Dilip Gaonkar and Benjamin Lee, Series Editors

C L A U D 1 O



VOLUME 9 Claudio Lomnitz, Deep Mexico, Silent Mexico: An Anthropology of Nationalism VOLUME 8

Greg Urban, Metaadture.- How Culture Moves tbrough the World

Patricia Seed , American Pentimento , Tbe Invention of Indians and the Pursuit of Riches

De ep Me xico Si len t Mexi co

Radhika Mohanram , Black Body : Women, Colonialism , and Space VOLUME 5 May Joseph , Nomadic Identities Tbe Performance of Citizenship VOLUME 4

Mayfair Mei - hui Yang, Spaces of Their Own. Womens Public Sphere in Transnational-China

An Anthropolog)r of Nati onal isni

Naoki Sakai, Translation and Subjectivity On 'zapan"and Cultural Nationalism VOLUME 2 Ackbar Abbas, Hong Kong: Culture and the Politics of Disappearance VOLUME 1

Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization





ttibí:oteca S^axaleí a csio ra/R cur

-Copyright 2001 by the Regents oí the Llniveisny of A1lnnesota

Every effort was made ro obtain permission lo reproduce rhe illustations in this book. If any proper acknowledgment has not buen nade, we encourage copyright holders to notify us. The University of Minnesota Press gra te fulh aeknusrledges permission to reprint the following An earlier version of chapter 1 appeared as Nationalism as a practica] System:
A Critique of Benedict Andersons 1 hcory of Natiu nolism from a Spanish American Perspeetive," in The Odre Minor Gmnd Theory tbrou96 Ele Lens of Latin America, edited by .Miguel Angel Centeno and Fernando Lúpez-Alves (Princeton, N. 1= Princeton Universiny Presa, 2000), 329-59; copyright 2000 Princeton University Presa, reprinted by permission of Princeton University Press An earlier version of chapter 3 appeared as "Mudes oí Cltizenship in Mexico.° Pab1i1 )apure 1 1no 1 (1999. 209-93; copyright 1999 Duke University Press. An earlier version of <hapter 4 appeared as "Passion and Banaliryin Mexican History : The Presidential Persona1n Tbr (_dlective and lbe Public in Latí, America: Cultural ldnttitirs and Polili¢d Order, edired by Lms Ronigar and Tamar Heaog (Londom Sussex Academic Press, 2000). 238-56; copyright 200(1 Sussex Academlc Press. An cachee version of chapter5 appeared as "Fissures in Contemporary Mexican Nationalism," Publle Culture 9, no 1 (1997), 55-68; copyright 1997 Duke University Press An earlier version of chapter 7 appeared as "Ritual Rumor, and Corruption in the Cunstitution el Poliry in Mexico," Joumal of Latirt American Anthropology I, no. 1 (1995) 20--47, copyright 1995 American Anthropological Association, reprinted by permission of American Anthropological Association, Arlington, Virginia. An cachee version oí chapter 10 appeared as"An Intellectual' s Stock io the Factory ol Mexican Ruins Enrique Kauzcs Blogiaphy oí Power, "American launtal of Sociology 103, no- 4 (1998). 1052-65, copyright 1998 by the University oí Chicago, al] rights reserved.

This book is dedicated to the memory of
Jorge Simón Lomnitz (1954-93)

Al] rights reserved- No pait of chis publlcat1o11 in ay be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or tansmitted, in any forro or by any mean, elecn'onic, meehanical, photocopying, recording, or otharwise, wlthout the prior -t-aten pemtission of the publisher. Published bv the University of Minnesota Press I I 1 Third Avenue South, Suite 290 Minneapolis, MN 55401 2520 http //www opresa umn edu Liba, of Congruas Cataloging-In-Puhlmatlon Data Lomnitz-Adler, Claudio. Deep Mexico silent Mexico an anthropology ot nacional ism /Claudio Lomnitz. p cm-(Pubhc wor]ds, v 91 Includes blhliogaphlcal referenees and ,ndex
ISBN 0-8166-3289-8 (HC zlk- paper) -- ISBN u-8166-3290-1 (PB : alk. pape,) 1 Nationaliana-Mexico 2 Croup identity-Mexico- 3. Mexico-Politics and government 4- Anderson Benedict R. O'C. Benedict Richard O'Corman), 1936- Imagined eommunities. 5. Inmllectuals-^:lexico-History. 1- Title. II. SeriesJC311-L7432001 320.972-dc21

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Acknowledgments Introduction Partí Making the Nation

ix xi


Nationalism as a Practica) System: Benedict Anderson's Theory of Nationalism from the Vantage Point of Spanish America 3


Communitarian Ideologies and Nationalism
Modes of Mexican Citizenship



Passion and Banality in Mexican History: The Presidential Persona
Fissures in Contemporary Mexican Nationalism


Part I1 Geographies of the Public Sphere 6 Nationalism's Dirty Linen: "Contact Zones" and the Topography of National Identity 7 8 Ritual, Rumor, and Corruption in the Formation of Mexican Polities Center, Periphery, and the Connections between Nationalism and Local Discourses of Distinction
145 125


Juan Pérez. Néstor García Canclini. Martin Riesebrodt. example. Over the past five years 1 have benefited tremendously from the criticism. and example oí Fernando Escalante. As an anthropologist. Tom Cummins. Annette Weiner." a showcase for a whole extended family oí subjects that were first washed upon my shore by the tide oí a previous book. a few influences and instances oí friends coming to my aid that 1 cannot omit. conversation. Liz Henschell. The essays that 1 have included here were written between 1993 and 2000. Roger Bartra. Francisco Valdés. and Guillermo de la Peña sustained and inspired me more than 1 can say.Part III Knowing the Nation 9 ]0 Interpreting the Sentiments oí the Nation. a few engoing conversations. Exits from the Lahyrinth. Fred Myers. Friedrich Katz has brought me back to the great current oí world events. Manuela Carneiro da Cunha. Intellectuals and Governmentality in Mexico An Intellectual's Stock in the Factory oF Mexicos Ruins: Enrique Krauze's Mexico: Biography of Pmuer 197 212 11 12 Bordering un Anthropology_ Dialectics oí a National Tradition Provincial Intellectuals and the Sociology oí the So-Called Deep Mexico Notes References Index 228 263 287 317 335 Acknowledgments To me. Robin Derby. Andrew Apter. The friendship. He has been my closest colleague these past years. Eric Fassin. friendship. Arjun Appadurai. and they were crafted in an environment oí intellectual engagement and friendship that is too rich and diverse to acknowledge properly. and support oí my colleagues and students in the departments oí History and Anthropology at the University oí Chicago. te the curiosities and details oí human sociability. Marshall Sahlins. and in the process has also taught me much oí what 1 know about Mexican history. There are. llan Semo. Ricardo Pozas. however. this book is like a "cabinet oí curiosities. Beatriz Jaguaribe. 1 am drawn to the peripheral. Some oí the particulars in one or another essay benefited from the tx = .

Mimesis with s . and. Chris Boyer. and Cristóbal Aliovín . Elena Climent.Moir. the earthquake oí 1985. consecrating significant events. and oí the glowing clelight el my family. put up with this incrcasingly grumpy writer and cajoled him finto writing a bettcr work. and even threatening the unbelievers with excommunicatlon. Mexico has always had a special preference for these chronicters. Ete 1'tt i . F leather Levy. my editors at Minnesota. 1 em csi ccially iTi dcht. when it comes Lo consecrating the truly importara events: the 1968 student movement. writers such as Carlos Monsiváis.1 hc late Calo t lúnica mas tic <oriraocous Iricnd who helped mc alt through srith tic original puhhs auun mn e hapicr 10 in Mexico. as Carlos Funnent. Carlos María Bustamante. and Ignacio Manuel Altamirano were figures oí this sort in the nineteenth century. David Thorstad. such as the late Octavio Paz. Conversations with Elena have been formative in the deepest sense. Matthew Karush. a Catholic and provincial society.i ked closcly with mc over tic past years Nave been an intlucncc 1 am especially gratetul Lo Ev Meade. Héctor Aguilar Camín. Perhaps because it is... Currently. descend from their lofry heights. proffering henedictions. Enrique and Elisa. and Katherinc Bliss More generally. e rings 1 have attendeel regularly ovcr the pass vears has aleo inspncd me in many ways_ Thc manuxnpt as a saholc gainccl ioni tic c. allccuvc sshnsc r. Finally. offering advice and sympathy. as was Salvador Novo in the decades following the Mexican Revolution. Guillermo Prieto. or the Zapatista revolt oí 1994. Robin .advicc 0f Jamar Herzo.cetul and critical engagement ol Roger Rutne and Enu Van 1"oung 1 am gicdils' in clchr tu riese exemplarv rcadcrs A numbcr of students who liase \r . or Carlos Fuentes. 1 am indebted Lo the students oí the Latin American History Workshop at Chicago. Daniel Resendez. Even intellectuals who have kept a greater distante from the bustle oí the day Lo day. at heart. Enrique Krauze.The role oí these intellectuals is something like that oí a village priest. and especially oí my children. The cronista accompanies the communiry. Paul Ross. Introduction The Balcony of the Republic There is a class oí intellectuals who have the delightful privilege oí constantly keeping their readers company-writers who take down their impressions oí the significant events oí a communiry and supply it with a steady stream oí commentary . Carric Mullen. Dimita Doukas. and my wife. and her work as an artist is a source oí constant insp im tion.p (di kai lor encouiaging inc Lo writc this book 1 hc R^ic c (uluns . and they have thrived even in today's mass society.(i tu' 1 )il. especially. and shares in its triumph. guides it through its dilemmas. Thc essavs in Chis book viere also wrltten under a very different influence. and Elena Poniatowska fati finto this category. consoles it in its grief. like bishops going Lo a confirmation. a tide that rase and fell with the pull oí the dark moon of my brother jorge's death. Their lives are like a book that opens onto their communit.

and used their condition to further political projects in Mexico. the copihue and araucaria (plants) oí Chile. national symbols tended to he chosen from nature: the quetzal (bird) oí Guatemala. as 1 am not especially interested in Mexican-American identity politics. and they were made to radiate from there to the entire nation. to their ties to honre villages and to the ways in which rheir lives are lived andjustified in the United States. for instante. the Argentine pampa. In national societies. Appeals to the "depth" oí the nation have been a staple in the packaging oí modernizing projects. the Chosen People oí God. a depth that finds material expression in the land itself. and contemporaries inhabit the outer surface of that amalgam between a land and a people that is the nation. nor do 1 seek a new group to represen[ now that 1 have "abandones MexicoOn the contrary." ties to ancestors are encrusted in the landscape. iv position is reminiscent oí that oí an infirm ancle who keeps ro his quarcers. This relationship between depth and silente reveals a national secret. calling potential dissenters Yo order in the narre oí a shared trajectory. Depth and Silence It is common knowledge that nationalism involves an appeal to origins. and who only makes an occasional appearance These confusing teelings of access and isolation. racially improved. My current position in the American academy and my experience in Mexico afford. the sense that the migratory experience can he used for setting pass situations right. 1 do not mean to make too much oí this comparison. "depth" and "silence" are mutually implicated. The values of the pmvinees and foreign values both were realized there. Images oí a nation's rootedness are also used to displace or ignore particular claims. a vantage point that is mounted neither on the balcony oí Mexican public opinion nor en the wellgreased machine of American expertise. in some cases. The sature oí our investments. the Children oí Revolution-these myths appeal to the historical "depth" oí nations. rather." In an authoritarian country. interested in the ways in which immigration to the United States offers a critical perspective en Mexico and en the United States.' In my years in the United States 1 have often thought of my experiences in relation to those oi Mexican migrant workers. Mexican intellecnials used the experiences oí Mexicans in the United States as grist 1nr the nati onalist mili. Alongside the exaltation oí the land carne the idealization oí the remate indigenous past: oí unconquerable chieftains such as Caupolicán. and engineering. it was felt. public opinion and national sentiment were both concentrated and represented in the national capital. 1 do not mean te use the hardship oí the peasant migrant to make my own cause more noble. 11troduc1lon xiii . 1 cannot speak for them. nor am 1 about tu raise a classaction suit on their behalf. exterminated. 1 am. As the MexicanAmerican folklorist losé Limón has shown Mexican intellectuals have decried the conditions of their fcllow countrvtnen in the United States. My generation is the tirst in which a few mcmbers oí Mexicos intelligentsia have chosen to forsake Mexico City for another balcony. needed to be civilized. what I share svith many Mexican migrants is their emotional and material investment in Mexico. which is the American academy. Stories of origins are required for spreading feelings of kinship in a heterogeneous and unconnected population. The Frontier Society. and the ambivalent realization that the dithculties ol the migratory process have changed os. What they have rarely done is acknowledgc thc Mexican-American vantage point as the sorrce of new critical perspectives. and indigenous achievements in astronomy. and so en. In the past. I believe. How different this is from my own sltuation' 1 left a fob at El Colegio de México in 1988 and carne to work in the United States not as an exile. though it leans on both. the Melding oí Two Races. but voluntarily Although 1 go back to Mexico constantly. As in Australian aboriginal "dreamings. a vista oí its own. no doubt.the people is such that this 'mtellecttual is a natural representative oí the nation. the Popocatepetl and Ixtaccihuatl (mountains) oí Mexico. oí accompanying the nation's tribu lations Irom atar. the spec ific qualities oí our tiansformations in the United States are different. and although 1 have access to che comings and goings oí Mexican politics and its cultural aftairs. the place that Porfirio Díaz recognized long ago as "the balcony oí the republie. Cuauhtémoc. rellect the ci rcumstances and conditions in which this book was written The position of ehronicler can only be attained through immersion in the day to day oí that great city that is Mexico City. My concern is to understand the social conditions in which national distinctions emerge. the sources ol our frustra tions on the home front. and Túpac Amant. Both natural and historical images were mobilized for the exclusion oí the opinions and immediate interests oí large portions oí the population who. educated. and sometimes for long periods.2 In nineteenth-century Spanish America. or even. urban design.

theorization with no historical referent.t espansion and conquesr. Mexico is not an exception. including che exacerbated use oí nationalism_ Moreover. Isolated communities are integrated into che national public sphere. sometimes unrelated te) ea. which he saw as a minority-' Today it may be diflicult co find a Mexican who is not aware oí being Mexican.vho may Nave only tenuous and indirect links.. che nacional space is constantly changing. However. Territories peed to be claimed. Nations are at once aspects oí an internacional order and the product oí local processes oí state formation. r. still vary substantnally. for che most parí. and so they are dependent not only un che national community. But we need historically sensitive theories just as much. itself 1 n i r o d u e t i on xv = . these relationships leed constantly co be shaped and reshaped.. nacional consciousness was uniform neither in its contencs nor in its extension. che sha pe ot a territory is never perfectly attuned to che tradicional habitat ot a people even in cases when such relations between a people and a territory can credibly be made."4 A theoretically inclined history is thus useful at chis particular junction. In che era oí independence. che size of che territory.Scates are shaped in m). and che desirabiliry oí its resources to foreign powers al¡ conspirad co make nationality a desired achievement more than a well-established fact. as well as their polyphony. [-ven as late as 1950. chis can load tu civil war and territorial fragmentation. Instead.. In extreme ssmacions. is difficult given the currenc state oí our comparative knowledge.ntr and a racional governmental admin:stration are leso lulh guaina blr . and its symbolic and practical referents. and yet theorization is required to make adequate descriptions oí that great abstraction that is "national space. History thus helps understand che range oí theories..Mexico. h uther are suhreeis nl thc ante st. oi hegemonic. Nationaliry is nelther an accomplished fact nor in established essenee. or rey co justify oi r'elect modernization and social changeNacional filiation is thcrelore used in order to hanuner out a consensual. The culture oí che state. latir rather an extreme. and . che development oí a national space is a historical process. their position in the internacional order itself shapes che ways in which theories are written and understood. although the viahility of Mexico as a polity was common serse for locals and foreigners alike at che time of independence.. diverse people. rather. Mexico carne into being as the result oí world-historical conditions that were beyond che control of its inhabitants and.. but only to that segment oí che population that was conscious of heing Nlexican. In short.5 There is an inherent tendency for standards to emerge between nations. Like all other nations. these explanations resonate differently when they are sounded in che scientific or artistic vanguards than when they are broughc finto national contexts as policy or as social criticism. che diversity of its people. As a result. 1 hc nacional state is always involved in the work of shapinr puhl:c opirtum with che aid of rigid systeniso t discipline arad exdu. are often the brainchild oí transnational comniunities of specialists. boundaries necd tu be enforced. a bizarre range oí harmonics. because.tate che people in(¡ che turuo:p aire am thrng [.Uepth and silente are che Siamese twins oi national tate formation_ Nacional Distinction Tbeory and History of National Sprices The nacional ideal of popular sovercignty can rever be fully accomplished. but also on its neighbors. ause che eonneetio ns hetween che. power brokers rise and falla foreign interesas are successfully reigned in and subsequently escape governmental control. or movement Nationalism. There is thus a polyphony. Octavio Paz prefaced his book un Mexican national cultura warning that his analysis did not apply to al] inhahitants oí . the forro and contencs oí its progranis and oí its organization. a point of referente that is used te) organize relationships between che people and che state in processes of modernization that can rever be contained by nacional borders. neither a people nor its corneenuns to a state and terrimry are stable facas. the moving horizon that acturs point to when they need to appeal co che con- nections between che people and che poGty. popular soccn-i. l hn rs be. but che contexts in which nationality is pertinent. itis. while newly pauperized classes are marginalized from it. Abstract generalization. slippage.lit harmonious and stable. this does not relieve os from having to understand systems oí national distinction in their singularity. ir involves cajoling and purchasing. In Chis. its lack oí economic integration. exhibits oí strength and eocrcion. in any social explanation or body oí theory.ion. but oven in milder cases the scgmenration of "the nation' has profound political and cultural consequences. or else in processes of deculonizatiun In eiiIiei a. . for social theories as they are developed and deployed in practice are aspects oí chis system oí distinetion ton.c.which is that denarrcctcy.Ir is instead like a receding horizon. In short. which is a way oí framing communitarian relations.ue The muvcmcnu involved in elalming popular and territorial sovereigncy ti-tus requirc arrangem eras between peuples w^ho do not neeessarily i dentify with une anothcr. when they discuss rights and obligacions. a rra ngem ent. As a result.

later on. The country has been hyperconscious oí its backward condition for at least 150 years. the projects that it shapes and prometes.8 Latin America provided proud and superstítious men. the mores and intellectual traditions oí Latin America have been called "non-Western. have been associated with intriguing and vastly simplified characteristics that were useful for sharpening the self-image oí the West: the Mediterranean stood for honor and shape. non-Western areas became a special branch oí knowledge. beautiful señoritas. to the formation oí a national consciente. The United States has liked te think In^ro1 ction oí itself as the westernmost portion oí "the West. an architecture that proclaimed the desire to emulate empire while spurring republican pride. and culturally. and therefore as universally applicable. Finally. The collective habits oí the world's Great Power can be nothing short oí "rational. This is because the study oí the conditions in which nations are produced invohres a historical sociology oí state formation. . and whimsical revolutions. politically. it cannot bypass the particular. in which they are entirely enconipassed by national history. Moreover. Moreover.develops in relation to other communitarian forms. and oí foreign-policy makers are presented as paragons oí rationality. . though they may deserve to be modestly supported. oí American voters. economically. The ways in which nationalism relates to these various communities depend on the ways in which the national territory is tied together." Just as Mexican social scientists have named and shaped Great National Problems. How can widely useful ideas emerge in arcas that are dominated by particular complexes oí traits that are so clearly bounded in scope and limited in vision? The category oí the non-Western is the category oí the particular. in order to disseminate nationalism. the very uses to which nationalism is put. however. the historical sciences are quaint and old-fashioned disciplines that are still devoted to the study of the particular. vary. and yet was unfettered by an aristocracy or by a degraded mass oí "commoners." Today."7 Universities were designed as neoclassical palaces or else as imitations oí the great English universities. subordinated to the universalizing interests oí "the West. so too have American economists given form to an allegedly universal rationality. Mexican fetishism oí Great National Problems occupies a position analogous to the fetishism oí the "Western tradition" and oí "Rationality" in the United States. Older or weaker empires. and religious communities. This is why students of globalization do not tease to insist en the fact that globalization is not mere homogenization. it has to be tied to sites oí local memory in effective ways. it is not a suitable place from which to think through either human universals or events oí world-historical significante. They can never add up to anything. and to addressing the kind oí issues that Andrés Molina Enríquez called Great National Problems. India for caste. for the very justification oí Mexico's scientific establishment has been tied to national development. the interna) distinctions that it facilitates. and they participate actively in international discussions and publications. Mexicans could not be made into the paragon oí rationality because they were racially inferior. China for filial piety and minute women's footwear . venal tyrants. Grounded Mexican social sciences are as much a part of the international horizon as any other science. Historians oí curricular development in American universities have shown how and why schools in the United States decided to incorporate their own tradition within a narrative oí "the West. including families. narratives that identify the habits oí the Mexican people as paradigma oí rationality. in the United States. No grand theories oí general applicability can come forth from their stubbornly idiographic methods. to appropriate the grandeur oí both Greece and Britain." Thus." despite the fact that they have as much oí a claim to Europe as does the United States. In Mexico. have had little success. For those who share in this spirit." a place that inherited all that was reasonable and open-minded oí English liberalism. villages. when in fact it is the social sciences that have named and given form to those problems in the collective imagination. it has had to deal with a layered history oí imperialist depictions: in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Consonant with these imperial pulsations. it has to be shaped into signs and told. Nonetheless making this point in the abstract is much easier than showing it ar work-the very persistence oí the disclaimer en the part oí students of "globalization" attests te this."6 It is fair to capitalize this expression because ir narres the fetish oí Mexican social science. since they can readily provide those tedious facts that are still needed to avoid entirely confusing Bolivia with Brazil. economics and much oí political science and sociology are dominated by theories in which the habits oí American consumers. Mexican authors do not hesitate to borrow from the works oí foreign colleagues. Social sciences are supposed to respond to Great National Problems. and its uses in dealing with what is foreign. and that "its" effects are locally differentiated. There is a sense. the Mexican people were In tro d u cti on = xvii . as Arjun Appadurai has pointed out.

which has been to develop a historical sociology oí Mexican national space.c racional capabil iti es. It carne to life as a volume when my friend and colleague Guillermo de la Peña suggested that 1 publish a volume in Mexico with a collection oí essays that had appeared only in English. oí the national. also affords.' that is to say che doctrine that struggles to rescue a series of nacional figures who had prcfigured well-known 'Western" devel opments from an imperial conspiracy that has confined them to oblivion. These nced to be dealt with hrst: univcrsallty will . Alodernisln scith its charaeteristic eombination of state-ol-che-art technology. tico Mcsican Liuducs Nave conccnrrated on contributions to che resolution nl tic nations problcnts.unir lacre As in che Anicrican case iNc vchucctuny ui Mexicós principal universities relleces [hese aspira Go ns. As 1 prepared that work. . was not far froni completion and 1 spent an additional eighteen I n 1 r o d u c t i on = xix = . this situation.. 11 The conditions for procochronism are produced by asymmetries of power between che scientilic establishments of Mexico and Europe or che United States_ However they are also che result of the way in which Mexicós knowledge -stablishmcrit has been justified_ In order to engage public interest in Mexico. in Mexico contributions that might be oí general utility are subsumed into the language of the particular. as latalitiis whu. Mexican modernism takes an inward turn. Given Chis self-centeredness. and grounded because it has to confront. it is not surprlsing ciar diere are considerable difficulties in getting whatever originaliry thcre has been in Mexican social and scientilic thought recognized as innovative outside oí Mexicós borders. It is a forra oí "grounded theory" in both senses oí this term: grounded because it works through a vast and dense set oí facts. ahrc acted tiaditional rnotifs. and so on. which is not so very singular. 1 have myself worked for many years under che strain oí [hese tensions. a kind oí thought that knows no national frontiers. and given che ethnocentrism involved in imperial universalism. Mexicans sometimes mutter that che inventor oí color television was Mexican. a certain kind oí engaged critique. My work has therefore tended to inhabit a margin: a bit toe theoretically inclined for most Mexican social scientists. 1„." In short. and that historian Edmundo O'Gorman's ideas concerning tic invention of America went unaeknowledged by che school devoted tu nventcd ti adi tions. 1 realized that my general project oí [hese last years. routinely lobeled a [les cl^^ping nation' Because it is alIcgedly not vct devclupcd. an order oí confinement. The National Universiry is a paradigmatic instance: research and teaching facilities are laid out in a plan that is reminiscent of pre-Columbian urban design. though no longer biologically deniahle v. ii is nr. especially when the country does not have the capaciry to absorb the work to its full potential. however. that \Valt Disney stole characters from Mexican composer i. 1 think. one must engage the Great National Problems. The definition oí che Great Nacional Problems and oí their resolution thus involves incorporation ro a "civilizational horizon" that transcends Mexieo's bordees: the language of scicnce and of che arts is recognized as a universal language. Road Map This is a book of essays. This means that thinkers who recycle works and ideas produced abroad and apply them to the nacional conscience can enjoy an undeserved (though entirely local) reputation.. a kind of theoretical particularism that is well suited to the study of the national form. that Thomas Edison reas half Mexican. in order to attract funds.1(1 Thus. while che whole was developed with che most modero materials and techniques available. while holding to the conviction that any real engagement with particularity requires a degree of critica) thought. and hopefully to transgress. provided che ideal vehicle. che whole complex that Kasherine Verdery described among Romanian intellectua ls as pro tochroni sm. and it also means that thinkers who have had a contribution to make to the broader civilizational horizon can go underacknowledged. Todas' Mexico 1. because whereas the thinking ol American authors is usually inscribed in a universalizing language leven in cases when its significante is parochial). However. both because of che effort tú transiate and appropriate foreign innovations and because of che obsession with making interna) conditions more favorable for progress. This state ol affairs produces an interesting complex regarding the hidden contributions of Mexican culture to universal civilization. and so che process of devcloping a national consciente or oí contributi ng to national devel opment involves building an infrastructure that is oriented to learning and disserninating works created on che outside.: in a ituauun to speak for humanity at large Nut surprisingly.poitraycd as tiaditi onalists. we have 11. 1 followed Guillermos advice and put together a volume that appeared in 1999 under che title Modernidad indiana: nación y mediación en México. desiring to contribute to che discussion oí Mexico's particular problems. a bit roo engaged with Mexican political quandaries for most oí my American colleagues. and che subordination of the whole to modero usage. Thus. ere no less blinded by superstition.

which is that che nation cannot eontain capitalism and eeonomic 1 . and it shows the ways in which power was secularizad. which is why che transition to democracy was so protracted. Chapter 1 is a critical appralsal ol Benedict Anderson's theory oí nationalism. by contras[. and che law and economic modernization were indigenized during che nineteenth century and into che Mexican Revolution (1910-20). 1 eomplement a cultural reading (in chis case oí citizenship) wich an emphasis on che political f ield in which che cultural construction o( citizenship develops_ In che process.t. Now that che change in economic models was an accomplished fact. títere is a chronic crisis concerning the relationship between nationalism and modernization. Mexicans were allowed to choose their president freely from among three candidates who had strikingly similar platforms. and also other hiscorically powerful communitarian forms that are pertinent 1or understandi ng che appeal and I'units of any nacional ist project in Mexico. As a result. which is the long period known as Mexico's "transition to democracy. [hese chapters provide a historical and theo retical Ira1nework for u n deis tan ding Mexican nacional ism and nacional identity as a process that hagan vvith colonization. 1 argue against che view that imagines the development of ci tizenship and democracy in Mexico as a process that liad an carly and very brief gulden age during che Restored Republic (1867-76). and adds co them seven newer essays that mark che end of a long project (che las( was completed in clic hrsi months of 2000). and it can be read as an alternative introduction to chis hook (as a eomplement tu chis Introduction). The history oí Mexican democratization thus appears in a somewhat less heroic lighc chan in the criumphal nartatives of eontentpurary democrats_ Chapter 4 complements che discussion of che political consolidation of che Mexican state by focusing on che development oí che image oí che nacional president as a fetish ot sovereignty_ In particular. and social hierarchy diverges somewhat from Andersons proposition. The essays in Chis section generally cake a very historical broad sweep. "Geographies oí che Public Sphere. only to tal] during che porfiriato (especially after 1884)." is dedicated to the cultural geography oí che nacional space. and that che neoliberal presidents who presíded over chis transition (de la Madrid. and images of sovereignty. In che last two decades. and ricen to hegin a heroic recoverv in che alcermath of 1968. Chapter 2 extends the discussion oí communitarian ideologies i niiiated in che discussion oí Benedict Anderson by exploring competing versions of Mexican nationalism. 1 show that che prominente of discourses of dtizenship and oí civic virtue in che first two-thirds oí che nineteenth century is related to che political instahility oí che country. should be chalked up to che North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and globalization.months writing che essays that werc relj n ved. that led Mexico into che General Agreemenc en Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and NAFTA in che first place.bindrn. The full power oí Mexico's revolutionary state was needed to preside over che sea change in che economy that finally buried revolutionary nationalism. che dismemberment oí che revolutionary state. wriuen from che vantage point ol Spanish Ame rica. innovations in che organization oí transnacional capital have provoked profound changes in Mexico. and increasing class polarization. and that che exaltad language of citizenship chal was popular in Chis period declinad not so much as a result oí dictatorial repression as hecause of che alliancea among che political class that modernizatioa and economic grnwth nade possihle.This leads both to amendments to Anderson's theory and co a discussion oí che political usage oí nationalism in Mexico and Spanish America. race. 2000. not Mexican democracy. Chis essay explores che relationship between religion. secularism. Chapter 3. Taken togcthci." Commentators such as Paul Krugman oí che New York Times have crowed that che historie Mexican election oí July 2.l im{unta (che earliesc was written in 1993)." is composed of live essays. Salinas. changes that include a reorientation of che national economy. '1 bis hook reproduces five of che time essays included in . Both chapters are wide-ranging historical essays that explore che lonyue duréc.America_ As in che essay en Benedict Anderson's theory. it was Mexican authoritarianism. The final chapter of Part 1 is devoted to che contemporary crisis oí Mexican nationalism. The first. and the economists who imposed their models on Mexico could claim to have given birth to democracy. This essay explores Chis changing relationship and discusses che strain en Mexican nationalism in che contemporary moment. Chapter 6. focuses on the transformation ot Mexican citi zenship during the nineteenth and early twcncieth centuries. It thus spells out the context in which che essays oí chis hook were written.' 3 Parí ti. and it is composed of three chapters. "Making che Nation. Here 1 seek to hiscoricize Roberto Da laua's idea regarding che cultural logic of hierarchy and ci tizenship in I_atin . The hook is dividcd roto [bree parís Pare 1.t r o duc . deals wich che contexts in which nacional identity and xenophobia emerge It introduces one oí che central monis oí Mexican nationalism. 1 show that tire relationship lietween nacional ism. and Zedillo) were in fact the wellmeaning democrats that they always claimed to be 12 However.:J.

"Knowing che Nacion. because it deals with the role oí history and historians as nation builders and as nationalist intellectuals and is thus of a piece with che preceding chapter en the interpretation oí che sentiments of che nation and wich my work on che history oí anthropology and second. che public sphere . the three ehapters oí Part II study. but hoth develop aspects of che same argumenc regarding che preponderant role that nationalism has placed in shaping Mexican social thought The final chapter of the book is a critique of Guillermo Bonfil 's notion oí a "deep Mexico. who claim to be close to social movements and revolutions. They are offered both as cultural criticism and as a scholarly contribution to our understanding oí these phenomena. Chapter 10 is a polemical essay en che effeccs oí che current privatization oí culture. ont. the cultural geography of che public sphere. m ahroad The chapter proposes a rudimentarv topography oi t. and final] zones ¡Ti which nacional identiry emerges as a ciguilicant political resaure. because oí the tribulations oí Mexico's development as a weak nation in che international order." a concept that 1 subscitute with a "silent Mexico." The chapter proposes a geography oí silente by way of the study of local intellectuals ." but local inhabitants have deployed within their town che same hinary oppositions that they have been subjected to-The essay explores che politics of chese juxtapositions. As a locality. the twelve chapters in Chis book are a historical and cheorecical exploration of Mexican nacional space .modernizatioii much oí which conics ti. like chapter 12. they are best understood as metaphors that are used lar che development of interna) idioms oí distincuon that are then deployed to link I actions of communities across the nacional space.It is written as a seholarly piece .Mexican anrhropology. 1 show that the mechanisms that intellectuals use co justify their authority to represent their communities provide valuable clues for understanding the geography of Mexican democracy . by way of a critique of che work of Enrique Krauze. This essay. lr 1 r o du c t i on xxiii = . the geography oí nacional identiry production. and knowledge production . Taken together. tor thc eonstitution tal nacional public opinion in Mexico 1 his is because c Iris clieisiuns u ie su significant that broad sectors of che population are se te ma tic i K eycluded trom che hourgeois public sphere Lite chapter then deselups elements of a spatial approaeh to che study ot che public sphere Chapter 8 is about centrality and uiai ginalicy-" Insread of seeing these categories as stable piopeitics of places. sehereas che preceding chapter is written as a polemical review. second. Thus. by way oí an analysis oí nationalism . generated a heated polemic in Mexico." is about che different ways oí producing public knowledge within and about the nation.c. a geography that is deeply segmented along class and regional lines. lirst. the geography oí national distinctionPart III. Tepoztlán has usually been constructed by outsiders and government officials as "peripheral. uses che case oí che anthropologically famous village of Tepoztlán to develop a perspective en this matter. This essay. Alongside these "governmental intellectuals. 1 have included che piece in this volume despite its polemical eharaccer for two reasons hrst." nacional sentiment has been expressed by others. Chapter 9 uses Michel Foucault's concept oí governmentality to argue that. che role that nationalism has liad in shaping . originally published in English in 1998. intellectuals who sought to speak for che nation on che basis oí statistics and population studies have liad lintited success. because Chis is an instante in which analysis and polities come together-both the writing of che essay and che reactions that it generated in Mexico are rclared co clic "balcony" from which Ti seas written Chapter 11 complements Chis polemical piece by analyzing che historical role of anthropology in shaping Mexican nationalism and conversely. Chapter 7 irgues chas ntual rumor and contiption Nave htstorieally bcen the ericical mechanism.

PART1 1Vla k ing Nation .

bureaucratic "pilgrimages. the preconditions for its emergence occur much earlier. and yet terribly successful at shaping subjectivity." censuses. commonsensical. Anderson's book explains nationalism as a specific form oí communitarianism whose cultural conditions of possibility were determined by the development oí communications media (print capitalism) and colonial statecraft (especially state ritual and state ethnography-for instance. and tacitly shared cultural construct. but rather as a hegemonic. with Europe's 3 . nationalism is a kind oí cultural successor to the universalism oí premodern (European) religion. 7). In fact. This concern with subject-formation and identity is consonant with Anderson's principal innovation. Written with clarity and flair. Thus.1 Nationalism as a Practica ) System: Benedict Anderson 's Theory of Nationalism from the Vantage Point of Spanish America Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities has probably been the single most influential work en nationalism oí the past two decades. Seen in this light. which is to treat nationalism not asan ideology. and maps). although he locates the birth oí nationalism in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. nationalisms are historically recent creations. it is nationalism's power to form subjects that truly arrests Anderson's attention: "[patriotic deaths] bring us abruptly face to face with the central problem posed by nationalism: what makes the shrunken imaginings of recent history (scarcely more than two centuries) generate such colossal sacrifices?" (1994. For Anderson.

. and spread from there back to Europe Despite the íact rhat religious universalism is first shaken in sixteenth-century Europe the formation of a system oí equal. This willingness to sacrifice on the part oí comfortable classes is food for thought. My aim in Chis chapter is to carry out a comprehensive critique oí Imagined Conirnunlties. and also how importan[ te that imagined community is an idea oí steady. and Mexico turned out te be emobonally plausible and politically viable.. Venezuela. the fact that Creole bureaucrats were constrained to serve only in their administrative units of origin meant that they collectively shared an image oí these provinces as their political territory... and in Mexico particularly. ni i^ . and progressive collectivities occurs first in America. Because this arca is. and this pluralism or rclativism was eventually transformed roto a kind of secular historicisin in which individuated collectivities"nations"-competed with each other. On the other hand. developments in the Latin American field were slow to turra in Anderson's direction. however." Nor. It is also the result of considerable difficulty in grappling with the relationship between the bouk's general thesis ora nationalism (which is often inspiring) and the fact that Anderson's view oí American independence is incorrect in a numher of particulars. The slothful reaction to Anderson by Latin American historiaras and anthropologists has been owing nor only to the usual reaction oí the subfÑeld's antibodies against brash foreign intruders who do not respect the regnant doxa. the fertility oí Anderson's niasterfu1 book is such that criticizing its central thesis requires developing an alternative perspective. do they account for the real sacrifices However. First. of the Enlightenmenten American independence. and almost threc centurias alter the decline of religious universalism. according to Anderson's formulation. for the .expansion in the sixteenth century. European expansien created the image of plural and independent unes of civilizational development. factor was the rise oí print capitalism and. (52) At stake. One oí the most surprising turns in Anderson's brief book is that he claims that nationalism developed first in the colonial world. do not in themselves explain why entibes like Chile. In Anderson's view. For his insistente ora che singularity of colonial conditions abone. let alone to suggest that nationalism itself had been invented in Spanish America and subsequently exported to Europe. Anderson recognizes. This nieve caught Latin Americanist historiaras off balance. the birthplace oí modero nationalism. by which 1 mean a critique that interrogates both Che conceptual and the historical theses 1 shall do so by way oí a close study oí nationalism in the Spanish-American republics. oí newspapers. colonial administrative practices divided Creoles from Peninsulars by reserving the highest offices oí the empire for the latter. we must be clear first on what exactly he is trying to explain: [The aggressiveness of Madrid and the spirit oí liberalism. These papers allowed for the formation oí an idea oí "empty time' that was to be occupied by the secular process oí development between parallel and competing nations: [W]e Nave seco that the very conception oí the newspaper implies ihe refraction oí even "world events" roto a specific imagined world oí vernacular readers. The third. and indispensable.historiography oí independence up to thcn was dominated by treatises ora the intellectual influences of Europe--uf liberalism. Such a simultaneity ihe immense stretch oí the Spanish-American Empire. The bureaucratic pilgrimage through colonial administrative space allowed for the conflation oí Creole national identity with a specific patria. nor why San Martín should decree that certain aborigines be identified by the neological "Peruvians. in Spanish America. bical Systea . and the isolation oí its National. independent. Latin Americanists are collectively in Andcrson's debt. while central te any understanding of the impulse oí resistance in the Spanish Americas. Second. . especially. and he feels that they were insufficient to produce true nationalism. secular. ulbmately. that these two factors were present before the rise oí Spanish-American nationalisms at the end oí the eighteenth century. it is a key to bis general thesis. is the explanation oí what makes a country "emotionally plausible" and "politically viable" from an internal perspective. as a Practica] Systern 5= Nntionafi . thereby fostering a cense oí resentment and identity among the former. there are issues concerning identity and sacrifice: why do Indians become Peruvians. Rarely did the Latin American specialist dare to claim much original ity for these movements. then. Pr. the seeds oí which are also presented hete. and why do privileged Creoles lay their lives down for national independence? Anderson's explanation oí why this is so proceeds along three separare bines. with significant works using Anderson as a point oí inspiration appearing practically ten years alter die book was first published. Review of the Historical Tbesis In order to understand Anderson's account oí the birth oí SpanishAmerican nationalism and independence. or fatherland. despite Chis boon to a profession that of ten aches to elaim singubarity for itself. In addition. solid simultaneity through time.

Once these early Creole nationalisms succeeded in forging sovereign states. Anderson explains the rise of Spanish-American nationalisms (Chilean. not as simple a matter. the question of sacrifice is. which was the troubling fact that socialist countries were fighting nationalist wars. ordinary eye he or she is boro with-language-whatever language hist(>rv has made bis or her mothertongue-is to the patrios Throsigh rhat language. Spanish America. the facturo nt . ca. and the event would . . fellowships are imagined. Anderson 1994. (b) a Creole political-territorial imaginary that was shaped by the provincial character of the careers of Creole officialdom. l : c : . my emphasis) Nata as a Practica) System 7 = 6 .ne tipannh \rncncan expericnce to generate a pennanent Spanish -Amunca-sido nationalism rodeos ehe general Icval ol development ol tapitalnm .l' ce. perhaps. encountered at mother's knee and parted with only at the grave. 65). í 154)' In short. Ultimately it is this fraternity that makes ir possible. we need tu understand precisely what Anderson means by nationalism . Spanish-American nationalisms exhibit an oddity. over the past two centuries. for so many millions of people. which is that linguisrie identification does not coincide with the territorial consciousness of Creole bureaucrats and newspaper readers.s A ires. 13. Peruvian.e.t Definitions In order tu decide whether this theory of rhe rise of nationalism is an acceptable account . as willingly to die for such limited meanings" (7. showing that nationalism could provide a kind of comradery that ran deeper than the solidarities of shared class interese This led Anderson to investigate nationalism's secret potency. because community has a specific and limited connotation for the author "[the nation] is imagined as community eapiralism and technology in rclanon t0 the a1111111111 tra tivc 1treic1 ol t1 1 c1111 ) Ir L> () 31 adherente to and identification with such a community Although the emphasis on the "imaginar)'" qualiry oí narional communities is redundant-all communities are imaginary constructs--Anderson's emphasis on nationalism's imaginary qualiry is mcant ro signal that nations are not face-to-face communities.the Excellent mister Don Jorge Juan.. the telltale sigo of nationalism. and therefore involve a charactetistic form of abstraction-' The imaginary quality of thc national community is also underlined for a political purpose. pasts are restored. ba r it would be through Mex ican newspa pees. Let us pause to consider this definition before moving on to Anderson's historical thesis on the genesis of nationalism. In thls 111111 . writes in La Gazeta de México that 1 said in my letter of the year 71 that the Machine that is calied of tire was easy to use and to conserve: but one year later.-f .tppcar as "si milar to rathcr iban pl. P r o . flor those id thr ILr. director of Mexico City's School of Mining. and futuros dreamed. p. linguistic identity would play a more central and defining roleWhat the eye is ro the oover-that particular. nade ditti e nlt to imagine Mexican creoles inight learn months luter ut dcveiopmunts in L'ucnr. they became models for other nations. a fact that leads him to view nationalism as a substitute for religious community. Thus. Correspondingly. the nation is always conceived as a deep comradeship. This association between nationalism and sacrifice is consonant with Anderson's guiding preoccupation at the time he wrote this book. The first difficulty that must be faced is that Anderson's definition oí nation does not always coincide with the historical usage of the term. thus allowing for tire emergente of both a series of individual nationalisms and for Pan-Spanish-American quasi-national identity. that is in 72. regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each..(September 8. Don Joaquín Velásquez de León. for Anderson is critica) of nationalism and so is intent on showing its historical conti ngency and its "invented" natureUnderstanding the "community' hall of Anderson's dehnition is. For Anderson . because they emerge so early. devoted himself to building that Machine in the Royal Seminary of Nobles of Madrid. my emphasis).i i l s m . In 1784. even in the place and time that Anderson identifies as the Bite of its invention (i. .compone ni paró . tire nation " is an iniagined political community-and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign ( 6) "Nationalism" is the N a ^ : o n . l System _ The subtleties in the usage of the term nación can perhaps be introduced through an example. Bolivian) as the result of (a) a general distinction between Creoles and Peninsulars. de la Plata. 1760-1830. and whether bis definition corresponds in a useful way to the historical phenomena that are being explained. honor and ornament of our Nation in all sciences and mathematics. and (c) a consciousness of national specificity that was shaped by newspapers that were at once provincial and conscious of parallel states.rnts in Meato. for Anderson.. its capacity to generate personal sacrifice. and tochnoingy in tire late eighreenth cenurnv and thc'local" hackwanlnes „t pan. not so much to kill. In most later (European and Asian) cases.

access to limited forms oí sovereignty.Because oí the ambiguity in the ties between nation and blood.In chis instance. Moreover.ticnl System fueros enjoyed by its nobility and its citizens. in other words. This tense coexistente between a discourse oí loyalty to the land and one oí filiation through descent is visible in colonial political symbolism.' Common loyalty to the land was a concept that was available in Spanish political discourse at least since the sixteenth century but it was nonetheless not directly assimilable to the notion oí "nation. nación was defined strictu sensu as "the collection of inhabitants of a province. sovereignty is not absolute -. ir could also be used to emphasize the extension oí national identity by way oí lines oí descent and thus be made into a synonym oí blood or Gaste and thereby provide a rationale for interna) divisions within colonial societies. which were conceived as plurinational patrias.However. they are children and citizens oí Pero and they shall be known as Peruvians" [Anderson 1994: 49-50]) iess oí a Creole invention than Anderson supposed9 A second significant problem for applying Anderson's definition to the Latin American case is that belonging to an imagined national community does not necessarily imply "deep horizontal comradery. it also had complex connections to sovereignty." Thus a tendential identification between nation and sovereignty was being buílt up by absolutist monarchs. and a kingdom. emerged in the midsixteenth century. whereas Anderson's definition oí nationhood involves a sense oí the sovereignty oí a state over a territory. This was. but rather a limited form oí sovereignty comparable to that oí pater potestas or to arenas oí individual sovereignty granted by the doctrine oí free will. from che viewpoint of Spain's colonies oí the late eighteenth century. there was a concerted effort to streamline the territorial organization oí the empire. the case in most oí the Americas. a fact that makes San Martín's dictum that so claimed Anderson's attention ("in the future the aborigines shall not be called Indians or natives.. a country (or several countries). for example.5 Thus. doing away with the idea oí the Spanish Empire as being composed oí a series oí kingdoms and substituting this notion with that oí a unified empireThus. Antonio Alzare. the Spanish definition vacillated between an increasingly unified but nonetheless ambiguous territorial definition and a definition around descent Both oí these forms involved specific fueros. for example.. the term nacional referred to "that which is characteristic oí or originares from a nation. Finally. who is writing to a predominantly Creole audience in the context oí a debate with Father J. on the other hand. First. country. ['ra." Thus. they could cite the Nnl^ona1 1 . writes oí Jorge Juan that he is "an honor to our nation. . in the usage oí the term Indian nations to refer to nomadic tribes in northern Mexico. was a province (or several provinces). they identified nación with a kingdom or province. Spanish usage oí the term nación could be distinguished from a second term. who sought to diminish differences oí caste in favor oí a broad and homogenized category oí "subjects. just as Castile was a kingdom that encompassed several provinces and countries Thus. or kingdom. a famous Creole scientist and proronationalist. if someone took che "hloodline" definition oí nación. but maintained an ambiguous relationship to Spanishness throughout the colonial periods The move to associate nation with Common subjection to the king was promoted by Charles III."4 This definition is already quite ambiguous New Spain. Na tlonallsm as a 9 Practica1 System . the concept oí nación could be used as a sign oí panimperial identty." The idea oí nation was originally tied to that oí lineage. the term nación could be used to pit peninsulares against Americans. as Anderson has suggested. It is important to note that in both oí these cases. were characteristic (propios) oí Spain. patria (or fatherland). Velásquez. in such a way that a single land could be the patria oí more than one nación." The ambiguity of this formulation helps us understand the process of transformation that the semantic field oí the term nation was undergoing_ In the early cighteenth century. members oí a nation could be linked by vertical ties oí loyalty as much as by horizontal ties oí equality. Mexican Creoles could be oí the Spanish nation because they had their roots in Spain." This ambiguity is at the basis oí the category oí "Creole" itself. and this was particularly so in the Americas. as a number oí historians have shown. or in the ambiguous referente oí the term república. indeed. which. However. the Castilian scientist Jorge Juan might not be oí the same nación as most oí the readers oí the Gazeta de Mexico.popular sovereignty. and so on_ A second ambiguity of the semantic field oí nación stems from the movement oí administrative reforms that Spain's enlightened despots set in motion around the middle oí the cighteenth century (the "Bourbon Reforms")_ Among other things. So. they might point to the varyingluieros inviolable legal privileges) attached to the Spanish and Indian republics as separate estates_ If. two further ambiguities in fact make this identification possible. returning tu out example. It is pertinent to note that this notion survived the American independence movements. for instance. if the referent oí the term nación was ambiguous with respect to its conneccion to territory and to bloodlines.

. In other words. servants. The third. a Pr u. Anderson's emphasis on horizontal comradery covers only certain aspects oí nationalism. that women. Anderson looks for the production oí this fraternity in moments oí communitas such as state pilgrimages. and various corporations) have been widely recognized in analyses of conflicts between various liberal and conservative factions in thc nineteenth century. while others have a moral appeal that is not directly that oí nationalism. because the spread oí this ideology is more often associated with the formulation oí various sorts oí claims vis-á-vis the state or tward actors froni other communities. the definition does not always correspond to historical usage.'t It is misleading to privilege sacrifice in the study oí nationalism. Nationalists have fought battles to protect "therr" womcn. however. citizens could represent various corporate bodies to che state. Anderson suggests that nationalism should not be analyzed as a species oí "ideology" but rather as a cultural construct that has affinity with "kinship" or "religion" (1994. to defend "their" towns. The essence oí nationalism for Anderson is that it provides an idiom oí identiry and brotherhood around a progressive polity ("the nation"). and final. Toward an Alternative Perspective in one oí his most brilliant moments. In sum. some oí which are characterized by coercion. ignoring che fact that nationalism always involves articulating discourses oí fraternity with hierarchical relationships. the point also has hruader signiticancc. and they could represent the power of the state in there corporate bodies. and in the role of local communities in che wars uf independence themselves. or economic force oí other social relationships. lt is just as true. Nonetheless. for. He also explores the conditioris of possibility oí national identity. Jürgcn Habermas (1991] pointed out that the hourgeois publi( sphere in eighteenth century northern Europe which was tied inextricably to che development of nationalism) was made up ideally of private cinzens. It would be a mistake. rn . third. the members oí corporate communities or republics could send "therr" cinzens to war. however. arguing that nationalism depends on a Natio nalisni as a Practica) Syst. and. 1 have raised three objections to Anderson's definition oí nation and nationalism: first. Anderson makes sacrifice appear as a consequence oí the national communitarian imagining.Thts is most obviously relevant \1 11111 aimidering the way in which age and sex elit( r the picwreo¡ nauunal identity V'omen and ehildren eould and can very much ide ntity widh therr nations oven thotigh they are usual hí not therr natlons represcnmtivc siihiccn Snnilarly a master and a seivant cuuld he parí I che lamo nanun sc nhuut having tu construct Chis tic as a horizontal link based on fraterniw This is a fundamental pomt lur Spanish-rAmciican nationalism in che nineteenth century. The image oí nationalism as causing a lemminglike impulse to sacrifice because oí its Na t. tu presuppose that nationalism was embraced only by che citizen and not by his wife and children. to gala )and for "therr" villages. including the appeal no che defense of hearth and heme. there are plenty oí examples oí nationalism spreading mosdy as a currency that allows a local community or subject to interpellate a state office in order to make claims based on rights oí citizenship. whcn ourpurations uich as indigenous communities haciendas inri guilds werc ovcn m. In Spanish America che complexines of these relationships oí encompassment (between che national state. a fact that allows for the formulation oí different kinds oí national imaginarles. cirizen. family members. or the coercive apparatus of che state itself salicnt than thcy are today Nonetheless. In more general terms. the citizen's "private sphere encompassed his family. in order to comprehend what nationalism is and has heen about. one must place it in its context of use. second. the horizontal relationship oí comradery that Anderson wants to make the exclusive trait of the nacional community occurred in societies with corporations. more generally. and the symbolism oí encompassment between citizens and these corporations is critica) to understanding the nation's capacity to generate personal sacrifices. l ca l Sysleni 10 = appeal to community is as misleading as the idea that nationalism is necessarily a conimunal ideology of "deep horizontal comradery". or the economic or coercive pressure ol a local community. t1 = .. Following Victor Turner.1 1 The relationship between the modern ideal oí sovereignty and citizenship and the legitimate claims oí che corporations is indeed a central theme in nineteenth and twentieth-century Laun American history. on. making the citizen at once an equal to other citizens (Andersons fraternal bond") and the head oí a household in which he might he the only full citizen. Anderson's selection oí `decía horizontal comradery° as the defining element oí nationalism is his attempt to give meaning to this proposition. 5). when it is most often che result oí the subjecds position in a web oí relationships. difliculry with Anderson's definition of nationalism is his insistente on sacrifice as its quintessential symptom. The capacity to generate personal sacrifice in the name of the nation is usually not a simple function ut communitarian imaginings ot comradery Ideological appeals to nationhood are most often coupled with the coercive. moral.

as Anderson does. to villages and towns." 1 define the nation as a communiry that is conceived oí as deep comradeship among full citizens. each oí whom is a potential broker between che national state and weak. embryonic. che nation is always conceived as a deep comradeship. amendment. that che nation is a community `because. because it systematically disti nguishes full citizens from parí citizens or strong citizens from weak ones children. but also because their families might reject them if they did not. che power ol nationalism is as evident in che gesture oí a Niño héroe who wraps himself in tire flag and dies for his country as it is in the gesture oí che peasant who invokes his cicizenship when petitioning for ¡and. che compelling aspect oí nationalism is its promise oí fraternity. hut so are what one might cal] che bonds of dependence that are intrinsically a pare oí any nationalism. the ignorant). can still be a nationalist because he makes an appeal as a Mexican. instead oí saying. we cannot conclude that nationalism's power stems primarily trom the fraternal bond that it promises to all citizens. even though it tolerated significant differences between stations and even estates. 1 suggested earlier that nationalism is an idiom that articulates citizens to a number oí communities. or oí the race. or oí che village. che ambiguity between a racial and a politicalterritorial definition oí nación that 1 cited earlier for the late-eighteenthcentury Spanish world is a refiection oí a specific moment in nation building that should not simply be called "prenational. and who has no notion oí why. 1 helieve that it has a greater capacity to include and distinguish between historical varieties oí nationalism. the relationship between state institutions and other social organizacional forms. the ideology oí fraternity invoked by Anderson is being used to articulare hierarchies into che polity. nationalism can even be deployed by a peasant who resists induction roto the army. Finally. The protection oí che nation then becomes the protection oí che family. for Anderson. Revised General Historical Thesis The fundamental thing about nationalism is that it is a productive discourse that allows subjects co rework various connections between social institutions. "Germana' and "Guadalajara" are incommensurate categories. It follows that che imagery that is used to build nacional sentiment cannot so readily be reduced to che brotherhood among citizens. In fact. 1 believe. or pare citizens whom he or she can construe as dependents. and chis is. or che small-town notable who claims that his villagers and himself descend from Aztec ancestors when he petitions for a school. which regards che relationship between the analytic definition oí nationalism and actual usage oí the tercos nation or nationalism. In short. in all of these cases. but rather about an idiom for articulating ties oí dependence to the state chrough cicizenship (fraternity). or between an Indian cacique and a president7 For. This leads to a second." because it involves a territorially finite state and a sovereign people. the power oí nationalism lies not so much in as hold en che souls oí individuals (though Chis is not insignificant) as in che fact that it provides interactive frames in Nationalism as a Pract-iba¡ System 13 = In other words. and so on. As such. women. My first amendment to Anderson's theory is thus that nationalism does not ideologically form a single fraternal communiry. regardless oí the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each. ranging froni family. to corporate groups. or because he comes home to his wife late and drunk on che nght oí September 15 (Mexican Independence Day). For instante.m ns a Yrariira1 System 12 = . In order ro define the nature of nationalist imaginings. prominently. Because these distinctions are by nature heterogeneous. or their communities might reject their families. for if we accept that che national community is not strictly about equality and fraterniry. say. Thc connections between these communities are often themselves che suhstance oí nationalist discourse and struggle. The fraternal bond is critical. che most fundamental problem oí the definition. the peasant who has never seen a map or aided a census taker. Nat^anali. to che nacional state. including. the very nature oí patriotic sacrifica is easily misconstrued if we do not pay close attention to the bonds oí dependence that are central to the national communiry-for citizens enlisted to go die in World War 1 not only because oí their fraternal ties with other volunteers or conscripts. The pride oí place that Anderson gives to sacrilice in his view oí nationalism is misleading. Similarly.secular understanding oí time as empry" and oí the world as being made up oí nations whose progress unfolds simultaneously and differentially through Chis empry time Thus. Indians. we must ask questions such as: When and how is nationalism invoked in a man's relationship with his wife7 How is it depleved in the dealings between a small-cown schoolteacher and his villagers. then the defense of che fraternal bond becomes one possible symptom oí nacionalism among severa¡ others. chough mino' and derivative. This brings us to a final question concerning the concept oí nationalism. Although my revised definition would still exclude any form oí ethnic identification that did not strive for some degree oí political sovereigncy.

ca1 Sys new lile and plausibility to a narrative oí Eden that had been much weaker in che days oí Mandeville and Marco Polo. when they reached che New World.' that is. cite organization of work. (3) an incorrect or successional view oí the relationship between religion and nationalism (nationalism. 1 shall outline what Chis alternative perspective reveals for the SpanishAmerican case.pace ol negotiation and contention and another in which states are no longer sullieiently potent and coniplex to he clic key actors ni che process of regulating what . one might locate diverse nationalist systems. che power tu administer a "population° and to regulate ns habits. both the Spanish Reconquista and subsequent expansion into Africa and to America were narrated very much in the framework oí what Anderson describes in shorthand as "Eden. beginning with European colonization in the sixteenth century or perhaps in the Reconquista.Most of these civilizations had developed quite sepaiate from che known history ot Europe. the one to work for God in extending che true faith. Chriscendom. but it was not che cultural form that expansion took in Spain (or in Spain's strongest early competitor: the Ottoman Empire). etc.which the relattonship between ctao institnions and various and diverse social reiationships r family relacion.h. and the Indian subcontinent-ur completely unknown-Aztec Mexico and Incan Peru-suggested an irremediable human pluralism. (2) a misleading emphasis on che idiom oí fraternity as the only available languagc oI nacional identity. Japan. a P.pc. This reinterpretation oí the history oí SpanishAmerican nationalism leads me identi f theoretical mistakes in Anderson's general argument.n 15 = . that the success oí Charles V gave FirstMoment in Spanish National Fonnation: Colonization A fundamental error in Anderson's account of che history oí nationalism is his insistente un associating it with secularization. replaces the universalistic claims oí religion." On che contrary. with the rise oí print capitalism.l. though interrelated. each oí which involved a distinct interconnection between fraternity and dependency. including (1) false conclusions concerning the historical connections between "racism" and nationalism. yet Spanish nationalism was in fact hased on che national appropriation oí the true faith) the case: national consciousness emerges as an offshoot of religious expansionism_ 1 cite from Anderson once again to elarify what is at stake In che cocarse of the sixteenth ccntury .'^ In fact. Southeast Asia.a. the priest Mendieta.. nationalisms developed along different. as a Practica 1 Sysle. tracks. the opposite is i\'' . such that. one in sr hieh suc . and to other biblical sites.). Santo Domingo. In the case of Spain. Cine might argue. That they attributed their success to God's design is evident in the ways in which they christened che land: islands and mainland being named alternatively for roya) and for spiritual sponsors (Isla Juana. ! Only homogeneous. vete not sulficiently dynamic and states were insulficiendy potent lor nationalism co emerge as a useful . contrary to Anderson. the Spanish and Spanish-American cases suggest that nationalism developed in stages. nnd che regulation ot publie spaee) can he negotiated Thus one cotild 'erice a history ut nationalism that would Nave two bookcnds. the whule oí the conquistadoís "discourse oí the marvelous" was evenly peppered with elements oí popular literature (Marco Polo. and not at che beginning of the sixteenth centuryInstead oí positing che notion that nationalism emerged first in the Americas around the time ot independence. Neither was this identity between conquest and the broader teleology oí Christendom abandoned once colonization set in.. . Antiquity." It is well known that Columbus and other explorers speculated on their proximity specifically to Eden. indeed man their genealogics ]ay outside oí and were unassimdable co Eden. N a ticnalisn. Veracruz. as in che analogy between nationalism and kinship. chivalry novels) and with biblical stories. and Fernandina alternating with San Salvador. whose formation as a nation is cercainly one of the earliest.) (69) This point of view is perhaps a true reflection oí the ways in which expansion was assimilated in England and the Netherlands.Nliehel foueault called biopower. Capitalism traverses this history from end to end. 1 will argue for several moments in the development oí nationalism. Franciscan missionaries interpreted their evangelizing mission in Mexico in terms that were consonant with the messianic scholastic philosopher Joachim de Fiore (see Phelan 1970).c tionali •. Filipinas. the detinition oI lorms of pr(>perty. Virgil. as well as between language and nationalism. che other tu work for the devil. Mandeville. Enrope's "discovery' of grandiose eivllizations hitherto only dimly rumored in China. It is therefore misleading to begin che history ot nationalism at the end of che eighreenth century. for Anderson.tic. In fact. an apologist oí Hernán Cortés. empty time would offer them aceommodation. derived many a moral from the marvelous fact that Cortés had been born in the same year as Martin Luther. and that it is therefore scareely two hundred years old. when the idea oí taking Jerusalem and oí achieving the Universal Catholic Monarchy was beyond any realistic expectation.

18 This tension between a nationalism based en communiry oí descent. Spanish authority involved moral and religious tutelage over other social caregories oí persons. law 15). or Guamán Poma's own family in Peru) and the Spaniards. but rather on ideas concerning the influence oí the land en the character." On the other hand. the reIationship between the true faith and the ways oí local heathens was still told as parí oí the Christian eschatology." they were thought oí as a communiry oí blood and oí belief that had privileged access to the state. he not allow in any way that mestizos or mulattos go or be admitted. delimited idea oí "Spain' (as opposed both to the Indies and to other NationaIismas aPracticalSystem This nationalization oí the church became much more significant with expansion to America. title 4. holding political office or belonging to the privileged classes is also seen in relation to faithfulness to the church. makeup. or women oí rank "and not Indian women. such as slaves or mestizos (Lavallé 1993. "they should not elect mestizos. were necessary in order ro hold office. such as Mexico's Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora.16 This process oí differentiation was predicated not en blood. and had subsequently been led astray by the devil. so that they may have them. The significance oí this point for the history oí Creole patriotism has been extensively argued by both David Brading andjacques Lafaye. are the best and most appropriate defenders oí Indians. dark ones [morenos]. book 3 orders that arms builders cannot teach their art to Indians . in that it tended to assimilate American-born Spaniards with other American-born castes. law 7). Both oí these argued (in different ways) that the Aztecs and the Incas had been evangelized before the arrival oí the Spaniards. and military leadership. civil authorities .17 The term criollo had. chapter 3. and it therefore included "Creoles. Thus patriotism (in the sense oí exaltation oí the land oí birth) became central te the Creoles. book 3 oí the Laws of the Indies (first written in 1558) grants "the Viceroys oí Peru the faculty to entrust (encomendar ) any Indians rhat may be unoccupied [indios que hubiere Na1. The earliest formulation oí this occurred in the days oí the Spanish Reconquista. For example. title 15.. title 6. Spaniards. a derogatory slant.c at Sys lem 16 = = 17 = . with the legal codification oí so-called blood purity (limpieza de sangre). while law 12 (1643) oí the same book and title orders army officials not to give " mulattos.But even after Spanish expansionism was waning. only to be brought back into the fold by an alliance between the remaining loyal Indians (such as the Texcocans or rhe Tlaxcalans in Mexico. law 60. the concept oí "Spanish" was created as a legal category oí identity in order to organize political lile in the Indies. as is obvious both in narratives oí indigenous intellectuals such as Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala and in those oí seventeenth-century C:reole patriots. and physionomy oí those borra in the Indies. and give them the good treatment that is mandated in our laws. to enter the church. title 5. The whole oí the first chapter oí the Laws of the Indies is in fact devoted to justifying Spanish expansion to the Indies as a divine grace extended to the king so that he might bring the trae faith to those lands. to the Spaniards [ españoles ] living in them . in other words.. Certificares oí blood purity." and "mestizos." Similarly." and also served as a category differentiated from other European "foreigners" (extranjeros). vacos] during their time oí arrival to those provinces. Although the holders oí these certificates were not identified as "Spaniards. Law 14. enjoy their tribute. not mestizos. guaranteeing that the holder was an old Christian." but rather as "Old Christians." "blacks." even though contexts oí differentiation and discrimination between American-boro Spaniards and Peninsulars did exist from the mid-sixteenth century onward. in fact. or mulatas . black women. by the 1570s. título 1. mestizos" the job oí soldier. including "Indians. and otherwise the Indians can suffer injuries and prejudice" (book 6. the king ordered that when viceroys and judges named a "protector oí Indians" (a kind oí free lawyer for Indians). because this is importan[ for their defense. Not only was Spanish expansion told as part oí Christian eschatology. Book 3. or any that may become unoccupied. a concept oí "Spanish" emerged quickly for the colonization oí the Americas. 20). law 33 orders that the wives oí the members oí the Audiencia (high court) hear Mass in a specific part oí the chapel in the company oí their families. law 7 oí the same book prohibits military captains from naming slaves as standard-bearers in the army.onalism as a Prac t. as is evident in a law that threatens any nobleman or holder oí office with the loss oí all privileges if he takes the narre oí God in vain (libro 1. another law (1608) orders that "Oí the people in aid that the Viceroy might send from New Spain to the Philippines.15 In short." " mulattos. civil. because it was through a vindication oí the true worth oí the land that they could fully claim the inheritance of their blood. title 10. because oí the inconveniences that have occurred" (book 3. Moreover. ley 25). or to enter certain guilds. but the social organization oí the state that was being built during this expansion innovatively identified the church and church history with a national idea. Examples can be multiplied. The notion of Spanishness was formally and legally understood as a question oí descent. and a patriotism based on a clear. and Spaniards were expected to take up a position oí spiritual . Leaning heavily on these formulas.

led by monarchs that had been singled out by che pope with the tale of "Catholic" As Old Christians. we order that tcachers he nade available to Indians s. In sum.. having resolved that it would he huir to inruducc lile Gostil. The civil Ieadership of Spaniards over Indians and others is laid out in a number oí laws and practices. but not Spaniards). and divine grave. title 1. In short.1. ing las' 1 -0 Having malle a dese examinaron U inccniiTl schethcr thc mysteries of our Holy Catholic Faith can be prohcrlc asplained in cvcn in che post perfect language n1 thc Indians it has ñeco r. who inaagined that secularization was in every case at che root oí nacional ism. Spanishness was built out oí an idea oí a privileged connection te the church.:^ca. patrona de la Nueva España. asseciared wlth a religion. .. as a community oí blood. r. a civilization. anonymous eighteenth-century painting. a language. hut rather as a language that was closer lo Godao Language thusreflected lile process oí nationalization ojtbe charca. Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe. moral. and we have thought that diese may he lile e. including in laws concerning the layout oí Spanish towns and streets. Second Moment of Spanish Nalionalisni Decline in the European Theater The first moment oí Spanish national construction was. ng nizect thet chis is not possible witlrout i. Spaniards were a chosen language. For Hidalgo. tiren. and li1t . they were the true keepers of lile faith and theretore lile only viable polirical. and. that bridge crumbled with tse Napoleonic invasien of Spain. System lh Figure 1. which líes at the center oí the history of Spanish (and Spanish-American) nationalisms. more fundamentally.. In chis painting.Lampean holdings nl thc Spanish monarcli srould iemain important in Spain and in che Anaeucrs even altri indepen deneu The degrce to which Spaniards Spanish ncu and che Spanish language viere identiticd widt lile crac lailh and si ith inlizatton comes through ¡e lile test ul lile lollov. law 2 115301 . "That che Laws oí Castile be kept in any matter not decided in those of che Indies"). quite different in spirit and content from that posited by Anderson. is rooted entirely in Mexican sesil. the Spanish language was not leen in the colonies as merely a convenient and profane vernacular. in that the laws oí Castile served as the blueprint for those oí che Indies and for every other realm in che Spanish domain (book 2. patroness of Mexico. a point oí depai-wre that is at che opposite end oí the spectrum posited by Anderson. Guadalupe. emerged rather quickly in tire course oí che sixteenth century. is bridging Europe and New Spain. Iio wish volu n taxi ly to ¡caro. che concept oí español.. and a territory.s . Collection oí the Museum of che Basilica of Guadalupe. embodied in this apparition. in tire superiority oí Spanish courts to Indian courts (Indian magistrates ceuld )al] mestizos or blacks.icurring great dissonances and impenccuons .

The Spaniards' disdain for manual labor contributed to the underdevelopment of industry. Col¡ ccti on uf the Museum oí the Basilica oí Guadalupe . as did che progressive depopulation oí che countryside. Ortiz argued that Spain was poor because it only exported raw materials and then reimported rhem in che form oí manufactured goods. che Spanish bloodline-for Spanishness usually included American-born Spaniards-had a special destiny with regard to che true faith. 1743. Pietschmann's summary and discussion oí che influential work oí Luis Ortiz (1558) is pertinent for my argument here J aL A A. The Spanish language in che Indies was not simply an arbitrary tongue among others. .. In short. Aniong these. Na tionalism as a Practica! 21 System . Figure 12_ La virgen de Guadalupe escudo de oilud coruva l a epidetn(a del Matlazahuail de 1716-1738. hablaren cristiano ("to speak in Christian") is synonymous with speaking in Spanish.Here che patroness ot iSMcxico is protecting the city's inhabi tants against the plague.22 Spain's precocious consolidation as a state allowed for the rise oí a form oí national consciousness that was distinct from the relativist vocation oí Britain and the Netherlands. was maintained as the framework for histories that explained and situated Aztecs. oí truly modero forms oí nationalism that are more akin to those described by Anderson. eventually. a nonymous engraving . but rather that they combined che latter with a native body oí economic and administrative theories and projects devoted to finding remedies for che economic decline oí Spain. and the rest of them. it was the suitable language in which to communicate che mysteries oí che Catholic faith. 18-24) has summarized the development oí Spanish economic thinking oí the ¡ate sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Relativism was not at the origin oí Spanish nationalism. Even today in Mexico. Ortiz urged that laws enhance ehe prestige of manual labor: "these should he extended even to che extreme that the state force al] young men (including che nobles) to learn a trade.economic elite . Spanish nationality was built on religious militancy: descent and language al¡ rolled into a notion oí a nacional calling to spiritual tutelage in the Americas and throughout che world. "Eden. Incas. 19). As a partial remedy. with che penalty that they would otherwise lose their nationality" (Pietschmann 1996..2' The conquistadores were thus instantly a kind oí nobility in the Indies and "Spaniards" were che dominant caste." as Anderson calls it. Similarly. nor did che discovery oí the Indies dislocate Christian eschatology in any fundamental way. arguing that thc administrative reforms oí the Bourbons in che eighteenth century were not a simple importation oí French administrative ideas. Horst Pietschmann (1996. Spain's rapid decadence in the European theater both consolidated and exacerbated national consciousness in peculiar ways. whose entry to che game oí (early) modero state and empire as underdogs made them fertile ground for the development oí liberalism and.23 On che other hand. n:.

. we find also the patriotism oí the Enlightened thinkers. this mode oí imagining time liad long been available tu the cures .. was expressed in the desire that Spain reconquer its earlier economic florescence and its política] position as a power oí the first order" (1996. t_. since thc majority of thcir projects were printed. . Following Walter Benjamín.uch recommen da ti ons are concived as a matter ol natioiial lit. and we even find their ideas repearedly in the works oí writers like Cervantes" (1996. t' al Sys1rrn In the eighteenth century . that gave the Spanish Enlightenment a strongly political character. trouhles of the country had a truly wide audience [ in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centurias j . describing the celebration oí the birth oí royal twins and the signing oí a peace treaty with France and the United States in Madrid : " Rarely shall there be a motive for greater complacency. and it had its reformist current in Jansenism).iccts and studies. nor more worthy oí the jubilation oí the Spaniards. the discussions oí the prior century and a half were reanimated . a consciente that simultaneously produced a clearly delimited image oí "Spaió" as a land . 24). The novel and the newspaper are artifacts that popularre this conception oí time. hecome a staple of seventeenth-century econonnc prt. and a consciousncss of relative decline were required tu promote and justtty programs of economic and admi nistrative reform . As a resulr. but by temporal coincidence" (1991.. competition betwccn states . call loe the strengthening el the Crown for the pcopling . than the happy birth oí the two twin infantes. as it were.s uf nationalityThree points concernimg thi. once again ." the Gazeta de México goas on to narrare the public festivities that marked the event. and elites. and cannot oí i tselt explain the risa oí Spanish-American nationalism . Creole and Spanish. education. '. as Pietschmann reminds us: "[1 deas concerning the economic Nat'o'. in which simultanelty is. Government policy making in the Spanish world was running en empty time long before the industrialization of print media. Anderson defines homogeneous or empty time as "an idea . disciplining thc workforce.l thc country and for leveling sume differences bctv. a national consciou. 25). the solutions that were proposed l policies concerning track populaticn.titorcovcr there discussions were widely known and debared. especially the content oí a series of allegorical floats (carros alegóricos): Nati on d liara as a Practica1 System 23 = . and they generated a series oí administrative reforms. third. in that their protagonista can act independently oí one another and still have a meaningful relationship to each other only because the characters belong to the lame sodety and are being connectcd in the mind oí the same reader Thc question that this analysls poses to a historian oí the Iberian world is whether the novel and the newspaper were the first cultural artifacts that frame events and ates in "empty time-" The answer is that they were not. een the variou.'s As an example oí the Spanish imagined community that was being constructed through these reforms . work. and the conclusion oí a peace so advantageous to the national interests " ( my emphasis). „ P . the idea of re lative decline and oí competition involved a keen sense of °empty time" (that is. 1 offer the following vignette. rationalizing tariffs. proposed pena¡ [Les for tailure tu comply induje lo. and oí "Spaniards" as a nation (even though there was no isomorphism between the nation and Spain). 1784 ). built on the patriotic and national consciente that had developed since the Conquest. under the Bourbons . a fact that differentiates them from the cosmopolitanism oí Enlightenment thinkers in France and other European countries.tations. There is in fact sonie confusion in Andersons analysis oí empty time. Plans and programs for streamlining administration. but in al] manner oí military and contra e reial policy. were well aware oí this. intd lectual tradinon are pertinent for understanding the history ot nationalism Ti the Spanish world: hrst. marked not by prefiguring and fulfillment.ness seas exaccrhatcd hv thc pcrccption of Spain's me casing backwardness vis-) vis rts cunq>etltors econd. although it does suggcst an earlier son oí Spanish collectivc c onsciousncss" A final citation from Pietsehmann who is my principal authority in this matter. i also callad systcntatically [oí a diminution oí regional differences and policy reforms that involved conceptualizing a people in a finite territory. of secular competition between states progressing through time) before the advent oí "print capitalism. 23 Thus . under a more streamlined and tendentially more equal izi ng admi nistrati on..'. These reforms were . taken from the Careta de México ( November 3. summarizes my point concerning Chis second phase : "[T]ogether with the affirmation oí the Catholic religion (the Spanish Enlightenment was qualified as being specifically Christian . crosstime.Thesc rcconimcndations and othurs like them. This patriotism . and improving transportation systems were discussed and predicated un the recognition of the parallel and sinwltancous development oí the great European powers.alism a . etc. administrative rationalization." a fact that is obvious not only in the economic literature.1 and in Urtizs case. Having identified both the subjects oí the ritual as Spaniards and the interests being served by the twin birth and by the peace treaty as "national . transverse.

with a relatively streamlined administration. Interestingly. Navy. made up oí Iberia and the Indies together. Arts. in an officially sanctioned bulletin published in Mexico City. who are fully expected co share in the joy oí the occasion. by its Sciences. a skilled and well-policed workforce. a decentralized administration and army. and a bourgeois public sphere. facilitating for Chis Illuscrious Nation che abundante and opulence that is promised by its fernlc soi] and che constancy oí ics loyal and energetic inhabitants. Natioualism as a Practica1 System =25= In short. each with its own internal financia] administration and permanenc army. These contradictory tendencies are in fact incimately related: en the one hand. with a population oí subjects Lending toward greater internal homogenization under increasingly bourgeois forms of political identity. Both che monarchy and the people are called "Spanish" here. Here we have. armed with lance and shleld. and vine couples that indicare the different provinces oí Spain. Our August Monarch Charles 111 holds with his heroic virtues and happy government che Spanish Monarchy. an active financial and economic policy. Naiionalism as a Praci ical System 24 = . each with che instrument oí its profession. Third Moment: Bourbon Reforms and Independence The high point oí chis reformist movement. however. 302). pages. and the customs oí che various folk). represented by a modero idea oí the public good (wich great prominence given co arts and industry. and one oí field hands [labradores]. involved trying to make Spain and its colonies into a closed economic space.1 st Floao Adanes Holding die Sky The first float is preceded by drums. the consolidation oí the various administrative units-the viceroyalties and the new "intendancies"_as viable state units. and its administrative organization was clearly the precursor oí the state organizations that were generated with independence. by its producrs. Then two pagos. heralds. because it includes the readers oí che Gazeta de México. This system oí decentralization and administrative rationalization also involved promoting a view oí industry and oí public interest that is significant in the formation oí a modern form oí nationalism. by its main rivers. Pietschmann 1996. is preceded by eight couples on horseback. The former threat in particular made the decentralization oí administration an importan[ strategy for the fortification oí the empire. They are accompanied by an orchestra. natural resources. by [newly signed peace]. all of which e. At the same time. character. religious. Charles 111 would try te implement administrative reforms that would more clearly make the territorial image oí Spain inclusive oí the Indies in a way that paralleled the inclusive potencial oí the concept oí the Spanish nation. the portrayal oí a Spanish nation-a nation. On the one hand. who holds up the sky over their heads like Atlas. to which they respond with dances of their respective provinces. The description oí a series oí allegories portraying Spain goes en in detail and is summed up in che following analysis: The interpretation of chis float is easy. but also te face che political threats posed both by the British navy and che American Revolution. whose costumes they wear. Around the time oí this festivity. fomented by our august sovereign. and artisans. and che publication oí this in Mexico is clearly meant te make this national celebration inclusive at the very least co a Creole audience. holds che sky. based en individual property. so worthy also of che )ove that is bestowed to chem by tbe Nation. Two divergent tendencies are produced with these administrative. is present in this state ritual. the administrative consolidation oí transatlantic political units was che only logical means te shape a strong Gran España. che inclusiveness oí che category oí "Nation" appears to be a bit broader ehan che Spanish terricory that is so clearly delimited. in the late eighteenth century under Charles III. in which the stacue oí Atlantis. The love o[ che Spaniards venerares in os glorious Monarch che Princes and the Royal Family. and Agriarlture. in a way that diverges from the inclusive term nación: 5th Floao Spain Jubilan[ because of che Birth oí che Infantes The las[ float . Yet che terricory of "Spain is clearly limited in che ritual. pulled like che rest by six horses. protected by a nacional monarch. ized with severa) mottos. trumpets. en che other. agricultura] workers. This imperial unity was known as the Cuerpo unido de Nación (Unified body oí nation. six oí artisans. one of farmers [hortelanos]. and educacional reforms. a clear image oí Spain. Spain is represented in che greatest surge oí its happiness as a resulr oí che birth ol the two SERENE INFANTES. the formation oí the idea oí a Gran España. represented by farmers. and eight couples oí both sexes. these reforms were promoted not only as a response lo a feeling oí backwardness and oí nostalgia for past nacional glories. They are followed by che orchestra and irnmediacely thereafter by a super float. en the other. Commerce.

by treating each principal administrative unit (mainly viceroyalties) as a coherent whole. and other political units was occurring not as a ploy to keep Creoles boxed into their administrative unas. and of the relationship between religion and nationality and between race and nation. This was owing to the early date of independence movements. In this section. t i a and modern technologies. This process oí radical transformation occurred alongside the emergence oí a new form oí popular politics. anonymous. so too was the notion oí a truly panimperial idenriry closer at hand than ever hefore. 1960. but they were by far the most "dense" social and political movements that Spanish America had had since the Conquest. and it is in the context oí [hese problems that a functioning nationalism developed. in the fact that the liberal Constitution oí Cádiz (1812) defined "Spaniards" as all oí the people who were born in the Spanish territories. in which social movements cut across the boundaries oí villages and castes. in the parallels between tire American War oí Independence and the "war of independence" oí Spain against the French invaders. . This has been a persutent [heme in Mexican nationalism In this ex-voto of 1960. second. and authorities were asked to give him all oí their statistics and any in formation he might find useful. The fourth moment in the evolution oí Spanish-American nationalism can best be understood as one in which the dynamics of independent postcolonial statehood forced deep ideological changes. Thus. which is a compilation made in 1680. and tu give each segment a greater capacity to respond to a N a t i o n a l i s m gis e p roo i . 49). at the lame time that the "political viability" and the "emotional plausibility" oí the viceroyalties were strengthened pollncally by the new system oí intendancies and deologically through a new emphasis on the public good through industiy and education. 1 explore the dynamics of [hese Nationalism as a e-ractica1 System the very process oí consolidating their viability made independence al] the easier to imagine .relations problems. The administrative consolidation of viceroyalties. These contradictory tendencies are in evidente at the time oí independence: first. as well as Cerman cameralist administrative theory. and so on.36 As a result oí this. Figure 1. and foreigners were outlawed from going beyond the ports of the Indies. the new countries faced stiff interna¡ and foreign. The Spanish-American revolutions may seem "socially thin" to some contemporary observers (Anderson 1991. but ratheu to strengthen the general state oí the empire. The Rocky Road to Modera Nationalism (Mexico 181o-29) In Latin America. and there were moments when the armada was entirely incapable oí managing Spanish-American trade Creater administrative and military autonomy would provide another line ol imperial detense. printed materials about the Indies were banned frota [hose lands . Alexandcr von Humboldt's voyage and writings en Spanish America are a good example of this conundrum. an economy. the armada from Spain liad to struggle to ntake successful voyages to the Americas. Ex-oolo gining Ibanks lo tbe oi rg is: of Cuadal upe f o r a successful medica¡ opera tion. Re¡ornier of the c[ghLeen th century were convinced that divine protection and Interjecti on were not i n conlbct aith modernizat. Fourtb Moment. with a population. with no differences made between Iberia and the Indies. a fact that resulted not so much from the force oí nationalist feeling in the region as from the decadente oí Spain in the European forum. Humboldt's publications on the political economy oí the Indies followed the spirit oí the Bourbon reforms.political crisis Froni the seventeenth century S y s t e m 26 = . regions and guilds. a redefinition oí the extension oí the fraternal bond through the idea oí citizenship. the road ter national modernity was particularly cumbersome. including a sharp change in who was considered a national and who a foreigner. Humboldt received a roya) commission to travel thcre. Whereas in the Laves of tbe Indies. the Virgin of Cuadalupes llght shines in the operating room. a map. intendancies.

local artisans and merchants) were led by Vicente Guerrero and backed a political program that would eventually gel roto what Peter Guardino has called "popular federalism" (1996. 120-27. Hidalgo and Morelos. chisement. The elite of this group carne to be associated with rhe Freemasons of the rite of Sys tea 28 . Creole patriotism was predicated on Spanish political philosophy. d.21 Thus Mexican nationalism went from excluding Spaniards in rhe early independence movement. In the Iberian world. 199) Morelos and Hidalgo accused rhe Spaniards oí betraying their trae Christian mission and using Chrisrianity as a subterfuge for the exploitation of the Americans. whlch is rhe aim of our sights. to excluding rhem again.n transformations through a discussion of certain key events in early independent Mexico (18 10-29). independence was not to be achieved under the leadership of this particular ideological wing_ Instead. gave free rein to antiSpanish sentiment.27 To uphold the true Christian faith was also to drive out al] Spaniards who had milked the Mexicans of their native wealth and who had driven rhem to abjection. L? ion hy Gonzalo Carrasco (1859-1936). know also (for you undoubtedly have hcard rell of rhis) that we are so far from heresy that our srruggle comes down to defending and protecring in all oí its rights our holy religion. claimed to be fighting for the sake of religion. who had been a loyalist army officer and who enjoyed the backing of a sizable fraction oí New Spain's elite. who were secular priests. and sought to implement a liberal system modeled en that of the United States.rn a Iractlcal 29 Systea . Guadalupe here is the patroness of Spanish-American sovercignty Th. n.. for instante. and ro extend the culr of Our Lady the Virgin Islary. (Morelos 1812. lturbide's Plan de Iguala gave Spaniards ample guarantees of full inclusion in the new republic. image also underscores Mexicos presumptive role at the head ol the Spanish-Anierican con federati on. As Andiony Pagden has shown. 179-86). Morelos and Hidalgo were executed. sovereignry was granted by ((>d to the people. is a formulation by Morelos: Know that when kings go missing Sovereignry resides only in the Nation. These early movements failed. and alrhough their followers continued rhe fight. The popular radicals oí the 1 820s were interested in lowering taxes and broad electoral enfranFigure 1 4_Sa1or Reina de la Arnérrc. where wealthy Spanish merchants had their shops. Collection oí die Muscum of thc Basílica of Guadalupe.7 know also that every nation is free and is authorized ro form the class of government that ir chooses and not te be the slave oí anothcr. all in a very short lapso of time. It is therefore nos surprising that the early fathers of Narionn lien^ . an alliance was captained by Agustín Iturbide. who in furo ceded it to thc monarch. Natioriui 5. Indian village communlties.Mexican independence. and the expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico followed shortly afrer. to including rhem at independence. and they supported a movement to expel the Spaniards from Mexico_ In 1828 a yorquino-backed coup led ro the looting oí the market oí the Parián in Mexico Ciry. Here.i^ Pear. _ The backers oí Morelos (including pardos. They favored the formation oí municipal boundaries and institutions that would help villagers defend their lands.

and nationalism as an ideology that makes public access to the state bureaucracy a cornerstone oí its ideology. shifts that cannot be attributed ro changes in conaciousness gained by new naaps or censuses (Humboldt was still the maro scuice chal people drew en in this period). and it promised co yield juicy dividends co yorquinos in che form oí Spanish property. These two Masonic organizations t. interests). ambassador Joel Poinsett arrived can che sccnc in 1825 . Great Britain was che first great power to recognize Mexico Not surprisingly. and also ideologically. the links between religion and nationalism should not be taken as constant. At che time oí independence. articulated the national space in ternas oí credit to some extent. who was Britain's first anthassador co ixlexico was able to reap nunaerous economic and political concessions Froni (lit govcrnnaent of Mexico's first presi. because they were losing che contest for national power. some degree oí religious tolerance was necessary to maintain trade with England and che United States. Thus che Creole elite was a regional elite.S. The milicary. George Ward. it is in che competition between two secret societies for full control over che apparatus of che state that two critical aspects oí Mexican nationalism get consolidated: nationalism as an excluding ideology (even as a xenophobic ideology)-seen both in che move co expel the Spaniards and in che move to expel Poinsett. ould funccion as political parciies" in Chis early period. but it could not serve as a national dominant class In Chis context. and not a national bourgeoisie. because the Spaniards were still che most prosperous sector oí Mexico's population. When independence was anained.A4^ . Sys trm 311 The escoseses.. lile speciiio fonnulations ut thc natura ol clic nation and of who was included and who was excluded undcnvent dramatic. As the competition between the escoceses and the yorquinos became embittered. on che other hand.Thc very viulence Di the iti." Thus. especially with Spanish interests. and che polarization oí the N a t i o. nnich oí Mexico's political elite helonged to Masonic lodges organized in the Scottish rice. because it was led precisely by regional It was through Masonry that regional elites forged interregional networks that con Id prefigure the national burcaucracy after independence. Guadalupe Victoria --so much so that when US."' Poinsett naakcs a sustained cffort to huild a pro-Ameriean party to councer British intluence in Mexico Part ol Poinsetts wellcalibered strategy included aid in che organization of Masonic lodges co counter those affiliated ro che Scottish rite. Consequently. was not a unified body. These elites were well disposed co Britain and.0ra clic. These aspects oí nationalism reinforce one another because neither of che two Masonic parties can afford the luxury oí identifying entirely with foreign interests (because each needs to attack a different foreign powerthe yorquinos want to attack British and Spanish interests. This allowed the yorquinos to distract attention from tire US-British rivalry. mining capital often required foreign partnerships. Nor do these shifts respond lo ara intensification oí travel or oí che strength oí bureaucratic networks acioss che territory. dent. can see say that Anderso«s cultural ist reading oí nationalism is to such a (legrar general and abstract thar it fails to clarify che polities ot cono uunitt przxluecion. Although early Mexican patriotism was identified with a superior loyalty to che Catholic faith. for their pare. much of che transatlantic merchant elite was Spanish. Finally. che Ameriean causé' (oí York) begins to identify the Masons oí the Scottish rite with imperialist European interests. and neither can openly admit that it merely wishes to control the bureaucratic apparatus. arad Mexican nationalists vehemently excluded other faiths from che national order. Only two institutions could conceivably serve co articulare the national space: the church and che military. Domestic regional economies were not well articulated Yo each other. Spanish-Ameriean countries did not hace a Creole bourgeoisie that could serve as a nacional dominant class.ict "nationalism" does not help in undcrstanding thc speciiio ot tts eontcnu or as dynamics of propagation In fact jusc as che noticio of kinshils s in abstraction of such a general leve) that it can obtuscate clic natura d thc practicas that are being summed up ¡Ti the ealegory. both the British and the Americans coincide in their interest in propagating freedom oí religion. che escoseses are opposed to U. In che early years after Mexico's independence. however. so tus. arad he attached these Masons co che rite oí York (chartercd by che lodge in Philadelphia). indeed. many oí whom controlled their own milicias. The formation oí Mexican nationalism can be understood in rciation to the political conditions oí its production_ These condi Horas mere determined as muela by the new nation's position in an international order as by the fact that it did not have a national ruling classThis latter point requires elaboration. Freemasonry had Chis role. he saw gaining some oí the terrain that tire United States liad already ceded to che British as his most formidable cask. ologieal transionn a ti ora of early Mexican nationalism suggests that a general Ti absti. The church. denounced the role of Joel Poinsett as a foreigner creating che parry oí yorquinos and the very existente oí "secret societies. uniting regional leaders inco national factions was necessary.' Both che Scottish and che Yorkish Masons tried to monopolize as many government posts as they could.t a l i s m a s a Pra ctica 1 S y s t e m 31 = .

Mexico consolidated a nacional state with a nationalism built on three principies: che defense against foreigners. In short. the bases oí communitarian feeling. such as the notion that politics should be public. It is in the articulation between citizenship and nationality that various nationalisms derive their power. and the very conceptualization oí nacional fraterniry were shaped in the political fray.onai. "racial" identity (in the dense oí a bloodline) was coupled with linguistic identity for the formation oí an opposition between "Spaniards" and "lndians. was not the product oí cultural nationalism. Finally. and not its precondition. The administrative constructs that allowed for the imaginings oí a people tied to a territory can be dated back to the sixteenth century. In a related vein. with a politics that is inextricably local. oí church tithes. supported by two imperialist states. was the cultural product oí independence. because Anderson's ideas concerning the necessiry oí cultural relativism as a precondition for nationalism are incorrect. Both oí these Nat. who created nationalist ideals in order to affirm their right to maintain and sanctify their own traditions." As Spain continued to decline in the European forum. and the defensive nationalism oí the British or the Dutch. church properties would be to jacobins what Spanish properties had been to yorquinos in 1829: a source oí wealth that could be the spoils for political expansion in a period oí little economic growth. world long before print capitalism. we must distinguish between the nationalism oí a chosen people. As a result. sacrifice is not the quintessential feature oí nationalism. when both colonial expansion and the defense oí the empire against European powers led to the consolidation oí the notion oí "Spain' and oí "Spanards. such as that oí Spain. beginning with the decline oí empire and Spains failure to attain a universal monarchy. state reforms tended to target political middlemen in an attempt to substitute regional political classes with a bureaucracy. the imagination oí a territory. In chis fashion. oí distribution oí nacional lands. In the case oí Spain. ranging from legal formulations to state pageantry. Thus. Eventually. and the (uneven) extension oí the beneflts oí nationalism to popular levels (whether througb the abolition oí tribute. "yace" was central to early modern Spanish nationalism. the concept oí "empty time" was present in the Spanish Nat.: a Prac^. for control over the state apparatus. but rather one oí a number oí possible signs and manifestations. che distribution oí spoils from the Spaniards. as Anderson recognized. a sigo that gave its owners control over the bureaucratic apparatus of both church and state. it follows that his theoretical emphasis on the centrality oí language over race in nationalism can also be questioned. Like kínship and religion. criteria oí inclusion and exclusion in the nation.Onallsm n.political spectrum ended up producing a jacobin camp that was absent in the early postindependent period. the defense oí open political parties instead of secret societies (and oí an understanding oí the state as a normative order rather than as a governing caaes). The Spanish-American and Mexican cases present a significant historical problem for Anderson's conceptualization because in Spain nacional construction began with an appropriation oí the church. In the early modern period. the Latin American case leads me to modify Anderson's definition oí nationalism in order to stress botín fraternal tres and bonds oí dependence in the imagined community." Spanish was seen as a modern form oí Latin. As a result. in turn. or that a Spaniard is not a Mexican even if he sympathizes with the Mexican cause. the distribution oí goods oí new technologies).sm as a Practical System 33 = Conclusion The cultural density oí the phenomenon oí nationalism líes in the politics oí its production and deployment Nationalism combines the use of transnationally generated formulas. at least." and it was descent from Oid Christians who had fought holy wars that made Spaniards a chosen people. and to shape a Greater Spanish Nation made up oí subjects that tended increasingly toward an internal uniformity visó-vis the Crown. insofar as descent from Old Christians was seen as a sigo oí a historical tie to the faith. These three pillars are in part rhe unintended result ol the contest oí the secret societies. Spanish economic thought formulated the notion oí a national economy beginning in the mid-sixteenth century. Moreover. nationalism has come in various strands. oí guild restrictions. On the theoretical front. A dense or thick description oí nationalism is therefore a necessary step for understanding its cultural characteristics. functioned thanks to the cleavages oí economic and political interests that cut across nacional lines or that did not reach "up" to the nacional leve) at all. independence itself. or that religion should not be a criterion for choosing a trading partner. to consolidare an idea oí a nacional territory. These secret societies. much oí the specific content oí modern nationalist ideology. but rather oí the decline oí Spain's capacity to run its overseas territories. and not with a relativization of " System . In addition. and therefore was more appropriate for communicating the faith than indigenous languages.

Mexican nationality is not a historically transcendent entity. that they belong together. On the contrary.. first published in 1993. is the earliest of the essays in this book. ni . Today it is common to assert that nationalism is a communitarian fiction. It iras written for a wide audience. The goal of this chapter is to identify communitarian ideologies that have played salient roles in the formation and transformation of national ideology in Mexico. ..fornis contia. N a l i o n a l i. t with the highly unsiablc nati unalist tomula ti ons of early postcolonial Spanish America AdUtmallants tamily free reaches baek to the very birth of the modem w01 ¡TI and ideas cl political community that lave emerged sincc then are buth muro and Icss than a cultural suecessor ot che rellgious community 2 Communitarian Ideologies and Nationalism This chapter. whether affectual or traditional. i i c a l Syste^ 35 = . Max Weber defined communal relations as a type of social relationship wherein action is'based on the subjective feeling of the parties. with the aim of províding very general historical parameters for the study of Mexican communitarian ideologies. either as a complementary form oras a competing form of community. However. and strategies for identifying the communitarian ideologies that are pertinent for the study of nationality are a matter that requires attention. e P r. the nation is a kind of community that coexists with others."i Thus al] communal relations. . it is the historical product of the peoples who have inhabited those lands. The territory now known as Mexico has always been occupied by diverse human groups that speak different languages and have significant variations in belief and customs.

oí alliance and descent) between living and dead people. These notions developed around a discourse el kinship (that is. and the link with that deity could not be broken by individual will.This strategy is based en Annette Weiner's discussion oí exchange. Mazahuas. a myth that legitimated the preeminente oí a single people (the Aztecs) and their tutelary god over en entire era. The relationship between the various things that each exchange partner withholds and keeps out oí circulation objectifies a system oí social differentiation. it is to understand the nature oí Aztec communitarianism so that we may better identify its potential for modern nationalist thought. The Aztecs The Aztecs are notan obligatory starting point for the analysis oí Mexican communitarian ideologies. as well as between kin groups and land. (2) some features oí pre-Hispanic communitarian ideologies have persisted. which inspected the role of the reciprocal exchange oí goods for building ties of solidarity. albeit in a very transformed way. so individuals could even sell themselves as slaves but they could not freely dispose oí calpulli lands. My aim in considering the Aztecs is not to affirm the precepts oí traditional Mexican nationalism. cultural formulations oí subordination and domination. The great cities oí Tenochtitlán. The objects that are exchanged in relations oí reciprocity also underline by omission or by implication the resources that will not be exchanged. When discussing Aztec notions oí community. The important thing was to belong to one oí a set oí landed communities. In out case. and Azcapotzalco housed migrants from many areas. National feelings are presented as inherited "primordial loyalties. (3) many Mexican nationalist movements have tried to take up the polirical forros oí ancient Mexico. but also oí Otomis. and ideas about civilization and barbarism. The relationships oí differentiation that are later constructed within and between communities are defined with reference to the series of goods that are inalienable ro the group. they also chape systems oí social differentiation. Pre-Hispanic states were thus not meant to represent a cultural community in the contemporary sense oí the term. are hased on subjective feeling and en fictions regarding the social whole.including family relations. and many others. she showed that reciprocal exchanges not only assert solidarity. members of guilds. indigenous states' areas oí influence did not correspond to the limits oí a single linguistic or territorial community. The cornerstone oí the sense oí community in the Aztec period was the institution oí the calpulli. not an individual. while others were migrants. and merchants. This idea is useful for describing how communitarian ideologies are constructed." One is burn and dies with them and they are passed un: children must also inherit them. or cultural group. which always saw the grandeur oí the Aztec city as the founding moment oí Mexican nationality. Weiner focused en the goods that people decide that they cannot exchange: inalienable goods. and (4) ancient Nahua notions correspond at many points with those oí other Mesoamerican groups. examining the nation's inalienable goods clarifies how Mexicanness has been formed. My aim in this chapter is to use che inalienable communitarian possessions to identify the principal types of communitarian ideologies that facilitated or blocked the formation of the feeling oí Mexican nationaliry . 1 analyze communitarian ideologies by identifying the goods that each community marks as inalienable.3 This series of kinship relationships was also used to claim Aztec filiation with the Toltec line. Rather. some oí whom had been forcibly brought to the city as slaves. Belonging to these communities determined a relationship to a series of inalienable Coromu.In contrast to classical (Maussian) models of exchange. it is necessary to consider kinship. racial. In the Aztec period.This characteristic oí nationaliry-its ideology oí transcendence-can be grasped by studying the communitarian goods and rights that are considered inalienable because they embody the material transcendence Oí the community. The totalizing visions that underlie communitarian relationships are always based en definitions of goods or rights that are common and inalienable te al]. including speakers oí various languages.The communitarian ideology of the calpulli was manifested in a series oí inalienable goods and rights: (1) the land el the calpulli belonged to a lineage. The great tlatoani oí Tenochtitlán was the lord not only oí the Nahuatl speakers oí Tenochtitlán. (2) the lineage and land were sponsored by a deity (calpulteotl). Communi !oran = 36 = 1dologies In Chis sense. territory. 1 begin with them for four reasons: (1) understanding the communitarian ideologies of pre-Hispanic states helps us to visualize the full gamut oí ideological sources oí modern Mexican nationalism. and was also seen asan inalienable legacy. although communitarian ideas certainly existed.o arias = 37 = Ideologies . and who "we" are In this chapter. in the pre-Hispanic period the "national" question did not depend en "ethnicity" as we understand iq nationaliry did not depend en membership in the same Iinguistic.2 In so doing. (3) the calpulli's links with other calpultin were manifested and symbolized in kinship links among their chiefs and among the gods in the cycle oí suns. Zapotecs. Texcoco. which was the source oí civilization.

The Aztecs' imperial policies were to some degree oriented Lo channeling these various communal loyalties toward them through a complex system oí alliances and threats. chía. . and the Aztecs permitted non-Aztecs to join them and rise in rank through battlefield accomplishments. These features are expressed in che ideologies oí sacrifico and slavery.sunita rian Idealagies 39= How? Wherer When it was still night And they [our ancestors raid. They also had the capacity to absorb individuals into the group in return for services rendered.. subordinated communities and imperial centers also had an ideological counterpart in religion.nces between calpultin (expressed in genealogical forn) hctwc^n tamiheso t chi eis and between their tutelary gods These relationsh. the ancient Nahua was destined Lo serve orto dic. in the Aztec period.crc ^spressed very powertuliy in che words that according to Fray lfui nardi no de Sahagúm) Aztec priests directed to che Franciscana whu cure to convert them They out progen noi e. The feclings of belonging to this greater political unir were built on a numher ol relationshi ps. s t. This energy (figured in the tonalli) had Lo be linked to a series of inalienable possessions that every qualified individual inherited. that they give os our sustenance.iÍpuiG togethet. he was taken by the hair on the crown oí his head. maize. ramo. the Aztecs' tutelary god. che calpultin' s communitarian worship could also find a subordinate place in a religious cosmology that included and favored the empire. Chis domination required powerful armies. that they deserved us These kinship networks among allied. one eats.s Thus.. amaranth. we burn incense. Thus.. sacrifice and slavery were one naton's or community's way oí liberating and expending the human energy and vitality that had been separated from anorher nation or community_ This strengthened che alliance between the appropriating nation and che different gods that shaped its Communii ir.. especially on the battlefield. although the aalpnlli was the primordial communitarian unir. Imperial society also had mechanisms for attracting individuals who did not come as slaves or victims. In turn.ak]ri ue all thcir 'caes of wo^+hip. we offer sacrifices Ttey [our progenitora] said that they. They are who we ask for water. to a configuration oí tutelary gods. and a reccrved set ol ilb. everything one drinks. are for whom one leves. his vital force. one can say that in pre-Hispanic society there was a vision oí the human individual as an energy that had a value in itself. belonging to a landed community that was figured as a kindred was the only truly honored way oí life. beans. When an individual was captured in war. Basically. we pay our debts. and to the political acate. that which is our flesh.n Id. ns ot tire caipulli comnion land 'Lid a kinship idiom tying all maniera ol a.Sacrifice and slavery were interpreted as an affirmation of the greater cosmology-tic period or reigning son in which it was thought that they were livinig--through che expansion of sorne communities at che expense oí others In tima sense. Wc have already mentioned tbe importance of the system of kinship alliance between nobles. because Aztec lords formed alliances with subordinated peoples by accepting their noblewomen in marriage6 their ways of reveriog l che goda Thus. which is why che things of dte land are produeed.7 In conclusion . filiati on with a local deiq^ ca ipu!leoil. one can say that. Marriage between nobles was so important in che ideological construction of the empire that is almost impossible to imagine chis system without polygamy.olo 38 . This act represented che appropriation of his tonalli. the Aztec empire developed mechanisms for absorbing and assimilating individuals even though they did not belong to their primordial community oí origin. Aztec expansion depended en military and commercial domination. and the separation oí that vital force from che captive's original community. In this way. political licld. He or she had to be linked to a piece of land. with the Aztecs' Huitzilopochtli presiding over che whole era. so do we bleed. our food. Con. riere was also a leve) of social identi fication related Lo the Aztec state.oods summcd up in tire dilterent dinx nsic. Lo a kin group. and to be separated from that state oí community. ruled the era-the'Pifth Sud'-as a whole. the gods. Huitzilopochtli. before them we bn ng carde to our mou ths ]we swear]. Here.' This vision oí community also hclps Lis Lo understand certain features of che Aztecs' characteristic sense ol honran hfe.

that is. the organization oí labor groups. On the other hand. Still. Indigenous communities partially maintained some oí the calpulli's communal attributes: the communiry remained legally and officially landed through its "primordial titles. as James Lockhart has shown. religious. mandones. it is also clear that in the colonial period this form oí constituting communiry was exclusive to Indians and that Indian was a "racial" and a legal category oí persons: legally. however unsuccessfully. family. Indians who separated . labor. but in general the indigenous quarters and communities of the colonial period were not direct continuations oí the calpultin. and gods. the primordial titles were converted into almost sacred documenis guarded by the most venerable elders and displayed only in special occasions. A good part oí the territorial. and religious organization oí indigenous communities also tended to coincide with kin groups in the mode oí the calpulli. gobernadores. Indians were thought to be subjects with free will. and the Christian tradition oí revelation articulated with the shamanism oí preColumbian peoples. imparting local justice. Racially. Indians were those people who could aspire tu belong to an Indian republic and who were obligated to vender tribute. colonial indigenous communities were nations in a racial sense. On the ritual plane. and responding to Spanish demands on the community. In part because oí this. one oí the colonial indigenous communitys inalienable goods was land. indigenous communities formed a caste or subordinated nationality in a social hierarchy that sought to maintain stable distinctions. colonial indigenous jurisdictions tended to coincide with the pre-Columbian units (altepetl). in theory at least. albeit in a transformed way. Thus. This political organization oí the indigenous communiry had the double purpose oí guarding village intereses. The indigenous barrios oí the colonial period were generally composed oí two or three great patrilineages_ Even more important. political. I shall briefly review indigenous. a series oí political relationships within comniunities. and this radically differentiated colonial indigenous nationality from pre-Columbian nationalities. Knowledge oí the content oí those titles was a central theme oí local oral traditions. the descendants oí the old indigenous nobility. In addition to al] this. Clearly. the relationship between indigenous individuals and their community also changed. between saints and the groups to which individuals belonged). However. Correspondingly. in such a way that the combination oí barrios formed a single political community. Like the calpulli. although the indigenous colonial community's interna] world partially resembled and perpetuated the calpulli's characteristics. Thus. as a group. In the first decades after the Conquest.a Thus. New Spain was a caste society that recognized different types oí communities that maintained hierarchical relationships with each other. an oral tradition about the land. Moreover. and alguaciles-that circulated. can also be explored through an analysis oí the inalienable possessions that each attributed to itself. This is because. the colonial criteria oí inclusion diverged widely from those oí the pre-Hispanic period. among the village principales. this collective relationship with the land was reflected ar the ritual. despite the fact that communal lands could be rented for long periods or lose through illicit sales.The Colonial Period and indigenous barrio was generally imperfect. political alliance. and a series oí relationships between communities and deities. the indigenous communitarian spirit maintained inalienable links with land. by association. who would be judged by the moral choices made by each person. all indigenous communities found themselves subordinated to a caste with which they could not easily meld. After evangelization. each community identified its limits on the basis oí a relationship with a series oí inalienable objects-the land. including tribute. Spanish and mestizo communitarian ideologies. it did reproduce the tenNotions of communiry in colonial society. This permitted personalized relationships between saints and individuals (and. As in pre-Columbian times. this correspondence often broke down because oí the enormous Indian mortality throughout the sixteenth century and the population movements that responded to new Spanish economic demands. they were descendants oí the original settlers. sometimes in recognition oí tribute paid or to confirm lands that had belonged to those villages in antiquity. indigenous communities instituted their own ofhces-alcaldes. to resolve the difficulties in controlling the dispersed indigenous population the Spanish "concentrated" it in larger population centers (aboye all in the late sixteenth and eariy seventeenth centuries). many ot the indigenous quarters (barrios) that were organized were in fact calpultin However. although thc physical continuity between calpulli 1drologies 40 = Com »''hita rian 1deologies 41 dency te organize kinship relationships en the leve) oí the barrio and the community. each village adopted one or several saints. instead oí belonging to a world composed oí dominating and dominated peoples (who remained connected through relationships oí kinship. and the enforcement oí Christian worship. and political levels. jueces. and obediente to the Spaniards." which were decrees from a Spanish monarch that granted a series of lands and goods to a village. and social mobility).

. two new factors in the process oí social identification began to assert themselves. or belonging to certain guilds. which comes from the verb criar. the inalienability oí the soul allowed these Indians to receive the sacramenta of the church and to choose tlicir spo ices without strict racial determination. u ni Carian Ideologies 43 = . These certificates were intended to show that a individual descended from many generations of Christians_ The concept is ofspecial anthroCo n.carch. holding publlc office. however. The ideological role oí "blood" in Spain is subtle and at the same time crucial for understanding how Mexican nationality seas formed. On the other hand. learning). leisure. it was thought oí in terms oí the physical influences that emanated from different places' climatic and chemical qualities. for example. people of Spanish nationality boro in Mexico were sometimes known as "Creoles' (oí Mexico). and drinking water all affected the development oí human qualities just as one's heredity did. Thus. The importance given to land complicates the scheme oí identity through blood and honor. In sum. and c aire In s. ni„n^ta^i. mining community. Consequently. hacienda houschold.' Among títere new mestizo groups. [coger simply a nmss ot energy that could be appropiated he anothei group through sacrifice or servitude On dic contrary. or "homeland.. aboye all. The notion that "hlood prcdicted and redactad an individual'. money and Hispanic acculturation. and (2! the cbasüty of the women ot the group Be. honor.n I. nr in a lactory or port. thus reinforcing thc links between honor..n the Spanish regime dates co the Reconquista oí Spain (immediately hefore the discovery oí America). it was said that he or she was a "Veracruz Creole. vices. These were interrelated in tercos oí their role in constructing ideas about community. torear or raise. indio . For there dislocated Indians thr orle asailablc sources ot collective identity were those creoted by thc racial or racist 1 organization oí the regime and by the experienee ot sharcd living in an urban quarter..kin. Air. and women's sexual lidelity alter marriage. and a Spanish worker had Creole sons who became lazy bums. and ceremonics ot social gruups that had no inalienable possessions acide from their smil. The ideology of free matrinionial choice was especially respected by the clergy ¡Ti the first hall of ihe colonial period (see Seed 1988). reliability became the hasis bar the Spanish idea of nation. oí the nation in Spanish ideologyThe third important factor in the conception oí the social group was acculturation through learning. This was parí of a broader tendency in Spain to nationalize the Catholic church and to make Spaniards the delending knights oí the faith (as well as the principal beneficiaries oí the taith's expansion). land and blood were central componente oí the person and." understood as a people that emanated from the lame blood Bclonging to a similar lineage or ro a common nation was important in a numher of contexts.. and [he color ot L[)( 11 .Lino conld ronOnue having al] individualizad rel a ti onship with die saini. For Chis reason. the only serious obstacle to interracial marriage was paternal opp(>sitton.. control over virginiry. n. Indians sep.e. Iront their conununities acre ns. tor svagcs.u nted tn. beginning in the fourteenth century "eertificates of blood purity" were required forjoining the clergy.olodas 12 pological interest becausc ir liiiked two important leaatres oí "honor' (1 i the individual's r<habilily aboye all with regard to religion. by extension. when there were movements to separate "Old Christians' from Jewish and Moorish converts. Being boro and growing up in a certain place influenced the development of the individual. Thus. cold. so 1 treat them jointly. but even in the late colonial period. and sometimes emphasized the effects oí che milieu on inheritance. there were widely opposed appreciations oí che nature or effects oí any particular land: one oí the important points in the dispute between Creoles and Iberians was the relative nobility or ignominy oí American versus Iberian lands. bi ologi cal paterniry and ma tern i ty were c ri ti cal. This word was used to denote a person oí a barbarous or pagan nation that Con. The importance oí "blood . humidity.thcroselve. The Spaniards oí the colonial period had a genealogical concept of tire nation_ its members were descended from tire same blood. therr chiets and tlicii village palom . The idea oí patria. ause honor was mcasured through the blood. heat. and o nes own honor).dual energy mas libera sed in forming une s iamily and in . This is the original sense oí the word Creole. hur it was assumed that this loyalw extended to otlier spheres loyalty to friends and bravcry in defen di ng the group the fa n>ily. and right also admitted the possibility oí assimilation." For this reason. When a black slave was boro in Veracruz. marriages between members of the sane c lass leven though not of tire same lineage or color) or between prosperous people of color and poor whites were common." recognized the importance oí the place where one was boro and raised. Here the word ladino provides a useful key.. Spanish ideas of character. there were Spaniards who commented on the "degeneration" oí heredity that took place in America: after two generations a green pepper became a chili pepper. n.'o This New World influence was not always conceived in terms oí acculturation ( their lives in a world of ineipient social daacs In that aro r ld.m thcir primordial ti ti es.

The meaning of ladino as an able but truculent. and ladinization. In principie. for example. sorne oí these migrants could learn Spanish ways. black communities were regularly watched or flatly banned: the as$ociation of more than two blacks and all corporate bodies except the military companies of Pardos y Morenos oí the eighteenth century and religious sodalities were prohibited. Creole. and even sodalities were Ilegal at times because oí their subversive potential. two-faced person has survived into our times. n 1Jro logres 44 These considerations about indigenous. First. it was said that an Indian was ladino when he or she had a good grasp of Spanish. In light oí the concepts oí free will. Undoubtedly. mines. that is. most slaves were marrying free people and contributing te the formation oí the colonial plebe that constituted the popular classes in cities." On tire other hand. Jews and Muslims were considered members oí especially dangerous nations because they were ladinas. On the other hand. and ports.'3 However.. if a man managed te make a little money.The same usage applied te slaves: recently arrived Alricans were bozales. they did have ties to a more abstract "homeland". the tendency to form Afro-Mexican collectivities was limited to the groups oí maroons who succeeded in establishing themselves in coastal arcas. al¡ their goods were alienated. and community. It is the main meaning that this word has today. matrimony. This was why Jews and Moors were prohibited from entering the New Worldeven if they were converts. slaves had no inalienable possessions. it was-legitimare te take slaves and oblige them to receive Christian instruction in hopes that they would go en to a better world after passing through all the sufferings oí a life dedicated to servitude. he could invest in the transgenerational path oí honor. although Indian émigrés no longer had inalienable tres to land through primordial titles. one cannot speak oí Creole nationalism (against the Spaniards). there was an important contradiction with respect to the collective nature oí slaves: despite all the efforts against the formation oí a slave society parallel to indigenous society. We have said that these individuals could aspire te a place within a new community through money and skills. by marrying a mestiza or Creole ("improving the race") and by acquiring possessions with which he could assert a certain honor. slaves were captives oí "just wars" against unbelievers who refused even to listen te the missionaries. or bozalones.. However. Meanwhile." Second. the army. Because oí this. and a ladino Indian was considerad more qualihed to assume public office in a república de indios tiran a nonaccul turated one A ladino slave was also more dangerous than a bozal. but those who now spoke Spanish and knew local customs were ladinos-" A ladino slave was worth more money than a bozal. through their participation in the market economy. beyond European nationals boro in Mexico. and other countries. unlike the Indians. Finally. it is interesting to note African slaves' position with respect te these issues oí homeland. they were distinguished from Peninsulars not by "nationality. slaves were not redeemable as a nation. Moreover. because the tenn was most often used to refer te Moorish slaves. it is indispensable to note the ambivalente felt toward acculturation or "ladinization'. this Creole patriotism also found support among ladinoized Indians who no longer belonged te an indigenous community and for whom a highly valued homeland could be important. but in thc past it was part oí a far more complex semantic field." but rather by the influences oí their respective homelands. homeland. and this only aher the bitterness oí slavery. oral traditnons. This occasionally served to discriminate against some oí them in the fields oí business. blood. In Chis context. Pero. Thus. Unlike Indians. we can better understand these people's strategies and alternarives. thev were "Indians. Successful Indians who separated from their local communities could begin te identify with a larger homeland and aspire to win a small measure oí honor and progress sense. Third. and so on. and black nationality and patriotism are fundamental for understanding the development oí IIomn !uuiln rían Ideologías =45= . but oí Creole patriotism: an ideology that extolled the benign influence Mexico. the very legitimation for slavery was to undo peoples who resisted evangelization. and the bureaucracy. With these considerations iri mirad we can now reconsider the Indians who separated themselves from their communities and whose only inalienable possessions were their souls and skin color. slaves were brought from Africa and nowhere else precisely because they could not be confused with either Europeans or Indians. Because oí this. bozales torpes (clumsy bozales). When Creoles identifled or were identified as a group (which they often did not). they could imítate Spaniards and subvert their order froni within. rn u u' 1 a r l. this confluence oí factors heles us understand the fear that the idea oí Afro-American kingdoms inspired in Spaniards. but only as individuals. religion. The problems of Creole collective identities were simpler in some C o. these Indians were at once superior to and more dangerous than those still tied te their villages). nationality. Thus they had certain advantages over the monolingual village Indian (alrhough here it is crucial to remember the ambivalente toward ladinization.had been at ¡casi parthr civilized Por example.

l. Thus. ruled by Mexican patriots and not by Iberians. "No longer shall the blood oí your sons / be spilled in contention between brothers / only may he who insults your sacred name / encounter the steel in your hands. teachers. From 1821 to 1 853.. canos. which need to be expía roed. from the appropiation oí the t a x i i . the national question properly speaking has been polemical ever sincc The ways in which the homeland was identified with the nation were evolving in interesting ways. the search for a pre-Hispanic Christianity in such figures as Quetzalcoatl. insurgents. the speed with which the sacred signs and objects oí the homeland were formed did not nave such a simple counterpart in the way the nation was defined. In tire first years oí jndependence. and eeonomie se. eulnnial period helped forge a multinational society in which d. sebo conccived ol himselt as Pie kings alter ego.Mexican nationality properly spcal. tire second was to maintain the multinational system with a kuropean elite. legal. presided oven by a viceroy. This nationalization oí the church can be partially understood as an extension oí the appropriation oí the faith that was the ideological cornerstone oí Spanish imperialism. Iturbide also Nationality affer Independenc One oí the central ideological problems olí the independence period was how to transfonn Creole patriotism roto a new nationalism ehat could include social groups that had beca horn in Mexico but did not belong to the "Hispano-Mexican lace. José María Morelos used a flag with an eagle on a nopal cactus and the inscription "VVM" (IViva la Virgen María[). these symbols had already become part oí a well-known repertoire.Mexico nv sea. that the colonial pollucal system in itsclt helpecl lo produce images of politieal sovereignty that pcople werc trylnp lo entulate alter independence_ in the colonial period:. it is almost exclusively about the importante oí sacrificing for the homeland. Regardless oí which option was adopted. one oí the legacies uniformly claimed for the nation was the Catholic religion. The church was considered a fundamental and inalienable legacy oí the Mexican nation in all the principal laws and docunients oí the early independence period.i I d e o i o j i e s = 47= . thc silvei extracted from the homelands "belly. Icarned men. In fato. and miners. and distinguished clergymen. various national anthems were composed until the patriotic song oí González Bocanegra was adopted. On a practical level. but in a context where everyone benefited from the fact that Chis elite was as attached and loyal to the same homeland as the lndians and blacks. the first was to redefine the ideas oí nation and nationality so that belonging to a common homeland determjned and dcfined belonging lo che nation. however it is lmportant co mention lene tino t i-itional pohtical etfect of the colonial regimc ti is c leal from all thc evidente that Pie predominant ideo logical. Pie presentation of preColumbian civilizations as panllel to those ol Greek and Reman classical antiquity. His court seas composed of nt national groups could share interests in their homelands Uno must add to this. not New Spain_ This set of symbols. the assertion oí Mexican Christianity's legitimacy and autonomy through the cult oí the Virgin oí Guadalupe. the seas ot a c iceroyalq.he artworks that extolled the producís and landscopes of che New World. however. which werc of the homeland and not strictly national. there were obviously different." However. i4 The novelty oí independence patriotism in the face of this Creole tradition was that. the material remains ol which now tornad part of Pie land and gave che landscape its osen narre: Mexico. and in 1821 he formed the Order oí Guadalupe for soldiers. in th. the írst fornuilations of Mexicos sacred and inalienable goods werc very direccly linked wldh symbols of tire (home)land: jis "sacred sojl. given the Mexican state. any independence ideology had to nave a common patriotic oasis. it seas much simpler co share a love for the homeland than to agree en the characteristics of the nation. had first been developed by Creole patriots beginning in the late sixteenth centuey By the time oí independence. The viceroy vas ultimately responsible for all branches oí government-admjnistrative. the vol- adopted the Aztec eagle (albeit with a crown).." This was a practical question even belore ll became a theoretical one: how to give the homeland enough stature so that patriotic concerns would eclipse class and cante questions At a purely logical leve) there were only two solutions ti) this problem. die Aztec eagle. Hidalgo flew the standard oí the Virgjn oí Guadalupe. the high clergy. and mihtary . Jeep bine skies. Pelote passing to that topie. .. Because of this. ecclesiastical." tire central mesa'. extremely complex ways oí blending these two options. ene could proceed to grant official status to these symbols. The existente oí this pinnacle oí state power in Neve Spain undoubtedly helped the Créeles and their various alijes to imagine a new state with its capital ni Mexico City." and the pyramids and other grandeurs of the pie-Hispanic indigenotis cultures. The first coros were minted with figures oí the Aztec eagle. and so en. merehants. and its most representative stanza is the one that proclaims. One cannot say that it is nationalistic.

and che process of denanonalizing religion was never fully achieved.iro logi This political position was contrary lo che central precept of liberalism. schools. there were also great differences between che system established alter independence. these men were also required lo know how to read and write. aboye al] Indians.Virgin of Guadalupe by Father Hidalgo to che political programs of Morelos. without an explicit confession. che difficulty in detining che nation was reflectad in che fluctuating ways in which citizenship was defined. Don José María Luis Mora summed up che liberal stance toward Chis indigenismo: The real reason for Chis opposition was that che new arrangement of public instruction was in open conflict with Mr. In order to be a congressional deputy. regardless of clic support that nationality eould find in religion. The essennalized link between che nation and religion was not broken until che 1857 constitution. Iturbide.This gentleman. but extends it to exalting che Aztec race. and che explicitly caste-based system of che colonial period. Mr. but. to he a senator. and appropiation of religion. management of territory. Thus nationalist ideology in che firsr hallof che nineteenth century permitted che de facto retention of colonial social hierarchies: distinction through money could strengthen systems of discrimination by "race" given the fact that che majority oí Indians and other people of color were poor. Thus. Many Indians' nostalgia for their own states. is one of che country's notables because oí his good moral and política] qualities. The ideological. in che Seven Laws-which were valid from 1835 until che Reform lawsonly men of legal age with an annual income more than one hundred pesos could vote. a land with one blood es Co. in theory. In 1846. The Seven Laws (1835) stipulated that Mexicans had che obligation to profess the Catholic religion. who in che first congresses fought co keep indigenous community institutions (except tribute) intact. goals. which lavored che rich. his principies. but they must also be understood as nacional movements in the sense that they sought congruency among indigenous nations. Rodríguez Puebla's desires. Not only did he [Farías] ignore these distinctions oí past years that were proscribed in constitucional law. thought differently. for example. One of che central differences is that supposedly bclonging to a contmon nation (defined on the basis of a common homeland) made it possible for peasant villages and other poor contingents to make their political claims in terms of citizens' rights and not in terms of che subordinated complementarity of caste. public political offices. and objectives tend te visibly establish a purely Lidian system. and che management of community chests began in che tirst years of independence. like all che ones that preceded it. it was persuaded that che existente of different races in che lame society was and had to be an eternal principie of discord.n m uniiarian = Ideo)ogies 48 49 . his is che parry of progress and personally he is a yorkino. However. But chis transformation could also mean the loss of certain special rights for subaltern groups.000. one needed a mío¡mal annual income of 1. 4. The counterparts lo chis assault were che indigenisr movements that sought co identify che nation with che indigenous race_ Thesc carly indigenista movements expressed themselves in nacional political spheres through such figures as che congressional deputy Rodríguez Puebla. and not even the anticlerical laws proanoted by José María Luis Mora in 1833 undermined che official status of Catholicism.000. thus he did not recognize che distinction between Indians and non-Indians in government acts. To that end he has supported and continues to support che Indians' ancient civil and religious privileges. unlike the men who labor in Chis together. The Farías administration. which was becoming the dominant ideology of the independence movement. Although there was a more or less uniform movement to make tics co che homeland che definitive criterion of nationality. Rodríguez does not limit his scope to winning liberty. che poorhouses intended to attend co them. who pretends to belong to che said race. and che 1824 constitution. and che coilege in which they exclusively received their education. Co a m un: i a r: a n 1. On che other hand. These movements were called "caste wars" by the nation's political classes. it translated floto regional conflicts in which indigenous groups sought to construct their own nacional autonomies. and physical assault en communal village lands and other indigenous community instiitutions such as hospitals. and to be president. An indigenismo that attempted to maintain and strengthen indigenous communities within a pluriracial national order threatened to divide che nation. 2. but he applied aH his efforts toward forcing the fusion oí che Aztec race with che general masses.500 pesos. in a word. but instead he replaced it with that between che poor and che rich. legal. extending to al] che benefits of society)' The conflict over che place of indigenous communities in the new national society did not end with these squabbles in the country's high political spheres: aboye all. che status quo oí che goods that they possessed in community. and therefore his first objective is to maintain it in society with its own existente. and objectives with respect to che destiny oí che remains of che Aztec cace that still exist in Mexico. however. che definition of which individuais were citizens properly speaking was much more restricted. goals.

ninetecnih and evcn tcrcnticth ec intries For example. than it was to construct a national citizenry The laws promoted by Juárez helped erode che indigenous communities that had mantained the calpulli's transformed communitarian legacy. 11 1. The majority of Mexico's poor continued to be excluded from che Comnia.1911 U. led to the conclusion that che Indians had been suhsidized by che colonial state for centuries. and bear arms were conceded ro certain Indians. the dark-skinnedJuárez was himself living proof that these ideals were attainable. universal rights. and a set oí inviolable individual rights. che definitions and legal guarantees of caste were abandonad. racial identity was manipulated: birth certificares were altered so that children could he classified as Creoles and not as some inferior casto. Juárez sought to forro a nationality composed of a citizenry (defined by common birth in a homelanci) that had a truer equality of access to state protection and representation. alter independence. This combination of doctrines.. in che colonial period. Spanish forros still dominated racist thought in Mexico even alter the imporcation of northern European ideas. I d i i. but it was also redeemable through Christian faith and procreation with Spaniards.undcr thc role of their oven w .16 On the ocho hand. applied to Mexico. rights to dress as Spaniards vide horses. There weic also a numher of nimviuIent niovcnients oí chis type. this recognition of the central importante oí mestizaje for Mexican nationality could not be easily translated finto an ideology in which the mestizo was equal to che Mexican. This is why. Juárez's generation oí liberals sought to redeem che Indians by giving them access to the goods of citizenship: education. and that che negative characteristics that had been acquired would continue to plague national evolution if the proportion oí fit individuals (Europeans) did not increase. One can say that. This is also why liberals of chis generation broke che privileged link that che church had maintained with Mexican nationality until then: they no longer needed a national church to legitimize the country because che freedom and equality of Mexicans under che rulo of law and in the framework oí the homeland were sufficient. the indigenous race was inferior to che Spanish race. that is. this tendency was limited simply to recognizing che greatness of hoth che indigenous and the Spanish sources of nationality.e roen and thc mande of an indigenous Christianity.. and indigenous tribute as well as racial classificati ons in baptismal certillcates were prohibited. Thus. the child of a mestizo and a Spaniard was a castizo. aboye all in che struggle for status Only in this way can we understand why Porfirio Díaz powdered his lace svhite and why politicians and rich men with dark skin liad an exaggerated preferente for white wivesOn che other hand. some of theni allied with note urbanized clases. The ideologist who most intluenced educated racist thought in Mexico was Herheri Spencer. state sovereignry. che nation had three inalienable legacies: national territory. but the proletarianized masses continued to be principally dark-skinned and under the economic yoke of foreigners. However. With independence. liberalisms attempt to rid che definition oí nation of any links with yace and the ever-greater influence of pseudoscientific racist thought. given che tact that nineteenth-century liberalism was against upholding a "multiracial nation. Among other structurally similar. mcii einents wc re those that took place in the Chiapas highlands 1865. racist ideas that had existed since che colonial period could persist and hecome increasingly pernicious. the Huasrcca 01 San Luis I'otosí 1588 and thl enasta] Misteea region i. On che other hand. diere are currently pro-Nahua[I groups ol mlxed social origins that seek the return of Moctezumas heacidress and che installation oí a new indigenous empire On the other hand. Whereas Rodríguez sought to maintain indigenous communities within a pluralistic nacional framework. che ideas oí granting the mestizo a certain racial digoiiv and of making the mestizo into a national mace pegan to gain currcncy In the beginning. There salas a well-known formula according to which the child of a Spaniard and an Incitan was a mestizo. however. in che 1857 constitution. during che lamous coste iras" ot Yucacin lhv Indians liad their capital in ChanSanta Cruz and euostruc sed thcir leadership around a cross that spoke direedy to che priests ficho direcicel che ichellious odian movement. who beGeved in che fundamental importance of social evolution and in che inheritance oí acquired characteristies. an individual's indigenous origins could be "erased" through a couple gcnerations oí intermarriage with Europeans. and equality.1 . translated Inl„ vn ial movcmcnts di various points in the eightecndt. mestizos bought access to indigenous communities. Juárez showed that Indians were perfectly capable oí "ascending" to che Europeans' cultural leve] if given che opportunity and resources. for two reasons. However thc manipulation of racial identity continuad. and the child oí a castizo and a Spaniard was a Spaniard. It was easier to denationalize che church.ifariao 51 = [ drologies C o 111 11. thc haqui (lcxrt et Sonora 1885-1909). che liberalism oí Juárez and his generation-which had great political and intellectual figures oí indigenous origin-was completely distinct from che indigenismo oí Rodríguez Puebla. According to the dominant ideologies of che colonial period. thc claves were freed. In thc very capital oí che country.

We can better understand Chis by analyzing Andrés Molina Enríquez's cose discussion oí the master (1909). worse yes. public education. This also explains why Spencer's racist thought gained some influence in offfcial cireles. Here 1 focos en two features. that is. Andrés Molina Enríquez. Gamio developed an indigenismo that dignified Mexican Indian features and blood.Harian Ideologies 53 = . fusing racial and class factors: for che urban middle ancf uppen classes any poor peasant was an "lndian". a task that captured the attention oí prominent artists and intellectuals. che reval uati on of che mestizo a^ qui ntessentially nacional and che redefinition of the inalienable goods oí che nation. This point oí origin was fertile for the production oí a national mythology. As already mentioned. and che indigenous element was associated with che feminine. creare a population chas would finally be capable of holding its own against che United States. Based en chis. as in practically every pro-mestizo nationalist. cmeler disciplinary forms. formed by che cross oí che Spanish element and che indigenous element. The most important figure in clic balde against pscudoscientific racism was Comen nn. and en Mexican luminaries such as Vicente Riva Palacio and Francisco Pimentel. thereby paving the way for che mestizo to emerge as che protagonist of nacional history. Manuel Gamio) imagined che mestizo as che product oí a Spanish father andan indigenous mochen. che racist ideas of social Darwinism were overturned. in the nineteenth century che term Indian gained a new acceptance.'non. who leaned en Darwin. defined as che totality oí indigenous yaces oí our land. in this period. Samuel Ramos. On che other hand. "lf che white yaces can be considered superior to che Indian yaces because oí the greater efficacy oí their action (which is a logical consequence oí their superior evolution). Social Darwinism permiued certain official groups to blame the victims for the negative results et post independence social developmenc Mexico had not attained che social leve] oí the United States because oí che Indians' negative intluencc [-he only way to achieve political evolution was by importing E unopcans and dominating Indians through education or. che category "Indian" carne to mean those who were nos complete citizens. which is highly masculine in C o. che indigenous yaces can be considered superior to che white caces because of their greater resistance (which is a consequence oí their higher degree of selection)"10 Action. it made che Spanish Conquesc che origin oí che nacional yace and culture. modified by Spanish blood. including Diego Rivera. che placement oí che mestizo as a central personage has a history that began with independence. According to Molina. These alliances gave rise to che revolution. "[t]he mestizo element. On che one hand. who is frequently considered che "father" oí Mexican anthropology because oí his role in che construction oí revolutionary nationalism. che identification oí che European with che male and che feminization oí che Indian fit well with che formulation oí a nacionalism that was at once modernizing and procectionist.This very particular formula had a twofold importante."17 Mestizos were thus a fortified version oí che indigenous 52 dl In Molina. and the right oí representation in the state) because che nacional bureaucracy's resources were meager and. those resources were primarily utilized for paving che way for capitalist investmenc Fnr Chis reason.. 'y Tbe Redefinilion of Mationality in che Revolution From che point oí view of nationality. eventually. First. peasants. The power and class strtxggles of chis period also became a nacional struggle in some seccors because che progress achieved by Porfirio Díaz was largely based on concessions co foreign capital. the Mexican Revolution was a watershed at least as imporrant as che luáruz reforms. for crucial aspects oí his argument.. Juárez's classical liberalism was complemented with a procectionist state cha[ was seilling to cake special measures and dispositions for speciflc national groups sucli as Indians.. in more recalcitrant cases. and Octavio Paz. che Spanish race carne to Mexico through men. indigenous slavery was revived and massacres of Indians were perpetrated in Sonora and Yucatán. These two ruptures were complententary and went hand in hand. it is che indigenous yace. in che characteristics of each yace.henefits oí nationality (citizens equality.'a and the modifications brought about by Chis mixture oí Spanish and Indian races would. in his origin. as che child oí a Spanish man and an Indian wornan) and more abstractly. and workers. and the social sectors chat were negatively affected by those concessions allied themselves with political groups that had been excluded Irom che monopoly that Don Porfiriós group exercised oven the bureaucratic apparatus. is nos a new yace. and even more important. aii. but che revolution broke tics with two doctrines that liad inhibited che adoption oí che mestizo as che nacional yace. in claiming both the equality of al] races and the validity oí all cultures. which was influential in che formulation oí revolutionary nationalism. Manuel Gamio. Franz Boas.This was true both literally (che mestizo was imagined. Second. Gamio relied on che authority oí bis teacher. The principal ideologists of Mexican nationalism (Luis Cabrera.

ttned to lead che nation to . even when they distill nationalism.Chis contevt and o si. There have only been two historical moments when the relationship between homeland and nation has been congruently and explicitly defined.tanee chic ti is Icniinine.. which is internally more contradictory than Juárez's formula because it adopted some elements oí democratic liberalism at the same time that it constructed a corporativist and protectionist scate. when the nation was separated from its bonds with yace and the church. the mechanisms oí state bureaucratic administration could not avoid che country's bankruptcy in 1982. The current regime has been abandoning the now rusty or fossilized precepts oí revolutionary nationalism. that is. It seas protectionist because thc mestizo si'ught tu protect bis maternal legacy from exploitabon by Europcan. and so on. like bis Furopean lathei 11. The contemporary nationalist discourse appears co be reverting to che patriotic formulas of che nineteenth century: it is long on praising che patria and past glories oí our "millennial cultura. The second moment was revolutionary nationalism. che right co expropiare any land for reasons oí public utility. instead. reshcc t n v c l y -1 i i c onthina ti on of action and resictancc in thc hodv ol the is I. Mestizo nationalism dws implicitiv snpportcd che creation ol a protectionist and modernizing statu. lor hi torv. including che redehnition of what constitutes che inalienable wealth of che nation a decline oí che so-called social rights of (he revolution and greater emphasis on individual iight.111 a hropcn. Thus.uvccrlul. Foi this reason. che sanctity oí democratie institutions. che current regime has needed revolutionary nationalism even to destroy che regime that created it. preferencial contracting oí Mexicans over foreigners. there emerged che idea that progress could only occur under che jealous protectlon ot a nationalist state. preduminating. and it adopted a modernizing. Sebo tela no loyalty whatsoever to che land orto che Indian. although it was never realized as a practical project. authoritarian state like those that arose from the revolution. che regulation of foreign investment and oí the amount oí land that can be legally possessed.. Current tastes reflect weariness with the epic visions oí revolutionary nationalism: today the intimare world oí Frida Kahlo is oí greater interese than the epic grandiloquence oí Diego Rivera. racc.ity for action. Mexico went from being predominandy rural and agrieultural to having an urban majority. Thc resina arc dc. nationalists of the old school have compared che sale of scate enterprises and che privatization of the ejido with che sale ol che family jewels. the 1917 constitution claims che states right to permit oí prohibir the free action oí foreigners in the country and to watch over che public interesa The latter includes public education. but it has been slow to embrace Juárez's universalist liberalism because unpopular economic reforms have required a strong. There was no longer che notion that progress and modernity emanated simply from freemarket (orces and respect for che rights of man." but it is very short on defining what the nation and its legacy currently are. corporativist. in acidition to guaranteeing citizens rights. erebv embodied in che Spaniard and thc I n d i a n . and nacional sovercignty. On the other hand. This consutulion explicitly siaces that all the land oí Mexico is an inalienable possession oí che nation that may be bought and sold but can always be returned ro public use when so neededUnder che watchful eye of che postrevolutionary state.ra. universalist liberalism was a more potent ideology in che hands oí Juárez because he was proving with his own flesh that Indians could gaita access to che benefits oí civilization that were in the hands oí ata economic elite that did not identify with che bulk oí che population. which meant that foreign economic deniands liad to be attended to. che maternal clement. The first was the universalist liberalism promoted by Benito Juárez. io hc a nindernizing tate because thc mestizo. a regime that fostered class-based corporacions as an integral portion oí a ore-party system. lot it combines che besa q tialities ol cac1. labor conditions. This model tied nationality to race and "mestizo" culture. The nationalization oí che mestizo also rcpresented a break with some features of laissez-faire liberalism and introduced a new version oí che nacional patrimony. arc ti. For all these reasons. A chain of reforms tliat besan under President Miguel de la Madrid has tended co revive some fcacures oí che nineteenth-ccntury liberal niode1. but with che I odian i Icntent. protectionist. and whoni Molina Enríquez saw as che dominant class that needed to be assimilated or pushed out. as with the narratives oí Poniatowska or Monsiváis. and the population grew from about 20 million in 1950 to about 80 million in 1990. intimate chronicles are consumed with more interest than che comprehensive ('ora n. This urbanization and che generally growing complexity oí national soeiety besan co complicate che management of state representation through che sectors" oí che ruling party and the policies oí che one-party state_ At che same time. The legal and economic clianges carried out since 1 982 represent a profound trae stormat ion in che very definicion of che nation and of che things and rclationships that belong to ir. one-party regime.Ionial cxploitation. un ita ri an Id eol ogies 55 = .uccess aga'uut origen aggression and ncoct. This was tremendously influential in nacional history. It .

such as ]and. This new civil society would rid itself oí the sectorial organization that developed under revolutionary statism. This option would mean giving priority to the inalienable rights defended by Juárez. it appears to me to be pertinent to conclude with some ideas in this regard. and it would create new forms oí state protection for the new human = 57 . even if they are not necessarily novel. the subsoil. Chis option separates itself from liberalism C o m n: u . Currently there are at least thrre logical alternatives for national ideology insofar as it is manifested in the definition oí inalienable goods: The first option is to consolidate democracy in the way desired by Juárez's generation. The principal ideological adversary oí this option will be the current nationalist mythology. and "neoliberalism" because it seeks to broaden the definition oí the human right to defend certain general social interests against the "natural" tendencies oí the market (for example." The third option is less clearly delineated but would have to try Lo build a social dernocracy based on a recodification of human rights. For that reason. Conclusion The development oí the communitai ian ideologies that 1 have tracked in this chapter permits us to systematize certain considerations with respect to the future. and therefore it would distante itself from rhe populist and authoritarian formulas that have predominated in Mexico. 1 hope at least that the foregoing discussion permits us to understand the known options with greater clarity. The concrete way in which revolutionary nationalism mixes with liberal ideals has always been a central probieni for Chis kind oí nationalism. such as the reification oí nationality in racial terms. It will be necessary to impose limits on the reign oí the ideology oí modernization. It will also be necessary to create images oí nationality and modernity that are separate from the teleology oí the muralista and the "Fathers oí the Country. but would center its efforts in defining the rights of pcrsons ir would not put "the nation" ahead oí the rights oí persons. behind this líes the proposition that the state's central role is to direct the "modernizing" process. ir: will again have to confront this problem. Also. This formula would diffcr from the second because it would not depend on a racial metaphor ("the mestizo") io define nationality. The second option is to reanímate revolutionary nationalism. This mythology tends to demand a state with tutelage over the entire national interest and includes many oí the prior bases for the definition oí national communities. defending child nutrition or the right to inhabit unpolluted spaces). This direction also entails a recodification oí civil society. As this is a moment of profound changes in the national question. but the state definitions oí those communities are almost as weak as they were in the nineteenth century. the communications industries. It appears to me that the third path is the only really desirable and viable one in the long run_ But to move in that direction. and industries This option could keep mestizo nationalism unscathed but it has the problem oí being championed principally by the leftist opposition. including human rights and democratic representation.. which also needs tu sustain che value oí democracy "in the style of Juárez" to win power. This situation is symptomatic oí the crisis oí old nationalism: the longing for community and an inheritance continues. ^:.1 national epics oí a Carlos Fuentes. if this ideology returns te power. to avoid modernizing at any cost. and. On the other hand.. This option would mean maintaining the "tutelage oí the state" over some goods considered central to nationality and the public interest. one must be ready to question both revolutionary nationalism and neoliberalism.: e n 56 = !deol09fe Communiiarian Ideolog. and educational and cultura] services. it would have to design a kind oí state that does not fall into the same antidemocratic vices that revolutionary nationalism fe]] into when it was in power.

che attcndant prottst5 ancl points to che lino but she says "Do you 3 know sebo you are talkino to. where the subjects are "persons" in the Maussian sensc.' and not direct govern mental censor ship. Without such a perspective en the changing definition oí citizenship. but also similar colonial discourses for the social whole. the discourse that he called "oí the honré' is a hierarchical and familia) register. is the discourse of liberal citizenship: subjects are individuals who are meant to be equal to one another and equal before the law. hc remarked that much el chis se]¡-censorship resulted frota the fact that journalists. tu interrupt what he calls tire discourse oí the street.' According to bis description. DaMatta focuses en an Liban ritual that he called the "Voge sabe coro queni esta talando' (Do you know who you are talking tu?).' and so on_ A similar dynamic has characterized modera iNiexican citizenship For instance. but that is generally visible in che socializaron of children and in the Modos of Al exiean Cit.gain exceptional status and tu rice aboye die degradation reserved for all nobodies Thus. a relationship that he synthesizes with the Brazilian adage'Por my friends. I develop a historical discussion oí the cultural dynamics oí Mexican citizenship.Mexico much of the censorship of thc press has boga ''sellcensorship. a quality that is epitomized by the people whose job is to mediate (for instante. they assume specific. oí relationship needs to be complemented by a historical view oí changes in the definition and political salience oí citizenship. and complementary social roles. for my enemies. a phrase that is used tu intcrropt the universal application oí a role.1 am the wile of so and so. Brazilian society can be describcd as having "citizenship" as a degraded baseline. the result not only of related concepts and ideas oí family and friendship. DaMatta identified the coexistente oí two broad discourses in Brazilian urban society. except when corporate interests are involved. The interesting twist in DaMatta's analysis regards the relationship between these two discourses." Cultural Logic and Hsstory Mexico City is a place of elaborate politeness. or zero degree. of relationship. the law. The discourse "oí the street. Specifically. that is. and he called theta the discourse oí the home and the discourse oí the street. like all members oí Mexican middle classes.zen sh. Reliance on personal relations generates a kind oí sociability that avoids open attacks. secretaries and waiters). the censorship of che press is in part also a product oí the overall dynamics oí DaMatta's degraded citizenship_ The logic that DaMarta outlined for understanding the degradation oí Brazilian citizenship could easily be used to guide an ethnography oí civic culture and sociability in Mexico. everything. member of thc eabinet.p ?A = 59 . for instante a lady cuts in fiont ol a inc to enter a parking lot.' Spcaking tu a journalist about chis phenomenon. Thus. in order to two countries. or zero degree. 1 begin with a series of vignettes that explore what the application oí DaMatta's perspective to Mexico might revea). a critica) aspect oí the politics oí citizenship is lost The bulk oí chis chapter is devoted to interpreting the dynamics oí citizenship in modern Mexico. it has long beca noted that in ." by contrast. a fact that is visible in the day-to-day management of social relations. 1 argue that the notion that citizenship is the baseline. In chis chapter. The ease oí application stems from similarities at both che cultural and structural levels familia) idioms used to shape a "discourse of the honré' have common Iberian elements in these Modes of Mexican Citizenship One oí the frsi cultural accounts of citizenship in Latin America was Roberto DaMatta's effort to understand the specificity oí Brazilian nacional culture. depend to an unpredictable degree en their social relations. differentiared."z For DaMatta. as it developed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and argues against narratives oí Mexican modernity that tell contemporary history as a simple "transition to democracy. that is.

This way they need no( make concessions and can drive with presocial Hobhesian rules dona give awap an inch. This is true at a general level. in which citizenship is che place where the social pact is manifested (making a queue being a sac rosanct rite of citizenship in a place like Fngland. The first is a strong reliance on personal relations in order to activare. However. a logre that favors the development oí personal relations. pinch. Inr instante is mean[ to be available lo ale. because he or she can oil. loses" i`El que se enoja. We have. in Mexico is very ofeen no( universal." The saying is clearly a model for political action. the cultural routinization oí briberv. tend tu drive with thcir evos pointed straight ahcad and casi slightly downward. According tu this priori pie. and that most oí che population that is being classified in this way is initially Mojes o f hleslcnr. bite it is alwavs insufhcienq moving through Mexico C:ity."'law. the driver's eye wanders even juct a 1irti. shove. pierde"). there are only gentleman's pacts antong persons Drivers in iylcsico ( itv. partieularly if the saying is a recipe for a bureaucrat or a nieniber oí the political class. che second is the reliance on personal relations lo achieve positions in society_ Both of [hese conditions would appear lo support DaMatta's claim that citizenship is the zero degree of relationship.existente of elaborare registeis of ohscquiousness. if not most. and che use of bureaucratic rules and procedure as mechanisms oí exclusion. There is. whereas a Mexican tvill complain that no pica or personal interjection was ever able to move al] Englisi' bureaucrat to sv mpathy What are the mechanisms ot sucralization finto Chis forro oí courtesy7 Access ro in alleged right. the elaboration oí fonos oí obsequiousness and politeness. This dynamic contrasta wilh ncc culturc of socieries that have strong civic traditions. the bureaucrat will scc vou tirst_ The systeni has also generated forros oí sociability that help shape a pracural oricntation that is well suited to tire discretionmy power that s( arcity ygives tu bureaucrats and other gatekce pers. then. the world of personal relations Often takes huid of the driver who had been trving to keep things anunymous and he may gallantly let the other car th rou gil. trafiie in an ordene fashion is oteen niade difficult by ncotoveruse ol public space_ ln short ilexicn has never had a state that was strong enough to provide servios tll IVCrsally_ In this context. who gently and smilingly asks to Inc let into the flow of traftlc At this point. he or she \s 111 use politeness as a selection criterion. a [. public medicine exista. lose by such an outburst. but it is oteen dllücult tu register a eh1ld 111 a nearby school. Because [hese conditions have existed throughout Mexican history. whereas others will. for instaures but where personal relationships do not extend as lar out_ Thus. corruption and other ntarket mechanisnn casily emerge as selecriun en tersa: if you pay money. a bureaucrat will be dealing with neither personal friends nor personal enemies. ir also gives a false sense oí continuity and constancy. politeness. however." and "everything"). however. for my enemies. Socialization into politeness. One notable examp le ot ibis is summed up in the very Mexican proverb "Whoever gets mad lirst. and respect_ AII of [hese registers tiisappcar in tire anonymity of the crowd. Thus. lor instante. operate. one might expect that bribery. and self-censorship thus has at least two significant social conditions. We noted that the category oí "friends" and "enemies" can be constructed in che very process oí applying a bureaucratic role. and rely on any bureaucratic apparatus. oí which 1 have stressed two: a relatively weak state. This logic is undergirded by structural conditions. a British traer-lcr to iMexlco may be scandalized at lhe greedy and impolitic attwde ot ncc people en the street. and a highly developed system oí informal relationships have been equally constant practices. situations. orto get finto a school at ale." "enemies. yet it contains significant ambiguities in the proponed categories ("friends. A service provider will only claro up tebeo Paced with an angry user person shall never explode out oí exasperation. In many. and so un_ There is no social connact tor che crosvd. pariente. the law. If. although the cultural logic that we have outlined shows that citizenship is a degraded category. however. whereas a breach oí politeness or an outburst oí anger will in ale likelihood place you in the "enemy" camp_ The application oí "the law" as a criterion oí exclusion in each oí these cases is simply the use of bureaucratic procedure as a fundamental mechanism oí exclusion. much like a waiter's. because sume of these people will not receive the full service that the gatekeeper controls. but patience and politeness may at least keep you in che game. since nce service is a scarcc resource. or lo a p overn nt e otal service. attentiveness. Education. a difhculty in the argumenr that can be exposed by focusing closely on the implications oí the saving "For my friends. and that they have been elaborated according to cultural idioms that apply a "discourse of the honre" in order to create distinetions between potential users of a service. however. where people will push pulí. cut in front oí you. ir ntav catch another driver's eye. and a large poor population. ho = = 61 . everything. but principally with people to whom he or she is unrelated and initially indifferent_ The saying is useful. an initially undifferentiated public needs to be shaped luto "frtends" and "enemies_" Money (bribes) and prior personal connections are two routes tu receiving excepcional treatment (as "friends").

shall appear with che splendor and dignity that it has earned through the unique fashion in which it has broken the chains oí despotism. and the selection oí the president and vice president was Ieft to Congress. as in all early Mexican eonstitutions until that of 1857. Thus citizenship was to be determined by regional elites in conjunction with whomsoever they felt they needed to pay attention to. stem from che class of bis lineage. for instante. early procl ama ti ons and eonstitutions did tend to speeify that only Mexicans-and otten only .No opposition can It is worth noting that most oí the distinctions between who was a Mexican citizen and who was merely a Mexican national are similar to the formulation found in the Spanish liberal constitution that was promulgated in Cádiz in 1812. but 'u inste ad culturally construc ti. tic haselme of utizenship is not determined by this cultural logic. from che very beginning. for thcy define che potencial pool of users oí a service that is heing offered.indiflercnt tu the bureaucrat R1.. A comprehensive view of modero Mexican citizenship therefore requires an interpretation of the cclationship between legal and institutional definitions of citizenship and its cultural claboiauon in social intetaction.1 thc de!initiun of the pool that che burcaucrai is aeting on o not dctermincd h^ ihc cultural logie of social discance from che barrauarat oi . but his nieve to create a broad base for citizenship and to leve) differences between castes was preserved by leaders oí subsequent movements.n but by theii thcoretícal relationship lo a right.ivcn a bureaucral. and access to federal power was mediated by a Congress that represented these citizens. and castes. 1 . Article 16 oí the Mexican empire's first provisional legal code. Indians. there were a number oí ambiguities and differences regarding the meaning of this extension. and it valles historically in important ways. which is common to all citizens. the process of independence hall a critical role in shaping a field for a politics oí citizenship_ For instante. the federal constitution oí 1824 does not oven specify who is to be considered a citizen.5 Thus. thc sane shall he observed with regard to those who represent che rank of captain and aboye. Miguel Hidalgo. i1thuugli it is corlee t„ sas that-... services. with attention lavished only on the question oí patiiotic inclusion or exclusion and very little said about che qualiues and ciaractensties oí che citizen. and disdained by the majority. tathcr ot Mexican independence. or bv sympathy.cnship 111311 be che zero degree of rel ationship that needs to he complemen ted by a prior personal claim. che idea was to create an ample citizenry and a social hierarchy based on merit: "The American people.These variations are not trivial. pitied by others. in tnends and cnemie5 out of a pool of Acople who are presclceced not hv h. Nevertheless. tellingly.ates about who was a Mexican national and who was a Mexican citizen were vaguely inclusive. Instead.' and the end oí certain guilds monopolies over specihc activities 4 Of course. that "[t]he various classes oí che state shall be preserved with their respective distinction.hall atrempt to sketch key elemcnts ti¡ such a com pre hensive view. proclaimed che emancipation of slaves. Hidalgo's revolt failed. regards the role oí religion. and the temple oí honor shall open its doors indiscriminately to merit and virtue` (article 38) 6 Despite che general identification between early Mexican nationalism and the extension oí citizenship rights in such a way as to include (forme[) slaves. it leaves to the individual states oí che federation the definition oí who shall be allowed to vote for their representatives in Congress (article 9). The only fundamental exclusionary clause in tliis constitution. an issue that also has critica) significante for a longue-durée history of cultural forms of sociability in connection to citizenship. and capability are the only medium for achieving public employment oí any kind". talents. (. Farly Republieanisnt and che Risc of ibe ideal Uitizen The debates of Mexico's Junta Instituyente between independence (1821) and the publication oí the first federal constitution (1824) gave little sustained attention to citizenship. '1 he Catholic religion shall be the only one. a set ul rulos. Some oí the early independent constitutions are Mudes oJ AA exilan Ci1izensbip = o2= 63 = . forgotten by some. fo ribo words the gatekeeper is not aetually ruling oven e pre cc i . states.atek eche i.1 t roaj' „t 1 nentls and enemies. or who render any special service to the countiv" (article 25. and a pool ot citisns-uti:-. with no toleratice for any other" (article 1) In addition to a comnion movement to broaden che base oí citizenship such that lineage and race were abolished as (explicit) criteria of inclusion or exclusion. Virtues. thc end to al] forms oí tribute and taxation that were targeted to Indians and castes.7 On the other hand.For exaniple Ignacio López Rayún's falso failed) project oí a Mexican constitution (1811) also abolished slavery )article 24) and stated that "[w]hoever is to he boro alter thc happy independence oí our nation will find no ohstacle other than bis personal defects. As a result. Cowardice and slothfulness shall be che only causes oí infamy for the citizen. by a bribe. but without piejudice to public employment.Mexicans who had not betrayed the nation-could hold public positions (articles 27 and 28 oí López Rayón's constitutional project).

Mexico would operate according to the laws oí tire Spanish Cortes. la canalla. The Mexican citizen had the capaeity to encompass Mexican nationals and te) represent the whole oí the nation in public. vagrants. at tiro most. Florencia Mallon has shown that in the unstable context oí midnineteenth-century Mexico. congressman. whereas the fornter had only loose connections oí dependency to "good society. the constitution oí Cádiz narrows citizenship beyond what is explicit in the earliest Mexican constitutions: debtors. and illiterates.. the difference between positive and negative portrayals oí the pueblo corresponded to whether the people in question were acting as dependents or whether they were difficult to control. the rights oí citizenship were suspended for al] minors. the relationship between the two was one oí hierarchical encompassment. In a chronicle oí his voyage tú the United States. there are differences drawn between a lower class that might be described as "abject" and as an obstacle to progress. la plebe. All citizens had to have an annual income of one hundred pesos. and the space that was available for spontaneous popular mobilization. though tiro two were tellingly conflated in political discourse: in fact. led to the development oí forras of liberalism that catered to popular groups. which are tiro ones that 1 know best. etc. domestic servants. Lorenzo de Zavala. and four-fifths do not know what tiro Bible is . a liberal from Yucatán who had been governor of tiro state oí Mexico. and M odes of . however. and apologist for the U.s HowAlodes of Nicv. and substantially more if they wanted to be elected to offlce. which was the first effective political charter oí independent Mexico. one in twenty f who know how te read and write]. the distinction between a canalla and a ciudadano was that the latter was a notable. The category "citizen" was (and still is) not identical to that oí "national" in legal discourse.S. la gente buena. published in 1834. but neither was it entirely avoided: Iturbides Plan de Iguala. criminals.200. the centralist and conservative legal code oí 1836 rcasserted the points of exclusion oí Cádiz and added much greater restrictions. or at least depended on the same system as the notables who made the distinction. they were lost definitively to al] traitors and debtors ro the public coffers.] two-fifths do not know arithmetic. especially in ceriain states In the orate oí Mexico and in that oí Yucatán. astronomy. Alongside damning imagen of the plebe. Like the difference between the lumpenproletariat and the proletariat. these early citizenship laws developed in a contested field in which the pressure to broaden the basis of citizenship coexisted with pressures to maintain political control in tiro hands oí local notables. there is a proportion of.The federal constitution of 1824 left the dotar open for these mechanisms oí exclusion by delegating the decision regarding who would be a citizen to thc individual states. the Inquisition-and it upheld heresy and apostasy as crimes that led to los oí citizenship). for instance.. domestic servants. specified that until a constitution was formed.Finally. los ciudadanos. history.s It was in part the challenge that universal citizenship at times posed to these local patricians and chieftains that fanned the development oí a negative discourse about "tire masses" in nineteenth-century Mexico: la chusma. el populacho.cnn 64 = C'1'zensbip son why it is impossible for us to raise our institutions to the leve) oí our neighbor's. asks his readers to [c]ompare the moral condition oí tiro people oí the United States with that oí one or two os our [federated states and you will undcrstand the true rea- Inclusion and Exclusion in the Era of Nalional Vulnerability At first glance .g. but that is also perceived as unthreatening and in need oí state proteccion. three-fifths do not even know che meaning ot thc words geography." In political speeches oí the nineteenth century. of rhe 1. relying un their power to materially control local election processes. the need to mobilize popular constituencies. This move was not explieltly embraced in the first Mexican constitutional projects. [Oí these. To a large degree.Mexican Ci lizenybip 65 = . ever. a series oí positive words referred to popular classes who were seco as ordered and civilized: el pueblo. and a lower class rhat is potentially or in fact violent and dangerous to civilization. early Mexican constittnions displayed tensions between the elimination oí criteria oí casto and oí slavery in order to create a broadly based nationality and the restriction of access to public office and to the public sphere to independent malo property holders who could read and write. Historian Frangois Xavier Guerra has argued that the urban patricians who had controlled the bureaucratic apparatus during the colonial period usually kept control over government despite these changes. To this we must add that at least one-third oí the inhabitants oí Yucatán do not speak Spanish. and other epithets portrayed masses as both dangerous and insufficiently civilized to manage political life. the unemployed. colonization oí Texas. Father Morelos's Apatzingán constitution sanctioned the Holy Office-that is.a bit harsher than that oí Cádiz on matters oí religion (e. and the illiterate al] forfeited their rights as citizcns (article 25).000 inhabitants oí tiro former and thc seven hundred thousand inhabitants oí tiro latter. In one matter. In short.

And this abject conditlon coni prises clos e to 4 ni." Thus. there is abjection. if we wanr brave soldiers who are animared in combat and humane in triumph. or education. was indicative of the fact rhat most of the good pueblo was made M o ci e s o l A l e x i c a n C i t. riere is misci v susiaincd by rhe great landowners. Mexie.une-lifth of 11)e star. in it tic noble sentiments that inhere in tire human hect[ degenerme. The law cannot authorize any contract rhat has as its object the loss or irrevocable sacrifice of a man's liberty-" In other words. Rebellious Indians. and authorities were given die right ro establish jails for crimes . which has beeo sus' o bented from die benchts ot enligh tenm ent.. is called the lowl. Presiden Juárez asked Congress to suspend a series of individual guarantees in Yucatán in order to carry out a military campaign riere. and rhe foreman gives lashes to tic Indians. ereating slavery. ul Nesita. representativo Jesús López brought tu Congress a proposed law to banish bulllighting This iniriative was one of severa) attempts to locate the causes of incivility and to transforni the habits of a people who would not conform m tic ideal of dtizenship that the constitution granted them The benelits of a democratic constitution. 1868. In contrast ro this. beceusc die government and rhe clergy. from riese philosophieal and moral considerations to search for material transcendt-ntal ev.. ben rhe 1857 constitution seas reinstated There in a sessit'n iii ( iiigress . for instante. . Tlaxcala. Guerrero. asan obstarle that block. where the sight of blood easily fosrers rhe savage instincts to which they have. does not know tbc guodncss of vinue exeept bv tito harnt it recervcs lor being criminal.. representative Julio Zárate presented a propusal to proh. and debts are passed from father to son.bi1 privaic ia. AII rhe while. i. 1868). I hose who do not take finto atoount tic d. an egalitarian and universalistic discourse of citizenship. a succession of sold generations (February 15.s match tosvard prosperity. to rhink that rhe dangerous'lowliest" classes referred to itere are strictly urban and that all rural Indians were thought to be sale for state or hacendado patronage." were known to be highly dangerous.est class ¿dese 5ifrou i. alter tito brench intcrc entiun.and therefore did not have control over their will. contrasts with other portrayals of popular tolk who are more difficult to redeem and more menacing 1 will oler two examples from the same congressional sessions that 1 havc fusr ciredOn January 9. In rhe states of Mexico. a discourse of the sort that DaMatta called "discourse of the street. flogging and other degrading punishments were abolished.3''u l Al us. prohibir specrades thar inflare sentiments and that dull [embrutecen] reason. aunounce that Mexico marches tnward greatness under rhe auspices o1 liberty. could be applied to rhe "good pueblo-" At the same in haciendas and.on o1 dite mnsses whcn thcy make Moreos el II we desceud. nonetheiess. more generally del uiitlase all punishmcnt that sr:s meted unt in [hese private institutions He described the cunditiom ul the Indian ni the following tercos. sir. . „I sic ill. i p 67 = This view of the proto-cirizen who needed to be elevated to true citizenship through state protection.Since it is not possible to establish schools everywhere where this class can be well taught. s. aud that has been indelibly inoculated with a propensity te bl oody iris 1 li s elass. which reads: No one can be forced to render personal services without a fair retribution and without their full consent. a propensity . Puebla._at. '' by die degradation oi that dase thai heeaux ol its ignorante.ilion roen It has been eleven years sincc tire constitution was ratificd.0e barbansiii Al ' ." Readers would be incorrect. slavery and corvée labor were authorized for rhe duration of the Yucatecan campaign.. Thus. private trials were prohibited. which raise the Mexican from rhe conditiou of slavery to tic rank of the cir!zen. where the bulk el the indigenous population is t oncentrated. in his campaign against Indian rebels and a few remaining proHapsburg imperialists in Yucatán (1868).u sentimelit is echoed three dotados lato . miscegenation. and whose condition was abject but not direetly threatening to truca nd effective citizens. there exists in each eommunity a place dsat svinhol. One of the suspended rights was article 5 of rhe constitution. the attmctlons of vice and tito emotions that are produced by certain spectacles excite and move their passions. usually labeled "savages. publicists and speakers tny to show th an in abstntct tire matrers of religion and of polities that thei r unenltivated intel1 igence cannot m socieiy.A simil.If we want good citizens. roo. z e n s 1.' thar is. we sha11 be confronted 'Tus tito natlve population ir pa rtit_dar m•as ac rhe bottom of rhe hcap . there are jails in rhe haciendas and stocks where the workers are sunk. by nature. which was fought principally against the Indians. and Querétaro. remove at leas[ [hose other [schools] where they learn evil. ' in tbt sano tondino n. the fact that in some nineteenth-century constitunons servants were not allowed to vote because they were dependents. and In need ut eles ation . there is slavery.

nf hlexi can Ci lizesship = 69= In a remarkahly irank. 1x21 That day. [hese vices were typical oí one parcy: monarchical interesas of conservatives. also initiates che era oí our greatest wocs_ It is Irom that dar that a hon-Ible discord began tú exert as 1 i _.14 On une 12 oí that sin-te yeai . oí that science whose principies are che whim of [hose who protess it. Licenciado Jestis Arellano reeapped che history oí political divisions and fraternal struggle in che lollowing tenor. 1824). "civic oration" proffered on che anniversarv ol independence in the city of Durango in 1841. that our country has been a constan[ prey oí ambition. or to federalist folly in delegating too much power and autonomy to states. they who propagate that dcadly division that ron hnnta oon berween parties. 1824 Yes. you decline in a precocious decrepitude chau brings you close to che grave! Woe is you because you are like che female of [hose venomous insects that thrive in our dimate. A sharp consciousness oí national decline and oí uncontrollable dangers for che nation can he found among . that it is they who move chose implacable assassins that aflljet thc staies al Puebla and Mexieo . and ambition have been the ruination oí Mexico. Aldama. but not entirely extraordinary. in light of seecssionist movements in che state oí Jalisco. che image ot a good pueblo veas not simply that oí the dependen[ masses either. and oí whom it is said thar it gives birch to its children only to be caten by theml16 Decline was caused by personal ambition and foily among leaders and would-be leaders oí government. To quote again froni Arellano: "We must acknowledge that our vices have grown and that public morality is every day extenuated. by che minister of war against a proIturbide uprising in Jalisco on June 8. or Catholic fanaticism that led to blocking che doors to colonization from northern Europe and che United States. There. For instante . sir. for instante. as in the case of a speech read in Con-. there are vehement indicatiuns that ibese two generals are plotting against che repuhlie that thev des re irs ruin .. For all. oí Madr. so much so that Arellano begins his remarkable speech distancing himself from any sort oí political activity: 1 have not yet traveled-and God spare me from ever raking-che murky paths of che poliucs that dominare us. they reflected a lack oí virtue and che fall oí public morality. you can hear che horrible cry oí that maGdous and treacherous spirit chat sold the life oí che great (benemérito] and innocenc General Guerrero to che firing squad. two further elements need no be introduced: the nations position in a world oí competing predatory powers . they who are behind Clic conspirators 'e llo cause our unease and who make life so difficult This feeling oí pending or actual disnstcr caused bv lack oí union increased and became pervasive in political discourse as che country indeed became unsrable. eeonomically ruinous and suhjected to humiliations by foreign powers deadly influence. In order to comprehend ideological dynamies withln chis field better .Mexican political men almost from che time of the toppling ol Iturbide 1822 ). but che two who actually achieved independence (Iturbide and Guerrero) were both murdered by fractious Mexicans. Morelos) liad al] been marryred by Spaniards. roo. because [hese could bc figured as a harmonious and progressive co] lecriviry or ! as we have seco as abject slaves . Depury Hernández Chico elauned that thc nations situation was "deplorable" because of lack of public funds (Juno 14 . not having yet fully entered the age oí infancy.15 The heroes who had iniriated the revolution (Hidalgo.ii' bip . Referentes to decline and to danger abound both in clic press and in discussions in Congress. irs decline. Unleashed from che abysmal depths where it resides. where che most obvious truths are put in doubt. my fellow cicizens che very day of our greatest Iortune. and where he who is bes[ at cheating and who is bes[ at disguising his deceptions is considered wise_iz The ultimare results oí vice selfishness.up oí a kind of citizenry that veas guarded not so much by the constitucional rights of individuals as by thc clainis that loyalty and dependency liad on clic consciente oí Christian patriardisNevertheless . Lets go hack in time to Sepecmber 27. unfortunate Mexicot Woe is you because. Deputy Cañedo svarned oí che need to guard against a In]] civil war. For sonie speakers.res. and che question of national unity. There in che shadows oí that frighcful darkness we can hear che ruar oí the monster that spilled in Padilla che blood oí General Iturbide: che blood oí che pero who hnished che work oí Hidalgo and Morelos. This was to stand symbolically in a position analogous to original sin: Mexicans are denied their entry to national happiness because oí their internal vices and divisions: Woe is you. it flung itself furiously in che midst of our newly boro sociery and destroyed it in ics crib . The image oí che republic being split apara by rival factions is almost always seen as the cause oí chis decline or imminent disaster. irs inability to reap the benefits oí freedom and independence. Allende.

llke another Alcides and Tesco.ü s.>00d va. ihe political field around ihe delinition oí citizenship involved three kinds of distinetions. Having established this general point. ihe bad pueblo was fodder ¡oí rhe vicious po hi tici an. and this allowed for another kind of distinction between good and bad citizens.fizeeship In short. had pueblo was thc [uebi-. over twenty-one if one was not). But never. ws could be arti Gula ted to one another. Others. che ten de nev to con tia te vatio nalíty arad citizenship. because in tito early national period it was clearly a sigo oí distinction no be a citizen. In other words. to Santa Anna tito great._. 1842 (anniversary of rhe triuntph against rhe Spanish invasion of 1829) in the city oí Orizaba. and this was particularly prevalent in the earlier period. pronounced en September 1 1. and other forms oí barbarie diversions. as was rhe case in tito spccch. and Modrs of Adcxi c an C. it still excluded minors and women. business. a keen statesmart a profound poli tician. which is the fact that familial discourses have always been used to supersede tito universalism oí tito legal order. another between selfish and falso citizens who suught private gana from their public position as citizens and thosc who cquamd citizenship with public service . let us return to our evolutionary panorama oí rhe development oí citizenship in Mexico. who. The political regeneration ci Anahuac [. a zero degrec oí relationship" ()n thc cotlitar v carls epc ocies had quite signiticant strictures regarding who could bc a citizen l liese restrictions rcadily allowed for the t-inergence ol une spedlic dise nurse about tito gooci and ihe had pueblo: . as local caciques or hacendados who kept 1odians in a siavelilee position and separated from their rights as Mexicans. and ol chimsy and inhumano mandarins and sacrifice. or only very rarely. ihe notion oí ihe citizen as tito baseline of all political relationships is historically ine.I aiti)ct vis ve nde tras ol insatiable usuty Ol lamttcism and up rstti nn ol incptiuide and pe vetsity. and a thtrd hetween citizens who strived to open the way for the extension of citizenship nghrs and those who blocked them in order to cnhancc their own tyrannical authority. At ihe same time.Ate les o] . wi II purtiy ihe precious ground of the Aztecs and tid it oí that disgusting and criminal riftraff [canalla] oí tyrants of all species and conditions-19 The description olí citizenship as a zero degree oí relationship is misleading . in hetween a pueblo that would be encompassed by a group of notables anda pueblo that would not. al] that one needed was to be a Mexican over eighteen (if one was married. existed hom (he very beginning. and to caen an honest living (article 34). particularly alter rhe constitution of 1857. and politics were collective affairs. and even alter ihe constitution oí 1857 and tito revolutionary constitution oí 1917. at least as a utopian idea. for example.i 1 i. though this apparently went without saying. Moreover. the constitution and the congresses that met aher its ratification were very much concerned with giving moral shape to the citizen.[i se'. thc prctla that cr_n Icecheeii tito porcion of Mexican cationals svho allowed thcnuchcs p( aselullq to be represenred by tNiexican citizens. is sometimes misleading. could they be resolved by a general formula that seas at once efficacious. Security. however. and so on In sum it is nnstaken tu imagine 1 1. cockfights.11 in rts ongi ns. were tyrants in their selfish appropriation of what was public. then. prohibir bullfights. Fernando Escalante ends his pathbreaking book on politics and citizenship in Mexico in ihe nineteenth century arguing that "[t]here were no citizens because diere were no individuals. th ese vi.mexico] seas rescrved ab initio to a singular Vctacruzano_ an encrepreneurial gcnius an animated soldier. In some con tesas. eliminare ihe obscurantist intluence of tire church. il Írrtncidel tuulc nclcs ^. the situation of thu bad puehlo was compared to citar of a young woman who was not under ihe tutelage of a roan. because it emphasizes only one aspect oí tito phenomenon. because female suffrage was not to be allowed for another hundred years). as is illustrated in another patrioric speech. as much as it was ihe principal challenge ¡oí enlightened li bcral governments sello sought te) expand public education. Simplicity. it was fodder for "seduetion" by bandits or by iactious aspiring politicians. or. Because in theory everyone was a citizen if they were oí age (the article does not even specify that one needed to be male to be a citizen. tito discourse ol citi^enship vas in am simple clac nbl t.. against jails in haciendas. The Demise of Early Liberal Cítizenship The first truly liberal constitution of Mexico (1857) develops an inclusive and relatively unproblematic identification between citizenship and nationality: in order to be a citizen. „ish il' 0 = 71 . This latter forro oí dividing between virtuous and vicious elites readily allowed for rhe consolidation of a discourse oí messianism around a virtuous caudillo. cited carlier. convincing.> thar seas not governed by the class of local notables.tealousy. and this included rchellious Indians (like those cited in Yucatán or in Durango) as much as the feared dcaes 6vitnas that were notas siniilable through puhlic education. This distinction focused on "petty tyrants" Some ni three were perceived.

. a fact that was reflectad in extremely low literacy rates. .presentable ' ' [lis book demonstrates lhar diere was a high degree of pragmatic accord berween liberals asid conservatives on che matter of laws and institutions not beir. First. that is. But whereas the nineteenth-century politician would not have hesitated in identifying the trae citizen with che (unconstantly) amiable driver and the pelado asan enemy oí al] good society andan individual lacking in ¡ove and respect for his patria. ( i iiz en sl. to operate. but a few remarks are necessary_ First. che right to vote was often nullified by che machinery of local bosses. In che end. in conjunction with emerging capitalist development and the construction of che first railroads in che 1 870s that allowed the first successful centralized governments of Juárez and." progress. where che driver oí our earlier Mexico City example seeks anonymity in order te act like a wolf. once thc state could hold its own. but becomes a gentleman with eye contact. political instability and economic decline raised fears that Mexico could be swallowed up by foreign powers or split apart by interna¡ rifts. urban boulevards. The right oí education existed in theory but. that Juárez's restored repuhlic was a genuine experiment in liberal democracy is simply wrttng. this motivation disappeared21 A discourse on "order and progress" quickly superseded earlier emphasis on citizenship and che universal application oí laws as the only way to progress. the pelado rejects eye contact with a threat oí violence. the famous founder of a philosophy about che Mexican as a social subject. and rhat che consolidation oí the central state unde-Juárez and Lerdo needed to sidestep che legal order and te create informal networks of power as much as che Díaz dictatorship that followed it. it was this process. postrevolutionary intellectuals such as Ramos made the urban rabble foto che Ur-Mexicans. as historical studies oí education have shown (Vaughan 1994). as che quintessential Mexicana Ramos argued that Mexican national character was marked by a collective inferiority complex. who is so wounded by the other's gaze that he replies to it aggressively with che challenge of "¿Qué me ves?" (What are you looking at?). it was hoped. that was the subject oí political ritual and myth. championed by Cosío Villegas. The 1917 constitution and che regimes following the revolution changed chis in severa) significant ways. In fact.24 Thus. as 1 mentioned carlier. the masses. but very few social rights. Apache." Contemporary Transformations If chis were the end of che story. the ideal of citizenship was about as obsessively pervasive in Mexican political discourse as was che rejection oí politics as a site of vice. Escalante has argued convincingly thar the old idea. In short. especially. and the mounted police (rurales) were the key fetishes oí a Porfirian era that upheld the state as the promoter oí that progress. and a strong state tbat could guarantee foreign investment was [he key to rhat progress. until Juárez's triumph over t`9aximilian in 1867. under che leadership oí José Modas of Mexican 73 Ci ti zen sbip Ales. and Maya Indians did-be eliminated.g applicable in a systematic fashion because consolidating state power was more tundaniental and urgent. Part of this obsession was a result oí the fact thar. che achievement of governmental stability and material progress pushed earlier recurrent obsession over citizenship into the background. A111d s oJ Thus. might eventually catch up to progress or-if they opposed che nacional state. and diere is a sense in which Mexican history between independence and die French intervention (1821-67) can be seen as a process oí increasing polarizarion. railroads. Why che change? Before che revolutionary constitution of 1917. it was the state.ip 72 = . the earlier fixation on citizenship was in large parí che resulr oí the fact that regional elites needed ro appcal to altruistic patriotism in order to try to hold che state together. This inferiority complex was exemplified in the attitude of the pelado (urban scoundrel). Collective mobilization seemed che only way forward. however. Mexican citizens had individual rights. public education during che porfiriato was controlled to a large extent by urban notables. how could we come to terms with che fact that in the 1 930s Samuel Ramos. the subject who had been considered beyond the pale of citizenship since independence. as the Yaqui. and neither group couId adequately resolve che contradicriun between creating an effective and exclusive group oí citizens and tlie actual politics oí inclusion and exclusion demanded by che sor iety numerous corporations Despire this pragmatic agrecment regarding the priority that consolidating state power had over citizenship rights. oí Díaz. and its power to arrange space and to regiment an order. who controlled voting as a matter oí routine. and che vehicle for [he ultimate improvement of Mexico's abject rural masses. identified che pelado. during che Porfirian dictatorship. I have no space here to go finto detail coneerning che evolution of citizenship under che Díaz regime ( 1876-1910). whereas the law and the citizen were the ultimate fetishes of the era oí national instability. Moreover. A plausible hypothesis is that a strong unified state and the concomitant process of economic growth led hy foreign investment was a more valued goal for the political ciasses than citizenship.

ling t. the state sought to protect individuals from slavelike dependence on the oligarchy. urgent and supremo ideal to being a long terco goal that con Id be achieved only alter che enlighte sed. che prr. although incorporation into a modern sector was one oí the critical goals oí postrevolutionary governments.i. Instead. bcing a citizen promised ñghts of access to certain forros oí protection against che predatory practices of capitalists. be clic a!lahlc and reasonable member oí the middle classes-and Ramoss portraval oí Ihe pelado was in no way laudatory. and so on. transformad by clic postrevolutionary state. Moreover. in this context. belonged to che nation. Thus. but in fact depended on governmental intervention in order to eke out a living in a legally insecure environment. they depend on local governmental support for many aspects of production.1 „' . By che time President Cárdenas nationalized che oil industry (1938). which was to creare a propertied citizenry. and therefore no protected basis for liberal citizenship. bur rather by existing divisions among che elites and by clic pressure of popular groups.rkci s rights. Similarly.. Oí che three sectors that made up Mexico's state parry. the numerous indigent peoples oí Mexico lack a secure private sphere. and so are feeble participants in the construction oí a bourgeois public sphere. Mexicos backwardness and che challenge of its present made it useful to identify the typical subjccr as bcing off center from that ideal. consonant with die state's expansive project. indeed. they targeted Clic property of Indian communities and of the church. which co nc ple roen ted ir with the o rganiza t ion of che pueblo ¡Tito corporati o ns that wcrc regulated and protec tt d bv che tate These broad shifts have liad their correspondi ng counterparts in (he history of the privare sphe re1 be priva te sphere of citizens in Mexico has rever been very fully guaranteed. che modalities oí incorporation retained significan[ sectors oí the population that not only did not benefit from access to a privase sphere that was immune froni governmental intervention. It was not produced by an existing equality among citizens. o f . they need to negotiate with state institutions in order to keep tapping into 11legal sources oí electricity. political discourse in the Mexican press by and large lacked any referente to the ideal citizen and portrayed. Agrarian reform failed to build a Lockean citizenry in the countryside because ejidatarios (land grantees) are not legal owners oí their land. In clic early republican period. like the Porfirian state. and clic filie. .or. to keep living in property that is not formally theirs. n t i. che expropriation of both communal and ecclesiastieal corporate holdings in 1856 did not lead to the desired end. che 1917 constitution spee¡lied a series ^.iblic cdueation .isbi p Malles =75= . two-the peasant sector and the popular sector-had no sacrosanct privare sphere from which to criticize che state. did not concern itself so much with producing citizens.. as did che subsoil and territorial waters Cirizens had rights to poitions of that national wcaltb incie] cenain concht¡ons agrarias communities tiecond che 1` 17 constituínm cstaislichcd che iight ot access to land tor agricultura) workers_ The )and. but che relations oí production that it fostered were equally problematic from the point oí view oí the consolidation oí a private sphere.. as ethnographies oí che "informal economy" have amply attested: people working in the informal sector lead lives that are largely outside oí che law. liberals identiticd corporate toinis of property as a central obsiacle co citizenship_ specifically. ldentifying members oí che urban rabble as the prototypical Mexicans was. plemenc che Porfirian (but still current and useful) [heme of the enliglitened and progressive state. However. the revolutiionary stare. maxTmum working hours. As a result. citizenship went from being sean as an xi. Ci i ize. nslri p 74 Alter the 1910 revolution. in its turn. z. to keep vending in restricted zones.A9exi.liib¡cion ot chilcl labor thu prohibioon ot debt peonage. This perspective was. th¡s constitution.Cl OS ¡n che 920s arel in an cllon u.. At the same time.instead. Although presidents Obregón and Calles upheld the ideal oí the privare farmer in the 1920s and thought it a much more desirable goal rhan thar oí che communitarian peasant..2' Thus.a harmoniousinterconnection between popular classes under che protection of the revolutionary state.Mexicds central state. however. early republican obsession wirh citizeriship was primarily owing to che extreme vulnerabilicy of . but instead to even greater concencration oí landed wealth in che hands of an oligarchy. scientific state liad done its job. In short. werc often identihed as foreign in constitucional debates. wrench che tormation of eiti zens from the hands of che chute h h. who. signihcantly. wide layers oí the population lacked a secure base oí privacy and lived either as dependents or as members oí communities whose rights could only be defended collectively.caces.test on a crusade to reaeh out us che popular clases Tito etioit successful to a significan[ degrce and sc houls wcrc built cn ir rrmi. The modal citizen should. As soon as a central state was consolidated. the goal was to creare and to harness corporate groups and sectors finto the state apparatus. the task oí building up the state was more important to them rhan building up the citizenThe principal shift between thc Portirian and che postrevolutionary state is that che latter consolidated a political idiom oí inclusive corporativism that could be used to con. As a result. ¡nduding minimum .

It was in this period that a clever politician coined che phrase "vivir fuera del presupuesto es vivir en el error" (to live outside oí the state budget is to live in error). The fiscal crisis oí che state that began in 1982 severely limited its ModosofMexicanCitizensbtp AI. AAod. who organized problem-focused discussions with the candidate and an audience (CEPES [Centros de Estudios Políticos y Sociales] and IEPES [Instituto de Estudios Políticos y Sociales]. which was to tap into resources by mediating between state institutions and local constituencies. as a well-dressed worker in a rally oí the labor sector. there were talk-show-like events where the candidate lielded questions from callers who were not identified as members of a party sector. and so on. . second. but through a series oí exchangos with state agencies through which he receives the status oí massified citizen. Rather. there were meetings with regional and national groups oí experts. Iike public displays oí che social whole since che colonial period.In the 1988 presidencial campaign oí che Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). when certain groups. for leaders oí urban gangs.27 The violent suppression of this movement. and finally (chis was an innovation for che 1988 campaign). political classes in Mexico had a pretty clear mission. Public sessions devoted to the discussion oí regional and national problems are attended almost exclusively by suits. The image oí the nation as it was generated in the massive public rallies was thar of a corporate organism. or hats that had the candidate's initials and those oí che party or sector). This situation has been leading inexorably to the end oí the one-party system and che rise oí Mexican democracy During the period oí state party pile. gave a second wind to the corporatist state. the relationship between "the suit" and other costumes is not one oí equality. and che expansion oí state intervention in the economy in the 1970s. there were massive public rallies that were meant to show the party's muscle by uniting the whole pueblo in a single square. The expansion oí che state for severa] decades was a process oí always incorporating political middlemen as new social movements emerged. However.s` There were. third. Alongside this hierarchical and organic image of che nation as being made up of complementary. peasants in their hats and sandals. the suit is the highest formal garb. electricity.Thus. lower-middle-class garb. and interdependent masses. and [hese same democrats have been building a narrative oí Mexican democracy that has the heyday oí the corporate party (the 1940s and 1950s) as che historical low point in Mexican citizenship. che public oí these rallies was divided internally by sectors. or in a suit in a discussion with experts).This situation complicates the vision ofcitizenship asa debased category. T-shirts. Chis citizenship belongs to a faceless mass. an unencompassable civil society would keep growing during chis period and would reemerge politically in the mid1980s. uncqual. This situation has been identified by Mexican democrats as a lack oí a civil society. labor sector. and the one that he has daily used as a government official prior to becoming a presidential candidate. is harnessed back into nationality not through patron-client tics tu privare elites. producing the 1968 student movement. railroad workers in their bloc hats schoolteachers in their modest. for although the presidential candidate dressed up as member oí the sector that he was visiting (as a rancher when in a rally oí the peasant sector. credirs. when the state's fiscal crisis weakened its hold on society. which was in many respects che last traditional PRI campaign. for student movement leaders. for teachers' movement leaders. According to this view. or urban services At the same time. the image oí the citizen with a voice stands in contrast to the massified citizen. the one that the candidate will use on a daily basis when he is in the presidency. Let me illustrate what the shape of official citizenry was like in the era oí single-party rule. but also with a certain uniformity of look. campaign rituals also presented certain modal images oí the citizenry. che corporate state effectively funneled Mexican society into its mass party until the 1960s.. tags. especially middleclass groups-but also some peasants and urban poor-no longer found a comfortable spot in the state's mechanisms oí representation and resource management. and others. each of which signaled its corporate presence with electoral paraphernalia (sheets painted with the candidate's name and the name oí the supporting sector: flags. and popular sector). positions were created for leaders oí squatters' movements. events targered tu specific portions oí the party's tripartite sectorial organization peasarit sector. in the 1970s and 1980s. tirst. public rallies and events were divided into severa] types. both oí the PRI). oJ This is apparent in the use oí dress in the various rallies. for it is through claims of citizenship that the peasantry and the informal sector have negotiated with the postrcvolutionary state-exchanging votes and participation in revolutionary national discourse for access to lands. Thus. not to a collection oí private individuals The pelado who. even when their inhabitants are representing interests associated with labor or agriculture. and who asserted his right tu nationality by his involvement in revolutionary violence. in Ramos's account felt wounded by the mere gaze oí the erstwhile modal citizen. The suit is the modal uniform oí the public sphere. however. r: : (:I:zenslip .

rapid modernization." or the people who were not fit for citizenship (not knowing how to read or write. a declining economy. and the jockeying between party leaderships could beeome divorced irom rhe ever-growing needs oí rhe country's poorest. particularly because the middle and proletarian classes are now large enough to sustaln such an apparatus. bis strategy is hest suited to highlight rhe micropolitics of access to state institutions and does not elarify rhe specihe ways in which citizenship is filled and emptied ol contents. and a lot oí money is going to al¡ political parties. Beginning with Preside n[ Juárez. including how. In other words.possibility ol cngaging in thn . the second is the contemporary. there is an increasing number oí pcople who are tinprotected by relations oí privare patronage. post. the postrevolutionary orden did not achieve rhe liberal goal oí turning rhe majority oí the population into property holders. As a result. unprotected by rhe state. On the other hand. is rhe era oí political instabibty and economic decline that followed Mexican independence. dem onsoatiom. the numbers of fences and walls. when. It therefore misses in important dimension of rhe eulture ot atizenship. And the passage from unruly anonymity to amicable personal contact may beeome more strained as the capacity to claint that "whoever gets mad first. as did oppositioti pa r'ties l here has undoubtc(1h buen an intensification ot eitizen activity in Chis period s. In rhe process. This situation is illustrated in Are fact that today. and ctrong voten partir ipation as well as a huge increase in participation in political rallies. rhe extent oí urban insecurity. Ar the sane time. isted in Iberoamerica However. ith sast numhcrs ol people rejecting massífied corporate forros oi political )ar tiupatton that are no longer providing real beneflts. and was threatened both by imperial powers and by internal regional dissidents. order. as in rhe posrrevolutionary years in which Ramos was writing. At this juncture. In Chis chapter. the fragility oí rhe privare sphere for large sections Modes of Mex ican Citrzensf 79 D . The combination oí national consolidation. 1 argued that there have been two periods when discussions of citizenship Nave been truly central to political discourse The first period which 1 analyzed in sume detail. Nevertheless. but especially under Díaz. including land and protection against employers. . rhe national obsession with citizenship diminished even as the celebration and fetishization oí the state as the depositary oí rationality. although there is undoubtedly more democracy in Mexico than at any time in recent memory. as well as to running electoral processes Elections and electoral processes have become a source oí revenue in their own right. and progress grew. the "bad pueblo" was slowly neutralized and substituted only by rhe growth and expansion oí what 1 have called the "abject pueblo. and rhe extension oí a degraded form oí citizenship to the vast majority is par[ oí the backdrop oí rhe Mexican Revolution oí 1910. or living in conditions oí servitude that effectively precluded full participation as independent citizens). there is an increasingly large class ot lumpenpohticians who seek to funnel die "bad pueblo" finto "factious movements. as in the unstable years oí rhe early and mid-nineteenth century. and who have insufficient private possessions to participare as reliable citizens. The economic costs oí democracy and democranzation are so far very high in Mexico. and so rhe numbers oí nongovernmental organizations in artive service roce dramadeally. not speaking Spanish. and the presente oí the military and oí privare security guards are also rhe highest in recent memory. and violence against traitors (be these indigenous groups or fractious "tyrants" with their clientele of canallas).I982 debt crisis period oí privatization and rhe end of single-party hegemony The view that 1 developed suggests that the intensity oí discussions surrounding citizenship in the first five decades alter independence reflected both the complex politics oí including or excluding popular classes from the political field and the fact that national unity seemed unattainable by any means other than through unity among citizens. loses" itself loses credibility Conclus-ion DaMaua's analysis of thc relationship hetween liberal and Catholichierarchical discourses in the negotiation of citizenship is a useful entry point for rhe descriprion oí debased torno of citizenship as they have ex- The constitutional order that emerged from rhe revolution allowed Mexicans access to a series of benefits. howevcr. citizenship was continually invoked as the foremost need oí the nation ata time when rhe country had no effective central state. and by whorn it is politicized. has broken with rhe unspoken rulo ol prescning rhe figure of rhe national presiden[ irom direct attack and ts crit11 '5m of government has become much loe der. rhe lact that many political leaders and mediators are now living outside of the fiscal budget may also mean that a new forro of massified citizenship is beiog constructed. and rhe like The press roo. the national state was consolidated and a national economy was shaped thanks to the state's capacity to guarantee foreign investment and national sovereignty. In fact. 1 have presented a rough outline oí rhe politics surrounding citizenship in modern Mexico. -uptivc stratcgy.

Instead.or late 1 980s) can be thought of in parí as massified and sectorialized. and. As a result. :. because peasants and workers of the so-called informal sector received beneHts en the force of their citizenship. theories about nacional destiny have often eclipsed broader concerns with human history. It is instead the result oí a pervasive peripheral cosmopolitanism. state-led progress with an organicist construction oí the people. history has been national history. its failure to free Mexico from subservience and to make the nation an equal oí every great nation. and given too that Mexico's state is still incapable oí extending rights universally. out the current emphasis on electoral rights risks emptying the category oí iis social ccntents once again. Thus. given the fact that Mexico still has a large mass of poor people with little legal private property or stable and legally sanctioned work. 4 Passion and Banality in Mexican History: The Presidential Persona In Mexico. whereas in the former they could not. However. and theories of history have been theories oí national history. postrevolutionary governments gave out land and protection as forms of citizenship. My argument in this chapter takes an alternative route. This revolution gave citizenship another kind oí valence. the revolutionary state combined the Porfirian cult oí enlightened. because. we may yet see the reemergence a pernicious dialectic between the good pueblo and the bad pueblo. independence as it has actually existed. Inscead oí attacking communal lands and trying to transtorm every Mexican into a prívate owner. Cirrzevsbi Jr 81 = . however. indeed. Ideally. at least the 1917 constitution envisaged parceling out some benefrts tu people by virtue oí the fact that they were citizens. citizenship in the postrevolutionary era (up to the mid. This phenomenon is not caused by isolation.oí the population has been one of the constante in modcrn Mexican history. lo policies that led to the bankruptcy of the country. real sovereignty. they always want to reach further back in an attempt to force a national subject who can then be liberated through the sovereignty oí a national community. out this has never been a realistic expectation. of an acute conscience oí wanting to catch up. The contraction oí che state has produced massive social movements and a very strong push aruund democratizaban and the category oí che citizen. out they retained ultimate control over those resources. The need to explain the dynamics oí national history stems from the nacional project's failure to deliver its promise. to reach "the level" oí the great world powers.r. Instead. Curiously. in the latter. Development in Mexico has been national development. As a result. and yet lacked independence froni the state. theories oí Mexican history do not usually begin by inspecting the impact oí national independence en the sense of disjointedness that generates national self-obsession. sovereignty may indeed coincide with the liberation oí the nacional subject.. "nobodies" coulcl make daims for state beneHts on the oasis oí their collective identity as part oí a revolutionary pueblo. Part of the current difficulty in MMexican citizenship is that social critics acknowledge that state paternalism and control over production led to unacceptably undemocratic forros oí rule and. the debased citizen that DaMatta speaks of is different in the prerevolutionary and the postrevolutionary periods. has generated a dynamic oí cultural production that shapes Mexican obsessions with national teleology because Moler of Mrx.

The cycle of nationalist angst is therehy closed.tnal growth (i e. The persistente oí che epithet ancien régime' is a manifestation of the perceived divide between che nacional ideal wherein che law has universal extension and application. State power was not boro of a formal social contract. because the failure of modernizing P. eapitalist development has thnved mi clic inahility ot srates fully to encompass che economies of their peoplc lhe tcchmcal social organizacional. but Chis time to refer to the postrevolutionarv one. For instante. political representation. 1 mean che shaping oí che public persona oí che president of the republic. ished. by insisting on a degree of autonomy fui artistic and scientilic production. Historian Frangois Xavier Guerra discusses che 1910 Mexican Revolution against the backdrop oí a still-crumbling "ancien régime. projects is i cself used to construct che nacional subject that is meant to be liberated by the nacional scatc. the presidency alter independence saw its power as preceding the roles and laws of the constitution. such as intellectuals and politicians. produced political habits that Nave been described since che early moments oí Mexican nacional independence and up until che present day as a grotesque penchant for imitation-imitation Yassian nnd Banality in Al rxiran 83 = History . and by fostering a "public sphere" froni which state policiies and institutions can be evaluated and criticized. but not shape it ex nihilo. After al].: Hi. This fact is manifested in che resilience o1 che category ancien régime' in Mexican political and historical texts Eighleenth.ansive projeer thac has challenged specihc state instiitu tions hv shaping and upholding a series of rights aiound che category oí che citlzcn. This fact can be understood in part as a mimetic strategy for che state's survival: che adoption oí the great powers' own idiom of statehood was necessary for navigating a weak state in international waters. and cultural Innovacions that are linkcd io indu. but the nation allegedly was. complained that his contemporaries believed that "[t[he constitution and che laws are here to place limits en a power that already existed and was invested with omnimodal power. and not that they are here to create and form that ideolugy and actual power relatiuns 1-his chasm is espcdalls cvident In Clic states tense relationship io modernizati on and to che ].party system that is in the process oí collapsing. reforms have failed to redress che gulf between che real and che normacive order. and real state creares a systanatic divide ben. modern and tradicional "hybrids" proliferare. che ownership oí political office. Cultural modernity tor: is en esl. This chasm has been che declared cause of revolutions and reforms.caccned b. which is seco as making decisions on a self-serving and ad hoc basis. a man who worked tirelessly and to a large extent unsuccessfully at creating the persona of the liberal citizen. ion and Bi. and en che public enactment of nacional unity and artnculation in political ritual In Chis chapter 1 will focos on che secular process through which che ideal oí nacional sovereignty was incarnated. and other ideals of cultural modernity. 1 will argue that the rocky process by which presidential power became routinized affords a glimpse of che way in which the state has brokered Mexico's modernity. che scates active role in propitialing and channeling development and modernization has depended en institucional forms that often contradice democratic ideals of dnzenship. This segmentation can be properly understood through a geography of mediations.. artistic and scientiflc autonomy. In Mexico. ca. . The temptation to cloak local struggles for national power in a language that enjoyed a degree of international prestige.roed prole. can be th. which is described as corporatist and premodern." despite che fact that Porfirio Díaz was indisputably a modernizing dictator and that Mexico had been independent for nearly ninety yeais when che revolution broke out. t „I cultural modernity. and by che next set oí reforms.:nliiv in Al r:!. liberal theories regarding social contract.ory First Time as Farce? Disturbed perceptions oí che disjunction between the central tenets of nacional ideology and actual political practice are visible in Mexico as early as the independence movement itself. However. modcrnlzation. José María Luis Mora. Al] nacional state. 1 Nave argued that che limitations oí various modero projects in Mexico Nave reflected che highly segmented quality of che public spherc there. and chis process usually ends up being interpreted as a manifestation of che resihence of a nacional culture. a temptation that was provoked at once by imperial pressures and by che strategic utility of foreign ideas for internal self-legicimation. moderniza tion) can thrcaren boch che interests and che teehnical hasis of state power.century modernizing reforms introduced by the Bourbons are correctly casi against a classical ancien régime. freedom of expression.:. and the primary importance of personal negotiation with a sovereign did not die with these reforms. Despite the persistente oí chis ideological disjunction.' Even today."' In other words. but corporatism. and citizenship flotar-. My rescarch agenda has been to develop such a geography by focusing boch on agents oí mediation.cen nati]. which might limit it in some ways. political writers have resurrected che ancien régime label.

and other members oí the insurgent clergy. they shall treat os as brothers. Do not allow yourselves to be seduced by our enemies: they are not Catholics. set the tope for l ater meraphors of national unity and apostasy.' but aleo. 1 quote again froni Mora. ro ni the inan who saved Franco a thuusand timos and Icd its armies vietoriously 111 YO Russia. painted en his hanner (he image of our august patroness. Excommunication ani) Primary Piocess"iiice Jodependence Once Miguel Hidalgos (1810) movement lar independence had ravaged severa) towns oí the Bajío regios. The result of that revolt was not only the assassination of all Euro pean' and Creoles. Manuel Abad y Queipo. This edict. "Long Live the Faith.' This act. by the revolution in the metropole.. Long Live Our Holiest Mother of Guadalupe. hecause the power oI die 'tate was never sufficient to delend the property and the rights of Mexlcans who enjoyed formal citizenship.l Hidalgo's position found concrete jurídica] expression in the edicts oí bus follower. The raen who arroganlly chist ']. ^tiligucl Hidalgo of the parish oí Dolores. fonient the arts. as historian Fernando Escalante has demonstrated. Abad then expressed particular chagrin regarding the fact that the cal] of disloya]ry and arras carne from a priest. our Lady of Guadalupe. in which he swore his loyalty to the Catholic faith: "1 have never doubted any oí its truths. Here. and Death to I3ad Government. or presti ge s [i]nsulting the faith and our sovereign. decreed the excommunication of the priest and oí his followers. except tú politici their god is money. and he imagines a nation guided by a single true faith that will quickly become a kind oí Christian paradise in which poverty is eradicated by the fraternal sentiment and benign intentions that exist between true coreligionists.° ln this context the office ol ihe presidency became a vehicle for imagining sovcrcignty. which was soon endorsed by the archbishop oí Mexico. _ 'comtimnons are sheets of paper that Nave no value other than ihar wlnch die governmcnt wishes tú give them" are deludcd That expression vhidt seas in some v.11 he dcstruycd and ruined"-and then proceeded tu review ihe ravagcs of die wars in French Saint-Domingue JHaiti). Hidalgo warns against tire use oí the trae faith for the enrichment oí foreign oppressors.can Hisiory 8. our inhabitants shall enjoy al¡ of the delicacies that the Sovereign Author oí nature has spilled en this vast continente The bishop began his edict with a citation from Luke-"Every kingtlom that is divided finto factions c11. Morelos. service. In his first edict abolishing slavery and Indian tribute (1810). aping Europeans in their banana repuhlic. which were caused. has been repeated not lar hnm mis bv pygmics without mera. useful and well suited to the circumstances oí each pueblo. Hidalgo made a formal reply. Jlex. Ferdinand VII. Americans. thc bishop oí Michoacán and erstwhile Iriend of Hidalgo. who not only killed and injured Europeans and used his robes to 'seduce a portion oí innocent laborcrs. Morelos proclaimed that "[a]ny American Pas 'ion nnd 13ruia1ily in Mexican 85 liistory = . and presidente built ibeir authoriry by shaping and embodying these images. the citizen that was meant to monlmr these politicians was an equally fietitious character. But." s He then called for ehe establishment oí a representative parliament that. and their acts have our oppression as their only object. the priest José María Morelos. Mexican politicians are tiny AGicans. P. will promete benign laws [leyes suaves].iy r . hut of everv kind of glorious foreign practice.'o Abad y Queipo subsequendy excommunicated Hidalgo and threatened to do the lame to any person who persisted in fighting on Hidalgos side or in aiding him in any way. he reminded bis dock. liven up industry . No good could come from a falce division between Europeans and Americans. caused great indignation and rape with Hidalgo. In sum. banish poverty. . He identifies national sovereignty with rule oí the Catholic faith. moderare the devastation oí ihe kingdom and the extraction oí its moneys. saving as its principal object la maintain our boly religion. Thus Hidalgo performed a kind of counterexcommunication oí European imperialista who used Catholicism in order lo "seduce" those whom they sought to oppress and exploit.`7 Hidalgo then vehemently deplored his excommunication as a partisan act: "Open your eyes.+s=ion and Bnn.flor only oí liberal idcals. and some oí the insurgent clergy's reactlons. They shall then govern with the tenderness oí parents. after a few years. but also the des truction of four-fifths of the island's black and mulatto population and a legacy oí perpetua] hatred between blacks and mulattos.ay tolerable coming from thc hero oI Marring of jcna aod ol Austcrlitz. and wrote the following inscriptiom.Long Live Ferdinand VII_ Long Live America. a rule that is to be paternalistic fin that it shall recognize the specific needs and circumstances oí each pueblo. I have always been intimarely convinced oí the infallibility oí its dogmas.

1910: The celebration of our glories and the commemoration of our heroes is a cult. but those who suffer and work cannot arrive togerher at the altar oí che fatherland with [hose who dominare and benefit because they do not share the lame religion.Mexican nationalism therefore lees the national state as the ideal medium for achieving a Christian community. It was enough.l. and the country's sovereignty was severely limited. it is thc 1 uropean who owes.ed Lo pav it. On another.111 be mmh. a solution that was tried and failed in che 1860s. che c ountcrexcommunieation ot INC Spanish clergy by Hidalgo and Morelos tuses the nacional ideal with a Christian utopia. for a foreigner to be imprisoned for three days en poor behavior or intrigue for that person to become a creditor for fifty or one hundred thousand pesos to the Mexican national budget as a result oí a diplomatic agreement.It. indeed foundational. and Britain. on the conti-are. however. for although such an authority existed during the colonial era in the figure of the king and his surrogate. On one side. nn n 1listo ty 80 = History . instead of by oppressors who used Catholicism to pursue their unchristian aims: the cxtraction oí money and che oppression oí a nation. radical insurgents were not keen to see the precolonial status quo upheld to such a perfect degree. France. In sum. no strong central state had existed. Thus. hc shall rigonxisly pay his debt Lo the ." As a result. which leaned heavily en traditional Spanish legal thought to legitimate itself. It was not until 1867. ti by Morelos's declaration oí a elean siate for all.Just as the Ch ristian's plea to pardon all debts cannot fit in the same prayer as the lew s plea tor daily bread exacted from profits. Spain did not immediately relinquish its claims over the new Mexican empire and attempted to reestablish a foothold on the continent for ten more years. ° Passion u. [before che wars oí intervention] being a foreigner came to mean being the natural-born master oí all Mexicans. Until that time. In the words oí a Porfirian commentator. issuing from the pen oí that foremost ideologue oí the Mexican Revolution.ty in Mexican = 87 This significant.who owes monee Lo a European is not oblit. ses tematically unlair. would be impossible to uphold. lic. Moreover. A similar formulation oí national ideals can be found a hundred years aker Hidalgos cry in Dolores. The dream of a smooth transition between the colonial and che independent order was simply not to be. . sufficient time for an anti-Spanish sentiment that had been growing along with the construction oí Mexican nationalism to become virulent.d Bana1. and Mexican governments alter independence were just as subject to the polities oí religious appropriation/excommunication as their Spanish predecessors. Thus the early fractures among the nascent national elite were connected ab initio to che contest between the United States. They were ill suited to serve as the hasis for consolidating a huge territory peopled by a weakly integrated nation that gained its independence at a montent oí iotense imperial competition. who blasted the official celebration oí the centenary oí independence just two months prior to che first revolutionary outburst oí November 20.Ameriean" Moreover ¡e vete lanwner sha bc set ¡ice wlth che knowldge tirar il he eomni its thc satine dime nt air c othei that eontradicts a mans honeste. as a few oí the exceptionally rare honest diplomats acknowledged. Hidalgo s image al sovereignty as the Christian adm i n ist ration of plenty remained a utopia. Luis Cabrera. after the French departed and Maximilían was shot. wherebv poverty would be bar'shed "in just a few years." or Ya ssi o n und Ira n „l r d. strain of. These Iaws portrayed Turopeans as uuirious'y living oí¡ oí "Amen ca os such that there was no possihle Anacrican debt to the Europeans that liad not been hanclsomeIv paid lor bcl„rehand and that the judgment oí e rimes unid el thc Spa¡lis h reginn rs a. the United States was clearly and loudly opposed to che establishment of a monarchy in Mexico. the standards lar sovereignty that were set by Hidalgo.'11. neither can títere be a unilied hnmage te our fathers by those with an insaciable thirst for power and hy the noble desire for justice that moves che hearts of the pueblo that suffers and wnrks11 Dead Presidents The consolidation oí a central authority has been a eomplex problem in Mexican history. che viceroy.In fact. Morelos's political spirit would perdure because che defense oí nationals against foreign extortion and the dispensation oí Christian justice proved impossible to achieve after independence. monarchists were forced to set their hearts en acquiring a European monarch with che simultaneous backing oí al] or most European powers. Monarchical solutions to this quandary were consonant with the ideology oí Mexican independence. that Mexico finally earned its "right" to exist as a nation. establishing a central state and authoriry after independence proved to be highly problematic. Paternalistic beneficence and brotherhood would be achieved in an independent Mexico ruled by true Catholics. Spain.

its national leaders had to create this relationship negatively. and the strategy of the modernizer. in whom a positiva relationship between personal welfare and national welfare could be state dogma ("The King and the Land are One"). Maximilian. the Scottish rite. whose heads were severed by Spanish authorities and displayed in the four corners oí the Alhóndiga de Granaditas. persona: the strategy oí the martyr. Mexico had been routinely "Africanized" in foreign oyes. Many other leaders oí independence were also executed in later periods. there was only one Masonic rite. Mina. alter independence. including Hidalgo.n 88 t`í CXJC11 11 11 isiory . was established in Mexico by the first U. as political parties are. Mexico has a large pantheon oí national leaders who were shot or martyred. and at times nonexistence. The relationship to kingly ideology is clear. republicanism. with no party structure tu back them. [hese dead became the martyred "fathers" oí the nation. Madero. In neither case. of a combination oí subordination. and mutual reliance-this cense oí reliance and encompassment between the centers oí empire and Mexico was decidedly shaken. Mexican leaders had tried a series oí strategies for constructing central power. alternatively as a liberal. the construction oí the persona oí the president as the personification oí sovereignty was both important and highly problematic. A second lodge.10. shooting him. The first martyrs oí independence were Hidalgo. who dictated their sentences. by the weakness. Allende. who dominated Mexican politics during the first half oí the nineteenth century Santa Anna was called to the presidency eleven times. and Zapata. Thus. oí York. In the early independence period.S. 1 hope to clarify one aspect oí the distante between legal forms and actual political practice. and liberalism. In cases where military officers had to take justice into their own hands. Political organization around che time oí independence flowed to a large extent through Masonic lodges.The state had become the guarantor oí foreign interests against its own people. the strategy oí the exemplary citizen. to name only the most prominent ones. Aldama. ambassador. oí modern political parties. Until that time. in a large number oí short-lived presidencies Civen the nonexistence oí a successful hegemonic block among early postindependence elites. while making a highly visible international statement about the sovereignty oí Mexico and oí its laws. and a moderate. Allende. complementarity. and given a number oí foreign pressuies that were not fully comprehended by these elites until half the country's territory had been lost. centralism. The use oí messianic imagery was significant en two levels: it was a way oí identifying the presidential body with the land. too. When it carne to insurgent priests. It involved creating an iniage that could risa ahoye and reconcile a regionally fragmented society. The most successful example oí a president who relied primarily en this strategy for fashioning his persona was Antonio López de Santa Anna. Obregón. and more Jacobin organization finto Mexico's political arena. Villa. which had been imported by Mexico's representativas at che Cortes oí Cádiz in 1812.?ís real and the país legal. Joel Poinsett. Aldama. Carranza. Guerrero. the difficulty in constructing an image oí national sovereignty and authority in the office oí the president became a major cultural challenge. and sometimes completely shattered. Despite these and other degradations. some officers "reconciled their duties as Christians with their obligations as soldiers" by undressing the rebel priest. however. and it cast the people as being collectively in debí to the caudillo for his sacrifices. As a result. or conservatism. republican. with the explicit ami oí consolidacing a federalist. An Arm and a Leg The saliente oí martyrdom in politics has often been noted in popular commentary in Mexico. such as federalism. an image that could also be manipulated in order to seduce orto frighten off imperial power-contradictory uses that are surely parí oí the famous distante hetween the p. for whereas political ritual and the stability oí office in the colonial period reveal a clear-cut ideology oí dependency-that is. Morelos. Iturbide. Matamoros. combining varying forms oí messianism. Because Mexico was unable to enshrine its own king. aspects of monarchic power. In the years between 1 821 and 1867. where Hidalgos army had massacred a number oí Spantards and Creoles. through sacrifice. The bullet that killed Maximilian effectively ended the possibility oí ever establishing a European-backed monarchy. were these lodges open to public scrutiny. liberalism. a conservative. The subjects were defrocked in ecclesiastical courts and then turned over to the civil authorities. Ideological purity was Passion and Banality in 89 Mexiean HisIory The difficulty in shaping presidential power was increased. it was through personal sacrifice that the president could attempt to convince people oí his capacity to represent the entire nation. and then redressing him with his robes for burial. In discussing selected aspects oí these three presidential repertoires. Spanish authorities tried to degrade the leaders before and after execution. and Santa María. and political power was taken in the name oí ideologies. 1 shall explore three significant strategies in the evolution of the presidential Passion nnd 13 1 '1y .

. Vlceroy don Juan Vicente Guemes Pacheco y Padilla. bis humiliating defeat in Texas). the same two powers that caudillos claimed for themselves when they claimed to stand aboye all parties. substituting for it the National Theater.. and at that point he attempted co build the rudiments oí a political geography that would have him at its center. segundo Conde de Revillagigedo.clearly not che way to estahlish onesdl as a durable alternatve for the presidencv in carly nineceentli . Santa Anna was once again called to power. They tore down a bronze hust erected in bis honor in the Plaza del Mercado. broken into bits to be made sport of in such a barbarie mannert' In that moment ot grief and frenzy.aceording to Santa Anua] las with the political par ti. Stop' 1 don't wish to hear any more! Almighty Codi. In 1842. sion nnd Daneii1 y . the dilflculcies in creating a national center in the face oí interna] divisions and international pressure. Collection of Banco Nacional de México. eighteenth century.. ntury . They stripped bis narre from the Santa Anna Theater. and all the dead heroes whose ]ove for the patria at that point was the only ideology capable of unifying the country-is best appreciated in Santa Anna's own words: The infamous words the messenger read me are repeated hete: "The majority oí Congress openly favor the Paredes revolution . The significante oí Santa Anna's Icg-a limb that linked him to Hidalgo. A member ot my hody. historian John Lynch observes chat Santa Anua sale El ini e l as a preserven of order.S.The viceroy is assisted on one side by the power oí arms. and en the other by che power of justice." 1 interrupted the narrator. which was a mausoleum in which bis left leg was reinterred. Civen Mexico's ideological rifes.nna. exclaiming savagely. and he organized the defense against the U. for all time 15 Figure 4. Oil on canas. with a statue of himself in front oí it. anonymous painter. .u Xlexican Hirirry 90 . Santa Anna. lose in che service of my country. A solemn and much-actended ceremony was cnacted to inaugurare a third monument. dlvidcd Mexico and created a need for reconciliation" : 1992. The rioters imprisoned President Canalizo and extended their aversion to the president. This is a usual representation oí a viceroy's arrival in New Spain. He had a luxurious municipal theater built (the Teatro Santa Anna).. bis leg was amputated alter wounds acquired in cine "Pastry War against the French in 1839 (offsetting. somewhat. Furthermore. Morelos. objeet of my dreams and oí my disillusions. they have taken bis amputated foot from the cemetery ot Santa Paula and proceeded to drag it through the streets to che sounds of savage laughter and regaling . itsell. ss bici. invasion ata time oí political disarray. not as an ideologically Inconsisccnt opporuinist 1 -he fault !.1. and so Santa Anna cultivated bis repuiation as a war heru He led clic defense against the Spanish in 1829. 1 decided to leave my native country. 52 x 41. 3s6 Aboye the political fray hetwee n nothing remained in the rhetoiic of the period but the fachciland .Vlcxico_ Instead. the only Pa. dragged from the funeral urn.p.

3. Spain and the Indies placed on your head this [imago oí the croes n 1 the bottom reads.monymous painter. 1-he message on the painCing reads. will rever lel gu Ironu i¢ lit.1 ieure 4. ninereenth century.2 hnagni de iura Len releen de Frmm.hes rhe teso worlds of Ferdinand VII" The representation of the king oo Str ikinglq . Oil cn canvas. Santa Anna as presiden[- .nlo VII .'This ¡ion.imitar ti) portraits of Iturhide and Santa Anna_ 1 igure 4. which is the Spanish nation. leluved Fernando. 1-40 x 98 cm_ Collcetion ui !Museo Regional de Guadalajara.

The result appears at first as an impossible combination: the legalistic bureaucrat as national fetish. inexpressive en the humid and reddish rock oí sacrifices. Juárez did not make speeches. who was initially portrayed by the U. as well as to interna] desecration. reelected for office in 1928. As an Indian.This arre was preserved in alcohol and it hecame tlie centcrpicce of a monument built in his trame by the man who created thc Partido Revolucionario Institucional that ruled the country for seventy-one ycars. or the statesman . and they were placed at the foot oí the Angel oí Independence in Mexico City by President Calles in the 1920s. he did not have intimate conversation . president from 1920 te 1924.It suggests that martyrdom has been fundamentally linked to an elten unworkable ideal oí sovereignty in modern Mexico Sovereignty.I!. '. has been a place that only the dead can inhabit. which is why we sometimes fight over their remainsls Unconventional Conventionalists. It fell to Benito Juárez to create the first strong image oí the presidency as an institution oí power that seas truly aboye the fray. who gavc [Ti' their health iris tbctr country. He was characterized by the secular silente oí the vanquished who know that every word that is not the miasma oí degradation is punished. Nor. and murdered on the day of his elee tion. patriots apparently also had a bone to pick (so to speak) with Pancho Villa. Santa Anna lost his leg and it beeame the focus oí contention. and the ea' licsi viable examples oí the presidential persona wcre built around the ligare ot the martyr-presidents who did not reecive salaries.16 U. and getting away with it.e1 1 1 as 1 11 . irreproachable. or the Fetishism of the Lau. Vrxrcan v4 His1ory Juárez created a lasting image oí what the relationship oí the president to the nation should be: he had no need oí the kind oí martyrdom that Santa Anna utilized because his yace already proved his links to the land. nor did he have esprit. In 1862. Victoria's remains were transferred to Puebla by General Alejandro García. Obregón's martyrdom was thus used to funnel charisma finto a hureaucracy that has insistently called itself revolutionary. in that his role was to remind Mexicans and foreigners oí the role oí the law. According to one hagiographer. his movement. whose tonib was desecrated and whose head allegedly ended up in the Skull and Bones Society at Yale University.S media as a great popular hero and then demonized as the bandit who had the gall oí invading Columbus. that ideal locatien where al! Mexicans are 1.1 B .i M e x i c a n H . as an impenetrable magistrate and keeper of the law. t .30 The politics around these remains reveals the degree to which the nation's inalienable possessions llave been vulnerable to foreign appropriatien. by that indifference that apparently allows no seduction but that exasperates . Nor was he subtle or expressive in his gestures. lost an arni in the battle el (elava against Pancho Villa. = 95 = .. on the other hand. two U. invasion of Mexico in 1848.S. His only language was official.S. Alvaro Obregón caudillo of the Mexican Revolution. it was instead that oí a god in a teocalli. During the U. American soldiers violated the tomb where his mummy and preserved innards were kept.1 ­ . His only posture that oí a judge hearing a case . use the press. Guadalupe Victoria. just before the French invasion.S. was he an apostle . severe . Juárez could stand for rhe nation. unbearable. an element that makes thought penetrating.. beeame die object oí "scientific interest" by patriots in the United States. Mexico's first president. a secret society oí which George Bush was a member-1' It would appear that Villa. died in 1842. or write letters. fastidious . as Bulnes says. or the martyr. Juárez. soldiers drank the alcohol in which Victorias innards were preserved and died-the remains oí Guadalupe Victoria were still powerful in the struggle for sovereignty. and his strategy was to present himself as a complex embodiment oí rhe meeting between the nation and the law. whlle Villas invasion oí Columbus is still a source oí pleasure for Mexican revnncbis les. he attempted to create an image oí the presidency as being aboye ambitious self-aggrandizement. His only expression the absence oí all expression . Two less well known and curious stories are the ends met by the bodies oí Guadalupe Victoria and of General Francisco (Pancho) Villa. like perfume .. relied on the mythology oí the Aztec past that P a s s o n a n d B a n a 1 i 1 y i . he did not write books. Mexican presidents who belonged to the local aristocracy could only achieve full identification with the land through the theater oí messianism and martyrdom. or his gaze. Juárez's construction oí the presidential persona as the embodiment oí the law depended on a racial element for its success. sober.19 Francisco Bulnes provides a biting creole perspective on Juárez 's distinct public image: Juárez had a distinctively Indian temperameny he had the calm oí an obelisk-that reserved nature that slavery promotes to the state oí comatoseness in the coldly resigned races. New Mexico.ood president could be a seltkss one The dead insurgents beeame ex acoples ol this ideal. whu saeriheecl theii iniilics who abandoned their lamily l'artene. . The physical and moral appearance of Juárez was not that oí the apostle . created equal.

The Indian. Madero revolted against Díaz in the name P . and this despite che fact that Juárez's self-serving use of the law was no different from either his predecessors nor his successors. Tlahuicole.was important in Mexican nationalism as a way of establishing a credible relationship to the land without relying on messianism . the execution of a prestigious European monarch. but rather to show that he could 'rise aboye his yace. This was because Juárez's challenge was not to demonstrate loyalty to the land. When he relied on hiblical imagery. interim president of Mexico alter General Dfaz's fall in 1910: El gobernar con el frac Governing with a tuxedo y ser presidente blanco Being a white president es tan sólo un pasaporte Is only just a passport de destierro limpio y franco 21 7o certain banishment. and abandoning his fortune for the sake of the nation ." The law resolved this problem to some extent.S510n Figure 4. by Manucl Vilar. as Bulnes says . one could not cake on the persona of the bourgeois or the bureaucrat. who indisputably was connected to the land . whose actitudes in this regard were usually inspired by Napoleon. This contrasts with the role of the law in the persona of the messianic president . one needed the force of arms and a messianic language.and the expressionless leader who claims the rule of law in the narre of the nation . Collection of Museo Nacional de Arte. and not to Jesus and the martyrs . The fact that the two could not easily be combined is evident in a satirical verse directed to León de la Barra . was implicit in the representation itself.overflowing with personality .can Hisfory 96 .nnlity in Alrx. the lawgiver and liberator. and an alliance with the United States . an idol in a teocalli. could identify so fully with the law that he would become faceless: a national Fetish of the law. but if one were white and sought to be president. two alternative images of that national fetish that is the president had been rudimentarily established : the presiden [ as messianic leader. After Juárez . One could use a tuxedo like Juárez if it underlined a fusion between the Indian and the law. instead. the defeat of the clergy. but rather through his sober image as the inexorable instrument of the law. the image of saving che law in che narre of the nation becarne a powerful way of claiming the presidency and of shaping the presidencial persona. Juárez usually turned to Moses. photograph by Agustín Estrada.22 During ehe Mexican Revolution. caused by foreign subjugation.4. He succeeded in identifying himself with the land not through the greatness of his individual acts ( as Bulnes would have liked). After Juárez. Juárez was aided in this project by the fact that he presided over the definitive defeat of European powers . This exemplar of indigenista art from che time of Juárez has the Indian embody the classical ideal of strength and beauty. and B. The discrepancy between che potential of the Indian race in its moments of sovereignty and its degeneration. ideologically inconsistent.

iseion and Oa salii> . though hoth are components P.President Juárez. Figure 4. which was interpreted as the fount oí nacional comunitas whose spirit was embodied in tire constitution oí 1917. Carranza's army called itself the "Constitutionalist Army" when it organized against the usurper Huerta. saw itself as the institutionalized heir of the revolution. is the modero Inventos del hombre blanco: Modernizalion and Presidencial Fetishism 1 have outlined two ways in which thc presidenr's persona was shaped: che messianic strategy and che indigenized-legalist strategy. Madero combined the messianic image with that oí the law provider in his "apostle oí democracy" persona. v8 .idios carboneros y labradores de Li vecindad de México.Figure 4. In fact. Villa and Zapata called themselves "Conventionalists" and claimed to be fighting Carranza out of respect for the resolutions oí the Aguascalientes Convention. and perhaps most important.Juárezs identity as a civilian demonstrates the porential of Mexican society ro back this ideal. the Indian who studied law and who made Europe pay for its intervention by ordering Maximilian's execution in conformiry with that law. In each oí these cases. Juárez. These alternatives were developed at difterent moments. while simultaneously affirming that national liberation would not be attained by "caste wars " .Finally.This re presentati o o ol eoniempoi ary Indians is characteristic of the period and contrasta wlrh the ideal cmbodied in Tlabnicole- of the 1857 constitution and he was punctilious in setting himself up as a law-abiding citizen. including juárez's. the nationalization oí che law was a way to construct a viable presidential authority whose actual policies often had no more than a casual or after-the-facr relationship tu the law.6.5 I. Mexico's dominant party.blexicnn Hislory reconciliation between che idealized pre-Hispanic Indian and che promise held out by national sovereignry. anonymous engraving autographed by Presiden[ Juárez. established in 1929.. lithograph by Carlos Nebel (1850).

lhe Indian Gmlor. ALTAMIRANO. 100 A:. [In che early and mid-nineteenth century] [w]e have two theses corresponding to two tendencies [che liberal and che conservative tendency].7. This contemporary portrait oí a green-eyed Juárez hangs today in Mexico's Senate. which struggle against each ocher because oí their respective aims and because they are founded on two different visions of che direction oí history. on che cultural plane. However. The mestizaje of Juárez is here embodied in che whitening of his face. [hese two theses end up postulating the same thing. co wit. According co historian Edmundo O'Gormam ) i i. Presidente Benito Juárez. Collection of che of contemporary Mexican "presidentialism The messianic strategy was che first successful option because [here was no way that the presidency could feign ideological consistency in che first half oí che nineteenth century. It was a consequence of sovercignry and hecame its fitting symbol_ Figure 4.8. Figure 4. they both wish to acquire che prospedty of che United States without abandoning Passion and Bnnulity in 101 = Mexican History The third strategy that 1 will discuss concerns che nationalization oí modernization as a presidencial stracegy. by Hermenegildo Bulstos. a symbol quite similar co Juárez. a strategy that made sense while Juárez lived.'xi:nn History .IGNACIO M. The Indian body elothed in European high culture was a reclamation oí what had been due te che Indiati yace. Allanurano. anonymoiu engraving published in Evans (1870)_ Ignacio Manuel Altamirano seas. The fetishization oí che law occurred in coniunction with the consolidation oí Mexico's position in the international system and as a result oí the polarization oí che country to a degree that only one party could conceivably emerge as che victor_ Senado de la República (Mexico).

arielismo was an ideology that was well adapted to the circumstances oí Mexican political and intellectual elites from the end of the nineteenth century to the end oí the era oí impon substitution industrialization ( 1982). the contest ter nm oderniza tion (niaterial and technological progress) asas a high aim of the national struggle that was claimed by all factions. makc the Spanish and Indian nobles equis a ents. the fundamental tenet oí arielismo (greater spirituality that is nonetheless compatible with selective modernization) has multiple manifestations.These twin statues. and so on. some oí which are present even today in the forro of indigenismo. Its knowledge was derived from the humanistic education of its leaders and the spirituality of communal relations in Latin America. arielismo.u'aditional ways of being. arielismo presupposed a certain cosmopolitanism and a high degree of education (at least at the leve) oí the elites). adorning Mexico's con tribu(ion te che Ibero american Exhibition in Seville.Mestizo power is die logisal consequence of this vision Figure 49b Un caballero español del siglo XVI Sculpture from the Mexican pavilion et the Exposición Iberoamericana de Ser dla ! 1929) Moreover. in different ways. society. because it cast Mexicans as consumers oí modern products that retained an unaltered "spiritual" essence. "Los inventos del hombre blanco' (the white man's inventions) were a third critica) prop in creating Pns sian arad E)aueliiy ir. and other avatars oí this posture implicitly fostered a defensive cultural role for the state and its statesmen_ to guard Latin societies against the base materialism oí U. combined with the maintenance oí hierarchical and paternalistic relationships within society. the state was meant to be savvy about the consumption oí modern produces. Although Enrique Rodó's Ariel ties Latin spirituality to a Hellenic inheritance. rejected This tendency was clearly expressed at the muro oí the twentieth century-when the contest herween liberals and co nserva tives had been transcended-in irielisnm. In other words. while cultural modernity was. The cosmopolitanism and spiritual education oí the elite were required. Caballero Águila. society.9a. Given this mediating position. in order to guarantee a well-reasoned selection oí modere implementa and practices to import. Taken at this leve) of generality. because these were judged tu be the very essence of the nation. an essence that was embodied in specific-unmodern-relations at the leve) oí family organization. indigenismo. Both comenta wanted thc benehts oí moderniry. in fact. corporate organization. figrtre 4.S.S. This mediating position allowed the appropriation of modernization as part oí the presidential manna. an ideology that posited the spiritual supcriority of Latin America over the United States and envisioned modernizing Latin American countries without absorbing the spiritual debasement created by the all-pervasive materialism that was attributed to U. Mexican His to ry 103 = . and in nationalistic forms of socialism. clientelism. but neither wanted modernity itsclf" In other words. Sculpturc lrom the Mexican pavilion of the Exposición Iberoamericana de Sevilla 1929).

whose introduction of the railroad did much to lend verisimilitude ro Díaz's studied resemblance of Kaiser Wilhelm. became emblematic of Porfirio Díaz and his accomplishments as president. The image oí the state presiding over or introducing some major technological innovation or material henefit has been critica) to the construction oí the persona oí the presidenr since Porfirio Díaz's regime (1876-1910). and the electrification oí the Mexican countryside under Echeverría (1970-76)_ The identification oí the president with modernization has at times been used against the more racialist imagen of the presidency as the embodiment oí national law and oí the nation's martyrs. with the exhaustion of models oí industrialization organized around the national market through import substitution industralization. Feats of engineering . morally.10 . Alvaro Obregón (1920-24) had it: his pickled arm. Alrxisan 104 = His^ory . which was bluwn off at the I3attle of Celaya. Arguably Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-40) also had a credible mix of these ingredients. when presidenta usually show ideological eclecticism . linked him to the earth. to show that. Moreover. variants oí arielismo as an official ideology have become increasingly untenable . However. Conclusion The idea oí sovereignty was firmly entrenched in New Spain before independence. The source oí this insecurity was the weakness oí Mexico's position in the contest between imperial powers and Mexicos internal economic and cultural fragmentation. rhese never had the nationalist power oí the later technological imports. with lower percentages oí prostitutes. the development oí Cuernavaca under Calles (1929-34). Pas^ioe ^^nd 13anniii^ . Passion and BanaIlty n Mexican 105 = fíistory This almost ideal overlap between a modernizing image (gained only by presiding over the country in a moment of economic growth) and an image of personal sacrifice and racial legitimacy has only rarely coincided lince. the Mexican presidential image has suffered greatly. but it became an elusive ideal afterwards. At any rate. San Porfirio. modernizing presidents lince the 1982 debt crisis have gambled everything on a successful bid to be like the United States-materialism and all. This has especially been the case in times oí great economic growth. coincided with Mexican Independence Day. photograph by C. To a cenan degree. One parcial exception is the use of statistics. Figure 4. As a result. there are relatively few examples oí this political usage oí modernization by the presidential figure. with peace in the land and sustained economic growth for a couple of decades. since World War II. The father oí this eclectic style is Porfirio Díaz.^. In the cal ¡y nineteenth century. Che construction of the National University's modernist campus and the development oí Acapulco under Miguel Alemán (1946-52). who nonetheless concentrated in his persona much oí the two earlier coniponents oí Mexican presidentialism (idenrity as racially Mexican. especially to the extent that presidents have failed to achieve the promised goal. Mexico City was the equal of Paris. Excursión al puente de Metlac. Waite (early 1900s). such as the bridge over the ravine oí Metlac. B. the birth oí the pero and of the nation were thus celebrated on the same day. higher educational levels. Therefore.a stable view of sovereignty and of presidential power in the history oí ideological uncertainty. while his modernizing policies eventually gave him popularity with Mexico's industrial classes. and other illusionsr' Early efforts were usually cultural rather than technological-Santa Auras choice to build a theater as his most public work is an example. a situation that made the construction of a central power difficult. the construction oí the Pan American Highway and the naUOnalization oí the oil industry under Cárdenas (1934-40). Recent examples oí the nationalization of modernization include the construction oí the Mexico City subway under President Díaz Ordaz (1964-70). and idenrity as war hero)_ Dfazs unparallcled personal success in combining all rhree strands of thc presidential persona seems to have received divine sanction: the day of his namesake. the image oí the modernizing president became more and more significant.

Díaz the war hero had co copy some of these.\1.12.Although tli e unccrtaingV ot o.:. The virtues associated with Juárez are civilian (constitutionalism.E.-neern 1910 and 1939. discretion. thc presldcnt.11. The thrcc strategics lar utn stnicct n:. El hijo del Ahuizote. civism . erta eec proteXO enmendar mi esftlo. firm principies .slexicos independent pistan UNA LECCION DE PINTURA..eic pntr vaa. respect for che law. A newspaper portrays the young President Díaz modeling himself after Juárez .a. modesty.I il I'll Ili'llll'llllili^Pl 11I!1llf' ^ ^ ^ l ]Lhl Ii „. the cultural dycamics ehat wcrc unleash ed hv thca: tuxemirGes h ave bcen releva nt for tire figure chas 1 have discussed originare and culminare in ditferent moments-all three were routinlzed roto the presidencial otlice in che postrevolutionary era . History . EL BUEN MODELO. Benson Collection. Díaz as n war pero--a representaron reminiscent of Santa Arenas self-fashioning strategy.. Indian ( abnegation. 1 . A Painting Lesson. July 31.. University of Texas.. mast keenly telt in the periods bctwccn 1821 and 18c and h. 1887.> nl . patriotism) and Figure 4. Gustavo Casasola Collection. intelligence . constancy. General Porfirio Díaz presideole de la República para el período 1877-1880.. Figure 4 . . and honesty).

Arc of Triumpb Erected in Honor of Porfirio Díaz Here miliitarism. before che Olympic Carnes in 1968. which sometimes conceives of itself as provincial. At the same time. oí arielistas and indigenistas. This obsession was fostered to a large degree by che aspiration oí liberals and conservatives. indigenism. Arielista cosmopolitanism. and the conflicts between che states needs in this regard and its connections to interna ) social groups. as facade or farce. and an Indian. but it is Mexico's persistent dismodernity that generates this form oí self-knowledge. is at the heart oí the preponderante oí the nation as an intellectual object in Mexico. The importante oí the nation's self -presentation to the externa] world. Clashes between communitarian revivas oí che idea] oí sovereignty and stiff and self-serving international presentations oí the state have often been understood by analysts as manifestations oí what Victor Turner Pnssion oid 13ana. As a result. Mexican history generates a characteristic combination oí passion and banality. ised modernity within a national framework. and modernization are rolled into one. andan identifcation of Díaz as a savior.ily in iltesican History 108 = Pa ssion and Baxality in Mexican 109 = History . the cosmopolitanism oí che statesman as the nations official internacional taster. has forged sagas oí national history that reach to che Aztecs or to the Conquest for an understanding oí che qualities and properties oí the Mexican nation. this very strategy oí constructing a national center by brokering modernity through the presidential office. moments oí governmental selfpresentation before foreign powers have buen vulnerable targets oí public protest. Nonetheless. is what has helped generate a national self-obsession.13. Nevertheless. with long periods oí modernizing innovation being perceived. and short bursts oí unrealizable communitarian nationalísms as the manifestations oí the true feelings oí the nation. led to the invention oí a state theatcr that was often divorced from the quotidian practices of state rulo. The martyrs that are generated in these moments oí primary process are subsequently harnessed and appeals to their image are routinely made by aspiring presidents and used as che blueprint by which to build a more stable political geography. These are moments in which the original idea oí sovereignty as a moment in which the Mexican nation would be free to construct its own destiny and to ]¡ve in fraternal bliss are revived. 1994. and by nationalizing it through the cult oí martyrs and through the racialization oí the law. to modernize selectively and to attain the promFigure 4. despite their novelty. This cosmopolitanism. the construction of the are is a feat of engineering and architecture. a sign of rhe wealth produced by modernization. as occurred during Díaz's centenary independence eelebrations in 1910. a nod toward Europe.(1974) called "primary process" in his classical essay on Hidalgo's revolt. a soldier. representing the nation internally while maintaining an adequate externa) facade has been a chronic difficulty. these moments oí communitarianism are always betrayed because the popular ideal oí sovereignty has been a structural impossibility for Mexico. and on the day oí the inauguration oí che North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) enJanuary 1. As a result oí this structural prob]em.

such unlikely democrais as iMexico's longtinte state party (the PRI) and Mexicos traditional left. In the sphere of scientiflc and aeademie production, the government has !mil, m cnted e1rae onian measures for niodernization, doggedly promoting standards o1 production and productivity that are mcant to put Mexican science in liase with an international standard." Finally, in the economic realm, the idea of competing in global markets has gained enormous autliority, and it has ser-ved to justify the transformation ot state en terp ri set that were run on a red istti butive ideology of ''national interest' and "social justice" into privately owned, competitive, and, yes, "modern" businesses-


Fissures in Contemporary Mexican Nationalism

The confluente oí al] oí these changes and themes of public discussion reflects, undoubtedly, the fact that Mexico entered yet a new phase of dismodernity in the past two decades. The 1982 debt crisis dealt a terrible blow to the regime oí state-fostered national development, and the economic arrangement that has emerged provoked an intense struggle for supremacy between diverse modernizing formulas. Those involved in this contest continuously make appeals to various idealized national audiences, but those audiences have themselves changedIn this chapter, 1 explore one aspect oí this transformation, which is the relationship between national culture and modernity. Specifically, 1 discuss the ways in which national identity has changed from being a tool for achieving modernity to being a marker of dismodernity and a form oí protest against the most recent reorganization oí capitalist production. In the process, both the substance and the social implications oí nationalism have been deeply transformed.

Mexicans have been tormented with recurring modernizing fantasies and aspirations ever since independence Dreanis of the nation wrestling with the angel of progress have been especially haunting in moments oí profound social change, such as those that are transpiring in Mexico today. Worrisome symptoms of epochal cultural and social transformation first carne to the attention oí the reading public in the mid-1980s. At that tinte, many a social diagnostician thought that Mexico had contracted "posttnodernity" and that its twisted historical trajecrory might at last have hrought it to that vanguard that ends all vanguards (albeit in a disheveled state). Nevertheless, Chis notion was soon corrected by Roger Bartra (1987) who, having carefully analyzed Mexio's symptoms, came to the sohering conclusion that, although indeed strange things were happening regarding modernity in Mexico, diese might more aptly be described as a particular form of dismodernity or, more playfully, as "dis-mothernism": a mixture of a quite postmodern drsn odre (chaos) and continuing aspirations to an unachieved modernity. Unsatisfied with this state ot aflairs, M(xicos political parties and the press soon nade the issue of modernity finto their central theme- In the political realm, lor instante, democracy has received obsessive attention. It has become a hegentonie idealogy. bringing rogether all parties, including

The Telltale Naco
One phenomenon that helps to capture the changed relationship between nationality, cultural modernity and modernization is the way in which the connotations oí the term naco have changed in the past decades. Until sometime in the mid-1970s, the terco naco, which is allegedly a contraction oí Totonaco, was used as a slur against Indians or, more generally, against peasants or anyone who stood for the provincial backwardness that Mexico was trying so hard to emerge out of. In the 1950s, Carlos Fuentes described the nacos counterparts as "little Mexican girls .. blonde, sheathed in black and sure they were giving international tono to the saddest unhappiest flea-bitten land in the world."' The naco, then, was the uncultured and uncouth Indian who could only be redeemed through an international culture
,tl osica n


Na ti on a i,






In the past twenty years, however, the connotations oí naco began breaking out oí their rustic conhnement to such a degree that naquismo carne to be recognized as a characteristically urban aesthetic. Similar processes have occurred elsewhere in Latin America, with tercos such as cholo in Peru and Bolivia, and mono in Ecuador. Resonating with the imagery oí colonial castas, che aestheiics of the uaco denote impurity, hybridity, and bricolage, but, aboye all, the more recent usage oí naco designates a special kind of kitsch. The naco's kitsch is consideren vulgar because it incorporates aspirations te progress and the material culture of modernity in imperfect and partial ways. We recognize a form oí kitsch here because the naco is supposed te feel moved by his own modernized image. So, for example, the Haca is moved by the sopas in her living room and she seeks to preserve their modernizing impact by coating them with plastic. It is worth noting, however, that in defining naco in this new sense, the category can no longer be confined or reduced to a single social sector or class, because the kitsch oí modernization affects upper classes quite noticeably, and 1 have in mind not only such outstanding naco monuments as former Mexico City Chief oí Police Arturo Durazo's weekend house that is known as "The Parthenon," but also many of the attitudes oí Mexico's bourgeoisie, whose self-conscious fantasies are easily perceived in the domestic architecture oí any rich post-[ 960 neighborhood. The category of naco as modern kitsch is thus directly connected to an idiom of distinction that appears to have lost its moorings in the indigenous and peasant world: it now targets that whole sector oí society that silently sheds a tear oí delight while witnessing its own modernity. And it is this self-consciousness, this unnaturalness oí the modern, that explains the persistence oí a (derogatory) Indian brand, for, like the colonial Indians, today's nacos have not fully internalized their redemption; they are therefore unreliable moderns in the same way that Indians were unreliable Christians, and so the whole country is dyed with Indianness. In addition to marking a kind oí kitsch, che epithet naco also connotes a certain lack oí distinction, or at least a lack oí hierarchy, between "high culture" and its popular imitations. Specifically, naco can be used te designate an overassimilation oí television and oí the world oí capitalist commodities. It is an assimilation oí the imitation with no special regard for the original. For example, forcign-sounding names such as "Velvet," "Christianson," and "Yuri" have proliferated in the past decades. One unusual but telling example is 'Madeinusa,' a name that was inspired by the label "Made in USA" and that is used in Panama. Broadly speaking, these
Fissu res in Alex,can ; Valionaiism

names come from comic books, magazines , and soap operas, and they are rejected by anti-naco sectors, who are increasingly inclined to use names from the Spanish Siglo de Oro (e.g., Rodrigo, María Fernanda) or from the Aztec and Maya pantheons (e.g., Cuauhtémoc, Itzamnah, Xicoténcatl). This latter group sees the former as nacos, but one could also argue that the distinction is rather one between closet nacos (modernizers who are nevertheless worried about erasing historical distinctions between high and low, foreign and national culture) and open or "popular" nacos, who couldn't care less. This is recognized playfully by some in the distinction between "Art-Naqueau," which is a more elite naco, and "Nac-Art," which is based en commercial North American culture, a distinction that flags an elitization oí history. Whereas the popular naco hreaks with the weight oí tradition (the mother is called Petra, the daughter is named Velvet), traditionalists try to appropriate History with its Rodrigos and Cuauhtémocs. Thus we can distinguish between nacos who try to affiliate to the modern vía the great national or Western narratives, and those who erase history and simply luxuriate in modernization. The popular nacos move toward the diminution oí the weight oí national and Western history brings some problems to those non- or closet nacos who depend to some degree on those histories. For example, in politics certain new populist styles have debunked long-standing política¡ forms in Latín America, In La Paz, Bolivia, a highly "cholified" city, "El compadre Mendoza" and his sidekick, "La Cholita Remedios," DJs of a popular radio station, have won important political posts. In Ecuador, former president Abdala Bucaram identified simultaneously with Batman, Jesus, and Hitler, while in Brasília, Mexico City , Buenos Aires, and Lima presidents and ministers have protagonized intense melodramasconfrontations between spouses, rivalries between brothers, leve affairs between cabinet members-that generate sympathies and antipathies that threaten to overshadow the significance oí the great narratives oí national power. Thus the new vulgarity is at times a threat to traditional political forms, just as it can threaten traditional mechanisms oí class distinction, reducing the old elite to ever-narrower and culturally obsolete circles oí "oligarchs." These threats to civilization are complemented by a growing horror toward the masses, a situation that is attributable to the combined effects of the lack oí respect for "distinction" involved in the new naquismo and the tremendous growth oí urban unemployment and crime. The fear oí looting and oí armed robbery has a counterpoint at the leve] oí distinction: fear oí proletarianization and oí blending in with the "vulgar classes."
F,s,ures in Mexican Nationai,sm


113 =

Political seientists are scan<lalizcd hy e caes "IumpenpoliGes, eloset nacos are scandalizcd by upen llrlios. and che gheist ut che Indian haunts America once more not as e redeemed Indian hut a, al) incdeemahie Indian. The emergente cal neto- tones ol chstinction that are evident in che crarsformatun of che tate ory oi r n in 1ts e llange from a diseriminatoty terco almed at peasants to a Iow-status aesthctics ot modernity that is arguablv applicahle to che vast maionty of che urban population, is symptomatie of a proeess of deep cultural cham;,e in Nlexican national spaee. Until recently, nationality liad lucen e nicehanism lar modernizationI his identification emerged as early as clic wats ol independence, when ideologues such as Carlos María Bustamante placed che blame for the economie backwardness of Mexico at che leer of Spanish colonialism, and progress was neatly associated with nacional sovereignty and freedom. Moreover, che idenfilication between nationality and cultural modernity was strongly fortified in the aftermath of che 1910-20 revolution, when the state intervened actively to chape a lay, modero citizenry out oí Mexico's agravian classes. This proeess was to be achieved through education and economie redistribution, through land and books," as one agrarista from Michoacán put it.'' The result of chis would he, according to president Lázaro Cárdenas's well-known formulation, not to Indianize Mexico, but to transfonn Indians finto Mcxicans. Accordingly, the old usage of nrtco marked peasants and other traditional peoples and practicas as Indian," that is, as not yet fully Mexican. The new usage, contrarily, marks Mcxicans on the whole as not fully at home in modernity. Nationality and national culture are no longer che vehicle oí modernity; they are che lingering mark oí dismodernity.

This whole system ol ritualized mobilizations, segmented spheres oí political discussion, and intellectuals with privileged access to clic media was complemented by the once ntested power of arbitration and intervention oí the nacional iresident who became a much-sanctified figure [ti Chis respect, clic ene percy regime that was ir che hcight oí power during ISI can be seco as a retashioning of the colonial system oí political representation, when the viceroy was the highcst arbitrator and political expressi ocas were channelcd roto che ritual life ol various corporations Ocae major difference hctween the two systems, however, was that diere was only a very incipient public sphcre in che colonial period: the press was stringently controlled and void of all political commentary, the university had no autonomy, there was no national parliament, and the Inquisition still stood as a symbol oí state vigilante over belief and expression. Moreover, the colonial system was premodern in that it was doggedly determined to prevent the separation between public morality, science, and art. On che other hand, neither can it be said that national society in the postrevolutionary era was unflinchingly modern, for although there was a public sphere in the Habermasian sense, che forums for discussion and che citizens that they included were a very restricted proportion oí the population. Moreover, although Mexico had effectively achieved a separation between church and state by 1930, it had not achieved a separation between politics, science, and art. Instead, both art and science were fostered under the patriarchal umbrella oí the protectionist state, and were ultimately confined by it. Scientific production in Mexico has thrived disproportionately at its public universities, especially the national university, which until recently produced about 70 percent oí Mexico's scientific output. On the other hand, policy making in Mexican state institutions has not always held scientific production at che forefront oí its preoccupations: education has been too deeply associated with state-fostered mobility, and sound scientific policies have at times been eschewed in favor oí using the educational apparatus as a mechanism oí redistribution. A similar sort oí argument can be made for state policies in financing che arts. Few Mexican intellectuals have escaped che ensuing ambivalente toward the revolutionary state. At the regional level, until che 1970s Mexican culture was constituted out oí a dialectic between che capital, which was both the center oí national power and che paradigmatic center of modernity, and various sorts oí provinces. Incorporation to modernity meant incorporation to state
Flssu res In Mexican Natiocaulisrn = 115


Understanding the Background. i''vlodentily and Citrzenship onderlmport Substitution Lcdustrializatíon and in ihe Neoliberal Era
The crisis of nationalism iir che current era has to be understood against che backdrop oí Mexico's regime of import suhstitution industrialization (ISI), which lasted roughly from 1940 m 1982 That era oí intense modernization developed under the aegis oí a one-party system that was ideologically founded en revolutionary nationalism. The public sphere was largely centered in Mexico City, where institutional spaces were carved out for intellectuals to interpret "national sentiment" on che basis oí highly ritualized political manifestations hy social groups that had little direct access to che media of national representa tion and debate 3
Fr ssurrs t u. ',IeL ,.t,. v'e dona 1'1m 114 =

institutions, especially schools, and knowledge and culture found their clímax in Mexico City. This led to a simplilied view oí the provinces as a homogeneous bedrock of tradition and backwardness, a feeling that is summed up in the famous maxim: Fuera de México, todo es Cuauhtitlán" (Outside of Mexico City, there is nothing but Cuauhtitláns),
In fact, however, Mexican regions were spatially fragmented into a complex system oí localities and classes with concomitantly rich idioms oí distinction between them-I have called the ways of lile oí these spatially fragmented classes "intimare tintures-" Abstractly stated, regional cultures were made up oí combinations oí agrarian and industrial classes. The agrarian classes comprised peasant villagers, day laborees, cowboys, and ranchers, and each oí these had regional peculiarities and various degrees oí prominente in each region. On the other hand, the period oí ISI was also a time of accelerated urban growth and oí migration from rural settings to cities, giving cities a strong presente oí peasant folk, many oí whom returned to their villages at least for fiesta days and became active transformers of village social lile as weIl The entry into a new phase in social and cultural history can be traced to severa] sources, including (1) urbanization and new industrial poles oí development outside oí Mexico City-most notably on or near the U.S. border; (2) the consolidation of television and the telephone in the national space (which can be dated tu around 1970); and (3) the 1982 debt crisis and the corresponding end oí the regime oí import substitution industrialization and oí models for self-sustained growth. These changes radically altered the regional organization oí production-including cultural production-as well as the government's place in the modernizing project. The reduction oí the role of the state in the economy led to governmental attempts to divest from its tormer role in science, education, and art: public universities found thcir budgets strangled; Televisa, the prívate television giant, stepped up its role in "high culture," filling part oí the void that the government was leaving behind by building a major modernart museum, consolidating its cultural TV channel, and creating strong links with one oí Mexicu's two main "intellectual groups."s On the other hand, because oí the government's will to maintain party hegemony and the social system's acknowledged reliance on both higher education and research, the government tound that it could not afford simply tu abandon its ties to intellectuals, and so it developed new forms oí patronage For restricted groups oí artists and scientists. Thus, state divestment left most intellectuals dependent on Televisa and other corporate
Fissurrs in Aleen.' " = 116 = N's dona l i sm

investors, or on highly exclusive and specially targeted governmental scholarship programs. The status of scientists and artists as social groups was undermined. In chis way, intellectuals benefited from some decentralization and a bit more autonomy oí cultural production from the state, at the cost oí impoverishment and reduction oí the size oí the community of cultural producers, and a significant takeover oí this arca by private monopolies. At the level oí regional cultures, rural localities became less tied to their historical regions. Increasing dependence on industrial commodities, and agite modes oí communication (the telephone and TV), have substantially simplified what had until now been spatially quite intricate nested hierarchies oí productively and commercially interdependent localities, and television plus the urban experience have served to instate a more standardized idiom oí distinction in the regions. This latter aspect sometimes provokes a feeling of homogenization and oí cultural loss: the increased social role oí industrialized commodities, standardized and publicized by a monopolized medium (TV). In sum, in the era oí ISI, Mexico was made up oí a complex and differentiated set oí cultural regions. The state had a pivotal role in fostering industrialization and in creating che institutional framework for a national citizenry, and these two processes were intimately reeated. The state as educator, as employer, as provider oí social security, oí agricultural credits, or oí housing subsidies was the main modernizing agent. Becoming a fully fledged citizen, unencumbered by conflicting loyalties to native communities, was thus a sigo oí modernity.
In the past few decades, however, the mass media has created forms oí transregional communication that circumvent governmental institutions and that transcend their unifying power. For example, since Carlos Salinas's presidential campaign (1988), television stars were used as a main draw to attain public attendance at his rallies. On the other hand, the withdrawal oí the state as a primary employer, and its constrained sponsorship oí intellectuals, artists, and journalists, serve to sever the identity that had existed hetween citizenship and modernity. More recently, opposition parties such as the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) have used television and movie stars as successful candidates for congress.

Consumption , Recycling, and the Resilience of National Identity Given this general context , forms oí consumption have become perhaps the single most important signs oí the modern, and recycling is one oí the
Fi ssu res u Alex,can Na tlonalfsm = 117 =

and its concomitant difficulty in securing key ritual spaces. including aspiring oppositional groups. and this situation reinforces the legitimacy of state-protected monopolies and political prerogatives that Mexican elites. the vas[ urban class of semi employed. Mexican nation. This image is unquestionably F . to the Aztec lord) for inspiration. specific state institurions were appropriated bv nidividuals who took charge oí dispensing resources and repressing dissenters: second. In Chis way. In the current moment. was until recently achieved through corruption. for the first time. when che late Fidel Velázquez. various local and nacional elites can obviate a destiny oí becoming a middle-class periphery of Houston. unions and people sympathizing with the opposition participated in a-now uncontrolled-demonstration. using produces for entirely different aims [han they were designed for: plastic bags as plant pots. Village factions today are often funneled into separare political parties This multipartisanship may well strain some oí the communitarian ideologies and rituals in national space.. which is spatially ordered in sueh a way that the hlms chat mark higher status are sereened in che Uniteri States lirst then in lancier Mexico City theaters and ni a lew provincial capitals and ttnally in thc popular cinemas. and because policiical leaders legitimated their position to superiors and subordinates by way oí various political rituals that involved come redistribution.. that was widely interpreted as a rift between state and nation. "Más vale cabeza de ratón que cola de león" (I'd rather be the head oí a mouse than the tail oí a lion). For example. For example. perennial leader oí the officialist confederation oí unions called the CTM (Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos).-c alled international standard or tashion and recve Ing propei st h. This lame problem can also be gleaned kom another anglo. however. Corruption worked in two importan[ ways: first. In Spanish. People who are interested in asserting leadership need co construct themselves as being at the head oí a community wich a degree oí sovereignty. they cannot simply be the lower-middle cog in a system oí distinction that has its capital ¡Ti some corporate headquarcers in Atlanta. A I e .. whose direct dependence on specific capitalists has o!ten been unstable. Chis system has undergone serious strains.maro signs 11111 dion]s ot distincti un It is usehd tu distinguiste between stracegics ot staggered dise ibution that are designed co underline degrees of separation ron] the holy (rail ol che sr. work the resilienee oí che pcasantry the ubiquitous presence oí personal servants for che middle and upper classes. there is a saying. Thus. and lo some extent Mexican citizens. This feeling is menacing to most political elites. a hroken-down refrigerator as a trunk for storage. and so on The prevalence oí both oí these forros of distribution and recycling invades the whole country with a sense oí secondclassness. s s a res . The retrenchment oí government has hegun to erode the communitarian framework that was ultimately the referent oí these various rituals. modern Mexico prolonged the haroque tradition oí popular representation in a spatially intricate fiesta system. local village factions used to strive for gaining the PRI nomination to therr municipal presidencies. creating an image oí a state that is controlled by and used for the benefit of a [hin and unpopular Americanizing elite that is overlain on a popular. = 118 = Thus the incapacity oí the new state to funnel employment." political control over [hese seccors. The contraction oí national government has meant giving up some party control over Chis hierarchy.. where piracy prevalls and few people own manuals co their (often slightly outdated or virus-intected) programs. the distribution oí brand names and goods places Mexicans slightly off the cutting edge oí international consumption. the CTM would not carry out a Labor Day parade en May 1. In contrast co this form oí staggered distribution recycling involves improvisation: using generic instruments lar fixing the big brand names or. In che first category we hace as examples the distribution oí films. more involves cranstorming the use of a standardized iteni 1aperopriatiun resistan[ e (>r atfirmation ot ditterence). It is also evident in che phenomenon of dumping' in the tashion industry -where prestigious brand. hace always had in therr country.. 1995. added to the severity oí the current economic crisis. and it will certainly mean giving most oí it up in the near future. .c an Nnbonalrsm = 119 = . On the whole. . and they correspondingly develop forms oí distinction that stand against Americanization and turn either to Europe or inward (to the hacendado. One characteristic oí Mexico's modernity has been the persiscent reproduccion oí vast social classes that are not fully incorporated into modero forms oí F . to che urban notable. This tacit recognition oí encompassment helped consolidare an idiom oí village unity that was expressed in the inclusiveness oí village fiestas. thereby pitting nationalism against a globalizing forro oí modernization. are mimlcked with cheap imitationsor in software. corruption tended to reinforce or creare a corporate structure both beeause it involved consolidating aeeess co work via the mediauon of a politiiea! leader. The fact that the struggle occurred within a single party signified that local village factions acknowledged the encompassment of the village as a whole by both the state governor and the national presiden[ (both oí whom always belonged to the PRI). announced that.. e : A a b o n a l i s o . mcx..

whose contraction has led to democratization and to a reduction oí state sponsorship oí communitartan rituals.-made porridge.' In sum. Corruption today appears as a more individualistic phenomenon than it was in the past: instead oí being a system that had che president at its apex and worked smoothly down from there. From a spatial perspective. leading to an image oí a schism between people and state. The feasibility oí this today is questionable because oí both Mexico's economic crisis and a nationalist backlash against NAFTA and against Mexican migrants in the United States. while it asserts che value oí local cultural forms. this same fact generates two forms oí nationalism to counter it. while contradictions have emerged between these decires (whose pulsating vitality is evident in the ebullience oí naco aesthetics) and the very limited response froni state institutions that have heen retreating from their roles as providers. personified in che president oí the republic. artist. "international standard" achieves a status akin to that oí truth for scíence' competing internationally is the ultimate legitimation7 On the other hand. and this population seeks che protection oí the state against the global market. nationalism emerges today as a quotidian question that is deployed in connection to issues oí work and of consumption Whereas under ISI there was only one dominant form oí nationalism. (2) a Fistures in Mexican Nationalis 121 .S. and another that insists en the intrinsic superiority oí local products and traditions and that sees che neoliberal state as having traded its patriotic legacy for a bowl oí U. There is thus a cultural dialectic between acceptance and rejection oí globalization that is obvious in che ambivalent position oí naquismo: enthusiasm for modernity and a (sometimes involuntary) assertion oí the individuals eccentricity. Thus che Fis su res in Mrxlcan Nniionalism 120 = Conclusion The transformation in che logic oí capital accumulation and in the role of the state in the economy has had a counterpoint at the level oí cultural production in national space. the pyramidal imagery that was typical oí revolutionary nationalism has heen replaced by various images oí che political elite as a free-floating crust of predators This makes their identification with the nation problematic. sports hero. and it was predicated en the teachings oí the Mexican Revolution and had the national state. In this context. today there are two forms oí nationalism. one comes from the recyclers and the other from al] manner of political leaders. The connection between corruption and corporate ritual is not as pervasive now as it was in che ¡SI period. Changes at this level include (1) a reduction of the cultural independence oí provincial and Mexico City upper classes and a standardization oí idioms oí distinction through mass consumption. However. this dialectic implies a change in the places and contexts in which nationalism is deployed. Nationalísm and the International Standard So far 1 have described a situation in which demands for che extension oí che benefits oí modernization and modernity have expanded to all levels oí the regional system. Whereas the image oí the pyramid was a root metaphor for Mexican society in the period oí ISI. The first form of nationalism requires a credible bid to enter a North American economic community in order to survive. much oí che country's population. the capacity of political leaders to portray themselves as sitting at the apex oí a cultural and political community has been seriously eroded by transformation in the economic system. today higher officials are seen as plunderers who do not share with a broad base oí supporters. there is much ambivalente regarding che so-called international standard: free trade means producing for an international market and competing internationally. traditions. On che other hand. which grew and developed under the systemic logic oí import substitution cannot easily reach this standard. and producís. Whereas nationalism under ISI was the hegemonic idiom oí the state. today the elite is often portrayed as a technocratic crust that is increasingly out oí touch with society. an idiom that was appealed to in negotiating local political demands but that was less relevant in the day-today reality oí production and consumption. Recyclers affirm difference from the international market simply by existing. Politicians need to affirm nacional difference in order to place themselves at the apex oí the various levels oí an imagined national community. or scientist who can compete internationally risks being transformed into a metonym oí Mexico's idealized place in a commoditized world oí equals. The second form oí nationalism has not yet devised a political formula that can simultaneously work in a contested democratic field and provide the kind oí state protection that revolutionary nationalism once offered. the two logics oí distribution-staggered distribution and recycling-both tend to reaffirm che incorporation oí Mexico into a system oí distinction that has its capital in the United States. so that any Mexican (although it has historical precedenes) and threatening. as its ultimate locus. one that sees reaching full modernization and che rule oí the international standard as the ultimate patriotic end. As a result.

the opposition between state and nation. these dialectics of nationalism and national culture do not hold positive promise. between a "deep Mexico" and a commercial. one oí economic decline and unresolvable political divisions.bardo ovci thr. 51 a breakdown in the regional ehain oí corruption and controllcd poltieal ritual that has transfonned the imagos with which tic governnncnt is portraycd from a pyramidal metaphoi lo vatious imagos oí pa ras i tism. thereby helping to specify the sorts of social and political demands that are truly relevant in the refonnulation oí political programs. beyond ourcurrentideologicalhankruptcy 122 . Politically. nationalism and modernity carne in the same package. neolibcral politicians have not succeeded in reformulating Mexican nationalism in a way that preserves the sense that the nation has its own interna) system of value production. and as long as new formulas for state intervention in a modernizing project are not invented. AII oí this adds up to a serious crisis in the politics oí nationalism. a divisiun between those who recyele witbotrt regard ro the status detinitions of mass consum ption and those who do their utmost lo be in the hrst cycles oí consumption. On the other hand. However. today nationalism can serve as a counter to globalization. the future looms darkly. the hopes of using the state effectively as an alternative route to modernity llave not bcen renovated with ideas that make it seem more viable than the model that was already tried and exhausted or than failed attempts to foster socialism in one (dismodern) state. Under the protectionist revolutionary state. and in understanding che cultural implications oí the geography of modernity. 'i a neo. As a result.runtcnis ot nationah s ni that spills in lo the ways in w h ieh tia nsfonna ti uns in the se tete ot production a nd in coi) sumption hahits are embraced oi rejcctcd. and super6eially modernizing elite. ani(¡ i tr. As long as current aspirations to modernity go unquestioned and unanalyzed. i 31 a relative decline oí NIccico (io as the uncontested center of national modernit . and could be particularly usef ul en two levels.eontraction oí state sponsois hlp ol scicnec and art and a concomitant growth in the control ()ver those seo tors br a untple ot industrial groups. international. PART11 G e o g r a phies of the Public Sph ere The spatial analysis oí the cultural dialectics oí modernity/dismodernity that 1 have presented here is a necessary stop for envisioning alternatives. emerges as a common image oí the national situatiion. Mexico is currently condemned to continue being a nation-state for a the elaboration oí possible alternative narratives for the nation that are in line with its best real possibilities. given the United States' ever more militant resolve to patrol its borders and control intmtgration.

and intellectuals the world over." Within this broad field. narrative strategies in fiction and nonfiction. Instead of looking for the secret of national identity within the "soul" or "spirit" of each nation. Local innovations to nationalist imagery. architecture. This history implicates scientific theories and measurements. this approach has itself been shown to be an instrument of national identity production. the narrative strategies. and they portrayed national identity and national consciousness as processes of "self-awakening " National identity was portrayed as emerging out of a dialectic that was interna) to the national community. which is the systemic aspect of national identity production. and urban planning.6 Natíonalism 's Dirty Linen: "Contact Zones" and the Topography ot National Identity The production of knowledge. In the past couple oí decades. discourse. and the psychology of colonial and postcolonial relations have been the topic of a body of writing that has come to be known in the anglophone world as "postcolonial theory. and aesthetic solutions to shaping the national image in art. in a complex history that leads to the standardization of various strands of nationalism. nationalist narratives were predominant. 1 = 125 = . and technique are communicated between politicians. there is an arca of sociological inquiry that is of central importance. Until recently. experts. contemporary analysts have looked at the history of nationalism as an aspect of transnational relations.

Mexico emerged as the result of che collapse oí an empire more than because oí an overwhelming popular desjre for national independence. m '. the territorial consolidation of the country mas a long. achieved statehood long before as territory was bound together in a "national marker" or by a "national bourgeoisie. arad it tends to mino. The master is of some importante to the general project of this book. Moreover. and was still called roto question on severa¡ late. intelleetuals from colonized arcas have criticized che unes in which their countries material and intellectual contri butions have lacen appropriated bv the great powers. The case is thus a paradigmatic context for what 1 have called "grounded theory": the confrontation oí a historical and a political problem that requires sociological innovation The theoretical requirement here is constrained by che historical object (Mexico). as national identity.showto National identity has thus hcrn Ti he fashioned in transnational nctworks cal specialists. backward.6 On a theoretical plane che. and as national culture. 1 seek here to put order in the various sorts of contexts in which national identity "naturally" emerges." Africa. Thus. and it thus falls short in providing a radical sense oí alterity for Europeans.s Moreover. and public squares. Mexico Na bona li. is not a coherent ideology. but rather a common. D!riy Liten 126 = = 127 = . as Benedict Anderson argued. in which social relations. continent would thus appear to be destined to play Sancho Panza to the North Atlantic's Don Quixote: not a radical other. or in the film that features an exotic woman who is made to represent the bounties oí her country to potencial foreign investors . an object that is generally believed to be provincial.. National consolidation carne hall a centup alter independenc e. and yet are often too high and disengaged from ininiediate interese Even now. "Grounded theory" is a kind oí theory that fijes more like a chicken than a hawk. where universalizing theories that were built Lo explain world-historical phenomena are constantly applied.As a result. As opposed to England. underlincd. the Latín American countries have generally not been held up to be che cradle oí anything in particular that is oí world-historical significance. France. hut rather a broad cultural frame in which a variety oí contradictory claims are made' We know that states put forth their proposais for a national image and inaplement them in schools. The knowledge that stems from that which is provincial is usually thought to be parochial and prosaic. the social thought emerging from these provinces is soniewhat cumbersome when it is put to work elsewhere. and yet pragmatic and resourceful companion. which js to understand the conditions for the production oí "Mexico" as a polity." As a result. many of whom proveed to eover thcir tracks and te cell ihcir tales as it they were strictly local nventions 1lorcover che denial ut interdci^cndency hetween nations has been shows to have a varíete c't pu. annexations. The list oí identity-productog social relationships Is limidess. Nationaljsm was thus nos widely shared at che time oí che national revolutions. Germany. but ay which points.írtiea] ises Thtu. even Latín Americás status as "Western" or "non-Western" is ambiguous. n Ls Dirty Linen These conditions have often been precarious. or referred to by other actors? It is quite easy to produce lists of disparate contexts and relationships in which nacional identity "naturally" emerges: in the exclusion oí an upwardly mobile urban Aymara teenager from an afternoon social by her "white" Bolivian classmates. Nacionalism. when the very notion oí a historical vanguard has been so thoroughly questioned. museums. intelleeuials and pulitieians. and placing its diverse items in the Trame oí a broader política¡ economy is a challenge. in the negotiation oí a business deal in broken English. Mexico and Latín America have much more often been portrayed by Europeans and Americans as "backward" than as radically different. like most Spanlsh-Amerjcan countries. Ir is sodologically demanding because identjdes are always relational. che nationalism of che great powers by claiming independent or prior invention ol c ivilization for i tself 2 The shift Irom interna¡ accounts of che origins of national identity to accounts that understand nationalism as a cultural product that is generated in a web oí transnational connections is thus oí great consequence. the continent has not usually been cast in the role that "the Orient. Nevertheless. My aim in this chapter is to propose a simple generative principie for Na i ie r: a Í i. understandi ng the process of identity formation in Mexico is both a historical and a sociological challenge_ It is a historical challenge because jt has been such an uneven and differentiared process. and forcign jnterventions. eonflict-ridden process involving secessions. in eonstant need of self-assertion. is national identity pertinent.. or Oceania have played in che Western imaginary-at least it has not often done so for the past couple oí centuries. usually requiring further extension and translation. A repository oí customs and relations past. occasioos. An inferior with a point oí view. whose nationalism js thus casii\ icientilied with rationality" and °eiviIizanoll l'he nationalism ui we ak nations e as a result. or the United States. che specihication of che relationships that generate national identity ¡mphies a sociology of national identity. this development has nos yet provided all oí the elements that are required for a systematic account ol che contexts in which national identity actually emerges. civil wats.^ Like many peripheral nations.

-controlled institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. and the impulse to shape modero national comnwniues based en an idealized bond oí fraternity between citizens. From their point oí view. The peripheral postcolonial condition poses constanr chalienges to the most fundamental dogmas oí nationalism. and they are following teachings oí their equally American professors at Harvard. neoliberal officials are serving the interests oí U. second. Mexican nacional heroes oí the nineteenth century The same set oí policies and relationships were "indigenized" by sume and marked "foreign" by others_ Thus "neoiiberalism" in Mexico is an ideological tendency that involves questions oí national identity for some. This is my general structural principie. that the nacional state is a vehicle for the modernization oí a people that shares a set oí values and traditions. there were a number oí intellectuals and politicians who had been calling for a "return" te the liberal policies oí Benito Juárez and Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada. Nai. during the 1970s. it must serve to construct a difference in national identity between actors. is called "Miamicito" (and so provides a frame that marks both the foreignness of its wares and the nationality oí its customers). and not for others. even when differences in nationality exist. contacts between actors who identify as "nationNn ti"un l^sre '. there is an entire class oí contact frames that is produced by the logic oí commodity production and consumption under capitalism. sex.a charge that can be levied not only by the lower classes oí the country. It is in relation to these principies that one can develop a sociology and a topography of the frames of identity production in which national identity is generated. National Identity in tbe World System (Sand)o's Lersion) Weak national communities adrift in the international system constantly run the risk oí indecent exposure. Bolivia. Chicago. Frames of Contact The concept oí "contact frame" refers tu the relational contexts in which national identity production occurs. These two impulses can be thought oí as a tension between liberalism and ("internar:' colonialism. however. are not marked in this way. that nationalism is a sign oí progressive modernity and not oí backwardness. but also by foreigners. or between persons and objects that represent other persons. for example. The ongoing implementation oí "neoliberal" policies in Mexico. who can use the charge to raise their own claims. We shall identify severa) such classes oí contact frames.national identity production in peripheral postcolonial societies. We can identify classes or types oí such contexts from the dynamics oí nation building and transnational interactions that can be isolated en the analytic plane. and thereby framed its distribution and consumption as so many episodes in the national struggle. the Latin American left referred to National Identity Our subject is the interactions that generate an awareness of differences oí ascription among actors. which is that peripheral nations generally develop in a forcefield that is shaped by two contradictory impulses: che desire to appropriate for the nation the power and might oí the empires that they have broken away from. and ethniciry that are used to organize exploitation can he seco as antagonistic to the ideal of the nation.onnlism's Dirty Linera = 129 = . has led some people to "foreignize" the government officials who have furthered these policies. For a cultural contact to be considered under the definition that interests us here. of involuntarily revealing the tenuous connections between national imagery and everyday practice. Te this we should add one general historical principie. From this general principie 1 derive four classes of social dynamics that generate particular frames oí identity production. Each oí these is discussed and illustrated with historical examples from Mexico.S. Quite simply. For example. Contact trames are thus the minimal analytic units oí a vast topography oí national identity. Diriy Linera = 128 = Coca-Cola as "the sewage" (las aguas negras) oí Yankee imperialism. Stanford. a tension that is heightened by weakness in che international arena. first. the hierarchical differences oí race. and thed. that this process of modernization chiefly serves the interests oí national community and not those of foreigners. Maintaining the sysrem oí interna) differences inherited froni the colonial world. which is an international system that national communities can never completely encompass or regulate: a shop that sells foreign goods in La Paz. a country's weakness in the internacional system undermines the basic tenets oí modero nationalism and thereby calls national identity into question_ These basic principies are. al" in contrast to others who are portrayed as "foreign_" This specification is necessary because many contacts between persons. or MIT When this powerful movement oí reform began.

( 2) che ideologica1 tension between tradition and modernity that is necessary to che tounding oí nation-states . consuming commodities or adopting productive techniques ol foreign origin can be understood in relation to nacional identity 1 D: r ly 130 = In the 1920s and 1930s . in therr curn . complete with che cultural production ol clic state and the interna ] idioms oí distinction that give shape co national culture._! 1 b us contact iones are parí of the region uf nacional identity production which is che national space.Valiou. an attempt was made to restrict che importation oí films and records that promoted the hippies' "effeminate decadence . the identification oí itinerant commerce as "foreign" in che 1920s and 1930s was a strategy to diminish an activity that affected established businesses .Spanish movement at che dawn oí the republican era was related to the competition between England and che United States for political hegemony in Mexico and to power struggles between local parties .J1 C unmct iones are integrated geneous class of contact franxs a finto a broadcr "regiod' ol national identity production that includes a zone ol state institutions that delirae r^ghts vid obligations tor citizens and produce intagcs and narratives tal n:^tionali-c and iones oí local and class identity production ihat are egoalle t r [ti. a number oí antiforeign manitestacions hace eentered on commerce. they are political communities within a world system ot communities . Vice was being brought in from abroad. In other words . Despite these different motivations. anti-Spanish . Thus.hall cal] ara iTi te rnal ly homoId. but they are part of in economy that cannot be contained by national boiders This quality of nation-states means that economic modernization ( and ics agents ) can generate spaces oí national identification and confronration . part of a global system of identity production. which can be conceived oí as a topography oí national Id rntily Por example . which is intrinsie to che development process. For years tírese commissions were in charge oí censoring comics. a proposal before Congress sought to bao the carteen show Beavis and Butthead from Mexican television Na iion a ls 131 Dirty Linera . Thev are generated by (1) che material culture of capitalism . anti-Semitic.In these contexts espeeially. science. and development that forros parí oí what could be called the civilizing horizon oí nation . who only eight years earlicr liad been proclaimcd to be fellow Mexieans by the triumphant leaders of independence Sonic oí the most acutely xenophobic movements in Mexican history associate foreigners' supposedly pernicious influence with thcir position as husi ncssmen ." Díaz Ordaz 's crusade against American pop culture went hand in hand with his repression oí a number oí middleclass social movements . ir wc look at che history of Mexico. This is especially che case in 1 peripheral " nations . films. however." This is significan [ because the causes oí cach oí [hese xenophobic movements were in fact different from each other The anti .anti-Spanish sentiment in che first repuhlic id to the sacking of Mexico City 's Parián Market in 1828 This in turra preceded che expulsion of che Spaniards. che Mexican press emphasized that the trade in narcotics in Mexico's northern states was in che hands oí foreigners: Chinese . This was true of che anti-Chinese movements in Sonora during che revolucion and of lournalists complaints againsr itinerant commerce hy lews and Arabs in Mexico City during the 1930s Morcover. and anti-American discourses have been constructed around the space oí comnierce and iniported material culture. During the Díaz Ordaz presidency in the 1960s . A typology oí zones oí contact hice the one see are proposing here thus forms part oí a hroader project . the identification oí foreign businessmen and products as a danger to national integrity is a viable political argument because they do not conform co Mexican national customs and interests. ( 3) the entropy of moderni zacion .el 7egion " thc functional integradot of chtterenc kinds'' -1 1nt1 . and other products oí mass culture when it was judged that they conspired against basic Mexican values . and Russians . In Chis chapter 1 distinguish among loen classes of trames oí contact in che topography oí national identity . Americans . there are numerous occasions when che products themselves have been seen as transporting a pernicious foreign influence . much oí che activity oí the interior ministry's censorship commissions in che 1950s and 1960s was geared to chis. for which technol ogical innovation and capital often come from abroad."(onfacf ZonrC ve d tbe Ti^pog n^pi>y ol . 1 -. and (4) che ínternational field of ideas and models oí civilization . ¡Ti traditional gu>gnpha diem is n diste nr tittn hetteeen the coneept oí "zone ° ian 1nternal ly huno eeiie us sp le e a. These national spaces are.states 1 now describe each oí these trames oí contact using Mexican examples in order to understand how che contact frame challenges the stability oí national regimes International Business and Intjorted Material Culto re The tour types oí contact zones that 1 discuss are abstractly related to an intrinsic quality ot nation-states. antiChinese. More recently . che anti-Chinese riots were spurred en by menibers oí regional political elites who saw the Chinese as easy cargets.

This involved dispiaying the individuality oí its culture to foreigners. the great official points oí pride couid not and still cannot reside principally in the world called "traditional": the modern must be granted a privileged place in the national utopia. The peace also allowed Mexico to make a concerted effort to galo international respect and to attract foreign investment. Díaz Ordaz's subway and Olympics. Lázaro Cárdenas's nationalized petroleum industry. while the other sought to found nationality squarely on liberal principies. but it also barbarously degraded the condition oí the indigenous peoples . the colonial period was a parenthesis that served to bring Christianity and certain traits oí civilization . however. an aim that was more readily achieved with tequila than with whiskey and with indigenous buipils before manufactured shirts. however. Tbe Tension between Tradition and Moderniiy The second type oí contact zone arises From the very logic oí nationalism as an ideological construct It is known that . modernization in che tirst half oi che nineteenth century proNa tiona 1i s rn s L). its future.states are supposed to be vehicles for che modernization oí collectivities ( nations ) that are. In this formulation. In some cases. López Mateos's National Museum oí Anthropology. Therefore . This situation changed with che end oí the civil wars that followed the French intervention (1867). When national tradition is perceived to be divorced from or opposed to modernization . a social actor identifies a producr oran agent as foreign" and as opposed to the "national" collective interest This way oí framing the national interest usually advances more particular interests that are unnamed and fused into the national collective duced deep rifts between national versions. Cancún. the glorification of che pre-Hispanic past did not imply claims en behalf oí che contemporaneous Indians because their habits and condition were seen to be the result oí colonial degradation Thus. the relationship that the state was trying to create between tradition and modernity continued to hold.» International business constantly produces national identity because businessmen can be credihly portrayed as furthering foreign or private interesas at the expense of the national community. Miguel Alemán's Acapulco and the National University campus. These two nacional versions even honored two distinct heroes oí independence and two different dates for national independence. especially in the case oí weaker nations . At the same time. = 133= Thus. and nationalized industries. defined in a genealogical relation to a "tradition . with respect to che preservation oí Catholicism and oí a number oí che mores oí the Spanish colonial worid. a contact zone emerges. some oí the crown jewels oí Mexican state nationalism have been President Santa Anna's theater. Emperor Maximilian's boulevards. but with a twist . In each oí these frames. not only the pre-Columbian past." 10 This ideal relationship can be precarious . une oí which sought to preserve the Catholic and Hispanicist traditions. Thus. the fact that national communities do not successfully encompass and control the national economy generates a zone oí contact that is manifested in an open-ended number of contact frames. Na tton a lism 's Dirty Line. the official construction oí tradition necessarily visited certain features oí Mexico's rural and artisan life." Each side accused the other oí lack oí patriotism and oí collusion with foreign interests. which is incorporated as an aesthetic into a unique modernity that is the country's present and. but it never denied the nation-state's fundamental and eternal aspiration: modernity and modernization. in different ways ." This dependency is necessary because modero nation . Thus.because it perverted the nations values. the exogenous material culture oí modernization can be perceived as corrupting morais or subverting che ruling forms of cultural distinction that can easily be nationalized. In Mexico. The same was not true. However. in principie. The Aztccs were the forerunners oí independent Mexico . Don Porfirio's trains. making it into a fissure where iones oí transnational contact could endanger that very nationalism. the existence oí a "Mexican tradition" made it possible for Mexico to claim a particular modernity. and was fervently antiSpanish and anticlerical. and Echeverría's highways. in the early postindependent era . in their turn .12 Therefore. the National Museum oí Anthropology is exemplary in that it combines traditional aesthetics with an avant-garde architecture that relies heavily on state-of-the-art technology. nationalism depends en ideological constructs that tic tradition" to " modernity. Mexico's position as a relativeiy peor country in the international order threatened the ideal relationship that nationalism constructs between tradition and modernity. a peace that involved a pragmatic arrangement between liberal and conservative factions under a universally acknowledged liberal hegemony. especially as regards proper adoIescent behavior. tradition is like the country's spiritual dimensien. modernization could readily be made tu trample over indigenous traditions without challenging national identity . Since that time. aboye all. Also. postindependence nationalism appropriated the preHispanic world in a way analogous to che Furopean appropriation oí classical antiquity. Oí these examples..r iy Line 132= .

an Olympic village built expressly tor rhe event. and European travelers who carne to Mexico in the 1920s.S. The contact frames that tomism and scienrific srudy open up between che traditional and modero worlds had their first problematic moments long before thc hippie movement. '' On che other hand. The U. By revealing rhat the country was not on the cutting edge oí modernity and by nonetheless exalting its traditional sector. By denying che ties between Mexico's modernizing elite and its indigenous traditions. "we look like sniall town teachers or collcge students from che early Sixties [when we cross] . The famous educator José Vasconcelos discussed the politics oí chis contact zone in his autobiography. and 1940s frequently felt more attracted to che rural.tu el . imperialism. The bordee ofhcials lave it"" In Chis case. espeeielly for eountereultural tourists. in which he describes his childhood on che Mexico-U. urban one. which generally was less modern than their own cides. the guide points out thar. travelers interested in authenticity exposed its lack oí distinctiveness. che allegeel conneetion hetween che tradicional and che niodern has a lseavs bcen lim. oricnt die hippie ro countercultural pilgi image centers and to nvaid Indico with otficial Mexico. walked aromad in peasant sandals and changed che very image oí Mexican youth The contact zone that inverts che hierarchy oí tradiniion and modernity also touches the history of anrhropology. However.l iht hippie movement in Mexico as a case ol cultural producrion in thu curnt. Vasconcelos recounts that. closed state that wanted ro transform che country's position on rhe international scene While President Díaz Ordaz sought tu show che world a Mexico that was capable oi hosting che Olympics-a Mexico with a recently inaugurated subway system. she presumably removed her bra. Once Chis tourist crossed rhe bordee. Chis hool: served t. school textbooks shared his sympathy with Mexican Indians and rejected che Spaniards. for example. Also. which llegan to be publishcd in che 19(. phase of national development spurred by a strong. In its hcvdav. i ot transnational communication. This discipline's fieldwork methodology made middle.0.rhe Mexican Revolution had reconfigured the ties between che indigenous and modern worlds in some respects. however. as che revolutionary order hecame more routinized and Mexico entered a modernizing era with ever more tenuous tres tu rhe agrarian and popular world oí the revolution.Touris ts. and ver rhe states caerally tended to roen rowarci thc triditiona pacity tu get visitors to apprcc rat. put che beads back un. Antong his sources Zolov cites tire PI ¡[r> Guiáe to Alexico travel guide. in both science and travel.A' D L ri en Na clon = 13-1 135 = . sometimes inverted che scale oí prestige. The sector that was paraded internally as che vanguard and latest cry oí modernity was oid hat to che foreigner. and an architecturally impressive new gym. foreign visitors and scientists could destabilize the ideal relationship between tradition and modernity that is so essential to all nationalism. pool. che country was defenseless against U. even many ofhcial Mexican indigenistas ot rhe penad trequently sought inspiratren for che modern in the indigenous. and ibera moved across the national terrirory with greater interest in Mexic is "hackward" arcas and more suspicion oí as "progressive" sector than was desirable.11 sector. however. and foreign visitors' and intellectuals' lack oí interest in modcrn Mexico could become irritating. by showing little interest in Mexicos modero sector. The search for the aurhentic. Thus foreigners in che traditional world generare a contact zone that produces nationalist reactions. the relationship with che traditional world became more propagandistic. Vasconcelos viewed che love that Americans professed for the Mexican Indian as a thinly veiled desire to replace che Mexican Creole with an American. tu beat che system." Other active agents in this contact zone do not necessarily seek tu strengthen an imperial center against Mexico's government and officiai e l sm'c Di riy Lineo The counterculrural hippie movement was rhe niost conflictive moment in tire recent history of chis contad zone because it coincided with a . As an adult.S. ti av elers. bordee. Anchropological fieldwork gave cultural authority lo people who in their own regions had been disdained or even silenced for their supposed backwardness.and upper-class Mexicans and foreigners privilege che peasant over che local schoolteacher or the village merchant.S. at that time che attraction that rhe foreign intellectual felt for the indigenous world went hand in hand with rhe states own renewed interest in identifying with that world. ucientists and othci inyuuitive foreigners llave gen111. 1930s. In a passage dedicated to the problems that hippies suffer when they cross the border. For example El te Lolov describes thc history c. he was impressed by the fact that che U.. indigenous world than ro che modern. as a Mexican child who crossed roto che United States every day to go lo school.S. and sradium-a number of people who rejected the labor and very idea of progress looked for mushrooms in Huauda. che foreign visiror is disguising herself as rhe Mexican governments ideal of an American visitoi a clean-cut student or teacher eager ro visir the Mexico that the government was interested in exhibiting. a practice that world be repeated and reinforced by travelers who were attracted to Mexico's indigenous people and peasantry.

that is. che casino was also seen as a bad influence en che population. A fundamental difficulty for Chis third aspect oí state cultural production is that the national image is not at al] easy to manage.culture. prostitution.'v Erving Goffman's cheacrical mecaphor of ' front stage" and `backstage` describes che relationship between a subject's public presentation and what he or she wants to hiele or proteet_18 -1-he state production of nationalism seeks to construct spaces where che official image oí che national N a t i o n a L: m U: r y 13Fi = Linee In the lame way that a housewife fries to make sure that her visitors stay in che parlor and do not see che mess in che bedrooms or kitchen. They usually seek to show a booming country that marches inexorably toward progress and modernity. The neighbors organized to protest against che project. In addition to che climate was che Casino de la Selva. Reflecting on chis.'7 Together wirh these two aspeccs of state cultural production is a third. or as being in an unhealthy competition with it. Don Plutarco Elías Calles. is critica) to che legitimation oí che nacional state. When modernizarion desrroys an aspect oí the status quo that can be claimed as a nacional tradition. Cuernavaca's main attraction was its stupendous climate. developed during che 1920s and 1930s. and che fact that both the nation's jefe supremo. Dwight Morrow. However." as well as a series of growth. On one hand is what Arjun Appadurai has called the "ethnographic state. However. Our third type oí contaet zone is generated by the difficulties that nationalists face when the disorder that is produced by modernization is exposed. and others. however. and so on. che National . This relationship between che presentable side and its hidden consequences makes a number oí politically volatile frames oí contact possible. The Disorder of Modernization Modernization as we have seen repeacedly. histories. a contact zone emerges in which che modernizing agent is assimilated wirh foreignness. which is che production oí che councrys image for both international and domestic consumption. Among their arguments was that the red-light district should not be authorized because it would be located on che mute between the Mexico City internacional airport and downtown. beginning wirh Acapulco and continuing wirh Cancún. che cides constructed for tourism are "twin cities": a "front stage" coas[ and hotel zone is exposed to rhe tourist. states seek to create a "front stage" (public) image characterized by an ideal combination oí modero and traditional components. the very creation oí this public image leaves disorder in its wake: che history of tourism is che supreme example oí chis."'illiteracy. Cuernavaca was probably che first modero tourist destination. presenting an undesirable image oí Mexico as a place where foreigners could shed che moral strictures they faced in their own countries. international congresses. a contact zone emerges. and "backstage" zones combine poverty.There is yet a third related source oí nacional identity production. che ethnographic state's scales and measures serve to define lacks or scarcities such as "poverty. internacional sports events. However. Presiden[ Lázaro Cárdenas judged that che casino created undesirable frames oí contaet a form oí tourism based on che promotion oí public vices. wc need to review che place that modernizing projeccs have in che cultural production oí che state. The "ugly" side of tourism is not easy to mor out.All institutions that are presentad as national dedicate at leas[ come effort to shaping or conforming to che national image." and "unhealthy conditions. This attracted both che Mexican political class and an important contingent oí American retirees. takes material form and can be displayed to insiders and outsiders. and around tourist centers che differences between foreign tourists and national workers in terms oí their consumption and purchasing power became apparent. these agents can create doubts about che government's effleaey or even che legitimacy of its modernizing goals. For example. which is the entropy of modernization. its proximity to Mexico City. and so would be one oí che first images that visitors would have oí che city. and statstics. national museums. Ixtapa. in her work on prostitution in Mexico City during che 1920s and 1930s. which offered distractions to tourists who might otherwise get bored by che quaint and che picturesque. ambassador." When traditional sectors oí the country are portrayed by foreigners as more accomplished than the modern sector. and the U. television scations. questionnaires. s nl 's Dirty Linera 137 = . Therefore. In Mexico. and schools. Katherine Bliss describes che discussion that took place in che capital eity government about che creation oí a red-light district near the La Merced market. In order to understand che contours oí chis contaet zone. The culture that states produce has diverse purposes."1e This is che form oí state cultural production that describes che national populationwhich is che alleged subject oí che state--by manufacturing censuses. This includes cultural production for attracting tourism. Alongside the ethnographic state is che "modernizing state"-the form of nificial cultural production that seeks to ]ay out the task oí development Once "che population" is described. built residentes there.and progress-oriented measures that define the efficacy oí governments.S.

Luis Cabrera. and the dark sido of modernization is harderto hide than ever. The Scientific Horizon as a Contad Frante The final type oí contact exists because nation-states are supposed to march togetber toward progress Without this ideal. ora rhe other hand. i a li> ni . and other marks of cultural inipurity Controlling rhe "border zone" proved to he impossible for rhe . read international journals in that discipline.20 Between 1920 and 1950. which was ried to upholding rhe national image during rhe Olympics. and fashion can destabilize the nation's dominant models. In a 191(1 essay orlad I. while rnagtiiladora assembly plants can now set up shop un any porrion ol rhe territory Cultural impurity can no longer be contained at tic border. prostitutas. and formulated ideas about the Mexican racial and genetic inheritance. President Díaz Ordaz and ihe antisrudent social sectors spoke insistently of evil foreign infiuences that goaded rhe innocent Mexican student: only a foreigner would seek to sully Nlexicos public image before rhe world Other cases. sweatshops.suit clothing. cides. The tesdvities wcrc so concemad w. it strengthened the "mestizophilic" Mexican Revolution's antiracist argumenta. described bote tic Purlirian elite ccrganized a spcctaeular celebiation of the independence centennial tor tire bunetit mainly oí toreign investors.goventnrent.os dos patriousmns 1ic i r') patnoti>msi. The civilizing horizon serves tu measure a country's individual progress as well as different countries' relative progress The parameters used tend to be produced in countries with robust cultural and scientific infrastructures. cities threatens nationalism's fou idational credo: nioderniry is for the nation's own benefit and not for foreign outsiders. fhc natumal image is diftlcult ro control. and rhe techniques used to govern the population. science. In rhe case oí Mexico's northern border.d the principal idcr. tuurist adoso \.th managin tic national image thai when a ragged group o( women s. The fact that Mexican cides constirute the backstage oí U. parts of the urban border zone has not been symmetrical. because modero history as we know it is only understood in tercos of rhe dogma oí progress. Indeed.. and the strain in volved in riese etlorts easilV turras ini. as 'illegal migrants. not only because it is difficult to keep the ragged workers from the view oí the investors.' in the United States. rhe very conLept u( a °border zone. where rhe image of Havana as a brothd seas ara important morivation for many revoludonaries to risa against die Batista regime. N a l i o . and so ora.S. was supposed to resolve the contradictions of this contact zonc. Their work served two ends: un rhe one hand. Eugenics' racial relativism (each race was supposed to be adapted to a specific environment and so was in some respects superior. however and the incorpora tico ot ever-greater proportions ot Mexico into rhe backstage" of US economic interests has been an inexorable process. A betterknown exampie oí a similar polirical conrext is the violente oí the Mexican '68. but rather symbioric and in many senses rhe cides en the Mexican side have generally been a "backstage" for rhe U. The Mexican border town's prosperity has depended en abortion clinies.. The recent work oí Alexandra Stern en Mexican eugenics provides a good example oí the ways in which scientific development constitutes a zone oí contact. there would be no obsession with national history. it was brutally dispersad be the police. they are not ideorical one parí oí the urban zone is located in the United States and rhe other in Mexico. Therefore. judges. The universal importance that al] nation-states atcribute to progress implies that there is always a civilizing horizon or vanguard oí progress on the international level. This civilizing horizon is identified in tercos oí technological development. The relationship between rhe Mexican and U5. such as the bordee cides oi norrhern Mexico. garbage dumps.ness to lcrvigncrs. 'l la was rhe case in Cuba. even though they develop in tandem with one another.orkeis orgamzed ihcirown eelebratory mareh." though if they are twins they are clearly of rhe fraternal kind. it tended to characterize Mexico's various poor populations (from rural Indians to urban workers) as comparatively dehcient. The in- 139 = . art. Uir1y Linen The Trames of contact created he the entropy of modernization can generare extreme nationalist reacrions. habitants of that liminal zonc wcrc said tu have a dubious sense oí belonging or even ot loyalty to tic country. a number oí medical doctors and anthropologists participated in international eugenics congresses.gucs ^l tic . scientific advances.. bars. but also because rhe very occasion of a national show is a tempting occasion for union leaders tu display them.S. because. a peliucal iiahiliiv." whieh for many years occupied a marginal position tr'ith res peer to the rest oí rhe country. divorce lawyers. present the lame probleni in a more toutinc fashion. a faer that was reflected in their impuro pocho language zoor. and a yund number ol patriots seek tu display an mergo of urdo and clc:uil.These cities are all part of bicephalous urban sets often calied "twins.Mexican govern ni ent. Peasant villages from al] over the country have been turned into rhe seasonal equivalent of dormitory com mun ities whose inhahitants traed to work in inferior conditions. who svould he one c.Mexican Revolution.

This Na t. Each oí these movements has liad implications for national identity and the precepts of nationalism_ The scientific contact frame produced by the international civilizing horizon destabilizes dominant formulas oí nationality and good 's Dirty Line 141 = ." As we have seen. or interna] political facuonalism that can profit from assimilating economic competitors to foreignness. The Lamarckian notion that acquired characrerisrics are inherited Ied some members oí the Porfirian elite ro advoeate an aggressive policy of European immigration before reforming che Indian rhrough education. Moreover. and Marx were at the center oí a schism in the Mexican educacional establishment in che 1920s and 1930s. but also in that oí thc heroes oí national independence. can destabilize the national image by portraying it as old-fashioned and out oí tune with modernization. which is produced through che mediation oí scientists. This is a zone that may appear whenever there are technological innovations . 1 have extended Mary Louise Pratt's term contact zone to refer to transnacional spaces oí national identity formation. to che national aesthetic. m . and describe the Mexican state as "obese. A'a ti ona l. What position do these contact zones occupy in a broader geographyz The Trames oí contact that we have analyzed are relationships that emerge from che tension between che nation-state as a certain type oí political and cultural community and the fact that modernization neither begins nor ends in such a community. the potential uses oí race science to undercut che imagined potential of Mexico's "halfbreed" race is well known and was always a potential liabi]ity for the nationalists. The introduction oí new ideas and theories ahvays presents challenges and opportunities to governments and Yo processes oí national identity formation. Ar rhe same time.o. accuse the previous governing elite oí backwardness. and they were used tu rethink nationality. however.. while clic peor national majority could remain scientifically deva]ued. nationalists can try to reject a deve]opment in these fields by portraying it as alien to che national interest. The third type oí contact zones emerges as a result oí the difficulty that these same governments face in controlling clic modernization process. this fourth type lends itself to shrewd political usage and can respond equally to interna] factionalism and to important changes emerging from abroad. or to custom. professionals. it presents growth opportunities for certain sectors and threatens others. The ideas oí "scientihc socialism" allowed opposition movements like the guerrilla movenient led by Genaro Vázquez in southern Mexico in clic 1960s to refer ro die Mexican governnient as the "disgovernment' and to propose a series of demands to che state in name not on]y oí Marx and Lenin. and therefore as failing to develop a trae or successful nationalism. 140 Di r. to the restl and its simultaneous characterization of the Mexican majority in terms of a series of relative lacks offered hope for eventual equality between Mexico and European peoples. there is a contact zone created by the instances in which foreign business concerns or imports unsettle local arrangements or mores .and in others inferior. This situation al]ows foreigners or opponents to the dominant nationalist scheme to attribute greater value to the "backward" than to che "modern" sector. The fourth type oí contact zone is produced by the instability that is generated by che (international) civilizing horizon.a1. and artists. and even to portray che modero sector as antagonistic to tradition. changes in che inrensity of foreign investment. Reflections ora the Four Types of Coni acl Zoiies 1 have identified four types oí contact zones AII are related to the nexos between modernization and nationalism as it develops in weak or peripheral nations . che very process oí shaping and extending nationalism opens a country up to foreign interesas and forms oí consumption that can undermine che nationalism that made room for them. and in successfully sweeping the adverse aspects oí modernization under the carpet.y Li raen This is the case with frames oí contact that open up because oí the relationship that nationalism postulares between tradition and modernity. The second emerges as a result oí the comparative weakness oí these nation's modern sector. The monetarist ideas oí clic Chicago school oí economics allowed a group oí technicians ro take control of che Mexican state. The second and third types of contact zones are produced by the difficulties that weak nations Nave in managing the national image. This fact is problematic for nationalism because nation-states are erected as forms oí social organization for coordinating modernization: zones oí contact with che rransnational dimension oí capitalism and progress can therefore cali roto question sorne oí che basic precepts oí any particular nationalism." The scientific ideas of Darwin Freud. Conversely. This contact zone. Like each oí the other contact zones. In che first case. the concept oí "zone" implies a geography oí regions: a zone is a kind oí place within a system oí functionally related places. It also offered ample justification for a kind oí "interna] colonialism" Eugenics offered a way to objecrify and quantify dilterences between poor Mexicans and ideal nornis represented by clic elite This in turra permitted the state's development mission to be detined.

oí political classes. At times. it seems to me. that patrolling the national image is only che contera oí the government. Mexican elites have not aIways been able to maintain a privileged position in the arca oí foreign contacts. for these sanre contact zones are also used to denounce Nn oci a alisen '. neither che government nor the political claes has full control over the national image.ier ttu t unstn. A social movement that can cast doubts en che national image may become the object oí state violence. Just as Brasilia.i Ii t Si I)uity Lite. This is the case oí violence against itinerant commerce or against Ilegal housing settlements. so were al] che great tourist projects and grand international macroprojccts boro with their own dirty twins. For example.tpc. national elites unniediately took on thc cosinopolitan role par excellence they were clic Quicial agcnts oí forcign contact hecause their patriotism. labor migration. contact zones are border arcas between the logic oí the nation-state and capitalist progress that exist within che national space. Violente also erupts when che state insists on controlling spaces where there is little possibility of establishing the ideal order in a permanent fashion but where the ideal order must nonetheless be asserted. The migrant who manages to become the owner oí an auto-repair shop in Los Angeles can return to bis village with more money. In che Mexican case it has proved ca. contact tones frame relationships in which che logic of national development clashes with che transttational logic oí modernization. and knowIedge oí the modero than che old political boss there. provided the material conditions for che growth of shantytowns that could never enibody che supreme rationality of nationality. This is the case oí much oí che repression against youth subcultures. Nntiun. creating a zone of contact that can challenge nationalist narratives. tAlorcover. may converse more extensively and gain more information from an American anthropologist than the mestizo rancher who oppresses him. the spectacular growth oí the middle class in che second half oí the twentieth century also made che political brokerage oí the "civilizing horizon" increasingly difficult to sustain. rock rol]. and because there is an international horizon oí scientific and technological progress. Moreover. however. the model city of Brazilian modernity. 1 showed that the scenic prescntation oí national achievenients mobilizes resources that can ¡Ti tara spoil the presentation. 1)irty Linera 143 = . violente explodes when a group whose members had been designated as part oí che nation's traditional residue prefers to shape its own separate political community and paths to progress. It is clear enough that frames oí contact created by commercial and tourist relationships. Foreigners pursue their own relationships witIi those modcrn and traditional worlds. thus creating new challenges to national identity and the state. On che other hand. or oí other elites. and scientific and artistic production produce instabiIity in che interna] forms oí social distincrion. Thus. in che case ot poste olonial ur b u ckwartI c ountrics nacional mingo)ante is ni ore readily builc out of their tndittonai „^ tuna thar their modera sector. Here. An Indian from Zinacantán.. tuxedos and French aiisine even when the latter may alto be local producís At the sanie ti. Chiapas. Condusion 1 conclude with some thoughts on che iniplications that diese Trames oí contact have for che construction of interna] frontiers between social groups in che national framework. when che Mexican state assigned iisclf clic task oí modcinizing. because people can cross national borders for work or recreation. This instability is rcilecccd both in fashion cycles and in the reeonfiguration and reproduction of social classes. and they exist because che production and consumption oí commodities is a transnational process. prestige.ct a nacional singularity on the oasis of pulque ¡ol k dancing wov en or. their resourccs and their educated tate gave them greater access te thc civilizing thc dencificatlon of che nations sutil with che traditional world and its bode seith che macicen world is an unstable formularon because cho seorld callctl traditional" persists as underdevclopment and in a series of relationships of domination that are generally understood te) be continuotis with colonial domination. Therefore.. 142 = We cannot conclude from these examples. clic comprador elites" oí Mexicos nineteenth ccntury inhabited a contact zone that ideally served to discriminare hetween the aspccts oí modernity that were desirable and those that were undesirable co che naton_ l heir maturity and special role gave them license to fashions and affectations that thcy would then try to bar from general consumptton in their countries C )nly a strong cultural elite could design the ticket that a weak and backward country needed to be allowed into the "concert of nations" However.rel aci onship rxisted becau. It is also occasionally deployed against social movements that governments cannot assimilate as properly national because they conspire against the country's public image.pccilit it. In addition. is a key to understanding the interna) dynamic oí the frontiers oí social distinction.22 In each oí tírese cases. even che most avant-gardc example oí national modernity ages . 11111. and even oí violente. h t ountrv tones part of in interna ti onal avstem antl sn must inain a sensc ('1 .c co. and bce1 tacos than on the hasis oí whiskey.

the relationship between public discussion and ritual is negative: ritual substitutes for discussion and vice versa. are other common examples. constructing even the roughest map oí this relationship is a daunting task. interests. was portrayed by Mexico's revolutionaries as foreign. On the political plane. functionally and hierarchically organized interior spaces. Nevertheless. At any given local level. national architecture and space do not have che stability oí a house and che government lacks a patriarch's security because the nation's internal order is always warped by transfcrmations in the conditions oí production. or Oriental. but iris also the roor oí xenophuhia and violente.sectors oí these very elites as strangers to the national community. consumption. This relative openness and permeability oí national space becomes a dynamic facror in che production oí fashions and distinctions. so roo does the peed to construct various organizing perspectives. Attempts to professionalize che state bureaucracy have ar times been portrayed as "technocratic" reforms. and communication Therefore. such as lasr-food chains or brand fetishism. Starting with che most modero materials and designs at their disposal. or che affronted mother if there is a window-a contact frame-that permits them to do so. 1 propuse a fine oí historical and spatial inquiry that is driven by a set oí methodological and theoretical innovations that may be summarized as follows. they want to have diverse. Evidently. the disinherited son. Diriy Line 144 = 145 = . and Corruption in the Formation of Mexican Polities This chapter provides a perspective en the connections between ritual and polity in Mexico. My ultimate goal is to clarify the connection between political ritual and che constitution of political communities in che national space. However. the científicos who had such a key historical role in shaping Mexico's nacional image. 1 hypothesize a complex relationship between che existente oí aneas oí free political discussion and the centrality oí political ritual as an arena where political decisions are negotiated and enacted. In order to carry out chis aim. First. Francophile. and therefore as Aniericanizing. when une sees the relationship in an integrated national space.' 1 shall propuse such a vantage point here by exploring the historical connections between various sorts oí rituals and che development oí a nationally articulated public sphere. Marxist parties during the Cold War portrayed the Mexican government as a pawn oí US. nationalism's dirty finen can be exposed by the exploited stepdaughter. Criticism oí new forms of consumption. as che number oí historical and anthropological studies oí ritual and politics grows. 7 Ritual . However. rhe Porfirian cultural elite. Thus. Jewish. These denunciations are thus used both in che construction oí difference and in the organization of political opposition_ Nation builders try to fashion che national image the same way that people build a house. che relationship can be complementary: localized political rituals become che stuff from which a (restricted) nationally relevant public Naiionnli^u . elite-directed attempts to change mores and social practice can be targeted and ridiculed as Americanized. including spaces for exhibition to whoever comes in from outside AII this is ideally governed by the political equivalent oí a paterfamilias who seeks rhe entire lamily's orderly modernization and regulares contacts between his home and the outside world. both empirically and conceptually. Rumor. Harvard-trained President Carlos Salinas was often compared to the national traitor Santa Anna alter che tal¡ oí che peso in 1995.

and that thc sonso idation 'a: national puhlic opinion has always hcen an pruhlcmati<. these leaders would institute the new policiesThus. there is a connection between loo ring the bill of these rituals and the ways in which state instl tutions are appropriated The ineeption and growth oí state institutions involves the production uf ritual. merchants. Colonial society offered no political arena in which discussions could Ritual. merchants . Indian community members. miners.3 Participation in these cofradías provided occasions to discuss the internar affairs oí the collective actors. and miners . heads oí elite families of hacendados. artisanal guilds. hacendados. the supreme court. andan urban rabble that at times acted collectively but had no official corporate status . inhabitants oí haciendas and oí ranches.Without the monarchy. continuous . and there was no open nacional or regional forum for civic discussion during the porfiriato (or. and in salons and social gatherings (tertulias). or major religious festivities. As a result. church authorities. On the other hand.aran r. prívate correspondence with all of Iris governors and some jefes políticas and local notables In this corres pondenee. and retainers had to create or accommodate to a system oí political representation that was in theory based on equal individual rights. and they would engage in closed .tó = Overview of Mexican Public Spberes Mexican cities in the preindustrial age had as their main collective actors local urban elites (merchants. such as bullfights. in any oí the previous regimes ). rumor and thc di amati_ation ui :ntcrests 1inally. hacendados. or priest. and the criterio oí inclusion in these foroms were also diverse and not always hased en citizenship . fhiid 1 post ibat thc ucaoon ot a nacional puhlic sphcrc in dhis spatially scgmcnied liuld ot opinion and discussion nvnlvcs creating mechanisms ior piivilcgcd iiucipretations ot a dtffuse popular v ill 1 therciorc cxplorc thr relatr'nship hetwecn political ritual. Rumor . In rural arcas . hacendados. I^u mc a 3J t or. Porhrio Díaz maintained Ri we1. civil and military authorities). regional issues were frankly discussed . archbishop. Most oí these collectivities were organized in the religious plane in cofradías (sodalities for the cult oí saints) and were also visible as collectivities in the period's best-attended events. oí festivities. instructions were received.sphere dcnves t6 legitimar ^ Sea ond. by che development oí a commercial press. the various collective actors whose leaders were hrought together in closed-door discussions also had their own local forms and forums oí communication . by a few urban literary and scientific institutes. and oí colonial regulations regarding the place and time when these brotherhoods could meet-4 The organization around the cult oí each collective actor's patron saint also allowed discussion and expression oí collective interests within each of those groups.This elite was the national public opinion that mattered. public opinion seas constructed almost exclusively by elites. Locating Public Spberes Fran4ois Xavier Guerra has painred a portrait of Mexico's nineteenth cenrury in which he maintains that Mexico's tradicional political and social organization was leh without a political ideology and program to support it alter independence. some oí which involved free public discussion and some oí which did not . and Corrup lion 147 . a fortiori . and intellectuals whose discussions occurred in insti tutional forums provided by Freemasonry. ineet with representatives of what Guerra calls the principal collective actors of their regions representatives of villages . there was considerable distante betwecn what oceurred in the national public sphere that was shaped by the opinion oí these men oí substance and the way in which popular intereso were actually interpreted and dealt with by thc government. 1 argue that there is a general iclationship betsrcc n politieal ritual and localized appropriations ol state institutions (cunruptiuii Che expansion oí state institutions is historically linked to thc contlicting dcmands oí antagonistic local groups. and its ideas and ideals were formally nationalized in institutions such as Congress.2 Thus an idealized national community was shaped by an elite made up oí military leaders. teristi es of the gcographs ot public sphcies 'in tht plural cmphasizing thc fact that ci vic discussion in Mesico has br cu sepincntcd along class and regional mes. miners. and suggestions were provided _ Governo rs would in their tu rn . its political bosses and clients. jefes poi lícos. and inhabitants of peasant communities. a factor that strengthens the importanee of ritual. For example. 1 p i ipocc a few chava. This is why it is necessary to speak oí public spberes ( in the plural). and petty merchants. upiion . and of the redistrihutive actions that are associated with them. alcalde mayor. a remarkable . Finally. the entrada oí a viceroy. major relevant collective actors for Chis early period included textile workers and miners. its corporate indigenous communities. so the patrons oí these rituals have a degree oí control over thc local branches of those institutions. the nation's regions. and the national presidency As a resulr.door discussions that paralleled those that had been carried out with Díaz . This is probably the cause of the occasional conflicts that emerged between local authorities and slave and black cofradías.

including paradigmatic forums such as the cantina (bar) for men and the water well or the washing arca (lavadero) for wornen. the village or school association. strong channels of information. workers. Yet. the institutional spaces that stand out as having been arenas of discussion among equals are associated with village or urban publicized and broadened. on some discussion and debate of these rights in the town council. Instead. most uf these familia) decisions and debates could not be raid to occur democratically because members do not confer in an unrestricted fashion. and then discussions were limited to scientific and technical questions. ships coming in and out of Veracruz and Acapulco) In short. The bar. where che results ot complex negotiations. clienu. so each group depended on the crown's justice. friends. but only 1imited intrafamil ial discussion by members as Rl i. and these should alert us to the need to describe the gendered spaces of discussion and their interconnections in various local contexts. and allies. glorifying the political life of the colony (for years. the cofradía. we have both a ritualized display of community and a public sphere based en discussion and deliberation. and peasant communities). or the town meeting allow for some public discussion that may have been somewhat less limited by the strictures of family authority on one side. public representation of the whole en the basis of hierarchical status. Direct arbitration. newspapers provided short information briefs en the ritual life of che city. only peasant villages developed institutionalized local public spheres. (2) with the birth of modero industry during the porfiriato. information and opinions are weighed by powerful family members who make up their minds and impose their decisions. there are sex-specific forums of discussion and debate." that is. in contrast. for example. The articulation of various local forums finto a national public sphere developed in distinct historical moments: (1) after independence. patrons. the Lion's Club. and decisions are displayed. at best. Instead. (3) with the incorporation of a workers' sector into the reigning party after the revolution. collectivities were represented in the ritual life of the kingdom but their problems were not examined in a national forum of public opinion. and opinions coming from all members of the family.° Of the main agrarian collective actors (hacienda and ranch dwellers. each issue of the Gaceta de México began with a short biographical note on a past viccroy or archbishop).18 = 149 = . and many key instantes where women are the central players.Newspapers. and C o r r u p t o r 1. Rumor. (5) with the emergence el an independent union movement (1970s). did not become a Iorum for public discussion until the late eighteenth For the most parí. there is also plenty of female participation. with no forum to focos collectively en a single issue and to sound out a collective will. lnstead. Each of these corporate groups was nade up of networks of families. discussion occurs in a hierarchical framework: women and men argue in different ways and places. Dsscussion among equals operated as rumor. These networks have generally not been characterized in communicative terms by free dialogue and discussion. the Rotaries. Elite families. and small merchants: we see significant familia) rituals. Unions were prohibited in haciendas. but these do not add up to an "open" forum of public discussion. and Lovupiian equals. familia) ritual and communicative practice are more akin as a decision-making process to what Habermas called "representative publicity. added to investiigative political reporting (climaxing in the famous visitas). meetings of thejuntas de mejoras. In sum. and not as the result of free internal discussions The same conclusion applies to the typically smaller kindred of peasants. which were introduced in the 1720s. have been known to gather hundreds of members in family rituals and to construct complex webs of communieation within these large groups. collectivities relied on the crown's justice and en its respect for acquired and traditional rights and prerogatives (usos y costumbres) or. (6) with the emergence of social movements that do not explicitly represent class Ritual Rumor . and mines. factories. and state authority en the other. artisans. Instead. and the fact that hacienda workers often lived en the land of the owners limited upen discussion between members of those collectivities. with the constitution of a national public sphere. with institutions such as town meetings. In most peasant communities. alliances. discussion was informal. or the asociaciones de padres de familia serving as forums of discussion. who are systematically inhibited from participating in discussion. neighbors. mine and obraje textile workers. in addition to the various community-wide fomms. This public sphere has had various forms.s But it must be noted that. Instead.. Discrimination by sex in these forums varíes and has received little systematic attention from either anthropologists or historians7 Although my impression is that they are usually dominated by men. while public lile was dominated by ritual and by centrally controlled forms of publicity. the well. and occasionally announcing major international events (battles won in Europe. and there are rules of seniority and significant status differentials between major power holders and weaker family members. was crucial. Thus there is a rich ritual lile in elite families. (4) with the emergence of middle-class professional groups in the mid-twentieth century.

A comparable process occurred with peasants who. was a real threat to the traditional status oí collective actors. In other words. This tan headlong against the liberal project of creating a national citizenry that was shaped by individual opinion The ultiniate results oí this clash in the Ritoai. as well as by low literacy rates and by the many social ties that Mexican workers Nave with nonproletarian kinsmen and friends. much more subtly. "fictitious" and highly iniperfect though it was. This ttansition meant that arbitration troni rhe political center was no longer rhe only or even ncces. induence through schooling). In this respect. tic ritualized representation oí a national order continued to be oí significance. with ndcpendence.arily the principal. the struggle against the clergy in rhe nineteenth and twentierh centuries takes on special significante. a tew considcratiuns on the tran. and in major religious fiestas such as Corpus Christi and Easter. Because oí this. way of arguing lor rhe rights uf a colle( tive actor In. They had already been trained in a fully modern era. rhe anarchist revolutionary Ricardo Flores Maltón and rhe artist fosé Guadalupe Posada. the Mexican proletariat found little room for eepression or representation in government.s rights dctense against developmeni prolects and so un. a simation that ultimately weakened that class's interna) forums oí discussion and compromised proletarian inclusion in civic. except for rhe fact that rhe statethrough a particularly rich development of nationalist mythology-was able to wrench most oí these ritual functions away from the church. (i ["Lo s such as housing. This process was politieally painful and was never achieved in its entirety. which took a leading role in organizing and coordinating union confederations-first the Confederación Regional de Obreros Mexicanos (CROM) and later the Confederación de Trabajadores de México (CTM). R . and expected rhe benefits oí modernity without rhe forros oí state tutelage that had been imposed RitualRurn ar and 151 Co r rup tia n . Ricardo Pozas Horcasitas has described this process in his study oí the medical doctors' movement oí early 1960s." Thus we get relatively weak presente oí these two classes in the nationally articulated public sphere. such proletarian organizations and voices found much support from government. and who lost most of lucir legal protection in just a few decades. although both oí these processes were hindered by state repression. most oí the social actors of rhe period were illiterate and lacked properry and other chanctcristics liar were deemed central to being a citizen. nongovernmental forums. These doctors cared little for revolutionary rhetoric. Among rhe first collective actors to ron headlong against this "neobaroque" system were rhe new middle classes. After the 1910 revolution. A proletarian public sphere did emerge. however. Although 1 do not wish to go Inn. 1-irst. in the commemoration of patron saints. riese collectivities sometimes found their usos y wslinuhres ^ traditional rights) being debatcd and changed in rhe new national public sphere. which still hobbles along today.1 these developments here. the early srages oí modernization-especially in mining and in textiles-saw die constitution oí proletarian collective actors and the articulation oí rhe proletariat to the national public sphere.tead ol mercly eepressing rhe collectivitys inclusion in rhe realm by rcay uf tic malo liestas. around trade unions and with tic hclp of tic pcnny press. for rhe conflicts were not only connected to the power of the church as it has usually been considered (land. In other wurds. This process. and a convulsivo history ol struggle over local rights between various classes and communities The second sign1Ocant c oii idt ratiun on tic tra nslormat ion of rhe public sphere concerns ihe toi ination ol a modern proletariat and its historical connections to the public sphere_ In the mirial phascs of modernization. and it produced two of Mexico's most noteworthy intellectuals.f t. however. rhe creation ot a national public sphere.nnation of tic public sphere are needed. cach ^. whereas these had previously been acknowledged in rhe organization oí cofradías. although liberal governments fought hard to wrench this system oí representation out of the hands oí the church and into those of civil authorities. This meant that riese collectivities maintained arbitrated and ritualized relationships with rhe state that were in some respects comparable to those that existed in rhe colonial era. whose traditional instirutions carne under aitack almost immediately alter independence. and this without any local imput_ This was notahly the case of indigenous communities. women.' n d p t 150 = nineteenth century are we1i knowm a de jure separation oí church and state. also led to the formal inclusion oí unions in the official party apparatus. because it set up an arena where new rules could be made that affected rhe very toundations of the collectivities in question. because rhe church had provided spaces oí representation and political mediation for a series oí collectivities. . but they issued. were effectively incorporated in the state's "masses. The difficulty was in part owing tu rhe fact that the civil framework set up by liberals had no room for formally recognizing rhe collective actors that were on the scene. thanks to the political strings that were attached to land reform.nterests but focos rather on sclcc t. a natiunnlls articulated public sphere emerged tor the tirst time wnh the commcrcial pies and Congiess as its two maro torums. Moreover. wealth.

Rumor . At the level oí images. conflicts between church and state. pragmatic accommodations between participants may occur without any corresponding accommodation at the leve) oí formally stated policy or discourse. and to the national public sphere. Political Ritual in National and Regional Space A poignant introduction to the role oí ritual in consolidating Mexican political communities can be found in the early contact period. with regard to tírese movements.13 Ritual. Thus. closed-door discussion and decision making. and particularly oí Mexico City. urban services. Gruzinski has written extensively on the crucial significance oí nondiscursive forms oí communication in the conquest and colonization oí the Indians. parks. In addition. This sort oí politics-pragmatic accommodation while formally adhering to a discursive orthodoxy-has been insistently remarked upon by observers oí Mexico. This final point means that movements usually jell around leaders and issues and can then decline to such an extent that they define ageneration rather than a collectivity that reproduces through time AII oí these conditions meant that the "new" social movements had enormous potential for widening the base of discussion that made up national public opinion. noxtli).) grew in tandem with the development of the new social movements. before the existence oí a national language or even oí a coherent project for a national language. being goal-oriented. He has shown the centrality oí icons in this communicative process. ata time when there was no bourgeois public sphere in Mexico. as well as to expand forms of access to national public opinion. They also expected to control their own discussions and to have free access to the press. which was a time when the capacity for dialogue between Spaniards and Indians was minimal. whose dictum to King Charles-"I obey. sought to create an atmosphere that was propitious for the rapid conversion oí Indians. and especially in ritual. rituals were a fundamental arena for constructing political boundaries and relations oí domination and subordination within the polity. transportation costs. either by conceding liberties for self-organization or by allowing greater freedom oí access to media and policymaking. and has even spoken oí a "war oí images" in lieu oí public debate. etc. some oí whom trace its beginnings to Hernán Cortés. the diversification oí demands on government asan institution responsible for providing an ever-expanding set oí services and forms oí social protection. and so on. these movements sometimes lacked mechanisms for defining participants as stable members oí collectivities. forced the state to develop new strategies oí encompassment and inclusion. Through a mock form oí reading." which were no longer strictly class-based and were not directed toward the control or redistribution oí the benefits oí production. which reflects rhe vertiginous growth oí cities. a Franciscan friar. Repression oí the emerging middle classes continued throughout the 1960s and into the early 1970s. It is important to note. 1 have given some elements with which to imagine these various collectivities in their regional locations. It is in connection to these factors that a profitable discussion oí the place and role oí political rituals can take place.10 What is new about the movements beginning in the 1970s is their scale. 1 have provided a historical overview of Mexico's main "collective acRitual. that many oí them were not new in a strict sense: Castells has described the renters' strike in Veracruz in 1915 as a case in point. parents' associations. he heard something quite like "Pater noster. schoolteachers. including those from professional and protoprofessional middle classes and nonincorporated unions and peasant communities. an atmosphere that would not require extensive communication between Indians and priests. The combination oí these variegated pressures. and the fact that. but rather centered on the conditions oí reproduction: housing. and that they were not easy to incorporate to the sectorial apparatus oí the official party and the state. To this end he used a form oí pictographic writing in which icons were to be spoken out in indigenous tongues."'2 and this misunderstanding allowed both parties to participate in a critical communitarian ritual: the Mass." tors" and have pointed to their internal forums oí discussion and their connections to the state through ritual. women's rights. nnd Corruption 152 = . students. but 1 do not comply"-has become famous. and powerful interests were vested in maintaining some miscommunication between them. Jacobo de Testera. after which point the government began to embark on a series oí political reforms that are collectively known as "the transition to democracy. schooling. and abuses by priests. while the rounds that were thereby emitted approximated those oí the Latin orations oí the Mass. Testera put Christian orations in the Indians' mouths: they read out "flag" and "prickly pear" (pantli. and urban riots in the colonial and early national period were concerned with issues such as grain priees. Rumar and Corruptio = 153 = Middle-class pressures on the Mexican corporate state (movements oí doctors.on most peasant and working-class collectivities.' 1 At that time. pollution control.9 The government showed a distinct unwillingness to open up to these new political actors.

the study oí ritual allows us to witness the ideological articulations of a sociery that has always been both highly segmented and systematically misrepresented in formal discourse. a. to propuse an agenda for futuro research. and these accommodations are enacted in ritual and its imagery. Schoolteachers did not have the coercive power that prerevolutionary jefes políticos once had. The school became. Rumor . schools catered mainly to the notable families and. 1 discuss the connections between ritual and corruption . Ritual can serve as a way of constntcting a high leve ) of regional integra tion with unly a nunimum substratum oí common culture and. ritual is a critica) arena for che construction oí pragmatic political accommodations where few open.. in fact. anthropologists and historians have recognized that Mexico has a Icgalistic. Gntsinsk. Civic fiestas emphasized the patriotic participation oí Pueblans especially (May 5-the battle oí Puebla-was the main celebration).d corruption 155 .. Rumor . n. 1 discuss sume of the intcrconnections between ritual Ritual. Thus Mexican ritual and ritualism would have both sociolugical and cultural roots.'a After the revolution. one could add a cultmalist argument to this sociological one. In a study oí the history of patriotic festivals in the state el Puebla (1900-46). Specifically . Moreover. Icarning. In other words. once the Spaniards abandoned al] serious attempts truly to convince and assimilate Indians into their sociery. furthermore.1 did nnt dic along with lile CounterRetormation_ Nlexicus Fnlightenment and 1'ositivist eras were also eharaeterized by tilo use of modernity as a rhetoric that departs from everyday practico in civic life. by che decline of che boak among the popular elasses.10 Generally spcaking. argues that clic transition finto the Baroquc era ot represemation was eceompanled by an attack en [odiar. however. These sporting competitions became a venue for local social lile as well as for traditional forms of competition and sociability between villages and barrios. [1. ranchers. the school. forms oí etiquette. Correspondingly. dialogic forms of communication and decision making exist. Mary Kay Vaughn shows that tilo interconnection between schools and festivals passed through two stages: during the porfiriato. so they could not organize local work parties in support oí the school and federal funds were insufficicient. and other social forms in al] social strata. and notables. to inhabitants oí the main cabeceras (municipal seats). As a result. formulaie tradition that is combined with keen political pragmatism. especial ly .Second.. tilo strength oí schools was undermined concomitantly with the strengthening oí the agrarian community and the weakening oí the regional elites. but they decidedly excluded the rural and poor majo rity.i i onruption 154 = and rumor.In fact historian Irving 1 ' onan) tclt tila[ Chis was a debning character. This point leads os away froni a simple opposition between popular and state ritual. who now used competitive sports to draw in a wide constituency. affecting family relations." The flexibility that Mexicans may lack at the leve) oí formal political discourse and discussion they have in political practice. local agrarian communities vied in getting schools built and provided the badly needed support for their sustenance. In sum.stic ol the dominan[ aesthetic se nsthihtp ol the soalled Baroque era roughly 15RU-I?SU. perhaps the most fundamental modern institution oí discipline and uniformity. This very general appreciation is merely a starting point. and its utbstirution bv Imagcs that wcrc conventional_" This protoundly antidialogic t. . which wm bascd on regid adhcrencc to a iew basic principies of Catholic dogma ano to tilo apphcation ot wit to embroidering around thcni" L. an alternative arena for Ritual. 1 argue that both ritual and rumor can be seen as occupying spaces of expression that cannot find other ways into the public sphere . 1 argue that political ritual reflects the dialectics oí opposition and appropriation hctween sute agencies and collectivities. and these became values that permeated tire socicty deeply. 1 focos en three majo poincs here: First. spread not so much as a result oí state imposition as by its capacity to bridge and reconcile state piares with various forms oí local politics.. a pragmatism that has often been compared co Machiavellianism.ikcwisc. At the sane time. of discussion _ This view leads away Iron' looking at Mexican history as a simple secular process toward democracy and modernityThird. there is an inverse correlation between the social importante oí political ritual and that oí the public sphere. for in order te organize the variegated literature un political ritual and. This puint helps te) clarify che ways in which tire state is locally appropriated and in which a hegemonie order is constiituted- Ritual and tbe Expansion of Siate Institutions A good starting point is to explore the relationship between Foucauldian institutions (with their techniques oí bodily discipline) and rituais that aim to construct an image oí consensus around a notion oí "the people" (el pueblo). festivals were organized by the local jefe político with the aid oí the local elite oí hacendados. te a lesser extent. Hence. we need te arrive ata more precise formulation of the specific soits oí political work that ritual does and has done in different regional and historical contexts. This situation began to turre around in che 1930s through the reviva) oí the patriotic fiesta by the teachers. certain aesthetic forms were developed (the colonial versions ol "baroque sensibility").

and ritual (the patriotic festival with its attractive sports features) played a central role in che expansion oí schoolsjust as che religious fiesta. in Mexico. Thus. but it would be a mistake to attribute Chis lack oí democracy exclusively to a dictatorial imposition from che presidency: authoricarianism is the product of complex interconnections between various local. For che members oí these subaltern groups. in che marketplace. and nacional politics oí culture. thar che civic fiesta became a forum in any way comparable to the church fiesta. This does not imply. and the Puhlic Sphere l have argued that throughout Mexican history there have been various social organizacional forms and collective actors that have nor developed the sor[ oí open discussion of che classical bourgeois public sphere. including wellestablished forms for expressing political demands. oí materiality and visibility to local communities in a way that is analogous to che role that the church had played in che colonial period." "open" talk at public meetings is often contrasted to "washerwoman' s gossip" (chismes de lavadero o de asotea). Rumor. and political dialogue is characterized as "manly" (direct. opinion is formed in che sor[ oí concext that Erving Goffman has called a "backstage": in che kitchen. had been central to che earlier expansion oí che church. Congress) have generally been used as a cool for providing a discursive interpretation and solution to the ritual manifestations oí "popular wilL" Evidently. This form oí mapping gender onto che frontstage/backstage relationship between public spheres and che multistranded currents of rumor can be understood as a ploy for undermining che validity oí rumor and it should not be taken as a de facto correspondence between a feminine/ masculine dichotomy and public sphere/rumor. and che leveling media oí che bourgeois public sphere (newspapers. In che Porfirian arrangement. or in che anonymity oí a crowd. with che decline in the coercive power oí local politicians and che introduction oí competitive sports. for interpreting them. The institutions that creare an idea oí simulcaneous nacional development are also constrained by che various local cultural and political (orces. Hierarchical organizations such as landholding families. while bending down to plant or pick. It is only alter che revolution. that che role oí political ritual has remained constan[ in Mexico since che Baroque era. io the washroom. The same rumors that are feminized and called "washerwomen's gossip" one day can be hailed as che egregious "sentiments oí che nation" che next day." they are typically seco as subversive oí official truths as well as oí the national public sphere. television. however. Nor does it imply a simple substitvtion oí church ritual by state ritual The extension oí schools has long-term effeces on che local community that are distincc from chose Riturt 1. and. and international forces. a. Ritual. and che church still provided che broadest arena for che political assertion of eollective force in its fiestas. rational ). state institutions cxpand in a fashion that is dependent on che local. and C orruption 156= 157 . national. with its secular and spiritual attractions.'o In other words. Because they are "backstage. Vaughn provides a valuable clue for understanding che ways in which che revolutionary state succeeded in taking representational functions over from che church. liu mor. that communication does nor exist within these groups. open. 1 merely suggest that che system oí political and cultural representation oí the Baroque needs to be taken seriously as a preceden[ in order to understand che role oí political ritual to chis day. Moreover. but ovcrall they may be synthesized as follows: in Mexico. regional. and for resolving them oí che church. nor can their individual members always participare in che formation oí national public opinion because they have usually had restricred access to the media.i Corruptfon These are the spaces where information flows. "frank. Rumor. haciendas. Moreover. Chis situation had been intermingled with che lack oí a formal democracy in Mexico. whereas rumor is cowardly (it occurs behind one's back). and that Chis is because religious and civic ritual is a key to understanding the expansion oí state institutions in Mexico. there developed a culture oí accommodation to [hese circumstances. it is 'women's talk" (chisme de viejas). It means simply that public sentiment is formed in communicative contexts other [han [hose oí an open dialogue between equal citizens. The results oí this situacion have varied historically as che force oí modero institutions has grown. schools and patriotic festivals were mainly organized by and for regional elites. and they are correspondingly feminized. public opinion and nacional sentiment still have public popular ritual as a critica[ forum. and therefore ultimately contributes to weakening che agrarian community. This does nor mean. or factories do nor have free interna) discussion. interescingly it is only at chis point that oral schoolteaehers mustered the local supporr they needed to really expand che school system with the tight budgets that they have always had. or that they are incapable oí arriving at eollective agreements or oí representing [hese agreements in public. backstage Ritunl. because schooling Bases movement across che nacional space in search for work.

socialized through rumor. For example. like rhe oracles oí old. .. that of' Superbarrio" in Mexico City and that oí the neo-Zapatistas in Chiapas. Hence che work oí interpreting national sentiment does not end with che gathering oí opinions. rhe nationaily articulated puhlic sphere has never achieved widespread credeneu-roo many coitos aro excluded from it. in other words. people usually pretor a personal marco ot inlnrmation gossip'1 to a merely official one ' This situation leads lo Mexicos classical legicimacy crisis. Nevertheless... conform. and converted into specific movements that can be analyzed as political ritual because their significance depends on their modo oí insertion in a body oí public opinion that is not smoothly created out oí discussions in che public sphere. Because chis accounrability did not exist under authoritarian forms of corporativism. with expressive dimensions counting at least as much as instrumental ones 22 Moreover. there are also political manifestations oí public sentiment that are created in backstage contexts. in mediated movements they serve as poented appeals to public opinion and are thus gestures oí revolt Thus.. Ru. they are direct expressions oí local opinion and. x". middle.ymmetries oí power. for example. Going out and asking citizens in a systematic fashion was always seen as problematic. intellectuals.. they do not usually entertain high hopes for che efficacy oí these mediations. opinions that have no practical consequence. given the current expansion oí che national public sphere into ever-deeper levels oí the regional system).ll or. or channel whatJosé Marca Morelos called "the sentiments oí the nation" As we have seco. The centrality oí ritual in che constitution oí polity can therefore be understood in two dimensions_ en che one hand.unl. . che men backed them and took over the municipal presidency. and it is che prescnce of particular individuals that convinces others to join in_ Consequentl y. whereas niany collectivities are routinely recognized and reconstituted in rituals that can substitute opon interna) discussion. ranchers from the Altos de jalisco fill Guadalajara's central square with tractors to protest new agricultural policies. ellacing rhe individual and stressing che social persona by rclyi ng >ir imagos denved from the mass media This is entnely difterent from ritualized social movements that are not directed to che media ihat represen[ national public opinion. Inllnwing rhe negativo mold of rhe variuus public spheres that hace (10011 dostusscd AVherevei civic discussion and open argument are precludcd bv thc a. a relationship that involves a corresponding notion oí govcrnmental accountability. inversions are used as appeals to a public opinion that will then exert pressure on government by nonviolent means. when women took to che streets in Tepoztlán in 1978. where local opinion can immediately be swayed. The theatrical element is therefore oí special importance.r. in small towns.identi fication of a movement with "the people. and has only gained ground in reccnt years-21 This is because the poli involves making the backstage front stage. 1 say "ritual" because the weakness oí Mexico's national public sphere guarantees that political events will be interpreted symbolically. The inversions oí public and domestic spheres are usually more sharply subversive in smaller communities." and as such its demands c ommunication i s 1111[ a prer'ogative nt wumen. [hese movements are not mediated by a national public. how to interpret. alternative communicativc relationships 0merge and rumor predominates. confessional relationship between citizens and the state. significant differences emerge between political manifestations that are geared to the media and events that are oriented to direct action in smaller-scale collectiviries_ Inreresting in chis respect is che use oí masks in two recent cases. for opinions chat are unlinked to action.. The use of niasks is a Brechtian son ol strategy. Whereas in local movements these sorts of inversions are direct appeals to revolt. rituals can be expressions Ri tua i. Because of this. In che mediated urban context (which is an ever-growing field.-. In [hose cases. neither could a candid relationship be built except in cases where "dtizens" felt that they had little to lose. che people" are represented directly by known people.d Co rrup 1 io = 159 = k . it involves constructing a free-flowing. just as newspapers became a privileged media for the interpretation of national sentiment.. The signs that intellectuals and politicians read are therefore complex. for political manifestations are interpreted mainly in their expressive and symptomatic dimensions. In Mexico. need signs.nd ('o. Similarly." -1 he true national sentiment is only meaningful in connection to puhlic action. just as niany women engage in public speaking- can he put forward in a clearer way to che public and che specter oí cooptatiou of a specific leader ur of a small co nsti tuency dimi nishes. although at times they seek support from national inedia and public opinion. pii oe . are easily discounted as 'women's gossip" or "talk. This provides powerful "photo opportunities" for an urban movement. Also interesting is the use oí inversions of public and domestic realms in mediated versus face-to-cace movements. intellectuals have had a leading role in fillIng this communicational void. and perhaps something to gain. to political ritual.and upper-class women take to the streets oí Mexico City to protest che construction oí a highway or to protest the high costs oí a devaluation.. It is useful to think oí rumor a. The use oí masks allows for a more abstraer In sum.

which was paid for by collective contributions. en che other hand. at the leve] oí the moral sensibility of a people (how discourses and practices oí corruption affect personal attitudes and definitions oí self). corruption has consisted oí appropriating portions oí state or church machinery for private benefit (arguably). They are in fact the maro signs that political interpreters read.. de la Peña has described how hacienda owners increased their popularity and that oí the municipal notables by contributing resources to the local fiesta 23 Finally. occupying a role that is analogous to that oí the poli (and that is no less manipulable). and alliances with state or church are used to further local interests In those struggles. In this section. but rather royal servants. throughout the colonial period. Villagers participated fervently in their fiestas in parí as a show of alliance with the church. corrupR i ^ u n 1. Because the church was the fundamental arena for collective expressien. . Correspondingly. Ritual had a mediating role in the colonial period. official governmental posts were seen as prizes that the crown handed down in recognition either oí social proximity or oí past favors. u d Corrup In the Morelos highlands.of collective vitality and interests within the sanctioned political order. In this context oí negotiation. and because it had its own independent sources oí taxation. In fact. public political manifestations are understood as expressions oí a public sentiment that is construcied in the backstage. in Zinacantán. second. Smaller towns and villages had to incur parallel expenditures to commemorate their saint's day. Local notables funneled their money reto comparsas (dance organizations) that represented their barrio oí origina thus notables created solidarity with poorer mcmbers oí their barrios and subsequently depended en this local basis oí support to successfully control municipal offices during the nineteenth century and most oí the twentieth century. For example. The dialectics oí this process involves competition or struggle between collectivities or classes. as well as those oí the viceroy. these appropriations serve various functions and have varying implications during different periods. on a functional leve] (what it does for government. Second. Mexico City notables and officers had to come up with money for all sorts oí commemorations oí the roya] family's affairs. ritual has been used to build alliances between local collectivities and state and church. which might then intervene in their favor against the abuse oí landowners or officials. corruption was reflected in what might be called an extended "cargo system. This contrasted with the humble barrio fiesta. But it was these very forms oí public festival that also gave political recognition to these places and allowed for the funneling oí resources to the community leadership. for instance. to the detriment of the state's interesr as well as that oí the public. The problem oí corruption can be understood en three levels: first. Comparable situations have existed well inca the modero period. ritual is critical to the constitution oí national public opinion in an authoritarian state because it is the principal sigo that interpreters read. and rights oí a collectivity could be expressed at the same time that alliances were forged with the church or the state. This same logic survived finto the national period. However. at the leve! oí aceusations oí corruption (what a discourse oí corruption does in the world oí politics). This second dimensión means that political movements are heavily ritualized. whereas suits against priests could be brought to civil authorities. ritual substitutes for a bourgeois public sphere. ritual is crucial because social segmentation and power relations undermine dialogue in the nacional community. variations oí "cargo systems" exist and Nave existed throughout the national space. and that has therefore not (yet) been harnessed by che state. stressing their significance in indigenous communities and their links to forms oí prestige that are allotted only within the limits of traditional communities." Anthropologists have been prone to take a narrow view oí what religious cargos are about. For example." Cancian has shown that financing local fiestas was a crucial item oí prestige and local power for many years. tion in the church was also important. Rumor . what it does for individual participants and victims). the classic and much-debated instante oí the traditional "cargo system. strength.on 160 161 = . officials were expected to profit from their posts they were not civil servants. both oí which could easily conspire against the subaltern classes. Local ritual could also stand as an affirmation oí local rights against both church and state. and that the system only carne into crisis when the Ritual. Local constituencies could at times play these two sets oí ambitions off against each other. where the boundaries. Throughout Mexican history. Rumor . or else in exchange for money. and Corrupi. Third. In Tepoztlán. Corruption and Ritual 1 Nave suggested three important roles that ritual has in the constitution oí political communities in Mexico First. on the most general level. carnival became the most expensive fiesta and was bankrolled to a large degree by the local notables. 1 inspect the relationship between ritual and corruption in the Mexican system. and third. and the burden oí paying for celebrations has usually reflected the expected distribution oí the benefits oí reigning.

wich formal moments wherc supervision was asserted. The connection between fiesta and corruption does not end here. for mosc fiestas combine a concrolled and an unrestracned aspect. calculatmg costa ol olticial parcy can paigns seas imposible. [hese leaders are expected to foot thc hill of much political ritual for che ritual will se:-ve as a manifestation ol clic colleccivitys continuad vitalicy to higher officials. both in relation to local appropriations of state machinery and in che construction oí an ethics oí xhose appropriations.. Governors and municipal presidenu usad up che ir budgets to show their personal support ot a presidencial candidate and.. as are leaders who do not finance fiestas or do not recognize or acknowledge their own people. and corruption. rituals presenc popular moral standards regarding corruption_ Ungenerous leaders are shunned.)LIe capnalist en t repreneurs. K iim co and = 163 = Corruption 162 = . or at least a renewed relarionship with cheir immediate patron_ Thus.The second is che trend that fries to construct a secular progress between premodern ritual and modero democracy. and che cargo svsicm has therctoie declinad . generosity. This is che mosc surte sense in which political ritual can be said to he tied to che history of corruption: fiestas assert the significante of a collectivity vis 5-vis che state and chus they have been used to jockey for position on che nacional map. and comtnunion is enacted. all of whom expected co bencht 1ront ihc tate in cxchange for diese expenditures. . free food.local economv di vcrsihed and thc population greca. The first is che one that divides rituals finto state versus popular ritual. che Catholic ritual is a standard that continually haunts che politician. political rallíes rypically are followed by free-flowing strcams oí alcohol. an ethics oí respect. Thís analysis leads us away from three trends in che study oí political ritual.Until che demociatic refxms of che 1Oleas. Against che second trend. and dancing. and 1. and Chis has allowed for a continuous reconstitution of a ritual ]¡fe that has ics origins in che Baroque era.1.corking . becau. Union leadership that had privileged support from che government used union funds and working hours co support che candidate_ As in the fiesta. Solemn Masses are followed by turkey in nicle sauce. however. through that personal support. Mexican modernicy continues to segment and exclude large numbers from che promised benefits oí citizenship and modernization. once l.I C o r r u p t i o n a collectivity is receiving sorne benefits froni che state once it has a leader or a class that appropriates che state and representa it locally.Icov inca and real) 1118 che benehts of che state for oí appropriating local branc bes of che state) has parallels in che ways in which che PRIs poliurtl cam pait. Against che first trend. and a fiesta.ah a cencialized eofIcr and budget amipaign c osi. our perspective stresses che persisten[ obstacles to che creation oí a bourgeois public sphere in Mexico. the support oí che collectivities co which they were linked. participants in campaign events were also nieant to gain things for themselves: a day off work. political ritual has been cied to corrupton beeause che finaneing oí ritual reflecta che actual or expected ways in which local leaders and communities appropriate porcions of che state apparatus-these rituals are enactments both oí a persorialized style of state redistribution and oí che power oí the whole constituency vis-h-vis che more abstract nacional state. i n . 21 Che elders hace kepí Clic voung genci auon Irom sponsoring che Gestas. i u a I k u ni c . drinking. Ritual. On che other hand. ritual. ns are financed. .c hisioad ol . 1 have suggested relationships between rumor. This combination oí political control and unrestrained popular expression made the fiestas occasions where a certain complex hegemony was enacted. and secular festive events such as the bullfight or che cocklighc tended co reccive some governmental supervision.. tween che oldcr peasant notable.2 1 In general. were peppered with occasional comic or lyric moments. In this respect. and chese values provide che rudiments oí a technology that is used for articulating che nacional polity. Thus fiestas are usually signa of che vitalicy of both "che people and che state. wc 1. for popular expression was at once unrestrained and encompassed by the authorities. a locos of political expression. Conclusion 1 have explored che connection between ritual and political communities by looking at public spheres developmentally. These pervasive connections between ritual and corruption. carnival ends with the High Mass of Ash Wednesday. In the process." "Corruption underwrites Chis whole rclationship because che state is only extended inm ch(se col l ecti vicies on che condition chat it be locally appropriated'usually by local elites) and that some oí che benetits of chis appropriation spill ayer to tire test ol che local population Finally. This dialectic affects both che constitution oí subjectivities by the state and che ways in which state institutions are locally appropriated. che perspective developed here stresses the dialectics oí opposition and appropriation between state agencies and various collectivities. demonstrate che critical significante oí che study oí ritual for understanding hegemony in che Mexican national space. The correlauon between iinanc ¡Ti. Even che most Apollonian rituals. creating a spbt be. dillused among supporcers. such as che once popular oratory contests.

For these reasons. The regional study of ritual offers a way of specifying these relationships. and it may oven survive che current transition to democracy. Rumar. then a speaker may say. "the Rest" is peripheral. and of clarifying the nature of social change in che polity. che social and political referents oí rituals can be clarified and placed in their proper perspective. Our contribution to chis perspective is to show nce significante of developing an overall geography of ritual as a necessary prior step. Periphery . Such attempts to classify places as central versus as peripheral tend to bracket the fact that center and periphery are always coexisting as elements in idioms oí power and oí distinction throughout che social system. the specter ot an `ancien régime" seems never te die in Mexico: ir survived the 1857 colis ti tution. che Americas and Spain mutually constituted each other. rural areas are peripheral. but rituals cannot be used to homogenize the culture of their participants in any simple way. within the Third World. 8 Center. and the Connections between Nationalism and Local Discourses of Distinction b It is now commonplace to recognize that centers and peripheries have historically constituted each other: "the Orient" was as critica] for the formation of a narrative about "che West" as European colonialism was to the formation of Asían nationalisms. informal sectors are peripheral. "the First World" is central. it survived che revolution. much more generally. Because our fundamental thesis is that political ritual is substituting for arenas oí` discussion and argumentation-creating hegemonic idioms oí agreement between various and diverse points of view (cultura] and political)-the study of these rituals can serve as an entry to understanding hegemony geographically. a":i Corruption 164 = 165 . or formal sectors are central. A somewhat less understood dimension of center-periphery relationships is how peripheralization and centralization are practices that can help us to understand the ways in which localized idioms of distinction and political language are created This point is often overlooked because of the strong temptation to portray centers and peripheries as stable and homogeneous and then to make these categories into vast abstractions: "the West" is central. Finally. Once this is done (and chis chapter is only a heginning of such a geography). ideas regarding cultural and economic modernity and modernization rely on constructions of "tradition" and therefore on producing peripheries. Ritual. of understanding their historical evolution. a third trend that must be modified is the one that seeks to synthesize national culture by way of che study of national rituals. metropolises are central. "che Third World" is peripheral. If prompted for greater detail. and.

beginning in the 19505. The town as we know it was created between 1550 and 1605 in response to Spanish authorities. andC 167 = . iNiexlt o blq purp use u tu show historien." In the case oí Tepoztlán.enerated "eulturé' and to substitute that notion with a more atomized. has buen locally construeted. named by the heirs to Hernán Cortés's estate." where the culturalist will emphasize lile internal coherence oí local culture (and thereby construct a sharp break hetween the culture of peripherfies and that of centers). Later. they involvc complenxntants and encnmpassment' Thus. anthropoIogicaliy notion of "eulturé' and practica] reason. and grazing lands provided by an impoverished highland peasantry that was concentrated in villages such as Tepoztlán.hecause center--periphery tropel are hiera rclucal in Louh Durrmoti LS sense. It is thc muddle in lile spatial model-a confusion that can be shared by cultuialists and pragmatists-that sets the stage tor Chis ethnogra p hic paradox lamuus village ()j Tepoztlán. while Oscar Lewis dissolved Tepoztccan "eulturé' finto a set oí pragmatic adaptations to an environment that was shaped by nationally dominant classes and políticos. that is. rutunni_c that ccnter-periphery discuurses viere equally rclevnnt tur lile dcr clopment ot distinetion in both places In Chis chapterl explore lile histnricnl tnmtrlr mation ul centel. who concentrated the more scattered indigenous inhabitants of the jurisdiction called Tepoztlán luto a nucleated settlement. Consciousness of a Peripheral Status Tepoztlán is located about seventy kilometers south oí Mexico City. they tend either to "orientalizé' a reified local culture or to dispense with the notion of a locally generated collective culture in favor of sumething like 'adaptation' or even "rational choice. or to deny the existente of a collectively g.3 This theoretical bind emerges in numerous forms throughout the anthropological and historical literauue_ Olten. it was defined as an indigenous jurisdiction that was to be controlled from a distante by a Spanish alcalde mayor who was.] clianges in ti. investors and power holders organized the region that is today called Morelos in such a way that irrigated sugar fields in the lowlands would benefit from cheap seasonal labor. In other words. differences map opto the opposition that Marshall Salilins called "culture versus practical reason. Tepoztlán occupied a peripheral position from the time of its colonial reconstruction. many of whom were called "Indians" by city folk. Economically. Perip1.y. "The center" has tilos been "in the periphery" for most oí Tepoztlán's post-Conquest history. lile conceptual origins of this muddle are not restricted to che (by now largely transcended ^ opposition hetween a Saussurean-inspired p ¡ . 1 wish to ]cave a nagging paradox behind. we can alpe. both in the sense that it has had a critical role in fashioning the place. althciugh one may igree that in lile late mneteclith celLUrv Britain could.. in turn. the very constitution oí this agricultural village was to sume degree orchestrated from without.. indlviduallstic culture of multiple adaptations. and oí cheap seasonal labor in lowland plantations. Thus. By focusing on center/periphery as a key metaphor in the dialectics of distinetion within Tepoztlán. Robert Redfield fell finto the orientalizing trap by overdrawing the separation hetween 'folk and "urban societies. while lile economic reductionist will emphasize rational adaptations that generate statistically verifiable differences within and between localities that do not add up tu a holistic local culture. firewood. d: . of revenue through commercial exploitation. while India eould hv counted as a periphery. Periphery as a va luc-lacten svctem rt or^anlzm sial cpaee_ [Ti ti. and speci fically tu the disti ncti un hetween various uses of center/periphery as an organizational scheme The contlation ot a center-periphery scheme ur the organization ot produaion with a ccnter-periphery scheme tor political domination and a center-periphery logic ot cultural distinction leads inevitably to the sort ot abscracted and idealized cores and periphcries that we seck to reject. When analysts rely en center-periphery metaphors in order to understand what Redfeld called °folk soceties they tend either to exoticize lile marginal society by analyzing it as it it viere culturally coherent. chis meant that villagers were primarily peasants. on thr rvhole be s_lassllied as central tu lile rer n'Id sestent. ways in which the Lento.1 also aim to demonstrate a few of Lile competing strategies for centralization and marginalizarlon as they base playeel out in local pulules of distinction and in che enunciation of local demands to state agencies or for rational public opinion. lile Marquesado del Valle. Center. whose capital is Cuernavaca Until the early 1960s. Part oí thc conceptual diffieulty stems also from lack o1 attention to rhe analysts oí spatial systems.i 111 11 1e1 11a1 1 s = 166 = In short. and directly through specific institutions and individuals that have been charged with administering this peripheral status. Politically. This decision was renewed from lile time oí the formation of Spanish landed estates in the late 1500s to the moment oí industrialization. it was to serve as a source of tribute. Nevertheless. in what was until recently lile agricultura) periphery oí the state oí Morelos.

One day Tepoztécatl wcnt to visir Mexicn City and he found thar people were having great difficulties in raising rte maro bell to the tower oí Mexico's cathedral. he enlisted his hele and the wind god blew a srrong whirlwind thar blinded everyone white it raised Tepoztécatl finto the air. the story makes Tepoztécatl a staunch ally oí rhe church (Tepoztécatl as rhe first convert. In fact. One revealing set oí stories that deal with these aspects oí Tepoztecan society are about El Tepoztécatl. a rhird en the hill where Tepoztécarl lives. Onc posed itself en the church tower. wealth. and anthropologists has come to Mexico with the mission oí "study[ing] the Comer. brll and all When the people looked around.ineluding evangelizing priests. day oí the Virgin oí the Nativity. and their signs and artifacts are constantly manipulated in local jockeying for status.6 but Tepoztécatl's role with rhe cathedral's bell is also potent symbolically because the bell was the principal marker oí time in the period. four white doves flew out in different direetions. policemen. It would be mistaken. the story provides a genealogy oí Tepoztlán's poverty and oí ¡es destiny always to lose its brightest lights to other towns. thereby gaining centrality for Tepoztlán. but they shall leave the place just as the doves thar you freed lefa "s As a whole. and our C en ter. but thcy new went tu enrlch other towns. By way oí illustration. In point oí fact. to a significant degree. there are several center-periphery discourses operating simultaneously. a number oí Tepoztecans did work in corvée labor to build Mexico City's cathedral during the colonial period. indigenous nilers. Per. second. third. More subtly. Finally.pbrry. another on the tower of Mcxicos cathedral. In order to thank Tepoztécatl for his hele they gave him a box and told him to bury it in rhe maro square of his village Tepoztécatl received it with joy and walked back to Tepoztlán When he arrived there. fourth. who is said to he his mother and who is also the patroness oí Tepoztlán). 169 nnd Conneetians Upon receiving rhe news oí what rhe curiosity oí the keepers oí the treasure had brought them to. the legend oí Tepoztécatl is a story about Tepoztlán's terms oí submission. schoolteachers. first. and rho fourrh in the town af Tlayacapan. and it runs roughly as follows: Tepozrécatl's lile was exemplarv He helped and protected al¡ of bis subjects and Tepoztlán thrived more during his reign than ever before. Tcpoztécad said. which is what he did. evangelista. There shall be intelligent people. a continuity that is enunciated in the very act oí recalling Tepoztécatl as man-god.^ The story of El Tepoztécarl has two niain portions. It is perhaps not surprising. These terms. to imagine that this colonial discourse oí encompassment is the only way in which center-periphery relations have been constructed by Tepoztecan ideologues. Tepoztécatl as son oí the Virgin oí the Nativity). 1 shall consider one example oí a more modero formulation of Tepoztlán's peripheral status. A second refers tú the period shortly alter Conquest. merchants. despite the fact that die village was burned no the ground by Cortés during his campaign against the Aztecs in 1521 because its lord would not become his ally. and power. then. that hoth centrality and marginality have been elaborated in Tepoztecan mythology."The doves that flew out oí rhe village were fortune. which are performed yearly on the day oí the Virgin oí the Nativity. but rather liad to bury it. people asked him what was in the box He answered thar thcy had given him the box and thar he could not open ir. people's curiosity was roo great and they dug the box up that night and oponed tt rhe next morning When they oponed ir. a recognition oí what Tepoztlán has brought to the center. a proud affirmation oí the continuity oí local tradition. ultimately. and Conneetians 108 = . beginning with a story written by Joaquín Callo titled "The Intruder. and. and municipal officers. oí the dominion oí the Spanish faith." `The Intruder" is an allegory. the mythical "man-god" oí Tepoztlán who was meant to be both the local ruler in the pre-Conquest period and the first Indian to become evangclized in the region (en September 8. Tepoztécatl as ido¡ basher. However. public acknowledgment oí hierarchical encompassment oí the village by a larger political society centered in Mexico City and identified with the church. as ally oí the wind god. thereby representing Tepoztlán as a voluntary subordinare to the colonial regime. hut allegedly tt was a greattreasure - village shall always be poor. The story oí El Tepoztécatl thereby reflects. the prolonged vitality oí a colonial discourse oí hierarchy and marginality. A group oí blond foreigners whose characteristics make them a composite oí communist spies. include. however.7 In sum. That is why no one discovered what Tepoztécatl had been given. One occurs before and at the time oí Conquest when El Tepoztécatl vanquishes the lords oí major surrounding towns. Since Tepoztécatl was a friend oí rhe god oí wind. Tepoztécatl was already in rhe church tower sounding the bell. as lord oí the mountain and guardian oí the village. the story also notes the role oí Tepoztecans in the construction oí the center. Perlpbery. an emphasis en voluntary subordination to and adoption oí this order. much m cveryone's amazement.

n loes to ( ucrnavaca ro cable a message thar reads °Trentendous soeces It is case to attract these sandal-wearers (huaranbudosJ: rhev can'[ rcad They only cat tortillas. predictably. and by priests- again in thc carly days of Tepoztecan tourism. "a pretty dark girl with large eyes. This most recent social movement has been of such proportions that it led. and Connections 170 171 = . The discourse is also for aspiring politicians. the purity oí their faith.9 The portrayal oí Tepoztlán as "Indian" is central in the cultural construction oí a class oí notables during che porfiriaato. the beauty oí their ways. by government. swore that en no account shall he allow che Club de Golf El Tepozteco to be built. and their explosive mole. and. and thereby provides political leaders with acople room for negotiation or manipulation. insofar as it does not deny che ignorante oí the villager. stead. These "Tepoztecan Indians' were led by members oí che local elite . This story is not especially popular or well known in Tepoztlán. In short. above all. than promises oí equaliny rhat are ncver kept because those that manage the party rule the lives and goods of others. beans. reviving local indigenismo An idealized Indianness was deployed ry and Counec = tions = Although "the intruder" oí Joaquín Gallo's story is ambiguously portrayed as communist agent. with their kindness. Ivan takes a job in a nearby hacienda and courts Catalina. v. and foreign anthropologist/ psychologist.customs. when prominent artists and intellectuals settled in Tepoztlán and found in che place a kind of prototype ol the true Mexico More recently. evangelist. but it rehearses a number of themes that are popular among romantic enthusiasts oí the place. a srrategy that involves mimicry oí the idealized "Indian' oí Mexican narionalist discourse. much more. this impression of Tepoztecan ignorance and pliability proves deceitful. is poverty [in Tepoztlán]. the Tepoztecos succeed in converting [van to their persuasion: He became convinced rhat people are happier in liberty. in the 1960s. whose members fled to Mexico City during the revolution and tounded a Tepoztecan colony that was active in Tepoztecan politics and cultural affairs during the 1920s and 1930s. beginning in che 1940s. who shall load Tepoztláds destiny. Lázaro Rodríguez Castañeda took office today as che first mayor oí che "free. among other many things. the psychology ot che people ol che vdlages.. Periphery . for niustering local and external allies in massive mobilizations against two modernizing projeets a suburban train that was ro link Mexico City with Tepoztlán and a development project that was to build a golf course and an urhan development on communal lands. This distinctly modero peripheralizing discourse involves the double move oí portraying ordinary Tepoztecans as Indians and as true representatives oí the nacional ("popular") soul. their women.uier <o e nrvince simple and poor villagers and to attract them to their own pOint ol t iew" Che leader oí the group (who has been nanted Ivan°i goes to Ccpoztlán He asks v illagers all sorts of questions that are intended t o Libvert the dominan[ order by iinplying that Tepoztecans are being exploitcd be caplralists. in peace and tranquillity. che Lord oí che Wind. their thought their degree of c olture and. The story also usefully summarizes a discourse that has been deployed by Tepoztecans themselves in their political dealings with outsiders. to che overthrow oí the municipal council and to the promotion oí a "popular council" in in. and the story is true to some oí che political usage to which the discourse oí Tepoztecan "simplicity" has been put." Nonetheless. The ceremony in which the new council was sworn in makes powerftil usage oí the ideological mechanisms discussed here: Before a crowd oí three thousand in a popular assembly [asamblea popular]. in discourse highlighting che value oí lile in Tepoztlán as against che migratory experience in the United States and in che 1990s. thereby legitimating polirical mobilizations that can serve to negotiate che terms oí the Iaw and oí state policy.S. one must add key agencies oí the Mexican government itself as critica¡ targets oí this discourse oí cultural purity. local movements against hippies" deployed a similar discourse oí mustie purity and tradltionali sm a purity that has also been mobilized at times against Protestan[ missionizing. as a source oí Center .The new popular municipal presiden[. their religiosity They believed that it was c. nor shall che municipio become "che parrimony oí any oligarchy"1° After his inicial inquines. conditions are not wretched and that people's convictions are worth more. El Tepoztécatl. constitutional and popular municipio oí Tepoztlán" In a symbolic act. U. because. He found that although [he. who stress both che ignorante and humility oí the people and their greater purity and simplicity. their ways oí lile." but he is mmdered by the men from his parta. gave Rodríguez the red oí rulership [bastón de mando] as Che new tlatoani of the community . It is an ideology that can be deployed both to defend the village against actions oí an "external agent" and to cal] for progress. One early instance oí this mimctic srrategy occurred in 1864 when "Tepoztecan Indians' went ro pledge allegiance to Maximilian oí Hapsburg and simultaneously petitioned hico to solve a land dispute with neighboring haciendas. Tepoztlán's position asan agricultural periphery.

etc. one symptom oí economic marginaliry-for instante . the proximity of hotises to the central square and church. a few interesting elements emerge with clarity. Thus. macehuales (conimoners). the name oí a jurisdiction roughly equivalent to todays municipio oí Tepoztlán. at that time. but still used the Nahuatl term that designated a social organizational unit that was conceived as a patrilineage with an attached territory. including the official status awarded to a town (be it ciudad. peasant production . but perhaps not the name oí a nucleated village. rhe uncivilizable barbarian who. 1976). and mayeque serfs or slaves. Between rhe wild man and the cultivated aristocrat there were. Peripbery. as a creature entirely devoid oí reason whose bes[ hopo was to be ruled by a rational person and harnessed to civil society (see Pagden 1982). a number oí Tepoztecans had already been baptized. an. oí squares. the general bearing oí rhe inhabitants. de razón. and Santa Cruz (calpulli Teycapa). chis first census suggests a class structure in which the principal divisions were those between the nobility. or pueblo. as a poor municipio within the state system. too. and thus rhe highest-ranking calpulli. the construction oí churches.y . often simultaneously ." Although the interpretation oí this document is demanding." a simplification that obscures more than it reveals. gradations of civility and coarseness. The difference between the villa and its sujetos was subsequently marked in terms oí urbanity. and as tourist site-is recognized culturally in complex discourses oí marginaliry ." The jurisdiction was made up of fine calpulli. The village was further divided finto Christianized and pagan people. 1 shall review rhe relarionship between center -periphery ideologies and the dynamics oí distinction in Tepoztlán. By the time oí the 1540 census. and Cuernavaca. and oí public offices are an example. corresponding to varying ways oí organizing economic and political space As a result. presumably by the Dominican Fray Domingo de la Asunción. rhe layout oí a graveyard. the complexity of even rhe two peripheralizing discourses that we examined thus far signals that Tepoztlán has occupied severa ) peripheral situations. oí course.migran[ workers for the United States . and notable m rhe Organization of Llrban Space One key element oí Spanish colonialism was the equation oí urbanity with civilization. Santa María.' The census shows.can serve to claim centrality in political discourse in rhe shape oí "Indianness . A logical corollary o( Chis view was that signs of urbanity became a factor in local and regional politics of distinction. the durability oí materials with which houses were built. while rhe other five became sujetos oí that villa. Ome Tochtli. it would be mistaken to take this as justification for labeling Tepoztlán simply as "a periphery. In other words. Santo Domingo. was thought oí as a "natural clave. taking rhe name oí the mendicant order that dominated the village unti! the parish was secularized in the mid-eighteenth century)4 Three other calpulli became the barrios oí San Miguel. following Aristotle. it is clear that these units begin to be identified as barrios around this time. and Connections In Tepoztlán [hese elements and others have been deployed in varying ways and for diverse purposes and. Thus. Cadena. Ateneo was that oí the local tlatoani. athough we do not yet have continuous evidente for rhe history of diese uses. The noble calpulli oí Atento thus became Santo Domingo Ateneo. Around 1550. Oí [hese nine calpulli." that is. The barbarían was an entirely physical begng. but there are others. keeping both the name of the calpulli and adopting a patron saint. The hrst major colonial census oí Tepoztlán was carried out around 1540 and has been translated from Nahuatl into Spanish by Ismael Díaz Center . First." In the sections that follow. of course. La Santísima Trinidad (calpulli Tlalnepantla). that rhe households oí nobles included mayeque serfs or slaves. Nevertheless . a social fact that was marked in the villagers' names. and San Andrés. and who brought down and shattered rhe main ido) dedicated tu the tutelary god Indio. four calpulli were aggregated into the nucleated Villa de Tepoztlán as barrios. Tepoztecans of this period did not yet cal) their primary neighborhood units barrios (a term that is in use in the 1580 "Relación de Tepoztlán"). and.Although we know little regarding the specific location oí each of the vine calpulli prior to [his time. which appear as either Christian or indigenous in rhe census. and that not all oí rhe local population were ethnic Tlahuica Nahuas (Carrasco 1964. rhe Dominicans began construction oí a convent and church with a spacious open-air chape!. who allegedly baptized El Tepoztécatl oí the story narrated earlier.). the layout oí streets. cabecera or sujeto. the villa (which 1 shall henceforth cal¡ "Tepoztlán") had Center. ruled by his own emotions-a wild man alone in nature. "Tepoztlán' was. there is sufficient documentation to sketch a general outline oí rhe role of urbanity (and thus "centrality") in local politics of distinction. The extreme opposire oí rhe urbane and civilized person was. not least. oí brutish force. San Juanico.i Connections 172 = 173 = . The other five calpulli became the outlying hamlets oí Santa Catalina. villa. Prri pire. building a provisional church at rhe foot oí the steps leading to Ome Tochtli's hilltop temple. Mexico City. Instead.

a place that was lis own cultural center. 1 review riese two forms here in order to demonstrate that ideological mechanisms oí contention and appropriation are well established. They have therefore preserved political and cultural spaces that have been limited-but not necessarily occupied-by regionally dominant classes. exploiting no one. rhe indiscriminate application oí rhe term subaltern for local Tepoztecans and for Tepoztecan culture would present some difficulties. 1 wish briefly to identify two local strategies for manipulating centrality. thereby occupying a nodal position in a political organizarion of space that had Spanish towns as coros and ¡odian jurisdictions as peripheries. to a tendency for structural equivalente between barrios (and hierarchy between rhe villa's Hispanicized center and rhe barrios). . In this respect. Correspondingly. as some inhabirants of the central barrios oí Tepoztlán hecame Hispanicizcd and identified more closely with Tepoztlán's urban institutions The whole process can be imagined as a shiit froni an initial hierarchical relationship between calpulli. where information and cultural artifacts from outside the village were reprocessed and assimilated in a highly discriminating way. this strategy convincingly casts peasant agriculture as an inherently "clear" activity and politics as a necessarily "dirty" one. 1 will review the transformation of center-periphery dialectics in modero Tepoztecan history. and not as a mere replica of a system oí distinction that has its center in Cuernavaca or Mexico City.Spanish prohihition against Indian nobles kceping claves. wirh die introduction oí an ideal oí democratic politics. and government buildings was establ ished. On the other hand. that is. centrality was indexed by urbanity. dressed in the Spanish mode. rhe second is a way oí appropriating the center for discretionary local usage . and petty commerce. a square. artesanal production. rode horses. whose members held thc principal political offices wrth great frequency from che seventeenth to the nventieth ce n tu tics. In this section. Correspondingly. and relying Peripbery . This relationship ol competition is expressed in each barrios efforts tu build its own chape]. cach barrio be ing 1nhabited by a series of noble prindpr.17 By relying on traditional ideas about the nature oí sickness and health. 174 a-i Cono eclions Tino Local Strategies for Reworkinq "centrality° Center-periphery dialectiics in Tepoztlán have usually peen experienced as a set oí local disti nctions. he did not question the fact that these conditions were reworked locally." Thus. One oí Robert Redfield's firmest convictions when he observed Tepoztlán in 1926 was that Chis was a "folk society. ( )n tic saholc dre internal structure oí the barrios tended toward structural equival ent e.iipi. ano ala. Peasant production is "clean" because its goal is to fulfill an entire cycle oí production and consumption within the household..the ntain church and monastees It sc as alst^ rhe seat ot rhe government of tic repúb6cu1 estahl¡sil cd according tu tic New 1 aws o1 1542.t Che most lamous and eontinuously impon taus ot riese lamilics sr as tic Rojas tamily.1fi Both authors perceived that rhe connections between rhe interests oí regionally dominant classes and local dynamics oí distinction were actively mediated by Tepoztecans. such as subsistente farming. Chis began to change slowly. r. The first strategy is to reject professional politics and political discourse entirely. In later sections . about rhe necessary complementarity within the peasant family and rhe central importante oí reciprocity for social and cultural reproduction. to a tendency lor some inhabirants oí barrios around the center oí Tepoztlán to see themsclvcs as more urbano and less "Indian" than inhabitants from outlying barrios and hamlcts This third phase gained momenwm alter 1ndependence. because Tepoztecans have often combined wage labor with more independent forms of work. P. hierarchy hetwecn barrios tended to dissolve and was substituted by a relationship ot structural equality and competition between them. and cultural distinction was arranged in some consonance with this idiom of centrality.ic. when the very definition oí centrality began to shift significantly. and so en. The idcntity ot Santo Ih nningn as a bario rd nobles may slowly Nave icen tlndcrmined bcginning ss ith tic csils. risudi s ommoners while the wholejurisdietion seas under tic political dntninion ol une or two majar noble lamilics that took up Spanish la.moral centrality. and Connecllons = 175 = Center. with rhe church. Moreover. Tepoztecan elites (including a few Spaniards) tended to occupy the village center They also were bilingual Spanish and Nahuatl speakers. centrality and marginality werc slowly redefined during the sixteenth century A city center. The first is a form oí asserting a disjunction between political centrality and social . rhe constructs oí centrality that we have reviewed were contested since their inception in rhe early colonial period and well into rhe second half oí rhe twentieth century. and rhe most worthy subjects lived clase to it. Thus. Although Oscar Lewis was more concerned with rhe impact of national conditions and events en local society than was Redfield. although for severa] centones the outlying sujetos oí rhe jurisdiction oí Tepoztlán were in positions almost entirely analogous to those oí the villa's own barrios.

and because local conditions oí production have been dictated by dominant groups who have privileged other spaces. Muddied waters benefit the fisherman) is used to describe the politician: his job is to generare confusion and then exploit societal conflict for his own benefit. is inherently "dirty" because the politician's livelihood is based on producing and mcdiating confiict. that Tepoztecans who used this strategy since the 1 860s promoted schooling actively. Tepoztecans could stake a claim for special treatment within the national state. and its activity ("politicians" and "politics") and capitalist merchants and produccrs are seen as living off oí the contradictions oí clean people. eci.ons Por instante. The second strategy for reworking the ndationship between Tepoztlán and the centers of power that encompass it 1 cal¡ the "artificial flowers strategy. power centers have always been present there both indirectly ( shaping the contours oí Tepoztlán as a productive space ) and directly ( in the form oí agents and agencies and in local ideology and cultural production )_ 1 have also singled out two alternative strategies Center . The very same discourse that is used to sell an agriculturally worthless piece oí land with a good view at an exorbitant price is used to bar the construction oí a building that will block that view. It is not coincidental. As a result. ranging froni a rejection of centers oí power as legitimate centers oí value. on the other hand. then.instead un a "natural" complementarity hetween the sexes. its representatives. to a discretionary refashioning oí center-periphery relationships that serves to transform and to reposition local society vis-á-vis the state and the market Class Strife and Redefinitions of Centrality 1 have argued that. however.ons 177 = . or even oí the "vibrations" oí the mountains and the pyramid have served simultaneously to defend local resources against the intrusion oí unwanted corporate investors and to commodify local resources. in the process.. these ideas reinforce a habitus that has local society as Its center. sometimes resisted. although it is legitimate to classify Tepoztlán asan economic and political periphery . the self-identification of Tepoztecans as "Indians" before emperor Maximilian of Hapsburg was a form of enshrining an urban cateCenier. The popular apliorism "A río revuelto. or performing local folklore in schools or political rallies. oí the picturesque beauties oí the village. although a center-periphery dialectic has been at the core oí local cultural history since the early colonial period. The adoption oí urban discourses regarding the value oí pure air. political speech is to be systematically distrusted because it is always masking the politiciads interest. Moreover. Thus. Perip bery .19 Politics. Peri. The relation oí local society to state agents is casi not as a relation oí complementarity. when a community member was dispatched on the long walk to Mexico City to purchase artificial flowers that wou¡d serve as (loor prizes for student conrestants The strategy consists of enshrining urbanized or industrialized objects that represent ítems that are tound profusely in a natural state in the local environment (such as Howers)_ This is tren used to link local society ro the national community or to elite culturc in a highly discretionary rashion. and on reciprocity between households. but ratheras externa) to ¡t. a view oi the meaning and goals oí h fe that is not brokered or mediated either by the city or by the state. and the body. contradiciions that are tire unlucky result either oí necessity (as when an individual is landless) or oí foolish disregard for the precepts oí local wisdom_ This ideology does not deny the power oí the state and (he market. but rather as a relation of exploitation. insofar as they orient peoples actions toward strengthening relarions oí complementarity and reciprocity within and hetween households and provide. and Connecl. and although Tepoztlán as a whole can plausibly be described as "a periphery" because its centers are outposts oí more significant centers. On the whole. utilizing this strategy also meant learning nationalist discourse and exhibiting this learning in public. the state. we must also recognize che existente of local ideologies and practices that rework dominant center-periphery ideas in significant ways. In identifying with the romanticized Indian oí national mythology. As a result. 16 and Con. while insisting simultaneously on activities such as learning the Mexican national anthem in Nahuatl. ganancia de pescadores" (roughly. between young and old within the household. The same discourse that is used to convince fellow villagers to "work for progress" is used to bar unwanted forms oí investment or state intervention from the village. both to malee claims on powerful individuals or state agencies and ro hector the local population toward more involvement in state instituGons or in idioms oí distinction that come from dominant centers. At the same time. nutrition. This strategy has also been used to market local products for outsiders and to protect selected resources from unleashed market forces. gory (''Indian") that refashioned elements oí the local life-world." in honor oí an episode in the local school during the 1860s.ohrry.'" These relations oí complementarity and eyuality resonate in a powerful way with local ideas concerning health. but never emulated. regional loci oí power are not seen as the center of local society. but ratlier sees its power as an evil that must perhaps he endured.

Peaceful villagers were forced lo ]ive in the mountains for months al a time. local Zapatista commanders burned the municipal archives. and it published a newspaper on Tepoztlán using rhetorical formulas that were reminiscent oí the prerevolutionary intelligentsia's indfgenismo. or n r c tions However. The houses oí local caciques and oí the church fathers. Nevertheless. Instead.vas contestad in a ti especial ¡y conllicted moment [Ti the altermath al the Vlexican RevolutionClass contóct n otten a latero thanc in iepoziecan political history ." Per ipbrry ar. which is where state. many were abducted by the federal army. however. others fought alongside Zapata. By the time the pacification of the village came in 1918. the Confederación Regional de Obreros Mexicanos (CROM). in the years immediately following the Zapatista revolt of 1910-19. Cuernavaca. his main opposition carne from elites who wanted to regain control oí local government. church.litical baulcs that cut across classes. This combination oí factors allowed for the conformation oí a sort oí local Zapatista politics that had never emerged in a coherent fashion during the highly uncertain years oí armed insurrection. Tepoztecans suffered rerribly during the Mexican Revolution.22 We have sean that representations oí civilization relied on symbols oí urbanity. and created a CROM-affiliated' Unión de Campesinos Tepoztecos" (UCT) that gained the support oí the Zapatista state governor and oí President Obregón himself. and fearing overt política¡ identification as rebels both because oí the military defear of their movement and because most local Zapatistas had dispersed in various armed hands and did not return to the village as organized units. at least two prominent ones were affiliated with the socialist and Obregonista labor confederacy that dominated Mexico City politics in the early 1920s. the unpredictabiliry of the outcome oí the war between Zapatistas and Federales was such that villagers had to learn to live with both factions. and ofren came back lo Tepoztlán almost as srrangers .20 In many ways. Perip hery.rhat are deploved ro reforme ni manipulatc center-periphery relationships local ly In this section. Zapatistas were divided among themselves and much oí Tepoztlán's local leadership was killed in interna] frays. there was a family oí Tepoztecan peasants. Although most of the town's pacificas sympathized with Zapata. The village's notable families had emigrated to Mexico City at the stars of rhe revolution and lived in the neighborhood of Tacuhaya. and Yautepec. including not only the town's main caciques. bus also tes principal intellectuals and many people oí more humble origin. hnding that many of their possessions had been taken by those who had stayed. The Colonia took an active role in reactivating local education. Instead. the revolutionary process destroyed the central institutions oí the porfiriato. formed an association. raised the red-and-hlack banner oí Mexican anarcho -syndicalism. where land records were kept. and a political group.These exiles." which was simultaneously a historical society. This view oí civilization had the potential oí expanding outward from that center.It has usually bcen subsumed ¡nio pe. most Tepoztecans who fought with Zapata lefr the village to do so. and the region' s main haciendas went up in smoke. the Hernández brothers. Thcy expected to be reinstated now that Che defeat oí Zapata was certain. the "Colonia Tepozteca. while others fled to Mexico City. even the church building itself. and Connecii"ns 178 = 179 = . Moreover. who had been officers in Genovevo de la O's army and who quickly became the armed branch oí this movement. Moreover. In 1911. where a Tepoztecan colony oí exiles was established. were periodically turned roto barracks. Moreover. a tendency that was manifested in the Center. Zapatista general Genovevo de la O became military commander ot die region. the destruction oí the region did not lead to a simple collective takeover. symbols rhat were concentrated in the center oí the town. local Zapatistas did not contest the command of a relatively benign federal army officer. they usually portrayed hoth Federales and Zapatistas as a menace. However. and shall turn instead ro the ways in which social space and centraGty were reconfigured during Chis decade. 1 wish to danta the social impon of these straregies hy inspecting the svay in which ccntia]ity . Local Zapatistas allied themselves lo the Mexico City CROM leadership. The village was burned down on severa] occasions. and niarket had their seat and where the most substancial citizens resided. all oí which allowed Tepoztecan Zapatistas lo express their convictions and hopes for land reform and poHtical change openly. a philanthropic society. nos even the intellectuals and politically active individuals oí the Colonia Tepozteca were united under the banner oí an old-style cacicazgo. 1 do not have space to detail the ways in which these political relationships unfolded in the highly turbulent 1 920s. making che language ol class sirife roto the son ol discourse that James Scott has callad a hidden tianscript re lerriiig to the faet shas most forms nl class struggle involving peasaot are nos articulated openly or explieitly. lavoring instead more oblique torno ol enunaation through resistanee_ One significant historical exception to this role did occur. the military defcat of Zapatismo did nos lead to the reconstruction oí the Porfiriao settem_ The seizure of the nauonal presideney by general Alvaro Obregón in 1920 i nstared the remaining ZapaUStas ¡Ti the Morelos siare governmcnt.d C. where they suffered famine and plagues . On the contrary.

and oven che exploitation oí the communal forests. 1921). and scools around che hearth for eacing . and che adoption of urban ways . and users of rhe fork . over che local milicia. Members of che Unión de Campesinos Tepoztecos felt that local peasant demands could articulare wich a nacional and regional movement. forgetting che investiture oí which they are unworthy. progress was correspondingly expressed in barrio competition . making some places more civilized and modero than others . "Che adoption of modero status symbols occurred principally at the individual leve) . but judging them instead en their distinction. houses built with solid macerials and so on In che Tepozdán oí the porfi riato and of che 1920s and 1930s. mats (petates) for sleeping .25 In their turn . not only because oí che representation of authority that they wield... Radicalized Tepoztecan peasants imagined a comcnunity without a local landholding elite but ehat could still be parí of national politics. and tire adoption oí certain pieces of furnicure ( mainly beds . instead of making public show of their morality and good conduct creare public scandals in such a drunken state that. and who routinely addressed Tepoztecans from the pages of El Tepozteco-a paper put out by che cacique-dominated Colonia Tepozteca-wrote: "Even out most humble neighbors-once they have been invested with the representation oí public functions-are owed unconditional obediente. and che table against users oí tortillas as eacing implements . Significantly. che improve ni erito¡ barrio chapels . as che people froni tire towns center. a writer who used the pseudonym oí El Tepoztécatl. etc-). but because chey wield Chis authority because of che morality oí their public actions and because oí their good personal habits" (El Tepozteco. cables . television. che movement oí "progress " was also visualized in aggregate form. Instead. che centrales defined supporters of che UCT as " Bolsheviks" and.urban iza tion oí barrios. wealthier." for instante. In a characteristic example oí what 1 earlier called che "artificial flowers strategy. they wished to be seen as progressives who were interested only in improving local conditions." that is. hin also solas .". reflecta che power oí the movement pitted against them. through education language practicas . a conflict that revolved around control over che municipal presidency. The political situation oí che 1920s produced intense conflict between che old Porfirian elite and che members of che new Unión de Campesinos Tepoztecos ." that is . and forms oí conP agai tsc proper folk . and having lost all dignity .. and Conneclians 81 = . the significante of education and oí literacy. at che very least those who inhabited che lame barrios as che rich. As a result. che centrales sought to maintain the older core-periphery ideology that saw "che party oí progress" as a movement that expanded from che center outwards and successfully encompassed a portion of che local poor. December 1. ( ) a tht pitt che bed. they deserve not only immediate demotion but also exemplary punishment? This apparently neutral cal) for civilized behavior subtly reasserted a prerevolutionary politics oí distinction. including shoes and dress. In doing so." " sandal-wearers" sumpcron mainst da Ind ans i -s1. in che early twentieth century . that postrevolutionary conflicts oven che definicion oí centers and of their place in local society were manifested in che very conception of local urban space. ft is not coincidental that almost all political articles in El Tepozteco are signed with pseudonyms (mainly "El Tepoztécatl" and "Alexis'che Aztec and the Hellenic) and that they take en an impersonal and allegedly impartial voice. . because of their indecent accs. The fact that local elites lived in the three " lower barrios " that are adjacent to the plaza allowed those barrios to be identified as scronger . However.i 111 n. according to whether they had roaos .r bono The care with which che old elite dealt with this issue. in a stunning strategic move as `los de ancha. che expansion oí education . by calling for reinstating religion'24 public morality. Acnvists called for che death or expulsien oí local caciques as they rallied under che red-and . Peripbery. but is in fact subtly stressing the critica) importante of "progressive" behavior in political posts: What can be expected of a town that is mled by authorities plagued with vice that. Chis political writer apparently favors peasant political power. and later radios . the centrales mapped che factionalism oí the period onto a distinction Center. chen . By presenting their faction as che party of education. represented by che CROM and Zapacismo ( respeccively ). Taking on che voice oí El Tepoztécatl to address his compatriota. They tried very hard not to appear hostile to che local poor. nival celebrations. despite che fact-demonstrated by Lewis-that there were numerous poor residing in chem 21 It is not surprisi ng . In other words. and more civilized. never discounting local leadership out oí hand because oí their class origins. they tried to marginalize tire old class of caciques that had traditionally represented che national center in che village .black banner. these caciques were also referred to in Chis period as "los centrales. as inhabitants of che tour upper barrios that were removed from che plaza and could not compete successfully in expressions oí urbanity such as the expensive car11. che centrales strongly resisted being identified either as rich or as che old caciques.

operate according to a logic that is largely independent oí Che principies used to organize space in Che agrarian era.27 Although Chis may nave beca truc in 1926. In fact. against inhabi tants o l the ccntee This illustrate. Such was the case. and thereby to disentangle the connections between the power oí the state and the power of money Redfield unwittingly rctlecred Chis novelty when he ingenuously classihed politics as a imito occupation (that is. In this section. therr oppone-nt.ts ol ni. these twentieth-century transformations have altered Che hierarchical order that once existed between localities.[. A significan[ innovation of 1920s politics is that there was a concerted attempt by soma poor villagers ti. 1 have argued that since independence there has been a progressive civilizational movement in Tepoztlán This movement was spurred through C e n t e r . P e r i p b e r y. named Che subregional jefes políticos and dominated Che municipal presidency in an alliance with local economic elites. Clac terms and Che very nature oí che presente oí state and market poseer were the object oí a local politics that was manifested in a struggle over local categories of centrality and ntarginality [ion oí production in sugar haciendas to incrcased pressure on land resulting from population growth and Clac rise of a small-town agrarian bourgeoisiesteadily increased tensions between villages and haciendas. these changes in Che spatial organization oí economic production have been overlaid on Che old agrarian core-periphery organization oí the region. and real estate have picked up steadily.tinc[ion based on urbanity that was then mapped onto thc lower versus Che upper barrios inhabitants of upper barrios were portrayed as ignorant. an apparently innocuous cal[ fui progress in lact vas used to reconfigure urban space against the peasant coro-periphery model that was based en class. 1 shall argue that although Che old dialectics oí distinction successfully spread the ideals oí progress throughout the village. Che space that was historically shaped in the struggle over local power and distinction has left room for forms oí subjectivity that are not shaped in a simple fashion by state discourses and institutions. all barrio. it was entirely false in the prerevolutionary era. as well as Che czistencc ol altcrnatisc e Hiena lor inarp inahzati on and inelusion in a system ol distinction lor ssheruas sr ntpathizers of the Unión de Campesinos lepozte. Tourism.os streesed ns therr criterion ol inclusion or exclusion 'Che acople versus thc cacique. oí industrialization. when the Morelos state governor. the result has not been a simple incorporation oí Tepoztlán and oí Tepoztecans roto a standardized idiom oí distinction (if." On Che whole.between Che backward' upper bar nos and Che ° progressivc lower ones. Instead.ant' ron. Other activities. who carne from Che region's hacienda-owning elite. In some cases. and rejccted thc map thot pttted pca.n ihe periphery.' 'the acople versus ¡os cenaks. construction. poor Indians"'0 In Chis way. the idea oí making the village as a whole roto a peasant outpost within a broadly based workers' union whose main source of governmental support was in the national presidency was a deep change from the prerevolutionary spatial model. It was at Chis junction that Che revolution broke out. [lacre clearly was a long-lasting economic organization oí regional space hased on interdependencies between lowland segar and rice plantations and poorly irrigated highland villages. Che economic organization of Morelos never regained thc clear-cut features oí carlier periods. invokcci o dl. control ocal government. 1 suggested that Che analysis oí regional culture can proceed by looking at Che ways in which residual. such as tourism and construction oí weekend hemos for people from Mexico City. and emergent forms oí organizing economic and administraiive space are interwoven in a specific place 28 In Che case oí Morelos. moving progressively away from a system that was characterized by a neat overlap between economic and political space to a system with important disjunctures between various economic interests and che hierarchy oí political administration. for instante. 1 shall review aspects of the reconfiguration oí centerperiphery dialectics in Tepoztlán since the 1950s. dominant. indeed. Industrialization oí selected arcas began in Clac 1950s. which in turn translate into a multiplication oí economic "centers. as uncouth or Indian). crops have shifted. seasonal migration to the United States has ebbed and flowed These and other factors have contributed to a much more diversified set oí economic relations. Thus. such a standardized form can be raid to exist). transcending the oid divisions between RecentReconfi'guratíovis of Centmlity avd Maej¡nolíty In an carlier work. which proceeded in such a way as to Cake advantage both oí the preexisting infrastructure oí Che region's main towns and oí the cheap labor that could be gotten from peasant peripheries. 183 and C o n n e c t i o n s . Che vulnciahil. destroying Che regioris haciendas and initiating a new stage in the organization of economic space. Although some aspects ol Che old economic system were revitalized alter Che revolution (see Warman 1976). This organization entered a critical state during Che final decades oí the nineteenrh century when a series of tactors-ranging from Che intensificaPer Che center and Che barrios and even between los de arriba and los de abajo.

the nature and scale of tourism and colonization changed dramatically." discourse that upholds the autarkic community composed oí independent households as its ideal. favoring settlement by families who maintain a relatively rustic look hut who are wealthy by village standards.v 184 lectuals. Although a number oí these individuals have good tres in the village. however. At the same time.ery . just east oí the village. but it can and has also stood against "progress.arge portions oí the Valley oí Atongo. and not always commensurable. The premium placed on scenic beauty no longer makes living close to the plaza particularly desirable. "Progress" also involved attaching local culture and history to national mythology. this process gave a an. and defending Tepoztlán against specitically targeted state and prívate development projects. and the price of land began tu rise.30 Beginning in the 1960s. restaurants. a number of middle. This discourse can be allied to that oí the progressive nationalist's. and in services for weekend homes began making Tepoztlán into a receptor oí migrant workers. and especially aker the devastating 1985 earthquake in Mexico Ciry. a move that served multiple. When rumors first circulated regarding plans to build a road linking Tepoztlán Lo Cuernavaca. leaving Tepoztlán less than an hour away from the ciry. since the very existence oí a traditional culture is a significant instrument for claiming positions vis-ávis the state. a direct freeway to Mcxico City was built. especially in the market and around the plaza. some oí whom helped bring state resources Lo ti e village. tarot reading. social and cultural differentiation by the traditional eight barrios has been erased thanks to this same process. had been bought up by three investors in the 1940s and they resold plors slowly. including enhancing tire position oí the local intelligentsia and political elite. and the wealth oí the local elite is overshadowed by that oí the new inhabitants. 185 und Con nec tío ns . and video stores. a process that opened a market for earrings. incense. tourism and colonization also involve the adoption oí a series oí values that come along with commodificatiom the construction oí Tepoztlán as a "natural. as well as for crafts that are made elsewhere but sold to tourists locally.competition between individuals and by comperition between villages and barrios. and tai chi lessons. From the perspective oí center-periphery relations. it will be of great importance. weekend homes proliferated. including intelCen trr. as well as between the traditional old barrios and some oí the new settlements on the margins oí the village. marketing local resources for outsiders. Third. the growth oí the real-estate market has made agricultura¡ value a secondary consideration in the organization oí space. purposes. in connection to water usage by weekenders for lawns and pools while local agriculture lacked irrigation-but it has continued inexorably. the colonists and homeowners have acquired a collective identity that is separate from the village. which are poorer. as well as a small mimber oí promincnt artists and intellectuals. At the same time. have fewer urban services. and to some extent "antiprogressive. in petty commerce for tourists. By the early 1990s. and for several hotels. because barrios are all roughly equally urbanized and land value is roughly equal throughout. and Tepoztlán did receive some excursionistas in the 1940s and 1950s. financiers. )and prices in Tepoztlán were among the highest in the country. Beginning in the 1980s. Tourism and colonization produced changes in the center-periphery dialectic.L.l Counectio ns Centre. forming schools for their children and engaging in varying degrees with local Tcpoztecan society. the last severa¡ decades have brought the traditional divide between the city center and the barrios to a close. and wage labor in lowland agriculture has all but disappeared." "traditional.póe. Growth in the local construction industry. when tensions arise. making agriculture finto a complementary economic activity." and "picturesque" place has had its truth-value confirmed in the market. and include significant numbers oí migrants from outside the village. people in the valley are spoken of as "foreigners" or as "Tepoztizos" (false Tepoztecos). In its stead there are now divisions between the village and the valley. First. and ¡cave a few pesos behind in local food stalls or perhaps in an inn. P „¡pi. however.Lo upper-class people moved permanently to Tepoztlán. and politicians. Ver. Second. This process did not occur without conflict or resentmentsfor instance. they were received with much enthusiasm: "If this [project] comes to fruition. This has combined with long-term shifts in family economies to almost completely sever Tepoztlán's identity as a periphery oí a lowland agricultural core. crystals. visit the pyramid. The road connecting Tepoztlán and Cuernavaca was finished in 1936. because Tepoztlán will be visited by foreign and domestic excursionistas."29 The image that Tepoztecans had then was oi tourists who would come te spend the day (excursionistas). artists. As a result. the large number oí daily visitors that come to the pyramid and the market have been a boon for local commerce. and the village had a number oí famous homeowners in its midst." opposing nomerous state and prívate schernes leading up to rhe massive protests against a golf course. So has the idea oí the place as a cite for an alternative lifestyle te) that oí the modern ciry. discos. In 1965. Matters developed quite differently. As a result. I have also noted the existence oí an antipolitical.

Kun. This process. and wood lo lowland haciendas lo providing scenic beauty. oí lile leadership and militancy against projects such as the golf course and lile fast train has come from these educated Tepoztecos. and connectioin s = 187 = . it has also gone from providing labor. it has aflccted land erices. The construetion ot place nos." "underemployed. Fu (. t. The expansion oí education in a period of economic uncertainties has strengthened many an educated Tepozteco's resolve to re-create a local tradition. and eventually squeeze local inhabitants out of their homes. goods." "self-employed. The growth in local education was tirst bnanced by the sale oí charCeurer. making these educated sectors highly oriented lo communiry lile and te) Tepoztlán as a place that can provide a crucial space for reproduction This is reflected in the fact that some. Beginning in the 1930s. however. Pule bery. while retaining the place's desired and cherished value as the Bite oí reproduction. but can come from as far away as Oaxaca or even Guatemala. and espeaally that mixture of . Tepoztlán is a home in the periphery that deserves to be defended against intruders who not only will change the Pace oí Tepoztlán. it received support from income coming from local construction and from work in tbe burgeoning new industries around CuernavacaThis process did nor however lead lo lile full assimilation oí Tepozrecans finto formal-sector svhite. grazing lands. including water and land. and "real' Tepoztecos These divisions between trae locals and new arrivals ar times also spill into antagonlsm against migrant workers. and the definition of what constitutes a local resource.. Another shift that accounts for a modihcation in local core-periphery dialectics has been the rise of wage labor and oí professionalism. This apparent paradox can be better understood if we acknowledge that professionalization and skilled industrial wage labor presentTepoztlán with yet another alternative core-periphery structure. and su ora. whiclt liad inainly scrved to tic the village lo a national mythology and wa. gave Tepoztlán an educacional edge over tire vast majority oí Morelos. In this context. ery . patterns oí urbanization.' ul scenic bcauty and oí an al terna ti ve cultural traditiion operas the place up to a kind of multicultura] ism whose paraphernalia .. Tepoztlán has moved from being a periphery of Morelos's irrigated lowlands to being a posh periphery oí Mexico Ciry. this time in the United States and Cavada. masks from Guerrero. A significant proportion of migrant dollars are invested in bettering homes. but will also not employ skilled Tepoztecos and ruin a valued community and lifestyle by Booding the town with educated and higher-income colonists who will impact further on scarce local there are also many Tepoztecan professionals in a host oí helds. incense.c Mn. buying furniture. have practically disappeared. herbal medicine. which was aided by connections with politically influential a. beginning in the 1950s.nA connec t. economic differences hetwcen the village center and the barrios. a . or as eccentric or sexually promiscuous.aen Mai.and blue -callarjobs because the biggest growth in high school and college graduates-heginning in the late 1970scoincided with thc siome in employment frrr these sectors. there was a relatively largc number of Tepoztecan schoolteachers. As a result. and once again casting Tepoztlán as a periphery to new centers. as the end oí their investments. the spatial layout oí Cera ter. who are sometimes portrayed as "foreign. and migratory labor to the United States-have transformed the center-periphery logic in significant ways. the town has gone from being a place where agricultura) labor was cheaply produced lo a place where city folk can find reprieve and alternatives tu their lives As such. reliance on self-employment and/or on trying tu control local sources of employment has grown. Pr. villagers invested in the education oí their young. From the perspective oí economic cores.. who come mostly from Guerrero. as a result. although it does remain as a complementary activity for families. or between upper and lower barrios. and cervices for tourists and colonists. the rise oí ara underemployed educated class. These processes have helped to expand urban services in Tepoztlán at a quick rate and.lan k. used in appeals te) the state The cCmmodificatian ol lepoztl. The cense of a new investment in the locality has also been strengthened by migrants who spend months working in the United States and Cavada. thereby reaffirming the value oí Tepoztlán as locus oí cultural and social reproduction. and in domestic infrastructure in lile village. Finally.uatem. wherein the socalled formal-sectorjobs that are controlled by the state and industries are a core to an "unemployed. New divisions." as rich. though by no means all. combine' rhe nativist idcntilication of Tepoztlán as a center o¡ Mexicanness seith constructs emerging ¡ruin the hippie movement. Internally. In sum. peasant agrictdture has diminished in importance (not only because oí tourisin).piritual rraditions known as New Age " cual and wood from the comnrunal forests but. In the twist tu lile earlicr nativism.ncludes (." or "informally employed" periphery . have emerged between colonists oí the valley. tourism and colonization nave dramatically reshaped the dynamics oí distinction in Tepoztlán Although tourism does not employ the whole village by any means.ou^ 186 = These three elements-tourism.

These dynamics generated competition between barrios. According to such a view. periphery. Although these changes alter the apparent symmetry and neat intertextuality oí the previous arrangement. has since changed to a scorpion. carnival comparsas now incorporate all eight barrios of the village and no longer exclude the upper barrios. between wet and rainy seasons. a fact that is reflected not only in that comparsas now bring together upper and lower barrios. the barrio oí Los Reyes changed its carnival sigo from a badger (a nocturnal animal associated with the mountains and with the dry season) te a little king (representing the Theee Magi whom the barrio is named alter). today's barrios never share their nicknames in carnival (it used to be that San José and Santo Domingo shared che frog. was hankrolled by barrios and not by the village as a whole. In recent years.ry.1 next illustrate the nacure of this confluence with changes that Nave transpired in the ways in which the local carnival is celebrated- Carnival In earlier sections. . and carnival comparsas. barrios saints' names. we note three significant ítems: flrst. the symmetry that is so crucial to the kind of coherent worldviews that are posited by structural analyses such as Bock's prove to be historically precarious when we try to articulate them te the history oí distinetion. second. o„a Connect. badgers. There is no longer an opposition between che central and the upper barrios. were part of a "tradicional Tepoztecan cosmovision" that was alive and well when he studied it in the early 1970s. lizards. shared the opossum.Quite che contrary. These shifts reflect several facts that relate to our discussion oí centers and peripheries.r. except in the distinetion between vil ley and con ter and. these fiestas are perhaps even better attended today than they were a couple of decades ago.the village is no longer part of an idiom of centrality.. two upper barrios. as was the case when San José and Santo Domingo. for instance." He argued that tbe sigas oí barrio identity. wealth froni povcrty. barrio fiestas. between neighborhoods oí poor niigrants from Guerrero and the rest oí the barrios. Only the dirce lower barrios had sufficient resourees to organizo successful dance cornparasAnthropologist Phillip Bock did a Lévi-Straussian analysis oí barrio symbolism in Tepoztlán. to the barrio fiesta. and here we see a confluence between the symbols that attract tourists to Tepoztlán and che ways in which professionals and migrants invesr themsclves in the place.r. or when Santa Cruz and San Sebastián.. San Sebastián. a competition that tended to make them homologous with one another. ec ttons tween night and day. lf we inspect recent changes in the carnival carefully.d C. cach barrio organized its own fiesta. and barrios organized collective work parties for various purposes. and Santa Cruz and San Sebastián shared the opossum). cach barrio had (and has) its chapel with its patron saint. 'eripó . the new version oí carnival reflects a loosening oí the ties between the ritual cycle and the agricultura) cycle. relinquishing the obscuro symbolism oí animal names: San José is a neighborhood that was always known as "La Hoja" (the leal). including animal nicknames.However. we noted that center-periphery dialectics were once expressed in an opposition between the lower barrios around the plaza and the poorer upper barrios. between rich and poor. chen these symbols suggest distinctions begente . two lower barrios. the distinctions between barrio animal names and the separation oí the village roto an upper and a lower poition are al] parí oí an elaborate symbolic code that representa che organization oí Tepoztlán asan indigenous agrarian village. they are not a reflection oí the decline oí carnival or oí barrio fiestas. reflected in an animal nickname (specifically. Barrios are no longer an índex oí differential urbanity. and noc as a way oí expressing alliances. assertcd in the wav in which Tepoztlán' s status as a "puré' place gets reconstituted. shared the toad.. (elaborate carnival costumes) and paying for prestigious bands. and so en. Da more subtle tone. and San José adopted a leal instead oí sharing Santo Domingos frog. the fabrication of <bfrtelo. If we pay attention to the dates oí the fiestas and organize barrio symbols along an axis of symmetry that corresponds with the above/helow division. and San Pedro abandoned its maguey worms for a representation oí its chapel. but also in the fact that barrio symbolism is used strictly as a form of individuation. Instead oí trying to fiad such a transcendental symmetry.. who once shared the opossum with the barrio oí Santa Cruz. and it is no longer represented by a toad but by a leal. and between ¡odian and mestizo. ants. Los Reyes is no longer represented by a badger but by the Magi. a fact that is manifested in the current discomfiture in handling and understanding the Comer. toads. Also. therd. and to the symbolism associated with place in Tepoztlán as arenas in which the changing relations between places are manifested. cach barrio was meant to have its own character. and maguey wonns). we can look to the carnival. Centrality is. In addition to chis tendency toward homology between barrios. however. we saw that neighborhood and village have been social organizational units that embodicd distinctions such as those that separate Indianness from urbanity.ons 188 -: 189 = . some barrios have taken up symbols that are simply indices oí the barrios name. opossums. This opposition found ritual expression in carnival because the biggest expenditure for that fiesta.

but also to participate lavishly in Chis expensive fiesta. for one. does non reflect the vitality oí local sociery even as it can be gleaned from fiestas such as carnival. particularly in the cosuimes. at times effectively. appropriating ready-nade imagen from the media that circulare as widely as Tepoztecans can hope to circulare playing with consumption. nationalism was built not en the culture oí the bourgeoisie or oí the urban proletariat.tradicional animal nicknames I he signilieance or even the range of associations of soma ol [hese animal. and cultural core-periphery structures as if these relationships al¡ mapped onto each other neatly. who are dancing. the cultural core-periphery structure (which can be abstracted out oí an analysis oí the dynamics oí distinction) is impacted and thus does not follow neatly from economic considerations. also invest in these expensive costumes. but rather around the romanticized figure oí the Indian and peasant. and 14) hect caos. For instante. Economic marginalization can place a particular group oí people in a politically advantageous position as potential representatives oí "national culture. . This picture. n lost un nurst local peoplc. they are ni a relationship [fiar is constantly renegotiated This fact is sometimes forgotten because oí the political dividends that accrue from reifying centers and peripheries.More inportant. In the case oí Mexico. Lavish expenditure en elaborare carnival costumes (chinelos) is a common investment among Tepoztecos who work as migrant laborers in the United States and Canada. harrio symbolism ir. political. analysis who seek to go beyond an international core-periphery structure and finto peripheralization within a particular country have been logically drawn to concepts such as "internal C e n t e r . reaffirming an idcalized imago oí the Indian. nim 1i otnual barro. The key position taken by educated Tepoztecans in reshaping barrio symbolism makes the fiesta a celebration of an idealized tradition whose links to older forms oí production and social organization are increasi ngly tenuous. and so they triad ro wced out dilficult or unplc. we find new personal investments in the place and its significance vis-á-vis "the outside worid. or Coke.Nci ther is there a clean-cut spatial division between the party of progress and the party of tradition. Their savings allow them not only to improve their houses and to buy consumer products. and so un.oant svmbols. But the very ease with which we fall prey to such reification is a sigo oí the conceptual difficulty involved in spelling out the ways in which centerperiphery relations are intertwined. such as San Pedro'' maguey wormc. however. For instante. They need not do so." These pulsations are obvious not only in the huge crowds oí tourists and locals who are present. Instead ol being in the hands ot barrio cldcrs. tequila bordes. for alongwith the decline oí the core-periphery dialectic that was hased on an agrarian political economy. wage earners and petty merchants. Many other Tepoztecans. It was expedient in the 1960s to define the whole oí Latin America as a periphery to a northern Europe and North America. In 1993. (3) voluptuous women either in the sexy Indian or in the Barbie-doll modos. this strategy tends to envision regional blocks competing with each other. Tepoztecans have claimed. Instead oí visualizing a politics oí distinction that permeates most oí the world system at every level. and fantasizing with exotic sexual affairs All are dreams that are shared while dancing in the carnival oí Tepozdán Condusion Center and periphery are mutually dependen[ terms. As a result. educated and noneducated. princesses. chinela carnival costtnnes were embroidered mainly with four kinds oí motifs: (1) stereotypical (calendarike) images oí Aztec prinees. The enormous vitality oí "tradition" masks the fact that agriculture has been steadily receding as a defining activity for Tepoztecans. as Wallerstein argued. bur racher as parí ol a timeless local tradition cdebrating the village ¡Ti short. Tweety.l = 19U = CuuuecHani 191 = ." Theoretical positions that take only economic factors as their criteria for organizing core-periphery models tend to tender the complex politics oí center-periphery invisible. a special tic to lo popular in order to negotiate conditions with the state. and pyramids that reallirm the village's lineage in the dominan[ nationalist discourse. Immanuel Wallerstein (1974) used countries as units in his classification oí the core-periphery structure oí the capitalist world system. that could set theii upe Ii ir ndieule. ii nivai ntanilests sevenl of the changes we have been discussing Urbanity is no longer the principal sigo of eentrality [Ti local idioms ni distinction . who are drinking and eatnng. This makes sense to the degree to which. This difficulty stems in part from the tendency to collapse economic. These images play with the diversification ot economic centers that Tepoztecans deal with. (2) figures irom cartoons such as Donald Duck. but also in sope of the symbolism oí the carnival itself. symbolism today has fallen finto the hands of schooltcac hers who ser thc carnival symbolism nor as a reflecrion of traditional prochietive teehniqucs and social organization. the transfer oí capital between nation-states has been a crucial mechanism for capitalist expansione Following this same logic. P r r i p by' and C o n n e c t o n s p ice .^u.

claiming peripheral status from one angle can serve to challenge a competing form of peripheralization. it was a discrimi natory term used to discount a peasant's authority as a pubhc speaker oras a progressive citizen. It should not be entirely surprising. [hese views tend tu imagine places as distinctly "central" oi "peripheral.orne Tepoztecan intellectuals were invoh'cd in dignifying Indianness using che "artificial tlowers" srrategy. There is no unified local elite. rhat is. or as suhjects in need of civilization.and upper-class colonists. literacy. in other words. by teaching Nahuatl. In fact. Not long ago. even though some of [hese are niasked by che apparent continuity of traditions such as che earnival. from a macroeconomic point of view.eeiio Families with construction workers. Cenier." instead of as loci with different kinds of center-periphery dialectics_ 1 hope to have shown here that "clic center" has always been present in Tepoztlán. Nativism is used co counter large corporations and large-scale development projects that threaten Tepoztlán as a Bite for social reproduction. Unfortu late y. educated or not-are willing publicly to take on an indigenous identity that was described by Judith Friedlander only three decades ago as "forced identity. that so many Tepoztecans-peasants or wage-earning. and by che very process of commodifying local culture and resources. local politics of disti nction di fferentiated che uncouth peasant indio from che urbanized and educated citizen. Peril. At che sane time. This diversification of economic centers and che definitive decline of che old agrarian core-periphery structure Nave produced significant ideological alterations. petty merchants. Today it is increasingly difficult ro categoriza Tepoztecans as Indians. or skilled laborers in their midst still like to grow sorne coro for their own consumption. and the ideal of coming back to celebrare the fiesta helps to keep them going. separare ron che morality of reciprocity and of household production rhat was at che center of their lives. There is no single encompassing economic center. In Chis context. This strategy allowed [hese intellectuals simultaneously to reinforce their position as what Redfield called correctos" and to stake a polihcal claim for che rown vis-ávis che state_ From a peasant perspective. but that the processes of claiming centrality and of peripheralization have changed hisrorically. all of [hese strategies were bese kept at arm's length." for this is parí of what it takes to reproduce at che margins. and al] are worried about having sufficient water or about retaining or acquiring a small plot for their children to build on. hence.. a traditionally defined centra-'s capacity to encompass and." which still allowed arelatively clear-cut division between centers and peri^y . by educated and wage-earning Tepoztecans. The ideal of personal progress heles spur migrants on their difficult journey north. che importante of Tepoztlán as a site of social reproduction is as strong as ir ever was Migrants wanc their (modernizad) honres to come back to. while economic necessity is used co legitimare commercialization of local culture and resources. At the same time. especially since che 1960s. the terco indio was indeed what Judith Friedlander (1975) called a "torced identity". as peasants. then. . to successfully peripheralize the whole village was seriously called finto question-this despite che fact thar. 1 also showed that peripheralization in che period following industrialization. has hecome an increasingly complex phenomenon due tu the coexistente of competing logics and loci of "centrality": che relationsh ip with che nation-state is now strongly influenced by transnational currents of Tepoztccan migrants. in at least one key moment during the 1920s. In this period.nd f o n. by urban middle.eolonialism. learning che nacional anthem ín Nahuatl and so on. however. periphery and Connectfons 192 = = 193 = . M-lexico (and Tepoztlán) remained as "peripheral" as ever.

P A R T 11 1 Knowing the Nation .

lince they may be taken to imply that the differences between Mexico and the United States are simply the result of the application of distinct models of knowledge production. Both French and American examples have been chosen by technicians and policy makers to model Mexican governmental institutions.9 Interpreting the Sentiments of the Nation: Intellectuals and Governmentality in Mexico My aim in this chapter is to inspect the sources of legitimation that have allowed Mexican intellectuals to represent national sentiment or public opinion. however. while intellectuals in the United States are thought to be cloistered off from that world by a well-greased academy that makes them into erudites or technicians. to an argument regarding whether the social position of the Mexican intelligentsia in fact follows a more European. and prisons that were created or reformed during the porfiriato (1876-1910) were often imaged on French models. These contrasts can be misleading. was inspired by the Collége de France. model. which is a more recent creation. The establishment of El Colegio Nacional. in turn. It is common to contrast the role of intellectuals in Mexico with their role in the United States: Mexican intellectuals are thought to be more involved in public debate and in political society. educational establishments. = 197 = . and specifically French. This opposition often leads. The influence of the United States as provider of institutional models has been equally great. The hospitals.

but they were not scrutinized by a "public. regardless oí French or American influences. public discussion. census taking was irregular. Correspondingly. oí its desires and its propensities. statistics became a matter of general interest. Inlerpretln9 tbe Senliments of lbe Nalion 199 = . and rather explosive. There is thus an extended period in Mexican history when a commonly accepted scientific image of the population. and freedom of the press was only granted for a few brief montNs ni 1 812.rlr I9H = oi tbe . civil wars.bol dts portrayal oí the Spanish-American realms as functioning wholcs. . 1 contribute tn this endeavor by inspcct:ng che rc a. but not in the narre oí a broader polity ° Vicente Güemez Pacheco y Padilla from publishing che results oí a Mexico City census that he had comml. complete with an aggregate population (divided into races). Thus. The dialogue between scientifcally aggregated knowledge of the population. The representation oí national sentiment was produced not only by referente to a set of indicators culled from censures and questionnaires. and the consolidation oí a working scientific establishment was slow. At independence. because they measured che common good. However. and social movements.." In the anclen régirne. both oí which have provided critical instruments for che representation oí national sentiment. and the commercial and financial concerns that had tied the empire together were most often controlled by Peninsular Spaniards. a style of intellectual representation that gamed its authority from political revolt complemented che sor[ of scientific representations of the Mexican people that are associated with governmcntaliry. As a resulta che hrst major publications presenting the Spanish colonies from the viewpoint of a governmental state thc works of Alexander von Humboldt. My general claim is that although statistics were generated and populations were cared for and managed by Spanish administration since the sixteenth century.Muxicos population. This fact is coupled with another. much less oí the entire empire.Independence therefore inaugurated processes oí territorial disarticulation and disaggregation...wt. the Inquisition barred ViceroyJuan fn larp rrtinb Ihe ^. Mexican independence was won in 1821. the tension between che nadan that statistics were privy to the king and his representatives and the idea that they were che niirror in which the public could measure its oren improvement extended to the end of the colonial period. caste wars. The notion oí a public that transcended che hounds oí the town or ciry and extended iota the broader realm was consolidated slowly only during the late eighteenth century. cu. epll:sent nati:mal sentiment Instead. and these movements were commonly endowed with authority to discredit "scientific" representations of public opinion. As late as 1791.Alalion In che Mexican case. Systematic information en towns and provinces reas centralized in offices such as that oí the roya] cosmographer. yiSicd n AIcxico since che late nineteenth cenulrv and so thev cannLII hc malle tulle lo account lar the srrate. peaceful administration was encumbered. As a result. and nacional consolidation would be won only after a protracted sequence oí pronunciamientos. maps ol rhe rcabns.Aliehel Foueault called govcnvn cntalit}. a more general analysu ol che hlstoncal connections between state-furmation and intellectuals w rcquiral In chis chapter. the state and die church kept their information en the population and deliberations on general policies private. Intellectuals' reliance en the instruments oí governmental administration was thus necessarily mixed with the interpretation oí public sentiments on the basis oí their attachment to revolts. and state administration thus had only a short. most Spanish-American countries were not well integrated economicaily. With this development. revolutions. was not attainable. maps. chis nineteenth-century phenomenon (which was common to Spanish America and indeed to portions oí Europe) was extended far loto the twentieth century thanks to che Mexican Revolution oí 1910-20. statistics.' Hun. colonial history. hui also by giving meaning and direction to the cacophany oí popular social movements and insurrection. public sentiment reas a phenomenon associated with towns or cities. and to che fact that che state that was spawned by the revolution was a one-party regime that was led by an inordinately powerful president.sioned. or placed in che hands oí high royal officials such as visitadores or viceroys. and themselves as their would-he administrators.gics that Mexican intellec ulah harc Incd t'. which is oí equal significance." that b to sar thc h:stoly ot thc ways in which che state described and adntinistercd . and discussions of their compoundcd resources helped nationalists imagine their countries as autonomous units.cspeeially sine( \Voild \Var II ami thc new e: univcrsities and rescarch faulnles Nave oitcn h)llowcd Amercan ryalnple. The new national elites were usually landowners. My general contention is thar tlie economic and political circumstances surrounding Mexican independence produced a long dclay in the effecrive implementation oí a governmental state1 During chis protracted period. or reports could be controlled by specific communities or corporations. but a securely functioning governmental state did not exist until the 1880s. I rencli ¡in ti United States institutional modelé Nave Jiu. and foreign interventions. and títere was no consolidation of opinion at the leve) oí the realm. had a powerful effect on American nabo nal ists.ionsh ii between intellectuals repreacntation ol popular sentiment and thc hisutnV ol what .

which in Sonora is called Estafiate.Mexican intellectuals have spoken for the people with some autonomy vis-á-vis the classical instrtaments of governmentaGry. deaths oí principal inhabitants oí the cides. In the second era oí the Mexico City Gazeta. and then the further propagation of nationalism as a result oí the contest for independence itself. hecause rhe domina that nationalism spawned independence movements can just as easily be inverted. but also with lists of the cargo and names oí the ships that entered Veracruz and other ports. the precision that denles randomness and thereby allows the viewer a glimpse oí a higher order. inhabitant oí this city (oí Guadalajara) with a letter dated on the fifteenth of the past month (oí October) notifies the Supreme Government wirh the goal that Chis news he published. it is undoubtedly true that American nationalisms sprang up relatively early on the world scene. and one could just as readily claim that it was th( prospect oí severing ties with Spain that shaped Spanish-American nationalisms_ It is tempting to resolve this question by pointing to a dialectic between nationalism. a child oí age seven was sickened by it and by smallpox simultaneously. and inquiry into the natural world is thereby made compatible with religion. together with the root oí Palo Blanco. sovereignty. masses pleading for the welfare oí the Spanish fleet. and Te Deums oí thanks for being spared from plagues. New Spain underwent a significant shift in the ways in which publicity and "the public" were discussed. As in so many instances oí what is judged to be marvelous. are replete with examples: In the measles epidemic. the push to independence.(November 17. my transiation) In this case. 1784. Populations. whose remnants still sting this jurisdiction. this genre oí reporting was complemented with discussion concerning "the public" and its improvement. They were aided by enlightened monarchs who shared their suspicion oí the ' obscuiantist church" and oí sectors oí the old nobility. which reappeared in 1784 in a novel forro alter a lapso of two decades in which no regular newspaper was published. and these variations in turn afford a perspective on our theme. modernity In the last decades of the eighteenth century. What is less clear is the nature oí (¡le relationship between nationalism. This repon is an itero from a broad genre in which natural phenomena are shown co be motivated by a divine order. such that the right side of his body was pocked by measles. 186. Another kind oí example oí rhe "scientifically marvelous" dwells en the unsuspected potency ofthe ordinary: Don Ángel de Antrello y Bermúdez. and statecraft. and oí their centrality in the perception oí contemporary Latin America as the Bite oí a disjointed modernity. with an emergent class of "reasonable people' (gente sensata) rejecting so-called baroque forros ol ceremony and championing enlightened views oí the common good. if chis root is Inlerp re^ing ihe Sen( im en ts 201 = of tba Nnlíon of tbe Nntion . ground and mixed with water. today. that nationalisni moved from rhe periphery oí empires to their very coro. it is worth considering this matter more closely. oí their deployment as propaganda and as a silencing mechanism in the sixteenth century. the exact separation oí the infant's body in halves is the object oí wonder. Although this contention is debatable. it is the combination between the infinite and the exact that is awe-inspiring. States. which is the specific spaces for intellectual production that are characterisde of 1 atin American.4 Late-eighteenth-century conceptions of "the public" can be culled from the Gazeta de México. while the left side was hlled with smallpox. because the specific contents oí "nationalism" vary significantly according to its connections to the various aspects of statecraft. and specifically Mexican. with new individuals entering the Mexican nobility and the expansion of urban classes of merchants and artisans as the countrys economy grew. 200 = and deaths. This shift corresponds to a recomposition and expansion oí New Spains upper classes.s Perhaps the best way oí capturing this novel concern with the progress and welfare oí "the public" is a genre oí writing that I am tempted to call "the scientifically marvelous. The carlier Gazeta oí Mexico City and the Gazeta de Lima liad dealt almost exclusively with public ceremony and commercial information. oí course. This is my argument at its most general level. that the plant called Ajenjo. or. we have a specific subgenre oí writing the marvelous-which is. a paper whose dedication te useful things was decreed by the king himself. found also outside of the Iberian worldthat exalts the wonders oí nature and oí science. However. The pages oí the Gazeta. with covcrage of commemorations oí royal births Iuiee r. asid Nationalities Benedict Anderson argued that New World nationalisms were the first of the modern era. tin g ibe Seo 1IVeer." We know. oí the curious genealogy oí discourses oí the marvelous in the Americas.ó In the late eighteenth century. with nor one grain of smallpox mixed with one of measles. in the literary movement oí the real maravilloso. Mexico Citys periodical.

a mystic oí national independence. Miguel Hidalgo. brought with it a dizzying political instability-an instabiliry. Che people were ruled by the existing powers: political bosses. mv translation [ion to his obligations and sought always co be instructed in Che useful natural sciences.. I drunk. never an accomplished fact. but is difficult to ascertain in times oí apparent peace because systems oí coercion over individual opinion are in place. rhe hygicnist. or I:. In peaceful times. Science. ara editorial response te) a teclinical debate that filled entire issues oí Che Gazeta invents a hypothetical readership in an imaginary village: In the town of Cozotlán. The people who subscrihed to the view that public acclaim seas the measure and proof oí having discovered a divine rationality were known as gente sensata. for the engineer and the inventor. which were not incompatible with his onice . In Chis sense.Our curato gathered 'm his hotue a ver" modest salon ¿ trrlulia made up oí che vol and the barher thr only lwo champions sebo had any polish ¡n a In Che sane H*av that natural llana' m rcecaled hcavenly inrervention. indeed. leader of the first armed revolt for Mexican independence in 1810. a priest. co cure iabies'ilbid. and a man impassioned by Che useful sciences. kn^. Dialectics between the Tecbnician and tbe Spirit Medium Certainly these ideas regarding Che public as the cite where truth about nature is put to its ultimate test were related to the development oí nationalism in Mexico. establish parameters to measure its progress. Scientifically Inclined nationalists and nationalistic scientists were commonplace at this time. ri lla.. It is in this context that a second method for interpreting public sentiments became important. there resided a curare who combined a satistactory leve¡ of coniprehension with great diligente because oí which he remained unsatisfied with mere elevoIn lerp rrling Ibe 5ru.and carly-nineteenth-century Gazetas As if to illustrate the social competition of the lower echelons oí Chis intelligentsia. with any forro oí modero statecraft.limenic 203 = of lbe Nalion .i. moreover.. country tilled with Choros and rorrghncss Decemher 2> 1784. 2. 193. and this contest made the simple adoption oí material improvements by "che publican insufficient basis for interpreting national sentiments. Although numerous attempts were made to establish a system of representation based on reliable ways oí counting the population and on the capacity to guarantee equality lote rpreting Ibo Srr. 202= The establishment oí a state hased on democratic representation was always a distant goal. This method maintains that popular will is visible during times of revolution and revolt. and then legitimize their own existente on the basis oí the adoption oí [hese improvements.laeking. mine owners. my translation1 Thc eountrys intellectuals clearly had Che public welfarc in mirad This was ro be attained through Che ipplication of sciences and arts that were compatible with religion he pious tcchnician seas Che personification of Che useful citizen. and. introduce new productive techniques. so too did Che unsuspected potential ot nature iu marvclous uses and the promise ro heal and to bel p. hacienda owners. and Che statistician. with respect to Che United States and northern Europe. or "reasonable people They opposed the pomp and ceremony oí the retrograde church with a modernized Catholicism in which the progressive discovery of God's ways was tied to Che improvement of the living conditions of the public In this respect. . states define a population. governmentality creates characteristic spaces and roles for intellectuals. in Chis sense. has a double mission: discovering and proclaiming God's hand in nature and seo ing a publie whose very adoprion oí all that is true and useful is a ratification oí a deep and mysterious rationality. The gente of tire sLienGfically marvelouc as it is forme¡ in Che Gazeta combines ara interest in publie weltarc inri contirmation oí the role oí God and of religion in Che transition ui nurtlcrnicp and toward Che progressive improvement oí living conditions hhc inrervention of God is manifest in Che uncanny. though one might note that they were also broadly compatible with Spanish absolutism and. for Che economist. who each had a ferrous hold on their workers and dependents The vote merely echoed the wishes oí chis political class This particular form oí validating truth is compatible with Michel Foucault's ideas concerning governmentality. Independence. The strategy oí governmentality. was insufficient once independence destabilized government. abundant in sadness and scarce in amenities.wn in Sunora whcic it grows in abundo rato) as yatamote.r ". [hese are some oí Che main sorts oí intellectuals who appear in debates during Che late-eighteenth. is paradigmatic. however. indeed. though centrally important throughout Che modern era.. that led to the dramatic increase in the relative backwardness oí the new Spanish-American countries. cha[ ot Chamisa. is highls ci lican iuus.7 The relative decline oí Mexico carne along with unmitigated competition for control and appropriation oí state institutions.

that levels oí prostitution in Mexico were lower than those oí Paris. more developed countries became an aspect oí state theater in the more backward ones.13 What is more.elections in Mexican history. rhe "urban informal sector. one might argue that rhe continued presente oí a vast peasantry and. Dependents have never nade ideal liberal citizens. rhe successful establishment oí credibility was another matter-s It is arguably thc case for instante. In short. however. but relied instead on the power oí various local elites who could mobilize or demobilize popular classes to such an extent that in certain instantes they might even be able to enslave them without effective state restrictions. and the capital city became the cite oí government interventions that were oriented to making the city finto a credible capital oí a modern nation. has never been intellectually sufficient for founding credible political representation. which was parallel to the ideal oí democratic representation.12 The national state was only lightly inscribed in Mexico's landscape before the 1 880s. or sharecroppers. thereby creating a structure oí education that would impact the whole oí each state's political life. there was much display oí rhe visible signs oí modernity. In many oí the most important state capitals . These standard mechanisms for measuring popular will are effective only to the extent that the state has the means for regulating rhe lives oí its people. as tensions hetween Anglo-American colonists in Texas and the Mexican government mounted in the late 1820s. N o t i o = 205 = . The first national census was taken in 1895 and then regularly every ten years beginning in 1900. Instead. either because they were servants. hased on censuses and en other forms of state ethnography. the rurales. oí a populous urban informal sector has meara that rhe state culture of governmentality." which is enormous. to the army. that rhe 1994 and 1997 elections were the firsi fati.lo An example that clarines the nanlre of rhe problem is rhe case oí Texas before its secession in 1836. Underlying their strength was the weakness oí the privare sphere oí vast numbers oí Mexicans. they were intended to create a mystique oí modernity that would help secure a place for Mexico in the concert oí nations. and therefoie political representation depended. is reflected in the fragility oí the state's inscription in rhe landscape. but it is clear that it did not achieve a nationally integrated public sphere. and was perceived as depending. which was rhe first time in which such a credible bid could be sustained. as well as on rhe construction oí measures of progress.'1 In a more general way. and that levels oí prosperity were comparable to those oí the same capitals. There have always been many people who were dependents in Mexico. According to Carlos Monsiváis. rhe growing concern with backwardness-a concern that began to develop about ten years alter independence and that becarne acute alter rhe war with the United Stares in 1 847-meant that some of the forms of state CLIture that one associates with governance in 1n trrp reting tbr n 1 i rn 1': 1. 1 shall dwell briefly on certain aspects oí this strategy.before the law to al] citizens. on thc muscle oí regional and local elites. which corresponds to the lack oí a national dominant class (that can only be said to have emerged after rhe construction oí the railroads. ranging from haciendas. especially in the twentierh century. In the twentleth century. beginning in the 1880s). The state was thus incapable of upholding the ideals oí liberal citizenship for the poorer sectors oí society. has not yet received much attention from historians. During the porfiríato (1876-1910). The Mexican constrtution oí 1824 abolished slavery Nevertheless. produces other forms oí dependency. These statistics were not reliable or useful for interna ) social engineering . Early national statistics in Mexico mobilized the study oí variation around a mean in order to demonstrate that the people oí Mexico City were as educated as those oí London. These Institutos Científicos y Literarios tried to recruit students from each municipality every year. institutes oí science and arts existed as an educational and intellectual counterpart to the structure oí state legislarures. and we do not have a good comparative view oí its operation . whose uniforms and organization gave a semblante oí order to a country whose association with banditry was legendary. or peons living en their master's property. Polis and polling were not being used widely in Mexico before 1988. Any bid for being taken seriously in rhe international arena involved such forms oí state theater. the Mexican state did not have rhe power tu guarantec citizenship to its population. to indigenous communities. 204 = of 1be Nal on With Díaz. the Mexican government repealed rhe prohihition oí slavery in the case oí Texas as a way oí appeasing rhe colonists. for the defense oí individual rights is meant tu be hased on secure property and a competitive labor niarket (servants were explicirly barred from citizenship in early legal codes).9 These difficulties stemmed principally from the force oí various corporate structures in rhe society. effective centralization oí the state was achieved. This fragmentation oí the public sphere. there were only seven statues oí heroes in the whole oí Mexico's public squares before 1876. Díaz created an elite police corps. the way that colonial statistics had been. This method oí intellectual representation. These achievements coincided neither with a florescence oí democratic institutions nor Tnterpreting t b e S e n t i m e n t s o f t b. to the church. along with the consolidation oí a national bourgeoisie.

although Che centralization of Che state under Díaz allowed for the development oí a more reliable set of measurements with which to count.. bnt. who were usually political heroes or prominent artists. as is evident in Chis fragment from one of his speeches pronounced soon after toppling Díaz: lo Che suffedng and working peoplc. because this cannot be attained through decrees or laws. it required Che ability to tap finto the secret reservoirs oí national sentiment. Knowing Che popular will was.. the region was recognized. In each speech. As a result. and the authoritarianism that was its most readily available remedy al] conspired to produce a second method oí interpreting the sentiments oí the nation. Salinas said that he was proud to be in Puebla. a guardian of impartnality and oí the rationality oí justice. politically explosive figure. che governmental intellectual whose infancy we have tracked al¡ the way back to the pages oí Che Canela de México in Che 1 780s liad only limited credibility and was used as much as an element oí state thcater as the means for actual governmental administration. The duality oí Che governmental intellectual and oí the intellectual as spirit medium oí the popular will is here conjoined in a single.Do not expect that your economic and social situation shall improve sharply. . Veracruz was Che land oí poeta and popular artists who.15 The strategy ot political representation that was drst consolidated under Díaz is still usad todav Durinc ethnogrophie work on Che staging of public ralees during che presidenual campnign ul Carlos Salinas in 1988.. the other.For instance. but in Mexico City.This method recognizes that political representation in the public sphere is insufficiently developed. intellectuals.' capital accumulation in Che period relied en labor repression. at the leve] of state thcater The pcrfiri. Díaz presentad iii imap.m en ts = 207 = of tbe Nation . thc region oí Aquiles Serdán and the birthplace oí the Mexican Revolurion. private face oí Madero as a religious man and especially as a spiritualist is not as contradictory as it has been made out to be-16 As a leader who proved capable oí mobilizing a broadly based nacional movement in entirely undemocratic conditions. and in developing your willpower in order to act always according to the dictates of your conscience and oí your patriotism. Na. when Mexico City was effectively set up as the Bite in which national value was realized. 1 noticed that in each state tour. In sum: Whereas an early form oí interpreting national sentiments is based en the public's adoption oí useful and progressive measures. 10 This is a legacy oí Díaz's regime. Chis is to soy that 1 expect everything from your wisdom and prudcnce That you should consider me as your best friend.le ard with two busts ol notables from each ot Che republie statcs The capital city thus became a site where local leaders were tranvorlacd finto Che nic to nym ic si gris ol an imaginary demoeraey Madero was famously upright. and the like. but only by Che constant and laborious effort oí al] social elements . had brought international recognition to Mexico. in the end. The tension between che representation oí the people by way oí the state's governmental sciences and its representation through direct and unmediated access to national sentiment thus became a structural feature of Mexican development The figure oí Francisco 1. a matter oí faith. Finally. poli. However. so that popular will is conceived oí as a rumor that can be interpreted through exegesis oí popular actions. Mexico's instability. of course. Madero the revolutionary leader who toppled Díaz in a vast popular movement.ilo mac hav e ] ecn the heyday of bondad labor. thc presidential candidate delivered speeches that contained a simple formula: he would begin by acknowledging the greatness oí Che state in which he mas. f^!i^^pruin ) ^6e . that you make moderate and parriotic use oí the liberty that you have conquered and that you have faith in Che justice of your new governors . with revolutions as ultimate loci oí authenticity. Francisco Madero the spiritualist and medium. and Che stability of the central state itself depended en robust authoritarian practices.with Che universal extensic>n ol civie r nrtue -except... in dominating your passions and repressing your vices. and represent 'Che peoplc. Chihuahua was the state that harbored Benito Juárez during his campaign against Che French invaders. its increasing backwardness.Know that you shall find happiness in yourselves. going from the miserable role oí pariah and slave Lo Che august heights oí that ol the citizen. In te rp re ting Ihr Sen i. and not according Lo the ways oí your passions..c ol federal demoeraey by linuig the new Paseo de la Retare.on 200 = However.Tiren he would value their contribution in terms oí what they mean[ for Che nation. like Agustín Lara. i i. Eni' nt it. by naming prominent historical figures of the state. but its value was only realized at che leve) oí Che nation. In this respect. 1 urge you to seek strengch in uniry and to make the law the norm oí al] oí your acts.because from Che political point of view your situation has undergone radical chango. there were not yet any reliable mechanisms for feeling the pulse oí Chis new world oí august citizens and impartial judges. provides a curious instance oí the intimate and unsolvable concradiction between a governmental intellectual and one who representa popular opinion through a more mystical tia. Francisco Madero Che progressive democrat needed the guidance oí his alter ego.

discussion that in Mexico has been called "public opinion. Ortega described a situation. They rose. In that context. or again since rhe revolt in Chiapas in 1994. ranging from statefunded presses to universities. the revolutionary state was able to put forth a more or less viable and attractive national project. and scholarships that are routinely used to fund Chis kind oí intellectual. National unity. each oí whom imagined a perfect identity berween his own sectorial interests and those oí che general public. This inward turn was led by parochial leaders. while che capacity to build legitimacy on the productive effects of a state culrure oí governmentality declines. Zizek gives canned laughter en television asan example In the Mexican case.e n. both of che techniques for interpreting che sentiments of the nation that 1 have oudined '. fellowships. The will oí the people is read either by interpreting silente as complacent appeal oí the governmental state. it was. appeal ro social movements and to revolutions as the privileged sites oí public opinion is quite extended. or according to the interpretarions oí intellectuals. then.and that 1 am tempted to cal] "bureaucratic" and "charismatic") are built en the silente. and so they had blind faith in the magical effect oí "pronouncing" a phrase. though highly restricted. n Interpassivity is a kind oí relationship in which the anticipated reaction oí an interlocutor is acted out by the emissary oí the original message. not to struggle. or at the very least en che incoherente. turning the scientists and technicians of these periods into objects oí ridicule whose pretense of method is broken by a rcality that will not cede tú positivist inspection. Mexico's situation in the postrevolutionary era had both similarities to and differences with che Spanish case. cultural institutes. museums. which he named "particularism" and described as a breakdown of the consciousness oí interdependence between che nation's principal segments. but rather to take possession oí public power. This breakdown was caused by the lack oí an attractive and viable nacional project.In times ot unrest. and to some extent remains. hut even then their material dependence on a state that relies on che mediation oí a political class for the management oí a largo "dependent" population occasionally undermines their credibi1 ity note. governmental subsidies to che press are substancial. however. paradigmatic oí the phenomenon oí particularism: The pronunciados (military rcbels) never believed that it was necessary to struggle to obtain victory They were sure that almost everyone secretly held their same opinions. the proletariat." Interpret:ng tbe Sentiments of ibe Nation The state subsidy oí intellectual mediums" or agents entrusted with acting out expected popular sentiments is a historical fact that is worthy oí In lerpreling tbe Sr„„ n.. The role of somatizing national sentiments. as during the perioel berween 1821 and 1876 orbe tween 1910 and 1940. In Mexico. of 208 = eNalion 209 = . the intelligentsia-turned inward and did little to seek intersectorial alliances. since many modern states subsidize only che bureaucratic. On the other hand. che bourgeoisie. and classification as on developing narratives about the progress oí popular will that conform to the circumscances of social movements and state policies.19 Interpassivity and Governmentality The concept oí "i nterpassiv i ty" is useful lar understandi ng the dialectic berween the two forms oí intellectual production and che two kinds oí spaces for intellectuals that 1 have oudined so far. however.We thus have as national intellectuals both the technician and che medium. In this sense. it is perhaps not so surprising that the state took such an interest in fostering an intelligentsia that could somatize these various sectorial interesas and place them into a single. is based not so much en the professional drive for specification. whose speech is meant tes be the symptom oí the expected reaction oí a public that is unable co articulare views in the public sphere. In this sense. During momenrs of stahi1ity and progress. most oí which had weak intellectual representation In Chis context. The famous military pronunciamientos oí the nineteenth century were. still rested on a culturally segmented and inwardly oriented set oí The significante oí these "inrerpassive" intellectuals for the Mexican nation is a function oí the states capacity to creare a working relationship between che countrys diverse corporate sectors. of popular expression. for Ortega. che various sectors oí society-the army. and there are a number oí institutions. the bureaucratized professional and the "interpassive" charismatic intellectual. isolation. On the one hand. "governmental" intellectuals. a deeply segmented country. che role of intellectuals in Mexico is not limited to that oí technicians oí governmentality-which difterentiaces che country to some degree from the United States. the interpassivity oí national intellectuals. the public acceptance oí these technicians grows. postrevolutionary government investment in interpassive intellectuals can be clarified if we contrast Mexico's situation to Ortega y Gasset's (1921) famous analysis oí the breakdown and decomposition oí Spain.

seas at times grudgingly acknowledged As a result. and all were subordinated to the logic outlined liere. and an appreciation oí the hureaucratic. Moreover. and revolutionary governments took it upon themselves lo create spaces and to provide resources for an intelligentsia whose role has been lo function as an interpassive agent oí popular opinion. The analysis ot che spaces tor ntellecwals ti. xican polities ot che past century. The sciences oí state administration needed to be presented as developed and effective. provided a new fount and bedrock for popular will. however. Similarly. a fact that in itsell has generated the suspicion that they are neither. It also frames the question of the connection between engaged public intellectuals and academics or cechnicians in relation to a set oí issues that transcend the question of which models-French. in countries such as Elide Argentina and Brazil. or American-were iniported. charismatic intellectuals. whereas other Spanish-American countries nave invested much fewer resources in these activities. though dangerous lo the regime. and governmenthacked spaces for relatively free artistic expression and publication. between the state's image of the country and the country itself. German. S. the instruments of governmentaliry have usually been unevenly applied. and a distante between the país real and the país legal. however. These spaces include an "autonomous. This contrast might provide a key for understanding why the Mexican state has fostered a certain sor[ of intellectual and artistic production. British. This complex history of governmentality in Mexico thereby provided a relatively secure space for nongovernmental intellectuals. not as properly polltical.. . National University. Even then.. a dialectic between so-called téourm and iio6Lco+ has been widely noted Similarly. All were imponed. were not entirely alien lo it. military governments developed ela hora te an ti polit:cal discourses_ theirgovernments were cast as technical administra tions. one that brought back the claims oí all past revolutions. [hese pretensions were understood lo be at least in parí an aspect of state theater.E ondusion hulent_ As a result. owing lo che states insufficient resources and the nature oí capitalist development in the region. govermnentality itself became something that needed lo be convincingly exhibited. that is."' l his discoerse ot antipolitics is assudaied with a specilic kind of antiintellectualism Chilean universittes and culture spheres were dismantied in all but their most technical wings during rhe military government. as against the charismatic. intellectual has remained there lo this day. one hackward country allows us lo look ar the rclationship between pal tics and antipolitics in Latin i A rnerica under a (f erent light In NI." but 211 = of tbr Nation . the intellectual-cum-political elite took on the pretentious narre ot cienlífícos Porfirio's policy would be founded in a positive science. on the hegemony oí the governmental state. Spanish.. given Mexicos position in the international arena given its need to attract forcign capital and ro gain a measure of respect trom the great powers. 1'.. Michel Foucault's idea of governmentaliry is of special pertinente for understanding the strategies with which intellectuals have represented national sentiments because Mexicos entry to modernity was highly turtutor pte i ir.r: rn1' 210 = af t1r Natfon In te rp rrtrng tlsr Sent.. The Mexican Revolution. during the porfiriato in Mexico.

The fascinating thing about these modernist ruins is that they betray Che gestural quality of much of Mexico's state-led modernity. This essay mas fruí published in che American Journal of Sociology 103. and Co shape and dírect a national community. It is about the relationsbip between intellectuals. this essay and che debate tbat it provoked are one of che early episodes of what has become a battle over che cultural policies of che Mexican state."was motivated by a serse of personal frustration untó tbe Alexicun milieu 1 was portrayed as baving accepted a position in tbe American academy becas se 1 lacked viable alternatives in Mexicos university system and. I would argue. AIr Krauze declared hirnsef to be amused by my argumenta in ibis rojard. lado had denounced che 196s student This practice. where it geneated a broadly publicized exchange ivith Enrique Krauze. the state. invigorated in its central dogmas. My brother. which betrays so much about the economy and legitimacy of Mexican presidentialism." In Micbel Foucault"s tercos.Me Krauze countered Ihe elaims tbai 1 malee in Ibis essay by arguing. Enrique Krauze's criticism of Mexican presidents and presidentialism has tefe the revolutionary regime's nacional mythology intact in its most important points. along with a large bronze plaque giving credit to the president. no. is certainly one of the sources of what Brazilian literary critic Beatriz Jaguaribe has called "modernist ruins. at the same time.massacre and been a champion of democracy since the s 9sos. universities. this is a °history from che present.ic o.1 Tbis debate became somethin. I reproduce bere my original text with no modifications. "a public 6rtellectual. and Ihe significance of iones of contact as points of tension were all irarnatiaully enacted. 4 (1998): 1052-65_ ft was subsequently translated asid published in Mexico in the newsniagazine Milenio (May i i."as opposed Co a "history of the present. Mexican presidents become involved in a frenetic yace oí inaugurations. Tbey are of little consequence. subways-all of the signs of modernization and progress that every president promises-must be inaugurated." The rush to legitimize a presidency or a governorship is enmeshed with the economy of public expenditure. As sucb. and che market.illion copies./ of a curiosityfor those tobo follow Ihe affairs and daily practice of intellectuals_ Although it gravitated toward the ad bominem remarle more [han lo proper inl ellectual a rq. a presidential team came in. it is now readyfor its new tenants." Its function is Co give the state its pro per cerófcation. tire Llnited States overMexico Tbis chapter is thus itse f an exaniple of Ihe telationsbip between contact tones and che production of ihe nation lts publica ti on nlso generoted sorne debate around the category of 'oficial history" Ir bis response lo [bis essay. that bis book could not be called a "ruin" because it had sold i n. as Múter Lomnitz tbat is. inhospitable and alienating for ehe intended user (°the public"). Hato eaula he. once witnessed the inauguration of a research facility by outgoing president López Portillo in 1981. of history) in this process. potted plants. the episode is itself a performance of che central themes of tbis book ibe role of intellectuals in nation building. it moves. museums. picked up che potted plants and took them to the site of the next inauguration. At the end of every presidential term (sexenio). their posterity depends on it. though I Nave added tipo neto footnotes Co call attention Co mistakes in my original text that were pointed out by Mr Krauze in bis responses. dams. rolled up che grass. and both conspire to produce veritable monuments to the grandiloquence and corruption of the governing elites that are.bat is much worse. and espeeially about che privatization of Mexicos cultural apparatus. An ln relleclual's Stock 212 = 213 = . as a foreigner or. complete with lawns. which he cbose Co frame as an attack by "an acuden. highways. finally. arnong other things. as a Mexican who had choca. tbe role of scient c disciplines (in Chis case. a scientist. and lo províde che governmental horizon of che state "official history. historian Lorenzo l o Meyer went furtber and argued that in Mexico there has never been an official historya And yet. u. An Intellectual's Stock in the Factory of Mexico' s Ruins: Enrique Krauze 's Mexico: Biography of Power This chapter concerns Che practice and use of history in Mexicos great epochal transítion.nnen tation. As soon as the president left. 1 call the history that is written lo provide the pedigree. Co identify tbe imagínary subject. 1998). Hospitals. whether the building is finished or not. and that my review. be accused of writing official historya In an interview with Milenio regarding Chis debate. The inauguration occurred in a building that was made to look finished. and the rest of it.

Under President Echeverría the whole of Mexico's university system expanded was' beyond che countrys capacities. II. criticisms of its perverse effects were particularly harsh. as was the National Polytechnical Institute. which ended with the massacre of hundreds of students at Tlatelolco square. the states hmction as patron of the sciences and the arts had met with relanve success-the National Autonomous University was built. Until the 1900s.. for the eras first monumental modernist ruins are now becoming clearly visible. and the constant improvement of che quality of lile ("progress")-was historically so feeble in Mexico that. w11( 11 u 1cilit ieal . the state took a proactive role in strengthening it. whereas archaeologists of Che c-Columpian past use site names to label historical epochs (e-g. 1 propose to do just this. about An In1r )lee tual "s Stock 215 . The appearance of Enrique Krauze's Mexicos Biography of Power (HarperCollins. The central axis of cultural modernity-which is a productive relationship between science. A discussion of Che organization of Krauze's book. Monte Albán 1. in Mexico City. an era marked by privatization and by growing differences between an increasingly proletarianized mass of low-prestige teachers. for example. hospitals.f thc )atare. which are oteen tiose ol Clic prrsidcnt'vilo sponsored themSo. 1997) is a landmark in this respect. growth of privare and public universities. V. hhis aspcct cf Mexicos nü)dcl 111 1\ t:as n•at pUCtiC II ly captured by the Seottish eecentrlc and surrealist AII I dwaH lames. There are signs. because he formula ot state-driven expansion was no longer sustainable alter Che states fiscal crisis in 1982. archaeologists of Mexicos modcrnist ruins would be wise to rely en Che names of thc presidents who sponsored them. meant filling the universiry with a staff Chal was not always well qualifiedAlthough the results of Chis huge expansion ot the educational system in the 1970s were mixed. 111. The arts flourished under state patronage. it is a "period piece" that allows us to scrutinize the effects of power on intellectual production in a sector of Mexico's intelligentsia. and a new cultural elite that fases writing with business. and III. andan appraisal of the value of this book as a work of history opens a clear perspective en the use of history as a gesture in the struggle over who gets to represent Mexico. and Che emergente of cultural groups with wide media access. the story of Mexicos progressive state vede an enormous pork barrcl. and Mexico began to make a credible bid for a place among modere nations. or López Portillo I. The National University and other public institutions carne under severe scrutiny.' 1 he seque) and culmination of this conflict occurred in the student movement of 1968. However. It combines into a single work three hooks in Spanish (Biografías del poder.This role has been as open to demagogy and corruption as any other modernizing project. or Tlatilco IV. in Che world of culture. lile l's 1!ork 214 = Organization Mexico: Biography of Power is Enrique Krauze's most ambitious book. of Che connections between Krauze's intellectual project and pis position in Mexico's cultural milieu. beginning in the 1920s. Alemán 1 and II. This was Che dawn of a new era in Mexican cultural life.1 he central tenet of archltectu ral modernism ti til1ts practicality) serves as a sereen tor a second rationale-. bridges. Mexican sociologist Ricardo Pozas has shown how Chis relationship first cracked in 1964. that the time is ripe for a critical look at today's cultural milieu . This year it seems that Mexico City's main private art museum may Glose its doors. art. which An 1n:r l 1 T.4 It is also clear that most Mexican private universities are not funding research. There is so much that is new in the institutional arrangement of Mexican cultural life since the 1980s: changes in training programs and in the profile that is expected for entering a university career. and their ruinous aspect was widely puhlicized as the de la Madrid administration slashed its support of Mexican public institutions of higher learning. Although Che discussion of modernist ruins usually brings to mind housing projects.. and basketball courts. Mexicos cultural world is also littered with [hese ruin. Edwards elaimed that it was to confuse tic al-chaeclogists . however. Che most significant ruins are always the cultural works themselves. and VI). The killings at Tlatelolco provoked a new spurt of construction of modernist ruins.. The revolutionary prestige of government and the accelerated modernization chas began around 1940 fostered a relatively snug relationship between middle-class ideals of mobility and the state's self-image as the prime engine of modernization. Like Mr lactess ruin.-ance. a somewhat fancier stratum of publishing academice. Changes in Mexicos cultural world have been so deep that the analysis of their impact on the quality of cultural production has been suspended to a surprising degree. when medical students and young doctors rejected the state's authoritarian forms of decision making and embarked on a series o[ strikes that were violently suppressed. wbo built ntajestic cement ruins lo¡ die jungles ot thc Huasteca to swallow up When he was asked why he pude Chis cosdy extraca. II. Ncxicos nodernist mies llave very personal signaturas.

This is the only work available. Krauze feels that the 1968 massacre at Tlatelolco should not be forgot- American readers. For instante. a physical defect. al[ oí them reconciled withm the same tomó But Mexico would hace to be less pious roward as modero actors. ranging from agrarian reform. although democracy has been a significant political issue during most oí Mexico's modero history. to national control over resources. to labor laws." However. Krauze continually asserts that Mexico is unique and fundamentally different from the rest oí the world. a family drama. This is because Mexico's historical roots combine "two traditions oí absolute power-one emanating from the gods and the other from God [he means the Aztec and the Spanish tradition]-this political mestizaje conferred a unique contection with the sacred on Mexico's succession oí rulers-" s What wer have.° Thus. As a result. n 1. In addition. but never to forget a middle-class movement that demanded democracy. a confused prejudice." Krauze is busy anthropomorphizing national history and providing it with a "biography. since Krauze claims exception for Mexico on the basis oí the peculiarities oí the Aztec and Spanish mixture. it is notdefensible as the key to understanding that history . who called for land for those who work it. in English or in Spanish. Zapata and Carranza. Mexico: Biography of Power ofiers a brief synthesis oí political power and political culture in che colonial period. This fact is confirmed in the political success oí the official state party (PRI). Juárez with Maxi ni filian. onciliation with Tlarelolco. a tilt one way or the other in a man's religious feelings or his passions. There can Inc no re. i a a l ' s Stock = 217 = . The accidents oí their individual lives aleo had an enormous effect on the directions taken by the nation as a whole. Siglo de Caudillos. A n I s t c 1 1 . echoing Fukuyama. The organization of political history around the story oí democracy is highly problematic in a country whose fundamental viability was in question during most oí the nineteenth ccntury. it has often not peen the principal political aim or site oí contention. but it quickly turras finto a broadly based and rather inchoate social revolution with vatregated demands. a party that was decply undemocratic but that left considerable room for social demands. then. This exceptionalism is convenient because it allows him to ignore the parallels between Mexican history and other histories. the history of Mexico is the history oí the struggle for democracy. The books central premise shares the pleasingsimplicity oí its teleology: This book threads the lives of the most important leaders during the last rwo centuries finto a single biography oí power. which covers the Mexican presidency from 1940 to the present). about the Mexican presidency in the nineteenth century. Calles with Cárdenas. For Enrique Krauze. . presidential biographies in Mexico collectively shape what he mystically calls the nations "biography oí power. Villa and Obregón. overshadowed democracy as the main issue. llrr i ^. In short. An early psychological frustration. while writers and academice the world over worry about the "death oí the subject. parallels that would diminish the force oí the contention that presidential biographies have systematically "altered the fate oí Mexico-" On the other hand. even a local tradition automatically accepted could literally alter rhe late oí Mexico. and La presidencia imperial. However. tu radical state secularism." What 1 hopo to convoy is that in Mexico the lives oí these men do more than represent the complexities and contradiction oí the country they carne to govern or in which they took center stage for a rime at rhe head oí armies fighting For chango or for a return to the past (or for both).Personal characteristics and events that in a moderately democratic country might be mere anecdotesinteresting . then.the leadership of the Mexican Revolution. Porhrio with Madero. he does not want this te be identified with a "great-man theory oí history" but wishes instead to provide the premise with a kind oí cultural specificity. although the organization oí Mexieo's political history around the epic of democracy is pleasing for A n lu t. but 1 am in no way subscribing to an outmoded (and unacceptable) great-man theory oí history. Mr. or trivial-can in Mexico acquire unsuspected dimensions and significante. amusing . for better or for worse7 ten because that conflict was largely about governmental democracy. is a great-man theory oí history with validity confined to Mexico. and to some political groups in Mexico. the Mexican Revoltition (1910-20) begins as a democratic revolt under Madero. 216 = Stock According to Krauze. So much so that. Hidalgo and Iturbide. On the whose it is fair to say that these demands. that covers such vast territory The complexity oí the subject matter is made manageable by giving history a direction and a premise. and the dynamics oí the struggle for power itself. Moreover. he ends this book by asking Mexicans tu bury once and forever Cuauhtdmoc with Cortés. Morelos and Santa Arana.Both oí these are offered with disarming simplicity. the fact rhat the 1968 movemcnt did not involve or affect Mexico' s peasants nor the majority of os poor does not seem to matter Mexico's peasants are asked ro "bury Zapata.

a generation that was marked by the student movement and by its violent end at the hands oí the Mexican state. Mr. l's Stock = 218 = On his side. a prestigious press that sidestepped its traditional role oí publishing scholarly work. With the debt crisis in 1982: the Mexican government carne down hard on al[ salary carnets real minimum wages plummeted to hall in less than tive years (a fact that. however.. This second epic. Cal y Arena. However. a project that was printed by the government-owned publishing house Fondo de Cultura Económica. ']-he au thori tative narntion ul Nlcxlco. and so it created a system oí evaluation that sidestepped university regulations oí promotion and that rewarded only productive academice. one of the sectors that was hit hardest was rhe educational sector. These two groups accumulated vast cultural power in rhe 1980s and 1990s: Héctor Aguilar Camín. 'Publish or perish" carne to have a very literal meaning in the Mexican academy.enerations oí potential scholars were either significantly slowed down or destroyed. whole . Krauze then hitched his wagon to rhe star oí Daniel Costo Villegas. is nonetheless critical. and the universities in particular. As a result. goes unnoted in Krauze's book) Among rhe wage-earning population. At the same time that rhe Mexican state strangled its universities. The principal groups gravitated around two literary/political journals: Vuelta and Nexos." where much oí the history oí rhe porfiriato and the Mexican Revolution was written. Krauze is in rhe business oí representing che nation to rhe outside. the government was unwilling to maintain universiry salaries at in their traditional middle-class levéis. like almost every economic consideration. Like a number oí others. and sinker. was a close friend to Carlos Salinas de Gortari. When che debt crisis hit. received support from President de la Madrid for his "biographies oí power" project (comprising rhe porflriato to Cárdenas sections oí Mexico: Biography of Power). Krauzes prestige and cultural poseer do not come from 1968. Enrique Krauze. the second is rhe saga oí his own intellectual genealogy. 47 theiu veas no True ethnic hatred" in Mexico from the colonial period forward p 491. Carlos Fuentes. Tu. Krauze: Biography of Power Krauze's history can be read in two keys: rhe first key is the the saga oí democracy into which he wants to shoehorn Mexican political history. which this book dis1incdy reproduces: Martín Cortés son ot Hernán Cortés and La Malinche) was "the hrst Mexican" (p 52. it culminares with rhe democracy that Krauze's 1968 generation is supposed to have engendered. Hernán Cortés was "che spiritual antithesis" ot Moctezuma ip. Enrique Krauze began his careen with a book on what he called "intellectual caudillos" oí rhe Mexican Revolution (the term caudillo originally referred to military leaders whose charisma allowed them to vie for control over countries and regions. Krauze relies on this identity to acquire the semblante oí A: 11 te e. He created a publishing house. line. because Mr. ¡ate and tortune rehearses and reaffirms officia1 history. Diego Rivera. and perhaps to emerge from under rhe long shadow oí his mentors. trying hard to garner credentials with which to construct himself as rhe kind of privileged interlocutor that other Mexican intellectuals have been: Octavio Paz.9 Alter Cosfós death. publicized by Nexoscontrolled public TV Channel 22. ir is a political form that was characteristic oí Spanish America's nineteenth cenmry). it did not abandon its patronage and contact with intellectuals. hook. but with a twur. rhe process oí internal stratification in the university system did nor come without a substantial cost both for the prestige oí academic work and for rhe possibility oí surviving as a beginning scholar. instead. Krauze identifies as a member oí the 1968 generation. Krauze's prominente is. During that same period. whose books were widely distributed.this leads straight back to Mcxicus oflidal history. which is barely visible to an English-speaking audience. Krauze became the impresario and subdirector oí Vuelta.. nor is he comparable on an intellectual plane ro Cosío Villegas. Octavio Paz's cultural magazine. former director oí Nexos. slavery in Mexico was sweeter iban in rhe United States (p 50 and so on In short. Rufino Tamayo. instead of culminating with rhe progress wrought by rhe Mexican Revolution (which liad been the End oí History until recendy). an effect oí a more recent story. 44Moctezuma and Cortes''created a new nationaliry the instant they met" (p. rhe principal entrepreneur oí the Vuelta group. The de la Madrid (1982-88) and Salinas (1988-94) governments coupled their tight policies toward the university with generous contracts and subsidies to specific intellectual groups."10 an independent intellectual who cr'i ticizes Mexican authoritaria nism from the sanctity ot his private worldIn fact. member oí the '68 generation and erstwhile leftist. purity He sets himself as a liberal and even as a "heretic. a prominent liberal historian who directed El Colegio de México and who created a workshop that was known as rhe "factory oí Mexican history. let alone to Octavio Paz. In an effort te create a voice for himself. the fabricated saga of rhe mestizo as national protagonist is swallowed whose. from which he derived most oí his intellectual cachet. Krauze and Vuelta began doing business with A n ln tellee tu nls Stock = 219 = .

of history" was built in a pubhe institution and whereas his lactory produced books that were signed by the individuals who did the researeh. yet Che work of historians suela as Jolan Coatsworth. as well as on secondary sources. guilds." Guerra is cited en a factual matter. Krauze roo is interested in Mexico's insularity. and British historians have written a sizahle proportion oí the most relevant works en Mexican history. gets none. As a result. Krauze is co-owner oí Clio." Like the politicians who have always stressed Mexican exceptionalism. for Guerra. diary oí President Díaz Ordaz. GilbertJoseph Anthony Pagden. For instante. Whereas Daniel Cosío Vlllegass facton. nor-in most cases-are their ideas assimilated in Che text. the cavalier use of secondary sources is possibly the only true cense in which Krauze can be called liberal. An Intellectuul's Stock 221 During Che past twenty years or so. Mallon. two oí whom are as acconiplished as historians as Krauze himself. education and research and subsidized a process of cultural privatization that had similar characteristics to other privatizations_ enormous concentration of power in very few hands. Most of the book. a fact that has been widely recognized by independent political observers of Mexico. a chapter that is meant to be the high point of Che book. despite their indisputable relevante to the subjects covered. where most historians work alune or with one or two assistants. iu al'e Sioek 220 = . the resources that Krauze musters have allowed him to write a monumentally ambitious work. by turning his own coterie oí friends and mentors into the principal thinkers and actors in Mexican history. US. Or else a work is cited in one context (perhaps being worked on by one oí his research assistants) but then fails to appear as a source in another part oí the book where it could have done a lot of good. Mr. is based on published documents. research is a menial task Thus. In sum. thanks to os special ties to government.Televisa. Mexico: Biography of Power is a hollow monument. and haciendas. Krauzes lactory oí history is private. who was arguably a more profound thinker. French historian Frangois Xavier Guerra has developed Krauze as Historian This books main empirical conrribution is a set oí interviews that the author or his assistants made with important political figures as well as a much-publicized. quite a complex view oí Che modernization oí Che Mexican state in the nineteenth century. Televisa had a largely negative role in Niexicos transition to democracy. where he would have been very helpful. a publishing house devoted to populartzing his version of Mexican history and producer of historical soap operas that have devoted some effort to rehabilitating Porfirio Díaz 1876-19 10). For example. but its conclusions are not assimilated in the analysis. the liberal dictator and formen archvillain oí official history. Alan Knight. Che personal power of Porfirio Díaz (1876-1910) is. Krauze gives preeminence to two intellectuals-Cosío Villegas and Octavio Paz-both oí whom were marginal to the movement and of an older generation. but his general argument is ignored Moreover. and only he Cakes Che crecía For big rollers in Mexico's cultural enterprises. but were nonetheless central to Krauze's own development Cosío Villegas gets no fewer than thirty-three mentions in the text oí this book. Mexicos television giant that had effectively been a communications monopoly for decades. Krauze's power was amassed in a moment in which the government turned its back on pub r. .Krauze lists sixteen in his acknowledgments." Perhaps the oversight is due to the fact that O'Gorman publicly disapproved of Krauze's biographies oí power. In short. In addition to the political motives behind these oversights. Citations of significant books written by members oí a younger generation oí Mexican scholars are another notable absence-they are potential competition. and Stephen Haber is not cited. Florencia A u l o t e : : . Eric Van Young. but his rnethods make him unsurc at cvery toro. there is another Iikely cause for Krauze's sloppy use oí secondary sources: Che factory This hypothesis comes to mind because there are a number oí instances when a key historical work is indeed cited. but rather disappointing. including Che United Nations This did not stop self-styled democratic pero Enrique Krauze trom becoming one of the company's partners. in his treatment oí the 1968 movement. however. Mexican historian Edmundo O'Gorman. both the culmination and the swan song oí what Krauze calls a "biography of power. The use el the work oí Mexican scholars is equally problematic. John Tutino. he can easily aspire to become Mexicos representative in Che media. Mexican political society changed from being made up of corporations that were built around personal ties in villages. The use of [hese secondary sources provides another key for the archacologisi of tNicxicos modernist ruins.'t His heavy reliance on dais privare lactory" is Che reason why Chis book is such a good mirror ole presiden ti al power. Guerra fails to appear in Krauzes discussion of political theory in independence. to a modero society in which these personal ties could no longer hold the country together. Guerras view is that between independence (1821) and the revolution (1910). and the formation oí a new elite.

763. de la Madrid won the election with 76 percent ot the vote (p_ 402 ). 763) In this book .The Aulhorily of Opinion Enrique Krauze has had two principal mentors. whereas in English he seems only to have An Ir. in addition. that there were only two "trac ethnic wars" in Mexican history (p. but more attention to Krauze's biographies is warranted. Sieck . nationalism. Moreover. The irregularity oí rhe quality oí biographical insights is also a product oí Krauze's rush to represent. socialism.1. which is che idea that biography is a useful vantage point for political analysis. This unevenness is due not only to the space and detall devoted to various presidents (Miguel Alemán gets seventy-five pages. Krauze to che great-man view of history that he allegedly rejects.rely incapable oí offering a history without opinions 14 More of(en [han not. Daniel Cosía Villegas and )ocavia Paz. Although nono of this information makes a significant mark on rhe historical interpretation of modero Mexico. primordially. 402. for instance. Krauze took Cono Villupass tactorv oí history .o llave a . their family conflicts. 780). Krauze's version oí history is being massively consumed in soap operas. h Biography and Power Certainly. Miguel de la Madrid won his election because the people voted for him personally. I3iogniphy of Power we are asked to believe. 1 have already argued that Chis interest in biography led Mr. another good selling point for Chis book. For instante. for instance. we also learn rhat' Juárez the Indian" "was all religion" (p." but he aeeni. but also in trying m tone down the Krauzometer as much as possible So. opinions are facts . whereas we get an attempt to portray che family history and youth of presidents and caudillos between Porfirio Díaz and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1876-1970). and that Cosío Vlllegas's criticisms oí President Echeverría 1 1970-76) were the bravest thing any Mexican had published in one hundred years (p. which is an appropriate-though perhaps not harmless-venue for it. and 100 on the Krauzometer-president de la Nladrid was a generous patron ro Krauze). and 80 en the Krauzometer).222 received 68 percent (p. in English. 364. the dictatorship oí what might usefully be labeled "the Krauzometer_" The translator. ery perverso effeer. Manuel Ávila Camacho gets twenty-seven. if these were merely privare livcs But they could not be in Mexico. has done a commendablejob not only in avoiding the annoying changes in register that characterize Krauze's Spanish prose. with much information in it. Salinas. scope.. equality. Krauze's attempts at Paz-like holdnes.cli in iM. and an 80 on the Krauzometer) Similarly. al. which leads inevitably to an imprudent reliance on common sense. In Mexico. though perhaps representative.i . privatized tt. their lives before rising to power. these opinions are stated as if they were facts. For instance.language book that comprises Parts IV and V oí Mexico. but it is only "one oí the most important books of rhe ^tilexican tventieth century" in English p. Biography of Power. and only a 55 en the Krauzometer). in Spanish. liberty. Krauze's factory has produced a readable book. Krauze asserts boldly (100 on the Krauzometer) [hat President Díaz Ordaz (1964-70) did not lie in his memoirs (p_ 355). Krauze thereby declines any attempt to provide a more profound portrait oí the three presidents with whom he has had a personal relationship (de la Madrid. Octavio Paz's Labyrinth of Solitude is "the most importanr book oí the Mexican twentieth century" (100 en the Krauzometer.1. 728-29. and Zedillo).itainly a teadable book However. The Mexican Revolution is an exception because.. 152). Miguel de la Madrid gets eight pages). Krauze tells os that [r]evolutions have been organized around ideas or ideals. xico by calling for a "democraey without adjectives. ent. In Spanish. The local histories from which they [these personages] began. and made It into his own political niachine Prora Paz Krauze has tried to emulate grandeur. and which appeared simultaneously with it in the spring oí 1997). and boldness -I he resale is not always badAlexico: Biog raphy of Poioer is c. there is no parallel information for che more contemporary presidents (beginning with Echeverría).t.. p. including sume new information and a wealth oí aticedotes. The first thing to note about [hese presidential biographies is that they rarely provide che kind oí psychological insight that the author was hoping for. 746). in La presidencia imperial (the Spanish. and they both change along with rhe intended readership. the people voted not for de la Madrid personally. Stock 223 = . their most intimate passions-all are factors that might have been merely personal. but in English he asserts that "[i]t is unlikely that they are al] líes" (pp. but also to the format of the chapters. it does add richness and legibility to chis facile and ideologically loaded test In Mexico. which is ihat they liberare Chis book trom rhe usual strictures of historical evidenee. and not for the PRI (p. it was organized around personages . but rather for bis platform oí moral renovation (p. in Spanish. Hank Heifctz. There is. Krauze has made a name loe him. 167) and that his invocations of God and Providente were carried out "without hypocrisy" (p 166) In short. a country An In tellectual '.

Indeed. similar to what we lind in a number of revolutionary caudillos ¡n Mexico. were often ¡n desperate straits. he sent out portraits oí his person to che four corners oí the realm: the king concentrated the full image oí the realm in his palace. The connection between presidencial power and personal benefit inverted che central dogma oí monarchy_ Nineteenth-century caudillos like José María Morelos and even Santa Anna wanted to be thought oí as servants. two bodies" implied full identity between the king'. that the construction of their personas was shaped by che context ¡n which thcy acose as leaders_ It is certainly no biographical accident that led Zapata. emperor. tbeocratic. . when in fact it was a variation oí a classical theme in the theater oí presidential power in nineteenth-century Spanish America. the power of a revolutionary caudillo like Emiliano Zapata was. the realm received. charismatic power is a constant in Mexican history. and even Madero to cake up a messianic. for a tlatoani and for a president. and caudillo are used as metaphors for other forms ol power. However. President. As a result. or for a caudillo and a monarch_ Instead of attentpting to specify these different forms oí power. until the fateful events of 1968. The king was like an embodiment oí his kingdom. especrally in its origins. Hidalgo. elock 224 For instante. For example. Throughour the book terms such as monarch.16 The relationship between biography and che application oí power in this case is certainly distinct from that oí Mexico's nineteenth-century presidenta. whose political usage oí the passion play was perceptlvely analyzed by Victor Turner (also not cited by the author). in European monarchies. caudillo. an actual tlatoani and a president. grassroots leadership. The maps and descriptions he received were concentrated in his palace at El Escorial and in the office oí the royal cosmographer. say. Krauze wrongly reduces Santa Annas constant show oí retreating from che presidential chair to a psychological quirk ("he detested the direct and daily exercise oí power"). For him. they are constantly collapsed ¡rito a single cumposite. Philip 11 decreed the production oí censuses and maps oí the entire realm (the famous Relaciones geográficas). jefe. che product oí a mythified fusion oí Aztec and Spanish "theocracies" As a result. but ¡I your thesis ¡s that there is a special connection between che details of a leader's biography and the counrry's destiny (p. oí the nation. The trouble with this is that no disti ncti nos are made regarding the significance oí biographies.' and communications magnate Emilio Azcárraga was a "caudillo of ¡ndustry These comparrsons and metaphors mas be innocent enough in daily parlante. monarchies. ^. well-being and the prosperity oí the land. in its stead. tlatoani. hecomes critical. . viceroy. At the same time as he received the maps. and because they believed in him_ Zapatas biography ¡s critically important because it is the source oí che social connections of his inner circle (whose biographies in turn affect outer circles). Krauze argues that the biography of Zapata and of Hidalgo is critical for understandi ng their movement. then the difference between an actual monarchy and something that has similarities to a monarchy. and because his persona gave credibility and direction to che movement as a wholc.1 l . the idea oí "the king'. Ledute) had been the historie norm across the centuries. As a result. nineteenthcentury presidenta ("caudillos") routinely modeled their public personae alter Cincinnatus-a renouncer (much as George Washington did in che United States." The president is "like a tlatoani-" Presidential power is "almost theocratic° Jose Vosconcclos and Daniel Cosío Villegas were intellectual "caudillos. Krauze ignores all oí this. and the information in those censuses and maps was privy to che king. early presidents and revolutionary caudillos used personal sacrifice as a legitimating device_ As the presidency became a stable political institution. destinies. and Rosas did in Argentina). charismatic People followed him because they shared his cause.17 Whereas the monarch identified his personal welfare and prosperity with that oí che realm. Christian narrative and construct their persons around it.t. but it was not routinized in Mexico until well finto the twentieth century. which is then-sometimes anachronistically-turned ¡rito che giirnresscnce oí Mexicanness. which brought about a An In tellectual's Stock 225 .where the conccntration of pos+ el finto a single person (tlatoani. the office began to require less dramatic personal sacrifices and the image oí che "civil servant" became more prominent-this was the image thatJuárez adopted for himself. monarch. The Mexican presidency is "like a monarchy. and so en imply A u I n r . but one might argue. che epic oí Zapata's life takes a messianic turn.'' different kinds oí relationships between che leaders biography and the exercise oí power. an actual caudillo and someone who is compared to a caudillo. This error leads to the kind oí Mexican exceptionalism that 1 objected to earlier (to the proposition that there ¡s something about Mexico that makes all oí its leaders into tlatoanis-or did. the bodily image oí the king. and then seeing their connection to biography. he reduces the differences in the persona oí various leaders to che details of their biographies. xv). beginning with Miguel Hidalgo. Specific forms oí power such as presidencies. not as lords. conversely.. in the case oí Spanish America.

The systcm also benefhts. and the social history oí the country is collapsed finto nationalist myth. howcver. lis powei was theatrical. oí che Mexican state.lava priests once interpreted the commands oí a Talking Cross. or Enrique Krauze and to take whatever they say as representative of whatJosé María Morelos called "che senciments of the nation However. makes this book as much of a Mexico City-centered account oí the history oí power in Mexico as che Museum oí Anthropology ever was." much as '. but have instead used state patronage to build private niches for themselves. and falsified the preColumbian past.u al e. His main complaint was that the architecture oí the building and as layout made the museum's Aztec hall finto the culmination and synthesis of al] pre-Hispanic culture. opcratic and worse. to embody it in a single intellectual. by now. luir ! I e.Two Mexican intellectuals oí the 1968 generation have been emblematic in Chis transicion. It has been economical and convenient for Americans and others to simply tuve ¡Ti to Carlos Puentes. In De Critique of ihe Pyramid. 151). commenting che rise of Benito Juaren (who.. viceroys.18 These intellectuals have been in che business oí creating their own "faetones oí culture. Antonio López de Santa Anna Ii. tt was divorced from che nation's roots-never mind that che nation did not yet effectively exist Thus. is as dead as che autocracic power oí the president. President Miguel Alemán wanted the Nobel Peace Prize. and Carlos Salinas wanted to be president oí the World Trade Organization. closer to indigenous roots" (p. 1 like to think that this book is the intellectual counterpart oí these desperate presidential moves: the concentration oí cultural power in the hands oí a few intellectuals has been linked to the authoritarian power oí Mexican presidents. Octavio Paz wrote a trenchant criticism oí Mexico's Nacional Museum oí Anthropology. and the thesis that the course oí Mexican history was dictated by Díaz Ordaz's ugliness. by Santa Anna's theatricality. Octavio Paz. and. led by Krauze. The peculiarty oí Krauze's generation of mythmakers is that they are not builders oí state institurions. of some powerful-government-related-businessmen.general oí the UN. In chis allegedly critical review oí the Mexican presidency. thc Fnd ot Histoiy ti aLo Ieads him to eurious attempts to diflerentiate "authentie (ron inauthentic" leaders. unlike Santa Anna. a post-1968 reflection en what Fiad gone awry in Mexico. from che fact that che readership in che United States-and to some excenc in Europe-has preferred to have a small handful oí authorized voices on Mexico rather than co cake che country seriously as a site oí cultural and intellectual production. This construction oí the Aztec enipire as both the centerpiece oí the pre-Hispanic world and che antecedent oí the independent Mexican nation negated cultural pluralism. who Nave finally hrought demoeracv co Mexico. and the current democratization asid debilitation oí che presidential office promises to end this form oí "intellectual caudillismo. on as own private resources. idealized a scrong central state. So far Chis new mude oí cultural production has counted on the support A. President Luis Echeverría tried for the secretary. Krauze saos that'Tclhe country would now he governed by a group of young mestizos who were closer tu Mexican soil. The fusion and confusion oí tlatoanis. caudillos. Héctor Aguilar Camín (former editor oí Nexos) and Enrique Krauze (former subdirector oí Vuelta) . When he was at the height oí his power. and generation. anurng others. che power co represent Mexico in Chis way. is portrayed hese as being 100 percent authentie--"a puye-blooded Indias ')." They now speak from these niches and ventriloquize "Civil Society.ock 226 = An In trllec tu al 's Stock 227 . Which brings us back co che fundamental characteristic oí Chis ruin: it is little more than a rcenactment of the nacional myth for the 1990s.. che presidents are fetishized." Krauze's book is very much like that museum. and by Juárez's religiosiry and puriry. These un-kingly desires reflect the nature oí presidencial power and the limits oí presidencial biographies: they are not the main axis in the history oí Mexico.r Krauze is che epitome of che fake.

in part because oí the disjunction between the ways that anthropology is taught in the great metropolitan centers and in national anthropological traditions. which is Mexican anthropology. and European anthropology has been widely debated Beginning with a series of criticisms oí the connections between anthropology and imperialism in the 1970s. These traditions began to be the object oí reflexive interest in the United States and Europe during the 1970s. This movement against grand holistic narratives and toward the diversification oí the field is perhaps the principal symptom and effect oí globalization on "metropolitan" anthropological traditions. or the United States. the effects oí "globalization" on national anthropologies is not so well understood. Globalization has involved a number of powerful changes in these places. The field oí anthropology in the United States and Europe is still reverberating from these discussions. and their impact on nationalist narratives.' Less well known and less understood.S. The works oí anthropologists oí the "national traditions" thus Bordrring o n An t bro pology 228 = 229 = . such as most countries oí Latin America. anthropological histories are traced back in time within their native traditions. because they developed not so much for the production oí a general account oí "Man" or oí "Culture. the critique oí anthropology moved no deeper epistemological terrain by interrogating the riarrative strategies used by ethnographers to build up their scientific authority and their role in shaping colonial" discourses oí self and other. alongside vocal criticisms oí colonialism_ Their significante for reshaping anthropological theory was brought to the fore in the 1980s. However. "national anthropologies" often emphasize tiesto great foreign scholars. Africa to reflect on lineage structures. 1 provide a historical interpretation oí the gestation of the current malaise in one national tradition. France." By "national anthropologies" 1 mean anthropological traditions that have been fostered by educational and cultural institutions for the development oí studies of their own nation. Darcy Ribeiro once said that his fellow Brazilian anthropologists were cavalos de santo (spirit mediums who spoke for their mentors in Europe or the United States). for Appadurai. The histories oí these national anthropologies is still not very well known. a process that countered the grand holistic narratives oí earlier generations that used India asan excuse to reflect on hierarchy. the demise oí "national economies" as being even ideally viable.s Peripheral nations with early dates oí national independence."^ This tendency was weaker in peripheral anthropological traditions.' Noteworthy among these interventions were two short pieces by Arjun Appadurai arguing againstholism in dominant metropolitan anthropological traditions. Commenting on this phenomenon." but rather to confront social problems in the ethnographer's own society. and changing publics for anthropological works. have had national traditions oí anthropology that evolved in tandem with European and American anthropology from its inception. thereby placing themselves within a civilizational horizon whose vanguard is abroad. peripheral anthropologies becarne part oí a process oí diversification and specification oí anthropology. perhaps. Whereas in Britain. or the Mediterranean to think about honor and shame. Holism. In this chapter."' infirmities that included the "tendency for places to become showcases for specific issues over time. These general tendencies seem to produce differing effects in distinct countries. These differences are influenced by factors such as national language (former English colonies having some comparative advantages here). including transformations in the role oí national governments in development and educational projects. a society that was always problematically integrated to "the West.11 Bordering on Anthropology: Dialectics of a National Tradition The current sense oí crisis in U. the role oí local anthropologies in managing national development. is the quieter sense oí unease and transformation in anthropological traditions that one might cal] "national anthropologies." Thus. in the 1980s. was "a g]aring example oí the making oí theoretical virtue oí a range oí infirmities oí practice.

It is therctore no( surprising thai althnuuh che existente of chis class oí national anthrccpologies is wcll knosen it has not buen suffictently theorized. The conecto with the co-optation of Mexican anthropology in particular is a recurrent theme. and internationally influential national anthropologies.1nih'cpology 230 = 1 By 1968 the identification oí Mexican anthropology with official nationalism was at its peak." The magníficos had had the daring to criticize that jewel on the crown of the Mexican Revolution that was indigenista anthropology. Mexico developed one oí the earliest. the success oí Mexican anthropology in that nation's project of national consolidation is today its principal weakness. and so had abdicated both its critical vocation and its moral obligation to side with the popular classes.osv are chcories and mechocis developed in American or European anthropologies deployed in [hese national traditions. and che attempt to move from an anthropology dedicated co che study of Indians" co an anthropology devoted to che study oí social class (materials from the 1970s to che 1990s). a system Borderine on Anthropology 231 = . a book that was penned by a group oí young professors oí the Nacional School oí Anthropology who were playfully known in those days as 'The Magnificent Seven. embodied in the design oí buildings such as the National Museum of Anthropology or che new campus oí the National University. there appears to be the sor[ oí disjunetion between research. the consolidation of a developmental orthodoxy (materials from the 1940s to thc 1960s). and ol ( cure on che carlier Chavero tends to mask che genealogica1 rclations between Camio and Chavero. had been inaugurated in 1964. This chapter claims that ^Mexican anthropology has reached the point where it must transcend the limitations imposed by its historical vocation as a national anthropology. che relatiionship between evolutionary paradigms and the development of an anthropology applied Ben enng on . However. In Mexico.6 The institutional infrastructure of Mexican anthropology is one oí the world's largest and its political centrality within the country has been remarkable. In addition.appear co be discontinuous svith each other lh use a . INI). Is there a relati onship between the current transformations of national anthropologies and che crisis of anthropology" writ large? 1 tu the management oí a backward population and as incorporation finto "nacional society" (materials from che 1880s to che 1920s). 1 explore the development of Mexican anthropology from the midnineteenth century to the present by focusing on four dynamic processes: the historical relationship between the observations oí foreign scientific travelers and the production of a national irnage (materials used for this section range from che 1850s to che carly 1900s). The 1968 generation complained that Mexican indigenismo had as its central goal the incorporation oí che Indian finto the dominant system. and the isolation and lack oí intellectual cohesiveness of the academy. and move from there to the historical discussion 19x8-95: "Criticism has been excbangedforan officiai post"' The 1968 student movement produced a generacional rupture in Mexican anthropology. including bilingual education. It was charged with the task oí forging Mexican citizenship both by "indigenizing" modernity and by modernizing the Indians. Chis is what was called indigenismo. criticism. Its manifesto carried che disdainful title of De eso que llaman antropología mexicana (Oí that which they call Mexican anthropology). The study oí Mexican anthropology is instructivo for the broader class of national anthropologies. The sense oí crisis in contemporary Mexican anthropology moves between two related concerns: che high degree oí incorporation oí anthropology and anthropologists into che workings and designs oí the state. which was widely praised as che world's finest. How does a discipline that otees so much to imperial expansion and globallzation--indeed. and the Nacional School oí Anthropology (ENAH) was housed on its upper floor.H. This is linked both to the critical role that Mexico's archaeological patrimony has played in Mexican nationalism and to anthropology's prominent role in shaping national development. most successful. thus uniting all Mexicans in one mestizo community.Mexican illlustrati on. According to che magníficos. In order to lend credence to chis normative claim. Mexican anthropology had placed itself squarely in the service oí che state. a discipline that has otten conccived of itself as che study of racial or cultural othcrs" thrive when os objects of study are the anthropologist's co-nation_tls. che influence of Boas on Camk. and useful and positive social action ("relevanee') that has also been the subject of recen[ attention. 1 begin by contextualizing the current unease in Mexican anthropology. rural and indigenous development programs throughout the country (concentrated in che Instituto Nacional Indigenista. and a vast research and conservation apparatus. Mexican anthropology had provided Mexico with che theoretical and empirical materials that were used to shape a modernist aesthetics. housed mainly in the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH). The new Nacional Museum oí Anthropology. The institucional infrastructure oí Mexican anthropology was firmly linked to che diverse practices oí indigenismo.

and later that oí Secrerary oí Agrarian Reform under President Salinas. but that was better conceived as "capitalist' and dependen[. and it contributed to the formation and presentation oí a convincing national teleology. The concerns that characterized anthropology in Mexico even before its institutional consolidation in the late nineteenth century related to the historical origins oí rhe nation and to rhe characteristics oí its peoples." Mexican anthropology was described as an orchid in the hothouse of e lexico's authoritarian state. Until very recently. From chis position Warman conducted rhe government's agrarian policies. Those programs have either run their nurse or else they have been shown tú be ineffective. however. In the words one oí rhe magníficos. has never heen an easy task in Mexico. was always an undefined category that simply stood for what Rodolfo Stavenhagen and Pablo González Casanova had called "internal colonialism" as early as 1963. thcy have produced historically negative results. accepted rhe post oí director oí the Instituto Nacional Indigenista.° Not surprisingly. their tres to the Mexican Revolution. The study oí rhe origins and oí the attributes oí the nations "races" was especially important in Mexico. Today we can contrast rhe reality of Mexican society with rhe ideals oí the revolution and establish che distante between the two . oí collective serenity. Arturo Warman. Anthropology has helped to reconfigure the hierarchical relations that develop between sectors of the population." noted Arturo Warman. Thus rhe co-optation oí the anthropological establishment seemed to repeat itself. had been exhausted. The fact that a number oí indigenistas remained loyal to rhe government during and alter the 1968 movement was sean by rhe sesentayocheros as a final moment oí abjection.In this context. and discourses regarding cultural origins and social hierarchies are no longer central to the allure oí the country for foreign governments and capitalista. the authors oí De eso que llaman nrtropología mexicana called for Mexican anthropologists tu keep rheir distante from the state. and they culminated in rhe expulsion oí Guillermo Bonfil from the school by director Ignacio Bernal. coopted and entirely saturated by irs needs ami those oí foreign capital. there is a real needforinvention Thus. 1 seek to elucidate the origins and historical evolution and current exhaustion oí Mexican anthropology as a confined. constant internal Bo rderinq on Antbropology 233 = . which were directed precisely to incorporating Mexican peasants roto forma of production that are geared to the market. who was rhe most famous oí the magníficos and author of a number of books that were critical oí Mexico's agrarian policies. at least. complete with as own momeni of drama: in March 1995 the Ro rdrrin4 oi Ani h^opology = 232 Anthropology and the Fashioninq of a Modera National Image Shaping an image oí national stability.° Mexico City papers reponed that Arturo Warman was charged with pleading with former President Salinas on behalf oí President Zedillo to put an end to a one-day hunger strike. the legitímate actions of early indigenistas. It was absolutely impossible to accomplish in ehe decades following independence (1821). in Mexico. and seriousness oí purpose. security. They should steer clear oí a policy (indigenismo) that had the incorporation oí the Indian finto "national society" as as principal aim. national. useless. worse yet. the strategies and role oí rhe state in shaping the contours oí society have been deeply transformed from the 1980s on. Twenty years later. The crisis in anthropology today is not as much about rhe discipline's absorption by the state as it is about as uncertain role in rhe marketplace. tensions grew strong in the National School oí Anthropology.that was called national" and "modern' by rhe indigenistas. a foreign deht that was impossible to pay. The aim oí Mexican indigenismo had been rhe incorporation of the Indian into the capitalist system oí exploitation.10 Principal Thesis My contention is that the image of anthropology's history repeating itself in a never-ending cycle oí state incorporation is misleading. "National society. However. An enlightened vanguard may no longer realistically aspire to fashion and shape public opinion for interna) purposes. It would be diffieult ro doubr that these days we can no longer do justice to the future by m a intaining rhe same programs that were levolution ary sixty years ago. Moreover. where independence preceded the formation oí a bourgeois public sphere. Guillermo Bonfil. or. Mexico has been a country in which public opinion is to a large degree subsidized and dramatized by rhe state. and it marked the end oí that school's dominante in Mexican academic settings. when governments had to operare with unstable and insufficient revenue. Anthropological stories oí national origins and oí racial and cultural difference were therefore useful to governments and they were routinely projected both onto the nation's interna) frontiers and abroad. In this chapter. and in so doing it had abandoned the scientific and critical potential oí rhe discipline. tradition. as elsewhere.

we lookcd from dhe window oí what had been Maximilian's imperial car. Here. Anfi. Buzzards figure in the first Mexican impressions oí both Fanny Calderón de la Barca and E. Bordcr. and the creeks and mangrove swamps oí Cuba only three days' sail off. and filled my soul with sadness . a country whose fertile coastal regions were badly depopulated. namely. But if Tylor's first impressions were polo9y = 234 = .The Republic laid down the right oí each citizen to his share in che government oí the country as a Bordertng o s A =235= A useful point oí entry for understanding ehe labors oí early Mexican anthropologists is a discussion oí Edward B Tylor's travel book on Mexico. and frequent foreign invasions.1i Mexico's failure te) appropriate Tylor's Anabuac seems less perplexing when we actually read the book. Figure 11 . in every respect the right article for trace: brown-skinned. Naturalists and ethnographers who followed Humboldt's steps took a decidedly negative view oí Mexicos present and a pessimistic view oí its future.Tvlor. and whose well-inhabited highlands were bandit infested and difficult to travel. upon a scene by the roadside which struck me nearer to the heart. incapable oí defending themselves. a highly deficient system oí transportation.. The zapilotes [sic]-which are among the insnmtions of the country-watching from afar saw death 's signal in his glazing eye."'t The lack oí attention to Tylor's Mexican connection seems even stranger given the peed that countries like Mexico have had to remirad the world that thev have not been absent in the process of shaping the course of Western civilization. or hetter seved the world by drawing a dump cart for a grading party-had been mrned out to die. This is odd at first glance. healthy. an image that had been so important to Mexican politicians and intellectuals even before Baron von Humboldt published his positive accounts oí New Spain. Mexican nationalists would find little solace in his conclusions: That [Mexico's] total absorption [finto the United States] must come. sooner or later.t o . this book has never been published in Spanish. a poor old steed-who may have borne Santa Anna and his fortunes in his day. Mexico was also a country that was sharply divided by race.14 revolutions. B. given . The Horsea ni] thr Zapilott.which recapitulates the advenmres and impressions that he and the collector HenryChristyhad on their trip to Mexico in 1856. The plantations and mines that want one hundred thousand men to bring them into full work.505-6). and industrious. had turned very contrary indeed. in Evans (1 870).To my knowledge.11 Tylors first impression was a disturbing reminder oí the fragility of the links between Mexico's people and its territory. Chinese. There they are. in the Yucatán.Mcxico's legitimate daim to have been the muse that inspired the discipline that in Oxford was at times referred to as "Tylors science. Tylor's first vista oí Mexico is the por[ oí Sisal.n. and can be made to work-would take [hese Yucatecos in any quantity. the Indian inhabitants.1 . we can hardly doubt_ The chief diffieulty seems to be that the American constitution will not exacdy suit the case. and negroes indifferently-anything that has a dark skin. 506 The buzzard (here misspelled) became a regular motiv in travel writing on Mexico during the nineteenth century. Colonel Albert Evans uses the image to end his book on a suitably pessirnistic note: "As wc went down by rail from Paso del Macho to Veracruz. which is that Mayas were indeed being sold as slaves in Cuba at the time. Tylor described a Mexico whose presidency had changed hands once every eight months for the previous ten years. His observation revealed what is still today something oí a dirty secret. and swallow aborigines. came trooping from all directions to the coming feast' (Evans 1873. suggesting the fragility oí Mexico as a polity and its lack oí cohesiveness as a nation: Cine possible article oí expon we examined as closely as opportunity would allow. where the whites and half-castes were hated by the Indians whom they exploited. strong. and it is not widely known or read in Mexico. and it gets the Mexican reader off to an uneasy start. and pay well for them. p. and wheeling down froto their airy heights. The image oí Mexico abroad.

Their claims lo citizenship are unquestionable if Mexico were made a State oí the Union. who were at a structural disadvantage with respect to soldiers and priests. in Edward B . Every intelligent Mexican must wish for an event so greatly to the advantage oí his country . a fact that is demonstrated by Tylor and Christy's activities as collectors oí historical trophies. and were sitting en the confortable seat un the small oí their backs. and. Mexico will undergo a great change . when its most curious peculiarities and its very language must yield before foreign influence. or at least the white and half-caste Mexicans.universal law . and kept rabbits there. As the ground-floor under the 1 2. p. they are totally incapable oí governing themselves . it is true. Anabuae ( 1861). Ethnologists and historians oí the period must have been struck by the Mexican governments incapacity to control the connections between the nation's past and its futuro. [Mjoreover. we may be excused for cherishing a lurking kindness for the quaint. picturesque manners and customs oí Mexico. as yet un-Americanized. The state which the whole 13ordering en Anihropology = 237 ..1$ As for ourselves individually. there being a want of quarters for tire soldiers.. Tylor. a rapidly increasing population. and discusses the laxity oí priestly mores) 17 The legal system gave no protection to ordinary citizens. an armed occupation. and Mexican jails offered no prospect oí reforming prisoners. Porter ami Bakerin MMexicu. some security for lile and property. cloisters is used for the heavier pieces oí sculpture. so me slight exceptions with regard to red and black men.. The population avoided paying taxes because the government was ineffective. The country as a whole was in the hands oí gamblers and adventurers. and a variety oí good things. liberty oí opinion. 54.. or some similar contrivance . and for rejoicing that ir was our fortune to travel there before che coming change. will be a difficulty. An encerprising soldier liad built up a hutch with idols and sculptured stones against the statue oí the great war-goddess Teoyaomiqui herself.16 Tylor's Mexicans were in most respects an unenlightened people. There will be roads and even rail-roads.. making. Supposing these difficulties got over by a Protectorate. Mexican schooling was dominated by an obscurantist and coirupt church (Tylor mentions Che case oí a priest who was a highwayman. The Mexicans. it is certain that American citizens would never allow even the whitest oí the Mexicans to be placed on a footing of equality with themselves. a flourishing commerce. busy playing at cards. but even more potently by Tylor's remarkable description oí Mexico's national museum: The lower story had been turned into a barrack by the Government. tire scene was somewhat curious The soldiers had laid several oí the smaller idols down en their faces. as everybody knows.

and tire shameful profanation of the nacion's gnndeur by che state itsclf. boda of whom would later lead che manufacture of a new history of Mexico. or che foundation of the International School oí American Archaeology and Ethnology in 1911 by Franz Boas. 18. Alter its "second independence. The image oí a lazy and obscurantist church was a staple oí anglophone writing en Mexico from che time oí Thomas Gage's work in che seventeenth century to the writings oí Edward B. point of origin. '" Cine important move in Chis direction is a book written by Vicente Riva Palacio and Manuel Payno.Instead oí being invaded by che United States. n . is a work that hoth British and Mexican anthropologists would write against. in Britain) was to a significant degree shaped by che negative imprint oí chis book and others like it.'" Anahuac represents an unacknowledged. Oswald . Manuel Gamio. Mexico had yet to show that it was a politically viable country. and che curo of world events frowncd upon Mexico's second empire. Mexico was occupied by France. a country that could embrace progress. things in Mexico took a different turn than che one that Tylor had envisioned. fi. told by way of an illustrated look at executions and assassinations. and. Anahuac nanied the unspeakahle but omnipresenc nightmare oí racial dismemberment. El libro rojo is remarkable for its ecumenical reproach oí civil violence. however. After the publication oí Anahuac. unsigned etching from Felix L. retaining the sense oí discovery and of daring of che gente while reaching for systematizacion and eniotional distante -2o For Mexican intellectuals. It is a brief history of civil violente in Mexico. civil strife and resistanee against the French proved stronger than he had anciicipated. o . or Rambles in the Backwoods of Mexico and Central America (Philadelphia.Willian. which made the best oí che American Civil War to regalo a foothold en che continent. A i. Dolcefarniente." however.4. the writings oí the sixteenth-century friars. indeed. Here the priest' s siesta illustrates Oswald's observations on Mexico in che 1870s. Summerland Sketches. ." El libro rojo (The red book) (1870) was among che first of a series oí lavishly printed and illustrated volumes of the final third of che nineteenth century. for Tylor's first book was the sort oí travel narrative that anthropologists. Figure 11. but not a less important. che primal scene has peen carefully hidden. in 1917. Tylor and beyond. p.3. but che devel[ l o r d o r .trd Tranoiiug io klrxico. much as if it were a book of saints. tried to trump with che scientihc discipline of anthropology.1-lon. 185. p. a country that was capable of attracting foreign investors. and especially of Bernardino de Sahagún. are frequently cited. in Eva lis (1870). Illustrated pages are dedícated equally to Cuauhtémoc and lo Xicotencatl ( Indian kings who fought on Mexican anthropology has liad multiple births. 1880).As in a Freudian dream. ropo logy = 238 = = Figure 11. A characterisu cal ly uncritical re preseuc^tlon ot American power in che period- place was in when chas left te che tender mercies oí a Mexican regiment may he imagined by any one who knows ti liat a dirty and destructive animal a Mexican soldier is. Bordering en Anthropo logy 239 . Anahuac in other words. nacional disintegracion. although Tylor was not entirely wrong in thinking that a number of Mexicans would welcome che intervention of a great power.Srto. hut so are those ol Cicole patriots and antiquarians writing in the seventeenth and eightecnth tentarles. including Tylor himself.opment of anthropology in Mexico (and. and the creation oí che tirst department oí anthropology by his student.

who had been executed by the still-reigning president. and its lavishly produced illustrations seem to answer point by point the negative comments and images oí Mexico offered by Tylor and other travclers. and the conservatives Mejía and Miramón. It is therefore not surprising that the pacification and stabilization oí Che country that followed slowly after Che French intervention required the services oí an enlightened elite. which carne to be known as the cient(cos. this was Che course that was later taken under General Díaz (1884-1910)22 El libro rojo was primarily directed to unifying elites.blexican Godlrss l War (o. Che narres oí the authors and historical personages were anglicized. Carlos ("Charles") de Sigüenza y Góngora is placed alongside Isaac Newton. The hrst. in his book Mexico at the Worlds Faus and clsewhere. Figure 115. to marooneel African slaves and to a Spanish archbishop. and photographs oí museums. the pantheon of martyrs includes heroes on alternare sides oí Mexico's civil struggies oí Che nineteenth century _ Father Hidalgo and Iturbide. Fylor. the liberals Comonfort and Melchor Ocampo. Even Maximilian oí Hapsburg. Thus. to conquistador Pedro de Alvarado and to Che Aztec emperor Moctezuma." and parallels hetween Mexico's evolution and that of Che civilized world were explicitly or implicitly established. Río de la Loza is followed shortly by Auguste Comte. Benito Juárez. 1 will Ilustrare the kind oí work that was accomplished by Chis intelligentsia by referring to a book that was published in English and French by justo Sierra and a team oí illustrious científicos in 1900. Ideologically. was given equal treatment. Mexico Its Social Evolution. The unification oí elites involved taming the nation's war-toro past and projecting Chis freshly rebuilt past finto the present in order to shape a modernizing frontier. rather than in Che anonymous dead produced by civil strife or exploitation. most fundamental strategy followed by Sierra's team was to make Mexico's evolution compiehensible and parallel to that of France. to Jews who were burned by the Inquisition and to priests who were massacred by Indians. hospitals. as is shown by the book's guiding interest in state executions. Anabuac p. Statue of tbe. in order to shape Mexicos image. to readers oí French and English). Even more remarkably.221 Soldicrs used Chis stone to build a rabbit hutch. in Edward E.This mimetic Bardrrii^9 on An tbropala2y 241 . This work is oí special interest not only because Sierra was such a prominent and influential figure in Mexican culture and education. or Che Uniced Statcs (that is. trom "Jane Agnes de la Cruz" ro "William Prieto. This is the subject oí derailed work by Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo.opposite sides during the Conquest). but also because it was printed especially in foreign languages. oj Denth) Teoyaomiqui ( 1861). and courthouses built in Victorian or Che latest Parisian styles were displayed on page alter page. Britain. El libro rojo sought te shape a unified Mexico by acknowledging a shared history of suffering.

Shaping Narralives of Internal Hierarchy. tome 1. and railroad stations fill che pages oí Sierra's book."24 However. the Constitutional Assembly oí the Department oí Querétaro gives a more nuanced account oí che racial question in its state "The wise regulatory policy oí our government has proscribed forever che odious distinctions between whites. libraries. Sierra shows che rapid and impressive development ol courts of law. who cndeavors to show that cach of cite hallmarks ol progress exists in Mexico. Mexicds nacional anthropology has worked hard to curb these tendencies by imaging che parallels between Mexico's development and that of the nations that produce anthropologists who tiavel.166 souls in the prefecture. In a rather simplified way. Without a practical knowledge oí che peoples [los pueblos]. we cannot improve their civilizacion. nor che wants that affect them. luan Estrada in his repon on che Prefectura del Centro oí che state oí Guerrero. hospitals. wliat is paintul is that che remaining 5. en the contrary. schools. The Nacional Preparatory Scbool. The Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística. Sierra'% book spoke oí evolution. town halls. Tylor complamed uf che state ol ahandon of ^Vlcxican education and its suhordination tti a retrograde ehureti lusui Sierra piovided diseussions of che development of Mexican positice scic ice Tvlor smiled ironically at che lack ot actention citar reas given tu Mcxicu's history and patrimony Sierra shows che Nacional Musevm ot ^nthropulogy and che ways in which Nlexicos once contlici toro roces I-mec bcen neacly studied and organizad in it 1inally. nor in order to worsen it but. from justo Sierra. Thus..25 In the lame period (1845). their morality. so does economics prefer to consider their specific condition. Even before che risa oí any solid institucional framework for che development of Mexican anthropology. says that OJf che 25.000 are Indians.°2s We would abstain from making Chis sort of classification [i.. laboratorios. to seek ics improvement.6. courcrooms. 480. 20. racial classification] were it nor trae that just as politics prefers to treat citizens as essential parís of che nation. In chis dialectic between Tylors and Sierras books one can catch a glimpse oí che central role that anthropology has had in Mexico's history.strategy was common aniong tMcxic u's elite literary and scientific cireles of the Belle hpuque. Tylor notcd cite arhitrariness of Mexico's governnient and che lack oí justice and institu tions of social reform. prisons. mixed-bloods. diseussions and writings en roce and en che historical origins oí Mexico's Acoples were constantly deployed in order to orient strategies oí government. nor do they relcaio from uniting with che Indians in their designs to exterminare che HispanoNlexican rase. Figure 1 1. blacks. vol.000 are not educated. and mixed races. We no longer have anything but free Mexicans. while Tylor spoke oí a country that had becn ravaged by revolution. 2. Mexico's oldest scientific periodical (founded in 1839). p. Organizing Governmental Intervention in tse Modernizing Process In addition to shaping and defending the nacional image. and R o n d e r i n g o n A n t h o p o l o g y B o r d e r f r g o n A n t b r o p o l o g y 12 = 243 = . of councils. but it is takcn Lip in a punctual manner by Sierra. and prisons In short. Finely printed photographs of modero hospitals. schools. Mexico's anthropology had from the beginning a role to play in the criticism and organization oí interna) hierarchies. However. one could say ciar the international aspect oí anthropology has the capaciry tu destabilize nationalist images oí Mexico. with no differences among them except those imposed by aptitude and merit in order to select che various destinies oí the republic. their wealth. has many examples of chis. museums. Statistical and population reports that viere drafted in che 1 850s and 1860s ofren carried sections on roce.e. for instante. the authors go en: The congress then proceeds to discuss che qualities and deficiencies not only oí Querétaro's three main roces (Indians. bronzed. ed. Mexico Its Social Evolution.

27 oblivion shall today rige to our hands. Chavero describes Mexico's pre-Columbian past as if it had been waiting underground for his patriotic generation to bring it back to life. a people that was contemporaneous with humanity's infaney:29 Life in [hose days could be nothing but the struggle for sustenance. these thefts escape the action oí justice. and divides Mexican Indians into three types: brown Indians.30 Bordering It is clear from [hese reports that rhere was not a fixed national system of racial composition. A key strategy for chis can be found in Alfredo Chavero's work on pre-Columbian history in Mexico a través de los siglos (1 888). 2. Even 1_dward B. figure 11 J National Museum. And just as nothing linked them to heaven orto an eternal god.. blacks. and similar to the ancient Spartans. showing that Indians are less likely to commit violent crimes than castas or Creoles. vol. che sword of the conquistador and the luto oí the noble lady 2a After claiming the possession of the noble treasures oí the past for his country. A n 1 b i o p o l o g y o n Ant bro p ology 245 = ."26 Statistics from the department of Soconusco in Chiapas in the lame period divided local yaces into ladinos. More [han anyrhing he is a thief. the Otomis were not much better than the blacks: they were a population oí troglodytes who spoke a monosyllabic tongue. while the highest class oí Creoles is circumspect. Statistics supplied by the state of Yucatán for the year 1853 include detailed discussions oí the relationship between race and criminality. so too did they lack any nos tú the earth. a work that develops an evolutionary scheme for pre-Columbian history that implicitly organizes hierarchical relations between the yaces in the present. and all that could have perished in Creoles). but also importan[ distinctions within the Creole race according to levels oí education. and so are not recorded in tire annals oí crime. ir is the Otomis who can be truly called Mexico's first inhabitants. because of their petty nature. Indians. because the Indian race is belittled (apoc(jda). Chavero proponed an evolutionary story for pre-Columbian Mexico. tome 1. from justo Sierra. controlled. These "blue Indians. the colossal Mexican past slept under a blanket oí soil: But our ancient history had been saved. p 488. Salan of the Alonolitbs. either naturally or as a result oí degeneration. he also mentions the black population in the Veracruz region. there was no fatherland [patria) for them. Tylor's classification ol Mexican races reflects Chis. This story had blacks as the initial inhabitants. Families were formed only by animal instinct. Intelligence was limited inside the compressed crania oí those savages . were the troops oí general Juan Álvarez that had overrun Mexico City shortly before Tylor's visit. and blue Indians. and Chis he is without exception. a love that embraces the desire tu preserve oíd memories and ancient deeds just as the great hall oí a walled castle keeps the portraits oí each oí its lords. Indians indulge in petty theft. they are also moved by love oí country. Mexico Its Social Evolution. Thus. Throughout the ravages oí colonial destruction and the revolutions oí the nineteenth century. the classes beneath them can be fractious. and they were "blue" because many of them had a skin disease that orases pigment in large patches..However. One oí the principal tasks oí anthropology as it began to develop in the 1 880s was to put order into these regional hierarchies oí race and to tic them into a vision oí national evolution oí the sort that was so successfully displayed in Sierra's Mexico: Its Social Evolution. and SpanishBorde ring o'. Even if [hese hands he guided more by daring than by knowledge. but that the races. and Lacandones. for although he foregrounds the relationship between Indians. red Indians. and in as many ways as he can However. these blacks were weaker and less well suited to most oí Mexicos environment than the race that expelled them from al] but the torrid tropical zones: the Otomis. hall-castes. The Indian steals." known in Mexico at the time as pintas. For Chavero. However.Mexicans. and even to some extent the specifics oí rheii character varied substantially by region.Correspondingly. and they do so systematically.

che lame and che blind. whar clic nadan has lo gain from it 1 cannot Figure 11. fathom . and ven will see pass by as in some hellish panorama che withered. The people are not the nation here as with us..vulile lit that culmi naced s.i Indians _ thcy were che cunnuu cd peoples ol tliose sello wcre later in therr turra . the Oro mis otrer a valuable perspectirc iruni svhieh lo comprchcnd the condiclan of thc Indians CiLI11TI 11. The contemporary degenerare ' odian rype maps onto and indeed substitutes for rhe missing image of the early and unevolved Otomi. in México a través de los siglos. conquered Because ol this.C haveis s prescnt lar che Otomís acre che India. Sit at the door oí your hotel. Cabeza gigantesca de Hueyápan .S annexation aniong Alexicans: But what che United Stares seants nt iMexico. They were toro apart by invasions without recciving new lile-blood [savia] from che conquerors. ^pologJ =lao= . the deformed. 1. peor.nibi . but only the high and the low. p. and early Nahoa races in figures 1 1. and wirh neither the heart or the hopo ever to attempt to better their condition. he relied tan a drawing oí a contemporary " Indian rype " to portray the ancient Otomi. vol.. U. just as the ancient grandeur oí che Nahoa completes che image oí Mexico 's future as it is being shaped by che científico eliteMoreover. they conipleted one another The images of the Negro . 1 have traveled in Europe and elsewhere.Despite there unpromising hegininga. deep in che humility oí Bordering o t A = 247 rdcris) . Otomi .. there is a striking similarity berween Chavero 's description oí the degraded Otomis and contemporaneous descriptions by foreigners oí che Mexican Indian . There is no middle class.S historian Hubert Bancroft wrote a diary oí his travels to Mexico at the tinte sehen México a través de los siglos seas in preparation . but never have 1 before witnessed such squalid misery and so much oí it. and he makes che following comment regarding the pervasive fears os U. the character oí the Mexican people would be objection enough . and so has put aside the painful image that foreigners still projecred of Mexico in Chavero `s day. ignorant. a tate ahuse appearance seas auctnding tu C llavero. and China Moreover. . servile and debased . If there were nothing else in the way. and inferior peoples desecad and perisla when thcy come finto conraer wirh more advaneed people We sroulcl he wrong to judge che state oí rhe ancient kingdom of Mexico befare che Conquest on che basis of our prescnt-day Indians' [Ti one stroke Chavero has established both the grandeur oí the Mexican past and che kcy to comprehend lis lall. e untemporancous wirh that ot the greate i yilizations ol Lgypt.Sa. che intcriority ol che Otomis did flor deeply star che natian pri ele Instead 1t actually proved uselul to uflderstan el ing eontem poiuiv ras ial hit iarchies 1 ortla' Otomis initia ted ara svoluu oflan nx. For example .8a-c illustrate chis point. and che low are very lose indeed. whereas Chavero used archaeological pieces to portray the early Negro and Nahoa races. che politicians are absolute . Mexico's prehistory and its contemporary momear mapped onto each other.. ah che magnilieent Nahoas.. thcy allow che Mexican to rela- -tivzechSpansCoquetdrimnshweg acionlhstry But did these first peoples acquire any culture ? We are not surprised to find them degraded and almost brutish lin che historical penad . sellar benefit would accrue from adding more terntory. 63. India.

69." This is perhaps not much oí an exaggeration. 66 it was known as "the city oí death. Cabecita de Teotihuarrín. p. 1." was nevertheless the favorite city of the Creoles. diese anthropologists Bordering o n An thro pol oyy 249 = . By creating a single racial narrative for the whole country. little filthy mothers with lude filthy babes. p. in México a través de los siglos. 1. dirty rainment as if the light oí heaven and the eyes of man were equally painful to them.8c. Fernando Fscalante has reminded us that during most of the nineteenth century. debasement. half hidden in their dingy.Tipo otontí. Veracruz.Figure 1 1. grizzly gray headed tren and women bent douhle and hobbling en canes and crutches. to make it defensible vis-a-vis the foreigner. because going there was the best way te) get out oí country. who calls the team oí Mexican intellectuals and politicians who pulled it off "wizards.Sb. The success oí this great concerted effort oí the Porfirian intellectual elite has been discussed by Tenorio-Trillo. Chavero and his generation strived to make Mexico presentable to the patriot. a town that was so plague-ridden that Figure 1 I. and especially to attract foreign allies. vol.32 In the Pace of these devastating impressions. vol. hunchbacks and dwarfs. The special role oí Chavero and other early anthropologists was to suggest a certain isomorphism between the past and the present. in México a envés de los siglos.

the fact that Teotihuacán and the Department of Anthropology of the Secretaría de Agricultura y Fomento were both national symbols did not make them equal. There is also . This is most potently brought honre in the instructions that Gamio gave to bis researchers before they began fieldwork in Teotihuacán: We then suggested to out personnel that they shed the prejudices that can arise in the minds oí civilized and modere men when they come into contact with the spirit.u are inuncnsely popular aetivity in Mexico that had significant grassrouts appeal '. but its people were poor." Gamio also reccived support from Carranza's government even before its final triumph over Villa. The generation of Porhriati anthropologists would use this evolutionary theory as a frame for shaping iA'lexicos imago.Just as important. in severa) of the most distinguished foreign judgments. the suggestion that a number of other nations follow Mexico's example in favor of the well-being and progress of their own people . a strategy that had already been implemented by the authors of México a través de los siglos and the architects of Mexico's exhibit at the Paris World's Fair of 1889. but that they should make every effort to temporarily abandon their modes oí thought. felt that Gamio was the most promising of the young Mexican scholars and invited him to do his doctoral work at Columbia. Camio found a perfect parable for the Mexican nation. exploitation. and sentiments in order to descend in mind and body unti] they molded to the backward life of the inhabitants 38 Bordering o n Anthro p ol ogy 251 = . but rather because La población del valle de Teotihuacán "is a collective work that has national dimensions. the habits and customs of the Teotihuacanos. The valley of Teotihuacán was rich. this strategy involved using hístory te moralize ebout the present. Gamio explains that he puts this compendium of flattering comments into print not asan act of self-promotion . For example. as Guillermo de la Peña has shown. 1 shall only briefly recapitulate Manuel Gamio met Franz Boas when the latter founded the International School of American Archaeology and Ethnology in Mexico City in 1910. but rcvolutionary anthropologists would use it to interv ene direcdy in native communities. who attempts not only to extend the use of an Indian iconography in Mexican publishing and architecture. and its racial and cultural composition (which reflected a fourhundred-year process of degeneration). and to bring a serious engagement with indigenous culture to bear on modern technologies in architecture and cinema. but the current inhabitants had degenerated as a result of the Spanish Conquest. with forging social harmony and promoting civilization Thus. lar Camio. Canijo organized a monumental study oí the population of the Valley of Teotihuacán In San Juan Teotihuacán. and the poor fit between Spanish culture and the racial characteristics of the Indians. which w. 35 The elevation of traditional cultura for the consumption of elite classes was a matter of some controversy and it was often disdained in the restored Republic and during the por)iriato (it can still be controversia) today). for whereas Teotihuacán stood for the nation because of the wealth of its territory. This work is continued and deepened by Gamio. From this position.eould shape the invernal tionuers idt mod erniza ti on whilc upholding a telcology that nade progress and cvulution in integral aspect el Mexican civilization Moreover. Gamio telt that the role oí the anthropologist seas not only to present the past as a vision of a possible future . the ancient city was the sise of astonishing civilizational grandeur. and in 1917 he created the Department of Anthropology of Mexicos agriculture and development ministry. but also to intervene as the enlightened arco of government. the actions of the anthropologists were the actions of the nation itself. when a critic ol 1871 described Guillermo Prietos poetry as "versos chulísimos oliendo a guajolote" (beautiful verses that Borderiuy ^n An1bro pology = 25U = smell of the indigenous terco lar turkey). whose civilization has a lag of four hundred years. a judgment that will undoubtedly satisfy the national consciente.s' Gamios involvement in the revalorizaron of indigenous culture seas part of a long-terco civi lizational process for the Mexican elite. expression. Boas. We advised that they should follow strict scientific discipline in the course of their actions." On the other hand. the setting offered up the raw materials for the presentation of a national aesthetics. the grandeur of its past. Unlikc his Porffrian predecessors. as the arco of science that was best equipped to deal with the management of population . however. Chis was taken as an insult. perhaps. In a prologue to a booklet that published the international reactions to La población del valle de Teotihuacán ." Moreover: The opinions and critica) judgments not only praise the scientific methods that preside over the research brought together in this work and the social innovations and practica ) results that were obtained . the Department of Anthropology was the head of the nation from which the promotion of civilization was to come. but also to adopt an indigenizing aesthetic for enlightened classes. The key figure in Chis development is Manuel ( amio who was so suceesstul that he is generally considerad the "lather" of Mexican anthropology Because Gamio's story is well known.

as a high government oficial leading an official project. a new conquest of the indigenous yace. However. 2. and its practica) use by a revolutionary government was so dizzying that Gamio compared che mission of the Department of Anthropology with che Spanish Conqucsr We believe that uf che aciitude uf governmcnts continues to be of disdain and pressurc against thc indigenous elcment.41 By doing field research. 2. whereas Canijo took these theses and applied them not only to shaping the nacional image. froto Manuel Camio. as a contribution to efforts to bring foreign migrants. Indeed. a railroad station. by creating his own. vol. The combined power of an integrative scientific method. and tourism to Mexico.lni bro1. place 41. ology Figure 1 1. A new road.9b_ Tipo de hombre mestizo del valle de Teotihuacán. their failure will be absolute and i rrevocab Ir.Gamio had lands distributed to peasants. as ir has been in rhe past. yace. but he shared che scientific esrablishment's concerns with racial degeneration_ Figure 11 . went along with quite a challenging and revolutionary set of policies. embodied in anthropology. but also to the art of governing. and by intervening in a direct and forceIul manner in local reality. La población del valle de Teotihuacán. medical facilities. and educational facilities were built. Tipo de hombre indígena del valle de Teotihuacán. These samples froto a series of niug shots illustrare Manuel Canijos concern with race and racial types. he could at once particípate in rhe Porfirian imaging process and hele fashion internal frunricrs. -1owever." censuses.9c. che Portirians did so mainly as parí of an effort tú present Mexico in che international arena. if rhe countries of Central and South America begin.The pioneering works of Alexandra Stern have shown che connections that existed between the work oí Canijo and other "mestizophilic" nationalises and the eugenics movements" ()ne of the aspects of chis relationship that is pertinent here is that the view of che current population as degenerate. the government raised che salary of che arcas tour hundred government employees (mostly employed in che archaeulogical dig and in che various development projects that Gamio promoced) in order to nudge up the salaries that local hacendados paid their peons. plato 48 or eth noli nguists such as Chavero or Pimentel are as interesting as their convergences: both believed in che degeneration of Mexican races alter che Conquesq hoth believed in che grandcur of Mexican antiquities. their failure shall turn inm a tiiumphal suecess. as Mexico has already begun. che disconrinuities between Gamio and Porfirian ethnohistorians Figure 1 19a. plato 50 252 . Tipo de mujer indígena del valle de Teotihuacán. from Manuel Gamio. as having been made to depart from che best developmental possibiliUes of in. from Manuel Gario. foreign investments. and both placed their knowledge in thc service of nacional development.40 Thus. vol. La población del valle de Teotihuacán.4r The similarities and differences between rhe two anthropologicol styles parallel the similarities and differences between che Porfirian and die revolutionary governments: EtorAerinq on . By his recommendation. 2. La población del valle de Teotihuacán. Canijo celebrated indigenous culture and mestizaje. "integral. Gamio had an interventionist role in local society that was entirely different froto that of foreign anthropologists. vol.

for the anthropology that Mexican indigenistas exponed seas a national ant h ropology. Por instanee. We would have thought him superficial and naive. a people who gave great personality to Mexico? The radio host who was interviewing Redfield responded quickly that "the traditional moral structure oí the Mexican people is so strong that not even three centuries oí Spanish domination were able to change it in the least.As the Mexican governments moved from the early proactive stages of the revolutionary period to institutional consolidation in an era of much industrial growth.) anthropologists' interest in alterity and the delicate position of American researchers in Mexico during the Cold War. a renowned sociologist. and the new Musco Nacional de Antropología (1964). "what a destructive animal a Mexican soldier is" being published by IIn rder . foreign anthropologists sought mutually bencficial collaborations. and author oí a number of books about Bordering on Antñro po logy = 255 . geared lo shaping connections betwecn rho ancient pass. but whereas the Porfirian regime placed its ht ts mosdy on din. However. President Miguel Alemán had just taken office. they could adhere to the Indian and reject the moderna or they might further the political interests of their nations at the expense oí the Mexican government. Cmtsolidation o^ . alongside foreign (principally U. one can still argue that the 1968 gencration was correo on this point. the National Universirys Sección de Antropología (1963). which was whether the industrialization oí Mexico would not carry with it a radical change in the mores oí the Mexican people. he could also llave usted the active interest that indigenistas from Gamo and Sainz on showed in exporting Mexican anthropology lo other locations. in the tradition oí John Kenneth Turner's Barbarous Mexico. Fernando Jordán reacted less defensively: If Mr Smith.Even so. the challenge of foreigners was threefold: they could uncover the dark side of modernization. he would have reaffirmed the conception that we have of many oí them. British. or French anthropologist in chis period (which has rather revealingly been labeled the "golden age" oí Mexican anthropology)s Instead. University oí Chicago anthropologist Robert Redfield and two high officials oí the Mexican government (Mario Ramón Beteta and Alejandro Carrillo) were invited to discuss the president's inaugural speech on Mexican national radio. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán was probably right to accuse them in turn of not having rcad the indigenistas closely.vos posible convenience tu torcign capital the revolutionarc ¿. tire Instituto Nacional Indigenista (1949). or else they were as unobtrusive as possible. Fernando Jordán focused on a question that Redfield had raised. the question was raised by Dr. nl An i l . Redfield.43 Aguirre went ahead and named a number of cases of studies that had been done by Mexican anthropologists abroad." However. ro poiogy ?54 In December 1946. Nevertheless. The growing strength oí the Mexican state and the institutional consolidation oí anthropology.S. 1 will briefly exemplify how [hese dangers were perceived in this period by examining two incidents. except for a newspaper article attacking Redfield's position that appeared La Prensa Gráfica. are al¡ factors that conspired to take the sting off oí foreign anthropologists as harsh critics44 It is impossible lo imagine the kind of candid commentary that we read in Tylors book regarding. the Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (1939).l National Anthn'poÍmly When the 1968 generation accusud tMexiean indigenistas of shaping a strictly national anthropology. the position oí anthropology became at once atore institutionalized and less capable of challenging the status quo The period that runs roughly from 1940 into the late 1960s is a time when a nationalist orthodoxy prevailed This is also the time when most oí the great state institutions that house Mexico's large professional establishment were buile the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (1939). They worried about being able to pursue their research interests and about being able lo send students to the fleld. a challenge that is endemie to the very proposition of a nationalized scientific discipline. or any other tourist who had spent one month in our country had raised the lame question. and national modernizing projects.borh were modernizing regimos that seished tu porrray the republie as being led by enlightened and scicntitic vanguards.In this period oí industry and progress. the Instituto Indigenista Interamericano ( 1940). The event generally went off without a hitch. Adams. the orthodoxy oí Mexican official anthropology still faced an external challenge.o^ernments tried m balance their eftorts ro attract loreign investors ansi tupir i onnnrtment tu interna) social and agrarian rclorm This latter formula seas leen ¡ir the twentieth century as the more atiractive and desirahle ¡Ti Mexico a prominent United States. contemporary ethnic or race relations. After reciting Redfield's impressive scientific credentials. Mr. Would industrialization not involve the standardization oí indigenous cultures? Would it not diminish the beauty oí a people that had well-defined ethnic characteristics. a professional ethnologist.

but when foreigners begin to value the traditional over che modero.S.10. it mearas severa) things at rhu same time. Thus Gamio could not be a tate cultural relativist Iike his mentor Franz Boas and still retain his brand oí B o r d e n n y o ra An thro po1ogy =257= . dance. an approach that is committed to modernization and social improvement. As such. The Folk Culture of Yucaton. in maintaining Mexico as a kind oí laboratory or ecological preserve. Foreigo interest in traditional cultures is welcome insolar as it explores the roors and the pocential of the Mexican people. Figure 11.. his thus impossi ble to believe that Redfield's question was foolish or i dl. that Mexico. He tremoles at the thought of seeing the Tehuanae dress. This portrait oí indigenous beauty is the kind of romanticization that Fernando Jordán objected to. We feel that it expresses the researchcr's fear of losing the living lahoratory that he has enjoyed since the days oí Frederick Starr [annther University of Chicago anthropologist]. but hc offers an explanation oí Redfield's true motiven From annther point oí viese.But ir chis is part of Mexico.Mexico and its aboriginal cultures . National anthropology and metropolitan anthropological traditions relied on each other. We should note that Fernando Jordán's osen implicit program for the Indians (and Chis was a journalist seno studied anthropology in the National School and was favoring President Alemán's modernization program) denies anthropology as Redfield understood it The "interna] colonialism" oí li o r d e r i n y u n A n t h r e p 256 = ogy Mexican anthropology could not uphold diversity over progress. He fears that he will no longer be able tu vivisect the Otomi. or Tarahuman cultures. whereas the postcolonial U. The foreign anthropologist is interested in exoticizing Indians. Tzotzil. by Frances Rhoads Morley. being replaced by the overal[ that is necessary ora the shop (loor or the wide pants needed in agri culture He is expressing his ideal oí stoppi ng our natiods evolution in orden ro preserve the colorful miscrv of our Indians. and through the survivals of preHispanic cultures and the "folklor'ic' misery el indigenous people. and given che u-ajeete ry oí American anthropologists. But in that case what does it mean? In our vi ese. or insofar as it adds its efforts to the practica] guidelines set by governmental projects. or the 'curious'' i ags of the Huichol. and not in solving the countrys pressing social and economie problems. what we have is a pernicious forro oí colonialism. Nahua. his opinions and research ideals should be rejected in favor of a more interventionist approach. it is not Mexico i tsell. Redfield's question can be finte rprcted in a differen1 way. a misery diat will provide material for a series oí books-most of which are soporific-in which the concept of culture will be represented by a set oí isolated and static "ethnie" attributes that Nave no 'elation to rhu Indiads dynamisni. for che scholar. from Robert Redfield. It was also a source oí friction between Robert Redfield and Oscar Lewis in their diverging portrayals oí Tepoztlán and of poverty. Untitled photograph of a Moya woman. and it is not what our nation wishes tú preserve- Jordán is shocked that a 1amous sociologist could replicare the superficial opinions oí a tourisc. 104. only has a proper ¡o. ni when it is viewed through the kaleidoscope oí native eosttune.. or European anthropologist could not intervene directly in Mexico. but they also denied each other. and thus had a vested interest in diversity.

at the time of the Olympic Games. and Lewis published the third edition of Tbe Cbildren of Sánchez with a prívate publisher. that has surfaced on occasion in recent B = o rdrriny o ti An ibrop o l o9y = 258 259 .vear jail sentence becausc it incited to social dissolution. because they saw in the Society's attack che hand oí the govermnent trying to keep all eyes off oí the destructive effects of Mexican modernization. punishable with a twenty. A<n 1 b r o p o l o 4 y = Much of che Mexican intelligentsia rallied to the cause oí Oscar Lewis at this point. Thus. and with those who studied the wrong end oí che acculturation process. che author. then these tendencies were all che more menacing. including some anthropologists such as Ricardo Pozas. Conclusion: The Exhaustion of a National Anthropology? 1 began chis chapter by noting che sense of estrangement. therefore. the rejection oí [hese foreign works was also a way oí reining in work done by Mexicans.i:. the project oí Mexicans studying the United States has not yet come to fruition_ The very idea of a national anthropology runs against it: what would a book by a Mexican en the United States be used for? Unless. pretty much what the official attitude to the 1968 movement boiled down to: student unrest was creating a poor image oí Mexico abroad precisely at che time when the nation was on display. off of urban poverty.4exican reactions to che publication oí Oscar Lewis's Cíldren of Sdecbez ( 1964) were even more severe than they were to Five Families." and which more or less served to demarcate che limits of mainstream Mexican anthropology. with a little cl che misery in which so many families live. it were a book about Mexicans in the United States. rests on cpistemological conditions that run decper than mere patriotic rejection or language barrters- 3 Thc book was detaniatory of Mexican institutions and of the . Moreover. 4 The book veras subvcrsive and anti . It was never my intention to hurt Mexico or Mexicans because 1 have so much affection for them . oí course.ecm cxcellent to mc and others very negative But even in tire good unes 1 lee] there is some resentment of che fact il was a North Amercan. in fact. 1 had nade it up. that is.Mexican way of lile.revol ut i otra ry and violated Article 145 of che \Icxiean Consti tution and was . a Mexican anthropologist doing the Americans' job for them47 There was no possible symmetry of che sort imagined by Lewis in bis welLmcaning but also slightly disingenuous comment. 1 regret it very much if I havc offended some Mexicans with my work. There is no public in Mexico. tulle approve of che bewildering variety oí applicd proiccts that (. 1 have even offered assistance in getting grano for them. In a letter to Vera Rubín. had a tense relationship both with anthropologists who might romanticize Indians to the degree oí rejecting modernization. and 6 Oscar Lewis was an FBI spy attempting to destroy Mexican institutions^s For exaniple. 5 The Fondo de Cultura Económica. a gringo. who had heen highly critical of Five Families. I l o r d r r i u g o . afrer the publication of thc Spanich-language edition of Fi ve Pernil ics in 1961 Oscar 1 c wis rcnarkcti Some oi thc A1cxica nj tevIew^ c<I 1 11. and the book were all cited for action bv che Geography and Statistics Society to the Mexican Attorney Geneials Ofhce. and betwcen Mexican and LLS aiithropologies in particular. . Arnaldo Orfila.°e Nevertheless. Mexico's most prestigious publisher. flor troulcl h<ta. This was. 2 The Sánchez family did not exist. and even Mexicans. Lewis summarized che attack that the Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística mounted against bis book: 1 Thc book was obscene beyond all limits of human decency. If che anthropologists doing the work were American. no institutional backing for this product. which would then be destined to be either an erudite curiosity.armo likecl to iuggle As a result. The implications oí [hese two cases are clear. or w(jrsc. Many times 1 huye suggested that it would be good if some Mexican anthropologists would he willing to Icave tlieir Indians for a while and come to my country to study che ncighhorhoods ol New York. Chicago or of Che South. or about American interests in Mexico. The whole set of views that in Mexico carne to be called "officialist. that is.applred anthropology.. che degrce oí mutual ignorante that is t olera te d bc twcen these t ra di ti ons generally. che great Argentine editor and then director oí the state-owned Fondo de Cultura Económica. Nevertheless. che threat of a scientific indicmient ot Mexican modernization by foreign scientists remained. La m. the unhappily modernized end. was Torced to resign from bis post. of being condemned to eterna] repetition. who has acquainted the world. and . work that could he seen as unpatriotic or as bookish and irrelevant.

there are causes oí substance that restrict the relationship between national anthropology and its metropolitan counterparts. This development oí the anthropological function gained much prestige from the revolutionary government's capacity te Figure 11 1 I The Sánchez Family. De eso que llaman antropología mexicana was still. There is a useful corollary of Marx's Eightcenth Brumaire that 1 think can be usefully applied here. has involved a "theoretical inclination. writing the governor's speeches. the sense that Mexican academic anthropology will always be confined to its preexisting public. however. Even today it is conceived as a specialization in particular Border. in Oscar Lewis. However. and intellectual leaders at least have had direct connections with the most prominent leaders oí the international field." However." Each has looked to the international field for inspiration or for authority. moins c'est la méme chose" (the less things change. because anthropologies that are devoted to national development must consistently choose modernization over cultural variation. a version oí a national anthropology: "Our anthropology has been indigenista in its themes. years-the sense that anthropology in Mexico is destined te take its place inside a government office. is that once theoretical inspiration is channeled into the national anthropology model. that Gamio was the founder oí the Departamento de Asuntos Indígenas. This atavistic sensation is. or presenting a dignihied face for the tourist. for the relationship between these two sorts oí anthropologies has more often been one oí mutual conveniente than oí true dialogue. and the disaggregation of communities. each oí the major moments oí Mexican anthropology. the uneasy feeling that nags the student oí Mexican anthropology when she realizes that Francisco Pimentel was a high official in Maximilian's court. regulating the population. and director oí the Instituto Indigenista Interamericano. that Caso was founding director oí INAH and ENAH. that Aguirre 13eltrán was director oí INAH. undersecretary oí education. dialogue with the international community gets reduced to conversations with arca specialists at best. The Sánchez distribute land and to mediate in labor and land disputes. in the stages that I have outlined. but argued for a more theoretically inclined anthropology. The pattern oí absorption oí Mexican anthropology by the state is in some respects quite diffcrent today from the times when anthropology had a central role to play in national consolidation. that Arturo Warman is Minister of Agrarian Reform . In fact. as 1 have shown in detail. p. unwittingly state relations with certain middle-class sectors than to the need for anthropologists as on Antbropology A 260 = 261 . In 1968 there was momentary awareness oí the conceptual and political confinement that was embedded in "national anthropology. tamily opens a vista to the underside of modernization crowded living. the less they remain the same). 213. to the anthropology that blossomed alter 1968. nonetheless to some degree a false une. The multiplication oí state-funded anthropological insritutions in the 1970s and 1980s seemed to respond more to the growth oí the educational apparatus and 13ordering The year 1968 marked a watershed for Mexican national anthropology because the student movement reflected a shift in the relative importance oí Mexico's urban population. The apparent paradox. from the científicos to the revolutionaries. From there. Correspondingly. there is a distinct sense oí exhaustion oí the possibilities oí the national anthropology paradigm: it began with the task oí fashioning a credible national image that could do the work oí harnessing the transnational machinery oí progress. national anthropology complemented this task with an active role in the management oí the indigenous population (which in the early twentieth century could mean a concern with the vast majority oí the nation's rural population). Fina Families. to a national public that carel only about the solution to the "Great National Problems". the magníficos and others no longer called for absorbing Indians loto the nation. that Alfredo Chavero was the president oí the Sociedad de Amigos de Porfirio Díaz. Moreover. and they must balance studies oí local culture with a national narrative that shapes the institutional framework oí the fieid. unhygienic conditions. The existente oí certain highly visible anthropologists in government masks the relative decline oí the political significante oí national anthropology for the Mexican state. which could he something like "moins ca change.. promiscuity.

h. to intcrprct its materials in an isolated lashion i tu sí nú in exp ttsisc niumcnt 111. parochialism.. Bo rletin^ o. usefully disturbing categories such as Indian and mestizo.crtOs s retained che sense oí the national m-hsdc that was indispcmablc boite to nretropolitan traditions and m. An ti2to po lagq =2i. Not surprisin Iv tlien che hnl phasc ol Rlcaican nacional anthropology 1'icOs -hOs s. and co-optation by che state as indtjenisino liad been Today there is no longer a viable way oí isolating tire nation as che anthropologist's principal political and intellectual object. roud:n 1 r. theoretical sterility. however. in otherwords. lo¡ che anthropology of those years liad to rcinvent a nation that no longer liad an indigenous baseline but was still centered on taking conunand ot projects oí national development. Despite the ample justification for a nationalist reaction to current trends in Mexico. civilization.`'" By emphasizing che comparativa methoct 111050. Lnligenun u is atumizin. In. and it t. despite its obvious ideological appeal.2= =263 = .1t liad a number oí things ¡Ti common with the hcad} days ol C atnio. rejednl ibe compara tive ntetbod t n t i lbe global w:alysu o l ti. id.t. Bonfil explored the characteristics of che Mesoamerican tradition in the contemporary setting. The cal] tú develop a holistic and coniparative study oí "che societies in which Indians participate" was thereforejust as prone to the vices of bureaucratization. che liolistic prentiscs that werc lato c riticized hy Appadurai and others. the "deep" versus "artificial" imagery stands on very shaky sociological ground and therefore is an ineffective political alternative.a Ími oro particip rte.Mexican nationallst anthropology Thev retained. and another. 12 Provincial Intellectuals and the Sociology of the So-Called Deep Mexico In an eloquent book that quickly became Mexico's best-selling anthropological work. and then proceeded to show how that civilization has been shut out or marginalized from Mexico's dominant civilizational scheme. and thus his analysis feeds directly into today's political debates. and Mexican anthropology has to diversify its communitarian horizons and rcinvent itself. Western and capitalist. .problcros. His book calls for che reassertation oí the Mexican tradition in the critical contemporary moment. My argument with Bonfil's book is not merely academic.. Guillermo Bonfil portrayed Mexican reality as an overlay oí two opposed civilizations: a subordinated civilization that stems from the millenarian agrarian culture oí Mesoamerica and that has a variegated set oí locations and permutations in contemporary Mexican society. México profundo (1987). The image oí a deep versus an invented Mexico is a key trope in a specific kind oí nationalist language that stems from a justified rejection of the social and cultural impact that multinational capital has had on Mexican society.iolo!ion.

while it simultaneously claims the moral preeminence oí rhe local tradition over the grand narratives of capitalism and socialism. 1 quote from an article by Geoff Eley who. usually nationally recognized intellectuals or pohGcians.Access is guaranteed ro all cirizens. These forms oí exclusion have been denounced both as a rather subtle form oí racism and as infernal colonialism. Bonfil does not offer a detailed formulation oí Che dialectics that have existed between so-called tradition and modernity since rhe inception of a modero mentaliry in Che late eighteenth centupy or since the inception of capitalism in rhe sixteenth century One worrisome conseque rice ol Chis shortcoming is that the political application oí Che "deep versus invented imagery must ultimately rely on a system uf reflned discrim ina tions wherein certain privileged subjects. The question is.ciel Inirll. economy. and by studying their nature and contexts we can understand why some social groups have no voice in national public opinion.i There is a sense in which BonhI's civilizational approach is merely a refashioned inversion of Che modero st trope of tradition versus modernity. an appeal that undoubtedly stems from the ascertainable fact that large sections of Mexico's population are and Nave historically been shut out oí the national puhlic sphere.' 1 have chosen a rural and semiperipheral arca to initiate Chis geography. while at rhe same time they are at least successful in indicating and denouncing profound rifts in Mexican society. but that is bankrupt as a viable political formula roday However. sharing premises with formulations such as the Chinese road to socialism" or "the japanese way to progress. that. both politically and culturally. 1 shall interrogare Che history oí distinction and community representation in localities from the municipio oí Tepoztlán. In small towns it is also easy to specify some oí Che difficulties that aspiring intellectuals face in that process. Definitions Provicrial lnie llrc taats 265 = . following Habermas. Morelos. however. From un analytic perspective. They have been "muted. In sum. Intellecruals and forms oí puhlic discussion depend on and reflect the geography oí cultural distinction. A portion of the public sphere comes finto being in every conversation in which privare individuals assemble to form a public body. Because it cannot extract Mexico from Che world capitalisi system. how can we provide a wcll-grounded sociology oí these processes oí political and communicative exclusion? Conceptually. 1 hopo to help develop Che rudiments oí a geography oí intellectuals in Mexico's national space. the challenge that we face involves understanding Che ways in which the national space is articulated. says: By "Che public sphere " we mean first oí al] a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed . because oí their varying size. not likc members of a constitucional order subject to ent sorts oí places and the major transformanons that regional and national systems have undergone 1 propose to meet Chis challenge by focusing in Chis chapter on the geography oí two interconnecred social categories: intellectuals and public spheres Specifically. represent different niches of Morelos's regional political econorny." and are correspondingly absent from Che dominant forums of political discussion and public debate and Nave little access ro Che media of publicity. locarion. Che very case widi which 1 Nave formulated this criticism may obscure Che intuitive appeal of rhe imagery of a deep versus an invented Mexico. For Che first term . are placed in a position of interpreti ng Che true national sentiment." Ir can be read as a cal] for pragmatic accommodations berween local forros of social organization and grand strategies for progress and indust vial i zar ion. che various and diverse forms of political representation and discussion that exist in differProoi r. because insuch regions one can discern Che contexts for Che emergente oí persons who can articulare local senriment to state discourses and vice versa. 1 wish to exemplify how a fine-grained analysis oí the dynamics oí cultural distinction in a small region helps us to understand the ways in which local publics are articulated to a national public. "deep" and "artificial are images that re-creare an obsolete and unpromising forro of nationalism. They then behave neither like business or professional people transacting privare affairs. and position in tire state's administrative hierarchy. It is only by specifying these mechanisms that we can at once criticize tire current political and social systeni and avoid a simple primordialist nationalism that offers little promise oí efficacy and many political dangers. io be sure. By looking at Che historical development oí ?hose communities' internal mechanisms of representation. ctuals 264 = I wish to begin by clarifying my usage oí two terms : pubiicspbere and intellectuals. a nationalism rhat had many positivo aspects. Che "deep Mexico" image tends to re-creare or revitalize Che sort of authoritarian nationalism that was characteristic oí the period of growth ander import substitution.

and will proceed from diere to the municipal seat.ind . at freeelom nl .ntnetecnth ccntulo There was some basis lor gami ng greater prosperity in those communities through politics.' and who therefore usurp the Icadership of a culture community-'" Thus we are concerned with two dimensions. and privately controlled plots oí communal land were registered for the first time in 1857. intellectuals and Ibe Representation of (onmtunity in Morelos The Hamlets For most oí their colonial and modern history. and interna) rifts probably reflected divisions between families who aspired to those central positions. inhabitants oí the hamlets in the municipio oí Tepoztlán have peen parí of a single class . in the case oí Tepoztlán there is evidente that haciendas encroached on the municipio shortly after independence' In fact. 1 begin with a discussion of the hamlets. It is possible that hacendados oí that period either wanted to force more laborers to work for wages or. death. rent latid froni Spanish hacendados or ranehers.a of the puhlic sphere.° However. rai ii1el 266 = . people adopted Spanish last names en masse.. the representation oí communities. Moreover. the most substantial cases oí corruption in Tepoztlán's history all occur in the Villa of Tepoztlán and not in its dependent hamlets (sujetos). thosc whu reeelve . starting in 1856 with the creation oí the civil registry. which are small nucleated villages that surround the municipal cabecera and that were.1uon rc luu as spcu llc nteatu tur transmitting tnlormauon and 1ntl uc lit. villagers were forced to Although we know little about the expansion oí haciendas in earlynineteenth-century Morelos since John Womack's view was first contestad.u1 'tuuc: ol ge ns-ntl inturest. As for the seconcl terco l have. for example. much as they do today.8 On the other hand.hese alcaldes ntay occasionally have pocketed son te inoney in their mediations with tire cabecera and..trnmd May Wchers definition of intellectuals to be the ntost usetul tor nto purposes here. diere were no economic elites in the hamlets' Inhabitants were peasants. inhabitants of those villages that bordered en hacienda lands were possibly more latid-hungry in the nineteenth century than they liad been earlier.d 1 A are d e ntcd. P rorillucrl 1atellectu 267 = Pr0vln. Amatlán. Thus. Local latid bases were mcager. and 1 Nave found not one Spaniard. n. In the hamlets.' They were thus centrally located and deeply identified with local society.han they in toro charged for candles and wax pi esented to the church. radio a1•. and San Andrés de la Cal (all oí the municipio oí Tepoztlán). quite simply. the political equivalent oí the old Indian alcalde was now named by the municipal presidents to the post oí ayudante municipal and received no reniuneration. and there are documents that sugges t that . they were also involved in animal husbandry and in selling wood to nearby haciendas and ranches.¡. political bosses gained their positions because oí their centrality in a kinship network: they were elected from and by the local elders. oí a single culture. for Weber once defined intellectuals as "a group ol nten vvho by virtue oí their peculiarity have special access tu certain achicvements considered to be'culture values. 1 roshum-tira. . and the hamlets oí Santo Domingo. Local inhabitants were no longer legally classified as "Indians" then. and marriage reatrds found in the local parish (starting in tic carly seventeenth cenrury and continuing wtth come interruptions into the mid. In a large pldslic liudo 11111 klnd ul 1111nmnti.. Villagers paid tribute to tire Marquesado del Valle. occupied almost exclusively by peasants and farro laborers.. particularly. in their organization oí cooperative efforts for the cabeceras church and church lestivities: some alcaldes paid villagers less . 'rv . with the guara. oí specific culture values.. which was until recently a peripheral agricultura) town and is a seat oí municipal power (cabecern). The post of alcalde carried with it exemption from tribute payments. This situation changed only in certain respects with independence. During the whole colonial period.. that they felt that che chaotic political situation at the nacional and regional leve) allowed them to get away with invading Indian communities. t 1]tzcns behave asa publie b. and the cultural values chal can he suf licientiy difficult to acquire and sufficien tly iniportant to authorizc one ndividual's representation while di sauthori zi ng anothers^ Because intellectuals as we define them here are concerned with the representation oí communities hy virtue. sst r 1 nr. and for some years also sent workers to tire mines at Taxco and Cuautla under the repartimiento system oí corvée labor.the legal cutis train tc ol a s tate buteaut rae.!v when thee ennfcr in an 11 n1(e)r111. or anyone using the tide of "Don" or Doña registered in the birth. an understanding oí local-leve) intellectuals necessarily requires a look at local systems oí class and cultural disti ncti un. the ejido latid that was given back to Tepoztlán after the revolution in 1927 was a restitution for this postindependence land invasion.t Today newspapcrs and maga-roes. ng. and then again in 1909. 1 will discuss localities that correspond roughly tu two major types of places in the region oí Morelos: the village oí Tepoztlán.. until recently.n and thc Ircedom to express and puhlish lhcir opl nio hs -aP=.

However. if they are working in the United States or Callada ). ...1950. and the history oí cultural disti nction en the other .'° Interestingly. and the xintetes (lizards) en the western side. . who had opened the communal forests to commercial exploitation in order to pay for the road that allowed motor vehicles and electricity to come up to the town for the first time. for thesc villages were al] highly endogarnous . In the early 1980s. 10 Moreover. In my own ethnographic work in the municipio in the late 1970s and the early 1 990s. now pitted "conservative' factions-who sought to maintain communal land. while land that was not arable retained its communal status. the liberal agenda behind policy changes . However. when inhabitants of some oí the hamlets reccived lands in restitution for what the haciendas had taken a century carlier. forest . for. 1 learned that there is a discourse on "respect" that is often generated when one interviews a person. with agrarian reform. the Representante de Bienes Comunales. Many people who want to reaffirm their right to represent the community to the outsider. the villages began producing a few schoolteachers oí their own. there is implicit acknowledgment of the other's authority." This was .Resistance against selling large tracts oí private lands to outsiders remains a factor even today . these two factions were identified in spatial terms with two sides oí the village. in interviewing someone. We can understand a little more about the social spaces that were available to aspiring intellectuals in these hamlets by looking at recently generated ethnographic information. Santo Domingo was divided into two factions.On the other hand . the registration oí plowable l ands as private property in fact simply formalized the arrangement that existed in die colonial period . Starting in the 1950s. and water resources intact-against progresistas ( or "modernizers "). who justified compromising some oí these resources or even consuming them entirely. the category oí "intellectual" would be very problematically applied in Santo Domingo: local cultural values were not susceptible to being controlled or monopolized. The reasons why this factionalism between conservatives and progresistas could be made to coincide with a spatial division oí the whole village can be found in the relations oí kinship and patronage around the political leader-whole core oí support was mainly near his own residente. Now. and each side was known by an animal narre: the tecolotes (owls) were en the eastern side. etc. was somewhat different in the hamlets than in the municipal seat. and a new local official. Schoolteachers who worked on and off in these places were hired irregularly by local families and stayed even more irregularly. None of the hamlets ever had a resident priest. Communal tenure was also officially reinstated . and finto the mid-twentieth century. two new economic groups have emerged. was charged with ovcrsccing in assembly that made all decisions concerning local communal lands. These policies were reinforced alter 1927 . and there seem to have been communal policies not to se]] local lands to outsiders . Major political divisions . which in the hamlets have always been linked to competition between major families .). These factions are common both ro the municipal cabecera at Tepoztlán and to all oí the hamlets . but rather with social centrality within the hamlet or with personal ties tu Tepoztlán's municipal president. the ministry oí education's placement policy works against hiring nativos in local schools-at least in the early stages oí a teacher's career. In the decades following the introduction of che first industries in the region.. it is difficult to ascertain whether or not those changes had a significant impact either en community or on local society in the nineteenth century.if they live in Mexico City or Cuernavaca-or seasonally. and this was reflected in the issue of intellectuals and the intellectual representation of communities. as land developers have discovered en more than one occasion . The registration oí lands would seem to point to a tendency for a weakening of communal links in favor oí the formation a " prívate sphere " and its corresponding inhabitant : the "citizen. and political mediators who acquired new significante in the processes oí connecting the villages to modero life ( in the construction of the villages road. and they could not lord their knowledge over anyone without losing their capacity to represent that person. internal community differentiation does not seem to have grown during this period . The people who had gained the respect oí the entire community had done so en a strictly consensual basis. and the posts oí ayudante and-after 1927-of communal lands representative were not particularly associated either with literacy or with intellectual leadership (although reading was always an asset). and the faction that opposed him. 11 In sum. beginning in the mid . in any case . the hamlets were socially quite homogeneous during the whole colonial period. out-migrants who retain local ties (returning either en weekends . ^nals 268 = . up to this point. one that had sided with a modernizing Presidente de Bienes Comunales. in bringing schools and electricity. However. There are no known local intellectuals from these villages for the preindustrial period. Provincial ( ntellece als 269 l ror'.al i li t. in exchange for the advantages and comforts of progress and civilization. the specific connection between conservative and progresista factions en the one hand .

Because oí the fact that curing is seen as a gift that is magically revealed. A healer oí this kind who operated in Yautepec in the 1980s. earned roughly the equivalent oí three months oí minimum wages each working day. by touching lightning.nionnants v. These curanderos are al] members of the peasant communit and they are usually not devoted exclusively to their curing powers: the money or species that they get from healing complements what they caen from farming. curanderos tdentilied closely with local factions. or by ingesting psychotropic substances near a cavewhere los aires dwell-and finding healing powers there. Moreover. positions of l eadership and access to knowledge were 1imited to a certain circle of people. wages. it is always consensual. he will be called a witch by his political enemies and in chis way his authority to represent the communiry gets subsumed under the power oí a political faction. It is only in the second case.'te c¡si dise uvcrs who vou Nave been talking to. whose power and effectiveness for both good and ovil purposes are contrasted with those from nearby villages and hamlets.. and 1 greet everyone There is no one scho doesn i n. howevec the only roles that involved controlling cultural values that were not easily accessible to the whole age group were those of healer (curandero) and witch (brujo). This is probably why it is so con]mon in the Mexican countryside to fiad people claiming that they have curandera in their village. in Borne factionalized villages. and they can charge very steep prices." When authority is based on respeto. Within those circles. or one could acquire power by revelation. Having good or evil powers over health and the body was traditionally seen as being available to people by. or sometimes even national and international. and witchcraft accusations tlowed between them_ In other words. he or she will only very oecasi o nally be successful in "usurping the representation oí a culture communit. In sum.t' 1 tu turra Nave been told that 1 Lwi . schooling has hecome another way of acquiring some scarce cultural values. but witches These professionalized healers or witches have clients from the hamlets (people who were not cured by their local healer. In the hamlets. These healers sometimes live in larger towns. One was that of the local politician. under her ami is destined tu hecome a person of knowledge. there is no socially standardized route that leads to this posta on of knowledge.ti pulling his leg. or who mistrust the local healer because oí his or her connections to possible enemies) or from other healers. Since the 1950s. localities have one or more curanderos. reputations. and who was much sought after by Tepoztecans. one of two means: either one is born with a calling (it is said in Santo Domingo that a child who is born with a morral.pee t me and so on However it sometimes happens that when somc^. when the curandero renounces the active pursuit oí political power for himself. connections between the knowledge of curanderos and political power can be quite problcmatic. that the curandero can become a successful local intellectual.pens me That's heeause 1 respeet evers one I-veryone knosas mc inri greets inc. .ueis It ie Indo wonder that Oscar Lewis's iniormanis told him that kedlields mani i nlormant had a head full of air are almost exclusively found in the town next dooe On the other hand. twins too are believed to be born evith these powers). the small peasant hamlets oí Morelos traditionally had only two social roles that could successfully amass knowledge that was not available to everyone. whose mediating position in the power network made him privy to information and Provincial ln tellec tua ls 271 = 270 . and I know that it has been said that 1 spoke tt.arad especially to ara educated outsider hogin or end their parley by saying somcthing like "In [his tosen es eÍv-one n. he orshe proceeds tl) dise edit the individual in question and to svarn you about taking hico seri. curanderos often uy tu disengage themselves from local iufighting for feas that they may eventually be isolated as witches. and their sustained connections to local communiry factions are often tenuous. either curandero power is closely associated with political power and can be used as ara instrument oí it. mueh with a mara who is not even a "real Tepozteco. The greater degree of commercialization oí their practices also tends ro separate them from local politics: they have a clientele they cater to in exchange for money. con]posed usually of married men. but schooling also tends to lead one out oí the communiry and finto skilled urban jobs or bureaucracies that Nave very few local institutional spaces. There is a second leve) oí healers who Nave regional. the whole organization oí curanderismo as a system of knowledge is spatially simple and not amenable te) building a bureaucratic or quasi-bureaucratic hierarchy. or pouch. as well as from their local cities and elsewhere. either through possession by los aires. The knowledge that healers and witches Nave is thought to he revealed in dreams or in conversations with plants or spirits In other words. like Santo Domingo during the 1970s and early 1980s. or small-scale commerce. and if au intellectu al pases his or her authority exclusively on respeto. or else the curandero seeks ro be disassociated from political identification and use bis or her knowledge for the benefft of any taller If the curandero uses his art to gain worldly power." An intellectual whose basis is strictly consensual can never be prof essiona 1 ized.e. and often oí married men with ma ny grown brothers and sisters or children.

Don Felipe has promoted che idea that the preColumbran prrest-god Quetzalcoatl was boro in Amatlán. bot they have no reliable quotidian mechanism for having their voices heard in the nacional or regional public sphere. several monks. Don Felipe teaches schoolchildren the Mexican national anthem in Nahuatl." which offers tours to visir a famous local curandera. and who is eonfronced with a tough choice: either to subsume his or per powers under [hose of interna) factional and political divisions. o ora che other side. the hamlet of Amatlán notr has an intellectual. renamed "Amatlán de Quetzalcoatl. more oí a platform for generating its own that was not necessarily accessible to all. which can be glossed simply by saying that the hamlcts had no local intellectuals who could effeccively mediare between the local community and state or prívate institucions. a schoolteacher who married into [ce village and who has been the most active Nahuad revivalist in [own. which always had greater interna] cultural distinctions [han its politically dependenthamlets and. because representation gained through respeto can be taken away at will. there is no local basis for any privileged intellectual representation oí che community and. oí whom there appear to have been three or four families at any one time. and through che conimunal lands representative. and invented a 'Tiesta de Quetzalcoatl" celebrating Quetzalcoatl's birthday. Don Felipe also sold a plot oí land to an investor who built the village's first hotel and restaurant: "La Posada de Quetzalcoatl. held on the las[ Sunday oí May. and a naturalist diet. rhe regional promotion of tourism. Because Tepoztlán was che seat oí a pre-Columbran polity. he undermined Don Felipe's legitimacy as a representacive oí local sociery by saying. unpretentious manner. until che mid-eighteenth century. it has meant that newly educated individuals who reside locally can also indulge in chis sort of approprration For example. However. Solemnity and respect ac che community leve) are only achieved by representing group ieclmg in a low-key. whose powers are not believed to be reproducible at will. the values that need to be cultivated co gain respect within the community involve a kind of humility that Gmits che capacity of a respected man to serve an artieulatory function for any extended period of time. When a friend of mine asked a young man about his partieipation in the fiesta. as well as a convent that housed at least one prrest and. Recently. following the industrialization and urbanization of much of Morelos. who presided over che whose jurisdiction (including che hamlers). che population density olí che village and the availability oí some land r u thejurisdiction attracted Spanish settlers. Any attempt at monopolizing such a representation by an average person is susceptible to mockery and ridicule. we perceive che emergente oí a system oí interna] cultural difference in Amatlán-a difference between [hose who are keyed in to local history as a way oí refashioning the relationship oí the locality to che national state (and thereby to tourism and other forros oí investment) and those who are not. what is much woose. in these hamlcts there has usually been a large extent of democracy ti. tradicional temaxcal baths. and a local ethnic reviva) that has been produced by intensified economic dependence en cities and on wages. che cultural homogeneity of che hamlcts produced a kind oí paradoxical effeco on one side. First. 15 n Provincial Intellectuals 273 . Not content with these accomplishments. Tepoztlán had an Indian governor. thats justa fiesta de Don Felipe"' (Don Felipe's fiesta) In chis example. through schoolteachers." and now dons a polychromed cement statue oí che god nextto the town's basketball court. it made che inhabitancs of che hamlcts easily available to stereotyping by outsiders. Consequently. had two sorts oí effects. che forro of town meecings and discussions-a firm basis for che representation of che col lecrivity-coexisting with a very narrow platform for the formation of profession al intellectuals. nce hamlcts had an inordinately open forum oí local discussion and debate-as other ethnographers who have worked in these sorts of places have recognizcd. consequently. che hamlers were always vulnerable to representations by individuals who had agendas that were not constructed in local public discussion This fact. Moreover. it was made into an administrative center in che colonial period. Intellectuals and the Representation of Community in the Cabecera This situation was never che same in agrarian poluta) and market centers such as the village oí Tepoztlán. che cultural values chal have been accessible to all in che village have not been thc ores that allow access co che mediated national pub'lic sphere. Amatlán was officially declared by che state of Morelos to have been the birthplace oí Quetzalcoatl. In addition to chis. so his project has met with success. Thus. There is a happy eoincrdence between Don Fclipes nativism. che other was che healer or witch. it is still che case that the local assembly and public sphere are politically connected to che outside through the ayudante. Because of chis. Second in che ntost recen[ period. "Oh. orto withdraw trom political and factional affairs as much as possible.

was founded on the Spanish notion oí lineage. oí José Diego Tlalnepantla. Thus. tontos (fools) and correctos (proper people). they hecame deft at the ways oí che Spaniards. and in axis ot wealth and poseer 10 Indian governors in this arca. foreigners. chere were large barrio families that were mainly but not exclusively connected through che paternal line. 1 Nave no education.d." The Prc'p. and Spanish commoners who cante co the New World sometimes transformed their place oí origin inio a las[ name that became the inicial point oí such a Iinc. tended ro come from a single family. the response will sometimos be something like "1 don'[ know anything. f-iowever these house-sitos could nos funccion strictly as a paternal last name for the purposes oí honor and lineage because-although the preferred form oí residente alter marriage is and was patrilocal-there always has been some neolocal as weil as uxorilocal residence alter marriage. is more informative iban Oscar Lewis thought.e.One could not speak publicly if une was a "nobody. some Indian governors sought to create a Iine. Thus. 1 am foolish" In chis light. married Spaniards. In contrast to chis.cs.. horses. clic ncher mcnihcrs nt che Rojas family spoke and wrote Spanish as cee11 as Nahuatl roda hol. who has studied Indian governors in the Valley oí Mexico. the image oí a line or lineage among most Indians was difficult to maintain. ironically. The ensuing lack of familial honor was sure to disauthorize chal person's speech and had che effect oí blending che individual into an urban mas." The only local intellectuals that could access privileged cultural values and use them to represent the community were either those listed in out discussion oí che hamlets (i. and their constructed rootedness in che Indian community by way oí the Spanish notion oí lineage. when a censos taker or a local inhabitant wantcd lo specify which José Diego was being referred to. lived [Ti che center oí town. In other words. .. or who had on sorne occasion served Chrlscendom was o¡ ten critica) for claiming noble status. the possession oí a last name often indexed chis distinction.). This family and a couple oí others rook on many markers oí cultural and ethnic distinction. with al] oí their intrinsic limitations) or che priest and the teacherPronlnC. the house name could not function as a reliable marker oí lineage. and civilization was also adopted within the indigenous sphere by che Indian governors. hut rather were baptized with compouncl first narres. whose representation oí the indigenous community. the language oí distinction through blood. José Diego Limontitla. AII mediation was in che hands oí che Indian governor. for tonto in this contexi is someone who is not authoiized to speak publicly someone who is incapable of holding a cultivated conversation with an outsider.i In:riierluals 2?q voice oí [hese villagers was therefore anchored sturdily to their posinon within che community. m e Isewhcrc in ccnttal ylcxico. a mechanism oí distinction that would allow them to reproduce their privileges transgenerationally. it seems likely that there were no channeis available for an institutionalized production oí local intellectuals that mnght represent che community by virtue oí their cultural values. They thereby took on a last name and became ladinos. and adopted a Spanisli las[ sume as well as che tales oí Don and DoñaThe question oí las[ narres is Interest'mg Ion oca purposes here. that is. Thus. for exaniple. if an Indian commoner leh his or her own village he or she would have nothing but a given name-no family history. cattlc plows. and these narres were not inherited. has found documents certifying lineage and family Crees for [hese Indian governors. the "respected mas" and che curandero. only communal history. and so oals In the colonial period. and communalquasi-¡ami lial-identity at che leve) ot che barrio or village was thereby enforced. [Ti tisis case che Ruias lamils' sehie h cante co acquire a substantial antount oí wealth in )and. for when a peasant is asked to speak auchoritatlvely by someone of a higher status. indeed. Indians in Tdpoztlán did not bear las[ narres at all. such as José Diego or María Gertrudis. Despite the paucity oí our knowledge oí che question oí intellectual representation in che eighteenth century. Robert Redfield's division oí che Tepoztecans of 1926 roto two categories. who was a conquistador or carly scttler of New Spain. and houses.Thus. Instead oí chis. The cultural values that [hese Indian governors controlled and used in order to represent the community ¡ay precisely in their bicultural adeptness: their constructed Spanishness vis-á-vis che Indians and local Spanish society. in the colonial period 7epoztlin liad two axcs around which cultural distinctl ons were orgainzeii an echnie axis (fila 1111Y opposing Spaniards and Indians.19 In contrast to che namelessness oí the commoners. while correcto means well-mannered. and referred to people who had a status from which to converse with representatives oí che state. outside tire village they were merely indios-'This issue has been sugisiiicant roto che modern era. Arij Ouweneel (n. to their lack oí position outside oí che local community. the name of che plot en whieh his house was built was uttered. because che idea of lineage was crucial to Spanish nonons oí nobility and honor: being able to trace one's line hack to a knight who warred with che Moors.n Intellectuals 275 = . honor. who was elected by virtue oí his lineage and wealth and was not che representative oí a "culture community.

the church's policing and representative functions were much diminished by the Iatter half oí che nineteenth century. In 1777. Tepoztlán had a firm system oí nrcrnal cultural and class distinction that contrasred with that of che hamlets . was also a schoolteacher in che village's second school_ His nephew Mariano became a teacher oí Prooiaciol Inlellectuals 277 = 276 . The term notable implies both che political preeminence oí a principal and cultural distinction oí a de razón. Vicente Rojas. Gamboa used his authoritative portrayal of rhe villagers as parí ot his defense che Indians were idle drunkards couples lived in sin for tmwo ycars before getting married. riese intellectuals were outsiders . turned over the lime cart. although priests continued to come from outside rhe community. as well as at least some oí che intellecrual funetions: local schoolteachers carne from chis group. he becomes one oí them. These notables monopolized the function oí political representation (municipal officers and distinguished members oí the militia oí chis period). and so en. most importantiv ." These values were by and large che inherited marks oí civilization from che colonial era (literacy. urbanity). in che ninteenth century we get for rhe first time a space for what could be legitimately called small-town intellectuals in Tepoztlán: the interna) dynamics oí distinction produced cultural values dar could be controlled and used to "usurp the representation oí che community. The maro intellectuals oí nineteenth-century Tepoztlán belonged to che same Rojas family that had sired Indian governors since che seventeenrh century. they sold their children to pay thcir debts . its priests . Tepoztlán's notables were a group oí about thirty tiren and their households. The lack of a communal voice that could authoritatively counter that oí che priest madc way for a violent confrontation. Tepoztlán was socially and culturally divided roto two groups : che common people ( or "d c vulgar class ") and los notables This Iatter term is interesting not only becausc it was che national term for prominent citlzens . Manuel Gamboa . and we find the priest acting in consultation with che notables. This prompted Tepoztecan men roto action. al] oí whom belonged to six or seven families that descended both from che old Spanish and Indian elites. Tepoztlán also had intellectuals from early on . Most important.Howevet. che Spanish language. in the colonial period . Given all of chis. which was standard church policy. Thus . In other words. but rhey were now included in an ideology oí progress that opened che way for a dialectic between commuoity developmenr and nation building. In che 1 860s. and so we get the same sorr oí cleavage we had in che hamlets between the authority oí village public opinion and the authority of (external ) intellectuals representing che village. as did che one or two Tepoztecan professionais who were trained during che porfiriato. villagers were not asked or authorized to produce a cuunterrepresentation oí themselves and their defense was limited m a series oí accusations against the priest?Ó In sum . as is obvious in che trials thar followed che rebellion . and best-known. who was che village's main schoolteacher for about forty years. However. In these trials . che fusion that had been under way between che wealthy members oí che Indian nobility and che local Spaniards seems to have been accomplished rapidiy . a Rojas was involved in helping che village organize litigation against neighboring haciendas that had misappropriated village lands. but also becausc ir eflectively fused che political preemiProoi The second. Meanwhile . in the colonial period . nence oí che old Indian political elite (who used to be known as principales) with che racial-cultural pretensions oí che Spanish ethnic elite (that used to characterize itself as a class oí gente de razón). ir is easy to understand how and why open contestatren oí che representation of che community could lead to violente. Furthermore. decided to give limestone that liad been collecred by villagers in communal faenas to the priest oí nearby Tlayacapan ter his church _ The women oí che village. The rest were mostly tontos. lépozdánc residenr priest . the presente of a priest ( and oí schoolteachers in some periods) meant that there was an authoritative voice that could represent the village. provoking tic priest roto a rage that he venced by beating one oí the women wirh his cave . including educational church missions. and Chis voice would be heard regardless oí the assessment of Indian governors and oí the villagers themselves . who felt abused by the priest on many counrs . and mcmbership in che local política] class allowed him to represent che village tu che outside in a move to protect its communal lands. On the other hand . Literacy. cultural societies (usually named after nacional or state political figures oí che time). and who was centrally involved in giving shape to al¡ of rhe "progressive" social events and organizations oí che new positivist age. Shortly alter independence. and was the spark ot a rebellion that led to che destruction oí much property and to severa) deaths . che intellecrual represenmtion oí the community toward rhe outside was monopolized hy (acoles and Spaniards . and the publication of severa¡ short-lived periodicals José Guadalupes brother. intellecrual oí the family was José Guadalupe Rojas. Independence broughr sorne changes ro chis situation . access to diese Iatter offices was denied to Indians.

Naiuad in Moteo (itvs .Nau..nal !rlcncun. in che 1920s and autiored a short Nahuatl wordbook tiat is snll in eirc til ati on Anuncer member oí[ che lamily, Simón Rojas was said te haC u beca pioseni at thc signing of Zapatas flan de Avala It is signilica nt tu note thot Clic role ul niany oj these uolal,lrs centered on che defense ol dtc community aga,nst hacienda cncroachmcnt, as well u s the defense ot clic comnuinltys p,liti( al s:,ll and vote at the scate leve]. In chis regaré therc is a collapsinp ot clic intcrests ol local intellectuals and local politianns that conn's a. ith indupenelenee. This is owing Lo Clic tacs that Clic local nol,ala i, were by no means wealthy Irom a regional point uf viccr. being vasdy overshadowed by hacienda owners and rich nierchants Moreover, retaining control of the local political apparatus rema'med crucial for much of the local elite for, like the Indian governors before them, perks ron control of the new municipal offices, including che pussibiliry ot appropriating communal resources, were a significant source of wealih and resources-as, indeed, they still are today. The case of che ceacher José Guadalupe Rojas helps to illustrate che dynamics of incellectual represencarlon in Chis era for, although his diaries span a short pcriod (1865-72), an imporcant transformation occurs in his outlook during chas period. In tic carly portion of che diaries, Rojas is continually redeeming the people He sees the 'vulgar class" as being composed basically of peace-loving people who wished co work in peace, and whose limications (what we today would cal] their culture') could be remedied through titanic efforts in education. This education was meant to pul] the lower class out of its lethargy and ignorante: the habits oí che vulgar class (including their language, which at chis tinte was still Nahuatl) were markers of ignorance In 1869, a visiting priest who was on a cultural mission publicly asked Rojas to make simultaneous translation into Nahuatl for him Rojas says that he was ashaned te have been put in Chis pusitiun, but that he complied. However, only one year lacer, Rojas decideci lo teach reading and writing in Nahuatl in his school, and generally bogan co emphasize che grandeur of che native culture and its noble position at thc root oí Mexican nationality. This is an imporcant moment in Clic history o( local intellectuals for, until 1870, Rojas was still fu nda m en tal ly inspircd by che teachers and priests of che colonial period: representing che community to the outside, while trying to destroy its native culture. Stanine witli che movement for Nahuatl literacy, Rojas-and most local intellectuals who have followed him-hecame involved in a dialeetic that rooted che local community in
P r o i i , .. I n i , - . i , . i s . H , P r o i

nationalist mythology while it invoked urban values shared in the nacional public sphere) such as literacy and urbanity, hoth to redeem che community el its ignorante and to construct the intellectual's own social importance This strategy is exem plificd in a little event that Rojas recorded oí] January 29, 1865- The schools board had collected money to pay for prizes that were to be distrihuted to the students and che teacher at the end-of-the-year celebration. These collections were a financial burden for che members of the board. most of whom were poor leven when notable): the schoolteacher had pone severa] months wirhout pay The board met to discuss whar prizes to huy, and, alter careful delibcracion (these deliberations being, as they were, taken as signs oí instruction, morality, etc.), sent Juan José Gómez on a sixteen-hour hike to Mexico City to huy twentynine bouquets oí artificial flowers.

This event epitornizes che cultural relationship between the country and the city, at least as it was seen from che intellectual's point oí view. The prizes are flowers, which are very much a local product (Tepoztlán is full of flowers, all year round), made permanent through specialized work. Artificial flowers were, in Chis context, an urban commentary on flowers (and, metonymically, en Tepoztlán): they are worth re-creating, they are worth enshrining, they are worth cultivating. They are valuable. And this, more generally, is what local intellectuals set about trying to do to local traditions and culture. By taking a local productor value and elaborating it in che city, and by taking a local product that was so valued in the eity that it was the subject oí elaboration, Rojas was simultaneously building a link between the local and che nacional culture and constructing bis own role as representative and mediator. Like the villagers who authorize their speech by insisting en how much they are respected, Rojas too was preoccupied with being taken seriously. To say that an event had been solemn was, to him, the highest praise, and yet che fact that he persistently noted whenever solemnity had been attained suggests that bis capacity to represent was fragile, and that laughter could shatter all his efforts and expose him to public ridicule-a fact that reflects the limications oí the authority oí small-town intellectuals oí chis period. In Morelos, che revolutionary outbreak oí 1910 in come ways produced a temporary dissolution oí local communities, but it also intensified regional intercommunication between what we might cal] che popular public spheres. This was achieved through inedia such as the corrido ballads that circulated throughout che region, through the publication oí leaflets whose contents were shared in che same meetings where corridos were sung, and in
, n c i a 1 In tellec tuals





the installation oí a kind of peasant common law in Zapata's headquarters and camps that was then transmitted to the villages as common law2'

In the case of Tepoztlán, particlpation in Chis regional peasant public sphere was consolidated in the immediate aftermath of che revolution Agrarian reform laws enshrined communal )and tenure and led to the formation oí regional peasant confederations iAMoreover, the political legitimacy that Zapacismo attained in the 1920s and the flight to Mexico City of a significant portion oí the old cacique class, also strengthened peasant representation oí their communities
However, ir was still certainly the case that the main tensions surroonding the intellectual representation oí the community were between a l action oí modernizers and che more humble "conservatives" who sought to retain communal independence from politics and from the outside world. In this region, the main novelties ol the period were (1) that the pos trevo luti o na ry progresistas were now niuch more persuaded oí Rojas's nativism than they had been in che past, because the idea of totally ignoring and depreciating the nativo culture was politically much less sound alter the revolution than it had been carlier and (2) that tire local peasant assemblies had more power than they had ever had in the past. 1 first encountered the local conservative perspective during field research in 1977. At that time, tire dominant view of politics among the local peasantry was that there were three tepes oí political actors: politicians (who were exploitative and lived off of other people's work and did not fully belong to che local commtmity), ci'npesinos (who lived in households, belonged co barrios and villages, and respected each other), and pendejos, or idiots, who took what politicians said at face value, and therefore lent themselves to their abuses In Chis view, the campesino was the only "clean" social persona available to a Tepozteco, for the campesino eats what he produces, minds his own business, and defends his communal rights_ On che other hand, the only honest politicians are necessarily risking eheir lives. Marryrdom is the only ultímate proof of cleanliness in politics. Because oí this, unless and antil martyrs such as Zapata returned, tire bcst forro oí political participanon was believed to be collective icvolt and resistance around the defense of specific rights.2 Tepoztecans Nave revolted on many occasions against encroachrnent on communal )and. against tate management oí communal water, and against severa) urban development projects.23 Contrary to what occurred in most hamlets, the institutional basis for local Tepoztecan intellectuals grew signilicanc]y as carly as the 1940s .

Tepoztecan schoolteachers and-beginning in the 1960s-professionals returned to the village and forged some links oí communication with the local peasantry, both because they belonged co that social group and by using the "artificial flowers" technique. Moreover, the decade of the 1930s was one in which peasant revolutionaries began to lose their grip en the Morelos state government, and increasing bureaucratization and professionalization set in. In this contexc, intellectual mediators were required to communicate between state bureaucratic agencies and local consticuencies.
Beginning in the 1950s, the literati became aspirants to municipal power, and they effectively edged out peasants from the main municipal offices. This process was accomplished, no doubt, because universitytrained Tepoztecans had a much better chance oí knowing people in the governor's inner circle than peasants did, but it was also the result oí pressure exerted by people within government in favor of naming only officials who were professionals, preparados. Peasants were believed to be incapable oí managing the paperwork and the legalities oí public administration. As long as the position oí the educated Tepoztecans prospered, which was until about 1980, the split between correcto-like local intellectuals and the peasant public sphere was largely maintained, although coexistente was usually peaceful, and alliances were often made to defend common interesas. This vas largely because the power base of the local peasantryits control over communal lands and its privileged position in revolutionary nationalism-was maintained to a significant degree. The situation oí the local intelligentsia has changed since that time for several reasons. On the one hand, che peasantry has been in a trae state oí siege. Planting has become too expensive. Work options as wage laborers in Tepoztlán (in the construction industry, in gardening, and in housekeeping), or in Cuernavaca, Mexico City, the United States, and Canada, have become increasingly important, even to educated Tepoztecans. Land prices have skyrocketed along with tourism and with the suburbanization oí Tepoztlán, making selling very attractive and buying back almost impossible, and the legal framework for local communal tenure is now threatened.

Many peasants svere able te) educare thcir children, and a fair number oí
1'raoi^ : ci,iIr ielir-tuels 2HU

On the other hand, teachers salaries have plummeted and competition between local professionals has intensified, so that pressure en the local and state government from these sectors is increasingly unmet. As a result, in the 1980s, Tepoztlán got its first f ill-timejournalist, who began writing a biweekly column en Tepoztlán in a Cuernavaca paper, and who had a local weekly significantly called El Reto del Tepozteco (the challenge oí El Tepozteco). This name contrasts with the narres oí various previous, very
p ...tia l L+tellectua ls . 281 =

short - liveef periodicals such as Cl (, ramo dr Al, 11,1 or El T,pozleco , because whereas carlier leafleis stresscd rinly that Tpoztlán was a microcosm of the nation ( likc a grain ol sand i and that it could stand for the nativo roots <rt the nation El kem Jsi Tepozienr niakcs thesr native roots i. sym bol i zed by Ll Tepozteco finto a political challenge 'rno Tepoztlán has today become divided between two political parties. Conservar i ve pcasants , suela as the Curte al representative of eommunal lands , eomplain that che people hace bct omc divided , forsaking community and peasant livelihood and dignity lar a iactionalism that reflects national politics and national i nterests

priests, meant a prolongation of the rift between local public opinion, which was in certain respects tormed quite democratically, arad the national or regional spheres ot diseussion, del iberatio n, and policy formationLiberal policies tried tu chango Chis simation by doing away with communal lands, and the institutron ot surnames and the registration of private property signal some degrce of success in [hese policies. However, in the municipio el Tepoztlán, the erosion of the communities was not successfully cotnpleted by the end ol the porfiriato, and the split described earlier was strongly reaffirmed with Zapatas revolution and its populist aftermath.

Analysis By looking at two different types of settlements in the municipio of Tepoztlán 1 have argued that the existente of small-town intellectuals, their nature, and their connections to both local politics and the national public sphere can be appreciated by inquiring finto the history of distinction in these localities, and by connecting the mechanisms of cultural distinetion lo the policies of the state.

In the village of Tepoztlán, ora the other hand, the nineteenth century spurred a new development of forms of cultural mediation. Whereas in the colonial period the priest was the utmost intellectual authority, and whereas in that era collective religious ritual was the main forum of mediation, nineteenth -century schoolteachers used nationalism and progress as the tools for building ties between the locality and state and private institutions. This explains why José Guadalupe Rojas, whose acts were initially comparable lo those of a Spanish schoolteacher or priest, decided to take the nation's a nativistic turra and to identify the local popular culture with historical roots. His move has a family resemblance lo the one that insists en seeing Mexico as divided finto a "deep" and a "moderó' country: in both cases, cultural and political marginaliry is equated to historical antecedence. Rojas, however, used his outlook as a modernizing device: position in the nation would strengthen Tepoztecan social lile; Tepoztlán could claim such a position because of its pre-Hispanic roots, but the whose purpose of the claim was lo modernize. This dialectic guaranteed a position for local intellectuals , because they could stand between national opinion and the local community, as indeed they still do. There has been still one important change since the míd-1980s, though. The abundante of trained Tepoztecans combined with shrinking state resources and very significant transformations in the overall class composition of the locality led to factionalism within the professional classes. At that point, access to media became crucial, and Chis explains the revitalization of the local press.

The contrast between Tepoztlán and its surrounding hamlets unfolds in the following manner: Because of its position as the administrative center oí an indigenous jurisdiction, colonial Tepoztlán had a relatively powerful ¡odian nobility that was absent in the villages. Tepoztlán also had a resident priest, severa) Spanish families, andan occasional schoolteacher, all of whom promoted a complex system of interna) cultural difference, which nonetheless could produce no local intellectuals. This was because (1) community cultural values were easily accessible lo all adult men, (2) some cultivated values could not ser-ve as a basis for community representation because they were banned by the church, and (3) the niches that could be occupied by intellectuals-that of priest and that of teacher-were off-limits to Indians. The hamlets of the municipio had no such system of interna¡ cultural and class difference, and, owing lo that very fact, they had no way of generating intellectuals who could effectively articulate local opinion lo influence Spanish policy. In both cases, then, one found political mediation, which relied en state power, serving also as the main form of cultural mediation. After independence, the situation changed. Tepoztlán's cultural and politico-economic elite became unitied, and chis allowed for the emergence of the first truly local intellectuals. In the hamlets, the lack of an internal economic or cultural elite, as well as of local schoolteachers or
Irovioeial l,i ieilrriuals 282 =

Conclusion: Intellectuals and Political Mediation in tbe National Space
The historical analysis of the spatial íragmentation of Mexicos public sphere can be achieved by studying the ways in which culture communities have created or failed to create spaces for local intellectuals who can speak in and lo the national public sphere and who are not themselves simply
Provi=a cial In telteciuats 283 =

5 The formula oí the intellectual as thc respected man is undoubted]y the one that has most interna] appeal in peasant communities. combined with the class and cultural chasco that divides peasant communities from urban centers. out rathr-r a handful of diverse prívate opinions that claimed che status oí bcing a national opinion. has found more interest among middle-c]ass urbanites who have migrated to Tepoztlán than he has among native Tepoztecos. It is also why Iturbide felt that Mexican national sentiments were only truly expressed during popular uprisings.-hcre norte existed. Tepoztecans have at times disidentified both with che modernizing impulses oí some intellectuals and with therr insistent nationalist nativism. 1 have developcd the nidimcnts of a historical sociology of the silente that has characteri zed thc relationship oí certain sectors oí che Mexican population and state institutions. The image of a "deep" Mexico. bur 1 suggest that there is a lorm to it. Y r o n i n ^ i a l 1. 3 Identification oí local society with national culture became fundamental for the reproduction oí local intellectuals during the nineteenth century. involved creating a unified cultural con. contested. niunity ^. complained that there was no Mexican public opinion. Similarly.t 285 = s . [hese propositions yielded rich resu]ts 1 would like to cunclude by summarizing a few ol them 1 For long periods. However. It involves speelfying che systems ot iniernal cultural distinction that exist in each localized community and then identifying the culture values that can serve as the oasis for the forniation oí an intelllgentsia that can aspire to represcnt che community.plex one. Don Felipe's ce]ebration oí Quetzalcoatl has received a range oí responses. 3 The analysis also involvcs ascertaining whether the culture values in question articulare smoothhy with [hose that prevail among intellectuals in che centers of national power as wcll as with the state's culturally constituied idioms of rcpresentation. it has always had limited local appeal. 1 A geography oí mureness nceds to be developed to give wellpondered content to the deep versos official" imagery. This is why Iturbide. that is. national intellectuals. and it has remained critica) to this day. the institutionalized positions for intellectuals in the village oí Tepoztlán were al] in the hands oí Spaniards. who was Mexicos hrst national sovercign. When appbed to che case of the n onicipal seat of Tepoztlán and to the hamlets oí that wunicipio. and off-limits to the local population. and ultimately unroutinizable intellectual leadership. The formula at which Tepoztecan schoolteachers arrived at was simple: local traditions are at the very root el Mexican nationality. but only the developed branches can instruct and extract the unpolished province from its sleepy backwardness. a "media-scape" whcre civic opinion could be expressed. and state officials who so esteemed it. Local intellectuals were the needed mediators oí chis re]ationship: they rendered the image oí the "deep Mexicu" back to the urbanites. If such a geography goes undeveloped the imagery neeessarily devolves finto che nationalisr miasma that Iturbide and all of his successors were inextricably caught in 2 Such a geography can be developcd by analyzing the emergente oí intellectuals in various typcs of communities or localities. the channels for communicating hetween different local communities werc extremely limited and accessible only to a few. f sople could only express their opinions effectively by force. and in return became effective brokers. Don Ángel Zúñiga. oí a Mexico that finds no expression in either national political iorums or in che niass inedia. The methodological premises ot my analysis can be summarized in three points. it is fair to say that a truly local intelligentsia with an institutional base did not emerge there uncí] che national period. that guarantees an unstable. whereas the municipal seat had a more sophisticated forro oí interna] differentiation that fostered an intelligentsia from the very ear]y colonial period on. including a fair amount oí apathy from many vil]agers. it is Chis very democratic appeal. In othcr words. can thus be traced backtuindependence. The "deep" versus "artificial' imagery is therefore a favored trope oí intellectual mediators and it is a tool that has been used both to defend local culture and to argue for "progress" and modernization. che hamlets could only produce intellectuals by a kind oí interna] consensos that was formulated around a language oí respect. 4 Despite the persistente of this formula oí mediation. Because of chis. In this chapter. 2 During the colonial period.power brokers This history is a cor. The fluctuations in the acceptance and fervor with which che projects oí these intellectuals are embraced are a necessary object for future study. a local intellectual who is devoting some efforts to teaching Nahuatl. and that Chis forro can bc discrvered if we look closely at the formation oí regional cultures and hack ofl from che homogenizing image oí one deep Mexican civilization The postindependence project of creating a national public sphere.

Purity and Exile Violente. and as territory. Memory. che nation .Signilieant portions ot thc pupiifition ul hoth Tepoztlán and its hamIcts still have no voicc as citizem. Cultural Practice. " Provincializing Europe . "a people" is not a stable entity. in theory. should hclieve what poIiticians say. Notes P r o n i '. ldeally. according lo peasant consetvniscs Instead set conversing wlth diem. the spatial organization of gooemment. and that national interests that reach beyond territorial frontiers are protected. thev are representcd by poliGcal mediators :+nd interllectuals huye nrgnuations with the government occur in a dlfterent languape nu . its trate. 5 See Dipesh Chakrabarty. The "silent Mexico" is organized around certain systemic principies that can be perceived in che organization ot cultural distinction in the national space. and fltational Cosmology among Hutu Refugees in Tanzania. Instead. 4 A nation-state is made up oí a sovereign people . this unit as a whole needs to shape its representation in an international arena In such a way that foreigners and foreign interests operating in the national territory can be managed . the public should be smoothly integrated from local levels up tu che national leve¡. in turn. Thus. is organized in such a way that it can rationally administer the entire population . while the national state should have an organized system of administration down to local levels requiring no additional mediation for che implementation oí its authority . and tbe nationstates situation in Je international arena.state is a territory in which the inhabitants are communicated in such a way that they can concert opinions that give direction to government ( this is called "che public sphere "). and Harry Harootunian .'1' 286 = 287 = . This situation does not imply that [hese populations are marginalized from participation in state instUtutions: it nicans that they have no public voice.Ti. with no regard for class differences . and che Erolics of Culture.'r'' 11!'1'''z1 . 3 Octavio Paz. 1 thlnk ruar che ternt silent Mexico is more useful and precise rhan decp Hesito The silent Mexico has no historical priority over the ram bu nc ticas pa rtici panty in the public sphereNor is it a root oí nationality . Hismry s Disquiet Modernity. 2 A standard philosophical reference for this general point is Oilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari .It siniply comprases che various populations that lave beyond che fracturad fault lino of Mexico's nacional public sphere. Both oí [hese imply spatial hierarchies that should. and the Question of Everyday Lije. be isomorphic . 13." 337-57. local constitueneies have litde choice hui to engage in very pragmatically calallated t ra n sacio ns wheie^ Ches retase ce rtam resourees or co ncessions in excbange for thcir voicc The preceding discussion suggesl. 52-57. Finally. INTRODUCTION 1 José Limón . However. American Encounters : Grealer Mexico . A Tbousand Plateaus : Capitalism and Schizophrenia . tbe United States . Government . and neither are its connections to a state and territory. Postcoloniality and the Critique oí History. The national space is the intersection betureen che geography of che national public. El laberinto de la soledad. A detailed anthropological study that develops this criticism closely around a specific case is Lisa Malkki.

A1.bliud Estimas. "F^r dan Jtntu ihe arco of rhe new institution was thc integral education of ihe ¢udents a1. popular sovereignry.. for example.1 July 5. siglos XVI11-XIX. republi can instimGOns . or oí Morelos's "Viva la Virgen María. eds.." in Fran@ois-Xavier Guerra and Annick Lamperiére. 9 For a useful eatalog si U 5 st. bourgeoisie ? 1 ¡ere was a class whidt. a sigo in a parallel context (India). "De la política antigua a la política moderna. The grandees of Spain were surely as ignorant oí rhe identities of the descendanes oí first sertlers or oí [odian nobles in Chile as the menibers of che bourgeoisie of Barcelona were of che identity oí their class counterparts in rhe Río de la Plata 4 Real Academia Española. sexual i ntercou tse and inherita lee .trence a.nd„ masrnn. "República y publicidad a fines del antiguo régimen. chc second datada of the nineteenth century.rafe sovereignty and che traditional rights of corporations and communities 6 See Annick Lamperiére. in che context oí che Bourbon stare's goal oí eliminating rhe power oí all institutheir hxed political bases . 76e Openirtg of ti. 81) parí oí rhe Spanish dominion (article 18. rs una elección de principios. Lata America i i (-ancature 1o For chc significa nce nf . etc and rhe Ilquidanon oi [lis Er Conn'ptual opposites. century. Aniei iron . 288 = = 289 .dnods Inherited neshilitics . la revolución de la soberanía. Contemporary Latín America is also nos without examples of tensions between competing claims between . and he shows that rhe Aztec symbol was used preferentially oven rhe coas oí arras that has been assigned to che city lince che early seventeenth 12 Paul Krugman"Mexims New Dea1 . monarchlcal institution.. hguratiyely speaking. Los espacios públicos en Iberoamérica ambiquedades y problemas. that racial Identity and racism are connected in any cesential way te nationalism ''1 t)hc lact oi che matter is that nationalism rhinks in tercos oí historical destinres whilc cism dreams oí eternal contaminatiene The dreams of racism ncrunlly havc their origin in ideologies oí class.. 9 ladead. An ill itenw nobiliro could still actas a nobility. ideas regarding sovereignry in che Spanish and Spanish-American world. in Tena Ramírez 1957. . come unto being as a bus in neither case were servants cirizens. Spanish America combined elements oí an ancien régime and oí a modero polity.." 55-60.reo. he incorrectly assumes that some forms of community are "concrete" while others are "imaginary. Cu l tive and History.6 Javier C. Likewise. Anotber Reinan Serence.corica¡ committnent to studying and to solving them is a enastan[. and Lavallé 1993.d Lorcy.. But the Constitution (1836). "Thcory in An[h ropology Centcr and Periphcry.iypes si¡ L aran America. Enrique Florescano (1996) has studied che evolution oí chis symbol in che colonial period.. law 1) In short. law 6)." Al[ communitarian relationshi ps are based en an idea of rhe social whole Chas is imaginary...trence. 1726-39 (1737). . a fact thai distanccd hico from rhe posilir i. searching for differences in che social organization oí communieation in various classes as a key to underscanding nationalism. absrrluu-mi -1111. as lalloccr. 1 hall argue that Chis assertion is uncenable in clic Ihcrian world 2 "Out of che Americao welter came (hese imogmed reaGties _ nation . see John Johnson. 3 At times Anderson appears to heLeve that [heme is such a thing as a "concrete" ver2-4) discusses rhe decline of Andean Curacas at rhe end of rhe eighteenth century sus an " imaginal'y " contmuni sy The relatively latan size of traditional aristucracies. respectively). nacional flag .(e of clic country" (Rudo. it was poliey to reeognize and maintain the status oí chc Indian "nobility" (ibid. ghertoes .states .1 1 my translation) The dehnltion of the "Great National Prohlems has varied solista ntial ly since the inauguratiou of chc National Univcrsiry i n 1 9 1 0 hui chc universuvt nc.and "rhe nobility" oí bis example was much more reliant en systemic "replications" than Anderson imagines.Icernent nf h1 exiro erra e rn o 7 Lawrerice Lcvi rae.Jer So„altsrrr Identity and Cultural Politics in Ceauscscu4 kornania 167-68. contra técnicos la Unroersided Nacional durante la rrooh. and rhe person al iza uon of polrtical relatioos implied by tions that brokered che relationship between rhe date and its subjects. Lafaye 1977. 5 For an illuminating discussion of the relationship between anclen régime and modero. and so forth In effen h. book 7. serfdoms. 109-39. arras of tire National University's foundci Justo Sierra. "now we knOW that. Althougli Anderson is shrewd lo 11 For che saliente oí individual communities as primary referents oí identity in che Notes t o C h a p t e r . ehapter 8 Arjun Appa dura i. rhe Spanish constitucion that was prometed in Cádiz in 1812 defined if role' T he' a'model ' of'the' independent natiunal tate was availahle for pira ting" Spanish citizenship in such as way as to include in equal tercos those borra in any (Ibid. Diccionario de la lengua castellana en que se explica el verdadero sentido de las voces . Ciudadanos imaginarios. see Frangois-Xavier Guerra.11 nos only die advanre oí . S'c Dzv. book 4. sec Gyan Prakash. and anthems. Aljovín (1997. A similar point has been made by Fernando Escalante. The use of chis indigenous symbol as rhe local symbol also buttressed creole identity This symbol was eventually written into che flag oí Mexico in lieu oí Hidalgos Virgen oí Guadalupe.. meant ( hae their cohesions as classes were as 10 For example. rhe nobility oí che Spanish colonial era played as systemic a role as the bourgeoisie. So.A4-mYorkTnnrs Op-E.Jlnat. class only in so mana' replications Ihid 7.oti of.13 1 NATIONALISM AS A PRACTICAL SYSTEM 1 Anderson goes even htrther. [hose of nanon" ( 1904 149-10 `E. servanes have nationaliry (Spanish and Mexican.ruovcr ihe university should devote much attention in rhe social rcal. dynastie empires. and denlo. riclc 6. all legitimare descendanrs oí che conquistadora and early setders oí tire Indios were officially considered nobles (hilos dalgo) (Las Leyes de Indias.. whaiever ihe slns of Mr Salinas." 356-61. The Unmersity System and rhe Eeormmic f). the reformen tic hroughi ro power were sincero--and the reform was real" 1 3 On clic icor la rities between rhe threc t andldares. in both che Constiturion of Cádiz (1812) and Mexicos Centralist much concrete as imaginad . es un referéndum para el cambio Proceso.N(odern Eedia. rather tiran Ti. which mean[ that it burgeoned wherever it was needed to maintain a local hierarchy and state organization.arciadiegu summanzes rhe dnvin." 8 Rey works en chis master include Brading 1991. 7 A good case in point is rhe use oí the cagle eating rhe serpear as rhe symbol for Mexico Ciry . 2000 Kmgman somewhat disingenuously argues tliat che true purpose of free trade was ro bring democracy co Mexico. eommon citizcnship . 62).nid ibr fic. 10.". Guerra has shown that throughout tire nineteenth century. National IdeoleT y io. fide 7. ehapter 1 11 Katherine Verdery. _ Madrid. sec Jorge Castañedas arguments in "Esta Ti.

Nlallon cls. is che street in which all che principal shops are found." 703). che gay curtains chat fluttered froto che balconies aboye . 19). as Spain and che Otcomans did. 15 Laws distinguishing subjeca oí tire Spanish crown Irom foreigners were equally precise (e-g book 3. [han oí the entry oí a conquering army finto an enemy capital" (cited in Luis Fernando Granados. laces.' e0t simply in lita rente that 91c.") The "neutral flags" were meant co signal co LI. and Gua¡ dintis discussion oí popular federalism between independence and 1850 i 1996. because it was used co refer co Jews.. 1ispule of lb.1 -•n: Ti's \I ... chapter 1I and hy David drading (1991. Spanish (Lavallé 1993. chapter 5. Pemm^l and t¿. "Sueñan las piedras: alzamiento ocurrido en la ciudad de México.. etc-as a means of protection). troops by Mexico City's elites in che following tercos "The Calle de Plateros.e set L0c Van 1ocng I 'iSO 11.' which were initially oí little consequence. a soldier in ti re U e.. 14 "It ought tu be well pondered hoy. 86:. and although [hese were :l lrec md Prru chopters 5 and 7. in Saxonv.romo uchu argucd that Benito luárcz's trauniph ovar che 1 rench in 186. However. title 13. These interesas waxed and waxed at various times and places. In che Andean world. 11. and oven tito superiora ty. described che reception thac was given co US. 19 Raphael Semmes. or. New World: From Christopher Columtus to (. army. Spains nacional identification with the Christianity was made co rank higher even [han Rome's 22 Anthony Pagden has shown chal talle of a universal nionarchy was never universally accepted in Spain itself. soldiers chal che families in question were alto foreign nacionals.ll Ihe srm duo 19('11 . and Ti.v'. thus. secular form nl nationalism eleveloped in England. "Rey Católico: gestación y metamorfosis de un título.. he alto argues that Spain's ideological halesro Lhaprurr 290 = Notes t o C h a p t e r a 291 = . noting thai Spanish Goths were Christians and were martyred while resiscing Roman paganism. through which we marched to the grand plaza. whreh in nota as we knu w. identification between Christianity monarquía . 13w. became a fundamental butiress co roya' law' ("Los primeros años de la inquisición: guerra civil. oaher moments when "Créele' was used pri nci pally as a discriminacury terco. that is. my cranslatiun) . Spanish was for speaking co GodThe term ladino alto provides a clue co che sacralization ti Spanish. Moors. On che and Spanish civilization in che so-called spiritual conquest oí Mexico. Hernando Cortés saw che light oí day in Medellín.rred Sc. rather [han as a religious war. Spanish.wars nt mdcpcndenc.Fur othcrs. bv Ildn. that d Miguel Hidalgo is the fuunder ol OUTJ natlonalrte Hl nio l maro e Es tito Inundar ni repubhean natronality. rnp. A discussion oí che history oí che citle'Rey Católico" and oí its significante for Spain in its competition wich France can be found in Pablo Fernández Abadalejo.. in such a way thac there were places and times when a "Creolc" was simply a Spaniard... ussiunnt' popular Lberalrsm ronineteenth cenmry Mexleo and Peru (1995. interest in keeping Creoles out oí certain religious orders or away l rom cerrarn political posts)..1 thc ways in which communny or corpurate idcntitics orterlocked wich nauonalist chscourses. early modero nat lona) tsm differed considerably in England.e(.. 1847.. 1521-1556 Society and the Origins of Nationality. and sin" (Mendieta 1876. che latter lo hring oto che bid oí che church an infinita nember oí people who had for ages been under che dominion uf Sacan in idolatry. 3.srr seas (real licor a torcign invades but. t) t . alto 1sealantc ( I:dm!o: rr rtrr. God chose the valiant Cortés as has instrumenc for opcning tito door and preparing che way leí che preachers oí che gospel in tire New World. vice. wich che Brbles paradise. (almost every house had prepared and hung out a neutral flag-English.': `'-. Mexico tender Spain. and che fashionably dressed women. where che Catholic church might be rescored and recompensed by che conversions ot many souls for che greac loss and damages which che accursed Luther was lo cause at che same time within established Chritianiry . who showed chemselves without the leas[ reserve at doorways and windows gave one che idea rather oí a grand nacional festival. has beca scudied . and Italian was ideal for courting wornen. 11.. Lavallé ( 1993 1221 notes chal "Many Crtoles believed thac their patria could be con. botarse it represen tcd che tnumph of liberal republi anism ovar a classical re pubhcnnlan VA c orino ras then. to paradise it roes the earthly paradise ol che Amcnca should not he . Indians. mesianismo y herejía. 21 Antonello Gerbi (1985 267-68) remarks chal Fernandez de Oviedo contrasted che grandeur oí Spain wich thar of ancient Rome. de ()iriado.. French. France. usually by virtue oí descent20 Charles V famously claimed thac whereas German was appropriate for speaking co horses. and tire Nethcrlands Stephen Pincus (1998) interprets the Glorious Revolution as che hrst nacionalist revolntion. Rome. 17 The natura el American lands and ti therr intlucnce on che characcer oí che Amerlcans was a po1emaca1 suhrect in scienti11 crre1us fronc che time of nitral conWarld tact to the carly twcntrcth c. who spoke (neo)Latin. There was in chis for sume a mere lirerarv style .pared to tire Flysian 1 ields. chapters 14 and 16).ptwcs(emphasis in che onglnal'. law 8)16 It should be noted. 14. Thus. whercas a revolutaonary. see Peggy K. rt .. much more fundamontally." Jaime Contreras argues chal Spain's persecution oí heresy under che Reyes Católicos can be understood as a política] appropriation oí the church: "Concerns with'heresy. for instante.I I ' and 4n carly formulat:on of cite . 77-82. in che 01. 179-94) 13 See Fleisher ( 1992) Clearly.. Liss.ora:do Fenlández The Hintory of a Polem I o-rvnu 18 The literatura cxalrnt_ American lands at times alto refashions che connections between the American and ideo.. and that che politics oí differentiacion between "Peninsulars" and "Creoles" responded to varying kinds oí interesa irnclud1ng.. in che sixteenth century. oí their land wich respect to Spain. African slaves.. a village in Spain-the formar to upset thc world and bring beneath che banner of Sacan many oí che fanhful who had buen for generations Catholies. problum ras set t.ntury Sec Antoncllo (. mtst ur 11 I nuulcred a seeond independencc. or odres Furopean locatimrs (see Lavallé 1993).S. thcre could be no douht.174-75. wathont any doubt. i2 See.. detall for Mexico hv Lafaye ( 1977. and yet others when American-boro Spaniards criad m affirm che equalhv. especially pp. 15 y 16 de septiembre.e. Thus it is not without mystery chal in che same year in which Luther was boro in Eisleben. co a certain degree one could say that a religious nationalism is at che origins oí che Spanish imperial state. Nano. however that [hese pmcesses were by no means a simple constan:. ter Florencia. Englands early separacion of natiunal asir' and rcligion reflects che fact chal it never hoped te achieve a universal monarchy. interesas in prolonging encomendero privilege aher che second generaron. and chal it war extinguished as an impracticable ideal by che end oí che seventeenth cenwry. see Florencia Mallon.

and army ofhcials from the rank oí colonel up to wear a black hand of mourning (Primera secretaría de Estado Departamento esterior Sección 2. For a discussion oí the conrents of chis play. and generally 68-83) summarizes the tensions between rhe communirarien ideology oí the calpulli and che imperial ideology oí rhe Aztecs. rhe possibility oí constructing supracommunitarian alliances in the indigenous world was reduced. Economy and Society. that is telated in parí to the development of technology." in order ro thank God for his clemeney in allowing Spanish ships to rcach che Indies unharmed. seo Eric Van Young 1986. as mechanisms to reanimare ihe empire and.Spanish sentiment in this period. 28 Silvia Arrom. 207 López Austin also mentions that "the han oí prisoners taken in battle could also be kept as relics for che purpose oí giving Che captive's powers co Che captors" (221). 6 In chis connecrion. Concepls of rhe Ancient Nahuas.tion 5. state governors. 1759-1789. though in the Mexican case it appears that rhe deputies who were sent ro rhe Cortes oí Cádiz in 1812 were critial in rho (onnation of Mexico's lodges of che Scottish rito 30 Joel Poinsett to Henry Clay. Tbe Human Rody arad Ideology. who was a yorquino." At the most general leve]. privileges could nnfy be justihed if rhey were employed for the good of che naciun'' (Carlos 111 y la España dr I„ llustraoón." is an illuminating discussion of popular politics and anti . was strengehened in various waves oí modernizing relorms with che rice of a bourgeois public sphere in the late eighteenth century. a foregooe conclusion The United States needed time to gain strength in order to annex as many Spanish-American ten'irories as possible (cited in Fuentes Mares 1983.s Iv . On rhe other hand Spanish American independenee was pro dictable oven hefore indigenous social miwements gor srarred and hefore narionallsts really heated up As early as 1786.C. Human Body and Ideology. COMMUNITARIAN IDEOLOGIES AND NATIONALISM This chapter has been translated from Spanish by Paul Liffman. as well as oí its production and impressive Ceehnical effects. 211). 23-30. see Othón Arróniz. Teatro de la evangelización en Nueva España. 151 5 López Austin.' a hisrory. and especially to rhe rice ot abstraer labor. Marcel Mauss. 1.)31 The lodges had achieved such a status. and ul ti mately to the history of contmodihcarion. If we apply these ideas to Spanish America. Coloquios y doctrina cristiana. and of an ti nidcological criminal ur brigand element whose participacion was entircly opportunnoc 11989. titie 1.role as guardias o( universal Chnsrendom Formeci an importan[ part of rhe ideo logical armacure of what has some Llanos in hong che hrst European nation state' (Spanish Imperialism and the Political lmagnn. June 4. The fact that Spain would eventually lose those territorios was. Miniscers to Mexico National Archives. 34-35). 402. Mocrezuma hiniself tried to marry one oí his daughters to Cortés.Dispatches from US. 74. Postone suggests rhat che emergence ot rime as an "independent variable" "was related co che commodity torna ni social relacioní" (1996.ry hoth of local indigenous revolts whose claims with regará co state building were in fact the oppositc ol rhose of che crcole directorate (1986 386. 1828. in which priests call on everyone no reform rheir "vices and public si. book 1. also as potencial explanations oí its po1irical shortcomings For example. vol. D. that at che news of the death oí the Duke of York. we eonclude ihat rhe consolidarnos of "abstraer rime" has been a long process. che middle of this process 25 Antonio Domínguez Ortiz i flumi naces chis siwatiom "The social thoughr oí en1ightened Spaniards was flor radical It did not ]aim rhe total suppression of barriers between the estafes. without 292 = Notes t o C h a p t e r z 293 = . who has shows rhe central. 41-432 Annette Weiner. 27 For a descripbon that Ilustrares sume similariries between [hese ideas and those expressed in indigenous messianic revolts oí chis period. the vice presiden[. 79. 36-37) The role oí opportunlstic rogues and the criminal elenaent in indcpcodeoce is also pungently demonstrated by Archer (1989). 24 More thorough and convincing iban Andersonc emphasis on che populari zation oí "emprytime through rhe newspaper and rhe novel is Moishe Posrones discussion of the vise of "a bstract tose. 40. thac has only beca unevenly achieved The process began with devices such as administrativa relorms. "Concepts and Realities oí Spanish Economic Growth. because riese wene cruntbling of rheir own accord rhe conwltdacion of industrialtsm SpanishAmerican independence oecurred somewhere ii. May 19. 1827). vol. 1.. Ross Hassig (Aztec Warfare Imperial Expansion and Political Control) offers a number oí examples of the use oí rearriage as a strategy oí alliance among the Aztecs Following Chis logic. Domínguez discusses the significante oí stace projects and knowledge producrion in chis period in chapter 5 See alto Sranley Stein and Barhara Stein. 4 Fray Bernardino de Sahagún. chen. Presiden[ Guadalupe Victoria. that che first play presented in New Spain was an ejemplo againsr che sin oí higamy and any infringement oí rhe seventh commandment. 23 The Laos of ¡be Indios provide an i nteresong example of how Spain reconciled the simultaneous development between enipires though time with a Catholic universal ism Much of the legistature that was promoved by Philip IV (at a time oí imperial decay) shows punctilious conecto with public oration and repentence for public sins." 26 The fact that a nazi onalism and a nar]ona1 prograna were nor a conimon denominator even among Mexican insurgencs has been demonstrated by Edc Van Young. law 23 (passed originally in 1626) orders viceroys and church authoddes to celebrate oí November 21 every year with a Mass to che Holy Sacrament. 3 Alfredo López Austin (TI. 1 Max Weber. Perhaps it was not accidental. in pare to the Newton ian sc ient itic revol cnon. Washington. 120-21). published an edict ordering the presiden[. rhe members oí rhe Supreme Court. vol 1. perhaps. 29 Masons appear to be present in Spanish America since the 1780s. The Gifiu Forros and Funrtions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. No. for Jeffersoo. Fhooas Jelfe noo's . 412). and eventually w. Inalienable Possessions. it is interesting to note the determination with which Spanish missionaries combated polygamy. district officers.nain preoccupation regarding 2. Spanish America was that it should nor fall out oí Spanish hands too quickly. 1825. but rhe latter declined che offer on account oí the fact that "he was already married" (244). "Popular Polis es in Mexico City The Parián Riot. it seemed more urgen[ to struggle againsr economic differences chal condemned a great portion oí the population to misery This loes flor mean that pride in nobility had disappeared but thcy no longer used nohiliry Cides as excuses ro refuse common charges.

9 Florencia Mallon. ts7o-a65014 Jaeques Lafaye Ouetzalceatl y Cuad. d s. shas is. Rognes and Heroes. it is well known shas there were designs to creare .. alnuistic appeals N o l e. hlzcks u. "Oración cívica que en el aniversario del grito de independencia se pronunció en el palacio de govierno de Durango el 16 de septiembre de 1841. TI o¡ l nd C. Juárez and his liberals provisionally legalized corvée labor and/or slavery in che peninsula. 9 Sec. an asyluni for reactionaries .st i appeals u. 1 152-53. Peasant and Nation: The Making of Post-Colonial Mexico and Peru. Leyes fundamentales . 400-401.s Ti. " Racism ." 79-91. 137).. La pobla. I8 Ibtd.. while their creole sons besa.. 1867 (ibid. in Leyes) undamnotales de México... 1. 157.1 9 10) . of Race in Latín Amurica. etc." in Tbe 11." 7. 24-27. ed. che tiro. 293) discusses what come ti) be known o Juárezs day as "La Ley del Caso. It wtll win" (ibid.pci. Although za was related ti.. Felipe Tena Ramírez. suc Ross Hassig. hecause 'mdigenous mees survived in large p erts oí che country that wh lte caces had heen inca pable ot t nhabi ring In th is latter argumenc. 12 Ibid. 127. hrst. See also Coln Palmer.." 1561 1 In Pantaleón Tovar. chapter 16. "The Spanish-American Tradition oí Represencacion and Its European Roots. 10 Lorenzo de Zavala.a6ipc la formación de la conciencia nacional en México. Molina Enríquez formulares quite explicidy che idea that Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán developed ondee the ntle of "regions ot rchige ¡bid i 19 "The mestizos will finally absorh the Indians and they wtll conrpletely tuse the Créeles and che loreigners residing hiere wirh thcir oven race_ As a consequence. ed. 15 José María Luis Mora. 290 21 Andrés Reséndez shows how. aod has heen attributed to non. can tdle aristocracy (Minera and Mercbants in Bourbon Mexico . 13 Ibtd_. Piral Amneric. "Opúsculo patriótico. 129-33. 1834." 21-32 4 "Bando de Hidalgo. In a related discussion a few days later. Pora coro Prehe nvcc trcatnAlt ol ssar in IP 1 lislsanic pceod.A lesos ni eu. 20 Ibid 343 my emphasis.. Decemher 10. 15 Lic. che semi bozal is che same as che word lor hridle oc muzzle in Spanish and has the connotation of inexperience whcn app]ied to a horse or mole It also may be that che term referred to the tact that Atrican speech sounded Itke gibbertsh (voz or hoz referred to vosee. Slunes of tbe Wbita Gol.. These traitors toil to separare that tenitory from the republic and to instare it as a principaliry so that they can sell the Indians off as slaves" (¡bid. A casa e u ruu Espi o.. Ironically. speech.The Tics That Bind che Presa atol rhe PRI. 137-97. Spanish . vol. 1192-1867. nos only will ir: tesis[ che inevitable clash wirh the North American ras-e. Depury Zarco justifies che war in Yucatán by explaining shas "From che days oí Maximilian. 1808-15)57. hecause che number oí Spaniards in colonial Mexico was ahvays smal lar [han che number of Indians. 3. and David A.. AII [public) jobs shall only be obcained by Amedcans" 6 Rayón's constitution can be found in Tena Ramí s'ce by m favorable cnvironmcnt. sea David . Almo Knight. bave hico meritoeratlc. cidadania. 8 Fran4ois -Xavier Guerra.. 157. in che case of Texas and New Mexico. Creole Patdots and che Liberal SIate." 16 Ibid. and a-ith che luotihuaeán model se e alntmt thc s5) hule s.. 16.. 7 Ibid. 17 Andrés Molina Enríquez.. Mexico Coy: Marnage Patierne ol Pers<sns of (\rfican Descent in a Colonial Mexico Ciry Parish. Thus th terno siete 111 1 1 readily used co meter co leves. 16 For a discussion oí race issucs in Mexico. had a negadvc slart. sebo had . thc Aztrc unpirc umtr-nts wM1h huth thc classic . sor e. 1'1 Notes t o C h et p t e r 3 295 294 = .tm: negra de tVléxicu 1519-isnr. Cnrio. 306-8. 17 Ibid. 1910-1940. heredite. che mestzo race shall develop wirh liherty ( )nee this oso. 160-61. sehere ssar seas can exiles v ac tisis el thc tmtouacy. in order to comba[ [hese reactionaries and che Maya rebels. which is nos entirely sequential. 1870-1940. "A Cultura of Collusion. rnulher e morse no Brasil. Los guindes problunas nacionales. hut tn chis elash. ntouth.Inn.i.Indians (1.7 In Chis .i A guod summary el che relationshmp hctween che press and che government o provided m Raynumdo Rrva Palacio. Meo. 1810. 'Viaje a los Estados Unidos del Norte de América. 2 The lame saytng exisrs to Me.ruin dillerute bus.. Revolution and Indigenismo. 122 ). hecause raza seas somcnmes understoud ne a s. 225 These strictures are repeaced by Morelos in his Sentimientos de la nación (18 1 3) "Arride 9. On the other hand had bluod cnuld he ir:. Historia parlamentaria del cuarto congreso constitucional. como miembro de la junta patriótica de esta ciudad [de Orizaba) el día 11 de septiembre de 1842. Curiously. Richard Graham.[han Benito Juárez Mexico's must tamous liberal Fernando Escalante (Ciudadanos imaginarios .).A Bradings discussion ol the ways in which the Spanish merchanc bequcathed tl:er businesses tu theu daughters' [borran husbands.a viceroyalry in Yucatán. che scorpion would later go tan co become emblematic oí che state oí Durango. 344 18 They were more Indican chao Spanish for several reasons. Edgar Lo ve on m. curten[ notions.. que pronunció el ciudadano teniente coronel graduado Francisco Santoyo. 280-92. hits: can blaeks and other Gastes Ti. 12 Ibtd.. 1763 .. and third. Ciudadanos imaginarios. che dtserettonaty application ol the law as che law 3 Thus che relationship hctween che government and die press is most often descdhed as une ot "colluson.hayan k.ds. 13 The discussion occurs on December 28. 11.antple. MODES OF MEXICAN CITIZENSHIP 1 Roberto DaMatta..'sIonarcby. oth e2. Dates of discussions will be cited rather [ han pagination . O. secund. 19 Francisco Santoyo. lor a lato and more elaborated version." rathcr chao of simple represslon (though repression has a)ways exisced.w 11'vfar 6 However. Jesús Arellano.vhle dilas t in physlcal appearanee that was a mark Ilt spietual 111t enontr.nly nwdcm Spanish u„ s i roca . vol.ngdoms. lag.." 20 Escalante. 14 AII citations oí discussions oí the First Constimtional Congress are from che facsimile edition cided Actas constitucionales mexicanas ( 1821-1824 ). hecause che Spanish componen [ ot the mestizo roce was transmttced almost exclusively by orales. and. shouting. whcreas che indigenous clamen[ was reproduced by both females and males . Obras sueltas. 6. 71-114. Brading. . Blacks in Mexico.sla. 10 For examples of che latter. 11 Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán . 352)..

al] will be like brothers in a family. ti." in Torre Villar et al. 1 am grateful to Paul Ross for pointing this out to me.Mexican people. Ritual. to ritially ensheine che 1357 constitution was presented ro Congress Tire u tific. 20 Juárez's lndianness was not trumpeted by Juárez himsclf.Morelos. 24 Samuel Ramos. to keep [hose terrhones in che lpublic ("Caught between Profi[s and Ritual. 425).iria.oon h. Brading. 1. 97-109. and Gdlure Change in Central Urban Maxica. 2. El verdadero Juárez la verdad sobre la intervención y elimperio.0 for che i . 233. H. ryinnÍ. 9 Ibid 43. for a synthesis oí che nature of postrevolutionary state intervention in shaping a modero citizenry. poó[ical ritual. x556. Los orígenes del nacionalismo mexicano. a concenrration oí cultural power in tuco allegedly stellar and mutually antagonistic "intellectual groups. 24 See Mayer-Celis 1995. Carlos Vélez-Ibáñez. 14 This occurred to Father Mariano Balleza.. and. and for the specific case oí Michoacán. aceording to Molina Enríquez (1978. lora general appreeianon oí Porfirian state rheatcr. free [o carry out their own actions.m." 3 Studies oí che historical relationships between in[elleetuals. México. ol h1. Larissa Lomnlre. 23 Descriptions of Porfirian . che first US.. Nligucl Hidalgo y Costilla. 5 'Decreto de excomunión de los insurgentes dado por el obispo Abad y Queipo.m régimr. and che public sphere in Mexico are the focus oí chapters 7. for che views of che Spanish ambassador Angel Caldcrdn de la Barca ora [hese matcers. "El perfil del hombre y la culwia en México. 2 192.tate theater are plenniul. 17 Friedrich Katz. Netmork's m." 127.. che project for a lag tryi u. 21 Agustín Sánchez González. 42. but lar a succinct synthesis of chis perspective. vol. 8 Ibid.. 2. Just a lea monchs arar che execurion oí Maxlmillan vol. ed. Where tie Air ls Clear.. see Mauricio Tennno-lrillo.larva parlamentaria vol 1. and State-Formation in Michoacán. co distribute their common inheritance equally. and forward to historiaras such as Daniel Cosío Villegas and Enrique Krauze. and ilrxican Devalol r. and. 11 Luis Cahrcra.o entoril. 16 Villaseñor y Villaseñor. 23 O'Gorman. 25 Sec. diplomar in Mexico.his version is common w. however. 27 Teday . Village Revolu[ionaries. Generalísimo de las armas americanas . 9. Modernidad indiana: nación y mediación en México. "The Cultural Politics oí Agrarismo: Agrarian Revolt. on che other. 'Bando de Mordus suprimiendo las castas y aboliendo la esclavitud. Pole. "Los dos patdolism. vol 1. Mexieo's intelligen[sia experienced two contradictory tendencies: growth in the number oí institucional contexts for intellectual production. 21 2 For an analysis of che work oí Carlos María Bustamante. ed La urbanización populary el orden jurídico en América La l inri. 13 Francisco Bulnes. Los mejores chistes sobre presidentes. Biografías de los héroes. "Punctions ol clic f-orm Power Play and Ritual in che 1988 Mexican Presidential Campaign. 4 Claudio Lomnitz. 26 For a fui description oí [hese c-amira. chapter 5. lar [he boulevards. was the cause of che prodigi(ms valor that disti ngui shed us in che bloody war that has just passed" in locar. vol 2. see Barbara Tcnen baum. He then demonstrates that che representation oí Juárez and oí che restored republic as an era governed by the law and the ideals oí liberal ci[izenship is a false representation (Ciudadanos imaginarios. which it arguably was national identity and shared rcllgion seere die principal resouices used by Mexico te. "Popular Culture and che Revolu[ionary State in Mexico. and Ilya Acfler. see Claudio Lomnitz. PASSION AND BANALITY IN MEXICAN HISTORY 1 Fran4ois-Xavier Guerra. The Eagle: An Autobiograpby of Santa Anna. vol 2 30 10 Ibid. Historia doctimenlal de México. my cmphasis 10 José María .d thr Worldb Pairo Crafting a Modero No dan. FISSURES IN CONTEMPORARY MEXICAN NATIONALISM 1 Carlos Fuentes. but united by [he fraterni[y oí a common ideal. scc Paul 1 Vanderwood. 267-68. n la revolución 2 José María Luis Mora.treehvise History The I'aserc de la Reforma and the PorÑri an State 1876 1910.1 3. and 10." represented by che journals Vuelta and Nexos During the Salinas years (1988-94). en [he other. vol. and obligated by virtue of that fraternity.d \larginalily: Llfe in a Mexican Sbantytown. 1868. both 4. 5815 Antonio López de Santa Anna. So 4 Fernando Escalante. chapter I. 111. 1821-1848" 22 On February 7. a kinsman oí Hidalgo..d. see Christopher Boyer. Juárez was identified by others as [odian. 37 7 "Maní hesm que cl señor O. Escalante notes that che pervasive belief in Juárez as a lawabiding presiden[ can be traced back to che porfiriato. Ernesto de la Torre Villar. see Lorenzo Mcyer." 131-35.Ambassador N^les i baplr. who only wrote oí chis matter in a letter dedicated to his children. nuca]. 5. libero bsn. Ovan-4 1174. 64 22 Edmundo O'Gorman. to [olerate each othet's differences 19 Bulnes. Potra s Process.Azuda. see David A. 8 19. Disorder and Progress Rundir. ry. 789 18 Thus. 357-402. Mexico. on che one hand. a 296 rs Nates to Chaptee s 297 . el trauma de su historia. Biografías de los héroes y caudillos de la independencia. México del rmóq. vol. 33. 303). on [he one hand ("decentralization"). 17 de noviembre de 1817 162563. see Alan Knight.. 5 During the 1980s. see Larissa Lomnitz. Alexicc. Claudio Lommitz. for example. 68-69. 398). '." 395-444. For a superficial overview oí che history oí Mexican censures.r this proposal is significan[ "it is unquestionablc that Chis talisrnan i che consntution sil 18571 that Is so loved by the . see Alejandro Villaseñor y Villaseñor. Moisés González Navarro and S[anley Ross. 856-57. The Life and Times of Pancho Villa. Hapsbarg.. Ciudadanos imayir. Obras suelta. arrived in che country saluting its independence and hailing che republic that was "founded on the sovereignty of che people and en che inalienable righrs oí man" (cited in ibid. Nacional Contestation in Texas and New Mexico. 254¡259-86) . y electo por la mayor parte de los pueblos del reino para defender sus derechos y los de sus conde dada nos hace al pueblo (18l0). "che notion oí patriotism will be determined and reduced [o the following simple terms. Exits from the Lahyrinth_ Culture and Ideology in Mexican National Space. in ¡listoria documen tal de Mexico. 12 See Angel Delgado España y Alee a -l siglo vol. las carrtmdiccimres del sistema político mexicano Poinsett.arios . 523 Ibid. El verdadero Juárez. Antonio .r_.

Narracive . es ame not mere eomeidence. wcict. who explores what sise calls "protochronism" among Romanian nationalist intellectuals . because of in. of taking the jewels from che temple on top of che pyramid and depositing them in Switzerland. ir was exhibited in the medieval section of che museum . 173-228. Tylor where . Tylor. 5 4 For example. Another Reason. see Anne Rubenstein.s stn uure ot both countries as well as changas in thc wavs tate. so trames oí contact with the foreign have to be understood as a feature oí production oí national culture and identiry and not as an element external co nationaliry. en urbanism.crrnnunt. vol. t. hoyes cris thar in che United States the dominan[ ima. see Romeo Flores Caballero.t. 119-21. 8 For che case oí che censorship commissions . For anti . lata. Ancient and Modern. oí standardization of sc.tnater ti) che uan. The peor nations ' reaction te these practices is oudined by Katherine Verdery ( 1991). a Mexican spur was sent to Britain by Henry Christy and Edward B. Hybrid Cultures= Sirategirs for Entering and Leaving Modernity.tL lar . Culture and Imperialism. Counterrevolution: The Role of tbe Spaniards in che Independence of Mexico. Tbe Nacional Romances of Lain Anrerica . is an important part of the task of producing a geography of national identiry . which prevailed in che Roman world. Anabuac. see Gary Gordon .. and Moisés González Navarro. " DissemiNation: Time.. and Edward Said.s . "Trahcanres de drogas . of world expositions . Néstor García Canclini. Gyan Prakash. Naked Ladies. See Edward B. Entre el río Perla y el Nazas. ciar ti ng that che Ir ancestors recognized the trae God before che arriva1 of che Spaniards Th. and Other Threats to che Nation: A Political History of Comic Baoka in Mexico. 2. by che philosopher. 35)6 European travelers te Mexico usually collected pre -Columbian objects. aboye al] [hose having to do with che construction oí cultural regions within a national space . Los extranjeros en México y los mexicanos en el extrae ¡ aro. struccuru in che United States .entific measurements . alas. The Political Economy of Street Vending in Mexico City. or Meneo and tbe Mexicans . See Roger Rouse . with a hroad mmddle and narro. Doris Sommers . Contemporary producís that attracted their attention were generally seco as curious exemplars oí crafts that were distinctly European in origin .. hut Nusos's people received more concess. Pesos and Power . Science and tbe Imagrsacron of Modero India. i in ma1'e ul citizensh. 7 1 have developed chis point in connection ter che varying implications oí multiculturalism in Mexico versus che United States and Europe in " Decadente in Times oí Globalizatioo . such as Arjun Appadurai . Bad Language.1 11 1 c anJ tuseard a dise ributlon that he ikens to thc chape ol a rnck. 47. to name a few prominent examples 2 In che recen [ anglophone literatura Edward Said ' s Culture and Imperialism is a wideranging exploration of che ways in whlch che colonial world was both critically important to che developmenr of "Western civilizatiorí ' and systematically diminished or denied by it. 6 Interestingly tisis imago -cs.o k Jaresnta 3 Benedict Anderson.grtxtps hall Glose relatiuns ss-nh -hc p.. Bhabha ." 257-67. Notes en che Cultural Politics of Class Relations in che Contemporary United States .lr ul tire class and poseer stntsturc has 11(11 liceo that of cho pyram.a no. extravagance and size. and by che magistrate . This is because national space is ie itself an aspect oí an international system. la colonia china de Teorreón y la matanza de sea 1. and was given playfully ironic treatment in earIe 19005 by thc 13. as equally useful " (Edward Gibbon.d. 7 In an earlier work ( 1992a )..sí . 1 developed sume elements oí [his cultural geography. made quaint because of their indigenous twist. Foundational Fictions .s tactic underlles much of Latin Americas Ind. The." 291-322 . 1821-1970 . 9 For che case of dmgs in che 1 930s. Homi K . 133-34.lurmatians that Roger Rouse deserihes for U. a i' 1 1T 1 L. and on che history of transnational scienrihc and artistic networks Perhaps che finest methodological exemplar of [ his ine of rescarch is Daniel Rogers . To that end. la China decimonónica y sus braceros emigrantes. 295-96. in Mexico che dorninant imagos are simply of pillage . For the case oí che Chinese. for the sacking oí che Parián Market . which 1 did not develop in Exits from che Labyrinth.As early as che seventeenth ccnu. 1804-3E.Semitisen in che movements against itinerant salesmen during the Great Depression . Tbe History oí the Decline and Fall of che Roman Empine. Peddlers.s lulevisa. dly poctrayed isumewhat appropriately) as diamond -sIbap.genista thinking unce at leas[ che nmctc-euth century.d..le reieieed more h. as equally tete . 1 proposed a series oí concepts ncluding "intimare cultures" ( cultural zones forged by social classes in specific interactive contexts) and "culture oí social relations" ( culture generated in the framework oí interactions between different social clases and identiry groups within che national space). w hereby the U S. The alas. che tramlonnatnon of a diamond into a pyramiel). structure s1 ' l1t111 aseae t -u m. lmagrned Cmnmunrties. •. oí nationalist srrategies in a number of literary forms and gentes . The topography oí zones of contact .ry 1 ndigenous Intel leetuals such as Guaman ( -L. teleeting Instead a tundamental shifr in che c.LVU ol r:i b. Roger Bartras most recent book (La sangre y lo Lista Ensayos sobre la condición postmexicanaj is a colleeIr00 ol essays en "che post-Mexican condition" s Dipesh Chakrabarry ( 1992' has argued for che peed co "provi nci alize" Europe in che realm el rheory and history h his rail to arras succeeds rimen perhaps the sor[ ot "grounded theory" that 1 espouse herc will in somc respeecs he more universal and social thought may go through a pisase risa[ is parallel te cho one that religion was raid to have had in antiquity: "Thc various modes of worship. were a11 considered by che people.p One signtfieantcon trasc ber reen che teso cases . "Thinking through Transnationalism . whereas in che United States tiro cuncnt tos nslonnation of che iass structure is decried in mainstream newspapers as rellecting both " corporate greed" and che "formation of an underclass " (that ir. see Luis Astorga.ons Irom thc tate. 6. reh. Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age. points at che top and che bottom Thus. and che Margins ol che Modero Nation . in che 1 850s. NATIONALISM ' S DIRTY LINEN Poma and Fernando de Alea Istlilxochitl argued for a kind of "protoehronistñ' with regard to Christiani ry. chapter 4. as equally false . políticos y policías en el siglo veinte mexicano" The Díaz Ordaz regime 's hostility to the 1 This interest in che international networks of national identiry production has produced an exciting corpus of works en che hlstory of mapping . Modeniity at Larga Cultural Dimensions of Globaláation . see Juan Puig . whicii es a tendency co assert that key inventions of civilization were i nvented ches r country r i both of [hese aspects oí nationalism have long been recognized hy waters and poliucians in che colonial and postcolonial world.asdian writem 1 sosa Barreo) through che cragieomie nationalist hero Policarp. 298 = i = Notes to Cbapter e 299 = . en architecture .° 353-403. of censuses . in tim 1u„1111 . huí Chis tradition has also produced a number oí more general and theoredcally inclinad works .

AND CORRUPTION IN THE FORMATION OF MEXICAN POLITIES 1 The role oí ritual in che consnuction of a national poliry is a venerable line oí inquiry. Everyday Fanos of State Formation. 1 Nave repearedly said. The lnvention of Tradition. "Functions of che Forro: Power Play and Ritual in the 1988 Mexican Presidencial Campaign") In che past decade or so.." lecture notes. and Waldemar Smith. Proceso.. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. Refried Elvis. which lent it 'rs seriousness and tenaciry. "Prostituí ion. and ¡ya Adler. 22 The case oí architectural modernism's decrepitude in Brazil has been analyzed by Beatriz Jaguaribe.'The Virgin oí Guadalupe A Mexican National Symbol. Evolución de una sociedad rural . Matthew Arnold argued that the British national spirit was composed oí three elemento rhe Saxon. Interest in political ritual has also emerged in ethnographies oí various dimensions oí Mexican urban lile (for example . Carlos Vélez-Ibafiez. more importandy. Entrada libre.onship between tradition and moderniry is not exclusively Mexican. che legislation promoted by Charles III devoted a chapter to che Note S t o C 1. Mexican Post-Cardo. Fields and Metaphars the most prominent founding ancestors. and Gilbert Joseph and Daniel Nugent. 4 For example. 1900-1950. usually involving conditions oí coercion. Jorge Alonso." 41-81- 21 Pratt coros che term contad zona "to refer no the space of colonial encounters.. and never with rhe Spantards' (José Vasconcelos. In nineteenth-century England." The challenges that Brasília's poor suburbs pose for che nationalist utopia that the city was meant to embody are treated in James Holston. Medicalizarion and Nation-Building on che U5 -Mexico Bordee.'contact zone' in my discussion is often synonymous with 'colonial frontier. A detailed catalog oí ideas represenri ng both sities of ibis rift can be found in La dominación española en México. 11 Liberals honored Hidalgo and celebratcd indcpendence on Seprember 15. 1997 17 Arturo Eseobads Encounteriug Developmunl Tbe Muking and Unmaking of che Third World. La Guerre des imanes De Chriseophe Colomb a ' Blade Runner'. that curse of Germany. The role of development discourse (not only at rhe genera I ideological leve]. there is also work en politics as spectacle and on che role oí myth and ritual in bureaucracy (Alberto Ruy Sánchez. Boundaries. which lent it as energy. which lent ir lis spirit and senti• mena.disorder oí Mexican pop tinture is succinctly addressed in Carlos Monsiváis." 341). Arnoldargues for che full assimilarion of rhe (_eltic peoples oto British society and for rhe annihilation oí Celric as a living language . Revolu(ion and Social Reform in Mexico Gry. bur. . and intractable conflict .. che innoble in a word. Serge Gruzinski. RUMOR. Claudio Lomnitz. The Fiesta System and Economic Change and in studies on che connections berween ritual and local politics (for example. and Cultural Change in Central Urban Mexico. Rituals of Marginality Politics. in pan from Celtic and Roman sources. who have attended similar themes in various periodo and regions. West. 1969-1974. and William French. the Roman. the space in which peoples geographically and historically separated come roto contact with each other and establish ongoing relations. 13 Zolov. The role oí ritual in the consolidation of local communities has received much more attention .Science and Medicalizarion in Mexico and che U." and Victor Turner. Cheryl Martin. for example.In this some essay. 23-27 For a more detailed and wide. the plain and ugly. interest in these fields has also gatned prominente among historians . "On che Study of Celtic Ltterarurc. Refried Elvls: Tbe Rise oí che Mexican Cmmterculture The discussion of Beavis and Buttbead appeared io the nacional press in 1993 10 This is also the argument that unos rhrougb inc iHobsbawm and Terence Ranger.S.che danger tor a national spirit thus composed is the hunidrum. eds. William Beezley . ¿Relajados o reprimidos Diversiones públicas y vida social en la Ciudad de México durante el Siglo de las Luces. because the relationships oí contact are oí multiple sorts. when it carne to Mexico always symparhized with the Indians.. 106-3419 "We don't think iris necessary to unde. 145. 12 This relar.ranging discussion . a p t e r 6 = 300 = Notes to Cha p ter 7 301 = . "Eugenlcs beyond Bordees. Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Cultura in Mexico. Frank Cancian. 1910-1930. byenergywitbbonesty Take away some of che energy which comes te us. offer" (cired in Kathcrinc Bliss. and rhe Celric. Larissa Lomnitz and Marisol Pérez Lizaur. Rituals of Rule. Tbe Decline of Community in Zinacaneán." and'Buildings. The assimilarion oí (hese defeared peoples roto the national genius is rhus an identical move co che orle made by Mexican indigenistas. Los movimientos sociales en el Valle de México. 14 Examples oí how government indigenistas sought to reconfigure Chis relationship can be found in Alexander Dawson. with Eric Wolf. radical inequality. "The Culture of rhe Srate. Juan Pedro Viqueira Albán. These tules are only a sample oí che literature 2 Fran4ois-Xavier Guerra.In e che disastrous impression that che arrivng rourist wtll form upon seeing che spectacle of immoraltry thar the brothels. The Presenlation oí Self in Everyduy Life. and Blood. "Modernist Ruin. 1918-1940"196)20 Alexandra Srern. México del antiguo régimen a la revolución. Larissa Lomnitz. as well as in debates ovar che "cargo system" ( for example . Guillermo de la Peña. Finally. and Carlos Monsiváis. notably in arguments over Wolf's typology of peasant communities. Ulises criollo..(Mary Louise Pratt. A Mexican Elite Family) and in che anthropology oí social movements (for example . asa set oí categories and tneasurements) is central ro Chis story 18 Erving Goffman. Economics and Preshge in a Maya Community.Any Herderian view of nationality involves a dialectic between rradirion and moderniry . Dramas. RITUAL. and you have the Gennanic genius steadinrss witb bonesty . instead oí energy soy rather steadiness. and Claudio Lomnitz. 2 vols 3 Viqueira Albán's. 34). 16 Arjun Appadurat. against which Goethe was all bis lile fighting" (Marrhew Arnold. Indigotismo and the Paradox of che Nation in PostRevolurionary Mexico. in upen air and established in an importan[ city arrery an obligatory path. conservatives honored Iturbide and celebiaccd indcpendence on Seprember 27. Herederos de promesas . See. "Alternativa Modernities: Statecraft and Religious Imagination in che Val ley oí che Dawn" 7. University oí Chicago. das Gemeine. see Eric Zulov. is a critique oí development as tt has breo organized since World War II. 6). 1 believe. eds. die gemeinbeit. ¿Relajados o reprimidos is a description and discussion oí che transformations oí collective participation in public ritual during the eighteenth century. eds." 15 "And it was quite singular that (hose Americans who so guarded the privilege oí their whire cante. "[The English genios] is characierized. My own usage leaves the question oí domination and oí che nature oí inequalities in transnacional contact zones open. Mitalogia de un cine en crisis.

175 16 Sec Guerra. lo Manuel Castells. . El ponerpilo 18 Mary Kay Vaughn. ehapter 4)12 Julie Greer Johnson. 1 16) Alrhough Taylor speculates rhat chis may be owing m che absence oí men from the villages during agricultura) seasens.rlr. and in Fernando Escalante. during che 1988 ofgender in relation tu citizrnsha and p.rv with a pedantic exhibition oí classical and scholast." after che assassinations oí Cardinal Posada. for example. exaggerated panegvrics and bombas[ were thc marks oí esthetic excellence' (Baroque Times m 1 3d Mexico 1371. The backstage has greater claim lo truth than offfcial. ar 1 } . La draotrasia en blancor el movimiento médico en México. together N o I e+ 1 c ( b .. The tradition oí pragmatic aceommodations that coexist with a discursive orthodoxy has been promi nene since thac early period..n that social organ... Williana Taylor notes that "[t]he place oí women [in village rebellions) is especially striking" (Drinking. 22 A fui) study oí chis phenomenon would have to focus on che press and its management of public manifestations. el Alexicao ramilles ot various social strata nvsts on ti.l ing che contents ol a poetry contest during the era known as "the long siesta oí che ses.ót. 1 I Stephen Greenblatt argues that che discoursc of che marvelous was used co avoid transcultural communication in the contad period (Manrelous Possessions. 188-R`r 5 Lunvrnz and Pérez l iza. explores che polit.. and polis only began finding their way into newspapers since che 1988 presidencial campaign.u.mnnon c a euro _td dcus.. A Legary of Promises.A Case Study in Mexico" 21 Nuestro País is che first journal devoted te public opinion in Mexico. chaptcr I0. Al] [hese events (and an infinite number oí smaller unes ) are rhe foci of poiitical contention through che interpretation oí their "true" nature and meaning. triumphed. insulting and rebellions m thcir behavior toward outside authorines [[han men]" (bid )9 Ricardo Pozas Horcas itas. women lcd the attacks and were visibly more aggressive.enteer th centuq'. At che nacional leve) "socialist cducation" was in no small parí a crusade lo finish off che key role oí the church as cultural integrator. He describes how bureaucrats conscancly present information that they have read from che newspapers either as their own personal interpretation or as coming from a personal source. "The Construction oí che Patriotic Festival in Teeamaehaleo. by hold jugghng ot phrases and excessive artífice. Luis Donaldo Colosio. and conversion through racional convictions. 1 have argued chal ambivalente toward conununication between urban elites and popular classes lies at che hcart ol thc hisrory oí Mexican anthropology (Claudio Lomnitz..ctnra social urbana de México{ 7 The bes[ historical treann^ et u' thn quawon s Steve Sretn. alter che imprisonment oí oil workers' union leader "La Quina. Obscurity was a virtue and a vacuous jumbling o1 allusions a merit With che copie ni no way n che twen[ieth cuinu.c Ai Camp. and alter che devaluation of che peso in 1995. ^^ 53. 15 13 See. Lomnitz.g o( i'o 1 t -t . 9964-19(5.oots. Modernidad indiana. vol 1 18201 loe Che forfnato See also the significante ot lila service lo democracy in che PRI's 1988 presidencial campaign. n. This is whv 1-anssa Lomm.. However. La Guerrr des imagen. during che Consejo Estudiantil Universitario (CEU) student movement. Agricullure. examples and illustrations are easily available lo any reader of che Mexican press. see Federico Reyes Heroles. Homicide and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages. C ódigo negro cerolr '. Polling for Democracy. because "[1]n at least ore fourth of che cases examined. 1 i'nrn -t %6.Instead uf favoring dialogue. However. Sondeara México. 135-36). 17 Most prom'mently in Friedrich. significa nce . chis same success also gave local constituencies che strength co avoid the most draconian antireligious measures taken by che government.1. The City aud tbe Gmre.. p i e NoIrsto Chapter7 303 = 302 mohilizaiion in nineteenth-century agravian conrmunities8 Paul Friedrich malees the porot that women are able to publicly articulare opinions chas would gel their men killed (Primer of Namr. 15 Gmzinski.ces of Naranja. c . An ethnographic description oí che dynamics oí political interpretation during Mexican campaigns can be found in Claudio Lomnitz..c Icarning. México dei Javier Malagón Barecló. h s su . . "Usage poütique de Fambigúité: Le cas mexicain" 23 Guillermo de la Peña. The fjoak in Ore Ame ricas. comprehension. and Adler. public renderings in Mexico. in Lomnitz..story oJ iAIn:. Politics and Ritual in che Morelos Highlands. 14 So. "Functions oí che Form. 19 Vaughn mentions that [hese processes of negociaron between teachers and local communities also led teachers lo avoid imposing che most anticlerical educational themes of che "socialist educatiod' oí che 1930s . 169-71) argucs that attempcs te foster true dialogue between priescs and Indians were more ar less abandoned in Mexico around 1570. rural" ocs ." Fernando Escalante dcals squarely watn chis inste in Ciudadanos inmginarios." 213-46. Paul Friedrieh's explanation would sccm to account lee thcir behavior more fully." 303. in descr. which emphasized ritual compliance r ecr nuellectual conviction.der Ll r Nmiorr 'Or n 1Al. John Elliott .I . and José Francisco Ruiz Massieu.. In the most comprehensive study oí colonial rebellions no date. during che Zapatista rebellion. and Roder.' Irving I.zational lona "I-as re laceres horr-onmles r've n. a work that is yet to be done. 169-71. Public Opinion and Political Liberalization in Mexico. "Media Uses and Effects in a Largo Bureaucracy. sah.ja) This argument would seem to be borne out by the historical work on rebellion in Mexico. Puebla. and its force could be witncssed in the censorship that was meted out to Fray Bernardino de Sahagún's ethnographic smdies of sixteenrh-century native society en the grounds that m name that sociery was m preserve ir. "Spain and Amcrica in che Sixceenth and Seventeenth Centurles.un rr. 1 17-91 describe huso Imnily ritual is a Inrum lur intraiamll. Tire Seoel H. Testeras attitude toward conversion. 1900-1946... t.. `ale o.reguladora ul sisee and IrerH bisele . 20 llya Adler's discussion oí che uses oí che press in Mexicos bureaucracy is significant in chis respect. c. Ruroncia Nlallon (Peasanl and Go. For accounts oí che rase oí poliing in Mexico.'o cn li estn. Crucial instances of [hese processes have occurred in che aftermath of che 1985 earchquake (what was "che meaning " of the popular and che governmental reactions to che disaster?). See Ilya Adler. some aspects oí chis initiative found local support and civic festivals thrived along with a transformation in popular culture (che introduction oí sports). Gruzinski (La Guerre des imagen..ak. 58.guo regonen a la reooluaón..eonard states that '[c]he aun [oí che contesti was adulation and glorificaron oI che subject matter and it was bes[ achieved by ingenious conceits.

Fray Berardino de Sahagdn mentions Tepuztécad as one of che men involved in che discovery oí pulque alter the Mexica departed from Temoanchan in their pilgrimage co México -Tenoch cidán IFlorentine (e. 6 Silvio Zavala. These consus materias have been analyzed by Pedro Carrasco in "The Family Structure oí XVlth Century Tepozdán " and "Estratificación social indígena en Morelos durante el siglo XVI" 12 Peter Gerhard discusses che chape oí tire pre -Columbran kingdoms in present-day Morelos in "A Method for Reeonstruccing Precolumbran Política) Boundaries in Central México. 9 "The indígenas of Tepozdán present themselves before Maxirnilian and Carlota to offer personally their complete support . 'The Family Strucmre of XVlth Century Tepozdán. 20--37.It is also possible that a single tlatoani appropriated chis narre . Apuntes para la bistona de 7poztlán. 5 Joaquín Gallo. Evolución de una sociedad rural. including Redficld and Lewis have assumed chal El Tepozcécad was a mychical .. reprinted in Teresa Rojas Rabiela. and Guillermo de la Peña. beginning with che migration froni Azdán . to a god of che Azcec pantheon under King Axayacatl. 199511 Ismael Díaz Cadena . 16 In fact. October 1. 292-307... It is possible . trans .In any case . 1 believe that these ideas regarding peasant production are easily transferred to some oí the other activities that Tepoztecans now engage in. niel. 33-41. vol 2. Set James B Greenberg. "We (bine ta Ubjecl" Tbe Peasano of Morelos and the Nacional Si. El indio en la prensa nacional del siglo diecinueve." and Phillip K Boek. 10 La Jornada. passed che knife over to General Tlacaelel. Historia de la fundación y discurso de la provincia de Santiago de México. such as Pedro'. Ritual and Boundaries oí che Closed Corporate Communiry. Pho. chal Tepuzrecatl seas simultaneously che name oía god and che tide taken by che datoani .) and petty commerce .Others . in any case difficult. 15r translation and adaptaron are mine. Tepoztlán A Mexican Village. 28 de junio de 1864. Lewis felt chat che "culture oí poverty" was an urban phenomenon flor because material conditions in che city were worse [han in Tepoztlánthey were not-bui rather because che urban experience of poverty was not mediaced by a tradicional collectivity17 Fiar a more detailed diseussion oí chis strategy and its deployment in modern Tepoztecan history. crónica de desacatos y resistencia is a journalistie aeeount ot re. a fas[ train . self-employed mechanics. under the rnodel oí che high priest Ce Acad Quetzalcoatl Finally. ) Rojas. in Five Frenlies . Tepoztlán. vol. book 10. El servicio personal de los indios en la Nueva España. ene politieal eonflict in the village. Tepoztlán. whose money is. Greenberg (1994) provides an example oí chis kind oí transference in his discussion oí distinctions berween "clean " and "dirty" money that are drawn among Oaxacan Mixe merchants . see Arturo Warman. 25 The Mixe of Oaxaca discriminare becwecn good and evil merchants. 1.idered María Rosas. and not a historical figure The interpretation is. 1. Evolución de una sociedad rural .. etc. see Lomnitz. 193). This is consonant with James Loekhart's diseussion oí che altepeel (The Nabuas alter che Conquesr. 1 520-f 800. 249.24 Caneran. Fray Diego Durán (Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e islas de la Tierra Firrne . 14 Serge Gruzinski provides an accnunt oí che ways in which secularization was understood and resisted in che Altos de Morelos in Man-Codo in the Mexican Highlands. ro numerous modo rm day ap pan cions in che figure oí an oíd. NaIrs lo ('uaptrr e 304 = Notes t o C h a p t e r e 305 = . Several early sources refer to lepuzcdead Fray Juan de Torquemada names him as one ot che lords cha[ Moccezmna dispatched to che Golf Coast with gifcs for Cortés (Monarquía indiana . descripciones y sucedidos. Agricultura Politics and Ritual in tbrLlorelos Htghlands.Before che Conquesr. but [hect a number of shorter pieces san che place. and a golf course. Essays en Indrvrdualisrrc: Modem Idaoiogy in Asithropological Perspecesve. 21) shows the cites oí preColumbian habitation in Tepoztlán in contras [ with modern. Tepoztlán personajes. Aztec Warfere. to a lord who met Cortés . In the instante named by Durán .¡.. 2 292) mentiuns Tepuzréead as one oí the gods rhar priests rmpersonated. ed. 4 Legrey of Promises. and in al¡ probability at che time oí chis census." Lewis (Lfe in a Mexican Village. 153-60 for che colonial history oí chis family.ex. vol. Pomer and Colonial Society. 8 Gallo. Tepozcécad appears in several historia mylhical periods. 7 Ross Hassig. 3 Por discussro ns of che h istory of the re lar iomhip benveen lowlands and highlands in Morelos. along wi th Quetzalcoatl Huiczilopochdi. 4 It rs difficult co discern what che hutoncal bases of che Tepoztécatl myth may Nave heen Local and regional inrell ectua ls. "Tepozdán Remn. Tlaloc. bakers. His material suggests che capacity oí chis peasant ideology co expand 8 C E N T E R . 15-20)13 See Fray Agustín Dávila Padilla. 151-70. 15 See Robert Haskett. after having had his lill of slaughceri ng. Indtgenous Rulers: An Ethnohistory of Town Government rn Colonial Cuernavaca . Oscar Lewis L fe in a Licyean VilLigr and Pedro Martínez. 163. Oscar Lewis contrasts che mediation oí local eommuniry cuh cure en Tepoztecan family life with the unmediated effects oí capitalism on che Mexico City poor. El Tepoztécatl legendario . India. Imperial Expansion and Political Control. 294-97. and Claudio Lomnrtz . and simultaneously thank them for allow rng'some poor indígenas' to be worthy oí seeing their faces " ( in Periódico Oficial del Imperio Mexicano ." wood-carrying peasant who appeared in che mountains and warned his countrymen against a road . PERJPHERY A N D THE CON N E C T ION5 BETW EEN NATIONALISM AND LOCAL DISCOURSES OF DISTINCTION 1 Lotus Dumont. vol. who. a cable car . who in turra was succeeded in chis honor by che various godpriests . Tepoztecans lived in a number oí scattered settlements at che feet oí che Sierra de Tepoztlán and were not concentrated in a village . 105-72 . unequivoeally identify El Tepozcécad as che reigning tlatoani (i ndigenous ruler ) oí che time oí Spanish Conquesr and as che first Tepoztecan co take baptismal rices . 59. The Decline of Cornrsun ty in Zinaratttán. and Juan Dubernard. respectively good and ovil depending on whether they organize a series oí preseribed esto al s and on whether or flor thcy are veto che needs of community members . cherefore . and others These god-priescs were charged with the sacrifice oí numerous victms. 22). 279 2 The main an thropological works un Tepozrhn are Robert Redheld. Tepoztécatl may have referred generically to nobles from Tepoztlán. particularly artisanal work (masonry. Libro de tributos del Marquesado del Valle ( 1540).mng Pedro Carrasco. saenfices were imnated by King Axayacatl ( reigned 1468-81 ).day settlement patrerns . Capital. 18 Although 1 have not had the opportunity oí verifying chis in Tepoztlán .priest ot Tepozdán who was charged with che tare oí che temple to che pulque god Ome Tochtli.

" which is measured through a variety oí scatistics and with the hele of a number oí seiences. arc classical instruments of A nstoo. see John Ingham. 31 Bock. México DF. I.1 :31. The "populacion. see Pamela Voekel. see Frangois-Xavier Guerra and Annick Lamperlére. 25 In a revcaling admonicion . 7 For contrasting accounts of che origins oí underdevelopment in the nineteenth century. see Federico Reyes Heroles. Vanderwood. 4 30 Poet Carlos Pellicer donated his privare collection oí pre-Columbian artifacts for a new archaeological ntuseum in Tepozdán -che villagés carlrer collection had been destroyed during che revolution . see Barbara Tenenbaum. Ciudadanos imaginamos. "Ohstacles to Economic Growth in 19th Century Mexico. el otro. s^ o Lunv. Mexico at tbe World's Fairs. 119-20 22 Por more Inlnrmation un ibis penco.dth 1:1 ibis regios. 19 for an expllc ation oi track nona ] ]ti( 1 un hc.IS. "Governmentalicy.rtexi of Western Arrsfocraciesl 5 For a statistical analysis ot che contents oí che Gazeta de Lima see Tatuar Herzog. "I ntroducciúnin Los espacios públicos en Iberoaméricaambigüedades y problemas.beyond agneulture and rolo utb.. see John Coatsworth.sari and baroque ritual.dnues prohn Into shc local mntmunicy and ti prices and loans to con: munity ntembcr. For eonneecions between colonial discourses oí che marvelous and che literary movement devoted to the real maravilloso. see Giucci 1992. Down from Colonialism. 5-26. "Functions oí che Form: Power Play and Ritual in the 1988 Mexican Presidencial Campaign. 1 rica. Solareis description oí Maderos spiritualist sessions is based on Maderos diary. a los gobernantes . Small TI. une ot diese che mining boom ot che eighceenth eentury (Wages of (2ogn. in AHT Alexis was che pscudunym of tuther Pedro Rojas.i)e rl:. and help from prominent visitors was enlisted for getting clectricrty and a junior hrgh school ( see Lomnitz . Trpozllmn. see Paul J.. ibe Pionccrs of Gemmu'socral Polity4 Por a dch d3cussion of shc relationship hetween gente sci. Exiis from si. Lifr in a Maxican Village 26. a los capitalistas ... see Claudio I ounitz. Other revolutíonary leaders and presidents. 92.Oscar Lewiss research project brought medical assistance to che village in che 1940s . 157-74. Pedro AOarl(:ez. L:fe:n a Mexinu: ViLLigr. and Mexican Development. nl li. On Porfirian urban intervention. lar instante .nz Eoohuión de una sociedad rural. U'oiI end (: omn:odif y Frl n i Soutj. "La gaceta de Lima (1756-1761 i. such as Alvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles. post of the arneLes signed hy Alexis" in El Tepozteco during che 19205. the sane wrirer calls on municipal authorities to consult with che litemte municipal secretary . I NTERPRETI NG THE SENTI ME NTS OF THE NATION 1 A governmental state will "set up economy at che leve] oí che entire state. 16 For a fascinating ficcional account oí Madero as a spiritualisc leader. 26.x:. México del antiguo régimen a la revolución 11 Maya Indians were also sold luto slavery in Cuba during the second half of che nineteenth century. see Greenblatt 1992. Crafting a Modem Nation. aiodern piad indiana: nación y mediación en México. "Screetwise History: The Paseo de la Reforma and che Porfirian State." 237. 1 19-23. For a sketch oí che historv oí Mexican censures. which means exercising towards lis iohabhants. see Ignacio Solares. al ejército libertador.Mrxuan Folk Medicine Mn t cl liusap s svell-knuwn tudy oí capitalism In Colombia : T.t TheMex:c." in The Foucault Effect. chapter 2). a merchants money is citan" :t he ur shc redist." and Jaime O. 27 Redfield. 8 In her thesis on scatistics in che early postindependent period. Madero. develops an analysis with many parallels co thls Tepozteean idenlogy 20 Lewis Lifi Hexicrm Vi11 a9t 231 21 Lewis. Los rituales del caos. Tepozllán. 235 -40. 68 28 Claudio Lomnitz . 3 Theorics of admmist ratios such as Gennan camcralisni . Disorder and Progress : Bandits. will remove che veil of ignorante thac overpowers and annihilates us' (El Tepozteco . February 1. "Manifiesto de Madero al Pueblo. 13 Carlos Monsiváis. and che wealth and behavror oí al]. 141. al ejército nacional y a la prensa. ot work II ssentially . April 1. ny in fine (. Police.. "Scent and Sc nsi kifity Pungency and Picry in che Making of che Veracruz Gente Sensata." Hugo Nutini provides che only general overview of che history of Mexicos aristoeracv He argues chal che Mexican aristocracy underwent three periods of expansion each ol which asas relaced to significanr economie transtormatron s. "Tepoztlán Recansrdered 9. " If our ignorante blocks the good intentions chal inspire us. buc that che scientific basis oí rhese scatistics lacked credibiliry even in their own time. applied by che Baron von Humboldt to New Spain in 1803. 220. Studies o: Govrrmnentality. 24 de junio de 191 I.Also pertinent to this question is che phrlosopher Antonio Caso's appeal to che powers oí intuition via Bergson against che Porfirian científicos' faieh in positivism. LabyrmtG Gdturc and ldeology in Mexican Nacional Space.m i. 12 For the image of the rurales ." 15 Francisco 1. and on their tramformabon with independence.. Claudio Lomnitz. 23 Lewis. 1921. a form of surverllance and control as attentive as that of che head of che family over his household and his good" (Michel Foucault. are lose. 130-32. la restrucmración de la realidad y sus funciones " 6 For che use oí che discurse of che marvelous as a propagandistic device. Laura Leticia Mayor Celis (1995) shows that nacional independence generated a flurry oí scatistics. chapier5- N o l e n t u a p 306 Notes t e C b a p t e r v 307 = . 1876-1910" The most comprehensive discussion oí che strategies and politics oí nacional presentation in che internacional arena during Chis period is Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo. 9 For an account oí che emergente of polling written by an arden[ proponen[ oí chis method. Evolución de una sociedad rural. 24 See . be cause they arc oricuced tn treating cine whole of che poliry as it it were a business See Albion W. as well as an interest in comparative nacional statstics. and Lewa. were also spiritualists. Madero. h :. in al] goodness .. and Ilya Adler. and in Frangois Xavier Guerra. "On . 1922. Lewis. is thus the central concern oí administraGOn2 On che ways in which "public" and "republie' acere understood in che Spanish colonial world. siglos XVIII-XIX. let us approach our enlightened municipal secretarias . 14 See Larissa Lomnitz.h. 3)26 Redficld . Rodríguez.. 29 El Tepozteco . if our unfamil iarity with rulcs and such interferes with our aims. Sondeara México 10 This point is carefully argued in Fernando Escalante. which. (:nn.

The Coatsworth citation in question is for factual information. but also elsewhere. Enrique Krauze. see Ferguson 1994. 11. but is instead Rafael Segovia's. "A Culture oí Collusion The Tics That Bind che Press and the PRI " The best-paid collahorators 01 the Mexican press are political columnists and wellknown ntellectuals who have regular columns. especially in Latin America. Luis Vázquez León. 43-48). dispute the fact that neither Coatsworth nor any oí the others' ideas had any impact en his work. AN INTELLECTUAL'S STOCK IN THE FACTORY OF MEXICO'S RUINS by contrast.. 16 See Barbara Mundy. see Raymundo Riva Palacio. It should be noted. and makes no direct or indirecr rcference to cha audtor's ideas. 4 The Centro Cultural Arte Contemporáneo was in fact closed down in 1998. chapter 2. which appeared in print three months prior). see Jorge Myers. for example. of which he is editor. 4 Arjun Appadurai. nevertheless. "La historiografía antropológica contemporánea en México. "Respuesta al señor Augusto Hugo Peña" 2 Lorenzo Meyer. chapter 4. che central thesis oí Mexico: 13io ir. "Is Horno Hierarchicus2" 759." interview with Arturo Mendoza Monciño. part 2.i. "El mártir de Chicago'. 13 Enrique Krauze misinterpreted chis lino to mean that tic had not cited O'Gorman in his notes 1 purposely counred only discusslons in che body oí the text. How to Traverse rhe Fantasy in the Age of the Retreat of t h e B i g Othec" 18 On che nature of government Involvcment nnd subsidy oí the press.17 For a useful discussion of this cono ept.ocras nt en bLmco: el movimiento médico en México. Notes to Cbapte. Indigenous Cartograpby and tbe Maps of tbe Relaciones Geográficas. Their Time. In fact. Krauze deals with ideas ti we turn to the notes oí Mexico: Biography of Power.ensayos sobre la condición postmexicana. the phrase "democracy without adjectives" does not belong to Krauze. 8 Ibid. They did not." 358.Cosío. La dn. Mexican anthropology had played a critica) role in the formation oí a national con science. the citation is for narrowly factual evidence and not a discussion ol any of Ati O'Gormans ideas. of'Power (i e. a number oí national anthropologies. Mexico." and Claudio Lomnitz. Other Latin American illustrations can be found in John Lynch.n Reasom lrchnocratir Reoolution in Mexico10. which was that in Mexico che president's personal whims had becorne a kind oí raison d'étal. that Mexico has never been a "pure model" but. The Mapping of New Spain. gets discussed thirty-three times in the body oí the text. 7 Ibid. 308 to Notesto Ch ap ter f 1 309 = . "La historiografía antropológica contemporánea en México. Textos heréticos ( 1992)." and my reply. 18 ABer Octavio Paz's death (and the initial publication oí this essay. Similarly. Mr." one oí which can be summarized as "death by academy" ( La sangre y la tinta. which is where Mr. for instance. have turned tu Mexico for inspiration during the past century. "Adiós Mfster Lomnitz" An interesting antiSemitic coda co the debate occurred in a letter to the editor oí che Mexican daily Excelsio. sce Slavoj Zizek. World Time." 139). or. 1800-1850. Enrique Krauze purchased the shares oí Vuelta and launched a new magazine. 5 The cense that Mexican anthropology is undergoing a difficult transition is reflected in different ways in a number of works. Ralph Beals reviewed the field oí Mexican anthropology and concluded that although it had had a relatively minor impact en anthropological theory.BiographyofPomer. Biography of Power. 3 Arjun Appadurai." 170). 3 Ricardo Pozas Horcasitas. Mexican-inspired nacional anthropologies shaped networks oí national institutions 1 Enrique Krauze. 6 In 1973. Acerca de la fábrica de mentiras de Enrique Krauze. O'Gorman is cited rhree times On cacé occadon. 10 See Enrique Krauze.. chapter 1 17 See. "Respuesta del Krauzificado de Chicago . Modernidad indiana: nación y mediación en México. Democracy wtth. as in che case of Mexico itself. 1 1 These are Margarita de Orellana and Aurelio de los Reyes 12 In Che debate that followed the publication of chis article. Caudillos in Spanish America. after Japan and the United States (cited in Vázquez León. and that the country had the third-largest number oí anthropology professionals. 15 Krauze. "La decadencia de la democracia. Letras libres. 86. a work of art in a gallery oí distinct human species" ("Out Time.Mexico.México nunca se hizo una historia oficial. however. "En . 9 In fact. Not surprisingly." Razones 24 (March-April 1980). 20 On the politice oí antipolitics as a strategy and historical phenomenon . For Argentina. Ethnos devored a special issue to peripheral anthropological traditions in 1983. however. my own book Exits from the Labyrintb Culture and Ideology in Mexican Nacional Space. Roger Bartra offers Mexicans a choice between four "intellectual deaths. BORDERINO ON ANTHROPOLOGY 1 Sherry Ortner reviews recent books on che crisis in anthropology in "Some Futures oí Anthropology" 2 Notably. "Cyberspace. Jonathan Friedman characterizes Geertzian cultural relativism in the following terms: "Each arbitrary anthropoplogical construction becomes a unique artifact to be cherished by its discoverer. The theme oí that essay.797 6 Ibid. Por una democracia sin adjetivos (1986). 1964-1965. many oí which are incompatible wíth Krauzes. is niagmfied by Krauze finto che key to the whole of Mexican history. Claudio Lomnitz. and then is frequently cited in the notes for factual information14 See Enrique Krauze. Krauze pointed out that he does in fact cite John Coatsworth once He cuuld not. Orden yoirtud: el discurso republicano en el régimen roslsta. This critique echoes Johannes Fabian's discussion oí the practice oí constructing anthropological sites as if they were "culture gardens" that were unconnected to the ethnographer's own society (Time and Ihe Otber: How Anthropology Makes Its Object). see Miguel Angel Centeno.' Augusto Hugo Peña. España invertehrada hosquew di algunos pensamientos históricos. 19 José Ortega y Gasset... for the relatnonship between technocracy and democracy in Mexico. The Transformation oí Temporal Modes. 5 Enrique Krauze. xv. 'Theory in Anthropology: Center and Periphery. the preponderance oí the president's Biography over Mexican history) n derived from an essay by Costo Villegas that was written against Luis Echeverría--a president who had an especially strong delusion of omnipoteneetitled El estilo personal de gobernar (1975).

1." 473) In their disdain for Otomi and Chinese. 61-64.. 69. 1880.holula' wc held a market. Chavero follows the work of Francisco Pimentel. 28 Alfredo Chavero.. e ul ysiesicar . Disto-y. BSMCE). y remitidas al supremo gobierno .poluec oi the United Sta(. For a diseussion. Criminal and Cruzo.On che subject oí ihe governm en fs tare for its a n ti qui tics. Tenorio-Trillo. 74. chal thev hght for democrndc libertes." and Lomnitz... but its trae name is biá-hué. 'Stereophonie Scienühc 11 Modernistas Social Sacnce heiwcot Mexico and thc United States. in Domingo P de Toledo y J-.11 t 1 p a :t. ice cannot bus consider chis as a stop tnrward" (ibie1 16 Tylor. appoimm 1. 1). Modernidad indiana. che godfather oí anthropology (l lenry (biesty_ A Pioneer of Anthropolegy. 27 Emilio Pineda. 1-.. Black Atheno. and that ríes." 13SMGE. C.r. Pimentel was also looking for even carlier evolutionary forms within Mexico. 237-38. 65). 13 Unveiling these connections is che painslaking subject of much of che scholarship of recen[ decades. . In a footnote. Mexican 22 Stacie G. Mexico at che 23 Juan Estrada.q. 15 It as worth noting that Tylor's vicwpoint here coincides with that of Marx and Engels. 3d o t r.1 1. 'Del indigenismo de la revolución ala antropología critica. Ienuti::-Tn110. che Congress oí Querétaro contrasts its enlightened view of race with che "horrible anomaly" oí slavery in the United States. "Notas estadísticas del Departamento de Querétaro. The Embodiment of che Nacional in Late Nineteenth-Century World"s Fairs. ehapter 4 20 Mary Louise Pratt has tracked che con nections becween travel writing and anthropology in Imperial Eyes.. Bcrkelav Seintunl. Anahuac 329-30. 25 (bid. when a country is forcibly dragged ro historical progress. set Antoncllo Cerbi. seo Warman. "Critieism had lacen rep1ac. 1 think) counterposed co che practico of iid. México a través de los siglos. ("Discurso sobre la importancia de la lengüística . 1 1 ) 19 Por a standard reeapitulatlon of chis vision. . .. 26 Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística. 1 ul n.. Anahuac. ui ue eas. iv. .-1930s Immial o l Ar r 1 11 . ltapiel2 reater:blexieo Ibe 7 The reterenee' i s ti) Arturo Warman 1 lux santa todos dilu.> i." BMSGE 341. l o ( I' . nd. bus it has alto hecn a constant concern since che late nineteenth century14 Edward B. 67 te C h a p t e r 1 1 = 311 1 1. "Todos santos. "We must hope that [the Anaeocans] appropriate most ol Aiexims terrüory and that they use che country berrer than che Mexicans have" i 1847. vol.. ul i hese national institunons. publicase por acuerdo de la R. . 1995 11 Foreign negative images of New Spain were the catalyst for some of che most distinguished eighteenth-century historical and anthropological writings by Mexican Creoles.Hcnry Christys ethnographic collection be carne che most important of its time. For a diseussion of scientific stereotypes of Mexican Indians.. misione.11:11 hace heen some al t1 e 11 ..' in Dr eso que llaman antropología mexicana. 42. Datos estadísticos de la prefectura del Centro.. 29 "Language as of great value for explaining ethnographic relations. Sociedad de Geografía y Estadística." Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística (hereafter. de 27 de enero de 1853. 1. Haivatd . Widdifield.that sucre thcn conoce ted especialle tu LI S..'La quiebra política [1965-1976]..hlcag. Pimentel and Chavero were following racist trends in European romantic linguistics.Ant hropology had been rewarded widt lifelong benehts m che Instituto de Seguridad Social y Servicios a los Trabajadores del Estado (34) 8 Guillermo Bonfi1. 28 i Engcls. are centers whc-re snldents gather and smdy reality in order to transform i[. AII of che circumstances of chis language reflect che poverty of expression of a people chat is concemporaneous co humanity's infancy" (ibid. . Anahuac. March 13. . in Modem Mexico. who argues that monosyllabic languages.n. 1 11 11111111 r1 Lirulcd] la t. 3. The Dispute of che New World: The History of a Polemic. all ol small size however' li bid 275). i n l l u o . formadas por la asamblea constitucional del mismo.uropean . "Estadística de Yucatán. Marx wrote. México en la obra de Marx y Engels. Traoel Wri ting and Transeulturalion 21 Tenorio-Trilles Mermo et che World's Fairs. 370). 149-5530 emo' . such as languages that combined mtmicry and speech ("Lengua Pantomímica de Oaxaca . wrote on January 23. ciad in Guadalupe Méndez Laeielle. 24 Asamblea del Departamento de Querétaro. Otomi is a language of an essentially primitive character. from Latin American "dependency theory" to Edward Said's Culture and Impenalism. 16-17. . in his turn. 1 9sn-1 900.. vol.isnm "Che arate doeso t tare about the development of anthropology as a sdcnce chas Is capable oí analyzing reality and modi fying ir deeply At most it is in teres red in it as a techo i que to train restorers of ruins and raxidermists of languages and customs. The Mexicans cal) it otomitl. vol. have no grammar and are che most primitive. Notes 31(7 = . and got some curious things. México a través de los siglos." BMSGE 294.The Afrocentric Roots of Classical Civilization.. Tylor tella how he and Hcnry Christy literally created markets fue antiquities. In his views of indigenous linguistica. 1 I bx Erol2r )( llu rc. who led Tylor to Mexico.. Henry (-hrisly. LIIsl SC O and hienda cultural misS. Ancient and Modem. .For 17 The laxity of pnestly mores is a theme that was well knuwn tu English readers sincc thc pubhcation ol Fhomas Cages travcls in seventecnth-century Mexieo 18 Tylor.ed 'he an ulfiCin 1. 1848: "Ve have wltnessed che defeat of hlexrao by the United States with que satisfaccion . during une lblexican-Aniencan War. vol. lo Proceso. nnd i n I :s c1 1111 n.' 362). However. maintain a militani attitude on the sirle o1 the oppresscd" (Andrés Medina and Carlos García Mora. . "At che top of the pyramid ot (. 9 Sciencihe research and critica] discourse were subsequcntly (and erroneously.1 F..1 n 1h. see Robert Buffington .Tylor. receives stlbtle treatmcnt In AIau111 .Crafting a Modem Nation as che pathbreaking book en chis subject.. Corncll. such as Chinese and Otomi. 222. todos difuntos. 3 1 Ibid. it hnds that che schools of anthropology . 12 The British Museum also calls che eolleccor Henry Chrlsty. or Mexico and lbr AMexicans. and more [han half of its registered pitees were Mexican cace British Museum. "Estado Libre y Soberano de Guerrero. "Descripción geográfica del departamento de Chiapas y Soconusco. 3.L 1' 1. . See Martin Bernal. 232. 30Painting. boch of whom saw the incorpontion of iPexico roto che United States as a desirahle thing Thus.

" Invi cation te) che banquet is reproduced in González Gamio. Alterco Nolrs loCbtp1e 312 1o Chapter i2 313 = . On López y Rivas.. see Limón. For a discussion of the ways in which [hese smdies were subordinated to Mexican nacional ieterests. Marrido Tenorio Trillo. and Hornero Campa . in many ways ." Procesa.v may Nave hcen the short-lived agrarian experiment carried out by Maxi milian . " La junta protectora de las clases menesterosas. see Stephen Feierman . Peasant Intellectuals. tire United Sta res. ese Thcse together with the numerous historical holydays and celebrara ons show as dcep and demonscrative a love oí country as may be found . Gramsci's fantous definition says little about the nature oí the work of intellectuals and. 12. and Blood. Gilberto López y Rivas . really astonished at che great number of pamphlets and books for the young relating co the history of this country. The recent revelation that a former director oí the Nacional School oí Anthropology.innl nnd Cnizen inModern Mexieo.For a more recent example of chis.'blanón del valle de Teotihuacán. 49 Warman . The Rise and Fati of Project Camela). 221-412 Geoff Eley .. todos difuntos. ramos de Tributos.American perspeccive . see David Wise. Paul Sullrvan's Urtnished Conversations. Alexandra Stern. 255. See Jean Meyer.. Tire Culture Facade. 1900. in che 1917 constitutional conven tino Porlirian eientífees were seco as dubious Mexicans . ehapter 12. 289. We wouldn 't Cake any cient tos !)" ( in 50 Discursos doctrinales en el congreso constituyente de la Revolución Mexicana . 1880s-1930s". this ehapter is a prolongation oí che Work that I initiated in Exitsfrom che Labyrintb. Cassidy's Run. Manuel Gatno. "Observacions ora . However. October 26 . Bufkngron . No! No. Hospital de Jesús.1 use Gramsci implicitly here as a useful supplement co Weber. often at che expense oí che Mexican . 5 This description is based on a smdy oí the documencation rhat is available en Tepoztlán in the Archivo General de la Nación (AGN). anywhere elle en che globe There is certamly nothing ¡¡lee it in the literaturc of che United States Today. Greater Mexieo. 3 Max Weber. " Todos santos . for a wedding banquet in honor ol che Gamio marriage . edRaul Noriega . Uierlos 108-45 37 Manuel Gamio. my emphasis). 18-19 33 Thus.1968)" 46 Oscar Lewis to Arnaldo Orfila .. Anthropology and History in Tanzania. espeeially because it forces analysts co search for conneetions between processes oí elass formation and political discourse. "Eugenies beyond Rorders Sdence and Mediealization in Mexieo and che U. and Politics in tire Work of Oscar Lewis. although there is certainly much influence Irom Spanish ideas of lincage and Inheritance 34 Guillermo de la Peña. chapters ' 1 and 5 40 Gamio. indigenismo y agrarismo en e1 segundo imperio" Braniff. a useful definition. 1961.Plaeing Habermas in che 19ch Century. otra lucha sin fn36 See the debate in Ignacio Manuel Altam i rano . 39 Gamio was elecred vate presiden[ of rhe Seeond Ineernational Eugenies Congress in Washington . 2000 45 See . che Departamento de Antropología offered clic ir huno red mitosis di shes with cides such as "arroz a la tolteca . almanacs oí history. Mayas and Forelgners between Two Wats is a sensitive book ora the relacionship between anthropology and diplomacy in che first half oí the twencieth century . and the Erolies of Cultive. The Culture Facade: Art.Mexicd' (manuscript). 1 relied no Gramsd' s definition in my earlier work on provincial intellectuals . ehapter 2 35 For example. as well as on local parish Notes 42 The differenee between [hese two approaches veas felc co be so sharp at che time that. 288-89 47 Mexican smdies oí Mexicans in che United States have a cradition . Publies and Pohrical Cultures. "Would any oí you admit Mr. the date oí che commemoracion of Mexicd independence becomes the focal point for con frontati ons between liherals and con serva ti ves It is possible that Mexican obsessions with history had their esois in (he ovil wars . probably because oí chis. April 16.Buildings on che USMexieo Border. Obra polémica. Manuel Gamio. 104.. PROVINCIAL INTELLECTUALS AND THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE SO-CALLED DEEP MEXICO 1 In Chis respect . DC. 176. 'Buildings. dice el ahora diputado . November 12. It is. and Che government party swearing thac rhey shall no [' ( ¡bid.1950Aur'elio de los Reyes. 40-41 ) In this instante." 279 Imporrant sourc es on Camio indude Ángeles González Gamio. rhe 27th. his followers can all roo casily end up labeling anyone who makes an utterance that fomento class awareness an "intellectual . "' Asumo mi responsabilidad y no me arrepiento' . 1 venere co assert . Bancroft writes that " 1 am. and José Limón . "Nationals and Furcigners in che History oí Mexican Anthropology. Crirarnal ama Citizen ni Modent Mexicd. tollom9ng speech by congressman José Natividad Matías ov the proposed law oi narionolity. No! No!) Would you rake as a Mexican hv batch Oscar Braniff . Science. Boundaries. the priesrs insisting thar they wliI do honor to his memory. dating back to Gamio ( 1931). Tierras. in 1 920 ( óuffi ngt un . mole de guajolote ccutr h unen no . "Scereophonic Scientific Modernisms= Social Science between Mexicd and che United States. American Encounters." and "frijoles a la indiana. one hundred years alter che evenr . in chis com pararively isolated capital [ San Luis Potosí] there are two iactions ora che plaza almost coming to hlows over an lmrbide celebratlon . "La época de oro (1940 . 49. or Tomás Braniff ? ( Voices . Oswaldo Zavala. Opiniones yjuicios sobre la obra La p. 48 Oscar Lewis to Vera Rubio . 5)." Proceso . una lucha sin fn. 4 Gramsei's definition of intelleceuals is more habitually used by anthropologists today ( lee Secano s from che Prison Notrbooks . spied for the Soviet Union in the United States suggests that this is a significant topie The effects oí Plan Cameloc en che intellectual climate in che region are better known ( see Irving Louis Horowitz . Manuel Garujo y el cine. April 16. beyond Ronde." thereby diminishing the utility oí the category ." 289. General de Parte . American Encounters.32 Huberc Bancroft. 2000. For a full discussion oí Mexican eugenics. (rrn. as can be witnessed from ti. for example . Opinevi.Answer h'ankly and with your hand o0 your heart (Voices. "Los pasos de López y Rivas como ' espía soviético' en Estados Unidos. in Susan Rigdon. "Nations . The Seeret Spy War ooer Nerve Gas. 44 The impact of che Cold War ora Mexican anthropology has not yet been studied. catechisms of history rreatises on history . 1916-1917. Indios and Criminal. From Max Weber. 2 3a Ibid 51. 43 Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán. 1910-1930 ' and Eugenio. Javier Téllez Ortega. Mediealization and Nacion . ehapter 2. my emphasis 1 1 The losest antecedenc co Gamio's synth." 37.s yjuicios sobre la obra La pohlaeión del valle de Teolibuacán." ' liebres de las pirám idcs. see Alesandra Stern. 154).S West. in Rigdon. José Yves Limanrour [Díaz's finance lninister borra in Mexico oí French descent] as a Mexican tatuen by birch. 1965 .

See AGN. although che smaller hamíers cifren tended co marry villagers from another hamlet widun the municipio Oscar Lewis carried out a census in 1943 in which he Notes lo Cbapti e 12 314 = Notes ro Cbapter12 315 = . cxp. 2.5 percent were becween a Tepoztecan andan outsider. usually someone from a neighboring hacienda or village. 180-93. .Anchís etc la Cal ssas selected by twenty-one elector. cspei 1 . f. 4. se need to know more about che history oí changes in other forms oí access co land. Greenberg. and bis identification of [hese categories with social elass. te factional strife within the village. 302.Endogamy in che hamlets and che cabecera was also high. has not come to light.. "Etnozoología y cosmogonía en los Altos de Morelos. 148-54). including both Tepoztlán and Anenecuilco. I 20rv-205 7 In 1775. l che village.. who argoed that Morelos's haciendas had expanded to thcur fui] extent as early as time seventeenth century. 1 11-54. regisrered prívate agricultura¡ plots were smaller timan one heetnre 1 he largest holding was 5 9 hectares There is no reason ti. 20 AGN.nntlw Vega published time 1909 Public Property Register o1 che whole ul Morelos ut Tierra y propiedad en el Jin del porfiriato.Tepoztlán's retention of communal lands makes the village unusual in che Morelos region9 Womack's view was that most of che appropriauon of pueblo lands by haciendas occurred aher 1857 and. by che Montecastillo golf club developnient company [Claudio Lomnitz.cut ahout Chis in a secretive way. The 1909 property records show that whereas 93 percent oí landholdings in Santo Domingo were plots of less [han one hectare (and 78 percent were smaller than half a hectare). tMarch 1993). a Cuernavaca real-esiaie urmpany manad to parchase a sizable amount ol Iand hora peasants from San Andrés and Santa Catarina It . especially. 203. 212) reproduce tire legal registration of [hese lantls in 1909. 2. 4. terral (lava helds). 2 and 3 from tima[ censos me can aseenain that in time hamlet of Santo Domingo w hich svdl conecrr us 1. 21 For che use oí corridos in regional communication. Expansión de sistemas y relaciones de poder. attempts to resuscitare che golf-eourse prolect led to intense amfrontatiuna becween che villagc and rimes tate government. and that haciendas profited from this by invading village lands during che whole first hall oí the nineteench century. 8 The vast majoriry ni time rnunieipio' lantls remained coinmunal even to che end oí the porfirato. a'Tepoxteca o physical anthropologist working on [his subject. in 1962. vol. and not simply as a mentaliry. and even to assassination12 Ethnographic inlormation on canto Domingo derives to a large degree from Pedro Antonio Velázquez Juárez. and hy othcrs. conununal lantls were classitied finto three rypes. but he was wrong in eschewing Redfield's observation altogether 19 Translators for Spanish ofucials in the colonial period were also regularly from [hese principales. "Capital. Crespo and Vega (Tierra y propiedad en el fin del porfiriato.forests. with a few mestizos and castizos. 137-41) shows that rhe títulos primordiales oí severa¡ Morelos communities. 209.. oí the 133 marriages that were celebrated in time church oí Tepoztlán becween 1684 and 1686.¡ and tire Mexican RevoluGmt)..111 . Whereas the three largest landowners in Santo Domingo owned between six and eight hectares. 16 There were some periods in which there were mulattos in Tepoztlán. "La dinámica interna del zapatismo consideración para el estudio de la cotidianeidad campesina en el área zapatista' 22 Lomnitz. Criminal. they rebelled and stopped the companys effons In 1995.Unlortunately. Martín Cortés built himself a house there (Silvio Zavala. A full synthesis oí the relative importante of these three waves of Iand concentraoon has yet to be written. and on ethnogmphle rescards dono bv niysell in 1977-78 and 1992-93. were stolen during or immediately after che Wars of Independence. 6 AGN Criminal. and agostadero (grazing lands) Al] arable land was registered as private property. and Sara Verazaluce. slash-and-burn agriculture that has beca described in the detall by Oscar Lewis (Ltfe in a Mexican Village. "And they called -as Tepoztecan Indiansl" 18 Lewis righdy criticized Redficld's reification oí chis distinction. Texcal lands were used in a system oí rorating.. Between 1792 and 1807. 14 See Roberto Vareta. ed. th aieolde ol San . and there are other documented cases oí Spaniards in che village even in Chis early period. vol. Tepoztlán. 15 Records oí Spaniards in che village extend back to tire mid-sixteenth century. 17 This was che case even roto che porfiriato. see Salvador Rueda. and Catherine Heau. El servicio personal de los indios in Nueva España. a few samples from the parochial archives are illustrative. che largest landowner owned a mere eight hectares and 93 perccnl i . Crespo and Vega (Tierra y propiedad en el fin del porfiriato) reproduce time raw data from che 1909 property registrar that fostered these concluso. although Womack's thesis regarding the pernicious role timar capitalist intensification oí sirgar production had for traditional renting arrangeme nts is still helpful in chis regard l0 Regarding endogamy. the corresponding figures for che cabecera are 62 percent and 37 percent. during time early years of the sugar boom in che 1880s (Z(jpa[. Authoritarianism must be understood as a regional system. exp. vols. Tepoztlán had a number oí proprietors who owned becween twenty and forty hectares. has orally conlirtned that there is still a very high leve) o1 villagc and municipal endogamy today (personal eommunication. Florencia Millon (Peasant and Nation Tbe Making of Post-Colonial Mexico and Peru. However. 201-4)When villagers woke up to [hese [odies." 13 Ibid. I'lospical de Jesús. Evolución de una sociedad rural. One elderly Tepoztecan acquaintance who had worked on a hacienda before che revolution described the bad working conditions and culminated his story by saying. vol. vol. which was to provide a full interpretation oí chis history. 1 I In 1992. "Trova popular e identidad cultural en Morelos" For peasant common lavo in Zapata's camps. conlirms time con tinueel valcnce of these trends. Evolución de una sociedad rural.. Horacio Crespo and I. A Mexican Village. In addition. volume 1 oí [his work. y b 1728. hiring invders to parchase lands individual ly Irom farmers whom they knew The ame tactie had beca taken earlier. there were 694 marriages in che parish. vol. This position was hrst eonrested by Horacio Crespo and Herbert Frey ("La diferenciación social del campesinado como problema en la teoría de la historia"). 299-307 James B. 377-78). The debates on Mexican democracy would do well to take such examples oí local democracy into account. 159-66. Oí these oníy 3. see Robert Redfield. che parish records almost exclusively break the population down into Indian and Spanish.record. such as renting and sharecropping. oníy one was hetween a Tepoztecan and someone from outside time municipio.During that time. suppose chal thc Iand-mnure sutuation of Santo Domingo was any difterent in che colonial period.

Ignacio Manuel (1871). 20 . University of California Berkeley. n. Estado de Morelos Mexico Ciry: Editorial PorrúaNotes to (-br. Mexico Ciry: Conaculta_ Alva Ixtlllxóchitl . Bancroft Library.1827 "Funeral real" May 19 Rojas. Mexico Ciry _ UNAM_ 1980 l O vols.d. Obras históricas . Lic Jesús ." san inreresting discussion oí the way contemporary Mixes huyo developed mechanisms for distingti ishing hetween " good " and 'evil " nicrchams on the oasis ol the sature of the. José Guadalupe. Fernando de. PUBLISHED SOURCES Actas constitucionales mexicanas ( t 521-1524 ). 1883. Mexico City: UNAM.plrr 12 316 = 317 = . "Oración cívica que en el aniversario del grito de independencia se pronunció en el palacio de govierno de Durango el 16 de septiembre de 1841" Claf. for an account of these con fre'nratIOni Referentes Archives AGN Archivo Central de la Nación AHC Archivo Histórico Condumex AHT Archivo Histórico de Tepoztlán Claf Colección Lafragua. Mexico City Registro de la Propiedad del Estado de Morelos. vol. Washington Primary Sources UNPUBLISHED SOURCES Bancroft. Francisco Javier 1968. 1909 (published by Crespo and Vega) NABA National Archives.Ritual . "Observacions on Mexico" (manuscript). 2 vols. Diarios In Obras completas . 1975. Arenas. Altamirano. chapter 3. Biblioteca Nacional.r tics tu local communitarian uersrorks This parallcls good and evil politicians in Topoztán_ 23 See Loro"itz .(1870s) Personal diary. and BoundaAes of thc Closed ( orporale Communlty. Evolución de una socicdnJ rural. Valentín López González personal collection. Primera secretaría de Estado Departmento esterior Sección 2. 1841. Hubert. Arellano.

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Stern Stanley and Barban Stun 1971 C oniepos and Realities ot Spanish Economic Growth. r:s. 1980 "La decadencia de la democ:raciá' Razones 24 (March-April)Seed.1.or. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Small. 1995 Ceremonias of Possrssiee in Europri (_onguesi of the New World. Scientific Political and Speculative. Mexico City. Herbert 1892 1857) 'Progress lis Law and Cause. Ruy Sánchez.. 1999. William Beezlcy.ed. 1983 El prr:c. "Mexican Migration and the Social Space oí Postmodernism. A Political History of Comic Books ni Mexico Durham.Ties Fhat Bmd the Preso and the PRI" In A l ulture of Coilusmn: Au Mude Loo. William.. Tbe Seeret History of Gender Women.1983 Douvi from Colmualum Los Angeles: Chicano Studies Research Cen ter Publ lcatio ns. New York. University of Chicago Press1985 Islands of History Chicago 1lniversny of Chicago Press. d e Pimteers of Gernian Social Rollty. Knopf Scott. rn Chic ico liniversity ol Chicago Press.127-50_ Tenorio-Trillo. 1989. Foca d it nrzal Fi. 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1975 "Los habitantes de la Ciudad de México vistos a través del censo de 1753.le la revolución de independencia Mexico City tINAM Viqueira Alhán . New York. National Llealogy under Socialism: Identiey and Cultural Politics in Ceausescu's Romania Berkeley. ¿Relajados o reprimidos Diversiones públicasy vida social en la Ciudad de México durante rl Siglo de las Lucee . Puebla. Widdifield .University oí Alabama Press. 213-46. El proceso idealóyico . University of California Press.1902.' as de los héroes y caudillos de la independtncia. ed Judith Ewell and William Beezley . "Cyberspace. Universiry oí California Press. Voekel.: SR Books . 1991. 2 vols . Vanderwood . Alejandro. Slavoj. Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico. Luis. The Embodiment of the National in Late Nineteenth Century Mexican Painting . SR Books Varela . Velázquez Juárez . Mexico City. 1800-1815 . Econoreyand Society 2 vols. Irene. "We Come lo Object 7-be Peasarts of Morelos and the National State Baltimore. Juan Pedro. 34-39. Annette . Del.. Vázquez Valle. Immanuel . 1976 Handbook of Middle American Indians. and William French Wilmington . Wise. N. 1996. Wilmington. Vasconcelos. Katherine. Weiner. Michael 1992. John. Vllloro. 385-413. Eric 1999 Refried Elvis The Rhe of the Mexican Counterculture Berkeley. todos dihnttos" In De eso que llaman antropología mexicana . 1900-1946.Carlos García Mora . Cassidy's Run The Secret Spy War over Nerve Gas. 1958 . Stacie G . Pamela . Max. thesis. Mexico Ciry: Jus.Pungency and Piétyin the Making of the Veracruz Gente Sensata" Unpublished manuscript Wallerstein .Vols 12-15 AustinUniversiry of Lexas Press Weber. El Colegio de México. José 1983 (1936). Robert. 1974 Tbeislodeen World Systnn New York: Academic Press. "Millennium mi the Norlhem Marches The Mad Messiah oí Durango and Popular RebelGore in Mexico . Poliee."In Rituals ofkule. 1 R efe ve nces 333 = Rr f e r e o c es = 332 = . ed_ Arturo Warman . Departamento de Antropología . Mary Kay 1994. Roberto . johns Hopkins University Press. Centro de Estudios Históricos. Ulises criollo In :Alonon." Public Cultun' 10 ( 3). ed. Luis 1987 " La historiografía antropológica contemporánea en México In La Antropología en México panorama histórico . Del. 17-38. 'I-zvetan 1981 _ L. 1987 "Scent and Sensibility. Random House.Knopf Zizek. 13io.'"Etnozoologfa y cosmogonía en los Altos de Morelos" Licenciatura thesis. vol 1. R ituals of Resislance. 1970 "Todos santos . Universiry of California Press Villaseñor y Vil laseñor. 2000. From Max Weher Ed. Eric 1986. The Virgin of Guadalupe :. Gerth and C. Mercedes Olivera . 1957. )raf. 1959-e9r4 Berkeley Universiry of California Press Verdery. vol 1. Nesv York Columbia Universiry Press Warman. Arturo . New York. Carlos. Zapata and the Mexican Revolution. David. Tbe Juárez Myth in Mexico. Berkeley. 1992 (1981 ). Regicide and Revolusion . "The Consrmction of the Parriotic Festival in Teeamaehalco. asid Progress : Bandits . Womack ." Master. "Agustín Marroquni The Sociopath as RebeL In The Human Condítion in Latín Ameoca : The Nineteenth Crntury. conqu0e d'Anidnque La gneslion de l aulre París Seuil Turoce Vi croe 1974.SR Books .A Mexican National Symbol . 1992." Journal of American Folklore 71 (1).Fondo de Cultura Económica Vaughn. Vázquez León . Pedro Antonio 1986. 1981_ Rituals of Ma:gmality Pohlics. Del. 1987.Mexico Ciry Fondo de Cultura Económica. 483-513 Zolov. 1969 . Charles . and Culture Cbange in Central Urban Mexico. Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana . ed .Instituto Nacional de Antropología c Historia 176-94. 1987. Mexico Ciry. 1989. 1977. Wauchope. H. ed William Beezley Cheryl English Martin. H. Dramas Finos and Metaphors I [haca. and Enrique Valencia Mexico Ciry Editorial Nuestro Tiempo 1980 (1976). Guillermo BonhI . 1998. Paul J . Weeks . Tucson: Universiry of Arizona Press. Tuscaloosa ." Comparative Studies in Society and Hislory 28(3). Wolf. Eric.Izeapalapa Vélez-Ibáñez . Expansión de si ritmos y celaamtes de poder Mexico City UNAM. London: Routledge. Inalienable Possessions Berkeley : University oí California Press. or How tu Traverse the Fantasy in the Age oí the Retreat oí the Big Other . Process. and Mexican Development Wilmington . 1984. 1978. Margarita Nolasco . Walzer.Todorov. Wright Mills.Y Cornell Un iversity Press Van Young.

3. national anthropologies.Index Abad Y Quiepo. rise oí nationalism . 200. sacrifice. FatherJ. 254. 41 Altos de Jalisco. prohlem with conceptualization. 229. 268 Aguascalientes Convention.' 22. 226 Aguirre Beltran . view oí American independence. or religion. 18. history of. 4. 9. development oí Acapulco. crisis oí. 84-85 Acapulco. 7. Héctor. Pedro de. 82. 254. definition of community. and language. 11. 104.' 11. 98 Aguilar Camín. 12. 255. 9.' 15. xi. Antonio. 272-73 American Civil War. 11. 256. 228. use oí state patronage. 233. amendment to theory. 233 . and Carlos Salinas. 223. 33. Miguel. Ignacio Manuel. 7. theory of nationalism . "nation ' as imaginary . connection with imperialism. 30. 8 Amatlán. 254. 5-7. 104. 227. Manuel. 7. xi. Benedict. 32. 11. Gonzalo. critical appraisal of. 229. national identity exploration. role in shaping = 335 = . and national image. and print capitalism. critique oí nationalism. 82. 198. persistente oí. peripheral anthropologies. Porfirian. secularization. culturalist reading oí nationalism . 100 Altepetl. S i and Latin Americanists. 14-15. 6. definition oí nation. formation of national teleology. xxiii . 33. 3. Imagíned Communities. historical role of. 3. 228 . 133 Alhóndiga de Granaditas. European expansion and creation oí nations. 241 Alzate. 11. 4 Anthropology. 9. 12 . critique oí. modification oí Anderson' s definition. 226. 4. national modernization project . 6-7. 10. nationalism as kinship . xi. 32. 89 Altamirano. 250. 228. birth oí nationalism . 82 Anderson. xxii. construction oí National University's modernist campus. 219. 104. 11. 148 Agravian reform. 164. analysis oí "empty time. objection to definitions .1968 generation. 260 Alcalde. 21. 12. description oí. 254. 267 Alemán. "deep horizontal comradery. 233 . 133. 5. 4. 239 Ancien Régime . 5-6. definition oí nationalism . 159 Alvarado. fraternity and nationalism. definition of nationhood. 'Eden.

136. 203. development oí Cuernava- Biogr. 201 Apatzingán Constitution. oí Yucatán. self-images of che Wesr.eompositions of. Hubert desedption of Mexico. 192 Carranza. comparison with Indians. Otomi. as racial narrative. 165. 82. 245. 104. 37. 105. problems with. residente in Cuernavaca. 82. 71. 47. afhliation with Toltec I. 21. Mixteca region. Alfonso. 245 Pliso. 25. Azcapotzalco. and Viceroy Juan Güemes Pacheco. 25 Bozales. 190. as enlightened despotism. 39.oymJíus del poder. 249 Cabeza gigantesca de Hueyapan. 149 Asunción. 246. 45. Alejandro. 173 sense of human life. sacking of Parián Murker. 32. 103. 246. Manuel. 61 Bustamante . 3. 86. 66-67 Bulnes .. 23. 133. 95. 242. and U. calpulli. 45. Roger. 42 Avila Camacho. 86. 1deo1ogical role of. civic oration uf. 66. 24. 232 Besen Mario Ramón. 174. ideology oí sIavery. 1 55 Beavi. 185. xvii. 37. 37. 138. 37." 138. Emilio. 37. slaves. . 191-93. 103-9. 188. delinition of. Chiapas Highlands. critique oí the centenary of independence. 50. Huasteca oí San Luis. during colonial period. 103. 131-32 Benjamín. 172. 18'9. 258. 95 Bulstos. 8 Castizo. ca. and 1 nterna tional School of American Archeology and Ethnology. 177. 230. barrio symbolism. xxiii. porship relations. Fanny. 39 40. Yaquis oí Sonora. 53 Calderón de la Barca . and Nahoa mordial unir of. 114 Caballero Águila' sculpture of. 16. 133. 140 construction oí Pan American Highway. 96. Jesús. Potosí. 188 pero istente of communi tarjan spirlt. 137 Charles V. 45. 105 Centralization. 130. Manuel. 53. "Los dos patriotismos . 39. 37. 37. 240-47249 Barba .hapi ng of colonial discourses. 167. 29. 166. Francisco. 165.opolitanism of. Plutarco Ellas. 104 13attle of Puebla. 63. 37. communitarlan ideology of. 165 CEPES (Centro de Estudios Políticos y Sociales). 69-70 Arte. 281 Asociaciones de padres de Jamilia. 165. creation oí 37. 250 252 . and modero nacional ist thought. ideology of sacrifice. 262. 21. 37. calpulteotl. 1ranz. 230. 8. 43. as nacional 41. 260. 40. portrayal of Benito Juárez. Chinelas. chico r4. as modernizing. 87 131. and kin. 247 Cabrera. Tenochtitlán. discourses of. 186. 37. Christiam. 156 Barrio. 173 Center-periphery. ini. 165-66. 157. Venustiano. 255 B. Alfredo. den' nition of. 189 Boleliv .phy and political znalysis. growing concern ol '04 Bancruft. revol uti o nary. women. 68-69. paradox of. 147. 207. 50. 133 Catrines. oí 1895. 190 104. 188. reaction ro Benedict Anderson. David. 110 Betdc of C_elaya. 261 Anti-Spanish senriment. prosperiny of. 233 Calles. calpullin37.. 101 Bureaucratic procedure. 102 Cabecita de Teotihuacán.trayal oí Negro. 161-62 scriptions. 223 Azcapotzalco. decline in the dialectic. 137 Blood basic for Spanish idea of nation. 187-88 Central power. 104. border ci ties. 257. change to che dialectic . 186. 23. detini- 137. Alexico 255 Baroquc era. 180 Caupolicán. threat to American Revolution." 138. Carlos María. and Alexander von Humboldt. Backwardness. 46. 39 rases. 36. 189. 138. 94. formula for modernization. 64 Appadurai. 38. 224 Aztecs. expulsion oí Spaniards. 14 Block. Lázaro. mecha nisms oí assimilation. 9 cion of ethnographic orate.e. 38. 40. subject eategory of. 137. marriage between nobles. 245. 16 Bribes. 219. 43. 62 Brujos. 198-99. 37. 50. 98 Carrasco. 45. 238 Bock Philip. 44 Brading. in Tepozrlán. and political language. 44. 37. xi. Hermenegildo. 38. 131. ganancia de pescadores. Luis. 39. 87. 38. priesrs. 15 Calpulli. 41. decentralization. maroon societies.a defense against US. 25. 38. eoexistence of. 25. 228 rasks ol. commumtirs of. 149 Chiapas: neo-Zapatistas. critique of Mexican vices. 114. 245-50. Otomis. 25. 49. 215-16 hvin cities. 21. 102 Caballero Español: sculpture of. 173 Arenco. founding director of INAH. 260 Casrells. 172 Art under protecti onisc 'tate. 173. 152 Caste wars. 252. 17. hobsm 228-29. 37. 170 Aristotlc. 138. 246 Cantina. 263. as cause oí inciviliry. in Veracruz. Chan Santa Cruz. Tepoztlán cennafionalization oí oil industry. 223 llieapov el definition of. genealogical concept oí the nation. threat to British Navy. 173 Bullfighting. 49. restrictions against associations. Si and independence. los siglos. and Tepozrlán. definiGOn of natural lave. 50 Carholicism. 38. 74. i. 42 and honor. 61. 138. portante ol kinship networks. xvil Are of Trlunrph Ern-led in Honor of Por/lelo Utaz 108 Archa no. battlctield. 205." xxiii Borda cities "border zone. 39. cnpulteod. Texcoco. and lineage. communitarlan ideology of. society. 139 Bourbon reforms. 37 "Backsrage. 174. 51. maintenance ot public lndex 336 = = 337 = . 68. pri. 173. 104. Kathcrine. expulsion from Nacional School oí Anrhropology. Chavero. founding director of ENAH. 166. 258 Pon ti] Guillermo critique of.' 136. 76 Certificares oí blood purity. 25. México a través cornerstone oí communiry. administrative ideas. 4b: i twal plano of. conflation of scheme . 158 Cárdenas. xiii Censos. and ole f rito. 50 Casnlle. as spectacle that dulls reason. 246. 22 Vernal Ignacio. 103 Arielioro' eosn. 39. 185. 42. 85. 66. 190. expansion of empire. 115 "Artificial flowers" technique. 255 Caso. 73 Carrillo. 50. 37 Azcárraga. and Butthcad. as refearmist movement. patriarchs. 88. shifts in. definition of México profundo. 157 163. 50. similariry with foreign deCancian. 147. 42 Charles 111. and animal nick. fiestas. as mechanism oí exclusion. 199. emergente of afrer independence. transformation of. Fray Domingo de la. 25.S economic mterests. 131 Antrello y Bermúdez Ángel de. as pro-mestizo nationalist. Pedro. 74. Chicago School oí Eeonomics.le la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Eslmi ls tica. sane as calpullin. Frank. 188. 39. 4. 16.¡.neagc. 40 Ha roa. asa cultural impurity. 40. Walter. ma nl testations of. building of che state . 154. Boas. 270 Carnival. 103 Ario revuelto. 37. Arjun. 38. 232 n000n of "deep Mexico. 162. as suhversive and feminized. 188.narionabsm. 38. 9. 104 sus. asa response te backwardness.

. 70-71. rejection oí corporate forms. costs of. representation of. 160 asa "cargo systen. 5. 220 Cockfights. abolition oí slavery . criticism oí Luis Echeverría . xiii. 35 h>mis. and public opinion.dex = 339 = .63. 80 Civilizing horizon. 131. 74. concept of . and redislnbut. Gustavo. 185. . professional healers and witches 271 . 230. importante oí political discourse. 51. workers rights. Yautepec.. 169 Cortés. 251 Department oí Soconusco in Chiapas: races of . 74. Si in Quéretaro . 147.' 161: and cho church. 51. 149. 71. 79. 223. 10 . 60. 61 62. 54. Ignacio. rehabilirarion of. 122. 133 Díaz Cadena. El. xxii . The. effect sin educational sv. social critics ol. 110 Díaz. "discourse ot the street. 204 censornhgt nl che pres. reise o1 nongovernmental organizations . fourth type. 1. and «preso nta uon it. 220.. 206. 246 Citi zenship 11. 140. s8. 154 Creole. 27. 21(1. 241. 226 CROM (Confederación Regional de Obreros Mexicanos). considerations for che future. 244 Desmadre. 82. 71. carly legal code. 44. 98. 119. 9. 66 70. identificacor. 98. psnlsh 40 C. attempt to censor hippies . 73. " 218. article 9. 186. 197 Collective actors and cofradías. 151. 113 o. portrait of. 79. third rype. Por6rio . 104. as propios . 125. 280. 273. I lunry 5 C^hurch. xx. 243-44. construction oí Mexico City subway. versus invented. 51. 111. 119. history of.l. ut 35. 267. 215. 218. 142. 82. 220. 220 Coatsworth. 1iberals. historical overview. 268. 15. 172-73 Díaz Ordaz. 14. 252. 25 Cult oí the Virgin oí Guadalupe. 71. 167 birthday shared with Martín Luther. 77-78. 164. 218. 141. 203-4 Department of Anthropology oí the Secretaría de Agricultura y Fomento. 172. 137 Cuerpo unido de nación. first type. 28. Indians under Benito Juárez. lack of. 56. 266 Cuernavaca . 181 Colonization. 62. 78 . 219. 219. 239 Cuautla. 130 Corporate forms of property . as "intelleetual caudillo . xx. 223. 15. trains. discussion of agrarian. reise oí opposition parties. 205. 231. 17 authnn nos. xx under postrevolutionary governments. 62-63 Constitution oí Mexico ( 1824). 270 DaMatta Roberto xx indivldualistic 1211. 47 Cultural modernity . inspired by Collége de France. nationalism of. "factory oí Mexican history . 204. 6. 286. promotion oí civilization. consolidatren oí political representation . xxir asid public ritual. and Aztecs. 218 Cosío Villegas . 40. 269. land rights . xx. female suffrage. xv. 222 Cosmopolitanism . 275. 215. 129. 60. xii. 1-14. 75 In 3 ex 338 1r.tem. 72 Consf. 1 19. 9. embodiment oí three presidencial personas . definition of . . 47. 184 . 160-61. and Zapatistas. 270-7 1. 275.. 138. FI. 64. 221. 218. mestizo. 105. 69 Communitarian ideologies. 243 Constitution of Cádiz. 106. In torntation of national n!c„lopy. 96. centralization oí che state . 61. i ndigenous . 52. 62: dvcGning importante al. maintenance oí national in Tepoztlán. xii. 119. . and Mexican education. definition oí "Spaniards. 189 (.214 appropnation ofstate machinery. blamed for economic backwardness. 206 . 80. 155. Madero s use of . challenge to state institutions . in rural arcas. 156. 135. 153. historieal diseusslon of. Catholic fanatieism blamed for lack of colonists. 147 153: and i urru ptum 101: and haeobo de lc rera. 104.. national identity of. 130. 88.lendozn. 138. requirements for citizenship. 184.. 264 De eso que llaman antropología mexicana. 179. 36. citizenship and nationality. 156.nnur Augusto. 251. 192 Corrido.Christianrty. 79. 139-40. as degraded haseline 58-62. 206. pragmal e accord w. elfeets on national devclopment. and tourism. 62. proletarian . 63. rt. debates durmg Indepeadencc. 70. 48. 147: definition of. 151 Cuahtémoc ." 224. and nationalism. 141. types of. 261 Democracy. 134 Contact zones. as a market mccho nism. 241 1. "discourse ot the honre. production of image. 59. 98.omnntorl. tied so weakness oí the state. 63. 187. 151. and denationalization of religion . 150 Colegio de México. discrimination of. 71 Constitution oí Mexico (1917).10 (1 1rroµlistadores. 17 . 89. 136 of. 77-78 Deep Mexico.27. invoked after indcpendence. 54. and seientitic study. 5. 118 Contact trames.and nationalism. relations.. 71. and Tepoztlán. 252.145213. Ismael . 21 Com. Consumptiore fashion industry and "dumping . 270. 146. patriotism and philosophy . 23 Counter. usefulness of analysis. piracy. 45. social pact. Martín Cortés. and Enlightenment thinkers. 133. 74 Deht crisis (1982`. . 163. birthday en Mexican Independence Day. 151. 71. 59.tutional Assembly oí the Department ol Quéretaro. 48. 67. Ion. 57 Clio. 167. 180. 162. 36. emergente oí national identity . emergente oí term. and carly constitutions. 222. and corruption. construction uf. 250." 118. 214 Cultural production. as obstarles to citizenship. protection against foreign capitallsts . 136. 149. 134. and liesra 162-63 function of." 27 Constitution oí Mexico ( 1811). and politieal power. ideal oí citizenship rights. mission of. 103. John. 146. 104. dynamlcs of. 60. 175. 64. 64.¡anr 1) 161. 1411 second type . G0. 221. as a tourist destination. as national symbol . 36 tacll. 17. Moctezuma . history oí anthropology.Reformation. 78 Darwin. 48. labor repression. 173 (_irnlíf. 251. 244. 143. 241 ( npres 150. 36-37. 279 Corruption. and eitizenship. 78.Ti Curandero . 15o." 58. and transnational process . creation oí rurales. 56. correspondence of. Hernán. 120-22. 72. 147 Colonia Tepozteca. concessions to foreign capital . 162 Cofradías. 139 Civil society. 218. Daniel . 153 loas o1 ritual funaio m. 232. artiele 25. 135. and foreign influences. 59. 179. 114. 45. 241 . 104. 131 Christy. transformatton of. and Tepoztlán. Martín. 15. Charles. 116. 43 Critique of tbe Pyramid. 40. 220. 35. 63. xiv. 178.. 147-53. 188. three leve. dclinunon muno ot. statistics. and nationalism. interpretation oí Frantiois Xavier Guerra. 179 CTM (Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos ). discourscs of. 147. 141. I1. xx. from the word criar.d mtdupartisanship. 45. 119. diary of." 58.on.11. 62 Constituir n oí Mexico ( 1857). description of. 59. and politieal control. 264. mentor to Enrique Krauze. and Daniel Cosío Villegas. rvauves.1553 C 0rreclos. 160 Cortés. 74. xvi-xx. 48 politics in modero Mexico. 133. 132. 80: application for Mexico. legacy oí regime.

1. definition ol hiopower. 218. 21 Enlightenment. 85-86. General Alejandro. according to DaMatta . Sigmund. 31. 25. xxii. 144. 285. 204 Gran España. 198. Stephen. Fiesta de Querzaleoatl. 33 Grano de Arena. 30. and patriotisni. Fiesta de Quetzaleoatl. 31-32. Arturo. as secret societies. accusations against Spaniards. Creolc 30. 75 Election of July 2. Joel Poinsett. 162. 279 González 250. 53. 1 18 Flore. 16 Guardino. as discourse of liberal en. L. 15 Earthquake of1985. fetishism of. 29. Agustín. 200. Masonic lodges as networks. 221 Habennas.134. 59 Felipe Don. 134. 75 Ex-. Michel. 254. 92 Fieras 150. 53. 110 122 Dolcefar mente ( 1880) xix. 127 Gruzinski. attraction to indigenous peoples. Masonie lodge membership. 72 Español. 58. xxi Electiori. 58. corruption of. 272. Fernando. 258.can. Felipe. 82 Guerrero. 156. applied lo the good pueblo . xvi. Thomas. 52-53. 25. 151 Fondo de Cultura Economica. history from rhe presenta' 2 13 Foreigncrs. La. 161. 29. 32. and use of sports. 222. 276 Gamio . 154 Guamán Poma de Ayala. 72 Freud. 31. 221. xviii. 140. Masonic organizations. Peter. doctoral work at Columbia University. Juan José. argument oí Porhrio Díaz. as "father" oí Mexican anthropology. 252. xix Grounded theory. 239 Dumont . 148. 26 FamiLal idioms. 202. 118. 210-11. v. 64. población del valle de Teotihuacán . xi.on of thc counrryside. definition oí representativa publicity. undersecre t ary oí educaron . zenship. description oí "collective actora. 147 . arguments on cidzensh. 229." 18 31. 232 Governmental institutions. definition of. 200. 58. forros ot discussion. rite oí York. 137 Fuentes. 211. 136 Eugen. 29 Güemes Pacheco y Padilla. Pablo. 48. Viceroy don Juan Vicente. 211. instructions to researchers. 146. challenge to nationalists. and Mexican narionalism 31. 162. xvi. and eugenics movement . 47. 33. 94 GATT ( General Agreement en Tariffs and Trade). 200 Gazeta de México . xviii. building oí facilities. 252. 133. 104. 31. 251. and Pimentel . 157 Gómez. electr. 84. differences with Porfirians. portrayed as foreign . 30. 140-41. 227. 136. 265-66 Elites. discourse oí messianism .hcat. instrumenta of. 2000. 10. 1 11 Fueras. 148 Ethnographic state definition of. 30. 210.. 260. oppositiun lo Daniel Cavo Villegas. 29. importance of idea. Miguel. effects on "metropolitari' anthropology. 202. 231. 251-52. indigenous aesthetic . shaping uf national image . 257. 53 . 242 30-31. 30. land distribution lo peasants . and pseudoscientific racism. ugliness of. counterexcommunication oí Spanish Escalante. 44. Ricardo. Tepoztecan. dismbution of. 252. masons. and Mexican education. 258 Flores Magón. 31. xxi Gazeta de Lima. 91. 174. Scottish rite. construction oí revolutionary narionalism . operador. director oí INI. founder oí Departamento de Asuntos Indígenas . increased polarization. 29.l. 15. description oí postindependence Mexico. North A mcrica n. 31 French intervention. and Cosío Villegas. 53 . murdered by fractious Mexicans. 97 I-strasia luan. 205 Ejidos. Olympics .rtuous and vieious. destabilization of. xxii. dominan[ Gaste . Deputy Chico. xi Echeverría. 75 Governmentality. 227. definition oí governmentaliry.image . 232 Encomendar. 27. 7. 104. 15 Freemasonry. 238. 133. and Franz Boas. 273.¢essful med. 133 Education. 56. 206. 23. 250. 221. 71-72^ hctitious charcoter of che ci lizcn. 285. support from Venustiano Carranza . 15 Five Fe rr. 171 Gamboa . 16. pierde. 16 England. Serge.nissionaries.. 154. 8. Catholic faith as national sovereignty 85. definition oí public sphere. 169.p. 260. 155 El que se enoja . 239 Gallo. 53.rx dex 340 = 341 . 140 Friedlander. 252. 155 Heifetz. Hank. Bonhl. 273. xix. 241. 262. 250. 60. Judith. 14. appropriation of the Virgen de Guadalupe. . role oí anrhropology. Jürgen. as souices of revenue 78 Eley. 102 Expropr. state culture of. 140. as pro . familial idioms. xviii. and nacional anthropology. 134 Francl. 1 31 -32. 250. 58 Dismodernity . 25. 253 . 126. 135. 59 . 30. and ISAAE. 31. Vicente. 222. 249. and conuption. 21. 219. 252 . 8 . discussion oí che Mexican Revolution. 17 18. 234 Exansi&.on: failurc lo create propertied cinzcnry. 154 Hacendados. 198. 50 Evans. 135. 147. 135 138. construction of public opinion. expulsien oí G. 135. definition of. role in local society . 229 Goffman. and Chavero. 241. 84. 198-99 Guerra. art oí governing . 70. al puente de Mrtlac. lack oí public torum. 254. Fran4ois Xavier." 201-2 Globalization. 60 ENAH (Naconal School oí Anthropology and History). 48.-as "Old Christians. as pulitical parties. 67. Manuel . 9 Gage . 226 Discourse of the homo . 146. El. and campaign cuero. Luis. 146. 148. and national Mexican anthem. 273 Fernando VIL portrait of. failurc to create propertied citizenry. nadowlisr reactions to. and nongovernmental intellectuals. 252. 222 Hernández. business. reviews of. 69 Haber. 282 Great Nacional Problems. according tu DaMatta .rola giving thank. Manuel. counterexcommunication oí European imperialists. 250. 60. and the'scientifically marvelous ." 147. 203. 139 Eurnpeans.mestizo nationalist. El pueblo. 53. 143. and public opinion . 197 Governmental intervention: dependence on. development oí indigenismo . highways. vision of anthropology. 61. attack on Indian learning. European. 148. 252. 147. 70 Film. 84. 58. xxii. role following independence. for public interese. 259 Foucault. lo che Virgen of Guadalupe Jora a. 252. 105 Exposición Iberoamericana de Sevilla. 252. 251. 1 12 Lsrrada. and civilizational horizon. Louis. discussion oí "rhe public . 155 Filipinas. 50. Colonel Albert. 213. 68 Hidalgo. 166 Durazo. 192-93 Front state: maintenance oí public image. 190. Joaquín." 201. 82. 62. description oí nacos counterpart. Indigenismo .cs: and postrevolutionary government. 254. 260. 4. Erving. meaning . Joachim de. 59 Discourse of the street . 53. 138. governmentality. 251 García . 273. !Si. Geoff.

199. priests. military campaign against Hapsburg imperialists. 264. 121. 56. suspension oí individual guarantees in Yucatán. 128 TEPES (Instituto de Estudios Políticas y JocinlrsJ. Creole symbols. Porfirian intellectuals. crcornmm1s canon ol. 97. 256 Joseph. 63.46. racial category of. conversion of. construction oí presidential persona. and Bourbon refonns. and national space. destruciiun ol towns. 115.sts. incorporation oí the Indian. 40. dislocation of. 96. 68 James. rulers. 62 Juntas de mejoras. critique of. communities. 95-96. Benito . 62. 283. 254 Inquisition. 275. 47. 276. 114. 3. and nationalism. 1 17. 151. 203. 208-9. emancipador ul claves. 241. oí Tepoztlán.21 Independence. teachings of the revolution. 87. 120. with green eyes. debates in the Gazeta de México. 198.q' by VIUVr Ttll nar. endica! . 116. government subsidies. 72. and citizenship. subordination ro Baste. 47 notions si caste. 8. 171 1 üstorians Latir Amcrica visto. 255-56. 42. Rodríguez Puebla. dislocated Indiano. 2 9 . creation oí Order ol Guadalupe. 269. 33. 275. 231. 114. +a p ar 1 1 nmcerns ol nationalism. 16 H ispanicized. and census. 97. 95. 202. 95 . 241. loso oí legal protection. 56 57. 267.. against foreign aggression. presidency as an institution oí power. cuerpo unido de nación. Fernando : Miguel Alemán. martyred bs Spaniards. failure to centralize. crisis of national ism. 41-42. 158. 146. Edward. 207. liberalism oí. as civil servant. 256. Tbe. and Tepoztán. 51. 192 b. 285. 259. and patronage. portrait oí. 68. 51. and state formation. end u. 170. as beneficiarles oí decentralization. tASexico: Biogrnhby ol Pmi. story oí. deseription uf. governors.u' comauusncss. 51.pti on. 69.44. 41. 79. 62.37. 25. 95. as spiritualisto. and autonomy. 198 as svnibol oí state vigilance. 1Su. anos of. tv. adoption of Aztec eagle. 231. role of eomnumwcs. 10. 67. massacres of. Otomt Indianness.. 198. 40. xii. 197. 238 1 forre and Ibe Zapilotes. 234 huerta. Inca. Indianness oí. 112. 105. 4 Holisen: definition nf. tribute. 115 Intellectuals. explanation oí Robert Redfield. 3. 266 Interna) colonialism. and interpassivity.See also Aztees. . 27. maintenance oí indigenous communities. rxeommumeaaan n as scicntihcalh . and niarriage. 85. 95. 75 INI (Instituto Nacional 1rá. 198. 42. 192. 101. 51 Indigenous communities. mortalty o1. 153.ndincd. links with gods.5l. 62 ess. 126. lack of Creole bourgeoi sic. and governmental state. as atomizing. 262. 151. 87. and American War of Independence. 116. 54. 95. 83-84. embodiment between nation and law. 214 Jefes Politices . as nation builders. link. in Querétaro. Victoriano. 281. 226. Ricardo Flores Magón. 41. women.48. 199. 50 . 1 14. 51. list oí. and thcft. 8 Juárez. a defense against U. 179 7ndigerazta.S. 40 ]SI (Impon Substitution Industrializacion 1. 208 Intimate cultures: definition oí. 53. 104 cxcommun¢aUOn endotscd h3 Archbishop ul A1cx. 62. 254 Inca. 45.50. José Guadalupe Posada. 140.nsurge nts. 41. 11 I-112. recodification ot. 48. 41. 49. 254. 41. definition of. 52. 218. 86. postcolonial critics. 47. 25: and Cathol. 232. and governmentality. 277. 208. 224. 232. as"forcedidennty. 8S. 168. Mexico: Biography of Power. and public sphere. 199-200. Nacional School oí Anthropology. mestizaje oí. 30. art. 98 Huitzilopochdi. secessionist movements in. 280. purpose oí 40. 172. population movements.36. role ot Frcemasonry. ol. impact tan national history. and European model. geography oí muteness. 197. 1 4 .. 17. Bulnes. as critica) perspectiva xni INAH (Instituto Nacional de Antropología Historia). 206. and citizenship. 76 Illegal immigrants. xiv. European influences of. 95. 146. tribute. 103. Gilbert. 155 Jordán. 197-98. 129. 95. 244. Max Webers definition of. 272.nsr French nvaders. 202 nd musu_o. 128 Interpassivity.. 169-71 ISAAE (International School of American Archeology and Ethnology). 266. organized by race. 202. likely m commit crimes. 86 149. 275. 134. image oí the presidency. 109. description oí. and governmentality. 282. 59 Juan. response u. Plan de Iguala. xxii. naII. 220 Journalists : as middle daos. religiosity and purity oí .collectiveidentity of. 55. 1 n d rx 342 = 343 - . 215. 49. 202. lack oi stability. and Indian citizenship . 87. 243. 263. 225. 48. 191. 231. differences with U. 16. 64 Jaguaribe. 4. 267. 213 Jalisco.nm. monarch. 47. 222. 40. 244. curanderos. 103. 191-92. 232. representation oí national sentiment. 139 Imagen de Jura con retrato de Fernando VII.clcrgy. 153. 121 Indio. triumph over Maximilian . and Benito Juárez. 150. ladinolzation. 274-75. 30. language oí respect. 5 1. 116 Intruder. Christian worship. 284. 147. negotiation with state institunons. corn. dependence en corporate investors. 72. expon oí national anthropology. Constitution ol Cádiz. 96.84. 54. 62. . Enrique Krauze. 192-93 Individual rights. republics. organization of labor groups. 228-29 ]la. 1 3 .i vista'. identification with che )and . 206.. interpreters of national sentiment. 129 immigratiom. 55 Junta Instituyente : and citizenship. 52. 87.digeni. 197. legal category ol.n. The: asan allegory. 40. 264 International system. 249. xi. 128. 29.u e. 39 Human rights .cism. 241. 40. 92 Imagined Communities and Anderson. 56 Iberians. CI. 232. universalist liberalism of. 117. links with lamily. 284. Ievel dltfcrenres he tween Gastes . against neocolonial exploitation. 103. 40. 4. 146 Informal eeonomy ethnoglaphies ol. trbute. murdered hy fractious Mexicano.t thu chuteh. exbaustion of. biblical imagery. xii. 99. 266. 168-71. sources oí legitimation. local level. and Oscar Lewis. 47. Arirlismo as an ideology. Jorge. 46 Identity producron. 40. as les. 5. Spnln a4a. 41. 52. and Mexican Americans.S society. period of urban growth. and intellectual production. Mazabuas. tr political organizaton of. 51. and public sphcre. as corporate structures. 55. mythology oí Aztec past. 69. 149 ippie muvcnuu Ii4--75. xiv: national. 170. cultural rcgions durtng. 55. 208-9. 250 Isla Juana. consolidation oí national econoeny. 40. distinct from liberalism. 101. reaction to Bencdiet Anderson. 67. 231. 27. Beatriz.. and indigenous communities.William Setvard Traveling in Adexlco. rehance on Spanlsh legal thought. 233-3-1 tate parriot- ism56 vicw ol Anderson 4 Indian 5 16 33. 75. adop' non uf saints. railroads. 101. 47. descrihed as rencos. 232. 15 Imrbide Agustín. 40. Ser also Benedict Anderson IMF (Internacional Monetary Fund ). 29. wirh land. 204.za56. 42. 7. hlsroriography of. 4. 103.

109. and nationalism. insurgent priests. feminine arguments for. 260. 231. 53-54. 53. "intellectual caudillos. 79.183. 65. 16 I-egal code of 1836 and citizenship. 232. 72. 50. 215. subsiaesrhetics." xvii. Gerónimo. 230. 90. x 344 _ j Index = 345 = . killing of. 78. 262. Ricardo Pozas. amhiguiry off status. linked te ideal of sovereignty. xü 1 Lavallé. 44. as welland 1968 student movement. 279-80. Bolivia. Paul. Adolfo. and 1857 Mestizo. Florencia. Mallon. degradation oí citizenship. 52. 52 Mexican Americana. 217-I8. Teatro Santa Atina. 18 I. 63. signihcanc( of eg.Krauzometcr . 89. 90. Karl: and Mexican education. and Tlateloleo massacre 216. and histoncal soap operas . 53. images used by astheories of. 257. 55. 231. 230. 16. 65 220-21 state absorption of. 176 Mayas: sold as claves. 77. 64 Leonard. nationalinstitucional infrastructure. contemporary discourse of.aves of che Indies encomendar. as national yace. constitution o l 181 1. xxi Labor Day parado. 220. 151-52. 53. 168. xxi process uf. 94. 17 1aw oí 1608. 225. indigenista anthropology. as protectionist. Mexican anthropology: challenges to 98. historical product oí Mexican peoples. as pardy civilized. 104 Laves oi Castille. and presidencial persona. dies to inrellectual groups . 127 sovereignty and citizenship . 218 Land. 221 . 200 Mestizaje. ideologues oí. 134.Malinche. 139. popular public spheres. xxii. 231. strategies Maps. 17 I tia . xii Lion's Club. 60. 217. Sebastián. 275. 210. 260. 166. meaning democrat. 214 Mendieta.178. and presidencial biograph i es . 53. and proletarian organizations. Irving. as scrvant of the nation. 90. 93. 86. 53-54. Indians. 44.stmy ' 220and Fran4ois Xavier Guerra . as fortified version oí che indigenous yace. 93 iVlexieo Biograpby ofPawer. rise of democracy Martyrdom. and Great Madrid. Alvaro Obregón. 259 Liberal. Ignacio. Antonio López de Santa Atina . "democracy without adjectives' 222. 1 19 Ladino . portrayed as backward . Mexico: l3iograpby of Power. and 1968 5tudent movement. 16." 218. tradition ol anthropology. 51. 216. 4. 275. 219-20 . 220. conservatives.les. fía y Estadística. 86. foundational strain. 231. proof oí cleanliness. José inauguration of research facility. as shared history of suffering. 222. 89. 146. xxi. of Mexico . 51. and tacist ideas. 96-97. and social persona. 94. 90. modern ist reaction to. pragnRüic accord w. 206 Latín America . 65 Más vale cabeza de ratón que cola de león. 129 López Marcos. 52. and national history . xxii. justihcaiion of Spanish expansion. 210. theatrieality of. 226." 98. 90. 90. 2 17. refornis of . 258.218. uses of sacrl fiee. as "nonWestern . 15 Merchants. Frida. 53 Mexican nationality. 35 Mexicanness. 157. and communitarian ideologies. proposal to ban bullkghting. exceptionallsn . 55. "factory of h. nationalization of. 229 Luther Martín. boulevards of. 180.compared with Porfina Díaz. 94. 37 Media. goals of. 117. 3. 75. 225. Juárez as authenric . 216. 15 Lynch John. 55. 50 Libro kajo El. 133. 52. 1 33: n Texas. 109. 1 18 Maximilian. indigenismo. 139 Mexican democrats critique oí corporate Maroons. xviii. martyrs oí independence. under current regime. 53. and peasant organizations. 62 Mexican proverbs. Latin American left and imperialism . 51 Knight. letter tu Vera Rubín. eontemporary crisis Díaz. 258-59. 51. 90. 129. messianic image of. 89. amputated leg. Jacques. 140 Masses: as obstacles to progress. 149 1. and use oí sources. 55. as revolutionary nationalism. co . 154 Madero. 55. 43 La Paz . 231. 113. 157. 223. 90 Mecebu. 216. 223 . and Vuelta.. 230. 231. as a historian ot nation building . 95. Manuel Gamio. 66-u7 López de Santa Arma.. 255. Bernard. 226. principal ideologists. 199 of government. 152. 45 state. Cbildrea ofSánchez. 226. 53. Bernardino de Sahagún. 53. 147. insufficiently civilized. illustration of. 94.. 223-24. rapid modernization. 241. descri ption of barrios. pmblems with political parties. marryred national leaders. 159 Medical doctora' movement. protagonist oí national history. 43. indigenistas. 87. 10. interpretarion ol Mexican history . 44 1afaye. 180. 89. 62. 260 270. as FBI spy. 35. 94 Marx. 175. 174 Macfi iavellianism. 224 López. Antonio. 231. 233. 224. 86. 46. and liberals. 259.. 4 1 constitution. 133 López Portillo. mcnrors of.199. 242 Maquiladoras. 95. 44. 16 La . 25s 259.awnerul Cho . 223 . 96.. 55 Kaiser. and lclevisa. polities and an tipo B tics. 53. toppling oí foreigners. 50. 86. 219. 133. 258. 216. 226 . 158. during pre-Hispanic period. Five Families. as preserver of order. as nationalist i niel lectual . 54. Mexico: Btograpby of Power. in Pastrv Wat. and role oí intellectuals. Miguel de la . and Tepoztlán. 53-54. as a spiritualist. 79. 213 1_ópcz Rayón. masculine arguments for. Jesús. 206-7 oí. xvii. 222. Guadalupe Victoria. Luis Cabrera. formulacien of. election of. 230-31. 207.. 263. and Mexican intelligentsia. stabilization of national image. 258. velopment of. Alan. Andrés Molina Enríquez. Wilhelm . 284. and democracy. 280. 218 Mexican nationalism. 49. 239. 235 Mazabuas.importante of for i dentiry. Pancho Villa. 54. and Mexican Revolution. Agustín. National Museum of Anthropology. 215. career of 21 a and cha risma tic power . and educaNational Problems. use of state patronage. 259.205. 261 238. importante of mestizaje. 114.ockharr James. 89. as modernizing.Kahlo. 53-54. and indigenous world. final phase of. 242. 44. and independence. xi. E nrique . 226. 87.history oí civil violente. 129 1e1¢ 05e11 . 259. Spanishspeaking Africans. xxii . clama ru Europe . 259 260 critique of Sociedad Mexicana de Groy. 261. historical detional system . 151. 173.216. 81 piring presidents. 241 Limón José. 53. and mestizo. revaluation of. 222 . 150. com panson with Cosío Villegas and Oetavio Paz 219. projectfornationality and modernity. 154 Lerda de Tejada. 22 1. after independence. and antipolitical discourse. 10. as "aposde ol democracy. Muslim. 89-90 Krugman . Francisco 1. 212-1 3. 87-88. romanticization oí Magníficos ("Magnificent Severa "). 127. xi. 220 Krauze . critique of. 219. critique oí p-esidenrialum 213. degradation of Mexican history: and public sphere. 232. 176 Mexican Revolution. Lara. Jews. 218-19. 35. 222-23 and Miguel de la Madrid.

114 and role.¡ intellcctuals, 210; teachings nl 121 and Tepuztld .o spherc . 52 14: seat ut viceroyalty , 46, and 178, watershed lor natinnal,ty :Alexicoo-. ambigwty ol smms , 127: um- frpu,: tlán 167. 186 , 241, 243, 244, sciousness ol backward coodiuun. xc,i AI.x!:o It, b adal Evolut," desrc ol nanunahry , .XIS Imellectual 24 ;Vlfxim i'rofio;do. 263 and artistic production . 210, labe1cd "developing narco." xvül , narrat;ves ul Meycr Lorenzo, 213 Mezican pcrople . xv;i; nationalism ol 4. ,Abur.... .,', 129 ALgants. 9,. 142, 143 , 188, 190, 192, source of nat;o nalnv . xlv: serte paN17 I fl. ,O ( anuda . 187, irom Guerrero, 75 usage of s mb Is , xii; nationalist Méx co a Irave , .ir pos , 245 50 cuino. 1811, migiatory proeess

Morelos (atare), 167, 266. 267 271. 273 279, constmction, 18 industr,al,zavon 183, migration to the United Stales 183 postrevoluti onary eco nom ic organization 183; regional space 182 siate governor, 182, tourism, 183

National culture as dismodernity, 1 14 National history 81. 139 failure to deliver, 81
National identiry, xx, xxi, 14, 128, 132, adoption of foreign techniques, 130; changing aspecrs of, 1 I I, formation ol. 141, formed in transnational networks, 126- Trames of contact, 130, interna[ business 132, narratives oí identity,

Morenos, 45 t`lorrow, Dwight. 1 37 Mularros, 16 17 Nación, 7, 9 13, and lienedict Anderson. 8, distinguished from puma, 9; extension of national identity , 8, and panimperial identiry , 8, and sovereignty , 8; usage of, 7, 8 Naco, 120, Art-Naqueau , 11 3; categorical transformation of, 114, changing connotaGOns of, 111, closet nacos , 113; as colonial imagery, 112; definition oí nacos kitsch , 112, description of, 1 1f, foreign-sounding names, 1 12-13; as lack oí distinction , 113, lumpenpolitics of, 113; as mark oí Indian , 114; and modernization , 113; Nac -Art, 113, naquismo, 112 , 113; as sigo oí provincial backwardness , 111, similar process in Latin America , 112; threat to tradicional political forms , 113; as urban aesthetic, 112 NAFTA ( North American Free Trade Agreement), xxi, 108; backlash of, 121

125; and neo),beral ism. 129, production of, 125, production oí "Mexico," 126; sociology oí, 127, topography of, 130, women and children, 10

121; to Tepoztlán, tionary scheme of, 245, interpretation hacklash against , 186; to the United States, 187 of pre Columbian past , 245, Nahoa , 246, Otomis , 245-46 Milenio. 212, 213 146, 147 Mexico at tbe World', Falo , 241 Mllitary leaders , Biograpby of Powee absence of cita- Minera , 146, 147, 149 Mexico . Moctezuma , 218, 241 tions, 221 ; Alemán , 223; Ávila Camacho , ;\4odemidad indiana . Nación y mediación en 223; Emilio Azcárraga , 224; comparison México, xix, xx to National Museum oí Anthropology , 214, 215, and 226; composition of, 215-16 ; Cosío Modernist ruins, 213 , 223, Tlatelolco massacre, 214 Villegas , 221, 224 ; Porfirio Díaz , , 82, 111, 122, Díaz Ordaz , 222, 223 , election ol de Modernization , xv, xx, 57 , 131; critila Madrid, 222- 23; Hidalgo , 224; and 163 , and corruption of morals 222, intellectual cal m national state, 136 ; indigenized, historical evidence , , 138, and production , 215; Krauzometer , 222, xxi, and nationalist reactions postrevolutionary government, 214; of Solilude , 222; de la Madrid , Labyrinth 223; metaphors for power, 224 , Mexi- principies oí, 128; relationship with the brote, 82, reproduction oí social dasses, can history as a ztruggle for democracy , 118-19; threats tu nation states , 82, use 216-17, Mezican Revolubon , 223-24 ; asa mirror oí presidencial power , 220, of nationality, 114 Andres, xvi, 53, 54, °acnationalist myth , 226, O' Gorman , 221, Molina Enríquez , argument opinions stated as historical facts . 222, [ion ' and "resístante ;' 53-54 , 53, mestizo ideology of, 223, Paz , 221, readings of, 218; sources for mestizos , 53; as pro mestizo nationalist, 53 of, 220, Spanish versus English transla treatment of 1968 student Monsiváis , Carlos , xi, 55, 205 nion, 222 ; , 49, 83 , 84, crimovement , 221, José Vasconcelos , 224, Mora , José María Luis, 48 223. Se, als,, tique oí Rodríguez Puebla , 49, and indiZapata , 224, Zedillo , Enrique Krauze ger;ismo, 49, interpretation oí the constiMexico Ciry , xii, 158, 171 , 175, 178 ; as tution, 83 85, 227; "baicony of the republic ,' xii; crowds , ,Morelos, José María , 29, 47 , , 184; abolshment oí slavery , 85; accusations 60; drivers , 60; earthquake of 1985 29, Apatzingán confreeway to Tepozdán , 184; growth of, against Spaniards , stitution , 64, edict oí 1810, 85-86; mar152; lack oí services , 60; mediated move 69, national ideal ments , 59, and national sat'atics , 205, tyred by Spaniards , uf, 8o; persistente oí política) spirit, 86, , periodicals , 200, politeness of, 59-60 ;' 158, 227; during Che Porfiriato , 206, prosti ruti un , " senuments oí the nation 137, and public opinion , xii; and pubis servant, of thc nation, 225

National image , 143, implementation of, 126, management of, 141 Nationalism, xxiii , xv, 5, 10, 11, 13, 54, 55, 120, 122, 191 , alternatives for Mezican, 56, 83 ; and Benedict Anderson, xx, 3, 30, 200, bonds oí dependence, 12; citizenship, 10 , 11; and communitarianism, xvi, xx, 3, 33, 34; connected to consumption , 121, connected to work, 121; contradictory claims of, 126; Creole nationalism, 6 , crisis of, xxi, 114; definition of , 6-7, 33, development of, 27; discourse of, 13i evolution of, 27, exclusion oí Spaniards, 29; failure to reformulate, 122 ; formation of, 30; and fraternity, 12, freemasonry , 31, ideological construction , 132, as invented nature, 4, 7, under ISI, 121, and language, 14, 229, and linguistic identification, 5; and Mezican anthropology, xxiii, mythology, 151, 279; myths of, xüi, origins ( stories), 233, polemical nature oí che national question, 47; politics of, 122, power of , 12-13, and racism, 14 ; and religion , 14; revolutionary nationalism , 56, sacrifice , 7, 11; as a sigo oí modernity , 128; and sovereignty, xiv; standardization of, 125; and subjectformation, 3; substitute for religious community, 7; successor to religion, 3, thick description, 32, and transnational relations , 125; uniry and the intelligentsia , 209; violente of, 30; oí weak nations, 126

Nahoa, 246
Nahuad, 37 , 172, 173, 192 , 272, 273, 274, 278 , 285, national anthem, 177; speakers, 174 Nation, xiii; 48; appeals to nationhood, 11, as Christian utopia , 86, and citizenship, 48 , as community, 13, 35, 146, identification with homeland , 47; iniportance oí blood, 43 ; importante of land, 43 , intellectuals and nation building, 212 ; local proeess oí state formacien, xv, myths of, xiii; nationalization oí the church, 47; and race , 27, redefini[ion of, 46; and sacrifice , 1 1, symbols of, xiii, transformation oí semantics, 7

l r, :l e x 1 e d ex = 346 = ea 347 =

Narionalist ideology, 48, alternatives ol, 56, social hierarchies, 48 Narionalist movenients: adoption oí ancient political forros, 36; caste wars, 49 Nationalists, 13, adoption oí ancient political forros, 36; bardes of, l0, discoursc of, 12, and nationalistic scienGsts, 202, and ven Humboldt, 199 Narionality, xiv-xv, 286 National Museum oí Anthropology 226. 231,242,254 National Polytechnlc Instituto, 214 National Preparalory School, The, 243 Nacional sentimenr, 197, 207, census 198; concentrated in Mexico City, xii and Agustín Iturbide, 284; and opinions, 158; and ritual, 156, 158, and starislin, 198, techniques for interpreting,208; use oí quesrion naires, 198 National sovereignty, 83, 88, secular process of, 83 National space, xv, xxiü, 265, conceptual challenge of, 264; cultural gcography of, xxi, developmenr of, xv; histodcal sociology of, xix Neocolonial exploitation, 54 Neoliberalism, foreignization of, 129; intplementau,an of, 129 Nerherlands, 15, 21 New Lawsof 1542, 174 New Spain, 8; as cante society, 40, hierarchical relationships, 40, as a kingdoni ot Spain, 8
Newspapers, 5, 6, 156; and "empry time," 22-23, limits of public discussion, 148, as pdvileged inedia, 159. Seealso Print capitalisno

74; Ioss ol arm, 94; monument built co honor lost arm, 94, martyrdom of, 94; overlap ol presidential personas, 104-5, and Zapatistas, 179 Ocampo, Melchor 214
O'Corman Edmundo, xviii, disapproval of K;auze's biographies oí power, 221, ídem ahout che invention oí America, xvui

Phelan, John Leddy, 15 Pietschmann, Horst, 21, 22, 23, 25 Pimentel, Francisco, 53, 252; high official in Maximilian's court, 260 Plan de Ayala, 278 Plan de Iguala, 29, 64 población del valle de Teotihuacán, La, 253, national dimensinns of, 251 Pocho, 139 Poinsett, Joel, 31, 88, effort to build proAmerican parry, 31, establishment of Masonie lodges, 88, organizarion of Masonic lodges, 31 Political elites, developmenr oí distinct forms, 118; parasitism, 120-22, portrayed as out oí touch, 120; as predators, 120 Political rallies, 177, as expression of public sentiment, 160; theatrical element, 159
Political ritual, 146, 159; appropriarion of corruption, 146, and corruption 162, substitution for discussion, 164

Postmodernity, 110 Pozas Horcasitas, Ricardo, 151; medical students strike, 214 Pratt, Mary Louise, 141 PRD (Partido de la Revolución Democrática) use oí celebrities, 117
Prefectura del Ceniro 242 Prensa Graffca, La, 255

Oil indusery, 104, nationalization under Cárdenas, 104 Olympie Carnes in 1968, 108, 259 Opposition parties. PRD, 117 Ortega Y Gasset, José, 209
Ortiz, Luis 2 I, 22 Oswald, Felix L, 239 Otnm,, 245, 246 Oteoman Empire, 15 Ouweneel, Arij, 275

Presidency, 84, 96, construction oí nacional image , 88, identification with modernization, 104; Juárez as strong image , 95, messianic imagery, 89, during the nineteenth century, 104, presidenttalism, 213; sacrifice as ideology, 89, 225, statistics, 104 President, 83, 99; development oí image, xxi; figure of, 106, 108, 115; inaugurations of, 213, Mexico.. Biography of Power, 216; since 1982, 105; as servant, 225, shaping of public persona, 83 Presidential authority, 98: nationalization oí the law, 98 Presidential candidate: relationship with che suit, 77, use of costumes, 77 Presidential persona, 81, 96; importante oí technological innovations, 104, shaped by 83, 98-99, uses oí martyrdom, 94
Presidential power, 88; and política) parties, 88

Pagden, Anthony, 28, 172, 220 Parda 45 Parián Market, 131 París World's Fair oí 1889, 250 Paseo de la Reforma, 206 Pastrv War, 90 Patience, 61 Patria, 5, 9, 43 Pa triotic deaths, 3 Parriotic sacrifice, 13 Payno, Manuel, 239 Paz, ( ctavio, xi, 53, 55, 218, 219, 221, 222 227, critique of National Museum of Authropology, 226; The Critique of tbe Pyruruid, 226, mentor to Krauze, 222, en xlesican nacional culture, xiv, Mexico: Riog¢iphy of Pou,er, 222 Pcasant communiti es, 152; forums for discisson, 149, gendered forms for discussion 149; and public sphere, 149 Peasants,52,151,191,232,266,281; claims of citizenship, 76, exchange oí votes 76; parfieipation in national discoune, 76 Peña Guillermo de la, xix, 161 Poimseln res, 5, 8, 17, 45, 199 Peo¡les Cuide to Mexico, 134

Politics: connections with ritual, 145 Polis, 204 Poniatowska, Elena, xi, 55 Population, oí 1950, 54, of 1990, 54 Porfirian elite: and European immigration, 140 Porfirians: and internacional arena, 252
Porfiriato, xx, 180, 206, 218, 250; consolidation oí nacional economy, 79, elite, 140, 180, 210; evolution oí citizenship,

Presidential repertoires, 89 Press, 59, 146, 150; censorship of, 59,
during colonial period, 115; eritieism oí the government , 78; and government

Neu, York Times, xxi Nexos, 219, 226 Nolahles, Los 276, 277, 278, 279 Novo, Salvador, xi Nuestra señora de Guadalupe, palro,w dr la Nueva España, 19 O, Genovevo de la, 179 Obregón, Alvaro, 94, 104, Barde ol Celaya, 104-5; building oí the state,

72, economic growth, 72, futuros for subsidies, 209, and narcotice trade, 131; discussion, 149, government institutons, and self-clnsorship, 59 197; "order" and "progress" superseded PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional), 82, citizenship, 72, and Political ritual, 73, 111, asan Ancien Régime, 82; and de and positive seienee, 210,, progress as la Madrid, 222; and democracy , 216 ; fetish, 73; and public education, 73, and idiom oí village uniry, 1 19; institutionalpublic opinion, 147; schools and festi- ized heir of che revolution, 98; and vals, 155, 156; state theater, 205, and local villages, 119, monument for Alvaro Tepoztlán, 170, 178 Obregón, 94, 1988 campaign, 76, poPosada, José Guadalupe, 151 litical campaigns, 222; as a refashioning Posrcolonial, 142; challenges ro nacional- of colonial system, 115, use oí public ism, 128, elements of postcolonial theo- rallies, 76, use of relevision stars, 114 ry, 125, identity production 128 Pues,, 168, 241, as inrellectuals, 275-76

IuJr^ 348 =

Indrx 349 =

Prieto . Gmllern;u,. xi 25U-51 Prlmordiahst nacional lsm. 265 Primordial loy albas, 36. 49 Primordial tules. ti
Pr ; pales. 174 I'nnc capitalism 3.5.6, 14.22..43

Ra;ln,ads . en;raliza tion of thc goverm roen; 72. under Juárez 72; and public ,pi,', 295
Kan;o, Samuel . 53. 74 78; on ^tilexiean pan==nal charactcr , 73; pelado as enemy .n good Guy. 73; pelado as massihed

Riva Palacio, Vicente, 53, 239 Rivera, Diego, 53. 55

Santo Domingo 15, 173, 174, 266, 270, change of carnival signs, 189, and intellectuals, 269, political factions, 260; symbolism of names, 189-90, tecolotes, 269 ertunes, 269 Secretary of Agravian Reform, 232 Seed, Patricia, 42 Schools, 155, 156. 177; festivals, 155; following che Mexican Revolution, 155; and i nstitution oí discipline, 155, and ritual, 155; schoolteachers, 155. 168 Science, under protectionist state, 1 15 Scientifically marvclous, 201, 202; exaniples of, 201-2, as propaganda, 201 Scientific socialism, 140 Scott, James, 178 Scottish rite, 88. See also Freemasonry Serdán, Aquiles, 206 Seven Laws (1835); and Catholic religion, 48 Sierra, Justo, 243, 244, vision oí national evolution, 245 Sigüenza y Góngora, Carlos de, 16 Slavery, 38-45, 50, 63, 64, 85, 147, 218; abolition of, 62, 85, African, 45, 241 ; Aztec ideology of, 38; captives oí "just wats," 45; constitution oí 1824, 204; indigenous, 52, as liberation oí human energy, 38; prohibition against ¡odian nobles, 174; prohibition of, 204 Social Darwinism, 52, 53, Mexican view oí Indians, 52 Social democracy, 56 Socialization: oí children, 59-60; as mechanism oí courtesy, 60; and personal relations, 61 Social movements, 27, 50, 80, 149, 171, 199, 208, challenge to nacional image, 143, and conditions oí reproduction, 152, and fiscal crisis oí 1982, 77; as gestures oí revolt, 159, incorporation of the state, 77, and national media, 159; and public opinion, 158-59; violente against, 143 Social sciences, xvi, xvü; part oí international horizon, xvi; tied to national development, xvi

Rodó, Enrique. Ariel. 103, ideology ol 103 Rojas, José Guadalupe, 277. 279 289, dlaries of, 278; and Nahuad, 278, and nationalist mythology, 278-79 Rojas, Mariano, 277-78 Rojas, Simón, 278 Rojas, Vicente, 277 Rojas (family), 174. 274. 280 Rumor, 157, 159, as chisme de viejas, 157, as cowardly, 157; as feminized, 157; and public opinion, xxii; and public sphcre, 155, 158; and ritual, 155 Sacrifice , 5, 10, 1 I, 12, 42, association with nationalism , 7; Aztec ideology of, 38, 39, coercive pressures of, 11, ideological appeals te, 1 I, and misconstrued, 13; and nationalism, 7, 12 Sahagún, Bernardino de, 38, 238 Sahlins, Marshall, 166 Salinas , Carlos, 223 , 227; and Héctor Aguilar Camín , 219, campaign of, 206; subsidies to intellectual groups, 219; use oí television stars during campaign, 117; and Anuro Warman, 232 , 233; as a wellmeaning democrat, xxi Salve Reina de la América (atina, 28 San Andrés , 173, 266 San José, 189 ; change oí carnival signs, 189; symbolism oí names, 189-90 San Juan Teotihuacán , 250; description of, 250 San juanico, 173 San Martín, 9 San Miguel, 173 San Salvador, 15 San Sebastián , 189; change oí carnival signs, 189; symbolism oí names, 189-90

Private sphere 268 Progrerisfw , 268. 169. 280 Progress, 54

,,trzen , 70; use of thc pelado, 73 Ranchos 155

14, 15, importance af blood. 1 r;pi )e ni;;re , 16, nationalization oi ;ha church, 42 Rccyclmg. detinuion ol, I I8 Rcdticld Robert 166, 175 , 182, 270; correcto,, 192 , 275; and orientalize, 166; radio interview , 255-56; tontos, 275
Regional cultures composed of, 116, culture of , 115; dependence en commodities, 117; and telephone , 117; and tele1 Religious fesrivittes : and collective actors, 147, 150 ; slave and black, 147 Represertlante de bienes communales, 268 Republica de indios, 44

Praletar;an ; zanun. 1 Pranundam ;m;tm 299 Protochronisnt xix; definition of nx Puebla , Rodríguez, 48, 51

Puebla (state), 155
Pueblo , El, 78, 79, 80, bad pueblo as todder for politicians , 71, discourse oí good and bad pueblo , 70; portrayals of, 65 ituted positive and negative , 65; substi by progress, 79 Public opinion , xxii, 146 , 156, 157, 159, 206, 208 , 210, 266; concentrated in Mexico Ciry, xü; and intel lectuals, 197; lack of, 284, mechantsms of, xxii; and social movements , 152, subsidized hy Che state, 233 Public rallies as corporate organisin, 76; divided by sectors , 76; increase in participation , 78; 1988 PRI campaign, 76; use oí dress , 76, 77, use oí television stars, 117 Public sphere , xv, xxii , 10, 25, 82, 102, 145, 147 , 149, 153, 159, 233 ; and collective actors , 150; definition of, 265; development of, 149; geography of, 146, and independence , 150; and local imelleetuals , 283; media of , 266, obstarles for creation ol, 163, and popular will 156; preferente for gossip , 158; and proletariat , 151; scgmented quality of, 83 Quetzalcoatl , 47, 272 Race , 27, 33, 48, 55; 'Old Christians 32 Racial identity ; manipulation of, 51 Racial ideolugies - during colonial pe; i ;d. 50, and Indians , 50, and procreauon 50; Spanish forros ol, 50

Respeta 270-71, when doing ethnographie work , 270-71 Restorcd Republie, xx Reto del Tepozteeo , El, 281, 282 Revolutionary nationalism , 55-57; model o¡, 55; reanimation of, 56 Revolutionary state : and the church, 156; creation oí corporate groups , 74-75; differences between Porfirian state, 74; forros of cltizenship, 80 Revol utions , 207, 208 Reyes Los, 189 Ritual. 151 , 153, 159 ; appropriation
ot corruption , 146; and common culture , 155, connection with politics, 145; constitution oí polity, 159-60 ; and corruption , 155; domination and subordination , 153; expansion oí state institution. 157 ; importance during colonial period , 153; and political discourse, 154; production of, 146; and public opinion , xxii, 160 ; and public sphere, 145. 160 ; and ruptor , 154-55; and ,ehools , 155-56

Santa Catalina, 173
Santa Cruz Teypaca ; change oí carnival signs, 189 , symbolism oí names , 189-90 Santa María, 173 Santísima Trinidad , La, 173

In dex 351 =

250 Van Young. 216. 240 Stavenhagen. 87. description of Mexico' s national museum. 27. as a "war of imagos. 170-72. 277. xiv. 282. 1161 and Enrique Krauze. 184. and mystique of modernity 205. 122 University system. Valley of Arongo. 6l. 167. Bourbon reforms. 8 Veracruz. development oí Mexican anthro- Sports. 23. under Echeverría.185. 18. 152 Verdery. 249 Tcpoztccan mythology. 186. artificial flowers st. and Mexican intellectuals." s3 Spanish Cortes. 17. 179. 239. upper cIases.ntellectuals 198. construuion uf che center. 236. carnival . calpuflis of. xv Spain. El Tepozteco. as poini of referente. 39 Tourism.he church. 220 Vasconcelos. Mexican Ihevaluriun. 9. 280. mokanp oí jurisd iction. rnulticol rural 1511' 186. 168-69. Fidel. 179. Anahuac. Che vulgar class . 241. 21.. types oí Mexican lndians. 197-98. 189. 206. 276. 18. 192-93. E. 9. 52 Trade unions.hnrrio. xx 4. road to Cuernavaca. 166. x1. 161. as a mcasu. 277. antiprogressive disconOC . and cidzem 286. 167. 225. in Chiapas. 73.184. excursionistas. 265. and territory. xxii. 276.183. 276. 18-19. and French occupation oí Mexico. 77. scientific output. migration from Morelos. 237-38.on. 167. 270 .173. 18 and connection with church. 185. 267. Alexandra. equated with civilization.foreigners 185. 138. contrast w. 181. 1 5 . 190. 37 Tenorio= Trillo. debate with FatherJ." xvi. 244 Valley oí Teotihuacán. 168-69 Tepozrecád El. 257 Urbanity. 200. . in crcating nacional ci tizcnry. uva n. 186.. 152. Mauricio. 178. 153 Texcocans. 15 United States of America. 270-71. 184. 153. 181. and cultural mediation. xvi. Villa de Tepoztlán. xvi-xvii. xix Viceroys. 169." 224 Vásquez. and progress . lack ol cominunal voice. 190.188. 96. 74-75 U. 173 Tlabuieole. 282. 179 Tertulias. and Enrique Krauze. 1915 renters' strike. 186 Spanish Enlightenmenc. tourism . 87. 221. 167. 198. 252. as "intellectual caudillo. 184. Juan Alvarez. presidencial power. 150 41 l elephone. xviii. Eric. 156 State formatiom. 173." 170. and language. 37 Textile workers. intellectuals. 169. built un religious militancy. 179 laxco. 185. orMexrco and tbe Mexicans.S . as paler potestas. 90 lecoloto 269 groups. and (áth. Rojas Family.181 Rpozteco. 21. 259.252 Ccnovevo de la O. employment. and universal rationality. John Kenneth. story of El Fepoztecátl.1540 censos . 168-69.. 198 Slatue of Ibe . 18. 23 Spanish invason of 1829. xviii. xviii. 180. 173. preColumbian urban design.-Mexican War: and backwardness. The intruder. 1 85 186. 15. classihcation of Mexican races . migrants . 285. 181. xxü. emulation oí English universities . 1 17 Sratistics. rebellion. 149 Tlahuica Nahua. 27[ Spanish cOncept ot. 170. revolutions. Relación de Tepoztldn. and fueros. 244. 181. 119 Velásquez de León. politieal St ident movenient ( 1968). pseudonym of El Tepoztecátl. expansion of.S-Mexico border. universities. following independence. los notables . 152. 116 117 Televisa and high culture. 242. 219 Te ancho ti ln. Kathleen. 178." xvi. 226. dynamic of cultural produerion. perlpheral status of. xvi. 282. 27 Spanishness. legal category of. 198. 168. and ' transition to democracv' 220 TclevIsion 116. 281. 169-71.Sonora. 235. signs of. opposition to Mexican monarchy. Tepoztecan migrants. 174. 280. 277. 192. Víctor. 182. 169. 187. 174. location of.ensota. 38. fetishism with "Rationality. Rodolfo. 175. 274. 200. índe x 352 = 353 = . Mary K. of common good. Tepoztizos. Orne Tochdi. 171-72. alliance with Juárez. and. fiestas 148 -90. brujos. 198. and U. 50. 173 ampesinos. 237-39. Genaro. Testera Jacobo. 11. 64 254 and Mexican anthropology. 245. 172 Urban rabble. 231. 255 Turner. 1 16. education. 283. 131. and Alexander van Hwnholdt.blrxtsan Goddess of War í or of dealh] Teoyaomiqui. patterns of urbanization. Robert Redfield. 214-15 Untitled photograpb of a Maya Woman. 199 Spanish eonquesr. and public sphcre. 173. 254. 5 enlightened munarchs. 164 Transnational capital impact of xxi Túpac Amaru. 184. 108. 16. elites. land . nacional symbols ol.n 207. 200. 235. 242. 21. 269. Don Joaquín. 266. 235. 52 Sovereignry.larle . 146 pology. description of Yucatán. principales. 122.n. 82 8 pan i ards. 17 Spanish America. and patrcotism. 266 Tatro S. Zapatistas. 231. 181 lepoztlán. 172. legal notion of. 173 Tlatelolco massacre. and population information . 115 Universal Catholic Monarchy. 220 Tylor. as " I ndian . 186. 232 Stern. John. 32 notionalizabon of the church. 159. Zapatismo. 9. 238-39. 153. 70 Spanish language. 276-80. 18 Spencei. 199. description of Mexico. 81. 16 Tonalli. 174. 273. 18-and eelig. 186. pseudonym oí El Tepo'ztecát1.142. 232.S. 158 Tacuhaya. in Yucatán. and indlgcnistas. 224. 74. 280... 18 Spanish lasr names. 250. 21. based on French models. and fiestas.ategy. immigration control. architecture of. as modero fono of Latín. 215. 16 Texcoco. 216 Tlaxcalans. 214-15. 81.. 200. and colonization . 282. 202 and nauonalism. 244-45. 171. 241. 18. nacional consrruction of. Herbert. 180. 188-91. 147. 279. 167. xvii. xvi. 18. ton Tornee.tnla Anua. 239. 184. peasants. 232 Supc.. 272. and land prices. 234-35. models . 214. 5 administrativo colonial practicas. language of. 139. Colonio Tepozteca. i ntellcctua l represen tati .ieros . and orientalizatfon. 151 Transition to democracy. 155. and civil izarion. use oí icons. 108 Tutino. 97 Tlanepanda. 173. Justo Sierra. cunsuuacd as peri pheral . and contact zone. as origin of national race 53. 281. consdmtion of. essay en Hidalgos revolt. xiii. and corrupin. 214. 238. xxi. 210. 200. 204. tribute. 136. 117 122 156. 197-98 based en U. 135. 184. 172. Ancient and Modere.. 156 Velásquez.[. B . José. 204 Usos y costumbres. Unión de Campesinos Tepoztecos (UCT) 179. 274 Spanish nationalism. Iinks to intellectual groups.centerpcripltery ntythology. conversion oí lndians . building oí schools. 140 Vaughan. 245 UNAM (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de México). Antonio Alzate. 32. fetishism with "Western tradition. 183. 277. 214. developmeni of.

134. and Carlos Salinas. 28 Virgen de Guadalupe escudo dr sah. 36. xl Vilar. comparisons between the United States and Mexico. w . focus un inalienable goods.. as ol. lohn 267 \Fndd Bank.ent 131 : Arabs 131. publications of. description of conditions oí Indians. anti-Spanish 4 nti n.f 1-13 Virgen de C. 66. C.hc'utcres 94 Xc 11ol1h'111ic . Slavoj. 178. 232-33. He is author oí Exits from tbe Labyrintb.271 Yucatán. His arcas oí interest include politics. portrayal of Spanish America . 239 Xo:1[In. Emiliano.lllam6unti de vie-1735. George. 191 Ward. 52. director oí INI. 178. 31. 19. Manuel. 26'i Violente < . as well-meaning democrat. Julio. 285 edex 354 = . 218 . 20 Virgin oí the Nativiry. prohibition of jails in haciendas. 65. 180.undalule and Miguel Hidalgo 47. 67.1 98 descc ratlon tomb 94. 66 Zavaln. 98.d em:nn la epidemia de M. hubia. 134 CLAUDIO LOMNITZ is professor oí history and anthropology at the University oí Chicago. 30. 183. 36 Yautepec. 129 Sc. 280 Zárate. rem. and Ernesto Zedillo. 244 Zapata.nns placed in Merco C nv. Guadalupe.. n1Velrlents: ante-Chinese n roa u m Sonora 131. Max. 232. and history. 283. Annette: discussion of exchange. 94. 219. 26. 208 Zolov. 233 Weber. B 105 Wallerstein. roya) mmmission of. Lorenzo de. and Bourbon rcforms. Immanuel. Mrxieo: Biograpby of Pomo..+ \V'snrack. Evolución de una sociedad rural. 161 Zizek. 168.Victoria. Ioreign businessmen. 232. Ernesto. and Modernidad indiana: nueve ensayos sobre nación y mediación en México. identificaflor.. 169 Von Humboldt. 131. 30 Warman. 234. 226 Waire. culture.cct ot scient. 266 Weiner. 223. 26. Alexander. 280. Ángel. Culture and Ideology in the Mexican National Space. and losó María Morelos -47 painting ot . 26. 224. e4: violauon ot tomb hy Panrrican s:ddiers c. Arturo. 65-66 Zedillo. 199. description oí the hippie movement.chronicle of voyage to America. xxi Zineantán. 26 Vuelta. us. 97 Villa. Pancho 9.t1. 260. Zapatismo. 48. minister oí Agravian Reforni. Zúñiga. 131 X eu te ncatl. Frie. 35. 20 217.