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The Bono (Akan) Spiritual-Temporal Worldview and Indigenous Healers Kwasi Konadu Introduction The West African

nation of Ghana lies near the equator and is encircled by the countries of Burkina Faso, Benin, Togo, and Côte d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) and the Gulf of Guinea. Ghana derives it name from one of several leadership titles of Wagadu (ancient “Ghana”) that became synonymous with this formation; a number of indigenous Akan territories (aman) of Ghana trace their migrations from the region of the Niger River between Jenne and Timbutku. The Akan are a cultural-linguistic group that occupies the greater parts of Ghana and to a lesser extent Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso and Togo. The Akan are defined by a shared cultural-spiritual system, indigenous calendrical and political system, language, and ethos. The present Akan constellation includes the Adanse, Ahanta, Akwamu, Akwapem, Akyem, Anyi, Aowin, Asante, Assin, Baule, Bono, D[nkyira, Guan, Gyaman, Fante, Nzema, Twifo, and Wassa peoples.1 This constellation suggests that the notion of Akan civilization corresponds to the development and expansion of one cultural-linguistic people. Indeed, the Akan are the nucleus of Ghana (Arhin, 1967: 83). The Bono are an Akan society composed of several indigenous territories or aman (sg. ]man – nation, state, territory) such as the Bono-Takyiman (Warren, 1975: 2).2 The Bono are indigenous to their relative area of occupation as early as the thirteenth-century and only the Bono of Takyiman and Wankyi (Wenchi) claim to be autochthonous (Effah-Gyamfi, 1979: 199). In fact, the term b]no (b] –

The Baule and Agni, presently located in the Ivory Coast, migrated initially from D[nkyira after its defeat by Asante in 1700-01 and later in the first half of the eighteenth-century due to a dispute with Asantehene Opoku Ware. 2 The often used terms, “Brong” and “Techiman,” are the anglicized form of Bono and Takyiman, respectively, and the latter will be used throughout this essay. Takyiman is a contraction of Takyi Firi (name of hunter who founded the settlement) and ]man, an indigenous notion of settlement and territory that most linguists of the Akan language have rendered as either “nation” or “state.” A ]man is distinct from a krom or kurom (town), a permanent settlement with houses where large households live or a akuraa (village), a semi-permanent agricultural settlement (Ventevogel, 1996).

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create; no – the) speaks to assertions of being the first (created) to occupy their present location, which is closely linked to the region of Bono antiquity.3 The Bono have several defining cultural characteristics, some of which can also be found among other Akan societies and some of which are specifically associated with the Bono. Here, my intention is to only provide a general rather than a detailed overview of those defining and generic characteristics. In terms of linguistic features, the Bono are known to use short sentences and breaks in speech. What is not commonly known is that Bono speech has preserved the greatest elements of a proto-Akan language, and has been rather conservative in its retention of some of what use to be characteristic of that proto-Akan language (Effah-Gyamfi, 1979: 194; Dolphyne, 1979: 116). The Bono settlement is the first northern and centralized Akan ]man. The true Bono, accordingly, are those of BonoTakyiman, as the successor of Bono-Manso (capital of Bonoman), and most Bono speak the Asante variant of Akan-Twi as a second language (Arhin, 1979a: 9-10). The two main celebrations of the Bono-Takyiman are the Apo] festival, celebrated between March and April during the sowing season, and the Fo]fie (harvest-new year) festival, celebrated between August and October during the harvesting season.4 The longest and only river whose source derives from within Ghana is the Tano River, a highly sacred river that plays an integral role in Bono (and Akan) spiritual-cultural life and practice. The largest and oldest weekly market in Ghana also resides in the Bono-Takyiman area, where hundreds of thousands of people from Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, Togo, Benin, Ivory Coast and elsewhere engage in commerce during the market’s five-day schedule. The Bono-Takyiman

It is said that when a woman gives birth for the first time she is called abonowo] (Arhin, 1979b: 49). The Apo] festival is held usually in late March or early April and is always on nkyifie and ends on fo]dwo] of the indigenous Bono (Akan) calendar. The term Apo] derives from the verb, po, ‘to reject,’ and is a 13-day cleansing and (re)affirmative celebration that takes place in the Takyiman and Wankyi (Wenchi) areas of the Brong-Ahafo region. The Fo]fie festival is conceived as a period of reaffirmation of shared values, spiritual renewal, promotion of social cohesion and settling of disputes, and assessing and planning for the progress of the society. During this festival, rituals are performed for the abosom and nananom nsamanfo] (ancestors), wherein the blackened ancestral stools are purified (once every three years) at the Atweredaa River.
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area is mainly semi-deciduous forest, which changes quite dramatically to guinea savannah-woodland in the northern part of the ]man (Warren, 1975: 5). Commonly consumed foods include avocado, papaya, coconut, mango, pineapple, sugarcane, breadfruit, plantain, banana, okra, sweet potato, beans, cocoyam, maize, peanuts, tomatoes, pepper, and varieties of yam and other food items. Most, if not all, residents of the Bono-Takyiman area have year round access to fresh fruits and vegetables. Goats, sheep, chickens, cows (from the north), horses (rare), occasional pigs, and dogs (common in hunting) can be found in the area. Every adult, and some of the youth, has a farm or garden. The men, who primarily do the hunting while women control the petty trade and associations found in the market, usually do heavy manual labor. The architectural design of living quarters or compounds is continuous and square (Posnansky, 1987: 21). Members of the same abusua or matriclan tend to live in the same section(s) of town wherein the names of these sections are given for both the patrilineage and matrilineage (EffahGyamfi, 1979: 196; Warren, 1975: 23). In other words, Bono abusua or matriclan (mother’s lineage only) includes the Akan matriclans—that is, the Ayoko, Aduana, Asini[, Bretuo or Beretuo, Asakyire,

{ko]na, Agona, Asona—in addition to being based upon the streets and quarters of the BonoTakyiman area. Thus, a particular family or clan will bear the name of a section or quarter of town, such as Nyafoman (or Komfokrom), which is the section of the Takyiman Township associated with the family that I lived with while in the area.5 In terms of socio-cultural standards of living, many consume very few sugary foods and deserts, bathe twice a day (morning and evening), smoke cigarettes (some with pipes) but not marijuana (wii), and are not alcoholic though a great deal seems to be consumed, especially by those who engage in spiritual work since alcohol (nsa) use is associated with aspects of this vocation—that is, alcohol is used almost exclusively in apae[ or nsa guo The Fante on the coast of Ghana also have this type of clan organization; the Bono have an nt]n patrisystem, whereas other Akan societies have an nt]r] patri-system. See McCaskie (1995: 170-172) for a list and discussion of the nt]r] groups (as it relates to Asante). Some claim that there are nine, other argue that there are twelve nt]r] groups.
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(libation).6 For the Akan in general and the Bono in particular, use of the left hand is reserved for the bathroom and sexual intercourse, and “only heterosexual relationships are acceptable; celibacy, homosexuality and lesbianism are not socially recognized in Bono society and there are no words in Bono Twi for any of these concepts” (Warren, 1975: 31). Body scarification and tattooing are not really practiced, except for an incision on the cheekbone (filled with a black-powdered medicine) to prevent convulsions ([soro), a phenomenon which kills many infants and children in the area, through a “cutting beneath the eye” ritual called aniasetwa (ani – eye; ase – under, beneath; twa – cut).7 The Bono as well as all Akan are matrilineal in that the processes of inheritance, stool (leadership) succession, and marriage are authenticated through the matriclan or mother’s lineage. Thus, the ]manhemma (female leader of the nation) is usually the mother, aunt, or sister of the

]manhene (male leader of the nation), who succeeded his w]fa (maternal mother’s brother) of that
same position. The indigenous (Bono) socio-political structure consists of leadership at the level of household (fie-wura – head of household), family (abusua panyin – family/clan elder), village (]dekro – village head), town or division of the ]man (]hene; e.g., Krobo-hene), and nation (]manhene and

]manhemma or ]baahemmaa). The ]manhemma or ]baahemmaa has absolute right of veto and final
decision in the selection of the new ]manhene (Warren, 1975: 43). Other integral titles of the indigenous Bono polity includes the Kontihene/Akwamuhene (second in command and assumes role of ]manhene in his absence), Adontehene (lead warrior and leader of the blacksmiths), Twafohene (advance guard leader and shoots the first gun), Ank]beahene (leader of ]hene’s personal bodyguards and protects the town and ahenfie during war), Kyid]mhene (protects the rear during war)), Afutuhene (advisor to the ]manhene), Konkontwahene (in charge of choosing and training the new ]manhene), In the past, bosu (morning dew), water, and nsafufuo (palm wine) was used for nsa guo (libation). In more recent times, akpeteshie (indigenous gin distilled from palm wine) and a European brand of liquor are used almost exclusively. 7 For one to become a ]hene, he must be uncircumcised, as one criterion, since the candidate must not be deformed in any way or have spilled blood through any wound. Circumcision, in the past, was considered a form of mutilation.
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Nkwankwaahene (in charge of the young men in the state), Akyeamehene (leader of the ]hene’s orators and the Adaatihene, his assistant), Ahyiayemhene (in charge of Offinso-Asante border), Mponoahene (in charge of the Wenchi-Bono borders with Banda), Barimhene (in charge of the royal burial ground), Gyaasehene (in charge of the ahenfie, the ]hene’s residence, and the ahenkwa, attendants of the ahenfie).8 It is uncertain to what extent those who reside in the “Zongo” or stranger’s quarter of Bono-Takyiman are politically active within the indigenous system or the district assembly.9

Conceptual Outline of the Bono (Akan) Spiritual-Temporal Worldview Cosmology refers to a system or body of thought rising out of a people’s history and culture that addresses issues of reality and creation, truth and value, meaning, process, and that people’s place in creation (Akoto & Akoto, 1999: 281). It is necessary to delineate, in descriptive terms, the Bono (Akan) cosmology for this body of thought directly relates to the specialists of the Bono-Takyiman therapeutic system, who, by design, can also be considered specialists of the cultural and spiritual system. Since the Bono (Akan) cosmology is a “living” entity that arises out of experiences and that one also experiences, we can only be descriptive in order to properly situate the system of thought as well as the specialists who are a part it. The Akan conceive of the human being as “spirit encapsulated” rather than “matter animated.” The idea is that the fundamental nature of the human being is spirit and in its temporal existence that spirit becomes a composite being encapsulated by way of soul, breath, spirit, and blood. Procreation is seen as the “mixing” of the women’s blood (mogya) and the man’s spirit (sumsum-ntor])—as only males can transmit sumsum-ntor] and females mogya— Some of the root etymologies of these titles are provided here: Twafo] (twa – cut, chop; fo] - people), Ank]bea (a – (one) who; nk] - doesn’t go; bea – (any) place), Akyid]m (akyi – back, rear; d]m – group, crowd). See Warren (1975: 44-45) for list of the Gyaasefo] or the Gyaase attendants and their duties. 9 The Wangara, Hausa, Yoruba, Mossi, Gonja, Dagomba, Banda, Sisala, and Zabrama all reside the in Zongo area of the Takyiman Township. The Wangara-Hausa wards were formally established by Takyimanhene Yaw Kramo in the early twentieth-century (Warren, 1975: 5). Wilks (1961: 20) claims that the term Nsok], retaining its meaning from Bighu, became Nzong (an Akan-Twi term with Hausa influences), hence, Zongo.
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imbued with the ]kra (soul) and homhom (breath of life) from the Onyankomp]n (the Creator). To the Akan, a marriage is never complete until a child comes out of the union and, by extension, children are held in high esteem and demand. In fact, as Brempong (1996: 46) observed, child bearing in one of the strongest pressures exerted on individuals in Akan society. The elements that the onipadua (onipa – human; dua - tree; human body, being) is composed of require some elaboration. At or during conception, one receives his or her ]kra (soul), which is an immortal part of the Creator that encompasses one’s nkrabea or hy[bea, and the homhom (breath of life) from Onyankop]n.10 Nkrabea is usually defined as one’s destiny, yet the term nkrabea (nkra – to ask for leave; bea – place) refers to the place where one takes leave from the Creator, while the hy[bea is the requested and “commanded destiny” given (by the Creator) after asking to leave the spiritual for the temporal world (Brempong, 1996: 47). The hy[bea, as the innate destiny or mission, is an understanding arrived at solely between the Creator and the individual and, to the Akan, one “chooses” what they want to become in the temporal before they leave the spiritual. Although, the Creator is seen as not being responsible for the “destiny” one chooses, it is possible to reverse one’s chosen hy[bea by appealing to the Creator (Brempong, 1996: 47).11 To the Akan, everyone is born with a purpose or mission to be achieved and the hy[bea was realized as abra bo or abrabo (ethical ideal and existence) in the temporal world. Ethical existence is regarded as both personal and communal whereby the actual living of one’s existential mission or purpose is individual, but the community must safeguard its content. When disorder is produced by unethical existence, rituals are enacted for cyclic and cosmic balance and for the restoration of ethical existence through community participation. The At death, the ]kra (soul) returned to Onyankop]n and accounted for itself (McCaskie, 1995: 168). There are ‘]kra washing’ rituals held, usually, at rivers or streams on days that correspond the various ntor] or nt]n groups; one of the purposes of this periodic ritual is the rediscovery or clarification of one’s hy[bea (mission, destiny). Nkrabea and hy[bea are sometimes used synonymously. 11 The notion of being able to change one’s destiny by appealing to Onyankop]n through the abosom or Onyankop]nmma (the Creator’s children) was conveyed to me on several occasions while in the Bono-Takyiman area.
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hy[bea is the gateway to abrabo and ethical life is “concerned with knowing the precise nature of the individual’s purpose of being, the discovery of which may lead to the ideal existence… The ideal life then is one of selflessness, motivated by a strong sense of purpose and governed by the right moral and ethical choices” (Ephirim-Donkor, 1997: 4, 145). In effect, the elder who became an ancestor without fulfilling their hy[bea would return to the temporal as many times as necessary to fulfill their mission. The elder who passes and fulfills their hy[bea would become an ancestor among the “evolved” ancestors called nananom nsamanfo]. The types of ancestors among the Akan will be discussed shortly. The other elements of the composite human being include the mogya-abusua and sumsumntor]. The mogya (blood) is synonymous with the abusua (matriclan), hence, mogya-abusua, since it comes from the mother and her lineage (abusua), and forms the physiological aspect of the human being. The notion of the matrilineal descent is linked to and derives from the Akan conception of the human being. Among the Akan, all children belong to the matriclan, that is, the lineage of the mother rather than the father. Akan society is matrilineal and the criterion to be an Akan is that one must have an Akan mother, both of which anchor the child to the timeless notion of an original ancestress and her children. The latter not only corresponds to the basis of the seven primary mmusua (matriclans) of the Akan but also there exists an equivalent group of stars that the Akan identify the original ancestress (called aberewa, ‘the old woman’) and her mmansia (six children) with.12 Aberewa, in the form of the

]hemma (indigenous female leader of the ]man), is consulted in the political discourse process where
participants either find themselves at an impasse or having difficulty reaching a collective decision. Since political succession and inheritance are determined by matrilineal descent, an individual's maternal uncles (w]fa), who can only be the mother’s brothers, and aunts ([nna), who are regarded as “mothers,” form the inheritance group. In terms of social relationship, the child's w]fa has rights of the

Please see Ephirim-Donkor (1998) as one reference that contains a version of the oral narrative about the original ancestral, her six children, and Onyame (the Creator). The constellation is called Abrewa na ni mma (‘the old woman and her children’).

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socialization of the child, while the paternal father (agya) plays more of a protectorate role such as making provision for food and shelter. The spirit or personality (sumsum) comes from the father (agya), who is responsible for the child's conduct and character up until puberty—where the child’s sumsum is established and mature enough to assume a greater role—and who transmits the collective “paternal” sumsum (called ntor]) of his forefathers.13 McCaskie (1995:167) noted, among the Asante, that ntor] is often used as a synonym for semen. The sumsum and ntor] or nt]n determine character (suban) and can be changed or modified by training and application, and can harbor negativity that could become illness if left unattended to. The idea that a strong or heavy sumsum is a resilient one is expressed in the proverb, “wo sumsum y[ duru ]bayifo] ntumi wo (if you sumsum is ‘heavy’ the

]bayafo] [“witch”] cannot overpower you). At physical death, each of the entities described thus far
returns to its source of origin. Equipped with a better understanding of Akan human conception, I have provided a conceptual outline, in Figure 1, that attempts to visually describe the Bono (Akan) spiritual-temporal worldview. Figure 1. A Conceptual Outline: The Bono (Akan) Spiritual-Temporal Worldview

}tare Abosom Abosommerafo] Abayi-bonsam Asuwa Kwae Ab]fo] Sumsum}kra: Asuman Samanpa Nkrabea-hy[bea Ntor] Asaase Asaase Yaa Homhom Mogya-Abusua Samanb]ne- Yaa Saman Tw[nT]fo Bep]w {po Tw[n Sasabonsamk[se[ Nananom Bonsam Abayifo] Mmoa Asu Mmoatia Nsamanfo] Onyankop]nBr[kyirihunuadeTweaduamp]n Kukuroko
Nnua

}domankoma}b]]ade[

Abommubuwafr[Onyame

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Afodie is a ceremony where the agya’s (father’s) ntor] is involved in the Bono-Takyiman area.

In the conceptual outline above, the varied lined-circles correspond to spheres or layers of the Bono (Akan) spiritual-temporal worldview in terms of its primary constituents. This outline is intended to be fundamental rather than exhaustive in order to better contextualize the thoughts of the participants of this study as well as provide the reader a qualitatively better understanding of the Bono worldview at the conceptual level. The design of the conceptual outline is analogous to fundamental processes within that same worldview. When a well-trained ]bosomfo] or ]k]mfo] does nsa guo (libation) in the Bono-Takyiman area, they first pour one drop of the liquid substance in each of the four directions—namely, north and south, east and west—and then proceeds to pour in (relatively) the center. Further, when an ]k]mfo] first enters into spiritual communion with his or her ]bosom before or while dancing, he or she first points or throws hyire (a white clay substance) above or to the sky and then acknowledges the four cardinal points. In fact, the ]komfo] dances in a circle counterclockwise and relative to the drum section. Let us proceed. The innermost circle relates to Akan human conception, which should be interpreted as the human dimension situated within concentric and intertwined layers (“circles”) of additional (and arguably greater) dimensions of reality rather than viewing the human dimension as the “center” of the worldview itself. Certainly, humans have agency, as evidenced by the Akan view that one chooses his or her destiny, but, that notwithstanding, the point is that the Akan also conceive of greater dimensions and cycles of reality that affect and are affected by the human dimension. Since we have addressed the human dimension, let us discuss the next layer. The second layer demarcated by the “dotted lines” forming a circle relates to the primary non-temporal agencies that interact with the human dimension and who assume “temporal existence” (manifestation) through the human dimension and natural environment. Here, it should be made clear that accepted notions of time and space are relative if not meaningless in the Akan conception of the interplay between the spiritual and the mundane.

Among the Akan, there exist four categories of ancestors. Those categories are: 1) samanpa (good ancestor), which usually resides in the “sky” or hide in corners; 2) saman tw[n-tw[n (an ancestor who has to wait), who resides close to the earth, can only scare and not capable of harming. This type of ancestor, most likely, did not fulfill their hy[bea (mission) and has to “wait” because it is incapable of going to asamando (the residence of the nananom nsamanfo] or the “evolved” ancestors); 3) samanb]ne (negative ancestor) or t]fo (“ghost”) is a deceased who had a violent death and, as a result, are usually bold and aggressive, and often wanders.14 Akan stools are often tilted to the side when not in use to prevent stray and tired samanb]ne or t]fo from sitting on them, should a person sit on one before a either can get away, he or she contracts pains in the waist; and 4) nananom nsamanfo] (elder or “evolved” ancestors) are those who have achieved their hy[bea (mission) and, as result, as “crossed the waters” to asamando. It is these ancestors who are often invoked in nsa guo (libation) to help facilitate the provision of necessary resources, children, collective prosperity, good health, and long life. It is said that once the deceased, who has fulfilled their mission, is sent off from the mundane to asamando, he or she comes to a dock or shoreline, boards a raft or boat, and is taken across the waters to the place where the other elder ancestors reside. The mmoatia (mmoa – creatures, animals; tia – short) are not ancestors but rather “short creatures” fo the forest that reside, usually, on the top of the Odum tree, enjoys bananas, speak in the screechy-like voice, and are well-known for their ability to procure and transmit the knowledge of indigenous medicines. The mmoatia have his or her own ]k]mfo] and can either be an asset or a distraction (e.g., troublesome) to a community. Asuman (“talismans”) consist of medicines and other ingredients to perform specific functions and are usually designed for an individual user. Outside of that user, the power of the suman may not work. These asuman are usually made by and can be gotten As Warren (1986: 52) noted, “The spirit of a [person who committed] suicide was debarred from the [asamando], and it was eventually reincarnated as t]fo sasa, a person with a cruel murderous nature leading itself to the same end.” Suicide is considered the opposite of praiseworthy if not done in war or to wipe out dishonor and ridicule.
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from an ]k]mfo], ]bosomfo], or ]dunsini; there have been cases where an suman (much like a “shrine”) is found in the forest, typically, by hunters. An ]b]fo] is regarded as an “angel” but since this rendering is foreign, in belief and language, I refer the reader to a description provided during the course of my interview with Nana Kwasi Owusu on this matter. He stated, “Onyankop]n gives each person an ab]fo] who helps that person to live, get knowledge or wisdom, informs him or her how to make use of their environment to collect medicine or to use this or that, and always speaks and travels with humans. The ab]fo] communicates to one’s spirit and guides it away from harm.”15 Sasabonsam is described as a fearsome creature of the forest and term is generally interpreted as the “devil”; but, again, since this rendering is foreign, in belief and language, let me provide a more appropriate designation. Sasa is the “negative spirit” of a deceased animal able to cause harm and bonsam is an “acute evil,” hence, sasabonsam is an acutely evil spirit that dwells in the forest and takes the form of a creature that can capture and endanger humans. For this reason, the forest-dwelling Akan have great respect for sasabonsam and the mmoatia. Bayie (“witchcraft”) is a power that can be used positively or negatively. This term is generally translated as “witchcraft” (the act itself) and hence the ]bayifo] is one who does or uses bayie. Yet, if the term, according to Azzii Akator (1988: 12), derives from the phrase “[b[y[ yie” (it will be good or alright), then we must reconsider the exclusive “witchcraft” connotation that term ]bayifo] seems destined to have. It is said that the latter meanings are optimistic utterances made to give hope and direction for one who needs to consult the ]bayifo]. In the Bono-Takyiman area, the male who does or use bayie is called abayi-bonsam, while the female is referred to as ]bayifo], a gender-neutral term that applies to either sex. The (female) ]bayifo] usually outnumber the abayi-bonsam, and the abode of the

]bayifo] is in the female line of the family where damage to their own blood relatives is done
(Brempong, 1996: 44). Bayifo] or ]bayifo] (ba – child; yi – to take; fo] - person) is described as “a
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Nana Kwasi Owusu of the Takyiman Townshop.

person with supernatural power to take a child from its mother’s womb or cause a stricture in a woman’s womb… [wherein the ]bayifo] has] swept the woman’s eggs from [her] womb” (Brempong, 1996: 45-46). One may never know who is an ]bayifo], even the ]bayifo] themselves—as one may be born this way or do the work of an ]bayifo] unconsciously. Confessions by abayifo] are usually made after they have been caught by one of many “bayifo]-catching” ]bosom called ]bosombrafo] (pl. abosommerafo]). If an ]bayifo] does not confess, they are killed spiritually, by the ]bosombrafo], prior to a warning of some sort to elicit a confession. In the Bono-Takyiman area, the abosommerafo] are a type of abosom that specializes in catching abayifo], medicines, and a range of other functions, in contrast to the Atano abosom, whose functions are vast but not include catching and (spiritually) killing abayifo]. The ]bosombrafo] is an

]bosom that is an abrafo] (‘people who bring’), who in the indigenous socio-political order, serves as
the ]hene’s security force and in the capacity of (the indigenous state) executioner, hence, the “executioner” utility of the ]bosombrafo]. The Atano abosom are Tano river derived abosom, such as Taa Kora or Taa Mensah, which reside in ayawa (brass-pans) and exist at the state, town, village, and family level. Taa Mensah is the state ]bosom for the Bono-Takyiman area and the ]bosomfo] for Taa Mensah is also the ]bosomfo]hene (leader of the abosomfo]).16 Ta or Taa is a contraction of Ta-no (the sacred Tano river), as in Taa Mensah, and prior to the Atano (sg. Tano) abosom being placed in the ayawa, they were situated in clay vessels. The Atano abosom are separated by function and location from the abosommerafo], as both will not be kept in the same abosomfie (structure where the physical shrine is housed), consequently, the abosommerafo] are usually kept in conical-shaped houses on the outskirts of a village. Though most of the abosommerafo] among the Akan are foreign in origin, the Bono do have an indigenous abosommerafo] called ]bokyerewa, and in the Bono-Takyiman

Warren (1974: 92) noted that the abosomfo]hene (for Taa Mensah) is a position of authority above all individuals, including the Takyimanhene.
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area, this ]bosom is very well known, respected, and is regarded as a protector of the source of the Tano River. The abosom are considered to be the emissaries, children, and akyeame of Onyankop]n (the Creator). The abosom are usually regarded as “shrines” or “deities” (the power thereof), but these English cognates are culturally inaccurate. The term ]bosom does not necessarily mean “to serve or worship a stone” but rather, since the Akan do not worship, “to serve an unlimited, invaluable purpose,” as the etymology indicates (] - reference to the thing; som – to serve; bo – limitless, priceless, precious) and to metaphorically relate the abosom to a rock in terms of the latter’s permanency and resilience.17 Trees wither and die, water dries up, but a rock is enduring. In fact, many of the abosom in the Bono-Takyiman area are directly associated with mountains, caves, and stones in regards to their origin or abode. The abosom are usually housed in brass pans (ayawa), potlike vessels (kukuo), or cluster of medicines in the form of club (akonti). These items are the abode or shrine of the abosom that serve as a temporal nexus through which the abosom can be accessed, consulted, fed, and where they reside on a transitory basis. The third layer demarcated by “double lines” of two sizes relates to the sphere of the natural environment, the earth, and the Creator as creation itself (understood as an ongoing and unfolding process). The abosom are conceived as the manifestations of the Creator that reside in specific locales of the natural (temporal) environment, such as the ocean ([po k[se[), rivers (asu), lakes (]tare), streams (asuwa), mountains (bep]w), forests (kwae), and trees and plants (nnua). Thus, the Creator is conceived as an integral part of creation and in all that is created, elements of the Creator reside within them. The Akan understand this to be fundamental and often taboo, therefore making sacred, many of the locales mentioned to (environmentally) protect those locales as life sustaining sources. Mmoa is a multilayered term that conveys meanings, which range from microorganisms, germs, and insects to

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I am thankful to Nana Kwaku Sakyi for our discussion on the abosom in Bono-Takyiman.

small and large species of animals that exist in the biological and natural environment. Though the ocean ([po k[se[), rivers (asu), lakes (]tare), streams (asuwa), mountains (bep]w), forests (kwae), trees and plants (nnua), and mmoa (microorganisms, insects, animals) exist in the temporal domain of Asaase Yaa (mother earth), these entities are also a part of creation and, by extension, Onyankop]n (the Creator). In the conceptual outline presented above, the vertical line in the middle of the scheme relates to the depths and heights of the spiritual dimension as represented by the Creator— indicated by the numerous appellations employed by the Akan—and the horizontal line across the scheme relates to the mundane plane as represented by Asaase Yaa (mother earth). Asaase Yaa is not only conceptualized as a primary temporal expression that sustains and nurtures human existence, evidenced by its appellation, od[nkyemereku (one who supports all creation on its shoulders and does not become exhausted), but is ultimately born of and linked to the spiritual dimension. The outermost “bolded line” circle relates to that part of creation and the cosmos for which is eternally vast and incomprehensible to humans.

Categories and Functions of Indigenous Healers The Akan are very much concerned with order and balance. Akan society generally reflects this concern and Akan traditions, in all its dimensions, allow for the development of specialists or individuals with more than average competency and knowledge. Thus, one would not simply approach someone walking on the streets or on the way to their farm certain questions and expect a response equivalent to what those who specialize in such matters would offer. More often than not, as was the case during a few of my interviews, the inquiring person, who most likely is foreigner or else they would have known better, will be directed to someone who can properly address their questions. On several questions, I was referred to speak to an elder or another person who might be able to provide a sufficient answer. In this study, I focused my inquiries on three categories of specialists of the BonoTakyiman indigenous medical system, who are also specialists of the spiritual-temporal system. These

categories can also be thought of as distinct “institutions” in their own right—due to the nature of their work and depth of knowledge—though all three certainly overlap in their day-to-day practice. The three categories are that of the ]dunsini (pl. nnunsinifo]), ]k]mfo] (pl. ak]mfo]), and ]bosomfo] (pl. abosomfo]), and I will describe each group of specialist in the foregoing order. The ]dunsinni (dua – tree; sin – part of; ni – one who) or “one who works with parts of a tree” use herbal medicines to cure sickness and many of the nnunsinfo] specialize in medicines for particular diseases. Nnunsinfo] usually do not address spiritually-derived diseases and serious diseases; these types of diseases are often dealt with by either the ]k]mfo] or ]bosomfo]. Nnunsinfo] are not attached to an ]bosom and usually do not engage in divination though some learn the ways of divination. Instead of an ]bosom, many have sumans, which are often used in the collection of medicine and to facilitate the healing process. Certainly, there are those who use their sumans for negative and malicious purposes. Most nnunsinfo] operate out of their homes and a few have established herbal centers. The terms aduy]fo] (one who makes medicine), ]safo] (one who cures), and nnunsinfo] are sometimes used synonymously, particularly, by older adults and elders of the society. One respondent, out of several, brought to my attention that “an ]k]mfo] is also an ]dunsini since the ]k]mfo] also collects medicine.”18 Nana Akosua Owusu was certainly correct, but unlike the pure ]dunsini who may harm or kill, the ]k]mfo] is disallowed by their ]bosom from engaging in such acts unless the intended person is caught as an ]bayifo] (one who does bayie, “witchcraft”), in which case the ]bosom will handle the ]bayifo].19 As “the one who does ak]m,” the ]k]mfo] is an indigenous healer who works with an ]bosom, as more of an attendant, and is a specialist in ak]m. Ak]m is neither “Akan religion” or a “possession dance,” and since it is extremely difficult to translate into English, I will not attempt to do so. Rather, in descriptive terms, ak]m is both process and procedure unbounded Nana Akosua Owusu of Tanoso. Ventevogal (1996: 14) regards bayie as an “evil spiritual power seen as material substance,” which perverts the sumsum of the conscious or unconscious host transforming him or her into an ]bayifo].
19 18

by time or space, and is linked to the full range of rituals, medicines, spiritual entities, and specialists within the spiritual-cultural life of the Akan. }k]mfo] is a gender-neutral role where one knows the arts of divination and is attached to an ]bosom. He or she may enter into spiritual communion with an

]bosom at any time and, hence, the ]k]mfo] is more mobile than the ]bosomfo] (as we will soon see).20
It is perhaps this mobility that allowed this category of specialists to be manipulated by the state, especially in Asante, as Asanteman (Asante man) was co-founded by an ]k]mfo], ]k]mfo] An]kye, and the prestige of the ]k]mfo] increased over the more stationary ]bosomfo]. The role of the

]k]mfo], by contrast, is quite different in Bono society where the ]k]mfo] is considered the junior and
the ]bosomfo] the senior. The female ]k]mfo] may never carry her ]bosom (in brass pan on head) though she may engage in spiritual communion with that ]bosom, and may inherit the ]bosom as the

]bosomfo] does. Yet, the ]k]mfo] cannot become an ]bosomfo] unless he or she of the same
matrilineage. Those with abosommerafo] (“executioner” abosom) are also ak]mfo] since they can engage in spiritual communion at any time and their hair is kept in mp[s[mp[s[ (string-like locked hair), while the ]bosomfo] have either closely-trimmed hair or clean-shaven heads. The male ]k]mfo] also engages in spiritual communion with an ]bosom and does not have to belong to the matriclan which “owns” the ]bosom; they become attendants to that ]bosom and cannot inherit the role of

]bosomfo] should the existing ]bosomfo] die. These ak]mfo] can leave their ]bosom and stop being a
specialist if they so desire. Those who inherit their ]bosom are bound by family obligations to continue their work (Warren, 1974: 51). The ]bosomfo] must always be male and though it is theoretically possible for a woman to occupy this position she would still be an ]k]mfo] since women do not carry a Tano derived ]bosom (on their heads). Inherited matrilineally, beginning with the original ]bosomfo] of the same When the ]k]mfo] enters into spiritual communion with an ]bosom, she or he first points to the sky to acknowledge Onyankop]n as all the abosom are conceived as the akyeame of Onankop]n (Warren, 1974: 56).
20

matrilineage which owns the ]bosom, the current ]bosomfo] occupies an inherited position and represents that lineage as the ]bosomfo]. These abosom are Tano river derived abosom, such as Taa Kora or Taa Mensah, which reside in ayawa (brass-pans) and exist at the state, town, village, and family level; hence, Taa Mensah is the state ]bosom for Takyiman and the ]bosomfo] for Taa Mensah is also the ]bosomfo]hene (leader of the abosomfo]).21 Prior to the Atano (sg. Tano) abosom being placed in the ayawa, they were situated in clay vessels. The ayawa are described by indigenous Bono healers as beautiful, bright, lustrous, shiny, durable, strong, and explain that the “ayawa [are] a palanquin for the Atano” (Silverman, 1983: 219). Many ayawa are decorated with variety of hyire (white clay) designs marked by the abosomfo] to delineate the eyes or face of the ]bosom. Silverman (1983: 220) noted that “each of the motifs has a name and is laden with symbolic (often proverbial) meaning.” An ]bosomfo] is also an ]dunsini that addresses spiritually-derived and non-spirituallyderived diseases, as well as knows the arts of divination. If no successor to the position of ]bosomfo] is found, the ]bosom goes into dormancy and is tended by an ]k]mfo] until someone within the appropriate matrilineage is chosen by that ]bosom. The ]bosomfo], unlike the ]k]mfo], enters into spiritual communion with his ]bosom only when the ayawa with the ]bosom is placed on his head. The ]bosomfo] cannot be the ]k]mfo] for an abosommerafo]. It appears that Atano abosom are separated by function and location from the abosommerafo] as one will not find a Tano ]bosom kept in the same abosomfie as an abosommerafo] like Mframa or Tigare, which are usually kept in conicalshaped houses on the outskirts of the village. The Bono have an indigenous abosommerafo], as most abosommerafo] are foreign to the Akan, called }bokyerewa (]bo - rock, stone; kyere -to catch; wa - a way or an exclamation), and Nana Kofi Asemadu is its current custodian. Of }bokyerewa, it is commonly said, “if the rock catches you, it will get you!” In the Bono-Takyiman area, this ]bosom is

Ta or Taa is a contraction of Ta-no (Tano River). Warren (1974: 92) noted that the abosomfo]hene (for Taa Mensah) is a position of authority above all individuals, including the Takyimanhene.
21

very well known and respected and is regarded as a protector or guardian of the source of the Tano River. The abode of the ]bosom is located in Traa and the source of the sacred Tano River is situated in a large forest in Traa. To provide some context for the function of the above cited categories of specialists consulted in this study, it is significant to mention that Silverman’s (1987: 275) review of oral and written records from seventeenth century to the 1920s suggests that “religious” authority played a more significant role in Bono society than in Asante, and of the Atano abosom, “its strongest manifestation occurs among the central Bono, the region in which the tradition had its origins.” Tanoso was an important training center for Asante ak]mfo]. Tanoso is also the home of the Ati Akosua ]bosom, the offspring of Taa Mensah (also known as Taa Kese[ of Takyiman), who was regarded by the Asante in the nineteenth and twentieth century as the most powerful Atano ]bosom (Silverman, 1987: 288).22 There was a shift from the tete (Atano) abosom (ancient Atano abosom) to the increased popularity of abosommerafo] (executioner type abosom) in late nineteenth century and first half of twentieth century (Silverman, 1987: 285). This shift seems to correspond to (a) the decline of Asanteman (Asanteman) in the late nineteenth century and British colonial imposition; (b) the instability in Akan society largely occasioned by the foregoing transformations; and (c) the upsurge of what become the cocoa industry, which facilitated the rise and popularity of the abosommerafo], the majority of which came from northern Ghana and Burkina Faso. The spread of the abosommerafo] parallels the spread of the migrant workers who came from northern Ghana, Burkina Faso, and elsewhere. In 1879, Tetteh Quarshie brought cocoa plants from Brazil and successfully cultivated them in the Akwapem area of the Eastern Region. The Gold Coast government soon took control of this industry by 1890. The introduction of the cocoa industry lead not only to a sharp decline in palm and coffee products but also occasioned one of the most crucial changes of the twentieth century in Akan Rattray (1923: 200) claims, on the contrary, that Asub]nten is father of Ati Akosua, who is ]kyeame of Taa Kora, the highest ]bosom among the Akan located in Tanoboase.
22

(and Ghanaian) society. Thousands of farmers became prosperous and created tremendous income gaps between them and the urban professionals, and subsistence farmers and underemployed migrant laborers (Patterson, 1981: 103). The cocoa industry’s expansion from the Akwapem area caused migration of farmers who sought new lands for cocoa trees; cocoa regions depended on tens of thousands of migrant laborers who came from the northern Ghana, Burkina Faso and elsewhere (Patterson, 1981: 7).23 The increase in the use of abosommerafo], such as the Tigare ]bosom from Yipala in northern Ghana, parallels the increase in cash crop cocoa that brought heavy social tensions as many farmers grew it and challenged the social structure which provided security for its members (Ventevogel, 1996).24 Major socio-economic changes almost always alter a society’s disease patterns, and the expansion of cocoa farming in southern Ghana provided a stimulus for opening roads and clearing forest lands for agriculture, which further facilitated the breeding of the mosquito that is the major vector of falciparun malaria (Patterson, 1981: 1 - 4).25 In sum, the Bono have maintained an allegiance to their tete Atano abosom (ancient Atano abosom) despite the shifts in Akan society and spiritual practices, still regard the ]bosomfo] as senior to the ]k]mfo], the abosomfo]hene (for Taa Mensah) is a position of authority above all individuals including the Takyimanhene, and the Bono remain very much concerned, as most Akans do, with order and balance as reflected in the complementary yet distinct roles of its therapeutic specialists. The Gold Coast government in 1947 established the Cocoa Marketing Board, which determined the optimal conditions for producers, fixed prices locally and for distribution to the world market, appointed agents, who bought cocoa from farmers on behalf of the board. The board was or currently is the only authority to market cocoa outside of Ghana and the Kwahuhene is the head of the board. 24 Tigare is both a suman and an ]bosom, and the latter is a more recent development according to traditions found among the Bono. The story is that Tigare was a suman used primarily by hunters, as it was found in the forest by a hunter, and as a suman did not “possess” its custodian. It was a Tano ]bosom which extracted clay from the Tano River, in addition to other ingredients, and placed the composite substance on the Tigare suman that enabled it to become an ]bosom. 25 The logic that industrialism, economic growth, and rises in living standards produces better health conditions, as suggested by Paterson (1981: 8), is problematic and inconsistent. Since, as Patterson (1981: 6, 9) himself notes, with urban growth there has been a decline in human life and health, and with higher incomes, consumers could choose nutritious foods or white bread, sugar, tea, tinned milk (for infants), other foodstuff of dubious value.
23

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