ חָה‬to live. and even without wāw consecutive. After the prefixes ְ. ֱיוֹת . ֶֽעב֫ר ִי‬but ‫ ְ ַֽעברתּ֫י‬Jer ְָ ֱַ ‫ה‬ ָ ְ ַ ֲ ‫וה‬ ‫ה ֱ ַ ְתּ‬ ִ ְ ַ ֲ ‫וה‬ 15:14. a composite form of Qal (‫ )ִ ְדֹּף‬and ‫יר‬ Pi ēl (‫ . 30. ‫יַדּ‬ On Hiph ı̂l and Hoph al. ‫( הִי ֶם‬except ‫ הִי‬be thou! fem. 34.ְ ֵב . 1 S 23:22. and so always in the imperfect Qal of ‫ עַר‬with suffixes. Ps 73:9).. but as a mere ְֲַ ‫תּ‬ helping-vowel (as in ‫ 82§ שׁמעתּ‬e. ‫ויּ ֲ ז‬ On the Hoph al ‫ ָֽעב ֵם‬Ex 20:5.אַע ִיר‬also verse ְִַ ‫ְתּ‬ 25 and Jb 22:27. but in his Lexicon he explains it as Hithpa ēl). § 47 i).ֵֽ ־‬and in Hoph al ‫ֶֽ ־‬into ‫־ׄ ־‬ ֱ ‫־‬ ֲ ‫־‬ ֳ ‫־‬ ֲֽ (cf. Mant. may be explained with ‫יְט‬ ‫יְר‬ Barth (ZDMG. and others. fem.. Gn 49:25. since 1903 ed. § 23 h). ‫ הֽע ָה‬Ju 6:28. § 93 q. p. 179) as i-imperfects (see above. e. and in the infinitive Jer 31:32. for ‫§ ) ֱמוּן‬ 84a q. § 60 b. ‫ . always before ָ ְ ֲַ ‫ה‬ ‫ה ֲל‬ ‫ֲֹל‬ ‫ . combining the readings ‫( ִ ְדֹּף‬impf. &c. and (on ‫& ֵמוּן‬c. ‫זא ְ א‬ ָ ְ ְ ָ‫י‬ ‫יְ ָר‬ rather Pu al) cf. thus imperfect Qal ‫ ִֽהֶה‬and ‫ . 4.9:22. ‫יר‬ Qal) and ‫( ְר ֵף‬impf.g. cf. according to Qimḥi (in ‫ויּ ְ ְ ק‬ ‫יר‬ Mikhlol. ‫ .הֵה‬S ‫ֱי‬ ‫ה ת ה‬ 25:7. however. 2 Ch 20:34. 8:13. the infinitive. ‫תּ ָ ְד‬ ‫ הָה‬and ‫. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. The 2nd sing. with suffix.. Ez 16:6.—On the contrary ‫ֶֽ ־‬occurs instead of ‫וה ֲ ו‬ ֱ ‫־‬ ‫ַֽ ־‬in the imperative Hiph il.בּ ֵר‬t. cf. Baer and Ginsb. ‫ ַא ֵם‬Ps 58:5 and ‫ ַע ִם‬to deal subtilly. Pr 15:5. &c. ֶֽעמ֫דתּ‬but ֫‫ ְ ַֽעמרתּ‬Nu 3:6.ל .ֽחֶה‬Niph al ‫ . § 64 h on ‫ . p.—the latter for the purpose of distinction from the causative ‫ ַֽע ִים‬Ps 83:4..)ִֽהָה‬but in the ‫י ְי‬ ‫יְי‬ ‫נ ְי‬ perfect Hiph ı̂l ‫2( ָֽחָה‬nd plur. Fischer.—On ‫ ְתברך‬Ps 94:20 for ‫( ַחבּ ְם‬according to Qimḥi.ִֽצ ַק‬and §69 ‫יַדּ‬ ‫יר‬ ‫י ֲח‬ x on ‫ ִֽהלך‬Ex 9:23. Gn 24:60). 19:25. . Pathạ has taken the place of Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ.—In the imperfect consecutive ‫ ַַֽחֶק בּוֹ‬the tone is thrown back on to the first syllable. Initial ‫ ה‬always has Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl instead of vocal Ŝewâ. Ez 20:37. Something similar occurs ‫ז ֲמ‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ in the formation of segholate nouns of the form qŏṭl. 3) change of ‫ֶֽ ־‬to ‫ַֽ ־‬occurs in the perfect Hiph ı̂l. On a further case of this kind (‫ )ֽׄע ָה‬see § 64 c. 1846 ff. 3.ב‬ ‫ֲי‬ ‫ח ת‬ ‫ְ ו‬ ‫ ) ִן=( מ .הָה‬ ‫ָי‬ ‫ָי‬ 5.)ְר ֵף‬can only be understood as a development of ‫( ִֽ ְדֹף‬cf. by A. In the perfect Hiph ı̂l ‫ֶֽ ־‬is sometimes changed into ‫ . ‫ ְ ַֽחִ ֶם‬Jos 2:13. In the verbs ‫ הָה‬to be. the analogous instances under p. ZDMG. to take it as a forma mixta. ‫ ֵֽע ָה‬Hb 1:15. as in 24:3) 1 Ch 23:6 and ‫( 3:42 ֶַ ָֽ׳‬partly analogous to ‫§ ָֽעכ ֵם‬ ‫ויּח‬ ‫תּ ָ ְד‬ 60 b) the Qal ‫ ַַחל ֵם‬is to be read. the guttural hardly ever affects the ‫ָי‬ ‫ָי‬ addition of preformatives. ‫. even in the 3rd sing. and such nouns as ‫ 39 § . hence in the perfect Qal ‫.כ‬both ‫ ה‬and ‫ ח‬retain the simple Šewâ (§ 28 b) and the prefix takes ı̆. The form ‫ ִֽ ַדֹּף‬Ps 7:6 which is. 1889. imperative of ‫ חָה‬is ‫ֱי ת‬ ‫ֲי‬ ‫ָי‬ ‫ חִי‬live thou. as ְ ְ ִ ‫מ‬ elsewhere before strong consonants with Šewâ. ֱ ‫־ ֲ ־‬ especially when wāw consecutive precedes.ע‬and hence evidently with the intention of strengthening the countertone-syllable (ֵֽ or ֽ‫)ה‬ ‫ֹ ה‬ before the guttural. ‫ ֲיוֹ ָם‬Jos 5:8. ‫ 1 ֱיוֹ ָם .ִֽהִי ֶם‬ ‫ו ְי ת‬ ZDMG. Jer 49:8.—‫ תּ ֵֽ ֲבוּ‬Pr 1:22 ‫ָז‬ ‫ְא ה‬ is to be explained from the endeavour to avoid too great an accumulation of short sounds by the insertion of a long vowel. 44 ff. see §60 b. ‫ ֵֽעב֫רתּ‬Jos 7:7. 1. ‫ ְ ַֽאִין‬Ps 77:2. Pi el). and the tone is in consequence thrown forward upon the afformative. It ְַַ ָ is much simpler. Na 2:8. but it is a question whether we should not simply read ‫ֵֽא ֲבוּ‬ ‫תּ ה‬ with Haupt in his Bible. The above-mentioned (f. ‫ה ֱי‬ ‫וה ֲ ית‬ Ju 8:19). Lpz. The preformative ֲ ‫־‬ of ‫ עתר‬in Hiph ı̂l always takes a in a closed syllable: Ex 8:4 ‫ .

imperative ‫ . is better explained as infinitive Pi ēl (= ‫ְס ֲד‬ ‫ַ ֲט‬ ‫.ִשׁ ַט . cf.g.ְִאָלוּ֫הוּ‬ ‫נ ְ ָנ נ‬ ְ ‫יג‬ With ō in the imperative Qal.). ‫ . cf..g. of the imperative after wāw. ‫ו ִ ָ ע ויּ ָ ח‬ ‫ 1 ִַָע֫ץ‬K 12:6. the doubtful form ‫ שֽׁח ָה‬Ho 5:2. ‫& . &c.ֶֽ ֱחֹז . ‫ֽ ֳז‬ 2nd plur.. especially before ‫ ה .ע‬nevertheless. ‫ ֶֽהֵה‬Gn 12:2. Also in the perfect ‫ויּ ְ ע‬ ‫ותּ ְ ֳ ד‬ ‫ִ ְע‬ Pi ēl. ‫ָח‬ The slight deviations from the ordinary inflexion are confined chiefly to the following1:— 1. The only exception is the 2nd ‫וה‬ ‫ֽה‬ ‫בּה‬ sing. ‫ אָחִי‬Ru 3:15 (with the unusual repetition of the lost ō as Ḥaṭeph-Qameṣ. (cf.ִב ַר . masc. &c. e. Pu al. is an example of the same kind. not only is Ḥolem retained after the middle guttural in the infinitive Qal ‫( שׁחֹט‬with the fem. § 9 u (c) and § 16 b. even in transitive verbs. Hiph ı l is regular. perfect ‫.. ‫ ס ָד־‬Ju 19:8.)שֽׁח ָה‬ ‫ַ ֲת‬ 2.ִַלּ֫ ֶם‬Gn 41:8 (cf.ִֽ ְיוּ‬infinitive ‫& ִֽ ְיוֹת . also ‫ ֽׄא ֱזוּך‬Jer 13:21) has caused the change from ă to ĕ. and Hithpa ēl.. ‫ ְַ ֵם‬he comforts.כּ ֵן‬but ‫ א‬and ‫ ע‬always have ē in 3rd sing. Verbs Middle Guttural.—On ‫ִ ח ִח ִח ִה‬ the infinitive with suffixes.ְ ַק .ַֽע ִי‬c. read se ŏd.ָֽע ָה‬Nu 23:7.g. ε). the only instances are ‫ 2 ְעֹל‬S 13:17.ל ְיוֹת‬c. ‫ . ‫ ִ ַם‬to ‫נח‬ comfort (cf.בּ ַר . before the ‫יְח‬ ‫ה ּח‬ afformatives ı̂ and û. fem. the preceding vowel.. 2 2 Also Ju 19:5 (where Qimḥi would read se ād).כּ ֵד . ‫ ַֽא ָה‬to pine. however. ‫ ֱחֹז‬Ex 4:4. as ‫ תּ ְעֹל . e.g. 3. imperative ‫י ְ ח ְ ח יזע זע י ְ ח ְ ה‬ ‫ .ְִהֹם‬Lv 5:15. §16 f. e. ‫ ִלּ ֵם‬he fights.שׁאָל֫וִּי . thus.g. and almost always Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ. and is followed by Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ.)שׁ ֵת .g. masc.כּ ֵשׁ . 1 1 Hoph al. e.ֽֽ ֲקוּ . But in the imperative and imperfect Qal. ָ ‫ויּוּ‬ through the influence of the guttural. follows the analogy of Qal. In Pi ēl. and on the use of the conjunctive accent (here Darga) as a substitute for Metheg. in pause ‫ ֱחֹ֑זוּ‬Neh 7:3.שֽׁ ֲטוּ‬ ‫ָ ח‬ imperfect ‫ . at. however. and in the infinitive with a ‫ֽ ֲב‬ ‫דּ ֲב‬ suffix ‫ ל ַֽע ָהּ‬Is 9:6. see § 63 p. e. ִשָֽׁ ֲטוּ‬In the imperative Qal. So in the infinitive Qal fem. Just as ‫ז ֲמ‬ ‫ז ֳמ‬ rare are the imperfects in ō of verbs middle guttural. ‫ ֶֽחֵה‬Gn 20:7. ‫ שׁ ַט‬to slaughter. it necessarily takes a Ḥaṭeph. e. When the guttural would stand at the beginning of a syllable with simple Šewâ. Pathaḥ occurs somewhat more frequently than in the strong verb.ִשׁ ֲטוּ‬imperative Niph al ‫ . but generally also the Ṣere in the imperfect ‫ָ ְצ‬ ‫ר ֳק‬ Niph al and Pi ēl. mostly takes Pathaḥ. and even the more feeble ‫יָח‬ ‫ינח‬ e S ghôl after wāw consecutive in such forms as ‫ ַתּפּ֫ ֶם . even ı̆ remains before a hard guttural.ה‬and ‫ . which is not exhibited in the paradigm. § 45 b). in ‫ שֽׁ ֲדוּ‬Jb 6:22. ‫ינ‬ ‫יא‬ ‫ִמ‬ Nu 5:27 (but ‫ 2 ִַמ ַל‬Ch 26:16). without the pause ‫ אָ ֱזוּ‬Ct 2:15).2 ‫א‬ ‫ֽח‬ ‫ְע‬ Finally ‫ ֽׄע ָה‬for ‫ . ‫ ַ ִשׁח ִי‬Ez 16:33. .ְִ ַק . ‫ו ְי‬ ‫ו ְי‬ § 64.בּחִֵ֫י‬imperfect ‫. 2 ‫נ‬ ‫א‬ S 2:21. in ‫ אָ ֱבוּ‬the preference of the ‫ א‬for ‫ז ע ז ֲק‬ ‫ֽה‬ e ְ ‫י ח‬ ‫ִ ח‬ S ghôl (but cf. the final syllable. ‫ אַה ָה‬to love.שׁ ַט‬with suffixes (according to § 60 c). the original Pathaḥ is retained in the first syllable. Since the preference of the gutturals for the a-sound has less influence on the following than on the preceding vowel. the Dageš forte being inadmissible in the middle radical. § 61 b. ‫ תּפ ָל־‬Jb 35:6. ending and retraction and shortening ְ of the o ‫ רח ָה‬and ‫ ָֽח ָה‬cf.

בֹּרך‬Before ‫ א‬it ְֵַ ְֵֵ ְ ֵ ָ‫י‬ ְַ occurs regularly in the stems ‫ .שׁאה‬on the other hand.בּ ֵר‬and in the Hithpa ēl of ‫ . ‫ינא‬ ‫נא‬ ‫נ ְתּ‬ ‫ִא‬ moreover.באשׁ‬and ‫ֵ א ֵ א גּא ֵ א‬ ‫ . according to § 29 e. 1. also the participle ‫ מתַ ְשׂים‬Neh 7:64. &c. in verbs ‫ . with a firmly closed ָ ‫ִ ְ יח‬ syllable.—The quite meaningless Kethı̂bh ‫ ונאשאר‬Ez 9:8 (for which the ָ ‫ִ ְי ה‬ ‫ח‬ 1 1 ‫ בֹּ ַן‬is explained by Abulwalı d as the 3rd pers. ‫ ְשׁ֫ ֶת שׁם‬to ָ ‫לָ ר‬ minister there.ֵ ֵל . ‫ שׁ ֵל֫וִּי‬Ps 137:3. Mant. in pause ‫ . but in a closed syllable. however. ‫ דֹּחוּ‬Ps ‫ינה‬ ‫ֵע‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ֻח‬ 1 36:13 from ‫ . on ִ ‫ִ ְ יח‬ good authority.. in the imperfect Qal ‫ ִֽצ ַק‬Gn 21:6 (elsewhere ‫י ֲח‬ ‫& . in both ‫ַ ְח‬ ‫ַ ְע‬ cases probably influenced by the closing consonant.generally remains short. As infinitive Hithpa ēl with a suffix we find ‫ התַ ְשׂם‬Ezr 8:1.שׂ ֵק‬Pu al ‫( ר ַץ‬but cf. ‫ 1 וּ ִֽער ִי‬K 14:10.מ ֵן . Jer 23:17. Ju 4:20. virtually strengthened. ‫ ַ ִתפּ֫ ֶם‬Dn 2:1. .ְַ ֵל‬c. In the verb ‫ שׁאַל‬to ask.פּ ֵר . but not ed.. § 10 g (c) and § 63 n). ‫ ִ ֵר‬to abhor La 2:7 (also ‫ ֵאַ֫ר ָה‬Ps 89:40) and ‫ שׁ ֵל‬Ps 109:10. ‫ רְב֫רך‬and he blessed. but in the imperfect and ‫ֵח‬ ָ ְ ַ‫נ‬ participle ‫& . in the infinitive ‫ ַאשׁ‬Ec 2:20. occurs invariably only with ‫ כּ ַת( ר‬Ez 16:4 is an exception. ‫יח ַ ְ נ‬ ‫יח ַ ְ נ‬ ‫ָר‬ above. ‫ שׁ ֵֽלך‬Gn 32:18. and especially § 44 d. ִֽ ֲרוּ‬according to Gn 34:19 ‫ ֵֽ ֲדוּ‬would be ‫אח‬ ‫אח‬ ‫אח‬ expected).אַ‬ ְִִ ְ‫ה‬ ִ 2. 2 Ch 30:18. to beg. e. ‫וי ג ר‬ ‫ותּ ָ ע‬ 3. at least. &c. On the Mappı̂q ֵ‫י‬ in the Pu al ‫ רא֫וּ‬Jb 33:21.)ר ָה‬infinitive ‫ . e g. in the next three ı̆ would have been modified to ĕ.ִצ ָק‬cf. ‫ ָאֽ ַד‬Gn 32:5 (for ‫ . however. Also in the Hiph il-form ‫ 1 ִשׁאלתּ֫יהוּ‬S 1:28 the ‫ א‬is merely attenuated from ‫. Gn 1:22 and ְ ֶ ָ‫ַי‬ frequently. ‫( בּרך‬in pause ‫ . Nu 14:23. 25:5. e. and a consequent lengthening of the preceding vowel. finally. (b) after wāw consecutive. e. &c. if explained on that analogy. 29 v..g. according to the best reading. Dt 17:12. reads in all these cases. Ju 6:28). Baer. Thus (a) before monosyllables. even in the case of a guttural which is virtually strengthened. Ex 10:11. and the guttural is consequently to be regarded as.ראה . even without a ְָ ‫ְא‬ ‫ְא נ‬ suffix. or Ginsb. ‫ א ַר‬Gn 34:19. § 14 d. ‫ שׁאלתּ֫יהוּ‬Ju 13:6.. Hithpa ēl perfect and imperative ‫& .ל״ה‬e. perfect Pu al. §22 c. ‫ ְַָ֫ ֶשׁ‬and he drove out. ‫ א‬is virtually strengthened in the perfects. but by Qimḥi as a noun.. however. In Pi ēl and Hithpa ēl the lengthening of the vowel before the guttural causes the tone to be thrown back upon the penultima. which is Ṣere when the vowel of the ‫ א‬stands in an open syllable. ‫ַ ְח‬ ‫ַ נח‬ 4.ִ ֲֽמ֫תִי‬in the imperative Pi ēl ‫ ק ַב‬Ez 37:17 (cf. ‫ . Pi ēl ‫ ִֽ ֲלוּ . and by the preference for Pathạ in pause (according to § 29 q). ‫( ִ ֵף‬once in the ‫נא‬ imperfect. ‫ִ ַג‬ ‫נ ח ִח‬ ‫ב ַ ְתּ‬ ‫נה‬ Ex 10:13 (cf.)ָ ֶֽא ַד‬in the perfect ‫ִ ְח‬ ‫יְח‬ ‫וֵ ח‬ ‫וא ֱ ח‬ Pi ēl ‫ ֶֽ ֱרוּ‬Ju 5:28 (perhaps primarily for ‫ . cf. The following are a few rarer anomalies. Jer 29:23) to commit adultery. Cf. ‫ִ ֶה‬ ‫י ְ נח‬ The complete omission of the strengthening. Is ‫נא‬ 60:14.שׂ ַק‬Jos 14:1.דּ ָה‬also the unusual position of the tone in ‫ בֹּ֫ ַן‬Ez 21:18. cf.ְברך‬Pu al ‫ . Jb 8:18 (see § 29 g)..ה ַֽ ֲרוּ‬c. In the first three examples. cf. some forms of the perfect Qal appear to be based ָ upon a secondary form middle e..g. Gn 39:14. ‫ 1 שׁאל ֶם‬S 12:13. and consequently the Ṣere of the ultima to be shortened to Seghôl. 27 q. without the pause ‫ הר ֵק‬Pr 4:24. ‫ ִתֶ ָם‬Nu 23:19. ‫כֹּר֑ ָה‬ ‫ָדּ‬ ‫ָת‬ also occurs.. ִֻ Rem. and similarly ‫ ֶ ֱֽמ֫תִי‬Ps 51:7 for ‫ . in the imperative Hiph ı̂l ‫ הר ַק‬Jb 13:21 and ‫ המ ַד‬Ps 69:24. 54 k) ‫ הטּ ָֽרוּ‬Nu 8:7. the ı̆ attenuated from ă would have been lengthened to ē (before the tone). § 69 s. 1 S 1:20. ‫ ִ ֵץ‬to despise (in the participle. ‫& התַֽ ֲשׂם‬c. according to Baer.תּצ ַק‬c.g. similar cases ‫ְ ֶ ְתּ‬ ְִִ ְ of attenuation of an original ă. Jb 21:29. § 52 n). in ‫ִ ְ ָ ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ִטּ ה‬ pause (see §§ 22 c. but also ‫ הְ ַת‬Jo 4:11..)בּרך‬imperfect ‫ . even in the imperfect ‫ ְַ ֵץ‬Ps 74:10). and in the ‫ָח‬ ‫ח‬ perfect Hithpa ēl ‫ התרח֫צ ִי‬Jb 9:30). ‫ ֵה֫לתּ‬Ex 15:13.g.

e. and the guttural then takes furtive Pathaḥ.). Niph al ‫ ִשָׁ ַע‬Nu 30:3 (elsewhere ‫ ִשָׁבע‬Jer ‫ה ּב‬ ַ ֵּ ‫ה‬ 1 1 Verbs ‫ ל״ה‬in which the ‫ ה‬is consonantal obviously belong also to this class. ‫ רַֹע‬Is 51:15. On such cases as ‫ א ְשׂ ָה‬Is 27:4. e. ‫ְ ֵָ נ יְ ֵָ נ‬ Exceptions.3:63 ִָר‬Dt 1:34. Niph al. König. ‫ בּפְעוֹ‬Nu 35:19. ‫יגּר‬ ‫יגּ ֵ ע‬ ‫ויּ ּב‬ even with retraction of the tone in the inf.)שֹׁ ֵֽחך‬with suff.Qerê requires the equally unintelligible ‫ )ְֵֽשׁאַר‬evidently combines two different readings. Pi ēl and Hithpa ēl.שֽׁל ִי‬but ‫( ְשׁלּח .1 ‫ָל‬ 1.וֹ . with an irregular ‫ ־‬for ‫ . sometimes. consec. Jer 31:35.ַשׁ ִיח‬ ַ ָ ַ ָ ַ ‫הְל‬ ַ ‫יְל‬ part. when the last syllable has a vowel incompatible with the guttural (i. constr.ִשׁ ַה‬c. ‫ שׁלֹח‬is almost always retained: ַ ‫מְל‬ ְ cf. A few examples in which ‫ .g. the forms ‫שֹׁלח‬ ֵַ (with suff. ִשׁ ִיח‬imperf. 44:24. 1.א‬as middle radical.ְתֽ ֲר׳‬cf.—The ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ס‬ part. not an a-sound).שׁלוּח‬Hiph. with ‫ְל יְל‬ suffixes ‫ .e. and the fuller form with ēa in pause (and even with the lesser distinctives. i. 266 f. cf. due simply to the influence of the guttural (for a tone-long ō. ‫ רוֹ ַע‬Ps 136:6. cf. § 10 h. viz. entirely loses its consonantal value and quiesces in a vowel. Niph. thus ‫& .:— Rem. also ‫ נֹ ַע‬Ps 94:9. cf. will be found in § 73 g. ‫ לרב ָהּ‬Lv ְְֲָָ ‫ְ ִג‬ ‫ְ ִ ְע‬ 18:23. ‫ .. the choice of one or the other is decided by the special circumstances of the tone. Similarly. with whom Delitzsch agrees. § 10 h.שׁ ַח‬in close connexion with a substantive. even under such ִ circumstances. Keth. In the absolute state of the participle Qal. ‫ֶפ ֳ ע‬ (c) Where Ṣere would be the regular vowel of the final syllable. ‫( מ ַהּ‬only in Hithpalpel) to delay. no doubt. &c. ‫ ִָ ַע‬Nu 27:4. ‫ . in the imperf. with Ṭiphḥa 1 K 12:32 in the infinitive Pi ēl.—In ְ ‫ונ‬ ‫ו א ּא‬ ‫ ְ ָֽאר֫הוּ‬Is 44:13 (also ‫ ְ ָֽאר֫הוּ‬in the same verse) an imperfect Pô ēl appears to be intended ֵ ֳ ‫ית‬ ֵ ֲ ‫ית‬ by the Masora with an irregular shortening of the ô for ‫ . p. ‫ . ‫ . (b) The imperfect and imperative Qal almost always have ă in the second syllable. abs. abs.ִשׁלחִ֫י‬see § 60 c. two possibilities present themselves. hence inf. in the imperfect ‫ אסלוח‬Jer 5:7. § 55 b ‫ מ ָשִׁי‬Ps 101:5 Qerê. ‫ שׁ ַח‬to send. but sometimes as being the original vowel. ‫. in close connexion. however.־‬as in the reading ‫ אלקּ ָה‬Ru 2:2. ֳ ֲ ‫ֲ ַ ֳט‬ 5.g. viz. both forms (with ēa and ă) are sometimes in use. and ‫ ְוע‬Nu 20:3. and inf. § 65. with ַֽ ‫ ִַשָׁ ַע . ‫ ָ ַהּ‬to be high. More particularly it is to be remarked that— (a) The unchangeable vowels ‫ 52 §( וּ . ‫ . According to § 22 d. or Pathaḥ (in pause Qameṣ) takes its place.־ י‬b) are always retained. either the regular vowel remains.) and ‫( ָֽ ֶשָׁ ֵר‬imperf. ‫ .g.)מר ָע‬ ‫ְ ֻבּ‬ ‫ְ ֻבּ‬ 2. cf. e. e. i. (‫ אס ַח‬Qerê). ‫י ֹא‬ ‫ְל ְ נ‬ on the other hand Qimḥi. pass. Lehrgebäude. Qal ‫ ..שׁלחִ֫י . Jer 16:6 imperfect Niph al). in the imperative ‫ ְבֹח‬Gn ‫ֶ ְל‬ ַ ‫ט‬ 43:16. and imperf. 7.שׁ ַח . ‫ תּ ַהּ‬to be astonished. explains the form as Pi ēl. ֲ ‫ונ‬ ‫( ְִשׁאָר‬part. ‫ שֹׁ ָע‬Lv 11:7. and in the perf. Pu al is ‫ מר ַע‬Ez 45:2 according to the best authorities (Kittel ‫. Jer 4:31 imperfect Hithpa ēl. with Dehi Ps 86:4 in the imperative Pi ēl. ‫ְל‬ ‫גּ‬ Examples of the infinitive with suffixes are ‫ בּברחך‬Gn 35:1. ‫ט‬ ‫ג‬ ‫ רֹ ַע‬Is 42:5.g.) ְשׁלּחך‬and ‫ ִשׁתֵּע‬are used exclusively.e. Is 58:9. originally ŭ). Pi ēl the (probably more original) form with ă commonly occurs in the body of the sentence.שׁלוֹח‬part. ‫גּב‬ ‫ָמ‬ ‫ָה‬ . inf. except ‫ְֹח‬ ֲָ ‫ל‬ ֵַ ַ‫מ‬ ֲָֽ ַ‫מ‬ ַ‫מ ְ ַגּ‬ in verbs ‫ ל״ע‬where we find. Verbs Third Guttural. ַשׁ ִיח‬So also the less firm ō in the inf. all with the tone on the last syllable.

as infinitive construct ‫ חוֹ ַח‬also occurs in close connexion (Jb 6:26). &c. ‫ ַַצ ַח‬and he made to grow (so in Hithpalpel ‫& . The weakness of initial ‫ נ‬consists chiefly in its suffering aphaeresis in the infinitive construct and imperative in some of these verbs (cf. and even ‫ 2 ְַַבּח‬K 16:4. and. ‫ לק֫חתּ‬is to be read. The infinitive ַ ֵַ absolute Pi ē̇l has the from ‫ שׁלּח‬Dt 22:7. ‫ ָֽ ֲשׁ ֵֽחך‬Gn 31:27. ‫ ֶשׁ ָֽהך‬I will send thee.נגשׁ‬imperfect ‫ . for infinitive Hithpa ēl. Gn 26:29. a alone occurs. § 63 n) finds ‫ותּ ָ צ‬ ַ ִ ְ‫י‬ an i-imperfect of Qal. ‫ 1 ְיוֹ ָֽח‬Ch 12:17. ‫הְבּהּ‬ ‫ו ִ ע‬ ִ ‫ו‬ ַ ֵ‫ַג‬ to make high. Verbs Primae Radicalis Nûn (‫ . Nu 4:20 with ‫ בּלּ֑ע‬La 2:8. on the other ֵַ ַ hand.— ‫ ְַבּח‬Hb 1:16 has ē. . Ho 8:2 (cf. 2. since the intransitive meaning is only found in Qal. 1 S 16:1. p. On the other hand. § 52 n. fem. 33). with the best authorities. Grundriss.שׁל֫חתּ‬ ָ ְ ַ ָ ‫ָ ַ ְתּ‬ But in the 2nd sing. of the imperative.ִחמה ַהּ‬c. § 19 h). Barth (see above.. when without the pause is always as ‫ שׁ ַח‬except ‫ ְשׁלּח‬Ex 10:4. 13:25 (§ 28 e).ל״א‬see especially § 74. p. in each case without the pause). Sprachwiss. The soft combination with compound Šewâ occurs only in the 1st plur.. e.—In ‫ ַפרח‬Jb 14:9 (cf. 1 K 11:22. jussive Pi ēl ‫ ְאַ ַר‬Ps 40:18. Pr 14:11). Before the suffixes ‫ ך‬and ‫ . Thus from the stem ‫ .1 § 66. Ps 92:14. 138 ff. In the 2nd sing. ‫ ַב ַח‬let him make to trust. Ps 44:18. 595 ff. ‫.g. ‫ הצ ַח‬prosper thou. but a in pause in the imperative ַ ֵ ‫ויז‬ Niph al ‫ ֵֽאַָ֑ח‬Ez 21:11. Hb 2:3). 2 Ch 28:4.ַשׁ‬but always ‫יגּ‬ ‫גּ‬ 1 1 Cf..g. even in ‫ויּ ְ מ‬ ‫יְ ַ ְמ‬ pause ‫ 1 ַַצל֑ח‬Ch 29:23.g. Semit. ֲ ֲָ ‫אְל‬ ֲָ ‫ו אַלּ‬ ֲָ ‫ְמ‬ On the weak verbs ‫ . in the imperfect Niph al ‫ַתּ‬ ‫ ָ ֵֽע ַר‬Nu 17:13. with ‫ תּב ֵֽע‬Ez 13:11. ‫ ַָשׁ‬to approach ‫נג‬ Brockelmann. e. since the triliteral character of the stem is still preserved by the strengthening of the second consonant.ִַשׁ‬infinitive properly ‫ . the summary. since in these forms the tone is thrown one place farther forward. The special points to be noticed are— 1. and in the forms of the jussive and imperfect ‫ַ ְל‬ ‫יְט‬ consecutive of Hiph ı̂l which end in gutturals. 12:16 twice. not ‫. on ‫ הוֹשׁע‬as ‫כ‬ ֵַ infinitive construct (1 S 25:26. 1 K 14:3. perfect a helping-Pathaḥ takes the place of the Šewâ. This occurs only (though not necessarily) in those verbs which have a in the second syllable of the imperfect. The aphaeresis of the Nûn (a) in the infinitive construct. The Weak Verb. also in. Is 28:20. ‫ תּב ַע־‬Hb 3:9. perfect with suffixes.שׁל֫ח ִי .)ְיוֹשׁיע׳=( ְישֽׁ ֲ׳‬In the infinitive absolute Ṣere remains.)פ״ן‬e. masc. ‫ַלּ‬ ֵַ ַ‫ל‬ ַ ֵ ‫יז‬ though not in pause. 3. ‫שׁכ֫חתּ‬ ְַ ַָ Jer. When the guttural with quiescent Šewâ stands at the end of a syllable.לקחתּ‬ ְ ַ ַָ ְ ְַָ Rem. cf. § 41. ‫ בּ ַע‬to ‫ְ ַקּ‬ ַ ‫ְ ַקּ‬ ‫ַלּ‬ devour Hb 1:13.g. the infinitive construct. e. ֶם‬the guttural ָ ‫ב‬ must have ‫ .g.g. ‫ ְישֽׁעך‬Is 35:4 is ַ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ו כ‬ ֲֶ ַ ‫ו‬ perhaps to be emended into ‫—. ‫ אַשׁ ִֽיעך‬Jer 18:2.־‬e. 132:6). the ordinary strong form remains when not connected with suffixes. the assimilation of the ‫( נ‬see below) cannot properly be regarded as weakness. ‫ ְַֽ ֲנ֫וּך‬we ָ ‫יד ע‬ know thee. § 53 k. e. An example of ă in the ‫ה נ‬ ‫תּ ח‬ imperative Pi ēl under the influence of a final ‫ ר‬is ‫ כּ ַר־‬Jb 36:2.7:9. cf. cf.

ָ ַם‬ ‫נק‬ 2 2The law allowing the addition of the feminine termination to the unlengthened form. . ‫ ְ ַג‬drive. ‫יגּ‬ 2 2An imperfect in a (‫ )ִַשׁ‬is given in the Paradigm.ק֫ ַת‬from ‫ ל ַח‬to take.) and Hoph al ‫נגּ‬ ‫ִגּ‬ (which in these verbs always has Qibbuṣ.ל״ה‬which are at the ‫ונט‬ same time ‫ ְ ֵה .ְטֹע‬see below). ‫ ִפֹּל‬for yinpōl. ‫ 2 ְִ ְעוּ‬K 19:29.ְשׁה‬before ‫גּ‬ ָ‫גּ‬ Maqqeph also ‫ ֶשׁ־‬Gn 19:9).ְשׁוּ‬c. Such forms..הַשׁ‬ ‫ֻגּ‬ The other forms are all quite regular. p.ְפֹל‬with ‫נפ‬ ‫י‬ ‫נ‬ suffix ‫ . &c. and also ִ nasog aḥor. ‘Le futur qal des verbes ‫ . ‫& . also in the perfect Niph al ‫ ִַשׁ‬for ningaš. xxvii. is suitably called by Barth ‘the law of compensation’ (Nominalbildung.2ֶ֫שׁת‬with suffix ‫ִשׁתּוֹ‬ ֶ‫גּ‬ ְ‫גּ‬ Gn 33:3. also the verbs ‫ . But. Parallel with these there are the curious ‫גּ‬ ‫גּ‬ forms with ō. infinitive absolute and participle Qal. ָ ‫ִנ‬ (b) In the imperative. &c. When. throughout Hiph ı̂l (‫& .פ״ן‬Ez 32:18. ‫ק יקּ‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ָק‬ see g.פ״ן . Is 37:30.g.)שׂא‬cf. ‫ ָ ַע‬to plant.)קוּם‬and in similar forms of verbs ‫ . cf. as in the infinitive. § 74 ‫ַָ ע‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ְנ ְ א‬ ‫ְא‬ i and § 76 b).)76 §( ע״ע‬The infinitive ‫ ֶ֫שׁת‬and the imperative ‫ . ‫ 2 לְשׁק־‬S 20:9. xiii). 2 K 4:24 (imperfect ‫ . e. § 9 n) ‫.)הָ֫ה‬S 14:38 ‫ת‬ ‫גּ‬ (before ‫ ) ֲלֹם‬and 2 Ch 29:31. instead of a lengthening of the vowel. however. e.. imperfect ‫ . the aphaeresis never takes place in ָ verbs which have ō in the imperfect. thus in the imperfect Qal. ‫ ְשׂא‬Is 1:14. The characteristic of these verbs in all forms with a preformative is Dageš following it in the second radical. on the verb ַ ‫נ‬ ‫נט‬ ‫ַע‬ ַ ‫נ‬ ‫ ָ ַן‬to give. § 76 b.ַשׁ‬also ‫( ֶשׁ־‬Gn 19:9) and ‫.g. ‫ה‬ as if in a strong verb. he will fall.)17 §( פ״י‬and even in verbs ‫ . before ‫ ) ֲלֹם‬and ‫ גּ֫שׁוּ‬Jos 3:9 (before ‫ 1 .הִישׁ‬c. h)2.)27 §( ע״וּ‬the full ‫י‬ writing of the ô indicates.ִ ְלוֹ‬Nu 6:2. all Pi ēl. moreover. imperfect ‫ . &c. he will give (on ‫י‬ ‫יגּ‬ ‫יתּ‬ this single example of an imperfect with original i in the second syllable.ִַע‬infinitive ‫ַע֫ת‬ ‫נג‬ ‫יגּ‬ ַ‫גּ‬ (also ‫ . ‫ . ‫ גּ֫שֽׁי‬Ru 2:14 (with retarding Metheg in the second syllable.g. through the addition of a preformative. ‫ ְ ֵה‬Ex 32:34.נגשׁ‬imperative ‫( ַשׁ‬more frequently with paragogic ā. Here the Nûn is always dropped in verbs with a in the imperfect. according to § 29 e. are also found in certain verbs ‫ .)96 §( פ״ו‬On ‫ . On the other hand. cf. ‫ לְגֹּע‬Gn 20:6. with suffix ‫ בְָּעוֹ‬Lv 15:23.. ‫ וְּגֹע‬Ex ‫נפ‬ ‫נפ‬ ‫ִנ‬ ַ ‫ִנ‬ ַ ‫נ‬ 19:12 (even ‫ לְגּוֹע‬Jb 6:7. the verb ‫ ְשׂא . as a rule. 28. ‫ ָ ַל‬to fall. in a sharpened syllable. simply because it is the actual form in use in this verb. ֵן‬ ֶ‫גּ‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ג‬ ‫תּ‬ resemble the corresponding forms of verbs ‫—. 1 e. ‫ ְ ֵה‬Ex 8:1. plur. aphaeresis does not take place in ‫נח‬ verbs which have ō in the imperfect. e. it is readily assimilated to the second radical (§ 19 c).פ״ו‬in the REJ. Pu al. ‫ ִַ֫שׁ‬for yingaš. ַח . with the concurrence of a guttural ‫ ַָע‬to touch. e. with suffix ‫ בָּשׂ ִי‬Ps 28:2 (elsewhere ‫ .g. Mayer Lambert. ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ 2. With Nûn retained. Jer 1:10).—In ‫( ִקּוֹם‬imperfect Niph al of ‫ .ְצֹר‬c.ִ ַח‬and ‫ . ‫ ִ ֵן‬for yintēn. 18:3.ִפֹּל‬infinitive ‫ .lengthened by the feminine termination ‫ ת‬to the segholate form ‫ . In Paradigm H.g.’פ״א . 136 ff. Nûn stands at the end of a syllable. infinitive ‫( ט֫ ַת‬also ‫ . Also ‫ לְטֹע‬Is 51:16 ַ ‫ִנ‬ ‫ְ נג‬ ַ ‫ִנ‬ (but ‫ לט֫ ַת‬Ec 3:2). &c. Jer 29:5. the perfect.. that they are not to be regarded as imperfects Qal of ‫.ְתֹץ . in all these cases without the pause.ל״א‬Ps 10:12 ‫נה‬ ‫נח‬ ‫נט‬ ָ‫נ‬ (usually ‫ . ‫ . cf. ‫& . only those conjugations are given which differ from the regular form.ְִ ַג‬without assimilation of the ‫נה‬ ‫ינה‬ Nûn).ְגֹע‬see below).ָ ְלוֹ‬also ‫ לְדֹּר . cf. 1 1 Cf.שׂ ֵת‬cf. see especially h and i. cf.

ִ ַח‬cohortative (§ 20 m) ‫ . the ‫ נ‬is retained as the third redical. cf. Pr 20:16.ל‬with suffix ‫ . see § 20 l. ‫ 1ִ ַן־‬only in Ju 16:5. and the Niph al ‫ ִשְׂ ָה‬Ps 78:21 are most probably from a stem ‫ . Haupt on Ju 16:5 in his Bible.ֻ ַן‬cf. 1. In Niph al this never occurs (except in the irregular inf. ָ ‫ז ַ נתּ ָ ַ נ‬ On the entirely anomalous aphaeresis of the Nûn with a strong vowel in ‫( תּ֫ ָה‬for ‫ 2 )ָת֫תּ‬S ‫ַתּ‬ ָ ַ‫נ‬ 22:41.נסק‬but stands for ‫( אס ַק‬with a ‫ֶסּ‬ ‫ֶ ְל‬ sharpening of the ‫ ס‬as compensation for the loss of the ‫ . The ‫ ל‬of ‫ ל ַח‬to take is treated like the Nûn of verbs ‫ 91 §( פ״ן‬d). LXX and Lucian). e. perhaps a mistake for ‫ .תתו‬ ‫ְת‬ ‫ָת‬ ‫תּ‬ In other stems. plur. des Bibl. ‫ ָקְ֫ ִי . see § 19 f. elsewhere before Maqqeph ‫& . ִתּוֹ . and a ‫יתּ‬ ‫נתּ‬ ‫יתּ‬ corresponding imperative ‫ ֵן‬or (very frequently) ‫( תָּה‬but in Ps 8:2 the very strange reading ‫תּ‬ ‫ְנ‬ ‫ תָּה‬is no doubt simply meant by the Masora to suggest ‫ .ִ ֶן־‬c. ‫ ַשִׂיק‬Is ּ ‫ה‬ ּ ‫י‬ 44:15. ְ ‫לת‬ Gn 15:7. § 19 c and § 44 o.)ַָשׁ‬but contracted to titt. § 69 m. is the only example of a verb ‫ פ״ן‬with ‫נת‬ imperfect in ē (‫ ִ ֵן‬for yintēn.ָת֫ ָה‬with a kind of orthographic ‫נַ תּ‬ ָ ַ‫נ‬ ‫נַ תּ‬ compensation for the assimilated Nûn (cf. requires ‫ ֵת‬for ‫. however. see § 61 g).g. Gramm.&c. ָהּ ק ִי‬cf. in a from ‫?נתן‬ . § 93 h). § 20 i. e. ‫ ְִ ַל‬he will ‫ינח‬ possess. in Hiph ı̂l and Hoph al very seldom. the retention of the Nûn ‫ִ נּד‬ is always connected with the pause. Similarly the Hiph il-forms ‫ ִשִׂיקוּ‬Ez 39:9. probably regards ‫ ֵ ַת‬and ‫ ֵח֫תּוּ‬as imperfect Niph al from ‫ .ָ ַר‬imperfect ‫ ְִטֹר‬Jer 3:5 (elsewhere ‫ .נתן‬But could this one passage be the only trace left in Hebrew of an imperf. 1 K 17:14. infinitive construct ‫ק֫ ַת‬ ‫ִ ְח‬ ‫ל ְח‬ ‫ַח‬ (once ‫ 2 ק ַת‬K 12:9. ‫נח‬ ‫ננח‬ 2.נשֹק‬ ‫נ ּק‬ Rem..שֹלק‬not ‫. e. paragogic form ‫& . Ps 61:8. § 44 g). Ez 37:16. however. ְ ‫ְ ַ נתּ‬ ‫ָ נתּ‬ ‫ כּהְדֹּף‬Ps 68:3. is always ‫—. however. Hence imperfect Qal ‫ָק‬ ‫ . ‫ . Verbs ‫ . ַח‬in pause and before suffixes ‫( ָח‬on ‫ ָֽ ֶם־ָא‬Gn ‫יקּ‬ ‫ֶ ְח‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ ‫קח נ‬ 48:9. ‫ ָת֫ ִי‬for nāth́ntı̄. for ‫ לְ ִל‬Nu 5:22 read ‫ . with ‫ . ‫ ָת֫תּ‬or. e. ‫תְ ְקוּ‬ ‫ְ ִנ‬ Ju 20:31. 140:2.לק֫ ַת . of which the Second radical is a guttural. cf. ֵת‬with the omission of ‫נג‬ ‫תּ‬ Dageš forte in the final consonant. is also assimilated.קח ִי‬Hoph al (cf.תּ ִי‬c. ‫ ס ַב‬to surround. Jb 40:24. ‫ להְ ִיך‬Ez 22:20.אק ָה‬imperative ‫ . also ‫ ל ַח‬Ex 29:1. which is then correctly lengthened to ‫ . before Maqqeph ‫תּ ִתּ‬ with the prefix ‫ . The instances are comparatively few in which the forms retain their Nûn before a firm consonant. ‫ְח ְח‬ ‫ְק‬ ‫ 1 לק ִי‬K 17:11. ‫יתּ‬ § 67. although there are rare cases like ‫( ֵ ַת‬also ‫ )ְִ ַת‬he will descend. Niph al perfect ‫ ִתּ ֶם‬Lv 26:25.g. ָֽ ֶת־ = ל‬e.ל ֵת‬just as the Qerê. ֶן־‬fem. On the other hand. ‫. § 44. § 53 u. but with suffixes ‫& .ִל ַח‬The meaningless form ‫ ָח‬Ez 17:5 is a ‫יקּ‬ ‫נְק‬ ‫ק‬ mistake.-Aram. e.)ח ַת‬Niph al ‫יח‬ ַ‫י‬ ‫ָת‬ ‫ ִ ַם‬for ‫ ְִ ַם‬he has grieved. Pr 2:11. this very common verb has the peculiarity that its final Nûn.לְפֹּל‬according to § 53 q.g. Moreover.תִּי‬ ‫ְנ‬ ‫נ ְנ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫ְנ‬ &c. compares the form of the Assyrian imperfect iddan or ittan (besides inádin. Ezr 9:7.ֻ ַח‬Niph al. note 2.. as a weak nasal.)ל‬from ‫ ס ַק‬to ascend. (but cf.ָֽאקּ ֵם‬ ‫ָח‬ ‫ו ֶ ָח‬ 3. ‫ ֵח֫תּוּ‬Jb 21:13 (cf.ע״ע‬e.g. § 53 u) ‫ְח‬ ְ ‫ַָ ח‬ ‫ַ ְתּ‬ imperfect ‫ . 5.). ‫ תֵָּף‬is intended). the ַ‫י‬ Masora. cf. 58:3. Ex 5:21. very frequently. the Nûn is ‫ַ נפּ‬ ‫ִנ‬ regularly retained in all verbs. On the other hand. the strong formation of the infinitive construct also occurs in ‫ ְתֹן‬Nu ‫נ‬ 20:21 and ‫ ְ ָן־‬Gn 38:9. mentioned above in d. however. The verb ‫ ָ ַן‬to give. § 51 k).g. cf. without apparent reason accented as Mil ēl).—On the passive imperfect ‫ .)ָֽתָה‬before Maqqeph ‫ . Jer 21:13 (even ‫תּ֫ ַת‬ ‫יח‬ ‫ינח‬ ‫ֵח‬ Pr 17:10. similarly in Is 29:1. for ‫ 1 לת ֵן‬K 6:19 read either ‫נת‬ ‫ְ ִתּ‬ ‫ ל ִתּוֹ‬or simply ‫ .)ִטֹּר‬also from ‫ ָ ַר‬the pausal ‫נט‬ ‫ינ‬ ‫י‬ ‫נצ‬ form is always ‫( ְִצֹ֫רוּ‬without the pause ‫ ִ ְרוּ‬Pr 20:28)..ק ָת‬c.ק ִי .שׁכְ֫תּ‬cf. ‫ָב‬ 1 1P. for the equally meaningless ‫ ק ָם‬Ho 11:3 read ‫. However. § 19 i. ‫ .g.—Also ‫( א ַק‬Ps 139:8) is not to be derived from ‫ . and even when closely connected by other means. ‫ינ‬ ‫יצּ‬ 68:3 (where. inámdin) from nadânu = ‫ . and ‫ָל‬ Kautzsch.g. ‫נַתּ‬ In the infinitive construct Qal the ground-form tint is not lengthened to tèneth (as ‫ֶ֫שׁת‬ ֶ‫גּ‬ from ‫ .

since that vowel is characteristic of the form (§ 43 b). ָבוֹב‬in Pô l and Pô al.. p. or at any rate of verbs expressing an activity. perfect Qal of transitive verbs. infinitive.סֹ֫בּוּ . or which stood in the ground-form. . masc. however. Nöldeke. ‫ ַם‬answering to ‫ תּ֫ ָה . in Qal. p. except in the cases noted in § 22 b and q. c. not to an actual doubling. and fem. ‫ . ַמּ֫וּ‬c. ‫ .סֹב . 330 ff. Harper. as ‫ צ ַר‬to make strait. ‫ תּ֫מּוּ‬to the ground-form qăṭălû. in aa. but merely to a strengthening of the consonant. as. It is more correct to regard them as representing the original stem (with two radicals).נ‬and hence the strongly pronounced second radical would properly come at the end of a closed syllable.ק ַל‬to the ‫תּ‬ ‫ַ מּ ָט‬ ground-form qăṭălăt.’ (Skizzen u. 698 ff.. (also dealing with the regular verb). ‫תּ‬ ‫ס נ‬ 4. Lehrbuch. e. vi.g. ‫& .). A large number of Semitic stems have verbal forms with only two radicals. 201 ff. B.סֹבּ . pp. e. The development of the stem takes place (a) necessarily whenever the strengthening of the 2nd radical is required by the character of the form (e. ַבּ֫וֹנוּ .וֹ‬in the imperative and imperfect ‫ ..g. xxxiii. ZDMG. 155 ff. see further details. When the afformative begins with a consonant (‫ . ַם‬not ּ‫ .)שׁ ֵד‬and (b) as a rule.חִַ֫י‬ ‫ָנ ס ב ס ְב ָב‬ ‫ַנּ נ‬ ver. ‫. The insertion of Dageš forte (mentioned under a). and making it approximate more to the character of triliteral forms.. giving more body to the monosyllabic stem.־ י‬e.. including the ‫ָר‬ ‫צ‬ exceptions. hence called verbs ‫ . ‫ חַן : ָֽ ְבוּ .סוֹ ַב .g.g. ַבּ֫וִּי . p. 1. ָבוּב . for the purpose of strengthening the second radical. ‫ ַר‬to be in a strait. The development of biliteral to triliteral stems (‫ )ע״ע‬generally takes place in the 3rd sing.ח ֵל‬ ‫ִלּ‬ ‫ . REJ. never takes place (see § 20 l) in the final consonant of the word.g. and 3rd plur. 632 ff. and Brockelmann. sometimes with an evident distinction between transitive and intransitive forms. ָֽב ָה .ס ַב‬Gn 33:5 (but with suffix ‫. 1910. ְטֹל‬ ַ ‫ק‬ 3. a separating vowel is inserted between the stem-syllable and the afformative. see below) takes the vowel which would have been required between the second and third radical of the ordinary strong form.Brockelmann.. 250 ff. e.1 The appearance of a general contraction of triliteral stems is due to the fact that in biliteral forms the second radical regularly receives Dageš forte before afformatives. ַם‬but it appears again on the addition of ‫תּ‬ ‫תּ‬ afformatives or suffixes. ‫ . 11). 42 ff. ‫ סֹב‬to ‫. Vorarb. ‫. Grundriss.סוֹ ֵב‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ב‬ 2. § 385 b. Stade. In the perfect this vowel is ‫ . ‘The Participial formations of the Geminate Verbs’ in ZAW. Müller. and more recently Wellhausen. and the forms with the second radical repeated as subsequently developed from the monosyllabic stem.g. ‘Ueber einige Arten schwacher Verba im Hebr.ע״ע‬Forms with two radicals were formerly explained as being due to contraction from original forms with three radicals. as well as forms in which the stem has been made triliteral by a repetition of the second radical. Against Böttcher see M. xxxv. as above. e. 99 ff. whenever the 2nd radical is followed or preceded by an ‫ֻדּ‬ essentially long vowel. Lambert. ַבּ֫וֹת‬imperfect ֶ ָ ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ 1 1 So (partly following Ewald and Boöttcher) A. Semit. Sprachwiss. The biliteral stem always (except in Hiph ı̂l and the imperfect Niph al.)ת . This points.

e. e.. this strengthening of the first radical is merely intended to give the bi-literal stem at least a tri-literal appearance..ְגֹר֫הוּ‬and ‫. there is another (common in Aramaic). e.. aramaisierenden Formen der Verba ‫ ע״ע‬im Hebr.ִסֹּב . owing to ‫ַמ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫תּמ‬ omission of the separating vowel. ‫ ַַסּ֫בּוּ‬Ju ‫ָת‬ ‫ויּ תּ‬ ‫ידּ‬ ֵ ‫ויּ‬ 18:23. cf.ל״ה‬We must. Jb 4:20). Gr. Where the preformatives in the strong ‫יס‬ ‫ָס‬ verb have ı̆. (Possibly aided by the analogy of verbs ‫ . perhaps also ַ‫י‬ ָ‫י‬ ‫( ִמּך . if the text is right. ‫ ִַקֹּב‬Lv 24:11. approximates. who. points to the analogy of verbs ‫ . with suffix ‫ תּקּב֫נּוּ‬occurs (cf. imperfect Hiph ı̂l ‫ ָ ֵב‬for yă-sēb. in which the imperfect Qal is pronounced ‫ ִסֹּב‬or ‫ . ‫ הוּ ַב‬for ‫ס‬ e hŭ-săb).ַ ֵל‬ ‫יגּ‬ ֵ ‫יח י‬ ‫יח‬ ‫י‬ 1 1 Of all the explanations of these separating vowels the most satisfactory is that of Rödiger.תְּ ֶיָה‬See also Wright. The vowel of the preformative (which before Dageš is. so that even before these additions the second radical is not strengthened. ‫( ִ ַם‬with Dageš forte ‫י‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫י‬ ‫יח‬ implicitum) 1 K 1:1. both for the perfect and imperfect (Ewald and Stade. ‫ . and of Hiph ı̂l and Hoph al throughout. Imperfect Hiph ı̂l ‫ . &c. with a in the second syllable. ‫ .‫( תּסבּ֫יָה‬for sabb-tā. It is there shown (1) that the sharpening of the 1st radical often serves to emphasize a particular meaning (cf. 2 K 21:12. however.ִ ַב‬the first radical. &c. &c. p. see under t.1 The perfect ‫( תּ֫ ְנוּ‬for ‫ ) ַמּ֫וֹנוּ‬Nu 17:28.. ‫י‬ ‫ ה ֵב‬perfect Hiph ı̂l for hı̆-sēb (see further under h). Kautzsch. of the perfect Niph al.ַֻת‬c.)כּ ַת‬Dt 32:8. &c.ִָר‬but ‫ ָ ֵל . being ‫י‬ ‫יסּ‬ strengthened by Dageš forte. 1 S 3:11 and below. Haupt) of a form ‫ =( ָלוֹת‬gālautā. The same method is then extended to forms with afformatives or suffixes. Geburtstag Th. for the imperfect at least).g.תּצ֫ ָיָה‬cf. The artificial opening of the syllable by this ‫ְֶֻ נ‬ means is merely intended to make the strengthening of the second radical audible.. they take a long vowel before the tone (according to § 27 e). tasōbb-nā). Comp. ‫יגּ‬ ‫ידּ‬ ּ ‫ויּ‬ ‫י‬ ‫וא‬ ‫( ִסֹּב‬turn intrans. &c. ‫ֲס ת‬ Besides the ordinary form of the imperfects.g..)קוּם‬ ‫ַמ‬ 5. ‫ ִדֹּם‬Am 5:13 and frequently. To the same class of apparently strong formations ַ‫י‬ belongs ‫( תּצּ֫לָה‬without the separating vowel.ַ ֵם‬Hoph al ֳִֶ ‫& . before a monosyllabic stem form an open syllable. regard ‫ ַבּוֹת‬as formed ָ ‫ס‬ on the analogy not of ‫ . according to § 27 k (under ‫ א‬and ‫ ה‬compound Šewâ). Rem. sabb-nû. imperative ‫ ה ֵב‬for yă-sēb. Studien zum 70.תּסבּ֫יָה‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫ֵֶֻ נ‬ ‫ָס‬ ‫ְִֶ נ‬ perfect ‫& . ‫ ִַל‬Is 17:4. of course. ‘Die sog. Haupt has suggested to me in conversation. ‫ ָסֹב‬in imperfect Qal for yă-sōb. &c. ‫ ְִמוּ‬Ex 15:16. when the tone is thrown forward it becomes Š wâ. either the original ă (from which the ı̆ was attenuated) is retained and lengthened. ‫ ק֫ ְנוּ‬from ‫. or the ı̆ itself is lengthened to ē. Since the preformatives of the imperfect Qal. ‫ 1 ִשֹּׁם‬K 9:8. Nöldekes.’ in Oriental. ‫ ְַַתוּ‬and they ‫ויּ קּ‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ויּבּ‬ beat down. for ‫ . also u and y). 771 ff.ה ִבֹּ ִי‬c. According to the prevailing view.) But cf.. Jer 19:3. ‫ ִ ָֽלוּ‬Jb ‫י ַ ְ ימּ‬ ָ‫י‬ ‫ימּ‬ ‫יתּ‬ 24:24). Jb 29:21 (cf. to the form of verbs ‫ע״וּ‬ (cf. p) they shall ‫ִ ַ ְנ‬ ‫ְִ לּ נ‬ tingle.) 1 S 5:8. however. ‫ ֻכּ֫תּוּ‬Jer 46:5. ‫ ִתֹּם‬Ez 47:12.תּ ֵב‬but ‫. cf. like ‫ 1 ִדּ מּוּ‬S 2:9. ‫י‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ ִָ֑ר‬Lv 11:7.g. ‫ ָ ֶֽכֹּת‬Dt 9:21. ‫ ִַשַׁח‬Is 2:9.ָל ית‬but (with P. e. short) follows the ‫יבּ‬ analogy of the ordinary strong form (cf. Dt 1:44 (from ‫ ִַ ְמוּ . Ps 64:7 (Jer 44:18 ‫ ָֽ ְנוֹ‬with Silluq).תּסבּ֫יָה‬imperfect Hiph ı̂l ‫ . Arab. ‫ ִַ ְד֫וּ‬Gn 43:28. while ‫ תּס ֶיָה‬follows the analogy of ‫[ .פ״ן‬as P. The vowel thus lengthened can ‫ֵס‬ be maintained. (in pause ‫ ִתּ֫מּוּ‬Ps 102:28). in the plural. only before the tone (except the û of the Hoph al. not the second.—On the various forms of the Niph al. § 10 h) in Nu 23:25. e. 1 S 5:8. ‫ ִתּ֫מּוּ‬Nu 14:35. ָ ִ‫גּ‬ ָ ‫גּ‬ ġazauta).ִ ַל‬unless these forms are rather to be referred to Niph al. &c.g. for ‫ ַָקֹ֫דּוּ‬and they bowed the head. ‫ ִַקֹּד‬Gn 24:26. ‫ְ ֻבּ נ‬ ‫ִ גל נ‬ 229 f. 1906.] . ָסֹב‬but ‫ . however.g.

must be left undecided. to delight in.ָסֹ֫בּוּ . along with ‫ . generally with the same meaning. ‫ עוֹ ֵל‬to ill-treat. Whether the masoretic pronunciation is based on an early tradition. especially when it is a sibilant. imperfect).ק֫לּוּ .)שׁ ַע‬These forms cannot appear in a biliteral form any more than Pi ēl. which in the strong verb is abnormally lengthened to ı̂ (§ 53 a). The tone. e..הוּ ַב‬with irregular lengthening (no ‫נס‬ ‫ס‬ doubt on the analogy of verbs ‫ )פ״ו‬for hōsăb from hŭ-sab. in a few verbs also Pilpēl (§ 55 f) is found.תּ֫מּוּ .ח֫תּוּ‬c. attenuated from an original ă. with wāw consecutive ‫ ְרבּ֫ה‬Is 6:12 (but ‫ ָ ָָֽה‬Ex 1:16). on the other hand. perfect the tone-syllable varies. with its passive and reflexive. imperfect ‫ יוּ ַב‬from yŭ-sab. 6. f 8.ח֫ ָה‬with ‫ ר‬and gutturals ‫( מ֫ ָה‬for ‫ שׁ֫ ָה . &c.)ָ ַל‬imperative with suffix ‫גְּגּ‬ ‫ִ ְ גְּגּ‬ ‫גּל‬ ‫ סלסלה‬exalt her.): (2) that the sharpening of the 1st radical often appears to be occasioned by the ‫יד יג‬ nature of the first letter of the stem. hence ‫ ה ִבּ֫וֹת‬from ‫ תּ ֻבּ֫יָה . of course.ה ֵב‬from ‫ . e.ע ַל‬cf. and in the preformative of Hiph ı̂l ‫ ה ֵב‬from ‫ימ‬ ‫ֵס‬ ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ֵס‬ ‫ַ ְט‬ hı̆-sēb (ground-form ‫ 35 § . the underlying vowel is ı̆. (a) in the preformative of the imperfect Qal ‫ ָסֹב‬for yă-sōb (cf. Pu al and Hithpa ēl. passive ‫ שֽׁ ֳשׁע‬to be caressed ְְֶַָ ַ‫ִ ע‬ ַ‫ָ ע‬ (from ‫ . to change.ה ִבּ֫וֹת‬On the retention of the ָ ‫ֲס‬ original ă in the second syllable. or the Masora has arbitrarily adopted aramaizing forms to attain the above objects.תּס֫ ִי‬c.and ‫ ִשֹּׁם . The tone ‫ר ק‬ ַ ָ ָ likewise remains on the stem-syllable in the imperfect Qal in ‫ .)27 § ע״וּ‬b) in the perfect ‫י‬ Niph al ‫ ָ ַב‬for nă-săb (§ 51 a). perfect ‫ . the ‫ל‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ִת ל‬ ‫ָל‬ Hithpô ēl from ‫ ר ַע‬and ‫ פּ ַד‬Is 24:19 f.ע״ע‬instead of Pi ēl. In the forms with separating vowels. cf. see above.הס֫בּוּ .g. cf. The original vowel is retained.־ ה‬and ‫2( ־ י‬nd sing. This shifting of the tone naturally causes the shortening of the merely tone-long ָ ‫ֲס‬ ‫ֲס נ ֵס‬ ‫י‬ vowels ē and ō to ı̆ and ŭ (or ŏ. ַבּ֫וֹת‬ ָ ‫ס‬ ‫& .ָסֹב‬and ‫ . though with a difference of meaning. Hithpalpēl ‫ התַלֵל‬to roll oneself (from ‫ .ח֫ ָה‬in pause ‫ . ‫ רֹ ֵץ‬to oppress. ‫ . ָ ִ 3rd sing. and for verbs ‫( .g. ee). ‫ שׁח֫וּ‬Hb 3:6.) ֵשׁם‬and elsewhere no doubt to dissimilate the vowels (as ‫ ִַל .ע״וּ‬cf.תּסבּ֫יָה‬c. ‫נ‬ ‫ִבּ‬ ֵ . fem. In several verbs ‫ . v. ‫ָע‬ ‫ַר‬ e. In the second syllable of the Perf.)מ֫ ָה‬Ps ‫ַתּ‬ ‫ָתּ‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ָח ַרּ‬ 44:26. see f. ָסֹ֫ ִי‬perfect ‫תּ בּ‬ ‫י‬ ‫ֵֵ בּ‬ ֵֵ ‫י ס ֵָ בּ‬ Hiph ı̂l ‫ . ‫ שֽׁ ֲשׁע‬to comfort.g. The lengthened from ı̆ is. 63 b.1 e.).דּ֫לּוּ‬we also find ‫ ַלּ֫וּ‬and ַ ַ ‫דּ‬ ‫ ַבּ֫וּ . and hence when without the tone and before Dageš forte we have e. Pr 4:8.g.הס֫ ָה‬imperfect ‫& ָ֫ ֵבּוּ .g. § 72 m). On the other hand.. only tone-long. and does not (as in the strong verb) pass to the afformatives ‫ וּ . as well as of the participle ‫( מ ֵב‬ground-form ‫. the less frequent conjugation Pô ēl. e. except before the endings ‫ ֶם‬and ‫ ֶן‬in the perfect. the tone is moved forward to these vowels (or to the final syllable.ִָר‬never ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ַ‫הּ‬ ‫ידּ יגּ‬ ‫& ַָל . which always bear the ‫ְֶֻ נ‬ ‫ת‬ ‫ת‬ tone. but in pause always ‫& . see n). ‫. passive ‫ . In ָ ַ‫ו‬ ‫וח י‬ the 3rd plur. fem.הק ֵל‬a). ‫ ס ֵב‬to turn. ַלּ֫וּ‬Is 59:12.g.ַָר‬c. occurs (most probably on the analogy of the corresponding forms of verbs ‫ . ‫ חֵן‬to make ‫ִצּ‬ ‫צ‬ ‫ִנּ‬ pleasing. as a general rule. ‫ ֵ ַד‬for yı̆-măr (see p). ‫ ִלֵל‬to roll.עוֹ ַל‬reflexive ‫( ה ְעוֹ ֵל‬from ‫ . §§ 47 b. tends to keep to the stem-syllable. ‫ סוֹבב‬to go round. an already attenuated vowel (i) underlies the intransitive imperfects Qal with ă in the second syllable (probably for the sake of dissimilating the two vowels). 7. to encompass. ‫ חוֵֹן‬to have pity. (c) in Hoph al ‫ .)מק ֵל‬ on the analogy of the perfect.g. e. ‫ס‬ &c. ‫ָע‬ 1 1 Sometimes both Pi ēl and Pô ēl are formed from the same stem.ָסֹב‬on e cases in which the vowel of the preformative becomes Š wâ. ‫ ר ֵץ‬to break in pieces.

See the examples below. on the other hand. ָבּ׳‬ ‫ֹב לּ‬ ‫ָב‬ ֶֻ ‫ק‬ 3. n). ‫ גּוֹל‬Ps 37:5. e. 7). ‫ ַָ֫ ֻם‬Ex 16:20).= he is evil). and ‫י‬ therefore. ‫( ִָ֫י . Gn 6:3 (so ed. cf. ‫ דּוֹם‬ver. imperative. . Is 7:4.6:22 אָ ָה־ ִי‬with ‫ ה‬paragogic.ק֫ ָה‬If these forms are to be read qŏballı̂. ָמֹם‬they shot.אֹ֫ ָה . Ec 3:18). Gn 49:23 to ‫ זֹ֫דוּ . ָבֹב‬Is 1:6 to ‫ . Mant. ‫ָב‬ ‫ל‬ 8:11). cf. e. 17. The Ḥōlĕm of the infinitive. cf. p. 7.ַתּסבּ֫יָה‬b) before a tone-bearing afformative or suffix. as the equivalent of ō (‫& . as being in an open syllable. ‫ קֹב‬Nu 23:25 and ‫ שֹׁל‬Ru 2:16).g. i.תּתבּ ָר‬ ‫ִ ְ ָר‬ REMARKS On Qal. in a sharpened syllable ŭ. When this ō loses the tone. but ‫ר‬ ְַ ‫בַּגּ‬ there is also good authority for ‫ . or not infrequently even ŏ (see above. as Jewish tradition requires. isolated examples are found with ō in the first syllable. Ps 119:22. ‫ שׁך‬Jer 5:26. so also are the ַ imperatives ‫ ָֽ ָה־ ִי‬Nu 22:11. and imperfect (‫ )ָסֹב . and Hithpa ēl.ֶשׁנוֹ‬o. according to Ps 18:27. Nu 23:13. ‫ ָד‬Is 45:1. ‫ ָלּ֫וּה‬Jer 50:26. Imperfects Qal with ō in the second syllable keep the original a in the preformative. ‫.—For ‫ 2 תּתּ ָר‬S 22:27 ‫ִ וע‬ ‫ַ וק‬ ‫ִ ָב‬ read. they are to be read qāballı̂. Jb 24:24 to ‫ רֹ֫בּוּ .קֽ ָה־ ִי‬c. however. ‫ ֵרך‬it is soft. ‫ תּחֻֽהוּ‬Ex 12:14 (for ‫גּזּ ָ נּ‬ ‫ָנּ נ‬ ָ ‫ס‬ ‫יָדּ‬ the defective writing. and imperfect are ‫( ַר‬in ‫ לב ָם‬to ‫בּ‬ ‫ְ ָר‬ prove them.סֹב‬is only tone-long. 2. he breaks in ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫י ַ י‬ pieces. chiefly in the later orthography. ‫ עֹ֫ ָה‬make yourselves naked Is 32:11. 1894.רֹע‬cf. Jb 38:7. then in both cases the Qameṣ must be explained. for ‫ קבּ֫נּוּ‬or ‫1. in the preformative. but lengthen it to ā. (on the ē of the ‫גּ‬ ‫יח‬ preformative cf. If. ‫ ֵ ַר‬it is bitter. ‫( ָן־‬rŏn) to rejoice. 1.7:32 . the addition of the paragogic ‫ ־ ה‬causing no change in the form of the word ‫ְִַ ר‬ ָ (‫ ָב־‬like ‫ ָן־‬above). ‫ ְסבּ֫הוּ‬Jb 40:22). fem. and the imperfects ‫ ֵ ַם‬it is hot. with Stade. Examples of ŏ are: (a) in a toneless final syllable. § 63 c and e.ַָסֹ֫בּוּ‬fem. § 9 v). hence ‫( ָרֹע . imperative 2nd ‫ויּ‬ ‫וְ ֻ ֶ נ‬ ‫ְ ָגּ‬ sing. it becomes in the final syllable ŏ. ‫ . cf.Pu al. as a rule. fem. ‫בַּגּ‬ ַ ֶ ֶ‫א‬ ‫גּ‬ Also ‫ ַל‬take away. imperat.ָחֹן‬trans.ָעֹז . ‫ ְשׁ ֵם‬Pr 11:3 Qerê. ŏrallı̂. ‫ ֵ ַר‬it is straitened. 5 f. Is 24:9. they would be analogous to such cases ‫ר ֻבּ‬ as ‫ 09 §( מדבּ֫ ָה‬i). ‫ ל ֽוֹז‬for ‫ ָבֹז‬to plunder. before Maqqeph or in the imperfect consecutive. under p. and ‫ . ְשַׁם‬from ·‫ ֲשׁר = שׁ· = שׁ‬and ‫ ַם‬also. imperative. Is 30:19 (for ‫ )ִחְך‬this ŏ is thrown ֻ ֻ‫י‬ ָ‫יְנ‬ ָ‫יָנ‬ back to the preformative. 643. In the perfect.g. and specially Barth in ZDMG. so Baer and Ginsburg). which it is customary to refer to triliteral stems with middle ō (like ‫ 34 § . ff).רִ֫י‬cf. ‫( עְ ִים‬Is 19:14) and ‫( קְ ָו‬Is 18:2. Barth. ZDMG.ָמֹד . ‫ צוֹר‬bind up. ‫ רֹ֫מּוּ‬they are ‫י‬ exalted. On the 2nd plur. In ֫‫ ָחְך‬Gn 43:29.e.ָכֹל‬a). ‫ ֵשׁם‬it is ‫ימ‬ ‫יצ‬ ְ ַ‫י‬ ַ‫תּ‬ 1 1 For ‫ נוֹ‬as suffix of the 3rd person a parallel might be found in ‫ 001 § . ‫יר‬ lengthened from ı̆. Est 3:13. Still more surprising is ‫ ק ְנוֹ‬curse him.. Examples with Pathạ in the infinitive. in the ‫ויּ ר‬ plur. &c. imperfects with ă have. xli. the analogous ‫ר‬ forms in § 48 i. p. k). ‫ ְשָׁם‬in their error.ָרֹן . ‫( . We should expect ‫קב לּ‬ ‫ֽר לּ‬ ‫ . ‫ק‬ ‫ר‬ ārallı̂.ָרֹר‬But this ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ז‬ explanation is very doubtful: ‫ זֹ֫רוּ‬especially is rather to be classed among the passives of Qal mentioned in § 52 e. Dt 19:6. viz. an ē. § 72 h. ‫ חִֵ֫י‬pity me. ‫ ַָ֫ ָב‬Ju ‫ר‬ ‫וי ס‬ 11:18 (once even with ŭ in a toneless final syllable. Is 8:16. is written defectively (with a few exceptions.. probably ‫ע‬ only a case of dittography for ‫ . and ְ‫י‬ probably also in the Nûn of the Phoenician suffix ‫ :נם‬cf. and the note on § 100 o. but ‫ ֵ ַע‬intrans.-Quite abnormal is the infinitive absolute ‫ רֹ֫ ָה‬Is 24:19 (as ‫ ה‬follows.

§ 95. ‫ֲֹע‬ On Niph al. but ‫ ָֽא ַל‬Ez 22:26. In the ‫נ‬ imperfect with ō in the second syllable. ‫ ה ֵל‬Ez 20:9. constr. ‫ )בּ( ִלּוֹ‬Job 29:3 ‫ְ ִֶ נ‬ ‫יה‬ ‫ְה‬ would also be an infinitive Qal. ‫ ַתּק֫ל‬she was despised.ישׁם‬is ‫תּ ָ ְנ‬ ‫תּ‬ intended. abnormally written fully for ‫. Na 1:12. ‫ָ ֵס‬ ‫נמ‬ ‫נֵ בּ‬ ‫נַבּ‬ ‫נמ‬ molten.. = Biblia Hebraica ex recensione D.. = breaking in pieces. ‫ . and ‫ ֶ ְשׁמוּ‬in the same verse is probably only an error for ‫. there being no instances of their Hiph ı̂l in the same sense: ‫ ֶַָ֫ל‬Gn 29:10..ָרוּן‬if the text is correct. &c. 1902. g above). ‫ בּ ֻקוֹ‬Pr ‫ל‬ ‫ְח‬ 8:27 (cf. in Pr 29:6. E. 64:2.) On other similar cases. König). ‫ ַָסך‬Ex 40:21. in accordance with this last form. also ‫ ִבּוֹז‬to be ‫ֵח‬ ‫הח‬ ‫ה‬ 2 2 Also in Ez 6:6. Jabl. cf.. are ַ ‫ח ת‬ rather to be referred to ‫ ל״ה‬stems. 1 S 15:9. Ez 21:12.. as in some MSS. but with suffix ‫ ֵֽ ַלּוֹ‬Lv 21:4. ‫—. formerly treated here as infinitives from ‫ ע״ע‬stems. For examples of the aramaïzing imperfect. ‫ ָשׁוּד‬Ps 91:6 (unless it be simply ‫י‬ ‫י‬ an imperfect from ‫ שׁוּד‬to be powerful. Ps 91:4. ‫ . fem. (The forms ‫ ַנּוֹת‬in Ps ‫בּ‬ ‫ְח‬ ָ ְ ‫ֲמ‬ ‫ח‬ 77:10. 1699. imperfect ‫ ֵית֑ם‬Ps 19:14. Gn 16:4 (but elsewhere ָ‫תּ‬ ַ ֵ‫ו‬ in the impf. ָ ַ‫י‬ ָ ָ‫י‬ Jabl. &c. on the analogy of the 3rd sing. Finally the very peculiar form ‫ ַתּ֫רץ‬Ju 9:53 may probably be added to the list. are also found with this ŭ lengthened to û (instead of ō). Wurzeluntersuchungen. ִישׁ מָה‬which could only come from ‫ ֵישׁ׳ . In the participle. § 48]. ‫ ְחוּקוֹ‬Pr 8:29) for ‫ . we find ‫ ִדֹּ֫ ִי‬thou shalt be brought to silence.. Lpz. Ec 12:6b.) and ‫( ְשׁלּ֫וּך‬ed.g. 14:22. 13:20. 2 S 17:10 as inf. not Hiph ı̂l (for ‫ . absol. under ee. Ez 12:19 (in pause ‫ ֵשֽׁם‬Gn 47:19). on the analogy of verbs ‫( ע״וּ‬from which König would also explain the perfects with ō). according to Baer. see Nöldeke.)שׁ ָה‬Pr 25:19 appears to be a contraction from ‫ . ‫ ֵַ֫ ֶר‬Gn 32:8. ‫ ָ ֵל‬it is a light thing. xliii.— The following forms are to be explained with Barth (ZDMG. &c. Pr 11:15. again. ִ ָ‫ו‬ Imperfects. there is also another with Ṣere.ִתֹּם‬In the impf. Berolini. &c. Jablonski. Mant. &c. Gramm. in the 1st sing.). e. ‫ ֵרוֹע‬he suffers ַ ‫י‬ ‫ֵח‬ hurt. ‫ שׁמּוֹת‬Ez 36:3. Grammatik. with an original u in the second syllable. Syr. 3 3 According to Stade. see above. e. ‫ ֵָן‬Is 31:5. cf.3 A similar analogy with verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬is soon in the infinitives ‫( ָבוּר‬for ‫ )בֹּד‬Ec 9:1. ‫ויּ צ‬ ‫ויּ ר‬ 2 ‫ֵת‬ &c. Ps 68:3 (as inf. ‫נק‬ ‫נק‬ ‫ ָגֹ֫לּוּ‬they are rolled together. Am 3:11.. p. 63:19. ‫ תּ ֻם . ‫ ה ֵס‬to ‫ו ֵח‬ ָ‫י‬ ‫יח‬ ‫ִמּ‬ melt. cf. with the tone on the penultima. p. 5. with Barth.)ָ ַל‬with ō.g. was that of everyday life.desolate. g. instead of ‫ .בּ ֻקּוֹ‬and in the imperfect ‫ א ֻֽשׁך‬Gn 27:21. the pronunciation with û.. and ‫ ֵח֑ל‬Is 48:11. Olshausen. For infinitives. ‫( ֵרוֹץ‬for tirrōṣ) Ez 29:7. .ֵשׁ מּוּ‬ ְ ‫יא‬ ַ‫י‬ Jabl.. ‫( ָס֫ ָה‬for ‫ )ָס ָה‬Ez 26:2. perhaps also ‫ויּ ג‬ ‫יג‬ ְ ֶ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ 1 תּצלּ֫יָה‬S 3:11 and ‫ ָ ֵל‬Job 31:26. ‫ֶתּ‬ ‫י‬ Qal of ‫ שׁלל‬the reading of Hb 2:8 varies between ‫( ְשׁלּ֫וּך‬Baer. &c. Is 34:4. the aramaïzing form ‫ שֽׁאסִ֫ך‬for ‫ שֽׁססִ֫ך‬occurs in Kethı̂bh. under ‫בּ ֲה‬ w.g. 22:15.א ָם‬ ָ‫א‬ unless ‫ א ָם‬is to be read.רֽע ָה‬part. consec. ‫ ַלּ֫וֹ ִי‬Ps 77:11. and a third ‫נס‬ with Ḥolem. 21.. Is 49:6 (perf. Besides the ordinary form of the perfect ‫ ָסב‬with Pathaḥ (in pause ‫ )ָ ָב‬and the ַ‫נ‬ ‫נס‬ participle ‫ ָ ָב‬with Qameṣ in the second syllable. Na 2:11. with compensatory lengthening in the first syllable. since it also appears in Neo-Punic [and in Western Syriac. (also ‫י‬ defectively ‫ אָ ֻץ‬Ps 18:30. part. Ez 19:7). Lv 21:9. 4. e.)ְ ָרוּץ‬Ez 24:11 (on the ‫ר‬ ‫ִ תּ ות‬ sharpening of the ‫ ת‬cf.).g. see below. Rem. to prevail). e. but in Ec 12:6.) ַֽה ִלּוֹ‬as formerly explained below. Jer 30:16 ְ‫ֲֹ ַ י‬ ְ‫ְֹ ַ י‬ e ‫ע ָס‬ (the Q rê indicates a participle from ‫ רֹ ָה . perfect ‫ ָ ֵס‬it melts. Jer 48:2 ‫תּ מּ‬ (unless this form should be referred to Qal with Qimḥi. ‫ ֵַ֫ ַע‬Gn 21:11. ‫( ָרוּץ‬if from ‫ )רצץ‬Is 42:4. ‫ ֵ ַת‬Is 7:8. 2 K 20:10. with ē in the second syllable ‫ תּ ֵל‬she profanes ‫תּ‬ herself. Ginsb. 178) as imperfects Qal with original ı̆ in the second syllable.

ר‬as ‫ 2 ַָ֫ ַר‬Ch ‫ויּ ר‬ ‫ויּ צ‬ 28:20. Mi 1:7). Is 6:10. cf. &c. with incorrect spelling. ‫ ֵשׁח‬he bowed. without elision of ֵ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ַתּ‬ the ‫( ה‬cf. and the corresponding imperf. only ‫ הבּ֫רוּ‬be ye clean.g. § 53 q). ‫ . It is unusual (cf. Jabl. dd.ח‬ ָ ‫הח‬ ִ On ‫ בּ ִלּוֹ‬Jb 29:3. in ‫ֻמּ‬ ‫יכּ‬ ַ‫י‬ pause. ‫ ֻכּ֫תּוּ‬Jer 46:5. Gn 11:6. with Moore. 18:23.)ָֻתּוּ‬with ŏ ‫יח‬ ַ‫י‬ ‫יכּ‬ in the initial syllable. e. and ‫ ִבּוֹק‬to be emptied. 10 (and so usually in the 3rd ‫ֵד‬ ‫ֵק‬ ְֵַ ֵַ plur. cf. The second syllable in Hiph ı̂l sometimes has Pathaḥ instead of Ṣere. ‫ אַל־תּ ֵר‬Ex 23:21. Jb 24:21. Is 24:3. . 1 S 5:8. ‫ה ַר‬ ‫ֵמ‬ ַ‫ה‬ ‫ֵפ‬ he hath broken. ‫ֲמ ֵ נ‬ The ē of the second syllable.g. and a Pathaḥ occurs before ‫( ח‬with a virtual sharpening of the ‫ )ח‬in such forms as ‫ ַֽ ִתֹּ֫ת‬Is 9:3. 2 Ch ֿ ָּ ‫ה‬ ‫ה ּמּ‬ 36:21. ‫ָת‬ ‫נ ָמ‬ and ‫ ֵֽאָ ִים‬Mal 3:9: in the imperative and infinitive Niph al such a virtual strengthening of ‫נ ר‬ the guttural after preformatives never occurs. Jer 4:11. In ‫ ה ִיר‬Ps ‫ֵפ‬ ֵֵ ‫ֵפ‬ 33:10. Ez 31:3 (but ‫ מ ִיך‬Ju 3:24 is assimilated to the form of verbs ‫. ָשַׁ ָהּ‬cf. cf. ‫ַמּ‬ ‫ֶמ‬ ‫ויּ כּ ָ ר‬ but ‫ ַַסּ֫בּוּ‬Ju 18:23. 50:45. ‫ְה‬ ִ ַ ְ ַ‫ו‬ 7.ְהת֫לוּ‬Jb 13:9 ‫ . ‫ 1 הס֫בּוּ‬S 5:9. perfect ‫ ה ַר‬he made bitter. ‫ 1 ְַה ֵל‬K 18:27. also ‫ ַָ֫ ֶר‬Neh 4:9. 3:24.ע״וּ‬see z. In the imperfect consecutive of verbs whose second radical is a guttural. but ed. Ju. cf. ‫ ֵרֹ֫מּוּ‬Ez 10:17. ‫( מ ַל‬on ē in the first syllable.—The occurrence of u instead of ô as a separating vowel in the perfect ‫ ְשׁדּ֫נוּ‬Mic 2:4 is abnormal. Aramaïzing forms (but cf. Rem. 25:3 (from ‫( ִ ַר . ‫ ַַ ֵב‬Ex 13:18. 2 Ch 29:6. Dt 2:9—but cf. Gn 17:14. otherwise ‫ . see below.. ‫ ָשׁ֑ע‬besmear. § 20 ‫ה‬ ‫יח ת‬ n) there is an assimilation to the corresponding forms of verbs ‫ . ‫ויּ פ‬ 8. especially under the influence of ‫ ר‬and the gutturals. ‫ ִ ַל‬it is ‫נח‬ profaned. imperfect ‫ תּר֫ע‬Thou dost afflict. and in ‫ ֵשׂ֫ירוּ‬Ho 8:4 (perhaps also in ‫ ְ ִי ַן‬Hab 2:17. in pause. ‫ 1 ַָ֫ ַע‬K 16:25: so also with ‫ . Nu 14:45). ‫ ַֻת‬he is smitten.מ ֵיך‬So in the imperative ְֵֵ ְ ‫ֵס‬ e ָ ְ ‫ֲת‬ ‫ ה ִישִׁ֫י‬Ju 16:26 Q rê. and in the infinitive ‫ ה ִֽמך‬is 33:1). ‫ֵצ‬ ‫( ה ַז‬in pause) Is 18:5. ‫( ָשַׁמּה‬infinitive with suffix = ‫ .תּהת֫לּוּ‬with ı̂ in the second ‫וי ַ תּ‬ ֵ ָ‫י‬ ְֵָ syllable ‫ ַשִׁים‬Jer 49:20. cf. 1 S 22:15. see above.ה ֵר‬plur.. inf.בּ ְשׁ ָה‬with irregular syncope for ‫ . cf. ‫ הפ֫רוּ‬Is 24:5. may become ĕ. ‫ לה ַֽר‬to cleanse.g. perf. ‫ הרך‬Jb 23:16. ‫ ֻ ָֽקוּ‬Jb 19:23. § 53 k) to find the ē written fully as in the infinitive ‫ לה ֵיר‬Zc ‫ְ ָפ‬ ‫ֱק ַ נ‬ 11:10. But also with other consonants. Is 52:11.)ח ַל‬from ‫ )ח ַר‬Ps 69:4. ‫ .. ă is retained (§ 22 d) in the second syllable instead of ĕ. § 91 e) Lv 26:34 f. p: on ‫ ְהחתּתּ֫י‬Jer 49:37. dd. with this in the participle. Est 6:13—in all these cases before ‫—. cf.plundered. 102:4 (also ‫ ָ ַר‬Jer 6:29). ‫ . ‫ 2 ה ַק‬K 23:15. ‫ָשׁ֑מּוּ‬ ֵֵ ַ‫ה‬ ַ‫ה‬ be astonished. § 67 g) in Hiph ı̂l and Hoph al are. Ps 89:34. ‫( ֵֽח ִים‬for niḥḥāmı̂m) Is 57:5. ‫ ה֫ ֶל ִי‬Gn 31:7 ‫ֵת בּ‬ (see also x).ע״וּ‬ ְ ‫ֵס‬ unless. ‫ָה ַ מּ‬ ּ ‫ְה‬ In General.g. e. ‫ה‬ ִָ On ‫ ֵרֹ֫מּוּ‬get you up. Ez 22:16. ‫ .. Ez 39:7. Ginsb. In Hoph al. cf. ‫ה‬ ‫י‬ Examples of the perfect Niph al with sharpening of the initial syllable are. ‫ תּ ֵס‬Jb 22:3. ‫ ַַשִׁים‬Nu 21:30. e. in pause. Jb 21:5. Nu 17:10. § 29 q. Instead of Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ a Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl is found under the preformative in ‫ה ִלֹּתִ֫י‬ 2 S 19:44. ‫ִ ַת‬ ‫נח ָ ל‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫נח‬ ‫נח‬ fractus est (from ‫ )ח ַת‬Mal 2:5. Is 24:12 (plur.מסך‬or. ‫ו יּסּ‬ &c. ‫ אַ ֵל‬profanabo. ַָ ‫ֵצ‬ see under i) shadowing. 6. plur. but cf. Dt 2:31. Ez 17:19. ‫ ה ַל‬Is 8:23. Also ‫ ה ַר‬Dt 28:52. in the perfect ‫ הִי֫לוּה‬La 1:8.)הר֫עוּ‬imper. but Jer 9:4 ‫ . ַֻ‫נ‬ On Hiph ı̂l and Hoph al.. plur. ‫ֵת‬ ‫ְ ָב‬ e. except before ‫ ר‬and gutturals. we simply read ‫ .בּ ָשַׁ׳‬Lv 26:43. but also ‫ ֻכּ֑תּוּ‬Jb 4:20 (so Baer. e. in the imperative. part. ּ ‫י‬ ּ ‫ונּ‬ ָ ‫ִזּ‬ ‫ ה ְכוּ‬they are brought low. but read ‫ אַל־תּ֫ ֶר‬from ‫ ְַַתוּ :מ ָה‬Dt 1:44 (cf. when without the tone.g. Mant.

ח֫תּוּ‬c. ‫ .תּרִין‬infinitive ‫ ַשׁ ֵם‬Mi 6:13. ְַ ַ ‫תּ ַח‬ ַ ַ Exception. That the developed (triliteral) forms ‫ַ ְנ‬ ‫הְמ‬ ‫מְמ‬ possess a certain emphasis is seen from their frequent use in pause. in the perfect Qal ‫ תּ֫ ְנוּ‬for ‫ ַמּ֫וֹנוּ‬Nu ‫ידּ‬ ‫ַמ‬ ‫תּ‬ 17:28 (Jer 44:18. Pr 30:32. ‫ לחְָהּ‬Ps 102:14. l). ‫ַ נ‬ ‫ֽ פ ז ֲ מ זמ‬ is found. masc. only ‫ בְַּ֫נוּ‬Dt 2:35. e. and. at least an active. e. following the analogy of ‫ָל‬ ‫יז‬ ‫י‬ verbs ‫( א ֻֽשׁך .)ָד֫דוּ‬ ‫דּל‬ ַ ‫נ ד נ ְד ָ ל‬ ָ‫נ‬ ‫( ָֽשׁשׁה . cf. Is 33:3).)27 §( ע״וּ‬The form of verbs ‫ ע״ע‬is generally the shorter (cf.רך‬fem.g. in forms without an afformative or with an afformative beginning with a vowel) of transitive verbs. also ‫ ִישׁ֑מָה‬Ez 6:6 (for which read ‫ ) ֵשׁ׳= ֵישׁ׳‬might be explained in the ‫יר‬ ‫תּ ָ ְנ‬ ‫תּ תּ‬ same way. ‫ ְשׁד ֵם‬Jer 5:6 is anomalous for ‫( ְשׁ ֵם‬Pr 11:3 Qerê. plur. r). Triliteral forms of the infinitive after ‫ ל‬are ‫ ל ְבֹּב‬Nu 21:4. even with the firm vowel reduced to vocal Šewâ. as in Ps 118:11 after a biliteral form (‫.g. as well as ‫ ַזּ֫וֹנוּ‬Dt ‫ָז‬ ‫בּז‬ ‫ָז ז‬ ‫בּ‬ 3:7 ‫ ָמ֫מ ִי‬Zc 8:14.) ַבּ֫וִּי ַם־ס ָב֫וִּי‬ ‫ס נ ג ְב נ‬ 11. in Hoph al and in the less common conjugations (see above.נדד‬ ‫ח ננ נ‬ ‫י‬ the strong form here. ְָ ‫ע‬ The intransitive but developed perfects ‫( ָֽ ֲלוּ‬also ‫( ָֽ ְדוּ . above. ‫ . ‫ ֵֽ ְעוּ‬Neh 2:3. ‫ .ָֽד ָה . ‫( שֽׁחחוּ . e). expressing action. from the same form ‫ל ֲמ‬ ‫ל ֲ ננכ‬ ‫ . all the forms of ‫ . also ‫ לח ָם‬Is ְ ‫ִס‬ ְ‫ל‬ ‫ִג‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ַ ְמ‬ 47:14. also ‫ שׂחוֹח‬Is 60:14. Gn 31:40) from ‫. ְָֽזוּ‬in other parts. On the other hand.)דּ֫לּוּ‬in pause ‫. without any influence on ‫נ ז‬ ָ ְָ ‫נ‬ ‫נ לּ‬ the form. ‫ 1 בְּזׄז‬S ‫ֲנ‬ ‫ְ ֶ ננ‬ ַ ְ ‫ִג‬ 25:2. such as ‫ ְִמוּ‬and the like. in subordinate pause.. ‫ ִשׁדוֹד‬Jer 47:4. imperfect ‫ 1 ָבָֹ֫ה‬S 14:36 (‫ ־ ה‬parag. plur.)ה ִים‬in a few cases. from intransitive imperfects Qal. in pause ‫ ָשֽׁשׁוּ‬Ps 31:11). e.ָֽמ ָה . and the 3rd plur. cf. masc. Other examples of biliteral forms in 2nd sing. The above-mentioned (see g) neglect of the strengthening in aramaïzing forms. 15 and ‫ ַמֹּ֫ ִי‬Jer 4:28.g. ‫ ָֽבל֫ה‬Gn 11:7 for ‫ָבֹ֫ ָה‬ (cohortative from ‫ ְָֽמ֫וּ .ס ַב‬but before a suffix also ‫ . ַת‬fem. ‫ ָֽפ ָה‬Gn 9:19 (cf. and ‫ִמ‬ ‫בּע‬ ‫ִצ‬ ‫ָד‬ ibid. cf. 6. the strengthening of the second radical has been afterwards resolved by the insertion of a vocal Šewâ. (but on the tone. ‫( צ֫ ָה‬cf. ַֽח ַם‬with suffix ‫ ַֽחְַ ֶם‬Is 30:18. ‫& ַם . ‫ ַֽ ֲזוֹז‬Pr 8:28.g. ִ ַ ְ ַ‫ו‬ On the other hand. in the imperfect Qal and Hiph ı̂l with wāw consecutive. Is 19:3. and express a state.. perf. ‫ בַּז‬to plunder. the two classes exactly coincide. cf. as Mayer ‫ע ֲ ָ ָר‬ ֵ‫ע‬ ‫ָ ֲ צל‬ ַ Lambert observes.ָ ַם‬c. are perfects ‫נ ָמ‬ ‫נפ‬ ‫נ ְצ‬ .אָ ֲפוּ . and fem. of perfects which are intransitive. The developed forms (with three radicals). in the imperfect..חַן‬with retraction and modification of the vowel. ָֽ ֲלוּ‬also ‫ . the triliteral ‫י ֱנ‬ ‫י‬ form ‫ ִלּ ֵב‬is found. § 20 b.e.שׁ֫ ָה‬c. Jb 11:12. o). participle ‫ ַשׁ ִים‬Ez 3:15. Verbs ‫ ע״ע‬are most closely related as regards inflexion to verbs ‫ .)ָחֹן‬In Niph al. ‫ ְָֽלוּ‬Ju 5:5 for ‫ ְמל ֶם . they purpose. ‫ ֵֽצ ִי‬Is 49:19 (plur. imperfect ‫ תּמּ֫קָה‬Zc ‫ָל‬ ‫ִ ַ ְנ‬ 14:12. ‫ כּ ְסֹס‬Is 10:18. cf.ח֫ ָה‬fem. are especially frequent in the 3rd sing. masc. Sometimes the contracted.)בּ ַל‬for ‫ ָזֹ֫מּוּ‬ibid.שׁח . cf. ‫ ָֽשׁשׁה‬Ps 6:8. u. So also ‫ 1 ָ ַץ‬S 13:11. in Hiph il. was unavoidable.ס ַר‬plur. the biliteral forms are the more common in the 3rd sing. ‫זַ ְתּ‬ ‫ז ת‬ are Dt 25:12. Qal (i. ‫ . ee below). Jb ָ ְ ‫ֲמ‬ ‫תּ ְר‬ 18:7).—Imperative ‫ שׁ ְדוּ‬Jer 49:28 (cf.ֵֽח ִים‬cf. ‫( מ֫ ָה‬for marrā).ָקוּם‬and ‫ . or verbs.ס ָב֫וִּי‬ ‫ס ב ָב‬ ‫ס נ‬ ‫ְב נ‬ ‫& שׁדּ֫וִּי‬c. Jer 8:14. participle ‫ . occurs elsewhere tolerably often. ‫ ָסֹב‬and ‫ ה ֵב . ‫ לְזׄז‬Gn 31:19 (also ‫ ָגֹז‬Gn 38:13). also ‫ ֶֽחַן‬Am 5:15 (elsewhere ‫ . Cf.ח ַל . not a stative meaning. cf. for ‫ . e. ‫ ִדּוֹד‬Na 3:7 (Ps 68:13. 10. in 1st sing. as mentioned in a. ‫( ָֽ ְבוּ . after the assimilation of the Nûn. ver.). at any rate.9.)שׁ֫חוּ‬almost all have. also on ‫ ְִֵַֽ֫י‬Ps 9:14). ‫& תּ֫מּוּ . ‫ ְח֫ ָה‬Ez ‫ח‬ ‫מ ַתּ‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫צ‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫וָ ר‬ 24:11).ע״וּ‬see above. ַר‬fem. as well as the uncontracted form. and plur. ‫י‬ ‫ֵס י‬ ‫ֵק‬ however.דּ֑ק‬elsewhere ‫דּ‬ ָ always a transitive verb). ‫ ַק‬Dt 9:21 (Ex 32:20 ‫ . the eastern school read the Po ēl ‫ ישׁודדם‬in ‫י ָ ְד‬ ‫יְדּ‬ e the K thı̂bh). ַר . A part from Qal the only example of a developed form is ‫ ְהחתּתּ֫יּ‬Jer 49:37. ‫& . ַבּ֫וִּי‬as well as ‫.—Perfect Niph al ‫ ָֽסב֫ה‬for ‫ ָס֫ ָה‬Ez 41:7.רנן‬thus imperative ‫ .הרִ֫ינוּ‬imperfect ‫יָב‬ ‫ַ ְנ‬ ‫ . ‫ בּ ְרוֹר‬Pr 26:8. ‫ . Jos 5:9.ָזֹ֫לּוּ‬for ‫ְ ַלֹּ ֶם‬ ְָ ‫נ‬ ‫נַ בּ‬ ‫נז‬ ‫נ ַ ְתּ נ‬ ‫נמ ת‬ Gn 17:11 (as if from ‫ מ ַל‬not ‫ מוּל‬to circumcise).

Hb 1:8. ‫ ָר֫וּ‬they are burned. ‫וח ת‬ the form might be an infinitive in ôth. Jer 7:29. ‫ר‬ ‫נּ‬ ‫ָגּ‬ ‫ )עָה =( עוָּ֫ה‬before ‫ . ‫ק‬ ‫ז‬ La 4:7.)ר‬Ps 92:11 (but the text is certainly corrupt. In the imperfect Qal. in the Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft. ִ ‫ח‬ see the Lexicon). however. k. p. and in Ps 17:3. § 75 u. xiv. § 27 w. yakul (he eats) becomes yôkul. ‫( יׄ ֵף‬see h). ‫ ַבּ֫וּ‬multi sunt. Cases in which the tone is thrown forward on the afformatives (see k) are (a) in the perfect. also Is 44:16 (‫ ַמּוֹת֖י‬before ‫ . ‫ָנּ‬ ‫ ָנּ֫וּ‬Is 44:23. On the retention of the short vowels ŭ (ŏ) and ı̆ before Dageš ‫זּ‬ ‫ֻזּ‬ forte.g. cf. 589 ff. e. the 1st sing. La 2:19). 7:13). when it no longer stands before the tone. and in pause almost always ē. 2 2 On this ē (originally ı ) as a dissimilation from ō (originally ŭ). A by form of ‫ . ‫ העָ֫ה‬for ‫ העָ֫ה‬Pr 7:13 (cf. 2 K 19:34. Verbs ‫ פ״א‬e. 73:9. They are. as ‫ 81( יֹא ֵז‬times) and ‫ 3( ֶֽ ֱחֹז‬times) ‫ח‬ ‫יא‬ he takes hold.ע״וּ( שׁתוּ‬cf. Ps 3:2. see g. Grundriss. 140 ff. ‫ַל‬ 12. also ‫ . ‫ֽאֹ ֵלוּן‬ ‫י כ‬ 1 1 So in the modern vulgar Arabic of South Palestine. 49:13. Is 54:1. see above. when the ‫ א‬loses its value as a consonant. and F. Sprachwiss. Is 24:6. Zc 2:14. ‫ אָ ַל‬to eat.Niph al from ‫ . The latter rightly observes that the existence of an original u in the imperfect of ‫ אָכל‬is ַ . Jb 15:15. So far as ‫ א‬retains its full consonantal value as a guttural. Semit. ‫ שׁח֫וּ‬they did bow. Jer 31:7 (but ‫ רִֹ֫י‬lament. in place of the tone-long ō and ē. THE WEAKEST VERBS (Verba Quiescentia).g.—On the perfect ‫ דּ ְיוּ‬Pr 26:7.וּן‬e. § 68. and the â from ‫ . ‫ַכּ֫וּ‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ they are soft. regularly (but cf. 178. &c. and coalesces with the preceding vowel (originally short) to form one long syllable. Philippi.־ א‬the weak consonant ‫ א‬coalescing with ă to ְַ â. 104:24. cf.. ‫( ְ ַנֹּ ִֹי‬though in this passage. on the change of the vowel of the preformative into Šew . to be treated as weak verbs. five verbs (viz. ‫ אָ ַד‬to perish. ‫ . ‫ו ֲצ ת‬ ‫ָה‬ 22.)פּוּץ =( פצץ‬not Qal from ‫—. ‫ אָ ַל‬to eat. Jer 5:6. even before the tone-bearing heavy afformative ‫ . Ex 33:19.א‬Ps 68:29. Jer 4:13. see Delitzsch on Jb 19:17)..ָ ַץ‬In Hiph ı̂l ‫( הת֫לתּ‬for ‫ )ה ִלֹּ֫ת‬Ju 16:10 (2 S ‫נפ‬ ְָ ֵַ ָ ‫ֲת‬ 15:34). ‫ חִ֫י‬keep (thy feasts). ‫ אָ ָה‬to be willing. Hb 3:6.יֹא ַל‬In a few ‫מ‬ ‫פ‬ ‫כ‬ others the ordinary (strong) form is also in use. but either ē2 or ă. p. Na 2:1. § 23 a. ‫כ‬ Brockelmann. ‫ב‬ ‫ב‬ ‫כ‬ 1 ‫ אָ ַד‬to say. ‫ ַֽה ֵרֹ֫ ִי‬Jer 10:18 before ‫ )ל ֶם‬after ‫ ו‬consec. 1 S 25:10. ‫ ַכּ֫וּ‬they are pure. Ct 6:11.g. mentioned in § 63. In the second syllable ō (for original ŭ) never appears. 116:6. ‫ֵֵ ז‬ ‫ֵֵ וּ‬ No less irregular is the suppression of the vowel of the stem-syllable in ‫ להפר ֶם‬Lv ‫ְ ַ ְ ְכ‬ 26:15.ֶֽ ֱסֹף‬he collects. 25:5.. ‫ אָ ָה‬to bake) regularly make the ‫ א‬quiesce in a long ô. as if through phonetic decay:— 1.. § 72 ַ ‫ח‬ ָ dd) is ‫ שׁתּ֫וּ‬Ps 49:15. Ps 55:22 ‫ ַלּ֫וּ‬they are swift. in the 2nd sing. This ô has primarily arisen from an ‫ס‬ ‫יא‬ obscuring of ô (§ 9 q). cf. in the 3rd plural. these verbs share all the peculiarities of verbs primae gutturalis. perhaps also Jb 19:17. This takes place only in the following very common verbs and forms. Zp 3:14. ‫ְ ַצֹּת֫ה‬ ָ ‫וק‬ (before ‫ )א‬Dt 25:12. ַ (b) In the imperative (a command in an emphatic tone) ‫ רִ֫י‬sing.

‫מ‬ ֵ e ‫כ‬ ‫ תֹּאמ֫רוּ‬Jer 23:38.ֶֽאהב‬c. The weak imperfect of ‫ אָ ַז‬is always ‫ יֹא ֵז‬and ‫ . For ‫ ְאָכ֫ ֵהוּ‬Jb 20:26 we should simply emend ‫ .)ַיֹּאכ֫לוּ . Mi ֱ ‫־‬ ְֶ ְַ ‫תּ ת‬ 4:8. In the 1st pers. of ‫. (but only in 1st sing.)ָֽאֹ ַל‬and then the final ‫ו מ‬ ‫ו כ‬ e ‫ו מ‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ו‬ syllable.. cf. from ‫. &c. ă (as being a lighter vowel) is used. in the 3rd fem.)אֹא ַר‬c. without the obscuring of ‫ ־ א‬to ô. without the pause ‫ יֽא ְלוּן‬Dt 4:28.ל״ה‬hence imperfect ‫ 57 §( יֹּא ֶה‬c)..ָֽאֹ ַר‬cf. always ‫ . ‫ תֹּא ַֽר‬Pr 1:21. e. on the original i in the second syllable. ă is always retained in pause.אָ ַר‬ ‫ֹ כ‬ ‫מ‬ however. ‫תֹּאב֖ד‬ ַ ‫ ל ַֽד‬Ps 9:19.יֹאכ֫לוּ‬except ַ ‫ו‬ ֵ ֵ ‫ו‬ ַ ‫ו‬ ‫ ַיֹּ֫א ַר‬in the poetic portion of the book of Job. not as imperfect Hiph ı̂l. otherwise ‫& .תֹּא ְ׳‬ ‫כ‬ 2. where two ‫’א‬s would ordinarily come together. ‫ ָֽאֹכ֫ל‬Gn. in ‫ אָ ַר‬the loss of the tone from the final syllable only occurs in the form ‫מ‬ with wāw consecutive (but never in the 1st sing. p. and 1st sing. &c. if without the pause. ‫ ַ֫יֹּא ֶר‬and he said (except ‫ַתֹּ֫א ַר‬ ‫ לוֹ‬Pr 7:13). It ‫תּ כּ ְ ֽכ תּ כ‬ would be more admissible to suppose that ‫ ְאָ ְ׳‬stands for ‫ . ‫פ‬ ‫ב‬ Before light suffixes the vowel of the second syllable becomes vocal Šewâ.Dt 18:1. ‫תּ ֱת‬ ‫ת‬ ֵָ ‫ֵה‬ ‫ה‬ with suffixes ‫ אֽהב֫הוּ‬Ho 11:1. ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ indicated by the form of the imperative ‫ .ַיֹּאמ֫ר . but no reason has been discovered for this departure from the natural punctuation ‫. in the plural ‫ יֹאמ֑רוּ‬Jer 5:2.יֽאכ ֵם‬ ‫ֹ ְל‬ ‫ תּֽאכל֫נּוּ‬but ‫—. also always takes Pathaḥ.תּֽאכל ֶם‬In a few cases. cf. see above. &c. § 67 p. ‫1 תֹּאמ֑ר‬ ַ ַ ֵ K 5:20.)אָ ַב‬and I stayed. a similar interchange of ē and ă in § 65 c.אָ ַל‬ ‫ב‬ ‫כ‬ with a conjunctive accent. the final syllable of the imperfects of ‫ אָ ַד‬and ‫.. but in pause ‫ תּאֹ ֵֽד‬Ps 1:6. &c. Ps 145:6. as ‫.ַיֹּא ֶז‬but in the 1st ‫ח‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ו ח‬ sing.־ ־‬e. In pause.. with S golta. In the 3rd sing.אכלּך‬ ‫תּ כ‬ ‫ְ ֻכּ‬ ְֲֶָ ְֲַָ q). impf.—‫ אָ ָה‬and ֵ ‫ו‬ ֵ ‫ו‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ אָ ָה‬are. ֶֽ ֱמֹר‬According to Barth (ZDMG. ֱכֹל‬the Arabic yakul and the Aramaic ‫. Gn 32:5. occurred at a time when in the 3rd and 2nd persons the ‫ א‬was still audible as a consonant (which accordingly was almost always retained in writing).g. 11. The infinitive construct of ‫ אָ ַר‬with ‫ ל‬is always ‫ֵאמֹר‬ ‫ה‬ ֵַ ‫ו‬ ‫מ‬ ְ ‫ל‬ dicendo. 3:12.תּֽא ְל׳‬the ‫תּ ְל‬ ‫ֹ כ‬ view that it is imperfect Pô ēl (which nowhere else occurs) can. ‫ אכלך‬for ‫72 § . ‫ ַיּ֫אֹ ַל‬and ‫ב‬ ‫ו כ‬ he did eat. 13 in pause.ֵא ֻל‬ ‫א‬ ‫י כ‬ as well as by the fact that ‫ ֶֽ ֱחֹז‬and ‫ ֶֽ ֱסֹף‬are found along with ‫ יֹא ֵז‬and ‫. in the ‫ו מ‬ middle of the verse. the imperfect consecutive (except the 1st pers. instead of the ô in the first syllable an ê is found.אָ ֵב‬ ֵ ֲֹ ֱַ ‫י‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ ָֽאח֫ר . ‫ ֵא ֶה‬it shall come. ‫ יֹאמ֫ר‬and ‫ . 4:1. according to § 49 e. masc. 1889. as 3:2. imperfect. But with conjunctive ֵ accents in the body of the sentence. ‫ַ ְנ‬ When the tone moves back. as ‫( 1אֹ ַר‬for ‫& . ָ since ‫ אצל‬elsewhere occurs only in the perfect Qal and Niph al.g. Pr 8:17. plur. cf. as regards the change of ô to ŏ.. 179) ‫ ַָ֫א ֶל‬Nu 11:25 is to be ‫לא‬ ‫ויּ צ‬ regarded as an imperfect Qal. while the view that it is Pi ēl (‫ ) ְאַ ְ׳=תּאָ ְ׳= ְאָ ְ׳‬rests on no analogy whatever. also ‫ 1 תּאֹ ַֽל‬S 1:7.אֹמ֫ר‬but in the 2nd masc. always has the form ‫ תֹּאכ֫לָה‬Zc 11:9. ‫ יֹ֣א ַד יוֹם‬Jb 3:3. but not in 32:6. from ‫( ֶֽא ֶה‬from ‫( אה֑ב . ‫ . ‫ָע‬ ‫ב‬ The 3rd fem. Nöldeke .תּא ְ׳‬Pu al (cf. e. be supported only by the very doubtful analogies of Ps 62:4 (see § 52 q) and Ps 101:5 Qerê (see § 55 b). the second (which is radical) is regularly dropped (§ 23 f). also (four times) ‫ אֹ ַב‬Mal 1:2. verbs ‫ . for ‫—.. always takes S ghôl.יֹא ֵף‬ ‫יא‬ ‫יא‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ס‬ 1 1 The regularity of this orthography indicates that the contraction of ‫ אַא‬to â in this ְ 1st pers.g. sing. 14:5.)אָ ָה‬for ‫ )א ַב‬I love. ‫ ָֽאֹח֫ז‬Ju 20:6. which ְֶ ֹ ‫ֹ ַ ְכ‬ is due to contraction from the group ‫(ֶֽ ־‬or ‫ )־ ־‬in place of ‫ . of ‫ . at the same time.אָ ַל‬see ‫כ‬ below) always has the form ‫( ַיֹּאכ֫ל‬but plur. however. ‫ .

On ‫ ָ ֽוֹצ ָה‬Neh 13:13. 596 ff. ‫ ָשׁב‬to dwell. p. at least when it is the initial consonant.)ע״וּ‬cf. according to § 60 f). In the other cases. ‫ ֽוֹמ ָה‬Ps 42:10. But ָ ְ ִֹ ‫ תּֽא ִפוּן‬Ex 5:7 (for ‫ 1 ַיֹּא ֶף . and Eth. Rem. (b) Verbs which (as in Arabic) originally began with Yôdh (called Verba cum Iod originario. ‫ 2 תּֽ ְרוּ‬S 19:14.ע״וּ‬for ‫ . Pr 17:4 ‫ְה א‬ ‫ֵז‬ (clearly by false analogy of verbs ‫ . âkūlŭ. § 53 n. with the Mantua edition. is altogether elided. 2 S 22:40. Grundriss.ֶַ֫ ֶא‬ ֵ ‫ויּ ת וי‬ ‫ויּ ת‬ Paradigm I shows the weak forms of the imperfect Qal. Verbs which at present begin with Yôdh when without preformatives are divided into two classes according to their origin and consequent inflexion: (a) Verbs which (as still in Arabic and Ethiopic) originally began with Wāw. ‫ 1 ַתֹּפ֫הוּ‬S 28:24. 1. ‫( אֽספך‬with ı̆. 1 S 15:5.ְהק ִיל‬thus ‫( מ ֵף‬as in Aramaic ‫יְט יַ ְט‬ ‫ַלּ‬ and Samaritan) teaching. 141 f.אָ ַף‬as ‫ תֹּ ֵף‬for ‫ תֹּא ֵף‬Ps 104:29. ‫( אֹב֫י ָה‬ô from â) I will destroy.) 2.פ״י‬First Class. Mi 4:6 and ‫ 1 אֹ ִֽפך‬S ‫יֽס‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ ְָ ‫ס‬ 15:6. Semit. In consequence of a phonetic change which prevails also with few exceptions in the noun.. ‫מ לּ‬ ‫יה‬ ‫י ה‬ ‫ ַתְּרִ֫י‬thou hast girded me.and even plene ‫ ָֽאוֹ ַר‬Neh 2:7. cf. not ăkŭlŭ. for ‫ ַ ְאְַרִ֫י‬as Ps 18:40. which is apparently (from the Metheg with the i). and on etymological grounds. ‫וַזֵ נ‬ ‫ותּ זּ ֵ נ‬ ְֶָ ‫ו‬ § 69. this Wāw in Hebrew and Aramaic always becomes a Yôdh. Hiph.)ֶֽא ֶה‬according to other readings (on the analogy of the cases mentioned in § 75 ‫י ֱת‬ p) ‫ ֵַ֫ ֶא . ‫ ֽׄ ְר֫וּך‬Ps ‫יס‬ ָ ‫ימ‬ 139:20 (where certainly ‫ ַ ְר׳‬is to be read). Hence the possibility of its being dropped in the following cases:— Always in the contracted forms of ‫ . . ‫ 2 ַיֹּ֫ ֶף‬S 6:1 (but for ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ו ס‬ ‫ֵאָ ֵף‬Jb 27:19 read ‫ יוֹ ִף=יֹא ִף‬with the LXX). ‫ ְִֵֽי‬thou gaddest about (from ‫ . intended for an imperfect Hiph ı̂l: instead of it.) ַֽאִין‬Imperative ‫ הת֫יוּ‬bring (from ‫ )אָ ָה‬Jer 12:9.. § 76 d. also. and some with original Wāw) (ZDMG.)ַק ִיל ..)ַָאח׳‬the Kethı̂bh ‫ִ ד‬ ‫ו ח‬ appears to require the Pi ēl ‫ . A few verbs again (some with original Yôdh.ֵַת֫א‬or ‫.)כּוּל‬Participle ‫ מִין‬giveth ear. equally doubtful is the punctuation of ‫( ַָ֫ ֶב‬for ‫ )?ַַֽא ֵב‬and he laid wait.g. e. or is again changed into Yôdh. p. ‫ ַָד‬to give birth to. and ‫ויּ ר‬ ‫ויּ ֲ ר‬ ‫ אִָין‬I listen. Jer 46:8. &c. ‫ ֵַ֫ ֵא‬Dt ‫ֹמ‬ ‫ו ח‬ ‫תּ ול‬ ‫ז‬ ‫ויּ ת‬ 33:21 (for ‫ .ָ ַף‬Furthermore. § 75 hh). ‫ ַָ֫א ֶל‬Nu 11:25 (but the statement in verse 17 is ‫ . Sprachwiss.)אַָל‬Jer 2:36. ‫ ָֽאַבּדּך‬Ez 28:16. read. tăkŭlŭ. wălădă. § 23 c. Verbs ‫ . cf. where the ‫ו מ‬ ‫א ְר‬ ‫ א‬is ordinarily regarded as quiescing in ô or ê. Jb 32:11 (on the analogy of verbs ‫ . 593) infers this from the fact that also in Arabic the 3rd and 2nd persons are still written yăkŭlŭ.—Infinitive ‫לה ִיל‬ ‫ויּ ֱ ח‬ ‫וא ְ ר‬ ‫ְ ָכ‬ Ez 21:33 (=‫ ל ַֽ ֲכ׳‬unless it is rather infin. for ‫ ְאַ ֵף‬Jb 35:11. Hiph.אחר‬but ‫ ֵַא ַר=ֵַי ַר‬for ‫וייח‬ ‫ויּ ח ויּ ח‬ ‫ ֶַֽא ַר‬as imperfect Qal is not impossible. or Verbs originally ‫ . ‫ 2 ַתֹּ֫ ֶז‬S 20:9. xxxii. and merely indicates the other conjugations.) ֽוֹס׳‬S 18:29 (for ‫ . from ‫ . Hos ‫ז‬ ‫כ‬ ‫ויּ‬ 11:4. In the derived conjugations only isolated weak forms occur: Perfect Niphal ‫נֽא ֲזוּ‬ ‫ֹ ח‬ Nu 32:30. ‫יל‬ Arab. which are regular.ְאָצל ִי‬therefore ‫ויּ צ‬ ‫ו ֽ ַ ְתּ‬ Qal). ‫יוֹ ְלוּ‬ ‫ימ‬ ‫ב‬ ֵ ‫ו‬ ‫כ‬ Ez 42:5. cf. also ‫( אוֹ ִיל‬ô from â) I give to eat. ‫ 2 ַיּוֹ ֶר‬S 20:5 Qerê (for ‫ . ‫ תֹּ ֵא‬Pr 1:10 (cf. cf. but the 1st pers. ‫( ַ ֵל‬if not a mere scribal error) for ‫ ְאַ ֵל‬Is 13:20. or. Jos 22:9.g.ְַַ ֵר‬from ‫ יחר‬as a secondary form of ‫ . also in the 1st pers. lastly. but after preformatives it either reappears.)ַיּ֫וֹ ֶף‬and ‫ יאסף‬Jb 27:19 (see above) are due to ‫ֹ ס‬ ‫ו ס תּ‬ ‫ו ס‬ a mistake.פ״ו‬e. In the Pi ēl the ‫ א‬is sometimes elided (like ‫ ה‬in ‫ . since all three forms must be derived from the stem ‫ . ַ‫י‬ Brockelmann. it is only retained orthographically. see § 70). ‫מ ֲז‬ ֵָ ‫ת‬ (On the same form used for the perfect in Is 21:14. however.

. therefore. ‫& . 42) and Barth (ibid. The complete rejection (or elision) takes place regularly in eight verbs (see h) in the following manner: A. 606).ֵשׁב‬with an unchangeable1 Ṣere in the first syllable and original ı̆ ֵ ‫יד י‬ in the second. 17. Imperative ‫ שׁב‬with aphaeresis of the Wāw and with tone-long ē.שׁב ִי‬c.ְצֹק‬and infinitives ‫ . which in certain forms assimilates the Wāw or Yâdh to the following consonant on the analogy of the Nûn in verbs ‫( פ״ן‬see § 71). Imperfect ‫ ֵַע .ֵַע‬ ‫י ֵ ְ י ר יצ‬ ‫יק יד‬ ‫.g. It is no objection to this view that the scriptio plena of this ê occurs (with the exception of ‫ ֵי ַר‬Ps 72:14.ֵ ַע . 653) that an original yălı d. reappears in ‫& . ‫יר‬ 1 1 The e of the first syllable is really ê. e.שׁ֫ ֶת‬c. Since the infinitives ‫( ל ָה .ֵ ֵד .ֵ ֵא‬see x)..form a special class..ֵלך . xxxii. in the same way ă becomes Šewâ in such cases as ֶ ‫י ְ ויּ‬ ‫& . under the influence of a guttural. but also in ‫ א ָֽעך‬Ex ‫ויד ע‬ ָ ֲ ‫ֵד‬ 33:13. elsewhere pointed ‫ )ִי ַר‬only in Mi 1:8 and Ez 35:9 ‫יק‬ ‫יק‬ Keth. or. Infinitive ‫ שׁ֫ ֶת‬from original šibh.)ֵ ַד‬ ‫יח‬ The tone-long ē of the second syllable is of course liable to be shortened or to become Šewâ. with ă in the second (‫. according as the Wāw is wholly rejected or only changed into Yôdh. since it is retained not merely before the tone. p. xl. xli. lidat. m) point to a ground-form di at.דּ ָה‬see below. In more than half the number of verbs ‫ פ״ו‬the original Wāw in the abovementioned forms gives place to Yôdh. unless it suffers aphaeresis (see f). assign to ‫& . not tone-long ē. became yilid by assimilation of the vowel of the first syllable to that of the second. and in the counter-tone (e. with Philippi (ZDMG. the apparent ground-form šabt ‫ִ ְתּ‬ rests upon the law that the ı̆ of the stem-syllable is changed into a whenever the syllable becomes doubly closed by the addition of the vowelless feminine ending. for example (see above). as in ֵ the imperfect. C.). but ‫יר י‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ in the imperfect ‫ .ֵֽשׁבוּ . appears:— in the imperatives ‫ ְ ַשׁ .g. in Ps 138:6 the Masora prefers to point ‫—.ְסֹד‬as a strong consonant. § 66 b) this lengthening affords a certain compensation for loss of the initial consonant.. Rem.)ֵֽד ֵם‬ ‫יד‬ ָ‫י‬ ‫י ָע‬ B. as in verbs ‫( פ״ן‬cf. from ı̆. merges with the preceding ı̆ into ı̂. which. but is lengthened to Qameṣ in pause (‫ )ֵד֫עוּ‬and before suffixes (‫. we ‫ֵד ֵע‬ must. With regard to verbs ‫( פ״ו‬i.ֵֽ ְעוּ‬c. by addition of the feminine ending (‫)ת‬ ‫ֶב‬ lengthened to a segholate form.e. in an attempt to raise the word again in this way (by writing ê instead of ē) to a triliteral form.ֵֵד‬ ‫יל‬ ‫ .ֵַ֫שׁב‬c.. ‫ ְֵָֽ ֵם‬Ho 14:10).ִי ַשׁ‬properly yiyrăš.ְֵָע‬Of the various explanations of the ‫ייד‬ ê the most satisfactory is that of Philippi (ZDMG. In the imperfect. imperative and infinitive construct Qal there is a twofold inflexion. ‫ פ״י‬with original Wāw) it is to be noticed that— 1. this then became yêlēd instead of yēlēd. the ‫ֶב‬ ground-form šibt (which. which in the tone-syllable (according to § 27 c) becomes ē (thus ‫.ְרֹא .

ְפוֹת‬The 2nd plur. ‫יע‬ ֵ‫י‬ ‫יר‬ ‫יר‬ ‫יר‬ 2.— ‫ויּ ק‬ ‫יק‬ ‫יק‬ The form ‫ ֱַֽ ֶמוּ‬Gn 30:39. e. In the Mêša -inscription. ‫ ִַי ַר‬it was precious. as a rule. ‫ התַַע‬from ‫ התַַח . e. ‫ ְר֫שׁה‬Dt 33:23. with elision of the Wāw. 1 K 21:15 (but cf. is also to be included. ‫. The first radical always appears as Yôdh in the perfect and participle Qal. wălădă. Hiph ı̂l. and in the imperfect and ‫יח‬ ‫ילּ‬ participle ‫ מָֻע . ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ 9:23. occur in the same verb.g. ‫ ַָע‬to ְַָ ‫יד‬ know.In the second syllable imperfects of this form regularly have ă.g.ָ ַד‬but as an apocopated imperfect Pi ēl from ‫ר ָה‬ ‫יר‬ ‫ָד‬ (=‫ )ְר ֶה‬to have dominion.הקּ ֵל‬b) in the Hithpa el of ֵ ‫יוּ‬ ‫יָט ִ ָט‬ some verbs. and with ă in the second syllable of the imperfect. is remarkable. 1 S 18:30 and ‫ ֵ ַר‬Ps 49:9 (cf. ‫ 1 ִֽ ְקוּ‬K 18:34 and the infin.ַָע‬from ‫ התַָה . e.ָ ַד‬which really ‫יר‬ ‫יר‬ should be restored) or as imperative of ‫ . cf. imperative. ‫ ֵי ַר‬Ps 72:14). ‫ ֵשׁ‬take ‫י‬ ‫יצ‬ ‫ֶק‬ ‫ר‬ possession. also ‫ הלך‬to go (cf. e. ‫ . The original Wāw is retained as a firm consonant: (a) in the infinitive. ‫ו יּח‬ ‫ויּ ח‬ ‫ויּ ַ ְ נ‬ (c) On ‫ ַד‬Ju 19:11 for ‫ י֖ ַד‬and ‫ שׁוֹב‬Jer 42:10 for the infinitive absolute ‫ .התַ ֵב‬as against ‫& . ‫ ָשׁן‬to sleep.יספתי‬l.g.g. yălı̆du.ָשׁוֹב‬cf.) are ‫ֵָף‬ ‫יח‬ ‫יק‬ ‫יו‬ ‫יע‬ to be wearied. ‫( ָשׁ‬in pause for ‫ ) ַשׁ‬Dt 2:24. ‫ הוּשׁב‬for hŭwšabh.g. ‫ ָ ָא‬to go forth. also ֵ ‫י‬ ‫ו‬ ַ ‫וי‬ ‫וי ַ ְ תּ‬ throughout Pi ēl and Pu al. e. 31.g. but also.ִיַשׁ‬c. (b) Sometimes both forms. according to 2 S 12:8. (a) That the latter forms are derived from verbs with an original Wāw (not Yôdh) is shown partly by the inflexion of these verbs in Niph al. masc. and partly by the Arabic. but with a preceding ַ a the Wāw is contracted into ô (‫ .— ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫י‬ But ‫ ְ ַד‬Ju 5:13 (twice) is not intended by the Masora either as perfect (for ‫ . ‫ 2 ַק‬K ‫צ‬ 4:41 and ‫ ְצֹק‬pour. for ‫ . with Wāw). there remains only ‫ אַס ֶה‬Dt 32:23.. § 19 i.ִָשׁב‬which are consequently strong forms like ‫( .ָָה‬otherwise a radical ‫ִ ְ ודּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ו כּ יד‬ ‫ִ ְ ודּ י כ‬ ‫יד‬ Wāw at the beginning of a word is now found only in a few nouns. below.שׁבוּ‬thus in proof of a supposed ‫ ס ָה‬addere. 29). hence read in Is 30:1 (Nu 32:14. the ‫יס‬ infinitive is written ‫( לספת‬cf. ‫..)וֹ‬so in the perfect and participle Niph al and ַ ִ throughout Hiph ı̂l. ‫ ָ ַע‬to be dislocated. Dt 1:21. are ‫ ַָד‬to bring forth.g. ‫ ִ ֵל‬to wait. ‫.ָשׁב‬ ַ‫י‬ &c. In the imperfect ‫ ִי ַד‬Dt 32:22 and ‫ ֵ ַד‬Is ָ ָ ָ‫י‬ ‫יק‬ ‫יק‬ 10:16 it shall be kindled. 21. imperative ‫ ְפוּ‬Is 29:1. ‫( ָ ֵא‬imperfect ‫ . e. ‫ ָ ַד‬to be united. and imperfect Niph al. Dt 29:18) ‫ ס ֶת‬for ‫ . plur.g.התַַע‬c.ישׁב‬even when ְ precedes. Jer 7:21 corresponds to ‫ֶ פ‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ .1 of which the initial consonant in the above-mentioned forms always suffers elision or aphaeresis.ַָח‬from ‫ . and wăǵı̆lă. ‫ ַָץ‬to counsel.)ַָע‬and.ֵַֽ ֲמוּ‬beside ‫ ֵַח֫מָה‬verse 38. in which verbs ‫ פ״ו‬likewise exhibit a twofold formation. cf. cf. read ‫. ‫ִ ְ יח ִ ְ יצּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ודּ‬ 1 1 A ninth ‫ ָ ַף‬to add. ‫ נוֹשׁב‬from an original năwšăbh. with retention of the Wāw. At the end of a syllable Wāw with the homogeneous vowel ŭ ‫יל‬ coalesces into ǔ.ִֽשׁב ֶם‬according to § 24 b). to dwell. also in Hithpa el. ‫ ָָד‬off spring ‫ול‬ from ‫ ַָד‬to bear. ‫ ְשׁוּ‬Dt 1:8. ‫יַדּ‬ (d) The eight verbs. imperf. with ‫ ־ ה‬paragogic. ‫ הוֹשׁיב‬from an original hăwšı̂bh. Examples of the other formation (‫& . and Hoph al (where the original Wāw reappears throughout). ‫ . so throughout Hoph al. ‫ ָשׁב‬to sit.ָשׁוּב .ְַ ֵל‬known (from ‫ . being protected by the strengthening. yauǵalu.אֹס ָה‬ ‫ִ פ‬ .ִקּ ֵל . for ְ ‫ָפ‬ ‫ְפּ‬ which.התֵַד‬ ‫ְ ידּ ייח‬ ‫יד‬ ‫ִ ְ ילּ‬ ‫( התַ ֵשׂ . ‫( ְָשׁב‬but ‫ . ‫ צ֫ ֶת‬Ex 38:27). s). Ez 24:3 (cf.הָשׁב‬ ֵ ‫ִוּ‬ ‫ . e. ‫ ָ ַד‬to ‫יל‬ ‫יצ‬ ַ‫י‬ ‫יר‬ descend. x). § 47 k.ִי ָא‬imperative ‫ )ְ ָא‬to fear. l. the weaker and the stronger. ‫ ַֻד‬to be born. e.

‫ ִישׁוֹן‬Ec 5:11. ‫ַ ְתּ‬ ‫צ‬ ‫יר‬ requires ‫ )מֽוֹר ֵי‬a very remarkable case of the strong form (for ‫ . wăhăbă.פ״ן‬Similarly Hoph al has the same form as in verbs ‫ ע״ע‬and ‫. ‫ דּע‬to know. hence in Gn 11:3.ה ִי . ‫יד‬ ‫ַע‬ ‫ִיְּד‬ with suff. with preposition ‫י‬ ‫ ִיסֹד‬Is 51:16 (but 2 Ch 31:7 according to Ben Naphtali ‫ .—For ‫ ְֵָֽע‬Ps 138:6 (cf. on ‫ ֵ ַד‬Is 10:16 see above.g. is in accordance with the law mentioned above (under c).ל֫ ֶת‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ֶד‬ Examples of the strong form of the infinitive are ‫ ְרֹא‬to fear. ‫ .The beginner may recognize verbs ‫ פ״ו‬in the imperfect Qal partly by the Ṣere under the preformatives. ֲשׂוֹת‬See Dillmann.g. cf. cf. The infinitive Qal of the weaker form (‫ . From ‫ . 1. ‫ה‬ ָ Dt 32:3). in Niph al and Hiph ı̂l by the Wāw (‫ )וֹ . the note above. Gn 46:3. The ă in the second syllable. Die BB..ְָֽשׁב ִי‬ ‫וי ַ ְ תּ‬ 2 2 The infinitives ‫ דּ ָה‬and ‫ ר ָה‬belong to the source marked E (Dillmann’s B) in the ‫ֵע‬ ‫ְד‬ modern criticism of the Pentateuch.שׁ֫ ֵת‬ground-form šibt. f.לִסּוֹד‬accepted ‫ְי‬ by Baer. for ‫ . in both cases with nasog aḥor. La 3:48) and in the pausal form ‫ ֵלך‬Jb 27:21. Ju 9:39. see x. by ‫ֵ ַ ְנ נ‬ which ă takes the place of ĭ in a doubly closed syllable. from its position between the principal and secondary tone.. Ezr 3:12. Arab. but is really assimilated to the ‫ . e. ‫ דּ֫ ַת‬is formed.ע״וּ‬ Rem. fem. ‫ ר ָה‬descend ָ ‫ְב‬ ‫ְד‬ thou. ‫ לד֫ה‬Is 37:3 (2 K 19:3). p.g. ֵ ‫ויּ‬ ַ ‫ויּ‬ is ‫& ָֽא ֵד . Num.דּע ִי‬c.שׁ֫ ֶת .ו‬before the second radical. consec. ֵת‬ ‫נ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫ ֲלֹך‬to go. when the tone is drawn back (before a tone-syllable or after wāw consecutive).שׁוּב‬but read ‫. From ‫ ָ ַב‬to give. ‫ בָּס ִי‬Jb 38:4. whilst. ְ ‫ה‬ ‫ֶ כ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ Jos. (The defective writing. The pausal is ‫יצ‬ either of the form ‫ ֵַשׁב‬Ru 4:1 or ‫ ֵַר֑ד‬Ps 18:10. ‫& . On ‫ . The imperative Qal frequently has the lengthening by ‫ . Nu 14:16. the 1st pers. Deut. ‫ שׁ ָה‬sit thou. with ‫ ת‬fem.ָשׁב‬but rather ‫ו ַ ְתּ‬ ַ‫י‬ for a perf.יצא‬From ‫ ָ ַד‬there occurs in Ps 30:4 in Qerê ‫( מָר ִי‬the Keth.. except ‫ ָֽאל֑ך‬Jb 19:10.. is meaningless). sing. go to. from ‫ . Ju 14:15. Jer 13:21. for ‫. Jos 22:25.) Verbs ‫ פ״ו‬have forms like ‫ . ‫ ֵֽשׁב־ָא‬Gn 44:33. &c. 10. With suff. besides the cases mentioned above (under f). ‫ 1 ֵרֹא‬S 18:29 is irregular. it has the form ‫יה‬ ‫ ַב‬give. 2.) ֵֽרד ִי‬For ‫ 1 ַת‬S 4:19 ‫ִיּ ְד‬ ‫מ ִ ְתּ‬ ‫ל‬ (generally explained as a case of assimilation of ‫ ד‬to ‫ ת‬in the supposed ground-form ladt. The same document also has ‫ ְתֹן‬to give.). even with ‫י ֶ נ‬ ‫ו ֶ ויּ ר‬ Mil el-tone.ָֽא ֵד‬c. e. on b ‫ו ֵל ו ֵר‬ ְ ֵַ ‫ו‬ ‫יי ד‬ and the analogous cases in § 70 d) ‫ ֵי ָֽע‬is intended. ‫ ֵֽר ָה‬to descend.ְב֫שׁת‬which is likewise usually referred to this class. also in ‫ תּ ַד‬Jer 13:17 (cf. ‫יד‬ 1 1 ‫ ְשׁב ִי‬Ps 23:6 can hardly be intended for an infin. the note on § 70 ֶ ‫י‬ a.הלך‬see x). The imperfect with ‫ ו‬elided takes ă in the second syllable. cf. lengthened ‫ ת֫ ָה‬generally with the meaning age.־ ה‬e.. Ho 9:11. whether in or out of pause. ‫ ה ִי‬Ru 3:15.ר֫שׁת‬cf.ֵַ֫ ֶד‬but ē is retained in an open syllable. where ֵָ the change of the ē into vocal Šewâ is to be explained. as also the feminine ending ‫ . The ‫ִ ְתּ‬ masculine form is very rare. ִיסֹּד‬where the ‫ י‬is only retained ‫ל‬ ‫ל‬ orthographically. § 48 l. above.־ ה‬e. only the imperative is used in Hebrew. see above. in ‫ ֵ֫ ֵא‬Ex 16:29. but probably ‫( ִרֹא‬for ‫ל‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ ) ִירֹא‬is intended.שׁב ִי‬the strong form only in ‫ לָ ְשׁ֫נוּ‬Ju 14:15). ‫ְע‬ 3. for ‫ . .פ״ו‬would be ‫ה ֲב‬ expected. 4 even ‫ה‬ ‫ָב‬ addressed to several persons (Gn 29:21 ‫ הב֫ה‬before ‫ א‬to avoid the hiatus). Forms with ē in the second syllable shorten the ē to Seghôl.ל ֶת‬and ‫ ֲשׂה‬to make. with suffix from ‫ .. ָָ ‫ָב‬ Milra on the analogy of the plural ‫( ָב֫וּ‬once in Jb 6:22 ‫ ה֫בוּ‬before the tone-syllable. ֵַ ָ 2 2 ֵָ ‫מ ְד‬ ‫ דּע֫ה‬Ex 2:4.ַיּ֫שׁב .. ‫ֵר‬ ְ ַ‫י‬ (from ‫ . c) ‫ֶב‬ ֶ ֶ 1 ְ‫ר‬ ֵ ‫ְ יר‬ with suffixes is pointed as ‫( ִשׁתּוֹ . ֵאת .g.ַָע‬under the influence of the guttural. ‫ . as in ‫ . with König. § 29 e.) ַע( שׁב‬in common ‫ל‬ ֵ ‫ֶב דּ‬ with verbs ‫ .—On ‫ דּ ֶה‬Pr 24:14.ס‬the reading of Ben Asher. ‫ . but cf.הֹ ִיד‬is rare. Jb 32:6. on the analogy of other imperatives Qal of verbs ‫ ֲבוּ . when followed by ְַָ ‫יק‬ the afformative ‫& תּר֫דָה( ָה‬c. according to Mayer Lambert pausal of ‫= ֵת‬lidt. c) read simply ‫. ‫ ְכֹ֫ ֶת‬to be ‫ל‬ ‫ְיְד‬ ‫י ל‬ able. 618. but from ‫ .

Jer 2:27. This is shown ‫ונּ ר‬ especially by the passages in which the impf. as also the vulgar Arabic (among towns-people) yûṣal. Na 3:10. When closed by a guttural the second ‫ִ ָ נּ‬ syllable generally has ă. since in Arabic also the verb is wărı̆ṯă. for ‫ ֽוֹ ְדוּ‬which ‫לּ‬ ‫נל‬ appears to be required by the wāw in the initial syllable. § 64 f) occurs in verbs ‫ פ״ו‬in a few forms of ‫ ַָד‬Nu 11:12. the Arabic yauru u (yôru u) from waru a. ‫ יוֹ ֶהּ‬is immediately preceded by the imperat. ‫ ִֽ ֲפוּ‬Is 40:30. as distinguished from ‫יע‬ ‫יג‬ ‫יר‬ ‫ ִ ְאוּ‬they see (imperf. but as this.א‬k).ידה‬which may also be a true verb ‫( פ״י‬on the other hand. ‫ הוֹ ִיא‬Is 43:8. Others regard ‫ יוּ ַל‬as an ‫כ‬ imperfect Hoph al (he is enabled=he can). a perfect Qal of ‫ ַָד‬is required by the ‫ר‬ ‫י‬ ‫יד‬ context. ‫ ְִֽעוּ‬Is 65:23. Gn 8:12 (unless the Pi ēl or ‫ . ‫כ‬ according to Qimḥi. a secondary form ‫( ַ ֵשׁ‬cf. 1880 ff. 8:1. from ‫ . ‫יד‬ perhaps we should read ‫ .. cf.. ‫ הוֹ ַח‬Jb ‫ד‬ ַ ‫ק‬ ‫כ‬ REJ.הוֹשב‬sometimes has ı̂ in the second ֵ syllable. ‫ ְַַשׁ֫הוּ‬for ‫ ְְַַשׁ֫הוּ‬and he ‫י‬ ֵ ‫ויּבּ‬ ֵ ‫וייבּ‬ made it dry. = Revue des Études Juives. REJ. The forms ‫ ִֽי ֵשׁ֫וּך‬Ez 36:12 and ‫ ִֽי ֵשׁ֫וּה‬Ps ָ ‫ו ר‬ ָ ‫ו ר‬ 69:36. for ‫ . and ‫ ִיסך‬Ex 30:32. cf. see § ‫יר‬ ‫ר‬ ֶ ‫ויּ‬ ְָ ‫י‬ 73 f. § 27 n) is found in Zp 3:18. as ‫ . 5. (always after ְ). is to be read).אָשׁב‬cf. the imperfect Niph al sometimes has a ‫ י‬instead of the ‫ . yauǵalu (yôǵalu) from waǵila.ַתּוּ ָֽ ִי‬according to König ‫ו כ‬ ‫ו כל‬ because the 2nd fem. 19:1.g. 10. 73) as impf.ִ ְטֹל‬ ‫כ‬ ‫ֶק‬ ‫יק‬ Cf. especially if the initial ְ was pronounced.ה‬hence probably a mere mistake for ‫ .אוֹ ַל‬just as. § 44 d) is probably to be ‫יר‬ ‫יר‬ assumed. Lambert (REJ. Ex 19:13. verse 53. 1 Ch 3:5. ‫ ַַדּוּ‬for ‫ְַַדּוּ‬ ‫ויּגּ‬ ‫וייגּ‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ויי‬ and they have cast. ‫ג‬ ‫יג‬ La 1:4. &c. points either to Pi ēl ‫ ְַַשְׁ ֵם‬or ‫ויּ ּר‬ ‫ויי ּר‬ Hiph ı̂l ‫. Qal of ‫—. to distinguish it. While in these cases some doubt may be felt as to the correctness of the Masoretic pointing. Jo 4:3.פ״י‬of the second class. La 3:33. being a transitive perfect.ָָה‬with depression of ô to û. e. In the case of ‫ . In the imperfect Pi ēl elision of the first radical (‫ )י‬sometimes takes place after wāw consec. according to § 47 b. 4.—In the ֵ ‫ִוּ‬ ֵ ‫ֶוּ‬ participle the plural ‫( נוֵּי‬from ‫ . however. ought to have the form ‫ ָֽ ְדוּ‬according to § 67 a.הוֹ ַע‬cf. no.)ִדּוּ‬So from a verb ‫ .ִֽי ִשׁ ֶם‬c. 17:14. as in Syriac. ‫ ֶַַה‬for ‫ ְֶַַה‬and he has grieved.ַָשׁ‬however. ‫ִַָ֫ ֶל‬ ‫ויּיּ ח‬ and he stayed.g. Ps ‫יל‬ 2:7. cf.—Further ‫ יוֹ ֶה‬or ‫ יֹ ֶה‬is to be ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ regarded with M. ‫י‬ ‫יר‬ ‫ו רְתּ‬ 31:3 (always after ‫ ִי‬for ְְ). ‫ר‬ Qal (2 K 13:17) or infin. 6. 24:33 Keth. Qal (not Hiph il) of ‫ ָ ָה‬to throw. fem. in which case the ı̂ can always be recognized as a long vowel by the Metheg (see § 16 f).ָ ַשׁ‬e. the imperfect Qal is ‫ . 26:1. are most simply explained from the return of this ı̆.. § 53 u.—The first person always has the form ‫ . In both cases the attenuation might be explained from the ‫ו‬ ‫וי‬ tendency to assimilate the vowels.ַָ ֶל‬as in ver. cf. e. As an exception. . The imperative Hiph ı̂l.. From ‫ ָכֹל‬to prevail. like ‫י‬ i (§ 47 b).הוֹשׁע . ‫& . Qal ‫ ִַי ָם‬Nu 21:30 is critically very doubtful). ‫ הוֹ ִיע‬Ps 94:1 (before ‫ . Na 1:4. (as in the case of ‫ 86 § . The attenuation of ă to ı̆ in the perfect (in a toneless.יוּ ַל‬which can only have arisen ‫י‬ ‫כ‬ through a depression of the vowel from ‫( יוֹ ַל‬ground-form yaukhal=yawkhal). xxxvii.)הוֹפ֫י ָה‬On ‫צ‬ ַ‫פ‬ ‫ִ ע‬ the uncertainty of the tone in ‫ הוֹשׁיעה־ָא‬see § 53 m. much more is this so in the perfect ‫ נוּ ְדוּ‬nulledhû. constr. cf. and so always ‫ ִֽ ְאוּ‬they fear. instead of the usual form ‫ .)ְַַשׁ ֵם‬ ‫ויּי ִ ר‬ 7. had been sufficiently indicated previously. but in 2 S 11:24 by the participle Hiph il).) ָאָה‬On ‫ ִַ֫ישׂם‬Gn 50:26. § 51 p.g. Dt 4:1. from waṣala.g.—‫ ַתּוּ ָֽל‬occurs in Jer 3:5 as 2nd sing. also ‫ הֹ ַר‬Pr 25:17 (as in the infin. closed syllable) which is discussed in § 44 d (cf.אָשׁב‬not ‫ .The imperfect of the form ‫ ִי ַשׁ‬is frequently (especially before afformatives) written ‫יר‬ defectively. ‫יר‬ shoot (the supposed impf. &c. in ‫ ַדּוּ גוֹ ָל‬they have east lots.ו‬e. or is followed by the participle Qal (2 Ch 35:23. Paris. &c. ‫ 2 ַַשְׁ ֵם‬Ch 32:30 Qerê (the Keth. Qal (Ps 64:5). Ob 11. always used instead of the imperfect Qal. 1 S ‫ויּח‬ 13:8 Kethı̂bh. from ‫ . as well as of ‫ . to be able. ‫ א ְטֹל‬is differentiated from ‫. 20:8.

Jb 40:32 (usual jussive in pause ‫& . 1881 ff.פ״י‬e.הוּל׳=הל֫ ֶת‬cf. or a plural. and ‫ד‬ ‫ד‬ ‫ג‬ perhaps in ‫( יוֹ ֶא‬for ‫ )יוּ ֶה‬Pr 11:25. Gn 47:11. but ‫ ִֽהלך‬Ex 9:23.. Rarely.) as originating with the Hiph îl.—Ptcp.. Semit. and almost exclusively late or in poetry. ‫( ַֽ ֲלֹך‬Ps 58:9.. see § 65 f).פ״י‬Second Class. ‫ֶֻ ד‬ ‫לּ‬ 8. Marti.פ״ו‬ § 70. ‫ ָ ַב‬to be good. Ex 10:28 and Dt 3:26 after ‫ תּ֫וֹסףּ( ַיֹּ֫ ֶף . line 14. above. § 64 a and h). and this again. cf. thus ‫.הוֹשׁ֫י ִי‬and so also before suffixes (§ 61 g). p.הוֹשׁ֫י ָה‬ ‫ִ ב‬ e e ‫צ‬ ‫ . ַ ‫ו כ‬ ‫ו ת‬ ‫ו ַ ֲכ‬ § 65 f). ַ ִ ‫י‬ In Hoph al ô stands instead of ‫ .. On the other hand. &c. 143 ff.ָלך‬It is. 603 ff. or Verbs properly ‫ .ֶכ ִי‬cf. Verbs ‫ .) ֵיִק֫הוּ‬imperfect ‫ . ָלוֹך‬Niph al ‫ .יוֹ ִיך‬but in the 1st sing. the regular inflexions of ‫ הלך‬are also found: imperf.—An infinitive Hoph al with feminine ending occurs in ‫ הלּ֫ ֶת‬Gn 40:20. by B. Am 2:10. for ‫ְ יַ ע‬ ‫ .נוּ ְדוּ‬and § 71 at the end.לך‬in the lengthened ‫נְדּ‬ ‫נגדּ‬ ְ ֵ ‫ֶך‬ form ‫( ל ָה‬as an interjection referring even to a feminine. above. which occurs even without the ‫ס‬ ֵ pause after wāw consecutive. &c. with a final ‫ ר‬in pause ‫ ַתֹּ ַֽר‬Ru 2:14: on ‫ ְישֽׁע ֶם‬Is 35:4. 28.. also ‫ . ‫ֶק‬ ‫ְְ ו ס‬ also ‫ תּוֹ ַף‬as jussive. With a final guttural ‫יֹד ע‬ ַ and ‫( יוֹכ֫ח‬jussive) and ‫& ַיּוֹ ַה‬c.. as in ‫ .)ְֶ ִי‬imperative ‫ . is the only example of an infinitive construct Qal of these verbs.אהלך‬infin.ל ְ־ . e. &c. 2 S 8:4. in pause. however.הלך‬ ‫ִל‬ ְַָ participle ‫ .g.).)ָֽאל‬infinitive construct ‫ ל֫ ֶת‬with suff. Jos 24:3.וּ‬in ‫( הוֹ ַע‬for ‫ )הוּ ַע‬Lv 4:23. Grundriss. ‫ . but cf. m. ‫ הְ ֵא‬Gn 8:17 Q rê (K th..16. ְַָ ְ ‫יה‬ ְֲַ ‫תּ‬ ‫ ֶֽ ֱלֹך‬Jb 16:22.—On forms like ‫ .הֹלך‬infinitive absolute ‫ .—The jussive and the imperfect consecutive Hiph ı̂l when the tone is drawn back take Seghôl in the second syllable. Stade. On the other hand.יוֹשׁב‬c. on the analogy of the imperfect Qal of verbs ‫ . ii. ZAW. Hiph. 310 ff. imperative is ְָ ְ‫ל‬ ‫ִ כ‬ to be read for ‫ . on ‫ . since it forms (as if ְַָ from ‫ )ָלך‬imperfect ‫ . No example of the . t. ‫ ְבשׁת‬Gn 8:7. cf. the perfect Qal is always ‫. which with its fem. Ju 19:13.הוֹ ֵא‬see § 70 b) is ‫ִ ב‬ ‫ַ יצ‬ irregular.ְבשׁ‬the imperfect ‫( . before ֶ ‫ . The verb ‫ הלך‬to go.).פ״א‬hôlı̂kh.ִי ַץ . ı̂ always appears when the syllable is open.g. hence the infinitive has the form ‫ 2 . ‫ ה ְכוּ‬Jer 51:50. ‫ . note 2. ‫ִי בּ‬ ֶ ‫י‬ 2 2 This may be inferred from ‫ )בְּ׳=( ִיבשׁ‬Is 27:11.ִיָק‬also written ‫& . Paradigm L. Giessen. 1st sing. Sprachwiss. 9). however.ִ ַב‬c.ִיַק . of which the ground-form hahlı̂kh became hâlı̂kh. &c. ‫י‬ ‫ינ יק יט‬ ‫ינ‬ ‫יט‬ 1 1 Cf. The usual explanation of the above forms is nevertheless based on a supposed obsolete ‫ .התהלּך‬so that a ְֵ ְ ‫ה‬ ְֱַ ‫נ‬ ְִֵ ְֵַ ְ ִ ‫ י‬never arrears unmistakably as the first radical. Nu 22:13 f. This hôlı̂kh being referred to a supposed haulı̂kh (properly hawlı̂kh) gave rise to new formations after the manner of verbs ‫. Delitzsch on the passage. Gn 19:32.). more correct to regard the ְ ַ‫י‬ apparent ‫ פ״ו‬forms of ‫ הלך‬with Praetorius (ZAW.ְהוֹשׁיע‬see § 53 q.ִי ַב‬in pause ‫ .ֵלך‬with wāw consecutive ‫( ֵַ֫לך‬in pause ‫ ֵַַֽך‬Gn 24:61. ‫ 2 הָֹה‬S 20:13. and since 1907 by K. Pr 1:5. ‫( לכ ִי‬Seghôl under the ְֵֵ ‫ו‬ ‫ו ֵַ ך‬ ‫ֶכ‬ ‫ֶ ְתּ‬ influence of the following palatal. 1 ְ ‫אה‬ ְ ‫ה‬ Ec 6:8. ‫ י֫וֹסף‬that he may increase. ‫( ֲלֹך‬Ex 3:19. also belongs in some respects to the ‫ פ״ו‬class. ֵיל֫י ִי‬which probably arose merely through confusion with the following ‫הִ כ‬ ‫ . 2 Ch 25:17). p. ‫ מוּד֫ ַת‬Is 12:5 Qere ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ַע‬ e ‫ֶֻ ד‬ (‫ מֻדּ֫ ַת‬K th). ‫יט‬ Brockelmann. Verbs properly ‫ פ״י‬differ from verbs ‫ פ״ו‬in the following points: 1. ְ ַ‫ו‬ ְ ֵ‫י‬ ְ ֶ ‫ויּ‬ ְ ‫ו יּל‬ ‫( ָֽאלך‬but in Jb 19:10 ְֹ ֑‫ .אַל־‬Pr 30:6 is anomalous).ֶֽהלך‬Pi ēl ‫ . ed. of the imperfect consecutive always ‫ ָֽאוֹלך‬Lv ִ‫ה נ‬ ְ‫ל‬ ְֵ ‫ו‬ 26:13. also Mêša inscription. In Qal the initial Yôdh never suffers aphaeresis or elision. imperative plur.6:26. Gn 31:44) and ‫ְכ‬ ‫( לך‬Nu 23:13. Ps 73:9. = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. ‫( הוֹ ִיך‬also in Ex 2:9 ‫2 הוֹל֫י ִי‬nd fem.הלּך‬Hithpa ēl ‫ . ZAW.ל֫ ַח‬cf. as in Qal.

1. Is 45:2. ‫ )וצע‬to spread under. in 2 S 14:30 the Masora has rightly ‫צֶּנּ‬ emended the Kethı̂bh ‫ . but is regarded as a full consonant. ‫ . also ‫ֵָשׁ‬ ‫יל‬ ‫ב‬ (Arabic yăbı̆să) to be dry (but Hiph ı̂l ‫ 2 הוֹ ִישׁ‬S 19:6.ָ ַץ‬hence also ‫. requires ‫ הושׁר‬according to the form of verbs ‫ . in the perfect Qal ‫ . ‫( ֵֽיט ִי‬imperfect Qal for ‫ה ַ ְתּ‬ ‫יט‬ ‫יט‬ ‫תּ ְב‬ ‫ ) ִיט ִי‬Na 3:8..פ״י‬the Yôdh (or the original Wāw) does not quiesce in the preceding vowel.g. like Nûn. In some verbs ‫ . ‫ אושׁר‬Keth.). ‫( הְשׁר‬imperative) Ps 5:9 Qerê (the Keth. perhaps.ע״וּ‬is used instead). ‫צ‬ 2. above.פ״ו‬to imperative Qal is found: consequently the forms ‫& . imperfect ‫ . a). ‫ ָ ַץ‬to awake. ‫ ָ ַר‬to ‫ינ‬ ‫יק‬ ‫יצ‬ ‫הל‬ ַ‫י‬ ‫יב‬ form (but see above. and ‫ ִַ֫י ֶר‬Gn 2:7. 19. 1 1 These verbs.פ״י‬Third Class. arising from the unsyncopated forms ‫& .ה ִיץ‬On ‫ ִַַשׁ֫הוּ‬Na 1:4. ‫—. may perhaps have been influenced by the analogy of verbs ‫. ֵי ִב .ה ִיב‬c. (cf. These forms. therefore. 3. right.והוציתיה‬which could only be the 1st sing. 2. (in Paradigm L of the earlier ‫יט‬ editions of this Grammar). ‫ ַָל‬only in Hiph ı̂l ‫ ֵי ִיל‬to bewail.ִ ַת‬Hiph ı̂l ‫( ה ִית‬in Is 27:4 also ‫ אַ ִיתָ֫ה‬is to be read with König.ֵי ִיב‬were originally intended. imperfect ‫ . plur.and so always with a tone-bearing ă in the second syllable.ֵַ֫י ֶב .ְ ַב‬c.ע״וּ‬imperfect ‫ ֵי ֵיב‬for ‫ 1 ֵי ִיב‬K 1:47.ה ִיצ֫וֹת‬ imperat. Similarly. 16:7. ‫יה ל‬ more correct to suppose that the regular forms (‫ )ֵי ִיל . Gn 8:17 Qerê. even after wāw consec. of a verb ‫ . or Verbs with Yôdh assimilated. to be explained as a denominative from ‫ַ ימ נ‬ ‫ אְַ ִי ֵם . In Hiph ı̂l the original form ‫ הְ ִיב‬is regularly contracted to ‫( ֵי ִיב‬rarely written ‫ַ יט‬ ‫הט‬ ‫& . ‫ נוֹ ַר‬Is 43:10). The only verbs of this kind are: ‫ ָ ַב‬to be good (only in the imperfect Qal and in ‫יט‬ Hiph ı̂l.ִַיק֫ץ‬except ‫ ִַ֫י ֶץ‬Gn 9:24. and. ‫ 2 לה ִין‬S 14:19 to go to the right. note on § 67 g). It is. note). ‫המ‬ ‫ימ‬ ‫ְ ֵמ‬ cf. Verbs ‫ . ‫ ָשׁר‬to be straight. 1 is assimilated to the following consonant. perf. § 67 p). ‫אַשֵׁר‬ ּ ‫ֲי‬ Qerê).טוֹב‬a verb ‫ .ה ַע‬to burn.פ״ו‬on Is 30:5. cf. In some examples of the imperfect Hiph ı̂l the preformative has been subsequently added to the contracted form: ‫ ְֵ ִיב‬Jb 24:21. ‫ . either an error for ‫ . according to Barth (see above. like verbs ‫( ע״ע‬cf. see § 69 u).ִ ַת‬Niph al ‫ . Is 52:5). but perhaps the punctuation here is only intended to ‫יס ר ימ‬ suggest another reading ‫. ‫ 1 מְ ִיִים‬Ch 12:2. ‫ְֵל֫ילוּ‬ ‫י ימ‬ ‫י יל‬ ‫ֲ יל‬ ִ ‫יי‬ Ho 7:14. e.ָ ִין‬Ho 7:12 (§ 24 f. on the analogy of verbs ‫ . ‫יצ‬ ַ ‫ִצּ‬ ‫יצ ֻ צּ‬ ‫יצּ‬ ‫נצּ‬ ‫ִצּ‬ Hiph ı̂l ‫ .אַסּ ֵם‬ ‫ֲיְר‬ Rem. Assimilation invariably takes place in ‫( ָ ַע‬prop. Is 65:14. cf.ַ ֵֽיִק׳‬or an irregular ‫תּ ְב‬ ֵ ‫וְנ‬ ‫ותּ נ‬ shortening of the first syllable. Qimḥi and others explain the above forms from a phonetic interchange of Yôdh and He. unless ‫ ָצר‬is to be included ַ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ ‫ויּ צ‬ ַ‫י‬ among verbs ‫( פ״ו‬cf. belong properly to the class of strong verbs. ‫ ְִֵיל‬Is 15:2.)ָ ִין‬infin. ‫ ַתִּיק֫הוּ‬imperfect Hiph ı̂l Ex 2:9. caused by the forward movement of the tone.ֵי ִיב‬Instances of the uncontracted form are ‫ ְַשׁ֫רוּ‬Pr ‫ה ט ֵט‬ ‫ויּ ט י ט‬ ִ ‫יי‬ 4:25. are only inferred from the imperfect..הק֫י ָה‬infin.פ״ו‬cf. ‫ אִֵיל‬Jer 48:31. but that ‫יל יט‬ in the later pronunciation the syllable was broken up in order to restore artificially the preformative which had become merged in the first radical. and the Hiph ı̂l ‫( ֵי ִין‬denominative from ‫ . § 72 x).ְ ֵי ִיל‬c.ה ִיע‬Hoph al ‫ ָ ַת . the ‫ֵק‬ ‫הק‬ ‫יק‬ ָ ‫ֱק ת ֲק‬ Hiph ı̂l ‫( ה ִיץ‬from ‫ )קוּץ‬is always used instead of ‫ ֵי ִיץ‬from ‫ . ‫ ַָק‬to suck. Isolated anomalies are: perfect Hiph ı̂l ‫ ְ ֵי ִֽבֹ ִי‬Ez 36:11 with separating vowel (for ‫וה ט ת‬ ‫ ) ֵיט֫ב ִי‬on the analogy of verbs ‫ .פ״ן‬ . an example of an i-imperfect of Qal.ה ִיצֹ֫ ִי . ‫ִָ צ‬ ‫ָק‬ ֵ ‫ויּבּ‬ § 71. ַ ‫ַי‬ since the Hiph ı̂l is otherwise always causative.

but always the infinitive construct form (§ 39 b). These stems are consequently termed verbs ‫ ע״ו‬or more correctly (see below) ‫1. These ‫ע״וּ‬ stems are therefore to be rigidly distinguished from the real ‫ ע״ו‬stems of the strong forms.ָ ַג‬ ָ ‫וַצּ‬ ‫יצ‬ Hiph ı̂l ‫ ה ִיג‬to place..ע״וּ‬ Jabl.ָ ַב‬viz. This view seemed especially to be supported by the return of the Wāw in Pi ēl (‫ . Berolini. 144 ff. ‫ ִַ֫י ֶר‬and ‫( ִצֹּר‬Is 44:12. the û of which is characteristic also of the imperative and of the imperfect indicative Qal. Stade. and (also as to ‫ ע״ע‬stems) especially by Müller. ‫. Leben und Werke des AbulwaléÆd. however. Brockelmann. šayat) was always assumed.ה ִיב‬at any rate a stem ‫ ָ ַב‬is implied by the ‫נצ‬ ‫נצּ‬ ‫ֻ צּ יצּ ִ צּ‬ ‫יצ‬ Hithpa ēl ‫ . Lambert.קוֹ ֵם‬c.קַם‬leads in many cases to phonetic combinations ‫ָו‬ which are essentially improbable. perfect.רַח‬c. the 3rd sing. This ‫ל‬ ‫סּ‬ assimilation is found always with sibilants (most frequently with ‫ )צ‬except in the case of ‫ 1 ִַ ַץ‬K 3:15 (so ed. the old view of ‫ ו‬and ‫ י‬as consonants has been recently revived by Philippi. 16). Elsewhere the ‫ויּ צ‬ imperfect consecutive has the form ‫ ִַצֹק‬Gn 28:18. as in other cases (§ 39 a). Hoph al ‫ . but Jabl.קַם‬ ‫ִוּ‬ ‫ִיּ‬ cf.. 1699. are. p.עֵד‬see m) are only to be found in the latest books. mast. also ‫ אסּ ֵם‬Ho 10:10. of the consonantal element in the stem.. 1 K 22:35. ‫ 96 § נוּ ְדוּ‬t). of the second radical. Jabl. ‫ מ ֶת‬death.e.התַ ֵב‬instead of the anomalous ‫ ַ ֵֽת ַב‬Ex 2:4 read with the Samaritan ‫ִ ְ יצּ‬ ‫ותּ ַ צּ‬ ‫ . Sprachwiss. and are hence evidently ‫ק ִוּ‬ secondary as compared with the pure Hebrew forms ‫& . from ‫ ָ ַר‬to ‫יצ‬ ‫ויּ צ‬ ‫יּ‬ form. § 67 a. &c. E. e. Grundriss. and especially Brockelmann (op. used in the same sense. Barth. (see below. (2) that to refer the ‫מ‬ verbal forms invariably to the stem ‫ . and by certain forms of the absolute state of the nouns of such stems. ‫ .. and ‫ָקוּם‬ ‫י‬ was referred to an original yaqwŭm. ‫( ִַשַׁ֫רָה‬for ‫ַ ִ׳‬ ‫ֶ ֳר‬ ‫ויּ ּ ְ נ‬ ‫ותּ‬ according to § 47 k) 1 S 6:12. such as ‫& . Arabic qáwwămă). 1 1 The term ‫ ע״ו‬was consequent on the view that the Wāw (or ‫ י‬in the case of verbs ‫ )ע״ו‬in these stems was originally consonantal.. infinitive Hoph al of ‫( ַָד‬cf. p.)ע״ו‬e. Bacher.g. In another large class of stems the same object has been attained by strengthening the vocalic element. gg). Baer ‫ )ִַ ַץ‬and in ‫ ה֫לּ ֶת‬Gn ‫ויּקּ‬ ‫ויּק‬ ‫ֻ ֶד‬ 40:20. Jablonski. i. It must. p. § 69 f. 1. § 69 n) and ‫ מוּ ָד‬Is 28:16. Kittel. Ginsb. . Mant. M. or repetition. ‫ 2 ִיסֹּד‬Ch 31:7 (cf. compared with ‫ מוּת‬to die.—As early as the eleventh century the ‫גּו ָ ו‬ right view with regard to ‫ ״וּ‬stems was taken by Samuel Hannagîd (cf.עֵד‬the ‫ ו‬usually passing into ‫ י‬as in ‫. Paradigm M. the infinitive absolute ‫ קוֹם‬to original qawôm. whereas the assumption of original middle-vowel stems renders a simple and natural explanation almost always possible.). ‫( ִ ַב‬Niph al).ותתיצב‬i. and Wellhausen (see above. Verbs ‫( ע״וּ‬vulgo ‫ .ה ַג‬and probably also in the forms ordinarily derived ‫ִצּ‬ ‫ֻצּ‬ from ‫ . 35:14.ַתּתַצּב‬Besides the common form we find once ‫ ֶצֹּק‬in Is 44:3 (from ‫ ָ ַק‬to ֵ‫וִ ְי‬ ‫א‬ ‫יצ‬ pour) with a transitive meaning. recently by Böttcher (Lehrbuch. The ground-form used for these verbs is not. According to § 67 a a large number of monosyllabic stems were brought into agreement with the triliteral form by a strengthening. be admitted: (1) that forms like ‫( ִים . the participle passive ‫ קוּם‬to original qawûm. On the other hand. Jer 1:5 Qerê). cf. Semit. beside ‫ ֵַ֫ ֶק‬intransitive. = Biblia Hebraica ex recensione D.ִַיב . note).e. Hence in explaining the verbal ‫ֶ ו‬ forms a supposed stem qawam (in verbs ‫ ע״י‬e. ‫ קוּם‬to rise up... ‫ . ‫ הוּלּ ֶת‬verse 4). however.ה ַב . where also ‫ויּ‬ ‫יצ‬ other forms of ‫ ָ ַק‬are given.ַָע . 49:8. ‫ֶד‬ ‫יל‬ ‫לּ‬ § 72. Ez 16:5 (cf. cit.g. Cf.the imperative ‫ ְה ִית֫וּה‬in agreement with the context and all the early versions). § 1112).g. 605 ff.

. ‫ . but cf.2. also h below. ‫ . Cf. perf.2 Cf. (b) that in the forms as ‫ק‬ ‫ָמ‬ ָ ְָ ַ we now have them the lengthening of the original short vowel sometimes takes place irregularly.ק֫מוּ‬but in a closed penultima ‫& . and throughout Hiph ı̂l and Hoph al the short vowel of the preformatives in an open syllable before the tone is changed into the corresponding tone-long vowel. e.). the sign of the intransitive. ‫ . are ָ therefore due to orthographic licence.e. be emended to ‫. f. on ‫. according to § 26 p. infinitive construct ‫ . ‫ בּשׁ‬he was ashamed. are found. The cases of unusual vowel lengthening mentioned in b are: imperfect Qal ‫ָקוּם‬ ‫י‬ (also in Arabic yăqûmu). or which belonged to the ground-form. But ô (from au) could not.)ע״ע‬ 4.בּשׁוּ‬rd plur. verbs ‫מ‬ middle o have the form ‫ אוֹר‬he shone. As in the case of verbs ‫ . always ‫ .ע״ע‬the monosyllabic stem of verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬generally takes the vowel which would have been required in the second syllable of the ordinary strong form. 4.)ָמ֫וּתוּ‬The wholly abnormal scriptio plena of ē ‫י‬ ‫י‬ in ‫ ַֽ ֵי ִיר‬Jer 2:11 (beside ‫ ה ִיר‬in the same verse) should. in the perfect Hiph ı̂l ‫ה ִים‬ ‫י‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ֵק‬ for hı̆qı̂m. participle ‫( מ ִים‬on the Ṣere cf. ‫ מוֹב‬he was good. perfect Niph al.g. 3.ָ ִם‬with retraction ‫ֵק‬ ‫יק‬ ‫יק‬ 1 1 In Aramaic. however.)ַָ֫קֹם‬imperative ‫ .g.ק֫ ָה‬plur. However. n–r. § 385 e and f) the e in ‫ ֵת‬is of the nature of a ‫מ‬ diphthong (from ai. consequently ְָ the o of these forms can only be tone-long. but jussive with normal lengthening (§ 48 g). Intransitive verbs middle e in the perfect Qal have the form ‫ ֵת‬he is dead. ‫ֵק‬ ‫ק‬ A vowel thus lengthened before the tone is naturally changeable and becomes vocal Šewâ when the tone is moved forward. by § 26 p. fem. ָם‬fem.בּשׁתּ‬is always. which arose from the union of the vowel ı .בּוֹשׁוּ . z).אוֹרוּ . § 67 b). i. and similarly the ē of ‫ ֵת‬to lengthening of an original ı . Forms like ‫& . when it has been introduced by an abnormal lengthening for the tonelong ō (as in the Hoph al of verbs ‫. ‫ ָקוֹם‬for năqôm. e.ָקוּם‬for yăqûm.ק מתּ‬also in Hebrew grammars before Qimḥi ְָ ָ ‫& . ‫( ַָ֫ ָם‬in pause ‫ . ‫ָ ְתּ‬ ‫ָ ת‬ 2 2 According to Stade (Grammatik. perfect.ק֫מתּ‬c. due to lengthening of an original ŭ.קֹ֫מָה‬since. (from au).הָ ִיר‬ ‫ההמ‬ ‫ֵמ‬ ‫ֲ ימ‬ the incorrect repetition of the interrogative necessarily led to the pointing of the form as perfect instead of imperfect. . see d). ‫ ְ ִית֫נּוּ‬he will kill him.בּוֹשׁה‬c. with König.ָקֹם‬with ‫י‬ retraction of the tone ‫( ָ֫ ָם‬yāqŏm).ה ִים‬imperfect ‫ . imperfect ֶ ‫ימ‬ Qal with Nûn paragogic.1. e. it is to be remarked: (a) that the vowel. ‫ ק מ ִי‬Mi 7:8. and in ‫3 . In Qal and Niph al the original ă is the basis of the form and not the ı̆ attenuated from ă (§ 67 h.קוּם‬In Hiph ı̂l the original ı̆ is naturally lengthened to ı̂ (‫ .)ֵבוֹשׁ‬ ‫י‬ hence ‫ . mast.ק מתּ‬c. becomes of necessity long in an open syllable as well as in a tone-bearing closed ultima (except in Hoph al.g. with the ă of the root). remain in a closed penultima (‫& . In the imperfect Qal.בּשׁתּ‬c.בּשׁ ִי . ‫( ְמוּת֫וּן‬without Nûn ‫ . on the other hand.—But in Hoph al the û is retained throughout as an unchangeable vowel.אוֹר‬c. perfect Hoph al ‫ הוּ ַם‬for hŭqam. 3rd sing.ק מ ִי . but in our editions of the Bible this occurs only in ָ ְ ָ ‫ָ ְתּ‬ pause. ‫ . nearly always ְ ְ ‫ְתּ‬ ְ (the instances are 11 to 2). This is confirmed by the ‫מ‬ fact that the ō in ‫ בּשׁנוּ . so also in the 3rd plur.קוּם‬with normal ‫יק‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ ‫ויּ‬ lengthening of the ŭ in the 2nd plur. the û ‫ְנ‬ cannot be retained in a closed penultima.. since this is essentially characteristic of the verbal form (§ 43 b. and likewise the o in ‫& . ‫ 2 מ ְנוּ‬K 7:3. short in itself. ‫ .ָ ִים‬jussive ‫ . written defectively.

‫. since the two vowels are kept apart by the insertion of an ‫ . qâtı̆l. This ă was lengthened to ā. above.ק ֵי‬c. besides the forms with original ŭ (now û) there are also forms with original ă. Ex 26:30. v. p. Wright’s ‫ָא‬ Gramm. prop.ַֽה ֵֽמֹת‬c.ָ֫ ֶם‬on the transference of this ı̂ to the Hiph ı̂l of the strong verb. Arab. ‫ ַֽה ֵמֹנ֫וּ‬Mi 5:4). &c. The following forms require special consideration: the participle Qal ‫ ָם‬is to be ‫ק‬ traced to the ground-form with â unobscured. For in all these cases ‫ת‬ ‫ת‬ the tone is removed from the ‫ וֹ‬to the following syllable. Dt 4:39. ָם‬owing to the predominating character of the â.) in the imperfect Qal.. Finally the Niph. 5. § 53 a. ‫הַ֫פתּ‬ ‫ותּ ְ נ‬ 1 1 So in Arabic. and ‫ ־ י‬regularly (but see ֶ ‫ְב ֶ נ‬ Rem. however.ַָבֹא . and § 50 b. ‫ויּ ק י ק‬ cf. the ē of the preformative is lengthened from ı̆ (which is attenuated from original ă) and thus yı̆-băš became yı̆-bāš. ֱק׳‬on ‫ ַֽ ֵדֹ ָה‬Ex 19:23. sometimes also in the imperfect Hiph ı̂l (as in ‫ תּ ִיא֫יָה‬Lv 7:30. see § 75 w). from the perfect ‫ ָא‬he has come. ‫( ָקוֹם‬nă-qām).ָה‬As in verbs ‫ 76 §( ע״ע‬d and ‫ְה ֶ נּ‬ ‫נ‬ note) these separating vowels serve as an artificial opening of the preceding syllable..)ַָ֫ ֶם .)ָבֹא( ָבוֹא‬c. hence especially ‫& . especially after wāw consecutive. however. cf. 2nd ed. sing. 1 S 6:8. qâı m. On this ‫ק‬ analogy the form would be qâı̆m. In the ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫בּ‬ imperfects ‫( ֵאוֹר‬but cf.. as well as before the afformatives ‫ ֶם‬and ‫ ֶן‬or before suffixes.) favours this explanation. Dt 22:2. for šâı k. as šâk. ‫ותּ ְ נ‬ e ‫וִ ְ ֶ נ‬ ָ ְ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ 1 ַ ָאֹ֫רָה‬S 14:27. ‫ ֵאוֹת‬Gn 34:15 from an unused ‫י‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ אות‬to consent.ק ֵם‬but also contracted. 2 Ch 6:25) could only be an orthographic licence for ‫.)ְקוּמ֫וֹ ִ׳‬cf. § 9 q. The unchangeableness of the â (plur. in order to preserve the long vowel. vol. thus ‫( ה ִימ֫וֹת . however. In the perfect Niph al and Hiph ı̂l a ‫ וֹ‬is inserted before the afformatives beginning with a consonant in the 1st and 2nd persons. hâr. ‫ 1 ַ ָשֹׁ֫בָה‬S 7:14 (cf. ‫ תּ ִימַ֫ה‬Mi 2:12). and this forward movement ‫ֲק ָ ֵק‬ of the tone produces at the same time a weakening of the ı̂ to ē. Dt 4:39. ‫ָמ‬ In the imperfect Qal. 1 K 8:34.ק ִים‬ ‫ָמ‬ constr. imperfect ‫ ִקּוֹם‬from yiqqām. in Hiph ı̂l. e. ִ . &c. ‫ת‬ ֵ‫ו ה‬ ֵ 2 2 ‫ 1 ַֽ ֲשֽׁיבֹ ֶם‬S 6:7 (cf.g. In the same way in the 1st pers. and finally yē-bôš. before the ‫. originally (§ 51 m) yinqăm. arises in the ‫נ‬ ‫י‬ same way from the obscuring of ā lengthened from ă. and then further obscured to ô. of the perfect ‫ו ֲק‬ Niph al.. c). i.of the tone ‫ .1 which after absorption of the ı̆ became ‫ . ‫ .) ְקוּמ֫יָה‬ ‫תּ ֶ נ‬ Without the separating vowel and consequently with the tone-long ō and ē instead of û ‫תּ נ‬ ‫תּ ְן‬ ‫תּ ֶ נ‬ and ı̂ we find in imperfect Qal ‫( ָבֹ֫אָה‬see § 76 g). 164). (cf.אוֹר‬ ‫י‬ ‫ותּ ְ נ‬ ‫י‬ ‫( בּשׁ‬see above. &c. 30:1. note on § 69 b). ‫ 1 ַ ָאֹ֫רָה‬S 14:27) and ‫ ֵבוֹשׁ‬from the intransitive perfects ‫. and perhaps in ‫ 1 ַ ֵהֹם‬S 4:5. before the termination of ‫ . as in the cases noticed in § 63 e and ‫ותּ‬ especially § 67 n. ָ‫ ָשֹׁ֫ב‬Ez 16:55 (also ‫ ְשׁוּב֫יָה‬in the same e e ‫תּ ַ ְנ‬ verse). x). in the perfect Hiph ı̂l. the ô before the separating vowel is always modified to û (‫ . from ‫( אוֹר‬K thı̂bh ‫ ַתּראָ֫ה‬and they saw. but ‫& . ‫& . In ‫ת‬ ‫נ‬ the imperfect Qal and Hiph ı̂l the separating vowel ‫ ־ י‬always bears the tone ֶ (‫.א‬cf. of the Arabic Language. most probably also in ‫ 2 ֵאֹ֫תוּ‬K 12:9. Nu 18:26 ‫ה‬ ‫הע ת‬ ָ ‫ו ֲק‬ (cf.והשֽׁב׳‬ perhaps. Aram.. ‫ והשֽׁיב׳‬was originally intended.ה ִים‬or ‫ .וֹ‬ instead of the ı̂ an ē is somewhat often found2 (as a normal lengthening of the original ı̆). on the K thı̂bh ‫ ֵישׁ֫בָה‬cf. Ez 35:9 Q rê. Ez 34:4. cf.

with its passive and reflexive.צִ֫ד‬On the ‫ַי‬ other hand the otherwise less common conjugation Pôlēl (see § 55 c). ‫ֲנ ת‬ ‫וה ַ ְ תּ‬ ‫תּ ֵ ְנ‬ e ‫תּ ֶנ‬ e. the perfect and participle have the same form (§ 50.בּוֹא‬S ghôl without ‫ י‬occurs in the imperfect Qal in ‫ ְמוּתָ֫ה‬Ez ‫ְב ֶ נ‬ 13:19. Wholly abnormal is ‫ תּק֫ימָה‬Jer 44:25. ‫ . e. Pr 30:13. Zc 1:17. ֥‫ טל ֵל‬to ‫ִ ְט‬ hurl away from ‫ כּל ֵל . the following are the only examples: ‫ ֵת‬he is dead. and Hithpa ēl is. ‫ . ‫1 .ו‬see below. ‫ . and in Hiph ı̂l Mi 2:12: the Dageš in the Nûn is. ‫( מ֫ ָה‬cf..תּ ִימָ֫ה‬ ‫ָ ֵ ְנ‬ ‫ְק ֶ נ‬ 6. fem. with LXX. excluded by the nature of verbs ‫ . Ez ‫מ‬ ‫ֵת ֵת‬ ִ 32:30. Est 9:21 &c. to be rejected in all three cases according to the best authorities.קוּם‬to slaughter. so especially before a following ‫ .ע״וּ‬It is only in the latest books that we begin to find a few secondary formations. 1st sing. on the analogy of verbs ‫ . &c.מ ִים‬ashamed.רוֹ ַם‬from ‫ . plur. only in ‫ עְדִ֫י‬Ps 119:61.מוּת‬to ‫מ‬ ‫ת‬ ‫מ‬ exalt. e.טוּל‬to contain from ‫ קר ַר . plur. imperat.וּ .טֹ֫בו‬Participles ‫ ֵת‬a dead man (plur. La 4:14). 29:9.g.י‬Est 9:31. The Hithpa ēl ‫ הצטֵד‬Jos 9:12.עוּר‬reciprocal ‫ ה ְבּשׁשׁ‬to be ashamed before one another.)תּקמ֫יָה‬unless it originates from an incorrect ‫ְִֶ נ‬ spelling ‫ תּק֫ימָה‬or ‫. ‫ ְחַכ ֶם‬Dn 1:10 from ‫ חוּב‬to be guilty. ‫ אוֹר . ‫( ק֫מוּ‬but also ‫ . Gn 19:19). ‫ קוֹ ֵם‬to set up from ‫ מוֹ ֵת . e. ַד‬ ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ע‬ Isolated anomalies in the perfect are: ‫( ְשׁב֫ת‬with the original ending of the fem. The tone.ָק֫וּמוּ . ָק֫וּ ִי‬but before a ‫ונ‬ ‫תּ מ‬ ‫י‬ suffix or with Nûn paragogic ‫ 2 ְַ ֻכ֫וּם‬Ch 28:15. For ‫ ֵד‬Is 27:11 read ‫ . in which. The ֵ ‫ִת‬ conjugation Pilpēl (§ 55 f). ‫וא ַ י מ‬ ‫ַיּ‬ ‫ קְמִ֫י‬Ps 119:28.ע״ע‬is less common.כּוּל‬to destroy from ‫. 1. ‫ַת‬ ‫ָת‬ ְ ְ ‫ְתּ‬ ְ ‫ טוֹב .מ֫ ִי‬even in pause. ָמ֫וּ‬cf. Nu ‫ור‬ 13:32. as in verbs ‫( ע״ע‬cf.g.א֫וֹרוּ‬to be good. 7:30 from ‫ . is probably a denominative from ‫ . is also generally retained on the stemsyllable in verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬before the afformatives ‫ . ‫ָ ִ ְנ‬ probably an erroneous transposition of ‫( ימ‬for ‫ . La 4:18. ‫ ִ ְעֹ ָֽר‬Jb 17:8 in ‫מ‬ ‫ִת ר‬ ‫ית ר‬ pause) from ‫ . ‫( ָמ֫ ִי . also ‫ הִיפ֫וֹ ִי‬Jb 31:21.בּ֫שׁנוּ . ‫ויס‬ ‫י‬ 7.ע‬Ps 131:1. ‫ ָקוּן‬Is 26:16 (see § 44 l).קוּר‬ ‫ִ ְכּ‬ ִ ‫ַ ְק‬ REMARKS On Qal.Ex 20:25.)מ ֵי . probably borrowed from Aramaic. ‫ ָשׁ֫בָה‬Jb 20:10. ‫ ְקוּמ֫וּן‬Dt 33:11. Na 3:18. ‫ ָ ֲֽקֵ֫ ָה‬Ps 119:106. Ps ָ ָ‫ו‬ ָ ‫ק‬ 76:6. 1 S 14:13.מ֫תוּ‬st ‫ַתּ‬ ‫וַ תּ ַ תּ‬ ֵ pers. impf. Pu al. for ‫)ְשׁב֫ה‬ ַ ָ‫ו‬ ָ ָ‫ו‬ Ez 46:17 (see § 44 f).—In ‫ 1 בּ֫נוּ‬S 25:8 (for ‫ ָאנוּ‬from ‫ )בּוֹא‬the ‫ א‬has ‫צ‬ ָ ‫בּ‬ been dropped contrary to custom.. In ‫ בֹּ֫אוּ‬Jer 27:18 (instead of ‫ )בּ֫אוּ‬the Masora seems to point ָ . Pr 5:6. with a separating vowel. probably for the sake of rhythmical uniformity with the following ‫. Of verbs middle e and o. Ru 4:7 &c. infin. § 49 l.־ י . as in the strong verb. ‫2 . Is 28:7.g. ‫ קְמוּ‬Est ‫ִ וֻּ נ‬ ‫ִיּ‬ ‫ִיּ‬ 9:27. ‫ ְ ֵֽטל ִי‬Jer 22:26. strictly speaking.בּ֫שׁ ִי . ‫ַיֵּ נ‬ ‫ו ִ יְּתּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַיּ‬ which belongs to the older language. ָֽעָה לך‬ ָ ְ ‫ל ֲג‬ after wāw consecutive ‫ ְשׁב֫ה‬Is 23:17).בּ֫שׁוּ . § 67 k). § 66 h). from ‫ רוֹ ֵם . ‫ קֵם‬Ez 13:6. The formation of the conjugations Pi ēl. ‫ ְָע֫וּ‬Is 19:1.רוּם‬reflexive ‫ ה ְעוֹ ֵר‬to stir up oneself (cf. ‫ 1 ְ ָצ֫וּ‬S 8:11.בּשׁתּ‬it has shone. ‫ תּ ִיא֫יָה‬Lv. on the analogy of verbs ‫( ע״ו‬with consonantal ‫ . Gn 2:25.g.מ֫ ָה‬nd ‫מ‬ ‫ֵת‬ masc.ָד‬or. ‫ בּוֹשׁים .א‬cf. § 44 g.־ ה‬thus ‫( ק֫ ָה‬but also ‫ 2 בָּ֫ה לך‬K ָ ִ ‫ָמ‬ ָ ְ ‫ָז‬ 19:21. before ‫ .מ֫ ְנוּ‬in pause ‫ בּשׁ . with Baer. passive ‫ . 2).מ֫ ְנוּ‬he was ashamed. 17:51. and with change of ‫ ו‬to ‫ קַם . is usually employed in the sense of Pi ēl and as a substitute for it. gg). 2 S 1:9. ‫. the Pi ēl ‫ עֵד‬to ‫ִוּ‬ surround.

‫ בּוֹ ִים‬Zc 10:5. Ez 5:11. 26. Imperfects in û almost always have the corresponding imperative and infinitive construct in û.g. ‫ שׁוּב֫י‬Ps 116:7.ָקוּם‬imperative and infinitive ‫( קוּם‬also defectively written ‫ . 25:12. 2 S 12:1.—‫ ָקוֹט‬Jb 8:14 (if it be a verb at all and not rather a substantive) is formed on the ‫י‬ ‫י‬ analogy of verbs ‫ . But perhaps in all these cases ‫ לֹא ָחוּס‬was ‫ת‬ originally intended.א֫וֹרוּ . ‫י‬ 3. But if an ‫ א‬follows in close ‫ב‬ ‫ר‬ connexion. On the other hand ‫( ְקשׁוּן‬as if from ‫ . e. Pr 9:4. ‫.)ע״י . ‫ ָקוֹם‬also occurs (as subjunctive.)פ״י( ָקשׁ‬The ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ imperfect ‫ .. ‫ שוֹב‬Jos 2:16. 19:13.ק֫וּ ִי‬the tone is on the stem syllable (cf. § 109 d)? Similarly (‫ לֹא ָחוֹס ֵיִי ) ֵֽיְך‬might be taken as ‫י‬ ָ‫ת ע נ ע נ‬ a case of a jussive after ‫ . 36:5). as in Is 13:18. the lengthened imperative usually has the form ‫& . it is perhaps ‫י‬ simply a scribal error.ָנוּע‬Is 30:2. f).ע֫וּ ִי כּ֣י ֵי‬Zc 9:9. Pr 14:14. ‫ ָאשׁ‬poor. Delitzsch’s commentary on Ps 3:8. 46:3). as ‫ .ע״ע‬since the imperfect of ֹ‫ קוּט‬appears as ‫ אָקוּט‬in Ps 95:10. 16). and imper. infinitive ‫( מוֹט‬Ps ִ ‫י‬ 38:17.). ă often takes the place of ŏ. however. from a stem ‫ שׁאט‬whence ‫ שׁאָט‬Ez 25:15. be regarded as a voluntative). Ju 4:21. but ‫ סוּג‬a backslider. incorrectly written ‫נ‬ plene. ‫ֲֹט‬ ְ 16:57.g. for ‫ שׁוּ ֵי‬Mi 2:8 read ‫. For ‫ ֻשׁים‬hastening. ִין‬ ‫יד‬ ‫דּ‬ Or can ‫ ָדוֹן‬be a jussive after ‫( לֹא‬cf. (‫. fem. 21. ָֽא ָה‬On the analogy of ‫ר מ‬ ‫ר ֲט‬ participles of verbs middle ō (like ‫ .)ָבֹא( ָבוֹא‬infin. ְבֹאך‬ ְֵ ‫בּ‬ 1 1 Cf. ‫מוּל‬ ‫ס‬ circumcised.1בֹּא‬S 2:32.g. ‫ ָמוּט‬it slippeth.—The infinitive absolute always has ô.to the imperfect ‫ ָבֹא֫וּ‬which is what would be expected. &c. 13:9.) ִיב֫ה‬ ָ‫ר‬ 4.לֹא‬with irregular scriptio plena (as in Ju 16:30). while cases like ‫ ָחֹס‬Ps 72:13 are to be explained ‫י‬ as in § 109 k. ‫ בּוֹא‬or ‫ 2 ֵַאֹר . ‫ ָסוֹג‬Ps 80:19 may also. Ez 28:24. ‫י‬ and is perhaps intentionally differentiated from the common verb ‫ ִָין‬to judge (from ‫. ‫( נוֹח‬also ‫ )נוּח‬Nu 11:25 and ‫ נוֹע‬Is 7:2 (elsewhere ‫ )נוּע‬with the imperfects ‫ָנוּח‬ ַ ַ ַ ַ ַ ‫י‬ and ‫ ָעוֹז . Mi 4:13. 7:7 ‫( קוּמ֫ה‬cf. e. Nu 32:17. Is 49:21 (cf.ע֫וּ ִי‬also ‫ עוּר֫י‬Zc 13:7 and Is 51:9 beside ִ ‫ר‬ ִ ‫ ִיל֫י . Is 25:7. ‫ צוּר֫י‬Is 21:2. in the same verse ‫ ע֫וּ ָה‬and in Jer 40:5.שׁ ֵי‬ ִ ‫ֲמ‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ָב‬ 2.ָדוֹן‬with ô. thus imperfect ‫ . cf. likewise for rhythmical reasons). 8:18.ָ ֻם‬but ‫ָדוּשׁ‬ ‫י‬ ‫ק יק‬ ‫י‬ he threshes (infin. also in Zc 14:10 ‫ ָא ָה‬is to be read with Ben-Naphtali for ‫ . ‫ קוֹם ָק֫וּמוּ‬Jer 44:29. ‫ עוּר֫י‬Ju 5:12 intentionally varied from ‫ . however. as Yôdh precedes. ‫ ָאם‬Ho 10:14. . 9. 13:23.ַָ֫קֹם‬see above. e. ‫ שׁא ִים‬doing despite unto ‫ל‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ָ ט‬ (unless ‫ שֽׁא ִים‬is to be read. 74:22. Jer 21:7. Ps 7:8. In the imperative with afformatives (‫ )ק֫וּמוּ . Ju 6:18. not passive participles. has no corresponding perfect. In the jussive. the text is evidently corrupt: read with ‫בּ‬ Klostermann after the LXX ‫. besides the form ‫( ָקֹם‬see above.)דּוּשׁ‬has imperative ‫( דּ֫וֹשׁי‬fem. e. and ‫ ע֫וּ ָה‬verse 7. cf.קוֹשׁ‬on the analogy of ‫& . as ‫ שׁ֫וּ ָה‬Jer 3:12. The form ‫ ָם‬occurs (cf.g. ‫ . and ‫ סוּ ָה‬put aside.. is only orthographically ֻ‫י‬ different from ‫( ָקוּם‬cf. Ju 4:18. in Dt 7:16.)א‬and so ָ ‫ר‬ ‫ֻב‬ even before ‫ ר‬Ps 43:1.בּוֹשׁ . which. § 9 b) with ‫ א‬in the perfect.קוּמ֫ה‬c. ‫ ַַָ֫ח‬and he ‫ויּ נ‬ 1 1 In 1 K 14:12 (‫ ְבֹאָה‬before a genitive). ‫ שׁ֫ ָה‬before ‫ .ָבוֹא‬c.ֵבוֹשׁ‬c. Ps ‫י ו‬ 3:8. In the imperfect consecutive (‫ . read ‫ ח ֻשׁים‬as in Ex 13:18.1 in order to avoid a ָ e ‫א נ‬ hiatus. also in the participles ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ ָאט‬softly. 9:10.—Participle passive.א֫וֹ ִי‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫& . Pr 10:4.)רוּם‬ ַ ‫י‬ ‫ל‬ Where the imperfect (always intransitive in meaning) has ô the imperative and infinitive ‫ויּ‬ ‫ר‬ also have it. Ps 82:8.) ֻם . 7:4.ְהָֹה‬Q rê perpetuum ‫ 71 §( ֲדָֹי‬c).בּוֹשׁים‬see above) ‫ קוֹ ִים‬occurs for ‫ 2 ק ִים‬K 16:7 and even ִ ‫מ‬ ‫ָמ‬ with a transitive meaning ‫ לוֹט‬occultans. Gn 6:3. ‫י‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ ‫ויּ‬ f) if there be a guttural or ‫ ר‬in the last syllable. plur. 4. Jer 17:13 Qerê). ‫ר‬ ִ‫ח‬ are verbal adjectives of the form qāṭûl (§ 50 f).. So also ‫ר ִ מ‬ ִ‫גּ‬ ִ ִ the lengthened form.) occurs as imperfect of ‫ . probably in the sense of to rule. Jer 46:6). ‫מ‬ however.ַָ֫ ָם‬in pause ‫ . Ec ‫י‬ ‫י‬ 12:4. ‫ רוֹם‬Ez 10:17 (verse 16 ‫. with Delitzsch. hence also before ‫ . and ‫( ָק֫ם‬Gn 27:31.

‫ . ‫ ַָ֫ ַר‬and he turned aside.ַָק֫וּמוּ‬c. Ps 89:44. although no instances of these forms are found. the vowel of the initial syllable is Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl. plur. 22:2. besides the short form ‫( ה ֵם‬on ‫ ָשֽׁב‬Is 42:22 with Silluq. ‫ֲק‬ 27:2. Before a suffix in the 3rd sing.־‬The irregular ֲ ‫ ְ ֽוֹשׁבוֹ ִים‬Zc 10:6 has evidently arisen from a combination of two different readings. &c. also ‫ת‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ת‬ ‫ת נ‬ ‫נ‬ the ptcp. Jer ‫הע ת‬ 42:19.g. 7. ‫ .—The infinitive construct ‫ ִדּוּשׁ‬occurs in Is 25:10. ‫( המ֫ ָה‬from ‫ )מוּת‬for hēmáth-tā (cf. 1 S 17:35.rested. Ju 4:18. Examples of the full plural ending ‫ וּן‬with the tone (see above. perf. the Masora assumes the elision of the ‫ה‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ל‬ (for ‫ . 9. 5. ee). viz. 2 S 13:28. Ju 4:21. 45:13.ְפוּגֹ֫ ִי . &c. ‫ ַָ֫ ַר‬Ex 21:4. ‫ְמ‬ 4. and ֫‫ ְ ֵַֽפתּ‬Ex 29:24.... ִית‬ ‫ִֵ ת‬ ‫ס‬ As in verbs ‫ ע״ע‬with ‫ ח‬for their first radical (§ 67 w). § 78 b. and ‫ ַֽהמתּ֫יה‬Ho 2:5. but probably in all these cases ‫ ִַַף‬for ‫ ִַי ַף‬from ‫ ֵָף‬is intended.ְקוּמוֹת .) or more frequently ‫ .ְכוּכים‬Ex 14:3). mase. In the imperative. the Qerê rightly requires ‫ויּע‬ ‫ויּ ע‬ ‫יע‬ ‫ . The 3rd fem. perfect Hiph ı̂l ‫ֵַ תּ‬ ֵַ from ‫ 2 כּוּן‬Ch 29:19.—In these cases the ē of the first syllable is retained in the ָ ְ ‫וה נ‬ secondary tone. Ez ‫נפ ת‬ 11:17. Ex 19:23. ‫ . § 20 a). ‫ ְרוּצ֫וּן‬Jo 2:4. take Pathaḥ in these conjugations instead of ‫ . Examples of the perfect without a separating vowel (see above. With ַ‫ה‬ ֵ‫ה‬ ‫ִָ מ‬ . 31. (see ָ ֵֵ further. ‫ְ ֵֽמלתּ֫י‬ ָ ֲִִ ‫ו‬ ִ ַ ‫וה‬ ִ ְ ַ ‫וה‬ Jer 16:13. cf. ‫ב‬ 7. Is 6:6) and he was weary. ‫ ְקוּמ֫וֹנוּ‬given in the paradigm. on ‫ 2 ה ֵֽמֹתוֹ‬K 9:2. in an open syllable always ‫& . ֲ ֲ ‫ ַֽה ִֽמֹת֫י‬Gn 6:18). in the other persons always Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ (König). imperfect ‫ ֵעוֹר‬for yi ‫נ‬ ‫י‬ ōr.. Ru 4:1 (distinguished only ‫ויּ נ‬ ‫ויּ ס‬ ‫ויּ ס‬ ‫ויּ צ‬ by the sense from Hiph ı̂l ‫ ַָ֫ ַר‬and he removed.)ָאָ ֻם( ָ ֽקוּם‬see § ‫וָ ל‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ו ֽ ק ואָ‬ 49 e. ‫וה ְ ת‬ ‫( ְ ֽוֹשׁב ִים‬from ‫ )ָשׁב‬and ‫( ַֽ ֲשֽׁבוֹ ִים‬from ‫ :)שׁוּב‬the latter is to be preferred. are: ‫& . 30:1. Neh 9:34. but of the ‫נ‬ 2nd plur. serves as a model for the 2nd sing. ‫1 הכ֫נּוּ‬st plur. Ez 20:43. and ‫ עוּר‬Is 41:25.ַתּ֫ ָשׁ‬On the other hand.ַָס֫וּרוּ . ֱ &c.ְסוּגֹ֫ ִי‬cf. with wāw consecutive ‫ ְ ֵֽמתּ֫י‬Is 14:30. Dt 8:19. 2 K 5:23. 41. i.—On ‫ ה ִישׁ‬and ‫וה ַ ְ תּ‬ ַ‫י‬ ‫ו הִ ת‬ ‫ֵב‬ ‫ הוֹ ִישׁ‬as a (metaplastic) perfect Hiph ı̂l of ‫ . On ‫ . ‫ ָסוֹג‬Is 59:13 are to ‫ִה‬ ‫ל‬ ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ be regarded as infinitives absolute. k). in ‫ ֵאוֹר‬Jb 33:30. ‫( ַָ֫ ַף‬to be distinguished from ‫ ַָ֫ ָף‬and he ‫ויּ ג‬ ‫ויּ ע‬ ‫ויּ ע‬ flew. and ‫ גּוּר‬to fear). ‫ָק‬ ַ‫ה‬ but in Ez 21:35 for ‫ ָשׁב‬read the infinitive ‫ ) ָשׁב‬the lengthened form ‫ הק֫י ָה‬is also found.—To the ı̆ ‫נ ֹ ת‬ (instead of ă) of the preformative may be traced the perfect ‫ ֵעוֹר‬Zc 2:17 (analogous to the ‫נ‬ perfect and participle ‫ . § 76 g). Nu 31:28. 6. elsewhere in the second syllable before the tone it becomes ‫ 1( ־‬Ch 15:12. and in ִ ‫ו ֲק‬ the 3rd plur.ְקוּמ֫וֹת‬and the 1st ִ ‫נ‬ ָ ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ plur. For ‫ 2 ותלוש‬S 13:8 Keth. and above. (except Gn 40:13) and fem. ‫ 1 הס֫ ָה‬K 21:25 is quite abnormal ‫ֵַ תּ‬ for ‫ הס֫י ָה‬from ‫ סוּת‬or ‫. cf. the only examples found have ô (not û). Hiph. 36:31.הב֫את‬c. ‫י‬ ‫י‬ On Niph al. all the forms of ‫ עוּד‬Ex 19:23 (where against the rule given under i we find ‫ ַֽ ֵדֹ֫ ָה‬with ē instead of ı̂).ְקוּמ֫וֹ ִי‬which frequently occurs (‫ . 2 S 21:15. but elsewhere. ‫ ְ ֽוֹצֹ ֶם‬ye have been scattered. Hoph al. 17:5 (but also ‫ ַָָ֫ר‬from both ‫ גּוּר‬to sojourn. 20:34. cf. § 29 q. perf. and Pi lēl. ‫ ַַָ֫ע‬and it was moved. The form of the 1st sing.־‬and in the syllable before the antepenultima it is necessarily ‫( ־‬e. Dt 4:39. ‫ ְנוּס֫וּן‬Ps 104:7. also ‫ ַֽהמ ֶן‬Ex ‫ֲ ִתּ‬ ‫ו ֲ ִתּ‬ 1:16. viz. cf.ִמּוֹל‬see below.—‫ ַמוֹג‬Is 14:31. l) are ‫ תּ ֻת֫וּן‬Gn 3:3. On Hiph ı̂l. and ‫ וְּקֽטֹ ֶם‬and ye shall loathe yourselves. Gn 8:13).)ל ֵאוֹר‬but probably ‫( ָאוֹר‬Qal) is intended (see § 51 l). even ‫ 72 §( המ ֶם‬s) Nu 17:6.בּוֹשׁ‬cf. 1 S 14:28. Ez 34:4.

‫וי ֻ נ‬ ‫ ַ ְמוֵּ֫נוּ . which has then been ‫יַ ְע‬ obscured to ô. by which. on the Metheg with Ṣere. e. cf.)מ ַר‬ ‫ָז‬ ֽ ָ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ָר‬ The same explanation equally applies to ‫ ָֽק ָה‬Jb 10:1 for ‫( ָק֫ ָה‬cf. f. Several forms are exactly the same in both.]ַתּמְֵנוּ‬also ‫ ְרֹ ֵם‬Jb 17:4. (in Kethı̂bh). Gn 8:13. 2 K 8:6) is intended.g. ְדֽמ ֵם‬In Is 15:5 ‫ ְעֹע֫רוּ‬appears to have arisen from the ‫ו ְ ַ גּנ‬ ‫תּ מ‬ ‫תּ ְֹמ‬ ֵ ‫י‬ Pilpel ‫ . Gn 43:12. is ‫ָב‬ ‫ְ ָב‬ ָ added in ‫ ַֽהָ ָה‬Is 30:28. 1 S 26:19.g. ‫ ְח֫וֹ ֵֽל ְוֹ‬Jb ‫תּ מ‬ ‫תּ ל ל‬ 35:14.ָ ֵם‬but always ‫ . are to be regarded according to § 109 i. ‫ֵב‬ On the shortened forms of the imperfect (‫ . With a guttural or ‫ ר‬the last syllable ֶ ָ ‫וי ע‬ ַ‫י‬ generally has Pathaḥ (as in Qal).ה ִימִ֫י‬c. imperfect Qal and Hiph ı̂l with wāw consecutive. Ps 15:4) and ‫ ָפח‬Hb ‫ימ‬ ‫ימ‬ ַ ֵ‫י‬ 2:3. 2 Ch 31:10 (for ‫ ־ ה . . more often. e. ‫ ַָ֫ ַד‬and he testified.ְַכְֶֽ֫נּוּ‬c.)לה ִיא‬fem. Dn 5:20. Owing to this close relation.ע״ע‬see § 67 z. § 67 dd) = ‫ ָק֫וֹ ָה‬from ‫. ‫( ֵדֹ֫מּוּ‬imperative) Nu 17:10.2:14 ְעוּר֫נּוּ‬Is 64:6 for ‫& .ְער ֵָ֫רוּ‬the ă after the loss of the ‫ ר‬having been lengthened to ā. simply as rhythmically shortened forms of ‫ָ ִיר‬ ‫ימ‬ and ‫. which is for ‫ ה ִיז‬from ‫ .—As Pôlal cf.מוּד‬as if from ‫. The imperative ‫ ה ִיא‬Jer 17:18 is irregular (for ‫ ה ֵא‬Gn 43:16). ‫ ַָ֫ ַר‬and he took away.בּוּז‬as if from ‫ )בַּז‬Zc 4:10. Mant. Pr 25:23.תּוּז‬On the ‫יסּ‬ ‫ֵת‬ ‫ֵת‬ ‫ֵת‬ other hand the imperfects ‫ ָ ֵר‬Ez 48:14 (unless it be intended for ‫ . read ֵ ‫ואָ‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ אֹ ֵף‬from ‫ . 4:14 and the analogous infinitive Haph el in biblical ‫ל ֲ נפ‬ Aramaic. also Jos 4:3. less frequently the form ‫ ָ ֽשׁב‬Jos 14:7. on the analogy of the perfect. cf. but without a shortening of the vowel of the final syllable.—For ‫ אָ ֵף‬Zp 1:2 (after ‫ )אָסֹף‬and in verse 3. The 1st sing. ‫ ְִי ֶנּוּ‬or ‫ . defectively ‫ 1 ָאָ ִד‬K ִ ‫ואָ‬ ‫וֽע‬ 2:42. and acc. perhaps ‫ה ֵיא‬ ‫ֲק ֵ נ‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫ָב‬ (as in 1 S 20:40. [but read ‫ 85 §( ְַכְֵֹנוּ‬k).)76 §( ע״ע‬which were also originally biliteral. In common with verbs ‫ 76 §( ע״ע‬g) verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬sometimes have in Niph al and Hiph ı̂l the quasi-Aramaic formation. ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫י‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ ִ ַג‬Mi 2:6. cf.—For the strange form ‫ ִֽת ֽוֹממ֫יך‬Ps 139:21. Ginsb. perfect Niph al ‫ ָמר‬Jer 48:11 (for ‫ ָמוֹר‬from ‫ .ִָיח‬ ַ ‫יפ‬ 9. for ‫—.ַַָ ֶם .קוּט‬ ‫נ ְט‬ ‫נַ טּ‬ ‫נ ט‬ and ‫ ָ֫קֹטּוּ‬Ez 6:9 (for ‫ ֵר֫וֹמּוּ . read ‫. so that it is especially necessary in analysing them to pay attention to the differences between the inflexion of the two classes. Hiph ı̂l perfect ‫ ה ַז‬Is 18:5 for ‫( ה ֵז‬cf.אָ ַף‬on the analogy of ‫ 86 § אֹ ֵד‬g: similarly in Jer 8:13 ‫ אֽס ֵם‬instead of ‫. 8.—The participles have ē.הב֫יאָה‬ ִָ In the infinitive. Jer ‫ָכ‬ 10:23). ‫ ַָ֫ ַח‬Gn 8:21. cf. elision of the ‫ ה‬occurs in ‫ ל ִיא‬Jer 39:7.ע״וּ‬and the Pô ēl of verbs ‫ . On ‫ 2 מ ִי‬S 5:2. 2 K 17:13. the Pi lēl of verbs ‫ . or it was originally ‫. Est 2:18. ַ ‫ה‬ Peculiar contracted forms of Pôlēl (unless they are transitives in Qal) are ‫ ְַכֶ֫נּוּ‬Jb 31:15.בּמ ְק׳‬ ‫ְ ִת‬ In General. or. perfect Qal ‫ ַז‬he has despised (from ‫בּ‬ ‫ . which cannot (according to § 52 s) ָ ֲֶ ‫בּ ק‬ be explained as a participle with the ‫ מ‬omitted.)ָק֫וֹטוּ‬Ez 10:17 and ‫ ֵַדֹ֫מּוּ‬verse 15.)ַתּ ְבֶֹּן ִֽי‬ ‫ו ת נ בּ‬ ‫וִת נ בּ‬ ָ ‫י‬ always in principal pause. the whole of Hoph al. ‫ ְד֫וֹ ֵֽם נּ֑וֹי‬Pr 14:34. e. instead of the long vowel under the preformative. ‫ ְרֹע֑ע‬Is 16:10.ע״ע‬e.. ‫ ָר֫ח‬let him smell.א ִי ֵם‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ְֹפ‬ ‫ֲס פ‬ In the imperfect Pôlēl the tone is moved backwards before a following tonesyllable.—As infinitive absolute ‫ ה ִין‬occurs in Ez 7:14 (perh. § 29 q). as the vowel of the preformative.ָ ִר‬cf. cf. &c. of the imperfect ‫ויּ ר‬ ‫ויּ ס‬ consecutive commonly has the form ‫ ָ ֽשׁ֫יב‬Neh 2:20.ַָב֫א‬in the jussive also ‫ויּ ק י ק‬ ֵ ‫ויּ‬ with retraction of the tone ‫ 1 אַל־תּ֫שׁב‬K 2:20) see above.suffix ‫& . ‫. to Baer ‫ ַתּ ְבֵֹּֽ֫ן ִֽי‬Jb 30:20 (ed.g. see § 74 k.§ 65 d. The verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬are primarily related to the verbs ‫ . § 16 f γ.ְעוֹרֶנּוּ‬and ֶ ‫י‬ ‫ותּ ג‬ ‫וי ֹננ‬ ‫וי ננ‬ ‫יע ר‬ ‫י ְנ‬ ‫ . As participle Hoph al ‫ ַמּוּשׁב‬occurs in close connexion.g. like verbs ‫ 76 §( ע״ע‬i). verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬sometimes have forms which follow the analogy of verbs ‫ .

ה ִית‬imperfect ‫ ַ ִיג‬to remove (from ‫ . are inflected throughout like the strong form. to remain. to be stubborn. ַ ‫ינּ‬ ַ ‫וַנּ‬ ‫ַנּ‬ ‫ַנּ‬ ‫וֻנּ ח‬ Ginsburg ‫ )ְהִ׳‬Zc 5:11 (which at any rate could only be explained as an isolated passive of ‫וֻנ‬ ‫ֳק מ‬ ָ ֻ ‫וִנּ‬ Hiph ı̂l on the analogy of the biblical Aramaic ‫ ה ִי ַת‬Dn 7:4) we should probably read ‫ַהִיח֫ה‬ e with Klostermann after the LXX. ‫ִוּ‬ ְ‫ֲ ַיּ ו‬ ‫ִ ְו‬ § 73.ה ִיג . Ex 17:3. imperative ‫ . There is also a distinction in meaning between ‫ ִָיז‬to spend the night. exactly with verbs ‫ . Gn 17:26 f. This distinction is justified in so far as it refers to a difference in the pronunciation of the imperfect and its kindred forms. ‫ ַלּ֫יזוּ‬Pr 4:21. this variety is frequently found even along with the ordinary form. v). § ‫ִ סּ יס ֵ ס‬ ‫יסּ‬ ‫ֻסּ‬ ‫ֻקּ‬ 29 g). verse 2 K thı̂bh ‫ . imperfect ‫( ַ ִית‬also ‫ִסּ‬ ‫יסּ‬ ‫ . 34 ff. a regular series. as regards their structure. These verbs agree. as far as the form is concerned. 17:20.)ע״י‬e. Nu 14:27.חַר‬imperfect ‫ֶֽחַר‬ ‫ָו‬ ‫י ֱו‬ to be white. ‫ קָה‬to wait.ע״וּ‬and in contrast to them may be termed ‫ . Both. which others derive differently or would emend.).g. no ‫נ‬ doubt.. and this is especially the case ‫ִוּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ַוּ‬ with verbs which are at the same time ‫ . have been assimilated to the triliteral form1 (§ 67 a). e. ayin-ı̂ verbs. ‫בּ‬ 1.)ִלּ֫וֹנוּ‬participle ‫מ ִין‬ ‫ילּ‬ ִ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫ַלּ‬ Ex 16:8.g. Zc 2:17 (see above. ‫ . e. &c.עֵל‬imperfect ‫ ְעֵל‬to ‫גּו‬ ‫יגו‬ ‫ָו‬ ‫ָו‬ ‫ִוּ‬ ‫יַוּ‬ act wickedly. ‫( ַַ֫ ַט‬another reading is ‫ 1 ַתּ֫ ַט .שׁית‬infinitive absolute ‫ .שׁוֹת‬imperative ‫ . and others like Hiph ı̂l 1 1 As the passive of this Hiph ı l we should expect the Hoph al ‫ .g. Other examples are Niph al ‫ ִמּוֹל‬he was circumcised. constr.)סוּנ‬also Hoph al ‫ ה ַג‬Is 59:14 (on ‫ ה֣ ַם‬cf. ‫ צַח‬to cry. In Dn 8:11 the K thı̂bh ‫ הדים‬is intended for a perfect ‫יל‬ Hiph ı̂l. Verbs with a consonantal Wāw for their second radical.)ל״ה( ע ָה‬but these stems only occur with a wholly ָ‫ח‬ ‫ָט‬ different meaning. provided the first or third radical is not a weak letter. Sprachwiss. as ‫ הִיח‬to cause to rest..הוַּח‬which is. 25:14 (1432 Qerê) ‫ויּ ע‬ ‫ו ַ ע ויּ ע‬ from ‫ עוּט‬or ‫ ִיט‬to fly at anything. ‫נּ‬ 1 1 That verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬and ‫ ע״י‬are developed from biliteral roots at a period before the differentiation of the Semitic languages is admitted even by Nöldeke (Beiträge zur sem. although he contests the view that ‫ִינֹ ִי‬ ‫בּ ת‬ and ‫ ִיבוֹת‬are to be referred to Hiph ı l with the preformative dropped. thus: ‫ שׁת‬he has ָ set.ַלּ֫ינוּ‬Qerê ‫ .מוּל‬not ‫ ֵעוֹר . Paradigm N. ‫ויּ ל‬ ‫נ‬ participle 34:22 (from ‫ . sometimes with a difference of meaning.צָה‬Pi ēl ‫ צָה‬to command. Hithpa ēl ‫ התעֵת‬to bend oneself. see § 75 dd) and Hiph ı̂l ‫ הרָה‬to give to drink. ‫ . ‫ ַתּ֫ ַשׁ‬for ‫ ַתּ֫ ַשׁ‬and she ‫וַ ח‬ ‫וָ ח‬ hastened (from ‫ )חוּשׁ‬Jb 31:5. ‫ רַח‬to be wide. ‫ רָה‬to ‫ָו‬ ‫ִוּ‬ ‫ִוּ‬ ‫ָו‬ drink. 1 but ‫( הִיח‬imperfect ַ ‫ֵנ‬ ַ ‫ִנּ‬ ‫ .ַָע‬imperfect ‫ ְִַע‬to expire. imper. In the perfect Qal the monosyllabic stem.ָשׁית‬jussive ‫ָשׁת‬ ִ ִ ִ‫י‬ ֵ‫י‬ (§ 48 g).ע״י‬or more correctly.שׁית‬imperfect ‫ . e. ‫ עֵת‬to bend. from the characteristic vowel of the impf. ‫ ה ִית‬to incite.)ַָ֫ ַט‬S 15:19. In other respects verbs ‫ע״י‬ simply belong to the class of really monosyllabic stems. obstinate: in the latter sense from the form ‫ ִָין‬only ‫יל‬ ‫ ַָ֫ ֶן‬is found. as in ‫ . imperfect consecutive ‫—. Pi ēl ‫( רָה‬on ‫ ארֶָ֫ך‬Is 16:9. Verbs middle i (vulgo ‫ . Pi ēl ‫ . which. Strassburg. Hiph ı̂l ‫נמ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ הִיל֫וּה‬La 1:8.—the ‫ ע״וּ‬verbs having û lengthened from original ŭ and ‫ ע״י‬having ı̂ lengthened from original ı̆. for ‫( ַהִ֫י ָה‬Baer.they take a short vowel with Dages forte in the following consonant.ִַיח‬consecutive ‫ ַתִּ֫ח‬Gn 39:16. ‫ )הִ֫יחוּ‬to set down. ַ ‫ִזּ‬ ִ‫י‬ Perhaps the same explanation applies to some forms of verbs first guttural with Dageš forte implicitum. by a strengthening of their vocalic element.)ָ ַל‬he is waked up. ‫ ִין‬to discern.ַָ֫שׁת‬The perfect Qal of some verbs used to be ֶ ‫וי‬ treated as having a double set of forms. the imperative and infin.g.ל״ה‬e. ָ ‫ר‬ . 1904.. p. 10.ע״וּ‬has ā lengthened from ă. and infin. ‫ .)ָ ִית . and e e e ‫ ִַין‬Ex 16:7 Q rê (K thı̂bh ‫ .. would be correct ‫ע‬ apocopated imperfects from ‫ ָשׁה‬and ‫ .תּלּוֹנוּ‬conversely.g. infinitive ‫ . to be read for ‫ הוַּח‬in La 5:5. constr.חַח‬plur.

ִנֹת‬there remains really no form of ‫בין‬ ָ ‫בּ‬ which must necessarily be explained as a Qal. ִ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ ִיל‬to exult (‫ גּוּל‬only Pr 23:24 Kethı̂bh). ‫ ל ִין‬only in Gn 24:23. which are really (according to § 53 u) imperfects passive of Qal. imperative ‫( ה ֵן‬only in Dn 9:23 ‫ וּ ִין‬immediately before ‫ . ‫ הָה‬to become. ‫..ָשׂים‬but Ex 4:11 ‫ . e. ‫ ִין‬only in ‫ֵב‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ֲב ת‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫בּ‬ Pr 23:1). ‫ ִין‬to judge. is the only ‫הִ מ‬ instance of ‫ שׂוּם‬in Hiph ı̂l). ‫ִיב֫וֹת‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫בּ ת‬ ָ‫ַ נ‬ ָ ‫ר‬ thou strivest. cf. On the other hand.) ָב‬placing (but ‫ֵר‬ ‫ר‬ ִ‫מ‬ only in Jb 4:20. also ‫ בְּ֫תּ‬Ps 139:2. ‫ יוּשׁר‬from ‫ שׁיר‬to sing.ְלָ֫ה‬with the ‫וָ נ‬ ‫וָ נ‬ weakening of the toneless ā to ĕ (as in the fem. which. xliii. ‫ יוּ ַל‬Is ‫ח‬ 66:8 from ‫ ִיל‬to turn round. ‫ שׂים‬to place. ‫וד‬ denominative from ‫ ָג‬fish. 1st ַָ 1 1 Since ‫ בנת‬Ps 139:2 might be intended for ‫ . infinitive construct commonly ‫ 2( שׂוּם‬S 14:7 ‫ שׂים‬Q re).ע״ו‬mentioned in § 72 gg. . 119 f.ִיתוֹ‬ ַ ‫ֵג‬ ‫גּ‬ ִַ they rushed forth Ju 20:37. ִיב . Zc 5:4. and the ‫ע‬ denominative perfect ‫( ָץ‬from ‫ )קִ֫ץ‬to pass the summer. ָץ‬he ‫ֵצ ַ ְ ת‬ ‫ֵק צ‬ spat out. are merely due to a secondary formation from the imperfects Qal ‫& . and Nominalbildung. the analogous ‫ר‬ examples in § 48 l and § 80 i. 190 f. Is 40:12.) might no ְָ ַ ‫ר בּ‬ doubt be taken as forms middle ē (properly ı̆). e. Pôlēl ‫ . with the critically untenable ‫ ָשׂ֫י ִי‬Ez 21:21.ְדְגוּ‬ ‫דּ‬ ‫וִי‬ Corresponding to verbs properly ‫ . probably represents a denominative Pi ēl.without the preformative.ע‬cf. ‫ ִינֹ֫ ִי‬Dn 9:2. ZDMG.ה ִֽינוֹ ֶם‬infinitive ‫( ה ִין‬but infin. ‫ ְלֶ֫ה‬occurs once. with infin. for ‫ . at any rate. ‫ עֵף‬to faint. ִין‬c. Qal ‫ . thus: ‫( מ ִיב‬also ‫ ֵשׂים . The above perfects (‫& . and ‫ בּ֫יָה‬Ps 5:2). ָשׁ‬glancing. except the ptcp. cf. participle ‫ זוּ ֶה‬Is 59:5).ָשׂוּם‬In other verbs one form is. the more common.ה ְבּוֵֹן‬The very close relation existing ‫נ‬ ‫ִת נ‬ between verbs ‫ ע״י‬and ‫ ע״וּ‬is evident also from the fact that from some stems both forms occur side by side in Qal. generally explained as perfect Qal. participle ‫ . This is supported by the fact that.g. § 72 s). perfect ‫( ה ִין‬but ‫ ִין‬only in Dn 10:1). to be. ִין‬the shortened forms are few and probably all late. which were wrongly regarded as imperfects ‫י ִ יב‬ Hiph ı l: so Barth. thus from ‫ ִיל‬to turn round. ‫ חָה‬to live. imperative also ‫ ח֫וּ ִי‬Mi ‫ת‬ ‫ל‬ e 4:10. especially in the case of ‫ . parallel with Qal-forms of the same meaning. e. ‫ בִּים‬Jer 49:7.g. ‫ ָלוּן‬occurs six times as infinitive construct. also ‫ ר֫בתּ‬La 3:58. masc. with imperat..—Of verbs ‫ ע״י‬the most common are ‫ שׁית‬to set. ‫ שׁתּ֫ה‬Ps 90:8.g. p. p.ע״וּ‬and the influence of the analogy of verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬is distinctly seen in the Niph al ‫ָבוֹן‬ ‫נ‬ (ground-form nabān).ְה ֵן‬also ‫ בּ֫ינוּ‬three ‫ָב‬ ‫ב‬ ‫וָב‬ ִ 1 times. ‫ ִין‬Dn 10:1. but ‫ל‬ ‫ָל‬ the imperative is always ‫& . imperfect ִ ‫ . plur.ִָין‬c. ְיוּ‬As passives we find a few apparent imperfects ‫ק‬ Hoph al.)קוּם‬It is more probable. while ‫בּ‬ the corresponding unshortened forms with the same meaning are very numerous. Is 18:6. Jer 16:16. that they are really shortened forms of Hiph ı̂l.מ ִין‬Elsewhere Hiph ı̂l-forms are in use along ‫ִ נ‬ ‫ֵב‬ with actual Qal-forms with the same meaning.ח֫שׁתּי . ‫ח‬ ָ ִ ַ ִ 2. as ‫ אַָב‬to hate. abs. with ‫ מ ִיץ . ‫ יוּשׁת‬from ‫ שׁית‬to set. ‫ ִיב‬to ‫ל‬ ִ ‫ר‬ strive. also perfect ‫( ָל‬middle Yôdh in Arabic) to ‫דּ‬ ִ ‫בּ‬ comprehend. Qal ‫הח֫ישׁוּ . In the perfect Qal 3rd fem. sing.g. The above-mentioned Hiph ı̂l-forms might equally well be derived from verbs ‫ .בּוֵֹן‬and Hithpôlēl ‫ . Qerê (before ‫ . Jb 33:13. ‫ . however. 1. ‫ָנ‬ Nevertheless it is highly probable that all the above instances of Hiph ı l-forms. e. ‫ק‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ ְִיגוּם‬and they shall fish them.ָשׂים . to measure. ‫ מִיח‬breaking forth Ju 20:33. there are certain verbs ‫ ע״י‬with consonantal Yôdh. the ı̆ of which has been lengthened to ı̂ (like the ŭ lengthened to ŭ in the imperfect Qal of ‫ .—2nd sing. ‫( ִיט‬as in Arabic and Syriac) to rush upon. ‫ שׂישׂ‬to rejoice. also in perfect ‫ ה ִיא . from ‫( לוּן‬perhaps denominative from ‫ )לִ֫ל‬to ‫גּ‬ spend the night. ִין‬c. ‫י‬ ‫ָי‬ ‫ָי‬ ‫ָי‬ Rem.

)ַֽאָה‬which was ‫נצ‬ ‫ינ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫נ ֲו‬ formerly treated here as ‫ . occurs once. p. The lengthened imperative has the tone on the ultima before gutturals.sing. ‫ 1 אַל־תּ֫שׁת‬S 9:20. &c.ַיּוּשׂם‬the Samaritan in both places has ‫ . Jb 40:2. § 72 s. ‫ שׂוֹם‬Jer 42:15. so that the correctness of the traditional reading is open to question. ‫ ַָ֫ ֶן‬and he perceived.המ ִיא . note 2): the Kethı̂bh has ‫ . i.יישם‬c. 2.הוּל ָחוּל‬but read ‫ . Ginsburg. ‫ ִין תּ ִין‬Pr ‫ד יד‬ ‫בּ ָב‬ 23:1. as a guttural.ע״א‬see now § 75 x. once ‫ שׁתּ֫י‬Ps 73:28.—Examples of the infinitive absolute are: ‫ רֹב‬litigando.)ויושם‬and also in ‫ ִיסך‬Ex ָ ‫ו‬ ְָ ‫י‬ 30:32. are irregular and perhaps due to incorrect scriptio plena. Is 22:7. Samaritan ‫ . § 52 e and s.)ְַ ֵץ‬but if the form has really been correctly transmitted. as in verbs ‫ . An exception is ‫ ֵָאץ‬Ec 12:5 if it be imperfect ‫ינ‬ ‫ינא‬ Hiph ı̂l of ‫( נאץ‬for ‫ . is certainly also unconvincing. p.. 197 ff. 151) rightly urges that the only example of a Hiph ı̂l of ‫ סוּך‬is the doubtful ‫ . the scholars of Palestine (Tiberias. and the Occidentals. ָצוּא . viz.מֹ ֵא‬i. Ju 11:25. As participle active Qal ‫ ֵן‬spending the night. with a middle guttural ‫ 1 ַָ֫ ַט בּ ֶם‬S 25:14 (see § 72 ee). ‫ ..ָשׂם . e. Introd.סוּך‬Barth ְ (Jubelschrift … Hildesheimer. Neh 13:21. 1st plur. feminine ‫ 2 שׂוּ ָה‬S 13:32.ַָ֫םך‬which is probably an ı̆-imperfect of Qal. the ‫ א‬simply quiesces in the ‫צ‬ ‫ִצּ‬ ‫ִ ְצ מ‬ 2 2 The most important of these differences are. ‫ ִיב֫ה יהוה‬Ps 35:1.שׂי ָה‬A passive of Qal ‫ִ מ‬ (cf. with the tone ‫י ֵ י ֵ יב‬ moved back. Paradigm O. cf. ‫ ַתּ֫שׁר‬Ju 5:1. therefore. ‫ חול תחיל‬Ez 30:16 Keth. between Ben-Naphtali and Ben-Asher. Ob4.מ ֵא . § 74. ָ‫ר‬ see further. even according to ִ ‫מ‬ the reading of the Oriental schools (see p. with the exception of a few isolated readings of BenNaphtali. ‫ ָ֫ ֶב לוֹ‬Ju 6:31. 1890. Both sets of variants are given by Baer in the appendices to his critical editions.. in the Qerê. ‫( ִיב ִָיב‬for ‫ )דֹב‬Jer 50:34. ibid. Verbs ‫ . 38. participle ‫ל‬ passive ‫ שׂים‬Nu 24:21.g. The shortened imperfect usually has the form ‫ .ויישם‬Qerê ‫ . Ginsburg. ‫ שֹׁת‬ponendo. note 1).e. 1 S 9:24. Our printed editions present uniformly the text of Ben-Asher. So with wāw consecutive ‫ַָ֫שׂם‬ ‫יר‬ ֶ ָ ֶ ‫וי‬ and he placed. for ‫—. without any apparent reason.. to be regarded as verbs middle Guttural (§ 64).e. ****** 4. e. ִין‬is found in Ju 19:20 (in pause) and Jb ַ ָ‫ו‬ ‫ַָ ל‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ָר‬ 17:2. On the other hand. Introd. cf. e.. the scholars of the Babylonian Schools.יוסך‬Against the explanation of ‫ ייסך‬as a Hoph al-form from ‫ .א‬the final syllable always has the regular vowels. In verbs ‫ ע״א‬the ‫ א‬always retains its censonantal value.. cf. e. = yuysam (so Barth.תּ ֵן‬For ‫ אַל־תּרוֹב‬Pr 3:30 Keth. (a) those between the Orientals.ָ ַץ‬and regarded as incorrectly written for ‫ . these stems are. who flourished in the first half of the tenth century at Tiberias. § 113 x. (b) amongst the Occidentals. and of numerous later corruptions. ‫וי ב‬ ‫וי ע ָ ה‬ with ‫ ר‬as 3rd radical. .g.ֵָץ‬On ‫( ָאווּ‬from ‫ . i. ‫ ְל֫נּוּ‬Ju 19:13 for lánִַ ַ‫ו‬ nû. above.ֵָן‬more rarely. if long. milra . i. Berlin.). in others as having no consonantal value (as a quiescent or vowel letter).חוֹל‬cf. As jussive of ‫ תּל֫ן . (Qere ‫ )תּ ִיב‬read ‫. ‫ מ ָא‬to find. and § 53 u) from ‫ שׂים‬may perhaps be seen in ‫ ִַ֫ישׂם‬Gn 50:26 (also ִ ֶ ‫ויּ‬ Gn 24:33 Kethı̂bh ‫ . p. In those forms which terminate with the ‫ . &c. it should rather be referred to ‫ . 241 ff. Ex 23:1.פ״א‬is treated in some cases as a consonant. as a passive of Qal arising from yiysam.ל״א‬e.: 1.g.תּ ֵב‬ ‫ָל‬ ָ 3.ָשׁת . for the ‫תּ‬ last the Qerê requires ‫ .—The ְ ְ ֶ ‫וי‬ explanation of ‫& . ‫ָצ‬ The ‫ א‬in these verbs.

on the analogy of the ‫-ל״ה‬forms ‫יר ת‬ ‫מצ‬ ‫ָר‬ noticed in § 75 m. ָֽ ְאַת‬cf.).g. probably. for ‫ ְ ָא ֶם‬Jos 4:24 read with ‫ְל ָ ֵ ת‬ ָ ‫יר ת‬ Ewald ‫ . as well as before suffixes) it is necessarily a firm consonant. ‫ )ִקראִ֫י‬the ‫ א‬retains its ‫יְ ָ ֵ נ‬ consonantal value. by § 58 f.מצ֫אָה‬ ‫ִ ְצ נ ְ ֶ נ‬ (a) The Seghôl of these forms of the imperfect and imperative might be considered as a modification. perfect of these conjugations). so before ‫ ך‬and ‫ .תּמ ֶאָה . ‫& . ֶם‬e. so far ְָ ַָ as they occur. In the same way the ē of the perfect forms in Pi ēl. although this ı̆ may have only been attenuated from an original ă. and imperative Qal. both the Ṣere and the Seghôl are due to the analogy of verbs ‫ 57 §( ל״ה‬f) in consequence of the close relation between the two classes. see below) quiescing with ă it regularly becomes Qumeṣ (‫ מצ֫את‬for ‫& . if the final ‫ א‬quiesces in a preceding ă (as in the perfect. ‫ הב֫א ָה‬Ez 40:4. ‫ אמ ָֽאך‬Ct 8:1.ִמ ָא . It is just possible that after the altogether heterogeneous vowel û the ‫ א‬may originally have preserved a certain consonantal value. § 76 e. Hithpa ēl. ‫& . lengthened according to rule. sing. ‫מצ‬ (in pause ‫. participle with suffix ‫ בֹּ ַֽאך‬Is 43:1. in the perfect Hoph al only the 2nd masc.g. imperfect. § 44 f). § 65 h).g. According to another. Verbs middle e. however. and at the same time a lengthening of an original ă (see § 8 a). ‫ מ ָאוֹ( מל֫א ִי‬Est 7:5 has ‫ ־‬owing to its transitive use. 20). not ָ ‫ב‬ ָ ֲ ‫ֶ ְצ‬ ָ ֲ ‫ִ ָר‬ ‫& . it is preceded by S ere (‫& .בּט ַֽא ֶם‬The doubly anomalous ֲָ ‫ד‬ ‫ְ ַמּ ֲכ‬ form ‫ ִק ְאוֹ‬Jer 23:6 (for ‫ ִקרא֫הוּ‬or ‫ )ִקרא֫נּוּ‬is perhaps a forma mixta combining the readings ‫יְר‬ ֵ ָ ְ‫י‬ ֶ ָ ְ‫י‬ ‫ ִק ָאוֹ‬and ‫. e. muse.—In the imperfect Hithpa ēl ā occurs in the final syllable not only (according to § 54 k) in the principal pause (Nu 31:23).—As infinitive Qal with suffix notice ‫ מחאך‬Ez ְֲַָ 25:6. cf.g. are likewise attached to the verb-form by a ָ ‫ֶ ְצ‬ connecting vowel in the form of Šewâ mobile.ִמצ֫את‬c.long vowel.א‬and hence. ָֽ ְאוּ‬c. Nu 19:13.. and probably the correct explanation. since these suffixes. thus in the perfect Qal ָ ָָ (and Hoph al. cf. however. Nu 6:7. ‫ הבּ ַֽאך‬Ez 28:13 (cf. and in Pu al and Hoph al) this ă is necessarily lengthened to ā. to avoid a hiatus . ‫יְצ ָצ‬ The imperfect and imperative Qal invariably have ā in the final syllable.—No form of this kind occurs in Pu al. When ‫ א‬begins a syllable (consequently before afformatives which consist of or begin with a vowel. without the latter suffering any change whatever. and Hiph ı̂l might be traced to an original ı̆ (as in other cases the ē and ı̂ in the final syllable of the 3rd sing. occurs in Is 7:14 (from ‫ . as standing in an open syllable.מצ֫אתּ‬c. in the perfect Niph al.)מצ֫אוּ . and with a different meaning (it ‫קר‬ befalls) in Dt 31:29. and in the imperative and ָ ֵ ְ‫נ‬ e imperfect by S ghôl. When ‫ א‬stands at the end of a syllable before an afformative beginning with a consonant (‫ . 1.מ ָא‬c.אמ ָאך‬c.. or with the lesser disjunctives (Lv 21:1. Jer 44:23.)נ .ת‬it likewise quiesces with the preceding vowel. ‫ָֻ ת‬ (b) Before suffixes attached by a connecting vowel (e. infinitive Pi ēl ‫—. and ‫מצ‬ the form then follows the analogy of the strong verb.מצ֫אָה‬ ָָ ָָ REMARKS. e.)ִ ְאָ ָם‬Instead of ‫ ָֽ ְאָה‬the form ‫ ק ָאת‬she names. ‫ ָֽ ְאָה‬māṣe ā. and even before Maqqeph in Nu 19:12. like ‫ מ ֵא‬to be full. ‫. e. but in the perfect of all the other active and reflexive conjugations. on the analogy of verbs tertiae gutturalis.ִק ְאוּ‬ ‫יְר‬ ‫יְר‬ 3. in both places before ‫ .). but even out of pause with Merekha. 4.g. § 75 nn. or immediately before it (Jb 10:16). by § 27 g. On the other band. 2. retain the Ṣere also in the other persons of the ‫ָל‬ perfect.

‫ק‬ ְ also in Pi ēl ‫ ל ַלֹּאת‬Ex 31:5. ‫ שׂ ֵת‬beside ‫ ָשׂאת‬as infinitive ‫מ ְא‬ ‫נְ א‬ ‫ְא‬ ֵ‫ל‬ construct from ‫ )ָשׂא‬and without ‫( א‬see k) ‫( יוֹ ְת‬from ‫ )ָ ָא‬Dt 28:57. Ez 5:2. so always ‫ ְלֹאת‬to fill (as distinguished from ‫ ְלֹא‬fullness). sing. and fem. cf.(on the other hand. Mi 1:15. Jer 19:15. ‫( מֹ ְאת‬for ‫ 2 )מֹצ֫ ֶת‬S 18:22. ‫ הוֹ ִיא‬Is 43:8 (in both cases ‫ָב‬ ‫צ‬ before ‫ . according to ‫ְֵ ן‬ ‫ְֵ ן‬ Qimḥi. 1 K 21:21.—The 2nd fem. ַשׂאוֹת‬see § 45 e. Is 53:10 (‫ ֶֽ ְֶ ִי‬for ‫ ֶֽ ְֶ ִיא‬perfect Hiph ı̂l of ‫ ח ָה‬formed after the manner of ‫החל‬ ‫החל‬ ּ ‫י‬ ‫ינ‬ ‫ב‬ verbs ‫ . and Hoph al.)ע‬If the tradition be correct (which at least in the defectively written forms appears very doubtful) the retention of the ı̂ is to be attributed to the open syllable. imperative ‫ ה ִיא‬Jer 17:18.ק ֶאָ . 2 K 11:12. cf. ‫ ְח ָאת‬Ex 5:16. (b) at the end of the word. and imperative Hiph ı̂l a number of cases occur ּ ‫י‬ with ı̂ in the final syllable. ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ further. with suffix 2 S 21:2. Qal occurs sometimes on the analogy of verbs ‫& .. on ‫ לק ַאת‬obviam. while in the closed syllable of the 3rd sing. Jb 20:22. see § 75 nn) in ‫גּ‬ the feminine form.—‫בּמֹ ַֽא ֶם‬ ּ ‫מ‬ ְ‫מ‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ְ צ ֲכ‬ when ye find. in Niph al ָ ֶ ַ ְ ָ ‫וָט‬ ‫ ִפ ָאת‬Ps 118:23. is written ‫ ק ָאת‬by Baer. Verbs ‫ . Ps 99:6. In the examples before ‫ ע‬considerations of euphony may also have had some influence (cf.ְלוֹת( ל״ה‬c.. ‫ְפ‬ ִ ‫נפ‬ cf. ‫ ָ ָה‬to reveal.א‬cf. In the jussive. In the ָ ‫ָָ ת‬ ‫ֵָ ת‬ imperfect ‫ ִשֶָׂ֫ה‬Jer 9:17. Jer 32:35. The participle fem. cf.ל״ה‬e. 2 S 5:2. &c. or ‫ ל ַלּאוֹת‬Dn 9:2. and ‫ ְלוֹאת‬Est 1:5. The infin. 25:30. ptcp. ‫ 1 ֽשֹׁ ֵת‬K 10:22 (cf. on good authority. 2. cf. read ָ‫. stands. 105:43. is commonly contracted. for ‫ . Cf. imperfect consecutive.g.—On ‫ְמ‬ ‫ְמ‬ the (aramaïzing) infinitives ‫ ַשָׁא‬and ‫ . the Mantua edition and Ginsburg.g. cf. the ı̂ is always reduced to ē. all in ‫ֵב‬ Kethı̂bh (‫ . &c. masc. e. Gn 38:25. ‫ ִָי‬Ps 141:5. Jb 1:21.g. ‫ 1 ַָבוֹ‬K 12:12 Kethı̂bh. ‫ ְרֹאת‬Ju 8:1. ‫ַיּוֹ ִא‬ ּ ‫י‬ ‫ויּב‬ ‫ויּ ֲ ט‬ ‫וַ ְבּ‬ ‫ו צ‬ Dt 4:20. Zc 5:9. &c. in Hoph al ‫ ה ָאת‬Gn 33:11. masc. after ‫ ו‬consecutive.מ ֶא‬ ‫ְר ן ְצ ן‬ 3. ‫נְל‬ ‫ֻב‬ ְ ‫ָר‬ Gen 16:11.. Neh 6:8. imperative in Ru 1:9 has. Hiph ı̂l ‫ֶֽ ְֶ ִי‬ ‫נְ ֵת‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ָל‬ 2 K 13:6.)ל״א‬in the imperfect Hiph ı̂l ‫ ַשִׁי‬Ps 55:16 Kethı̂bh. Zc 13:4. according to § 93 q. ‫ בֹּ ָאם‬feigning them. according to early MSS. ‫ ַשִׁא‬Is 36:14 (in the parallel passages 2 K 18:29.מצא ֶם‬The tone of the lengthened ‫ָ ְ ֲכ‬ imperative ‫ ר ָאָ֫ה‬Ps 41:5 as Milera (before ‫ )ַ ְשׁי‬is to be explained on rhythmical grounds. § 75 oo ) Gn 31:39. 35:33. § 75 hh). § 75. Paradigm P. masc. Ps 78:16. 1 K 16:2.—The and fem. cf. Lv 8:33.ויבוא‬and in the Qerê ‫. ‫ 1 אָ ִי‬K 21:19. Est ‫צ‬ ‫ֶא‬ 2:15. 12:4.קר֫א‬on the other hand. 2 Ch 32:15 ‫ ִַָיא . ‫ מצ֫ ִי‬Nu 11:11. ‫ צמ֫ ִי‬Ju 4:19. § 76 b and Jer 50:20). and likewise in Niph. 39:16. in the participle. could only be the and sing. ‫ 2 ַתּת ִא‬K 6:29. in Pi ēl ‫( אַחטָּ֫ה‬after elision of the ‫ .ֵַָיא‬while the ‫ויּב‬ Orientals read in the Kethı̂bh ‫ . Ez 33:12.. so Niph al ‫ ִפ ְאה‬Dt 30:11. § 19 k. according to the common reading.)ע‬K 21:11 (cf. the form ָ‫ מצ֫א‬and in verse 20 ָ‫ .—On the plur. also written ‫ ְלֹאות‬Jer 25:12. 5. cf. Jb 32:18. In the forms ‫חֹ ִאים‬ ָ‫נ‬ ‫צ‬ ‫יצ‬ ‫ט‬ sinning. ‫ 1 בּ֫נוּ‬S 25:8. Jer 29:10. Kethı̂bh. ‫מ‬ ‫מ‬ 6. Frequently an ‫ א‬which is quiescent is omitted in writing (§ 23 f): (a) in the middle of the word. e. the ‫ א‬is elided. and the 2nd sing. Baer reads with the Western school ‫ . Niph.. § 76 b. cf. in the infinitive. less ‫נְל‬ ּ ‫נ‬ frequent forms are ‫ ֽוֹצ ֵת‬Ct 8:10. Ru 1:14 (but the same form occurs with Yôdh pleonastic ‫תּ ּנ‬ after the manner of verbs ‫ ל״ה‬in Ez 23:49. 4. and also in Niph al ‫ֶַ נּ‬ ‫החט‬ ‫ ִטמ ֶם‬Lv 11:43. § 93 oo. 21:22). masc. the analogous cases in § 72 s. before suffixes.)ִשִׁיא‬Neh 8:2 (before ‫ 2 ַַֽח ִא . the text which is ‫וָט‬ evidently corrupt should probably be emended to ‫ ְח ָאת לעמּ֫ך‬with the LXX).ֵַָא‬ ‫ויּב‬ On the transition of verbs ‫ ל״א‬to forms of ‫ ל״ה‬see § 75 nn.א‬hence perhaps only a scribal error). Zc 5:7 (but ‫ ִשָׂאָת‬Is 30:25). cf. ‫ שׂנֹאת‬Pr 8:13. and is only ‫ד‬ retained orthographically (§ 23 c) after the retraction of its vowel. ‫גּל‬ . see the analogous cases in § 75 oo. 1 S 14:33.—In Ez 40:3. Jos 2:16.מ ִי‬always before ‫ . Gn 32:20. plur.

גֹּ ֶה . It seems impossible that these should all be late formations. 618 ff. ָ ‫גּלּ נגל גּל‬ ‫ ־ ה‬in all imperfects and participles. In ְָ ַָ verbs ‫ ל״ה‬the ‫ ה‬which is here employed as a vowel letter is preceded by the same vowel in the same part of the verb throughout all the conjugations. ‫& . that a final vowel must be indicated by a vowel letter. the ‫ ל״ה‬verbs. ֶ ‫ל יגל‬ ‫ ־ ה‬in all imperatives. p. But although there is much to be said for this view. §65 note on the heading. ‫ָנ‬ which have been assimilated in Hebrew (see the Lexicon.ָ ָה‬c.ל״י‬which in Arabic. and in line 6. the orthographic rule remained. In all forms in which the original Yôdh or Wāw would stand at the end of the word. The grammatical structure of verbs ‫( ל״ה‬see Paradigm P) is based on the following laws:— 1. p. it fails to explain pausal forms like ‫( חס ָה‬see u). s. ‫ ָ ָה‬for ‫ ָ ַי‬he has revealed.ל״ו‬in the forms in which the Wāw ‫ָל‬ appears as a strong consonant. ‫ שׁ ָה‬for ‫ שׁ ֵו‬he has rested. vi. pass. Berry. § 24 g) and ‫ ה‬takes its place as an orthographic indication of the preceding long vowel. treated as originally ‫ .ְִ ָה . viz. ‫& . ‫ָָ י‬ 2 2 In the Mêša inscription..). as the ‫ ע״ו‬verbs did after the 1st radical. ‫& . . 149 ff.ַ ֵה . and ‫( עָה‬Arab.ְִ ֶה‬c. on practical grounds. in the still unvocalized consonantal text. it is dropped (cf. like the verbs ‫ . By far the greater number ‫גּל‬ ‫גּל‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ָל‬ of these verbs are.. Qal) as a purely orthographic indication of a final vowel (§ 23 k). however. xx.)07 . ‫ ויענו‬and he oppressed occurs as 3rd sing. These are inflected throughout like verbs tertiae gutturalis. AJSL..קט֫לתּ‬c. Sprachwiss. 1 1 According to Wellheusen.ִשׁל֫יוּ‬with Yôdh).g. a ‫ ה‬always appears (except in the ptcp.ְ ֵה‬c.—G.96 §§( פ״י‬belong to two different classes. those originally ‫ ל״ו‬and those originally ‫ 1. apart from some true ‫ ל״ו‬and some probable ‫ .Brockelmann. In ‫( עָה‬Arab.ל״י‬only isolated forms occur of verbs ‫. v. on the other hand the imperfect is ‫( . ‘Ueber einige Arten schwacher Verbs‘ in his Skizzen. instead of the original ‫ ו‬or ‫ י‬at the end of the word. Grundriss. = American Journal of Semitic Languages. Cf. cf. ‫. ‫ )ענו‬to be afflicted. p.ל״ו‬ ‫ שׁ ָה‬to be at rest may be recognized as originally ‫ . ‫ אענו‬I will oppress as 1st sing. But even after the addition of the vowel signs. with insignificant exceptions (see § 8 k. imperfect Pi ēl. In Hebrew.ל״ה‬ e. perfect Qal ‫ שׁלְ֫ ִי‬Jb 3:26. line 5. ֵ ‫גּלּ גּל‬ AJSL. masc. ‘Original Waw in ‫ ל״ה‬verbs’ in AJSL. are to be seen two verbs originally distinct. the participle ‫ שׁ ֵו‬and ‫ָ ַ ותּ‬ ‫ָל‬ the derivative ‫ שׁלָה‬rest. 1st sing. Thus the endings are— ‫ ־ ה‬in all perfects. and even more in Ethiopic. are still clearly distinguished. Semit. 255 ff. hence both classes are called ‫. 256 f.)עָה‬ ‫ָנ‬ Of quite a different class are those verbs of which the third radical is a consonantal ‫ה‬ (distinguished by Mappı̂q). R. and ā in ‫& . To compensate for their arrested development they lengthened the vowel after the 2nd radical.ל״י‬are to be regarded as originally biliteral. ‫ַ ְו‬ ְָ‫י‬ ‫ָנ‬ 2 ‫ )עני‬to answer. These verbs.ִ ָה . Such an indication would have been indispensable.

‫גּ‬ These forms may be explained as follows:—in the perfect Qal ‫ ָ ָה‬stands. Accordingly before afformatives beginning with a consonant the principal vowel is— ָ ‫גּל‬ In the perfect Qal ı̂. and frequently in the other active and reflexive conjugations (especially in Pi ēl).ק ַל‬l. Fischer. ֶ As to the various treatments of it.g. ‫ ־ י‬with the tone ֶ always appears before the afformative ‫ . Prätorius. 1893. Qal ‫. ee). The most probable explanation now seems to be. Nominalbildung. since 1903 ed.). and Hiph ı̂l on the form ‫ . by A. Summary. ‫ ִלּ֫ית‬and ‫ ְִל֫ית . 695 f. ZDMG. &c. whereas e.. see aa and ff. and ‫גּ‬ generally also Piēl. ‫ . Pu al. lvi.‫ ־ֹ ה‬in the infinitive absolute (‫& .g. sometimes ê.ו‬see v) reappearing at the end.ת‬there arises (a) in the perfects. however. sometimes ı̂. Qal does perhaps ultimately represent a contraction of the original termination ‫ =( ־ י‬ai). it appears as ı̂ (cf. The participle passive Qal alone forms an exception.)־ ה‬not ı̂. It then became usual also in the transitive forms of Qal (and in some other conjugations on this analogy). Journ. ε. Hoph al. the finalā of these conjugations simply follows the analogy of the other conjugations. according to the ‫גּל‬ above. and secondly. in Niph al. in the perf. 1890.הק ַל‬on ‫ִ ְ ָטּ ִטּ‬ ‫ִ ְט‬ the analogy of the ă in the second syllable of the Arabic áqtălă (§ 53 a). similarly. e.—(b) In the imperfects and imperatives. Perhaps. Lpz. ‫.ְִ֫ ִית‬ ָ ֵ‫גּ‬ ָ ִ ‫נג ֵ ָ גּ‬ ָ ‫נג ל‬ ZDMG. in the imperative of ‫ )ל״ה‬ai is ַ usually contracted to ê. lv. for (‫ .ְלוֹת‬ ‫גּ‬ Pi ēl ‫& .. i. 244. although elsewhere (e. where Barth appeals to the rule that. and Hoph al.). first. and § 54 k). but as the original vowel of the intransitive form.g. . Asiat.)־ י‬In the middle of the word this ought always to be contracted to ê ( ‫־‬ ַ ֵ ‫ . that the Seghôl of the impf. whilst regularly in Qal. p.ִלּ֫ית‬and ‫. in the period before the differentiation of the North Semitic dialects.ָ ַ)י‬and. with § 136.ָלוּי‬and so also some derived nouns (§ 84a c. 285. except in Hiph ı̂l. This ı̂. final iy becomes ‫( ־‬constr. The Pi ēl and Hithpa ēl ‫גּל‬ may be based on the forms ‫ 25 §( התק ַל .)י‬but this ê is only found consistently in the passive conjugations. also ZDMG. 356 f. Qal is not to be explained as a weakening of an original ê. Qal. ‫ .ָלֹה‬c. p. in Syriac the two kinds of forms are still carefully distinguished. z.. ‫גּ‬ The infinitive construct always has the ending ‫( וֹת‬with ‫ ת‬feminine). and ZDMG.ַלּוֹת‬c. xxx ff. see n and y. Rem. ZDMG. M. e. 365. 2. against Philippi’s objections in the Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie.ָ֫ ִית‬ In the perfects of the other active and reflexive conjugations. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. however. x. 1846 ff. The explanation of the final tone-bearing ‫ ־ ה‬of the imperfect is still a matter of dispute. for exceptions.. the original ‫( י‬or ‫ .. When the original Yôdh stands at the end of the syllable before an afformative beginning with a consonant (‫ )נ . ֶ ְ Lambert. xliv. p. see Barth.־ י‬ ‫נ‬ ֶ see above. that the uniform pronunciation of all imperfects and participles with Seghôl in the last syllable merely follows the analogy of the impf.ָה‬On the most probable explanation of this ‫. primarily the diphthong ai (‫ .

bb. has in Qal 2nd pers. 2 Ch 25:17. ְָֽ ָ]ה‬ ‫ה ית‬ . ‫ . ‫ חִית‬and ‫ ִ ִית‬Is 57:8. Before the vocalic afformatives (‫ )־ ה . ‫. ‫ונ ְ ָ ע‬ REMARKS. Ez 16:48.ָ ָת‬mentioned above.תְּ ִי‬participle fem.גֹּ ָה‬plur. In Aramaic the contracted forms predominate. the tone. and sometimes also involves further changes in the vocalization (see o. ‫ הית‬may be read ‫ הָת‬quite as well as [‫. and thus there arise such forms ָ as ‫& .כּ֫לוּ‬both on account of the pause and also in ‫גּ‬ ָ ‫ָי‬ 1 1 In the Siloam inscription also (see above. ‫( ָֽלך‬see ll). gg). sing. ‫ . 2 K 9:37 Kethı̂bh)1. (but in pause ‫& . (so ‫ 1 ְהוֹ ֵאת‬K 17:13 from ‫ .ָֽל ָה‬c. § 91 m.־ ת‬which thus loses the tone. 1. line 3.ָ ָת‬with ā. § 2 d). the original feminine ending ‫ ־ ת‬was appended to ַ the stem. plur.)ְ ִית‬and so too the Western Aramaic ‫ . e. ‫ . § 74 ‫גּל‬ g). a strongly-marked peculiarity of verbs ‫ ל״ה‬is the rejection of the ending ‫ ־ ה‬in forming the jussive and the imperfect consecutive. see below. ‫ .ָל֫ ָה‬c. ‫ . of the 3rd sing. and always in Baer’s ְ ִ ְ ‫וָי‬ editions (since 1872). Finally. only as an exception and in the popular language is the diphthong contracted. § 48 k) is formed by apocope of the final ‫( ־ ה‬see cc. ‫ ה ְאָ֑ת‬Ez 24:12.In the perfects passive always ê. perfect. under i (cf. perf. With a final ‫־‬ ָ ‫ ה‬there occur only: in Qal. u) ‫אְע‬ ‫א ֱָ י‬ Ps 77:4.ָלוּ‬c. ֵ 6. The analogy of the other forms had so much influence. On Qal. e. becomes Š wâ. is retracted in Ps 37:20. ְ ‫ָז‬ ְ ‫גּלּ‬ ְ ִ‫ע‬ &c. however. fem. This shortening c curs in all ֶ the conjugations.ְִל ָה .ְ ֵית‬ ‫גּל‬ ָ ‫גּל‬ ָ ‫גּל‬ 3. and in Hithpa ēl ‫ ְִשׁתּ֫ ָה‬Is 41:23 (with Ṭiphḥa. that the common ending ‫ ־ ה‬was added pleonastically to the ending ‫ . &c. The ordinary form of the imperfect with the ending ‫ ־ ה‬serves in verbs ‫ ל״ה‬to ֶ express the cohortative also (§ 48 c). Similarly. hence. yet the Syriac. gg).—The 2nd ‫ֶל‬ ‫ָ גל‬ ‫י‬ sing. The elision of the Yôdh takes place regularly before suffixes. Gn 1:26.g. ‫.g.ְ ַית‬but also ‫. 2:18. for example. 5. as in most other verbs. gelait (but 1st pers.־ ת‬Before the ‫ ־ ה‬the vowel of the ָ ָ ָ e ending ‫ . ‫( ֶֽהמָ֑ה‬with the ‫ י‬retained. especially in pause. sing.גֹּ ִים‬ ‫גּ‬ yet the old full forms also not infrequently occur. after elision of the Yôdh. ְָ ‫גּ‬ 4. likewise in Hiph ı̂l ‫הר ָת‬ ָ‫ע‬ ‫ִ ְצ‬ (before ‫ )א‬Lv 26:34. therefore in lesser pause). is preserved in ‫( ָשׂת‬before ‫ )א‬Lv 25:21 (cf. arose properly forms like ‫ . masc.).ְל֫יָה‬ ֶ ‫ִ גֶ נ גֶּ נ‬ The diphthongal forms have been systematically retained in Arabic and Ethiopic. instead of keeping its usual ְ ‫ו צ‬ ‫יצ‬ place (֫‫& . fem. is also written ‫ .g. This form. see u.תְּל֫יָה . e. in the ‫גּל‬ final syllable with the tone. in some conjugations a shortened imperative (cf.־ י . ‫ ֶשׁ ָה‬Ps 119:117. ‫נג ְ ת גּ ְ ת‬ ‫גָּ ת‬ For similar cases see § 70 d. The older form of the fem.־ י‬e. has been but rarely preserved (see below. y. In the 3rd sing. cf.־ ית‬thus in the textus receptus ‫ 2 ְהִית‬S 14:2.). and in Hoph al ‫( הְ ָת‬before ְ) Jer 13:19.g. ‫( ָלוּ‬ground-form găl̆yû).)ָ ָא‬In the 3rd pers.וּ‬the Yôdh is usually dropped ִ ָ ‫ִ גל‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ל‬ altogether. m). ‫. ‫ ָשׂית‬Jer 2:23.ֻלּ֫ית‬ ָ ֵ‫גּ‬ In the imperfects and imperatives always ‫ .

ָאֹה‬The form ‫ שׁתוֹת‬Is 22:13 (beside ‫ שׁתוֹ‬in the same verse) appears to ‫ר‬ ָ ָ have been chosen on account of its similarity in sound to ‫ . ‫ ִ֫שׁע‬he looks. ‫ ָיוֹ‬Gn 18:18.ר‬and identical ‫וֵ ר‬ with the 3rd sing. k.)ַתּ֫ ֶא‬the latter with the original Pathaḥ on account of the following ‫ . Gn 7:23. from ‫ . from ‫ ַַ֫ ַן .. from ‫( עָה‬always identical with the ‫ויּ ע‬ ָ ‫ויּ ע ע‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫ויּ ח‬ corresponding forms in Hiph‛ı̂l).א‬But cf.ֵַבךּ .g. 2.ל״ה‬are ‫ . § 51 a. ‫ ִַשׁבּ‬Nu 21:1. a helping Pathaḥ (according to § 28 e). and even ‫ק‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ with the suffix ‫ הוּ‬the very remarkable form ‫ ֲשׂ֫הוּ‬Ex 18:18. and the note on hh) occasions in Qal the following changes: (a) As a rule the first radical takes a helping Seghôl..ְלוֹ‬cf. § 53 u).—On the reading ‫ ֽרא֫יָה‬Ct 3:11 (for ‫ . cf.—The 2nd sing. The infin. The shortening of the imperfect (see above.ת‬whilst after ‫ י‬the homogeneous ı̆ remains. 1 S ‫ה‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ר‬ 6:12).rhythmical antithesis to the preceding ֫‫ . ַ‫י‬ ‫ויּ מ‬ (b) The ı̆ of the preformative is then sometimes lengthened to ē. on the other hand. Nominalbildung. Ez 21:15 ‫ד‬ ‫גּ ֲו‬ ‫ֱי‬ is quite inexplicable. not of Pô ēl. frequently has ‫( וֹ‬probably a survival of the older orthography) for ‫. ‫( אָלוֹת‬unless it is a substantive.2—The feminine form ‫( ַֽאָה‬for ‫ע‬ ‫ר ֲו‬ ‫ ) ְאוֹת‬Ez 28:17.—Conversely. masc.חצה‬On some similar forms of ‫פ״א‬ see § 76 d.. mostly happens only after the preformative ‫ . consec. cf. ‫ ֲשׂה‬Gn 50:20.)ִַ֫ ֶב‬with middle guttural ‫ ַתּ֫ ַהּ . occurs parallel with ‫ ַַ ְא‬and he saw (but 3rd fem. § 17. (d) Examples of verbs primae gutturalis (§ 63). ed. ‫כּ‬ ‫ע‬ instead of the infinitive construct ‫ ְלוֹת‬such forms are occasionally found as ‫ ְלֹה‬or ‫ . 2 K 11:4.)ִ֫ ֶל‬but ‫( ַתּ֫ ֶב . ָדֹת‬cf. also hh ָ (c) The helping vowel is elsewhere not used under the circumstances mentioned in § 28 d. &c. Rem. of the imperf. beside ‫ . the analogous examples in § 52 n. but ‫ הֵה‬as infin. and especially § 75 hh.ֵשׂט . ‫ְאֹה‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ר‬ Gn 48:11. oaths) and ‫ . ‫ ָאוֹ‬Gn 26:28.)כּ ָה‬The unusual position of the tone in ‫ תּר֫א‬Zc 9:5. absol. ‫ ְתר֫א‬Mi 7:10 (so Baer and ‫ָה‬ ֵֵ ֵ ֵ‫ו‬ Ginsb. Gn 25:34. Ps 101:3. e. Hiph‛ı̂l. also Kautzsch.תּ֫ ַע‬Jb ‫וֵ כ‬ ‫וֵ פ י כ‬ ‫וֵ ר י פ‬ ‫ויּ ר‬ ‫וֵ כ ֵ ת‬ 17:7 (from ‫ . also ‫ ָרוֹת‬Hb 3:13.־ֹ ה‬ e. imperative ‫ ֶ ְֶֽה‬occurs in the principal pause in Pr 4:4 and ‫וח י‬ 7:2.g. cf. but probably these forms are simply to be attributed to a Masoretic school.ְִל‬and he despised. as infinitives absolute of the passive of Qal (see above. ‫יר‬ however.ֵַשׁתּ‬The form ‫ ֵ֫ ֶא‬he sees.)ִ֫ ֶן‬but ‫ . before ‫ )פ‬on the ֶ ‫וי ֶ י‬ ֶ‫י‬ analogy of ‫& . second note. This. ‫ ָשׂוֹ‬Jer 4:18.קוּמ֫ה‬c.ַַ֫ ַשׂ‬in ‫ויּ ע‬ pause ‫ ַָ֫ ַשׂ‬and he made. ָלוּ‬also in Is 16:8 ‫( ָעוּ‬according to Delitzsch for the ‫כּ‬ ‫תּ‬ sake of the assonance with ‫ . Mant. ‫ )ְִר֫א .שׁחֹט‬so in Is 42:20 Qerê and Ho ָ 10:4. 1. Jer 41:10. and at the same time ‫ . with ı̆ lengthened into ē (see p) ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ . ‫ ַַ֫ ַץ‬and he divided. Ez 31:11. is strange. ‫ 2 ָנוֹ‬S 24:24. ‫( ַתּ֫ ֶל‬but ‫( ַתּ֫ ֶן . analogous to nouns like ‫( ַֽאָה‬cf. § 69 m. or. ‫ ִַפתּ‬Jb 31:27..—In the following cases the initial (hard) guttural does not affect the form: ‫ִַ֫ ַר‬ ‫ויּ ח‬ 2 2 All these infinitives construct in ô. belong to the document called E.)ָָ֫עוּ‬and in Jb 24:1 ‫—. Is 6:9 (cf. § 72 s.ח֫זוּ‬On the tone of the perfect consecutive ‫נג‬ ָ see § 49 k.g. also ‫ ֲשׂוֹ‬Gn 31:28 (cf. &c. ָשׂה‬and he answered. if the second radical is a guttural. ‫ְֵ נ‬ 3.. e.ֵַרדּ . Thus ‫ ִֶ֫ל‬for ‫ ִַ֫ ֶז .—The forms ‫ הֹגוֹ‬and ‫ הֹרוֹ‬Is 59:13 are perhaps to be regarded with Barth. in the Pentateuch. which in general marked the difference between certain forms by the use of é for ē. as due to the following ‫ .ִר֫א‬is best explained (except in ‫ ֵר֫א‬Gn 41:33. Grammatik des Bibl. § 74 h). Pr 31:4).-Aram.. ְ ְ ‫י ְ ְ ויּ ְ ְ ויּ ְ ְ ויּ‬ ‫יר‬ ‫ויּר‬ always ‫ . § 45 d). ‫ ֵ֫ ֶא‬he sees. ‫ִַ֫ ֶן‬ ‫יג‬ ְ ‫ויּ ב יג‬ ‫ויּ ב‬ and he built.ֽרא֫יָה‬on the analogy ‫וֲּ ֵ נ‬ ‫וֲּ ֶ נ‬ of the reading ‫& . masc. see Baer’s note on the passage. and conversely ē for é. ‫ ִַ֫ ַח‬and he destroyed. 2.מצ֫אָה‬c. ‫ ְנֹה‬Pr 16:16. .

= Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete. ‫ רֹאִ֫י‬is to be read. ZA.ֶ֫ ִי‬with the original ă modified to Seghôl with the tone ‫ית יה‬ (cf. Bezold. ‫ ִַ֫ ַן‬and he encamped (3rd plur. ָשׂוּו‬and before a formative ending. see § 76 b. Ps 77:4. but meaningless ‫ ִֽי ְאוּ‬Jb 6:21 (doubtless caused by the following ‫ . Ps 128:3. from ‫ הָה‬to be. ‫ 1 בִּ֫ ִי‬K 8:44. especially in and before the pause. and before the full plural ending ‫ . With the ordinary strong inflexion ‫ י‬appears ‫ֹת‬ in ‫ עֽטָה‬Ct 1:7. So also occasionally for the jussive.ְֵז . also Ju 19:2 (‫ 1 . Imperfect ‫ ֶ ֱֽח֑יוּ‬Jb 16:22. Pr 1:21). § 116 g. cf. e. ‫ )בֹּ ָה= ( ֽוֹכָה‬weeping.דּ ָה‬was perhaps originally intended. four ‫ויּ ְ א‬ ֶ ‫ויּ ע‬ times (but ‫ ַַ֫ ַשׂ‬over 200 times). cf.ִַז‬as well as ‫& . Qal from ‫ .—For the well attested. it ‫צ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫צ‬ even has its consonantal sound. ָפוּו . x.. h and l). ‫ ִרבֻּן‬Dt 8:13. has also a feminine which retains the 3rd radical ‫ .דּל֫יוּ‬ ‫דּל‬ ‫ָל‬ ָָ since these full forms. since no verb ‫ שָׁה‬exists. Jer 18:21. cf. p. ‫( נטוות‬read n ṭûwôth) Is 3:16 K thı̂bh. Vollers.)ַ ִי ָֽאוּ‬read ‫תּ ְאוּ‬ ‫תּ ר‬ ‫ותּ ר‬ ‫ִר‬ ye see. ‫נ‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ֵ ֶ note. 31:3. 39:7. cf.—In the participle passive the 3rd radical still sometimes appears as ‫ 42 §( ו‬b). the form ‫ ְהוּא‬for ‫ ְהוּ‬he will be. but no doubt ‫ הוּא‬is the right ‫ָו‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ reading. The original ‫ י‬sometimes appears even before afformatives beginning with a vowel (cf. of which the shortened imperfects ought to be yihy ‫ָי‬ ‫ָי‬ ‫יה‬ ‫יח‬ and yiḥy. 5. ‫ה ִיּ‬ ‫צ ִיּ‬ ‫ִֹיּ‬ plur. twenty ‫ו ֶ ְא‬ e ‫וֵ ר‬ times. ‫ חס֫יוּ‬Dt 32:37. Is 41:23. Ps 68:32).. but hardly ‫. but never in the Pentateuch (‫ ָא֫ ֶא‬fifteen times. 312 ff.ל״ה‬ibid. we must read either ‫ .. and in the later books.־ ה‬cf. 1903. &c.־וּן‬or where for any reason an emphasis rests on the word. The defective writing is rare in such forms as ‫ 2 ְהִ֫ת‬S 15:33.)תשא‬as imperfect Qal of ‫ ָשׁה‬to forget. ‫ ֽוֹמָה‬tumultuous. but perhaps there also ‫ עֽטָה‬was intended.תּ֫שׁי‬however. &c. 6. 316 ff. ‫רֹאָה‬ ‫ל‬ Pr 20:12. Cf.בּ֫ ִי‬for ‛ŏny. 48:6. and the pronunciation ‫וִ ְֶ נ‬ ZA. Jb 42:16 Qere. in pause ‫ עִי . above.)ַתְֶּה‬K 10:29 (‫ . ‫ אֽ ִיּוֹת‬the things that are to come. Ps 36:9: more frequently like ‫ִשׁ ָיוּן‬ ְָ‫י‬ ‫יְ ְי‬ ‫יְתּ‬ Ps 78:44. 21:12.)ִַַֽ ֲנוּ‬with Dageš lene and Šewâ) let ‫ויּ ח‬ ‫י ַ ְ ויּ ח‬ it rejoice. 26:11.)פ״ן‬c. 41:34. with Ginsburg. by C. change these forms to ‫ ְ ִי‬and ‫ . Jb 17:5.הָה‬there occurs ָ‫נ‬ ‫יה‬ ‫ָי‬ once. 30:14 (without the pause. § 49 c) not infrequently occur after wāw ֶ consecutive. ‫( העשוום‬read ‫ 2 ) ָֽ ֲשׂוִּם‬K 23:4. v. Ec 11:3. Pr 31:27. Jb 41:25. cf. § 84a c. f.ֶ֫ ִי . 1 K ָ ‫וָי‬ ‫ָנ ת‬ 9:3. further. 33:7. Is 22:2 (plur. ‫ ָפוּ‬Jb 15:22. La ‫בּ ִיּ‬ ‫כ‬ 1:16. Gn 1:9.)ַ ַֽע ֶה‬Dt 1:16 (‫.)ָֽאצֶה‬ ‫ויּ ע‬ ‫ו ִ זנ‬ ‫ותּ ֲ ל‬ ‫ו ֲ ַוּ‬ and Gn 24:48. ‫דּ֫ ְיוּ‬ ‫ַל‬ probably points to ‫ דּ֫לּוּ‬from ‫ דּ ַל‬as the right reading.and he was wroth.).. 4. Ex 18:9. dd. do not begin sentences. gg. ’ ZA. Is 17:12. Jer 28:6.. The participle active (cf. also nouns like ‫ בּ ִי‬for bakhy. 41:5. The shortening of the ûin ‫ ר ֻיּוֹת‬Est 2:9 is ‫ְא‬ irregular. ‫ָשׂוּ‬ ‫ע‬ made. contracted from ‫ . ‫ ִַר ֶה‬Ez 18:28. Jb 3:6.—On ‫ ל״ה( ֵַט . c. though they may stand out of pause. Lpz. ‫ ִשׁל֫יוּ‬Ps 122:6. For ‫ְכ‬ ‫ֳנ ֶ כ‬ ‫ . cf.g. ‫ָָ י‬ ָָ e ְָ ָ ‫יא‬ Ps 73:2 Q rê. especially in the 1st pers. cf. ‫ ַַֽ ֲשׂה‬and he made. ‫ויּ וי ויּ‬ (e) The verbs ‫ הָה‬to be. before a suffix. . Also in Pr 26:7 ‫ . 1 Ch 7:15. also in the 3rd pers.עשֹׁה‬cf. ‫ ַתּדלָ֫ה‬Ex 2:16 (cf. unless it should be ‫ טֽעָה‬a ‫ְֹי‬ ‫ִֹיּ‬ ‫ִֹיּ‬ wanderer. ‫ ָֽאר ֶה‬and I saw. Perfect ‫ חסָ֫ה‬Ps 57:2. ‫( עשוות‬read ‛asûwôth) 1 S ‫הע ו‬ e e e 25:18 K thı̂bh. since the sense requires an intransitive ַ ‫ָל‬ verb. in Dt 32:18.י‬viz. imperative ‫ בּע֫יוּ‬Is 21:12. For ‫ רֹאִָ֫י‬Is 47:10. and § 93 x).—On ‫ 1 עשֹׁה‬K 20:40 for ‫ . Jb 3:25. Jb 12:6. ‫( ִ֫חדּ . 1886 ff. ‘Das Qaâtil-Partizipium.—Analogous to ‫ ְ ִי‬from ‫ .). 83:3. The full forms (without apocope of the ‫ . p. and ‫ חָה‬to live. but in pause (§ 29 n) ‫ . &c. ‫ ֽוֹפָה‬spying. and on the participles of ‫ . and Jos 7:21 in K thı̂bh. ָֽ ְיוּ‬as perf. Ps 36:8.ְ ִי‬the second Yôdh being resolved into ı̂ at the end of the word. ‫ פּֽרָה‬fruitful. ed. ֵשׁ‬or better ‫ִשֶׁה‬ ִ ֶ ‫ָי‬ ‫תּ‬ ּ ‫תּ‬ (Samaritan ‫ . of which three are in the Pent.). besides feminine forms like ‫ עֹ ָה‬Ju 20:31.

19. ‫( תּ ַר‬for ‫=תּע ֶה‬te‛arrè) Ps 141:8. Ginsb. 1 S 3:21 for ‫ .g. once with an initial guttural ָ‫נ‬ ‫ ִֽ ֲרוּ‬Ct 1:6 for ‫ . 1 S 21:14 (but read with Thenius ‫ . No examples ָ ִ‫נ‬ ִ ִ ‫נג‬ of the 2nd plur.).—The infinitive absolute ‫ ְִלוֹת‬emphasizing an infinitive construct.)מבָה‬but it is more correct. ‫ַלּ‬ ‫ע‬ 11. in fact. ַוֹּה‬with ôth Hb 3:13 ‫( ָרוֹת‬cf. and Hithpa‛ēl. 2 S 6:20. viz.ל״ה‬see § 49 k. ‫ לכ ֵא‬Dn 9:24 (on the ‫ א‬see rr). 8. hence ‫ ְַ ַו‬and he commanded.ִבָח ְִ ְאָ֫ ָת‬ ‫נ ְ ז ו נמ ס‬ On Pi‛ēl. Dt 2:9.—In the 3rd sing. ‫ ַֽעֶָ֑ה‬Ju 5:29 (unless they are sing. In the 1st and 2nd persons of the perfect Pi‛ēl the second syllable in most of the instances has ‫ ־ י‬on the analogy of Qal (see f). abs. Gn ‫ְג‬ ‫ויּ ְ גּ‬ 9:21.הגלות‬The infin. ‫ תּת ַע‬Pr 22:24. (e. ֵ ‫ע ּ ת‬ perfect Pô‛ēl ‫ )שׁוֹו ֵי ִי= ( שׁוֹשׂ֫ ִי‬occurs in Is 10:13.ל ֵֽ ָאֹת‬cf. Here the forms with ‫ ־ י‬in the 1st and 2nd pers. bb. see § 52 o). ‫ ֻשֵׂ֫י ִי‬Ps 139:15. is very ‫נג‬ extraordinary.ָֽאָה‬read ‫ ַֽאָה‬with ed. in Pu‛al ‫ ֻנּוֹת‬Ps 132:1.ק ֵל‬the more frequent form ‫ַ וּ ַלּ‬ ‫ַטּ‬ even in the strong verb. ‫ ִשׁ ָָֽה‬Pr 27:15 (in pause for ‫ ו )ִשׁתָּה‬and ‫ ת‬may be transposed for euphonic ‫נְתּ ו‬ ‫נ ְ ְו‬ reasons. for which ‫ַכּ‬ ‫ְ ַלּ‬ ‫ע ְ ַלּ‬ in 2 K 13:17. consec.—Hithpa‛ēl has (besides ‫ ־ י‬Jer 17:16) as a rule ‫( ־ י‬Pr 24:10. but in ‫נ‬ ‫נא‬ Ps 93:5. ‫ ָאווּ‬they are beautiful (for ‫ )ַֽ ֲווּ‬Is 52:7.—With ‫ י‬retained in pause ‫ ִטּ֔יוּ‬Nu 24:6. On Niph‛al. Hithpa‛ēl ‫ ִַתַל‬and he uncovered himself. Pô‛ēl.דּמּ֫ית‬always so in the first plur. 7. Ho 6:9 (only orthographically different from ‫ַכּ‬ ‫ .—The irregular ‫ ֵֽ ֲלוּ‬Ez 36:3 has probably arisen from a ‫תּע‬ combination of the readings ‫( ַֽ ֲלוּ‬Qal) and ‫( ֵֽ ָלוּ‬Niph‛al)..—As infinitive construct ‫ ח ֵי‬occurs in Pi‛ēl. with suff. according to § 23 d. of the perfect predominate ‫ ־ י‬only ֵ ִ in ‫ ִקּ֫ית‬Gn 24:8). sing. occur. 9. n). always ‫ . n. xxx. ZDMG. Pi‛el of ‫ .אָָה‬not Pi‛lel of ‫נ ֲנ‬ ‫ו‬ ‫ . ‫נ ֲו‬ ‫נ ֲנ‬ 8. Ezr 9:14 ‫ עד־כּ ֵה‬with infin. Cf.ִָ ֶה‬in one verb middle guttural. ‫ ל ֵֽ ָאֹה‬occurs in Ju 13:21.ֶֽ ֱרוּ‬probably arising from the ordinary strong form niḥru. 7.קִ֫י ִי . The form with ‫ ־ י‬is found only in the 1st ִִ ָ ‫ִכּ‬ ֵ sing. see § 51 l. The apocopated imperfect must (according to § 20 l) lose the Dageš forte of the second radical. ‫ ִָל‬from ‫ . with Wellhausen. however. ‫ ְַ ָו‬and he ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫וי ת‬ made marks. Niph‛al (‫ .ִבָּה‬cf. Gn 24:20. Pu‛al always has ‫ . cf.g. ‫( ִ ַח‬for ‫ )ִ ָח‬Ps 109:13. 1 K 2:26.ִשָׁ֫ ָה‬Among Niph‛al forms of ‫ ל״ה‬must be ‫נְו ת‬ classed. The apocope of the imperfect causes no further changes beyond the rejection of the ‫. Jo 4:21.g. on the other hand in the 1st plur. On the other hand.נאו = נאה‬hence. Pu‛al.—A 1st sing.‫ תּרא֫יָה‬Mi 7:10. ‫ כּסּ֫ינוּ‬Gn 37:26. ‫ויּ ת‬ ַ ‫וי‬ read ‫ . ‫)ַֽ ֲשׂח .ֶח ָה . Nöldeke. above.הֹרוֹ‬infinitives absolute of the passive of Qal. ‫ֵת‬ ‫סת‬ 10. ‫. probably it is a subsequent correction of an erroneous repetition of ‫—. On ‫ הֹגוֹ‬and ‫ .־ י‬as ‫ 1 ְִל֫ינוּ‬S 14:8. a form occurs with the Qameṣ ‫יגּ‬ ‫יגּל‬ ‫ימּ‬ ‫ימּ‬ ‫ִמּ‬ shortened to Pathaḥ. and ִ ָ ִ ִ ‫ִוּ ת‬ before suffixes. as ‫ . ‫ ִשׁ ָע‬Is 41:10.־ י‬e. Both ‫ְִֶ נּ‬ ‫תּ ֲנ נּ‬ cases are probably to be explained according to § 20 i. not of Pô‛ēl.)ְַשׁן‬In Hithpa‛ēl ‫ . 185). ‫ דּ ִית֫נוּ‬Ps 44:20. Ps 37:1. ֵ ִ Jer 50:24).־ ה‬ ֶ e.ַָ֫ ָף‬and instead of the meaningless ‫ ְַשׁנּוֹ‬ibid.אַל־תּתָר‬in close connexion.כּ ֵה‬like ‫ . e. to explain the ‫ מ‬from a ‫ֻ ְז‬ confusion with ‫ נמס‬and to read. constr. With the lengthening of Pathaḥ to Qameṣ. 31:1. cf. with ô only in Ps 40:2 ‫ . of the 3rd sing. 19. fem.—On the infinitive ‫ְח ר‬ ‫ְה ר‬ Niph‛al with the ‫ ה‬elided. Is 5:4. Mant. ‫ ַֽאָה‬from ‫ . 8:17 along with the form with ı̂). ‫ויצ‬ ‫ְע‬ ‫ְ ָר‬ even in the principal pause ‫ אַל־תַּֽל‬Pr 25:9. cf. ‫ 2 ַד־לכ ֵה‬Ch 24:10. according to ַ ‫וי‬ ‫ִ ְגּ‬ ‫תְּתּ‬ . Ct 1:10.. where Baer requires ‫ . On the tone of the perf.g. but probably we should simply read ‫—. as in verbs ‫ . The infinitive absolute Pi‛ēl takes the form ‫( קֵה . Similarly the solecism ‫ 1 ְמבָה‬S ‫תּע‬ ‫תּע‬ ‫נִ ְז‬ 15:9 might be due to a combination of the participle fem.ַח ָה‬ ‫נְז‬ ‫נ ע ָ נְפּ נְל‬ with the Hoph‛al (‫ .ח ֵה‬if the text is correct).ע״ע‬but in pause ‫ תּ ָֽח‬verse 14. with Buxtorf and others (cf. fem.. n. see above. but the harshness ‫נח‬ ‫נח‬ of ‫ ח‬immediately followed by ‫ ר‬is avoided by pronouncing the ‫ ח‬with Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ. ‫ק‬ ‫ע‬ above.

see § 69 g. 2 K 11:4 (see § 28 d): or else has a helping vowel. Before suffixes the forms with ı̂ predominate throughout. ‫ ַרדּ‬he shall subdue.ה ְבּוֹת‬Cf. cf. also Ju 20:38. ֻ‫ )תּ ְאַוּוּ=( תּ ְאַ‬is intended to be read for ‫תּ ָאוּ‬ (imperfect Pi‛ēl from ‫. 1 Ch 11:17. it cannot be explained the text stands. 16. Hiph. as a supposed imperative. Lehrgeböude. In the infinitive Hiph‛ı̂l of ‫ ר ָה‬to be abundant. ‫גּ‬ ‫מ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫נסּ‬ ‫ התח֑ל‬feign thyself sick. 6. ‫ ַן‬prepare thou. &c.הר ִית‬an ‫ַ ְבּ‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ evident scribal error for ‫ . cf. in 2 S 14:11 the Qerê requires ‫ הר ַת‬for the Kethı̂bh ‫ . Examples of forms in which the Yôdh is retained are the imperfects ‫ תּד ְיוּן‬Is 40:18. In Hoph‛al only ‫ ־ י‬occurs in the 2nd ֵ syllable.g. ‫ 1 הְ ָם‬Ch 8:7.—On ‫ ר ֶה‬Ju 9:29. The forms with ê in the second ָ ִ ְֵָ ‫וַ ְא ת‬ syllable (also written defectively. 14.הך‬c) has a helping vowel. On ‫ ְהר ֵי ִי‬Na 3:5. u. Dt 28:63. consec. Pr 23:3. 22:17.. see above. ê in Ex 4:12. The shortened imperfect Hiph‛ı̂l either takes no helping vowel. Is 41:2. ִ ֵ ִ‫ו‬ (except Pr 5:13).ל״ה‬see § 49 k. Gn 29:10. ‫ 2 ֶַ֫ ַע‬Ch 33:9. and on a similar case in Qal. ‫& . especially in ‫( הְ ָה‬but perfect consecutive ‫ 2 ְהְ ָה‬K 24:14). The Seghôl also occurs in the 1st ‫ֶ גל‬ ‫ָל נ‬ ‫וֶ ְדּ‬ sing.g. cf..ִ ְאַו‬but cf. on ‫ אּכלך‬Ex 33:3. e.ֶַ֫ל‬see § 27 r).. ‫ ה֫ ֶף‬let alone (for ‫ הר ֵה . ‫ ְכסֻמ֑וּ‬they cover them. 22. 24:1. Pr 4:11. and never in the 1st plur.g. participle Pu‛al ‫ מ ֻֽחִם‬Is 25:6. where ı̂ predominates. § 53 p. probably ‫ ָא֫ ֶב‬Jos 24:3 ‫ויּ פ‬ ‫וֶ מ‬ ‫ויּ ת‬ ‫וֶ ר‬ e e ‫וֽ ְבּ‬ ‫ויּ ע‬ ‫ו ע‬ K thı̂bh (‫ ָאַר ֶה‬Q rê). n. Mi 6:3. ְ ְ‫י‬ Gn 9:27.—On ‫ ה ְרוֹת‬Jb 17:2 (with Dageš f. 2 Ch 24:11).הר ֵה‬which had come to be used ‫ַ ְבּ‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ invariably (but König calls attention to its use as infinitive construct in Ez 21:20) as an adverb. ‫ .ה ְאָה‬also with ‫ֶ גל‬ ‫ו ִ גל‬ ‫ֶר‬ ‫ֶל‬ suffixes. ‫ ַל‬open thou. e. ‫ הלאת֫יך‬Mi 6:3. ‫ה֫ ַל‬ ‫ֶר‬ ְ ְ ַ ‫ַ ְפּ‬ ‫ַע‬ ‫ִת וּ‬ ‫ִת‬ ‫ְת‬ 1 1 In Nu 34:7 f.ארִַ֫ך‬ ‫ָו‬ ְ‫ֲ ַוּ י‬ On Hiph‛ı̂l and Hoph‛al. as ‫ ַפתּ‬let him enlarge.. ‫ ה֫ ֶב‬increase thou (for harb. &c. e. cf. of ‫ . which can be distinguished as Hiph‛ı̂l from the similar forms in Qal only by the sense. for ‫ארֶָ֫ך‬ ‫יַ ְ י‬ ‫ְמ ָי‬ ְ‫ֲ ַיּ ו‬ Is 16:9 (from ‫ )רָה‬read with Margolis. according to verse 10. ‫ֶר‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ however..) ָאָה‬ ‫תּ‬ . ַט .ָאַ֫ ַל‬c. whilst Baer and Ginsburg read ‫ִ ת ית‬ with the best authorities ‫( תּ ְאַו . 2 ‫יג‬ ‫יג‬ K 18:11. ‫ ַַ ְא‬and he ְ ְ‫י‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ויּר‬ showed. 597).—In Ps 137:7 ‫ע֫רוּ‬ ְִָ ‫ַבּ‬ ָ rase it. ‫ַמּ‬ dirimens) see § 20 h.—The apocopated imperative Hiph‛ı̂l always (except in verbs ‫ . § 20 m. see § 27 q. ‫ ַתּ֫ ֶר‬Ez 5:6. see above. ַו‬also ‫ צֵה‬command ‫צ‬ ‫ַוּ‬ thou.. Finally. ‫ ה ְאִָ֑י‬Jb 16:7. ‫ ַַשׁק‬and he watered. The 3rd sing. 2 S 13:5.הרףּ‬Dt 9:14. 12.1—On ‫ אחְך‬Jb 15:17 ‫ִ ת ית‬ ָ‫ֲ ַו‬ (for ‫ )אחְך‬cf. besides the construct ‫ ה ְבּוֹת‬we find the ‫ָב‬ ‫ַר‬ absolute ‫ הר ָה‬taking the place of the common form ‫ .דּ ְיוּ‬ ָ‫ֲ ַוּ‬ ְָָ ‫יר‬ ‫ַל‬ which is referred to Pi‛ēl by some. as ‫ ְהכּת֫י‬Jer 21:6) are found throughout in the 1st sing.פ״ן‬e. masc. ‫ ַס‬for ‫ ַ ֵה‬prove thou. cf. used in ‫ה‬ order to avoid the hiatus.g. In the other persons they are about equally common with ı̂. § 53 q. ‫ְ ַמּ‬ verse 25 and 46:5. cf. König. e. is found twice instead of ‫( ָר֫וּ‬for ‛arrû) for rhythmical reasons (cf.ה‬cf. ‫ ֶַ֫ ֶר‬Ps 105:24. On the tone of the perf.perfect Hiph‛ı̂l sometimes has Seghôl in the first syllable instead of ı̆ (§ 53 p). Ex 15:5. ‫ )הר ֵה‬Ps 51:4 Qerê. Ps 119:18. ‫ ִיע֫רוּ‬in ‫ע‬ ָ‫ו‬ the imperfect.. Ps 61:8. ‫ וארב‬i. § 48 l. rarely in the 2nd sing. i. 13. on ‫. on ‫ ְ ַד‬Ju 5:13. ‫ 67 § . Dt 2:24. 15. in the sense of much. Dn 1:12..e. except in the 2nd plur. Gn 41:49.—In 2 K 3:24 ‫( ַכּוֹת‬before ‫ )א‬is probably infinitive absolute. as ‫( ֶֶ֫ל‬for ‫ . § 113 x. however.Qimḥi also ‫ תּ ְאָו .—Examples of verbs first guttural: ‫ ַַ֫ ַל‬Nu 23:2. Examples of apocopated imperatives in Pi‛ēl and Hithpa‛ēl are: ‫ . ‫ ְהפ ָהּ‬Ex 21:8. ‫. however.ִ ְאָו‬Ps 45:12. Seghôl ְַ ‫ה‬ or Pathaḥ.g. where.ה ְאָה .—On the infinitives with elision of the ‫ . the pointing ‫ הר ֶה‬Jer 42:2 ‫ַר‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ probably arises from regarding this form as a noun..

‫ה ְ תּ ֲו‬ ָ ִ in ‫ . also ‫ . 8. imperfect ‫ ֵ ֵא‬let him look out. ‫ תּר ֵה‬Dn 1:13.—The imperfect Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ָע‬ ‫ְע‬ with Yôdh retained occurs only in ‫ תּוְֹיוּן‬Jb 19:2.עָ֫הוּ‬imperfect ‫. Pr 1:10. Lv 5:9. but the Mil‛ēl-tone probably points to ‫ תּ֫ ַח‬as the correct reading (cf. aa. The ending ‫ ־ י‬appears to stand for ‫ ־ ה‬in the imperfect Qal in ‫ ַתְִּי־שׁם‬and there hath she ִ ֶ ָ ‫ו ִ זנ‬ played the harlot. however. Jer 3:6. ‫ ַֽ ֲשׂה‬he will do. that a great number of these forms ‫ֱ זר‬ ‫ֱ זר‬ occur in pause and represent at the same time a jussive or voluntative (Jos 7:9). perhaps. 12– ‫יָצ‬ ‫ִ ָנ‬ ‫ְ גלּ‬ 17. 2nd pers. ‫( ֶֽהֵה‬so Baer ‫א ְי‬ and Ginsburg. from ‫ . like ‫ שׂ֫חוּ‬for saḥw). and at the same time to make a distinction in sound between the jussive or voluntative and the ordinary imperfect. which is probably for ‫ החליא‬from ‫ . imperatives. Hillel. but for ‫ ָשׁע‬Ps 39:14. ָֽעלך . ֫‫ .ְַרבּ֑ך‬Gn 28:3. Is 64:3. see n) represent the view of a particular Masoretic school. § 59 h. On the infinitive construct Pi‛ēl ‫ . the 2nd sing. in each case ֑‫ . suggests the view that the Ṣere is used merely to increase the emphasis of the pausal form. In two verbs the rare conjugation Pa‛lēl or its reflexive (§ 55 d) occurs: ‫מ ַֽחֵי‬ ‫ְט ֲו‬ archers. Dn 1:13. Pr 8:22. 17. which could only be imperative Hiph‛ı̂l of ‫ה ֲל‬ ַ‫ה‬ ‫=( שׁ ַע‬smear over. ‫ אַל־ ִֽהֵה‬Jer 17:17.ָָה‬Cf. ‫אַל־ ַֽ ֲשׂה‬ ֵ‫י ע‬ ‫תּ ְי‬ ‫ב‬ ֵ‫תּ ע‬ do thou not. ‫ ִַשׁתּ֫חוּ‬for wayyištaḥw (analogous to ‫ֵ ת‬ ‫י ְ תּ ֲו‬ ַ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ‫יְתּ ח‬ the noun-forms. The ‫ ־ י‬stands for ‫ ־ ה‬in the perfect Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ ֶֽח ִי‬he made sick. ‫ְ גלּ‬ ‫ְ גלּ‬ ֵ ‫ינ‬ ‫ינפּ‬ ‫ אָ ֵה‬Ez 5:12 (with Zaqeph. Cf.)עִַ֫י‬Jb 30:19. which was intended to be consistently carried out. ‫ג‬ ‫יג‬ In General. imperative ‫ַכּ‬ Qal ‫ הֵא‬Jb 37:6 (in the sense of fall).־ י‬may be ֵ ֵ ֵ due to imitation of these forms.חלא‬a secondary form of ‫ . or with a conjunctive accent. e. in Pi‛ēl ‫ תַּ ֵה‬Lv 18:7. and imperfects in ‫ . Still more strange is it in the ‫ֶ ְת‬ ‫ֶמ‬ imperfect Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ אַל־תּ֑מ ִי‬Jer 18:23. 3rd plur. In Aramaic the imperfect and participle of all the conjugations terminate in ‫ ־ א‬or ‫. ‫ ַַֽ ֲשׂה‬Jos 9:24. to prostrate oneself.־ ה‬less frequently ‫ ־ א‬or ‫ . Jos 7:9. Jer 31:1.ִשׁ ַֽ ֲווּ‬Instead of the aramaizing infinitive ָ with suffix ‫ 2 בּ ִשׁ ַֽחָָֽ ִי‬K 5:18 read with König ‫ . &c. ‫ִ ְס ו‬ 18.) I will be. masc. 33:12. Baer ‫ . Gn 21:16 (from ‫ . Gn 41:33 (but see above. Ps 118:5. ‫( ֲַקּ֑ה‬Baer ‫ )ְַ ֶה‬Na 1:3.(for ‫ ) ַֽע ֵה‬Ex 8:1. Jer 40:16 Qerê).ע‬cf. in ‫ ־֫ ית‬and 1st pers. 2 S 13:12 (the same form in Gn 26:29. ‫ָח‬ ‫ָח‬ ‫ַ ֲו‬ whence reflexive ‫ ִשׁ ַֽחָה‬to bow oneself. however. &c. is a purely Aramaic form. ‫ אַל־תֹּ ֵא‬consent thou not. 20:19. Pa‛lēl ‫ שֽׁחָה‬not in use. Neh 13:14). &c.1 Elsewhere (Gn 26:29. Zc 9:5) the pronunciation with ê is probably intended to soften the hiatus caused by a following ‫ א‬or ‫ . the analogous cases above. cf. Before suffixes in all forms ending in ‫ .עָך‬Is 30:19 (and even when not in ‫ָנ נ‬ ָ‫ע נ‬ ְ‫ָנ‬ pause Jer 23:37) or like ‫ קֶ֫ך‬Dt 32:6. 1 S 28:15 (but Baer ‫ . ‫ ְַפרך . ֵ ‫ונּ ע‬ ‫ִ ְא‬ also in Niph‛al ‫ ִמּ ֵה‬Lv 5:9. ‫המ ִיו‬ ‫ִ ְס‬ (Baer ְ‫ )המ ִי‬they made to melt.בּ ִשׁ ַֽ ֲווֹ ִי‬in Ez 8:16 ‫ ִשׁ ַֽחִי ֶם‬is still more ‫ְ ה ְ תּ ֲ יי ת‬ ‫ְה ְ תּ ח ת‬ ‫מ ְ תּ ֲו ת‬ certainly a scribal error for ‫. ‫ ָחִ֫י‬Gn 24:27. even with lesser disjunctives. Jos 14:8.חלה‬see rr.עָם .הכִּ֫י‬ ָ‫י ַנ‬ 1 1 Possibly these examples (like the eases of Seghôl in pause.־ י‬ ֵ ֵ The Hebrew infinitives. as in Is 6:10).ה‬a connecting vowel is employed instead of the ‫ ה‬and the connecting vowel which precedes it (§ 58 f). ‫—.הכּ֫הוּ .)אָ ֶה‬The fact. cf.ַֽעֵ֫הוּ‬ ָ ‫ָנ‬ ָ ֶ ְ ‫וי ְ ְ ָ וי‬ ‫ָנ ָנ‬ ‫י ֲנ‬ ‫ה ְֶָ ִַ נ‬ ִֶ ֫‫ ַֽעְך‬Hiph‛ı̂l ‫. ְָֽך‬in pause ‫ . fem. or it may have been introduced into the text of Jeremiah from Ez 16:15. u. Jer 40:16.g.־֫ י ִי‬imperfect ‫ . is intended.לֹא תַ ֵה‬beside ‫ תַּ ֶה‬with a minor distinctive.. ‫( תּבֵּה‬according to Qimḥi) Nu 21:27.ח ֵי‬see above. The plur. in pause ‫ 1 עִָ֫י‬K ‫נַ נ‬ ‫ָנ נ‬ 2:30. § 74 l. Is ִ ָ ‫ה ֱל‬ 53:10.)ט ָה‬but most frequently in ‫ שׁ ָה‬to bend. read with Baethgen ‫ שׁ ֵה‬look away.ִשׁ ַֽחֶה‬consecutive 3rd sing. ‫ֱו‬ ‫יר‬ p). . according to Baer also Mi 7:10. ִשׁ ַֽחִים‬ ‫מ ְ תּ ֲו‬ 19. after cod.

‫ ָלוּ‬they are full. especially in the later writers and the poets. Qal) Zp 3:1. Jb 8:21. ‫ ְכסּ֫ימוֹ‬Ps 140:10 Q rê. imperative ‫ֶ ְפּ‬ ‫ ר ָה‬heal thou. Is 51:19. Jer ‫נח‬ ‫ֵ ָב‬ 19:11. 1 K 9:11. ‫ אַפ ֵי ֶם‬Dt ֵ ‫ְא ה‬ e ‫ֵַ נ‬ 32:26.—For ‫( פֹּרֹאות‬so Baer. perf. end in ‫ ־ י‬before suffixes. ‫ ִק ָה‬Dn 10:14. Gn 31:39 ‫ . cf. Is 21:12. 18. ‫ ִשֶׁא‬La 4:1. cf. but perhaps they are merely due to a less correct plene writing. imperfect Qal ‫ אר ָה‬Jer 3:22. Ec 2:26. imperfect ‫נְ ָ ת‬ ָ ֵ‫נ‬ ‫ 2 ֵַ ָֽפוּ‬K 2:22 (infinitive Jer 19:11). ‫ 1 תּכ ָה‬K ‫ְ ַפּ‬ ‫יֻנּ‬ ָ ‫יְר‬ ‫ִ ְל‬ e ‫ל‬ 17:14: in both. Pi‛ēl perfect ‫ מ ָא‬he has filled. ‫ ִבּ֫ית‬thou hast prophesied.ה‬but keeping their ‫ ל״א‬vowels. Ps 60:4. the older form ‫( ָ ַת‬see i) ‫גּל‬ is always used before a suffix. Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ויּר‬ ‫ויר‬ participle ‫ מקֶה‬Ez 8:3.ל״ה‬e. 1 S 6:10. ‫ 2 ֶַֽח ֶא‬Ch 16:12. ‫( ִ ְרֹא‬infin. ‫יְר‬ ‫ְל‬ ‫ 2 ויראו המוראים‬S 11:24 Kethı̂bh). see § 23 i. ‫יַלּ‬ (c) Forms entirely of a ‫ ל״ה‬character. Pi‛ēl imperfect ‫ ְַ ַפּוּ‬Jer 8:11.ל ְשׁוֹת‬with elision of the ‫ א‬and retraction of the vowel. 42:4.־אָ֫ ָה‬cf. ‫ תּקר֫אָה‬Ex 1:10. Pi‛ēl imperfect ‫ ְמ ֵה‬he will fill. 1 K 20:35. cf. imperative sing. ‫ִָ ת‬ Ps 119:101. Jer 51:34. infinitive ‫ 1 התַבּוֹת‬S 10:13. e. perfect Qal ‫ כּל֫א ִי‬I have refrained. Even in ֵ ַ‫י‬ these examples a return to the original ending ay might be assumed.g. cf. ‫ מוֹ ֶא‬Ec 7:26. Ru ‫וֶמ‬ 2:9. ‫ מסלּ ִים‬La ‫ֹר‬ ‫יְר‬ ‫ְ ֻ ָא‬ 4:2. Jablonski and others require as Q rê the form ‫( ל ַשׁאוֹת‬so Is 37:26). Thus there are forms of verbs ‫—ל״א‬ (a) Which have adopted the vowels of verbs ‫ . ‫נ‬ (b) Forms in ‫ . Ps 89:11. ‫ָר ָר‬ . there are forms of verbs ‫ . are due to the elision of the ‫ .g.5:24 ראָתך‬ ִַ ‫ִ ַת‬ ‫ע ָ ְנ‬ ְָָֽ The Relation between Verbs ‫ ל״ה‬and ‫. Niph‛al. Gn 23:6. 2 S 3:8.א‬see § 74 i. ‫ 2 בּ ָא‬S 12:17 (textus ‫ת‬ ‫ָר‬ receptus ‫ ְרצ֫א ִי . ‫ ִשֶׂא‬Jb 8:11. ‫( תח ְאַ֫תה‬not ‫ .תּ ַכּאוִַּ֫י‬ ‫ט‬ ‫ר‬ ‫נר‬ ‫ְד נ נ‬ according to the correct reading. 1 K 22:25. For the Kethı̂bh ‫ַ ְנ‬ ָ ִ‫ִ ְ נ‬ ‫ִ ְנ‬ e ְ ‫ְה‬ ‫ 2 להשות‬K 19:25.ל״ה‬which wholly or in part follow the analogy of verbs ‫ . ‫כּ‬ ‫מ‬ infinitive ‫( ֲטוֹ‬see above. forms like ‫ 1 חֹ ִאים‬S 14:33. from ‫ . ‫ אָת֫נוּ‬Jer 3:22. ‫. cf. above. masc. ֶ ‫ִלּ‬ however. Jb 18:3). ‫ יׄ ָא‬Ec 10:5. ‫ הכּ֫יִי‬smite me.ל״א‬e. imperfect ‫( ִכ ֶה‬for ‫ )ִכ ָא‬he will keep back. ‫וָ ִ ת ָר‬ ‫יְגּ‬ ‫יְנ‬ ‫ויּ ֶ ל‬ ‫ְִֶ נ‬ Lv 10:19. 1 S 22:2. cf. ‫. Jb 19:2 (cf. fem. In the 3rd sing. ‫ 2 ִירוֹא‬Ch 26:15 (cf. 1 S 12:24. Jos 6:17. ‫ט‬ ‫ט‬ ‫צ‬ ‫ נשׁא‬lending. fem. 31:8). Niph‛al beside ‫ 2 )ִקר֫י ִי‬S 1:6. Hithpa‛el ‫ 1 התַבּ֫ית‬S 10:6. the Kethı̂bh would have to be read ‫ . Ez 28:16. On the other hand. On the other hand. ‫ 2 תּ ָאוּם‬S 21:12 Q rê. Ho 11:7). plur. Niph‛al perfect ‫( ִפ ְאַ֫ ָה‬like ‫ )ְִל ֶה‬it was wonderful. 25:33. in their consonants ‫ אָ ָא‬he comes.Only very seldom does the imperat. Jer 26:9 (cf. ‫ ַפ ִיא‬Ho 13:15. 9:2. ‫ תּרפּ֫יָה‬they heal. 39:26. perfect Qal ‫ ְצ ִת‬and when thou art athirst. ‫ קֹ ִאים‬Ps 99:6. cf.פּ ָה=פּ ָא‬read ‫ פֹּארוֹת‬branches.)אחטָּ֫ה‬and ‫ ְראוּ‬imperative plur. ‫ תּל ִים‬Dt 28:66 (cf. The close relation existing between verbs ‫ ל״א‬and ‫ ל״ה‬is shown in Hebrew by the fact that the verbs of one class often borrow forms from the other. is perhaps intended). Ez 17:6. ‫ ִק ָא‬Gn 49:1. ‫ַה‬ 22. according to Ez 31:5. 2 S 1:26) she hid. &c. Is 65:20. e.g. ‫ִִ ת‬ Jer 51:9. 2 S ‫יגמּ‬ ‫נְל ת‬ ‫נג ְ ת‬ ‫ִ ְל‬ ָ ‫ֶ ְבּ‬ ‫ת‬ 1:26. ‫ ָלוּ‬they shut up. read with ‫ְפ‬ ‫נְבּ‬ Ewald the infinitive absolute ‫ ֶ ְבֹּה‬as in verse 23). Is 38:16.ל״א‬ 20. ‫( מֽ ְאָה‬participle fem. Am 4:2 (where. e. Ps 34:10. participle passive ‫ ָשׂוּי‬Ps 32:1. cf. 21.)בּ ָה‬Ez 43:27. or impf. Gn 31:39. Gn 20:6 (on ‫ ְלֹאת‬see above.g. ‫ט‬ ‫צ‬ ָ ֶ ‫נ‬ Niph‛al ‫ ִרפּ֫ ָה‬Jer 51:9. ‫ח‬ ‫מ‬ ‫ ח ִי‬Is 26:20. imperfect ‫ ְַ ֶא‬Jb 39:24. ‫שָׁא‬ ‫ְ ֻא‬ ‫נק‬ ‫נְ ֵ ת‬ ‫ִנּ‬ 2 K 25:29. On ‫ ִָשׂוּא‬Jer ‫יר‬ ‫ינּ‬ 10:5 and ‫ ָשׂוּא‬Ps 139:20. in pause ‫ ָשׂ֑תִי‬Jb 33:4. and ‫ הח ֵה‬to hide oneself. Hiph‛ı̂l perfect ‫ הפ ָא‬Dt 28:59. 2 K 2:21. 37. participle ‫ )חֹ ֶא( חוֹ ֶא‬sinning. Jb 5:18. ‫ ִ ְפּאוּ‬Ez 47:8. 8:12. Hb 3:2. § 74 h). 143:3. cf. e. cf.g. fem. which can only be intended for ‫פּֽ ְאוֹת‬ ‫ֹר‬ participle fem. plur. cf. ‫ ְשֶׁא‬Ec 8:1: in their vowels. ‫ֲֶַ נ‬ ‫י‬ from ‫ ָ ֵא‬Jos 24:14. ‫( כּלּ֫תּוּ‬for ‫ )כּלּ ְהוּ‬Zc 5:4. ‫ רפּ֫א ִו‬I heal. absol. the perfect Niph. Ps 139:14. ‫ֲב‬ ‫יְל‬ ‫יְל‬ ‫ִ ְֶ נ‬ participle ‫ בּוֹו ֶה‬Pr 12:18. ‫ צֹב֫יה‬Is 29:7.g. n) to sin. ‫ ֶח ָה‬Jer 49:10 (which must evidently be a perfect. ‫ מר ֵא‬Jer 38:4.

so also ְ ‫ויּ ְ י‬ ‫ ַַז‬Lv 8:11.ְַַדּוּ‬u). ‫ ָשׂא‬to bear. Ex 16:23) for ‫ 32 §( את֫יוּ . § 75 u). § 66 and § 75). as ‫ ָ ָה‬to bow. § 69. ‫( ֵַ ֵא . Hiph‛ı̂l ‫. ‫ ) ִשֶׂ֫איָה‬and ‫ 2 ִשֵׂאת‬S 19:43 as infinitive absolute ‫תּ ּ נ‬ ּ ‫נ‬ Niph‛al (on the analogy of the infinitive construct Qal?). ‫ ָ ָה‬to smite..—‫ ָ ֵא‬to fear. participle ‫.g. imperfect Qal ‫ . imperative ‫( שׂא‬Ps 10:12 ‫ .)ַיּ ֱֽ ֶה=( ֵַא ֶה‬ ‫ב‬ ‫פ‬ ‫ויּ ת‬ ‫ויּ ת‬ ‫ואת‬ imperfect apocopated ‫ ַַאת‬Is 41:25 for ‫ . e. ‫ֱָ א‬ imperfect apocopated ‫ ַיֹּ֫ ֶל‬and he adjured. with rejection of the ‫ . as ‫ ָ ָא‬to go forth. also ‫ ְשׂא‬Is 1:14. (b) Verbs ‫ פ״ן‬and ‫( ל״ה‬cf. imperative ‫ ֵא‬go forth. ְאָה‬nd fem. ‫תּ ּ נ‬ ‫תּ ֶּ נ‬ and also the Mantua ed. is made audible again by the helping Seghôl (unless perhaps there is a confusion with the imperfect consecutive Hiph‛ı̂l of ‫. Infinitive ‫. to incline. 56:9. § 68 h) Dt 33:21 for ‫.ְ ֵה‬imperfect consecutive ‫ ִַיף‬Ez 31:7 (cf. ֵאת‬Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ הוֹ ִיא‬to bring forth. perhaps. ‫ אָ ָה‬to come. and ‫ ָָה‬to throw (both properly verbs ‫ . also Is 63:3 ‫יטּ‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ויּ‬ for ‫ 2 )ְֵז‬K 9:33 and he sprinkled (from ‫ . § 66 and § 74).§ 68 and § 75).ְרוֹת .ַך‬even with Athnaḥ 2 K 15:16. ‫ ַַדּוּ‬for ‫ 96 §( .ִ ֶה‬apocopated ‫( ֵַט‬Gn 26:25 ‫ )ֶַט־‬and he bowed.יֹא ֶה‬plur.ְשׂא‬of ָ‫נ‬ ָ ָ‫נ‬ which ‫ ְ ָה‬Ps 4:7 is probably only an orthographic variation). Thus e. textus receptus. Jb 23:11). § 70.g.)פ״ו‬and ‫ ָָה‬to be beautiful. e. the imperfect is ‫ ִדּוֹד‬in Na 3:7 and ‫ ִַד‬in Gn 31:40 (on the ‫נד‬ ‫י‬ ‫ידּ‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ידּ‬ analogy of verbs ‫ . Verbs Doubly Weak.הוֹ ָה . Hence ‫נט‬ ‫נכ‬ imperfect Qal ‫ . 30. and Ginsburg. ‫( ִַז‬so.)ע״ע‬but the imperfect Hoph‛al again ‫( ַֻד‬as ‫. 12 (cf. also ‫ .)ה ֵה‬infinitive ‫ . imperative ‫ . with the obscuring to ô.)ָָה‬Pi‛ēl.g. ‫ צאָ֫ה‬Ct 3:11. ‫ אַל־ ַט‬Ps 141:4 (cf.מ ֶה‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ַטּ‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ַכּ‬ ‫ֻכּ‬ ‫ֻכּ‬ (c) Verbs ‫ פ״א‬and ‫( ל״ה‬cf. it should be read with the LXX ‫יר‬ ‫ ְִיָם‬and their race (also in the very corrupt passage Ps 74:8 ‫ ִיָם‬is probably a substantive. ‫יצ‬ ‫צ‬ with ‫ ־ ה‬paragogic ‫ צ֫אָה‬Ju 9:29 in principal pause for ‫2 .יֹא ָה‬instead of the simple apocope (‫ )ַיּאֹל‬the ‫ א‬which had ‫י ל‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ו‬ already become quiescent.)פ״ן‬Hiph‛ı̂l ‫( הֵד‬like a verb ‫ . plur.יֹאפוּ‬cf.)31:61 ַתּ֫י ִי‬with suffixes ‫ ִַי ָם‬we ‫יר‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫וִ פ‬ ‫ונּ ר‬ have shot at them (from ‫ )ָ ָה‬Nu 21:30. ‫ונ נ‬ ‫ננ‬ and not the imperfect Qal with suffix from ‫ . as ‫ אָ ָה‬to be willing.§ 76.)א‬imperfect ‫ ִשֶָׂ֫ה‬for ּ ‫מ‬ ‫תּ ּנ‬ ‫ ִשֶׂ֫אָה‬Ru 1:14. § 70. which are derived from doubly weak verbs: (a) Verbs ‫ פ״ן‬and ‫( ל״א‬cf. ‫נ‬ with Driver. to ‫יד‬ praise.ַַאתּ‬imperative ‫ את֫יוּ‬Is 21:12. from ‫ ָ ַד‬to flee.מ ֶה‬Hoph‛al ‫ . The following are examples of difficult forms. ָ ֵ ‫צ‬ ‫ְֶ נ‬ infinitive ‫ . ‫ אָ ָה‬to bake. imperfect ‫.g. Hiph‛ı̂l to confess.ָרֹה‬ ‫יר‬ ‫יפ‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ imperative ‫ . and § 75). but most probably ‫ ִשּׂא‬is to be read.)ֶַַה‬Dt 2:33.שׂ֫ ֶת‬see the analogous noun-formations in § 93 t). infinitive construct ‫( שׂ ֵת‬for ‫נס‬ ‫ְא‬ ‫ . but also ten times ‫ ַַך . however. and are consequently affected by one or other of the anomalies already described.ֶַה‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫נז‬ ‫ִכּ‬ ‫יכּ‬ ‫ונּ ְ ויּכּ‬ apocopated ‫( ַַך . Hiph‛ı̂l perfect ‫ הת֫יוּ‬for ‫ ) ֶֽאת֫יוּ( ֵאת֫יוּ‬Is 21:14. ֱתוּ‬h. ‫ ֵפוּ‬bake ‫ויּ‬ ְ ְ ‫ויּ‬ ֵָ ‫א‬ ֵָ ָ ‫ה ֱָ ה‬ ye. probably. Gn 4:13 ‫ . ‫ . properly ‫ )ַא ֶה( ַֽא ֶה‬from ‫ . imperfect ‫ ִי ָא‬and ‫( ִַי ָא‬or ‫.ה ֶה‬participle ‫. ַכּוֹת‬participle ‫ .)יאל‬ (d) Verbs ‫ פ״י‬and ‫( ל״א‬cf.ְ ָא‬imperfect Niph‛al ‫ ִָ ֵא‬Ps 130:4. ‫ב‬ ‫פ‬ ‫ת‬ E.יֹא ֶה .הוֹ ָה‬ ‫ינ‬ ‫ויּ‬ ‫ויי‬ ‫ד‬ ‫ר‬ . 1. usage must teach whether one. with ‫ . or both.נוֹ ָא‬ ‫יר‬ ‫יוּ ר‬ ‫ר‬ (e) Verbs ‫ פ״י‬and ‫( ל״ה‬cf. wholly irregular are ‫ ִשְׂא֫יָה‬Ez 23:49 (so Baer after Qimḥi. and § 74).ְשׂוֹא‬Ps ‫ָא‬ ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ 89:10 ‫( שׂוֹא‬perhaps only a scribal error). 18:3. ‫ ָָה‬to throw. § 69.ָא ֶה‬and. In a tolerably large number of verbs two radicals are weak letters.אָ ָה‬whence ‫ו א‬ ‫יְל י ֲל‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ . or neither of them.ה ֵה‬apocopated ‫ הך‬smite thou (like ‫ויּ‬ ‫תּ‬ ‫ַכּ‬ ְַ ‫ ַט‬incline.)פ״ן‬ 2. In cases where two anomalies might occur. 1 S 14:24. takes effect.)ַיּ ָא‬ ‫צ‬ ‫צ‬ ‫יר‬ ‫יר‬ ‫ויּ ר‬ ‫ור‬ imperative ‫ . after the prefix ‫ ל‬always ‫( ָשׂאת‬otherwise the ֵ‫ל‬ contracted form only occurs in ‫ ִשֵׂתוֹ‬Jb 41:17.)ָָה‬perfect Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ ה ָה‬he smote.

and frequently. in the perfect Qal. read ‫ .ָ ַד . or their mutual interchange of certain forms. perfect. but in any case read ‫ ָ ַי‬perfect consecutive as in verse 35. Nestle. also ָ‫ ָבֹ֫א‬Gn 30:38) only in Jer 9:16. The close relation which exists between some classes of the weak verbs (e.ל״א‬particularly ‫ בּוֹא‬to come. and since 1907 by K.מ ִי . ē is retained in the secondary tone in the perfect consecutive when without suffixes. ‫ר‬ apocopated ‫ 2 ַיּוֹר‬K 13:17. see § 30 g) recurs in various weak stems of similar meaning.נוּד‬to flee.g.ִָי . for ‫ בֹּאוּ‬Jer 27:18. Stade.) ְָֽ ָה‬is also treated as a verb ‫ . ZAW. Relation of the Weak Verbs to one another. besides the ordinary development to ‫( חָה‬fem. by B.קָה‬In ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ָי‬ the imperfect ‫ ַתּ ִא‬is found once. which is weak (and the particular class of weak verbs with it). of ‫ ַי‬life.בּ֫את .ְ ֵֽ ֵאת‬Cf.ַ ָבֹ ִי‬cf. ‫ב‬ ‫ינ ֵ ב‬ (g) The form ‫ חַי‬to live. Is 43:23) Jer 25:13. ִיא‬but ‫ ְיוּ‬spue ye. ‫ ַֽה ֵאֹתוֹ( ַֽה ֵאֹתוֹ‬in ָ ‫וה ב‬ ‫ו ֲק‬ ‫ו ֲק‬ Opitius and Hahn is altogether incorrect). In Lv 25:36 the contracted form ‫ ְ ֵי‬is ‫וח‬ ‫וח‬ perhaps st. § 48 d. ‫ו‬ (f) Verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬and ‫ . where the Masora requires ‫ . Before suffixes the ē of the first syllable in the 3rd ָ ֲ ‫ֱב נ ֱב‬ sing.ל״ה‬and ‫ ע״ע .. imperfect ‫ . e. and 1 S 10:7 ‫תּ נ‬ ‫תּ ן‬ e K thı̂bh.ַ ָבֹ֫ ִי‬on the impossible forms Dt 33:16 and Jb ‫ותּ א‬ ‫ותּ א‬ 22:21 cf. constr. from ‫ .ה ִיאִַ֫י . ָבֹ֫אָה‬cf. once ‫ בּ֫נוּ‬for ‫ 1 בּ֫אנוּ‬S 25:8. read ‫ . xiv. besides ‫( ַָ ֵא‬analogous to ‫—. while the third consonant . Ct 3:4. ‫ אַל־תֹּנוּ‬Jer 22:3. ‫ מוּך‬and ‫ מכך‬to become poor. and from the root ‫ נד‬there are ‫ ָ ָה . ‫ מוּשׁ‬and ‫ ָשׁשׁ‬to feel. Ps 45:16. ָא‬or ‫( ָאת‬Gn 16:8. § 77. between ‫ פ״ו‬and ‫ ל״א .דּוּך .) with Dageš omitted in the ‫ י‬on ‫וָ י‬ ‫וַ יּ‬ account of the pausal lengthening of ă to ā. = Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Jer 25:27 ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ (perhaps only a mistake for ‫ . Marti. Thus from the root ‫ דך‬there occur with the same meaning ‫ דּ ָא . which is apparently ָ ָ the perfect.)אָ ִיא‬see § 74 k.—In the perfect Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ הב֫את . Perfect ‫ בּ֫את . ‫ ה ֵאת֫נוּ‬or ‫ . e.g. ֫‫ . .ה ִיאֹת‬the ‫ֵ ֵ ָ ֵב‬ ָ ‫ֲב‬ latter form is also certainly intended in Nu 14:31.דּכך‬to ְ ְַָ ְ ‫ָכ‬ strike. ‫ נוּד‬and ‫ ָ ַד‬to ְ ְַָ ַ‫מ‬ ‫נד‬ flee.g. 2 S ‫ָ ָ בּ‬ ָ ְ ‫בּ‬ 14:3. Lv 18:25. e. 2 K ִ ‫וה ב‬ 9:2. Verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬and ‫ ע״ע‬in which the first and third consonants are the same in both. ZAW. Giessen.יוֹ ֶה‬cf. § 75 m). ‫ָי‬ ‫ָי‬ ‫ . ed.g.ה ִיא‬and (only before a suffix) ‫ .)ֵַָא‬On ‫( אָ ִי‬for ‫וָק‬ ‫ויּ ק‬ ‫ויּב‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ . ָי‬ ‫ח ית‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ח‬ and with wāw consecutive ‫ ָ ַי‬Gn 3:22. but especially from the fact that frequently the same root (radix bilittera. in pause ‫.ְ ֵֽ ֵיאת֫י‬cf. ‫נד נד‬ In this manner the following classes are related in form and meaning: 1. ZAW.פ״י‬and ‫ ע״ע . 1881 ff.ע״וּ‬and ‫ )ל״ה‬appears not only in their similarity or identity of inflexion.ָבֹ֫אוּ‬In the imperfect Qal the separating vowel occurs (‫ ְבֹאָ֫יָה‬instead of ‫י‬ ‫נ‬ ‫תּ‬ the more common ‫ . 19:25.g. does not establish any difference in the meaning.infinitive ‫( הוֹדֹת‬as infinitive absolute 2 Ch 7:3). moreover.ע״ע‬and then becomes ‫ ַי‬in the 3rd pers. The ‫ח‬ ‫וח‬ form ‫ ָחָ֫ה‬occurs in Ex 1:16 in pause for ‫3( ָחָ֫ה‬rd fem. ‫ . always becomes Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl. Pr 25:16. cf. as being essential to the meaning. 319).) ִיאוּ‬is not to be referred to ‫ ִיא‬but to a secondary stem ‫ . e. The meaning accordingly is inherent in the two constant root-consonants. Mi 4:10. to crush.ה ִֽיאך‬elsewhere invariably Ḥaṭephָ ‫ֲב‬ ָ ‫ֲב‬ Pathaḥ.ה ִֽיאֹת֫נוּ‬On the other hand. For ‫ 1 ַ ָבֹאת‬S 25:34 Qerê (the Kethı̂bh ‫ ותבאתי‬evidently combines the two readings ‫וּ ָאת‬ ‫ותּ‬ ְ ‫ב‬ and ‫ .

Verba Defectiva.ל״ה‬on which cf.ה ְפּוֹ ֵץ‬Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ . ‫ טוֹב‬and ‫ ָ ַב‬to be good. from ‫. only ‫ ָהוּל‬Is 1:22) to ‫ָה‬ ‫מ‬ circumcise. do not occur in all the forms. when two kindred weak verbs are in use with the same meaning.יבשׁ‬on the analogy of verbs ‫ . ‫ חָה‬and ‫ חַן‬to incline. Imperfect ‫( ָגוּר‬from ‫. Grimm. Verbs ‫ ע״וּ‬and ‫ . ‫ גּוּר‬and ‫ ָגֹר‬to fear. ָאַשׁ‬ ‫ִ ְא‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ טוֹב‬to be good. It often happens. &c. ‫נפ‬ ‫צ‬ ‫ִת צ‬ ‫ֵפ‬ ‫ִ ְפּ‬ ‫( ָ ַב‬Qal in post-biblical Hebrew. in ‫דּ ָא‬ ‫ָכ‬ and ‫ דּ ָה‬to crush. § 71). and thus form together. ‫ שָׁה‬and ‫ שַׁג‬to err. Hiph‛ı̂l ‫( ה ִישׁ‬inferred from ‫ . used in Qal.פ״ו‬also in Is 30:5 the Q rê requires ‫ . an entire verb. ‫ ק ָה‬and ‫ קלל‬to ‫נ‬ ‫ָמ‬ ‫ָמ‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ָל‬ ַָ despise. ‫ ק ָא‬and ‫ פ ָה‬to meet (cf. however. ‫ דּ ָה‬and ‫ דּ ַם‬to be quiet. Verbs ‫ ע״ע‬and ‫ . ‫ ִשׁ ָה‬to give to drink. from a Qal ‫ שׁ ָה‬which is not ‫ָת‬ ‫הְק‬ ‫ָק‬ used in Hebrew. ‫ שׁ ָה‬and ‫ שׁ ַח‬to bend down.)פּוּץ‬Reflexive ‫ . ‫ ָ ַב‬and ‫ ָ ַב‬to place. but Hithpa‛ēl ‫. but with this difference. Ex 7:11 with ‫ ָט‬secret. ‫ דּ ָה‬and ‫ דּוּח‬to thrust. ferre. i. 196. ‫ ָגׄר‬to be afraid. Perfect ‫ .התַ ֵב‬ ‫נצּ‬ ‫ִצ‬ ‫ִ ְ יצּ‬ ‫ שׁ ָה‬to drink. ‫ אָ ַשׁ‬and ‫ דּוּשׁ‬to thresh.g. and sometimes to the above classes. ‫נפ‬ e.g. as it were..הֹבישׁ‬as if from ‫ֵב‬ ָ ‫ֱב‬ ִ ‫ב‬ e ‫ .e. To each other. 1903. ‫ אָָה‬and ‫נ‬ ‫ אַָן‬to sigh. latum. ‫ ָ ַשׁ‬and ‫( ָקשׁ‬yāqōs̆) to lay snares. The most common verbs of this kind are— ‫ בּשׁ‬to be ashamed.)קוּץ‬ ‫יק‬ ‫יק‬ ‫ֵק‬ ‫ ָ ַץ‬to break in pieces.)ה ִישׁ֫וֹת‬but also ‫ הוֹ ִישׁ .ִי ַץ‬for the perfect. whence (possibly) ‫נצ‬ Niph‛al ‫ ִ ַב‬and Hiph‛ı̂l ‫( ה ִיב‬see above. in O.פ״ן‬e. Verbs ‫ פ״י‬and ‫ .פּוּץ‬Niph‛al ‫ . ‫ כּ ָה‬and ‫ כּ ַל‬to end. ‫( נוּר‬in ‫ ְנוֹ ָה‬a light) and ‫ ָ ַר‬to shine. . ‫ שׁ ָה‬and ‫ שׁ ַס‬to plunder.פ״ן‬e. and in Latin fero. ‫2 ה ִיבֹ֫ת‬ ‫יט‬ ‫הט‬ ‫יט‬ ָ ‫ֱט‬ K 10:30). fut. to verbs of the other classes. they mutually complete one another. Imperfect ‫( ָפוּץ‬from ‫ . T. &c. ‫ָג‬ ‫ָג‬ ‫ָח‬ ‫ָח‬ ‫ָס‬ ‫ָס‬ 5. that both are defective. ‫יצ‬ ‫נצ‬ ‫נק‬ ‫י‬ Moreover. aor.ע״ה‬e. as in Greek ἔρχοµαι. Verbs ‫ פ״א‬are less frequently connected with these classes.לוּט‬ ‫ל‬ § 78. those tenses and forms which are not in use in the one verb are generally supplied by the other. &c. ἐλεύσοµαι. ‫ מוּל‬and ‫( מ ַל‬New Hebrew. § 75 nn). ἦλθον. ‫ָצ‬ ‫ָח‬ ַ 4.ה ִיץ‬Also ‫ פּצ ֵץ‬Jb 16:12. Lit.)גּוּר‬ ‫י‬ ‫י‬ ‫ ָ ַץ‬to awake.g.)פּוּץ‬Imperative ‫ . in ‫ מ ָה‬and ‫ָכ‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ָצ‬ ‫ מ ַץ‬to suck. Journal of Bibl.טוֹב‬but imperfect ‫ .2. only in the imperf. p. tuli. cf. stems belonging to the classes mentioned in 1 (especially ‫ )ע״וּ‬are frequently related also to verbs ‫ פ״י‬and ‫ . Since.g. the Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ ה ִיץ‬is used (from ‫. e.ָפוֹץ‬Pi‛ēl ‫ִ ֵץ‬ ‫נפ‬ ‫י‬ ‫נ‬ ‫נפּ‬ (from ‫ . ‫ . but in Hiph.. ‫ ָ ַח‬and ‫ פּוּח‬to ‫י‬ ‫יט‬ ‫נפ‬ ַ blow.g. in Aramaic and Arabic) to place. also ‫לה ִים‬ ‫ָה‬ ‫מ ר‬ ‫נה‬ ‫ְ ָט‬ secret arts.הֹ ִישׁ‬where the Kethı̂bh has ‫ב‬ ‫ הב ִישׁ‬from ‫.)ָ ַץ‬Pôlēl ‫( פּוֹ ֵץ‬from ‫ . ‫ מוּר‬and ‫ מ ַר‬to exchange. ‫ ָ ַץ‬and ‫ פּוּץ‬to dash to pieces. Verbs ‫ ל״א‬and ‫( ל״ה‬in which the first two consonants form the real body of the stem) are sometimes related to each other. that in Hebrew the roots of these verbs are almost always closely related.ִי ַב‬and Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ ֵי ִיב‬from ‫( ָ ַב‬but cf. ‫ד‬ 3.

ִַשׁ‬imperative ‫ . ibid. Qal.—Brockelmann. König.— The main points at issue in the works of De Lagarde and Barth are indicated below. 329 ff. are supplied by forms having the same meaning in other conjugations of the same verb. xlv. since 1903 ed.. Sprachwiss. Most of the examples adduced are at once set aside by accurate grammatical analysis. 1895. ’ ZDMG. or conjugations. ’ and lastly. ְ ַ ָ ‫יַך‬ Rem. Fischer. Nouns with external additions. 344 ff. by A. imperfect from Niph‛al. Perfect Niph‛al ‫ ִתּך‬with imperfect Qal ‫ . p. p. note) and imperfect. 535 ff.). second half. but imperfect ‫נגּ‬ ‫ . first half. see above. xlv. For the literature. Index and Additions. ‘Semitische Nomina. p. General View. in ZDMG.. also in the Beitraäge zur Assyriologie. Bemerkungen zu de Lagarde und Barth. Others. also § 109 i). i. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft. 1. xlviii. Grundriss. § 69 h.ְ ֵה‬but imperfect and infinitive ‫נח‬ ‫נח‬ ‫נח‬ always in Hiph‛ı̂l. those cases where the tenses or moods not in use in one conjugation. 10 ff. Arab. p. Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen. instead of which Niph‛al ‫ ִַשׁ‬is used. are supplied ‫יס‬ by the Hiph‛ı̂l ‫( יוֹ ִיף . p.ִתּך‬but the perfect Qal and ְ ַ‫נ‬ ְ ַ‫י‬ imperfect Niph‛al are not in use. &c. Lpz. Perfect usually ‫ ָ ָה‬in Qal. ZDMG. ibid.. 692 ff. forms which unite the supposed character and meaning of two different tenses. unused in Qal. p. (answered by Barth in ZDMG. Leipzig. cf. unused in perf.—Cf.הוֹ ִיף‬on ‫ יוֹ ֵף‬as imperfect indicative. second edition. also A. xliv. 359 ff. 1890.—Against Barth (though with many points of agreement): Philippi in the Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie. again. p. In support of De Lagarde: Hommel in ZDMG. § 3 f. to a certain extent. The infinitive (but cf.ַשׁ‬and infinitive ‫ ֶ֫שׁת‬from Qal only are in use. xlix. CHAPTER III THE NOUN § 79. ZDMG. Semit. see De Lagarde. Göttingen. 340 ff. 104 ff. ַ‫כּ‬ ‫ נגשׁ‬to approach. with indices of words and subjects. 1846 ff. are either merely wrong readings or represent an intentional conflation of two different readings. (answered again by Barth. some others appear to have arisen from misapprehension and inaccuracy. Perfect from Qal. ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ס‬ ‫ ָשׁל‬to stumble. see above. Müller. Leipzig. see § 109 d. 221 ff. 1891. p. und Hebr. especially from erroneous views of unusual plene forms. To the same category belong also. ii (1892). 679 ff.e.On ‫ )ָל ְ( הלך‬to go. ‫ נתך‬to be poured out. (against De Lagarde and Hommel: Barth.. 1889. so imperative ‫ .. ZDMG. Barth. 1889. J. . p. E. ‫יגּ‬ ‫גּ‬ ֶ‫גּ‬ ‫ ָ ָה‬to lead. 1891. xliv. p. 149 ff.. xlvi. p. ‘Die semitische Verbalund Nominalbildung. ii. § 69 x. § 83 d. 1. 1894. Thus: ‫ ָ ַף‬to add. genders. übliche Bildung der Nomina. Historisch-kritisches Lehrgebäude.. 187 ff. 2. Uebersicht über die im Aram. and dealing with the Index.).). The early grammarians often speak of mixed forms (formae mixtae). Simple nouns. and ZDMG.—Of these three important works the first two especially have given rise to various articles. p.

105.. The comparative and superlative of adjectives also can be expressed only by a syntactical combination (§ 133). perfect Qal. ed. The masculine. Since. 26. but ‫( ָשׁ ָת‬so Baer and Ginsb.. is regularly retained in ַ Hebrew only in close connexion with a following genitive or suffix (cf. This ‫ . most word-stems are developed into verbal stems as well as into noun-stems. are regarded in Hebrew either as masculine or feminine. Barth. dual. has no special indication.. g.). Grundriss. more often the latter (see the Syntax. according to § 30 a. The adjective agrees in form entirely with the substantive.. ibid.־ ת‬however.. by means of the construct state. the 3rd pers. p. which other languages sometimes indicate by the neuter.e. p. § 89 e and § 91 o).. sing.) is also supported by good authority. not only in those noun-stems which can be directly connected with a corresponding verbal stem (Nomina verbalia or derivativa. ‫ אָתוֹן‬a she-ass. pp. Mant.־ ת‬as in ַ the 3rd sing. 404 ff. 1903. recognizes only two genders in the noun. Grundriss. schlesischen Gesellschaft.). In either case. fem. p.. the feminine had originally the ending ‫ . On the formation of adjectival ideas by giving to abstracts a concrete sense. 628 ff. as it were. and Barth again. orient. as well as of the pronominal suffixes. § 122 b). p. 405 ff. § 122 q). Hoph al.. On the other hand. or from its being joined to prepositions. and also by the close connexion of two nouns. ‘Ueber die Femininendung at. Inanimate objects and abstract ideas. as being the more common and important gender. it has become customary (especially in the Lexicon) to refer the noun to the most simple ground-form of the verbal formation. 1. ‫ ֵז‬a she-goat. as is usually done. several changes in the forms of nouns are occasioned by the additions of the plural. i. Sektion d.1 § 80. only a few ancient and almost extinct traces of case-endings have survived (§ 90). ibid. 1903). viz. Brockelmann’s reply. but also with Nomina primitiva. however. 2.-sprachwiss. to derive it from that form. § 83 ff. Brockelmann. ‫מְח‬ ‫ְֶָ ת‬ 2 2 In Mal 1:14 ‫( ָשׁ ַת‬so e. 795 ff. ah. This is usual. § 89). ‫מְח‬ . ā’ in Semit. ‫ ר ֵל‬an ‫א‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ָח‬ ewe (cf. and feminine terminations. against him J. like all Semitic languages. The Hebrew. 2. which have evidently been derived from other nouns (§ 86).משׁח ֶת‬the ptcp. a masculine and a feminine. The syntactical relation of a noun can therefore in general only be inferred from its position in the sentence. ‘Die Femininendung T im Semit. and. is accordingly incorrect. As a rule. Sprachwiss. The Indication of Gender is Nouns. 106 f. p. see § 83 c. 798 ff. ZDMG. A special inflexion of the noun to express the various cases does not exist in Hebrew.1. perfect of verbs (§ 44 a). those of which no verbal stem is now found in Hebrew (see § 82). the form of the noun undergoes no change (except for the construct state. as well as finally with Nomina denominativa.’ (Sitzung d. Feminine nouns are also without an indication of gender when the meaning of the word naturally denotes a feminine.) would stand for ‫ . except where the form has arisen through the addition of a simple ‫( 2ת‬see 1 1 To speak of these changes as a declension of the Hebrew noun. Feb. as ‫ ֵם‬mother. and the representation of case-relations belongs therefore almost exclusively to the syntax (§ 117 ff.

as a rule. the feminine townnames all end in t.חל ָת . g.ָ ַי‬c. The fem. in Ps 65:10. &c. 7. however. ‫ אחַת‬Gn 26:26: on the reading ‫ָלַת‬ ַ ְ‫גּ‬ ‫ִ ְי‬ ַ‫א‬ ‫ֲ ֻזּ‬ ‫גְּי‬ 19a ‫ג‬ cf. ending. e. as suggested by Duhm on Is 12:2. e. moreover. form in ‫ ־֫ ־ ת‬is in general less frequent. especially of places among the Canaanites or Phoenicians (in whose language ‫־‬ ַ 1 ְַ ‫צ‬ ‫ ת‬was the usual fem. the feminine ending of the independent form (the absolute state.’ָהּ‬so Geiger. Cf. but is intended ‘to facilitate the absorption of ‫ . Tenses. ִ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ִ ְ ִיּ‬ fem. g. ‫ ְהוּ ִי‬Jew.). § 2 d) and other neighbouring tribes. g.־ ה‬ ָ (b) Simple ‫ ת‬with nouns ending in a vowel. Pi ēl with suffix) arises from the form ‫ מבע֫תּ‬which was ְ ְִֶַ ְ ְַַ developed into ‫. e. whereupon the ‫ ה‬was added as an orthographic indication of the final long vowel: cf. almost only in poetry. Mant. before suffixes. p. cf. ‫ ְִיַת‬Ps 61:1 (prob. cf. 135. has ‫ .קֽטל ִי‬ ‫ט‬ ‫ֶל‬ ‫ֹ ַ ְתּ‬ according to the rule given in § 69 c. ‫ ֵיל֫ת‬Greek Ailana in Idumea. more frequently in ‫ֶָ ק‬ ְַ ִ proper names. ‫ סוּ ָה‬equa. ‫ַֽח ָת‬ ‫י‬ ‫נ ֲל‬ 1 1 In the list of Palestinian towns taken by Pharaoh Shoshenq.עב ִי‬the feminine (by § 24 b) is ‫ . but only (except before suffixes) by means of a helping vowel. e. line 26. ‫ ִבע֫ת‬Gibeath. g. g. Rarer feminine endings are—(a) ‫ ־ ת‬with the tone. and 21:10. can scarcely have ‘taken place in ‫זְ ָת‬ the Aramaic manner’. ‫ הבמת זאת‬this high place. ‫ ִמ ָת‬Ex 15:2. g. ְשׁר֫ ֶת‬also ‫( בבעתּ֫ך‬participle fem. e.)ָלַת‬and in the fem. Otherwise.מוֹד֫ ַת‬The forms which arise in this way follow in every respect the analogy of the ‫ַע‬ segholate forms (§ 94 f). but after gutturals Pathaḥ. 120:6. ‫ המסלת‬the highway [see also Driver. be noticed that in Arabic (see m and ‫גּל‬ ‫גּל‬ note) the pausal form of at is ah.יֹל֫ ֶת‬which is used elsewhere) Gn 16:11. ‫ ְהוּ ִית‬Jewess. the absorption of the ı̂. 129:1. p. ‫ד‬ ‫ . ed. As in the 3rd sing. also ‫ 1 ְשׁ ַת‬K 1:15. ‫ שׁפע֫ת‬a company. unless the reading is wrong. Cf. ‫גְּי‬ ‫גְּי‬ proper name ‫ .קֹט֫ ֶת‬killing. § 89 a) is— (a) Most commonly a tone-bearing ‫ . is a form borrowed from the Aramaic (Syriac ‫ַבּ‬ rabbath) in which the original t of the fem.קֽט ָה‬than ‫. ‫ .)ְִינֹת‬LXX ‫ פּוַּת . 277 f. is often retained to form adverbs. § 86 h. § 181. ‫ קֹט֫ ֶת‬more common than ‫ ל֫ ֶת . 47 ) ַיּוֹת‬La 2:18. ַֽע ָת‬as well as in the ָ ‫ֶ ְק בּ ֲל‬ masc. properly meešāratt = ‫ . 2. ‫ קרַ֫ת‬Kiriath. also the Mêša inscription. and occurs almost exclusively ֶ ֶ when the form in ‫ ־ ה‬is also in use. perfect (‫& . however. 123:4. ‫ מוֹ ַע‬an acquaintance.] (b) ‫ . g. g. 1. e. ‫נגּ נ‬ ‫ַ יּ נג‬ ‫ח‬ [‫ ר ַת‬much. which. Ps 118:14 ‫ִ ְע‬ ‫זְר‬ (really for ‫ ִמר ִי‬my song. The forms which have been developed by means of a helping vowel are retained even in the connective form (construct state). (in 17:23. originally ‫( חַת . Of nouns ָ ‫ס‬ ending in ‫ . see Wright. line 3. ‫ ָֽרק֫ת‬emerald.עברָה‬cf.קֹ ֵל‬fem. .־‬like ‫ . ‫ סוּס‬equus. Is 12:2. is Seghôl. nor is it due merely to the following Yôdh. fem. ‫ . ‫ . Ez 28:13 (also ַ ְַ ‫בּ‬ ‫ בּר֫ ֶת‬Ex 28:17). The same ‫י ד‬ ‫י ד‬ ending ‫ ת‬is very frequently added to stems ending in a consonant. ָֽט ָה‬c. Comparative Grammar. this ‫ ־ ה‬seems to have arisen by the rejection of the final ‫..שׁמ ָת‬otherwise.). d). participle fem. of which a trace may be preserved in the Hebrew ‫. Pi ̄l. also § 84a s. Urschrift. note]. It must. 2 K 9:17. Ju 13:5. the exactly similar origin of such forms as ‫ ָ ָה‬for ‫ 57 § . It is only in the participles and infinitives that it is the ָ commoner. Jer 22:23 and 51:13 ‫ֶד‬ e ‫מָר‬ ‫מָ ֶ ת‬ Q rê. ‫.לד֫ה‬ ‫ֶל‬ ‫ֶ ד ְֹל‬ ֵָ 2. e. ‫ ָֽרפ֫ת‬Zarephath. g. except ‫ְיֹלדתּ‬ ְ ְַ ‫ו‬ (for ‫ . proper name ‫ 1 ָלָת‬S 17:4.־ ה‬e.־ ת‬which likewise occurs in some names of places.below. viz.מבע֫ ֶת‬ ‫ְֶַ ת‬ Rem.ת‬ ‫ק ְל‬ ָ and the lengthening of the ă in the open syllable.

but in construct state always ‫—1. 98. § 81. 427.ִמ ָת‬c.) ַזּוּ ָה‬cf. ‫ קר ָה‬baldness is to ‫ָר‬ ‫ָ ְח‬ be read in Ez 27:31. it). p. 1 1 In 1 S 20:27 also. Ez. Stumme.)עְר֫ ָה‬These forms are possibly survivals from a period ‫ֶ זר‬ ‫ֶזָ ת‬ when even final vowels were not supported by a vowel-letter. 138. cf.־ י‬as an old feminine termination. ‫ַ ָר‬ ָ‫דּ‬ ‫ מ ָא‬bitter. La 3:12. ‫ק‬ in Is 34:11. who considered the feminine ending inappropriate. ‫ חָא‬a terror. and afterwards ‘the mute ‫ ת‬was dropped before h. Phoen.) undoubtedly arises from an original esray. Lpz. g.ממח ָת‬read with ed. On the other hand. so too the Assyrian (at. and observes that among some of the modern Beduin an h is still heard as a fem. 169 ff. in Phoenician also the feminines end for the most part in ‫ . Phön. Nu ָ ָ ‫זר‬ 11:20. Mant. 2 K 15:29.ממח ַת‬ ‫ק‬ ‫מ ֳר‬ ‫ר‬ e ‫ תּה ָת‬Jer 45:25 Q rê is no doubt intended to indicate the reading ‫ . 3. ‫ מטּ ָא‬a mark. 1901. at any rate in later times. by H. and xlii. ‫ 1 אֶָ֫ה‬K 2:36. according to the western Masora. ‫ְ ִלּ‬ ‫ְ ִ ָת‬ ִ ‫מ‬ above.־ ה‬chiefly in the later writers. who also points to the Arabic pausal form in ah. so Wright. less frequently in ‫( א‬see Gesenius. also ‫ ָשׁא‬threshing (participle Qal from ‫ )דּוּשׁ‬Jer 50:11. Socin. Ps 16:6 (either again for ‫ ַֽחל ִי‬my heritage.] (f) ‫ .)ִתרה‬sleep (for ‫)שָׁה‬ ‫יְר‬ ָ ְ‫ְ נ י‬ ‫ֵנ‬ Ps 132:4. ‫ שָׁא‬sleep. Schröder. but the Punctuators.. Ps 60:13. The Ethiopic still has the ‫ת‬ ַ throughout. ְשׂוֹשׂי‬cf. very probably occurs in the proper name ‫ שׂ ַי‬Sarai. see Baer on the passage. 108:13 for ‫ . Ez 21:31 (note in each case the following ‫ .תּהלּ ִי‬parallel to ‫ . ‫ .heritage. Nöldeke. ‫ ָ ָא‬loathing. (d) ‫ . Is 24:19. or for ‫ . 16:18. ‫.־ ה‬an obtuse form of ‫ 72 §( ־ ה‬u). and Ginsburg.־ א‬the Aramaic orthography for ‫ . xl. ZDMG. to the form ‫ . also ‫ ֶשׂ ֵה‬ten ‫ָר‬ ‫עְר‬ (fem. Opitius. ָ ‫ָָ מ‬ ‫ֵ ר ָח‬ ‫תּ‬ Ho 7:4.ַֽחל֫ ָה‬cf. Diwan aus Centralarabien. masc. where the Masora (see Baer on Jos 5:11) for some unknown reason requires ‫ . ‫ ַזּוֹ ֶה‬and the passive ptcp.) ָאַת‬also ‫ ָֽה ָת‬the morrow.]ר ָם‬an oven heated. cf. Ru 1:20. Ez 19:2 (unless ‫ ל ִיא‬is ‫ָגּ‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ְ ִיּ‬ ‫ָב‬ intended). fem. § 90 g. [In 2 K 16:18. preserved also in Syriac (ai. Ps 127:2. § 83). ‫לֶ֫ה‬ ‫ה ר‬ ‫ה ר‬ ‫ָנ‬ for ‫ לָה‬Zc 5:4. in modern Arabic the relation between the two endings is very much as in Hebrew. so Socin.ע‬but in Is 15:7 ‫ שָׁת . . see examples in ַ Nöldeke’s Syrische Gram..). in Arabic and (contracted to ê) in Ethiopic. the text is probably in error. ‫ ִת ָת‬abundance. cf. cf. 42 (§ 90 i. ‫זְר‬ (c) ‫ . Derivation of Nouns. and the consonantal ending ‫ ־ ת‬as derived from it. It is wholly incorrect to regard the vowel-ending ‫ 2־ ה‬as the original termination of the ָ feminine. ‫ לבָא‬a lioness. ed. The ancient Arabic has the obtuse ending (ah) almost exclusively in pause. Is 19:17. Monumm. ‫ רח֫ ָה‬Dt 14:17 [Lv 11:18 ‫ ַנּוּר בּע֫ ָה .)ה‬and in Jb 42:13. Ho 7:4. 439. 484. only in ‫ ַזּוּר֫ה‬for ‫ ַזּוּ ָה‬Is 59:5 (unless it is again a ֶ ָ ֶ ‫ה‬ ‫ה ר‬ forma mixta combining the active ptcp. also ‫ פֹּ ָת‬fecunda (a fruitful ‫ר‬ tree) Gn 49:22. p. ending. produced a kind of locative form (see § 90 c) by the retraction of the tone. In all those examples the usual tone-bearing ‫ ־ ה‬is ָ perhaps intended. and (unless the ‫ ת‬is radical) in prose ‫ ָאָת‬pelican (which reading is also preferable. Lehrgebäude. as probably ‫נ ֲ ָת‬ ‫נ ֲָ ת‬ also ‫ עְ ָת‬help. iii. on ‫& . Cf.ת‬which is pronounced at in the words found in Greek and Latin authors. Comparative Grammar. 183.ממח ַת‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ר‬ 2 2 In this ending the ‫ ה‬h can only be considered consonantal in the sense that the ‫ת‬ was originally aspirated. 40:19. In Hebrew this consonantal termination was entirely abandoned. Jer 48:36 (before ‫ . ii. Sprache. ‫ָנ‬ ‫נ‬ (e) ‫ ־֫ ־ ה‬without the tone. König. 440. just as the old Persian mithra became in modern Persian mihr’. pp. Jablonski. e. and § 48 d).

‫ בּלַ֫ ַל‬worthlessness. g. ‫ עִ֫ן‬eye. Still oftener.]). Grundriss. ‫ֶר‬ ‫ַי‬ § 83. e. ‫ . from ‫ַ ְגּ‬ ‫ רֶ֫ל‬foot.e. or derivative. ‫ דּ֫ ַת‬to know. Nouns are by their derivation either primitive. g.לֹא‬ ‫ִ ְל ְל‬ . since nouns. also from ‫. especially the participles and infinitives. e. from ‫ שׂעֹ ָה . however.מבּ ִי . ‫( ְ ֽוָֹ ִים‬Yahwe raises up). e. new terms formed by composition with the negatives ‫..e. avis). however. Cf. according to Stade and others ‫& . § 85 w) and ‫צלמ ֶת‬ ְֵַ ְַ ‫ְַָ ו‬ (the latter certainly incorrectly [see.אָב‬c. shaggy.בּ ִי . In p. as ‫ ק֫ ֶן‬horn. 1. such as have only the three (or two) radicals. or at any rate only indirectly (from other Semitic dialects). knowledge. g. p. ‫( ְ ֽוָֹ ָן‬Yahwe gave). Thus ‫ֲס ד‬ ‫זה‬ ‫ָ ה זה‬ there remain only a few nouns. ‫ אֵֹב‬enemy. Halle.מ ְכוּת . g. names of animals and natural objects. ‫ֶ ֱ ַ נתּ‬ According to the view of roots and stems presented in § 30 d. they very frequently occur as proper names. several names of members of the body in men or beasts.e. below. The number of primitive nouns in the sense used in § 81 is small. such as ‫ אָב‬father. and Leipzig. ZATW 1897. &c. g. e.e. but either from the (abstract) root or from the still undefined stem. 8 ff. g. 2.)שׂ ַר‬ ‫ָע‬ ‫ְ ר ָע‬ ‫ָע‬ ‫ ח ִי ָה‬stork (prop. 2 2 G. ֵם .ממל ָה‬The formative letters used for this purpose are ‫ה א מנת י ו‬ ‫ַ ְ ָכ‬ ‫ַל‬ (‫ 1. cannot be referred to any verbal stem at present extant (see § 82). e. 1883. p. which in other languages are represented as independent noun-stems. g. prickly. ‫ ָרוֹם‬height. the arrangement according to the verbal stem is retained as being simpler for the beginner. the verbal nouns are connected in form and meaning primarily with certain forms of the verb. Rammelt (Über die zusammengesetzten Nomina im Hebr. the author gives a list of ‘logical compounds’. e. can easily be traced back in Hebrew to the verbal idea. and (b) Formae auctae. even in their ordinary form. nouns (other than denominatives) are derived not from the verbal stem. i. however.)שׂ ַר‬barley (prop. ‫ ֵם‬mother (but see both words in ‫א‬ the Lexicon. In the following pages. On the other hand. ‫ג‬ Rem. Nöldeke. and therefore all nouns as verbals. Primitive Nouns. 329 ff. e. frequently used precisely like nouns. either Derivativa verbalia (§§ 83–5). 1. to which a corresponding verbal stem cannot be assigned at all. pia. e. ‫ מרְלוֹת‬the place at the feet. from ‫ רוּם‬to be high. ‫ ָם‬high. g. sc. 1884) recognizes as appellatives only ‫( צפרדּע‬cf. and so really primitive nouns). as ‫ שׂ ִיר‬he-goat (prop. such as have formative letters or syllables added at the beginning or end. dividing them into (a) Formae nudae. ‫י‬ ‫ַע‬ 1 1 From this vox memorialis the nomina aucta are also called by the older grammarians nomina heemantica. i. which are themselves. In Hebrew. as in Greek and Latin.2 ‫יה יק‬ ‫יה נת‬ § 82. i.. ‫ ר ָה‬high place. 183 ff. to be yellow). are children’s words and terms ‫א‬ of endearment. § 79 a. ‫( ַב ִי ֵל‬man of ‫גְּר א‬ God).)הֽאמְ ִיו‬and the treatment of nouns formerly followed this order. ‫ְ ִיּ ע‬ baseness.Brockelmann. The earlier grammarians consider the verb alone as stem. Verbal Nouns in General. Compound nouns as appellatives are very rare in Hebrew. or ‫ר‬ ‫ָמ‬ ‫מ‬ less frequently Derivativa denominativa (§ 86). i. ‫ ָ ָב‬gold (from ‫ צ ַב=ָ ַב‬to shine.

however. and therefore variable. qattâl. ‫ שׁ ַב‬infinitive of ‫& . the participial form ‫ . differing according as the property of the particular object of sense is to be represented as invariable (form qatula). and conjugations). however. the origin of a number of nouns can now no longer be detected. by means of certain phonetic changes. however. and are therefore mostly abstract. ‫ד‬ The inner connexion in thought between Semitic noun-forms and the corresponding verbal forms is investigated in the works of De Lagarde and Barth (see the titles at the head of § 79) on very different lines. when we consider the analogy of other languages.ִשׁ ַב‬c. and also from the employment of the prefix m. The oldest form of the sentence is the imperative.קט ָה .certain forms of the infinitive and participle. we say his acquaintance. ‫ ָטוֹל‬is the infinitive of ‫ק‬ the perfect stem. But just as the forms of the verbal sentence undergo numerous modifications (in the tenses. and vice versa. it follows from the nature of the case that nouns which have the form of the infinitive regularly denote the action or state. these three forms of sentences have also been transformed into nouns. so also do the nouns. while the participial nouns. by lengthening the characteristic vowel (instead of which. Others (as the Arabic shows) are properly intensive forms of the participle. although it does not appear equally in them all. but with many points of agreement. In those.ק ֵל‬the infinitives of ‫ָט‬ the (Aramaic) form ‫( מק ַל‬as a noun also ‫ . that a particular meaning is attached to many of the special forms of derivative nouns. the feminine termination may also be used). De Lagarde does not. Like the imperative. and participles are derived from either the perfect or the imperfect stem’. as a circumstance which takes place before our eyes (form qatala). claim to be able to show in the case of each particular noun the sense it conveyed in primitive times. qitil). Further modifications arise from the use of the various imperfect and infinitive forms. A sentence which consists of only one word is called a verb. the Godhead for God himself. the original meaning is chiefly determined by the characteristic vowel. Thus. Lastly. for the persons with whom he is acquainted. by their being formed from the derived stems (or conjugations). in Hebrew ‫ מוֹ ַע‬acquaintance and an acquaintance. qutil. and are therefore concrete. e. As regards their meaning. finally. or. e. adjectives. It need not appear strange.קט ָה . Further modifications of the simple form are effected by strengthening (sharpening) the second or third consonant. it is to be noticed. qattal. &c. g. ‫ ְטֹל‬the infinitive of the imperfect stem. qutl. or as liable to change (form qatila). sometimes by the lengthening of the characteristic vowel (qatûl. g. denominalia are formed from deverbalia by appending certain suffixes. De Lagarde starts from the fact that language consists of sentences. with other closely related ideas. though in use in the weak verb and in the kindred dialects. that a noun which in form is properly abstract afterwards acquired a concrete sense. which are clearly derived from verbs. In ‫ק‬ ‫ְכ‬ ‫יְכּ‬ dissyllabic noun-forms the second vowel is always alone characteristic and essential. Rem. and anything which serves as a complement to it is a noun.—especially by the omission of the final vowels and the addition of different terminations to the last consonant of the stem. the first vowel unessential. sometimes by assimilation of the unessential to the characteristic vowel (qutul. So in English. moods. qitl). Closely related to it are three kinds of sentences of the nature of verbal forms. qittâl. ְטֹ֫ ֶת‬ ‫ִ ְט‬ ‫ִ ְט‬ ‫ֻ ְל ָ ְל ִ ְל ק ל‬ d). on the contrary. or else through the displacement of the accent and the consequent reduction of the noun to a monosyllabic form (qatl. denote for the most part the subject of the action or state. g. Barth’s system is based on the thesis that ‘all Semitic nouns. which are seldom or never found as such in the strong verb. or. . finally. Moreover. &c. qatı̂l. came to be commonly used for the verbal noun.)מק ָל‬further ‫54 §( קט ָה . qatâl). e. 2.

quṭl have been assumed. and yaqtŭlŭ imperfect of the intransitive perfects qatila and qatula. qı̆ṭl. ’ in Sitz. the vowel of the 2nd syllable was dropped. vice versa. we must not. but the same form from a u-perfect has an intransitive meaning. In nouns of the perfect stem. appeal to the Seghôl or Pathaḥ under the 2nd consonant of the existing developed forms. 1904.or by ‘metaplasm’. § 83 d. 1. yet the agreement between the characteristic vowel of certain noun formations and that of the perfect or imperfect stem. as well as in Arabic. But there are strong reasons for believing that at least a large proportion of these forms go back to original dissyllabic bases with a short vowel in each syllable. But though many of the details (e. Preliminary remark. apparently identical in form. i. Wiss. the vowel a a transitive sense. This double system of perfect and imperfect forms runs through the whole scheme of noun-formation. the vowels i and u indicate intransitive formations. &c. qiṭl. § 84a. e..ֶ֫ ַע . however. being characteristic vowels. R. ‘Beiträge zur Erklärung der nomina segolata. In support of this view of a large number of original dissyllabic bases.-ber. not only the forms connected with the conjugations. In nouns of the imperfect stem on the contrary. intimate connexion between the two. Prag. and both scholars agree in laying stress on one characteristic vowel as indicative of the meaning.—From the statement made above. may yet in sense belong to different classes: a qutl-form from a u-imperfect has a transitive meaning. &c. and vice versa. and before pronominal suffixes in Hebrew. g. that the meanings of words as we find them may in many cases be due to a modification of the original sense.e. before case-endings in Assyrian and early Arabic. originally Short. Růzička. that there can be no doubt as to a systematic. Nouns derived from the Simple Stem. Against the whole theory it has been urged that it postulates for the development of the language a much too abstract mechanism. qŭṭl. d. and further. This explains how nouns. but also the forms with prefixes and suffixes. and. the alleged unessential character of the vowel of the first syllable) remain doubtful. The supposition of monosyllabic ground-forms appeared to be required by the character of forms now existing in Hebrew. by the use of noun-forms derived from one of the two intransitive stems for the other. These are in no sense survivals or modifications of an original full ‫זר ֵ פ‬ vowel in the 2nd syllable. ‫& . indicate a transitive and a an intransitive sense: for yaqtŭlŭ is imperfect of the transitive perfect qatala. When formative additions were made. At the same time it must be admitted that De Lagarde has put forward many important and suggestive points. i. Nouns with one of the three short vowels after the first radical: present ground-form qăṭl. the bases qaṭl.ס֫ ֶר‬c. u and i. Nouns with One Vowel. qutl for qitl. d. is supported by such a number of incontestable instances. it follows that an external similarity between forms is no proof of their similar origin. but are mere helping-vowels (§ 28 e) to make the monosyllabic . g. external difference does not exclude the possibility of their being closely related both in origin and meaning. although they never appear in Hebrew except in the singular and then in connexion with suffixes. böhmischen Ges. From the forms thus produced.e.

‫ֶר ֶד ֶב‬ ‫ֶב ֶ ק ֶ ד‬ . they take Qameṣ under the 2nd radical before the termination ‫ . On the other hand. with very rare exceptions. without a helping ‫ֶ ֵט‬ vowel (§ 28 d) ‫ קשׁט‬truth. Nöldeke.)א ֶן . ader. kătı̆p. fu l with their corresponding feminines fa la. ‫ בֹּ֫ ֶן‬thumb. 333 ff. but that no satisfactory account can be given for it. ‫ פֹּ֫ ַל‬work. If the second or third radical be a guttural. šamsu. iv. 72 ff. p. p. p.. Dublin. cf. aban (= ‫. however. &c. 1903. kărı̆d.־וֹת‬of the absolute state. 3.ספ ִים . and partly from old construct-forms like the Assyrian types kalab. The plurals of Hebrew Segholates. for ‫. corresponding to the Hebrew groundform.שׁ ֶשׁ‬with case-endings kalbu. since. Actual proofs of such original ְְ toneless full vowels in the 2nd syllable of existing Segholates are— 1. for which rarely malk. Hence the explanation of the consistent occurrence of Qameṣ in the plurals of all Segholates can only be that the regularly formed plurals (i. Vestiges of the broken plural in Hebrew.forms pronounceable. a helping Pathaḥ takes ְְ the place of the helping Seghôl. Jerome also (cf. 76) frequently represents the vowel of the first syllable by a.. 1903. 261. with a middle guttural also the modification of the principal ‫ֶר‬ 1 1 According to Delitzsch (Assyr. Metrik. then qaṭalı m and finally qeṭālı m.ק ֶם‬c.2 (a) From the strong stem the above three ground-forms are further developed to ‫3. who points out that the Semitic nouns fa l. g.ֶ֫רך . Gram. in ‫ )קשׁט‬they are not used at all. e.ֶ֫ ֶר‬the connective forms of ‫& . p. Siegfried. The forms treated under e. from singulars with original ă in the 2nd syllable) became the models for all the others.ח‬note ‫ ל֫ ֶם‬bread. aben.. &c. Without case-endings they are kalab. San Francisco. ’ ZA. ‫ .מ ָכוֹת‬c. ‫( ר֫ ֶם‬as well as ‫ )ר֫ ַם‬womb. abnu. so ‫ֶח‬ ‫ֶח‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ה‬ with final ‫ פּ֫ ֶא . melākhôth is inserted merely to facilitate the pronunciation. Brooks.דּ ֶר .. Pluralendung. e.ָרך .). sı́fru. Under certain circumstances even (e. a–c). which are in many ways related to the Segholates proper. sifir. Ungnad.כּ֫ ֶד . of the Philol. See.ח ֶב .1 and consequently disappear when no longer needed. maintains that the a in melākhı m. as ‫. acc. 1904. and hence it would seem as though the vowel were always ă.ֶ ֶר‬ ‫גּד‬ ‫ . Forms like Arab. for ‫& .ָ ֵר‬c. ‫ אֹ֫ ֶל‬tent. secel.) the same is true in Assyrian of the ‫ֶ ל‬ corresponding qaṭl-forms.e. ZA. i. explain melākhı m as a pluralis fractus.ק֫ ֶל‬ ‫ֶט‬ ‫( קֹ֫טל . qúdšu.כּ֫ ֶף .. ‘The plural of Segolates’ (Proc. rejecting all previous explanations. ‫זר‬ ‫נצ‬ ‫ע‬ but with middle ‫ ה‬or ‫ . on assuming the plural termination commonly take an a before the 3rd radical. 2. fi l. deber. and ultimately even for some really monosyllabic forms.. which latter can ‫ֶ ת ֶ ב י ְֶ גּ ד‬ ‫י ֵ ְ גּד‬ only come from ground-forms gădı̆r. especially under 1 and 2. and S. gader. &c. mélik. 68 ff. 2 2 On the other hand. g.־ ים‬fem. 3 3 It is worthy of notice that St. De Lagarde. From qaṭlı m arose qaṭalim. p. ‫ ֶ֫ ַע‬seed. § 27 r and in § 93 the explanations of Paradigm I. of the Pacific Coast. areb. Assoc. ‫ ֵ֫ ַח‬eternity.שׁ ֶל . Margolis.כּ ֶב‬ ‫ .א ֶן‬but cedem. yărı̆k.ק֫ ֶל‬cf. according to § 22 d.א‬a wild ass. Hebrew ground-forms probably have a twofold origin: they are shortened according to Hebrew rules partly from old absolute forms like kálbu. This Qameṣsee note 1 on § 26 e) can only be due to a lengthening of an ‫ְ ָר ְ ל‬ original short vowel in the 2nd syllable. This is impossible from what has been said. Uebersicht. ZAW. ‘Zur semit. 4. In Hebrew ‫ .מל ִים‬ ִ ‫ְ ָכ‬ ‫& ... to ‫ֶ ב ֶ מ‬ Sievers. 157 f. quduš. šamas. M. g. in so far as they are to be referred to original dissyllabic bases. 1883. 4 ff.א ֶר .

and with attenuation of ă to ı̆ ‫שׁבָה‬ ‫גּ ֲו‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ִ ְי‬ captivity.דּ ִי‬for ‫ . ‫ אֹ֫ ֶל‬food.בּ ִי‬a lion (ground-form băky. ‫ שׁ ִי‬with the fem. king). ‫ דּ ַשׁ‬honey. or contracted ‫ ֵיק‬bosom. ‫ ח ָה‬wheat. g. In ‫ ח ְא‬sin.)אֹ֫ ֶל‬with a middle guttural ‫ ַֽע ָה‬girl. ‫ ֵז‬a she-goat (ground-form ı̆nz). (δ) from stems ‫( ע״י‬Paradigm ‫ל‬ ‫פ‬ I. and by the Arabic dibs. e.ַ֫ ַר . when in close connexion ‫פּ‬ ‫ע‬ with the next word. In the form ‫ קֹ֫ ֶל‬the passive or at any rate the abstract ‫ט‬ meaning is by far the more common (e.)ר֫ ֶם .1 2.ה ָם‬c. ‫ צוּר‬a rock. ‫ ֵם‬mother.ל ָם . for the most part to be referred to original dissyllabic forms. ‫ חָה‬life. ‫ דַּי‬sickness. (β) ‫פּ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ִטּ‬ from stems ‫ . ‫ מֶ֫ת‬death (from má-ut. from stems ‫ אַ ְיה . 18 ff. ‫( ל֫ ַץ . ‫נד‬ ‫ֶצ‬ ‫ֲר ְכ‬ ‫ַ ְו‬ cf. ‫ ַב‬in the sense of much. termination ‫. from the ground-form qı̆ṭl. ‫ ק֫ ֶה‬the end. ‫ שׁוֹר‬a bull. for abstracts. also ‫ . § 93. Examples of feminines: ‫( מל ָה‬directly from the ground-form malk. fem. ‫ ַם‬people (so. Thus dibáš (originally dı́baš) as ground-form of ‫ דּ ַשׁ‬is supported both by the Hebrew ‫( דּ ְשׁי‬with ‫ְב‬ ִ ‫ִב‬ suffix of the first person). and the qṭl-form. unconnected ‫ .) ַב‬evil. again.)טֹ֫ ַר‬ ‫ְל ֵ ת‬ ‫כ‬ ‫נ ֲר‬ ‫ט ֳר‬ ‫ה‬ Cf. the i ‫זי‬ passing into the corresponding consonant. Lambert also (REJ. the u passing into the corresponding consonant. ‫ ערָה‬and ‫ ערָה‬nakedness. from the ground-form qı̆ṭl. ‫ שׂי ָה‬grey hair. ‫ִיָה‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ֵ ב‬ understanding. ‫ אַף‬nose (from ănp. ‫ ָם‬sea.ה ָע‬with the ă always lengthened to ā. g. probably. also the forms from stems originally ‫ שׂ֫חוּ . ‫ . Paradigm I. biı́r (according to Philippi with assimilation of the vowel of the second syllable to that of the first) as ground- 1 1 M. fem. g and i). ‫ סוּ ָה‬a storm. e. Paradigm I. § 94. ‫ֳנ‬ The masculines as well as the feminines of these segholate forms may have either an abstract or a concrete meaning.ר֫ ַב‬exceptions. 1896. qeṭŭl). l–n). k). but ‫ע‬ ‫ָע ָ ע‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ ָב‬great. arrives at the conclusion that the qaṭl-form is especially used for concretes (in nouns without gutturals he reckons twenty concretes as against two abstracts). ‫ ְאשׁ‬stench.39 §( ע״ע‬Paradigm I. g. (ε) from stems ‫( ל״ה‬Paradigm I. fem. fem. ‫הֶ֫ה‬ ‫ֶכ‬ ‫ֶג‬ murmuring. ‫ 2 ֵיל‬K 18:17 (elsewhere ‫ח‬ ‫ח‬ ‫דּ‬ ‫בּנ‬ ‫ )חִ֫ל‬host. qeṭŭl. ‫ ֶ֫ ֶה‬a present. ‫ ָֽה ָה‬purity (also ‫. ‫ . and less strictly the qṭl. fem. Nouns with one of the three short vowels under the second radical (present groundform qeṭăl. ‫( . hence with formative additions.ת‬ ‫ְב‬ ‫ְב‬ from the ground-form qı̆ṭl. from the ‫ֲצ‬ ‫ֶ ְו‬ ‫ֶ ְו‬ ‫ֶ ְו‬ ground-form qŭṭl. ָם‬with article ‫& .שׁ ִית‬formed no doubt directly from the masc.ה ַע‬unconnected ‫ . and with ‫ָר‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫י‬ ‫ַיּ‬ attenuation of the ă to ı̆.דּ ִי‬bucket. ‫ עְָה‬perverseness (also contracted ‫ַ ול‬ ‫ . ‫ ח ַת‬terror.)ס֫ ֶר‬food (also ‫ . ‫( בֹּ֫הוּ‬from bŏhw) waste. as in ‫תֶּ֫ך‬ ‫ָו‬ ְ‫ָ ו‬ middle) or contracted ‫ יוֹם‬day. g. fem. ‫ תֹּ֫הוּ‬emptiness. ‫ע‬ ‫נע‬ ‫כ‬ &c.ל֫ ֶם‬On the ‫ַח נע ַ ה‬ ‫ֶח ֶח‬ inflexion. and the explanations. fem. ‫ אִָה‬a ‫ְל‬ ‫ֳל‬ ‫ֳ ניּ‬ ship (directly from ‫ אִי‬a fleet). ‫ נֹ֫ ַר‬youthfulness. and so always with middle ‫. ‫ ְ ֵב‬a wolf. e.ל״ו‬swimming (ground-form săḥw). abstract of ‫ ַ֫ ַר‬boy. h). ‫ סת ָה‬a covering ‫ַ ְבּ‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ (also ‫ אָכ ָה . from statistics of the Segholates. partly forms such as ‫ בּ֫ ֶה‬weeping. In reality these forms. like the segholates mentioned in No.). ‫ ִַ֫ת‬an olive-tree (with a helping Ḥireq instead of a helping Seghôl) from zá-it. are. the ‫ א‬has wholly lost its ‫ֵט‬ consonantal value. fem. ‫ מ ָה‬measure. my nose). p.).א‬ ‫ְב‬ ‫ְו‬ ‫ֲת‬ ‫ בּ ֵד‬a well.vowel ă to è does not occur. ‫ ַת‬a morsel. ăry). fem. with the article in close connexion ‫ר‬ ‫ר ר‬ ‫ . fem.ח ָה‬γ) from stems ‫( ע״וּ‬Paradigm I. ‫ ִין‬judgement. ‫ חֹק‬statute.ע״ן‬e. partly such as ‫ א ִי .)עוֹ ָה‬from the ground-form qŭṭl.). from the ground-form qŭṭl. ‫ ַֽאָה‬exaltation. (b) From weak stems: (α) from stems ‫ . cf. but the tone has been shifted from its original place (the penultima) on to the ultima. the principal form. ‫ שׁוֹט‬whip. ‫ חדָה‬joy. fem. ‫ אַ ִי‬for ’anpı̂. ‫ְא‬ ‫זא‬ ‫בּ‬ 1 (see above. ‫שׁלָה‬ ָ rest. . a). ‫( ח ִי‬from ḥı̆ṣy). g. numerous (in close connexion also ‫ ָע . ‫ ִָה‬a ‫ִדּ‬ ‫א‬ ‫גּזּ‬ ‫ֻקּ‬ shearing. a–f.ל״י‬a fat tail.

f). ‫ שָׁה‬year. ‫ ָתוֹק‬sweet. ‫ ָקֹב‬hilly. ְטֹל‬ Nouns with an original Short Vowel in both Syllables. 87) as feminines of infinitives of the form qăṭâl. only in sing. ‫ ָֽ ִיּוֹ ָיו‬the branches of it. The ground-form qăṭâl in Hebrew always develops to the form ‫ . 1). 2 2 In St.קטָה‬plur. fem. frequently abstract. ‫ שׁ ָר‬strong drink. ‫ָל‬ ‫הר ת‬ ‫ָר‬ constr. ‫ ל ָב‬heart.אֻ ָה‬glorious). p. e. ‫ ָמֹק‬deep. A.ה ַת‬plur. p. b). developed to ‫ ... Müller.—Fem. developed to ‫( ָטֹל‬also written ‫ . and similarly in the plurals ‫ אס ִים . ‫( ְבוּ ָה . ZDMG.g. xlv. § 93. 1 1 In Na 1:3 only the Qerê requires ‫( ְ ָל־‬in the constr. and the ă of the second ‫ָל‬ syllable lengthened to è. ‫ְ ָל‬ ‫ָכ‬ ‫ ח ָשׁ‬new. fem.עֻ ָה‬with sharpening of the third radical. Hebräische Grammatik. The ground-form qăṭı̆l. ‫ בּ ֵד‬heavy. fem. 79. from the ground-form qăṭâl. with a parallel form ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ ‫צ‬ ‫ק‬ ‫ ק ָן‬of the class treated under f.) ָרוֹת‬From a verb ‫ ל״ו‬with consonantal Wāw: ‫ שׁ ֵו‬at ‫ֲר‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ָל‬ ease. Paradigm II.עמ ָה . &c. The ground-form qăṭŭl. § 199 b. e. ‫ָד‬ ָ‫י‬ ‫ָב‬ ָ ‫ ר ָב‬hunger.—Of the same formation from verbs ‫ ע״ע‬are ‫ בּ ָד‬alone. even ‫ קצ ָה‬a splintering. ‫ עָן‬cloud. in the fem. &c.)ְב ָה‬c. ‫ בּה ָה‬cattle. p. § 95. ‫ שׂ ָע‬satiety. Moreover. 226. ‫ֲ ֻ פּ ֲ גלּ נ ֻ דּ ְ ֻ דּ‬ 6.) are ‫ְ ָפ‬ ‫ְ וח‬ undoubtedly to be regarded (with Barth. ZAW. after rejection of the ‫ י‬and addition of ‫ ה‬as a vowel‫ָד‬ letter.ל״ה‬probably of this class is ‫. ‫ ָשׁר‬upright. as ‫ דּ ָר‬a word. ZDMG. Paradigm II. but also substantives. ‫ . as ‫ ח ָם‬wise. ‫ ָבֹת‬interwoven. 3. ‫ . ‫ .39 §( ק ֵל‬Paradigm II. ‫ָד‬ ‫ָנ‬ From a verb ‫ ל״ו‬the strong form ‫ עָו‬afflicted occurs. ‫ ָרֹד‬piebald. ‫ .עב ָה‬ ‫כּ דּ ֲ ימּ‬ ‫ֲ נגּ ֲ ֻ תּ‬ (delicate). c–e) and ‫ָט‬ ‫ . xlix. ָטוֹל‬the â becoming an ‫ק‬ obscure ô. Übersicht. &c.)צד ָה‬ṣaaca ‫ְ ָק‬ (‫ . and especially Philippi.. 7. § 93. developed in Hebrew to ‫ .form of ‫ בּ ֵר‬is attested by the Arabic bir. qăṭălăt. ‫ ָ ִן‬old.. ‫ ָהֹב‬golden. by the addition of the feminine termination. 57 f. a. Jerome’s time these forms were still pronounced ṣadaca (‫ .קטִים‬These forms are not to be confounded ‫ָט‬ ‫ְ ַנּ‬ ‫ְ ַנּ‬ with those in No.)צע ָה‬nabala (‫& . ‫ ָטֹן‬small. for ‫. The fact that this form is also written ‫ ָטֹל‬must not lead to the confusion of these ‫ק‬ forms with those mentioned in No.1 Moreover the qaṭôl-class 1 1 On this theory cf. 208.עֻ ִים . the lengthening of the second syllable being balanced. absol. as ‫ אָשׁם‬guilt. and even abstracts. ‫ֵט‬ ‫ֵב‬ ‫ עָב‬a bunch of grapes.59 .ְק ִים . qăṭı̆lăt. Stade. ‫ָט‬ a. ‫ אָיֹם‬terrible. just as a ground-form qŭṭŭl underlies the infinitives of the form ‫1. Jer 11:16. see Siegfried. and hence mostly with an ‫ְ ֵל‬ intransitive meaning. ‫—.49 §§( קט ָה‬Paradigm II.ְדוֹל‬ ‫גּד‬ ‫גּ‬ . generally ‫דּל ת‬ referred to a sing. ‫ָגֹל‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫מ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ round.ה ָה‬st. ‫( דּ ִית‬stem ‫ .רע֫יהוּ‬ ֵֵ Nouns with an original Short Vowel in the First and a Long Vowel in the Second Syllable.—In verbs ‫ ל״ה‬a final Yôdh is almost always rejected. ‫ָל‬ 5. the numerous ‫ְ ָק‬ ‫נָל‬ abstracts of this form (e. ‫ ָקֹד‬speckled. b) and ‫ . cf. from a verb ‫ . mostly forms intransitive adjectives. g. iv. passive ‫ֲ ָמ‬ ‫ָד‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫ ח ָל‬pierced. st. from the ground-form qăṭâl. with an initial ‫ָע‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫ְ ָק‬ guttural ‫ אד ָה‬earth. an old man. g. ground-form ri‛ay: the full form is preserved in ‫ רע֫הוּ‬his ‫ר‬ ֵֵ friend. The ground-form qı̆ṭâl develops to ‫( ק ָל‬cf. g. ‫ָנ‬ 4. De Lagarde. as ‫ 2צד ָה‬righteousness. becomes ‫( שׂ ֶה‬cf. masc. III. incorrectly written plene ‫ שׁ ֵיו‬Jb 21:23. The ground-form qăṭăl.בּר ִים‬stores. and constr. Rem. state) for the Kethı bh ‫.)דלה‬and ‫ ָֽ ִיּוֹ ָיו‬Ho 14:1 their women with child (from ‫ . in order to keep the original ŭ ‫ֲ ֻ קּ ֲ גלּ‬ short. as in other cases. ‫ צָ ָה‬a crying. e.) ָטוֹל‬generally forms ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ adjectives.—From verbs ‫ :פ״י‬irregularly. 5. cf. fem. Nominalbildung. for ‫( ְאשׁ‬Arabic bus) similarly a ground-form buúš ‫ְא‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ק‬ may be inferred. fem. c. ‫ אפ ָה‬and ‫ֲשׁ ָה‬ ‫זק‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫ְ ֵמ‬ ‫ֲ ֵל‬ ‫חֵכ‬ darkness.קט ָה‬is frequently used as participle of verbs middle e (§ 50 b).ר ֶה‬ ‫ֵנ‬ ‫ֵב‬ ‫ֵע‬ generally contracted to ‫ ֵע‬friend. Thus ‫ שׂ ַי‬field. Paradigm II. p.39 §( ק ָל‬Paradigm II. ‫עָֻה .

The ground-form qı̆ṭı̂l seems to occur e. § 63 p. as ‫ ָקוּשׁ‬a fowler. by strengthening an original qaṭŭl-form we get (b) certain stative adjectives (§ 50 f). Further. ְטוֹל‬with â obscured to ô (as above. Here also ‫ָט‬ forms of various origin and meaning are to be distinguished: (a) adjectives used substantivally with a passive meaning to denote duration in a state. § 93. ‫ ֲמוֹר‬an ass (Arab.א‬they almost invariably take in the ‫א‬ ‫א‬ singular a Ṣere under the ‫ א‬instead of the ordinary Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl. with passive meaning. name ‫ חִיר‬points to the ground-form qı̆ṭı̂l. ‫ע‬ ‫ח‬ ‫בּ ד‬ 10.—Of a different kind again (according to Do Lagarde. ‫ ְבוּ ָה‬strenght. and ‫ְחֹ ִיס‬ ‫נ ר‬ ‫ט ר‬ hemorrhoids. and the ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ analogous cases of Ṣere for Ḥaṭeph-Seghôl in verbal forms § 52 n. ‫ ָדוֹשׁ‬holy. ‫ א ִיל‬vanity.includes forms of various origin. ‫ כּ ִיל‬a fool. Paradigm IV. a and b). Arab. ‫ק‬ so here forms of various kinds are to be distinguished: (a) qaṭûl-forms proper. ‫ ֵזוֹב‬hyssop. ‫ ֵבוּס‬a crib. ‫גּ ר‬ ‫א נ‬ Rem. ‫ ֵטוּן‬thread. fem. ‫כּ‬ ‫ שׁלוֹם‬peace (Arab. ‫ ֱמוָּה‬faithfulness. ‫ ֵפוֹד‬an ‘ephod’. 2 2 On the fu‛âl-forms (regarded by Wellhausen as original diminutives) see Nöldeke. ‫ ק ָב‬war (the last three probably loan-words from the ‫יק‬ ‫ְת‬ ַ ‫א‬ Aramaic). or even transitive. or (c) active.ָדוֹל‬c. p. ‫ ְבוּל‬a boundary. as ‫ אָ ִיר‬a prisoner. The ground-form qı̆ṭâl or qŭṭâl2 in Hebrew changes the ı̆ to vocal Šewâ. but others are due to a strengthening of original qaṭĭl-forms. ‫ חִיר‬a swine (the prop. and therefore of various meaning.g. kı̆tâb). § 84b f. ‫ק‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ל‬ fem. ’ı̆lâh). and abstract substantives like ‫ ָבוֹד‬honour. ‫ ָ ִי‬pure. ָטוּל‬As in the qaṭâl and qaṭîl-forms (see k and l). ‫ ְשׂוֹרה‬good news (Arab. k). ‫ְט‬ ‫ק‬ ְ ‫ְר‬ ‫ ְ ָר‬honour. as ‫אָתוּז‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ holding. the irregular retention of the ā in the third syllable from the end is no doubt to be explained. ַ ‫ֶז‬ ַ ‫ז‬ ָ ‫בּ‬ bı̆šârăt). § 76 d. c) or ‫ . ‫ע ד‬ ‫כּ ב‬ 11. cf. from Aramaic influence. ‫ . sălâm). (b) the infinitives absolute of the form ‫§( ָטוֹל‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ק‬ 45 a) as representing the abstract idea of the verb. ‫ ָשׁיח‬an anointed one. ‫ ֲלוֹם‬a dream. ‫ ְבוּשׁ‬a garment. ‫ ֲבוֹ ָה‬service. On the other hand. He includes among them ‫ ְעֹ ֶת‬tow. ‫ . The ground-form qăṭûl develops to ‫ . ְטוּל‬e. ‫ אְרוֹע‬arm (twice: usually ‫ . ‫ ָצוּם‬strong. 12. ‫ בּ ָב‬book (Arab.)ְרוֹע‬fem. cf. ḥı̆mâr). 9. the remark on l. in the feminine ‫ ָֽגוֹ ָה‬treacherous Jer 3:7. as ‫ ָחוֹן‬assayer ָ ‫בּ‬ (of metals. especially all the passive participles of Qal. ‫ח‬ ‫ח‬ with ‫ א‬prosthetic (§ 19 m).ְדוֹ ָה‬the short vowel becoming Šewâ. ‫ ֱלוֹהּ‬God (Arab. ‫ְס‬ ‫ֲז‬ ‫ֵז‬ ḥı̆nzı̂r). cf. ‫ בּ ִיר‬vintage. as ‫ אָנוּשׁ‬incurable. and. ‫( ְתֹ֫ ֶת‬Arab. and develops to ‫( ק ָל‬cf. ‫ס‬ ַ ִ‫מ‬ These proper qăṭı̂l-forms are parallel to the purely passive qaṭûl-forms (see m). with Brockelmann. On ‫ס‬ ‫ָצ‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ָצ‬ qăṭṭı̂l forms with a kindred meaning. ‫בּ ִיל‬ ‫ֱו‬ ‫ֱל‬ ‫ְד‬ lead. as ‫ צ ִיר‬small. ‫ עִי‬poor (see § 93 vv). ‫ ֵמוּן‬faithful. of the other form. ‫ ֵזוֹר‬a waist-band. kı̆tâbăt) tattooing. from ‫ ל״י‬stems. ‫ ֵסוּ ר‬a bond. ‫ פּ ִיד‬an overseer. Paradigm IV. ‫ שׁאָר‬remnant. When the forms qeṭûl and qeṭôl begin with ‫ . e. whereas in ‫גּ‬ ‫ק‬ ‫גּ ל‬ ‫& . ‫ ְתוּ ָה‬virgin (properly ‫בּ ל‬ secluded). § 93. Beitraäge (Strassb. cf. These are either (b) intransitive in meaning. as (a) intransitive adjectives like ‫ ָדוֹל‬great. infinitives) ‫ָק‬ are (d) forms like ‫ אָ ִיף‬the ingathering. 1904). 8. (c) substantives and adjectives in an active sense.. ‫ ָמוֹץ‬oppressing. The ground-form qăṭîl develops to ‫( ק ִיל‬cf. ‫ ָרוּם‬subtil. § 23 h. 30 ff. The ground-form qı̆ṭûl or qŭṭûl. ‫ ח ִישׁ‬ploughing time. some of the forms mentioned in § ‫י‬ 84b g belong to this class. see above. Cf.) ‫ ָשׁוֹק‬an oppressor. before the tone it is lengthened to ā.g. fem. (c) active substantives. 10. Hebr. ‫ ק ִיר‬harvest. as ‫ ָ ִיא‬a speaker ‫ָע‬ ‫נק‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫נב‬ (prophet). the punctuator having in mind the Aramaic nomen agentis qâṭôl. in Hebrew ‫ אִיל‬foolish. .g.

with Baer. ‫( חוֹ ָם‬Arab. in subordinate pause 2 S 13:20. which are formed with the termination ‫ . Adjectives of this class ָ ‫יבּ‬ ֶ ֶ‫י‬ ‫ַַ ע‬ ‫ֶַ פ‬ (‘intensified participles of the active verb’. ‫ַטּ‬ ‫יּ‬ ‫ . so also in some noun-formations of this class. not ‫. ‫ 2 שֹׁמ ָה‬S 13:20 ‫ֵמ‬ 15. ‫פ‬ ‫ז‬ ‫נ‬ 14.ולע‬like ‫ תּוֹשׁב‬from ‫ . Hebrew ‫( קוּ ַל‬as ‫ יוּ ַל‬river. a). § 75 e. eternity. or else indicating a longer continuance of the relation or state. Barth. the instances adduced under f and g. ‫ דּלּ֫ ֶת‬and ‫ קדּ֫ ַת‬a burning ‫ח ָב‬ ‫ֶַ ק‬ ‫ַַ ח‬ fever..ק ָל‬cf. § 33) are ‫ ח ָא‬sinful.ת‬see below. This includes all forms which have arisen.עָב‬ ‫ֻג‬ ‫ֻגּ‬ Nouns with a Long Vowel in each Syllable 16. e. of the ‫ה‬ ‫ֹל‬ substantives has ē (lengthened from ı̆) retained before the tone. also the fem. ‫ גּוָֹל‬a young bird. however. st. ‫ תּוֹ ָע‬worm ‫ֶמ‬ ‫ל‬ (unless from a stem ‫ . 8. c)..קֹט֫ ֶת‬if their ‫ֶל‬ ground-form qôṭalt (§ 69 c) goes back to an original qâṭilt. Ps 91:4). As in the corresponding verbal stems (cf. Arab. ִיטוֹל‬e. 13. ‫( חֹת֫ ֶת‬from ḥôtămt). ‫ט‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ט‬ ‫ג‬ commonly ‫ . Of a different kind (probably from a ground-form qauṭal) are such forms as ‫( אוֹ ָן‬or ‫פ‬ ‫ אוֹ ָן‬Ez 10:9 in the same verse) a wheel. ḥâtăm) a seal ‫ט‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ת‬ (according to Barth a loan-word of Egyptian origin). Nouns with the Middle Consonant sharpened. the original â has become an obscure ô.e. Jer 3:8. ‫ יֽ ֵדה‬a woman in travail (cf. The ground-form qâṭı̆l also becomes in Hebrew almost invariably ‫ . the form with Ṣere occurs also in the latter. ‫ ַָשׁה‬and ‫ ַבּ֫שׁת‬dry land. were also originally participles Qal. Jer 17:8) or ‫ קוּ ָל‬e. Is 29:6. Is 33:14.39 §( עוֹ ָם‬Paradigm III.. also in Ps 150:4. Introd. x. cf. kâhı̆n). 34:9.עָב‬and to be so read. such as ‫ כֹּ ֵן‬priest (Arab. ‫ ִיטוֹר‬smoke. Zp 3:19.אַָָה‬constr.g. ‫ .)קֹ ָל‬e. Ct 1:6). p.Nouns with a Long Vocal in the First Syllable and originally a Short Vowel in the Second Syllable. Ps 68:26. always changes the â into an obscure ô. with a conjunctive accent. (originating from Qal) ‫ ֶֽה ָה‬a flame ‫יּל‬ ‫יּל‬ ‫ל ָב‬ (according to § 27 q for lăhhābhā). ‫ ָֽר ָה‬dry land (for ḥarrābhā). The fem. Qal this class includes also feminines of the form ‫ . fem. 118:16 (all in principal pause. Cf. i. ‫ דּוַֹג‬wax. The ground-form qûṭăl. ‫ֹגד‬ ‫ה ֵֹע‬ ‫ סֽח ָה‬a buckler. fem. the participles as a rule have the form ‫& . ‫ . ‫ ַָח‬wont to gore. The ground-form qâṭăl. cf. ‫ טבּ֫ ַת‬a seal-ring. also ‫ בֵּֽ ָה‬the treacherous woman. The ground-form qăṭṭăl is mostly lengthened in Hebrew to ‫ . the original ı̆ ‫ֵֹר‬ ‫ְֹד‬ having become Sewâ. ‫ַטּ‬ ‫נגּ‬ .יֽל ָה‬c. 17.g. The few forms of this kind are probably derived from the ‫ק‬ ‫ק‬ ground-form qı̂ṭâl (qı̆ṭṭâl ?). ‫ עוָּב‬a pipe. s.ושב‬see the analogous cases in § 85 b). Rem. and Barth. ibid. ‫ אַָל‬a stag. ‫קוֹ ָל‬ ‫ט‬ (‫ . the Dageš in the second radical expresses an intensification of the idea of the stem. ‫ שׁח֫ ֶת‬consumption. Other nouns of this character are evidently only by-forms of the nouns derived from the simple stem. either emphasizing the energy of the action or relation. § 84b.g.. Formation of Nouns from the Intensive Stem. ‛âlăm. The substantives of this form.)קֹ ֵל( קוֹ ֵל‬Besides ‫ט‬ ‫ט‬ participles active masc. ‫( אֶַ֫ ֶת‬from ’ăyyălt). Nominalbildung. in Hebrew.39 §( ל״ה‬Paradigm III. on the feminines of the participles Qal.g. or the repetition of one or of two consonants of the simple stem. ‫ ַצּֽל ָה‬her that halteth. § 52 f). which were treated in the last section: cf. &c. either through the doubling of the middle radical. Mi 4:6 f. On the ָ participles Qal of verbs ‫ .

also ‫ ָ ֽצוֹת֫יך‬Ez ָ ‫ַקּ‬ ‫נ צ‬ ָ ֶ ‫נאָ‬ 35:12. on the nomina opificum.)ח‬diligent (for ḥarrûṣ). arises undoubtedly: 23. with middle guttural (see § 22 c) ‫ ֶֽאָ ָה‬contumely. ‫בּ‬ ‫ַדּ‬ ַ ‫ָר‬ ‫ ע ִיץ‬violent (for ‛ărrîṣ).g. ‫ ס ִיס‬eunuch (constr. ‫ ִסּוֹר‬caviller. 25. 41 f. ‫( א ִיר‬but also ‫ 1 אַ ִיר‬S 21:8) of ‫ . ‫ִלּוֹד‬ ‫י‬ ‫צ‬ ִ ‫י‬ born probably arises from yullôd. and ‫ע ִיק‬ ‫ְר ס‬ ‫סרס‬ ‫סרס‬ ‫ַתּ‬ weaned. § 84a m. ‫ בּ ִיח‬fugitive (for barrıaḥ). probably.אַ ִיר‬a poetic term for the ‫ֲב‬ ‫בּ‬ bull. ‫ דַּן‬Ps 68:6). st. are so ‫ַנּ‬ ‫ֶח‬ treated in Hebrew (at least in the constr. On the other hand. ‫ . ‫ ט ָח‬a cook. ַטּוּל‬e. may be intentionally differentiated from ‫ . ‫ . st. ‫ֶֻ מ‬ ‫כּ נ‬ 20. ‫ ִבּוֹר‬hero (Arab. The ground-form qăṭṭûl. who possess some ‫ַטּ‬ ̂ quality in an intensive manner. cf.א‬comfort. ‫סּ‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ְר‬ ‫סרס‬ st. st. although the corresponding Arabic form qăttâl points to an original (unchangeable) â in the second syllable. by § 22 c) lying. ‫ פּ ַשׁ‬Ez 26:10..א ִיר‬as a name of God. appears from the constr. On the analogy. ‫ פּסּח‬lame. but in the book of Esther always ‫ . see § 84a l. of the adjectives denoting defects (see d below). state of the sing. ‫ . ‫ פּ ִיץ‬ravenous. always ‫ .‫ קָא‬jealous. curiously enough.g. ָֽ ִי ֵי‬with suffix ‫& . 26. ‫א ֵם‬ ‫ִטּ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ dumb. ‫( ח ָשׁ‬for ḥarrâš) artificer (constr. st. from the intensive stem. most probably only a variety of the form qăṭṭâl with the ă ‫גּ‬ attenuated to ı̆ (as in No.). The ground-form qı̆ṭṭı̆l. cf. ground-form of the fem. The ground-form qăṭṭâl.) ָֽ ָשׁי‬horseman (for parrâš). ‫ א ֵר‬disabled. ’iwwalt. ‫ ע ֵשׁ‬perverse. ‫גּבּ‬ ‫ִוּ‬ ‫ֵר‬ ִֵַ ֵֵַ ‫ִקּ‬ ‫ פּקּח‬open-eyed follows the same analogy. moreover. ’ăkkâr). ‫ פּ ָשׁ . cf. an old participle passive of Qal. the remarks in b above. moreover. ‫ קרח‬bald. ibid.ק ִיל‬almost exclusively of persons. ‫ א ָר‬husbandman (Arab. the infinitives Pi‛ēl of the form ‫. 35 a) also from the constr. ‫ צ ִיק‬righteous. ‫( כּ ָשׁ‬for kaḥḥâš.אַשֻׁ ִי‬as . const. 23).ק ֵל‬ ‫ַטּ‬ 21.אַ ִיר‬However. to this class belong infinitives Pi‛ēl of the Aramaic form ‫ בּק ָה‬a searching out. The same applies to substantives like ‫ אַשֻׁר‬a step (in ‫ . ‫ כּסּ֫ ֶת‬spelt. e. the fem. the ŭ being dissimilated in the sharpened syllable before ô: so Barth. Cf. ‫ . ‫( ִפּוֹר‬piper or chirper) a bird. however. ‫ַ ָר‬ ‫ בּ ָשׁה‬a request. gı̆’’ăy. The ground-form qı̆ṭṭôl. again. e.. to a large extent by-forms ‫ח‬ ּ ‫ּר‬ of the qăṭûl-class. The ground-form qăṭṭı̆l. remark on a). ‫ שׁכּוֹר‬drunkard.ח ַשׁ‬but plur. ִֵַ 22. Is 35:9 (but ‫ ָֽ ִי ֵי . ‫ ס ִי ֵי‬Gn 40:7. The ground-form qı̆ṭṭăl appears in ‫ צ ֶה‬dry. with full lengthening of the original ă before ‫ ֶֽח ָה . ֵ ‫ָר ח ר‬ ‫ָר‬ 18. goes back to an ‫ִוּ ל‬ original iwwilt. the form ‫ֲב‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ . if these forms go back to original ṣı̆ḥḥăy. ‫ ַחוּם‬compassionate (with virtual ‫ק‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ר‬ strengthening of the ‫ ָרוּץ . ָֽ ִי ִים‬constr. ‫ ַנּוּן‬gracious. The ground-form qăṭṭı̂l. we should rather expect a groundform qı̆ṭṭĭl. ‫ִכּ‬ 24.g. ‫ ִ ֵן‬hump-backed. 19. and according to Barth ‫ְר‬ ‫פּרצ פּרצ‬ (ibid. ‫ עֵר‬blind. ‫ אֶ֫ ֶת‬foolishness. may be regarded as by-forms of the qăṭı̂l-class with passive meaning. In the same way ‫ אַ ִיר‬prisoner. Nomina opificum also. ‫ ַָב‬a thief. ָֽ ִי ָיו‬c. st.).ס ִיס‬plur.ק ֵל‬Of this form are a considerable ‫ִטּ‬ number of adjectives which denote a bodily or mental fault or defect. From the attenuation of ‫נ ָמ‬ the ă of this form to ı̆. ‫ אַ ִיר‬strong. ‫ דָּן‬a ‫גּנּ‬ ‫ַיּ‬ judge (constr. p. see § 69 c. ‫ ח ֵשׁ‬deaf (for ḥirrēš). but cf. găbbâr). The ground-form qŭṭṭăl and qŭṭṭŭl. and the â obscured to ô (as in n and r). ‫ַיּ‬ ‫ַבּ‬ ‫ָר‬ ‫ָר‬ constr. ָֽ ִי ִים‬always). The ground-form qı̆ṭṭâl. ‫ ֻתֶֹּ֫ת‬coat. cf. in Hebrew lengthened to ‫ . ‫ָר‬ That some of these are only by-forms of the qăṭı̂l-class (see above. st. ‫ ֵ ֶה‬haughty (the ı̆ being lengthened to ē ‫ִח‬ ‫גּא‬ according to § 22 c).

read ‫ ְקֹח‬as in 42:7. also words denoting colours. The ground-form qı̆ṭḷûl. qeṭălṭôl (in fem. ‫ ִפּוּי‬a coating of metal. The ground-form qăṭḷăl. fem. fem. ‫ שֽׁאָן‬quiet. ‫ֲ ַ ְ ָר‬ ַ ‫ְ ַח‬ Mant. 49 in pause) reddish. ‫.. § 55 e). e.אדמ ַמֹּת‬greenish. § 84. From a verb ‫ פ״י‬with aphaeresis of the initial ‫ֲ ַ ְס‬ syllable ‫ ֶֽאצ ִים‬offspring. fem. ‫ שׁלּוּם‬requital. frequently in the ִ ‫ל‬ ‫ע‬ plural in an abstract sense. ‫ עב ִיט‬plunder. e. ַטֹּל‬also ‫ק‬ ‫ ַנּוֹא‬jealous (as well as ‫ .. Is 61:1 (ed.) blackish. ‫( אדמ ָם‬Lv ‫ֲ ַ ְק‬ ‫ְ ַל‬ ‫ֲ ַ ְדּ‬ 13:42. 32. 36–39. compassion. The ground-form qŭṭlăl. ַ ‫ְק‬ ַ ‫פּ‬ Nouns in which the Whole (Biliteral) Stem is repeated. § 55 d.)יפהפיה‬q ṭalṭŭl.g.g. with attenuation of the ă to i ‫ כּמ ִי ִים‬all that maketh black. probably. ֻ‫א‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ח ר‬ ‫ֲכ ר‬ ‫ַטּ‬ ibid. perhaps the mole). Moreover. ‫ שׁ ְרוּר‬Jer 43:10 Keth.ְרק ַקֹּת‬ ‫ְֲֶַ מ‬ ‫יַ ְר ֲ ַ ְדּ‬ ‫יַ ְר‬ e e q ṭalṭı̆l. qeṭălṭŭl. as in ‫גּ ְ ננּ‬ No. ‫ חלק ַקּוֹת‬slippery ְְֲַַ ‫ֲ ַ ְל‬ places. 31. ‫ ִזּוּז‬strong. see e). ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ַ גר‬ ‫ַ ְר‬ Jer 43:10 Qerê. The ground-form qăṭṭôl. the infinitives Pi‛lēl ‫ַ ְל‬ (prop. ‫ סְ ִיר‬rain-storm. ‫ֲ ַ ְ ְר‬ ‫ל ֲ ַ ְפּ‬ ‫ַח פּ‬ ‫ חפרפּ ָה‬a digging or burrowing animal. 29. ‫ ַמּוּד‬pillar. cf. Qeṭălṭăl. fem. besides the infinitives absolute Pi‛ēl of the form ‫ . plur. qeṭălṭûl. ‫ פּת ְתֹּל‬tortuous. 29). ‫ שׁלּ ִים‬dismissal. as ‫ ִדּוּ ִים‬reproach.g. ‫ . ‫ ַבּוּ ָה‬a stripe (also ‫ בּ ֻחוֹת .g. so the plur.)ח ֻֽ ָתוֹ‬security: cf. with concrete meaning ‫ ִמּוּד‬a disciple. of the same form. ‫ שׁמּ ִים‬observance. 27.). ‫( שׁח ְחֹ֫ ֶת‬fem. ‫ מלּ ִים‬filling (the induction of a priest). Also in Is 2:20 ‫ ַֽחפר ָרוֹת‬is to be read instead of ‫( ל ְפֹּר ֵרוֹת‬from the sing. Pa‛lēl).)פּ ַח־קוֹח‬is an evident mistake due to dittography. in ‫ אמ ָל‬faint. in order to keep the preceding vowel short). ‫ ְרק ַק . Naturally this class includes only isolated forms of the stems ‫ ע״וּ‬and ‫( ע״ע‬on ‫ ִֽי ִיּוֹת‬see § ‫פּ פ‬ 96 under ‫ .רעִַים‬ ‫ר ֲנ‬ ‫ַ ֲ ננּ‬ 30. ‫ הפכפּך‬crooked. Barth. Baer. ‫ֻ ְל‬ 34.קט ֵל‬of this form are e.אדמדּ֫ ֶת‬plur. cf. is ‫ ח ֽוֹצ ָה‬a trumpet (for ‫צ ֱ ָא‬ ‫ֲצ ְר‬ ‫ . e. ֲשׁרוֹ‬c. ‫ שׁקּוּי‬drink.) ֶה‬Thus:— ‫פּ‬ . The ground-form qăṭlŭl. ‫ עקל ַלּוֹת‬cooked (ways).well as ‫& . in ‫ פּר ָח‬a brood. ‫ ַֽעָן‬green. The ground-form qăṭlûl. ‫ שׁכּ ִים‬bereavement. The ground-form qı̆ṭlăl. ‫ שׁפ ִיר‬glittering tapestry. The ground-form qăṭlı̂l. plur.)כּמ ִי ֵי‬ ‫ַ ְר ר‬ 35. ‫ ְֵיפָה‬very fair (to be read in Jer 46:20 for ‫ .. and plur. ‫. The ground-form qăṭlı̆l. Jb 3:5 (but the ‫ִ ְר ר‬ better reading is ‫. often with the last consonant sharpened for the reason given in a above). Ginsb. ‫ ַֽ ֲפוּ ִים‬adulteries. in Hebrew ‫ . ‫ . ‫ִֽח ִים‬ ‫גּ פ‬ ‫ִ ֻא‬ ‫נ ֻמ‬ consolations. ‫ִ ְח‬ 33. But ‫ פּק ְקוֹח‬opening. ‫ .g. ‫ ַבִֻים‬ridges (with sharpening of the Nûn. ִטּוּל‬e.קָא‬an obscured form of qăṭṭâl. qeṭălṭĭl. ‫יפ ִ יּ‬ ‫ְ ַר ר‬ ‫ אספ ֻף‬a rabble (augmented from ‫ אָסוּף‬collected). ‫ִ ֻל‬ ‫ִ ֻח‬ ‫ִ ֻר‬ Nouns with the Third Consonant repeated.חצרצ ָה‬cf. ‫ק‬ ‫צ‬ ִ ִ ‫ שׁקּוּץ‬detestable thing. ‫ק‬ ‫ַנּ‬ 28. ‫ַפ‬ ‫נא פ‬ Nouns with the Second and Third Consonants repeated. ‫( שֽׁאַָה‬with sharpening of the second ‫ַ ֲנ‬ ‫ַ ֲ ננּ‬ Nûn.

answering to the Aramaic infinitive of the causal stem (’Aph‛ēl). Jb 31:22. ‫ הָ ָה‬a swinging (from ‫[ . 45. ‘declaration. ‫ אַכָר‬cruel. ‫ כּל ֵל‬infin.)כּב ַב‬bands. as well as those which are formed with other preformatives (‫ . ‫ יתוּר‬a range. and of the conjugations formed with the prefix ‫ . for ‫ צל ַל . and serves ‫מ‬ to express the most varied modifications of the idea of the stem: (1) ‫ מ‬subjective. ‫ ֻ ְגֹּ֫ ֶת‬a skull (for gŭlgŭlt). ‫ אְרוֹף‬fist ַ ‫ֶ ְבּ ז‬ ‫ְבּ‬ ‫ֶג‬ (others mattock. Nouns with ‫ מ‬prefixed. cf.בקק‬fattened birds(?). ‫ טלט ָה‬a hurling (from ‫. Palpı̆l) from ‫ . In these examples the ‫ א‬is a ‘euphonic’ ‫ְ ר‬ ‫ְ ר‬ prefix (Barth. form: cf. see the Lexicon. § 150 b).)ת . ‫ ְַשׁוּף‬owl(?).g. Besides the ordinary infinitives of Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ הק ֵל‬and ‫ .ַֽ ֲקֹב‬c. ‘elative’. (2) ‫מ‬ 1 1 Or perhaps more correctly with Jacob.40. The fem. Hiph‛ı̂l.גלל‬ 44. ‫ ַרִיר‬girded. with attenuation of the first ă to ı̆. and.הת‬this class ‫ִ ָט‬ ‫ִקּ‬ ְִ ‫ַ ָר‬ also includes some rare nomina verbalia derived from Hiph‛ı̂l (cf. and superl. &c.. from haikăl. for ‫ ֽוֹ ָפֹת .)נוּף‬Is 30:28. &c. ‫( ִלָל‬from ‫ .). Nouns with Preformatives. ’ i.כּוּל‬fem.e. ‫ אַר ֶה‬a locust.קדד‬fem. which is no doubt connected with ‫ִי‬ ‫מ‬ who. unless it is borrowed from the Assyrian. ‫ַ ְכּ‬ ‫טט‬ ‫ְ ָצ ַ ְט‬ 41. also ‫הכ‬ ‫ הְָ ָה‬Ezr 4:22.ִצ ָק . Hithpa‛ēl. ‫ כּ ְכֹּד‬perhaps a ruby (for kădkŭd). ‫ ְקוּם‬a ‫יְה‬ ‫יל‬ ‫ינ‬ ‫י‬ living thing. These include nouns which are directly derived from verbal forms having preformatives (Hiph‛ı̂l.א‬and finally those which are formed with afformatives. ‫ ַלַל‬a wheel. from ‫. inasmuch as they arise almost always by the addition or insertion of one or two consonants to the triliteral stem. ‫ ֵי ָן‬perennial (for ’aitan) [=the Arab. Nouns with Preformatives and Afformatives. ‫זכּ ָ ת‬ 46. ‫ַ נזק‬ 47. especially the adjectives. when preformative of the participles Pi‛ēl. Pilpēl (prop.). as ‫ ִצ ָר‬oil.)ָ ַל‬Est 4:14 an Aram.)גלל‬fem. appears in a very large number of nouns. ibid.הק ִיל‬of ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫ַ ְט‬ Niph‛al ‫( ה ָטֹל .)טוּל‬ ‫ַ ְכּ‬ ‫ַ ְ ֵל‬ 42.טפ ָפֹת‬probably a whirring locust. ‫יְח י ע‬ 48. the part of the meal-offering which ‘announces the sacrifice and its object’.כדד‬ ‫ַד‬ 43. also ‫ כּוֹ ָב‬a star (from kăwkăb.נ .מ . The quadriliterals and quinqueliterals also are taken in connexion with these formations. ‫חלח ָה‬ ‫גְּגּ‬ ‫גּ ְגּ‬ ‫ַ ְ ָל‬ anguish (from ‫ חוּל‬or ‫( כּ ָר . in other cases it is ‘essential’. cf. ‫ָד‬ ‫גּל ל‬ from ‫. Arabic ‫ִכּ ח‬ ‫כ‬ kaukăb. Nouns with ‫ י‬prefixed. ‫ אְַ ָֽר ָהּ‬Lv 2:2. and ‫ ָה‬what (see § 37 and § 52 c). ‫זְו‬ ‫ַק‬ ‫ַ ְ ֻר‬ § 85. as ‫& . ‫ הצּ ָה‬deliverance (from ‫[ . from ‫ בּרבּ ִים . the substantives with ‫ א‬prosthetic (§ 19 m). 79. ‫אַכָב‬ ‫ְז‬ deceitful. Est ‫נכ‬ ‫ֲ נפ‬ ‫ֲ נח‬ 2:18]. or clod). ‫ הָ ָה‬a rest-giving. Cf. hence with suff. Nouns with ‫ א‬prefixed. degrees]. Hoph‛al. p. perhaps also ‫ַ ָל‬ ‫נצ‬ ‫ֲ זד‬ ‫ ֵי ָל‬palace.) ִיל‬for kirkar) a talent. such as ‫אְרוֹע‬ ַ ‫ֶז‬ arm (Jer 32:21. used for expressing the ‫ְז‬ ‫את‬ compar.)ְרוֹע‬a finger.זרר‬a bottle.ע״וּ‬e. ‫ הָ ָה‬Dn 5:20].י . Of a different character are the ‫יר‬ many proper names which have simply adopted the imperfect form. . ‫ אַשׁמוּ ָה‬or ‫ אַשׁמֹ֫ ֶת‬a watch. Hithpa‛ēl. ‫ ְַקוּט‬wallet.)ָ ַר‬Is 3:9. Niph‛al.הקּ ֵל‬for hinq. ‫ ק ְקֹד‬the crown of the head (for qŭdqŭd). ‫ אְַכּ ָה‬fragrant part1 (of the meal-offering) is a nomen ‫זָר‬ verbale of Hiph‛ı̂l. from ‫ בּ ְבּוּק . Nouns with ‫ ה‬prefixed. elsewhere always ‫ אצ ַע .ע״י‬an adversary. from verbs ‫ . ‫הכּ ָה‬ appearance (from ‫ . and other active conjugations. viz. § 72 z). from ‫ . ZAW. from a verb ‫ ָ ִיב . 1897. This preformative Mêm. Cf.

(4) ‫מ‬ ְֵַַ local.objective. the ă lengthened to ā and obscured to ô (Arabic măqâm). ‫ . ‫ מר ָק‬distance). ‫ מ֫ ֶר‬bitterness (from ‫מ ַר‬ ‫ֶמ‬ ‫ְמ‬ developed to a segholate). &c. with â always obscured to ô. ‫ מס ָה‬a covering (from ‫ . ‫ִ ְנ‬ ‫.מ ְטוֹל‬e.תּ ַם‬ ְ ‫מ‬ ְַָ ‫מ‬ ‫ָמ‬ With a long vowel in the second syllable: (f) ground-form maqṭâl.g. ‫ מְבּח‬an altar (place of ‫ִ ְט‬ ‫ִ ְפּ‬ ַ ֵ‫ִו‬ ‫ַק‬ sacrifice). fem. from a verb ‫ מ ָן .g. (3) ‫ מ‬instrumental. ‫ . and in ‫ מֵן‬shield (with suff.ע״ע‬a ‫מט‬ ‫ַצּ‬ ְָָ screen.עזז‬ ‫מ ז‬ ‫מ‬ would mean stronghold. But in an open syllable which does not stand before the tone. ‫ מ ְקוֹח‬booty. ı̆ in the open syllable being lengthened to ē. ְרֹך‬for mărōkh from ‫ . ‫ )?מ ַב( מ ֵב‬consessus. ‫( מ֫ ַן‬for ‫ ) ַֽעֶה‬prop. Hebr. .פ״ו‬the best (from maiṭăb). ָעֹז‬if derived from the stem ‫. cf. cf. ‫ מסֵר . Neh 8:10. above ‫ִק‬ ‫ִס‬ ‫ִכ‬ under i. ‫ מ ָע‬a bed.ע״וּ‬e. from a verb ‫ . it is to be remarked that the preformative ‫ מ‬was originally in most cases followed by a short ă. ‫ מ ְסוֹר‬want. cf. probably from ְֶ ‫ . fem.ע״ע‬e. only in ‫ למ֫ ַן‬on account of. ‫ מצּ ָה‬a pillar. Hoph‛al. fem. ‫ִ ְבּ‬ As regards the formation of these nouns. miqṭı̂l (cf. most if not all of these forms are to be referred to the stem ‫ עוּז‬to flee for safety. ‫ מס ֵד‬mourning. ‫. ‫ ַֽאכ֫ ֶת‬a knife. very probably. fem. ‫ ממל ָה‬kingdom.מקָה‬ ‫ִ ְנ‬ (c) Ground-form măqṭĭl. and other passive conjugations. ְעוִֹי‬c. ‫מרכּ֫ ֶת‬ ‫ִ ְ ָמ‬ ‫ֶ ְ ָב‬ ‫ְִֶ ב‬ Gn 41:43.מק ֵל‬e. ‫& . Hebr. in order that.) ַשׁעָה‬a smith. &c. ‫ק‬ (d) Ground-form mı̆qṭı̆l. Hebr. ‫ ָעוֹז‬a refuge.g. ‫ ְגוֹ ָה‬and ‫ְגוּ ָה‬ ‫ַח‬ ַ ‫ַל‬ ‫מ‬ ‫מ ר‬ ‫מ ר‬ (with the ô depressed to û in a toneless syllable.פ״ו‬ ‫ָג‬ ‫ְ גלּ‬ ‫ְ ֵ ר גּל‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ מוֹ ֵשׁ‬a snare (from măwqı̆š). ‫ ַשׂכֹּ֫ ֶת‬wages.g. from a verb ‫ מֵ ָה . fem. from verbs ‫ . is lengthened to ē).g. from verbs ‫ מסך . with ‫( י‬or ‫ )ו‬assimilated. The form ‫ . (g) Ground‫מ מ‬ form mı̆qṭâl.ע״ע‬fem.ע״ע‬ ‫ַכ ֵ ל‬ ‫ַ גּפ‬ ‫ַ ֵב‬ ‫ מֵן‬a shield. măkhšēlā).פ״ו‬a going forth. again ‫ . &c. where Baer requires ‫ . e.פ״ן‬a gift. from verbs ‫ַתּ‬ ‫צ‬ ָ ‫ ֵי ָב . ‫ מ ְמֹ֫ ֶת‬a fishing-net. in Hebrew ‫ 1.g. Hebr. ‫ מ ְתּוֹר‬a covert.פ״ן‬an overthrow. ‫ ַֽא ָל‬food. also ‫ ַשַׁק‬Is 33:4 as constr. ‫ַֽ ֲשׂר‬ ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫מְע‬ ‫ַ ְגּ מ ְ ֵנ‬ ֵ‫מ ע‬ a tithe.g. on the ă of the second syllable cf.)אָ ַר‬from a verb ‫.ל״ה‬ ‫ַ ְא‬ appearance. ‫ ַֽ ֲכֹ֫ ֶת‬food. developed to a segholate. The following forms are especially to be noticed: (a) ground-form măqṭăl. § 67 g). § 93 ee.g.ע״ע‬e. and with the shortening of the ă under the preformative.)סכך‬Also ‫מא ל‬ ‫מְ ר‬ ‫ְ ֻכּ‬ ְַָ from ‫ . Qal in Aramaic). intention.—Cf.מק ֵל‬e. state from ּ ‫מ‬ ‫ שׁקק‬with sharpening of the first radical. fem.g. also ‫ מֹ֫רך‬faintness. ‫ מרכּ ָה‬a chariot (with Seghôl instead of ı̆. from verbs ‫ מוֹ ָא . fem. ‫ ְשׁ ָה‬desolation. as in ‫ מפתּח‬a key. § 27 n). ‫ מִ ָה‬a roll (from ‫ מא ָה . as well as of numerous nouns. ָֽעִים‬ ‫מ‬ ‫מ ֻוּ‬ ‫מ זּ‬ ‫מ ֻזּ‬ but. This ă. ‫ מ ַב‬surroundings (from mı̆‫ֶ ְח‬ ‫מְ ֶ ר‬ ‫ֵס‬ săb. ‫ַע‬ ‫מ ֲנ‬ ‫ְַ ע‬ (b) Ground-form miqṭăl (the usual form of the infin.ע״וּ‬probably of this class is ‫ָקוֹם‬ ‫מַמּ‬ ‫מ‬ place. in an open syllable before the tone it is lengthened to ā (so also the ‫ָג‬ ‫מ גנּ‬ ı̆. from a verb ‫ . in a closed syllable is frequently attenuated to ı̆.המד ַר‬read with ed. ‫ מלח ָהּ‬war. attenuated from ă. Is 22:5.)ָ ַל‬a curse (for me’irrā from ‫ . however. Mant.מק ָל‬e. fem. from ‫.מ ְטֹל‬ ‫ֵס ֵס‬ fem. (e) ground-from măqṭŭl.ל״ה‬a possession. but in constr. from a verb ‫ . ‫ מ ְשׁוֹל‬a stumbling-block (cf.רכך‬like ‫ ְתֹם‬soundness of body. ‫ מוֹשׁב‬a seat. with suffixes ‫ ָֽעִי‬and ‫ . from verbs ‫. ְהוּ ָה‬c. Ginsburg. ‫ ַשׁ ֵן‬a support (fem. ‫ . ‫ ִשׁמ֫ ֶת‬a watch. ‫ִ ְט‬ ‫( מד ָר‬in Jer 2:31 also. the first syllable is artificially opened to avoid the cacophony. from verbs ‫ . ‫ מ ְשׁ ָה‬a ruin. from verbs ‫מר ֶה . ָֽעוִּי‬plur. (h) the ground-forms maqṭı̂l. st. the a necessarily becomes Šewâ. ‫ )המד ָר‬a ‫ִ ְבּ‬ ‫ֲ ִ ְבּ‬ ‫ֲ ִ ְבּ‬ cattle-drive. when preformative of the participles Pu‛al.. ‫( מ ָא ָה‬for ‫ מ ְאָ ָה‬by § 23 c) ‫ַ ְט‬ ‫מ ֲכ‬ ‫ַ ְ ָכ‬ ‫מ ֲֶ ל‬ ‫ְל כ‬ ‫ַל כ‬ business.. but cf. ‫ ָגוֹר‬fear. from verbs ‫ מקֶה . in Hebr. and therefore should be written ‫& .ע״ע‬according to the Masora. ‫ ) ִִָֽי‬it even becomes unchangeable â. ‫. ‫)מ ִים‬ ‫ִכ ר‬ ‫ֵק‬ ‫מ ְת קּ‬ 1 1 In ‫ ַֽמ ַֿ ִים‬Ct 5:16. as in ‫ מד ָר‬a drive for cattle.מק ָל‬e.

On this Šaph‛ēl formation. usury. cf.ע״ע‬confusion.g. Hebr.g. (c) tăqṭı̆l. for the purpose of strengthening them phonetically (see Barth. p. ZDMG. plur. 1903. ‫( ֵירֹם‬also ‫ ) ֵרֹם‬naked (from ‫ . like the constr. ‫ תְּחוּ ִים‬and ‫ תְּחוּמוֹת‬consolation.)זיד‬ ‫נז‬ 50.)ְמוּל‬from verbs ‫ ְבוּ ָה . the deep (for ‫תּ‬ tı̆hâm. ‫( תּוֹכ֫ ַת‬from ‫ַ ְמ‬ ָ ‫ֶל‬ ‫ַח‬ the Hiph‛ı̂l ‫ )הוֹ ִית‬correction. ‫ תּ ְאָ ָה‬and ‫ תּפא֫ ֶת‬glory. destruction. ‫ תּכ ִית‬completeness. Nouns with ‫ נ‬prefixed.פ״ו‬correction (from the Hiph‛ı̂l-stem. ָרוֹם‬plur. in Assyrian the fem. both from Hiph‛ı̂l. Examples of this formation are numerous.ל״ה‬ ַ‫כ‬ ‫ֵמ‬ ‫ד‬ ‫תּצ‬ thanksgiving. (i) ground-form măqṭûl. ‫ שׁלה֫ ֶת‬a flame. 52. ‫ ֲרוּ ִים‬Gn 2:25. ‫ תּוֹח֫ ֶת‬expectation.g.)ִר ַם‬from a verb ‫תְּבּ‬ ‫ַ ְ ֵמ‬ ‫נְדּ‬ ‫ ֽוֹכ ָה . very ‫תּ פ‬ ‫תּ מ‬ ‫תּ ק‬ frequently also as an abstract plural. ibid. ‫ ְשׁוּ ָה‬a longing. cf. ‫ עֽר ִים‬Gn 3:7. from verbs ‫ תּוֹשׁב .מר ִית‬in ‫ַ ְל‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ a passive sense. § 30 q. as ‫ ְהוֹם‬the ocean. § 55 i. With an original ăm as afformative. al is an affix of ‫גּב‬ endearment in the proper names ‫( ֲמוּ ַל . ‫ תּרדּ ָה‬deep sleep (probably from the Niph‛al ‫ . remains unchangeable). which ‫נק‬ ‫נפ ל‬ is also to be referred to Niph‛al.. ‫ ַפּוּח‬an apple (for tănpûaḥ). On ‫ מ‬as preformative of the participles of all the conjugations except Qal and Niph‛al. ‫ כּר ֶל‬gardenַ ְ‫ח‬ ‫ַ ְז‬ ‫ַ ְמ‬ land (Seghôl in both cases is probably a modification of the original ă in the tone-syllable). ‫ ַשׁ ֵץ‬chequer work. p. e. as ‫ מ ְבּוּשׁ‬a garment. ‫ ִ ְעֹל‬bloom. ‫ תּל ִיד‬a disciple. and ‫ תּ֫ ֶס‬a melting away ‫ֶב‬ ‫ֶמ‬ (developed from ‫ תּ ַל‬and ‫ . ‫ תּר ִית‬increase. ‫ תּקָה‬hope. e. very frequently ‫ַ ְמ‬ ‫ַק‬ ַ ‫תּ‬ used to form abstracts. which corresponds to the Hebrew Pi‛ēl). ‫ַג‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫תּ ס‬ ‫ ְנוּ ָה‬a waving (like ‫ ְרוּ ָה‬a lifting up. ֻֽל ִים‬but in ‫ כָּם‬a swarm of gnats.פ״ו‬a settler. from a verb ‫ .. Gn 30:8.תּ ְטוּל‬e. Prolegomena. fem. ‫תּ ְרוּ ִים‬ ‫ַ ְפּ‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ ‫ַמ ר‬ bitterness. st.g.are found only in participles Hiph‛ı̂l. tiâmtu. ‫ר‬ probably belonging to this class.ל״א‬issues.g. Nouns with ‫ ם‬affixed.)עור‬plur.ִ ְטֹל‬the prefix ‫ נ‬is found in ‫ ַ ְתּוּ ִים‬wrestlings. from a verb ‫ . still ‫נְט‬ retained e. is the usual word for sea). e. fem. from a verb ‫ פ״ו‬and ‫ ֽוֹ ָאוֹת . Perhaps ‫ ַשׁמל‬amber(?). 530 ff. ‫ )ִק ָל‬and the ‫ל‬ infinitive Niph‛al of the form ‫ .תהם‬e) tâqṭı̂l (in Arabic the usual form of the infinitive of conjugation II. the ‫ ם‬is ‫א ַמּ‬ ‫ִנּ‬ radical. ‫ ֽוֹ ְדוֹת‬generations). ‫ַ ְֶ ב‬ 51. ‫ אוּ ָם‬vestibule (although the ‫ל‬ ā in the sing. ‫ תְּמוּל‬a benefit (also ‫ . ‫ע‬ ‫ע מּ‬ .—To this class also belong the adverbs in ām and ōm.מב ִיִית‬cheerfulness. especially from weak stems.)א ִיִַ֫ל‬ ‫ח ט מכ‬ ‫ֲב ג‬ ‫ֲב ג י‬ 53. plur. tiâmat. ‫ . § 52 c. from a verb ‫ תּי ָן . ‫ .ל״ה‬e. ‫ תּפ ָה‬prayer (from the Pi‛ēl of the stems ‫ ה ַל‬and ‫. and notably from verbs ‫ פ״ו‬and ‫ . ‫מְח‬ 49. ִי ַל‬little lizard?) ‫( א ִיַל‬also ‫.תּ ַס‬from ‫ בּ ַל‬and ‫. is a denominative formed ‫ַ ְל ג‬ ‫ַל‬ from a participle Hiph‛ı̂l.פ״י‬the south. cf. ‫תּ ֵח‬ ‫תּל‬ from verbs ‫ תּה ָה .g. and ‫ ִָיד‬boiled pottage (stem ‫. ‫ְזֶ ר‬ ‫ ַשׁ ִית‬destroyer. st. and probably ‫ בּרֶל‬iron. as ‫ מַמּ֫ ֶת‬snuffers. and ‫ תּוֹ ָה‬law. from verbs ‫ פ״ו‬and ‫תּוֹ ָה . from the Hiph‛ı̂l stem).)פּ ַל‬ ‫ְ ִלּ‬ ‫ְ ִלּ‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ָל‬ With a long vowel in the second syllable: (d) tı̆qṭâl. fem. p.g. ‫ע‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ֵיֻמּ‬ parallel form ‫ . ‫ִפ ר‬ ‫ְִֶ ר‬ ‫ִ ְו‬ e. 283). Nouns with ‫ ל‬affixed. Besides the participles Niph‛al (ground-form năqṭăl. Many of these participles have become substantives. from verbs ‫ תּ֫ ֶל . unless it is to be derived with Delitzsch. With original afformative ŭm. 113. the fem. from the stem ‫( .—According to Prätorius.. in ‫ נוֹ ָד‬for năwlād. e.ע״וּ‬They may be classified as follows:—(a) the ground-form tăqṭăl in ‫ תּח ָס‬ostrich (?).ע״ע‬praise. ‫ תּה ֻכוֹת‬perverseness.g. e.ע״וּ‬a treading down. Nouns with ‫ ת‬prefixed. Rem.g.ע״וּ‬toil. but commonly attenuated to nıqṭăl. from a verb ‫ תּאִים . ‫ַנ מ‬ ‫ַנ‬ ‫ְ ֻנ‬ Nouns with Afformatives.ל״ה‬fem. ‫ תּח ֻלוֹת‬guidance. with a parallel form ‫ . (f) ‫ . With ‫ שׁ‬prefixed. constr. &c.)מ ַס‬ ‫ְב‬ ‫ְמ‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫ָס‬ (b) Tı̆qṭăl.

Mand.עמ ָם . ‫ ָמוֹן‬noise. der Gött.ל״ה‬pride. ‫ סרע ָה‬a branch. 1883.מ ְכֹּם . from insertion of a ‫ . See Nöldeke. also by the fact that for ‫ שׁלֹמֹה‬the LXX give ‫ֲב‬ ‫ֲב‬ ‫ֲב‬ ְ the form Σολωµών or Σαλωµών. 1 &c. A large number of proper names now ending in ‫ ־ֹ ה‬or ‫ ־וֹ‬used to be classed as nouns originally formed with the affix ‫ .. Gr. ‫ עְבוִֹים‬wares. cf. ִ ַ ִ Quadriliterals and Quinqueliterals. ‘Einige phöniz. 169.־וֹן‬The subsequent rejection of the final Nûn seemed to be confirmed by the form ‫ . very frequently from the simple stem with an unorganic sharpening of the second radical. ‫ ק ְדֹּם‬an axe. § 224 b) has since shown the ‫ע יר‬ ‫ר‬ unsoundness of the prevailing view on other grounds: the rejection of the Nûn would be much more likely to occur in the numerous appellatives in ôn than in proper names.. ‫ ִָרוֹן‬memorial..). &c.־ י‬see below. 599). 16 from ‫. ‫דּ‬ ‫( ָֽ ְבוֹן‬also ‫ ) ָֽר ָן‬a goad. ‫ שׁל ָן‬a table. explained the Nûn in ‫ מִדּוֹן‬as a secondary addition to the common old-Palestinian ‫ְג‬ termination ô (‫& . ֻ‫י‬ Rem. šı̂lô-ı̂..mentioned in § 100 g. 1 1 The plurals ‫ ִצִים‬flowers. also ‫ שֽׁלִי‬from ‫. with an initial ‫ עט ֵף . Cf. ‫ חר ֵשׁ‬a sickle.g.. p.־ י . ‫ כּ ָיוֹן‬destruction (constr. p. xxxvi). that ‫ ע‬was especially employed to form quadriliteral names of animals. and many proper names. ‫ עק ָב‬a scorpion. 55.ְשׁרוּן‬g. according to Hoffmann.. also ‫ ֲחֽרִית‬and ‫ .קל ָלוֹן‬Proper names occur with ‫הר‬ ‫ִרּ‬ ‫ק ק‬ ‫ִ ְק‬ the termination ûn.)ֵֽ ְשִׁי‬c. ‫ חלּ ִישׁ‬a flint. ‫ ַ ְמוּד‬barren.־ ית .ע ֶן=ע ֶב‬ ‫ִזּ נ‬ ‫ֶ צ ֶ ז‬ 1 1 Derenbourg (REJ. as ‫ ִֽילִֹי‬Gilonite from ‫ ִלֹה‬and ‫ שֽׁילִֹי‬from ‫שׁילֹה‬ (modern name Sailûn). st. as ‫ . Wetzstein. ‫זכּ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ ‫זכ‬ ‫ִל‬ also ‫ ֵֽ ָיוֹן‬pregnancy (for ‫ )ה ָ׳‬and § 93 uu.שׁ ָה‬ ‫ֵ ָנ‬ ‫ֵל‬ On the afformatives ‫ .וּת . cf. ‫ צפרדּע‬a frog. ‫דּר‬ ‫דּ ְב‬ ‫ְע‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ת‬ ‫ שׁ ְיוֹן‬a coat of mail.ֵֽ ְשֹׁם‬also ‫ .. ‫ ְִרוֹן‬and ‫& . ‫ ר ָבוֹן‬hunger. and others. ‫ ָזוֹן‬a vision. Nu 3:49. and the fem ‫ ַלע ָה‬heat. probably ‫ ְדוִּם‬is to be read. ‫נ‬ ִ &c. to chirp). from verbs ‫ ָאוֹן . and ‫ ִֽילִֹי‬and ‫גּ נ‬ ‫ שֽׁילִֹי‬are due to the necessity of avoiding. have probably arisen from the ‫גּל‬ ‫ַ ָמ‬ ‫זְ ָפ‬ insertion of a ‫ ח ְגֹּל .)סע ָה‬ ‫ַר‬ ‫ַר‬ ‫ַ ְ ַפּ‬ ‫ְ ַפּ‬ ‫( שׂרע ִים‬also ‫ )שׂע ִים‬anxious thoughts.ְ ִיחוֹ‬c. Ges. Inschriften. ‫ עכ ָר‬a mouse.ל‬a locust. Ct 2:12. sparrow (from ṣafara. . and ‫ ק ְשִׂים‬thorns appear to be formed directly ‫נָנ‬ ‫ִמּ נ‬ from the singulars ‫( ֵץ‬cf. from a verb ‫ ַשָׁאוֹן . ‫ קר ָן‬an offering. ’ p.) ְדֽרִית‬e. ‫ )ִ ָה‬and ‫ ִמּוֹשׂ‬with the insertion of ân (which in ‫ קמ׳‬is ‫נ‬ ‫נצ‬ ‫ק‬ obscured to ôn).מְדּוֹן‬once used (Zc 12:11) for ‫( מִדּוֹ‬and conversely in Pr 27:20 ‫ְג‬ ‫ְג‬ e e K thı̂bh ‫ .ֵֽ ְשׁוֹם‬and ‫( ֵֽ ְשׁוֹן‬patronymic ‫גּר‬ ‫גּר‬ ‫גּר‬ ‫& . The ‫ ן‬is added by means of a simple helping vowel in ‫כַּ֫ ֵן‬ ‫ְנ ע‬ Canaan. Denominative Nouns. ִמּוֹנוֹ .g. Rem. 8 ‫.. Ez 31:5 (verses 6.. 15 (Abh.)כּ ְיוֹן‬c. for ‫ . such forms as gı̂lô-ı̂. however (in Delitzsch’s Commentary on Job. and Barth (Nominalbildung. Nouns with ‫ ן‬affixed. 165) infers from the above examples and a comparison of the Arabic ‛uṣfûr. 1st ed. for euphonic reasons. and especially that in patronymics and tribal names (§ 86 h) ‫גּ נ‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫נ‬ ִ ִ a Nûn appears before the termination ı̂. ‫גּ רֻנּ‬ ‫ַ ְר ִל‬ ‫ִד‬ ‫פּ י‬ 54. and ‫ ִפֹּ֫ ֶן‬a finger nail. p.ע‬a bat. moreover.ר‬which is common ‫ַ ְ ַפּ‬ ‫ְ ִפּ‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ in Aramaic. From an original â ‫א ַֹנּ‬ ‫ק ַֹנּ‬ ‫ִ ני‬ ‫ֻ ְח‬ ‫ָ ְבּ‬ being changed into an obscure ô we may probably explain such forms as ‫ ְאָבוֹן‬a pining away.א ַדֹּה‬Q rê ‫ א ַדּ֔וֹ‬for ‫ א ַדּוֹן‬destruction). der Wiss. similarly. e. ‫ שׁר ִיט‬sceptre. Ez 27:14. 3.—Quinqueliteral. which in Hebrew is modified to Seghôl (as ‫ ַרֶן‬axe) or lengthened to ā (but cf. ‫ַ ָב‬ ‫ַ ְבּ‬ ‫ַ ְר‬ § 86. ‫ ִֽי ָלוֹן‬shame.פ״ן‬guile (the only instance with both ‫ מ‬preformative ‫ִר‬ ּ ‫מ‬ and ôn afformative)1. but for ‫ פּ ְיוֹם‬ransom (?). § 86 h–l. ‫ קְָן‬a possession. ‫ֶ ְמ‬ ‫ְ ָד‬ ‫ֲ ַלּ‬ ְְֵַַ ‫ עכּ ִישׁ‬a spider. more frequently the addition is made by means of a tone‫צ ר‬ ‫גְּז‬ bearing ă. ַכּוֹ . as ‫ 68 § . ‫ סמ ַר‬vine-blossom.

§ 212.רֹאשׁ . Nouns with ‫ מ‬prefixed. The most common forms of denominatives are— 1. Arab. . Both these ּ ‫ק‬ ֶ ֶ forms (c and d) indicate customary occupations. ‫ כֹּ ֵם‬a vinedresser. πολίτης. and ‫ 2 א ִינוֹן‬S 13:20. τεύς. König. e. The existence of the form in Hebrew is disputed by Barth. ‫ עָרוֹן‬blindness. but ‫ַוּ נ‬ necklace (from ‫ צָאר‬neck). from ‫ ק֫שׁת‬a bow. 85–87. 13. from ‫ . ‫לּמ‬ &c. as secondary (although in some cases very old) forms. ‫ ﻏﻠﻴﻢ‬a very young man. from ‫ . ‫ ק ְמוֹן‬eastern. Wright. as a ‫ֲמ‬ contemptuous diminutive form of ‫ . ٌ ِ َُ ّ ‫ . hence ‫ֶד‬ ‫ֽח‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ח‬ ‫ִ וי ת‬ coiled animal. which was formerly ‫א‬ ‫ְפ‬ regarded as a diminutive. ‫ ְ ֵיר‬a little (Is 28:10.g.עֵר‬Cf. Those like the participle Qal (§ 84a s). for instance. the verbals with a prefixed ‫ 58 §( מ‬e to m) express the place. from ‫ מרְלוֹת . 3. Cf. ‫ִ וי‬ ‫נח ְ תּ‬ ֶ ‫נ‬ ‫ד נ‬ e. § 85 u. Delitzsch on Ct 4:9. § 85 e). most commonly formed by inserting a y after the second radical. Arab.] .g. finally. and ‫ צְרִֹים‬not little neck. from ‫ בּ ָר‬a herd. &c.חוּץ‬probably also ‫ לְָ ָן‬coiled. As. § 167. ii. e. ‫ָק‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ֶר‬ 2. so the denominatives with ‫ מ‬local represent the place where a thing is found or its neighbourhood (see e). from ‫ .g. but an artificial moon (used as an ornament). ‫ַוּ‬ 1 [1 Cf.— With a double termination (ôn or ân with ı̂) ‫אַ ְמִֹי‬ ‫ִוּ‬ ‫ִוּ‬ reddish. denoting the place where a thing is (cf. Jb 36:2) has commonly been ‫זע‬ regarded as an example of the same form. little sun). from ָ ‫ַד‬ ‫ אַ ֲרוֹן . or its neighbourhood. from ‫( מ ְשׁה . W. p. like Greek nouns in της. ‫ ְִעִֹי‬a knowing (spirit).ק֫ ֶם‬posterior. ‫ ַֽח ִָֽיּוֹת‬merciful [fem. from ‫ ְח֫שׁת‬brass. and the like). Also abstracts. König. apple of the eye. Since Olshausen (§ 180).2 ‫מ‬ i.רֶ֫ל‬for ‫ )מ ְשׁאָה‬a cucumber field. from ‫ לְָה‬a winding.g. ‫ מעָן‬a place of fountains. De Lagarde. from ‫ כּ֫ ֶם‬a vineyard. of an action.]. ‫ בֹּ ֵר‬a ‫ע‬ ‫ַע‬ ‫ק‬ herdsman. Those like the form qăṭṭāl(§ 84b b). ‫ ַשָׁת‬an archer. kulaib. Diminutives in Semitic languages are. Cf. however. ‫ צ ְעִֹי‬basilisk. in the same way ‫ ְשׁרוּן‬is a denominative from ‫ .g.. γραµµατεύς. immediately from ‫ ק֫ ֶם‬the east ‫ַד‬ ‫ֶד‬ (verbal stem ‫ ק ַם‬to be in front). § 269. ii. a ‫ָפ‬ rubbing creature).)ָשׁר=( ָשׁוּר‬properly upright ֻ‫י‬ ָ‫י‬ ָ‫י‬ (righteous people). e. as it were. inhering in the subject. ‫ידּ נ‬ ‫ִפ נ‬ ‫ר ֲמ נ‬ ‫ וֹן‬appears to be used as a diminutive ending (cf.אַ ְינוֹן‬cf. ‫ שֽׂ ֲרוֹן‬is ‫ַ ה‬ not lunula.עִ֫ן‬the place about the feet. serpent. e. ּ ‫ק‬ 4. Ewald. Aram.עוּ ֵי ָא‬Syr. § 192 d. ἀµπελών from ἄµπελος. from ‫ שׁ֫ ַר‬a gate. Barth. ‫ָד‬ 2. is properly an adjectival form from ‫ שׁ ַף‬to rub (hence. and not a diminutive (pious little people. Most of the forms which nouns of this class assume have already been given in §§ 84 and 85. since the denominatives. to which others have added ‫ שׁ ִי ִים‬Is 3:18 ‫ְב ס‬ (as though a foreign dialectical form for šumais. plur. Such are all nouns formed immediately from another noun. invariably follow the analogy of the verbal derivatives. Gramm. from ‫ ִיצוֹן . 143 f. Nominalbildung. 1. the Syriac ‫ )וּן‬in ‫ ִישׁוֹן‬little man (in the ‫א‬ eye).g. e. a little dog.1 ִישׁ‬on the other hand ‫ שׁ ִיפֹן‬adder. ‫ שֹׁ ֵר‬a porter. Nouns with the termination ‫ ־ ן‬or ‫ וֹן‬expressing adjectival ideas: ‫ ק ְמוֹן‬eastern. ‫ ְ ֻשׁ ָן‬brazen. e.1. whether the latter be primitive or derived from a verb. pp. from ‫ְר א‬ ‫ֶג‬ ָ ‫ִק‬ ְ ‫ִק‬ ‫ ִשֻׁא‬cucumber. 1.g. ‫ַ ְי‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ַ ְגּ‬ ‫ מ ַֽ ֲשׁוֹת‬the place about the head. 413.אַ ַר‬exterior.

churlish) if it stands for ‫ ְ ִי ַי‬and is not rather from a stem ‫ כלא‬or ‫חוֹ ָי .’ ZDMG. plur. fem. 1. from ִ ‫ְ ֵר‬ ִ ‫ר‬ ‫( רֹאשׁ= ֵאשׁ‬head) princeps. ‫ ר ְאוּת‬a heating1) becomes more common only in the later books.). xxiv. ‫ אַלמָה‬widow. i..תּחתִּים‬the sixth. as ‫ ס ְלוּת‬folly. ‫ סוּס‬horse. Paris. ֽוֹאָ ִית‬plur. from ‫( בְָּ ִין‬cf. 6. ‘the ai of the constr. ‫ ֽוֹאבָה‬and ‫ . a sacrifice offered by fire.. on the use of the article ‫בּ ימ נ‬ ‫ִ נ ימ‬ in such cases. 441 ff.g. § 80 l. The regular plural termination for the masculine gender is ‫ . milky) the storax-shrub.כלה‬ ‫נכ ל‬ ‫ר‬ white cloth. from ‫. where. ‫ ְַדוּת‬youth.g. joined to a singular. p.־ ם‬ ‫ס‬ ִ especially when in the same word one of the vowel letters. Arabic lubnay. ‫ ו‬or ‫ . Of the Plural.־ י‬which converts a substantive into an ִ adjective. ‫ְ זר‬ ‫ק ְמ‬ used adverbially). e. or. = Revue des Études Juives. plur. Gn 1:21 ‫ . J.־ ה‬arising from ăy. ‘Beiträge zur Pluralbildung des Semit.g. ‫ ח ְמוֹת‬should likewise be ‫ַכ‬ ‫ָכ‬ read) and in ‫ ֽוֹ ֵלוֹת‬Ec 1:17. § 127 d). .g. Barth. In Aram. Is 19:9 in pause. ending. 431 ff. ‫ עב ִי‬a Hebrew. ְֶ ֶ ‫ְמ‬ ‫ְמ‬ ‫ְ ָנ‬ ending ‫( וּת‬or ‫ וּ‬with rejection of the ‫ )ת‬is a common termination of the infinitive in the derived conjugations (cf. from ‫ . from ‫ נֹ֫ ֶר‬strangeness. 1880 ff. in order to form ordinals.u.g. Brockelmann.. ‫ סוּ ִים‬horses. our ִ terminations -dom. but usually contraction takes place. Grundriss. Die Plural. from ‫ שׁשׁ‬six. and ‫ ֽוֹמ ִיּוּת‬upright position (Lv 26:13. in Hebr. ‫ תּח ִית‬and ‫ְ זר‬ ‫נְר‬ ‫כ‬ ‫ַ ְתּ‬ ‫ַח‬ ‫ָ ְתּ‬ ‫ .g. 426 ff. -ness. Dualendungen im semit. Abstract nouns formed from concretes by the addition of ‫ 59 §( ]־ י[ת . ’ REJ. p. see above. ‫ אַל ָנוּת‬widowhood. 2 ‫נג ת‬ ‫ְ זלּ‬ and (b) ‫ . ‫( ע ְרִים‬Ex ‫ַנּ נ‬ ִ ‫ִיּ‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ִב יּ‬ 3:18).. Instead of ‫ ־ י‬we find in a few cases (a) the ending ‫( ־ י‬as in Aram. P. ‫ ֵאשׁית‬principium. perhaps also ‫ גֹּ ַי‬a swarm of locusts.תּחתָּה‬plur. ‫ב‬ ָ hardly ‫ ְִֽינוֹ ַי‬Is 38:20. and ‘Les anomalies du pluriel des noms en Hébreu. 99 ff. ‫ תּח ִי‬lower. and is added especially to numerals and names of persons and countries. ‫ . Dn 11:23). The ending ‫ ־ ית‬is found earlier. cf. ’ REJ. as substantival infinitives of this kind. and on the feminines. Ez 24:26.g. ‫ רְ ִי‬footman. e. h) in ‫ אַכְ ִיּוּת‬cruelty. REJ. ִ ַ ‫כּל‬ according to others. from ‫ תּ֫ ַת‬below. plur. 205 f. ‫. so also ‫ ח ְמוֹת‬Pr 14:1. 206 ff. but also very often written defectively ‫.עב ִיּוֹת‬Israelite.רְ ִים‬from ‫ רֶ֫ל‬foot. ‫( ִי ַי‬crafty.מוֹאָב‬plur.שִׁי‬ ‫ָ נ ִ ְר‬ ‫ָנ‬ 2 1 On ‫ ־ י‬as an old fem. xliii. ֽוֹא ִיּוֹת‬Hebrew. probably.. in ‫ שׁא ִית‬remainder.עב ִים‬crimson garments. ‫ שִׁים . in ‫ ִשֶׁה‬belonging to fire (‫ . 1903. patronymics. from ‫ אַל ָן‬widower.5. e. ‫הל‬ ‫הל‬ § 87. Lpz.’ 1. ‫ עב ִי .. ‫ ָכ ִי‬strange. ‫ מ ְכוּת‬kingdom (the omission of the Dageš in ‫יל‬ ‫ַל‬ ‫ כ‬shows that the Šewâ is weakened from a full vowel. ‫ר‬ ‫ָכ‬ 9:1. ‫ַ גל‬ ‫ַ גל‬ ‫ֶג‬ ‫ אַכָ ִי‬cruel.עברִים‬fem. ‘Remarques sur la formation du pluriel hébreu. ‫ ַשׁ ָעוּת‬the announcing. ‫ ֶן־ְ ִיִי‬Benjamite.g.g.) ֵשׁ‬i. ַ 1 1 [See a complete list of instances in König.תִּיִם‬Nouns in ‫ ־ י‬make their plural in ‫ . and tribal names.] REJ. It is affixed to ‫ִכ‬ ‫ִפ‬ adjectives ending in ı̂ (see above. Peculiar to denominatives is the termination ‫ . ‫ וּת‬as a termination to express ‫ִ ְ ַבּ‬ abstract ideas (including some which appear to be directly derived from the verbal stem. Lajčiak. it is ‫ְ ְ ֵל ִ ְר‬ ‫י ְ ָא‬ resolved again into two words. ‫מ ֲ ִיּ‬ ‫מ ב‬ ‫ִ ְר מ ֲב‬ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ְ ִיּ‬ ‫ִ ְ ִיּ‬ ‫ ישׂרא ִי .. ii..־ ִים‬e. Hb 3:19. The termination ôth seems to occur in ‫ ה ְמוֹת‬wisdom (in Pr 1:20. M. e. from ‫ ִשׂר ֵל‬When the original substantive is a compound. ‫הְמ‬ and ‫ התח ְרוּת‬the making of a league. plur. Nomen. 1904.וּת‬t).־ ים‬always with the ִ tone. e. Lehrgebäude. ‫ . on malik as underlying the present form ‫ מ֫לך‬cf. Am 7:1 (‫ גּוֹב֑י‬Na 3:17).עברָה‬plur. e. ‫לבֶה‬ ֶ ּ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ‫ִ ְנ‬ (prop. i. st. § 84a a). ‫ ֽוֹאָ ִי‬Moabite. with the parallel form ‫ ֽוֹ ֵלוּת‬Ec 10:13. p. e. this fem.י‬precedes. &c. ‫ שׁ ִי .תּח ִיּוֹת . ‫ עב ִים‬and ‫ . e.מֽאָ ִים‬ ‫ַ ְ ִיּ‬ ‫ַ ְ ִיּ‬ ‫ִ שּׁ ַ ְ תּ‬ ֵ ‫מ ב‬ ‫ֹ ב‬ fem. Lambert.e. but certainly in proper names as ‫( בּרִַי‬ferreus) Barzillai. -hood.

ed. ‫ חִין‬Jb 24:22. ‫ ָ ִין‬days. also ‫ מ ִין‬carpets. ‫ מִי‬stringed instruments. and elsewhere marked the abbreviation of the plur. Mi 3:12 (before ‫ .g. § 88 d and § 96. st. ‫ח נ ס‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ר‬ see above.חוֹ ַי‬which have also been so explained. p. Lehrgebäude.. cf. in the dual ‫ ַָי‬for ‫ ָדִ֫ם‬Ez 13:18. ‫ ח ִין‬wheat.)מ ָה‬Jb 4:2. and on the whole question Gesenius. st. Ez 4:9. impf. ִשָׁה‬years. Ju ַ ‫ָר‬ 5:15 (perhaps my princes is intended: read either the constr. ‫ַי‬ ‫ַָ י‬ The termination ‫ ־ ים‬is sometimes assumed also by feminines (cf. Ethiopic ân. § 88 d).g. Cf. ‫ ר ִין‬the guard. or only apparent terminations of the plur. and. 93) read ‫ . viz. which is supposed to appear in e. 524 ff. ‫ צדנם‬Sidonii. ‫ מ ִין‬words (from the really Aram. which also has other linguistic peculiarities. = Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete. p. Aramaic has ı̂n. ‫ִנּ‬ ‫ִנּ‬ Ps 144:2. Leipzig. ‫צ נ‬ ‫ָצ‬ ‫ִטּ‬ ‫ִיּ‬ Ez 26:18. e.)ר ֵל‬so that an indication of ּ ‫ָנ א‬ ‫ְ ֵל ָ נ‬ ‫ָח‬ gender is not necessarily implied in it (cf. Assyrian has âni (acc.Nouns in ‫ ־ ה‬lose this termination when they fake the plural ending. Lpz.. more probably. § 6.3:4 תִּין‬The ‫ַיּ‬ ‫ֲ ֵר‬ ‫ֵמ‬ ‫ַנּ‬ following forms are doubtful: (b) ‫( ־ י‬with the ‫ ם‬rejected. § ִ ‫יד‬ ‫יַ י‬ ‫ַמּ‬ 88 c). 1888. Obs.01:13 אח ִין‬and ‫ שׁוֹמ ִין‬La 1:4. 3 3 According to some this ı is simply due to a neglect of the point (§ 5 m). ‫ . § ִ ִ‫נ‬ 96 under ‫ שִׁים . in the ‫ַמּ‬ parallel passage Ps 18:44 ‫ . ‫ עִין‬heaps. zur hebr. or with LXX ‫ . cf. also below. § 124. . line 2 ‫ שלשן‬thirty. perf. cf. [cf. iii. to P. More doubtful still is— (c) ‫( ־ י‬like the constr. are— (a) ‫ . 51 ff. (§ 44 l) and in the 3rd and 2nd plur. from ‫ רח ִים .g. ending. also La 3:14 (in 2 S 22:44 it may be taken as ‫ ע ִי‬my people. Ju 5:10. from ‫ .1 Less frequent.—On the use of this termination ‫ ־ ים‬to express abstract.ת‬cf. and intensive ideas. ‫ 1 ִֽדִֹין‬K 11:33. cf.מ ִים‬ ‫ִלּ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ ten times in Job). ‫ . which in MSS. state in Syriac). see ‫ע‬ ‫ר נ‬ also 2 S 23:8 as compared with 1 Ch 11:11. according to some. Halévy.2 found almost exclusively in the later books of the O. Ps 45:9 for ‫( מִים‬unless it is to be so written)3. line 5 ‫ ימן רבן‬many days. Dn 12:13. ‫ שׂ ַי‬princes. § 86 i. 1886 ff. also the verbal ending ‫ וּן‬in the 3rd plur. 2].g. probably. ‫ .—In regard to the loss of the tone from the ‫ ־ ם‬in the two old ‫ז‬ ִ plurals ‫ מִ֫ם‬water and ‫ שׁמִ֫ם‬heaven.שׂ ֵי‬which also has good ‫ָר‬ authority. or a ‫ָר‬ ‫ח נ‬ loan word. Gramm. masc.—‫ ֲשׂוּ ַי‬Is 20:4 (where the right reading is certainly ‫ ) ֲשׂוּ ֵי‬must be intended ‫ח פ‬ ‫ח פ‬ by the Masora either as a singular with the formative syllable ‫= ־ י‬bareness or. and twelve other places in Job (beside ‫. (apart ִ from the poetical use in some of the older and even the oldest portions). ַלּוָֹיו ָפוֹן‬On ‫ גּוֹ ַי‬and ‫ . 138 ff. ‫ מל ִין‬kings. as. Cf. but in vulgar Arabic ı̂n is also used for the nominative).שָׁה‬ewes.)שׁ ִים‬for ‫ ַלּוָֹ֔י וס׳‬Jer 22:14 (according to others dual. see § 88 c. REJ. § 89 d) to avoid the harsh combination 1 1 On the connexion between all these endings see Dietrich’s Abhandl. ‫( חִֹים‬cf. ָם‬also in Ct 8:2 the ı̂ of ‫ ִמִֹּי‬is better regarded as a suffix). 1846. with the original termination ay (cf. § 44 ‫ִיּ‬ k). Haupt originally âmi. line 4 ‫ מלכן‬kings. ZA. ‫—. 2 2 So also always in the Mêša‛ inscription. &c. ‫ ע ִי‬peoples. in the North-Palestinian song of ‫ימ‬ ‫ִדּ‬ Deborah. cf. ‫ חֶֹה‬seer.g.־ ין‬as in Aramaic. e. cf. e. ZA. Pr ‫ְ ָכ‬ 31:3. defectively ‫ אִן‬islands. further. by C. (§ 47 m). p. ִ The ending ı̂m is also common in Phoenician. ֶ ‫ז‬ plur. ַ as a constr. ‫ ָשׁים‬women. m–p). e. 2 K 11:13. Tenses. § 75 h). ZA. Bezold. T. also Driver. Arabic ûna (nominative) and ı̂na (in the oblique cases. extensive.

but ‫( ָמוֹת‬only twice. ‫ר‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫ָנ‬ ָ In these words the gender of both plural forms remains the same as in the singular. ‫ .תּח ִים‬as in the headings of the printed editions.g. ‫ֲר‬ ‫ֲר‬ Sometimes usage makes a distinction between the two plural forms of the same word. It is only from a mistake or disregard of these feminine endings ‫ ־וּת‬and ‫ ־ ית‬that some ִ words ending with them form their plural by the addition of ‫ ־ ים‬or ‫ . plur. of which the gender is invariable. ‫ ָ ִים‬days. ‫ כּ ָתוֹת‬amulets (if connected with Assyr. ‫ ע ִים‬and ‫ . ZDMG. 2. ‫ְ ִלּ‬ ‫( תּ ִלּוֹת‬only in post-biblical Hebrew ‫ .g. st. ‫ עָנוֹת‬fountains. ָ A difference of meaning appears in several names of members of the body.מצ ִיּוֹת‬and those in ‫ וּת‬either make ‫ . often have in the plural parallel forms with the masculine and feminine terminations. from the plur. § 80 b). The plural termination of the feminine gender is generally indicated by the termination ‫( וֹת‬often written defectively ֹ‫ . the arms of a ‫יַ י‬ ‫י‬ throne. ‫ ָדִ֫ם‬hands. plur.g. plur. on the former. ‫ ק ָנוֹת‬horns (of the altar). ‫ א ָיוֹת‬musc. ‫ א ָיוֹת‬the ‫ַ ְנ י‬ ‫ְר‬ ‫עני‬ ‫ֲי‬ ‫ֲ ָי‬ ‫ֲר‬ 4 4 Prätorius. but without life (§ 122 u). it is doubtful whether this âth is to be regarded as a lengthened and stronger form of the singular fem. ‫ דּוֹר‬masc. plur. ‫ תּה ָה‬song of praise. in Eastern Syriac.חִיתוֹת‬whoredom. 1903. ‫ֲנ ת‬ ‫ֲנ‬ ‫ז‬ ‫ז ת‬ ‫ז נ‬ ‫ְמ ת‬ ‫ שׁ ִיתוֹת‬pits. ‫ פּ ָמוֹת‬artificial feet (of the ark). sometimes have both plural forms. ‫ְח‬ ‫ְס‬ The termination -ôth stands primarily for -âth (which is the form it has in Arab.אְרוֹת‬a well. e. manubria).ֻיּוֹת‬as ‫ מ ְכוּת‬kingdom. in the constr. to bind).. the dual (see § 88) denoting the living members themselves.. a year. a lion. § 85 t. regards ‫ ֲשׂוּ ַי‬as an instance of the affix of ‫ה פ‬ endearment (cf.)ְנוִּים‬widowhood. p. ‫ְא‬ ִ ִ ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ . ‫ דּוֹרוֹת‬musc. while the plur. and also in Assyrian. see § 9 q).g. plur.g. plur. . ‫ בּ ֵר . ‫ַַ י‬ ‫כּ‬ ‫ַע‬ ‫ְע‬ ‫ קרִַ֫ם‬horns.. ‫ כּפִּ֫ם‬hands.g. and ‫ ס ָם‬ladder (supposed by ָ ‫ִנּ ִנּ‬ ‫ֻלּ‬ some to be a plur. Jer 37:16). plur. and before suffixes) are rarer poetic forms. ‫ ) ְלוּ ַי . Thus.hasûfê šēt4.g. majestatis. in ‫ ֲדָֹי‬the Lord (prop. ‫ שִׁים‬years are the usual. plur. plur. (d) ‫ ־ ם‬a supposed plural ending in ‫ כִּים=כָּם‬gnats (or lice). 3. e. cf. Eth. 525. ‫ א ִי‬masc. st.g. on the change of â into an obscure ô. the ay was ‫א נ‬ ‫א נ‬ originally a suffix. also e. ִ ‫ֲנ‬ ‫ חִי ִים‬and ‫ ְנוּת . according to the usage of the particular word.־וֹת‬e. Words which in the singular are used both as masculine and feminine (§ 122 d). Zp 3:3. of Western Aramaic.. ‫ ָדוֹת‬artificial hands. ‫ ָב‬cloud. a generation. ‫ מצ ִית‬an Egyptian woman. &c. e. ‫ ַפּוֹת‬handles (Lat.מל ֻיּוֹת‬Dn 8:22 (cf. How the changeable vowels of a noun are shortened or become Šewâ in consequence of the addition of the plural endings is explained in §§ 92–5. psalm. plur.־ת‬e. ending ăth (cf. ‫ֵ פ ְה‬ ‫ִגּ ר‬ ‫ְא ִנּ‬ ‫ . also ‫ ארִים‬lions. ָבוֹת‬and each form may be treated either as masculine or ‫ע‬ ‫ָב‬ ‫ע‬ feminine. e. Ps ‫ימ‬ ‫ָנ‬ ‫י‬ 90:15) and ‫( שׁנוֹת‬also only in the constr.—But even those words. plur. but such an explanation is ‫כּ ב א מ‬ rendered unlikely by the meaning of this isolated instance. § 135 q. in the constr. ‫( ְנוּ ִים‬by the side of ‫ אַל ְנוּ ִים . On the other hand. ‫ פּ֫ ַם‬foot. ‫ ֲדִֹים‬lord).). but cf. Jb 42:16. like our stairs). ‫ְה‬ ‫ְ ִלּ‬ as well as ‫ ס֫ ֶר תּ ִלּוֹת‬the Book of Psalms). ֲחוּ ַי‬transferred to an appellative. kâsu. ‫ שִׁים‬and ‫( שׁנוֹת‬see the Rem. ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫־‬ ‫ַל‬ ‫ַ ְכ‬ ‫ חֻיּוֹת‬cells. st. Dt 32:7.־ יּוֹת‬e.בּ ֵרוֹת‬Feminines in ‫ ־ ית‬form their plural in ‫ . ‫ ֵיִַ֫ם‬eyes. in ‫ וֹת‬expresses something like them. ‫ דּוֹ ִים‬and ‫ שָׁה . ‫ אֶ֫ ֶת‬a letter. or are inflected like ‫ ֵֽ ְוֹת‬testimonies (pronounced ‛ēdhewôth ‫ֲנ‬ ‫עד‬ for ‛ēdhŭwôth). ‫ חִית‬spear. my lord.דּוֹרוֹת‬fem.

e. which originated in early times. ‫ ח ָה‬wheat. the literature on the Semitic dual in Grünert. however. ‫ עוֹר‬skin. ָ ִ ‫ֵל‬ ‫ ֵי ָה‬terror (but also ‫ דּב ָה . 2. 1 S 26:12. ‫ לבָה‬a brick. p. The dual is a further indication of number. ‫ ֲלוֹם‬dream. In the noun it is indicated in both genders by the termination ‫־֫ ִם‬ ‫ַ י‬ 1 appended to the ground-form. ‫ . ‫ חוֹמוֹת‬moenia. ‫ ְתוּ‬is only preserved in ‫ְת‬ ‫מ‬ proper names. and also gods ‫ָנ‬ ‫א ח‬ (the sing. This double indication of the plural ‫ַי‬ appears also in the connexion of suffixes with the plural ending ‫ 19 §( וֹת‬m). some of these have. a singular ‫ ֵי ָה‬is to be assumed.g. In such cases. 455 ff. ‫ שׁם‬name. n) take both ‫ ־ ים‬and ‫ . ‫ קוֹל‬voice. ‫ ֵב‬and ‫ ל ָב‬heart. ‫ ָָב‬tail.g. . only in adjectives and participles. § 89 c). ‫ פִּים‬means also faces.שׁבּ ִים‬and ִ ‫ִ ל‬ ‫ִ ֳל‬ without the fem. ִֽילְשׁים‬ ‫פֶּג‬ ִ ‫פּ ַג‬ 5. ‫ שׁוֹ ָר‬trumpet. and the following names of animals ‫ ְבוֹ ָה‬a bee ‫ס‬ ָ ְ ‫דּ ר‬ and ‫ יוָֹה‬a dove.g. as ‫ בִּים‬filii. Grundriss. ‫ מר ֲשֹׁ ֵי שׁאוּל‬from Saul’s head. and collectively men). In some few words there is added to the plural ending ‫ וֹת‬a second (masculine) plural termination (in the form of the constr. also. ‫בּ ָה‬ ֵ ‫ַ י‬ ‫ָמ‬ o a high place.. ‫ . ‫ מל ִים‬reges. ‫ . Of the Dual. ‫ חוֹ ָה‬wall. eggs. p. ‫ ִֽמֹ ִים‬and ‫ָמ‬ ‫תּ ר‬ ‫תּ ר‬ ‫.־֫ ִם‬e. ‫.במותי‬see § 95 o). ‫ יוֹמִ֫ם‬two days.g. plur. ‫ ֵר‬lamp. Jb 9:8. ֵ ‫פ‬ Feminines ending in ‫ ־ ה‬which take in the plural the termination ‫ ־ ים‬are ‫ א ָה‬terebinth. ‫ ְאָה‬seā. ‫שׁל ָן‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ַ יל‬ ַ ֵ‫ִז‬ ‫מ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫ֻ ְח‬ table. e. In the feminine ‫יַ י‬ ‫ַי‬ 1 1 On dual endings appended to the plural see § 87 s and § 95 o at the beginning. ‫ טוֹבוֹת‬bonae.וֹת‬while many feminines have a plural in ‫ . except in Job forty-one and in ַ ‫א‬ Daniel four times). ‫ ָדִ֫ם‬both hands. So also in substantives of the same stem. a dry measure. ִֽמֹרוֹת‬ ‫תּ‬ 4. 1.g. ֱלֹהּ‬a later formation from it. ‫ ָקוֹם‬place.וֹת‬cf. e. ָ ‫ֵ ַא ת‬ ‫מ‬ plur. ָמוֹת‬constr. plur. ‫ מְבּח‬altar. ‫ָנ‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫ְ ָכ‬ ‫ְל‬ Rem. ‫ מ ָכוֹת‬reginae. ‫ נֹאד‬skin-bottle. Some nouns are only used in the singular (e. termination in the singular ‫ ִילֶ֫שׁ‬concubine. finally ‫ שׁבֹּ֫ ֶת‬an ear of corn.g. man). ‫ טוֹ ִים‬boni.) ֵימוֹת‬a cake of figs. as ‫ פִּים‬face. ‫( ָֽמוֹ ֵי‬also ‫ ָֽמ ֵי‬bām thê. for ‫ ֵי ִים‬fem. see § 90 o. the sing. is as a rule ִ retained in the plural. Cf. Gn 40:7. ‫ לוּח‬tablet. 1. ‫ שׂעוֹרה‬barley. st. or pronouns. plur. it is almost exclusively used to denote those objects which naturally occur in pairs (see e). A strict distinction in gender between the two plural endings is found. occurs only ten times. a singular meaning (§ 124 a). whence dual ‫ חוֹמֹתִ֫ם‬double walls. ‫ ָנוֹת‬filiae. ‫ . In Hebrew.figures of lions on Solomon’s throne. The dual termination is never found in adjectives. or a dual ending ‫ . however. Ez 1:6. ‫ בֹּאר‬and ‫ בּוֹר‬cistern. ‫אוֹ ָר‬ ‫צ‬ treasure. st. ‫ תּ ָר‬palm. in Eth. sometimes ‫בּ‬ ‫בּ ת‬ ‫בּ ֳת‬ as Qerē to the Kethîbh ‫ . § 88. &c. ‫ אָ ָם‬man. however. ‫( מ ָה‬only in poetry) a ‫אמ‬ ‫ְ ֵל א‬ ‫ִטּ‬ ‫ְ ֵנ‬ ‫ִלּ‬ word.־ י‬cf. Die Begriffs-Präponderanz und die Bugle a potiori im Altarub. Brockelmann. A considerable number of masculines form their plural in ‫ . cf. e.־ ים‬The gender of the singular. where there is an express distinction of sex. ‫ מ ִים‬men (the old sing. the same form can also ‫ָנ‬ express plurality. ‫ קֽט ִים‬musc. in fact. ‫קֽ ְלוֹת‬ ‫ב‬ ‫ְֹל‬ ‫ֹט‬ fem. 21. plur. Undoubted instances of masculines with (masculine) plural in ‫ ־וֹת‬are: ‫ אָב‬father. ‫ ִֽמֹ ָה‬a palm-like column. Is 14:14. is mĕt. 1886).. (Wien. ‫ אל ָה‬sheaf and ‫שָׁה‬ ‫נ‬ ‫בּצ‬ ‫בּצ‬ ‫ֲ ֻמּ‬ ‫ָנ‬ year (see above. a ‫ד‬ number of other nouns only in the plural. ‫ ֱלֹ ִים‬God. ‫זנ‬ ‫ה‬ ּ ‫כּ‬ ‫ל‬ ‫ֵב‬ ַ ‫ לִ֫ל‬and ‫ לְָ֫ה‬night. ‫ ִםֵא‬throne. verbs. moreover.

קרָתִ֫ם‬line 30 ‫ ֵית דּבלתִ֫ם = בת דבלתן‬Jer 48:22. Hence it can hardly be doubted that ‫ ־֫ ִן‬and ‫ ־֫ ִם‬in these place-names only arise from a subsequent expansion of the ‫ַ י‬ ‫ַ י‬ terminations ‫ ־ ן‬and ‫ :־ ם‬so Wellhausen. . ii. Phoenician ‫ . 2 K 5:23b the form ‫( כּכּרִ֫ם‬which should be ‫ )כּכּרִ֫ם‬evidently merely points to the ‫ְִַ י‬ ‫ִַָ י‬ constr. ‫ְֲַַ י‬ ‫.כָּפִ֫ם‬the first ă becoming Š wâ.־ ן‬ ‫ַ י‬ ָ 17 a 17 b ‫ָ יּנ‬ ‫ . In 1 K 16:24. na’rima). Jahrbücher für Deutsche Theologie. and the second ă being lengthened before the new tone-syllable. cf.. xxi. the two evenings. since it no longer stands before the ‫ְנַ י‬ tone.דֹּתְָ֑ה‬but in ‫ַי‬ identical with ‫ קרָתִ֫ם‬in 1 Ch 6:61 (cf. or it does not agree at any rate with the nature of the Semitic dual. of the dual in Arabic) and ‫ ־֫ ִם‬seemed to be supported by the Mêša‛. From a feminine with the ending ‫ .כּכּ ֵי‬which would be expected before ‫ . as found elsewhere. 433. note 5.)לחִם . ‫ כָּף‬wing (ground-form ‫ָנ‬ e kănăph). even in old MSS. cf. accus.)־ ה‬but ָ necessarily with ā (since it is in an open syllable before the tone). &c. ‫ קר ָן‬Jos 21:32. according to Strack. 319. ‫ מצרִ֫ם‬Egypt. as well as ‫ קרִַ֫ם‬from ‫ ק֫ ֶן‬horn. ָאתִ֫ם‬But in many of ‫מ ַי‬ ‫מ ַי‬ these supposed duals either a dual sense cannot be detected at all.the dual termination is always added to the old ending ath (instead of ‫ . The strongest argument in favour of this opinion is that we have a clear case ‫יר ָ ַ י‬ ‫יר ָ ל‬ of such an expansion in the Qerê perpetuum (§ 17 c) ‫ ְ ֽוּשׁלִ֫ם‬for ‫( ְֽוּשׂ ֵם‬so. dual ‫ . where we find (line 20) ‫ מאתן‬two hundred = ‫ .)צהרם‬and perhaps ‫ ערבִּ֫ם‬in the evening. ‫ דֹּתִ֫ן‬Gn 37 (locative ‫ . and on ‫ִ ְר‬ ‫ֶס‬ ‫ִָָ י‬ the syntax see § 131 d.—We may add to this list ‫ ַֽ ְַרִ֫ם . Nominalbildung. ‫( ְח֫שׁת‬from n ḥušt) ‫ְ ַָ י‬ ֶ ֶ ‫נ‬ the dual is formed like ‫ ְ ֻשׁתִּ֫ם‬double fetters. Certain place-names were formerly reckoned as dual-forms (so in earlier editions of this Grammar. 16:12. iii. 135. ZDMG. Urusalim in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets.). ‫ רֶ֫ל‬foot (ground-form răgl). st.g. of the Mišna. Barth. also the Moabite names of towns in the Mêša‛ ‫ִ ְי ַ י‬ inscription.־֫ ־ ת‬e. xxxii.ע ֵל‬ ‫ָצ‬ Rem. is only due to mistaking ‫ ערבִּ֫ם‬for a dual: LXX ‫בּ ה ְַַ י‬ ‫ְַַ י‬ πρὸς ἑσπέραν. âni. ָ ‫ת‬ ‫ַ ְתּ‬ e. and still in König’s Lehrgebäude. p. In the segholate forms (§ 84a a) the dual ending is mostly added to the ground-form. ָאתִ֫ן‬Hebrew ‫ . 48. 437). Kommentar zur Genesis. the dual termination is likewise really added to the ground-form. and the Aramaic form ‫ :)ְ ֽוּשׁ ֵם‬similarly in the Aramaic ‫ שֽׁמ ָן = שֽׁמרִ֫ן‬for the Hebrew ‫שֽׁ ְרוֹן‬ ‫יר ְ ל‬ ‫ָ ְר ָ ְ ַ י‬ ‫ֹמ‬ Samaria. (b) in ‫ . p.רְלִ֫ם‬cf. however. also ָ ‫ַ י‬ nom. ‫נח ְ ַ י‬ With nouns which in the singular have not a feminine ending.g. Strack. cf. see above. ‫שׂ ָה‬ ‫ַָי‬ ‫ָפ‬ e lip. 65 f. Instead of the supposed dual ‫ ַָי‬Ez 13:18 read ‫ . ‫ִ ְי ַ י‬ ‫בּ ְִָ ַ י‬ 32 ‫ חֹרוִַֹ֫ם=חורנן‬Is 15:5. e. but the latter generally undergoes certain changes in consequence of the shifting of the tone.־ ם‬Jos 15:34 ‫ ֵיִַ֫ם = ( ָֽ ֵיָם‬Gn 38:21).g. viz.g.g.אפרִ֫ם‬the river country (in the Tel-el-Amarna ‫נ ה ַ י ְֶַ י‬ letters nârima.)דֹּת֑ן‬and ‫ 2 דֹּ ָן‬K 6:13. and ‫ לחִַ֫ם‬from ‫ל ִי‬ ‫ְ ָנ י‬ ‫ַ ְנ י‬ ‫ֶר‬ ‫ְ ָי י‬ ‫ְח‬ cheek (as if from the plurals ‫—. ὀψέ and only in Lv 23:5 ἀνὰ µέσον τῶν ἑσπερινῶν.— (a) those in ‫ ־֫ ִן‬and ‫. aini.מצרם‬also the words denoting time. The view that ‫־‬ ‫ני‬ ָ ‫הענ‬ ‫עני‬ ָ ‫ ן‬and ‫ ־ ם‬arise from a contraction of the dual terminations ‫( ־֫ ִן‬as in Western Aramaic. τὸ δειλινόν.ָדִ֫ם‬On ‫( ַלּוַֹי‬generally taken to be a ‫יד‬ ‫יַ י‬ ‫ח נ‬ double window) Jer 22:14. ‫ כּכּרִ֑ם‬in 2 K 5:23 a. dual ‫ . ָ ָ Philippi. ‫ . if the regular ‫ְַַ י‬ expression ‫ ֵין־ ָֽערבִּ֫ם‬Ex 12:6. ‫ַ י‬ inscription.־ תִ֫ם‬e. 1.. The Arabs also say el ‛išâ’ân. ‫ֶג‬ ‫ַגַ י‬ ‫( קרִַ֫ם‬only in the book of Daniel).כּ֫ ֶף‬cf. lines 31. ‫ָֽהרִ֫ם‬ ‫ְִַ י‬ ‫צ ֳַ י‬ midday (Mêša‛ inscription. Kuhn’s Literaturblatt. line 10 ‫ = קריתן‬Hebrew ‫ . § 87 g.ק ָנוֹת‬A feminine dual of an adjective used ‫ִ ָי ְר‬ substantivally occurs in ‫ עצלתִּ֫ם‬a sluggish pair (of hands) Ec 10:18 from the sing. e. line 15 ‫ . ‫ שׂפתִ֫ם‬both lips. &c.. thus ‫ .

Only apparently dual-forms (but really plural) are the words ‫ מִ֫ם‬water and ‫שׁמִ֫ם‬ ‫ַי‬ ‫ַָ י‬ heaven. The Syriac has preserved it only in a few stereotyped forms. to suppose that the primitive singulars may and šamay.g. maim. § 89. 18 (which the Masora takes as two roads leading from the cross-ways) ‫ דּר ִים‬is to be read. Weimar. corresponding to taqtulı̂na in the strong verb. Ez 40:43. im Hebr. ed.—Brockelmann. The Genitive and the Construct State. p.g. bilanx. p. when they took the plural of extension (§ 124 b). and Baltimore. = Sacred Books of the Old Testament. SBOT. and its full use in Old Slavonic has been restricted later. ‫ מצלתִּ֫ם‬cymbals. Am 3:12. ‫ שׁבעִ֫ם‬two weeks. see Grimm’s Gramm. e. the analogous formations. tarḍaina. three pairs). biennium. ‫ מֽאְִַ֫ם‬a pair of scales. Cf. 1893 ff.—To express a certain emphasis the numeral two is used with the dual. Zc 3:9.).2.—See some other remarks on the use of the dual in § 87 o and s. also ‫ ַֽעלִ֫ם‬a pair of sandals. ambo. ‫ַָ י‬ In the former case the dual may be used for a plural. belong to a relatively later phase of development.)ל״י( בָּה‬which otherwise always ends in ı̂n with the tone. Anzeigen. According to P. Ez 1:6. eyes. ‫ שִַׁ֫ם‬teeth ‫ז‬ ‫יַ י‬ ‫זנ י‬ ‫ִנּ י‬ (of both rows). ‫ְ ֻ ַי‬ ‫ְ נַ י‬ 1 ‫ אַמּתִ֫ם‬two cubits. even ‫ שׁב ָה ֵיִַ֫ם‬seven eyes. where it is thought of in a double arrangement. Arab. ‫ֵ ְנַ י‬ ‫ִ ְע ע נ י‬ ‫ ָל־בּרכִּ֫ם‬all knees. Lat. practically to those objects which are by nature or art always found in pairs. p..….g. never in the dual). just as in Hebrew. Ez 7:17. but in modern Arabic it has almost entirely disappeared in the verb. ‫ְבּ ַגָ י‬ ‫ שׁשׁ כָּפִ֫ם‬six wings (i. the dual of the Sanskrit is lost in the modern Indian languages. § 87 a) to be shortened to im. to pairs. Is 6:2. and adjective. ‫ יוֹמִ֫ם‬two (successive) ‫ַי‬ days. ‫ ָֽב ִין‬sacrificing. i. On the Germanic dual. 2nd ed. imperf. 12. Qal of ‫ . It is not impossible that Hebrew at an earlier period made a more extensive and freer use of the dual. p. Lv 11:23.g. ‫ אַר ַע רְלִ֑ם‬four feet. except in the numerals 2. of a verb ‫ . octo may be compared. 1871. especially to the double members of the body (but not necessarily so. Lat. 98 ff: on which cf. mâimi. The Arabic literary language forms the dual in the noun. ‫בִַּ֫ן‬ ‫ָ ני‬ the abs. ‫ שמים . by P. cf. e. biduum. Gel. line 18 ff. ears. p. e. ‫ ָרִ֫ם‬both hands. such as hands. SBOT. sing. The use of the dual in Hebrew is confined. ‫ְרֹ ִים‬ ‫ז ע‬ and ‫ ְרֹעוֹת‬arms. šamâmi. either indefinite or defined by a numeral. ‫נ ֲַ י‬ ‫ֹ זנ י‬ or things which are at least thought of as forming a pair. they are to be derived from the old plural forms (found in Assyrian) mâmi. (critical notes on Isaiah. 23. also bibl. Wesen und Ursprung des Stat. as in Ju 16:28. st. Lat. feet. whence the Hebr. and that the restrictions and limitations of its use. Philippi. mentioned above. &c.e. 814. Constr. Lpz. 1871. It is simpler. Ez 21:12. plur. e. Nöldeke in the Gött. ‫ שָׁתִ֫ם‬two years (in succession). pronoun. and verb.. with which such duals as the Latin duo.. 200. ‫ְנ‬ e. almost as extensively as the Sanskrit or Greek. 2nd fem. in the ptcp.ל״י‬for tarḍay + ı̂na. Haupt in SBOT.g. ‫ְַָ י‬ 1 1 But for ‫ דּרכ ִם‬Pr 28:6. Haupt. of the ptcp. ‫שׁפתִּ֫ם‬ ‫כּ ְִַ י‬ ‫כּ יַ י‬ ‫ְ ְִַ י‬ ‫ְ ַַ י‬ double-hooks. kept the tone on the ay. Grundriss.-Aram. ‫ ָל־ָדִ֫ם‬all hands. ‫ אְִַָ֫ם‬both ears. 157. Qal of the strong verb. In the same way. ‫דּ ְח‬ 2. in Bohemian. thus causing the ı̂m (which otherwise always has the tone. ‫ְ ָכ‬ . pronoun. however. (see § 97).מים‬arose by inversion of the i mâmi. 459 ff. Ezr 3:10. &c.

It is sufficiently evident from the above that the construct state is not strictly to be regarded as a syntactical and logical phenomenon. by E. while a noun which has not a genitive after it is said to be in the absolute state. 431 ff. must be left undecided.2 and the consequently weakened tone of the former word then usually involves further changes in it. 419. Observe. ‫ דּב ִים‬words.)ָ֫דִם‬but the origin of the ֵ ַ ‫י ַי‬ termination ‫ ־ י‬in the constr. st. ed. col. in German the natural stress on the last word in ‘der Thron des Königs’. Thus in Hebrew only the noun ‫ְ ָר‬ ‫ִ ְר ָע‬ which stands before a genitive suffers a change. The ‫ ־ י‬of the dual has evidently arisen from ‫( ־ י‬cf. housetop. as in ‫( ִשֶׁה‬see f) and ‫( חוֹ ַי‬so Philippi. or are reduced to Šewâ (cf. however. The Hebrew language no longer makes a living use of case-endings. ThLZ. These changes to some extent affect the consonants. of the governing with the governed noun causes the tone first of all to be forced on to the latter. 48 ff. The Syriac constr. ‫ דּב ֵי ה ָם‬the words of the people..־ י‬e. ‫ ֵיִַ֫ם‬eyes. in ay and the form of ֵ the plural noun before suffixes (‫& . the termination is ‫ .סוּסִ֫ך . plur. ‫ סוּ ִים‬horses. p. ThLZ. however. ֵ ‫ס‬ ‫ סוּ ֵי פ ְעֹח‬the horses of Pharaoh. p. generally also for the accusative) or expresses the relation by means of prepositions (§ 119).). ‫ דּ ָר‬word. Thus: (a) In the construct state. k. ‫ ֵיֵי הפּ֫לך‬the eyes of the king.סוּ ַי‬c. § 27 e–m). = Theologische Literaturzeitung. ThLZ.. § 91 h) would point to a contraction of an ‫ַ יְ ס‬ original ‫ . and Nöldeke. st. But besides these. collective termination. plural and dual. since vowels which had been lengthened by their position in or before the tone-syllable necessarily become shortened. Schürer. and in grammatical language is said to be dependent. God’s-word. The vowel changes which are occasioned in many nouns by the construct state are more fully described in §§ 92–5. Strassb. 1 but either has no external indication of case (this is so for the nominative. § 9 a. Lpz. Very frequently such interdependent words are also united by Maqqeph (§ 16 a). ‫ס ַר‬ ‫עני‬ ְֶ ֶַ ‫ע נ‬ Rem. or is to be regarded as the abstract. when two words are closely connected in a similar way. ‫ הפּ֫לך ַד‬the hand of the ‫י‬ ‫ֶַ ְֶ י‬ king. or in the construct state. On the wider uses of the constr.־ י‬as in the dual. Sprachwiss. though here the other order of the words (inadmissible in Hebrew) ‘des Königs Thron’ exhibits the same peculiarity. That is to say. 1876 ff.). see the Syntax.1. Beitr. § 130. ‫ דּ ַר ֱלֹ ִים‬word of God (a sort of compound. e. 1904. landlord). this. c. 2 2 The same phenomenon of the tone may also be easily seen in other languages. 1904. is not necessary. ‫ . ‫ ָד‬hand. but depends on the accentuation in the particular case. The close combination. but rather as simply phonetic and rhythmical. ZDMG. the terminations of the noun in the construct state sometimes assume a special form. while the genitive is mostly indicated by a close connexion (or interdependence) of the Nomen regens and the Nomen rectum. depending on the circumstances of the tone. ּ ‫א‬ ‫ר‬ 1890. Barth. st. . zur sem. for example. 1 1 On some remains of obsolete case-endings see § 90. is disputed. the noun which as genitive serves to define more particularly an immediately preceding Nomen regens. 2.g. as with us in ‫ָב‬ ‫ְב א ה‬ inverted order.g. But whether this ay was only transferred from the dual to the plural ַ (so Olshausen. remains entirely unchanged in its form. but more especially the vocalization.

xii. iii. p. so also in the Hebrew noun there are three endings which.)ַי( ְַא‬constr. Lpz. 139 f.־ ה‬originally ă. 595. 147 ff. Nylander. the accusative form is preserved in Hebrew most certainly and clearly in the (usually toneless) ending ‫ . v. c. Vulgärdialekts von Ägypten. § 66).) that the (locative) termination ‫ ־ ה‬is a ָ survival of the old accusative termination a.1 ‘in spite of the many and various exceptions to this rule which occur’ (Delitzsch. and the view that ‫ וֹ‬is a form of the nominative termination ‫ . however. As remarked above. 1880. in ZDMG. 113 f. -i for the genitive. ִ K. constr. a question whether they are all to be regarded as real remnants of former case-endings. Ethiopic has preserved only the -a (in proper names -hâ).וּ‬are open to grave doubts. Similarly. st. under a. ‘Die Casusreste im Hebr. which is. we may compare ‫ . in the main. J. (c) Nouns in ‫( ־ ה‬cf. and if they are now and then used. in the Diptotes the ending a represents the genitive also. correspond to those of the Arabic...).g. ‫ . ‫ רֹ ֶה‬seer. ‫ ֵי‬sufficiency.39 §( ל״ה‬Paradigm III c) form their ֶ constr. in ‫ . In modern Arabic these endings have almost entirely disappeared. 1882. iii.). Real and Supposed Remains of Early Case-endings. of those nouns which in the absolute state end in ‫ . from Winckler’s edition. ‫ ֵי‬life. as being no longer understood in Hebrew.(b) The original ‫ ־ ת‬is regularly retained as the feminine termination in the ַ construct state sing. see § 90.־֫ ־ ת‬and also ‫ַ ְכּ ְ ב‬ ֶ ַ the plural ‫ . liii. The explanation of the ı̂ as an old genitive sign.־֫ ־ ת .רֹ ֵה‬If this ‫ ־ ה‬is due to contraction of the ֵ ‫א‬ ‫א‬ ֵ original ‫ . p. p. the Arabic case-endings in the fully declined nouns (Triptotes) are: -u for the nominative. ַ ‫דּ‬ ‫דּ‬ ‫ . ‫ )ֵי( ֵיא‬valley. was used for quite different purposes. ‫ . 874.’ ZDMG. ‫ וּ‬in compound ָ proper names. which. ibid. ‫ח‬ ‫ח‬ ‫גּ גּי‬ ‫גּ גּ‬ On the terminations ‫ וֹ‬and ‫ ־ י‬in the constr. Gramm. ִ § 90. p. ‫מל ָה‬ ָ ‫ַ ְכּ‬ queen.g. 1840. xviii. l. p. ַי‬constr. it is done without regularity. Assyrische Gramm. Rem. ַי‬constr. and -a for the accusative. Even as early as the Sinaitic inscriptions. Upsala.־ ה‬e.־ ה‬e. This is appended to the substantive: 1 1 This rule is almost always observed in the Tell-el-Amarna letters (see § 2 f). Barth. and that ‫ וּ‬in certain compound proper names is the old sign of the nominative. 9.. h. It is. It can hardly be doubted (but cf. 593 ff. as among the Beduin. p. 1. ‫ ־ ה‬local. st. Wetzstein. Tuch. and especially Spitta. des arab. Om Kasusändelserna i Hebräiskan. § 75 e) from verbs ‫ .־ י‬with ‫ ה‬added as a vowel letter. however. and one is interchanged with another (Wallin.Studia Asiatica. st. As the Assyrian and old Arabic distinguish three cases by special endings. ZDMG. xxii. or are in some instances to be explained otherwise. In Assyrian the rule is that u marks the nominative. their regular use is not maintained (Beer. . to connect it with a following genitive.. and a the accusative. ‫ מל ַת שׁ ָא‬the queen of Sheba.־וֹת‬remain unchanged in the construct state. as in the old ָ Arabic accusative. U. i the genitive. and also (the distinction of case being lost) as a termination of the constr. the instances cited by Barth. ‫ ־ י‬and ‫ וֹ‬in the Construct State. cf.. But the feminine endings ‫ . still used for the whole range of the accusative. 2.

similarly with adverbs.g. Jer 23:8. 1 K ‫ָָ ר‬ ‫ַ ַ ית‬ ‫ַ ַ ְר‬ 3 1:15. 1 K 19:15. and the expression to offer a sacrifice ‫ . (b) In a somewhat weakened sense. into the habitation. ָ ֱֹ ‫ה‬ 3 3 ‫ ָאֽהל ה‬in Baer’s text. or by a following genitive of definition. before a genitive ‫ בּ֫י ָה יוֹ ֵף‬into Joseph’s house. Jer ‫ִֶָ ל‬ 27:16. Gn 18:6. e.ל‬or ‫( ַד־‬which are easily explained). Jer 52:10. even with the constr. cf. or are proper names. are to be regarded as ordinary accusatives of direction. § 118 d). ‫ ָפ֫וָֹה‬northward. § 118 d. cf. ‫ הבְּ֫ ָה‬into the house. indicating the place where something is or happens (cf. as ‫ שׁ֫ ָה‬thither. Gn 14:10.ה֫ ָה .g. Jos 15:5 (at ‫פּ צ נ‬ the beginning of the verse. according to the Masora. Gn ‫ֵ ת ס‬ 43:17. ‫ אַ֫ר ָה מצרִ֫ם‬to the land of ‫ְצ ַנּ ג‬ ‫ְצ ִ ְ ַ י‬ Egypt. ‫ ָ֫ ָה‬seaward.המְּבּ֫ ָה‬properly ‫ַ ִזֵ ח‬ towards the altar for on the altar.ָ֫ ָה‬show that the ‫ַ ית ֶ ר י מּ‬ locative form of itself possessed a defining power. 31:13. still to be found in 2 2 On this meaning of the accusative see the Syntax. But cases like ‫ בְּ֫ ָה .g. ‫ אַ֫ר ָה הֶֶ֫ב‬toward the land of the south. ‫ ַד־אפ֫ ָה‬unto Aphek. is an error. Jos 13:4. ‫ ק֫ד ָה‬eastward. ‫ימּ‬ ‫ֵ ְמ‬ ‫צ נ‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ בּב֫ ָה‬to Babylon. ְ ‫א‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ְ ַ ְל‬ ‫ְַ טּ‬ ‫ ִשׁא֫וֹ ָה‬to Sheol. ‫ למ֫ע ָה‬upwards. and ‫ ְב֫ ָה‬Hb ‫ֶָ ל‬ ‫זֻ ל‬ 3:11. (c) The original force of the ending ‫ ־ ה‬is also disregarded when it is added to a ָ substantive with a preposition prefixed (cf.ב‬and even after ‫ . e. 18:15. Jos 10:36. but also after ‫ . also ‫ ַד־אָָ֫ה‬how long?). ‫אָָ֫ת‬ ‫ה ֱל‬ ‫ָמּ‬ ‫נ‬ whither?. Ju 20:16. e. Ex ‫גּ ֵ ְמ‬ 26:18. On the other hand. Ju 21:19. 2 S 20:15. Gn 20:1. Ez ‫כְּדּ מ‬ 11:24. ‫ ְבוּל ק֫ד ָה‬the border toward the east). ‫ תּרצ֫ ָה‬to Tirzah (‫ 1 )תּר ָה‬K 14:17. 1 S 23:15. 1 K 4:14. ‫( ח֫ ָה‬from ‫ ) ַר‬to the mountain. rus ire. ‫ ֶל־ה ָפ֫וָֹה‬toward the north. with ‫ְִָ ת‬ ‫ִ ְצ‬ ‫ַזּ ת‬ ‫ַזּ‬ the article ‫ הה֫ ָה‬to the mountain. and this not only ‫ע נ‬ after ‫ ֶל־ . ‫ אַ֫ר ָה‬to the earth. ‫ה ּ ַ ימ‬ 2 Rem. or motion to a placer. Ps 9:18. 24. ִן‬e. Ex 4:20. ‫ בְּ֫ ָה‬to ‫ֶָ ל‬ ‫ֶר‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ְצ‬ ‫ַ ית‬ the house. 20. ‫ ָאֹ֫ה ָה‬into the tent. also expressions like ‫ ְאַת ָפ֫וָֹה‬the quarter towards the north. v. Jer 18:2. ‫ עָ֫ ָה‬to Gaza (‫ )עָה‬Ju 16:1. ‫ בְֶּ֫ ָה‬in the south. the Latin accusative of motion to a place. ‫ ַֽחְָ֑ ָה‬in Maḥanaim. cf. ‫ בּב֫ ָה‬Jer 29:15. 19. 15:10. as in Romam profectus est. ‫ אַשּׁ֫וּ ָה‬to Assyria. Dt 4:41. st. &c. 2 K 23:8. ‫ למ֫ ָה‬downwards. ‫ ָשָׁמִ֫ ָה‬towards the heavens.(a) Most commonly to express direction towards an object. Ju 14:2. cf. domum reverti. 1:13. ‫ שׁ֫ ָה‬there (usually thither. p. &c. The above examples are mostly rendered definite by the article. and even with the plural ‫ ַשׂ ִי ָה‬into Chaldea.g. ‫מְרח֫ה שׁ֫ ֶשׁ‬ ֶ ֶַ ‫ְִַ ר‬ ‫ִזְ ָ ֶ מ‬ toward the sun-rising. according to his preface to Isaiah. ‫ מדבּ֫ ָה דמּ֫שׂק‬to the wilderness of Damascus.. Gn 18:6. to Babylon. westward. ‫מ ֲ נ ימ‬ ‫ָמּ‬ see c). ‫ מבּב֫ ָה‬from Babylon. Old locative forms (or original accusatives) are. ‫לְ ל‬ ‫ע ֲֵ ק‬ ‫א ַצּ נ‬ Ez 8:14. and cf. ‫ הח֫ד ָה‬into the chamber. . Is 45:6. Rem.. Jos ‫מ‬ ‫ַ נּ גבּ‬ 15:21. cf.

§ 80 k]. &c. ‫ַו ָת‬ ‫ַ ול‬ ‫ָת‬ Jb 5:16. ‫ ָטבּ ָה‬verse 33 f. st. 2 K 4:42. ‫ עֹל֫ ָה‬Ps 92:16 Keth. as the above examples show. In Ju 14:18 instead of the quite unsuitable ‫ַיּ מּ‬ poetic word ‫( הח֫ר ָה‬towards the sun??) read as in 15:1 ‫ הח֫ד ָה‬to the bride-chamber. st. ‫ פּדָּ֫ה‬Gn 28:2 from ‫ . ‫ 2 דָּ֫ה‬S 24:6 (so Baer.שׁ ָה‬and holds that it has nothing whatever to do with the old ‫נ ָ מּ‬ accusative. &c. Mant. ‫ 1 ָֽרתָ֫ה‬K 4:12. ‫ המִמּ֫ ָה‬Jer 11:15 is corrupt. These cases are not to be taken as double feminine endings. ‫ מדבּ֫ ָה‬Jos 18:12. ‫ 2 צפ֫ ָה . p.לילי‬cf. however (Sprachwiss.לְָ֫ה‬in pause ‫ . ְאוּם‬spot. but they are further instances of an old accusative of direction or intention. ‫ ְֶ ָה־ָא‬Ps 116:14. ָ ָ sometimes. ‫ְצ‬ ‫ַ ָ ות‬ ‫נגדּ נּ‬ 18. generally with a ‫מ מ‬ ‫מ‬ negative=nothing. Elsewhere. ‫ תּמָ ָה‬Jos 19:43. with Nöldeke and others. and the ‫ְצ‬ ‫ָת‬ place-name ‫ 1 ַ֫ה ָה‬Ch 6:63. Abhandlungen. st. might be explained as accusatives. since the loss of the tone on the final syllable could then hardly be explained.—Another ‫ל ְי‬ instance is ‫ ְא֫וּ ָה‬something. ‫ 1 שׁל שׁה‬S 9:4.(a) ‫ . ‫ ה֫ ָה‬Gn 14:10. 113. . an ă is retained even in an open tone-syllable (cf. Sem.. the ‫ ־ ה‬local is joined to the already ‫ַ ְמ‬ ָ developed form of the absol. 183 ff. 16. as a general rule. Ho 10:13. ‫ִָ ל‬ As the termination ‫ ־ ה‬is almost always toneless (except in ‫ מְר ָה‬constr.לְֶה‬like ‫ אָָה‬from ‫. ‫ אפר ָה‬Mi ‫ְֵָ ת‬ ‫יְ ָ ת‬ ‫ִ ְנ ת‬ ‫ְֶָ ת‬ 5:1.)דָּ֫ה‬Ch 14:9.. ‫צ ְַ ת‬ ‫צ ְַ נ‬ however.)עְ ָה‬Ps 44:27. but elsewhere it has become meaningless and is used merely for the sake of poetical emphasis. the ‫י ְצ‬ toneless ‫ ־ ה‬can be regarded only as a meaningless appendage. however. exercises no influence whatever ‫ִתּ‬ upon the vowels of the word. Sprachwiss. Sarauw. He derives the ‫ ־ ה‬from the ָ adverbs ‫ אָָה . and in the proper ‫ְִַ ר‬ names ‫ 1 ַ֫ ָה‬K 2:40. note 1).. ‫ ה ַשׁמ֫ ָה‬amber. in the constr. see the LXX ‫ָָ ת‬ ‫עָת‬ ‫ַ ְזָ ת‬ and Commentaries. ‫ַ ַ ְס‬ ‫ַ ַ ְר‬ (b) In the termination ‫ ־֫ ָה‬often used in poetry with feminines. ֵילָא‬Syr. to a ‫ַ יל‬ reduplicated form ‫ . ‫ִ יּמ י ִ מ‬ Its use in ‫ חל֫י ָה‬properly ad profanum!=absit! is peculiar. ‫ סוּפ֫ ָה‬Ho 8:7.1 This termination ‫ ־ ה‬usually has reference to place (hence called ‫ ־ ה‬locale2).)עְָה‬Ez 28:15. p.)בּר ֶל‬In segholate forms. however.. Ps 125:3.פּ ַן‬with modification of the a to è. ‫ עְ֫ל ָה‬unrighteousness (=‫ . except that the helping-vowel before ‫ ־ ה‬naturally becomes ָ 1 1 Brockelmann. probably from ‫ מוּם . 1907. Most probably. Ps 116:15. ‫ ֵיפ֫ ָה‬darkness. 63:8. constr. Ez 8:2 [in 1:4 ‫ . st. Barth. ‫ עְר֫ ָה‬help (=‫ . thus ‫( אָ֫ר ָה‬in pause) Jb 37:12. refers it to an original ‫ . ‫ ְשׁוּע֫ ָה‬salvation (=‫ . p. 94:17. 1 K 19:15. ’ ZA. lilya. &c. Is 16:3.אֶָ ה‬ ‫ַ יל‬ ‫נ‬ ‫נ‬ ‫גּד ד‬ ָ ִָ 1 [1 The form clings also to a few place-names.) ֵי ָה‬ ‫ָ ת‬ ‫אָת‬ ‫אמ‬ Ex 15:16. in pause Is ‫ַי‬ ‫ל‬ 21:11). Ps 124:4. also ‫1 בּרמ֫ ָה‬ ‫ֶר‬ ‫ֶַ נ‬ ‫ַדּ‬ ‫ְֶַ ל‬ S 25:5 from ‫ . ‫ ֵימ֫ ָה‬terror (=‫. In examples like ‫ עְר֫ ָה‬for help (Ps 44:27) this ‫ֶזָ ת‬ is still quite apparent. especially the western Aramaic ‫ . then night simply.לִ֫ל‬only used in poetry.. Jb 10:22. ‫( ֵיל‬even used for the absol..] 2 2 Cf. ‘Der hebr. however. ‫ קהל ָה‬Nu 33:22 f. ‫ לְָה‬is to be referred. ‫ ַ֫ח ָה‬stream. point. and Ginsb. ‫גּת‬ ‫ַנ‬ ‫ְַ ת ַ נ‬ ‫ 1 ָֽרפ֫ ָה‬K 17:9. Lokativ. &c. In Jos 15:12 ‫נ ְל‬ ‫ַח ְ ַ ל‬ ‫ַח ְ מ‬ ‫ הָ֫ ָה‬is probably only a scribal error (dittography). as ‫ ֻ ְגֹּ ָה‬Dt 10:7. 80:3. or at the most as expressing ָ poetic emphasis. also takes it as such. ‫גּ ָה‬ ָ ‫ִזְח‬ ‫ִתּ‬ and ‫ ע ָה‬Jos 19:13) it generally. ‫ המְּ֫ ָה‬death. láylā being properly at night.לְָ֫ה‬the usual word in prose for night. ‫ֶזָ ת‬ ‫ֶ זר‬ ‫י ָת‬ ‫י ע‬ Jon 2:10. ‫ צר֫ ָה‬Ps 120:1. ed. The nominative of this supposed old accusative1 appeared to be preserved in the form ‫ . Similarly ‫ אַ֫ר ָה‬Is 8:23 and (in pause) Jb 34:13. which is always construed as ‫ַ יל‬ ‫ָ יל‬ masculine. st. viz.ה ַשׁ ַל‬cf. Dt 4:41.)ְשׁוּ ָה‬Ps 3:3. as in ‫ מָ ִים ָמ֫י ָה‬from year to year. its use is extended to time.

. locative from ‫( שׂ ַר‬Is 7:20). and the Mant. 32 ‫ )פִּי ֵל‬face ‫מ‬ ‫בּ‬ ‫פּ א בּ א‬ ‫ְנ א‬ of God (otherwise only in the plur. for ‫שׁמוּע‬ ַ ְ ‫[ ִשׁמ ֵאל= ֵל‬but see Driver on 1 S 1:20]. ֲחוֹ .Šewâ. st.)ֶ֫שׁם‬is the name of an Arab. this ‫ וֹ‬corresponds to a primitive Semitic â (cf. but its exact explanation is difficult. ‫ ָם‬father-in-law (cf. aḥâ. c. where the Arab. ‫א‬ . is expressly emphasized by a special termination.e. st. ֵל‬is ‫ְ א‬ ְ ֵ ‫א‬ better explained with Prätorius.. st. Helsingfors. 1906.. of terms of relationship. However we have ‫בּ‬ no better explanation to offer in place of Barth’s. st. ı̂ being the old genitive and ô for the nominative sign u. Ginsb. likewise to be read in the absolute in Ez 47:19. ‫ הַֽ֫ע ָה‬Jos 17:15. st. ‫ אֶָ֫ה‬whither.תּרצ֫ ָה‬Moreover the termination ‫ ־ ה‬is even weakened to ‫ ־ ה‬in ‫ נֹ֫ ֶה‬to Nob. Against this explanation it may be objected that there is no trace of the supposed Hebrew accusatives ‫ . 22:9. ‫ 3 ַשַֽׁ֫ע ָה‬Ju 20:16. 6:1. 1903. lose their force if we consider the special laws of the tone and syllable in Hebrew. 597) as having originated on Hebrew soil in order to emphasize the constr.e.. which have â only before a genitive. Kaila. but also ‫ַ֫ח ָה‬ ‫ה ֱ ל ַ ית‬ ‫ַיּ ֲר‬ ‫ה ֹּ ֲ ר‬ ‫נ ְל‬ Nu 34:5 (constr. 48:28) and ‫ שֽׁע ָה‬Is 28:6 ‫ָ ְר‬ (with Silluq).־ ה‬ ‫ה ּ ֲר‬ ָ 1 1 Cf. however. ‫ מ ִים‬men. The ‫ה ּ ְר‬ ‫ַ ע‬ reading ‫( ַשַֽׂע ָה‬Opit. In view of the analogies in other languages (see b) there is nothing impossible in the view formerly taken here that the litterae compaginis ‫ ־ י‬and ‫ וֹ‬are obsolete (and hence no longer ִ understood) case-endings. ‫ח ִי . Both these objections. Like ı̂. ZDMG.. § 9 q) and is traceable to abâ. (Baer ‫ . It occurs only in the middle of a few (often undoubtedly very old) proper names.) implies a feminine in ‫. e. according to Prätorius. Barth ָ objects that the ı̂ and ô almost invariably have the tone. ‫ וֹ‬is also used only to emphasize the constr. The instances given under l and m ‫ח‬ followed this analogy. Consequently it seems in the highest degree probable that all these uses are based upon forms in which the constr.) ְתוּ ֵל‬Gn 32:31 (but in ver. ‫ ָאֹ֫ה ָה .1 viz. 777. st. The language does not admit a final ı̆ or ŭ. whereas the accusative ‫ ־ ה‬is toneless. ‫ אָח‬brother.בְּ֫ ָה‬Gn 18:6.. as a name of affection. Of the three other terminations ‫ וּ‬may still be regarded as a survival of the old nominative ending. § 96). Hebr. and the necessarily lengthened vowel might easily attract the tone to itself. the constr. and that they are long. ְנוֹ‬It is also remarkable that so archaic a form should have been ‫בּ‬ preserved (except in ‫ ) ְנוֹ‬only in two words and those in quite late passages.)פֵּי‬Neh 6:6 (elsewhere ‫ָנ‬ ‫ְנ‬ ְ‫גּ‬ ‫ . st.g. the ă of which (since it then stands in an open tone-syllable) is lengthened ָ to ā. p. ‫ ְֶ֫ ָה‬Ez 47:19 and ‫( גֹּ֫רָה‬Baer. &c. ‫ מ ֽוּשׁ ֵל .g. on the analogy of the constr. to ‫ְת ָ א ֲמ ט‬ ‫מ ֶל‬ ‫ְת‬ ‫ ְתוּ‬corresponds most probably ‫ ְתוּ‬in ‫ ְנוּ ֵל . According to Barth. p.. ‫ְתוּח = ְתוּ ֵל‬ ‫י ְ ָע א‬ ‫פּ ַ פּ א‬ ‫ ֵל‬and many others. the list in L. incorrectly. (see o). cf.)ח ִי ַל‬and ‫( ְתוּשׁ֫ ַח‬otherwise in Hebrew only in the plur. Zur Syntax des in verbaler Abhängigkeit stehenden Nomens im alttest. ֲמוֹ . ‫נ‬ ‫ְָ נ‬ 3.א ִי . similarly. i.א ִי‬ ‫ֲמ ֲח ֲב‬ from ‫ אָב‬father.. the accusatives of terms of relationship in the constr. and must therefore have a similar origin. On the other hand the terminations ‫ ־ י‬and ‫ וֹ‬are ֶ‫גּ‬ ִ most probably to be regarded (with Barth. ֲבוֹ‬and ‫ח א א‬ only of the analogous ‫ . p. &c. 1 K 2:36. hence especially in the constr. ı̆ and ŭ are short.)מי‬for which in Jer 52:1 ‫א מ‬ ‫ח ט‬ e K th. e. l. st. ‫ פִּים‬constr. 54. ‫ ַשׁמוּ—2.) ַשַֹׁע ָה‬i. ‫( ֲחוּ ַי‬if compounded of ‫ אחו‬and ‫( ֲמוּ ַל . cf. 3 3 So Qimḥi.—In the case of feminines