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mon frere BAUDELAIRE Q3 Llni r it f alif rnia Pr s L s ngcle' • L ndon B rk 1 y • . Bo BELLAH RDIEU A WITH A FOREWORD BY ROBERT D A AFTERWORD BY PIERRE Tu Ie connai . lecteur. -hypocrite lecteur-mon semblable. ce mon tre delicat.Paul Rabinow Riflections on Fieldwork in Morocco THIRTIETH WITH A A IVER ARY EDITlO EW PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR N.

who e names have been changed here to protect their anonymity. publi hed in 1977. This book is dedicated to my Moroccan companion. It activiti are upp rt db th UC Pre Foundation and by philanthr pic ontribution from individuals nd in tituti n . Includes bibliographical r fer nc . Mo t of all I wish to thank Paul Hyman. I.and natural sciences. Ec B ok 0 i acid-fr and m t the minimum reS]/ TM D5634-01 (Permanence of Paper). vi it www. Jean-Paul Dumont. i dink d po t-een umer wa t . hi acute and unique insights. Robert Paul. 2007 by The Reg nts of th Uni er ity of California Library of Congr Reflection Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rabinow. England Uni ersity © 1977. Ethnology-M rocco-Field work. Paul. / with a new preface by the author. Ltd. Oth anniver ary for his stunning and perceptive picture. nriches lives around the world b advancing cholar hip in the humaniti 0 ial scienc . Sh rry Ortner. The following people have been particularly g nerous and helpful: Robert e sed chlorin -free. Gwen Wright. with a f r word by Robert . Clifford Geertz. : alk. r Berkele University of California Pre and La Angel . B llah and an afterword by Pierre Bourdi u.. Titl G 346. Eugene Gendlin.California f California Pres. K vin Dwyer.R332007 20060 0008 306. London.072'3-dc22 Manufa tur d in U1eUnited State of m rica 16 15 14 13 12 8 7 11 10 5 09 0 10 Thi b ok is print don 9 6 4 3 2 ew Leaf EcoBook 0. .ucpres .Univer ity of Calif rnia Pr r one of the mo t di tingui hed university pres e in th United tate. paper) 1. em. a 100% recycl d fiber of which 500. Originall p. I B 978-0-520-25177-9 (pbk. and his friendship. on fieldwork in Mor co / Paul Rabinow. F r more information.

Contents Preface to the Thirtieth Anniversary Edition Foreword by Robert N. Bellah Introduction 1 8 XI XXlX 1 Remnants of a Dying Colonialism 2 3 4 5 Packaged Goods 20 31 Ali: An Insider's Outsider Entering 70 101 Respectable Information Transgression Self-Consciousnes Friendship Conclusion 142 150 6 7 8 125 131 Afterword by Pi rre Bourdieu S lected Bibliography 169 163 .

and ITa eler in earch of the e otic. Originally. and remain. ooner or later the que tion wa going to be po d: If the di cipline of anthropol gy d pend d on participant-ob er ation r thn graphic fi ldw rk. the linkage between fi Idwork. doing fieldwork ha been. and r main. and anthropology had been an important innovation. then wh wa it that 0 little attention had e r been plicitly paid to the natur xi .n t ubject t public crutiny.Preiace to the Thirtieth Anniversazy Edition REFLECTIO S0 FIELDWORK I PHILOSOPHY Fieldwork has been. more accurately. social evolutioni t . the defining mark of the discipline of anthropology.? While this original coupling of bing-there and a na cent body of conceptualization and theorizing wa critical and salutary. As the lippag deepen d betwe n th original motive for fieldwork and it incr a ingly tak n-for-granted statu. ethnography. or tho e forced to rely on their accounts. the defining r quirement for becoming an anthropologist in the twentieth-fir t centur . gradually there de eloped a slippage b tw en th conc ptual advanc s of the disciplin and th meth d of re earch that w re held to b the ource of th advanc s. it becam both a mandat ry rite de pa age and lik uch rit . when knowledge production about the re t of the world wa being produced by armchair theori ts.! Or.

e The world of the Other wa an imaginary site-hence Rou seau-in which the alienation of modern man wa unkn wn. and politics. have never b n m r powerfully written. in high French circles about the universality of reason (Lucien Levy-Bruhl). did not seem to have any ab olut ly pri ileged tatus in the production of knowledg about culture. while in isting n the most extreme conceptual rigor. albeit in quite a differ nt tyl . what could "a [phil ophically] p or boy do" (to quote Mick )agg r. ge graphers. society. What. action. where there was no s paration of nature and culture. Islamic) and in the comparative study of civilization (every undergrad uate was required to take a comparative civilization cour co-taught by multiple specialists-in my case.! Debates had raged. Chine e. and likely other ). Levi-Strau knew he wa writing a vast philosophic fiction-which does not mean it wa false-the central theme of which wa ultimately hi own condition and hi own xperience. and related topics: Levi-Strauss's Tri tes Tropiques (1955) remains the great masterpiece of what Su an S ntag called "the anthropologi t a hero" setting out to witne s the suppos d "world on the wane. of the patho of modern eeking an adequate compensatory form through art.a turn within the great tradition of fictional reali m stretching from Balzac through Flaub rt and Zola into th twentieth century. after ail.! What el e could thinking b ? Although th topic of exp ri nc had been taken up by pragrnati t uch a Charle Sander Pierce and John Dewey. and civilization. immediate experience and meaning. understood as consciousnes . was the special r le of fieldwork? Furthermore." taught by Sanskriti ts. "Indian Civ. to a French tradition of tw ntieth-century th ught which had intrigued mince high ch 1. and subjectivity (George BatailJe. iv n thi backgr und. it ha al 0 been central. literar critics. individual and community. erotici m. po ts. then a stu- .? The topics of enrichment through philo ophic voyage versu the oul-deadening falsity of t urism and travel in search of ex tici m. Maurice Merleau-Ponty. religious experience (Maurie Leenhardt). these blind pots struck me a curious." the Rous eau-i t paradi e where en ual and pa sionate natives li ed in a throbbing and intricate cosmo. anthropologi t.xii Reftections all Ficldu. ork ill Morocco Preface to the Thirtieth Anuiuer ary Edition iii and experience of fieldwork? And what exactly was fi ldwork supposed to contribute to a practice of critical thinking? As a graduate tudent in the mid-1960s at the Univer ity of Chicago. Although it wa m ntioned from time to time in this curriculum. my philo ophic m ntor. Thi curiosity stemmed in part from the fact that as an undergraduate at Chicago in the early 1960s. or thnographic fieldwork. then. taught philo ophy from a pragmatic point of iew: philo ophy wa mbedded in practic and in the world. Th book is a mast rpiece of French lit ratur . I had reveled in the history of philosophy (Western. of the tragic and d structive blindn s of "h t. exoticism. Indian. Michel Leiris). c rnparative r ligion specialist. and Claude Levi-Strauss provided agonistic reflection on experience. Richard MeKeon. Jan-Paul artre." progr s-driven civilizations. And the relevant cholar hip on the e topics did not seem to begin with the ri e of the fieldwork m thod in the twentieth century. participantobservation. historians.

nor were they mired in nostalgia. It was also concei ed as an attempt to make sense of a disjointed and troubling experience. with whom I had the privilege of participating in a National Endowment for the Humanities Seminar for College Teachers in 1975-76. Reflecting on that perplexity became a ource of solace during the cold and Ion Iy nights and the hot and lonely days. The Moroccans. it needed to reflect on its gem con traints. Bellah generou ly interv ned on my b half with the University of California Press. told me in the sternest and curt st f ton s (a do e a he could g t t c nveying c nc rn) that publi hing th book would ruin my care r.f And 0 I did. when a preface wa refuted by a counter-preface. the rejections and the admonition fell on deaf ears. My ad i or. it was not written in a scientific tyle. It was considered too p rsonal. as that was the prerogative of elders (Engli h. Other forms of analysis and oth r form of writing were called for: more tw ntieth-century ones. it needed to reflect on its historical context. Eventually. explaining to the appropriate editor what in his view the book was about-fieldwork as an ethical experience and que t-and what it contribut d to th human sciences (see his foreword). it needed to reflect on its existence and worth. in which yOW1g academics were not nearly 0 concerned with their careers. Reflection was conceived as a modest attempt to put the e topics on th proverbial table for discus ion. As that was a different ra. His intervention was perhaps one of the unique moments in publishing hi tory. And the c n idered opinions of my eld rs w r acc pt d by th six uni ersity pre e who rejected it. to pos it in a different fa hion from what now seemed to me in Morocco to b Levi-Strauss's far too Romantic attempt at a Wagnerian anthropology.xiv Reflections 011 Fieldwork ill Morocco Preface to the Thirtieth Anniversary Edition xv dent at the London School of Economics)? One thing was to go off to the Middle Atlas mountains of Morocco imbued with the mystique of fi ldwork but with no training in how to do it or why it was so crucially important. the perplexity grew. it embarrassed ome reader who preferr d accounts of enc unt r to rem in erbal and after hour. What was I doing? Reflection on Fieldwork in Morocco was an attempt to answer that que ti n. the manuscript was rescued through the good offic s of Robert B llah at Berkeley. it became clear immediately and abruptly. given its relations with its colonial and imperial past. he take of the exchang were significant: how to do what Bourdieu elegantly called .peaking ones at least) who had ba ically finished doing res arch. a SOciologist and leader of the interpretive social sciences. Wh n Reflections was first written (1974). And as I struggled to figure out how to observe and to participate. partly because employment opportunitie were greater then and partly becau e we had other things on our minds. it was held to be inappropriate f r a young anthropologist to reflect on hi experiences. They only reinforced a sense that the field needed change: it needed to reflect on fieldwork. I had not earned th right to write uch a bo k. it ne ded to reflect on its future. When the book was later tran lated into Fr nch. the reception was one of sh ck and annoyance. In sum. or at lea t to publi h it. et cet ra. Pierre Bourdieu wrote a counterpreface (here an afterword) challenging Bellah and outlining how I hould ha e written the book. a total work of art. or perhaps more accurately. were not living in any paradise. Cliff rd Gertz.

and through him.ll Dr yfus tau ht m about Heidegger. provided a trailblazing re pan e to how traditional philosophic work should be combined with empirical inquiry. and limitation that the book recount. I wa in pir d by Claude Levi-Straus 's argument in La Pensee sallvage that percept and concept had. I continued to b concerned with philo ophic i u a well a th limit of traditional philosophy as a method and as a wa of life. to have said any of this explicitly would for me have b n an adrru sion of defeat. the mo t running e ample of this combining of ensual e perience and philo ophic analy i into a temporally unf Iding narrati e wa r for m at lea t. and Bourdieu. given it narrative force if not it ultimate eracity. Th latter. First. especially its motion. But ecend. with whom I edit d tw volum on interpretiv ocial ci nc ." Geertz.xvi Reflections 011 Fieldwork ill Morocco Preface to the Thirtieth Annioersatv Edition xvii "fieldwork in philosophy. I al knew that thi vi w was not a for ign to m dernity a L vi-Strau b lieved. a they turned into polemics rather than cientific advance. In fact. removed from power relations and structured ocial r lations of domination. a great deal about a part of the tradition and present of European phil phy with which I had b n inuffici ntly acquainted. insight. Within W t rn philo phy. Thus. Bellah. would only continue to produce illu ion and id ology." just imagine if they had been told it was really an attempt to ret Il H g l's chapter on ensory experience. of cour e. Although. Among th other gr at gifts of the Bellah s minar were enc unt r with William Sullivan. each in his own distinct way. to be f und in Hegel' Ph 170mel1010gy of Spirit." Bourdieu' claim was that the traditional problems of philosophy could only be approached in the modern world through sociologically m diated understanding of how knowledge was produced.? Th " avage mind" wa not alienat d. Unfortunately. The problem and the challeng were ones J shared. It wa during th cour e of . If reader were shocked or annoy d by the" ex eerie. it all seems rather tame. At the time of the book's publication. the naive illu ion that thinking was unsituated. been join d. th yagre d on the problem. Today. although it i true that one reviewer did blame Morocco' g nder problems on me. broadly peaking. Bourdieu's label for th experiential dimen ion f res arch was "participant objectivation. To have been more explicit about it conceptual underpinnings would have dramatically altered the way that readers approached the modest tale of experience. because the challenge I had set f r myself was to find a form that would allow the conceptual work. to be embodied in a narrative of Ii ed experi nc . had to depend on th form r if conceptual advance was to take place. not much came ut of their exchanges. This claim i 0 outlandi h that it would require an anthrop I gist of the We t to unravel it. to Th r . Otherwise. it can now be confessed that th re wa a c ncealed conc ptual background framing Reflection . th powerful dialectic of thought unfolding through contradiction and truggl could hardly b gainsaid. with Hubert Dreyfu . did not separate lived ex peri nce from inci ive analytic work. for mo t of th hi tor of the human sp cies. they disagreed vehemently on the solution. and mo t importantl of all. Levi-Strauss.a ery ingular philosopher at B rkeI y. albeit without any end point of the dialectic. Reflections takes the ord r of its chapters fr m that of Hegel's Phenomenology.

Clifford and others insi ted n not airbru hing out the pr rbial "Coke can on the beach"-th pr nce of man contemporary I m nts in the daily live f th tho raphic ubject. That 10 of nerve. 13 The book opened a hearty. Foucault began vi iting Berkeley each year to teach. Foucault was vi iting Stanford in 1979. to our pleasur . they w r awar of. The question of who wa authorized to peak and wh t f rn that p ch (and it writt n transformation) should take could well ha e m ed the di cu ion in potentially important dir ctions. and. and Dr yfus and I engaged him in su tained and passionate debate and dialogue which.'! Although I participated in Writing Culture. I found myself adjacent t the dominant discu ion.12 The 1986 publication of Writing Culture: Tire Poetics and Politics of Ethnography was a water hed event in American anthropology. Unf rtunat ly. Jame Clifford. and others h w d how the centrality of the id a of an enduring core to ith r th concept of culture or that of oci ty facilitated the traditional fieldwork and ethnographic approach. the tragedy. he died of AIDS in 1984. as well as in some of the antecedent and subsequent di cu in. in my opinion. and then. In r m ri an fa hi n.x iii Reflectiolls all Fieldwork ill Morocco Prefa e to the Thirtieth A1II1iv r ary Edition xix inten e di cu ion with Dreyfu . mor or I tilled th se a p cts of the turn of writing culture that int re ted me. as well as those relations connecting and eparating the anthropologi t from the peopl he or she studies. The one theme that did eem fruitful and. if at time windy. Foucault seemed to relish. I alwa s felt a little out of pha e with the debate and polemics that followed. but neither one provided a sufficiently engaged interventi n that would have moved things forward cientifically or philo ophically. 1. R nato Rosaldo. One thing led to the next: Dr yfus and I wrot a book about Foucault. combined with the wa e of multiculturalism and identity politics that encompa ed large swaths of the humanities and qualitative social science in the elite American acad my." George Marcus. a Ro aldo howed in ethnographic detail. fter . The great irritation of Gertz and Bourdieu-who by this point shared little el e-with what they took to be elf-indulg nee was diagnostic of the ituation." pr cis Iy at the moment when it se med that the challenge wa to invent modes of thinking and research that while not being po itivi t nonetheles sought ways to und rtak a process of going beyond the (given) self. Onc again. d bat about the natur of the taken-forgranted narrati e forms of traditional ethnographic writing and about the (relati ely) unexamined pow r relations internal to the disciplin of anthr pology. and due to the fact that I was appointed to a position in the Department of Anthropology at B rkeley in 1978. that I met Michel Foucault. it t nded to pro id a nai e credence t ubj cti ity and ultimately did n t pay th tran f rrnational di id nd that had b n anticipated and heralded. did lead t new r arch and new forms of writing was the critique of the "ethnographic pre ent. he help d compile a reader of his works.Th demon trated how that approach backgrounded or ignored the c mpl x and "h til hi t r that th "p pie without history" often had. Mary Pratt. th att nti n t th subject of knowledge was turned into conf ssional debate about th "self. It seemed to me that the fetish of ethnograph and fieldwork remained mor or I ss in place.

object of knowledg and technical innovation. attempt that was blocked by the hard political realitie of the day. or human nature). Rath r. First. important body f revisioni t literature on th history of European coloniali m. My focus was the world of France and its colonies (esp cially Morocco and Vi tnam). can be read appropriatel a an example f Foucault's "History of th Present. and it still do s today. In thi appr ach. in which "soci ty" m rged as all. The resultant publicati n. On can tudy the logo! (almo t alway in th plural) that contribute t a particular form of anthropo -and th wa in which that form f anthropo take up tho e truth claim and att mpt to li e with them. The name I have gi en to th path I have followed in approaching this problem is the Anthropol gy of th Cont mporary. if one accepted the e re criticism I eled against the traditi nal m th- ods and modes of writing and inquiry. With the shattering of th thnographic present (as well as critiques of the culture conc pt. anthropology i that di ciplin that fac 5 the . My scholarly work then turn d to a kind of hi torical undertaking on the emerging apparatu of cial modernity. anthropology can b approached a a set of historically changing practice linking and dynamically int racting with what is h Id to be anthropos and the logoi (the cience and discour es) that define and hape it. nor to ethnography (there are other objects than ethnos). This multistranded lin of analysis remains one of the most significant response to the problem f how to proc ed once the a umpti n f a basically atemporal ethnographic present. etc.xx Reflectiolls all Fieldwork in Morocco Prefac to tile Thirtieth Anuiu r nry Edition xxi Writing Culture. and of neutral observer have been put into qu ti n in a combin d cholarly and p litical manner.'? Ther are three guiding idea in olved in this pursuit. all. n r t philosophic anthrop logy (all. and in a con ergent manner. It followed that the qu stion for anthropologist (and oth rs) became: And then what? During the gestation period surrounding Writing Culture. then hi t rica I w rk alone (howe er valuable it rna be) was in ufficient. as well as in aeries f experimental monographs focused on the emergent life sciences. Equally. French Modem: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment.). as there are other) to approach the qu stion-What is anihropos?-i to concentrate on th variou kn wI dge practice that are authoriz dtomak claimsab utnntilropo. there was little left of the ethnographic present.t" In its own way. I anihropo a political animal? An imp rfect being formed in the image of God? An instinct-driven animal full of dri s and only partially con cious of it rnoti ations? A being who e animality is completed through ymbolic work? A weaver of w bs of signification? A product of it hi 'tory? A ma ter or victim f mill ux that m Id natural and ocial fore ? One way (but only one way. of unified cultures. anthropology i reducible neither to fieldwork (one method among many). the book joins all. th challeng f h w t do fi ldwork in phil phy call d f r inn vati r p n s. a priori deducti n of the es ence of the human. a well as the critical history of We tern thought. I hav explored and elaborated the method and the concepts that compri e thi proj ct in Anthropos Today: Reflections 011 Modem Equipment. I had naively attempted to und rtake fieldwork in Vietnam. it md to me then. that if th re wa going to be a futur for the di cipline f anthr pol gy.

.and new concepts. or the cunning of r a on. but it does not simply r plac it. Third. old and new element cit in multipl variation. there is a diff renee b tween empha izing reproduction and emphasizing emergence. r at least inevitable. The contemporary. and aIm t certainly different m de of pre entation. Most of anthropol gy and ignificant portion of the other cial cience c ncentrate on how ociety or culture reproduces it elf (and thi include many models of "chang ") through institution. S cond. I call that site the "contemporary. require a di tinctiv m de of approach. But as the faith and belief in such ontological entities (culture. Such phenom na. then th qu ti n f h w ld r and n el ment are given form and worked together. ymbolic work. in many dom in . it follows.." For exampl . i not an pochal term. Rather. In parallel with the culture concept. If on no long r a um th t th n w i what j d minant and that the old i h w r id ual. if not eamle .the fact that the human genome has been mapped and populational differences at the m lecular level identified doe not mean that older understanding of race disappear in the light of this n w kn wledge. or modified ld ones. attention to hybrid temporalities a an increasingly dominant mode of relating to things come after the modern. variou movements that labeled them elv s "m derni til wer fixated on that which was new. an array of appropriat c ncept . patienc . but a r valuation. And that require ustained research. power relations. What i authroposl And how do we know it? Th latter is an e pecially thorny pr blern. given that we knowers are part of the que ti n. Let me xplain. But it ha become apparent that there ar other ph nomen a present today. it i cI ar that. and the propo ed an wers. This di tance could be achieved through hi torical work that showed the contin ency. therefore.diff r ntial trata. But it al 0 does not mean that all of the older understanding of what constitute diff renc undergo a total transformation I a t coherent. incon ist nci ... In a wa r many a p ct f the Anthropolog f the . including a many of it pre upp ition a could plausibl b re xamined. becom s a significant sit of inquiry. This difference holds for the ubj cts in the world a much a for analy t . F r much of th twentieth century.phenom na that can onl be partially explained or comprehended by previous mod of anal i or i ting practic s. In important ways. and the like. that are m rgent-that is to a . And it could b achi v d through a c n ciou abandonm nt of epochal thinking. ither well or poorly. And the identification of the new was frequently ti d to a more or le s explicit philo ophy of hi t ry in which the new wa usually bett r. The purp of that r amination wa not destruction. the problem for an anthropology of the contemporary is to inquire into what is taking place without deducing it beforehand. the contemporary is not the modern.. Preface to the Thirtieth Anniuersarq Edition xxii Reflections 011 Fieldwork in Morocco xxiii problem. a no doubt there ha e been at other times in other place (alth ugh w know ery little about thi ). it wa held that era or epoch had a unity that tied divers domain of practice and experience togeth r int a whole that was. In thi light. pochs) ha b n challeng d. the problem. it ha becom appal' nt to om that und r tanding mod rnism and lithe mod mil r quired some critical distance from its a umptions. And th r i much to be aid for thi mode of analy i .

on the one hand. The phra e "Tradition is a moving image of the past. not emergenc . No doubt. I was attempting to chronicle how they were truggling with this ituation. The Moroccan I was living with in the mountain village were most c rtainly striving to find a means to reproduce their heritage and the saintly power embedded in it.xxiv Reflecttons all Fi ldtoork ill Morocco Preface to the Thirtieth Alllliver-ary Edition xx flections and the Emergent were pre ent in Rethey w r not formulated in thi terminology. th n the book of a fledgling anthropologi t till deser es to circulate and be taken up in expected and un xp cted ways. They were forging contemporary relations of old and new elements. ught t d crib em rg nt r 011 Contemporary Fieldwork in Morocco. both ethical and ontological. although lations. and tran national milieux. in a r lati el If-con ci u manner. although the Hegelian backdrop obscured ome of their qualitie and probably made them more linear than they actually were. but quite consistently they were attempting to take them up in a mode of reproduction. on the oth r. Second. obsessed with the new or as ured that progre wa the cour e of hi tory. infuriate. the book found common ground in what could be called "ethical practices" of self-formation. i critical thinking about? Berkeley August 2006 .11 Morocco. Third. political. pointed at th c ntemporary.!" Th qu te continues by claiming that when dominant ymb I cea e making nse of th past but ha e not b en replaced. These trengths and shortcomings have become apparent to me over the n uing decad a I have purued fieldwork in philo ophy in my own idiosyncratic manner. as well as attempting to make sense of my own. But both were attempting to be loyal to aspects of tradition that still provided in ight. in quit differ nt fa hions. but lack d the c nc ptual tooL to id ntify it p cificity. many other have found things to enrich. First. a pect of Moroccan I lam that n ded a new form. the book made clear that n ither the Moroccan nor the American anthropol gi t was operating within a static or atemp ral culture. and a pects of European and American thought and politics. Both Moroccan and th anthropologi t w r m dern on that verge. What el e. Both the anthropologist and the Moroccans he was encount ring were struggling with what kind of authropos to be and ught help in that ethical/political ta k by appealing to bodies of knowledge from a tradition. after all. To the extent those experienc have led them to que tion anihropo and fo 0 (in whatever vocabulary these t pic are framed). th n a mom nt f ali nation begin. Symbolic Domination: Cultural Form and Historical Change . Each ought. and contest in Reflections." from my first book. the book pre ented the r search finding that neither the Moroccan nor the anthropologist were confid nt modernist. In a en e. to find a way to bring togeth r element of the new and the old. a commonality set in historical. Reflections.

B llah. ew York. Lond n. 1962). 7. and iroux. Persall and Myth: Maurice Leenhardt in the Melanesian World (University of California Pr s. M. Berkeley. 2nd ed.). traus. R. Critique of Dialectical Rea on.]. Phenomenology of Spirit (Oxford University Press. The Savage Mind (Uni er ity of Chicago Pre . 1976).Chicago. 8. G org Marcus. London. Clifford. Pratt. Madison. Fi cher. 1992). Gratitude f r the reflections to: Stephen Collier. Imperinl Eye: Tra el Writin and Transculturation (Routledge. Clifford. Science. Sartre. R. "The Ethnographer's Magic: Fi ldwork in British Anthropology from Tyl r to Malinowski. Leiri . WJ. ew York. G. 12. M. Chicago. Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Univer ity of Chicago Pr s. 1983). H." that this was a critique of civilization. R u au wa cI ar.. Indianapolis. Marcu . Being and Nothingnes (Philo ophical Library. Hegel. and Po sian (Univer ityof Chicago Pr 5. 13. Levi. 1948). I. P. 1983). Levi-Strau 5. . 1980). (Uni r ity of Chicago Pre s. Erotism: Death and Sen uality (City Lights B k. 19 ). L. Interpretive ocial Science: A Render (Uni rsity of California Pres.Writin Culture: The Poetic and Politics of Etllllograplly (Univ r ity of California Press. 3. Social Science as Moral Inquiry (Columbia University Pre s. Thought. Chicago. G. 11. 1979). vol. Chicago." 9. The oul of tile Primitive ( orge Allen and Unwin. Marcu . Rabinow and W Sullivan.Tri te tropique (Atheneum.-P. tanford.-J. An excellent review i G. J. C. R. 1931-1933 (Gallimard. Rabin w. Rousseau. 1974). and G. Ad. M rleau-Ponty. Carlo Caduff.and James Faubion 2. 19 6). M. L.eniures of the Dialectic (Northw tern Uni er ity Pr s. 1983)-the manu cript was rejected by only one pr . Levi-Strauss. E. A ainst Interpretation. G. 1973). Thi short pr face i not the place to re iew th large literature that has proliferated in the book's wak o er the last thirty year. Stocking (ed. 1883--1974: A Stlldy ill Society and Hi ton) ( tanford Univ r ity Pre . Discourse on the Origin of Inequnlity (Hackett Publi hing Co. Bataille. an Francisco. 1984). . W Stocking. 1998). P. Oxford.xvi Reftections on Fieldwork in Morocco Prefnce to the Thirtieth Anniuer ary Edition xxvii 1. New York. I." in G.-P. Phenomenology of Perception (Humanities Pre s. Tobias Re . 1979). W F. Rabinow. 10. E. 4. G. The Savage Mind. M. Chicago. Marilyn Sid. Theory of Practical Ensemble (New Left Books.Chjcago. McKeon. 14. 1990). J. ew York. Dreyfu and P. Anthropology as Cul- rural Critique: An Experimental MOIII nt in the Human Science. McKeon. 15. and W Sullivan (eds. see J. Leenhardt. J. llongot Headhunting. N. 70-120 (University of Wisconsin Press. C. London. and Other E ays (Farr r. M g Stalcup. 6. 1977). Merleau-Ponty. 1966). Berkeley. Sartre. Selected Writings of Richard McKeon. in hi famous de cription f "th state of nature. Tile Foucault Reader (Pantheon Pres. Philosophy.Princ ton.). Evan ton. 1974). The "poor boy" quote is a paraphra e from the Rolling Stone' song "Str t Fighting Man. R. Le y-Bruhl.). hicago. E. 1965). P. 1982). Marcus and M. 1999). Haan. R. M. Pari. and Culture (University of hicago Pre . L. ontag. 1934). vol. Rabinow (ed. pp. M. McKeon. B rkel y. Observers Observed: Essays all Ethnographic Fieldwork. 5. L'Afrique fantome: De Dakar a Djibouti. Ro aldo. Action. . 199 ). ew York. J.trau . Freedom and History and Other E ays: An Introduction to th Tho lIgh t of Richard McKeon (University of Chicago Pre . 1986). Do Kama: Person and Myth in the Melanesinll World (Univer ity of Chicag Pres. Ethnography through Thick and Thin (Princeton Uni er ity Pr . w York. 1992).

Rabinow. French DNA: Trouble in Pllrgatory (Uni ersi. (University of hicago PI' ss.xxviii Reflections 011 Fieldwork ill Morocco 16.ty of Chicago Pre s. and T. 2nd ed. In consolation for that desolating realization we are off red just a glimpse of the idea that having lost a traditional "my culture. P. 1995). Makillg PCR: A Story of BiotechnologtJ (Univer ity of Chicago Pre . Chicago. of course. 2003). Much of the best work in anthropology (as in sociology and psychology) has been motivated by a deepening sense of that perplexity. 1975). P. Rabinow. a d es the author." Mo t of the b ok. Here I speak. is what the /I xxix . Rabi. Rabi. 1996). French Modern: Norms and Fonns of tile Social Enuironnteni. psychological P. P. Perhap the most poignant thing about thi book is that by the penultimate chapter it becomes clear that the author (speaking for the cultural. quite rightly given it aim. P. Foreword Paul Rabin w. in a sugge tive phrase borrowed from Paul Ricoeur. Sylllbolic Domination: Cultural Form and Histori al Chan e ill Morocco (University of Chicago Pre s. Princeton. not the per onal elf) does not hav a "my cultur to complem nt th indubitably "your culture" of even the most m derniz d Moroccan villager. Chicago. That. 18. Only allusively do we see that the proj ct of the comprehension of the other ha been motivated by a profound perplexity about the compr hen ion of the elf. Princeton. not of the p rsonal. Chicago. P. 1999). A Ma ltine to Make a Future: Biotech Chronicle (Princeton Uni rsity Pres. Anthropo Today: Refl·ctions 011 Modem Equipinent (Princeton University Press. Chicago. Rabinow. Dan-Cohen. is concerned with the enormous difficulties and cornplexitie involved in the comprehension f th other." the modern Western intellectual has availabl the totality of culture for per onal appropriation. but of the cultural If. sums up the problem of interpretation and the problem of this book: "the comprehen ion of the If by the detour of the comprehension of the other. 2006).

The book i t chronologically between th realization b th author. And yet the shad w that ar never too far in th background f this book d not make it a depr s~ng on . and that it wa itself a m ral norm. they have b n mbodied and made real t b come n w kind of entence in a n w kind of bo k." b autifully illuminated that proc s at work. What gives hop i not any fal I. It i a if the pr clamati n of my teach rand contemporari that culture i a human thing. We all know that field data (or any other kind of data in the human tudies for that matter) are not Oirzge an ich but ar con truct of th proces by which we acquire them. have forgott n that value neutrality had for Weber a very specific and a very confined meaning.ible f r a generati n nl a littl old r. But th author is too aware of the difficulties of under tanding. a ~ n tin th ethic of ch lar hip. invol es constant valuation and revaluation. much less of appropriation. (W stern civilization) nor an ap calyptic and revolutionary sub titut for it have worked. Fieldwork. What i dangerous I not the pre ence f valu judgment -they can be found in aim t every line that Weber wrote-but nly tho e judgment that remain b yond the r ach f critical r flection and ar not ubject to revisi n in . interpr t it. that it i human bing that create it.. eductively waiting to b explored. and of the violent p sibilitie inherent in th very idea of appropriation for him t offer us any ready reassurance." with him elf that many f u lack." of another detour. I particularly admire the way in which the auth r can rev aI ju t 0 much a w need to know of hi p r nal feelings and judgm nts with ut v r obtruding parts of him elf that are not relevant to the pr ce f cultural understanding. frightened by Weber's cont mpt f r th I. like any inve tigation in the human tudies. Vi tnam. just before departing for th field. Many of us." consolati III off red by th auth r but th sh r exhilarating fa t that he could write it at all. The emotional honesty that anyone who has ever worked in the field at once recognizes should alone recommend th book to th anxi us anthropological novice. that the noble eff rt to revive "the great tradition" at the Univ r ity of Chicago had failed and th realization ju t after hi return that the radical ideology with which so many modern intellectual att mpt to clothe th ir cultural nakednes ha also failed. Rabinow not only how a degre of being at ea I. But here we I. N longer sentenc in a bo 1<. ither a f rced resurrection of "my cultur . In the penultimate chapt r we g t a glimp I." who use the lecture platform for political or religiou pr ph cy. when to write such a book seems hardly po . but non of u know how far it will tak us before we find the way. Even mor important is the un elfconsciou ness ab ut the moral dimension that I tak to b the most valuable contribution of the book. he also makes the important point t~at knowing in the human studie is always emoti nal and moral as well a Refiections 011 Fieldwork ill Morocco Foreword xxxi "detour" is all about. namely the obligation not to let ur valu predilection dictate the results of ur research. The detour eems more nec s ary than ever. and change it-had udden! become aliv . so imply and unpret Illtiously.

Bellah . a we ha een. If the author ha reminded u quite rightly that a fact is. etymologically. In this book we see not only the inevitable presenc of moral judgm nt but the proces whereby that judgment is it elfeducated and deepened. In thi b ok. The symb I r those outbreaking or inbr aking moment that concentrate the meaning of the tal . the journey of the hero on a dangerous mi sion and hi ucce ful return. Th re lar hip and poetry. th hero r turn to an e n de per doubt about the very m aning and e i - tence of home than he had before he set out. In the human studie to den an noetic value to s mbols and narrative i to reduce human thing to phy ical thing. The Moroccan with whom Rabinow work d ere not only fellow artificers of the cultural product that the fieldwork produced. omething that is "made. Rabinow doe not make that mi take. In any case we remain ill the author's debt for howing LIS so much with such simplicity and such grace. their . action to motion.XXXII l<eflections 011 Fieldu ork ill Morocco Foreword xxxiii the light of xperience. provide much of what i cogniti ely illuminating in the book. a he was. to an extent. Perhaps that tell u that the journeys we must now take must go farther and de per than any that have gone before. Robert N. finall . or rath r facts that are themselves ymbol and narrative . In I gend the her return home and live happily r fter. which f 110 one of the oldest of aLI mythic scenario." we may be f rgiven for pointing out that the Greek word poiesi means "making" and that the poet is a "maker.and th narrative tructure it elf. they w r also in part his teach r in what it is to be other barrier that this mod t book help to tear d wn-the barrier between ." But the materials of the poet are n t 0 much facts as ymbols and narratives. The departur from th traditional tructur i as in tructi a th r capitulation of the archetype.

I had been mildly anxious about leaving. but it was too late. The capital was empty. I was sick of being a tudent. I left America with a sen e of giddy release. several days aft r p lice had cleared the last tudents from the faculty of medicine. I had finish d packing and had ld mo t of my furniture. I aving only th bed and a c ffeepot. Leafl t urged people not to I ave Paris for their vacati n . My apartment in Chicago was practicall bare.and I ft for M r cc . worn. tired of the city. the re olutionary momentum had crested. l arriv dinPari in June of 1968. but the news f the murder had buried those feelings under a wave of revulsion and disgust. 1 . and ripped-up walls covered with political graffiti. I met a girlpart Indian. In the wake of the uprising I found th tr ets nearly empty. and felt politically impotent. I attend d e eral me ting in the courtyard of the S rb nne. br ken.Introduction I left Chicago two day after the as assination of Robert Kenn dy. As we wandered by the Sine. she aid-who wa running away fr m h r horn in Ariz na. Two da later I had my hair cut. the war-like atm pher and uncertain futur mad me feellik a charact r in on of Sartre's novel. very i tential. I was going to Morocco to become an anthrop logist. took th bu tOrI .

and not the most "interesting" one at that. we were told. it wa lowly becoming clear that American society was beset with profound structural probl ms. At th tim. The college had offered me the profound and liberating experience of discovering what thinking is really about. but still relatively pasive. but it was repeatedly tr ss d that he wa not an anthropologist: his intuiti n had not been altered by the alchemy of fi ldwork. something nw must lie ahead. This undergraduate ennui plu my fervent intellectual bent had drawn me to anthropology. and per onal exp rience. Kuhn had clearly isolated a set of concerns which extended bey nd physics and chemistry. I wa told that my paper did not really count becau e once I had done fieldwork they would b radically different. The tr uble ran d ep. but it had also left me with a s nse of crisis about the older sciences and disciplines. as one profe s r put it. Its scope was truly preposteru . one had to get out of the library and away from other academics. without knowing why. literally anything from lemur feet to hadow plays. this intrigu d me. the latter were not "really" anthropologists. Professor Mircea Eliade. . ne r mind. For most of u .-2 Reflections an Fieldwork in Morocco 111 traduction 3 In the early 1960 the great Hutchins experiment in general education was in its la t stages at the Univerity of Chicago. My attraction t Levi-Strau ' c nc pt of depaueeinent parated me fr m man of my friend. it was "the dilettante's discipline. and was respected f r his encyclopedic learning. politic. Perhaps the two books which expressed the ethos of that time most fully for me were Thomas Kuhn' The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962) and Claud Levi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques (1955). if obscure. the world wa divided into two categories of people: those who had done fieldwork. I fully accept d the dogma. the authors were great fi ldwork r . Knowing smile gre ted the acerbic r mark which graduate students made about the lack of theory in certain of the cia ic we tudied. who w r more enticed by the emerging vari ti of ocial and political praxi . This left many of us searching and confused. " In the graduate anthropology department at the University of Chicago. but Chicago was serene on the surface. Someh w. regardl ss of what they knew about anthropological topics. and tho e wh had not. and that the illumination and coherence necessary to overcome them would not be found in the academy or in exi ting political institutions. The pr mi f initiati n into the clan ecrets was educti e. and was seduced by the simplistic view that We tern culture was only one among many. Hi term "paradigm exhaustion" syrnboliz d th failure of conventional thinking t explain the common theme in our dissatisfactions with the academic curriculum. was a man of great erudition in the field of comparative religion. th received truths off r d to u w r n t ufficient to organize our perception and xperience. Th Frenchman's parad xical call for a distancing that w uld all w n to return mor profoundly home was compelling. Knowing that liberal education in its "classic" ense was dying out moved me deeply. f r example. by definition. I wa weary of the West. It em d to be the only academic discipIin where.

since it ems t b uch an important ne f r the fi Id. I d fine the problem of hermeneutics (which is imply Greek for "interpretati n") a "the c mpr hen ion of If by th detour of the c mpreh nsion of the oth r. Undoubtedl th one great xception to thi intriguing rule wa Le i-Strauss' ma terpi ce. But what should therefore be the ery strength of anthropology-it experiential. as everyone knew. 20. Th pr blem of th book is a hermeneutical one. A graduate student ware told that "anthr p logy equals experience". I have asked leading anthropologi t who esp use thi "before and after" vie f fieldwork why th have not written n the subject them elve . The bo k wa treated by anthropologi t ith r a a fine piece of Fr nch literatur or. . Thes books have varied a great deal in keenness of perception and grace of style. Paris. a an overcomp nsati n for the author' shortcoming in the bu h. On can I t off team by writing mem ir or anecd tal ac ount f uff ring. Tristes Tropiques. that fieldwork is a distincti e type of cultural activity. I ha e tried to break through the double-bind which ha defined anthropology in the pa t. but they all ding to the k y assumption that the field experience itself is basically separable from the main tream of th ory in anthropology-that the nt rpris of inquiry i essentially discontinuous from its result .?" It i vital to str ss that thi i n t p chol gy of any sort. The respon e I received wa culturally standardized: "Yes. Thu. reflective. At the risk of violating the dan tab 0 . but it seem only fair to giv som signpo ts for the path I hav attempted to travel. and the method I employ i a modified phenomenological one." p.4 Reflectioll 011 Fieldwork in Morocco Introduction 5 Yet I kn waf no book which made a seriou inteltual eff rt to d fine thi e ential rite f passage. I have triven to ke p the use of technical term and jargon to an absolute minimum. and critical activity-has been eliminated a a valid area of inquiry by an attachment t a po itivi tic view of cienc . In rec nt y ars there has been a minor flurry of book dealing with the que tion of participant observation. "Exi tence et h rmeneutique. thi metaphy ical marker which separated anthrop I gi t from the r t.perhaps meday. but au know there are really other thing which are mar importan t. de pite the definite "Paul Ricouer. I argue that all cultural activity i experiential. but only th objecti e data y u have brought back. But when on rturns fr m th field. 1969). nidely and true to form. I thought about it when I was young. Levi-Strau wa not a good fieldw rk r. it i also an sa about anthrop logy. following Paul Ricoeur. and that it i this activity which defines the discipline.which I find radically inappropriate in a field which claims to tudy humanity. the opposite immediat ly appli s: anthrop logy is not the exp ri nee which made you an initiate. but und r no circumstance i th r any direct relati n b tw n fi Id activity and the theorie which lie at the core of the discipline. I kept diarie . in Le Conflit des Interpretations (Editi n Du 5 uil. au ar not an anthropologi t until you hav th experience of doing it." This b ok is an account of my xperiences in Morocco. Still. I suppose.

1975). it i n ither the purely c rebral cogito of the Cartesians.6 Reflections Oil Fieldwork ill Morocco Introduction 7 psychological overtones in certain pas ages. and was fully concious of it at th time. who. or twice a long. Rather it is the culturally m diat d and historically ituated s If which finds it elf in a continuously changing world of meaning. this means that what you will read in thi b ok i meant to b a whole. Some informants with whom I worked are n t mention d." What f 1I0ws i an account. As Hegel says. . 25.Chicago. see my Symbolic Domination: Cultural Form and Historical Change ill Morocco (Univ r ity of Chicago Pre . At this time." 'For a complementary and more traditionally anthropological treatment of the data covered here. orne ar c llap dint th figur present d h r r and others ar left out altogether. At that time. place. wa tudying a walled oa i market town. My ta k wa to w rk in the tribal areas surrounding Sefruin the MiddJe Atla Mountain of Morocco. The book is arc n truction of a set of nc unt r that occurr d while doing fieldwork. nor the deep psychological self of the Freudians. p. of c ur . -tus. recon tructed five year later and again two years after that. of my fieldwork exp rience in Morocc during 1968 and 1969. in which the meaning of ach chapter depend on what comes after it. The elf being discus d is perfectly public. What the book and these experience are about i them elves. For that r ason I mploy a phenom n I gical method. Clifford Ge rtz. S frou.thing w re anything but neat and c her nt. Thi book i a tudi d c ndensati n of a wirl of peopl . I worked in Morocco under the guidance of my advisor. would not have the kind of experience which I have recon tructed here. "the owl of Minerva flies at Dusk. It could have been half a I ng. Ricoeur again offer u a clear definition. and f eling ." In impl r language.. along with hi wife Hildred and two other young anthropologists. r have made them seem that way 0 as to alvage som m aning from that period f r my elf and f r ther . Phenomenology for him is a description of "a movement in which each cultural figur finds it meaning not in what precedes it but in what follows: consciousne i drawn out of itself and ahead of it elf in a process in which each step is ab lished and r tained in the foll wing one. or ten tim a long. An one who had su h a set of progre ivel c h rent encounter while in the field.

spars ly populated hills and plateaus lie to the south f Sefr u and lead t the mountain proper. As n foll w the line of the dir. It is hidden from iew as one appro ch from F z. The farmhouses ar still clearly set off b fence and th workers' quart rs by cactu hedge. Becau of it I cation 5 frou has served as a mark ting and commercial center for th tribe in the urr unding r gi n. The richnes f th irrigated Sai hid thi fact at fir t.Remnants of a Dying Colonialism 9 1. Sefrou it elf i I cated within a narrow piedmont which circle the I we t edge of the mountain and which is marked by a serie of large springs which water sizabl garden. orchard. the rich dark soil. 1962).D. In additi n to the farmers who w rk th gardens of the oasis. had b en nation Iized and is run by the Moroccan government.) is one f the most fertile areas in Morocco. but the wner of th farm ar no longer French. i literally an oasis t wn. * The tile roof of the scattered farmhouses stand in trong contra t to the c1u t rs of farm work r ' mud and brick dwellings. the landscape i more rernini cent of Franc. a far back a th ninth c ntury. with a population of some twentyfi e thousand. climatically favored. irrigation. The M roccans call such an ecological niche the dirliterally. and the occasional farmhouse exemplify perfectly what Jacque B rque has cho en as a symbol of th French c lonial xperienc in North Africa: the land without people UIrounded by the people without land. Its verdur totally belie any romantic imagery of desert tents or Mo ri h landscapes. 5 fr u ha also had." Thi niche follow a eri s f geological fault along th edg of the mountain. and pr fit. A s ries of rocky. and pro p rus towns. the grid-lik patterns of orchards. bringing mechanization. Much of this area * e [acqu Berque. a dynamic J wi h community which has ften s r ed a a link betwe n th urban c mmunity 8 . Th hills are now somewhat more sub tantial and the vistas les weeping and regular. the "brea t. one also follows a line f well-watered. Leaving the magnificent walled city of Fez. and oliv groves. Le Ma hreb Entre Deux Gllerres (Edition Du Seuil. and the merchants. Ev n after pas ing through this fertile countryside. the elevated irrigation canals that nak along for mil s. Pari. it ha traditionally had a large and active population of arti an . 5 frou. on i truck by the Iu hn of the city of Sefrou a it app ars on the horizon. which are now dry and larg I deforest d. The rest i wried by th afflu nt merchants of Fez. The Sais wa one off the r gion in which Fr nch colonial implantation had b en mo t activ . but b hind Sefrou lie the Middle Atlas Mountains. The regularly drawn fields. Remnants if a Dying Colonialism The Sai plain which stretche v r lightly rolling countryside b tween the citi s of Fez and Sefr u (both founded in the ninth century A. Sefrou i such a town. which become more frequent a one moves along the Sais plan t wards Sefr u.

How ethn graphic. the patron.Reiiections 011 Fieldu ork ill Morocco Remnants of a Dyin Colonialism 11 and th rural B rb r tribal group. . Th re wa an enclosed garden with a grillwork from which vine nce grew. refused my overtur . c mmercial. The Moroccan Jews activated an exchange of m untain pr ducts (wool. would 1 follow him? Which hall it be. ps udo-Fr nch bow. now that I was in the fi ld. the only cu t m r. xc pt that I uppa ed I would wander ar und Sefr u a bit. and educational in titution in the t wn had a ub tantial impact on Sefrou' growth and direction. however. an bviou remnant f calaniali 01. The French populati n f Sefrou in 1960. most half p n. impeccabl groom d. He was somewh t urpris d that I was American. The n t m rning. Richard app ared from b hind his jal u idol'. and a rickety pinball machin in th corner. y t it had it charm. I wa alone. gr omed but ca uall dre d. To th 1 ft were some ten neatl et table (I n r aw more than two in u e) and to th right were a long ooden bar. left. in fact h had ten.tea. sugar). and a gentle charade b gan. L'Oliverai wa clear! a decaying dific. mutton. r ing fr m behind the bar with a wift b w. hed me "bon appetit. Foll wing the col nial polic of L autey. holding the chair for me and graci u ly inf rming m that there wa only one menu." and hand d mat uri t card to filJ out. Richard later showed me to on of the ten tables. I wa driven t th Hotel de l'Oli rai. One entered through a double jalou i doorway int a rectangular room divided appr imately in half by a habby ere n. vel' thin wa fi ld rk. and this included the new wave of sch olteacher . In Morocco only several days and already I was s t up in a hotel. It mu t hav b en I Iy in arli r y ars. Actually. and had little to d but tart "my" fieldwork. he . and th re a Ahm d. rugs) with imported and manufactured good (textil . several bar table with old re taurant chair. French colonizati n of the farmlands ar und Sefrou-which beg n in the late 1920 and increa ed steadily until th 1950 -and th e tabli hm nt of Fr nch g vernmental. They ne er col nized M r cc to the e t nt that they did Alg ria. It wa already getting hot. th wait r. along ide th older wall d medina of Sefr u. at the m f my arrival. AU th window had hutt r . for example. was Ie than 1 p rc nt. and th paU or qui t of the lat afternoon hung rab tted Moroccan cab dri r. Ahmed brought me the br wn earth nware coff pot with a polite. th own r of the hotel.and moving wiftly. Aft r all. he mused. He wa sure. it wa n t xactly cl ar t 01 what that meant. he did have a r om. Old and drab. Whi tling. a Ville Nouvelle. although it holJowne and pathos were apparent fr m the tart. I had coffee and bread in the c urtyard f l'Oliv raie. my f urth in Mol' CCO. it paint cracking. there were metal table which once shined. wa Maurice Richard. m ing hi portl frame with speed and grace. perhaps one hundred yards out id the crenelated wall of Sefrou' m dina. they built new quarter. h might ha erved (or so I imagined) table of French famili preparing f r the tasks of the day ahead. was having my caffe in a garden. Yes.

The expectation hi family of colonels and doctor h d placed on him was too heavy to bear. Obviu ly. Particularly in th Sefrou region. had a more personal contact with th Moroccans them elves. The econd day in Sefrou he told me his life story. wh re they had established the fir t mechanized farms. The "old Moroccan hand . and brought mainly farmers and military men. th r wa a harp di.Remnant of a Dyillg Colonialism 13 Richard at ease ill the Olivera ie. eitherofa transformation of French culture once it left France or an inten e I n line on Richard' part. He was also a failure historically: he had arrived in M rocco a generation too lat. aid. Her it was the Ion line s which prevailed. He was from an upper-middle-class Parisian family. I mused. mainly functionarie . worked clo ely with their Moroccan workers. The lack of the u ual French reser e and hostility was tartlingly indicative. The first wave of French immigration to Mor cco occurred in the late 1920s. the last French bar in Sefrou.fference in outlook between the older colon population and th newer arrival. It quickly emerged that he was a Pari ian manque. that I wa an Ea tern Eur pean (which I uppo e I am. ending up in Morocco. and 0 h had I ft them t wander through an exi tence of assorted lower-middle-cia trade. the often knew Arabic. He had left h me in 1950 to seek adventure. ethnically at lea t). and w re not cloi ter d in French ghett s. Their pater- . arriv d during and shortly after the Sec nd World War." les uieux Marocain r as they w re called. and then he launched into a hearty but cautiou set of plea antri s. the c nd wave. where he had followed a series of prof ion ranging fr m mechanic to hotelkeep r.

One had the impre sion that Richard could hav fit in with th e farm rs. Each morning Richard revv d up hi 1952 Ford and r ared th kil m t r and a half into Sefrou to pick up hi supplies. the remnant of thi community by and large acc pt d him. an Algerian colon. Richard was truly a remnant of a dying c Ionialism. and jack -ofall-trad . Moreover. his duties just would n t permit it. Richard nev r learned Arabic. how it would till be the thing to do. encouraged me and then would drift t a rev rie about how he should have I arned Arabic when he fir t arrived. As there w e aImo t never any u t at l'Oliveraie thi am unted to provi ion for him If and his wife. He a ked me about methods. because h was not courageou nough to defy the colon c de in any major way.14 Refle tion 011 Fieldwork in Morocco Remnant of a Dyin Colonialism 15 nalism was tempered by a kind of rugged indiiduali t approach. except that he had never reaped th earlier rewards. a part of a very different group of immigrants. The percentage of functionari wa v n higher than in the m th r country. B the arly fiftie 0 er 80 p rcent of the French p pulation in M rocco wa living in major cities. and me wine. th y had turn d crub into w ll-tended and producti e farm. after eighteen year. ho boasted of her racial superiority. but helas. H arriv d wh n opp rtunitie f r th a erag Fr nchrnan were do ing down. The e nouveaux uieux Marocaill as th y w r contemptuou ly call d. they were mainly governm nt functi nari s. He repeatedly expre sed a keen desire to do so. Except for a little pa ing contact with th tor k per and xchange of pi a antrie with officials. H found the now hard ned lines betw n the two c mmuniti t political to cr . th new pap r (Le Petit Marocain). Alth ugh hi per onal d aling with th Fr nch c mmunity in Morocco w re alway painful f r him. In any ca e. and had little or no contact with the Moroccans utsid bu iness hour . Richard ought the earlier id ntity but was ov rcome b the lat r one. they would work well. seem mockingly insincere. Richard a t w ak t cap or re i t it. he c nfr nt d an acti e antagoni m betwe n the French and M r ccan cornmunitie . Th y had cleared th land. Richard' world wa re tricted to the wino cab dri ers. and two or three old Fr nch c upl h acc pt d him a an equal. What once would have b en interpreted by the Moroccan a a welcome gestur from a newcomer might now. h n r found a way ither to integrate with them or free him elf from them. they "knew" the Moroccan and said that if you trained them. mall entrepreneur. liv d mainly in the great colon cent r of Ca ablanca and Mekne . n t opening up. They re p t d the Mor c- . He wa upp rtiv of my fledgling effort to learn Arabic. hi wife. they aim t n r knew Arabic. Instead. and by hi wife. Th were not to u tain their pr nc for very long. where h fir t s Wed. But Richard came t M rocco in 1950. Richard was clearly di courag d fr m following these impulses by the French community in Meknes. Th e la t w r p opl wh had b n in Morocco for forty y ar and had mad niche f r th m Ives a handymen or tor k p r . Th Y aw them el e mor in the tyle f the in ular colon in Oran r Algiers. but he had mastered only a few word and phrases. Their ti w r to France and the were committ d t a French way of life.

Richard observed each death with a en e of increasing d pair. except that in Sefrou there wa little el e f r him. and intriguing. Despite the French efforts. each 10 ignificantlyerod d his world. Th re were only a few of the e gnarled. Richard was actually quite lucid ab ut the nature . perhaps even twic . Th yare largely young burg is ho come to M rocco to a id the barrack and to live out Fanta ie not feasible for them in Franc. but with a n w twi t: now th can play the I ading role . Th y can afford ilia. th ir unpr dictability and irrati nality. c mplete with gardens and rvants. They lik d th M roccans. with their new acquaintance. th tudent ju t did n t em t I am. of c ur e. Richard would r peat the same tired f rmula and desperately try to create a relati n hip. b th r tired and in retreat hom c nt mporary France. Richard b gan each fall with warnings about the Mor ccan . Ironically enough. but it never e med to materialize. and they d ruinate their tudent. whom they treat with the obligatory patr nizing conde cension. h i an old hand. Within their own c mmunity they b erve th Id ocial di tinetions and hierarchie of France. He was trying to pi a e. They w re yl11pa but inferi r. at times. A the new c uple arrive in S frou th y tay fir t at L' li raie while their affair ar bing arranged. no long r knowing himself whether he belie ed his 0 n t ri . After the e oung coupl had moved t the illa the might return to l'Oliverai once. a th new arrivals were inge ted into the little c mmunity and told simply that Richard was "un pauvr type. th refore." They ere ther t ducate the Third World.but feeling that th t rie would fit th preconceived ideas of his new audience. Morocco had a ere h rtage f t acher for its bilingual chool ystem and has b en forced to import large number f French tea h rs to u tain it. whom th y P rceive as culturally inferi rand not trul worthy of th luxury of hop . but never m reo The cirde would dos in th fall. But les illdigenl?s imply c uld not do arithm tic. In France one may ch 0 e betw en doing military er ice r m alternate civilian r ic over a in th x-c lonie . a score of y ung c uples arrive in S frou to p rf rm it civilizing work. uch crass indulgence changed rather quickly tam re in idi u rhetoric of "objectivity. Id Frenchmen I ft. Shortly th learn from mar easoned c untrymen that l'Oli eraie i beneath them ociaU . and thi was certain I the ca e for the ung Fr nch resident I knew in Morocco. talking with Richard eem natural enough to them. Once s ttl din. They dorninat the servants. and he is French-one of their wn in thi for ign etting. There wa a pre crib d ritual which wa reenact d ach year with a painful and predictable regularity." His world wa oon a impos ibly distant fr m their a it w uld have been in Pari.16 Reflectiolls all Fieldwork ill Morocco Remnant of a Dyillg Coioniali m 17 can and lived e ntially e» retraite. they found them b autiful. At fir t. Of equal imp rtance i the fact that in M rocc they can dominate. Accordingl . the dominat d and de pi d Richard. In th fir t week they succumbed t th ir far. e citing. however. Rich rd wa merely inferior. Ther w uld be glimmerings. Each year. It has ften been aid that the w r t of th par nt culture i xported with it.

familiar with th culture. The more he pre ed th more trained hi mile became. but he wa ab olutel incapable of changing it. He was in his habitual po e. With Richard I wa n t in a p iti n of dominanc r on f ubmi i n. Each year one more of hi circle died. his art-d c radio was playing ftly. So does the emptiness of l'Oliveraie and the glo f th wooden bar and its bra rim. this climat was ideal f r anthropological inquiry. B hind Richard. On must be pr blemrient d. slightly hunched ver. t unqu ti nably an out ider-all b the fourth da in th country. on a bar tool acr ss fr m him. Actually. wh w re o tracized even b their own c mmunity. It emed If-indulgent to be chatting with Richard about hi pa t. remains dearly in my memory. conc rn d with related i u . Th image of totalitarian armie ma hing th Czechs again left me with as nse of decaying empire. 1 a fluent in th Janguag. as if preparing for an armwr tling match. There wa no turning back. In r tro p ct. r to ffer direct conomic or political a istance. J had acc t Richard a w II a the younger French. I had come t Mor cco int nt on tudying rural religion and politic . chin r sting on his palm. The announcer said imply that Rus ian force had in aded Czech lovakia. and not be idetrack d by di r in. The whole tructure of the r lation b twe n them was easy to formulate and the need of the variou participant were such that they were in earch of an outside ob erver to whom they could recount their troubles and reflections. cancerou Iy d tr ying them I . om two and a half month later. He was in the wr ng p sition at the wrong time. bent over the bar. I sp nt many hour during tho e fir t few we ks Ii t ning to his torie. it very ea and acce ibility eemed to di count its p tential alue. and he was 0 rjoyed. I enc uraged him to talk. r did n t conc ptuaLize it thi way at th b ginning. I had been in a rather ideal"anthrop I gi al" po iti n. the other arm jauntily placed on his hip. Coloniali m wa dying. intriguing a they might eem. the more the young French hunned him. and the more d pend nt he becam n th near alcoholic cab dri r. The tructural po ibiLitie f the ituation were als ideal for collecting information. Th stillness f the hot afternoon. At the time.Reilections 011 Fieldwork in Morocco Remnants of a Dying Colonialism 19 of hi ituati n. His eyes were open d wide with an eagernes till hining through. I wa fluent in French and the entree was imm diate. the more he lost on the h tel. ne pr umably ri k d bing sti matized b th I cal Muslim community. and f r thi rea on (am ng others) I n er s st matically pur u d this situati n. I was in no position to threaten them. Richard and I were chatting quietl with long pause between remarks. Surely fieldw rk r quired mor toil. The radio c ntinu d announcing d tail in an official tone thinly concealing excitement. we xchanged pain d glances but aid nothing. th m r the M roccan functionari s refu ed his compan . Furth r. m profe or had insi t d. Slowly. I felt a horrified distanc from m own civilization. the rn r urg ntly h clung t the new arrivals the more urel he dr v them away. Th hot I's decline fed it elf. and neoc loniali m wa taking its plac . I was sitting.