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Richard Gibson - Paulo Freire - The an Literacy

Richard Gibson - Paulo Freire - The an Literacy

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The Promethean Literacy: Paulo Freire's Pedagogy of Reading, Praxis and Liberation

Richard Gibson
1994 Copyrighted Dissertation The Pennsylvania State University

Ah Love! could you and I with Him conspire To grasp this sorry Scheme of Things entire Would we not shatter it to bits--and then Re-mold it nearer to the Heart's Desire! (1)

Chapter One Literacy, Consciousness and Liberation: The Freire Connection

This is a critical look at the theoretical underpinnings and practical work of Paulo Freire. Freire's influence over the last two decades of educational research and

practice is remarkable. Much of the discourse on education throughout the world makes reference to him. Paulo Freire has joined in writing more than a dozen books. In addition, he is the subject of at least 185 articles from 1971 to 1993. Freire is referenced in the mainstream Prodigy Electronic Grolier Encyclopedia as having designed the most effective of current literacy programs.(2) Now the former education director of the largest city in Latin America, Sao Paulo; Freire is also a leader of the Workers Party in Brazil, "which is influenced by his thought", and an intellectual leader of the Socialist International.(3) Hence, if by the sweep of his fame alone, academic attention to Freire is deserved. Freire's aim is to simultaneously strike four keys in the struggle for social justice: literacy, or as Freire says, the way we "read the word and the world", critical consciousness, the creation of liberation, and escalating economic production as people come to understand their surroundings. He links literacy, education, production, and social change; a harmony rising from the interrelationships of the four. I suggest that what is miraculous, or Promethean, in his project is not a singular contribution that he has made to any one of these factors in isolation, each of which has been detailed by many predecessors, but the unity and interpenetration that he believes rises from the correct application of each. In short, I believe Freire claims that his sense of literacy leads to critical consciousness (conscientization, a word Freire popularized and later dropped) which foments and buttresses movements for social justice. These movements depend on production and national economic development. And this linkage alone is what has driven the fascination with his undertaking. For example, in an interview with literacy specialist David Reis, Freire carefully spells out how his position on literacy leads to critical consciousness which leads to, or supplements, revolution--or liberation, an interpenetrating weave in which one factor overlaps all others, but which can reasonably be presented as an equation. Consciousness involves "intentionality toward the world". Freire refers to an "archaeology of consciousness" which masters the word in order to understand and change the world. By discovering the truth--which ever arches ahead of understanding, through literacy techniques--and overcoming the oppression of cultural silence, people become superior to the myths which have chained them, overcome irrationality, and make their own liberation. "So the process of liberation is not a gift which I give to you. I think that the same thing concerns salvation, from the theological point of view."(4) Freireians Colin Lankshear and Moira Lawler are more detailed. "Literacy has a potential role within attempts by subordinate groups to engage in political action

aimed at resisting present inequalities of structural power (and their human consequences) and bringing about structural change."(5) However, Frank Smith differs with Freire in nuanced ways. While he does signal the relationship of literacy, language and power, he notes in the conclusion of "Whose Language, What Power", an explanation of his largely thwarted efforts to conduct whole language literacy classes in South Africa, that the power of the African National Congress did not grow out of the barrel of an inkwell and, Mandella, "was gaining international authority and recognition, though few people saw anything he had written in English or in any other language".(6) This underlines the problematic links that must be made in constructing a chain of literacy, consciousness and liberation. Reginald Connolly demonstrates another internal ambiguity. Freire "believes that there is no neutrality in human praxis, and so education is either for domestication or for liberation. If it is for liberation, then the very methods and techniques in use for domestication must be inappropriate....Power is inseparable from education. Those who hold power define what education will be, its methods, programmes and curriculum." (7) But how shall we recognize the resolution of the tension between the needs of those in power, the commonly doctrinaire visions of social change available to most people, and the unlimited stretches of developing critical consciousness? Freire is the forefather of a vision of education and knowledge which radiates from suggestions he makes in his early articles published in English in 1970, "The Adult Literacy Process as Cultural Action for Freedom" and "Cultural Action and Conscientization", and which are elaborated throughout his continuing work; that is, a profound, complex, and sometimes cryptic self-proclaimed dialectical view of the unity of the construction of knowledge and social change. His vision penetrates a surprising range of fields: social work, ethnography, anthropology, political science, prison reform, and social revolution. There is convincing evidence that Freire influences not only educators like Henry Giroux, Peter McLaren, and Michael Apple but philosophers and practitioners like Stanley Aronowitz and Elaine Browne who reach well beyond his immediate field of adult education and literacy. Peter McLaren says, "Freire's work has been cited by educators throughout the world and constitutes an important contribution to critical pedagogy not simply because of its theoretical refinement, but because of Freire's success at putting theory into practice."(8) Harvey Graff, in debunking illusions about literacy as, for example, a tool for employment, nevertheless points to Freire as having taken up literacy "as a tool for liberation and social change".(9)

Philosopher Maxine Greene turns to Freire to assist her in defining freedom and humanization as, in his words, "the overcoming of alienation".(10) Freire deeply influences North American classroom educators. "Rethinking Schools", a monthly newspaper produced by rank and file teachers with a circulation of more than 10,000, reaching directly into the hands of classroom teachers, uses Freire's theories as a matter of routine. Bob Peterson, using Freire's contribution, writes, "There are five characteristics that I think are essential to teaching critical/social justice: A curriculum grounded in the lives of our students, dialogue, a questioning problem/posing approach, an emphasis on critiquing bias and attitudes, and the teaching of activism for social justice."(11) Jim Walker, co-founder of the Sydney-based "Radical Education Dossier", points out that Freire, who he believes is a the author of a pedagogy which will "turn back and attack the very movement towards humanization and liberation it is designed to promote", is especially effective because he is a voice from the Third World, in a period when Third World voices are uncommonly threatening to international capital.

Freire's ideas now have helped forge history, twenty years of application throughout the world. He is credited with founding a pedagogy "grounded in a powerful awareness of the roots and operation of inequality and hierarchy".(13) His literacy projects, frequently under his own direct supervision and daily involvement, focus for the most part on exploited colonies: Guinea Bissau, Grenada, Tanzania, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. However, Freireian projects have also been put in place in countries like Cuba and South Africa which defy some of the more common notions of colonial status. In addition, Freire's colleagues have attempted to duplicate his work in the decidedly first world of U.S. universities as well as the K-12 arena. However, Freire seems to have been elevated to the role of, in Aronowitz' words, an "icon", a subject of awe rather than what he would likely prefer, that is, a catalyst for further examination.(14) Study of Freire has often been less than rigorous. There have been limited attempts to critique Freire's theories. Parts of the post-structural left attack him for resorting to crude Western habits like reason and logic while others criticize his ignorance of technology and his stress on individualism rising from his analysis of the relationship of singular consciousness and social action.(15) The liberal left often meets Freire in the only most laudatory and testimonial terms, some flatly obsequious as evidenced by fawning question put to him in his dialogical, "talking", books. This, for example, "Now some people have complained to me, sometimes, that Paulo Freire is such a brilliant teacher, such a gifted facilitator, He's asking all to be like him...what do you say?"(16) Some of Freire's admirers resort to simple wishful

a literacy of literacies rather than a meditation of the world and its political relationships.. class conflict with. that is. I hope to contribute to the effort to historicize the links of literacy. iconicized. organized. yet a position which retains a strong sense of class struggle and the need for organization. Freire rejects the idea that there is a universalized form of oppression. Pedagogy of Hope. differences in the form it takes from one context to another" (18). in the past. I propose to examine questions like whether or not Freire's literacy campaigns enjoy success from on-site study. that it is the primacy of class that is the wedge to analyze social systems(19). particularly from Aronowitz. consciousness. Henry A. a position which distinguishes him from most of post-modernism. Freire as the initiator of a pedagogy for liberation could become the point person in the creation of a wider market for education theories which merely build hegemony--and comfortable yet apparently socially conscious careers--in more sophisticated ways. and fundamental social change by scrutinizing the record of Paulo Freire in a critical way. which contain contradictions and can serve as a basis from which social groups can struggle and organize themselves". Hence. but absent the historical underpinning of praxis that Freire himself would insist upon.. "I do believe that what in fact exists universally is struggle. Freire inverts himself and declares his own postmodernist position.. He has said. Even so. in his latest work. Without a grasp of praxis. an idealism.Freire steps outside standard Marxist analysis by arguing that society contains a multiplicity of social relations.(20) Here. I will concur with the Freire that sees class struggle as the lynch-pin of history and will apply this understanding to his work. There are few recorded efforts to systematically historicize the narrative of text and life that Freire has contributed in practice. The Freireian methodology is critiqued in theory--inside his texts. Freire's contribution can only turn into its opposite. (17) Yet Freire has repeatedly lauded the most orthodox of available existing Marxisms-and says. reified. With the notion of difference as a guiding theoretical thread. frequently employing Freire's own methods of criticism.reading. the methodology cannot be enriched. . dialectical and historical materialism. at once a position which elevates gender/sex and race. Giroux. tries to comfortably place Freire in his own post-modern framework in the introduction to The Politics of Education: "Freire has rightly argued that domination cannot be reduced exclusively to a form of class domination. and whether or not literacy education "for critical consciousness" has empowered. or sustained mass movements toward social justice or democratic equality--or if these goals are actually out of Freire's reach. for example. however.

In order to understand Freire's theory. are. I hope. and places much of Freire's work within that frame.(21) Freire himself in Pedagogy in Process. To carry out such a project necessitates the dialectic of quantitative and qualitative research. enlivened with the ethnographic statements of actors from whom we can discern. Hegelian dialectics. Demographics and ethnographics require one another to form a research unity. and finally back to Hegel--and God. had a deep influence on Freire.(23) In order to approach the problem that I pose. The frozen moments of number counts. Next. production and liberation. and voices. traces the Marxist position of the importance of production as a motive of human necessity. his sharpest materialist description of human history. from there through the Frankfurt school and it's inheritors. I will examine his leadership of the Grenadian literacy projects during the period of the New Jewel Movement.(24) To grasp. dialectical and historical materialism. to the point that Kosik. Taylor argues that Karl Kosik. to closely investigate his practice. a close collaborator of Freire's. In this vein. I offer my understanding of this vision of the world in some detail in the addendum to this chapter. Theoretical propositions must be contextualized in practice. I will historicize Freire as a theoretician. I will offer an overview of Freire's explanation of the links between literacy and critical consciousness. these latter two at the base of Freire's thinking. always useful. "He has reached out to the thought . Hence. and his appropriation of the Marxist orthodoxy in the Theory of Productive Forces.Freire insists his project is dialectical and materialist. a person. in Geertz's terms. Paul Taylor's fine recent work. Freire's practical work. demonstrating for better or worse that he is a Brazilian of the Workers' Party. I adopt Freire's method of analysis. underlines Freire's assertion that dialectics and materialism drives much of Freire's work. puts Freire's reliance on dialectics in clear terms. Taylor proceeds to demonstrate an overview of dialectics and materialism. "the whole of his theory of conscientization has it's roots in Hegel". I think it is necessary to examine the partisan nature of the history of events. The Texts of Paulo Freire. a conspiratorial wink from a flirtatious one. one must come to grips with his unique combination of Christianity. demographics. an amalgamation that allows Freire to embody the dialectical unity of sectarianism and opportunism. a view which locates humanity as the potentially conscious creators of history. (22) Moacir Gadotti. In addition. and a practitioner. can and do Freire's theoretical and practical contributions match the promises he and others make. this study includes history. Finally. it is necessary to unpack his theoretical convictions. There is a jagged line from Freire to Althusser's and Gramsci's thinking about the dialectic of being and consciousness. where we can discover what issues are rising up and what ideas are fading away. "brought out the crypto-Marxist in Freire". in a profound way. a Czech communist.

and is finally in line with Freire's practice. (25) This remarkable range of thought may explain why Freire is notoriously obscure and apparently contradictory. in his words. In Freire. What was he supposed to do? "(29) Freire is a devout . The ethical sense to which he finally turns to explain his decisions is motivated by an unproblematized religious-political view. 'Paulo. Mounter.(28) Freire repeatedly refers to external political reality as focused by a class analysis but. within its own theoretical framework. In response to a question challenging the notion of an existing external reality. we find theory apparently at odds with itself. within his texts." (26) At base. he remains a practicing Catholic and still relies. easily subsumes class beneath culture and confuses language with production. and if afterwards Charles comes and says. "A classroom is not a political meeting". his stated world view is fundamentally incoherent in theory--but open to analysis in practice. I will argue that what is here is actually only self-contradictory in limited ways." (27) Yet he contends that at a certain point in his teaching method. This interchange should give an indication of Freire's sometimes eclectic ambiguity. However. Ira Shor. Freire insists that education is not neutral and. " If Peter or John or Mary comes to me and makes a well-structured speech. Unamuno and Marcuse'". there is some evidence to show that he participates in the consecration of his own image. John DeWitt. so how do you feel after that speech?' I'd say they are naive. at the same time. part of a Harvard study group with Freire during the latter's tenure at the university says. He had a wife and five or six kids. Freire says. as to whether ethics are constructed first in the mind or result from social practice. expecting that the student will spontaneously deconstruct hegemony from experience. He needed to. Freire's frequent insistence that he is a humble man aside. He was building himself throughout his stay in Boston. Martin Luther King and Che Guevera. your pedagogy is totally based on the analysis and transformation of reality. Eric Fromm. is difficult for obvious reasons. telling me there is no reality. as if this were more ethically honest or less directive than a straight-forward prescription. not to be neutral. Ortega y Gasset and Mao. The quest for a systematic understanding of irrationalism. It is important. indeed. He had to.and experience of those in many different situations and of diverse philosophical positions. He fostered it. to detail more of the ambiguities within Freire to understand at once his rich humanity. I believe. Freire has never questioned the statement of his ardent co-author. to not tell but question. It remains unanswered. that neutrality in education is not desireable. on "Sartre. "Washing one's hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful. the teacher must become neutral. "Of course he became an icon. and to understand that he may be too content with some contradictions which might lead others in unrewarding directions. I will contend Freire is an irrationalist.

But in the same interview says. where he was deeply concerned about school building construction. His work is hardly obvious. Critical consciousness and manipulation are irreconcilable". I invite you to think about how much this is a revolutionary statement which is strongly inside the people. from Harvard to Geneva to Sao Paulo. Freire himself is not uneasy. "from the beginning. (40) This is not an merely an expose of binary contradictions. "Being a Christian.(33) Freire says. though his fame was won by leaving the area. "I am thinking about buying my wife a computer.(32) He has never held a wage job and makes the case of the oppressed. with Elza helping me to survive by looking all over for things that tasted like home cooking. a faithful member of the most encrusted institution in the Western world which relies absolutely on mythology. finally: "I have the right to be contradictory"." (36) Later. these are very close.(31) Freire talks frequently about the relationships of masters and slaves in comments that hint he is combatting feudalism. and as denouement Freire becomes the Minister of Education of Sao Paulo. always open. that the issue of cultural invasion is best answered by whether one is correct or incorrect--in the interest of the people or not. who believes in de-mytholigizing and changing the real world.(35) Freire declares.(39) Freire calls himself the "Vagabond of the obvious". he argues. "Peasants who think critically cannot be manipulated. not even in Brazil where the historical base of slavery still plagues the struggle for equality. and proclaims his sympathy for the women's movement. (34) Yet. I am a Christian. "I AM a woman". There are complexities within his theories and within his behavior that make him difficult to comprehend--or follow in . He is. Brazil. a most privileged vagabond. he has left behind a primer. but never thoroughly addresses the question of racism. a revolutionary. but Freire routinely employs experts from sociology and demography to unpack community power relationships and is prepared to rely on the expertise of usually middle class teachers to lead social deconstruction. He regards time spent at Harvard and Geneva as exile and considers himself a man of the harsh frontiers of Northeastern Brazil. I have tried to get rid of little primers"." (30) His Christianity is balanced by a characterization of the church as an institution which refuses to undergo its own "Easter experience". rightly I think. (37) Freire claims his philosophy is always dialectical. but an introductory effort to quickly display the complexity within Freire. in nearly every instance where he has worked on a literacy project. he says. Remarkably.000 homeless children per year murdered by the Sao Paulo police who find them annoying. one who humbly demystifies the veils which hide Oz's wizards.Catholic. but finds no flaw in maintaining that. He declares that he is a revolutionary--and worked with truly orthodox Soviet-camp regimes--yet he spent his most productive years working for the United Nations and the World Council of Churches. the largest and most industrialized city of the country. "I spent sixteen years in exile.(38) Indeed. Freire's distress misses the 3. It assumes the total humility of telling me that I am a man trying to become a Christian.

Grenada's experience offers a laboratory of literacy before. Sweden. this is an inter-disciplinary effort relying heavily on work outside education like political science. In sum. say. we should be able to broadly predict future outcomes. consciousness.(41) And his contradictions can be exploited by both the most orthodox of sectarian leftists. especially Freire's Northeast. For me. Only a unitary examination of theory and practice rooted in history can make that possible. through his own practice and the unchallenged work of those who have. Given that his internal contradictions and ambiguities may make him easily misappropriated. Freire's complexity is what leads to the order of the work at hand. applied his beliefs and techniques. can lead to a new level of praxis. grasped simultaneously by liberals holding state power. It is only viable to appraise Freire. religiously. It is not possible to take up Freire only on the basis of his texts--which only examines internal contradictions--and expect to use his ideas to further the course of social justice. and I argue that what is new here is the unified symphony Freire predicts from their interplay--when others have seen only isolation or cacophony. I concentrate on a particular case: Grenada. by opportunist liberal reformers. and by technicians--all of who can reasonably lay claim to a selected quote from the master. This is what underlies the multitude of appropriations of Freire's work. I turn next to Freire's practical work. It is my hope to demonstrate the tracks from history and origins to philosophy. Hence. This requires some detail if the work is to develop its own material and intellectual base. I will then trace Freire's ideological groundings from Christianity through Hegel to his brands of Marxism. for example. and social justice. but dodged his politics. On the other hand. during and after a popular revolution in which Freire was involved and where I have some personal . then. Freire is pilfered piecemeal by some who want literacy and a modest dose of consciousness. It is Freire's own position that methodological errors have ideological foundations. then. and Freire himself. and revolutionaries engaged in life and death struggles. my writing takes this path: I will first present a historical and chronological picture of Brazil. But the assertion is that education offers the prism to focus this theoretical endowment in the praxis of social change. Catholic liberation theologists. Here I also hope to offer theoretical explanations for the unity of orthodoxy--sectarianism--and opportunism in Freire and suggestions for other approaches. whose words clash into one another. but no vigorous social change. took his techniques. history and sociology.(42) This.practice. I then examine Freire's promises about literacy (language and power). the opportunity to find content in an inter-disciplinary approach. if we grasp his philosophical base. this is where the derivative nature of my field draws its appeal. a higher stage from which to further elevate educational and social struggle.

(44) It is curious that movements so consumed with the evils of white European males must rely so heavily on white European males--Hegel to Derrida to Laclau--and turn away from the dramatic work in theory and practice developed in the Third World. so suspicious of resistance. I believe nothing comes from nothing. (45) This base becomes important as a tool in unraveling the potential and history of Paulo Freire whose own language is steeped in the tradition of dialectical and historical materialism--in the most orthodox ways. external to you and me. I remain full of hope for the human trajectory of equality and democracy: in that order. than a turn to greater understanding. into which Freire--well off enough to have servants early in life--was born.experience. What lies behind reward systems.(46) Things. "One must live a life of relative privilege these days to be so dour about domination. My hope is founded on my own ideas about history and change. I agree with Ruth Wilson Gilmore who says. exist. "I am not a Marxist". Addendum In Marx's words. I attempt to find my own place in a dialectical and historical materialism outside both the encrypted orthodoxy that is usually unspoken as Stalinism and the post-modern and ungrounded solely dialectical sense that there is no external reality but merely positions. and ideas. I consider that the stick is important in the construction of hegemony--at least as important as the carrot. I believe . people. or in line with or the interstices between Freire's other critics. I prefer his." (43) I find the current fascination with the Frankfurt tendency to be more reflective of the crisis of the collapse of the middle class. no hope for dramatic social change beyond the encapsulated rituals of voting and no rationale for disciplined and organized social action beyond the most marketable forms of nationalism. Nor am I of presently de rigueur Frankfurt school. "criticize everything". so helpless before the ideological state apparatuses to conclude there is no conceivable end to late capitalism's daily sacrifice of human life to the singular freedom of the market. My hope is to present theoretical and practical proposals drawn from research and experience so there can be forward movement drawn from historical practice. I conclude with an attempt to focus Freire's contribution to education and social change--and suggestions for practitioners who hope to see the struggle continue and succeed. In any case. especially revolutionary China. I think. is fear. a process which I think is more coherent than not. no working class. Rather than in the Frankfurt tradition. so enchanted by commodification. And I believe things change.

This is especially true of Freire who is inclined to borrow from Althusser. All things are interrelated. Dialectics comprise the study of contradictions--and how things change. Mao. and interpenetration form the foundation of totality. mutual dependence. calculated. As Freire often says. Again. Now I assert that things change. Indeed. All things are also processes. and sometimes stumbles on. correctly I think. The physical world is primary to the mind. There are common truths about the human experience and common questions we ask. interdependent. How do we explain our society? How do we as people relate to the whole of reality? Is history the history of class struggle? If not. predict. yet the mind is part of the physical world. materialism. apart from the mind. These processes can be understood and sometimes. I have said things exist. Nothing is random. where could hope be found in the disproved orthodoxies of Marxism? To locate my own view in the most particular referential way. interpenetrating. as in basic physics. In the course of this paper. I offer this very brief understanding of dialectical materialism which will counsel my investigation of Paulo Freire. influence. I will try to demonstrate how Freire employs. and Che Gueverra without dissecting the vast differences between the members of the group. nothing isolated. or the Lukacs who slips into his own idealism in History and Class Consciousness--which he. the reader looking for considerably more detail in the intellectual ground and guide for my view would do well to look there. Matter is in constant motion. even with the obvious failure of socialism. In the beginning there is the material world. Things exist and they have a history. ideas become part of the material base of existence when they are acted upon by masses of people. therefore I think. .(47) With this in mind. the completion of reality. Unfortunately. and reflect on things as they change. that is. indeed often. "I am. I argue from a stand closest to those developed by Georg Lukacs in The Destruction of Reason and Ira Gollobin in Dialectical Materialism.people can understand. Gollobin's belief that there is such a thing as a non-antagonistic contradiction. what other than irrationality prevails? On the other hand. This assertion of the primacy of external matter is." Ideas are both a reflection of the material world and are themselves a material force. his interpretation of dialectical materialism. nothing comes from nothing. All things are composed of contradictions. in my view. (48) Interrelationship. "The word can only come from the world". most writing applying dialectical and historical materialism offers no base to the reader from which to work. and is the base of rationality. retracted). Lenin. While I would part company with each in some matters of importance (for example.

The main principle is the unity and struggle of opposites (for Mao. and embodies new contradictions of its own. Adding rocks to water does not make steam. domination versus humanization. unity temporary. "one divides into two. the repetition of racist messages in advertising or the mass media is likely to have a qualitative impact on mass behavior. The steam has aspects of the old water. then the ideas which all people hold are in constant struggle: the individualism represented by capitalism for example versus the collectivity also required by capitalist forms of production. the need of capitalist profiteering to promote racism contradicted by the discoveries of even bourgeois science. To unlock questions of matter. so too with literacy (a newly literate reader of print is a new.The key historical material reality is production. not circular. or. To misread or ignore the material base is to button the wrong button--everything that follows is amiss. in all things"). that which drives the rest. there are helpful principles which aid in the understanding of things in flux. and the primary side of that contradiction (which side will prevail?). Or. can never be restored to what it was. it is necessary to find the main contradiction. struggle is permanent. or a higher stage of political or social consciousness. person) social consciousness. steam. which is simultaneously made up of many contradictions. This gives rise to privilege. The second principle is that quantity becomes quality. social classes. and private. it is irrevocable. If all ideas are stamped with the brand of class. this means that when change occurs. In the struggle over ideas.(50) This simply means that all things are made up of internal oppositions. The revolutionary struggles to crush slavery in fact ended slavery as a world . People must work to live. or. Quantitative changes add up to a qualitative leap. the contradiction between collective nature of production. in literacy and social change. both played out in the minds of masses of people. In studying motion. Of course. Internal motion is primary over external. exploitation and revolution. again. to go on. but that which is new. individual ownership of what is produced. yet also the old. and social change. yet it is an entirely new form of matter. and class struggle--and "every idea is stamped with the brand of class". sound and silence in music. The third principle might be called the reinvention of the new (in the classics. carries forward aspects of the old--a spiral. in Marx. Within this reality is the present key contradiction. the negation of the negation). critical consciousness versus technical training. steam. Within contradictions.(49) This is the source of the contradiction which drives much of Freire's work. First. which derives from contradictions (action and reaction for example. the quantity added must be the right quantity. The classic example used here is degrees of heat added to water to make steam. plus and minus in mathematics.

etc. is apropos here. "gooks". Each of these contradictions. Racists made a fetish of head size. our grasp of matter is necessarily relative. Relative and absolute: in science. but only relative to the objects at hand. The possible rises out of the internal nature of the matter at hand. A seed can become a flower. Racists elevate appearance to the level of essence. as in the case of racism. "beauty is as beauty does". but limited to a particular epoch. d. never to return. but things change infinitely. Racism directed at the Vietnamese. truth is also absolute. truth is relative and absolute at the same time. a process which is necessarily limited but can support an enriched understanding of the profound intricacies of matter in motion. "You can't judge a book by its cover. for example. denied both poles of this contradiction. Florida." applies here. include: a. Appearance and essence: Knowledge flows from the external to the internal.system. arguing that people think with their skin. and missed the more critical content of the humanity they approached. within and between themselves. gravity exists. on . b. for example. for example. Form influences content. yet it is possible to be sufficiently certain of reality to act. Moreover. yet vestiges of slavery remain. in racist ideology and in remnants of slave based practice. Form and content: The folk homily. on the one hand it denigrated the actual abilities of the Vietnamese people and leveled them as inhumans. in the migrant fields in Belle Glades. While truth is finally a partisan question. it is helpful to virtually photograph them. that it is in the interest of elites to obscure social reality. cranial bumps. c. interpenetrating with one another. Possible and Actual: Things are simultaneously what they are and what they can be. The folk saying. for specific moments. but content determines the nature of matter. A seed cannot become an airplane. linked to the necessity to retain power and privilege. composed of contradictions. to freeze them as they pass in motion. in that it is possible to apprehend matter in passing. Dialectical materialism contends. and contains within it a primary and secondary side.(51) In order to comprehend things as they change. growing richer as it progresses in depth. while insurgents need to expose it. is related to the others. e. to enhance analysis. Hence. Finite and Infinite: infinity can only be made up of finites. we create categories of dialectics which are. in the abstract.. important and a matter of life and death now. then. The concept of race is finite in human history. Things exist as they are. Categories of dialectics.

are more alike than different. In The U. Chinese people. Theory and Practice: Practice is the beginning and end of the knowledge cycle which moves from initial perception to abstraction to action and reflection. falsely elevates difference over likeness. All things necessarily change but the means of their change can appear to be accidental. multi-racial people. Sperm meets the egg. When they coincide. Cause and effect: Dialectical materialism seeks to locate the causes behind symptomatic effects. and weaving the specifics into verifiable patterns. Little Big Horn for example. and white people (each with varying problem also related to varying levels of coloration). different in each case. from necessity which rises from the social position of their birth. is the test which distinguishes dialectical materialism from other philosophical visions which. ignores antagonistic material class interests and elevates the vision of "humanity" over opposing forces of contention. racism is a special kind of problem. and vice versa. for Japanese people. Theoretical anti-racism is impossible in the absence of anti-racist practice. Every analysis captures a moment which is complex--and gone. it denied the possibility of masses of people united around a common idea--even when faced with the most technologically advanced society in the world. It is necessity that they struggle for food. rooted in the anti-scientific views of eugenics. When the subjective effort misses the objective target. Likeness and Difference: People. The effort toward unity of theory and practice. However. but the general problem of racism remains largely the same. on the other hand. praxis. i. Korean people. Particular and the General: Generalities are made possible by the study of the particularities of matter. Liberalism. Native American people. j. racism. Pollen meets the seed. finally appeal to faith. Their actions rise. Racism means death. Afro-American people. and properly applied.the other hand. Laws and categories of dialectics are convenient fictions placed on a reality which is infinitely intricate and ever-changing. looks for causes in the material world.S. as a whole. k. The subjective is comprised of the effort to comprehend and act on reality. h. Chance and Necessity: People are born into specific locations within our social structure by chance. a new reality is created.. and all analysis is influenced by the social reality of exploited . It is chance that millions are born to hunger. frequently. g. things go wrong. Objective and Subjective: The objective is external reality. f.

whether or not there are a variety of wedges to use to drive into an understanding of history. and is more rich in complexity. However. in the case of theory and practice. This formula involves the . And each category of dialectics. than our understanding of it. partisan. without resorting to mysticism and calls for faith." Genesis 3:4 If you hold to my teaching. Our grasp on reality is tested and enriched only through practice. in contrast to some of Freire's writing. engraved with the motivations of class. For example. finally." the serpent said to the woman. depending on material conditions. has a dominant side. which include ideology. John 8:53 I argued at the outset that the crux of what is seductive in Freire is the Promethean formula Freire urges on educators and agents of change. I suggest. all ideas are incomplete. and especially change. Hence. At this historical juncture. sweeping above all. But the debate of the last several centuries remains fundamentally unchanged: is the world a construction of the mind or is it external to people? From this flows a series of debates over whether or not reality can be comprehended. you are truly my disciples. Then you will know the truth and the truth shall set you free. The strength of dialectical materialism. not a melange of sex/gender. depending on the historical moment. we have competing ideological proposals driven by competing material interests at work in the interpretation of truths. but social class.labor and class struggle. is that it is the only vision of the world which calls for a rational examination of itself by human beings. "for God knows when you eat of it your eyes will be opened and you will be like God. The material world changes more rapidly. I believe practice usually moves ahead of theory. Chapter Two Dangerous Ideas: The Promethean Freire "You will surely not die. race and nation. knowing good and evil. theory can force practice forward. that what underlies material interest is. questions.

literacy.(54) An analysis of slave rebellions should show literacy in and of itself is not necessarily a motor for social change. Plato believed that literacy enabled people "to learn to examine and evaluate objectively both the world and themselves". actuated. Literacy instructor Elspeth Stuckey argues that literacy is far more likely to be a Trojan Horse. (57) Although Freire frequently relies on language as the basis of change. (56) For Freire. liberation and production or national economic development.interaction of literacy. For example. in the absence of the grasp of the written word. a tool for obfuscation. that literacy instruction should rise out of the surroundings of participants. if not detailed in his theory. As an organizing tactic. "which undermine the revolution".(53) That it is to the advantage of people to strip away those ideological veils which encourage them to act in contrast to their own interests predates Marx--indeed that too goes to an early Christian claim. critical consciousness (conscientization).(52) What is new is the claim to interrelationship. and that well-motivated people can learn to read. that participants should not be treated contemptuously. are most surely less powerful. This is the thinking embedded in liberation theology based on the New Testament. those which do not read and write printed words. suggests that he accepts revolutionary violence in the name of social justice. as is the call to take corrective action for a better world. even phonetically: this is not out of line with much writing in the field back to Dewey and Nearing--and further. even the Jesuits. while perhaps equal to literate cultures in every other way. he goes well beyond undeclared possibilities and urges specific actions that are matters of life and death. production. and its promotion through organizations like the World Council of Churches and groups like the Workers' Party as the catalyst. It is the linkage of these elements. that what they read should be drawn from their lives. Freire's construct overlaps with Marxist (social democratic) and Christian views of organizing for social change. Freire's practice. There is little new in Freire's proposal absent this formula.(55) Freire recognizes this possibility of the inversion of knowledge as well when he warns of the potential of counter-revolution through antidialogical education bureaucracies. illiterate cultures. that is seen to be remarkable and results in what Giroux calls "a language of critique and possibility". and revolution. . That social inequality buttressed by ideological pillars grates against any form of justice or hope for peace is Biblical. Nor has he ever been suggested that liberation is conceivable without written bearings. While he is careful to demonstrate respect for oral cultures. than mechanism for resistance. consciousness. Freire never proposes that critical consciousness is fully realizable. Indeed.(58) At base. this would indicate Freire's formula for social change through literacy and consciousness is an extraordinarily serious proposition.

production. consciousness. I will demonstrate that the Promethean formula I have suggested is indeed Freire's. books titled "Pedagogy of the Oppressed". consciousness. at least taken individually. Marx. Yet I will insist that the value in his works lies in the reconstructed application of the process which he promotes. liberation. dialectical materialism. and incorporate Freire's practice especially as it relates to Grenada. related to and designed to restructure consciousness. which is meant to lead to . After all. to lay the ground. Freire says literacy is "an effort to liberate. sharper than any other.. "Education for Critical Consciousness". that literacy. "Literacy. and liberation.. and production are intricately intertwined in Freire. I will show how the factors of the formula interrelate. I will open the discussion on Freire's ideological stand. Therefore. I will position Freire's ideas about the role of literacy and education in movements for social change. I will discuss Christian roots in the concern of language over matter. though.(59) Literacy is a political issue. I will look at the writing market which has grown outward from Freire and argue that his voice is. And there is textual debate about Freire's sense of production as it relates to critical consciousness which must be unpacked. Revelations 1:3 The Promethean formula that Paulo Freire says leads to liberation interweaves literacy. Finally. are headed in a rather definite direction. and liberation. consciousness and liberation. I will review Freire's key discussions about literacy. move on to Hegel. There should be inconsiderable dispute about Freire constructing the interrelationship of three factors: literacy. I will critique the junctures that Freire creates which he believes are both anti-elitist and directive. consciousness. I think there may be little serious controversy about the issues of literacy. "The Politics of Education". the voice of a particular class--the middle class in crisis--with a particular social vision that rises from its material interests. In following chapters. It is important to keep in mind. There is probably a good reason for some commotion about what direction that might be--at least if we stick only to Freire's theory. the role of idealism undermining dialectics. As I elaborate on the formula. Reading the Word and the World". so much so. Blessed is the one who reads the words. it is nearly a matter of watching a film frame by frame to separate one element from the next. and liberation. consciousness.In this section. which means it is a process imbued with politics in each of its steps.not another instrument to dominate". I demonstrate that Freire does in fact incorporate the function of education as an instrument of production into the picture.

"(60) But there is an intensified sophistication built into the process of reading. it is helpful to seek to momentarily isolate one issue from the next. we can go further and say that reading the word is not merely preceded by reading the world. Literacy Literacy. about their work. one determinant always influences and often becomes the other determinant. itself an effort to grasp and act on the environment. (65) Literacy itself is built on consciousness already present and which is: ". Freire sees the mechanical process of literacy as insufficient. but by a certain form of writing it. of transforming it by means of conscious practical work. what must be addressed is the relationship of power. to freeze a frame. about the . for Freire. even the spoken word flows from our reading of the world.. For me.(63) So reading. "the essence of dialogue itself.a consequence of men's beginning to reflect on their capacity for reflection about the world. or re-writing it. and then to act on that understanding. about the power to transform the world. paraphrasing Marx.There is no true word that is not at the same time praxis. Even so.liberation. this dynamic is central to the literacy process". an act which exposes the designs of oppressors on the one hand. Freire distinguishes illiteracy from political illiteracy. Thus to speak a true word is to transform the world". "This movement from the world to the word and from the word to the world is always present. which insists that it is "not enough that though tend toward reality. It is not enough to simply decode print. writing. "action is human only when it is not merely an occupation but also a preoccupation.. "Learning to read and write means creating and assembling written expression for what can be said orally. a sophistication which leads beyond the reflection of the world and toward the recreation of the world with a greater sense of understanding. and re-writing is. rises first in spoken language. in other words.(64) Language is. enwrapped in a struggle for authenticity. when it is not dichotomized from reflection". yet creates and recreates the newly literate on the other.. a highly charged political process. for Freire. and signals of reality which are designed to delude or disclose. (62) In Pedagogy of the Oppressed. In addressing mechanical decoding. This means literacy must be driven by particular content. Freire refers to Lukacs' interpretation of this dialectical movement and carries it further still. that is. However. knowledge. as in the process of codifying categories of dialectics which are likewise tied together. to gain a more particular understanding of the process as it unfolds. the reality must itself move in the direction of the thought". The word is. a struggle toward the truth and action designed to enrich truth.(61) This is related to the Hegelian dialectical notion of humanity described by Georg Lukacs. for Freire..

yet useful as a base for phonetic expansion and political discussion. that is. a practice she sees as often at odds with the development of interactional knowledge..(68) Dialogue with the subjects as a group begins at phase two when researchers begin to revise the agenda they have established and makes codification possible. there has been but modest debate about the literacy method itself. involves five phases: (1) research into the spoken language of the subjects with emphasis on the discovery of words which are culturally. Edelsky suggests that it is quite possible the Freireian dialogue is contradicted by exercises in reading--like the phonemic flash cards Freire develops with his students that only construct words from words. words which can be manipulated to create other words and expand meanings constructed by participants. when she asks whether the students are "subjects or objects or both?" She notes that much of the reading instruction is comprised of exercises. which thereby ceases to be something external and becomes part of them. There is little outcry from the whole language movement criticizing Freire's phonetic approach (which may be more useful in Portuguese but which has been adopted . is drawn from the other. and the tactical process which underlies it. (2) selection of generative words which will syntactically and politically make possible reading instruction. "representations of typical existential situations of the group.I see validity only in literacy projects in which men understand words in their true significance." (66) So the method of teaching people to read the word is intricately tied up with Freire's desire for people to read and act on the world. as a force to transform the world... politically. (4) the "elaboration of agendas" sufficiently flexible to meet the needs of the group. itself a concept which is finally fixed by its own content over its form.encounter of consciousness itself. yet they flow one into the next.(69) Beyond this. yet she gives Freire the benefit of the doubt in that he is on a quest for more than "instruction for instruction's sake". form. Still. for critical consciousness. content. best presented in Education for Critical Consciousness. not for meaning-other than the initial meanings determined significant by researchers--which serve to divert real communicative purposes. rather than precisely how things are accomplished. Freire's method for literacy. Freire believes one. that is. and the bulk of Freire's writing focuses on the purpose of the method. Form is driven by the content which Freire calls "problem-posing". education researcher Carol Edelsky in "Literacy. Some Purposeful Distinctions". begins to critique Freire's approach. interestingly. and finally (5) the "preparation of cards with the breakdown of phonemic families which correspond to the generative words. To put this method in relief. and phonetically familiar. (3) the selection of codifications into which the generative words are fitted.(67) Indeed. that is.which open perspectives for the analysis of regional and national problems".

"literacy should be for repairing a society which only works for the few". the crux is the construction of a literacy programs "tied not only to mechanical learning of reading skills but. he has. or problem-solving approaches to literacy which he suggests are..they are rarely able to engage in thorough critical reflection". This may be because Freire is indeed iconicized. according to Constance Weaver. or the questionable interactiveness of setting the agenda through expert research. thereby acquiring an increasing emotional confidence in their learning which . in Edelsky's words. students.(70) In either case. in his mind.(73) In sum. they tend to recreate things as they are. when made most sharp. "Discovered themselves to be more fully human. The student is left with contrived. While Freire has largely escaped disparagement from this quarter. "students may be able to do isolated skills work without difficulty. unable to deal with the political questions and fail to make problematic "class. in avoiding the political nature of literacy instruction. that. the use of flash cards. the content of the literacy program finally stands above the form and this is what makes his program more effective. and that. on the other hand. This also explains why it is that the bulk of his writing is not directed toward his literacy method. which prevents them from understanding how language molds and shapes meaning. respectively. there is a considerable body of evidence within the whole language contribution that the construction of meaning clashes irrevocably with the focal concentration on phonics that appears in Freire's work.. and tactics. again. Then he credits Elza Freire with the notion that because their method of education was rooted in an anthropological understanding of their culture. organizing strategies. for Freire. which determines the worth of the form. additionally. but to his political vision. It is the content. or because many whole language theoreticians and practitioners agree with Freire's politics. in this case phonics as the centerpiece rather than a subheading. disjointed parts. on the other hand. for Freire. to a critical understanding of the overall goals for national reconstruction". cannot resolve questions of "cultural reproduction. is that the form of instruction.(72) In other words. In Education for Critical Consciousness. goes beyond influencing the content. yet not be able to construct meaning effectively".(71) Students using a phonics-centered approach are given information in fragments. attacked "Romantic" or simply interactive and "Cognitive". liberating.uncritically in English speaking countries like Grenada). he claims readers in his initial projects using this method were reading beyond the hesitant capacities of most beginners. gender or racial inequalities" and. contradictory and artificial rules which deny the subtleties of language like graphophonics and the value of skills like predicting. The whole language argument. and are willing to ignore what they perceive as secondary differences. Freire argued his method was effective early on. rather in this case it determines and subverts it--wrenches construction of meaning from the hands of the learner and locates it solely in the hands of the instructor who alone is in possession of the rules. Freire negates these approaches because. again. Always.

was related to their motor activity. in Freire's practice. in each instance. the struggle for . much like those of organizing campaigns: a firm knowledge of the community. Freire outlines a three pillars of an appropriate literacy campaign. Freire's belief that there is data demonstrating that people have learned to read and learned to read in a problem-posing way itself poses its own series of questions."(74) There is no record of research following up on this striking assertion. and the curriculum within Freire's literacy program. educator.(77) The special motivation to which Freire refers here is linked to an increased sense of potency related to the possibilities of literate understanding.(75) While Dewitt contends it makes little difference what method is used with motivated people. politically literate. a Detroit literacy instructor and Freire biographer. that is. often an upper middle class instructor with considerable expertise and a working class or peasant student. then designed for a group. the negotiation of reality.(78) First. He works. Freire notes that UNESCO reports show that "programs of adult literacy have been efficient in societies in which suffering and change created a special motivation in the people for reading and writing". as in individual interest in community irrigation. of motivation?"(76) Moreover. what drives the program beneath its politics. "Do you see the power of interest. "Those who have a why to read can bear almost any how". It is through dialogue that illiterates are expected to grow motivated and to transform their vision of words and their actions in the world into a new form of literacy. but then he immediately focuses on how it is that issue relates to the needs of the individual participants in the instruction group. dialogue. John Dewitt. from an understanding of the particular to the general. Dialogue is the connection of the knowing with what is coming to be known. the particular students. and why does it work Here I turn to concentrate on Freire's answers: the creation of motivation. he discovers the issues that capture the attention of the individuals of the community. Freire argues that people must be convinced that there is a relationship between their literate. then relates that to the community as a whole. emphatically. and the educator's knowledge of herself. joins Freire in recognition of the critical nature of motivation in literacy programs by commenting. and adult literacy specialist in his own right. what is the particular method of application. a community organizer. what transcends the interests of instructors and students. Dialogue is the factor that mediates the relationship between the teacher and the student. Freire is clear on the issue of inspiration in a discussion with Myles Horton. Nevertheless. literacy and consciousness aimed first at individuals. Freire says. the use of particular kinds of primers. ability to comprehend print and the power they can exert in the world.

Hence.literacy education should become concrete through projects in areas where in accordance with the polices of the party carried out by the government.(79) For Freire. an incisive analyst of Freire's texts. Yet Freire also contends no education is neutral and none can be endlessly open--offering all datum as options for the students course. beyond traditional political bounds.(83) A loving curriculum is thus transcendent. its content. notes that there is frequently a remarkable directiveness here in that it is the instructor's choice of picto-graphs which serve as a center of the dialogue and it is the instructor who writes while the students read in the Freireian method. Paul Taylor. for Freire. "Dialogue is the loving encounter of people. without manipulation. certain changes in the social relations of production are either already . a letter from Freire to Cabral criticizing Cabral for imposing literacy programs in the colonial. in Freire's view. At once. the literacy he is teaching. those who do re-shape the world and the word. But this dialogue and promise is not rooted in nothing.(82) In other words. production. while Freire is stressing the problem-posing form of his literacy instruction. hence.a true understanding of reality. that is. their choice of words to represent the pictures. This is a relationship worth working through as it appears again in Freire's beliefs regarding the links of leaders of revolutionary vanguards and the mass of people.(81) Freire makes this accusation interesting. It is based on his analysis of what is good for people. those who write. and the subsequent recreation of reality through knowledge.. overcomes the vast gap of material interests of the state. Taylor claims this is manipulative in itself. it is clear that Freire is willing to withhold some options for the purpose of political expediency. which rises from the students' experience and avoids manipulation via the instructor's ethical stance. by drawing the students into a deliberate and specific understanding of their surroundings. Taylor demonstrates that Freire is quite prepared to censor political bad news. and the student. Again.(84) Literacy programs. has a course to follow. which is tactically at least intended to gain the motivation and interest of the student. mediated by the world.. the instructor. it is through debate and discussion. is not blowing with the winds in the classroom. and their extended ability to capture the world through the connection of drawings and print. again to put Freire's position in relief. The dialogue itself is pushed by the students' recognition of pictures from their surroundings. language. He deliberately left out a letter from his "Letters to Guinea Bissau". he has not lost his sense of the central role of political content. who. are clearly subordinate to the policies of the social democratic party and. Freire suggests that the frequently vast class differences between teachers and students can be overcome by good will and a proper political position through which the tactical link is made. dominant. Not only is it impossible to invite every alternative. that literacy is constructed. 'proclaim' that world". ". Freire believes love for the people can mediate an ethical stance which must strike beyond class borders. Language. I would never accept thoughtless spontaneity". are finally the experts.(80) Still. "In rejecting manipulation.

are drawn from the particular surroundings and interests of the students. is left unproblematized in any detail. for example. the political view underlying the purpose of the party program. receptive attitude which contradicts the creative act of knowing".we cannot neglect the task of helping students to become literate. In Guinea.. would not on the face of it distinguish a Maoist from a Trotskyite. would reflect on the use of primers or the books "which reinforce a passive.(92) The line of the party. B. choosing instead to spend most of the teaching time on political analysis. mediated by the needs of political change.(93) Freire distinguishes primers from "reading texts which do not set up a certain grouping of graphic signs as a gift and cast the illiterate in the role of the object rather than the subject of his literacy". Freire sees literacy programs as part of the mass line of the party which he describes in form as "anti-elitist". and what is at hand is the appropriate literacy method and the content of critical understanding. "You lose the objective of your dreams when you become spontaneous"... Freire prefers texts which are "a part of a visual-graphic channel of communication and which in great part should be elaborated by the participants themselves. "." Still. of course. Freire says."(85) The objectives finally serve as the sextant.Bissau. my political position is A.(91) This means that people should read."(95) In other words. He says. "A person is literate to the extent (that they) use language for social and political reconstruction".taking place or are about to be initiated.. but their critical reading is largely confined by the revolutionary party's mass line..(86) This is not to say the teacher in a capitalist school should abandon literacy instruction in favor of revolutionary rhetoric.(88) This is a weave that is simply impossible to untwine. and read critically. thus " an indispensable relation is established between the adult literacy programs and the political committees. Freire might agree. Freire concludes. "reading and writing words encompasses the reading of the world. based on what ideological structure. These reading texts are the documents which Freire has left behind in . (89) At base."(87) So. C.critical understanding.(94) Instead." This clear direction. "Look. this meant coordinating the literacy programs with the political content of positions taken by the local revolutionary party. other than that the link between the literacy program and the people and the party is meant to erode elitism..Clearly those who are illiterate need to learn to read and write. we return to the position that education is not neutral.. This political position requires that I maintain consistency between my discourse and my practice". acceptable primers. none of it.(90) At issue for Freire is change: in whose interests shall we conduct literacy classes. toward what ends? At least in post-revolutionary periods. textbooks. anti-elitism.

knowledge within oneself". "never a mere reflection of but a reflection upon material reality.. "Critical consciousness represents the development of the awakening of critical awareness.(96) In any case. sociologists. is that hope lies in the fact that "educational practice is always directive" and that the potential elitism in directiveness is absolved by the common interests of the students and the instructors who are made equal by discussion and love. an enigmatic ideological link of language and materiality. If it is true that consciousness is impossible without the world that constitutes it. etc. esp. again. but which has also come to represent "inward knowledge". the direction of the literacy project. He emphasizes that. Freire's development of generative terms and themes is work accomplished by demographers.to illuminate reality. it is equally true that this world is impossible if the world itself in constituting consciousness does not become an object of its critical reflection".. For Freire. "Conscientization occurs within the literacy or post-literacy process". critical consciousness is a particular and desireable way of addressing and recreating reality.. "knowledge as to which one has the testimony within oneself. It will not appear as a natural by-product of even major economic changes. Consciousness The nature of the dialogue is what forms the basis of critical consciousness. but is built under special conditions with specific goals. "knowing something with others. However. toconscious which also has roots in.(100) Consciousness. the crucial task of ." (99) Freire takes up consciousness as. guilt. "knowing along with another. It is the use of dialogue.(102) The towering role of ideology. experts whose role is as much to guide the political content of the meetings as to openly structure their form. is a task of "denouncing and working against the dominant ideology.(101) While literacy is a skill which recreates human thought.(98) Freire's construction of the word "conscientization" itself has an important history and is the subject of debate in many literacy classes.Grenada which we will examine below. critical consciousness does not occur spontaneously. which is of primary interest here..(97) But it is necessarily through literacy that consciousness can be constructed which will lead to a liberating vision.. which is meant to ensure their ethical linkage with the material interests of the students.. Conscientization is a mix of Latin derivatives which link conscience.This unveiling is one of the mains tasks. of one's own innocence..To make reality opaque is not neutral. To make reality lucid is not neutral". knowing in oneself". but must grow out of a critical educational effort based on favorable historical conditions". for Freire. and on to consciousness.

.. ethically applied through dialogue. and the notion of social change that strains through all of Freire's work. Again.. "Conscientization is one of the weakest parts of my work.(104) Freire felt. "A critical approach addresses interrelationships. rather than being crushed.the educational effort.The working class has a right to know its geography and its language--or rather a dialectical understanding of language in its dialectical relationship with thought and world. . in a critical classroom this means going beyond the subsystem of education and becomes criticism of society". is an important sign-post of Freire's vision of the power of political ideas.(107) Critical consciousness aims at the sense of totality signaled by Lukacs above. and he claims he abandoned its use..(108) More.. no? To engage in conflict with the text". The thing is to fight with the text. for Freire. toward proper ends. When discussing what it is a critically conscious group of students should know. which powerful sources have created. and the role of people's movements in remaking society.The more men accurately grasp causality.(109) Understanding of reality is held together with a grasp of class struggle.the educator cannot wait for the students to initiate their own forward progress into an idea or understanding. "they will.characterized by depth in the interpretation of problems.. at a certain point. even though loving it." (110) John Dewitt."(103) The crux of the matter. Freire says.. as I have shown.. maneuvered by myths. "a permanently critical attitude integrates a person into the possibility of action to create history.. indicates Freire believes that a truly critically conscious person simply cannot be fooled. is the educator's political position. what Freire claims he strives for is: "the critically transitive consciousness. as in the content-driven directiveness of literacy...I neglected the problem of social classes and their struggle. and by openness to revision. so the directiveness of the project toward an express kind of consciousness. turned meaningless. and the vital role of critical consciousness in that project..the educator must do it." (106) Freire believes that to be critical is to be engaged in struggle. by the substitute of causal principles for magical explanations. Still.. the more critical their understanding of reality will be". "There is a directiveness which never allows education to be neutral. the term conscientization was being reified. I opened the door to every sort of reactionary interpretation and practice". by the testing of one's findings.know the history of the working class...(105) Freire here turns to a discussion of the importance of revolutionary organization. He has said that. "We should not submit to the text or be submissive in front of the text.

scored one for the class. cutting the board in half.(114) Liberation and Production . after all. scored a goal for Freire.The revelatory."(111) Here Freire points back to his early concept of critical education as an attack on "banking" education. but it implies the transformation of the world". His first question to them. Freire argues that "Liberatory education is fundamentally a situation where the teachers and the student both have to be learners. that is.. like the capitalist mode of production. This then is the consolidation of literacy and consciousness. and that they keep score on the board. Freire also attacks the belief that the students bring no knowledge to the classroom and are there simply to withdraw from an account of ideas held by the instructor. gnosiological practice of education does not itself effect the transformation of the world. In addition. "A more critical understanding of oppression does not yet liberate the oppressed. The combination positions the student with a reconstructed view of reality. one is not yet whole without concrete political action. In his most recent. uses their knowledge system as a base for literacy projects. even while one may be impenetrable to deception. which denies the interaction and reconstruction of knowledge in the interpretation and use of texts. not critical study in the classroom. This is for me the first test. and without socialism.. the form of education which locates knowledge solely in the educator and the institution. the expert.The process in reaching critical consciousness is nonetheless important. Nevertheless. for teacher and students both to be critical agents in the act of knowing. This exchange proceeds for twelve goals. He proposed the he trade questions with the group. Freire reminisces about a game he used to rupture this process with a group of students who insisted that he was. No. one for each side. Literacy education "is not the same thing as changing reality itself. a tie.(113) Beyond this is the transformation of the world in specific ways. the inextricable braid of print literacy and consciousness that impels the Freire project. both have to be cognitive subjects. Only political action in society can make social transformation. in spite of being different. the class leaving convinced of their own bank of knowledge. "What's a contour curve got to do with erosion". but (it) is the right direction". therefore. "What is the Socratic Mineutic?". Pedagogy of Hope. and aims the literacy projects at goals which can be reached by a variety of paths. have to be changed for society to be transformed". Their first to him. a sense of the self-worth of the students and their own knowledge.(112) Freire builds. Freire drew a line on a blackboard. The structures of society. although critical consciousness is an important step on the path. and abilities.

"I think that the rediscovery of power has to do with attempting to reduce the gap between the party which speaks on behalf of and the sectors on behalf of which it speaks". National economic development forms the basis for liberation. Consciousness. and the masses can be transcended. in the sense that it was a step forward. For example. consciousness. Education for Critical Consciousness.(119) This reflects the potential of overarching idealism. Freire goes on to worry through what he sees as the necessity of permanent cultural revolution as a solution to the contradiction of elite technological control within a humanitarian project and shifts to a rather unfortunate Christian metaphor of the people and the leaders occupying "one body". which urgently required an increase in technical personnel at all levels".(118) It is important to follow this theoretical thread for a moment. Freire's term "cultural revolution" clearly references the Chinese Cultural revolution. "create an education destined for freedom"."(117) Freire strongly believes education plays a key role in ameliorating the differences between revolutionary leaders and the mass of people. the belief that ideas can form the originating basis of reality. is expected to be led toward revolutionary action. he makes it very clear that he supports the "battle for development." (116) In a later period. perhaps recognizing a basic unresolved contradiction in his theory and practice. But proof lies within Freire's theoretical framework too. I can make this case far more easily through Freire's practice. freedom and production in much the same way that literacy lays the foundation for consciousness. which is regularly addressed uncritically in Freire. in Freire. but he adds. the question facing revolutionaries is how to avoid technology's mystical deviations. a time when I think Freire adopted a more radical stance in regard to revolution. (115) Freire's formula interrelates liberation. in Freire's words.Thus.(120) The Cultural Revolution did not happen because of a mutual loss of . political leaders. the increased consciousness and hence power offered by education systems. that the historical differences of educators. in Freire's earliest work. and education are irretrievably chained together. we are left with the understanding that Freire does indeed believe literacy. he again underlines the importance of technological development and ties technological development to the intellectual process: "Considering that technology is not only necessary but also a part of man's natural development. Freire contends that it is through the spiralling dialectic of understanding. Through the education system. "neither could we afford to lose the battle for humanization of the Brazilian people. encased in an analysis of the wholly ideological unity of postrevolutionary dominants and the mass of people. interlaced in a project to. Because Freire hesitates on the question of development. critical consciousness.

this implies a radical transformation of the educational system inherited from the colonizers. love.love. ." (125) Freire grows sharper still in regard to the link of education and production in Pedagogy in Process: ". "it became essential to achieve economic development as a support for democracy. It demands increased production. and Nicaragua. then discuss equality) born of Soviet necessity. Freire sometimes seeks to resolve this issue by explaining that politically correct national economic development is actually not development. The crux of the Chinese cultural revolution was precisely what Freire hopes to overcome--in his mind--not in practice. Freire adopts Lenin's vision of colonial anti-imperialism. to become one with the people. he calls for a united front of the comprador bourgeoisie and the proletariat--and he supports this process in Cuba. at "a given moment the emphasis on industrialization gives rise to a nationalist ideology of development that makes a case for.. but modernization. then make the struggle for production to protect gains and gain abundance. and orthodoxy in that stage theory of Leninism (first make the anti-colonialist fight. that is. all this is motivated by individual incentives. He argues that modernization is true national economic development while simple development is the crudest form of imperialism--or that development taken up in an authoritarian way is simple modernization. is never fully discussed.(121) The failure of the Chinese Communist Party to reach into the masses. can transcend material differences created systematically. (123) Hence. (124) This strong belief in Freire that ideas. Grenada.and must be based on certain material conditions that also offer incentives for change. the new concept of distribution. thereby ending the oppressive power of the rich over the poor. the Chinese cultural revolution was about the bureaucratization of the Chinese Communist Party rising from the growing privileges of the party leadership whose interests had become inimical to the interests of the mass of people. at once. was the central issue of the upheaval. So." and he does not object.(122) In any case." (126) The potentially radical kernel here. among other things. anti-orthodoxy in calls for permanent (but united) cultural revolution. Such transformation can never be done mechanically. we have. At the same time it requires a reorientation of production through a new concept of distribution. Guinea-Bissau. traces through Freire's theoretical work. a pact between the national bourgeoisie and the emerging proletariat.. Brazil. that is. that altruistic unity can supercede material interests and ideology can overcome structurally supported conflicting interests--all contradicted by the orthodox practice of uncritical praise for the most traditional socialist regimes.. The importance of production is again underlined in Education for Critical Consciousness.

for what. belief in the ability of people to be remade in the process of reconstructing their society". the nature of social practice as the test of consciousness. "This is a cultural project which. He urges a "critical. how.. the lighthouse part played by history. is faithful also to the struggle to increase production in the country".. scrutinizing attitude toward technology. being faithful to its popular roots without idealizing them. and production brings together what I believe are the great strengths and weaknesses in Freire and opens possibilities for further investigation. It has a critical. and the requirement that liberation be linked to intensified national economic development. why. but an education strictly devoted to the technical training of a labor force". Within the formula are Freire's concepts of dialectical materialism. as well as what needs to be produced. "The team.. (130) But Freire's sense of the post-revolutionary education system. the role of ideology and leadership. A program linked to production that seeks to build such incentives as cooperative work and concern for the common good places its faith in human beings. consciousness. without either demonizing it or 'divinizing' it".. contrary to the central thrust of an educational program as we have been discussing here. subordinate to the political process. (128) Freire begins to problematize the relationship of production for profit and education. not ingenuous.More to the point.the stimulus of production will always be of a material nature. the importance of dialogue and love.(129) In Freire's most recent. and for whom".. "Production will be oriented in the direction of values of exchange and not in values of use.would be attentive to the general political principles of the Party and the government--the social plan that determines what needs to be known. he argues somewhat more concretely that he opposes the form of post-revolutionary education that is "no longer an education faithfully dedicated to a critical understanding of the world.(131) Problematizing the Promethean Formula The unity and struggle of Freire's assemblage of literacy. revolution. is always called back by the exigencies of national economic development. Pedagogy of Hope. . "Together with production or productive work..education should in this transition period become a stimulus to the necessary deepening change in society". and in whose benefit. (127) And. vigilant. the necessity of political parties as agents of change..

as Taylor knows. (138) Freire is only infrequently precise in his theoretical writings about just what it is that a liberating educator is--other than one who offers freedom and rigor--toward what end? Indeed. John Elias is generous when he calls Freire "eclectic". I am very clear about what I want". he agrees that the educator must be politically grounded--in precisely in what? Uncertainty? The ethics of the moment? Situationist ethics? Actually. (136) There is more at issue here. propelled by the political position of the teacher and. his obscurity is frequently noted. goes well beyond that. sees Freire's ideas transforming capitalist education in "socialist democratic" ways--through the policies of the Workers Party. and the type of problematizing that grows from the purpose. which indicates black people in Brazil are just overcoming their timidity--this in the face of her own knowledge of repeated forms of rebellion and resistance. and the teacher must do it". Freire is quite directive. That this accusation of timidity is not directed to the Brazilian middle class or the mass of clergy is evidence of the nature of the comment. (135) Nor can I concur with Taylor's proposal that Freire's method simply "works".(139) While Freire claims a liberating educator must recognize the dialectical relativity of knowledge. and it is the purpose of what the method works for. . that must be questioned. written by Ana Freire. and ahistorical.(137) Godotti." Paulo Freire has only one desire: that his thinking: May coincide historically with all those who.(132) I sharply disagree with Robert Mackie who claims. He refers to an "inductive moment" when "the liberating educator cannot wait for the students to initiate their own forward progress into an idea or understanding. whether they live in those cultures which are wholly silenced or in silent sectors of cultures which prescribe their voice. view that exploited people are silenced (rather than always resistant and sophisticated) does underlie much of Freire. "As a liberating educator. in his theoretical approach. with the historical background as a critical contextual preface. a key player in the Workers' Party of Brazil and self-identified Freireian.(133) Freire. finally. Freire insists that the process of his plan for education is tactical.(140) The best way to unravel what it is he believes constitutes political location and liberation is to carefully undo his theoretical base and observe his practice. are struggling to have a voice of their own. But the fundamentally binary.Freire's own notion of struggling with text.(134) I note the racist section of Pedagogy of Hope. serves as the standard for this section which initiates an effort to grapple with what Freire recognizes as frequent criticism of his work as idealist. and calling practice into question.

that is. as a material weapon. Despite Taylor's insistence that this is a "pedagogy WITH the oppressed". sometimes. . It combines the Freire who. If it is true that consciousness is impossible without the world that constitutes it. or the internal/external idealist dialectic that lies at the heart of missionaryism. rather than a weakness.(143) I believe the paragraph above best encases his beliefs about the origins of consciousness. love for some particular people. I believe the role of consciousness. Hence. that is. To the contrary. Sartre. A call for revolution is not an abstraction. I believe Freire's philosophical error has nearly equivalent historical roots in Marxist practice and theory and that this error. he takes a undeveloped interpretation of materialism and applies that to the world of deeds. that is. Mao's. and how? What should be the content of understanding the problem of social classes? Freire moves in a sophisticated way here and makes contributions beyond what he thinks is a weak link. of what. elsewhere. Despite Freire's insistence on critical reflection. uncorrected. can become the foundation for recapitulated failure. fully worked through just how one is to distinguish love for all people. on the other hand. This demonstrates the reversal of dialectical understanding that occurs when ideas are privileged over materiality. some of Freire's work is deeply concerned with freeing the oppressors. in text. tilts toward idealism. the belief that language or ideas determine reality. is one of Freire's great strengths--but also the heart of his turn toward dialectics disconnected from the material world. and class warfare. not being materialist means an analysis cannot be fully dialectical. the issues are: conscious from what. noted a similar error in Hegel. Indeed. I reiterate Freire's concept of critical consciousness. the externalized sense of the base of human motivation in a god coupled with the internalized sense of guilt that overrides common interest. "Never a mere reflection of but a reflection upon material reality.(141) Even so. and the Freire who. Bishop's. Freire has never. the appearance is that Freire relies on a fundamentally idealist approach. insists on the dominance of the material world and class struggle. Cabral's. And I agree with Sartre that missing a proper interpretation of material reality necessarily makes it impossible to apply a dialectical understanding of that reality. will cost human lives. and Gueverra's of the failed socialist past. above.(my emphasis)(142) This is a critical point. to what end. "in a class society all humanization is impossible". humanitarianism. his ironically uncritical support for the Allende's. it is equally true that this world is impossible if the world itself in constituting consciousness does not become an object of its critical reflection".On the one hand. there is a clear tendency within Freire's insistence on direction to indicate that this may be pedagogy FOR them. Conscientization can be seen as a blend of the dialectical understanding of knowledge as a social construction.

"Cognition is the eternal. Lenin moved from this position. there was the world. is marked by the sense that God and the world rose within humanity. who Freire uncritically notes is a key base of understanding the link between ideas and materiality.(146) In assailing Berkeley and Mach. which pretends to link the material world with consciousness but in actuality disengages one from the other.(145) Now Lenin. who made similar claims about the duality of consciousness and the material world.(147) Lenin argues quite sharply that this form of idealism. Taylor has noticed this position as a form of Manichaenism.. that "things exist independently of our consciousness." (148). the ideas of an early Christian sect taking its name from the Greek. not without CONTRADICTIONS. is contradicted by the fundamental base of dialectical and historical materialism . (144) Gnosticism. then primarily the 'asumption of the existence of other people is idle and superfluous. who unite with their god-head to bring knowledge and salvation. "the object and the sensation are the same thing and therefore cannot be abstracted from each other".the faith that the world does not precede consciousness but is simultaneous with it. but in the eternal PROCESS of movement. Gnostics rely on a series of saviors. sharply distinguishing between the initiated and the uninitiated". going beyond the belief that knowledge is but a reflection or copy of the world. attacks this kind of philosophical gnosticism in his early Materialism and Empiro-Criticism. more pointedly. and. Lenin then moves to describe the consequences of this position: "if the 'assumption' of the existence of the material world is 'idle'. He then notes that failure to secure knowledge with the material world damages the possibilities for enriched dialectical understanding. arguing. "to know".. enriched it. endless approximation of thought to the object. if the assumption that (a) needle exists independently of me and that an interaction takes place between my body and the point of the needle is really "idle and superfluous". an inheritor of the Gnosticism which Freire references repeatedly in Pedagogy for Liberation. all of them human. since materiality is far more complex than the imagination. theory and practice.that is. Lenin restates their position as. and all other people. Only I exist. not devoid of movement. not abstractly. as well as the external world. claimed " an esoteric wisdom. . outside of us. come under the category of idle 'nuclei'". The reflection in man's thought must be understood not lifelessly. in his later Philosophical Notebooks. the arising of contradictions and their solution".(149) But Lenin reiterates that in the beginning. independently of our perceptions.

(150) The sense of liberation presented in Freire takes the dichotomous approach that is likely to arise from the agnosticism that sweeps across his sense of education and consciousness. self-motivation and collective determination of rigor.(152) Just how it is that Freire will balance. If critical consciousness can be wrapped up in Freire's comment to Dewitt noted earlier. he is unable to link the dialectical relationship of liberation in the mind.(153) Both then note modest changes in a few Latin American school systems but agree that. Bishop and the other icons of the orthodoxy--post-Stalin--whose good will is so strong that it overcomes the rather obvious collapse of the social systems they each hoped to assemble) that strains through much of Freire's writing. fundamentally. an affirmation of power itself. and democracy in which we are once again told by Freire. that is. that Lenin censures. on the one hand..Freire appears to want idealism both ways. He comments. the decision not to know--or abandon--the relationship of being determining consciousness. "You learn democracy by making democracy. apply the sextant of dialectical materialism. uncritical heroworship (for. ". Cabral. things are much the same. again. an experimental attitude.(151) And. that it amounts to permanent impenetrability to the inveigling whispers of power. Except. that is. Beyond Gnosticism. a liberating class is constructed around an exploratory approach. that can serve as the base for the sense of individualism. It is also this form of consciousness. Myles Horton. In an exchange with the North American educator and organizer.a revolution to my knowledge has not changed any schooling system or any that I've known about. this is more pointedly the kind of agnosticism. while. that is. is not entirely clear. we must recognize that there is a bottom line. And Freire knows this has often not worked too well. a useful tool in God's universe. God. correctly I believe. "Yes". for Freire. "education has a lot to do with the reinvention of power". with the inegalitarian necessities of a revolutionary political party. within this framework. limits. Indeed. Horton says. but with limits". even a federation like the Workers Party he helps to lead." Freire responds. say. School systems stay pretty much like the way they were before. and the abstraction of freedom for humanity. an endlessly open and critical liberated intellectual approach. more commonly seen as the negation of the negation. revolution in political affairs. stands above and outside dialectical materialism. he wants to hold to the idealist belief that consciousness does create being. Allende.(154) . the reinvention of the new. that liberating education must also "be thought of as something that goes on outside the classroom in social movements which fight against domination". Mao. liberation must be a step further still. inside the classroom. which surely can be formulated in only the most unique of minds.

educators and students Freire makes an idealist and directive twist: ideas and talk overcome material differences---the inegalitarian relationship of the student. which sees change as coming first through the creation of abundance via industrialization. I argue. literacy and the primacy of language. this seems to be the most orthodox of Marxist theory.(156) Now. The form of the method is secondary to the content. the problem remains: is the project of social democracy (that is. yet the form is important and influences the content. needs to be more thoroughly historicized or practically worked out in Freire's work--a contention that suggests at least that Freire's appearance of openness may be contradicted by clear stratagems designed to urge students to see the world. "The educator must know in favor of whom and in favor of what he or she wants. but Freire's--and to use his method of analysis to do that. However. the educator to the student and the state. But Freire relies on the faith that national economic development. and his inability to make this tie is caused by his insistence on ideas as origins. the teacher and the government--and growing understandings of material conditions are maneuvered to an express political vision of the environment. I don't believe in the kind of education that works in favor of humanity"(155) Yet. he does so from "a human point of view". This means to know against whom and against what we are working. it appears because of his over-arching idealism. in addition to the material split of elites and the people. At bottom. production enhanced by education. I contend this link. representations before matter. applied throughout the socialist world. He is not able to fully reach into the contradiction here. when he changes the consciousness of people. he is able to shift to the proposition that when he leads a literacy project. it is Freire's great strength. those who benefit from inegalitarian decision-making and reward systems. what Freire never fully works through is the fundamental role of technology as a propeller of social change--and the subsequent social underpinnings to post-revolutionary ideological inconsistency. the Workers' party of Brazil) in the interest of the mass of people. or is it a false North Star? In discussing leadership and the masses. but he has never suggested that post-revolution elites. I propose that all of this likely hinges on the question of whether the material analysis is on point or not. an elite in control of a socialist .The turn toward idealism in literacy for Freire is the well-spring of idealism in political analysis. that he continues to insist on the importance of ideology--the potential of critical thinking within radical movements. even humanity. the theory of productive forces. His education project is clearly a partisan one. (157) His quandary is how to link the two--ideology and the movement of society via changes in the means of production. since he directly binds one to another. In any case. a question I will put to Freire's analysis below. he wants the masses of people to "take control of their history". Yet. For example. I believe. not simply in their own way. will carry people forward to a better world. might have a material stake in inequality.

he does worry through the nature of elites within revolutions. indeed. a tightrope act he is willing to risk in theory. I want to underline that there is great strength offered here. I believe there are strengths in Freire's method that might allow students to employ it to their own advantage. Again. that is useful to those who want to pick up where Freire ends. It is within this problem-solving process that there is the recognition of the power of conscious exploration. the stretch beyond orthodoxy that Freire offers. the belief that ideas can overcome antagonistic contradictions of material interests.(158) As I indicated above. and opportunism. After all. at once. Freire submits a process which can press well beyond the idealism which surrounds his view. But Freire wants to go well beyond the spontaneity implied by reliance on the student's inherent ability to unveil the relationships of power. After all. if we adopt it as a process and continue to critique Freire's direction. at least in the student's immediate world. is a useful tool. I believe these paragraphs illustrate the fact that Freire ties production into his formula of literacy and consciousness for liberation--and open the key .society with material privileges that soon develop their own stratified ranks--and ideas about the technological needs of education. the orthodoxies which say that things can change only after technology has material conditions of production. On the other hand is the paradox: what is the possibility for a truly critical intellectual movement of production in a society still based on inequality. this is. but he recognizes that the process of reaching the revolution can influence its later content. I believe this is indeed the language of possibility. it appears to me that there has never been a socialist society that was anything but capitalism with a benevolent head.(159) He is after a revolution. The problem solving process. Freire recognizes it is a radical few who will have the time and ability to make the requisite intellectual leaps. it is a nice description of dialectical materialism. In any case. I agree with Freire that is probably too much to believe that students will spontaneously reach that understanding. socialism. However. the theory of productive forces. This cannot be solved by language and good will--or education. a rational kernel as it were. Freire has not found a way to reach beyond what may be a contradiction he recognizes. that is sometime dormant within more brittle approaches to dialectical materialism. even those identifying their interests as different from his. and he has struggled with social inequality post-revolution. Marxist orthodoxy. the ability to self correct. but a risk he does not take in practice.

Chapter Three On Background: Brazil "In the Beginning was the Word. the oppression of women. Now. I look to the history that drives Freire's work. the deed. Mary Coomes 1 May 1994 . and the word was God". in turn. Then came class struggle. Then came the struggle for life and production. Then came the Idea that the mass of people could love as equals. Ideas developed in social practice. Yes. and his practice. Then came people. the word was in God's presence. I think we can win". racism.questions for exploration. the rise of the state. his theory. John 1:1 "In the Beginning was the world. There Ideas became the world of production But the loving idea was equality.

bucking pressure from the U. one of the highest in the world. Hence. the Brazilian left--Christian and Marxist.(162) Indeed. I then review Freire's chronology within this framework in an attempt to lay the groundwork for the formation of his ideas. he returned to Brazil. (163) On his own terms. I provide some of the underpinnings for what becomes Freire's continuing references to masters and slaves--and I question why it is he has not come forward with a more cogent analysis of Brazilian racism. and the Christian liberation theologists in Brazil for that blend goes to the heart of the solutions Freire invites. slavery in Brazil as an entre to understand the importance of the master-slave discourse. It is geographically the largest country in Latin America and has historically had the largest gross national . this section gives a historical overview of Brazil. I question whether what appears to be a unity born in struggle. its Northeast. to limit its 3% per year growth rate. long out of feudal or even crude colonial relationships. I believe it is critical to my thesis to demonstrate that Brazil is an advanced capitalist nation. the philosophy of practical action was history". With more than 150 million people. a founding member of the Workers Party of Brazil--and supporter of other Marxist options. And Freire. he is a fair subject for a historical and political examination. it is one of the few countries in the world to show steadily increasing rates of population growth for the last century--a factor encouraged by government policies. Freire is a radical. In reviewing Brazilian history. at the earliest possible moment. This exploration will be carried out in some detail. in describing his admiration for Gramsci. who considered his period in Geneva and at Harvard to be exile. Brazil in the seventies determined to press forward in both economic and population growth.Paulo Freire." (161) Freire goes on to describe how it is that history is the method for analyzing the specificities of an area--and of a man. frequently insists he is a man of Northeastern Brazil. (160) He says that to understand something one must "become soaked in the cultural and historical waters of those individuals involved in the experience. I demonstrate the relationship of literacy to struggles for social change. may in essence be pluralism likely to disperse. who chooses education and literacy as the nucleus of his decidedly political work on the side of the oppressed.S. In taking up slavery in Brazil. Moreover. says. Brazil: Feudalism and Capital "In the beginning was Heaven and Earth and the Monroe Doctrine"(164) Brazil is third only in land mass to the United States and Canada in the Western Hemisphere. Throughout. I identify several themes that underlie Freire's work: especially the dramatic social inequalities in the region-and their sources. It is equally important to grasp the background of the left. "for him. and focusing on the Northeast. at considerable cost. though to the prosperous Southeast.

the East. labor movement. The U.3% of the total national income. (171) The Brazilian auto industry quadrupled production from 1968 and 1974. though Catholicism is regularly challenged by political movements attacking the church's relevancy.000 Brazilian trade unionists in their in-country programs" and sent another group of 400 to the U.(174) The education system itself is recognized in the literature as being segregated. They live an average of four fewer years than a Sao Paulo resident.8%. today the World Bank. at least 90%. cocoa and industry. The economy in North is built around rubber. and by Protestant Evangelists whose crusades are presently sweeping across all of Latin America.S. Even so.(166) Brazilian citizens share an imperial but pervasive language. and 35 % in the Northeast. 14% in the South. of Brazilians are Catholic. an increase of about 30% in the last 30 years. the Northeast.S. (173) Indeed. the top 20% of the country's earners control 63. But.5% of the nation's income. The Northeast is Brazil's poorest region. These figures represent a shift toward greater. Portuguese itself is coded with the inflections and grammar of class distinctions. in the East around coffee. by far. the south around industry and the Center-west around cattle. relying on a historically friendly state to boost profits.5 million vehicles. as well as the choice of dual Portuguese citizenship. as of 1970. There is no indication this is changing. an institution with an interest in not noticing inequality. Portuguese. the "concentration of income in the hands of the already affluent has led" to a dual economy in education for adults and children in Brazil.(172) The country is divided into five distinct regions: the North and the Amazon basin. in the Northeast around sugar.product. the lowest 40% control just 9. VW. for advanced work. For example.(176) .(165) By 1991 Brazil was tenth among the world industrial powers with a $375 billion GNP. with more than 1. About 45% of the population lives in the Southeast. the Northeast but 12%. the Southeast earned 66. In the midst of the economic boom of the early seventies.(170) Labor unions have a long and active history in Brazil. primarily by class. as does the U. inequality over the last twenty years. based American Institute for Free Labor Development trained "over 50.(167) The overwhelming majority. Mercedes Benz and Ford are all heavily invested in Brazil. As a whole. General Motors. By 1975 the country led all of Latin America in auto production.S. based on per capita Gross National Product" (GNP). not less. Brazil pushed its way "from twenty-first to fourteenth in rank among developing countries. the period for which the most reliable figures exist. the South and the Center-West. cattle breeding and cotton. (175) People in the Northeast die early. fishing and some cattle breeding.(169) The industrial work force increased remarkably since 1960 to more than 20 percent.(168) About three-quarters of the population now lives in cities. calls Brazil the "most unequal country in the world". ten years less when they live in the Central Northeast--the backlands.

In 1980. owe them $100 million and you control them.9 % as black.and (about) 14% are illiterate". The country remains not merely economically and regionally stratified.2 % of the population designated themselves as white.. 54. investigating countless thousands of street children in Brazil.intermarriage. 19. and related to fluctuations in the minimum wage. self-identified white people live longer. by about seven years. "Owe someone fifty thousand dollars and they control you.(181) The North American Committee on Latin America. were "bypassed by the development process.(183) Wood points out that Brazil. suspect for the same reasons. banks like Citi-Bank would likely be in crisis. whites and people of color. in striking material ways. probably skewing the results somewhat." But prejudice is a state of mind. the disparity in regional incomes remained the same or grew worse--as did the inequity in income between the rich and the poor.2% of "mixed blood". in 1979. which identified 38. that one thousand of these "marginals" are murdered by death squads each year. Still. 38. Brazil suffers from a rather elaborate code of racism. ranging along a scale of power from European Caucasian to African to Mestizo to Indian. aluminum. Yet a massive trade deficit remained. huge U. Brazil was . black people. Discrimination relates to practice. (184) Remarkably. This is a considerable shift from a 1872 census. and the rarity of outright legal segregation.8 % as brown.1% of the population as white. on the heels of the industrial surge.(180) Like most of Latin America. a country where class counts so much more than race that it is only economic barriers that need to be overcome. Many Brazilians began to find surcease in the old folk saying. than non-whites.. In 1976 the average wage for whites was "twice that of non-whites". led to a boom in the late 1980's and a trade surplus of $12 billion. People self-identify themselves in surveys. Even so. and plastic. especially "up the river" to the mining regions and the remote areas of the Northeast.. about 65 per thousand.The nation is also divided by race. color-coded as always. 5. it remains that racial color coding is one of the lynch-pins of Brazilian inequality. but racially split as well.7% as black. shanty towns and deteriorating conditions.. Even during the boom years of industrial growth.(179) Ten million people live in urbane Sao Paulo. and 0. Brazilian infant mortality rates are high.S. alleges that young girls are routinely sold into slavery/prostitution. and 42. the country is now selfsufficient in steel.(177) Reasons for this change will be discussed in the context of Brazilian slavery. Sao Paulo in the Southeast." If Brazil defaulted on it's debts. The Government claims a 10% unemployment rate but "seven million live in shacks. and that the government winks at their deaths. rubber. "was justifiably famous for its ". Yet.7% as yellow.(182) While popular mythology has long had it that Brazil is a racial democracy. a myth for which Brazilian philosopher (and a favorite of Paulo Freire) Gilberto Freyre is largely responsible. (178) A slow economic recovery in the early 1980's based on industrial development mostly located Latin America's largest industrial city.

"the world's second largest exporter of food, while 40% of its population still suffer(ed) from malnutrition".(185) Depending on the source, illiteracy in all of Brazil ranges from 33 % to 50 %.(186) Just how things got to this juncture, specifically how it is that a tiny percentage of the population came to control the wealth and the quality of life while the vast majority is left in apparent poverty and ignorance, is a key issue here. Of the past 150 years, Brazil has lived under fascist or feudal governments for about 120. Moments of bourgeoisie democracy are interspersed in this record, but those years are not sequential. Invaded by the Portuguese explorer Alvares Cabral in 1500, the one and one-half million indigenous people resisted, died, and retreated to the interior, pursued to some effect by the Jesuits who built a lasting base for Rome in Latin America. Interestingly, the Jesuits used organizing tactics similar to those later adopted by Saul Alinsky and Freire, a pair whose commonality is recognized by Paul Taylor.(187) The Jesuit invaders needed to learn the language and adapt to some of the customs of the indigenous people, to come to understand their issues, to find answers to those issues in the teachings of the Catholic church, to convince people to act according to the teachings in order to addresses their problems, and finally to institutionalize the teachings in the language of the church.(188) Their considerable success is surely in part to their sophisticated technique. The Brazilian territory was, within the justice framework of European law, legally taken by Portugal because the land was on the eastern side of a line dividing Portuguese and Spanish colonies in the western hemisphere. Brazil remained Portugal's for two hundred years until, in the early 1800's, the royal court of Portugal fled to Brazil to outrun Napoleon. The presence of the royal family retarded independence revolts like those occurring in the Spanish colonies. With the collapse of Napoleon, the royal family returned to Portugal in 1820, leaving a scion, Dom Pedro, in charge. In 1822, Dom Pedro severed ties with his family, declared Portuguese independence, and the country became and independent monarchy. Dom Pedro's son, Dom Pedro II, ruled the country until 1889 when he abdicated under pressure from the merchant classes who were annoyed with a proclamation--with the effect of law--issued by his daughter Isabel, freeing Brazil's slaves. Hence Brazil gained emancipation without the bitterness, and richness, obtained in a vast national struggle. Brazil, theoretically, became a republic in 1891. (189) The Portuguese, the first colonists of Latin America to do so, initiated agricultural and manufacturing industries rather than turning solely to the exploitation of gold resources.

Sugar, based in the Northeast, became the main export and from that dietary decadence rises much of Brazil's current reality. The sugar economy required huge tracts of land and cheap labor. Hence came land ownership concentrations in the hands of a few--and slavery. Land concentration in today's Brazil can be traced back to the time of the Portuguese crown, racial stratification back to slavery, regional divisiveness back to the tailing of marketable resources in the colonial world. Sugar production on concentrated lands created a semi-feudal class of owners who did as they pleased, beyond the reach of any state on their huge tracts. A dip in the world price of sugar after 1750 through the Northeast into a depression from which it has never recovered and caused a shift to cattle production in the interior. The Northeast lost its key economic role in Brazil. Gold discoveries and the intense international demand for rubber, coffee, and cotton during World War I caused population shifts toward the south, especially the southeast and to the Amazon basin. The industrial expansion of the latter half of the twentieth century continued the population and economic shift to the Southeast, especially Sao Paulo, but it must be noted again that the enhanced economic base never meant an improved life in the Northeast, nor did it mean that poor and working class people could cultivate their lives or land. It simply meant, for the most part, that those who had--mostly white people, a group extending into the upper middle classes--got more (190) From 1891 to 1930, Brazil lived as a republic for those in the middle and upper classes. Voting was prohibited for women and illiterates. A unity of the military, the intelligentsia, and the landowners began to grow which was crystallized in a populistfascist revolution led by Getulio Vargas in 1930. Vargas ruled in a corporatist fashion, patterning himself after Mussolini and Franco, for 15 years. Vargas offered a velvet glove of company unionism based on a state-sponsored form of paternalism surrounding an iron fist of anti-communist, anti-socialist laws nd practices. Vargas "also offered the benefit of favoring the expansion of the internal market and protecting it with its right wing nationalism from foreign competition that could easily strangle the developing national industry".(191) The industrialization which surged with the Second World War caused a corresponding increase in the size of the industrial working class and the merchants. This merchant/capitalist class had interests in competition with the old bourgeoisie made up of landowners and traders. They had a need for a technological intelligentsia, people involved in and capable of expanding productive forces beyond those at hand, and this group, as it grew, frequently identified their interests with that of the rising sector of the bourgeoisie. Vargas took the road of most politicians--he did what was necessary to stay in power (indeed, as the industrial base developed he began to loosen his grip on the unions--and to use corporate style unionism as a populist base) but kept a keen eye on the needs of the most powerful. But his drift to the left

sufficiently worried the military that they staged a coup, seizing power and implementing a direct form of militaristic fascism, in 1945. Important under Vargas was a system of state-labor relations which subsumed labor unions in a governmentdirected network of councils which reduced the political participation and weakened the bargaining power of the unions, and, in addition, determined their organizing base frequently along lines of their position in the economy, one union for each occupational category--rather like the AFL's origins in the U.S. Wages were fixed by law. Strikes were largely illegal, theoretically a violation of the populist state, and labor disputes were encapsulated by a system of courts, including labor elites and corporation heads, which shifted struggle from the job to the bureaucracy. Labor leaders were often trained by the U.S. AFL-CIO sponsored American Institute for Free labor Development, long known as a front for the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.(192) The military-corporatist rule worked, at least for national economic development. "The period from 1945 to 1960, Brazil's fastest phase of development, was ruled by the National Front".(193) In 1950, Vargas came back to power through an election and remained in office only until 1954, when he committed suicide. He was succeeded by Juscelino Kubitschek, a centrist who drew support from liberals, the Soviet-backed Brazilian Communist Party, and fascists, simultaneously. He proposed to bring "fifty years of development in five" and to build a new capital in the central region, Brasilia.(194) Kubitschek's ambition, necessarily requiring huge expenditures to develop transportation and energy was, coupled with massive inflation. This, linked to the restiveness of Brazilian labor which gained strength as it was organized by the expansion of industry, resulted in Kubitscek's electoral loss to Janio Quadros. Quadros, elected on promises of jobs, industrialization, and the end of inflation, probably an impossible task, committed suicide after only days in office and was replaced by Joao Goulart. Goulart quickly moved toward Vargas' populist/fascist tactics but could do nothing about a 100% inflation rate, labor unrest, and hints of a growing leftist movement coalescing beyond the reach of the usual liberal/leftist/Christian coalitions. He was driven from office by a lightening strike of the military on 1 April 1964. The left, which had openly followed Goulart, was quickly smashed. The military coup, which took a wide view of defining enemies, arrested hundreds of priests and lay workers. Yet the military takeover was enthusiastically supported by the Vatican.(195) Freire was jailed and exiled. Six successive generals then held office under similar Vargas-style populist/fascist programs until 1984 when open elections were held. This opened the possibilities for legal liberal-leftist-Christian activity and many opposition groups resurfaced. Paulo Freire returned to the country in the midst of a general amnesty. Several currents are important to note here. First, the industrialization of Brazil coupled to its deep ties to world imperialism make it clear that this is not, as some

would have it, a semi-feudal country.(196) Even though traces of feudalism remain, like remnants of property relations on plantations or mystical beliefs as organized into movements by churches, Brazil is an advanced capitalist nation and it is capitalist production, capitalist markets, the development of raw materials and the concentration of labor, the rising inequalities rooted in class and race and sex described above, that penetrates every aspect of Brazilian life.(197) Even though this process is fraught with its own internal contradictions, between the rising merchant/industrialists, the military and the old landowner class for example, as well as deep splits within and between poor and working people, and its own cultural expressions, as seen in the memories of the patron and the feudal agricultural relationships that revolve out of agricultural production, it remains that the dominant trend is social inequality based within the results of imperialism and industrial capitalism, material dominance of the an everincreasing and marginally organized many by a narrowing few who hold state power. Secondly, Brazil has a long history of corporatist (fascist) schemes which propose to unite all social classes for the purpose of national economic development. The military, and the U.S. have long dominated Brazilian history which is rife with conflict and inequality. Racism in Brazil has its roots in the particular history of Brazilian slavery. Finally, in every instance where there was domination, there was also resistance. People did fight back, though they were unsuccessful in gaining state power or even most of their modest reform goals. The left did maintain a presence in Brazil, proved if in no other fashion than through the government's designs to crush them. I now turn to an examination of the Freire's birthplace, Brazil's Northeast, cite of key parts of the resistance, then to the background of slavery in Brazil, and to the organized resistance itself, the Brazilian left. The Northeast "Rebellion is like the sin of divination" Samuel 15:23 Concerning the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ and our being gathered to him...don't let anyone deceive you in any way for that day will not come until the rebellion occurs and the man of lawlessness is revealed, the man doomed to destruction... 2 Thessalonians 2:3

because I do not recognize the republic". which is one of the principal nations of Europe. and predates by about 3/4 of a century. Interestingly.. but today I will not. for I recognized the government. full of the rebels armed followers.. if you are a Catholic. "Sir. despite a flawed sense of social Darwinism. accepting all forms of government. which. Freire's conceptual investigatory framework of nature. In the days of the monarchy. the passionate ties of its people to the land. "In France..man.at the place where the dead were piled up on one side and another. who was followed by a number of novelists and writer from the Northeast like Jorge Amado.The history of the Northeast is brilliantly portrayed by Euclides da Cunha's epic. A Capuchin missionary entered a square of a village in the Northeast where the people had begun a rebellion. His masterful stroke can be perhaps appropriated in this exchange. Joined by two other missionaries. he met Antonio Counselheiro. and its sharp contradictions as in the harsh rub of the desert on skin and rock. "I proposed to give a Holy mission and advise the people to disperse and return to their homes. "Just as the geologist by estimating the inclination and orientation of the truncated strata of very old formations. get's little attention in the discourse around Freire. there was a monarchy for many centuries. resistance against their misery and the seizure of their land. known as the bible of Brazil. Rebellion in the Backlands. the Friar went on.(199) It is Da Cunha's project to demonstrate the historical and political roots of a rebellion in the Northeast. even though it traces." "It is that way everywhere". On 1 May 1895.. I let myself be taken." "We want to go with our counselor. The friar replied. man. Da Cunha's book. so the historian. you must remember that the Church condemns revolts and. history and culture in its chapter headings. an area infamous for its droughts." "It is to protect myself that I keep these armed men with me for your eminence must know that the police attacked me and tried to kill me. to create an epic of rebellion and its material causes--and its people and their ideas. teaches that the constituted authorities rule the people in the name of God.(198) Da Cunha. in taking the stature of. an illiterate and leader of the rebellion. is enabled to reconstruct the outlines of a vanished mountain. in a temple.. brilliantly illustrates the brutality of life on the northeastern plains. but for more . follows his own beautifully put advice. will find it of value solely in considering the psychology of the society which produced him"..

Once again its geography stood above its people and problems. Da Cunha predates Freire's multiple themes of struggle..' 'And from the multitude came the prompt and arrogant response: "It is Your Reverence who holds a false doctrine. visited the region and on October 31. on the sugar plantations. Ted Szulc. paradoxically. priests producing children from the rape of slaves they owned." 'In thus rehashing these meaningless political considerations.(201) The breaks from drought to floods underlie the area's population movement. Portugal. literacy. Szulc was referring to a situation made possible. it was a key air stopover during World War II for the flight to Europe and North Africa. consciousness. and resistance in culture and war. and Italy combined. came the early practice of "winking". the Friar shows us why he failed. lacking only the rifle of the curate of Santa Cruz beneath the folds of his vestments. 1960. an atmosphere of tolerance for the offspring. not our Counselor. a practice which created. in part. once moved. one more superficial than the other: first." (200) In describing the Rebellion in the Backlands. (204) .. extends into all human relationships in the Northeast and there. especially. Still. oppression. The area is "larger than Spain. The flight crews had no time to notice the war beginning to boil up beneath them. The people drew their inspiration. from the interior working the cattle ranches to the south and toward the sea and. made the front page of the New York Times with an article claiming that "the makings of a revolutionary situation are increasingly apparent across the vastness of the poverty-stricken and drought-plagued Brazilian Northeast". the heart of the agricultural interiors social complex. The anomalous figure of the propagandist now becomes apparent. Fifteen years later. a tiny upper class of landowners remains in place as a political and cultural force. and all the people there. obey the authorities and laws of government. it appears people remain in the cities. The Northeast has always been harsh and. a young reporter. from an examination of the same landscape.it has been called Brazil's nation within a nation".(202) Here. Now. and which forms an important part of the history of the Brazilian mestizo population. as noted above. the patriarchal family.(203) North Americans came to know the Northeast in two ways. with the exception of the monarchists. back to the home area when the weather crisis abated. it never recovered from the drop in Sugar prices more than a century ago. by the introduction of reforms to the Northeast through an organization know as SUDENE (the Superintendency for the Development of the Northeast) implemented by the Brazilian congress in 1958. himself ignorant of the backland disorders. until recently.than twenty years now there has been a republic. at least initially.

and it was here that Paulo Freire initiated his work as an education activist."(205) The Kennedy administration can be either seen as altruistic. under President Kennedy. Alliance for Progress. a guerilla foco designed under the auspices of the renowned Che Guevera. and what Freire may have gleaned from his experiences in these groups.. and literacy-liberation.Celso Furtado.had to give up.. or fearful of the Peasant Leagues and guerilla movements which had grown under the leadership of communists and activists in the Northeast. the Church. be enacted to stimulate regional economic growth by striking at the base of the problems which held it back: education and industrialization. headquartered in the key northeastern city of Recife. After a week the Brazilian guerrillas had contracted the bubonic plague and were forced to surrender--a horrifying picture of the natural hazards that can be encountered in South American jungles". altruism. to integrate the Northeast with the rest of Brazil. Freire who had served as the head of the Cultural Extension Service. Kubitschek. in 1967. built on the most harsh of geographies. scholarly author of a report which gave SUDENE its impetus.S.S. between the bureaucracy. "You mean that aid to the Northeast will stop communism?"(207) Still. Again. Dom Halder Camara. the U. "committed $131 million to be used by SUDENE over a two year period for beginning solutions to the critical economic problems of the Northeast. ". (206) To demonstrate the limits of U. to become the Director of the National Literacy Program" (210) To understand where Freire fits in this situation. where it is the Peasant Leagues came from.(208) Social inequality. "Within that framework. responsible immediately to the President of Brazil. Dewitt quotes an unnamed U. Catholic. and suggested that a national effort. In addition. The report had described the sever inequities of life in the Northeast. in 1963. rising from its roots as a slave society. was named director of SUDENE. was "invited. an educational program funded by the United States Agency for International Development. . strongly supported the struggle against underdevelopment in the Northeast. or the maximization of physical and natural resources of the region". The AP admits this setback in its own documents. pointed out that much of Brazil had been established on a base of Northeastern labor and agriculture. conditions in Brazil today indicate that the Alliance for Progress largely failed. humanization or the maximization of human resources was subordinated to modernization. grew worse. senator with the singular interest. even in its modest educational efforts. it is critical to see how the fissures developed in Brazilian society. The SUDENE report was supported by industrialists eager to minimize the growing rebellions in the Northeast and by the powerful Catholic Church whose Rio Archbishop. Then we shall look at how the left developed in Brazil. The area demonstrated its tough nature when.(209) A division of education was established under Furtado. the purpose of SUDENE was economic development.S.

and the absence of any corollary law prior to the end of the institution that would have banned . Then you will know the truth and the truth will set you free. and with the sincerity of heart just as you would obey Christ. The capitalists said yes. if one can cast a measure of degree in such matters. treat your slaves in the same way. Ephesians 6:5 If you hold to my teaching. John 8:53 Slavery is treated separately here because of its bearing on Freire's views on oppression (master-slave relationships). many slaves and freed people of color.. obey your earthly masters with respect and fear. it was necessary to keep British capitalism going". and resistance. literacy. Because of the high death rate of slaves. consciousness. They comprised "about two-thirds of the population in 1808". slavery never-theless was the prop on which both that nation and the world capitalist system was built. "Seven-tenths of the goods used by Brazil for slave purchases were British manufactured. For example. Brazilian sugar and slavery which made capital available.(213) Only the "poorest people had no slave". including priests. "about 70% of the slaves were owned by small proprietors". And masters.(212) Slavery was a mass institution in Brazil..(215) There is reason to believe Brazilian slavery was extraordinarily harsh.Sugar and the Poison of Human Ownership Slaves.was Brazilian sugar necessary. Many.(211) It must be noted however that slavery was an integral part of the world imperialist system. that while it was unique in some ways in Brazil. many people owned slaves. you are really my disciples.(214) And there were many. production.

(221) Finally. Rebellion was constant. obviously inspired by the French revolution. While it was often the skilled slaves who took leadership in resistance. was crushed in two months. and Brazil. led in part by seminarians. slaves were also divided by their multiple African backgrounds. Separated geographically over vast plains. But resistance continued. with little popular support. One modest republican insurrection. associations.(220) Lay Catholics and their "brotherhoods". manners and money lightened the skin". The revolt. The brotherhoods afforded status and possible job entre but were themselves often sharply split along race and class lines. including. obtaining a better job was also a factor in compromising slaves. The slaves were hard to unite. a process mitigating toward paid labor. in Blackburn's history. but one cannot purchase the dangerous immediate first impression of a state trooper--in the U. Moreover. and eventually involved slaves from every ethnic group. "there were always three times as many males as females among the slave population" which caused special crimes against the female slaves. it appears to Robin Blackburn that the continuity of a state religion impaired the struggle for freedom. like many others. over time.(219) The church believed. as it does in the U.(217) This ability to purchase whiteness remains in Brazil today. one can purchase and exit from the ghetto. Slaves found it difficult to play on divisions between elites. Slave rebellions calling for liberty. in theory. rose up as early as 1798. the growth of coffee as a cash crop expanded to the point in the 1850's that Brazil became the world's largest producer. equality and fraternity. is buttressed by religion. held under the tight watch of overseer. and entre to new friendships.S. Several factors mitigated against slave resistance. cultures and languages--as well as by task and skill factors in Brazil.(222) This revolt. For example. in a limited fashion.(223) . Eventually. often violent. In addition. challenged feudal rule but made it clear it sought no alliance with slaves and assured all and sundry that property of all kinds was under no threat. routinely committed. struggled hard to recruit slaves and freed people of color. that all who were baptized were Catholics. the transition away from the Portuguese crown in Brazil required no republican revolt on which the slaves could tie their own fortunes. Slavery.S. This augmented the need for slaves in a period when many other countries were industrializing.(216) Because of the rape of female slaves by most at hand. relied heavily on the importation of slaves from Africa rather than from indigenous births. slaves organized and fought back in ways well beyond the predictable daily sabotage. black associations built their own Catholic chapels. Even so. was met by black and mulatto national troops.importation.(218) In addition. by those who "were themselves of partly colored extraction (there was created) a hierarchical racial spectrum in which dress.

Indeed. which led armed raids to acquire goods needed to operate their camps and terrorized their former owners who lived in desperate fear of the memory of slave rebellions in Haiti. Slaves themselves routinely organized into associations... For example.(233) Blackburn offers an interesting theoretical and historical turn on the conquest of Latin American slavery.. (225) Organized communities of runaways.(232) To the contrary. by watching others. In the U.. Yet it is equally clear that literacy was a goal of the rebellion. though no one knows how many. for mutual self-defense--and sometimes to raise money to gain manumission.S. who took the lessons learned in the struggle against one kind of oppression and began to apply these ideas to the macha of Brazilian culture. "quilombos". He refers to the failure of "Hegel's well-known thesis on the master-slave. Many could read. James' classic. slaves were illiterate is simply untrue." (231) While Haiti's Touissaint L'Ouverture was quite literate and conversant with European classics. slaves learned to read on their own.R. as Sartre pointed out in "Critique of Dialectical Reason". some masters taught their own slaves.(224) These abolition efforts. to take into account the dialectic between one master and another.(228) For the most part. others clandestine. Hilary Beckles argues that literacy enhanced slaves "socials status and allowed them to move into occupations such as artisan or overseer". there is nothing in C. Slave owners who needed slaves capable of performing complex tasks taught their own slaves to read. for social reasons. slaves and whites. They joined together for mutual economic benefit. men and women. But schools were closed to slaves and to most people of color. (229) The account is notably similar in the history of slavery in the United States and in the West Indies. "The Black Jacobins" to indicate that literacy led L'Ouverture to rebel. often led by women. form the roots of the history of Brazilian resistance to domination. a rebellion of slaves in the Bahai region was organized purely by word of mouth. schools were stratified as to quality by class.L. some open. For those who could gain entrance. Slave owners feared the content of print. The record is clear that slave literacy and slave rebellion had nothing necessarily in common. Entire African national ethnic groups were literate in Portuguese when they were in Africa in the early 1800's and may well have used these skills to either become more socially mobile--or to resist. The dialectic of the subject also fails to address the problem of how inter-subjectivity could develop between slaves in . or even most. not the print itself or the ability to read it.There were white-led anti-slavery movements. (227) These workers in turn taught others to read and write.(226) The common belief that all..(230) Franklin makes the case quite clearly: "Planters became excited over the distribution of abolition literature in the South but gave little attention to preventing slaves to read. they made modest efforts to retard literacy among slaves but fought in Congress to silence specific publications.

and likewise it fails to consider the role played by such 'third' groups as free people of color or non-slaveholding whites. could not grasp the key contradiction. It is to the left that we now turn. people in the worst situations imaginable maintaining their dignity and forging their own freedom in highrisk practice. in 1888. so that in turn their plenty will supply what you need. Still.differing situations and of different extraction. Hegel was unable to be sufficiently dialectical.. and could not delineate what side of that contradiction was dominant. just as they did in the U. feudal relationships of slavery persisted into the twentieth century. but because it came under political attack. inspired the Brazilian left which came into organizational focus just twenty years after the emancipation decree." (234) In sum. but that there might be equality. twenty three years after the bitter end to slavery through Civil War in the United States. as it is written: . I explore this flaw in Freire as we progress. your plenty will supply what they need. At the present time.." (235) Blackburn then draws his "main conclusion. but even more cruelly.that slavery was not overthrown for economic reason but where it became politically untenable. the patriarchal. The end of formal slavery came to Brazil by decree. attacks related to the dialectic of resistance described in the two paragraph above--but notably the resistance came through an intertwining of material reality and ideology. Blackburn illuminates the pattern of the struggle for freedom by identifying "three factors favourable to such an outcome. (2) the actuality or possibility of slave resistance or rebellion.(1) a political crisis marginalising slaveholders and giving birth to a new type of state." (236) He insists that emancipation came not because slavery became unprofitable. and Populists. and (3) social mobilisations encouraging the partisans of reform or revolution to rally popular sentiment with anti-slavery acts. The Brazilian Left: Anarchists.. as noted earlier.. because he did not grasp the material base of the question. the latter being the decisive issue for the end of slavery. he could not work through the complexities of the contradictions at hand.. a logical and necessary flaw of seeing the realm of ideas dominating the realm of the world. The political crisis of the slaveholding order was always aggravated when slaveholders lost their ability to hegemonize the non-slaveholding population of the slave zone. the resistance of the slaves. Then there will be equality.S.. Perhaps because of this absence of a sharp break. Jesuits of the Comintern.. And the Church Our desire is not that others might be relieved while you are hard pressed. patron.

was one of the reasons the Peasant League's earliest work was centered around literacy campaigns-as were the efforts of the Catholic base communities. the history of world radicalism either emanates from or in opposition to this ideological and material base of conceptual and substantive might. He saw them nearly everywhere. was a communist. from the centers of power where socialists seized the state. was a communist. and saw people living in shacks on stilts above open swamps which were also used both as sewers and the local water supply. especially China and the Soviet Union. Despite a tendency toward an interesting form of mystical essentialism ( "One of the first rules a reporter needs to learn in Latin America is that he must never be swayed by reason or logic in trying to gauge future events. even the most bumbling among them. until recently. The Nobel poet. Because. The communist movement orbits from the ideas of Karl Marx demonstrated most succinctly in the Communist Manifesto first published in 1848 and. When the tide receded. 2 Corinthians 8:13 to 8:16 Reporter Ted Szulc visited Brazil in the early 1960's and sounded the communist alarm. For example. "In the way of Fidel and Mao. on the one hand. not surprisingly. Szulc called the city a communist stronghold and identified the mayor as a communist sympathizer. then a center of migration from the drought-ridden backlands. Novelist Jorge Amado was a communist. It's leading architect. he visited Recife (Freire's home town) in the Northeast. He noted that the leader of the Peasant Leagues. in his limited way. the Bolsheviks and the Chinese held state power. and. an open base from which to work. he was. Marx's theoretical contributions fit the movement of historical change. correct. described himself as a Marxist."(237)). in his interviews with the locals. This. Francisco Juliao. Szulc knew that Brazil had a long history of radicalism. It's history was imbedded with communist representations. the people hurried into the muck to collect the river crabs scrambling for life under their homes. saw the increasing activity of the technically illegal but openly in motion Communist Party and concluded that the only thing that kept Juliao from being elected to high office was a law preventing illiterates from voting."(239) Szulc. Pablo Neruda. on the other hand. Niemeyer.(240) How it is that communists became so popular in the midst of neo-fascist conditions is the topic now at hand. (241) .He who gathered much did not have too much and he who gathered little did not have too little.(238)And Szulc saw the conditions that gave communists.

was so imbued respect for the Comintern. the Brazilian CP did take leadership in the fight against racism. Another debate within radicalism.To understand the communist movement in Brazil. In given periods. The Brazilian Communist movement "is a peculiar one"(242).S. it didn't need much direction. Even so. the anarchists quickly held influence within large sectors of the trade union. the CP's Francisco Juliao is identified as having taken the initiative in organizing Peasant Leagues in the early 1960's which the Catholic Church later duplicated in its peasant circles. it had a huge popular base. from its inception. it is thus necessary to briefly locate it in relation to its centrifugal center. Luis Carlos Prestes. (246) . moving from the "Third Period" line of the late twenties and early thirties which denounced social democrats as social-fascists. and the goals of social change.(243) Initially organized on the heels of the Russian Revolution in 1921. like the U. as well as those between Marx and the social-democrats as represented by Bernstein.. The mutual positions of the Comintern and the Brazilian CP were rooted first in the need to preserve the Soviet Union. rarely relying on direction from the outside. as represented by Michael Bakunin. into WWII and a period of support for the neo-fascist Vargas regime. the anarchists presenting the case for individualism. through the Hitler-Stalin pact. and the organizing of peasants. will be traced below.(245) Yet. The Brazilian Communist Party (CP). next in struggle around local or international conditions. in the development and activation of trade unions (Vargas' populist-fascism tolerated labor unions within narrowly drawn labor codes--and the CP often fell in line(244)). the state. for more than fifty years. This contradiction. In Brazil. Soviet interests versus the revolutionary impulse of the poor and working people of the world. But. to the "Popular Front" era following the Seventh Congress of the Comintern which identified the source of fascism as evil forces within the world's ruling classes and urged alliances with the progressive bourgeoisie. in actuality. radicalism in the southwestern hemisphere reflected the debates that occurred between Marx and the anarchists. Like other communist parties throughout the world. the Brazilians maintained their own indigenous leadership. The crux of the debate centered on organization. intellectual and peasant movements but almost as quickly moved to secondary status. the Marxists on the side of collectivity. The Brazilians were simply in agreement. Indeed. so much so that the party became know as the "Prestesatas" and its ideology "Prestesimo". that is the limit of its peculiarity. the identifying mark of the CP in Brazil was. is widely recognized as the achilles heel of communist revolutions in the twentieth century--though it is but one of many. Neither Marx nor Engels paid much attention to Latin America. the Brazilian CP made the appropriate turns at the right times. the Communist International (Comintern). Unlike most of the rest of the Latin American adherents of the Comintern. that with the social democrats.

he led a rebel column in "Brazil's Long March. remains on the party which.democratic Workers Party described below).. Peritore and others describe a melange of widely differing political parties and tendencies within parties (Peritore outlines six key factions. The Prestes column marched 25. a maturity in understanding the bitterly obvious need for clandestine work oddly engraved with a sense of militarism.(249) From these splits. in favor of electoral work. or misinterpreted. come largely from the experience of the CP. splits over democratic centralism weighted too hard one way or another. Prestes directed the CP through all of the twists of modern socialism.000 kilometers through Brazil's rugged and primitive interior fighting landlord private armies and bandit gangs.. All are led by intellectuals. Maoist splits. on the communist left--and the social. All are nationalist. ranging from pro-Albania to Gramscian professors." (247)He joined the Communist Party in 1931 and in 1935 Prestas led another massive rebellion. "The movement was cruelly crushed and thousands lost their lives. The lessons learned. again.. Or. Freire's beliefs about the unity of leadership and the masses. come what endures of the left in Brazil today. from history.. splits over the nature of the state and the revolutionary potential of elections. His imprint." (251) It was the experience of the CP that gave these radicals the base on which to build a new form of resistance.(248) Remarkably well disciplined. at least temporarily.. in the late seventies. organized by workers and radicals decidedly "NOT led by Brazilian Communists but marked by a radical repudiation of the parties that had traditionally exercised influence on the Brazilian working class. He was still alive in late 1993. to Hitler's gas ovens.(250) What is important here is the central role of the Communist Party in the development of the Brazilian left and the mobilization of masses of people in struggles for liberation--they fought back and gave the people a sense of hope that they could win. a new strike wave swept Brazil. For example. an important contribution to radical theory which I shall review in detail.. All have virtually abandoned revolution. during his long tenure. From 1925 to 1927. He gained fame through two dramatic. under direction from the Comintern Prestes built support for Vargas after he left prison and the party again became a mass organ.Prestes had been a rebellious military officer. if unsuccessful rebellions.. undermined by agents provocateurs who set off the revolt precipitously. his (Prestes') wife. endured all of the splits that make communist genealogy so complex: Trotskyist splits. But the reality is that the groupings have quite a bit in common--more than less. comes in part from his analysis of the historical ability . All believe in the notion that production and national economic development are key to future equality: socialism is capitalism with a socialist head.Prestes endured nine years of solitary confinement and President Vargas sent Olga Benario. The party was crushed". but no longer in power.

as Freire notes(252) Each twist of line in "the harsh political game where losing bears the ultimate price" moved Brazilian radicals into particular activities.(254) This claim is worth examination. discipline and daring. "The PT's strong links to the Church make it difficult to support policies which contravene her doctrines". the party is not committed to creating programmatic consensus.S.(256) Interestingly. Carr. The PT has within its ranks thousands of activists in or around the Ecclesiastical Base Communities (CEB's) from the Catholic Church. the collapse of the U. Because there is no doctrinal center. Maria Helena Moreira Alves. but concerns itself with short and middle range solutions. Maoists. While Prestes was indeed a mass leader deeply respected for his courage. actually playing to the lowest common denominator of its member groups. Peritore claims three factors gave it impetus: rapid industrialization spurring the numbers and anger of the working urban class. it is always. as we progress. Welder. The PT poses itself as a veritable federation of the left. and so on. "The PT and liberation Church share similar commitments to participatory democracy because of the strong influence of Paulo Freire's theories of cultural revolution.R. and the massive participation of the Catholic Church. "With this variety of conflicting interests there is constant political tension within the PT. which became a matter of life and death.S. the PT was unable to take a pro-gay stance and organizers had to turn outside to do so. and what that might mean to educators concerned about social justice. then. one of the groups within the coalition-like party is "Em Tempo (In These Times)". Peritore. For example.of elites to split the masses from their leaders--a vision which his own practice questions--and sometimes contradicts.popping like corn.. The Workers Party." (255) We will first scrutinize the PT.. ideas have consequences. underground CPer's. in this Brazilian atmosphere particularly. detail how it is that Freire is the ideological bridge between Christianity and Marxism. he was also the party boss to be obeyed--like many other bosses.000 militants" was formally organized in 1979. particular since Peritore identifies Freire as the catalyst which holds together the Worker's Party (PT) coalition of the Church and the left. middle class intellectuals. The PT also houses Trotskyists. and Freire point to a party which they believe is different.(253) In brief. which claims "about 350. because of the influence of the church. the crisis of the left's vanguard parties which bogged down in misused democratic centralism."(257) . a party beyond the errors of the past in which the masses of people can stake their hopes for the future: the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers Party) which was active in the seventies strike wave. ideology entwined with practice. and. but only agreement on democratic and egalitarian decision making methods and an open ended commitment to socialism.

In fact.(260) Many people are aware of social inequality. I posit that without decisive organized leadership. Then they pass to a moral vision which speaks to social injustice. the PT will be superceded by more sophisticated organizations built spontaneously. Superstition (a religious perspective) becomes dubious moralism becomes liberal skepticism (violations of basic rights) becomes liberationism (class inequality)---this in the absence of a leadership willing to declare the path. I will examine this latter possibility below. and. dialectical materialism and mysticism. from the bottom up. that every leader becomes a new exploiter.Freire has only codified the revolutionary practice of the church and various parties in Latin America into a sophisticated political theory which blends the best of European Marxism. profit. and inordinate desire of gain. Every union organizer builds on that easily demonstrated social reality. there is a good deal missing within this lengthy equation which goes only a little beyond the bounds of what most North Americans know about Freire's conception of liberation (literacy--production--consciousness--liberation). with this: Generally the people begin from a religious perspective.. (258) Peritore simplifies the link of Catholicism and Marxism. the poverty which they suffer is an oppression which signifies sin and contradiction with God's designs. come to an economic interpretation. from the experience of the people. Next they come to a political notion that there are class interests. the domination of one class over another. exploitation. and liberating popular action". or return to religion (which no one in PT asks them to abandon. Nevertheless. The mistakes they make will be new ones. inequalities of conditions and oppression. no action can lead to victory. there is a good deal of history to demonstrate that people who pass through the stages above are as likely to become paralyzed with cynicism. "The fact that such a party could arise in Brazil indicates the penetration of Freire's thought. supports this hopeless view. the excitement in the PT is built on the idea that the lessons are learned. seen by most as the failure of communism. as it becomes more successful. Latin American Catholicism. What is difficult to overcome is the belief that nothing can be done. violation of basic right.(259) Now. indeed. presumably in seizing state power through elections. But the logical leaps are quite similar. At least four veritable miracles occur..The argument then is that. . finally. The wreckage of Soviet state capitalism. one suspects the complexity that Freire likes to refer to is the fact that one can be all of these stages at the same time-and still lead the revolution) or make serious and deadly errors in revolutionary practice.

or. pluralist socialist parties. In sum. It raises questions like: How one can have direction in a socialist movement without worrying through what socialism is.(264) And what is finally at issue is the fact that this movement of social change can lead to huge human losses.(261) In addition.S. two key unions active in the PT are now in the process of using Freireian methods to train workers for particular industrial vocations to advance national production--and projects "that train union leaders and strengthen democratic. the early Russian Bolsheviks or the Mensheviks. then lay the theoretical framework which buttresses the special conception of literacy-consciousness-production--and social justice. is not thoroughly examined in Freire or Peritore.(262) The union leadership recognizes the contradiction in vocational and liberation training. as described in a federation of the left coupled with an electoral program. how one can confront an organized enemy with deliberate disorganization--how one discourages police agents from simply winning internal power--is not analyzed.(263) Efforts to achieve socialism through the ballot. Yet in Brazil. as we shall see. is not new and has been problematic for agents of social change for some time. And the unions functioned under Vargas. while the PT would have it that this is a new turn in world radicalism. how one can expect to obtain a complete inversion of state power without a conspiratorial and necessarily disciplined wing. the PT encourages workers to build it. where the "economy is 40 percent state-owned. from-the-ground-up vision of radical transformation. On the other hand. so easily smashed--at the cost of hundreds of thousands of lives. On the one hand. class conscience (sic) and independent unionism". then we will create a chronology of Freire's work. the crux of the view and practice of the PT. There is exemplary history closer to hand. what appears more apropos. it is a clear political direction. the other half of Freire's Christian Marxism. this is not an innocent. the PT has developed a detailed program for the rehabilitation and democratization of the state companies".But pluralism. Closer to the Brazilian home is Freire's praise for Allende's Chile. a paragon of the Socialist International. in Freire's work in Grenada and Guineau-Bissau. Alliances with the national bourgeoisie typify democratic socialist movements since the seminal moment when the Second International split into pieces over the decision on the part of the national parties to support their home ruling class in World War I rather than declare it an imperialist war to be transformed into communist revolution. . but only conceptualizes liberation as unionist activity. Students for a Democratic Society. PT's social democratic view. But first we shall turn to the Catholic left. both have a long and unenviable history. its particular position on the development of social change. rather than smash the corporatist state. either in the sense of the experience of the U. it is a move with long historical roots.

in hope that the creation itself will be liberated from its bondage to decay and brought into the glorious freedom of the children of God. The Cuban experience (in a country where Catholicism was tolerated but not directly supported by the government(265)) ignited hope for social change throughout the hemisphere--and led people to believe that their lot in life might be improved while they were still on the planet.(268) And in . more and more clergy and laity began to go work among the poor to counterbalance the inroads of Marxist (and sometimes Protestant) organizations among the poor. since the fifties. the church was suffering serious membership losses. In 1965. who form the largest part of the population". Support for the coup accelerated a process of people turning elsewhere for surcease.In Brazil this placed the church on the side of the poor. (267) Within the church. but by the will of the one who subjected it.(266) In Brazil. Smith recognizes the importance of the Cuban coup in motivating the Catholic Church. and those who sympathized with it.. to move toward the poor. He argues the Cuban upheaval mobilized both those Catholics who were terrified by it.demanding the active participation of all Christians in the worldly problems of injustice and violence. The creation waits in eager expectation for the sons of god to be revealed. a process which had been at work at least since the Fidelista coup in Cuba five years earlier. the communist spectre haunted Latin America. there was a tendency which interpreted the gospel--still as gospel--but in ways purported to be new.... "During the life of Pope John XXIII (1958-1963) and the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). the Catholic Church underwent some profound changes. Romans 8:21 The Catholic Church supported the military coup in Brazil in 1964.Liberation and Catholicism I consider that our present sufferings are not worth comparing with the glory that will be revealed in us." Once again.. not by its own choice. For the creation was subjected to frustration.

and he believed this could happen through the creation of a mass movement to create pressure for it. he says ". Camara.". as he saw it.(270) While rejecting the violence necessarily within the revolutionary Marxist framework. will bring about the birth.?" (271) Camara later points to education for national production and democracy as both a path and a solution to this crisis and indicates that he believes the vision of liberation theology is a middle ground between Marxism and the repressive nature of capitalist development. Noting that the Church was once an oppressor. poses a unity of interests sweeping across all of humanity.. where we have seen the key organizing work for the church was done by a combination of Jesuits and lay workers (due to the historical absence of clergy in poor areas--clergy concentrated around wealth(269)) this sometimes meant that people active in the new gospel had to reevaluate their structural and intellectual relationships with the dominant Bishops. a unity which would allow the diminution of colonial exploitation through altruistic technological and economic expansion.we may be able. Camara envisioned a pacifist mass movement." (272) God.. expansion. especially ideas rising from struggle which would drive home the need for peace.. and I insist on reminding you that political realism may lead men to embrace the ideal of peace much sooner than we think--and when as a result the arms race has ceased. one in consonance with a . Camara also relies heavily on the role of ideas. (274) Camara had been a Catholic activist since 1947 and rose to be the Bishop of Rio De Janero. This movement would alleviate the social inequities--especially in agrarian areas--and restrain domineering governments which were. Otherwise. ". to separate the economic system from materialism.the Catholic Church is now willing to adopt a new attitude from one end of the continent to the other. the technology of the North impelled by the necessity of full employment and as a servant of interests that go far beyond petty immediacy. and perfection of technology in the South. not through a violent revolution. a separation that is impossible in Marxist Socialism. would be interested in dialectical materialism. Camara suggests. in some forms of Socialism. influential in the turn away from Catholicism. "When warfare has ceased. Camara saw national economic development as the course which could lead toward the humanization of all of Latin America. under the educationist rubric of the Church.. "The development of the Third World is in the best interests of the developed world. in Camara's mind. and later Freire's. Camara articulated his own concerns about the possibility of revolution: "Is there anyone who does not know that on our continent the number of those who no longer believe in democracy and are ready to turn to violence is growing by leaps and bounds.. These Catholic activists found structural support from powerful but dissident Bishops like Dom Halder Camara. from his Christian Catholic base.(275) In sum.Brazil. there will be unavoidable upheavals. not in the interest of the imperial nations."(273) Hence..

He rejected both Marx and Hegel. was propelled by Camara's strong belief in the role of ideology as a motive force.(278) The Latin American Catholic left drew intellectual support from men like Gustavo Gutierrez (women lay workers and nuns are spread throughout liberation theology--as foot soldiers. on turning to missionary work in Brazil. it is important to emphasize their own belief that liberation extends from the center of the Church--and originates in the mind. "Self realization means we name our world. (276) Still. the principle of its authority is tumbled".Then and only then will development take on its full meaning: that of knowing more. Some of their work surfaces in the documentary record. I underline the convergence of Camara's position with what I will demonstrate is Freire's: education/literacy leads to expanded production which makes possible new levels of consciousness which then forms the basis of liberation/ humanization. He traces his own questioning of Catholic doctrine to Hegel.. self-realization. education forms the basis for organizing for national economic development which leads to the possibilities of consciousness and salvation--for everyone. like Fernandes'. ripped into social classes rapidly at odds with each other and people engaged in dehumanizing work. Camara was a leader of the early moves toward the poor. like the church itself.. who.. at least everyone in the purview of God.. became a radical because he saw a world coming apart. ideas could sweep beyond the most narrow and immediate actions based on self-interest. All of this. a founder of some of the peasant circles.(280) While Guterriez and Shaull recognize modest differences within their understanding of liberation theology. like Cuba and China.developmental theology capable of becoming an extraordinary force for development". we begin there. Christianity .(279) Richard Shaull was a conservative Catholic priest who. he indicates "It is far from our intention to stop at development.. that is. for Camara. is likely to be heavily influenced by the publications of its male intellectuals). producing more. and became a close friend and advisor to Paulo Freire. that is." (277) Hence.all tradition and edifice of the Church became problematical. were structured like capitalist societies and because people drew their human worth from their jobs and incomes.. Shaull then claimed a new consciousness would deliver humanity. in demonstrating the importance of the reformation. and Hegel because he too could not solve the riddle of man versus nature.each individual should enlighten himself and should be able to determine his conscience according to the same source. concluded that the individualist reading of the gospel is tied to his belief that "man is self-determined to be free. But a church whose leadership is structurally male. we create our own meanings " (his emphasis) and urges a new sense of community recognized in the commonality of human interest. one because the Marxist societies he saw. which traces links to its gods in an ascending order tied to gender. having more in order to be more.

Moreover. Germany.(286) Freire. a mix of opportunism. Indeed. and arguing that "Liberation theology must (be liberated) from the state and marxism from history". Whatever the competing tactics and strategies. Here he outlines his front-line efforts to unite a meeting of feuding Christians and Marxists. agreed to come together for a study day provided I took part. so that it would be wrong to claim that the two were one or that they were working together". I have always found it worthwhile to serve as a pretext for a good cause. who did not relate to well to each other. seeking a revolutionary process spearheaded by a vanguard consisting of leftist intelligentsia".(284) This is. The way the Catholic intellectuals and socialists (Castro backed liberation theology(285)) found through their apparently irreconcilable differences was via the Frankfurt school of critical theory. then. respectively Marxists and Christians. I discuss further this blend of opportunism and sectarianism. and its inheritors. clear: "While this movement had obviously embraced some ideas that could be claimed to have stemmed from Marxism. the Frankfurt school. While opposing this connection. there is evidence that liberation theology is above all an effort to resurrect the popularity of the Catholic church. relies heavily.subsumes Marxism. it must be pointed out that the movement actually gained control of the student movement in Brazil from the Marxists. they bent their work against ignorance to become work against communism. the effort to chase the diminishing Catholic base--declining church membership--and sectarianism.(282) This struggle must take place on a philosophical plane as well as a practical one. "Two or three groups of progressive intellectuals. The tactic. Freire acknowledges he has a practical role in bridging the ideological gaps of Christianity and Marxism in "Pedagogy for Liberation". or the resolution of the contradiction. This is the strategy. contradictions. is simply that. he points to Gutierrez' references to Gramsci and Marcuse. notes the linkages of the liberationists and Gramsci's "organic intellectuals who exercise the prophetic function of denouncing social injustice". and the nature of united opposites.(283) Hence. a tactical move. and while deriding their importance. of course. Smith argues that the Christian vision is to incorporate the mere approximation of truth represented by Marxism into the encompassing view of Christianity. recognized that there is no such thing as a nonantagonistic contradiction.(281) Jarvis makes the nature of this absorption. And the Catholic wing."(287) . if eclectically. on Hegel. or at least a significant part of it. which sometimes assumes "essentially a Leninist approach. an effort made possible only through the intervention of enlightened missionaries whose ineluctably totalized view lighted the way. in the minds of some liberation theologists. Pottenger notes that the tasks taken up by the Frankfurt group may represent. not vice versa. coincidentally in Frankfurt. Marxists and theologians believed they discovered common ground. below. a theological task.

national economic development. so little has changed. the focus of most CEB's is "discussion of the gospel". The ideas intersect.000.(294) And our route generally follows the see-judge-act avenue that Freire endorses. That is. people discuss problems. his practice. What is important is just how they are being urged to behave--and why. armed with a new theology. Indeed. many people in Brazil with experience in CEB's.(288) They built Ecclesiastical Base Communities (CEB's) on lines quite like those used in the early communist Peasant Leagues in Brazil---indeed some argue that Francisco Juliao's work in the Peasant Leagues are the "tap root of dialogic education.(291) While Smith argues there were as many as 90.000". Then we turn to Freire's ideas. "the exact number is not known. looks under the bed when he should look in it. For example. to probe for the openings within each to discover where one might invade the other. intellectuals. Christianity and the orthodox interpretations of Marxism. at the same time she demonstrates some common threads. making possible a contextual approach to his beliefs.. then throughout Latin America. It is not necessary to search for the interstices within the two philosophies.some people say 80. And then to judge his acts.(293) Whatever the number. There is one remaining remarkable element. Fernandes describes what he calls the "See-judge-act" system embedded in much of Freire's work as the path of most CEB's. (292) Fernandes indicates that in a society where the census itself is in question.(290) In her mind.000 Freireian ("conscientized") CEB's at work in Brazil in the 1970's. in the realm of literacy. and. began to engage the poor. with so many activists engaged. more evangelistic and liberating than sacramental". "The principle objective is to stimulate a new type of church. they act. Freire writes as though Brazil's history is predominantly a history of submission and the acceptance of oppression. which is now world-wide. others say 200. and consciousness for liberation. the left as represented especially by Freire's PT and the liberation wing of the Catholic church which Freire helps lead. it appears there are many. and because there has been little resistance. and lay workers.. he . Catholic missionaries. one of the key goals is to "initiate social change which will make real life experience as close as possible to the gospel". as Smith sees it. The impact of his exile from Brazil. they "consider how a Christian would act on them". and some support from officialdom.Pottenger. the country lacks a democratic experience. after "reflection about the problems through a Bible reading"."(289) While Fernandes indicates there is "no uniform methodology followed by all CEB's". we now must locate Freire in time.. are headed. support for a colonial bourgeoisie. They did so using many of the ideas of Paulo Freire. flow one into the other. a radical intellectual base giving them some bridges to what many of them saw as their Marxist counterparts. was to spread his ideas to Chile. however. To discover where these movements. somewhat before he articulated them.

Do you understand what I have done for you? You call me "teacher" and "lord" and rightly so. when he first experienced hunger. for that is what I am. (295) Much of this stems from the fact that Portuguese imperialism was disconnected from the land and the people. His family was sufficiently middle class to guarantee his education in private school--and keep the piano. there has been considerable striving for democratic activity. written by Taylor and Dewitt--the former offering a fine chronology of Freire's texts at the close of his book. was the development of industry. in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. above all. I think his historical misstep here then makes it possible for him to believe that a local bourgeoisie is preferable to an imperialist on. that lay outside the interests of the land and the nation and only withdrew resources. that oppressed people are "divided and unauthentic" . in my mind. he put on his clothes and returned to his place. but to merely sketch a chronological background to make possible a narrative of Freire's ideas and practice. My purpose here is not to duplicate the work already done. What opened up--and for Freire opening is equated with literacy and consciousness-. have washed your feet. the most rigorous in textual analysis and historical backgroud among them. within the resistance movements.(296) I believe I have demonstrated that Freire's contention that the people of Brazil have been submissive is not true. his father. in the military police. and that reliance on the development of industry will improve life.says.Brazil. even through the depression of 1928 to 1932. Freire was born in 1921 in Recife. John 13:20 Freire's chronology is discussed at length in a variety of sources. with a father in the military police in a period that saw the transition from a bourgeoisie democratic . the site later to be the base of the SUDENE project. Passages: Freire's Chronology When he had finished washing their feet. Moreover. This middle class background. This goal can be made most readable with brevity--but marked with the little controversies that surround any renowned personality. an unattached spiritualist. Freire's mother was a devout Catholic. Now that I. you should wash one another's feet. your lord and teacher.

(306) . must be considered important-especially when taking into account Freire's fond memories of his father who died when Paulo was thirteen. Agency for International Development (AID) which was. has Freire as a high school teacher after he completed his dissertation in 1959. There is no evidence to show that Freire ever was aware of the intelligence ties of AID. it is also clear that "the goals of these programs were blatantly political". He was a reformer. As Taylor notes. Taylor notes that some have him as a labor lawyer. Elias. while the Cubans aimed at a rank and file approach based on the motivation of the revolution. always". But while the aim was reform. a supporter of the contention that above all Freire is a Catholic. busy funnelling about $20 million dollars into Chile to influence the election there. which wrecked Freire's literacy projects. It is ironic. Freire claims remarkable success for the reading program and its attendant cultural circles. at that time.000 cultural circles functioning throughout the country"." as "to Elsa. He says the program taught about "three hundred workers to read in forty-five days". "there would have been more than 20.(302) As noted. studied law. each one teach one".(299) All agree on his 1944 marriage to Elza Maia Costa Oliveira and her importance to him. No one else agrees. Reading the Word and the World.(303) This appears to be the first of Freire's ties with several similar international relief organizations. (298) The record grows more muddled when he graduated in 1959. he worked as a welfare official for a private institution. philosophy. "literally.S. in Chile shortly thereafter for example. Freire met with Juliao and the Mayor of Recife and was invited to put together a literacy program for the Northeast. not a revolutionary. is eloquently dedicated to her. history and/or linguistics. that the revolutionary Freire has spent so much time in leadership positions on the payrolls of cultural organizations of classes in power. whose memory inspires hope. There. However. He says if the coup had not have intervened. under a reformist national government.agrarian society to a corporatist-fascist government.(304) To the contrary. Freire credits her with the spirit and inspiration for much of his writing and it is clear he was devastated by her death.(297) Freire entered Pernambuco University of Recife and. though.(305) Freire biographer John Elias offers the practical impact. as a high school teacher and as an adult literacy worker. repeatedly. the literacy project received funds from the U. (300) In 1961. "Literacy. the CIA sponsored efforts. depending on the source. others as an adult literacy specialist. Freire relied on a more directive and traditional model of professional teachers and university-trained researchers engaging and investigating communities and encouraging people to read. At this point.(301) Freire modeled the literacy programs directly on the achievements of the Cuban literacy projects which had reached a stage of completion the year before. Freire agrees with his biographers.

yet a degreed professor. as a humble man."All these things taught me how we needed a political practice in society that would be a permanent process for freedom. he describes at the beginning. There is some debate about how long he was held. practice informing theory. in Chile. though his pedagogy would seem to call for a truly radical transformation of most people-that would go beyond his own. Freire has made conflicting comments. like Learning to Question. (309) So. his "exile".(312) In sum. "rejecting elitism and authoritarianism". as one of the people and a renowned expert. are indicative of the unfortunate and sometimes fawning cult that has grown around Freire. One of them. Freire was arrested and imprisoned.(307) Both agree that Freire wrote Education. Harvard and Geneva. He told Dewitt. as an educator and liberator. at Santiago. initially. and in the United States. Taylor has him jailed for seventy-five days over two periods. A Pedagogy for Liberation. whether or not he was once released and re-arrested.(311) Freire worked as the Secretary of Education in Sao Paulo from 1989 to 1991. an appointment gained through his influence as a founding member of the Workers party--now in power in Sao Paulo--and a period memorialized by Pedagogy of the City which reiterates the ideas and practices. then UNESCO. and first traveling to Bolivia for a quick stay. in Education for Critical Consciousness. (308) This is a significant contextual shift. in Latin America. the Caribbean. an important social leap for a modest middle-class Brazilian educator. then on to Chile where he worked for. the Practice of Freedom in 1967. Freire stresses his commitment to Brazil when he calls this period. In this interregnum. and the conditions of the jail itself. and moved to Geneva where he worked for the World Council of Churches in Geneva. for a brief stay at Harvard. Elias argues that it was the expulsion from Brazil that transformed Freire from a liberal reformer into what Elias believes is a Christian revolutionary. Freire is seen as a revolutionary and a Christian.(310) His ideas were applied in Africa. which would include an education that liberates". with or without his permission. No one. he published a series of articles and "developed a great enthusiasm for 'talked books'". . Freire proposes that he enriches his theory through practice. which is traceable in Freire's life. but others. Taylor notes this dispute. including Freire. an argument over whether Freire spent 70 or 75 days in jail. shortly after the Brazilian military coup. the University of Chile. benefits from "Ira Shor's incisive logic and disciplined analysis". Freire's influence spread to the point where he became the "best known educator in the world". came to the U.S.In early 1964. that he was jailed for seventy days and was then exiled to Chile where he went to work for UNESCO. From the time of his expulsion to 1980. Freire agrees with Elias regarding Freire's naive approach prior to his exile. in a face to face interview. has detailed how it is that he made the Harvard connection.

it is now time to see more specifically what the man is talking about. and still he is appropriated as a reformer. yet he is a revolutionary with a clear program.(314) He rarely refers to the industrial working class. to which we now turn. I continued to meet Christ on the corners of the street--by meeting the people. but lives in Sao Paulo. But people have died for his ideas. or even been paid by the hour. despite his radical reputation. Chapter Four God. as Jarvis rather graphically demonstrates. But he has never lived among them. it is important to note his middle class background. in any record I have examined.(317) Paulo Freire "And out of the ground the Lord God formed every beast of the field and every fowl of the air and brought them unto Adam to see what he would call them and whatsoever Adam called every living creature. the fact that he has never held. worked in upper-middle class professional roles on the payroll of the people holding state power wherever he was. (313) He directs much of his work toward illiterates and. though he claims to be a Marxist. especially. a great teacher who has contributed to movements which understood themselves to be non-dogmatically revolutionary. that WAS the name thereof". and Freire "When I met Marx. without question. Marx..God led me to the people and the people led me to Marx". He is fascinated with the legacy of master-slave relationships. peasants.. a worker's job. (318) . and that he has usually. I believe I have constructed the context which is the environment for Freire's textual work. But he deconstructs the functions of racism ahistorically and only in the most cursory ways.Using Freire's own paradigm which indicates that what people do influences how they think.(316) Given that import. He claims to be a man of the Northeast. Hegel. (315) He is.

and scientific experiment. I think Taylor's contribution to understanding Freire surpasses any other to date. Taylor claims that "the language of the Christian faith is more than the mere clothes for dressing and presentation. Freire does refer to himself as a Christian-Marxist. It is man's social being that determines his thinking.. those ideas change into a material force which changes society and changes the world". here I hope to merely work it through a little more thoroughly." (321) Rather than simply contradict Taylor's belief.. They come from three kinds of social practice. the struggle for production.. Once the correct ideas characterize of the advanced class are grasped by the masses.Freire was never converted to Marxis(m). Are they innate in the mind? No..Genesis "Where do correct ideas come from? Do they fall out of the sky? No. it is actually the skeleton or underpinning of his philosophy and social analysis. But.(319) Mao "Is there not an appointed time for man upon earth? Are not his days like the days of a hireling?" Job(320) I have demonstrated that Paulo Freire is a practicing Catholic and noted the interesting intersections of his Christianity and the Gnostic sect to which he refers in some of his work. the class struggle. after all. I plan to examine what Freire might be appropriating from . and I hope to build on it.

that theology and history are one. So Gollobin sees a link in the ethical roots of Christian and Marxist views. show how it is this traces through Hegel into Freire. "Freire joins history and theology in order to provide the theoretical basis for a radical pedagogy that combines hope. I find Giroux's effort to equate history. and collective struggle.(324) This interesting view. . and orthodox Marxist thinking to find the some convergence of ideas. but impugns the motives of religious movements and their ability or need to deconstruct reality beyond the most base stimulus. To accomplish this. and finally trace what class is moving Freire. theology and hope. I pass briefly through key concepts in Hegel that seem to be adopted in Freire--beyond the Freireian claims to dialectics. and the inegalitarianism of the history of both social democracy and powerful strains of Marxism. in the thinking of one person. and demonstrates that Engels saw. I will trace further the concordance of Christian terminology with Freire's thinking. I will demonstrate how this played out in practice in Grenada. and urge that there are within Marxism and Freire clues which can defeat some of the errors of the past. but important. reliance on inegalitarian authorities and the state. pre-communist ethics which could be exemplary for the future. but to save the church and its mysticism through new interpretations. Now I go to the theoretical bones of the matter. Henry Giroux writes.Christianity and to delve more fully into how it is that Christianity and orthodox Marxism can be embodied--one primary over the other--logically. "many of the ethical imperatives of (religions) hark back to the egalitarianism and non-antagonism of primitive communal society". and finally demonstrate theoretically how it is that Christian/Hegelian idealism can be so tied to a practical orthodox Marxist project.(322) Gollobin moves forward to recognize that "liberation theology" relates to the decline of imperialism as the Reformation did to the collapse of feudalism. Ahead. and perhaps in their long-term goals. "there are no appeals to universal laws or historical necessity here". Giroux says. not to restore history and rationality. Gollobin notes. But there is no need to hunt through the gaps in Christian." (323) Later in the same piece. or can be in the hands of the right person. untenable. I provided the flesh of this analysis in the discussion above linking what I pose is the over-arching and ineluctably totalized view of religiosity to the nationalism. the specific intersections. To make this exploration. in the Epistles of Paul. there is linkage which I will enumerate. idolatry. is a position that claims to be liberating by suggesting the interpretation of history is without laws or necessity--perhaps through theology. Hegelian. Yet I do see links between Freire's Christianity and Marxism which are finally secondary. critical reflection.

(328) Hence. what is primary about the relationship between Christianity and materialism is difference.(326) Language. The Word is distant from God but divine". and they are life". to be an idealist materialist. the written word. Hence the importance of . in this ancillary sense. each in capitals. and believing. and perhaps generative. is unable to fully comprehend the dialectical nature of class struggle. It is not possible to be a Christian and deny God.Dialectical materialism insists on the preeminence of matter and rational tests. irrationality. Adam. "God created by His Word and reveals by it. named Eve. communism. faith. and the unity possible in intellectual and material equality. simple unity. the prominence of ideology. it becomes necessary as the historical passage moves distant from the moment of miracles. indeed. unified world of the distant past. and a word. private property. Moreover. Blood becomes wine. "but determines the nature of what is named". but not just any written word. as touched on in Freire. heaven. that people believe not in the immediacy of their senses but in the representations of what was miraculous. for that too in Christianity is played out on God's fields. but not any wine. "The words I have spoken to you are spirit. and its content--ideology--is extraordinarily important to Christianity--and to Freire. thus. religion on the primacy that religion assigns to ceded consciousness. the naming of things is a powerful act. reconciliation. Faith is the bottom line of religion.(327) Beyond that. While Christian Smith believes it is possible for Christians to adopt the Marxist critique. comes the possibility of salvation and. perhaps with itself: Eden. tie one to the other. is divine. which. There are additional secondary bonds between Marxism and Christianity in their views of the importance of an integrated. But in the methods Christianity and Marxism use to situate their terrain are important potential contributions about the nature of leadership. Again. crisis. and the animals.(329) Through naming. so the Word is an image of God at work in the world. The biblical word not only names. further. This establishes primary difference between Marxism and idealism. praxis the bottom line of Marxism. and their proposals for a future which could reunite humanity. whatever their likenesses. it is to virtually bring things to being and rule them. I note. the fall. primitive communism. It is the secondary links between Christianity and Marxism. or. and. there are similar errors in powerful interpretations of both views. ultimately. which he believes is wrapped up by theories of class struggle. (325) Christianity begins with a god. regarding the nature of the nation-state for example. that I find interesting. their understanding that this world was shattered through human action. it remains that Christianity is wholly unable to accept the materialist base of reality.

Again. disciplined (note the root) by the clear message. in the right text. The confusion of knowing the will of god and becoming a law-giver. rather. you also should wash another's feet. Indeed. a form of false consciousness which denies or doubts the word. the leader is reified. Now that I. your Lord and Teacher. made into a God. This is salvation. and believed so completely that responsibility for its interpretation lies within the faithful--not merely through recitation. and the legends regarding sacrifice and miracles. have washed your feet. for that is what I am. or in their own interests and/or those interests of the people they are to convince. These disciples had to be convinced they were following a leader molded with selfsacrifice.(331) This is the kind of ideology that can make people act well beyond their material selfinterest. arrogant disobedience to the word caused not only banishment from unity with nirvana but broke one world language . at issue is whether they act on an illusion. no one will be declared righteous in His sight by observing the law. as did Jesuit missionaries attempting to convert and organize Latin America. embodied in the covenant. the promise of deliverance. "Do not go beyond what is written"." John 13:20(332) This style of leadership is important. then. and the whole world held accountable to God. yet made one with the disciples who are convinced to spread the word--not that they are God. At once.(330) The link between the people and God. but through internalized critique--guilt. over time. as disciples become clergy. it says to those who are under the law. he put on his clothes and returned to his place. concrete suffering. must be believed. so that every mouth may be silenced. Therefore. What is written. through the law we become conscious of sin". And. "Now we know that whatever the law says. there is a material tie between their survival as a group and the discipline they are able to muster in others. "When he finished washing their feet. which accepts unity with the material world rather than the healing nature of obedience. those who must pay the dues. The fall.(333) This is a stratification in which people are encouraged to surrender their freedom and material equality in exchange for being told what to think--and do--in both instances under the aegis of people who know what is best. but they know his will and what must be done. is language. 'Do you understand what I have done for you? You call me Teacher and Lord and rightly so. comes through temptation. is a sin. divination. but whose nirvana is sufficiently far off to necessitate that the mass of people live with inequality for a time indefinite.disciplined messengers.

the inability to capture the word and hence comprehend what he believes is the correct praxis--a praxis not fitted to the material world in any concrete way. spiritual and functional inequality. Alienation from grace is an ideological construct caused by disobedience and arrogance. a source of concentration. the peasantry is elevated in importance. between man and his Creator. Education for Critical Consciousness traces the vital nature of interpretation and language. reconciliation. but debased on a plane which simply propagates. at least."(335) Teaching and believing circumvent specific forms of resistance. those questions dealing with the importance of ideology and the presentation/organization of a utopian sense of a better . It is dialogue that makes man an historical being. his intellectual presentation of freedom. Language becomes the prime mover. I note some similarity with Freire's literacy projects at work here: idealism superceding materialism. intellectuals.(336) Leadership grows distant from the rank and file in both decision-making and practical rewards. There is a sense of work in formative Christianity. the reification of language becomes rooted in materiality. specialization in the production of false consciousness becomes evangelism or expertise. the recognition of suffering and alienation. "God ended His work") and there are works devoted to God (Eccl. There is the work of god (Genesis 2:2. 12:14 "God shall bring every work into judgement") and there is the work of a developing merchant class and a peasantry (Romans 8:28. Freire argues that a higher stage of understanding unites people with the world in a state of. Both of these ideological positions historically grow rigid through the needs of elites to remain as elites.(334) The way back to the deity. no collective work on a mass scale. but there is no industrial work force. after god. Naming is raised to the level of ruling. with the co-participation of educator and student. on secondary planes. but adopting a tentatively and secondarily materialist posture. to lead his projects. is through the word and the leadership of the clergy who can lead the way to rebirth. man and the world. beyond and above commonality of interests. the origin. it remains that the choice of problems and the method of problematicizing is invariably in the hands of the more powerful party. At once. "almost total engagement. become action. in Freire. Existence is a dynamic concept. divination or. a curse from God.into a cacophony of many languages.(338) Nevertheless. While Freire claims that "everything is to be presented problematically". Freire always has relied on experts. but no working class. and the party line on the importance of production. addressed. "All things worketh together for good"). implying eternal dialogue between man and man. but simply through dialogue. (337) The existence of a god or the social democratic party must be promulgated. coupled with solidarity that is made possible by "communion". that is. Moreover. the power of ideology is elevated on a superstructure of hope for a better world. hence.

The representations of many of these aspirations. scenario. "Every philosophy is essentially an idealism or at least has idealism for its principle. then alienation from Reason. the flesh counts for nothing. Indeed.(339) Taylor indicates Freire derives his notion of history from Hegel through readings of Karl Kosik. concerns. philosophy at its highest . John 6:45 Marx made much the same critique of Hegel.(342) For Hegel. by more or less generalized attitudes. in the beginning is Reason. only in the subordinate sense that it was staged to augment the progress of consciousness. one that argues. reunion. Hegel: One Step Forward. equivalent to the Fall in Christianity. and finally return to the sole Reason: Hegel's own idea of himself. through the wholesale denial of sense-being and immediate reality. who is appropriated sometimes wholesale by Freire. split. Hegel sought to acknowledge the material world. and the question then is only how far this principle is actually carried out". through the eradication of the finite. The WORDS I have spoken to you are spirit and they are life". Dewitt claims that to read Freire is to re-read the Phenomenology of the Spirit. concerns and values.(340) The sense of historical development depicted in Education for Critical Consciousness is distinctly Hegelian in its depiction of history as being the analysis of ideas: An historical epoch is characterized by a series of aspirations. matter in motion. which in turn indicates the tasks to be carried out. So Hegel poses the most sharply honed form of idealism. ideas and values in search of fulfillment. Hegel's cardinal tenet is summed up in his "Logic".(341) And Hegel had moved to improve the marketability of Christianity and the state in ways not dissimilar to the maneuvers adopted by the liberation theologists. the Absolute Idea. that all is non-being and only the infinite. Two Steps Back "The Spirit gives life. as well as the obstacles to their fulfillment. This is his unity. there are within Christianity and Freire insights that can propel materialist projects. that is. by ways of being and behaving. struggles toward reason that are individual and collective. constitute the themes of that epoch.world.

the crisis and fall.(343) In his proofs on this proposition.stages. the world annihilated: the infinite in fact. reifies the Idea to the point of measurable being when. and replicable. On the other hand. . uninterrupted by the consequences of material contradiction. cannot have alongside itself another reality which limits it.(346) Hegel. once the finite is expunged. As Coletti demonstrates: "In order for the infinite to be comprehended in a coherent fashion. a higher recognition of reason. But.. Hegel argues that all previous philosophy has been insufficiently dialectical. and over-arching. Alienation in Hegel sees individuals working through the necessities of economic strife toward self-actualization. but only the Idea of the real. proof of error. Reason is the final and utterly closed end: the Absolute Idea to which there is no contradiction. simply creates another material being--two finites--as opposed to what he asserts is the correct path to all interpretation: the Idea as above. within which class struggle may be built. Alienation is the distancing of people from reason. in addressing the material world. which construct all which appears to be."(345) Hence. yet dialectics are applicable since the working out of oppositions within finites is the process which leads toward the Divine Idea. immeasurable. the positioning of the Idea as a binary to the material world. not in contradiction to. there is no class struggle. or may not.(344) In other words. Philosophy moves through a series of stages toward Absolute Reason. a binary opposite. is the idea of the material world. repairable. which is "the beautiful harmony of the tranquil equilibrium of the ethical spirit" and which has no link to the material world but to be not within it. it has simply posed the Idea as not the material world. Suffering is an indication of alienation. in fact. be real. within the appearance of an open system of dialectics.. the Idea is infinite. There is no real. subsumed beneath philosophy and reason. And. Dialectics are applied to the Reason. but Reason. the finite must be destroyed. that is. a binary which serves to make the Idea itself a materiality. in building a complex irrational apology for Christianity and the Prussian state. the real world once again becomes viable. This then makes the tight Logic possible. become flesh and take on earthly attire. and from the processes which can return them to reason: love and intellectual propinquity. the edifice of the mind. Yet suffering is only an intellectual representation. that is. But within this construct. exists. The Spirit is a unity of individual and collective human intellect. via a constricted sense of free choice. duplicated the stages of Eden. the Divine Ideal. and the possibility of infinite reconciliation--all under the gaze of the Spirit--a process which is equated with human progress. and then the construction of what may. within what I believe are the limited and self-bounded perimeters of the mind. Reason.the infinite can pass over from the beyond to the here and now.

.. still unresolved problems.(348) Lukacs presents the Hegelian dialectic as a rational current in an irrational river. even bemused. He sees Hegel's "objective idealism" as a step forward in problematizing the processes which could in fact leap into a rational approach to the material world. The Phenomenology of the Spirit examines the process of development toward the Absolute Idea through the development of nations.. but to be less conscious. but the thoughts. what is primary in the understanding of this process is the examination of representations.real road to a resolution of these difficulties. The individual is part of a social process. that is.What if (however) a virtue is made of . Two paragraphs from Lukacs on this matter are worth quoting in detail: "Now irrationalism always begins with this (necessary. but more a part of a process toward a greater external truth. The source of the discrepancy lies in the fact that the tasks directly presented to thought in a given instance. as long as they are still tasks. Hegel. and so on? Clearly this problem will crop up at every stage of knowledge and social development. celebratively irrational approach taken up by Fichte. communicated in words and in law. even not conscious.(which is often) . love. Praxis occurs only as a secondary instance: it does occur.. Therefore....(347) Hegel did notice the poor and saw poverty as a flaw in the state. Lukacs saw the internal dialectic as rich and largely logical as opposed to the deliberately.. to be poor is. ie. which rise from action. families and social consciousness. the forming of concepts. appear in a form which at first gives the impression that thought. but it is not ultimately the test of relative or absolute truth. "Yet the individual is not without power. not action itself--or action only in a secondary. His power is the absolute. intuition.It is not chiefly intellectual and philosophical considerations which decide a thinker's choice between the old and the new. but class allegiance. of poverty. . ". but always relative) discrepancy between the intellectual reflection and the objective original. breaks down in the face of reality.the inability to comprehend the world intellectually? That if a virtue is made of this necessity and the inability to comprehend the world intellectually is presented as a 'higher perception as faith. the process toward the Absolute Idea. not to starve.. laws.. pure abstraction.Indeed. theories.analyzed a.. What is important in this progression is not the series of events. above all. all of which is mediated by the Spirit's striving for ethical action. that the reality confronting thought represents and area beyond reason (the rationality of the category system of the conceptual method used so far).which constitutes the self-consciousness of the whole nation". but simply directed the poor to beg.... irrevocable. each time that social evolution and hence science and philosophy are forced to make a leap forward in order to answer the real questions arising. sense.

beauty. contemplation. in the order of things. This kind of knowledge is gained through the individual's and the state's deepening self-knowledge. Philosophy and Art. propriety. Art. the Divine Idea. Hegel suggests that a study of the ancient world and Latin serve as a base for educational systems since people are already familiar with . to consider oppositions that might occur in the material world. which itself derives from the consideration of their development as conscious entities struggling for God. embodied in the artist of Hegel's choice. through language and writing. (349) Religion.(353) Knowledge is gained through education. are objective. Nations are "the bearers and actualizers of the spiritual principle in the forms of the political constitution". Hence. and who."(351) Since the constitutional monarch is desireable because he/she is above political strife. are for Hegel the highest attainable human activities. For example. is held together by consent. his. toward the goal of the Absolute Idea. as Alan Wood notes. Remarkably. Individuals learn in much the same way nations do. These latter move the human condition closest to the Divine Idea. was equivalent to the work of nature. Artistic creativity. for Hegel. formal and informal. people create this particular kind of culture through communication.(352) But the state AS God is not the state equivalent to god for the Divine Idea stands outside and above the state itself. for Hegel. However. the state stands above human struggle. in Phenomenology of the Spirit. through a turn inward. in which the familiar is counterposed with the unfamiliar. and specifically Hegel's own philosophy. through comprehension. the composites of Hegelian culture taken in order of importance. only so defined when they are in harmony with the Divine Idea. For example. as the signifier of the state.halted at the threshold of knowledge and turned round and fled in the opposite direction". and is represented in its preeminence by the constitutional monarch who embodies the needs of all subjects. toward the greater purpose. culture stands above any other form of human engagement. social change takes place through the turn inward of the state itself and its constituents. And. not battle. (350) The state. those which reach into the loftiest of human properties. there can be no rational complaint about the privileges accorded to him or her. becomes "the march of God on earth. Hegel suggests that radical social change. Greek art and architecture came close to divine perfection. is generated by knowledge. Hegel considers art within the subsection "Religion". not force. Importantly. for only these two factors go beyond intuition and into the struggle that he saw as requisite in abstract thinking represented by religion on the one hand and philosophy on the other. that is. mediates it. In other words. government in Hegel. philosophy and religion strip ahead of art.

and move toward the structure of what is not known. Hegel suggests educators build on what is known. the primacy of culture.. However. and in Freire. (356) In Christianity.. split. Hegel concentrates here on language and the interpretation of reason. Marx: The Qualitative Leap "For we are but God's Fellow Workers" Corinthians (1)3:9 "The rich are not for ever and will the crown last to every generation?" Proverbs 27:24 Freire often refers to Marx's "Theses on Fuerbach" as one of the most brilliant documents of Freire's age. the scenario of unity. negation. alienation overcome with language. occurs within the perimeters of the Divine Idea. seeking "estrangement of the mind from its natural essence and state. could only be actualized by teachers "like Luther.(355) But all counterassertion." (354) The method of estrangement is an enriched form of the "Socratic dialogue. and a sophisticated consciousness is won through contemplation. Thus. more clearly than before". expressing the question. and the tentative answer. remarkable attention to language and representations. uncriticized privileges which reify the ideas of privileged leaders. I note within Freire. who themselves belong to the people and to mankind". in Hegel. reconciliation achieved through dialogue. in which the method of assertion and critical counterassertion or denial develops a new affirmation. I note these critical factors: Idealism (the primacy of consciousness over being). He contended that real education. virtually by definition. Hegel was himself a teacher. and a missionary sense of social change: We know what is best for you and we will help.(357) It is of interest that this is Freire's repeated choice of . the possibilities for critique which can move the struggle for democracy and self-actualization forward.elements of each discipline. like Hegel's insistence on a disciplined and logical dialogue. like the Christian sense of equality before god. false consciousness defeated by reflection. but that each is also sufficiently unfamiliar to allow the systematizing of thought. who has never equated theology and history. a reliance on leadership which is given. that which through the portrayal of intellectual oppositions would move toward the Absolute Idea.

and the methods and goals of socialism.. for Marx. nor the construction of the representations of God. as his practice in literacy projects suggests. I will discuss here that socialism which has defined the others. Freire is often focused on the development of consciousness. but the struggle for production which lies at the heart of the key contradiction in the world: the contradiction between the private ownership of the means and mode of production at odds with the social nature of production itself. economic and political relations. the pivotal role of the working class as an agent of social change. political leadership and political parties. from that defined by the Socialist International during and after World War I to that presented by Michael Harrington and the Democratic Socialists of America. collective self-interest. the socialism which achieved the greatest power. but are lightened by the absence of the sharp expression of materialism which focuses the later piece. socialism. the early Marx came at the question of unity.good Marxism. I am aware there are many kinds of socialism. (358) Indeed.(359) But Marx soon concluded that what was at issue on Earth was neither an edifice of God. From this primary contradiction. Here I will address these key aspects of socialism: the state. alienation. while Helvetius offered the solution: "The only means of succeeding in this is to pull off their masks.. comes the coherent philosophy of class struggle. Conceptions of modern socialism have moved well beyond Marx's limited prescriptions which he outlined in the Critique of the Gotha Program. the origin of the other debates. In this section I hope to lay out what it is that traditionally is seen to be socialism. . for Hegel.. Hence I will focus on interpretations of socialism put forward primarily by Chinese and Russian Marxists. revolution. crisis. that stage between capitalism and communism. that is. freedom attained through the recognition of. and I will use these ideas as a centerpiece with which to compare Freire's. I take this up theoretically and historically to demonstrate what of Marxism/socialism is adopted by Freire and to lay the groundwork for an analysis of the literacy project in briefly-socialist Grenada which was established under the Freire's curricular and political leadership. which is a social development in the material world. And his conception of false consciousness has historical roots in the attacks of the French Enlightenment of the church and the priesthood. reconciliation through the issue of alienation. The Theses form the outline of the "German Ideology". rising out of a rigorous study of that world. class struggle. Allan Wood positions Hegel as linked to Marx through their mutual goal of "self-transparency". Reason. false consciousness. This means I see Russian and Chinese socialism as centrifugal to the rest. and in our century.(360) Nevertheless.and show that the protectors of ignorance are the most cruel enemies of humanity". Holbach argued that "ignorance and fear are the two great hinges of all religion".

difference and unjust differences still exist. Lenin makes it clear that the revolutionary party and the state are two distinct entities. at least in economic terms. without exception. the proletarian dictatorship. Lenin tries to work through this extraordinarily difficult proposition by underlining his belief that the socialist state." (367) In State and Revolution. Lenin understood that terror would be a necessary part of Bolshevik rule.(361)Consequently. on the one hand. Lenin makes it clear that Marxism goes well beyond conceptions of class struggle: "Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat". there is a material link to the interests of the people. and the party on the other hand taking a leadership role in the operation of the state apparatus. in Lenin's writing. as opposed to a general abstraction. He argues that the proletarian dictatorship. with the party on the one hand demanding more of its members. building on Engels' Origin of the Family.(364) Once the proletarian revolution is in sway. and the other hand.(368) There is. "every state is not free. as a general rule. without his usual specificity."(363) In sum. Here Lenin describes the state as the "product and manifestation of the irreconcilability of class antagonisms"."(366) Lenin then goes forward to describe his belief that socialism.(362) Moreover. "cannot produce justice and equality. at the same time. because it will be impossible to seize the means of production as private property. will move increasingly toward political and economic equality. but not privileged. "All officials. only through a violent revolution. Nevertheless. though a repressive force.(365) Here Lenin begins to problematize the political and economic issues within this notion of the state. that the .Lenin had theorized the nature of the state. an "organ of oppression of one class by another". elected and subject to recall at any time. completely. it is not possible to peacefully accede to the top of the bourgeois state. the workers require a state apparatus to hold the remnants of the bourgeoisie in check. it is representative of the mass of people. an important sense that party leadership is to be authoritative. it must be smashed. their salaries reduced to the level of ordinary 'workingman's wages'--these simple and selfevident democratic measures. in The State and Revolution. and indicates. the first phase of communism. serve as a bridge from capitalism to socialism. but the exploitation of man by man will have become impossible. not a 'peoples state'". but.(369) Lenin analyzes Marx's application of the particular nature of equality. even ruthless. is actually a greater form of democracy because. through the state power exercised by the proletariat. the bourgeois state cannot "be superseded by the proletarian state (the dictatorship of the proletariat). Private Property and the State. while completely uniting the interests of the workers and the majority of the peasants.

Stalin continued the restoration of important appearances of capitalist relations begun under the NEP.main thing holding back the proletarian demand of democracy and equality is the trace of capitalism in cultural traditions. either from expediency or an earnest exploration. Stalin pointed to "Russia's great assets. through industrialization and collectivization. supervised at an undetermined distance by the revolutionary party. a concept alien to Marx and Lenin. was full blown.(371) In sum. and on the promises of land.(373) Stalin was well aware that the Bolshevik party came to power quickly. "To force development.(377) To gain abundance. He argues it is necessary to pass through a stage of social inequality which nevertheless will be more equal and more democratic than the past. The greater democracy claimed by the proletarian dictatorship is wrapped in the egalitarian practices of state functionaries and enhanced by what Lenin feels will be necessarily an increase in production and the standard of living.. Revolution in Germany had failed. were having an effect(375) Stalin saw his role as initiating the "revolution from above". and his practice is important because it was a combination of his interpretation of Marxist theory and his control of state power through the Bolshevik Party that caused his actions to become known as Orthodox Marxism. set in place by Lenin as a retreat to capitalism. through the actions of a relative minority.(376) Stalin's key motivation was to create abundance. the most important. "an economy of plenty". He believes that. bread and piece.(374) The population was weary of war--and civil war. Stalin took this a bit farther. The NEP (New Economic Policy). drawn on the heels of failed military invasions. it is necessary to smash the capitalist state and establish something entirely new. Stalin was denied the privilege of theorizing the first socialist revolutionary government and forced to carry it forward under relentless attack. For example. the crux of socialism was clear: abundance gained through national economic development which would create the conditions for democracy and equality--later. in nearly every instance. the "expropriation of the capitalists will inevitably result in an enormous development of the productive forces. vast spaces and riches in raw materials" as the material base of his concept that the heart of socialism is affluence.aspect of social policy was to fight . For Stalin. Economic sanctions adopted by the major capitalist nations. Stalin. Lenin sees the state as a weapon of class struggle." which will lay the material base of abundance necessary for the state to wither away and the highest stage of communism to be achieved.(370) However.(372) However. The party lacked a mass base. Stalin turned to Marxist classics and found a theoretical basis for most of his decisions.

He insisted on the need for a highly differentiated scale of material rewards". He had no particular desire to create people "of letters" nor people. Stalin made two theoretical contributions of interest here. finally. and in the party. This position meant.(385) Hence. Within this cultural revolution. but to build an industrial base. more or less voluntary overtime coupled with piece-work.(381) Interestingly. in the early 1930s. we see philosophy sacrificed for a political expediency. in the state apparatus.(382) By 1934. time and motion studies to enhance production.(384) Stalin's view was that national economic development did not necessarily stand ABOVE critical thinking. within the Soviet boundaries. not social classes. Second. as we have seen. he posed the argument that languages are rooted in nations. as part of the industrialization and development plan. it WAS critical thinking. after all. (380) In the name of national economic development toward socialism. Stahknovism. Highly "paid and privileged managerial groups came to be the props of (the) regime". (383) However. "burdened by social democratic habits". abilities and needs. became the orders of the day. literacy is a two-edged sword. in the work force. may not be the denominator of the human experience. First. but rather quickly shifting emphasis to the former. or above. constructed on a triad of student-teacher-community interests.(379) Departing from the internationalism which underlines Marx's thinking ("Workers of the world unite") Stalin theorized the concept of Socialism in One Country. social class. (378) Stalin made sure that people in leadership positions were rewarded with both decision-making and material incentives.(386) Here then. the number of illiterate people in the Soviet Union "dropped to a mere 10 per cent". Taylorism. class consciousness was equated with a conscious decision to relinquish equality to build abundance through capitalist social and economic relations. which I describe below.against equalitarian trends. Stalin demolished the progressive classrooms of the post-revolutionary period which were designed to be exploratory. Stalin adopted Lenin's term of "cultural revolution" (Lenin's thought was that an intensive cultural campaign could lead to greater equality) and "drove tens of millions of illiterate people to school and made them learn to read and write". he wiped the law of the negation of the negation out of Soviet texts. suggesting that culture itself is rooted in national history rather than. . "feared as well as respected". coupled with the sense that class. built initially on a mix of Russian nationalism and Soviet revolutionary solidarity. that the revolution was not primarily for export. to foster national economic development on a field of inequality. He preferred a person. and replaced them with schools in which rote learning and responsechanting was routine.

he stood high. and in fact sharpens. in appearance. was presaged in Lenin's practice. This was about the time that the negation of the negation. (392) And the party.(389) To maintain the industrial progress toward abundance fostered by the state. under socialism. and recreated his role in the Russian Revolution. and that among Great Men. to promote the marginally-Leninist idea that Great Men do indeed fashion all of social change. that is. disappeared from the Soviet lexicon. argued that class struggle continues. prison camps. that the country had reached a harmonious point of being a state of all the people. forced collectivization and labor. party expulsions. Stalin was iconicized. In 1936. and became wholly centralized around Stalin. (387) Stalin took positions on the Soviet state which. whatever stick it took to press toward the affluence that was held like a carrot in front of Soviet citizens.(391) Stalin drove the concept home. was demoted to a position subservient to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. the Russian government. which could be easily seen as the withering away of the state. he saw the state as something of a front group for the party. Stalin rewrote history. indeed so high that only the deceased. Hence a powerful coercive state was mandatory. itself rife with material divisions and careerism among its members. that might muddle the point. partially because that party had the resources of state power (from delivering "Moscow Gold" to issuing false passports) .(388) To lead the socialist state in development. Stalin reified himself. tossed adrift the sense of democracy in the contradiction of democratic centralism. He began by mummifying Lenin. The resulting deification became known as the Cult of Personality. The party overtook the state in its entirety. a paradoxical term. Stalin. but a strong state apparatus was necessary because of external threats. were somewhat different from his predecessors in Marxist theory. Stalin initially. used by people who often argue Stalin had no personality and that the cult was really a mass movement. Through his own efforts and the full participation of the Bolshevik Party. In essence they were largely the same. was willing to employ terror: death sentences of perceived enemies of the state. like Lenin. On his rise to power. Stalin concluded that socialism was so established that there was no class struggle in the Soviet Union.(393) The Communist International. Lenin and Marx. the later becoming wholly subservient to the former.(390) The relationship of the Soviet party and the state. embalming the revolutionary figure against Lenin's--and his wife's--wishes.Industrialization for national economic development "blended into state building". the body of the world's communist parties originally designed to promote socialist revolutions. came close. Stalin then recreated himself in the public mind as a human "beyond error".

However.(402) Paulo Freire: Christian-Hegelian-Marxist .(398) The Chinese socialist state. it must be emphasized that the Chinese revolution carried egalitarian elements which attacked the belief that abundance. the chief cadre of the Chinese Red Army were peasants. over time. but for a time. failing to carry forward fully the republican cause in the Spanish Civil War.. this meant. the Comintern grew to represent the most crude forms of Soviet nationalism. especially during the Cultural Revolution. like the Kuomintang. alliances with bourgeois organizations. Over time. and actually worked to prevent. in my mind Soviet imperialism. for example. developed a mass base which existed when they seized state power. quieting anti-nazi activity during the Hitler-Stalin pact period. and used the military as a school and teaching force to build literacy campaigns.and partially because the Soviets enjoyed the respect due the only party to have successfully make a revolution. like the U. However. Nevertheless. the Chinese party eventually abandoned any pretext of equality. perhaps a longer time. At work here is an intricate mix of literacy for production and literacy for liberation which can be marked off at differing stages in the history of the revolution. Their party.R. socialist revolutions.(394) Socialism in one country came to virtually mean socialism in only one country. restrained. national economic development was nearly always the propellant of the state's designs. not industrial workers.(396) The Chinese. and ignoring his directives. drawing on the Soviet experience. passed along a very different route. not foment. Chinese use of post-revolutionary terror appears to have been far more limited. duplicated most of the Soviet's practice. not equality. often. In practice. for the sole purpose of promoting Soviet designs. and urging.S. declared that "to get rich is glorious" and retreated to the view that abundance is the sole measure of socialist development.(400) Education in Communist China followed a complex path. made collective decisions on strategy. the control of the state was a matter of serious contention.(395) The Chinese Communist Party made its own path by praising Stalin. was the basis of socialism.(399) The Chinese attacked the Cult of Personality that grew around Stalin. Their revolution took more than twenty years. from the outset.(397) I shall examine the Chinese contribution to Marxist theory in greater detail below. a factor which marginally influenced their fate. people chose the officers. (401) However. The Chinese Red Army was run on an egalitarian basis. but promoted a similar cult around Mao. "waving the red flag and keeping our hands on the pole".S.

Here. but on very eclectic terms. and theoretically reject the dictatorship of the proletariat. finally. Freire can at once praise Lenin. only secondarily. like the Cubans. This is also how it is possible for Freire to want revolution. not as an elementary binary. each with primary aspects.(403) Here I seek to work through Freire's remarkably eclectic thinking in detail. under it. but he places this concept as an analytical device under a humanist sky. the . while in Pedagogy of Hope he says it is merely one of many tools. showing what Freire adopts from Christianity. then we are all--as humans--in this boat together.(405) At the outset. but his idealism dominates materialism in a manner abstracted from the world. dialectics and one-sidedness. as a substratum of the mind. I will also contend.(404) As in any contradiction. I hope to demonstrate a mixture of orthodox Marxism and Christian-Hegelianism.Taylor says Freire is an "enigma". that within this framework. (407) Freire approaches the issue of class in the same way Hegel addresses the material world. I will conclude. My argument here is rooted in the idea that Freire does embody contradictions. that one position contradicts the other. that Freire is a Christian-Hegelian. for the most part. eclectic. and then the relationship of flawed materialist analyses and limited dialects. deliberately chosen. stand at odds with the Cuban model. For example. Hegel and. while at the same time I will note that which is secondary. the latter predominant. Marx. whose federationist policies. is a remarkably orthodox sense of Marxism. If history is indeed a process of human events. which denies the material conflict of interests between people through the past and into all of the foreseeable future. in various texts. it is impossible to determine just what lynch-pin might actually describe history. but now only in the abstract. I will point out the similar results that come from the apparently conflicting views--Christian-Hegelianism and Marxism's orthodoxy. I will approach this last phrase concretely and theoretically when I address Grenada. but both born of the same mother. though he does. what is embraced in Freire is not a simple binary. that he is a unity of opposites and represents the struggle of idealism and materialism.(406) In his discussion on the revolution in Guinea-Bissau. Freire is well aware of the difference. emphasize its role in different ways. he points to the centrality of class as an analytical tool. He supports orthodox revolutionary parties. The implications of Freire's comment here. I will try to demonstrate that which is primary in Freire. a remarkable Christian-Hegelian view. reach into all analysis. Freire indicates that a class analysis is important to understand change. Since there is no external measure. I contend that Freire believes that history is. idealist. in Pedagogy in Process. a question of class struggle. This is not to say that Freire rejects the concept of class struggle. as he is aware. but an interpenetrating series of complex relations. "a process of human events" and. on pivotal issues. He does not. above all. while at the same time he is in a leadership role in the Workers Party of Brazil. However. just as I think we all do.

but language. ". dialogue. of course. this is not to say Freire does not examine work. He stresses the will of the people. and simultaneously restricted by.(410) Freire.. call Fidel Castro an "eminently dialogical leader". is national in content). the Hegelian Freire is able to separate materiality from ideology. Instead. through their mutual recognition. Hence.(414) Culture is rooted in national consciousness (as Freire describes in his initially unpublished "Letter to GuineaBissau". For example. as the key signifier of culture. rather than emphasizing organization.(418) This. "A revolution is not a dinner party".(409) This rather disavows Mao's famous dictum. Moreover. he notes the importance of labor. "North American technology yielded to the will to be on the part of the Vietnamese". central theme". All of this was both made possible by. he contends language. language is to Freire what labor is to Marx. Freire is then able to make the next idealist twist. Freire declares that the purpose of revolution is "humanism"(408) and suggests that revolution will actually liberate the oppressors.. and at the same time. that which gives it representation. a key cultural indicator.(416) But he does so as a secondary concern. put together the world. but leaves that will unlinked with their substantive being. He sees culture as "a basic. Freire says. tactics. (417) Language.(411) Will certainly played an important role in Vietnam. but it was not enough to defeat the inequality built into the line of the National Liberation Front that ultimately led to the open restoration of capitalism and grotesque disparities in Vietnam today. remarkably. Again.only through communication can human life hold meaning". that is. (415) Hence. He does.benchmark of Leninism. communication. signals back to "In the Beginning was the Word" (Genesis 1) and places dialogue in the determinant position in the world and in social change. elevates ideology and human will. To the contrary. what is the appropriate subject of examination is not commodity production nor surplus value. and distances the role of ideology and willpower from the material world.(412) Again.(413) Working from the humanist-Hegelian framework. This makes it possible to claim that counter-revolution comes from a lack of dialogue.. this is not to say that Freire denies practice a role.S. over which stands the idealist construction of culture--the Hegelian mover of history. and Japanese invading forces. French. Rather than investigate property relations. to see culture standing above production. above production and indeed sees the fruits of labor being culture. and to give the latter the gaze of God. In his early Education for Critical Consciousness. in discussing the war in Vietnam. Freire suggest we conduct a "cultural inquiry". as did the line of the National Liberation Front and its self-sacrificing leadership personified by Ho Chi Minh and Vo Ngyuen Giap. the will of the Vietnamese people may have played a significant role in the defeat of the U. Chinese and Soviet material support. Again. he does point to practice .. discipline. "Culture is the result of man's labor".

He believes that an "authentically democratic approach to management" of the school systems of Sao Paulo is possible. Freire again stands the world on its head. economic blood. but only in the sense that it assists in the construction of the word. illiteracy. he inverts it.. remarkably. He does not. or a fair school system. not struggle for control of the work place or the end of commodity production. I have demonstrated that Freire sees praxis as the SIMULTANEOUS intersection of theory and practice. primarily. it cannot be dialectically rich. Where there is power. secondly a function of a social system. to create. to grow". is more mediated terrain than weapon of class rule. which establish particular property relations from which flow ideological artifices. rather than smashed. Interestingly. This is not to say that Freire believe that he faces a just universe. government. "historical anesthesia". "spiritual weariness". It follows from this that Freire sees imperialism as. This explains Freire's belief that the Brazilian state can be reformed. above all. to take risks. then intellectual infusions. which is the denominator of dialectical materialism. and where there is no voice there is no resistance.(424) He believes. the inability to control your life is first a construct of your mind. and which require first. it is the power of language.(420) He discusses fear of unemployment as. language and literacy. in what I have noted is a city deeply stratified by economic and racial division.(425) Thus. that it is possible in Sao Paulo to build a democratic school system. in part through the accession of elected officials like himself. privileges practice. and because his understanding of imperialism is inverted.(422) So. (421) What overcomes this angst is voice. It is possible to establish democracy in the most gross absence of equality. he enters this realm as an abstraction: "the voice of oppression is dehumanization". Since all of history is the history of "human events' and not class struggle. here Freire first puts together the dialectic of powerlessness and resistance and poses them in the binary terms that can only derive from the brittle view of idealism. Instead. he does see as . to ask questions. rather than using language and literacy to attack imperialism. is a signal of submission. Freire believes that what he perceives as silence. or hegemony. Freire winds up attacking appearances of culture.(419) It follows that Freire rarely deals with alienation. exploitation. whereas a materialist base. that is. We have seen this latter at work in Freire's limited analysis of racism--and his sense of Brazilian history.and the world as a point of praxis. it follows that the state. Again. not exploitation. with special curricular reforms that transcend the rich and poor.(423) The same warning applies here: Freire does not ignore imperialism. through the good offices of leaders with the right ideas in mind. a "cultural invasion" and secondarily as an edifice of relations which engage a comprador bourgeoisie to become intermediary oppressors. "where children rich or poor are able to learn.

Therefore. which is not necessarily spelled out within his purview of language systems.(427) This offers the spectrum of the binaries which idealism creates. not through common material interest. he is able to see only submissiveness in the peasantry--a false history--and then conclude that the responsibility for submissiveness must be in the peasants' minds. like Cabral and Bishop. but through dialogue. relationship of leaders and the mass of people comes through in Freire's approach to teaching. But the Hegelian framework betrays Freire and he is only able to locate this separation in ideas and dialogue. In this case. it is not re-established inequality in reward systems and. who are "translator(s) of peoples' dreams. violent revolutions. Freire believes the state can be mediated and he supports.(433) Because Freire's idealism--the belief that history is the progress of ideas-. and he sees each aspect of the state as potentially remediated through discussion. Freire has actually inverted this relationship.(430) This inability to address the complex. At once. in which the teacher knows more. He sees students and teachers as united.the key thing wrong with the schools as bad buildings. but within his inversion there are extraordinarily important insights. Freire blames exploitation. hence. we do for you. not creators of the dreams". the inability to see the unity and struggle in a contradiction rising from the material world. Freire recognizes social injustice--and believes he can change it with his mind. He sees the link as "true generosity". as I have shown. for the most part. decision-making. There is a strain of missionaryism. . on internalized "magical thinking".(431) Freire often talks about the need for educators to "commit class suicide". who does believe in revolutionary parties.(432) The other side of this is a focus on the peasantry and a denigrating approach toward what they understand. and he is never able to link the possibility of equality in decision-making and consciousness with equality in the material world. As is often the case. rather what is a work polluting the revolution is discussion and ideology. Freire calls for a "lucid vanguard" and takes on a mystical approach to charismatic leaders. flaws in the new state can be corrected by increasing "critical consciousness" and intensified dialogue between the people and the leadership. rather than develop solidarity out of the material fact that they have a unity of interests with the people they teach. Freire. but first material. to participate in an "Easter experience".(426) If the state is an open field. even if there is a revolution and a new state established.(428) In Pedagogy of the Oppressedhe struggles to analyze what it is that pulls what he calls "sectarians" aware from their base in the mass of people. this is what Freire sees as permanent cultural revolution. in this which is impossible not to notice. has contributed considerably to the understanding of isolation of revolutionary leaders.(429) Instead.blinds him to the history of resistance.

or it will be immobilized. at base. I have shown Freire's ahistorical stand on racism above. and taken apart. the means of production in their country--and whose privileges and decision-making powers are beyond question. and the subsequent domination of the former above the latter. are urged to ally with those who own. by women asserting their own voices and language. Other than responding to feminist attacks on the male dominance in his language. he insists that racism and sexism can stand apart from. sex/gender. Freire addresses sexism in a serious way. when life is abstracted from living. and saying that he has an interest in opposing racism and sexism. rather than press forward toward equality. then makes it possible for Freire to help oversee a political party in Brazil which believes it is a federation of parties. support the comprador bourgeoisie. like racism as a cultural artifact. and be analyzed and fought. make it possible to declare that race. tempts replacement of one kind of oppression with another. pluralism is privileged over real unity which can only be significant if it is engaged through common goals and consistent practice. only once. This recreation and reinvention of power by necessity .The separation of ideas and materiality. While expressing solidarity with both women and black people. But the abstracted unity which he proposes. on the other hand. Freire is able to perceive the dominance of democracy above. Freire is willing to elevate difference. race/sex/gender. Within this party.(436) This sense of unity superceding struggle. to be wholly unable to deconstruct the social basis of racism and sexism. which can be held together through an abstract sense of unity through practice. at any given moment. class. He sees sexism. The working through of this dialectic. over likeness. because of their standing as part of a colonial nation. still. This means working people. nationality and even class could be. Maoist to Trotskyite to Stlinist. abstracted from centralism. This also explains why Freire is prepared to support orthodox Marxist political parties like New Jewel in Grenada or the Nicaraguan Sandanistas which. in ways apart from class struggle. is the language which makes sense of the struggle for national economic development. means that either this party will represent a melange of the lowest common denominators of the combined parties. He does so when he veers away from a discussion on racism and begins to describe how sexism is constructed. and.(434) In this sense. the wedge to understand history. in turn. The driving unity which centers Freire's understanding of political action is. because he is prepared to part ideology from its material base. national unity absent equality.(435) Freire is willing to equate their national likeness over what I argue is the fundamental relationship of class difference. What prevents counter revolution for Freire is the understanding that "in seizing power. one must transform it. for example. even if we remain within the unhistoricized abstraction.

that is. work. the insights within Freire's work. Freire indicates he is quite willing to insist on production now in exchange for equality later.. for the purpose of national development.(438) Hence. vigilance. As a Christian-Hegelian who appropriates parts of Marx. is not analyzed. he is . simultaneously with inequality. Rather." This then leads back to Freire's goal.." (440) Then.... And the reinvention of the productive act is legitimatized in terms of the people's wishes. Hence. Next. he sees ideology standing. we have the caveat. especially his critique of elitist revolutionary leadership and his exploration of the prominent role of ideology is of considerable value."(441) This standard paradigm of the primacy of productive forces is reiterated in Pedagogy in Process. which. (447) This belief that consciousness itself is a challenge to dominance and is what prevents the undermining of revolutions is likely to have a causal relationship with Taylor's claims that there is no evidence of social struggles emanating from Freire's work..(449) On the other hand..and for whom.(444) Literacy campaigns are set up to promote national economic development. "the reinvention of language". "produce more. under the line of the party.(446) Finally." (437) Freire then points to the "reinvention of participation relative to what to produce. Freire stresses the role of ideology.(join collectively in) national reconstruction which demands of us unity. I have indicated. paradoxically so often paralleling the work of the organizer Saul Alinsky. under "socialism production is governed by the well being of the total society".. The new education system is to be subordinate to the socialist production goals.(442) There must be technical training but that training should be critically conscious of "how society works".(445) And the battle for production is blanketed by "humanization". above and apart from reality. or elitism. is important in reaching into the possibilities of encasing equality as part of the material forces in the world. (448) One of the key absences in Freire's work. However.passes through the reinvention of the productive act. "The world is reborn in the intimacy of consciousness". Freire is not able to fully put into play the role of ideology. at the outset.(439) Freire uncritically takes up the educational exercise notebooks used in Guinea-Bissau and demonstrates step by step the line of most orthodox Marxism: first we must. words subsume the revolutionary project. finally. by increasing production. dreams and decisions. "the struggle for production requires total commitment to the collective interest. his ideological structures are not well rooted in history or of a careful study of concrete conditions. is any plan that shows education workers just how they might carry out social change. (443)That the society works. Here. under the leadership of the party and the national bourgeoisie. how they might fight racism or sexism. discipline.

ie. But ye shall live like men". in a dialectical relationship. Ye are gods. which in orthodox circles is seen as the explanation for and inspiration of all social change. how he has a missionary sense of leadership. Psalms 82 Here I explore what I believe is central to what went wrong with orthodox Marxism and demonstrate how that influences Freire. Again. I will try to work through the interpenetration of conceptualization. Rid them out of the hand of the wicked. privilege tolerated.inclined to study ideology as itself. I question what makes it possible for Freire to hold within him the apparently conflicting positions I have detailed above. And these two issues will lie at the base of the next discussion. The thesis is that the Theory of Productive Forces. which also struggles with the contradiction between the theory of productive forces and equality. even promoted. matter and motion. I suggest flows other errors: subservience to nationalism.. failure to understand the nature of the capitalist state as weapon of class conflict. is not a theory appropriately . Chapter Five Concerning the Theory of Productive Forces "Deliver the poor. and literacy programs designed as liberatory which turn into their own opposite. over-emphasis on the understanding of truth as only emanating from the party center. working. They do not know they walk in darkness. the insights Freire has into these issues must be seen as major contributions to the movement for social justice. I have tried to demonstrate how Freire at once romanticizes leaders like Cabral or Mao. In addition. All of the foundations of the earth are out of course. In regard to his analysis of leadership. yet at the same time gives great weight to the deep ties leaders should have among the people. From the error outlined below. within a political party ostensibly meant for social justice. and needy. cults of personality. culture.

We have a historical base on which to build. must not be iconicized. Theory can only lead to the appearance of internal consistency. I will note briefly what has happened with regimes which relied. which I believe is the mass willingness to enforce equality as the chief goal of social change can. democratic egalitarianism in decision-making. in part. of the material world and consciousness. be the wedge into a democratic egalitarian society. also. but is mechanically materialist. I will seek to indicate that the key interpreters of this theory in the West do indeed make a case based on important trends--but not the only trends--within the original Marx and the results of historical practice.(451) My case is made in this manner: I will demonstrate some of the original sources of the Theory of Productive Forces. indeed must.rooted in dialectical materialism. I contend that there is a materialist sense within this framework in that abundance created through inequality will never lead to equality. then it is possible to restore the potential of ideology and human agency as a material force in history and to reach beyond the boundaries established by the orthodoxy. that within these . relying first on Marx. I also suggest that if the Theory of Productive Forces is an unbalanced approach to social change.(450) Equality and democracy (as related to the mode and means of production. that the struggle for equality will likely be sufficiently destructive to create the necessity of sharing scarcity. However. that is. While I believe there is evidence in all of Marx and Engels to prove that they themselves insisted on the dialectical relationship of matter and motion. I will show. regimes which sought to attain equality through the creation of abundance from the capitalist development of industry. on the Theory of Productive forces to wrench their way into advanced socialism. My argument is that social change in an age of capitalism is equally driven by human consciousness (and mass action). that is. but simply a reasonable conclusion based on historical experience. and in distribution) are attainable without the stages of post-revolutionary inequality which only the Theory of Productive Forces would seem to require. it is of but secondary concern to the importance of learning from history in a dialectical and materialist way. and that purposeful consciousness. like Freire. and further. it is not utopian idealism to urge equality and democracy. that dialectical and historical materialism must not be entombed but used as a guide to life and practice. to break through the stages of capitalist inequalities required by stage theory. I argue that Marx. Practice is the test of Marxism. Therefore.(452) I will then attempt to demonstrate that the statements of at least the initial three of these communists are somewhat contradictory. production. Lenin and Stalin. Engels. which itself is a material force. However.

may not have been broached in the literature: first. Marx also never proposes the analysis of equality as an abstraction. and to find unity through collective sacrifice. That is. in the analysis of historical practice. to debate the primacy of equality sometimes contradicted by need in times of scarcity. is that equality has been consistently and deliberately abandoned by socialism when it came into contradiction with the perception of the need for national economic development--and that this is a fatal mistake. Paulo Freire's literacy projects for example. we can glimpse clues of what might guide the future. to my knowledge. even if those clues never became the predominant aspects of what went before. second. through dialogue interestingly enough. to meet it? However. and the military with the people. my more modest point . I will finally speculate on the possibilities for a revolutionary project which focuses its goal on the immediate attainment of equality. My more particular goal is to demonstrate that the shipwreck of socialist regimes is significantly tied to the reintroduction of material and decision-making inequality. and to set the stage for "commandist" educational practices which were easily turned into their own opposites.(455) I believe I will highlight one concept initiated in the struggles of the Chinese revolution and make one interpretive contribution which. I believe that the vision which has guided socialist practice. through the tie of material and ideological equality. that the Theory of Productive Forces is likely to lead to the reintroduction of capitalism and. were strands of the idea that equality is simultaneously a material and ideological force. but in the classical sense of "from each according to their ability to each according to their need". as this equals that. in the more dialectical sense. however. ranging from the French Revolution to the Chinese Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.regimes. In his analysis of equality before the law.(453) I do not suggest that everyone can live on the seashore or at the top of the mountain. even after the most egalitarian of revolutions--and the rationale for this inequality lies in part in the Theory of Productive Forces. was sufficiently anti-egalitarian to undermine related socialist and reformist projects. This examination will lay a basis for scrutinizing Freire elsewhere. This army was able. how. not in a crude sense. he attacks the bourgeois nature of what Anatol France described as the "great balance of justice of the law which makes it equally illegal for a rich man and a poor man to sleep under a bridge". I do believe that working people have historically found ways to make sensible decisions about need and sharing. there were outright attacks on the theory of productive forces coming from the Chinese left. indeed. what amounts to a need and whose ability shall be stretched. Marx fails to offer a splendid definition of precisely what this means. in my view a form of technological determinism. The Chinese People's Liberation Army linked troops with officers.(454) The point. Hence.

level of agreement about the reliability of Marxism begins to break up. However. in this apparently simple outline of contradiction and practice is a complexity of tensions within Marxism. that criticism has not grasped the importance of seeing their simultaneous unity and hence has left a significant gate unguarded. a view flattened within the one dimensional thesis-antithesis-synthesis debasing of dialects which cannot seem to grasp history as a multi-dimensional process rather than a wall chart. They own. some critics seem unable to link political economy with the importance of class struggle. you work. is to miss a part of the equation that may become decisive. each privileging one at the expense of the other. this is a breakdown of dialectics. and ideological weapons like racism and sexism to divide and enslave those who do the work but never attain material well-being or the ability to control their working lives and decisions. I will try to provide limited but concrete historical examples which will make sense of this assertion. the real . It doesn't take too long to grasp that the central problem raised by Marx is the contradiction between the social nature of production and the individual ownership of what is produced. men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will.(458) I quote at some length below to demonstrate the early tensions between being and consciousness: "In the social production of their life. the struggle of social classes. that is. For example. They gain. But it is not complexity that seems to disengage people. as a weapon of those in power. the alienation of work from an integrated life. often in a fashion that fails to recognize their interpenetration. in my experience.that sectarianism and opportunism are twins.(457) From that things grow a bit more complex. the need for a state.(456) Tension in Historical Materialism Marxism at base is fairly easily understood by most workers. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society. In the abstract. it's either false consciousness or disagreement. to investigate opportunism-which may indeed the key problem at any given moment--but to ignore the likelihood of aspects of the counterpart. The fundamental contradiction is broken into a series of subsequent contradictions. both born of misreading the unity and struggle within the material world. It is at this point that. you lose. relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their early productive forces. While traditional Marxist criticism has focused on one or the other aspects of these twins. a government.

foundation. the nod toward consciousness is there. At a certain stage of their development. aesthetic. especially the approach to the role of consciousness in social change. their social being that determines their consciousness. Then begins an epoch of social revolution. or can be. on which rises the legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. which can be determined with the precision of natural science. or philosophic--in short. good. With the change of the economic foundation the entire immense superstructure is transformed. No social order ever perishes before all the productive forces for which there is room in it have developed. Still. within the workings of the dialectic to be streaming toward a better world. religious. the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or--what is but a legal expression of the same thing-with the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto. on the contrary. and that people are. ideological forms in which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it out. and new. that the dialectics of social life contain the format to explain progress. he occasionally neglected to fully explore the dialectical importance of conscious action. In considering such transformations a distinction should always be made between the material transformation of the economic conditions of production. higher relations of production never appear before the material conditions of their existence have matured in the womb of the old society itself. Just as our opinion of an individual is not based on what he thinks of himself. political. that progress is necessarily written into the conquest of nature through human production and development." (459) In this brief and complex paragraph are three of Marx's key thoughts. Marx wrote in a period when it was important to underline materialism and. in the same paragraph are key contradictions unresolved. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into fetters. recognized that in his struggle against idealism. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being. so we cannot judge of such a period of transformation by its own consciousness. looking at the matter more closely. it will always be found that the task itself arises only when the material conditions for its solution already exist or are at least in the process of formation. sufficiently socially aware and morally inclined. but on the contrary. as I will describe. this consciousness must be explained rather from the contradictions of material life. the tension of the material world and consciousness: . and the legal. in the quotation below. mankind always sets itself only such tasks as it can solve. Again. political and intellectual life process in general. Therefore. However. The mode of production of material life conditions the social. from the existing conflict between the social productive forces and the relations of production. since.

Marx shows how the industrial revolution was made possible. but by bringing the working class together in factories. by other trades people who are brought together in one spot. Division of labor only truly becomes such from the moment when a division of material and mental labor appears." (not the "history of the developing productive forces"--mine). by both the productive forces and by the mercantilists. a process which itself led to technological change.. who denied it. philosophy. theology. needs.by virtue of natural predisposition (e.there develops the division of labor." (462) Volume I of Capital describes the dispossession of the serfs. that it really represents something without representing something real. Marx's emphasis was not determinist. from now on.(464) .. then that division of labor which develops spontaneously.g." (461) "Marx and I are ourselves partly to blame for the fact that the younger people sometimes lay more stress on the economic side than is due to it. physics.. not merely by steam engines.(463) Finally: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.. the place or the opportunity to allow the other elements involved in the interaction to come into their rights.. which was originally nothing but the division of labor in the sexual act.". first. and we had not always the time. Material force can only be overthrown by material force. But even if this theory.comes into contradiction with the existing relations. Then this group is replaced by mass machinery and technology. So. this can only occur because the existing social relations have come into contradiction with existing forces of production. Skilled crafts-people are replaced. theology." (460) On the other hand. physical strength). From this moment onward consciousness CAN really flatter itself that it is something other consciousness of existing practice. consider these two clear notes on the importance of ideology and consciousness: "It is clear that the arm of criticism cannot replace the criticism of arms.. philosophy. We had to emphasize the main principle vis-a-vis our adversaries. etc. consciousness is in a position to emancipate itself from the world and to proceed to the formation of 'pure' theory. etc. accidents. etc.. ethics. but stressed the importance of the struggles of people who are born into competing classes. in his favorite volume. but theory itself becomes a material force when it has seized the masses.

Tucker notes the philosophical development of Lenin's view. economist Marx versus a young humanist Marx. it is not necessary to enter the debate of an old. but four years later The New Economic Policy. from the Bolsheviks to the Chinese--and the Cubans--while it was sufficient to MAKE a revolution with mass armies run on increasingly democratic and . with Engels always genteelly nodding to the primacy of Marx. is best understood as a dialectical position which recognizes the interpenetration of conscious. The concern. argued successfully to push ahead. the insight behind materialism which stresses the concrete analysis of concrete conditions.(467) The sense that ideas are plainly a mirror response to the external world becomes a more problematical understanding that the material world is at the base. I note that in many of the most egalitarian of revolutions. most of Lenin's practice (as well as his theoretical work which is often hard to distinguish from his practice itself) falls hard on the side of the Theory of Productive Forces as the lynch-pin of history.(466) Let us turn to Lenin. is to indicate that there is a tension in dialectical materialism. was couched in terms related to the necessity of the development of an industrial base through capitalist production relations in order to create the material abundance necessary for equality--some day. an admitted retreat. But it is power that settles this matter in life. as evidenced further by his willingness to explore the possibilities of skipping stages toward establishing socialism--in Russia for example. I think.Marx was no mechanical materialist. to this point. or the purported split in views between a heavyhanded Engels and a more Hegelian Marx. (465) For our purposes. helps explains Marxist emphasis on materialism. ideological activity in the interpretation of reality and the construction of communist practice. within the very world view as well as in the writings of its founders. from a more mechanical view of ideas as simply a reflection of the material world in "Materialism and Empiro-Criticism" to a more sophisticated vision which would give greater weight to the unity and struggle of matter and motion in "On the Question of Dialectics". yet Lenin. Even so. that his views are consistent and move in a progression of increasing sophistication. However. There was no split between Marx and Engels who never disagreed publicly to my knowledge. which themselves become material. except when it stood in the way of his leading the revolution. The use of history. but that ideas recreate materiality in new ways. and the base of the material world which supplies the (ever-changing) conditions for that relationship. ever the revolutionary above all else. Suffice it to say that I believe there was one Marx. This tension is. A fairly good case was made by most of the Bolshevik party that the time was not ripe for revolution in 1917.

even in Stalin. the history of the modes of production which succeed each other in the course of centuries. is practice: "The basis of the relations of production under the Socialist system. "Theory becomes a productive force as soon as it has gripped the masses. and the Cultural revolution. it must be sought in the economic life of society. which so far has been only established in the U.R. if there is a unity of productive forces and human interests. It became possible to for socialist regimes to sequester people. is the social ownership of the means of production. and history." (470) But the test of dialectical materialism. in the views and ideas of society. leaders of the Chinese Communist Party wrote documents attacking egalitarianism as an affront to the struggle for abundance through production. On the one hand. Further: "Hence the clue to the study of the laws of history of society must not be sought in men's minds.S. the history of the development of the productive forces and people's relations of production.(468) Which leads nicely to Stalin." (See my comment in regard to the opening of the Communist Manifesto above). a separation that cracks apart the complex interpenetration that Marx recognized. stretched the contradiction between the often contradictory goals of abundance and equality to the breaking point. Instead the Theory of Productive Forces became the underpinning for inequality. While the Cultural Revolution attacked the elevation of expertise over politics. in the unity of production relations and forces.materially equal terms (with admitted shifts depending on the historical moment but taking the long view)..S. even in Stalin there is a tip of the cap: Stalin quotes Marx. (472) . how will technology develop? But more to the issue: this is apparently a stage at which technology alone can make the big drive toward equality. it was seen as impossible to finalize the revolution on those pillars..the history of development of society is above all the history of development of production. how are new ideas to develop? On the other hand. but in the mode of production practiced by society in any given historical period." (469) However.." (471) The absence of the negation of the negation in Stalin's dialectics might be important. Here there are no longer exploited and exploiters. products. The Chinese Revolution. ".

Isolated revolutionary leaders--who live--quickly turn into demagogues. are influenced by factors like the special interests and location of the interpreter. (475) But I can neither bury nor praise Stalin. The interpretation of history and political theory is not neutral activity. nationalism and class differences to divide people. In other words. sex/gender. partisan work. practices rising from and/or methods of interpreting errors in the reading of reality. claims of economic determinism in Marx.Opportunism and Sectarianism: Blocks to History and Practice I offer this interlude to work through one piece of the complexity that stands behind how it is that the Theory of Productive Forces has gained such ascendancy.(474) This can be done not only by systems of rewards. While his honesty may. It is always. I believe opportunism and sectarianism. While Marx and Engels. be attenuated by the degree of his internal party privileges. as well as which theories will become official policy or conceptual renegades finding surcease in underground movements. and to raise issues confronting revolutionary and reformist movements. in retrospect. but to masses of people who risk their lives for a better world. while ruling elites rely heavily on racism. some comes from a more colored perspective. (473) Moreover. like education and literacy. and to some extent Lenin. and Paulo Freire. simultaneously sectarian and opportunist. Rather. history decisively demonstrates that another way to destroy movements is to split leaders from the masses of people--an understanding that Freire has theorized in profound ways. reflect his reasonable interpretation of Marxist theory. lie at the base of much of the thinking which buttresses the Theory of Productive Forces. it remains that none of these three held sufficient power to really be put to the test of their ideas. Stalin did--and I believe his actions. I do point out that an analysis of what went wrong in communist practice must go well beyond Great Man approaches and . not only to them. it remains that his actions can easily be explained by significant theoretical tendencies within the Marxism-Leninism of his time. in a new way. It follows that material interests are involved in decisions about what events will be noticed and how they will be interpreted. Surely some of this comes from forthright errors. but through the inculcation of history and ideologies which themselves alienate masses of people from decision-making power or from the control of the benefits of their work. the historical interpretation of the primacy of materialism over dialectics. fought opportunism and sectarianism in theory and practice. The causes for their isolation are life and death questions.

. paraphrasing. class collaboration. "--"The consciousness of the workers cannot be genuine class consciousness unless they learn to apply materialist analysis. confidence in the bourgeoisie and lack of confidence in the proletariat". if somewhat cloaked.address specific historical circumstances and trace the theoretical developments within those circumstances.the petit bourgeoisie is being driven into the ranks of the working class--they are losing their economic base--and it should be no surprise that their views which deny the primacy of class struggle--appear again and again. While dialectical materialism understands the contradictory unity of matter and motion. no reason for a democratically central political party--all would appear to again spell out the cry of the middle class in continuing crisis. The idea of post-modernism. the changing of reality.(479) From "What is to be Done?". this thought: Opportunism and sectarianism are twins. moved solely by itself. and in support of privilege. ". They are two faces of opposition to communist revolution rooted at once in fear of the people and mass struggle.. while opportunism argues that matter is changed only through ideas--not concrete struggle." (478) This should be especially clear with experience with the neo-marxists of today.. Lenin put it clearly: "Opportunism and social chauvinism have the same political content. Sectarianism and opportunism combine to form the fatalistic belief that matter. (480) Sectarianism/opportunism is a misinterpretation of reality. sectarianism overestimates the primacy of the material world. repudiation of revolutionary action. This rebuttal to undialectical attacks on what became known as Stalinism is not possible here. mechanical fashion. . namely. (477) Opportunism and sectarianism frequently rise from the middle-class. This is a profound example of the unity of opportunism and sectarianism.. Both deny the significance of reflective human agency--the battles of informed people. the world. One appears.. simultaneously with only hope.(476) Instead. then. correctly. with no hope--for itself. a misdirection in the struggle for the truth. no role for material struggle.. unconditional acceptance of bourgeois legality. repudiation of the dictatorship of the proletariat. will inevitably change in ways we desire.opportunism underestimates the working class and overestimates the ruling class". neo-marxism. with the other. the view that all is post-rational as there is no proletariat. a point on which we have seen Freire from time to time locates himself. makes it appear that matter cannot change--or changes in a lock step. In a practical sense. bureaucracy and capitalist relations.

he is thus unable to see how they are linked. that centralism is usually just a mask for external opportunism. as I sought to show in the preceding section. opportunism or sectarianism. experience shows that antiegalitarian practices within a party can lead to interpretations of the surrounding reality that tilt heavily on the side of centralism. egalitarian revolution. a unity of opposites in struggle. Above all. he contends consciousness is the goal and base of social change. I think the attention given to Western Marxists.e. follows this path of opportunism and sectarianism. The Chinese Experience "Labor not to be rich". missing the materialist button. takes place in the context of political reality.. Thus. For example. not in a simple binary but in a relationship that itself is in flux. With this thought as an additional tool in approaching a richer understanding of the Theory of Productive Forces. Freire moves to addressing the form of education and literacy as primary. The Chinese built on the experience of the French Revolutionaries. While it would appear that an analysis of the contradictory unity of centralism and democracy would be easily derived from a quick reconnaissance of the legal terrain. and leaves the substance to the mechanical materialist belief that mechanical change is a requisite for social change. Yet. While the goal must be a mass party of sophisticated revolutionaries. at the same time. He splits this belief from practice and. because he fails to develop the interrelationship of ideas and matter. While Lenin's remarks were decidedly directed against opportunism. and the Soviets. urges action which demonstrates his ultimate reliance on production to create the requisite abundance for a better world. the bottom line of either failure. democratic centralism. enacting the binary opposition. like those from the Frankfurt school--which focused on the production of marketable nonpractice--that attention which denies the importance of finding strengths and . I now look at the steps forward which I believe can be traced to the revolution in China. Proverbs 23:4 I believe the Chinese Revolution was the most advanced of all successful revolutions to date. Because he is not a materialist. i.sectarianism and opportunism are obstacles to base-building and result in the state of the communist movement: without enough of the people. the Communards. in regard to communist parties. Stalin. and to their influence on this thesis. Both sectarianism and opportunism deny a political party and the masses the richness of each other's experiences. Paulo Freire. it remains that political strictures can require a tighter internal operation. is the failure to make a democratic.

in the tradition of Babeuf. The Chinese Revolution. as did their predecessors in the American and French Revolutions. the productive forces. The position of "red and expert".(482) However. They drew on earlier Mao: "True. But it must also be admitted that in certain conditions. It was wrecked by its own internal mistakes. the primacy of politics. and the Cultural Revolution which.(481) The Chinese. aimed at egalitarianism within the modes and means of production. and the mass line. that people will struggle sharply for a nickel. the Chinese also began to attack the Theory of Productive Forces within the context of their polemics with Kruschev's "Goulash Communism". The intensification of the belief in the primacy of class struggle as seen through their attacks on revisionism." (483) Even Lenin came under scrutiny: "Lenin says. the . which seeks to deny class struggle as the motive force. The vision of a party cadre whose "privilege" was sacrifice--the 'serve the people' principle. Theory and practice of people's war and the people's army built almost wholly on a democratic and egalitarian basis. but they will die for an idea. the more backward it is. even when it may have been clear that the interests of most people would be superceded by the power of the few-again. 5.weaknesses in the historical practice of the Chinese. was a left revolution. It was necessary to use the ideology of democracy and equality to get the masses to do battle. I count the Chinese contributions as these: 1. A mass party in practice. including its failure to take apart the cult of personality around Mao. 4. that is. 'The transition from capitalism to socialism will be more difficult for a country. 3. is simply ethnocentric and racist. whoever denies this is not a materialist. Theoretical sharpening of dialectical materialism and making philosophy available to the masses . whose long revolution steeled their theory. practice and the economic base generally play the principle and decisive role. theory and superstructure in turn manifest themselves in the principal and decisive role. 2. I believe. understood. as well as by the Red Army--which it failed to convince. demonstrates the importance of ideology and consciousness.' That would seem incorrect today. in the most practicable ways. such aspects as the relations of production. Actually.

it is agreed from the outset that the dictatorship must restore capitalist methods of production.. On this touchstone it is necessary to test a real understanding and acceptance of Marxism". in that order. will be subverted at every step as it is implemented. now. in part. and then solve the question of ownership. but they leave unsaid the plan to settle "the question of ownership" as they did. a denial of materialism---opportunist and sectarian at the same time-to deny that most of the people can be convinced that at the conclusion of a revolutionary upheaval what is needed is not a retreat to the old ways under new commissars.. beyond critique. not only will the people again be quickly alienated from their work. the Chinese take a Bolshevik twist: ".(488) . after which comes the question of greatly developing the productive forces."(485) In this the Chinese set aside half of the equation. there is now considerable evidence that the purportedly egalitarian goals of the dictatorship.. but equality and democracy. (487) Yet. for the poorer they are the more the people want a revolution. once the productive forces are set aside as the sole inspiration. made in part palatable by a theory reified.transition is less difficult the more backward a country is. seize state power.the first thing is to prepare public opinion. for example. in communist thought." (484) However. This is the gap in the Leninist view: "He who only recognizes the class struggle is not yet a Marxist. It is undialectical. by adopting the part of the theory of productive forces that calls for abundance as a necessary requisite for equality--and a stage of capitalism before socialism becomes an issue.(486) The next issue at hand is the nature of the dictatorship of the proletariat---the end that so irreducibly sets the substance of the means. but the sacrifices of millions of people will be lost in the restoration of capitalism. there is simply no way that institutionalized inequality will lead to equality by the mere march of production alone. If. any form of socialism. is the understanding that masses of people have sacrificed their lives in the war for equality and democracy. Not only will the party leadership be quickly split from the masses by the material privileges of the party personnel. that is. What is missing.A Marxist is one who extends the acceptance of the class struggle to the acceptance of the dictatorship of the proletariat.. as well as capitalist social relationships. consciousness can overcome backward productive forces in making the revolution..

Relations of production are links between people.The nature of a set of production relations is explained by the level of development of the productive forces embraced by it (to a far greater extent than vice versa). including the ways those goods are conceived and put together--and encompassing raw materials. the geography. though not entirely. Moreover." (491) . Basic changes in the productive forces are largely. is the society's economic structure which is categorized along the lines of the relations of production (wage-labor. Luke 6:24 The basis of the economic determinist view is that.. with priority on neither side".With all of this as background. it is a combination of the struggle against scarcity. people. Thus. in order to survive. The mode of production is defined as a combination of forces of production and relations of production. every form of past society. defines the forces of production as the material goods used in production. The sum of production relations. there is no zig-zag dialectic between forces and relations. in turn. serfdom. Gerald Cohen. (489) Economic Determinism "Woe unto you that are rich". Cohen then makes the principal case for the Theory of Productive Forces: "The productive forces tend to develop throughout history. One always precedes the other. contradictory or not. transform their social relationships. Thus technology causes social change. in the release of pressure through a social crisis. I now summarize the detailed analysis of the Theory of Productive Forces as written by the most orthodox of contemporary materialist Marxists. people improve their technologies which. but especially capitalism.. requires scientific advance. The technological growth eventually is obstructed by the existing social relations. leads to the emergence of a new form of society. and so on). Their main source is the desire of rational people to overcome natural scarcity. knowledge related to production. Hence technologies advance. This in turn. alone. independent of influences stemming from the relations of production. etc.. in his effort to explain Marx. which is the key determinant of all of social change. slavery. Cohen.. and for abundance. Cohen thus describes the society which can give greatest room to technology as the ideal society. To expand. I choose Cohen because he enjoys a solid reputation as an analytical philosopher of systems theory within Marxism. in the endless struggle to survive. (490) "Forces select structures according to their capacity to promote development.

deification of scientists. This is mechanical theory applied without its own material base--opportunism and sectarianism united again. intensified exploitation of Soviet and Soviet-colonial labor. to historicize Cohen's position would be to trace economism back through. imperialist war. say. for Cohen's interpretation of Marx. people always seeking to better their lot by making better machines. an ideological explanation. what then would be the importance given to the historical indications of an impending German advance? Cohen's one-dimensional view denies revolutionary agency. might well have involved Kruschev's plan to bury capitalism in a sea of refrigerators. all intervene to destabilize the expanding arrangement. If the theory of productive forces was the ideological premise for forced collectivization and rapid industrialization in the U. alienation. but describe it. is there to prevent a bourgeois turn to fascism. Indeed.S. The doctrine of productive forces offered a theoretical escape valve. all as a necessity for abundance--the newest pre-requisite stage of socialism. for continued inequality in the socialist state. continued divisions of mental and manual labor. over time. organized decay. There is really no need for a party (absent in the text) or especially critical consciousness when the productive forces will carry the day. the total disregarding of interaction. It is here that we can see clearly how theory can lead to consistency. sufficiently destructive to retard the productive forces for generations? Human rationality itself is a political. we also deny them any EFFECT UPON HISTORY. or virtually any human agency--except an innate drive to create improved technology.S.Then. Taylorism. and.the fatuous notion of the ideologists that because we deny an independent historical development to the various ideological spheres which play a part in history. the superstructure violates the base and. Cohen's purpose is not to change history. class. now comes Engels in 1893. and Plekhanov. It explains piece-work. question demanding historical analysis. cities. seven day weeks. the Stahknovite movement. as an abstraction of systems. a declining rate of surplus value and. is human nature or rationality. What. (492) Cohen never seeks to historicize his position within the context the socialist movement in the U. however.S." (494) . What stands outside the forces of production and the class struggle.R. in a crisis of capitalism as apparent as a world war. hence. Over-production. the productive forces are retarded by the social relations at hand. Kautsky. ". In the battle of quotes.R or China. Yet there is persistent ambiguity.(493) The Soviet claim of the fifties. alone. The basis of this is the common undialectical conception of cause and effect as rigidly opposite poles. Nor is there need for concentrated mass action to convince elites of a new way to live--or the alternatives. indeed. unemployment.S. "we will bury you". profit. like a balloon stretching--the arrangement pops..

human consciousness will be the vital link between the objective. then you won't have anything to envy others about. Freire's comments on Vietnam. external world and egalitarian ideology. A population that is won only to the good life as a motive for change will not long remain loyal to a regime that asks it to de-consume. that propel all of human experience. including the veils of alienation that Freire seeks to unmask. The question for Cohen. Fortunately. I am aided by the absence of socialism in any one country. When everyone leads the same kind of life.(495) There is no reason to believe that there will be abundance following any social upheaval in the foreseeable future. and the ways that have been used historically to expropriate the products of work. the fact that their work is necessarily collective. this comment from a Viet Cong officer: "All of us lived in the jungles. it is not possible to wholly refute the claim that Marx did present a case riddled with technological determinism. ironically. people must be conscious of the value they create through labor. You feel you've been cheated by life only when people have a better life than yours. But his. Freire's contribution to the role of consciousness and ideology. When I thought I wasn't alone in bearing these hardships. would seem to set this issue aside. In order to gain control of what they construct. they must understand that mere control of the means of production and systems of distribution appears to insufficient to prevent the . after a revolution. what did Marx say and when. wreckage of the productive forces. as an act driven by the abstraction of human will contain the insights to deepen this understanding as an act of the unity of conscious and the material world. Indeed. The weight in quotations may make his case (though I believe I have presented weighty counterevidence). you don't find that the light they give out is weak until someone brings electricity. this helped me bear my hardships.Still. in order of importance. when consciousness is propelled by a real sense of equality. But in the Front there was no difference between one unit and another. We all bore the same kinds of hardships and we all ate the same kind of food. there is likely to be mass destruction. particularly in literacy edcuation. I say the history and the conditions of the real world make mine. "I am not a Marxist". contains the wisdom that makes this link possible. or with people in the GVN armed forces. Thus. What can drive and sustain revolutionary activity is the historically wellgrounded calls for equality and democracy. When [after being captured] I compared our lives with the outside. is better posed as: What is a dialectical and historical report on the material world as it changes today? This is the only scaffold I would try to build on which to dangle Cohen. The unleashed productive forces simply did not carry the day."(496) If the idea of equality is to become a material force. I felt life wasn't hard at all. their mutual influence. Moreover. If you've been using gas lamps all along. I found we led a much harder life than they did.

or entered into a world so dominated by ideology that I am unable to recognize the necessity of work. Since ideas are a construction in his mind. why and by whom. He theorizes equality in leadership but practices iconicization. are at issue as well. that it can be taken up anywhere as a system that has outlived its usefulness.(497) This binary can exist as as a polar opposition because it is primarily an edifice of Freire's intuition. his own and others. Two prongs into that possibility are an analysis of what has mislead socialism so far. In other words. the appearance of equality in relation to the means of production must be met by the essence of equality in government relationships and decision-making at every level. It is neither opportunism nor sectarianism. I contend. Chapter Six The Grenadian Literacy Project . Thus. and the other hand is the mechanical movement of the material world. Changing this situation. the contradiction of the material and ideological world is approached as a binary. something masses of people can grasp. that democratic equality is a material possibility. that capitalism is a world-wide system. Finally. ranging from what is to be produced to how. I do not believe this suggestion abandons Marxist materialism. production. he is unable to reach into the rich resources available in the complexity of the material world and history for an answer. and win. and in most Marxist practice. Freire is left with an irresolvable proposition: the theory of productive forces versus his dreams of. On one hand is ideology. fight for. "a powerful awareness of inequality and hierarchy". wishes make dreams come true. not just describing it. We still have a world to win. In Freire. and less to lose every day. within the bounds of history and the current conditions. and what it is we think socialism can be. I have shown through an analysis of his texts and a careful tracing of his theoretical groundings how the Theory of Productive Forces influences his work and I have commented on how it is that Freire can at once embody opportunist and sectarian practice. I return to Freire.replacement of one oppressor with another. mechanical materialism nor unhinged dialectics to argue. above all. as Lankshear said at the beginning. is the role of a liberatory educator. as well as the mode of state power. again. This is a false binary---made possible by Freire's idealism which stands ideas above materiality--not part of the contradiction but outside it. particularly in human terms--in terms of the damage it does some classes in order to meet the privileges of others. The mode of production. Now I turn to an examination of the literacy project designed under Freire's leadership in Grenada.

by practitioners and political leaders for four years. To the contrary. and again in February. not soon angry. Maurice Bishop. Freire gave personal leadership to the project. the kind of critical education that was created. not self-willed. I will review the historical underpinnings of the New Jewel Movement in Grenada and the literacy-education program which grew from the combined efforts of the New Jewel leadership and Paulo Freire. "For a Bishop must be blameless. I will also look closely at the openness Freire proclaims. According to his comments in Pedagogy of Hope. For there are many unruly and vain talkers and deceivers whose mouths must be stopped. 1980. Titus 1:7 This section analyzes Paulo Freire in practice.(499) Freire claims this campaign and the people who implemented it claim him. teaching things which they ought not for filthy lucre's sake'". and I will . that was the base of the model. not above. the issue of open critique versus centralist demands. His theories were applied. Amilcar Cabral. not given to filthy lucre. Freire has never criticized this campaign nor the leadership of the coup which underwrote the program. In this examination of practice. although as with any mass effort the line from leadership to the rank and file was sometimes jagged. largely in what I believe is good faith. as the steward of God. I will pay particular attention to the role of leaders. 1979. He has praised the literacy campaign and the leader of the Grenadian New Jewel Movement (NJM). leader of a similar coup and literacy program in Guinea-Bissau to whom Freire dedicates Pedagogy in Process. not given to wine. he was recruited by Grenadian government officials to put together their literacy projects and made two visits to Grenada. no striker. Freire led the initiation of the literacy and education campaign in Grenada. who subvert whole houses. and has equated Bishop to one of Freire's great favorites. driven by the theory of productive forces. beginning in 1979. in December. which may be overridden by the closed nature of the systems he helps to create.Freire in Practice "Said Paul.(498) He worked closely with the Minister of Education. and the hardly hidden curriculum of national economic development.

There is no new thing under the sun.note again the efforts to link literacy. in many ways a critical retrospective. invasion of Grenada.S. I was deeply offended by the U. vanity of vanities. consciousness. I traveled to Grenada three times. once in November. 1983 for a planned trip of two weeks that was reduced to six days due to a death in my family. I must record at the outset that I participated in a marginal way in the NJM literacy program. an act which I felt was racist. Jacqueline Creft. and social change which do contain insights to press forward analysis and action. again. nor the ear filled with hearing . on leaving. once in March. 1994.(501) The Grenadian Background "Vanity of vanities. What profit hath a man of all his labor under the sun? All things are full of labor. it was quite clear that the PRG was desperately isolated from the mass of people. Hence. 1980. sayeth the preacher. and finally from 3 May to 19 May. I was met by helpful people who denied their own immediate interests to make my trip fruitful and pleasant. I led demonstrations in Detroit against the invasion. unnecessary and simply belligerent. (500) On the second trip I quickly became disillusioned with the command-style state of the NJM and the People's Revolutionary Government (PRG) but was buttressed by the spirit and kindness of the Grenadian people who were extraordinarily compassionate to me. for a period of twelve days.S. I believe my work in Grenada made the conclusions drawn in this paper. I met with Grenadian teachers and worked on the development of literacy packages with.. My third trip was for the purpose of research for this piece and.." Ecclesiastes 1:2 . who were familiar with the situation in Grenada and gladdened by the revolutionary change in governments. later the island's Director of Education who joined Freire in developing the literacy program. the eye is not satisfied with seeing. I was originally supportive of the Grenadian upheaval and I remain sympathetic to many of its participants and the people of Grenada. However. troops in the Middle East and in opposition to the needs of most American citizens. Detroit. man cannot utter it. possible. among others. a diversion from the massacre of U. My original interest was sparked by friends in my hometown. During the initial trip. including a sit-in at the Detroit News which had editorialized for the assault on the day before it occurred. all is vanity.

twelve miles wide. By the mid-1700's the island was an integral point on the coffee/sugar-rum-slave triangle and conducting a booming trade with England. the educational work that was attempted because of it. more pointedly a coup. and after periods--sharp breaks which should provide a basis for reflective clarity. simultaneously. On March 13. which grew rapidly in a climate with 12 feet of rain per year.Grenada from the sky is a brilliant green. "Liberty. during. At the far southern point is a tiny black slash. Grenada's experience is especially interesting for review. Because this nation is so small. the French seized the island. The first Europeans came to the island. following slave revolts all over the Caribbean. in the late 1700's. the nation eradicated finally by the Columbus invasion. In order to understand this uprising. seven thousand people of color murdered. Trade wars caused the island to shift flags. and the reasonable reluctance of many tourists to endure the barnstorming prop-plane flight from Barbados. one rebellion led by the freeman Fedon. Tourism and farming. and the political climate that created it. mostly spices and bananas. with a decidedly militant Jacobin twist. the new airport at Port Salines. in the early 1600's. caused the downsizing of many plantations and laid the basis for what is today an agricultural . a literate small-landholder. They were English. and was as swiftly reversed.000 citizens stretched out on small land plots under a canopy of 60 foot high trees. freed the mass of labors and. But in the late 1600's. one hundred miles off the northeastern border of Venezuela. 1979. triple that of even New York State. paralleled the demands of the French revolution. one unique in many ways. assaulted the indigenous Caribs. in Grenada. and found themselves driven back into the sea. The whole country can be taken at a glance. sadly typical in others.were internal. but the main struggles--those which established the identity of the island-. several times. have long been the main forces of Grenada's economy. In 1833 the Emancipation Act. French to British. it's population is less than Kalamazoo's. For many years. the absence of an international airport. I briefly put the background of Grenada into a historical context. caused the importation of indentured workers from Malta and India--completing the racial mix. Freire played a key role in this laboratory effort for social change in which there is knowledge of the before. there was a peculiar revolution. The first recorded people on Grenada are Caribs. because the change occurred so swiftly. dramatically hurt the tourist business. Equality or Death!"(502) Fedon was crushed. Slave rebellions hit the planting class repeatedly. It is only twenty one miles long. the Carib defenders leaping off a cliff on the northern tip of the island into the ocean rather than being captured. The introduction of spices and nutmeg. With less than 100. but the resistance held out for 15 months.

to beat and even kill at any sign of opposition. lying in the midst of strategic deep-sea channels and. And he locked out everyone but a narrowing group of supporters through a system of economic rewards and terror. Grenada.(503) Even so. air routes. Huge crowds gathered and eventually.economy rooted both in large and small landholdings. Grenada remained a Crown Colony under direct rule from London represented by a Governor with direct powers. James Monroe declared the Caribbean a North American lake and within the purview of American. Gairy had a base. the population rushed to them". won his release. was to one day feel the power of Monroe's prescience. By the 1850's "some 84% of the population were Roman Catholics and as Roman Catholic schools opened.(505) Gairy employed a group of thugs. In 1951. The Church proposed that the bible be the only text of instruction. Gairy rose from organizer to elected official and finally to Chief Minister in 1967. linking that to the franchise. not European interests. a dashing populist leader. later. Many cultivators work both for a large landholder and for themselves on smaller plots of their own. He squandered the tiny country's treasury on investigations of Unidentified Flying Objects. The Catholic Church built a strong base in Grenada. Eric Gairy was arrested for leading a general strike. Only large landholders were franchised. He womanized.(506) . trade union organizing for example. modeled after Haiti's Ton Ton Mou Coups. In the same decade. a situation which continued until early 1950. as well as the giant to the north. Given that the vast majority of Grenadian citizens were locked out of the political process. The Church recommended the eradication of the French patois adopted by the mass of people and contributed to the stratification of the school system by race and class. to redress their grievances. it's no wonder that they turned to extra-parliamentary activity. Withal. Continuing his trade union work. from Duvalier to Pinochet. at the expense of most Grenadians. after two weeks of fighting. He was a Rosicrucian mystic. bathing in blood and promising to walk across Grenada's Martin's Bay.(504) But by then whatever had been of his egalitarian visions were quite gone. Gairy enjoyed close relations with most of the dictators of the southern hemisphere. Gairy proceeded to make himself rich. the United States. He lived in a mansion overlooking the nation's most beautiful bay and imagined that he might be a god. large numbers of poor peasants looked to Gairy for leadership and hope.

The two were friends from childhood and firmly united in their mutual Grenadian nationalism. One of those young people was Maurice Bishop. a business man. a doctrinaire political infighter modeled after Stalin and far more dedicated to centralism than democracy. Marx. worked to keep them at more than arms length.(508) Using this and other public forums. for himself and his political party.But all was not peaceful in Gairy's heaven. The children of those sufficiently wealthy to do so were educated abroad and came back to find no room for their skills--or ideas. Maurice Bishop was trained in Grenada's Catholic schools and educated as a lawyer in England where he was deeply influenced by Caribbean author C. lawyers.(511) . Rupert. doctors were every bit as excluded as workers and peasants. but the party itself feared their leadership and desires--even their membership--and. a Marxist-Leninist vanguard party with exclusive membership. heir to the Jamaican Tia Marie liqueur fortune. It built a popular base among both middle class and poor people. Bishop's father. was killed in an anti-Gairy demonstration. But New Jewel was riddled with contradictions. a brilliant public speaker but no political in-fighter. The radical rhetoric of the New Jewel would never keep pace with its more conservative surroundings and roots. and an organizational structure called the New Jewel (Joint Endeavor for Welfare.(510) Two tendencies in New Jewel were represented by its two key leaders: Bishop. eclectic Marxist. reputed to be even more doctrinaire a Stalinist than her husband.(507) Locked out of serious political work in his country. Coard was the son of the most highly placed civil servant in the Grenadian colonial service. but with an honesty and respect for the people that Gairy never did more than pretend. and Bernard Coard.R. charismatic. A Brandeis graduate who wrote his thesis on the systematic tracking of West Indies students by race and culture in Britain.L. in the eyes of its leaders. Tall. New Jewel was. a popular mass leader. Merchants. a clear commitment to democratic centralism and working class power. Bishop too built a mass popular base.(509) NJM was a purported Marxist-Leninist working class party in a country with virtually no industrial base and a tiny working class. Bishop began his career with the public defense of organizing unionists--particularly nurses whose 1970 strike was attacked by the Mongoose Gang and who were arrested for resisting the attack. Bishop in many ways followed Gairy's path. There were plenty of people around who wanted what they saw as their fair share. Lenin. Nor would it ever resolve its own deadly internal contradictions. James. It was led by well-educated children of the nations's upper middle class. born in 1946. Education and Liberation) Movement which was formalized in 1973. as a purist vanguard. and Hegel. Coard married Phyllis Evans.

only 45 Grenadians could be counted as members and. a chance for the masses of people---including the middle class. On the 13th in a nearly bloodless coup that cost but one life and involved less the 200 participants. a tentative independence yet finally reliant on Soviet support. New Jewel steadily won elections. it was clear that Maurice Bishop's mass popularity was pivotal to New Jewel's acceptance. to take charge. During Coard's tenure. in short. to which Freire's Workers Party now also belongs. actually a tiny town overlooking the bay: St Georges. dental care (of which there was virtually none on the island. efficient and cautious management". Gairy left the island to meet with. It was an extremely popular uprising. might be to see these allegiances as folds in the same cloth. more . but while NJM held mass meetings to discuss matters like the economy. While the tendency in the U. or granted by.(515) From the outset. Grenada received a glowing report from the World Bank and. four years later. despite repeated attacks from the increasingly desperate and isolated Mongoose thugs. health care. Nevertheless.5%. the New Jewel Movement seized state power in Grenada. People were drawn toward Bishop. NJM was willfully vanguardist. moving into the interestingly conservative role of the nation's banker where. but the brief and temperate struggle of New Jewel also meant its political base was extraordinarily thin. that number grew by but 20. he stabilized the national economy and lowered the percentage of Grenada's debt service to 3. Unemployment was rampant. At the time of the coup. thousands of people paraded through the population center.(512) While Eric Gairy once said. in a brief period. interestingly.(513) On March 12. Great Britain in 1974 that at least among humans Gairy was growing unpopular. "He who opposes me opposes God". New Jewel had promised jobs. and at the same time courted Soviet support. and fewer and fewer people willing to tolerate things as they were. Kurt Waldheim of the United Nations. there was never any serious question that decision-making in Grenada flowed from the top down.(514) Even so. the NJM followed the Cuban model. As Gairy looted the treasury for his own bizarre pleasures there became less and less to parcel out. Bernard Coard played a background role.S. later exposed as a Nazi war criminal. the lowest in the Southwestern hemisphere and 1/10 of what it is today. the reality is that in this period there was frequently bitter rivalry between the groups---and New Jewel played a dangerous balancing game. it was clear not long after independence was won from. rising from the slave-myth that black people have no dental carries) and a new beginning. remarkable for his "financial acumen and his honest. It linked itself with the Socialist International. education for all. created deep ties with Cuba--especially through a close friendship between Bishop and Castro.New Jewel wanted ideology in all ways. 1979.(516) NJM was the only legal party.

he also pressed had to turn the vast majority of landholdings into workers' cooperatives. particularly spokesperson Bishop.(517) The construction of an international airport. Delivery to meet the high expectations of the Grenadian people would have been difficult in itself. received loans from the often impecunious International Monetary Fund. the mother of Bishop's son.(519) The New Jewel leadership saw itself as "way. and Cuban help in constructing an international airport.(522) New Jewel leaders. For a workers' party to survive long. the vital link in national economic development. Coard's goal. What Bishop and Coard sought to accomplish for Grenada was a new.S.demonstratively. And Bishop took on the task of enlisting Canadian. which itself depended on the theory of productive forces. (518) While Coard favored a mixed economy. doctors. The driving will here was Coard's who is sometimes reified as an apparatchnik. had invaded Cuba to attempt to overthrow the popular government of Fidel Castro and later tried repeatedly to assassinate him. (520) But the visible and popular measures were led by Bishop and his companion. The Grenadian coup was the first of its kind in the English-speaking Western hemisphere and was not welcomed by the U. form of colonization. a serious effort at wholly independent socialism in one country. Libyan.S. was socialism established on the base of national economic development. vital to the New Jewel program. The New Jewel economy was modeled on the Soviet New Economic Policy under Lenin. nationalizing some key industries like the fisheries. and its CIA had crushed the democratically elected government of Guatemala in 1951. and had invaded Santo Domingo with Marines in 1965 to support a rightist junta. Vladimer. nurses and trainers as well as an exchange program to train Grenadian medicals in Havana. had overthrown and murdered the elected government of Allende in Chile. but the party predicted and received the immediate hostility of the United States. if not self-sufficiency. but whose works provide evidence for a much more serious critique.. a transitional program to build capitalism under a benevolent guiding state. and the announcement of the arrival of Cuban medical assistance.S. against the grain of most of the capitalist world. plans to rebuild schools. Jacqueline Creft. way ahead of the people" ideologically. had engineered the removal of the Jaggen government of Guyana in 1964. required an incredible act of will. clearly more sophisticated than the Cuban approach. It's important to remember that the New Jewel leaders were acutely aware of the implications of the Monroe doctrine--that the U. at every turn. intervention from first moments of their takeover . it was important to create a working class and here education was expected to play a vital role. (521) This was not the Albanian turn. Bishop took main responsibility for translating the New Jewel programs to the people---to bring news of the new day care centers. nationalist. warned of U. a party automaton.

Alistair Hughes. Grenada even had its own Kronstadt. as many locals knew. like many of the statistics kept on the island. with the assistance of the government of Barbados. including the teaching force. immediately began to warn tourists away from Grenada and. requested help from the Vatican in the form of Catholic liberation theologists who could bridge the gap between Marxism and Christianity. I did the same thing for Gairy".(528) The NJM never made totalitarian moves toward the church. yet assure the ascendancy of the latter. more subtle. Didacus Jules. a former education official in the PRG. I was told nearly 40% of the adult population was functionally illiterate. They established the Peoples' Revolutionary Government (PRG) which. No priests or church-members were executed or even long detained (there were hundreds of political prisoners under NJM.S. became a prime concern. even from the most partisan voices opposing the PRG). On my second trip to the island. Formal elections were never held even though no one questions the fact that if Bishop stood for a vote he would have won convincingly. openly opposed the NJM.(529) When I arrived on my first trip.(523) New Jewel banned papers purportedly established by the CIA and jailed the country's most prominent journalist. at least according to New Jewel. Most of the priests. Every overblown fancy of the New Jewel leadership had a not-so-neurotic basis. A gang of "ultra-leftists" who began to seize planter's estates were smashed by Grenadian New Jewel forces in the earliest days following the coup.(525) The state bureaucracy. was largely left intact--with compulsory re-education programs. over time.The U. notes that the PRG people forced to attend NJM re-education sessions were allowed to sleep through them. were more than a stretch. Enemies of the revolution. The church had a huge parishioner and educational base in Grenada. . he said "Oh no. (526) So. In response to my comment that the revolution must have made some big changes in his life. began to delay and harass those who tried to go. Other priests.(527) The Catholic Church played an ambiguous role during the period of the Bishop government. though there is no record of maltreatment. that this must be a fairly new job.(524) Even so. on the one hand New Jewel maintained the state bureaucracy. that functional illiteracy statistics in Grenada. an interesting sectarian/opportunist link. I caught a ride with a fellow who told me his job was as a prefect of police. NJM sought to confiscate the state. They were placed on watch lists. not smash it. on the other hand refused to hold the elections which gave the bureaucracy its legitimacy. I was to perceive. inside New Jewel. the jumping off place for most Grenadian flights. not at all. was merely "synonymous with the central committee of the NJM".

The drop out rate was high but statistical records were dubious.(531) The facilities NJM inherited from Gairy were dilapidated--classrooms were falling apart. Record keepers were acutely aware of the political nature of their jobs. in describing the point of the project.(530) There were 60 primary schools.. our agro-industries. 20 secondary schools. (535) Another minor motive might be found in that some people in the illiterate population were seen by New Jewel as Gairy's political base... They reported data that had partisan support.(536) The New Jewel abolished the secondary school fees. The goal. but that certain sectors of the population.we must produce the agriculturalists. importantly. But there were serious tensions with some of the traditional teachers who opposed the . began to initiate day care centers. in part because the PRG was apprehensive that the people who supported the NJM reform measures would not otherwise work. had been missed by previous literacy efforts. Bishop said the purpose was. via science and technology. was to turn all of Grenada into one big popular school and. our fisheries.to develop the productive capacity of our society since it is only through an expansion in production that the standard of living.. that is.. Only about 20% of the teachers had professional training and those who got it often immediately left the island. our tourism. fisheries. However. at the same time. in the towns and countryside. the boat captains.(532) But the mode and means of production were decidedly capitalist. started regular teacher training sessions one full day a week while the children joined local workers in examining the nearby factories. Most schools were connected with churches and most secondary schools charged steep fees." (534) Further. the engineers.(533) Bishop was more pointed about the purpose of school under NJM just weeks later: "We must produce the skills that can be absorbed in our economy. ".. they were prepared for industrial work that simply did not exist. the hoteliers.that we need to man our agriculture. that is. the mechanics. could read fairly well.My own experience was that the overwhelming majority of people.. as Bishop had stated early on. including the education system. Education was a major New Jewel priority. and that technological/industrial advance would necessarily lead to an early stage of socialism. NJM leaders reiterated their belief that what must first be developed is the productive forces of society. can be improved". The curriculum was colonialist. especially people in small fishing villages. and collective farms. kept by hand and unverifiable. capitalism with a kindly overseer was "necessary to avoid social and economic disintegration". to win genuine democratic participation from the masses of people. the majority of students lives at home were denigrated and denied while.

and later officially.(539) Didacus Jules. in turn. Additional themes in this textbook included the national airport as a development measure. CPE was seen by some NJM leaders as a failure.473 people were trained as volunteer teachers or worked in the CPE process which ended in 1981. and "the revo brings more doctors". (537) New Jewel also imported science and math teachers from the U. This amounts to about one person in every 65 on the island. was led by a group of six which picked.R. NJM established the Committee for Popular Education (CPE). If illiteracy really was at a 40% level. there is evidence that the real grassroots program here was the one that caused the demise of the CPE. according to the current director of adult education in Grenada. "Forward Ever!" which stressed mutual respect between teachers and students. The "Let Us Learn Together" textbook was twinned with a teachers guide. there was one literacy worker for about every 27 illiterates in Grenada. (538) To combat adult illiteracy.NJM curriculum. The Grenadian teachers conducted a wage strike in 1981. Unofficially. The CPE.(542) Still. "Let Us Learn Together" which was overseen by Freire and used to guide the program. We are one Caribbean". even when material incentives were offered to participants as they moved through the levels of the program. a former New Jewel official and now a respected researcher on New Jewel education rpograms.(541) At the end of more than one year for the CPE.(543) The Grenadian textbooks created under New Jewel prove an interesting source. promoting saving habits at the nationalized bank. a rather astonishing figure. generative themes.S. This raises the question as to whether the CPE was primarily a literacy or political reeducation program. "results were not dramatic" according to Jules. rooted in NJM's politics interwoven with a phonetic approach to literacy. (540) Actually.000 people. Despite the massive effort. The new government pleaded poverty--and passed laws making public worker strikes illegal. Textbooks are political items.S. agricultural self-reliance and productivity. came into contact with the CPE and attended at least some sessions. There is no evidence as to what social classes were represented by this teaching corps. The CPE quickly wrote a textbook. through linguistic and ideological pluralism. following the Freireian route. 881 people received certificates. and Cuba. People simply walked away. Desmond Latouche. at least 8. The text focused on Grenadian nationalism and the sense Of "We are one people. They take decisions from . says 1. CPE was led by Bishop's companion Jacqueline Creft and guided by the theories and person of Paulo Freire who came to Grenada twice on the invitation of New Jewel to initiate and provide leadership to the program. the need for hard work and discipline. and hardly dialogical ones. a little more than half the number of trainers.

the hands of educators and place them in the hands of, at least, decision-making (and usually privilege-seeking) elites. Textbooks cannot meet the quadrant of learning established in Nearing and ostensibly followed later by Freire: an understanding of the particular circumstances of a student, an educator, and a local community coupled with the fourth pillar, a generalized paradigm that makes sense of what is at hand. (544) Instead, textbooks are a template to which the particularity of reality is subordinated. They are inherently directive and, whatever their substance, objectively disempower the people who use them. In this instance, the form of the textbook is a powerful as its substance. NJM was quite aware of the antagonism the party faced from many teachers and took a Taylorist tack--using textbooks to disempower potential opposition--rather than finding a way to win the mass of educators to NJM's position. In the case of Grenada, the CPE textbook template was cracked by Grenadian reality. Nevertheless, Freire led this process, approved of it, and has never criticized it.(545) The later development of Grenadian primary textbooks (Marryshow Readers--named after a Grenadian nationalist journalist) also followed a Freireian model: the process claimed to involve the local parents, students and teachers, drew on the local language and resources (the study of water, for example) and tried to value local language traditions. Jules acknowledges that the politics of the Marryshow Readers were just somewhat watered down from the textbooks used with adults. The Marryshow readers hardly contradict the line of New Jewel. Textbooks stressed ,"we are all in this together", or, in a literacy reader, "The revolution has room for all of us", (presumably an olive branch to the Mongoose Gang). The readers also pressed all-Caribbean unity. This supra-nationalist stance, we are all in this together, is pivotal in the analysis underlying this review. Just who is in it together with whom, and why, is at issue.(546) The Grenadian textbooks, as described by Jules, did mildly address sexist and racist practices in a way that began to understand criticizing patriarchy and white supremacy. The Marryshow Readers did portray women as other than cooks. They did not portray white people as the only actors in life, or as bosses. However, an analysis of the Marryshow Reader Infant 1B Textbook titled "Step Forward" in my possession shows adult women portrayed 18 times: 2 times washing clothes, 1 time hanging laundry, 1 time watching a baby, 1 time watching kids play, 1 time waiting for a bus, 1 time riding (perhaps driving) on a bus, 2 times resting, 3 times holding a baby, 6 times gardening in the yard of a home (portrayed as work in the written text). Adult men are portrayed 20 times: 6 times working on fishnets, 3 times gardening (portrayed as work in the written text), 3 times playing with kids, 2 times resting, 2 times riding a bus, 2 times waiting for that bus, 1 time catching fish, 1 time repairing a bike.

Without decoding, it should be clear who remains the primary historical subject within the Havana-printed Marryshow Reader).(547) Women do not leave the home and work. Men are involved in production. The Marryshow Reader 1C, also in my possession, follows the same gender-coded approach. There is nothing in any of the textbooks that would help a student discover how value is created, how it is appropriated, the material base of alienation, or suggesting worker control of the work places or production processes. Following the CPE program, the NJM established the National In-Service Teacher Education Program (NISTEP). The program had grand designs, to re-train the 70% of the teaching force that had little training. Participants were initially volunteers, receiving wage increases as they moved along. Soon, however, attendance was required and many teachers reported resentment at the commanding style of some of the (often much younger) NJM- NISTEP leaders.(548) The effort in Grenada relied heavily on trying to influence thought, without the social practices that underpin ideology. For example, New Jewel officials loudly claimed that unemployment dramatically dropped in post-coup Grenada; but the jobs were necessarily paid at sustenance levels, and vast wage gaps remained in place. Unemployed men were drawn into the expanded military. The industrialization plan rang hollow when fisheries cooperatives fell apart after the second year. There were no major economic shifts under the PRG, except construction which, due to the airport, showed a dramatic 20% increase. At the same time, there was a 7.3% decline in the indigenous livestock/fishing industries.(549) New Jewel, claiming to battle inequality, reified inequality in new ways. While the NJM proclaimed proof of its egalitarianism by cutting the allowance of government ministers by 30%, there was little real change in income distribution during the PRG period. Actually, after the first months, "the biggest gain in aggregate income achieved went to top functionaries in the PRG".(550) On tiny Grenada, it is not hard to find the veils of power transparent. The people noticed that the new leaders had the best homes.(551) As time went by, the already-isolated NJM, rather than build a popular base, chose to isolate itself further, pointed fingers at one another for the failures of the projects, blamed the people for not accepting progressive leadership, and turned more and more to outside help. NJM officials traveled the world urging other nations for funding--and heavy weapons. The U.S.S.R. was forthcoming with tons of the latter, arms personnel carriers to SAM's, but no money for the airport. The U.S.S.R. trained young Grenadians at the Lenin School and at KGB institutes--and envisioned Grenada as a

training center for pro-Soviet action in the hemisphere. The Soviets became "cynical" with their largesse, demanding that the NJM not do things to upset the imperial division of the world.(552) The Soviet front in the U.S., the Communist Party U.S.A., sent its dignitaries, including educators like Angela Davis, to Grenada to celebrate anniversaries of the revolution and used its limited influence to pass local U.S. proclamations honoring NJM.(553) The Vietnamese chipped in with intelligence and military training.(554) Early in the PRG's life, "without a doubt, the greatest economic success was in obtaining loans and grants from other governments and international organizations". In the PRG period, of $62.3 million total grants, Cuba gave $36.6 million. Iraq gave $7.2 million (and plenty in kind. Grenadian school children were given thousands of exam books with photos of "The Leader President Militant Saddam Hussein" on the cover.) Of $47.3 million in loans, Libya gave $10.4 million. Of $15.5 million in military grants, the U.S.S.R. gave more than $10 million. Even with the growing influx of outside help, by 1982, the PRG faced renewed high unemployment, unstable prices, production for profit, and inequities in wage distribution: capitalism.(555) Soviet cynicism goes beyond hard-headed direction as to what not to do. It involves what is to be done. There is evidence that the U.S.S.R. used Grenadian NJM leaders within the Socialist International, as well as within the U.N. to press the Soviet's interests.(556) For example, the little colony of Grenada, in the midst of the ocean of one colossus, supported the Afghan invasion. Later, after the U.S. invasion, Grenada refused to support sanctions against South Africa.(557) By the time of my second visit to Grenada, the promises from the NJM were ringing empty with the people. A celebration of the anniversary of the revolution was a tragicomedy. A small outdoor stadium was sparsely filled with a crowd from the military, civil servants, the uniformed nurses (ever-loyal to Bishop), and children. NJM officials (and I) sat in shaded seats while the crowd in the hot sun happily ignored speeches from PRG leaders and foreign dignitaries--until Bishop spoke. Then, even with reality peering cruelly over his shoulder, the crowd came alive with his speech promising that "those who do the work now hold the reins", hardly the case, even in the hot stadium, but still appealing to the sense of hope and the attack on alienation that carried New Jewel for fours years. All was not barren vows. The preventative medical system was still intact, reaching into hundreds of Grenadian homes, mostly because of the highly respected Cuban doctors and nurses---respected by the masses of people but held in contempt by many in the traditional Grenadian medical force. Interestingly, the several hundreds of medical students in an American owned off-shore med school on the island seemed to

never have interrupted their parties as the revolution flowed and ebbed. They kept alone, in splendid isolation on the beach.(558) The plan to restore Grenadian public school facilities, at first, brought results, but by 1982 some local officials tended to use the building materials on their own homes. Nothing had been done to reduce class size in K-12 from its 31-1 pre-revolutionary levels. School was, in the base economic sense free.(559) In 1982 the U.S had carried out a practice invasion of a nation code-named "Amber" (Grenada was known as part of the Ambergine Islands) in a remote area of Puerto Rico. In '82 and '83 a series of terrorist bombings targeted key New Jewel leaders. The American Institute for Free Labor Development and the local Seaman's Union (both with ties to the U.S. CIA) consistently opposed every significant NJM move. (560) There were reports of deep tensions within the New Jewel hierarchy--with Coard and the majority of members of the NJM Central Committee attempting to discipline the freewheeling Bishop who was repeatedly criticized, and was self-critical, for his unrestrained approach to democratic centralism, his willingness to make promises with no hope for delivery, his lack of attention to detail, and his "idealism". The Hegelian left met the Hegelian right in an insoluble contradiction: mechanical materialism versus unattached idealism embodied in the persons of Coard and Bishop. In this case, internal contradictions appeared to drive external tensions.(561) On October 12, 1983, the rifts inside the New Jewel Movement came to a head. Bernard Coard, with the approval of the majority of the Central Committee, seized control of the party and had the much loved Bishop arrested for betraying the revolution. Bishop was apprehended in his own house and sentenced to be held incommunicado for a period unknown. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Grenadians marched on the house, freed Bishop, and carried him to a nearby fort where they planned a rally. Coard, now the head of the East-German trained Grenadian Army, unleashed a group of armored vehicles. The soldiers fired on the crowd which panicked and almost immediately dispersed, an untold number leaping to their death over a sea wall about one hundred feet over the ocean. Bishop, who had refused to arm the people, ordered his companions not to return fire. The Army then re-arrested Bishop, Creft, Norris Bain, and a group of others, put them against a wall and killed most of them with semi-automatic rifle fire. There is evidence that Jacqueline Creft, a former school teacher, was beaten to death later. Bishop's body was never found. There has never been an accounting of all of the dead. Grenadians simply know their friends and relatives went to the demonstration and never returned.(562)

A couple of reporters did rent boats and risk the open seas to see the action. there was also much stiffer resistance than the Americans expected--from the Cubans who had a different sense of critical consciousness.S.(564) On October 25.(563) On October 23. under justification that the Soviet Union was building a secret military airstrip on Grenada and that the lives of American medical students on the island were in danger. military actions. including the medical students. There is no question that the invasion received the support of most Grenadians who felt besieged. The Cubans. The Marines retreated to the sea--a grotesque reminder of the colossus with a feet of clay.. was in real danger after the internal coup. for example.(565) While there was considerable support for the invasion. as admitted years later.S. But there is no evidence that anyone of concern to the U. grossly bungled. caught between national pride and not wanting to die fighting a government their own leader had attacked. held on for several days. the U. 10 days after the self-coup. . The medical students and the director of the school denounced the invasion on world band radios and continued to do so until they were briefed by American intelligence agents after the invasion. hit the beaches. more than 50 U. The notion that "we are all one Caribbean people" came back and bit New Jewel. bombed a mental hospital killing some 30 people.S. The press was simply not allowed near the action--not within 50 miles. denounced early on by Bishop's friend Castro. The Coard government. This meant. Castro immediately denounced the coup leaders and likened them to the Khmer Rouge. Marines in Lebanon were killed by a terrorist bomb.S. caused the leaders of the nearby Caribbean nations to call for a "rescue mission".S. Bishop supporters went into hiding and began to organize a movement to overthrow Coard--a movement which would likely have had a mass popular base if only because it was crafted around Bishop's martyrdom. Most Grenadians welcomed the invasion. The U. people felt safe-until the U. The press did not see the fact that during the invasion. the U. but the reportage to the American people was completely controlled by the military--a limited form of literacy meant to correct errors in text made during the Vietnam invasion. that it would soon hold a constitutional election and that a dawn to dusk curfew would be enforced for a period uncertain.S. Only the Soviet Union was supportive of the Coard group actions. put up a sharp defensive battle until their safety to return to their homeland was guaranteed. The invasion itself set new standards for U. sent thousands of Marines and Navy Seals to invade an island the size of Kalamazoo---in clear violation of international law.The NJM Central Committee then issued a communique saying it was now in charge.S. that the press did not see the operation which was. To the contrary.

The U. in May.(566) Didacus Jules indicates Coard is self-critical.S. in 1974. does say that Bishop was assassinated by the "sectarian.There are a variety of interpretations of the implosion of the New Jewel Movement. then put the people to work for the Central Committee's privileged notion of socialism through national economic development. I believe I encountered people more hopeful about the possibilities to take chances and improve their lives than I have ever met anywhere else. External pressure. saying New Jewel's leaders should have paid more attention to the masses of people. nor does Freire's observation provide clues into what systematic foundations existed for the Coard group to come into power. army. Coard told me. while he does not name Coard. vaccinations and housing. Coard et. expressed by nearly every person I interviewed at length. damaged New Jewel. People no longer believe their actions can influence their own lives. installed a government led by a conservative who had. Eventually. better schools. fanatical.S. incompetent left". in the name of protecting revolutionary theory. . No critically conscious people rose up against the invasion. their lives and their consciousness. al. I find none of the written records (the Grenada Documents speak for themselves in but a limited fashion) to be satisfactory. The people of Grenada were willing to place their fate in the hands of Ronald Reagan. already rising. made multiple promises to the Grenadian people.(567) In my interview. better health care. virtually exploded. (569) But Freire's comments do not help unravel Bishop's long standing uncritical allegiance to these same people. NJM leaders promised the people that the masses would take control of their work. It was a Greek tragedy".S. Even so. that there was "nothing more to say. this built a base for the kind of cynicism that caused Grenadians to welcome the invading U. despite the fact that New Jewel had given them schools. authoritarian. Following the invasion. the U. especially the U. 1994. Freire also says that Bishop lived a life of "consistency between what he said and what he did".(568) Freire. dental care. tourism blockade. Unemployment. and finally largely abandoned--though clearly much of the hope that lay beneath them was abandoned some time before. No thorough-going explanation was offered at the trial of the New Jewel Central Committee which was charged and convicted of Bishop's murder. continued in form but stripped of the New Jewel political messages. Coard did not repeat this criticism. This was the result of an ideological error which led to social practice. But today there is a sense of despair in Grenada. The educational reforms were renamed. but it was only the internal weakness of the party that made its destruction possible. I must underscore my perception that in the early days of New Jewel. jobs. tourism--a remarkable adoption of the New Jewel program. The Cuban doctors and medical . opposed Grenadian independence from Britain.S. The modest land reforms were reversed. doctors.

S. No serious commentator disputes the openness of the election which must be seen as a reflection of the critical consciousness of the Grenadian people.S. the phone system. MBPM got less than four per cent of the vote. remains intact. There is considerable concern that the Columbian drug cartels will influence the late 1994 Grenadian elections. In 1994. For the tourist interested only in beaches and appearances. and because the country's people have a tradition of small landholding and mutual support. In 1990. troops and intelligence agents remained on the island. up from 31:1 in prePRG years. later dropped. Class size in Grenada now averages about 37:1. NISTEP became INSTEP and disappeared. Because Grenada is rich in soil and water. The U.S.. The education system remains grossly underfunded and school fees are fully restored. it remains a paradise. or Sao Paulo. and now the leader of the Maurice Bishop Political Movement. Many of NJM's programs were renamed. resulting in an intensified stratification of kids by income levels.S. More than two thousand people leave each year and send money home. The MBPM is isolated and split by internal differences. imploded as well. More Grenadians live outside the country than in it. crushing the Maurice Bishop People's Movement fifteen to one. Trotskyists versus social-democrats. backed coalition government won a parliamentary election. And any reason for U.S.(571) The U. Then the U. the Agency for International development left the island. (570) One product of the invasion.S. Hundreds of U. say.S.(574) Aid from other countries is disabled by the laissez faire attitude of the government. Two fishing boats given to the Grenadian government by the Japanese sit fallow in the harbor. from nearly anywhere on the island. the name of Maurice Bishop. not attack. grandson of the man who gave his names to the Readers. each day. Officials admit Grenada is a key shipping point. a direct line to the U. government concern for Grenada vanished. promises dwindled year by year. Grenada is not overrun by homeless people or hungry children begging as in. These operatives have found it necessary to build on. the U. D. This group includes Terry Marryshow. Today.S. connected to the Trotskyist U. Others return to retire and build large villas. sold to private vendors who did not know how to run them. though some of the Grenadian doctors trained in Cuba returned to their Grenadian homes. But even with dubious counts. emigration is one of the key sources of the Grenadian economy. a U. Thousands of Grenadians are forced. said it would close its Grenadian embassy--to save money. to collect and carry water because the pipelines are collapsed. unemployment is estimated at 40-50%. Washington.S. . finished the airport. a double irony. Drugs are now an acknowledged key part of the new economic development.C. Socialist Workers Party. In late 1984.workers were driven away. but the island itself is not awash in cocaine or marijuana beyond a few sellers trolling the tourist beaches.S.(572) It is possible that a returned Gairy or his representatives will carry the vote.(573) The island's superstructure is coming apart.R. A second invasion came in the form of Christian evangelists and Army psychological operations teams.

most people also want them to leave the island. it is the internal which is the pivotal point of change. But even if Coard and his colleagues ere freed. it appears these were wellintentioned people working with a flawed and inherited. An offer to ship cargo-containers filled with classic books was rejected by a post-PRG education minister who refused to share half of the cost for shipping. the reliance on talk to settle or mollify material differences. it is unlikely that there are non-partisan investigators. it was the logical extension of theory to practice. led to their social practice. are less forgiving. theory.(576) The Grenadian case provides an example of Paulo Freire's literacy projects. and newsperson Alistair Hughes. This was not the divorce of theory and practical work. Then they requested anonymity. To the contrary. after lengthy sessions. Private citizens were initially somewhat restrained. the top-down nature of the literacy project which pretended to rise from the bottom up--like the budget process. If we are to comprehend dialectics. Government officials answered my questions and urged me to others for verification. I underline the role of leader-elites. saying they had been jailed long enough and should be allowed to leave the country. private citizens would express to me their sympathy for the imprisoned Coard group. I asked questions which derived from my interest in the . The nation's library is scantily stocked. I note the respect paid to Coard's economics and the internationally recognized concern for the mass of people that was so much a part of maurice Bishop. by far. and uncritiqued. the fear of the people from middle-class elites coupled with a mechanical economist/technological approach to social change. I agreed to the requests on this topic. I was given free rein. My last visit to Grenada in May of 1994 was made fruitful by the kindness of Grenadians who set aside vacations to make it possible for me to conduct interviews and inquiries in their country. not merely in theory.There are few books on the island. with varying secondary differences. probably for good reason. but surrounded with all the complexities of social practice. It also sabotaged the literacy effort. Highly-placed teacher leaders argue it is "at least 30%". the binary roles of ideology and the demands for national production. In practice. Often. the impenetrability of critique through critical consciousness became nationalist Stahknovism. I also underline that the primary problem of New Jewel was internal. want Coard and his cohorts freed. The theory that all the actors agreed upon. There was nothing dishonest about the actors in this tragic series of events. piece work in the name of development. Just as there are no non-partisan books about Grenada. Some leaders of the current government. I note only a general response that most people I met. Grenadians have seen power shift rapidly and know record keeping is not neutral. and the irreconcilable contradiction in New Jewel led to its implosion. In practice.(575) The official estimate of illiteracy on the island is "between 3 and 6%". ambiguity about primers translated into the production of counter-interactive textbooks.

I believe I am alert to the need to attempt to accurately reflect what people tell me. where they learned their pedagogical methods and why they adopted them. some correct and some not. useless. and administrators. and honed. why. after each interview. some of those interviewed surely made assumptions about my own views. I am acutely aware of the need to struggle to minimize the application of my wishes to their comments. do you support the U. I found many people put off by my tape recorder so I put it away after conducting two interviews on tape. If this results in the "thick description" that Geertz characterizes. then I have had success. I agree with Geertz that cultures are infinitely complex. I set aside at least an equivalent amount of time to record what was said. and not to steer them onto my paradigm. opposition groups today? What are the policies of those groups that you like or dislike? I tried to locate people who were involved in the literacy programs as teachers. I tried to faithfully record what the people said. I asked them what kinds of political consciousness exist on the island now. and my laptop computer. and reliable access to cultures is the lynch-pin investigators must . I have summarized and paraphrased what I was told. students. After we spoke. When people asked me my views on particular issues. a practice long recognized by anthropological investigators like Clifford Geertz and education researchers like Harry Wolcott. to be somewhat disingenuous. I acknowledge that I have a paradigm.(577) The lengthy hand-written notes are in my possession. I feel compelled to reveal that I have trained as a union organizer for the last twenty years. Each of the losses came from not carefully listening to the people involved. Power surges in Grenada rendered my camcorder. I wrote by hand. intervention or are you involved in. unlike Geertz.Promethean formula developed by Freire which I analyzed in Chapter Two. In the next chapter. I asked educators what materials they used. assumed I was a Republican. I asked them to tell me what the main goal of their work was. In that period. or supportive of. I am not. I have been trained in. Successful organizing campaigns are based on what the local people say.S. and what kind of literacy/consciousness they tried to create. What is literacy? Why carry on a literacy campaign? What are the levels of literacy? How would you describe critical consciousness? What should motivate a literacy campaign? Why should we want people to read? How would you envision liberty? Given the nature of the questions. how they taught. I gave particular and honest replies. One government official. But. for example. I asked them to describe the attitude of people toward education. what its goals were. and what it is. listening and reportage skills. I asked people what they had done during the PRG. I was involved in three campaigns that did not succeed--and substantially more victories. as well as their individual goals. While to some it may seem a counter-qualification. I find Geertz's affected reliance on particularities. after the interview. and denial of the constant presence of interpretive paradigms.

according to the history which cross-checks with several witnesses. have written at length and . that is of use to other researchers who might discover other meanings in my work. They had no special axe to grind except to help me seek what is true about Grenada. I think the people who gave me access. Chapter Seven Interviews in Grenada "The light of the eyes rejoiceth the heart and a good report maketh the bones fat" Proverbs 15:30 Interview One Bernard Coard and New Jewel Prisoners of Richmond Hill Prison 5-12-94 My visit to Richmond Hill Prison was made possible through the good offices of Desmond LaTouche. especially Desmond Latouche and Angela James. and some civilians. I wish to make it clear that Mr. They had opinions on how that could be done. and the present Prison Commissioner. Winston Courtney. and what was true.discover. each originating from a different perspective. and its recording. They encouraged me to investigate a variety of paths. complain bitterly. This. in their eyes.(578) I also agree with Geertz that it is the detailed examination of cultures. I believe my writing of interviews that follow accurately reflects the statements of the participants. was true. Courtney appears to have the best interests of the prisoners at the front of his mind. and that the data they gave me. and especially Bernard and Phyllis Coard. distinguishes him from former wardens about whom the prisoners. but they posed their positions as only part of a greater whole--a most sophisticated approach. Coordinator of Adult Education In Grenada. The prisoners. did so in the spirit of giving me as much data as possible in the time I would be with them.

and others. but also when citizens simply greet one another. She looked up at us. One enters through an aging green security gate. through a 3' by 5' brown door within a huge gate. surprised. Coard has had a difficult time". In this case. including Phyllis Coard.(579) What follows is a transcription of the notes I made immediately following my interview with Coard and others. past a work crew (including former General Hudson Austin on the shovel and looking quite trim. when employees greet employers for example. Participants spoke freely. and into the interior prison yard (here the warden left us). The women. and to the office of the Director. appeared as if she would speak. As we entered the work area. I should point out that this kind of greeting is common in Grenada. I was in Richmond Hill Prison from 10:40 a. for the murder of Maurice Bishop. a very old one. Women prisoners are kept separate from men. sir". travels down a typically pockmarked lane interrupted by unnecessary speed bumps. down form his heavy-weight photographs) constructing a water facility. a man of notable military bearing wearing the chevaliers of "HMP" and carrying a swagger stick which he uses as a pointer and a door knocker. The Director took Desmond Latouche and me on a tour of the prisoners' work areas. the use of recording devices was prohibited. through a broom shop and a rope-making shop (to say shop probably overstates the tiny tin sheds). apparently heartfelt. But the smell of Richmond prison is a reminder. I saw about a dozen women at work. Richmond Hill is on one of the most beautiful overlooks of Grenada. upstairs to the . past a small guard house. Norris Bain. brown with the sun. that this is a jail. though some limited visiting is permitted. The men are held in areas slightly down the hill from the women. making heavy blue denim prison uniforms.m. a rule the prisoners chose to obey. George. always. saying that "Mrs. through a floor-mat making tin-topped hut where coconut shells are converted to mats on a machine driven by a screaming rubber belt. the men rose with a "Good morning. Jacqueline Creft. No prison officials were present during the interviews which took place in a classroom and outside the prison library. Seventeen NJM members remain in prison. her face trembled. work as seamstresses. Phyllis Coard jerked bodily over an old machine whining beneath her spasmodic fingers. The jail is immediately adjacent to a courtroom building at the end of a winding road leading up from St. to the warden. at least not with any sarcasm that I could note--nor out of any obvious sense of fear. past a large prison farm in the adjoining valley. We walked through a woodworking shop where the men were making beds on ancient lathes. The warden moved us along. sentences reduced from hanging to life.protested at their trial about the torture and denial of rights they believed overshadowed the case against them. perhaps hundreds of Grenadian citizens. The ocean breeze blowing across this hilltop is an incongruous intrusion into what prison life is portrayed to be. shook her head. and she returned to work.m. to 1:40 p.

and with a ready smile when he addresses a subject that fascinates him. Our plan was to use the money from the airport to recreate the nature of work in Grenada. with about 100 books. but capital-intensive hightech jobs). Figures here get magnified. probably 190 pounds. perhaps. which influenced thousands of people. about 5'11". national and international. Coard is clearly fulfilled by mental work. You can have 10. yellow. We also relied heavily on the educational aspects of our mass rallies. a mass base for. and support for. that the people . maybe light brown. then as the conversation gets good we move outside the door. especially in a country where one house fits six or seven. not labor intensive. We set in place a mass housing program. "It's a very small island. into more sophisticated jobs (which he saw as the future of Grenada. That happened at least every week (the new government is trying to duplicate that with festivals now-. We went to a second floor classroom. They do not contribute but watch intently. He is fully upright. often benefitting the poorest people in Grenada. which should be seen as constant capital. the fellow speaking had medical training. Production. "You can generate a lot of support from people through their pocketbooks. His teeth are still good. adapted. a dank place once painted. eyes slightly off focus behind a pair of thick dark corrective glasses. usually led by Maurice Bishop. economic factors local. He talks with Desmond LaTouche and me while the class continues. into the home. political consciousness. clad in the tough blue denim of the jail. Coard replied. is not a terribly distant second to the Grenada National Library. the revolution?". vocational-technological education. But five factories of industries could wipe that out.prison library which. Asked the base of the national literacy project. Responding to my question.tech employment based on the next stage of the education program. "Economics. for national economic development". These mass rallies.000 people here unemployed and call that 40% unemployment. For national development. It became quickly clear to me that this was not an introductory course.in fact they've adopted. Minister of Finance of New Jewel. were seated listening to a lecture by one of their colleagues on the intricacies of the human heart. the struggle of debate. "What do you see as the link between literacy. Coard is straightforward. many of our programs under the slogan 'good programs---bad guys of the past'). He looks fit. to have fully high. On a wooden bench in the rear sits Bernard Coard. We are joined by Selwyn Strachan and other prisoners as the conversation continues. the people in Gairy's base. combined the spirit of the revolution with the basic information." He explains in elaborate detail the rippling effect of adult literacy--into the family. no visible signs of maltreatment. where about fifteen men. We put education first to develop the human resource.

He accurately described the number of scholarships available to secondary school children post-revolution but credits the revolution for what scholarships are there. That was possible then. they . 'We want them back' because they weren't teaching doctrinaire politics. even the nuns said. We set up this literacy program here because of that. But the main thing was to put people in motion building the national economy and then things could flow from there. even from St. All the time we get in here young men. and he designed the literacy campaigns. So Coard claims they may outnumber the old people who once constituted that class and because of their numbers they are changing the nature of that class itself. the revolution sent children all over the world for technical training to learn to be dentists. But you must see that the PRG was far more democratic than any previous government and far more fair with the masses of people. That was an important goal. He claimed the revolution created a whole new class of professionals. the return of biased entrance exams and fees." The literacy campaign would have made jobs. our materials were directive and crude. 19. and doctors and lawyers and economists. Equality also means equal chances to go to school and get a job." And democracy or equality or social justice? "Those come with the enhanced economic base. most of that the first year. Yes.tech country." At this point. He pointed out the privatization of schools on the island. 18. But remember when those Soviet and Cuban teachers were here. who passed through Grenada's education system and still cannot read or write. man. George. Before the PRG only the professional class could produce professionals. Remember many of our plans were crushed but we still made big steps. Coard entered a long discussion about the state of education as it is today.needed to understand their lives and surroundings. The invasion hit our retraining process. The textbooks would have helped build our technological class. would have made technological development possible so we could be a high. "I would rather not say that the teachers were a weak link. I think they were pretty successful. He put together the workbooks with Creft and others. 17. Now things are going fast backwards. They were as we hoped. as you know. They did volunteer work during the CPE period for example and many were supportive. We believed we halved the rate in four years. It happens all the time. We had incentives to get people to work and to heighten the desirability of jobs. So these rallies were a new form of literacy which built political consciousness and support for the revolution. Now they are back in Grenada and they have not lost their cultural ties. Of course we invited Freire. We did plan to retrain them all over time.

but. then we would move more to the other goals. But we also developed a structure based in the constant capital of the people. while they use many of the things NJM built. "The invasion crushed the leadership and many people are fearful now." Coard went on to discuss the possibilities for his release from prison. And today. Remember it was a crusade. He thinks nothing good can come from his presence in Grenada. Now he assists in running the prison adult education program. These men (today) are not corrupt or dishonest or incompetent. well the but is why I am here. He insists he did not get a fair trial and . That may not be ideal. But of course we should have developed more sophisticated textbooks." Asked how it is there are no leaders now. It involved the spirit of the masses of people. He said. the bureaucrats cannot understand that in any of these campaigns money need not come first. He replied that people are "cynical. but they remember the New Jewel programs. but it can be if the people are participating. etc. Whenever a top leader stepped forward. Coard simply shook his head. men who have their country deep in their hearts and who you could call at midnight with an educational problem. We put together a crusade about literacy in less than a year. But no one believes the current leadership can do anything. from the airport (which they could not destroy like they tried to destroy the rest of the revolution) to the adult literacy campaign. but they do not and seemingly will not put people first in their plans. People are the constant capital of that job. There are no new leaders around and none in sight. You can carry on decent classes under a mango tree. permanently. which he thinks are less than 50-50. the importance of reading the material. I cannot understand why this cannot be done today. As the economy grew. We had great plans for full employment through technological development. We developed Marryshow and Let Us Learn Together under great pressure and time constraints. That was the political part. They know the way we were creating development was working. that reached nearly the entire population." I asked Coard his estimate of the political consciousness of people in Grenada now. they are in fact fine patriots. It is always building. materials.were teaching math and science and subjects to promote national economic development and growth. but if he is ever released he wants to leave the island. through building the economy. The education plan was to build the economy. He indicated that he would like to do work for the Ministry of Finance from jail. that leader talked about literacy.

When asked what is the role of school and educators in social change. TM hates the "Coard gang" who he says committed fratricide by murdering Bishop and hundreds of citizens who threw themselves off the St. claims Marryshow. he says.m. a nationalist leader adapting socialism and well ahead of his time. is composed of masses of people.. he sees Bishop as an "early proponent of perestroika and glasnost". Coard again turned immediately to a discussion of national economic development and the vital link development plays in social change. who support the programs of the revolution. including dozens of teachers. Moreover. Coard also says he was tortured. TM would like to see the MBNP continue Bishop's programs. Informed that I believe the theory of productive forces is a Trojan Horse. getting the highway to the airport named after Bishop. Marryshow returned to Grenada in 1986 but was not allowed to practice medicine or vote until late 1989. Phyllis Coard is clearly unwell. Interview with Dr. " A Coard agent". if nothing else. but that the women were tortured most severely. the press and Latouche say hundreds) of Grenadians in commemoration of Bishop. In the interim. selling their own T-Shirts which did not include a photo of Bishop. in reality. A Cuban-trained M. 4:00 to 5:30 p. Glen St Louis (who urged me to talk to TM--interview below) for participating in elections on the MBNP ticket but being. "Now.. TM talks of the "ideology drunk" Coard gang who talked of an "Afghan resolution" and wanted Grenada to become a duplicate Soviet Union. 1994 (the anniversary of the revolution) which involved thousands (St Louis. George Fort wall. as were most of the men. TM would like to see Coard.should be released for that reason alone. which he distinguishes from . He says MBNP led a series of rallies beginning on March 13. et. He never raised the issue of class consciousness. His office for medical practice off Granville Street Terry Marryshow is the elected (1992 by a democratic vote) leader of the Maurice Bishop National Party (once Maurice Bishop People's Movement) which he credits with. but the Coard forces sought to subvert the effort by joining it.D. Marryshow left the island in 1981 when he noticed discord within the PRG armed forces where he was a commander. hanged and he also says he hates the owner of my hotel. not well in her mind". al. Coard looked briefly surprised and laughed heartily. Marryshow lived by the graces of a "generous mother". The MBNP. In contrast. Terry Marryshow 5-12-94. a compromise position falling short of the Maurice Bishop Airport.

and copies of their Trotskyist paper. "Why?" . including his own. extremely cynical. They have proved they are for stagnation and we are for all the reforms the PRG stood for under Maurice-. But the people. "The Militant". Interestingly. economic decline in particular. including those who worked with the PRG. We are a national patriotic party in the name of Maurice Bishop. TM believes these classes were expanded by the revolution and are the future of Grenada. MB was an extraordinary man. then. TM says there are. TM says now the vast majority of people. and the official site of the headquarters of the MBNP where I found. His office. do not vote. Marryshow. But he says there are no leaders on the island that take a perspective similar to Bishop's. Why will they not vote or participate?" TM believes events will finally carry the MBNP to power. TM says his party's prime focus will be education. but 10% of the upcoming vote. That is why we chose the name. are fearful and still confused and hiding in the woodwork. "all the other parties. People in the third world require charismatic leaders. especially professionals who studied abroad. nearly all. maybe. especially among youth. which are alike. sees events. literacy. are turned off by politics. They have just not gone past that. We cannot get people of substantial quality to run with MBNP and that holds us back. a large walk-up off a downtown alley. to his slight consternation. at top. But the youth do not turn up in urban areas because they're taken care of by families and "stay back and watch tv". has four sizeable rooms. an examination area. not a crude communist like Coard who could never gain the love of the people but a kind man who loved the people and they loved him in return. In any case.S. He insists that nothing has been done for the Grenadian infrastructure since the invasion. a dental clinic. Pressed on the MBNP educational program. and. He says this especially includes teachers. and us. TM states real unemployment is higher than 40%. and right now there is no organization. even the old activists.PRG programs by saying the latter were heavy-handed. We have democracy now. a business area. Fidel Castro. and believe that they cannot act on their fate. which can mobilize what he calls "a powerful. Socialist Workers Party tracts on Malcolm X.Leninists.except the Marxist-Leninist rhetoric. except the airport and one road around the island. TM believes the Grenadian people are peculiar in that they "require their leaders to be from the landed and professional classes". in any way. We are not Marxist. even though he believes the MBNP will get. like Coard. as pushing people to reconsider his party. refuse to discuss analyses of local conditions. opposition". building the national economy and consciousness. U.

The professional class must play a leading role in developing the economic base and national superstructure. The children chant responses and address their teachers as "Miss. In addition. there is discipline in Grenadian schools that I have not witnessed for many years. "The textbooks took things away from us as teachers". There is a minimum of talk in the classroom." Miss Francis would prefer a co-ed school but feels most Grenadians are still convinced that sex-segregated schools are the most effective. by my count in observing six classes through the day. probably in high-technology. Miss Francis felt her professionalism as a teacher was threatened. Maurice Bishop and the policies of the NJM. which gave birth to Maurice Bishop and the spirit of the people which Bishop mobilized". is 41. At the same time. More than 20 people were removed from their posts. after the textbooks were chosen. a girls' school where the average class size. Miss Francis feels restricted by the "Caribbean Syllabus" which is used from the primary grades through the secondary years. Miss Francis recognizes that the syllabus is designed to create employees. But there can be no national economic growth without the leadership of the professional class. Regarding her teaching during the PRG period. she credits Creft with a devotion to teaching.. as do most children in Grenada. "There was a total lack of freedom. Miss Francis was a teaching colleague of Jacqueline Creft (both taught at the Grenada Boys School) and taught secondary classes throughout the PRG period. but she feels that people were denied the freedom to teach about things they knew best.. Miss Francis and I spent considerable time discussing the present state of education in Grenada which she finds more and more segregated by the increasing fees and declining availability of school facilities--less is available for fewer children. she knew people who did. As more time went by into the PRG period. If you didn't teach the PRG line. Interview with Miss Mason Francis 5-8-94 Miss Francis (as she asks to be called) is the principal of Anglican High. Miss Francis believes more and more teachers began to just teach the old material because there was less . Indeed. While she did not participate in the original Freire literacy groups." Miss Francis did not attend NISTEP sessions but did attend adult literacy training classes. you were fired. The children rise when the teacher enters. She believes NISTEP was designed to re-educate younger teachers and that older teachers' skills were denied and they were written off as politically hopeless."Because there must be economic development before anything else. She thinks it was good that the NJM set up the literacy campaigns and NISTEP. but feels that at least those employees will be fully competent. The girls come to the severely dilapidated school uniformed. The teachers work from the syllabus each day.

even in the last stages of the PRG rule. Miss Francis does credit the "young and exciting" NJM leadership with building support for the literacy programs and with getting teachers (and doctors) trained. 5-8-94 . she says. Miss Francis indicates that it was not enough. even though she considers it false. in the first year. the health care system. which had the effect. she objected to her notion of socialism which she did not identify as part of the text. However. She says that what changed was the content of what was being told to children. of her current graduates will not get jobs. it seems to her. but the PRG was not. Less of the government budget. is spent on education and there is less willingness to sacrifice to get behind education than under the PRG. many teachers did not like the PRG because they felt they were under constant watch. that is. and that figure will go down. socialism--which she opposes. Interview with Miss Morris Anglican High School.and less time for he PRG to pay attention to them. She says the materials chosen. "at the end of the day. the texts written. or many of them were. It is the content. that distinguished the former textbooks from the current syllabus. which she says is continuing now. She misses the hopefulness of the PRG period. or one was considered an enemy. one had to teach appreciatively of the PRG line. They were also many good young men with bad ideas. She approves of the Airport. She felt the material in the textbooks was very directive and she disagreed with the political line which she felt drove the texts. if they did not specifically contain. But she believes the texts themselves led to. of raising teacher pay. to simply teach. just out for themselves. despite the disciplined efforts of dedicated teachers. and she indicated that she did feel that the textual references to developing the national economy made sense. Miss Francis is not aware of any dramatic change in teaching methods during the PRG period. the adult eduction programs. But even with that. especially during the early PRG years. Less than half of the children who apply to secondary school now get in. probably most. and that nothing can be done about it. were created to build the national economy through education. when asked what specifically in the textbooks she did not like. but with less dedication." Miss Francis thinks that many. Miss Francis returns often to the view that many of the PRG programs were good. but she says the NJM officials were. she returned to the idea that it was the line of the PRG that she did not like. were what should be done. She believes the education system in Grenada will continue to deteriorate. She also says the PRG shifted monies into the education system and began to subsidize all schools more.

19% of this group in Grenada. Four of this group had not been teachers during the PRG. or the adults. her comments as to the purpose of the textbooks paralleled Miss Morris's. Five are now out of this class. But it was better than now. One.S.Miss Morris (Grenadian teachers call one another Miss and Mr. They discussed the effects of teenage pregnancy on the girls. Just a few people really wrote those textbooks and they adopted the positions of the PRG and the NJM. but they didn't have the children in mind. Some of those ideas were quite fine." Miss Morris is deeply concerned that the girls she teaches have no future. if . I was able to interview Miss Morris in the moments between classes. However. meeting in a hurried session with me in the room that serves as the teacher's lounge. I was therefore able to see her frequently. Interview with Pauline Waldron Grenada National College 5-10-94 Pauline Waldron and I spent about 5 hours together over a period of three days. Miss Morgan. She taught during the PRG period and worked with the "Let Us Learn Together" textbooks. Her office is adjacent to the Adult Education offices at the Grenada National College. the area that I used as an operating base. they were not too bad. That then became a session on STD's. I asked three questions: Would you have chosen these textbooks? "No." Why do you think those textbooks were chosen? "Because they were written with the positions of the PRG in mind. Girls are removed from Anglican High if they get pregnant. when there are no textbooks or only one book for every two or three children--and no other books anywhere. textbooks. and ask to be addressed this way) was teaching a class of 44 girls on the topic of teenage pregnancy when I came to observe her class. any books. This was the most teacherstudent interaction I witnessed in Grenada. They did not consider them first. Miss Morris teaches dialogically: Why is this a problem? Why are so many young girls (thirteen to seventeen years old. requested books from the U. All of the teachers. I met with five other teachers from Anglican High on this date. and they develop the answers. and the least directive. dictionaries. but they perhaps pushed too fast. and on the community and the girls moved the discussion to talk about methods of prevention. more than double that for the Caribbean) getting pregnant? The noise from surrounding classes is sufficient to drown out many of the answers but Miss Morris works the girls through the problem as it is seen through their eyes. was somewhat more positive about the PRG textbooks. They simply do not have enough. and that pregnancy is their only available means of self-validation.. They hoped the people would be able to work more efficiently." What do you think the purpose of the textbooks was? "To develop more literate people in order to better their chances to improve the economy.

Daniel. she continues to teach reading to young people as well as to people entering the college for skills training in office arts or hospitality work. the latter somewhat diluted. There were wonderful poets writing then but they are not politically published now. Waldron is a practicing Seventh Day Adventist. 1994. She found this topical. with her. What follows here is a near-verbatim transcript of my handwritten notes. Right now. She was certified as a teacher through the University of the West Indies and received her M. Waldron states that in the earliest days of the PRG. People produced their own texts and then devised their own textbooks for particular classes. regularly doing outreach. as is the case in many Grenadian classes now. is on the rise. She taught for 28 years in Grenada before coming to the Grenada National College to coordinate a literacy program which is to begin before the next election. there was no textbook. and she acknowledges that the PRG plan is the base of her plan. that is not helpful either. and taught and worked on the literacy campaigns of the PRG period. which were just hand done. as she had duties to attend to and usually had her adopted seven year old son. There is no prescribed college text and Waldron does her own test designs based on student interests.A.intermittently. in Language and Literacy at Lancaster University in Great Britain." I think there is a danger in having any textbook. that caused political problems. her work is unpaid. but the language remained a problem--the textbooks were sometimes too complex. As she begins to prepare for the literacy project. She is able to get along on savings but regularly protests to the Ministry of Education and expects to be paid in the not so distant future. Before the PRG . She hopes the Ministry will fund a literacy project that will be based in the communities. in October. was principal of a Grenadian school. Are we not now trying to do a sanitized PRG textbook? Of course we are. And the change from the people's textbooks. 1994. you have political problems. she has not been paid since February. She plans to base her literacy campaign on androgogy. like auto mechanics. not trapped in an office. a learner-based curriculum which looks a great deal like the old PRG program. she tutors young adults who walk into the college. There is no outreach program. No text is neutral. She is aware of the probable political reasons for the initiation of the program at this time but feels that it is important for Grenada to have a literacy program as illiteracy. some Grenadians became authors. Then it became necessary to have production for textbooks and the Cubans did that. which she says she really cannot estimate but guesses at 25%. In her current volunteer status. though I record that my transcription is insufficient to reproduce the rich wisdom in Pauline Waldron's use of the language: "During that period. But having no books. that is. Whenever you have a literacy campaign. to the official textbooks. while she was told this position is a paid job. Then we got the PRG textbooks.

But the PRG then used people as teachers who should have been students themselves. That was when they had no textbooks and things went pretty well. we have built in training from the beginning. A few women can carry on without the PRG. These groups have people with them. and not give the teacher a part. People said they were full of red ideology. People who do not see themselves as writers. The National Women's Organization is there but it is not government policy any longer. Freire's approach is in many ways radical but in many ways like many other projects. The PRG came to power very fast and had no real mass base because of that. There is no talk now about the woman question which PRG mad a definite out-front fight about. This would give our program some autonomy. We shall see. Then they had four years and could not overcome illiteracy and could not develop a base of support for themselves. The woman question is dropped by the government but I am not going to get involved in that. But we are ready with a textbook even though I am generally opposed to them. I find myself. They want an official text like the ones they understand are used in real schools. The PRG textbooks drew a lot of bad press on the island. In working with adults I try to build a language experience. proposing a revised text (revised from the PRG base) because our clientele want a textbook. Then there was the brief period without textbooks and people became producers of literacy. There were difficult internal and external problems for the PRG but many things they did were important. We have yet to really start. I think. they are never neutral. . The (post-revolution) government just grabbed off all the PRG textbooks. Freire's way is not a new one. as do some of the unions. The PRG did not have time. should never be in the forefront of a literacy campaign. But I think that a government. Now there is no PRG and there are no books. Unlike the PRG. I would like to do this with the cooperation of the non-governmental organizations like the women's organizations. But that then holds them back as writers. including the current government support many of New Jewel programs. Dewey for example. But back to the textbooks. Then came the PRG textbooks which were just standardized items. often want a textbook. but some adults do not want to use their own language. from a press which was not neutral. the World Council of Churches of Grenada. the Agency for Rural Transportation. as you notice many people now. Many cannot. but they denied the peoples' lives. Interesting. That revo showed me how much respect people have for print. But texts can impose too much bias. oddly. There is a calypso song now. as he did here. I think. But. That needs autonomy. This is a difficult dilemma.there were textbooks. 'The revo is over and now I can beat you'. There was a mad scramble for them and there are no more now.

contributes to illiteracy. The PRG texts were textbooks and they were also easily undermined by experienced teaches who had their own plans. The only people getting through soon will be those who can already afford it. kids and parents right away. Our system. it needs money to work. The PRG leaders were very decent men and women. grew distant and made orders. no. The revolution was trying to move up a new group of workers and professionals. which I said I oppose in principle anyway. Then we will recruit more and more people as teacher-trainers. but was less noticeable. even when teachers were watched. I hope our training will offset the use of the texts. It is the way to move our country and economy forward. That attitude is: "If you have an idea. This comes from the idea that we cannot solve our own problems without outside people and money. we go to seminars led by people from other countries paid by the thousands who come to tell us what we already know. who will be committed to the literacy program. which made us all raise our levels of treatment of one another. in contrast. now and under PRG. Then we have to worry about boxes of chalk. And many walked away. But we will have to rely mostly on volunteers. They did not have enough people with them. but they always were retreating and calling that an advance. All the time. The CPE program had a lot of volunteers but they did not always stay with the program. The ministers always have emphasized specific standardized tests which held kids back. they declared farmers heroes. . The fact that kids taking these tests have not had the same texts is a big problem. here and now. could not keep the ties they had initially. There is interest out there in literacy. The leaders could not get close enough to the people. That kind of thing can be made better through teacher training which would also give teachers a chance to compare experiences. now.' But I say. That happened during PRG too. But they called in the Cubans and the Soviets too and said they knew it.I am trying to create a community of educators. Also the idea that we need to look to outsiders and experts for knowledge and initiative. It used to be among most people in Grenada that it seemed like there were minor social class differences. But the source of the problems here is really an attitude. so little money is offered. we need not spend lots of money. nothing new. starting with a group of six. Now it is like the United States. The PRG did have "emulations" for working people. especially if we can piggy-back our group. Now the current government is making it impossible for most kids to get an education again. The PRG did not have time to educate teachers. There is little cooperation between the ministries. perhaps with similar conviction that moved the PRG program. Big differences getting worse. People are not taught to read in school.

(p2) The campaign was inspired by Paulo Freire. literally by showing people new ways to look at maps if nothing else. Their parents can afford the better schools and the books and the calculators. as well as their educators.Thesis with me: "An Analysis of Literacy texts of the Grenadian Literacy Campaign". Usually.). inventive. while most Grenadians speak something closer to Grenadian Creole. "The . They are trained as teachers. A text book here costs the student $80 E. Teachers have more freedom than they think. direction. But teachers cannot do much about this. I made a copy of this document and have it in my possession. and leaves it unanswered. in the body. her comments above are also in the body of the paper.(p20) She notes the primers were written in standard English. and one which merely assumes. People are separated by inheritance. almost exactly. Waldron. However. I used my freedom and expanded on it. "Why did Freire. Maybe I censored myself? No. I must pick the direction. I know right away where my students come from now. How do you claim to be legitimate otherwise? That is what they promised. unpublished and dated September. keeps detailed charts on the progress of each of her literacy students.C. asks the question. not organizers. help to design a primer?".A. to participate in the design of the curriculum. I outline a few important assertions: The purpose of the (PRG literacy) campaign was social transformation through development. who has not been paid for months. (about 26 dollars U. I always taught the ways I taught best and never had a problem of any importance. national and economic development. who claims to oppose primers. could not altogether deliver on what they said but there was a beginning. a contradiction similar to what occurred with the primers designed by the Cabral government in Guinea-Bissau. absent analysis. I encouraged my teachers to be creative. I explained my plans for a classroom and I was always given permission. She records the contradiction of a learner based curriculum. Then teachers force children's parents to sacrifice to buy textbooks. written for the University in Great Britain.The PRG goal was development. Waldron shared her M. I am torn between teaching critical skills and teaching corporate skills. For the most part. They could not do that. from time to time I do try to turn the world upside down. though. I refuse to fill them like vessels.(23). that all the learners and the teacher have the same interests. And the other teachers want. 1992. They want the room in rows. and teachers. the ones who are better prepared are the ones who could afford to make better choices. The slogan. I ask students. Pauline. are used to.S. Even the room works against me. She shares these charts with the students so they can check on how she is doing. then assign routine assignments like copying from it. When I was a principal.

ie." CC and TR agree that the materials developed during the PRG were "mostly nonideological". He led in the design of materials and the creation of the program. All of Grenada's teachers are members of. One teacher called him "a moderate but with good sense. Interview With Clarissa Charles and Terry Raeburn May 17. This was especially true of the science and math sections which were really the focal points of the program. Every teacher I talked to had heard of Terry Raeburn. is well-known to Grenadian teachers who. He is recognized by teachers all over the island as a teacher-leader. is never unpacked." But. While he has not held high posts. but a call for more work from agricultural workers who may or may not believe in the commonality of interests with the government. She criticizes the phonetic approach as being counter to what Freire claims to believe. education. she is writing her own textbook. Instead they were thrown out". CC would rather have used the textbooks and explained what was wrong with them. of course. they cannot understand poverty and they cannot move to alter their own condition. Terry Raeburn is a former CPE teacher and presently is a teacher in Grenadian schools. "History and English were rather political but it would have been easy to make a few minor changes and use the texts now. that is. in the primers. learning through reflection. Now there is NO . CC and TR agree that the PRG had a focus. The greatest weakness was the use of the textbook. as New Jewel said. specially the literacy program which the PRG "recruited Freire to lead". ten years later. encouraged teachers and students--and parents--and led graduation ceremonies. CC taught under PRG and. the teacher version textbook hints that people who cannot read cannot think and cannot act. respect her. Waldron concludes by saying. they did not challenge thinking that was already prevalent.. "Education was a key pillar of the revolution. obviously not aimed at the land. This assumption. According to Waldron. At base. (p35). Then the PRG leaders got behind it and visited schools. 1994 Clarissa Charles (CC) is the President of the Grenada Union of Teachers (GUT). and that the government's leaders were deeply involved in the process.Land Must Produce More" is. she indicates this is behaviorism. or pay agency fees (Seventh Day Adventists for example) to GUT. according to every teacher I interviewed. (p29) She also notes the continued mis-representation of women in the texts. he is recognized as a voice of the rank and file. according to Waldron. There is no struggle over meaning and little or no room for student writing. and wondering about the alternatives. drill and kill.

The ministry people only rarely visit and there is only the most haphazard of plans. TR adds that teachers' work. CC sees a major upheaval in the Caribbean in the not too distant future. except decline organized. "It would be useless". However. was to "move the national development in special ways. Even the possibilities created for Grenadian youth by the Cubans. "there was communist ideology" but that was "really just the secondary part to the need for development". so many fishery experts. how to think things through. it became illegal". CC believes the key thing for teachers to accomplish is to teach kids logic. as there are no resources. including his. in contrast. even if they were eager and hardworking. they had a specific economic plan and people were beginning to recognize how they would fit into that plan and they told people their actions would make a difference. . They found very little in the textbooks to disagree with. none of this is true or possible. in the schools is not recognized by the ministry. people just waiting to retire. If they could. Now. but there is no possibility for that now. There was a need for so many doctors. writing and math. its purpose beyond smashing things as they are. they say. according to Raeburn. Indeed. TR and CC would both use the old PRG textbooks in their classrooms. through the lines of the national economic plan. if they gained education and literacy they could. she believes this kind of thinking will have little impact on children because things in Grenada are largely hopeless. and they set out to fill that". CC and TR concur that the core of the PRG education campaigns. could not make much difference but he resents their lack of attention to the sacrifices that are made daily by teachers trying to struggle on despite difficult circumstances. really no plan at all. She thinks nothing good can come of hard work in Grenada and she is interested in leaving the country for a place where good hard work will not be subverted by incompetence and political jealousies. to draw on. so many teachers. gave people three things: the leadership of PRG was centered and visible and building a base of excitement for the education programs. are gone. but the focus of the upheaval. Within this. No material. in medicine for example. "Besides. The PRG. especially the literacy campaign. They attack the current ministers of education as being "time-passers". there are no jobs. He feels that the ministers. Even when kids finish school.focus. And there are no jobs in the rest of the Caribbean or in the United States which has been the saving stop-gap for generations. perhaps. move up in society. GUT struck in the PRG period (which led to laws prohibiting strikes by public workers) about educational issues like the curriculum as well as money. there appears to be no plan at all. Now. is unclear. in addition to reading. TR agrees. retirement is of interest to CC. monetary or human.

He was jailed for eight days during the PRG for founding the "Grenada Voice" which the NJM leadership claimed was a product of the CIA. shut itself down in May. a lifetime resident of Grenada. Cocoa is doing alright but nutmeg is in a very bad state. I did a study of the number of people who voted with an "X" for their name rather than a signature. And the report was not true.TR says that it is clear to him that there is something standing between the goal of school for the purpose of development and school for the purpose of developing a sense of logic in children. have no future. there is no development so people feel apart from the government as it now stands." CC believes Grenada should continue on the road the PRG leaders began. to follow the lead of Taiwan to use education to develop a high-tech economic base. to mutually prop up nutmeg and spice prices. The government did this for propaganda reasons.S. Tourism is levelling off. Interview with Alistair Hughes 5-18-94 Alistair Hughes is a well-known Grenadian journalist. especially about development. AH says the traditional crops of Grenada. footnoted above. CC and TR agree that the dominant attitude toward the future of Grenada is despair. that is. The paper. and was educated in Grenadian schools. In "1987 the government reported to UNESCO that we have 4% illiteracy. are still there. It was stupid because UNESCO's cut-off point for funding literacy projects is 5%. 1994. that is. and to please the U. A deal Grenada had with Indonesia. spices and bananas. That meant the funds went to Latin America. class size and the curriculum. In 1989. due to the death of Hughes wife who was an important part of the production process. But that is the only conscious sense of logic that remains and it is not working in peoples' lives. and to declining subscriptions. though the focus of the . CC adds that even the routine literacy projects that any country should have are denied by the current government. not even close. because national economic development is failing. especially the complete lack of books. That was stupid and not true. which continued for more than a decade. She sees little hope for that since the current government leadership is worthless. Hughes is white. in fact they are national policy in many cases. That number was 20%. was subverted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund which gave Indonesia loans based on the refutation of the Grenadian arrangement. CC says now the key issues for teachers are pay. And the ideas that were put forward by the PRG. He is the brother of Frank Hughes.

Bishop was not prepared to go as fast as Coard. They both had one thing in mind. not people who want to come to a bargain paradise. universities look to Grenada for setting up distance education programs. a class-size ration that must be part of the basis for parents willingness to pay additional tuition to Santa Rosa. I interviewed GS with Desmond Latouche who has known GS for his entire career. "we must remember that their programs had really nothing new in them." Hughes now writes occasionally for ABC news and does publicity for the U. There is controversy on the island now about the possibility of a low-cost Club-Med operation opening in 1995. There are 65 students in the school. They." In addition. Hughes. He contends this was merely a falling out among thieves. Santa Rosa. I came to some sessions but felt unwelcome and left". The wooden plank floor is uninterrupted by walls. Bishop was the speech-maker. He says the PRG merely implemented the Gairy plan with socialist touches.Grenadian tourism project is to gather high paying tourists." People have many memories of the PRG and some people think their programs were good. who is routinely quoted and interviewed by the American press when it visits Grenada. says the PRG did not introduce free health care. except the government actions that they controlled. Coard the thinker and real actor. GS has worked as an educator all of his life. GS claims his parish. St.-based medical school on the island. down from 100 three years ago. He closed the interview by encouraging people to come to Grenada and urging that U. "national socialism and you know what that means and where it comes from. Hughes insists there was no difference between Bishop and Coard. an aging one-room school house about 15 yards wide and 30 long. and worked on the CPE at its earliest stages. He says Grenada is simply the kind of country where people care for one another. These kids face five teachers and the principal. was .S. "had a little box in the economy for every person and wanted to put everyone in one of them. Care was always free to people who indicated a need to a local doctor. It was initiated by Eric Gairy who had the vision to foresee the need for high-tech development for the economy two years before the PRG seized power. He was only involved in the creation of the textbooks "late in the game. but. AH states that the PRG program hardly really belongs to the PRG. but he states he was aware of Freire by reputation and knew of Freire's leadership of the literacy project. Desks are arranged facing six different large blackboards. Paul's.S. Interview with George Sandifor Santa Rosa School 5-16-94 George Sandifor is the principal of a private school.

S. Besides. others see CDR as the community base of Cuban intelligence. They were told the intelligencia of the PRG could do things for them. Marxism. They believe the PRG planned to expand the NISTEP and adult education programs and. "They did put forward some good projects in the schools about national consciousness and work. This then . shifted the emphasis of the program. two things happened. But they did not want people to think things through. Elsewhere. The young people who were leading the sessions were rude to the older people and called them stupid when they asked wrong questions. that is. GS acknowledges that this group was unusual. This trio. Both agree that this plan was coming into effect as the invasion took place. "We didn't ram the PRG doctrine down their throats. "It was clear to everyone that some questions could not be asked. there was initially a big outpouring of interest in the adult and educational programs. were used to fire and discipline teachers. Some see CDR's as necessary methods to prevent CIA attacks which also insure the medical and social care of each neighborhood. somewhat isolated from the mainstream teachers. and others. When that died. then interest vanished and people left. but as time progressed. the PRG got more isolated and it got more anxious to have control over the people who were doing the teaching. GS noted his sense of the irony of the education programs created by the PRG. only to get the U. which he says included Desmond Latouche and George Brizan (historian of Grenada). and let people explore topics and methods on their own. at the same time. "we stripped out the isms". They told people they could act. then dashed. socialism. He attributes this to the efforts of the teachers in the group. So that kind of political consciousness served to destroy them. according to GS. My experience from a total of about 10 months in Cuba is that the CDR's probably do make regular reports to intelligence. "Now all people see is hopelessness. or should be. the doctrine was ok if the rhetoric was left out".the only area where there was steady attention to high education standards during the PRG period. and now look how things are". but teachers with a good following were untouched. GS sees this irony continuing. People's expectations were raised. to force teachers to more and more stick closely to the topics which they call "isms". the people freed him. and regularly high attendance in the adult literacy programs. They arrested Bishop. They feel that while the PRG was in its early stages. To GS. The internal intelligence reports. but they rarely actually silence anyone). communism. He says development is also. hope died." GS and DL spoke together in describing their interpretation of the PRG's plans for the period of 1983 to 1988. it had limited avenues of control. like: Who gains from all of this?" GS claims that the PRG set up groups like the Cuban Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR's are a subject of intense debate among experts on Cuba. the goal of democratic capitalist regimes. this meant that the lessons were acceptable when they focused on peoples' participation in national development.

I met one grandfather/grandson team." He points to Kenneth Raddix as one of these individuals. and even with the military recruiting that was not possible. In addition. "when the invasion came." . Then. They wandered off to their women at every chance". GSL considers himself a MBNP member and ran as such in the last electoral contest. We were unable to educate them. about eighteen hours a day. Louis Hotel Amanda 5-8-94 GSL was the owner of the Hotel I stayed in while in Grenada. Troops wouldn't stay at their posts. was not prosecuted and ran for public office in the post invasion elections--and lost). He states that in the beginning. The Hotel has less than a dozen rooms. (Raddix disaffiliated from the PRG shortly before the invasion. GSL was the tourism and interest section representative of the PRG in Montreal from 1980 to 1983. The truck drivers and their helpers gather in the shade of trees and "lime" (hang out) for hours as one truck fills after the next. Immediately in front of the Amanda is a water hook-up where. "NJM was a party of the disaffected bourgeoisie. that was proof the party and its ideas had no real base. He could not return to the country until 1985. it was over. but had fours years to develop one and failed. The Central Committee had to round up its members for meetings at gunpoint. better jobs. higher incomes.made many of the teachers even more disaffected and they left the program rather than be subjected to what they perceived as harassment from people filing intelligence reports. only promises for a better life which was not immediately achieved. There are generations of water truck drivers here. twenty-four hours. The NJM promised better lives. many members were there because they felt they could gain a foothold in the economy. Over time. St. There was not mass base at the outset because the revolution was so brief. water trucks wait in line to fill and deliver water throughout the island. it became clear that NJM "had bourgeois goals and people who may have been attracted from economic reasons drew away. Louis says the NJM never had a mass base. The Hotel Amanda sits about three-quarters of the way up a steep hill eventually leading to the Richmond prison and overlooking the St. They are undisciplined. its leadership. employs only GSL and three workers. Interview with Glen St. Many promises were kept but the main promises were impossible to keep. Once Maurice was dead. people here are backward. so the people listened to someone else's promises about a better life. George's Harbor. GSL says the only organized remnant of PRG consciousness is within the MBNP (see Terry Marryshow interview above).

never assisted in any serious way to provide educational materials. "the consciousness in those textbooks shouldn't have been an affront to the United States. like Grentel (the phone company) have helped but they cannot provide what is needed. There is some money. a concern which is ratified by my visits. He believes the NJM wrote textbooks because it could not trust the teaching force. His office. He is concerned about the facilities. Interview with Leland Jones. in the most needy cases. felt there was a true parallel of interest and ideology between Freire and New Jewel.S. While he did not attend literacy sessions. he says that Creft and Freire were the key people behind the development of the programs. So the textbooks were written to take that discussion out of the hands of the teachers. Some private companies. now. GSL believes it is possible for employers and employees to live in harmony.GSL believes that the Coard group will soon wither be granted amnesty of released because of procedural violations in their trial. Many of them were only slightly ahead of the children and did not understand the PRG position on important issues. He states that Freire was recruited because the leadership. would prefer to see the group freed--and leave the island. nation building. The European Economic Community is preparing to sponsor a teacher-training initiative. Even so. Nearly everyone has to teach and be involved in fund raising at the same time. He thinks most Grenadians. We never really got farther than that. "Our schools are falling apart. through dialogue. GSL remembers the debates about the CPE and the education programs developed by Freire under the PRG quite well. in downtown St. He indicates his teaching force desperately needs training. LJ sees the key problem in education as money. the noise of repair crews often drowning out our exchange. though he also mentions Didacus Jules as an important leader. George. he believes the schools have improved over the last ten years. but we wanted to". especially those at the secondary level. and materials. The U. We have a lot of . is under construction and hearing him is difficult. as is his perception of the running of his Hotel Amanda. textbooks. People have to pay for their kids' education. Director of Education 5-12-94 LJ has been the Director for more than five years. He says the teachers were untrained and "didn't know what they were doing". This meant that the teachers didn't need to understand the issues and could pass the appropriate messages along to the children. for uniforms. It was bourgeois consciousness. especially principals. but very little. One school has been in a collapsed church. especially Creft.

"We have nobody in testing and measurement.wretched facilities. (Following the invasion. nobody in curriculum. We try to encourage people to be self-employed. for exact skills. "Our educators need training". "what sense can it make to urge massive capital investment for an economy.S. division of "A. technologically based. by definition. Many of the Roman Catholic schools are in good shape. It takes two hours to pay a phone bill. nor to plead. Jones is now in a building that went unrepaired. But it was denied". And the teachers do not know how to design tests. So we are prioritizing".I. as well as the properties of other large land holders and companies. Grenada. The government doesn't insure its properties. world economics. Mr. From those schools. We must train people to be nice. LJ is interested in training principals in particular. The bathrooms don't work. After all. The value of our crops has collapsed. Two adjacent buildings burned less than a year ago and the property inside was simply lost. according to Jones." When kids do graduate. but the church here owns a terrific amount of property". despite employee complaints. "they can work at hotels. we are facing a staff reduction program. so they can train others.Yet the kids are set up to hold back kids who cannot pass tests for which they cannot be prepared". Education is important but there is a small cake to cut. I came here from the Bahamas ten years ago and could not believe what was going on. Jones knew Freire had come to the island to join with Creft provide leadership to the literacy projects under NJM and knows people . what with NAFTA (North America Free Trade Agreement). at the end of the day. two people have died of lung cancer". which would provide. and we do not have the texts. It is a difficult world. The Caribbean entrance exams are "written from specific textbooks. but without fences we cannot protect the crops from night raids". as did Gairy's properties. but to sell things". very few jobs?" "I was a friend of Jacqueline Creft's". "We have vibrant schools for agriculture. are collapsing. "really a bare bones proposal for construction. cut its funding so we cannot do the necessary work". Vandals constantly ransack the schools. not a school broadcast unit or anything expansive. "If you want to talk about jobs. nobody in research. then national economics and development. our key is business tourism. He suggests it is interesting that this church property never came under attack under the PRG. until the roof collapsed. Even the top government facilities. liked to the land. Jones applied for $80 million in EEC grants. "We now have seven schools that we know about that have asbestos roofs and ceilings. like LJ's office. you have to talk about world production. competing with overseas producers. And because we have lost funding. which were seized. does not have the technological base for sophisticated production and. The U. newly established Grenadian courts returned all confiscated properties to their former owners).D. not to demand things.

even though they tried to disguise it as shared knowledge. At the end. DL was on vacation when I arrived. The Bishop gang kept poor records and had no open budget. Those are the key differences. This is a very bad situation. an accredited college graduate teacher. they simply had no people with them. for no personal gain. With Latouche.S. They leave.D. Both sacrificed to make my research possible. After eight years of experience. theoretically in daily contact with the people. at Penn State./EC exchange rate is: now $1.00 U. The day before my departure. even when they could have won. untrained teachers.(580) "The problem the PRG identified. is it not?" "Our supervising staff is much better than the PRG's. He cancelled his vacation to make my investigations possible. The PRG period was heady but that government could never believe it was losing support. Both were extraordinarily helpful and ready with information. will make $19.who participated in the program. they really had no idea what was going on around them".656 EC. . I have summarized and paraphrased. Angela James. The current U. At this writing. is the same problem we have now. "They cannot. Other than the two interviews that follow. For people so involved in education. He locates key leadership in the literacy programs with Creft and Freire. we pay somewhat better. they refused to hold elections. working full time.S = $2. We do not have the teachers to do the training the efforts toward development demand." LJ showed me a chart of teacher salaries. I asked LJ how people could afford to teach. as you can see". PSU is opening discussions with DL on that point. I have paraphrased the informant's comments from a single interview. but from my notes from many interviews. He asked me to follow up on that possibility with information. to work on a Ph.S. I raised with DL the possibility that he might want to come to the U. They did that to try to hide things from the Americans".60 EC. "everything went one way. not from a single interview. were the primary contacts I had in Grenada. Interview with Desmond Latouche Director of Adult Education Desmond Latouche and his colleague and secretary. In the PRG education system. That is why one writes textbooks.

DL notes that Coard and Austin were heavily involved in the beginnings of the PRG literacy campaign. to finish the airport and gain tourism. that the imprisoned former PRG leaders will be given clemency. Gestetners. but his students in vo-tech are learning to use office machines that have been obsolete for years. to create a work force that could support technological development. Both the PRG and the current government were trying to use education to create an employable base of people. DL believes the PRG ministers did develop excitement about education and the attention they gave to the programs was a positive effort. Similar problems hamstrung the PRG. He feels most teachers agreed with the PRG goal of national economic development but that the processes the PRG used were illegitimate. to "build national industries like the fisheries and the new hotels which were planned. Even so. a better economy. He believes. As Raeburn and Charles noted. and socialist. etc. Moreover. a chain in the link of toward economic development. broken down Olivetti typewriters. and now have the opportunity to continue their work--in prison. attends church at least two or three times a week and spends much of his free time proselytizing for the Lord. They did not rise from the grassroots. says the latter was sometimes modified by teachers who went their own way. he feels held back by the lack of facilities.DL became the Director of the Adult Education Program after the invasion. He says there is a good deal of sympathy for the prisoners which has grown as their sentences have been applied over the years. a potential he agrees the NJM began to tap. that is. ditto machines. He most emphatically was not a supporter of PRG politics. They are learning dictation when they should be learning transcription. all-Caribbean. He sees the consciousness sought by the PRG as nationalist. He had been a teacher under the PRG and worked with Freire on the initial stages of the literacy campaigns. and hope for the future" rooted in the possibilities for creating a different economic approach. DL is frustrated by Grenadian bureaucrats who fail to see the human potential on the island. DL believes the consciousness the PRG attempted to instill in the Grenadian people was the "promise of better jobs. But the programs themselves were doctrinaire. He believes the materials were chosen to fit the immediate needs of the PRG. He indicates no problem with the first two." . Agreeing with Sandifor above. DL is deeply religious. though the Freire model pretends otherwise. DL says he taught his own way under the PRG. DL sees adult eduction as an integral part of the program for the nation to develop its human resources. like many others. a few of the more resourceful individual teachers were able to use the interest in education created by the PRG leadership to carry on their own efforts to build literacy and educate the citizens.

Mr. there was little training. She was a teacher during the PRG period and was involved in the development of PRG materials with the groups led by Paulo Freire. The students did not see the teachers manuals. DL was welcomed everywhere. the former Director of Education under Paul Scoon. the three of us had considerable time o discuss the state of education in Grenada. Later on. To use the textbooks and manuals. Angela James is the colleague of and secretary to Desmond Latouche. could and should be continued today. Angela (as she prefers) has taught for the College for three years. Jones.Wherever DL goes. Jones does not agree. especially better than under the PRG. We traveled together with Clarissa Charles to visit Mr C. things are much better than years ago. We traveled through town with frequent stops to discuss the family health of passers-by. the teachers. and very wealthy people by Grenadian standards. She attended Freire-led sessions on literacy and feels she adopted most of the PRG style of education as her own. She believes the CPE materials were good because they pointed learners in the proper directions and there were teachers manuals that let "you know how to go through the classes". She attended Catholic private schools in Grenada and was taught mostly by nuns. never had much formal training. most of them. was more responsive under the PRG. and a part-time teacher at the college. Angela says the difference between the PRG period and today lies mostly in the fact that the PRG had a plan. These are three respected leaders with remarkable differences and similarities in opinion. The center supervisor just asked me to help out. with some changes. All agree that the programs and goals of the PRG were valuable and. Jones believes it is around 3 to 4% DL and CC argue the ministry bureaucrats are incompetent and that the bureaucracy. We visited the homes of very poor people. the governor who took power immediately after the invasion. people know him and greet him. She teaches skills training in secretarial work and prepares students for the Caribbean exam which determines who moves ahead to secondary school and college. Interview with Angela James Grenada National College 5-6-94 This is a paraphrased transcription from a taped interview. DL and CC believe the illiteracy rate in Grenada is well over 25%. I was . the length of the island. worked as a secretary for four and one half years. Mr Jones joined that discussion. which highlighted education. On that long trip. Though there are problems. now there appears to be no plan and no leadership. "At my rural center. at least.

S. people were very conscious of education. Most of the people in night classes that AJ teaches are government employees. The lack of material is ideological. But he has no work now. People know they needed to be educated and there was no making fun of people who couldn't read or write. In order to teach now you really have to teach to the syllabus because you are teaching to the exam.. From 1979 to 1983. they "almost HAD to go to evening classes. . Even in elementary schools people were actively involved. But all people really should expect is a job." AJ does not want to be a secretary much longer and wants to return to school to be a counselor. But people should not be allowed to inherit their social positions." People should only be allowed to get wage differentials through merit. Now that does not happen. "They were teaching to an exam and we are teaching to an exam too. "People should be rewarded." There are few teachers carrying on like they did during the PRG period but they are all trying to find their own way. The current material is ideological.about 25 then and had completed secondary school as well as secretarial training. They had a textbook. Now there is no structure in place and people are silenced. New York and Boston. Hard work should be the key to advancement. Asked to describe an ideal society. or the one posed to her by the PRG. Almost every village had adult education classes. The PRG material was ideological. He got a job. AJ describes a society without unemployment. all women. People would go out and get people involved." She also had training in Spanish and had traveled to the U. without drugs or crime or unwanted teenage pregnancies but with wide pay scales which would give incentives. The way to make sure an aristocracy is not created is to give everyone a fair chance in school. That changed his life. We have a textbook. That textbook was free and materials were provided under the PRG and that is not true now. I know a gentleman who was not able to read and write and he learned during the period of PRG. so did the non-governmental organizations like the unions and all of the PRG leaders." "People during the PRG period actively promoted literacy and adult education. AJ sees no difference in the form of pedagogy from the PRG period to now. They have to pay 90 dollars EC to take the class as well as pay for the exam. who are trying to pass exams in order to move up in the government service. They need to know the definitions of words for the Caribbean exam.

"they would be pretty good employees. I interviewed RB for 45 minutes on Saturday afternoon outside a classroom in Northern Grenada. although he had never heard of Freire. Then people were hopeful. to study drafting. I would not change that. nor had his colleagues." Interview with Roderick Broward This is the only instance that I use a pseudonym. The subject materials might be a little different but the form of teaching would be that as it was. The people who were involved in the PRG have just gone back to the old ways. There is not much money and much work. RB was a student in the adult education classes designed by Paulo Freire. That's about it. "Most people do not like to teach now. They identified the key leaders of . I would make the syllabus a little different. They are just trying to make a name for themselves. And for some secretaries there is more money than for teachers. so there was not a change in that at all. The PRG did not change the men and the women always had to take the charge of kids. This young man (29) asked that his name be withheld because he feared recriminations. Roderick was joined by three other young men during the interview. The textbooks are gone. The politicians come around before elections. Without the PRG that would have never been realized. Nobody puts the country first. for example. There is nothing. They do not know how to form the new structure to change things. and I would take the same outreach approach. They will take a long time to come of age. anytime. taking classes to get the skills to be secretaries for the government. Then the people do not see them for five years and they come around and make promises again. and know the functions of the office and see how they could help". The MBNP will not draw the people and they will not be a full electoral party. The adult education classes would not have existed without them." When people finished a curriculum which she describes as ideal. It is frustrating and boring and appears to have no reason. including the MBNP now. now the dreams are all dashed. They had dreams and there was something to look forward to. He offered the name above as a substitute. RB was there. I would use the same kinds of exams to discover what people have completed. with a dozen other students. saying he uses this name quite a bit anyway. probably burned up. They would be able to answer the questions. take direction.AJ has several women in her night classes who are practicing teachers. What is left from the PRG? "The airport." AJ feels the PRG curriculum was "pretty good. They added their comments as he went along and seemed in substantial agreement with him. People do not trust the politicians here. Nobody is trying to do anything.

but simply displaced by people who had more training. you know. and took no enjoyment in reading.the adult education programs as Jacqueline Creft and Maurice Bishop. the group equated New Jewel and socialist practice. except many people left. While he claims he could read when the classes began. not as people investigating. socialist". he could not read well. He never entered secondary school and had usually earned his living by fishing and working in construction. at the beginning. maybe become teachers ourselves. and they were his neighbors. He says they were also people from his community and he does not believe the original instructors were dismissed. We made up our own course at first. like reading signs. but as comrades taking the class. or leading it. Then we got some new teachers and the workbooks". At the end of the day we had to get more done and we had to work through this workbook so there was less time to socialize and many of the people just went away." There were usually about 30 people in the classes he attended. for largely the same reason he was attending. RB says the classes were initially. and I think they might have been right. never read for any reason but to gain information immediately necessary. RB believes the new teachers. in the beginning. They were there to learn and teach. work better on the jobs we had. They had more background." RB and his colleagues agreed that the classes were "political. "they could get better jobs. so he saw them." RB has no complaints about the workbook. "Maurice Bishop spoke for . We talked about everything--Gairy. RB says that there were PRG people in the class but that he felt there was nothing especially unusual about their attendance. Then the class attendance began to dwindle. Then we talked about our own jobs. and at the end of the day they were probably better prepared". the chance for jobs. They (PRG teachers) had to move along. "did a pretty good job. seemed to him to be secondary to the socializing in class and the discussions "about what we should read. "We had to begin to be more on the job. everything. The workbook directed people into the specific task of reading which. They differed on what socialism meant inside New Jewel. At first there wasn't anything to read so we had to make it up or choose different things. RB says the purpose of the class was to enable people to read better so. but when asked what exactly socialism is. I liked some of the workbook but it was better when we were making our own readings. The classes were conducted by local teachers who were trained by the PRG. "very exciting. He sees it as having been a necessary tool that would reach the results that the PRG sought--and with which he agrees. so nobody was doing the same thing at once.

and literacy classes. Bishop's. All of the New Jewel people were very smart. RB concluded that his reading did improve because of the classes he attended and that. maybe much conflict".S. in turn." All of the young men admitted that they have children. but it was long. They concede that they pay only marginal. good work. Interpreting the Interviews While I believe the people involved in these interviews spoke eloquently for themselves. perhaps a foreman. but note that there is little to divide. maybe even have better homes". he no longer reads other than for the Saturday classes. at least in retrospect. they project life in the Caribbean will be progressively worse. invasion. RB had hoped to be employed as a construction worker. "No. "the U. They predict. In fact. that the programs New Jewel backed were important. form the basis of more steady employment. "so people could get work.the people. support. "no jobs. as he does today. the drawings are beyond my understanding. Only a few could join. though none of them live with the children or the children's mothers. They did things like the airport and free medicine. which he produces for me. not to add to what they have . speech. came in when it was all turmoil and said things would get much better. The program was education and to push up the economy. They stated that New Jewel was in the process of building an education system. but did not support the U. for awhile. is complex. But he was political and no one wants to hear political stuff anymore. especially Bishop". None of the young men believes he could become like Bishop. he was special. Indeed. Each hopes that the classes now in session will lead to skills which will. However he was unable to find steady work and did not want to join the military (which he avoided) so RB continued to work intermittently. and he went to very good schools. you know. He did not approve of the Coard coup. bad schools. again". and occasional. he read books." They were unclear on any other content of his. His drafting manual. and do good work. I want to make a few interpretive comments. even though New Jewel was unable to employ him." Now. "like I really tried to ready Moby Dick. None of the young men believe their children's lives will be better than theirs. "We are just angry. And then we could buy more things. He was a lawyer. under New Jewel and expected that the classes he took would lead to full-time employment. But things got worse.S. but conflict toward no end that they could define. Bishop. "They had good ideas and great leaders. RB believes. But each of the young men believes this prospect is unlikely." No one in this group of young men has a full-time job.

said but to show the commonalities of categories that may already be obvious to the reader. including Angela James--whose altruism cannot be denied in her willingness to sacrifice time and effort to make my investigations possible--bought the idea of development. In his mind. Coard was aware of the goal of linking justice. This was Coard's view. did not see themselves as in charge of the . accepted the equation. to make the passage from the people to leadership an easy one. a good fishery employee becomes a critically conscious employee. or even as potential leadership. But the sense of development as a transition to a more just society did not necessarily translate into the popular consciousness. but actually opposed the idea of equality. In other words. People not in the leadership of New Jewel at the outset. and the equation. production and liberation. and apparently never sought. She saw a real directiveness in the textbooks--an inversion of her beliefs about effective pedagogy--though she did not necessarily translate this vertical relationship to the leadership of New Jewel and the masses of people. Latouche and Angela James. Everyone. like Roderick Broward. the is a good deal of evidence of Freire's involvement in the NJM literacy campaign. such as "education was a key pillar of the revolution" (Waldron. right wing to left. Nor were people unraveling the ideology that Bishop represented. from Marryshow to James. at the time. to a person. every person I interviewed spoke of the importance New Jewel gave to education and often used in the initial terms. Miss Francis. Others. St Louis. but because those people are part of the "constant capital" which will create the productive forces which will someday make social justice possible. the kind of consciousness that was created was a consciousness which did not see itself as leadership. Jones. Waldron did begin to take this apart. in the education projects. Secondly. Instead. Freire locates himself in Grenada in a leadership position and praises the Minister of Education who was. consciousness. even in a perfect world designed in her mind. In addition. education and literacy programs are for the purpose of building the national economy. Moreover. Only Pauline Waldron began to question the split of education for production and critical consciousness. the NJM was never able. Waldron. Sandifor. Louis. and initiated in the pamphlet "Grenada is not Alone") set forward by New Jewel and Freire. Jacqueline Creft. The other respondents. This is largely equivalent to the kind of consciousness the NJM leadership. wanted to create. equality and democracy. not because fishery workers are dullards working for the PRG's hidden agenda. First. But only parts of it translated to the masses of people. But production was to come first and foremost. agreed on the primacy of national economic development. Bishop is iconicized and it appears a more sophisticated employee mentality was fashioned. Coard made those terms. quite clear. Freire is identified as a leader by Coard. and that the campaign included the elements of Freire's formula of literacy. according to Coard and St.

it remains that none of the acts of resistance were able to transcend the view that there is another way to liberation beyond the most immediate. Among those interviewed. solely as an extraordinary man. There is modest evidence. just moving up a bit in the one in which they were born. or learned to read better--because they had good leaders. sense of national economic development. either defined as socialist or democratic-capitalist. the nationalism promoted by New Jewel. Even Coard praises the patriotism of the current Grenadian leadership. economist. speaks of Bishop in iconicized terms. medical care. or might have. that people improved their reading skills. on the one hand. Problems between New Jewel and the people lie less in its identification of the need for programs than the method and substance of their implementation--which had political sources in New Jewel's notion of socialism. but no evidence of the survival of critical consciousness. Even the current leadership of the Maurice Bishop Party. Marryshow also signals the potential of elitism in New Jewel when he discusses the social origins of leaders in Grenada. expressed by teachers like Waldron and students like Broward. like the spectrum of Coard to Sandifor. They saw themselves as people who had. rather than seeing Bishop as an exceptional person but also a product of his times. Even the current Maurice Bishop Party members look backward to old leaders and acknowledge that there is no critical leadership of any serious consequence. nearly . and on the other hand. So. better jobs-because they learned to read. only traces of class consciousness can be found in the people I interviewed.political system. although LaTouche and Sandifor identified problems with the political content of the programs. the kind of consciousness that the literacy programs contributed to was a mechanical notion of intensified national development. from subverting the Marryshow readers to walking away from literacy projects to abandoning military posts. literacy and adult programs). and most were able to describe the ideology and practices that propelled the New Jewel leadership. indicating the predominance of nationalism in this thinking. The people adopted. no appearances of efforts to unpack the reasons that lie behind the state of things in Grenada or any sense of hope that they can be changed in ways other than replacing one privileged group with another. on the island now. which sees the primary goal of any political project. Indeed. New Jewel did succeed in making its ideology a part of the discourse of the Grenadian people. Marryshow. People did not even themselves as changing social classes. to one degree or another. that can exert individual or organizational power according to Marryshow. Through the persistent efforts of key leaders. There is an interesting overlap from all quarters. Even though there was resistance. Indeed. as economic development for the nation. New Jewel's reach into the popular consciousness is remarkable. top down. the unity of the NJM leadership and the mass of Grenadian people was primarily vertical. none had any complaints about the need for the New Jewel programs (the airport.

A veritable notion of consumerism. The sense that anyone can take charge of their own life. enveloped the notion of resistance and appears to have successfully limited the definition and practice of socialist or democratic activity within its own boundaries. though. There is even a good deal of citizen sympathy for the group in Richmond Hill prison. But no one believes the future is bright--or even especially worth dissecting beyond the possibility for emigration. for the most part. hopelessness. was reached during the PRG period in Grenada. that New Jewel.S. either in work or in politics. Even after a decade of U. set the terms of freedom. note that this opportunity was something of their own making--or ever could be. from people opposed even to the long term goals of New Jewel. For by wise counsel thou shalt make thy war: and in multitude of counsellors. support the programs that New Jewel put forward. now the perimeters of cynicism. Many people look back to the PRG fondly. buttressed and then created by New Jewel. created. with the idea that during that period there was more opportunity for them to advance their lives. with Freire's assistance. psychological operations. Proverbs 24:5 . yea a man of Knowledge Increaseth Strength. described by Waldron. Chapter Eight Coda What Can Be Learned From Paulo Freire? A wise man is strong.all of the evidence of resistance in my possession--other than the early little Kronstadt which was crushed--indicates that the resistance came from the right. then. is narrowly circumscribed by the boundaries. there is safety. There is a belief that a higher stage of human decency. the people of Grenada still. Few. New Jewel.

for the most part I found people like Roderick Broward reiterating. and demonstrated where this path leads through the results of the upheaval in Grenada. idealism. I was unable to find evidence of a worker from my study of the Freireian project who has. learned to read in Freire's literacy projects. in Lenin's words about a higher stage of consciousness: "a clear picture in mind of the economic nature and the social and political features of the landlord. I focused on Freire's weaknesses. Secondarily. that he has not been given sufficient consideration by those who seem to admire him most. textual. in Freire's terms. I investigated the roots of the mechanically materialist approach Freire often takes. or envisioning more than Angela James' idea of utopia. all the catchwords and sophisms by which each class and each stratum camouflages its egotistical strivings and its real nature. To the contrary. This makes it impossible to build on what Freire has done and denies educators and agents of social change the possibility of a profound understanding of his thinking. I then examined Freire's ideas and work in historical. even if unconsciously. "the living dynamic relations between the word and action. of the student and of the tramp. and alluded to what I believe is their source. a better job. consciousness. rather than a spiraling evolution of intensified critique. I have shown that some people. understands what interests certain institutions and certain laws reflect and how they are reflected". I found Freire's vision of liberatory education limited in that it posits a very traditional sense of social change and renewed critical consciousness. which necessarily lies at the base of his reading programs. some of which are proclaimed by his many admirers and some of which are unnoticed. I have exhibited the partisan nature of Freire's truly Promethean linkage of literacy. through their roles in literacy programs that Freire designed. liberation and production. Within this project. In addition. the belief that change for social justice occurs through the development of fundamentally capitalist forms of production. that is. In doing so. less crime.. I described Freire's strengths. what their leaders told them. many of them people who seek to promote his critical paradigm. or students. between word. of the high state official and the peasant. an ever increasing form of sophistication. I indicated that Paulo Freire has been reified. more goods. of the priest. I followed the idealist path back to Hegel and Christianity. but their reading of the world is constricted by Freire's political vision. and practical ways. The evidence indicates that Freire's method does not contain the basis for an . their strong and weak sides.(581) I found them repeating old answers that came. I did not find people risking to ask new questions.As I began. ie. if not vast numbers. the separation of ideas and the material world and the view that ideology stands beyond and above social practice. or the leaders that put it into place discovering. at least in part. I did not find the teachers from the literacy project. action and reflection". Nor did I find people sufficiently empowered to consider themselves capable of governing.

(584) I have also pointed to the rising academic publishing market around Freire. above all. which. practical and theoretical legacy that Freire has fashioned. They may never actually live up to their class origins. but rarely seem to look beneath or beyond. believe that Freire's frequently middle-class vision betrays the possibilities that are within his work. who til then had lived on the exploitation of the absolute spirit.the industrialists of philosophy. was carried on in moderately staid bourgeois fashion. for Freire. educators like Giroux.. I traced Freire's own middle class origins and alluded to the potential of what Lenin called "petit bourgeois revolutionism" that lies within Freire's work. in Materialism and Empiro-Criticism. their class at birth may be their highest class attainment. I agree with Regis Debray's argument that strains of bourgeois thinking are likely to appear. it is at least true that he has supported violent revolutions only when he was not involved in the government. nor been rigorous with his inconsistencies. though. that those who insist on the primacy of mind over matter are likely to wind up being . now seized on new combinations. which he is quite willing to tolerate."(585) This market has neither allowed the best of what I think Freire offers to be critically analyzed. This gave rise to competition. and may not contain the fundamental linkage which would transcend the notable material interests between many teachers and their students. discussing the debates of the Young Hegelians. Each with all possible zeal now set about retailing his apportioned share. a project which Freire's own ideas of critique would support. Freire was born into a middle-class family and has lived. But. For many people today. an attribute Lenin traces to the hopes and fears of the middle class torn between an alliance with existing elites and the rising working class. more often in the first world than the third. all of whom debate the interior ideas of Freire. Perhaps more on point. the twinning of sectarianism (reliance. I do not. in a collapsing world economy.(583)This is not to say that no one can escape their class lineage. and political change.indivisible link between leaders and the masses. he warned of ". on the theory of productive forces) and opportunism (a benevolent ideology as the mediator of continued class inequality)-which derives from idealism. to start with. Lenin suggests. that is. at least. Marx presaged this kind of activity when. a middle class life. is what characterizes a key thread of Freire's efforts toward literacy.(582) The vacillation between these poles. This market includes post-modernists like Lankshear and Christian theorists like Ellis. or not there. and organizers like the late Myles Horton. a market on which careers are now based and may be the footing for reluctance to critique the historical. working in managerial leadership positions for bourgeois institutions. consciousness.

As I have said. but they must also participate actively alongside professional educators in the reconstruction of education". This. which is something that no one determines by decree". "the popular classes in power must not only be listened to as they demand education for their sons and daughters. consciousness is not only anti-authoritarian but also. practice. In their initial conception of ideology and consciousness. must have. arguing that ideology is the politically conscious expression of class positions. can give a new centrifugal point to the base work which Freire has bequeathed as a strategic legacy. the inability to strip back the veils of power or understand the sources of the contradictions of daily life. it appears to me that the benefactors of this market are far more certain about the efficacy of Freire's politics and methods than Freire himself. can come to an end. in a period of progressive social change. or. and what I would prefer to call exploitation. But he is never able to reach into the possibility that these people. In this section I will concentrate on Freire's interior strengths: his theoretical work on the role of ideology. I believe.sure of nothing but their own minds. fundamentally common interests. which might lend an explanation to the rather frantic individualist promotion that goes on among the marketeers.(587) Ideology is what necessarily lies at the base of critical consciousness--and the partisan role Freire assigns to literacy and education. leadership.(586) I also indicated that the material goal of equality may unite the breach between ideology and materiality that rises in Freire but has historical roots in early Marxism. through the critically conscious participation of masses of people in their own liberation. Later. and dialogue. the education system. Yet Freire is clear that it is through the human construction of ideology driving social practice. materially. Lenin and Lukacs honed this position farther still. For Freire. . culture. Within one of the key purveyors of ideology. Ideology is central to Freire's sense of praxis. more pointedly. they envisioned ideology also as a weapon of class struggle. as the vision of historical materialism deepened. at war. for Freire ideology in its loftiest sense ultimately stands beyond practice. a "rediscovery of power".(588) Freire sweeps through this with a far more positive conception of ideology and consciousness. Indeed. that what he calls dehumanization.(589) The new society is created through the reflective activity of people engaged in struggling for control of their own lives. whose collective consciousness is to be united. Marx and Engels saw primarily the negative notion of false consciousness portrayed above in Chapter Four. in which social movements are irrevocably tied to a constituency through a "critical understanding of what is possible historically.(590) Thus Freire physically links the development of ideology and the solidarity of people shaping a new social order.

limitless options. Freire invites this postulate of the importance of theory to be opened to debate. Freire never suggests that. from moment to moment.(594) Freire struggles with the contradiction of consciousness exacted by leaders and consciousness spontaneously discovered by the masses of people. opened to discourse around options which he recognizes every leader/educator must have.(592) Freire is clear that the way people are reached with an intelligible standard for social change is through leaders who work dialogically. at least as Engels viewed it as being unable to decipher "the real motive forces impelling" people and history". Freire elevates conscious political and ideological activity to a pivotal role. translated into truly critical consciousness. incoherent. but has no right to impose. the students.(591) Impenetrability is not possible if theory necessarily trails practice. this is the kind of thinking that is impenetrable. with specific targets in mind.Ideology. gender to gender. leaders must become one with the people through class suicide or Easter experiences. then one's falsity is another's truth. for Freire. and substantially paralyzed by irrationality. the leadership of the people should abandon their sense of a coherent universe. nor is it other than domesticating for an educator/leader to merely leave options to the spontaneous decoding of the students who will likely only be able to see options posed by the elites . then becomes pivotal in avoiding the historical errors of the past and noticing the potential errors--and conceptualizing the utopias--of the future. If the universe is wholly chaotic. we are always somewhat fooled. While Freire repeatedly proposes a form of education that is with. then evaluation. even though he grasps that all social practice is tentative. Perhaps. What is not made problematic in this is around what sphere these options orbit. whose fount is actually guilt.(593) On the one hand. that is. Hence. Even at our best. race to class. They also must understand the oppression that silences vast segments of the population. not for. However. He makes sense and has the wisdom to call for testing of his own theory and practice. Freire is able to stand above crude contemporary post-modern confusion and the avoidance of social practice in that his Hegelian paradigm draws within its boundaries a rational. and the importance of engagement. reasonably consistent understanding of what is at work: class struggle as the prime source. can surely be minimized. for Freire. There are not. Nevertheless. leaders in the struggle against oppression must be armed with a sense of the harmony of the interests of humanity as a whole. one is mired in post-modernist ideology. on the part of leaders that threads through his ChristianHegelian approach. false consciousness. if one paradigm to understand history and social change is as good as the next. location to location. if this obtains. "a permanently critical attitude" unsullied by myths and magical thinking. On the other hand. he is never able to reach beyond the sense of missionary sacrifice.

the carrot. education is a permanent act of cognition. and commitment. He is headed in a particular direction which. and social practice. a moment when options are immediately limited by resources. dialogue.in power. in the mind.(596) Beyond the critical consciousness of individuals and leaders. without intended aims. "One of the methods of manipulation is to inoculate individuals with the bourgeois appetite for personal success. There are important direct parallels in Freire of the discussion regarding revolutionary leaders and the masses. Freire clearly calls for the formation of revolutionary organizations which will themselves pose the problem of liberation to the people. This is an inevitable result of his strength in calling for social practice. he believes that manipulation. and teachers and students. (What is important is to investigate) what driving forces stand behind those motives? What are the historical causes which transform themselves into these motives in the brains of the actors"?(595) The methods of investigation.(597) Freire is especially sharp on the question of leadership--as a double-edged sword. nationalism. but a meeting place where knowledge is sought and not where it is transmitted.. finally." (598) But since Freire sees domination and resistance played out. Like Engels. even if they are not fully unraveled by Freire. is the most serious of social actions: revolution. it (ideological consciousness) is an indispensable precondition of revolution". Thus the class is not a class in the traditional sense. And "whether one calls this correct thinking revolutionary consciousness or class consciousness." But while Freire appears to leave open the possibilities for virtually limitless discourse. a permanent act of reinvented cognition. Freire is not aimlessly deconstructing. The world may have infinite possibilities. examined through dialogue: "Dialogue is (the) fundamental part of the structure of knowledge (which) needs to be opened to other Subjects in the knowledge process. Just because the educator's task is not dichotomized into two separate moments (one in which he/she knows and another in which s/he speaks about this knowledge). above all. is the key indicator of the potential for people of rebellion. prior to the emergence of a higher. Freire here turns toward the leadership inherent in proposals for practice. there is no rebellion of note. sex/gender discrimination are widely recognized on the left. literate. I have shown that he restricts the possibilities within his own paradigmatical desires. The divide-and-conquer bases of racism. Freire sees that nothing happens "without a conscious purpose. as I think does anyone. that is. consciousness. Freire potently takes apart a commonly unnoticed oppressors' tack. are mediated by leadership. and the results.. I have . risk. but only finite options for action. to turn leaders into petty oppressors themselves. the ability of elites to split leaders from the masses of people. But in Pedagogy of the Oppressed.

as he proposes a unity of literacy. consciousness. and on the other hand. all . production. and the "fear of freedom" of oppressed people as the bases for anti-dialogical manipulation. but primarily through psychological linkage based on the unity of mind to mind. as it is also purportedly reenacted in his classrooms in the development of the curriculum. again.(600) But this. merge reform demands with a revolutionary understanding of why reforms are necessary. they. through communion with their leaders. disconnected from their imbalanced relations of power and income. is practice through ideology alone. the exchange of love. This stance lacks a material base. the people can reflect on the higher plane of new praxis. This leads to a new form of dominance and manipulation. this group of leaders stands in. So what Freire advances.shown that the dichotomy of literate consciousness versus resistance.(601) Freire blames. practice. the idea of adherence. that wherever there has been oppression there has been rebellion. though the implication is that it is one in which the leaders are adhered to the masses--subjects to subjects rather than subjects to objects--"co-subjects in denouncing the world". symptomatic of a lack of adherence. and social change. an inability to hear their part of the dialogue. for Freire. especailly in regard to slave resistance. literacy or no. mutual practice.(604) Here Freire considers organizing in terms of Christian metaphors: witnessing. is a lack of faith and trust in the people.carry out cultural invasion. the ego-needs of leaders.(599) For Freire sees that. leadership. other than benevolent good will. consciousness. they become messianic. cultural contradiction to the masses of people they are trying to organize. on the one hand.(603) What Freire means here is that unity occurs through dialogue. misleadership .not at the level of things". "the unity of the oppressed occurs at the human level. communion. they do not achieve revolution. as a synthesis. or if they do it will not be authentic revolution". Here Freire does not take apart precisely what an authentic revolution might be.. Ideas and talk transcend material differences.(606) Then. may be a false one. But in the manner that Freire examines the ability of elites to split the rank and file and indigenous leaders are important lessons for educators and leaders serious about social change. incarnation of oppression. He warns that. is a vision that unites ideology. though. Freire offers.the corruption of revolutionary change. that is. is overcome by ideology and dialogue. at least. as the lynch-pins of organizing technique. engaged in a of spiralling dialogue in which the Maoist slogan. many revolutionary leaders are drawn from the class of oppressors.(602) At bottom. and to demonstrate to the people how it is revolutionary consciousness is recreated.. that is. courage to love. "From the people to the people" is constantly reenacted. The binary of opposing material interests and histories between leadership and the rank and file. that the leadership become part of the oppressed group. simultaneously in binary fashion.(605) Leaders are to reach out to the people. "they try to conquer the people. faith in the people.

should be an act of discovery of the needs of the people so it can respond to those needs". and why their current state is not it. his idealism can chain the project to a rock. and require leaders who will humbly illustrate how to think. The binary lacks the complexity and richness of the unity and struggle of theory and practice--history. I see Freire's strength as his ability to privilege the role of ideology beyond the negative sense of preventing delusions. Because he is not a materialist. into the more positive notion of masses of people. for example. passive until they find voice. nor is it the kind of vision that is . the role of ideas. Even so. "The production process. Yet. he cannot be sumptuously dialectical. what Hegel called the Divine Spirit. by leaders motivated first by the theory of productive forces. for Freire.(607) In brief. ultimately subordinate to the development of reason. yet determinative in the class struggle which is. The binary can stand in Freire as a fixed dichotomy because it is an idealist product. in Freire's insistence on the importance of ideology.through the medium of dialogue. again. in every instance. not of historical understanding or social practice. This is neither the kind of vision that would lead one to place one's respect and faith in people who are so simple they are unable to break the codes of their environments. Because Freire moves from the idealist construct. armed with an analytical ideology. There is no reach from the material world into the Divine Spirit. Freire offers clear testimony of the aggressive potential of masses of people making problematic the question of a better way to live. leadership and practice. The Promethean nature of Freire's literacy project is simply this: there is depth of knowledge in this project that can provide the basis for liberatory exploration and education. In a better world of his design. in Freireian discourse. Freire approaches the question of leadership in a similar binary fashion. But for Freire. of the capacity of the primacy of political ideology when the politics rise from a common material base: equality won through struggle. but of the Hegelian polar categories which Freire creates in his mind. theoretically and practically. dialogue. inescapably fixed in repeating the painful mistakes of a past we are privileged to see in hindsight. On the other hand. from Freire in theory and Freire in history. which Freire had to help forge. This sums up to evidence. his depth of understanding in the need for real bonds between teachers and students. before being productive activity. This is an untenable binary which cannot be mediated. he fashions polar categories which cannot reflect the rich dialectical interplay of the material world. within this framework of what I believe is a historical mistake. The people. is above and beyond all. are submissive. leaders and the mass of people. this conceptualization is bordered by the perimeters devised. Freire invites dialogue to settle even matters of production. a site more limiting and brittle than the imbroglio of external reality. and his repeated demands for social practice. conceptualizing and constantly recreating the society they want to fight for and live in.

later. is human equality. ties which cannot be broken by predictable divide and conquer tactics. from each according to ability to each according to need. there is an insoluble imbalance that can only grow. But within this clear binary paradox. for Freire discussion and benevolence will resolve material differences in decision-making. whether by making leaders media heroes or guaranteeing leaders entitlements over the mode and means of production. never to become new elites themselves. not social justice. the theory of productive forces on the other. the people must be armed with more than a sense that their surroundings are comprehensible. discourse with ideology. what it is that stands at the heart of liberation. over which the masses have no control. Both the rank and file and the leadership must have the power to discover. the synthesis which cannot be corrupted when it becomes a material force of doctrine and praxis. is the good sense that nothing happens without leadership.based on a historical understanding of the usually very wise forms of perpetual resistance--ebbing and flowing with a usually wise sense of risks and opportunities-that people everywhere have organized against exploitation. The crux of the matter is that leaders must do more than witness solidarity. present practice with theorized hope. The act of liberation that people remembered was the untenable liberation of national economic development. more or less. decisions. in production. become fully the weapon of exploited people. distribution. Equality. and justice. so imbued with the incarnation of the oppression of people who are likely far more oppressed that leaders can successfully steer away from authoritarian action. Neither side of this dichotomy can possibly empower people unless they are able to unravel and challenge both sides. Further. and cannot in Freire. absent only good will. In sum. dialogue. this impossibility that again is but a categorical result of Freire's idealism. This dynamic spirit is given life through communion. and that leaders must have deep personal ties to masses of people. now. Freire's position requires the uncorrupted magnanimity of leaders who are likely to be subjected to the most intense systems of rewards and disincentives. What I suggest can unite leaders with the rank and file. The power to set the terms of decoding power remains with leaders. Freire's answer has been generosity from leaders on one hand. production. It is solely in the hands of leadership to be munificent. and act on. Freire is eloquent in his description of the life and death necessity for leaders to listen to. from a common material vision. and distribution: inequality is vanquished by talk and beneficence. production with commitment. even to the point that leaders through the education system define the act of cooperation in terms of production. take direction from. Otherwise. adopted by masses of people as the material wedge to comprehend and act on reality does mediate the binary which leaves Freire on the . But for Freire this unity is clearly a one-way street. I have shown how this worked in Grenada. The missionary spirit is expected to be terribly powerful. the rank and file.

(608) Addendum Freire and Dialectical Materialism In the addendum to Chapter One. not as an abstraction but as a process and a goal. "I think. In what may be his concluding work. But within this framework are vital contributions which cannot be ignored. finally. The route to equality. For Freire. can discover ways to equality. that his contributions within this framework are important. and that to freeze what he is for a given moment is fundamentally an effort to grapple with what can be made of his contribution in the future. as I have tried to describe above. instance by instance. Ideas stand above and outside the external world and social practice. and enter the world as the ideological and material position that equality is the trajectory of human history. but not necessarily equated to God in Freire. to turn social justice into social disparity. This system of ideas is rational and extends into the material world." It is. again. can call short the power of elites to effect the internal development of social change. and how I differ. an essentialist and totalized vision bound. the fully democratic goal that mediates the process toward utopia. past what has been dreamt and established. but only to faith. discourse. people who grasp the imperative of equality. Freire offers the chance to visualize a utopia greater than what has been composed by socialism but built on the understanding left in memorium by massive human sacrifices in the name of liberty and equality. In that. This is beyond. like God. Still. is to humbly understand the historical power of the call for real human unity. Pedagogy of Hope. reconstructs it. . Freire sees the same issue quite differently. is through dialogue. and is informed by it.horns of the many dilemmas he identifies. Equivalence. I re-emphasize that Freire is a complex person. the realm of ideas and rationality is above the material world. Here I risk over-simplification for the purpose of simplification and comparison: I will try to demonstrate how it is that Freire misinterprets the Marxist paradigm by placing dialectical materialism beneath and within Hegelian idealism. He calls for the construction of a dream in which the artisans of a new world construct their utopia in their minds. To pretend this can be given a perfect life is to wait for revelations. I would cast my own hope. not by concrete analysis. therefore I am. struggle communicated. in the beginning is the word. which is likely to always need redefinition in its specificity. I outlined a brief overview of dialectical materialism as I see it. in practical terms. but to say that. adopted by leadership and tested by the people. I believe that dream must go beyond fancy.

therefore I think. other than in a relative sense. synthesis. things in the material world. as it denies the primary complexity of material existence and privileges the dichotomous understanding of contradictions that comes. that in the beginning there is the material world. for example. This occurs because the categories of understanding dialectics are drawn. I have shown how this works in Freire. the philosophy is connected with the totality of the world in its great complexity. the processes of the material world and to gain an ever-enriched understanding of reality. nor would we be likely to agree on what side of a given contradiction is primary at any given moment. The Hegelian idea of contradictions simplifies the interrelatedness. flow into one another. "I am. So Freire and I would agree that all things are composed of contradictions. not merely its understanding. but by the interplay of categories which were first constructed in Hegel's mind. I have posed the idea that Freire's sense of contradictions is incomplete. Marxist philosopher Georg Lukacs posits that dialectical materialism is equated with totality. in my view. but they do so in a fashion constructed of nearly impenetrable polarities not unlike the common thesis. This assertion of the primacy of external matter is.(609) I would differ slightly: dialectical materialism is a process by which to grasp.(610) These categories are applied in a manner which necessarily lacks the intricacies of the material world. materialism. I concur with Lukacs in that dialectical materialism is enveloped by the necessity of the transformation of reality. and is the base of rationality. not from the interplay of the world's contradictions which are infinite. we do not agree on their nature. The physical world is primary to the mind. especially. Things exist and they have a history. As we do not agree on the cause of contradictions. which does exist as a subject. primarily. that is. in Freire. but actually as a sub-world. but we would not agree on what gives rise to those contradictions. But. but it is not reality itself. interpenetrating. For Freire. in his grasp of the contradictions of leadership. in contrast to Freire. Freire and I agree all things are interrelated. nothing isolated. interdependent. where ideas are to transcend material differences with nothing but dialogue and good will mediating the two oppositions. yet the mind is part of the physical world. Nothing is random. especially as Freire understands Chapter Eight of Hegel's Phenomenology of the Mind. because dialectical materialism is united with material existence." Ideas are both a reflection of the material world and are themselves a material force when acted on by masses of people. from Hegel. again. of not only the intricacies of reality. anti-thesis debasement of dialectics.I believe. Nothing comes from nothing. but the contradictions themselves. or more incomplete. . and interpenetration. I think that this complexity originates in the material world. are related to one another.

This difference is the reason Freire's work is so focused on domination versus humanization while Marx centers on exploitation and revolution. for Freire. I contend the key side of this principle is struggle which is permanent.For Freire. Freire uses a one-dimensional sense of this principle. where the quantitative work that would create a mass base for revolutionary democratic and egalitarian practice is largely absent. and. that is. and the individual. Since ideology is located. first in the individual mind. and private. History is measured for Freire by the ideas of given epochs. it occurs in his revolutionary politics when leaders and the masses are linked in the same fashion. that is. unity consistently dominates struggle. he then makes dubious choices about key principles of dialects. unity temporary. and the present key contradiction is the contradiction between collective nature of production. I believe the key historical material reality is production. but makes it an extraordinarily fragile axiom. or in his pedagogy. Freire. This gives rise to privilege. from a consciousness that serves as an . Freire supports revolutions.(611) When Freire backgrounds the material world. the new quality becomes a quantity itself. that is. in recognizing the need for revolution--the leap. one becomes two. Freire analyzes the negation of the negation as he conceptualizes the shift of consciousness from naive to political. The second principle of dialectics is that quantity becomes quality. other than through dialogue and love. and then in all of humanity. Quantitative changes add up to a qualitative leap. both sites where Freire has repeatedly played a largely uncritical leadership role. the key historical reality is the development ideology as reflected by culture through language. individual ownership of what is produced. and unity is constructed in the mind. acknowledges this principle. Freire is then mired in the binary which is a secondary focus of this paper: he cannot break through the boundaries of sectarianism and opportunism that typify his work. like Grenada. The main principle of dialectics is the unity and struggle of opposites. in turn. This occurs in his pedagogy when Freire says that teachers and students must be united via dialogue. social classes. the need for building literacy programs quantitatively on a known base. a second binary develops in Freire which he is unable to bridge. he adopts the mechanical theory of productive forces yet places his faith in the primacy of the role of ideology. Instead. This also shows up in Freire's relationship with capitalist states (as in Sao Paulo's education system) and bourgeois organizations (as in the World Council of Churches). For Freire. or places it beneath his notions of ideology. humanist ideology arches above and through material difference. and gives his blessing to socialist movements which substitute leadership good will for mass political consciousness and egalitarian practices. and class struggle.

rather than a contradiction of interrelated polarities at struggle.instrument of its own oppression to a consciousness which begins to understand the roots of oppression. In the wealth of his texts. in the final analysis it is the content of the pedagogy. to argue that Freire's contribution to an understanding of these processes is either minimal or can only be seen as a negative example. Moreover. And again. trapped by his idealist framework. especially when that truth is posed by Marxists . While I agree with Freire that form influences content. in any instance herein. the appearance of a non-directive format is clearly contradicted by the requisite directiveness in the choice of any form of pedagogy. simply do not. but which whole language critics. This also goes to Freire's use of generative words and flash cards which appear to both rise from the issues of the people and to teach them to read. He is at once obscure and subtle. supercedes the content of inequality or the essence of the teaching project. In the classroom. Freire never finds what it is that mediates the transference from understanding oppression to revolutionary action. the absolute. Freire largely privileges form over content. while appearing to recognize the relationships of the categories and their interplay. what interests are promulgated. any notion of truth is postured as totalizing. truth is merely relative. or from critical consciousness to liberation. are answered primarily by content. disjointed. that is. and alienating. that is. But. which finally determines the nature of matter.(612) In postmodernist theory. its political heart. he wants to suggest that it is the style of leadership. Nevertheless. Again. by approaching this category as a polar binary. the system of pedagogy. Freire frequently inverts the key sides of the categories of dialectics and makes choices which. the intent which purportedly lies within socialism. In regard to appearance and essence: Freire's idealism reverses the knowledge flow from the external to the internal. growing richer as it progresses in depth. This is not. at least the historical evidence gives reason to question where Freire's theories finally must lead. that an open and free pedagogical project cannot provide the space for discovery or that the process of freedom in setting curricular material cannot be in and of itself liberating. The appearance of social justice. Freire has indubitably contributed to the cultural consciousness of dialectics as a process. or out-weighing. that is. rightly I think attack as being subtly domineering. is expected to override vast material differences. Freire would have the relativity of knowledge at balance with. Freire is unable to find a way to mediate on to the other. and in the practice which is examined in the chapters above. but at base the questions of who is served by the project. Freire is not easily encased in a discussion which seeks to simplify an exposition of his often enigmatic presentations. this is not to say the form cannot subvert the content. particularly when he becomes the postmodernist Freire as in Pedagogy of Hope. essentialist.

If this relativist stance is true. even the details of exploitation and work are seen immediately. or even minimize. too. But what this allows in practice is the denial of the antagonistic interests of capitalism. one base can serve as well as the next. I have shown that he is inclined to miss the rich historical possibilities of resistance and rebellion that are within people. simply says it is dialectical materialism. by the expert instructors who finally set the initial agenda. in an essay called "what is Orthodox Marxism". are quickly positioned as orthodox. Once he has decided that class is not the key issue. Inequality is seen as the unequal ability to theorize. Freire is inclined to set aside the partisan nature of the struggle for what is true. if at all. rather than as a partisan interested in the kind of social change which can one day lay the basis for material equality and democracy. and weaving the specifics into verifiable patterns. especially in regard to students. a recognition that truth is both absolute and relative. and. Particular and the General: Generalities are made possible by the study of the particularities of matter. Freire is especially helpful in recognizing the possibilities within that which is immediately present. the particularities at hand are. its many numerators. that the answer to the question: Is there absolute truth? is. the irrationalist belief adopted by postmodernism is that no single explanation can lie at the base of understanding history. It does make sense of them. cultural. when making the proposition. and it is true within the socialist theory of productive forces. This is a leap from the particular to the general which misplays their interrelationship and subverts the . In contrast. sex/gender. But for Freire's idealist approach. race. The possible rises out of the internal nature of the matter at hand. he is then able to position himself as a humanist interested in the abstractions of truth and freedom. Lukacs. But because Freire stresses the ideological over the material. on one hand. and the willingness to forge alliances across class interests on the other. This is surely true within Freire and the socialist Workers' Party. yes. Whatever his relativism. He sees things are simultaneously what they are and what they can be. but this does not eliminate. a construct which does not necessarily drive him into the irrationalist postmodernist camp because it rises from his hegelian idealism and still allows him from time to time to recognize the subordinate but important processes of history. Class. Interestingly. even when they are not writers and readers. And Freire tends to see the potential rising out of the ideology at hand. to Freire's credit. and goes ahead to explain his sense of it. relatively speaking. first. I believe. the potential within the actual. Here. the dialectical materialist standpoint is. matters of production. especially in print. I think. age and so on. when they have not engaged the same codes he has.(613) Even so. is the denominator of history.who. he has never been so paralyzed by the balance of options that he could not act. as cultural artifacts. secondly. When the particularities of a literacy project are developed.

Literacy may rise up as a response to oppression. I think Freire is especially helpful to school workers. Freire's frequent nationalist comments about Brazil. Yet. Dialectical materialism seeks to locate the causes behind symptomatic effects. Cause and effect: Freire's sense of critical consciousness is partially rooted in people's ability to discover the causes of the conditions around them. and binary. culture especially. In addition. within his political party he elevates difference over likeness. here in demonstrating the possibilities for resistance in education. But this can only be an abstraction if it is lifted from the material antagonisms that rise out of the exigencies of capital development. for . as agents of change which can turn historical epochs. Freire contributes here to the importance of the role of ideas as a material force. too. teachers. and Freire's inability to distinguish Mao from Guevara from Bishop from Cabral. ignores antagonistic material class interests and elevates the vision of "humanity" over opposing forces of contention. relationship with objectivity. For Freire. action on reality and the ideological and practical reconstruction of reality. that is. rooted in the anti-scientific views of eugenics. But Freire finds causes first in the ideological realm. falsely elevates difference over likeness. and properly applied. the objective and subjective are deeply intertwined and his contribution to the understanding of this category. I think is especially sharp. Freire's frequent alliances with dominants on the one hand.process of decoding the systems of oppression surrounding everyone by confusing base and superstructure. many caucuses and positions within a federation rather than democracy extending from a base of solidarity and common interest. showing that there is far greater potential in school than the simple reproduction of capitalist relations. Hence. origins and effects. boundaries established in undeconstructed ideology which may not have been fully tested. True. the sense that what people do to act to control their own lives counts. looks for causes in the material world. And Freire tends to invert the contradiction in the opposite direction as well. he is not able. to the other hand where Freire is open to caucuses within a party meant to create the unity for revolution. since Freire finally must place subjectivity in a primary. rather than social classes in struggle. He recognizes that subjectivity. is key to social change. Hence. on the other hand. Liberalism. Freire's Hegelian foundations lead him to miscalculate the relationships of likeness and difference. people are more alike than different. Racism. at the base of his sense that literacy and voice are the indicators of the understanding of oppression and resistance. Freire is likely to view humanity as a whole. Freire is alert to the limits on subjectivity but is especially helpful in demonstrating that many of those limits are self-constructed cages. This lies. but literacy is only a secondary cause of oppression. Cabral. and then converts effects to causes.

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In preparing this document. I do today. Yard. New York: Harper Collins. Ohio University Press. as is. I find no particular value in the notation "(sic)" to indicate that I do not especially like his choice. Young. Communism and Liberation Theology in Brazil. I think those who will read this document are sophisticated and will recognize the historical importance of Freire's choice which he has announced repeatedly and seems to me may amount to a form of continuing and honest self-criticism. Selected Works of Zhu De. Schooling and Revolution. Zhu De (1972). and to the insights which can give people a more cogent grasp of what is to come. Throughout I have selected quotes which I think point both back to the long historical record. Listed under Literacy. Iran Contra. Marilyn (1991). New York p172. 2. in quoting. like Pedagogy of the Oppressed. I cannot claim I would have written differently in 1970. Barry Carr and Steve Ellner (editors) (1993) The Latin American Left. 3. and I do not. 5. New York: Cambridge University. Robert Mackie (1981) Literacy and Revolution. Michael (1984). Vietnam Wars. As in the usage repeated here from the Rubiyat. Westview Press. 1. I had the opportunity to study biblical texts for the first time in any detail. 7-12-94.Wood. he makes a modest exploration of sexism in language. Boulder p229. Latin American Series Number 15. Teachers College Press. See also. Prodigy Grolier Encyclopedia. and in his latest. Frank Smith (1994) WHose Language What Power. Rubiyat of Omar Kyam. . The Demography of Inequality in Brazil. Charles (1988). The Pedagogy of Paulo Freire. A note on sexism and language: Freire has retained the sexist language in new editions of his older books. Colin Lankshear and Moira Lawler (1987) Literacy. Monthly Review Press. Patrick Peritore (1993) Socialism. New York p61. 6. Athens. Ohio p197. Peking: Foriegn Language Press. Pedagogy of Hope. Continuum Publishing. 4. I think there is in fact historical interest in older forms of signalling. N. Palmer PRess New York. I have retained the original. Hence. p28. I was surprised to find the many references which shed light on Freire's thinking and my project at hand. He says he does so to preserve the historical documents.

Maxine Greene (1988) The Dialectic of Freedom. p xii. Paulo Freire (1985) Pedagogy in Process. New York p11. Continuum Publishing. Routledge. 12. 13. New York p199. Arguing the irrationalist case--which is by extension rightist. Longman Publishing. 14. p. 19. Jim Walkerr writing in Robert Mackie (editor). Colin Lankshear (1987) Literacy. Paulo Freire.122. Peter McLaren (1989) Life In Schools. Continuum Publishing. New York p121. Ellsworth. v. New York. Making the case for technology as the lynch-pin of history is Bowers. Bowers attacks Freire's individualist. p 70.107 . a denominator of all interaction. p3. Seabury Pres. 11. Harvey Graff(1987) Labyrinths of Literacy. Palmer Press. Teachers College Record v84 n4 p935. 9. v59 n3 p297. New York p194. 10. Paulo Freire (1989) Learning to Question.85 n3 p365. Continuum Publications. Stanley Aronowitz (1993) "Paulo Freire's Radical Democratic Humanism" in MacLaren. See for example. p8. 15.A. New York.15. Bergin and Garvey. Freire. 16. Paulo (1985) The Politics of Education. 8. A Critical Encounter. Harvard Educational Review. Rethinking Schools (1994 Spring) v8 n3 Milwaukee. New York. New York p61. New York. C. Robert Mackie (1981) Literacy and Revolution. Literacy and Revolution (1981) Continuum Publishing. Giroux writing in Introduction. Elizabeth (1989 August) "Why Doesn't This Feel Empowering". and rationalist. (1983) Linguistic Roots of Cultural Invasion in Paulo Freire's Pedagogy". Teachers College Press. both articles contribute to the belief (Western as it may seem) that the crux of the matter is whether your vision of the world is right or wrong. New York p59. Palmer Press. not whether or not someone is invading another's turf. New York p. Interestingly. sense in "the Problem of Individualism and Community in Neo-Marxist Educational Thought (Spring 1984) Teachers College Record. Paulo Freire (1993) Pedagogy of the City. Schooling and Revolution. Peter. in an article containing otherwise interesting contributions. 17. 18.7.

a classic. 28. v70 n2. whose admirable efforts have made Freire's thinking accessible to many North American educators unwilling to wade through the language of the original. in isolation as a singular piece. Bergin and Garvey. Journal of Advanced Composition. or how many people work here? 25.694. Wayne State University. Shaull. Shor. New York.20. in describing the seething cauldron of repressed male violence acted out in the cockfights of an otherwise passive culture missed. within this article. Geertz is a good example of how a conspiratorial wink can be analyzed as a benevolent conspiracy in the absence of the right statistical or demographic questions--like who owns this place. Shor. 21. 26. Gary A. 23. the nearly concurrent murder of about 1/2 a million communist organizers by the government. With greatest respect. Richard (1982) in the Introduction to Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Ira (1988) "Working Hands and Critical Minds: A Paulo Freire Model for Job Training". Philadelphia p45. Open University Press. State University of New York Press. Paulo (1985) The Politics of Education. Most biographers say Freire has five children. Albany p76. repeated this statement to me in a public meeting in November. I differ. Crisis of Historical Materialism (1992) Routledge. New York. Interview with John Dewitt (5-20-94). But. Continuum. Journal of Education. Moacir Gadotti (1994) Reading Paulo Freire. Paulo Freire (1978) Pedagogy in Process. p102. 22. Geertz. University Microfilm number 71-26. Paul Taylor (1993) The Texts of Paulo Freire. He does mention the event elsewhere. Praxis and Change: Paulo Freire and the Politics of Literacy". 29. 27. Olson (Winter. It is unfortunate that Geertz article about Balinese culture has become. Basic Books. . Clifford Geertz (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. Dewitt is the author of An Exposition and Analysis of Paulo Freire's Radical Psycho-Social Andragogy of Development (1971) Boston University. Seabury Press. v12 n1. Paulo Freire (1994) Pedagogy of Hope. 24. New York. 1993--and insisted on its accuracy. 1992) "History. p127. Aronowitz attacks the centrifugal importance of the working class in his seminal. p11. New York. New York p107. Freire.

For documentation on the Sao Paulo homeless children. unpublished doctoral dissertation. but never the question of the deliberate murder of street kids by the police. Continuum Publications. p133.694 p238. CBS 60 Minutes. This report indicates 1. 12-194. Freire. The primary concern here. Ana Freire addresses this issue in her notes to Pedagogy of Hope. Olson 1992 p4 and p11. For a brief description of the Swedish appropriation. p37. 38. Paulo Freire (1978) Pedagogy in Process Seabury Press. Seabury Press. See below for a discussion on the Marryshow readers. New York. However. Margaret (1983) "Paulo Freire". 36. An INternational Journal of Adult Education. Philadelphia. There is a worthy bibliography on "Disposable Children" in Latin American in this volume. 40. Temple Press. Her notes are cursory. it also claims 5. . Convergence. Myles (1990) We Make the Road by Walking. 41. New York p11. Paulo (1993) Pedagogy of the City. New York p. Paulo (1978) Pedagogy In Process: The Letters to Guinea Bissau. 33. Boston University School of Education. We Make This Road by Walking. 31. Paulo Freire (1985) The Politics of Education p196.30. Paulo Freire (1985) The Politics of Education. Freire. Paulo and Horton. p246. 34. Report on the Americas (May/June 1994) North American Committee on Latin America. 42. is that this work has never been done by Paulo Freire. 35. V22 n6 p557-564.000 street children are killed per year by death squads. p81. see: Staffan Selander (1990) Curriculum Studies. John Dewitt (1971) "An Exposition and Analysis of Paulo Freire's Radical Psycho-Social Androgogy of Development". UM Microfilm #71-26.000 murders within the last 3 years. though. Costigan.92. The concluding notes in Pedagogy of Hope. Freire. contain a brief overview of the development of racism in Brazil. Freire does raise the question of homelessness in this most recent book. primers. 32. 39. This article also inspires the consideration that Freire has usually worked on the side of state power. 37. in Grenada. v 37 n8 p23. Bergin and Garvey p127. See also. Freire and Horton. written by Ana Freire.

Unfortunately.43. New York. in describing his life's project in literacy as the "social acquisition of language" to take "history into their hands". Petras Press. reason unstopped by faith. once god is posited. practice which relies on human agency and analysis. 52. and Gustav Wetter (1970) Dialectical Materialism. that is. since Lukacs' writing. obviously.46. that is. p130. see Ira Gollobin (1985) Dialectical Materialism. Even so. Freire discusses his use and understanding of dialectical materialism in The Politics of Education p152-154. Stuart Schram (1993) The Political Thought of Mao Tse Tung. CBS News Film Documentary (1967) "Harvest of Shame". Ruth Wilson Gilmore (1993). v35 n1 p69 44. New York p199. Lukacs titles a chapter "What is Orthodox Marxism?" and goes ahead to describe his belief that orthodox Marxism is dialectical materialism rooted in its struggle to interpret reality as a totality. In Georg Lukacs'. The burden is fairly on the believers. that I believe there is no god. Philadelphia p15. I feel it is reasonable to offer no proofs here. Mao Tse Tung (1974) Little Red Book. Prodigy Grollier Encyclopedia. Continuum. 51. the meaning of orthodox when it is linked to Marx has shifted quite a bit. 45." Race and Class. 47. Cambridge Publications New York p187. Open University Press. China/Yenan Publishing. New York. Praegar Press. 49. Freire goes further still here. 50. Freire himself discusses his servants and his middle class life style in Pedagogy of Hope (1994) Continuum. For decent and opposing elaborations of the philosophy of dialectical materialism. . the turn to faith is requisite. respectfully. electronic listing under language and literacy historical analysis. 48. This means. Paulo Freire (1994) Pedagogy of Hope. "Public Enemies and Private Intellectuals: Apartheid USA. 7-94. Marxism and Liberation. I find in Freire the willingness to unravel the essentialism that blocks some religious views and. 46. Paul Taylor (1993) The Texts of Paulo Freire. I disagree with his vision which I believe defines essentialism. to a degree. Categories and Practice. New York. Its Laws. Freire is a well-known Catholic who I take seriously.

Indeed. Orbis Publications. written not by Freire but by his collaborator Ana Maria Freire (p228).. Paulo Freire (November.. the Struggle for World Catholicism. Two eloquent depictions of liberation theology not mentioned above are worth the read: Leonardo Boff (1980) Liberating Grace. the people. Henry Giroux writing in the Introduction to The Politics of Education by paulo Freire px11." p179. Freire comments. Freire also comments that he finds merit in the Chinese Cultural Revolution. which was not a dinner party. 60. Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p121. Portsmouth. Education for Critical Consciousness p56. as in Education for Critical Consciousness p57... the "Pedagogy of Hope" (1994) Continuum. In Pedagogy in Process. 1982) The Importance of the Act of Reading. Journal of Education. Random House. Elspeth Stuckey (1993) The Violence of Literacy. New York. 61. Paulo Freire. and gunpowder. Nearing does a lovely job describing a dialogic and exploratory curriculum. New York. Freire's most recent.. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York. See in particular. There is controversy in her assertion that the Jesuits believed indigenous Brazilians and Africans had no souls." p34. Freire frequently cites Dewey.p10. The Politics of Education p106. And Penny Lernoux (1985) People of God. 58.. Boston University. Dewey's final chapter to Democracy and Education follows much the same tack in describing dialogue linked to practice. Both authors have a history of controversy with Catholic officialdom and involvement with Freire. ".. 59. New Hampshire. 54. . That of the latter is used to eliminate violence through the revolutionary transformation of the reality that makes it possible. Boynton Cook.the radical difference between the violence of the oppressor and the oppressed. Viking.. Freire is clearly tickled by the thought that the revolution involves. 55. J.the word. and which gave this writer insights into looking for clues and alternatives beyond Freire's social democratic view. 57. New York. 56. translated by John Drury. Ibid p10.53. ALL humans were admitted to the church.the former is exercised in order to express the violence implicit in exploitation and domination. has a brief synopsis of Jesuit activity in Brazil in the footnotes. Scot Nearing (1921) Education in Soviet Russia..

Wayne State University. Bergin and Garvey. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of the oppressed p68. 75. Continuum. 70. Here Dewitt paraphrases Nietzsche. 73." 76. 64. Heinemann Books. 78. Carol Edelsky (1991) writing in With Literacy and Justice for All. Portsmouth p164. Paulo Freire. 74. 71. Paulo Freire (1983) Pedagogy of the Oppressed p75. New York p92. New York p55. Paulo Freire (1969) Education for Critical Consciousness. Literacy p157. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p38.62.6 June 1994. We Make This Road By Walking p77. Continuum. New York p22-23. Paulo Freire (1970) Education for Critical Consciousness. 69. Notes in my possession. Delta Books. 77. Pedagogy in Process p10. We make this Road by Walking p77. Constance Weaver (1990) Understanding Whole Language. Paulo Freire and Donaldo Macedo (1987) Literacy. Interview with Dr. John Dewitt. Rethinking the Social in Language and Education< Palmer Press. 72. Paulo Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p81 67. "He who has a why to live can bear almost any how. 65. New York p147-148. Georg Lukacs (1973) Marxism and Human Liberation. Freire and Horton. Paulo Freire. 68. . Freire and Horton. See the discussion in Pedagogy of the Oppressed on the development of consciousness p174. 63. Ibid p92. New York p49-52. 66.

79. Paulo Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p114. 80. Paulo Freire (1984) The Importance of the Act of Reading, Journal of Education Boston University p10. 81. Paul Taylor, The Texts of Paulo Freire p122/130/145/146. 82. Paulo Freire Politics of Education p105. 83. Freire often quotes Che Gueverra on the need for love to motivate a revolutionary. See Pedagogy of the Oppressed p77. 84. Paul Taylor, The Text of Paulo Freire p44. 85. Paulo Freire Pedagogy in Process p30. 86. Paulo Freire (1994) Pedagogy of Hope, Continuum, New York p157. 87. Paulo Freire and Ira Shor (1990) Freire for the Classroom, Boynton cook, New York p212. 88. I note here an interesting historical side: "The Roman Catholic Church was the sole protector of literacy during the medieval period...but creativity was found simply in the expression of ornamental styles of writing", Prodigy Grollier Electronic Encyclopedia filed under Literacy 7-94. While the meaning of ornamental styles surely signals their print design, I think there may be within implications for postmodern writing. 89. Paulo Freire Literacy p135. 90. Paulo Freire Literacy p159. 91. Paulo Freire Pedagogy in Process p63 92. Paulo Freire Pedagogy in Process p63. 93. Paulo Freire Pedagogy in Process p11. 94. paulo Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p49. 95. Paulo Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p49.

96. Reliance on experts is routine in Freire and somewhat distinguishes his work from the early Cuban literacy projects. There could be a link with the fact that Freire himself is an expert. See the discussions on who leads programs in Pedagogy in Process beginning on page 69. 97. For elaboration see Education for Critical Consciousness p45/46. 98. Paulo Freire Politics of Education p59. 99. John Dewitt directed me to this notion which Freire initially raised with him in discussions at Harvard. The quote is from the Compact Oxford English Dictionary (1990) New York, p845. 100. paulo Freire Politics of Education p69. 101. Freire Pedagogy for Liberation p36. 102. Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p19 103. Freire Pedagogy of Liberation p156/157 104. Freire Pedagogy of Liberation p102. See Freire's discussion on the use of dialogue to create class consciousness as a key factor in revolution in Pedagogy of the Oppressed p146. One questions the position Freire would take on the present need for a violent revolution in Sao Paulo. I contend this is not an unfair decontextualization and note, again, that Freire has always worked on the side of regimes in power where he has been located. 105. Paulo Freire The Politics of Education p152. 106. Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p18 107. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of liberation p11. 108. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of Liberation p36. 109. Paulo Freire, Education for Critical Consciousness p5,6,44. 110. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of Hope p31. 111. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of Liberation p33. 112. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of Hope p46.

113. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of Hope P30-31. 114. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of Liberation p175. 115. Freire We Make this Road by Walking p219. 116. Freire, Education for Critical Consciousness p39. 117. Freire (1985) The Politics of Education, Bergin and Garvey, Massachusetts p89. 118. Paulo Freire, Learning to Question p69. 119. Paulo Freire Politics of Education p90. 120. Freire The Politics of education p106. 121. See for example, William Hinton (1985) Shen Fan, random House, New York. 122. Paulo Freire (1994) Pedagogy of Hope, Continuum, New York p129/171. He also points to the military as a possible source of undermining progressive, postrevolutionary education. 123. Freire, The Politics of Education p133. 124. Freire, Politics of Education p133-134. For Lenin, see "Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Communism". For a discussion of the Leninist approach as it was adopted and expanded by Stalin, see Claudin, The Communist Movement. 125. Paulo Freire (1983) Education for Critical Consciousness, Continuum, New York p32. 126. Paulo Freire (1978) Pedagogy in Process, Seabury Press p14. 127. Freire (1978) Pedagogy in Process p77. 128. Freire (1978) Pedagogy in Process p114. 129. Freire, Pedagogy in Process p140. 130. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of Hope p113. 131. paulo Freire Pedagogy of Hope p78.

132. See for example Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of Hope p100. 133. Robert Mackie (1991) Literacy and Revolution, Continuum, New York p119 quoting Freire from Education, Cultural Action for Freedom. p17-18. 134. I urge a review of James C. Scott (1993) Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts, Random House, New York, for a rather thorough and dialectically rich grasp of the language and action that always responds to exploitation. 135. Paulo Freire (1994) Pedagogy of Hope p.231. Ana Freire's writing here is not a fluke. Another footnote, in "the Politics of education" takes a very similar stance in regard to resistance and racism. In discussion black people in the southern U.S., Freire says, "there are divergences between the younger and older generations that cannot be explained by psychological criteria, but rather by a dialectical understanding of the emerging consciousness. The younger generation, less influenced by fatalism than the older, most logically assume positions qualitatively different from the older generation, not only in regard to passive silence, but also in regard to the methods of their movements. (p95). This astonishing ahistorical statement sums up Freire's approach to racism which is, on the one hand, idealist, that is, it ignores the material basis of racism and the long history of anti-racist struggle in the south, and wherever domination has occurred and it moreover equates, talk with resistance. Because this is not a materialist position, it cannot be fully dialectical and hence Freire poses a binary of emerging consciousness with psychology. This position is fundamentally racist because, at base, it denies the history of humanity of black people by presupposing that black people, peculiar in the history of the world, have not always found ways to resist exploitation. 136. Paul Taylor The Texts of Paulo Freire p9. 137. Paulo Freire (1987) A Pedagogy for Liberation, Bergin and Garvey, New York p156. Freire elaborates on the idea that the teacher must understand her political position and struggle for it, but not be demagogues, on pages 92, 100, 172, and 174. 138. Gadotti, px1. 139. John Elias (1994) Paulo Freire: Pedagogue of Liberation Krieger Publishing Malabar, Florida p31. Elias poses Freire's "eclecticism" as "Drinking from many wells". I think the term obscure is more useful and to the point. But his vision is obscure only in its theoretical construction and it is its evaluation in practice which is the test. Freire's own calls for reflective praxis fit this bill.

arguing frequently that reality is tied primarily to society's most flagrant representations. an influence on post-modernism that is rarely give its due. . 149. 153. Freire Politics of Education p136. 141. 151. The situationists focus on the politics of spectacles. 144. Reese (1992) Dictionary of Philosophy and Religion. Norton. See Freire's reference to Lenin's grasp of the link between theory and practice in Pedagogy of the Oppressed p120. New York p. or any of the works of Guy Debold. Black and Red Publications. and that ethical action can only be understood in the most particular of individual contexts. Freire and Horton We Make This Road by Walking p221. International Publishing. Taylor The Texts of Paulo Freire p9.L. New Jersey p192. The Texts of Paulo Freire p. anti-communist.140. Freire Pedagogy for Liberation p90. Quote is from Freire. 148. 145. Freire Politics of Education p178. Individualist. Humanities Press. For a presentation of the contextual thinking of Situationist Anarchism. Lenin Materialism and Empiro-Criticism p99. typically anarchist. 147. 150. Paulo Freire. 146. See Paul Taylor. see Fredy Perlman (1985) The Continuing Appeal of Nationalism. 5/49/54 and Paulo Freire's Chapter titles. Freire A Pedagogy for Liberation p134. Politics of Education p69. 142. W. Emphasis Lenin's. V.639. 143. some slipping into religious prostitution. New York p16/36. 152. Pedagogy for Liberation p157. Detroit. the situationists contribute mostly through their commitment to equality and action. Lenin (1959) Materialism and Empiro-Criticism.I. Robert Tucker (1985) The Lenin Anthology. The Gnostic sects can only be seen as bizarre. like the Gnosciological Cycle in Pedagogy for Liberation.

forced by circumstances rather than design to fire the teaching force when teachers struck against the revolution. It is unfortunate that this discussion does reflect a constrained sense of history. See for example. inequality in distribution. Louis Horowitz (1969) Latin American Radicalism. Freire makes note of his support for and membership in the Workers Party. 157. See Scott Nearing (1924) Education in Soviet Russia. and its direction.154. Freire claims to rely on the student's direction in "inductive moments" but the recognition of that moment. See p139. p441. Here I offer Fernando Claudin (1985) The Communist Movement. replaced them overnight with parents. is clearly in the hands of the teacher 160. Freire and Horton We Make this Road by Walking p100. Pedagogy for Liberation p156-157. 162. Throughout. Pedagogy of Hope p172/180. 159. The restoration of inequality through the New Economic Policy underpinned a return to the old. forms and substance of schooling. and Anatol Lunacharsky (1980) On Education. Paulo Freire (1993) Pedagogy of the City. Continuum. Monthly Review Press (two volumes). New York. New York. New York. International Publishers. No socialist government has been able to establish production for use. International Publishers. . New York p53. The Soviet revolution. New York p106. 164. as a beginning. anti-dialogical. many never to return. Paulo Freire (1993) Pedagogy of the City. Random House New York. Paulo Freire (1989) Learning to Question. or inequitable wage systems. and dramatically altered the nature of Soviet education for some years to come. 163. 155. 158. Freire and Horton We Make this Road by Walking p132. Freire. 161. Continuum. 156. Continuum Publications. No socialist government has ever claimed to abolish commodity production. Paul Taylor (1993) The Texts of Paulo Freire p29 notes that Freire helped found the Workers Party. New York. Freire makes the same comment in Pedagogy of the City p92.

New York. The AIFLD is widely recognized as a front for the U. 167. Harvard Educational Review. For a detailed examination. v33 n1 p81. 176.. It is simply not possible to discuss Brazil outside its imperial and colonial relationship with the U. 174.S. Baltimore. David Morawitz. intelligence agencies in Latin America. Twenty Five Years Of National Development. Moacir Gadotti (1994) Reading Paulo Freire.ix. quoted in Luiza Fernandes (1985 February) Basic Ecclesiastical Communities in Brazil. Charles Wood p109. Harvard Educational Review. Charles H. Johns Hopkins University Press. 171. Luis Fernandes (1985 February) Basic Ecclesiastical Communities in Brazil. Suny Press. South End Press. 166. CIA. The Rise of Evangelical Protestantism. North American Committee for Latin America (May-June 1979) Report on the Americas v13 n3 p18. Caipora Women's Group (1994) Women in Brazil. Charles Wood p 101 . A more detailed presentation on the state of the church follows in a later chapter. which demonstrates the challenges to Catholicism from the Christian right and the Marxist left. it is not possible to avoid the pivotal role played by U.S. v33 n1 p76. His Life and Works. North American Committee on Latin America (July-August 1979) Report on the Americas v12 n4 173. World Bank. 169. A more recent picture is presented by NACLA ((1994 May June) Report on the Americas.S. Freire comments on the stratification of Brazilian Portuguese by class in Pedagogy for Liberation p72. and in that context. Fernandes believes 98% of Brazilians are Catholic. 170. Wood p77. 175. p. Merrick and Graham p161. 172.165. 168. see Thomas Merrick and Douglas Graham (1979) Population and Economic Development In Brazil. Maria Nubia Barbosa (1990) The Educar Foundation in Brazil: Two Experiences in Literacy Lessons. 1977. New York p16.

"We Make the Road By Walking" may contain clues for the researcher attempting to demonstrate their similarities. Also. While there are some minor statistical disagreements between the two (Merrick puts the Northeastern population at 30. 180. Wood p115. for a discussion of the patriarchal history of the Brazilian Northeast--and for Freire's inspiration on his discourse in the issue of authoritarian relationships and the violence inherent therein. New York. Wood p. a professional organizer. See Gilberto Freyre (1934) The Masters and the Slaves.177. . Wood p143. Johns Hopkins University Press. Open University Press p161. regional disparity. Cambridge University Press.2% of the population). See for example James Busey (1993) Latin American Political Guide. wrote "Rules for Radicals". chapter titled. Juniper Publications. Ana Maria Saul writing in the epilogue p151. New York. 181. 182. Latin American Radicalism p390. 178. there is clear agreement about the issues of economic inequality. New York. Alinsky. Charles H. and "Reveille for Radicals". 179. See for elaboration Thomas Merrick and Doug Graham (1979) Population and economic Development in Brazil. random House. could easily be tripled. Reports from recent travelers (Interview with Tommie Lee Suber 6-1-94) indicate the situation may be much worse. especially the unemployment figure. Charles H. Freire's book with Myles Horton. 185.159 and 139. Paul Taylor (1993) The Texts of Paulo Freire. According to his discussions with national government officials who demanded anonymity. considered part of the canon in the North American labor movement. Colorado. Continuum Press. Children Dispossessed. and Horowitz. these figures. claiming 50%. 183. A thorough-going examination of the ties of Alinsky and Freire would be interesting work. 187. Wood (1988) The Demography if Inequality in Brazil. Paulo Freire (1993) Pedagogy of the City. North American Committee on Latin America (January. 186. Nacla Report on the Americans May-June 1979 p6. and racial inequity. Charles H. 184. Baltimore p134. Charles H. Charles Wood p71. 1994) Report on the Americas. claiming "one-third" illiteracy.

191. Boston.The North American use of intelligence agencies. London. South End Press. See also Charles H. New York. I contend it is a fair depiction of Jesuit tactics--and the tactics of anyone serious about issue-organizing. Cambridge University Press. Andre Gunnar Frank (1967) Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America. Charles Wagley (1971) An Introduction to Brazil. (September 1964) Monthly Review. Louis Horowitz p398. and Andre Gunnar Frank. for the historical background: see William Bangert (1989) A History of the Society of Jesus. 192. New York. Caio Prado (1967( The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil. Berkely. See for example Beth Sims (1992) Workers of the World Undermined. p101. see Luiza . has repeatedly intervened to disrupt Freire's work for social change. Gustavo Maia Gomes (1986) The Roots of State Intervention in the Brazilian Economy. Jackson State University Press. Conrad (ed. Harter(1985) The Lost Colony of the Confederacy. New York. Horowitz p405. Wood p 73-75. 194. Capricorn. Eugene C. New York. Christopher Hollis (1968) The Jesuits. American Indian Culture and Research Journal v10 n1 p29.188. Princeton University Press. Monthly Review Press. 190. Horowitz p402. Oxford University Press.An interesting exposition of Jesuit tactics is offered in greater brevity. Latin America. But. 195. a New Regional Power in the World Economy. Emanuel De Kadt (1970) Catholic Radicals in Brazil. Jose Jobim (1943) Brazil in the Making. On the Mechanisms of Imperialism and the Case of Brazil p284. in Nancy Bonvillian (1986) The Iroquois and the Jesuits:Strategies of Influence and Resistance. Princeton N. More than onehalf of the AFL budget is spent overseas. Robert E. Macmillan. For a discussion of the role of the Catholic church. Praeger. University of California Press. Cambridge. I relied on Bertha Becker (1992) Brazil. 193. Macmillan.J. Rene Fulop-Miller (1956) The Jesuits. 189. New York. Norton.) (1983) Children of God's Fire. Columbia University Press. In compiling this brief summation of two hundred years.. and with a stronger base in social history. Charles H. New York. and the United States p65. often through legitimate fronts. This summation of organizing tactics may be over-simplified and open to dispute.Wood p109. For a thorough discussion of the event surrounding Goulart. CIA and AFL links are widely recognized. Mississippi. New York. see Monthly Review (June 1964) Brazil.

204. See for example. Buckingham England p24. Washington. 205. 198. Open University Press. Central Intelligence Agency. Da Cunha p117. twentieth Century Fund. Dewitt p53. Richard Gott (1970) Guerrillas Movements in Latin America. 199. 202. New York. AID is well-known as a funding agency for the U. Laurel Press. 209. Dewitt (1971) p44.Fernandes. John Dewitt (1971) Unpublished doctoral dissertation. See also. v46 n2. The following discussion stems largely from Albert Hirschman (1963) The Journey Toward Progress: Studies of Economic Policy Making in Latin America. Dewitt p44. Christian Smith (1991) The Emergence of Liberation Theology. Wagley p8. Paul Taylor (1993) The Texts of Paulo Freire. 210. For elaboration.S. Victor Marchetti (1990) The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence. 208. Dewitt p23. Chicago p112. p335. London p300. Boston University p34. 207. Euclides Da Cunha (1902) Rebellion in the Backlands. 200. University of Chicago Press. 196. 203. Mike (1986-June) Analysis of the Alliance for Progress from Within. Thomas Nelson Publisher. VISTA Bulletin. D. Da Cunha p168. Harvard Educational Review p76. New York. Marchetti goes well beyond the predictable and crude analysis that claims all intelligence activity and the use of . University of Chicago Press. See NACLA Report on the Americas (May-June 1994) p18. Cruicksank. 206. see Paul Sweezy in Monthly Review (June 1994) The Triumph of Financial Capital. (May-June 1985) Basic Ecclesiastical Communities. 201.C. 197.

it is possible he wittingly included the comment. still timid. I want to note that I use the word slave in a most hesitant fashion. one would think not. 217. Johns Hopkins University Press. 219. Baltimore p12. Robin Blackburn p383. Eric Williams (1944) Capitalism and Slavery. I hope I make that substantive point in the text. Blackburn p525. Joao Jose Reis (1993) Slave Rebellions in Brazil. or at least "captive". Hence. even complicity. in present usage." p231. on one hand. 211. finally. 213. Joas Jose Reis (1993) Slave Rebellions in Brazil. it carries a sense of inevitability. "Chained rebel" might be a better term. 218. 212. See p14n. 215. like another misnomer: "holocaust". . But there is no doubt that Marchetti sees the CIA as relying. that the souls of black people and slaves could not be saved. This contradicts. He suggests that the CIA is interested in constructing carrots as well as sticks. but which is so historically slipshod and apparently racist that I note it here: "Today black movements. to a degree. Hence. a certain sense of acquiescence. Johns Hopkins University Press. and on the other hand. Given his occasional vision as a patron'. on force and violence. Robin Blackburn (1990) The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery. Baltimore p7. this aside for the astute. "slave" carries with it baggage that rarely denotes its twin. Blackburn p531. 214. London. are appearing here and there in our country. Andre Deutsch. pages 172 and 190. Given his grasp of resistance. 216. Blackburn p385. Ana Freire assisted in the editing of this book which contains this section which we shall encounter later. resistance and rebellion. Ana Freire's remarks in Pedagogy of Hope. It seems to me that "slave" connotes.funding conduits is immediately hostile and witting activity on the part of all participants. London p407. Verso. I suspect Paulo Freire shall draw some rightful heat from this unfortunate paragraph which may or may not reflect his particular view. but I worry few readers would do more than trip over the discourse. 220.

Praegar Publishing. 236.221. "Jubiaba". Tad Szulc (1964) Winds of Revolution. 234. 232. Blackburn p530. New York. on the development of political consciousness. 224. Princeton. Princeton University Press. Tad Szulc (1964) The Winds of Revolution. 225. 237. Karasch p82-83. Karasch p217. 233. Winthrop Jordan (1977) White OVer Black. Blackburn p533. New Jersey p302 and 305. 235. Blackburn p522. Norton. Knopf. 230. New York p282. C. James (1985) The Black Jacobins.147. Vintage. New York p34. Slave Life in Rio. 239. Beckles. 222. 231. Karasch p20. Karasch p298. New York p20. NY p. Mary Karasch. 227. Caribbean Journal of Education v11 n1 p19. Blackburn p520. 228.L. Writer Amado is the author of an interesting book.221. 226. Hilary (1984) The Literate Few: An Historical Sketch of the Slavery Origins of the Black Elites in the English West Indies. Praegar Publishing.127. . New York p384. Blackburn p384. Tad Szulc (1964) The Winds of Revolution. Karasch p313. 238. Praegar. Reis p. 223.R. 229. John Hope Franklin (1994) From Slavery to Freedom. among many.

the anarchist movement has never gained state power and the lessons from this movement are now more anti-communist than anti-capitalist. Claudin. University of Texas Press. I believe. and Fernando Claudin (1979) The Communist Movement in Two Volumes. unregulated. absent a sound understanding of the workings of power. Alexander p107. New Jersey p40. agrees. Robert Alexander (1957) Communism in Latin America. However. often at the expense of potential revolutions. as does Harvey Klehr. rising from the intellectual ground of Michael Bakunin. author of the Communist Movement. Draper's student and author of The Heyday of American Communism. deeply influenced some events in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in both the U. author of the Communist Party and the Auto Workers Union. making the argument that indigenous communists were primarily selfdirective. but which has support among current social historians. Monthly Review Press. Donald Herman (1973) The Communist Tide in Latin America. The same holds for the Trotskyist movement which. the best of them. 243. Hence. The issue of Soviet control of the Comintern. 246. Carr (1985) Twilight of the Comintern. is a thesis which I find untenable. 241. For a thorough discussion of the history of communism in world affairs. like the anarchists. represented by Roger Keeran whose "The Communist Party and the Auto Workers Union" Is a profound contribution. author of the seminal Roots of American Communism. In opposition. 242. independent. The vision that radicals somehow are primarily selfdetermining. see for example. as represented by the Industrial Workers of the World and in Brazil. Szulc p34. The anarchist movement. as we shall see in the text. New York. . New Brunswick. 245. Emory University. E. Pantheon Press. is Roger Keeran. Steve Carr and Ellner (1993) Latin American Left Westview Press Seabury p206. New York. Theodore Draper. the anarchist movement holds neither the initiative nor power and necessarily responds to those who do.S. Rutgers University Press. Austin p141. Atlanta. and the purpose of that control. 244. drives much of the current debate in social history.H. retains an organizational and intellectual thread in Brazil and Latin america--and Grenada--but which has never held power.240. argues that control extended out from the Comintern for Soviet nationalist interests. I believe the social historian's argument is reasonably set side by the research of Theodore Draper (1980) History of American Communism.

257. University of California Press. 255. For example. "The PT is an open. and Peritore. Peritore p82. Peritore p197 259. 258. 252. Ohio University Press. I disagree with his naivete. 120. Peritore p84. Lenin (1950) What is to be Done. Austin. Donald Herman (1973) The Communist Tide In Latin America. See also John W. 261. There is a long history of complicity between the left unions and corporatist approaches to state control. Paulo Freire (1981) Pedagogy of the Oppressed Continuum New York p. Peritore p112. University of Texas Press. This is an old debate. Alexander p25 249. Athens Ohio p24. see Herrick Chapman (1991) State Capitalism and Working Class Radicalism in the French Aircraft Industry. lively and exciting party" on p 106 or his own self declaration of allegiance on p. New York. Patrick Peritore (1993) Socialism.8. Communism and Liberation Theology In Brazil. Freire in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. See for example Carr and Ellner. Peritore p78. It must be noted that Peritore's study is marred by his gushing adherence to the social-democratic (Menshevik) Worker's Party of Brazil of which Freire is a member. 256. International Publishers. I have no disagreement with his partisanship and I admire his declaration of view. 250. 251. 254. University of Texas Press. F. not a new one. See for example. 253.247. 260. Austin. . Simply. Carr and Ellner p239. See. Peritore p196 quoting Leonardo Boff. Berkeley. N. 248. for example. Carr and Ellner p214. Peritore p6. Dulles (1983) Brazilian Communism 1935 to 1945.

262. Carlos Roberto Horta (1992) The Union Movement and Vocational Training in Brazil, Discussion Paper Number 91. 263. Paulo Freire (1994) Pedagogy of Hope p187. Allende refused to arm the people and his party militants against the Chilean military, knowing well the control of the military ran back to the U.S. CIA. He believed he was elected and thus controlled state power--a deadly mistake. See for elaboration, Assassination on Embassy Row. 264. For a polemic complete with the historical background see Lenin (1950) What is to be Done? International Publishers, New York. For an examination of the social democratic North American Students for a Democratic Society see Alan Adelson (1985) SDS, Scribner, New York. For a discussion on the Mensheviks, Leopold Haimson (1974) The Mensheviks from the Revolution of 1917 to the Second World War, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. See also Vladimer Brovkin (1991) Dear Comrades, a Menshevik Reports, Hoover Institute Press, Stanford. 265. Interview with John Dewitt (6 June 1994). "People loved their priests but paid little attention to their more odious orders". 266. Smith p110. 267. Christian Smith (1991) Emergence of Liberation Theology, University of Chicago Press p127, 110, 141. 268. Fernandes (1985) p79. 269. Smith p141. 270. For a discussion of the reaction of the Catholic hierarchy in opposition to liberation theology, see Smith p186. 271. Dom Halder Camara (1971) Revolution through Peace, Harper and Row, New York P.59. Note that Camara remarks about democracy are written under a military dictatorship and may be ambiguously referring both to Marxists and to the government. 272. Camara p96. Interestingly, here Camara also supports the Church's position in opposition to birth control, making the argument that "ill-advised and indiscriminate contraceptive campaigns..are an insult to the dignity of the family." p97. Camara also notes his definition of "conscientizacao"--which he sees as a path toward being fully human--the word clearly being in wide use in the ecclesiastical movement. p55. See also, Camara (1969) The Church and Colonialism, Dimension Books, London. Here

Camara repeats his belief in a third way between Marx and capitalism and calls for national economic development, made possible by education projects and literacy campaigns, which he believes will make possible a new humanism. 273. Camara p47. 274. Camara p47. 275. Smith p15. 276. Camara p49. 277. Camara p8 Camara makes references like this repeatedly throughout his book, at least twelve times. 278. Interview with John Dewitt. (6 June 1994). Dewitt, who shared study groups with Freire during their period at Harvard, says Freire pointed to Camara as the source of many of his ideas. 279. Gustavo Gutierrez and Richard Shaull (1977) Liberation and Change, John Know Publications, Atlanta. Gutierrez quoting Hegel, p29. 280. Gutierrez and Shaull p.135 281. Gutierrez and Shaull p184. 282. Peter Jarvis (1987) Paulo Freire: Educationalist of a Revolutionary Christian Movement, Convergence vXX (2) p33. 283. Smith p29. 284. Christian Smith (1991) The Emergence of Liberation Theology, University of Chicago Press p54. Smith makes it clear that the vanguard of priests and lay worker was a missionary force. p105 285. Smith p5. 286. John Pottenger (1989) The Political Theory of Liberation Theology, SUNY Press Albany p137 and 174. 287. Paulo Freire (1987) Pedagogy for Liberation, Bergin and Garvey, New York p.177. Freire replays the meeting in Pedagogy of Hope p127.

288. Fernandes p83 289. Paul Taylor (1993) The Texts of Paulo Freire, Open University Press, Philadelphia p22. Taylor indicates the origins of workers circles are hard to trace, going back, perhaps, to the 1820's. Taylor also indicates that the workers circles were reactivated by communist Francisco Juliao in the 1950's in Brazil as "an important catalyst in opening up new discussions about nationalism, remission of profits, development and illiteracy. p23 290. Fernandes p82. 291. Fernandes p84. 292. Smith p.108 293. Fernandes p81 294. Smith p115. 295. Paulo Freire (1990) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Continuum, New York p33. 296. Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p9,21,24-31. 297. Taylor p14 and Dewitt p57. 298. See Taylor p14 and Freire, Paulo (1987) A Pedagogy for Liberation, Continuum, New York p28. See also, Pedagogy of Hope p210 where Ana Freire indicates Paulo planned to study law and slipped into education. p210. 299. Turning to his own testimony, in Pedagogy of Hope, Freire claims he taught high school. p210. 300. Taylor p22. and Paulo Freire (1987) Literacy, Reading the Word and Reading the World, Bergin and Garvey, New York. 301. Taylor p26. Elias p5. 302. The Cuban Model is described best in Jonathon Kozol's (1966) Prisoners of Silence. Freire's own model is indicated within the drawings and records of the project. Note the position of the teacher in the depictions of a classroom in Education for Critical Consciousness. The question of motivation in reading, according to Dewitt, is key. "Give me a motivated person with some experience and they can learn to read--through about any method". (Dewitt interview 6-6-94). It is important to

underline the fact that there had been no revolution in Brazil, that the Cuban people who, rightly or not, believed they had taken charge of their lives, had a strong motivator, while the Brazilian people had no such leap in their experience. Moreover, Freire was a reformer at the time and inclined to rely more and more on experts. There are, even so, few indications he changed this approach. 303. Victor Marchetti (1981) CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, Laurel Publications, New York p20. 304. I filed Freedom of Information Act requests for Paulo Freire's FBI and CIA files in February, 1994. Both agencies rejected the requests. The appeal process continues at this date. I have also taken steps to ask Paulo Freire to request his own files. A good deal of information should be immediately available to him. 305. Freire (1973) Education for Critical Consciousness, Continuum, New York p56. 306. Elias p4. Elias does note the potential of 20,000 circles, each with 30 people, quite an impressive plan. 307. Taylor p30, Dewitt p.58. 308. Elias p11. 309. Freire (1987) A Pedagogy for Liberation, Bergin and Garvey New York, p33. 310. Elias p1. 311. Taylor p31. Learning to Question, with Antonio Faundez, adds little to the Freireian legacy and is riddled with mutual congratulation over "Chilean wine and some equally good empanadas as well". p1. Or, the repetition of "I completely agree with you Paulo..." p14. Or, more to the point, in describing his "exile" Freire stresses "how difficult it is, in a restaurant in a strange culture, to attract the attention of the waiter". p16. I found the talking books to be disappointingly uneven. 312. Taylor p33. 313. Regis Debray (1991) Teachers, Writers, Celebrities, Verso, New York p225. Debray makes a succinct case about being determining consciousness, the corollary between how one earns a living and how one thinks. Debray also offers a nice case for the relationship of top intellectuals, the universities, and the clergy--something of a reverse genealogy. p40.

p. a complete inspection of racism in the city schools would have been a significant contribution---absent in Pedagogy of the City. 327. New York p1994. Mao Tse Tung (1955) Where Do Correct Ideas Come From? in Four Essays on Philosophy. Peking. Job 7:1 321. Suny Press. New Jerusalem Bible. Michigan. 322. . Freire begins to discuss racism at the close of Pedagogy of Liberation. 329.xv111. 320. as the chief educator of Sao Paulo. China Publications.58. New York p139. The absence of a sophisticated discourse about racism in his books is an unfortunate flaw in Freire which I will examine below. at bottom. There is some debate about why Freire is in Sao Paulo. God (1985) Kenneth Barker editor. 324. New Jerusalem Bible. 328. Smith engages an important discussion here and concludes that. Zondervan Publications. Jarvis p31. but quickly moves away from the topic.1445. Gollobin p19 323. p134. 315.xxiii. Grand Rapids. Genesis 2:29 p11.314. 317. Christian Smith (1991) The Emergence of Liberation Theology. Genesis 2:19 319. There is a discussion of the matter in Gadotti (1994) Reading Paulo Freire. there can be no unity of Christianity and Marxism. Paul Taylor The Texts of Paulo Freire p. NIV Study Bible. Given that he had at hand the power of the state. Giroux in Politics of Education p. Chicago p29-31. University of Chicago Press. and all of its investigative potential. Doubleday. 316. Paulo Freire quoted by Jim Walker in Literacy and Revolution p126. 326. God. of which Christians must be especially wary because of its seductive nature. NIV Study Bible John 6:45. 325. 318. Henry Giroux writing in the Introduction to Politics of Education p.

Hegel. Freire. New York p426.F. G. The reference to communion is on p164. Dewitt indicates that Freire's entire work is summarized within Hegel's Phenomenology of the Spirit and I find his comment incisive. NIV Study Bible Samuel (1) !5:23. Education for Critical Consciousness p17-18. Science of Logic p160. science of Logic p130/144. Hegel. NIV Study Bible Corinthians (1) 4:6.330. 347. Humanities Press. Interview with John Dewitt. 337. 335. . New York p154. The entire appendix of Education for Critical Consciousness is a primer for peasant education. NIV Study Bible John 13:20.W. Verso. NIV Study Bible Genesis 2:23.289. 345. Lucio Colletti (1994) Marxism and Hegel. Freire. 342. Education for Critical Consciousness p140. Miller. 340. Romans 3:21. Education for Critical Consciousness p40. 343. 339. Freire's work was initiated among peasants in SUDENE and the peasantry remains a focus of his work. 333. Paul Taylor p50. 331. Phenomenology of the Spirit p. 336. New York p9. Hegel (1991) Science of Logic. 332. 341. Cambridge University Press. 338. 344. Freire. 6-6-94. Freire. See Allan Wood writing in The Cambridge Companion to Hegel (1993) edited by Frederick Beiser. Education for Critical Consciousness p5. 334. 346.V. Hegel. translated by A.

353.56. 361. 363. Encyclopedia of the Left.F Hegel (1991) Phenomenology of the Spirit.V. New York p55. For a thorough discussion of the state in Hegel's vision. South End Press. Holbach and Helvetius quoted in Christopher Pines (1993) Ideology and false Consciousness. Freire. Allan Wood writing in the Cambridge Companion to Hegel p436-437. 355. Humanities Press. 360. Cambridge Companion to Hegel p434. 356. 349. See Allan Wood in Cambridge Companion to Hegel p489. G. New York p278. see Michael Inwood (1994) A Hegel Dictionary. New Jersey p100. New York pxxix. 351. State and Revolution p22. Harcourt Brace. Alan Wood in Cambridge Companion to Hegel p434. Oxford Press.I. For a discussion of these and other positions of various socialist organizations. State and Revolution p40. SUNY Press.Lenin (1965) The State and Revolution. 350. 352. Politics of Education p. State and Revolution p24. 358. New York p264 to 297. Hegel Dictionary p70. Peking p7/8.W. Quote is on 263. Translated by A.94. 366. . Robert Freedman (1985) Marxist Social Thought. Blackwell Press. 354. 364. Georg Lukacs (1952) Destruction of Reason. 357.348. 359. Progress Publishers. 362. Hegel Dictionary p70. State and Revolution p44. State and revolution p52. Miller. V. 365. see for example. New York.

377. I do not wish to enter the market of material attacking Stalin for all the crimes of what became. 374. 378. Robert Tucker (1992) Stalin in Power.Arch Getty's. Isaac Deutscher (1965) Stalin. is an important work demonstrating the flaws in much of the current hysterical scholarship about Stalin. is his clearest political attack. 371. Soviet Imperialism. I do not find those ideas embodied in any one person. I believe that Stalin made choices which rose from errors in communist theory. H. 373. comprise an important documentary record. Tucker p541. the bogey-man. yes. in my eyes. Isaac Deutscher (1965) Stalin. I reject out of hand the wild accusations of Robert Conquest. 376. Trotsky. I think it is extraordinarily important to review the history in its greatest possible specificity of what have become known as Stalin's Crimes. State and Revolution p114. The Communist Movement. State and Revolution p123. had within it the seeds of ideas which could have directed socialism on a better course. from Krupskaya to Preobrazhensky to. See for elaboration Lenin's discussion on religion. State and revolution p111. Tucker. Vintage. Montgomery Hyde (1981) Stalin. Trotsky's Third International After Lenin. for destroying the Soviet Party which. whose scholarship is desperately clouded by anticommunism. Bantam. Stalin is a beginning point to the literature. 375. I think Souvarine's. is an outstanding record of the results of Stalin's work. I believe Tucker's. primarily. New York p261. Stalinism. Stalin must not become a counter-icon. Stalin in Power p546. Origins of the Great Purges. I think. 369. New York p120 and ps88/89/27.367. Tucker p284-285. but pieces of ideas in many people. 368. Claudin's. from what was Lenin's New Economic Policy to the destruction of democracy as part of the contradiction in democratic centralism. Popular Library New York p183. J. I fault him. In brief. 370. . Bantam. New York p338-339. If the struggle toward democratic egalitarianism is to be served. and Fisher's The Essential Stalin. 372.

388. Dictionary of Marxist Philosophy. see DeJonge. The discussion re: the shift under Stalin is from Adam Ulam's Stalin p390. . 335. not on the idea that any single party member stands next to god. Tucker p463. 391. For a illuminating presentation of Soviet education in the immediate post revolutionary period. Hyde p213/317. New York p519. see Tucker p31. despite what Deutscher documents as the human and political cost to achieve this progress. deeply marred by a partisanship which goes well beyond the others. even the Trotskyist Deutscher is seduced by the results of Soviet education and industrialization campaigns. 384. For a more thorough discussion of socialism in one country. Deutscher p269. commenting most positively on the progressive nature of the results of industrialization and the education campaigns. See also. 385. On Language. Tucker p213. Tucker p529. Origins of the Great Purges. Blackwell. see Gustav Wetter. 390. J. see Scott Nearing's. Education in Soviet Russia (1922). 389. or Tucker p541. Deutscher p363. Arch Getty's. rails at length about the position of socialism in one country vis a vis Trotsky's preferred permanent revolution. Tucker p321. 383. the quotes are from deutscher p294.379. Dialectical Materialism p470. Remarkably. 381. 382. Bottomore. Tucker p36-38. is the most thoroughly researched and believable encounter with the Soviet Terror. See p568. Deutscher p284-285. On the negation of the negation. p465. Tucker p160/540. Deutscher p335. Regarding Lenin and the cultural revolution. but this elitism is focused on the need for a highly centralized party of professional revolutionaries. See Tom Bottomore. 380. Deutscher p234. Dictionary of Marxist Thought p310. Trotsky's Stalin. Ulam p10/11/695. There are hints of elitism in Lenin's What is to be Done. see Alex De Jonge. 386. 387. Stalin p201.

Stalin's specific crimes are not detailed (95). Freire rarely mentions Stalin. he takes up this charged term in commonplace ways. Sydney. The Privatization of China (1991) Monthly review Press. Anchor Press. 401. New York. Freire addresses Stalin as a criminal in Politics of Education. Claudin p302. In dealing with Marxist orthodoxy. 393. Pantheon. New York p135. The labor camps would testify otherwise. It is conceivable Freire is unaware of the positions Lenin (who we . Bantam. p270. Deutscher. New York p137.392.H. E. Cleverley. John Cleverley (1993) Schooling of China. Alvin and Adele Rickett (1979) Prisoners of Liberation. The Ricketts. p247. 400.H. remark in detail about their treatment which. See also. Freire later accuses Stalin of being the founder of "avant-garde" political parties distant from the masses. 402. New York p71. New York p4. E. 404. Monthly Review Press. they claim was little different than that accorded to a Chinese peasant. though he does discuss unnamed "sectarians" in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. 394. Allen and Unwin. p217. See also. The Great Reversal. 398. Reverting to his ahistorical analytical style. New York P88. p295/355. Columbia Press. William Hinton. but then indicates that the silence of the Soviet people is a sign of the absence of their resistance. Vintage. 395. New York p147. Roderick Macfarquhar (1983) The Origins of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Edgar Snow. Australia p127. Taylor p6. p530. Red Star Over China. Claudin p302. William Hinton (1981) Fanshen. who were indeed prisoners of the Chinese Communist party. 403. Deutscher. 396. 399. Hinston's Shenfan describes in detail the reversals of Chinese socialism. (153). equating them with "banking educators". Carr. Carr (1985) Twilight of the Comintern. Schooling in China. 397. Mao Tse Tung (1985) A Critique of Soviet Economics. (p22). When Freire does discuss Stalin.

411. So it is more fruitful to go to the head. but not the over-arching explanation. p2-8." is from Education for Critical Consciousness. if only in its influence on Western academics. Nor does Freire look at the other end of the historical spectrum: Cabral. 408. p12. p124 for discussion on methods of leadership. As an interesting side. see Peter Macdonald (1991) Giap.noted above Freire treats uncritically) took in What is to Be Done. "History as a process of human events. Hegel is the source of Frankfurt theorists. and explain how it is that they did not or do not lead similar organizations. 410. Freire does point to Stalin as responsible for the system of "bourgeois education" that remained in place in socialist societies. New York. Marilyn Young (1991) Vietnam Wars. Politics of education P136/139. but he makes no effort to explain why this took place. Mao Tse Tung (1968) Little Red Book. his book which designed the elite party. in my mind. note the unproblematized role of Richard Sorge in the Frankfurt school. Marx attacks the concept of history in which "increasingly abstract ideas hold sway.. 412. after considerable work. Bishop. which is surely a key element in war. see Jules Roy (1990) The Battle of Dien Bien . Pedagogy in Process p8. For a further discussion of the links of the Frankfurt tendency to Hegel. A History of the Frankfurt School. His discussion on class in Pedagogy in Process is on p8. p147. Pedagogy of Hope p172. 409. I believe it is finally derivative. for discussion of the depth of will of the people. Althusser and Fromm. 406. While the work from Frankfurt has importance. on p187/198. Boston. edited by Robert Tucker. Marx and Engels Reader. Foreign Language Press Peking p62. as did Gramsci. see Martin Jay (1973) The Dialectical Imagination. Castro. all of who Freire praises. Freire goes into Hegel's discourse about the Master and the Slave with some frequency (see Taylor p50). my beginning point here. Freire indicates class is not the motor of history on p91/93.. ideas which increasingly take on the form of universality".Harper Collins. p175. He does indicate class is a useful tool. In Pedagogy of Hope. 407. I find. 405. Chapter Three. ie. that discussions of the Frankfurt tendency in Marxism always return to Hegel. on Ho Chi Minh. Harper Row.. It is simply explained by the reference to Stalin as a virtual Lucifer (105). in The German Ideology. Little Brown. I am aware that the Frankfurt school has influenced Freire. New York.

Education for Critical Consciousness p73. as I did on three occasions. for a friendly description of the Cuban party's activity. the NVA carried on extensive literacy-cultural activities studied later by the Rand Corporation. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p63.Phu. 419.. Pedagogy of Hope p235. is acutely aware of Castro's demagogical style. Peking p74. 415. For a specific reference from ethnographic-historians of war on styles of leadership and the motivation of the people. 414. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p132/77/164. Foreign language press. But Castro. Ballantine Books. Pedagogy of the City p37. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p117. Carrol and Grant History. see Michael Lee Lanning and Dan Cragg (1994) Inside the VC and the NVA. Education for Critical Consciousness p46. Pedagogy of Hope. New York p125. 1974. 421. Quote is from. For discussion see. 1977. Mao tse Tung (1967) On Practice. 423. 123/137 422. Lanning and Cragg p66. See Karen Wald (1977) Inside Cuba Today. 418. haranguing masses of people--many of them government employees--for hours on end. Interestingly. 425. a genius at survival and important as an example of the many turns within nationalism-and has the support of the people. Progress Publishers. is hardly dialogical. 420. There is no question that Castro is a brilliant speaker. Taylor p42/44/47. in 1969. New York p38. Education for Critical Consciousness p47. p29. Anyone who has visited Cuba and seen Castro speak. 413. an essay on Four Essays on Philosophy. 417. New York. . 416. Dehumanization from Pedagogy of the Oppressed. whose revolution has always been topdown. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p124. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p150. 424.

" p105. 435. Literacy p79-85. 436. p334. 431. tracing back to Lenin's Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1965) International Publishers.426. New York and put into practice by Stalin's Comintern. 437. 430. Pedagogy of Hope p117. There exists between them and their natural world (and obviously their cultural world) a strong 'umbilical cord' which binds them. or the clergy. 432. "Lucid Vanguard" is from Politics of Education p41. in Pedagogy of Hope p171. . 429. Pedagogy for liberation p166. Freire does not work through how this umbilical link might apply to the industrial working class.. 438. Bishop. 428. 427.they come so close to the natural world that they feel more part of this world than transformers of the world. Pedagogy in Process p51. the more we can conclude that in certain areas. Re: the necessity of a party. Pedagogy in Process p103. Education for Critical Consciousness p18/23/24132.(and causes them to suffer) a mistaken apprehension of what links one fact to another. see p93. as noted. Freire indulges in some magical thinking of his own: "the more we observe the behavior patterns and thought-habits of the peasants. Freire equates Cabral with the New jewel leader. In education for Critical Consciousness..Taylor p38. 439. The Communist Movement. See Fernando Claudin. Literacy p55. This primarily nationalist stand has a long history. Regarding the school buildings. the latter from We Make this Road by Walking p111. 433. 434.. Literacy p55.40. See Pedagogy of the City p157 for a discussion of the schools. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p121/114/137. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p132. working primarily for Russian nationalist interests.. see Pedagogy of the Oppressed p147..

that Dutt defines as fascism itself. Rules for Radicals. Stage theory insists that societies must pass through a given series of steps.) inequality at any cost. Pedagogy in Process 105/113. . Pedagogy in Process p112. 448. New York. though. Pedagogy of Hope 133. like Freire. in order to reach a level to be considered prepared for fundamental social change. 444. is interesting in the process of its analysis. Education for Critical Consciousness p39. 441. Stage theory is an important benchmark in socialist doctrine. See Tom Bottomore. Bantam. 446. 442. See R. 451. or that it will itself endure. I disagree with his contention that fascism is a result of capitalist decay. The crux of the argument is that it is not possible to skip a rung. is a fascist turn which R. I think the history of the defeat of fascism is as significant as the analysis of its rise. The other option. See also section on Historical Materialism p234. Literacy p79. Interestingly.440. Fascism and Social Revolution. to leap forward. It seems to me that capitalism has always survived on fascist pillars. 447. Dutt's analysis. that this path is inevitable. Taylor p80. 443. Pedagogy in Process 112. Taylor p66/70/78/135. Dictionary of Marxist Thought (1991) Blackwell Press New York p514 (entire section on Stages of Development). Palme Dutt. Alinsky is criticized in organizing seminars which I have attended for never having left behind a lasting change or movement. I do not believe. Palme Dutt has called "Organized decay". I am saddened that the direction Dutt suggested 60 years ago is likely to be replayed in somewhat new ways. in ladder-climbing fashion. See Saul Alinsky. one side of a debate about the nature of fascism which was the focus of Comintern attention in the mid-1930s. to maintain (451. 445. Literacy p41. Progress Publishers. 449. for a lengthy and descriptive work on how social change might be fomented. 450. p99.

Oxford University Press. only a few of them have combined theory and practice and exercised power. or (1973) "Education for Critical Consciousness". Christopher Pines. See also case discussion beginning on 401.454. (1993. Education in the People's Republic of China. See for example. Also. makes an interesting attack on the theory of productive forces as a theoretical explanation for nationalist positions within the Marxist framework. Suny Press. 458. While there are many contributors to the theory of productive forces. p446. William Hinton (1981) Fanshen. See especially his chapters on Historical Materialism and Class Struggle for an interesting severing of politics and . See for example: Mayo. New York) opens interesting possibilities through his thorough-going description of Marx's views on the ability of various ruling classes to misrepresent their narrow self-interests as the interests of the masses. 456. While my focus will be to deal with Freire within his own framework of literacy = critical consciousness = revolution. As an aside of interest within literacy and language. New York. Putnam. 455. Paulo (1971) "Pedagogy of the Oppressed". that is. New York. The effort here will be helpful in addressing the more orthodox aspects of Freire. Freire. I also hope to demonstrate that his use of a flawed paradigm could not lead to the better world he envisioned. New York. in "Marxism and Nationalism" (1991.. New York p245/253. 454. as well as his polemics originating from the right. Mayo's fundamentally anti-communist analysis is none-the-less strengthened by his ability to lay out the key debates within Marxism. rather than perceiving the source as a problem. 457. (1979) Introduction to Marxist Theory. he reverts to the nationalism of Otto Bauer as a way out. New York. his work in Grenada and throughout Latin America and Africa. Continuum Publications. Vintage Books New York p479-481. Marx-Engels Reader p42/43. See also Ruth Gamberg (1981) Red and Expert. Ephraim Nimni. This group will be the focus here. His effort helped give me confidence in the possibilities for egalitarian consciousness described in the Chinese experience below. Schoken Books. 453. I rely here on my experience of about 25 years as an organizer of unions and social action. Anatol France (1961) Works. Unfortunately. Evergreen Books. Henry B. New York p43. see the discussion of the revolutionary Chines move to gain greater equality by Latinizing the writing system in Edgar Snow's Red Star Over China. in "Ideology and False Consciousness. Boulder). Continuum. Marx and his Historical Progenitors". Pluto Press.452.

New York. Remarkably. Engels. MER. New York. which Hobsbawm locates in Lukacs and Marx. . Communist Manifesto. While there might be some dispute about the dialectical nature (what quantities can we recognize at work early in the process that lead finally to the qualitative leap the Hobsbawm suggests) of this argument. The German Ideology. Gueverra. Ramparts Publications. there is a utter lack of discourse about sex.707-710. and ideology itself as a material force. Robert. E.8. Vintage Books. 461. I have tried to demonstrate that this is now a moot point. within Istvan Meszaros' edited book (1981) Aspects of History and Class Consciousness. Russian Edition. Norton and Company. From the Introduction to the Communist Manifesto. 467. For a discussion on egalitarianism as seen in China versus development as seen by Stalin. Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. I note here that it is flatly bizzare that given all of the discussion of love in Freire's work... the final blow to idealism I suspect. 465. argues that class consciousness "is a phenomenon of the modern industrial era. Industrial capitalism sweeps across the entire globe. Herder and Herder. p3. 460. p639. 1975. in the essay Class Consciousness and History. 468.p762. See for example. p472 466. 1890. Marx-Engels Reader (MER)(1972) Robert Tucker editor. MER. 462.economics. the thesis-synthesis-anti-thesis chart rises first in the irrationalist work of Fichte. p60. MER. p159. New York p518-536. Lenin on the New Economic Policy is found in Robert Tucker(1975) The Lenin Anthology. Regarding the Chinese struggle for abundant egalitarianism see William Hinton (1968) Fanshen. the productive forces. MER. The question of power here relates to the relationship of the material world. that is. New York. 463. Norton. 459. New York p486/487/492. MER. Los Angeles. Letter to Joseph Bloch. p7. 464. for an interesting discussion of the relationship of leaders and the cadre and the people. Che (1969) On Guerrilla Warfare.late to emerge. Norton. the ability to mobilize masses of people around a particular vision. p473.J Hobsbawm. Tucker.. from Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. 503-507." He goes on to add that class consciousness is lived under capitalist industrialism while it is but theorized in pre-capitalist formations. The Lenin Anthology.

. New York. From Stalin's "Dialectical and Historical Materialism". B. "Dialectical Materialism". like language. p320.the superstructure is a product of the base. the "negation of the negation" as a law of dialectics. within his binary paradigm. ESTW. Praegar Publishers. a thing being simply one or the other. But.Stuart Schram (1993) The Political thought of Mao Tse Tung. New York. Franklin." (from Lang. ESTW. and when. ". New York. p315. ed. might stand outside the bounds of class struggle--or that its relationship might be more interpenetrating than a binary contradiction. Stalin is forced to posit that language stands outside and above class struggle. no sooner does it arise than it becomes an exceedingly active force. Praegar. unable to work beyond a binary opposition. 326 472. 471. shall we say negates. indifferent to the fate of its base. (ESTW) Doubleday. It is an interesting sidelight to this paper that Stalin. 469. is how to implement a flawed theory.-1975--Marxism and Art--David Mackay Publishing. p312. Bruce. but this does not mean it merely reflects the base. (Introduction to the Critique of Political Economy--1981--International Publishers. Stalin does say.. What is debated then.355. The Essential Stalin. I note here that the differences between Stalin and Trotsky seem minimal when the Theory of Productive Forces is called to question.(1972). New York p81) Marx also hinted that art. language. In "Marxism and Linguistics". is really propelled by the same theoretical base. I believe. Gustav Wetter explores this strategy in his anticommunist but most interesting. wipes out. On the contrary. p21). actively assisting its base to take shape and consolidate itself. that it is passive. Even so. in his officially seminal article. Major Theoretical Writings. p119. Rather than fundamental difference in goals or vision which. and doing everything it can to help build the new system finish off and eliminate the old base and the old classes. "But the difficulty is not in understanding the idea that Greek art and epos are bound up with certain forms of social development. neutral. Stalin is more probing when dealing with an abstraction. Here Schram argues that Mao was attempting to elevate the role of struggle and consciousness while Stalin followed a path of technological development supplemented by terror. then when faced with a particular social question. 470. given Trotsky's behavior in regard to inegalitarian practice--for example . in The Third International After Lenin. to the character of the system. Stalin argues that language is not a superstructure on the base. Trotsky's sense of permanent revolution (addressed most clearly. to the fate of the classes. It rather lies in understanding why they still constitute with us a source of aesthetic enjoyment and in certain respects prevail as the standard and model beyond attainment".

Arch (1988). 477. New York p110. p41 479.in the army or his positions on smashing the trade unions. "Whither China". see Samuel Griffith's "The Chinese People's Liberation Army" or Edgar Snow's. but because he is not. 473. often mirrors Saul Alinsky's. 475. The pamphlet. truly dissimilar. Meisner's. but it is 'a revolution in which one class overthrows another'. Routledge. in January 1967. and contain clues as to how the counter-revolution was created. p75 481. It is probably no accident that Stalin's loss of memory about the negation of the negation took place around the same time he declared the U. In Defense of Marxism. Trotsky is given short shrift in this article. "Rules for Radicals".. 474. J. International Publishers. Red Star Over China. New York. Franklin makes this case in his introduction. New York. 478. William Hinton's "Fanshen" and "Shenfan" illuminate the experiences of the Chinese people in liberation and counter-revolution. See Stanley Aronowitz (1981) The Crisis of Historical Materialism. they claim that in Shanghai. has an interesting take on the cultural revolution which lends some credence to the idea that the GPCR was a left movement that Mao did not initiate but was able to coopt--then smash. Paulo Freire's "Pedagogy of the Oppressed" is specially clear on this issue (p121) and. Lenin. "Origins of the Great Purges".the Cultural Revolution is not a revolution of dismissing officials or a movement of dragging out people. (1967) What is to be Done. not because he is not important. p47.R. and that Mao's discovery of "non-antagonistic" contradictions comes around the same time he wanted to build a second alliance with the Guomindang. in my view. a "state of all the people" which would need no further revolution to wend its way through socialism to communism. then. is unlikely. 480.S.S.. For a sophisticated deconstruction of a piece of the history behind Stalin's period. Lenin (1964) Against Revisionism. The "Selected Works of Zhu De" describe the egalitarian practices in the red army. remarkably. there were indications of a . what we have is a secondary dispute. "Mao's China". offers a view of the Cultural Revolution from a self-named "Ultra-Left Commune" which claims ". see for example. Going further. ESTW. International Publishers. For a good examination of the Red Army. not a purely cultural revolution. Putnam. Ibid. Getty. in my possession. 476.

Foreign Language Press. State and Revolution. There is a very interesting critique of Stalin in this book. O'Brien. 1949-64)". From "On Contradiction" by Mao Tse Tung. New York p198-208. 485. Here Lukacs touches on the same point but does not work it through to the conclusion that I draw. but we who manage the state'. translated by B. no author named. The UltraLeft Commune. p85. Peking. contained the seeds of the critique of the theory of productive forces which I pursue herein. Harper Books. and "Three Major Struggles on China's Philosophical Front. For a discussion of the sense of equality which led me to believe there is no reason to wait any longer. Bookseller. But even in the "Ultra-Left" ranks there are a"few who want to proceed until communism is realized". Reprints of Economic Classics. 488. New York. usually quieted by the Chinese historical estimate of Stalin as 60% good. Lenin (1969). (CSE) Monthly Review Press. "The Differences Between Comrade Togliatti and Us". "Political Thought of Mao-Tse-Tung. See also Georg Lukacs (1973) Marxism and Human Liberation. "Babeuf's Conspiracy for Equality" by Phillipe Buonarroti. "Continuing the Revolution" contains an incisive commentary of the nature of the revolutionary state. nevertheless was unable to get past the deification of Mao--or stage theory which insists on the need for tiny steps toward equality. New York p50. (1977). superior even to his earlier. See Bruno Shaw (1970) Selected Works of Mao Tse Tung. p24 484. quoted in "Three Major Struggles on China's Philosophical Front". 483. "More on the Differences Between Comrade Togliatti and Us" . "On New Democracy".(TMS). Lukacs argues that mechanical materialism relegates history to . The pamphlets. even after the revolution. Volume I and II. a view that Chinese society had to pass through a pre-socialist stage." I found Stuart Schram's recent "The Thought of Mao-Tse-Tung" to be the best piece interpreting Mao. New York. Augustus Kelley. Mao Tse Tung argued that a mixed economy under the leadership of the party would lead to socialism. The Chinese position on New Democracy was. see. Starr's. Dell Publishing. 1973. while calling into question the interests of the socialist state as a new form of oppression. 40% bad. 486. TMS p25. Mao-Tse-Tung.higher stage of people's commune: "For the first time. New York p92. "Where Do Correct Ideas Come From". see Macfarquhar's "The Origins of the Cultural Revolution. the workers had the feeling that 'it is not the state which manages us. in fact.From a more conservative angle. China Publications. 487. A Critique of Soviet Economics. 482.

494. Cohen. 498. 489. p38. Cohen p156. One link necessarily. "The Development of the Monist View of History". For the want of the link the revolution was lost? p204 493. 497. 490. Cohen. A Defence. Kautsky's "Historical Materialism". (1974) New York.. Gerald (1978) Karl Marx's Theory of History. 495.. Selected Correspondence of Marx and Engels (1953) Foreign Language Publishing House. While I would not offer a case that Cuba is a socialist country within the bounds of arguing that the Cuban state is in the hands of the masses of Cuban workers. Moscow p542--their emphasis. ". Laurence Harris. International Publishers. Blackwell Publishing. Palmer Press. edited by Tom Bottomore. Princeton University Press. Cohen's prominence as a defender of the materialist faith is recognized in "A Dictionary of Marxist Thought". New York p155. not cane production. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of Hope p168. 492. Princeton New Jersey. Althusser. in his efforts to interrelate superstructure and base. Ivy Books. New London Publishers. which held together what remains of the Cuban revolution. New York 1990. follows the next. 496. Michael Lee Lanning and Dan Cragg (1992) Inside the Viet Cong and NVA. was also unable to break through this mechanical trap. Colin Lankshear (1987) Literacy. in the Dictionary of Marxist Philosophy. See for example. uses a chain metaphor to describe Cohen's analysis.169. Schooling and Revolution.the relations of things whereas history is foremost a question of relations between people. London (1949) and Plekhanov.the development of the productive forces LEADS to a contradiction between them and the relations of production (which 'turn into their fetters') and the intensification of this contradiction LEADS to the breakdown of the existing MODE of production and its superstructure". New York p199. I do note that scarcity has long been a part of Cuban life and that for some time it has been politics. . p150 491. and ONLY.

to be the most rewarding of several others. However. Washington D. 1992. See Jack Mcculloch (1983) In the Twilight of Revolution. Both books contain extensive bibliographies. it is correct to say that the documents which are there. released by the U.S. Monthly Review Press. The book edited by Michael Ledeen (1984) Grenada Documents. Even so. "Grenada Is Not Alone". for example declaring that the Port Salines airport was unquestionably for military use. The very term. The Jewel Despoiled. Brizan p180. New York p100 for a description of Cabral's more sophisticated but virtually equivalent position on the Theory of Productive Forces. Freire discusses his work in Grenada on p170174.. The Westview Press publication. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of Hope. In addition see. Grenada. Freire locates himself in Grenada and makes the equation of Bishop equals Cabral in Pedagogy of Hope p171. this collection is likely a real treasure trove. . speak for themselves. Several of the books I encountered were clearly so partisan that they had questionable value. in this author's possession. who was deeply involved in the Iran-Contra affair (see Mike Yard--1984--Iran-Contra. I record the remarkable bias of the written record from Grenada. University of Colorado Press. purports to be a simple compilation of the documents seized by the U. The similarities between Bishop and Cabral are indeed remarkable. a front for the American Institute for Free Labor Development which itself a front for the Central Intelligence Agency (see Beth Sims. See p59 for the Fedon Rebellion. 503. That Freire was the key educational leader who trained other educators in the literacy and education programs in Grenada is indicated on p57 of the NJM sponsored book of key NJM speeches and documents. Taken as a whole. government following the invasion in 1983. was assassinated: see Mustafah Dhada (1993) Warriors at Work. 238.S. I found the meticulous history of George Brizan's (1984) Grenada Island of Conflict. p6. 502.C. too. Zed Books. 501. 248). that his selection of documents is in question. and commentary on the Grenadian invasion/rescue mission is especially so.p41) so poisons the selection with commentary.499. Boston p2526). At the same time. Routledge. Cabral. Grenada and Soviet/Cuban Policy (1986) is marred by calls to fund the National Endowment for Democracy (p221. Ledeen. South End Press. Lewis (1987) Grenada. Department of Defense. Baltimore p27. Denver p47. 500. Johns Hopkins University Press. Gordon K. against the grain of all critique post-invasion. "invasion" as opposed to "rescue mission" is a signal to the politics of the user in Grenada. Workers of the World Undermined.Hence this note records that all commentary is partisan. (1982) Fedon Publishers. London.

Hugh O'Shaughnessy (1984) Grenada an Eyewitness Account. There are very few disputes about the nature of the coup.504. it would appear that this book leans toward the Maurice Bishop Political Movement. Praegar Publishers. Westview Press Baltimore p6. New York p509. London p18. 506. For those interested in the hair-splitting and score-card keeping necessary to weave the way through international politics. Most authors are careful to distinguish aid from Cuba from aid from the U.S. 509. See Brizan p328. See re: the friendship of Coard and Bishop. See p109. a front group for the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. O'Shaughnessy p53.. The Jewel Despoiled p192 511. Grenada Documents. NJM's relationship with the Socialist International is documented throughout the literature. 512. Johns Hopkins University Press. 514. Jewel Despoiled p18. New York p45. 513. London p109.R. The Headquarters of the MBPM is covered with SWP material. Vladimer. 505. O'Shaughnessey p85.Kai Schoenhals (1985) Revolution and Intervention in Grenada. Bishop so admired Lenin that he named his son. Westview Press. Re:Bishop's father p81. p17. . 515. 508. Gordon Lewis (1987) The Jewel Despoiled. 507. Also Peter Dunn (1985) American Intervention in Grenada. Grenada Documents p16. James Ferguson (1993) Grenada: Revolution in Reverse. Dodd MEad.See also Grenada Revolution in Reverse p109. 510. a peculiar lack of attention to a simply extended funnel.See repeated references in Jiri Valenta (1986) Grenada and Soviet/Cuban Foreign Policy. See O'Shaughnessy p77-79. latin American Bureau. Boulder p23. For Coard's admiration of Stalin. Freire must have been struck by the comparison of Gairy to Vargas whose paths were so close.S. Lewis. One summary is as good as the next. O'Shaughnesy p47. Lewis.

Gregory Sanford and Richard Vigilante (1984) Grenada the Untold Story. 519. My initial trip was held up for 24 hours as various officials prodded my luggage and inspected my books. Nicholas Dujmovic (1988) The Grenada Documents. Grenada the Untold Story p127. Valenta Grenada and Soviet/Cuban Policy p17. Madison Books. Tufts University. no friend of the revolution. 528. 517. 520. International Defense Publishers. I was one of at least dozens of visitors to Grenada who were detained by Barbadian officials. Valenta. New York p8. Jules in Critical Literacy p157. 139. Westview Press. On my second trip. Peter M. 527. New York p134. Cubans were key to the construction and funding as well. . Dunn (1986) American Intervention in Grenada. It is true that there are interstices between the governments.S. New York p8. Re: Albania. South End Press. Monthly Review Press. 518. New York p131. to Cuba to Grenada is a difficult abstraction of economic reality.S. Sanford and Vigilant. but it is also true that in the chain. When I arrived. Liatt employees intervened on my behalf. Pergamon-Brassey's. Barbadian officials were even more interested in any printed matter I was carrying and tried to seize a copy of my journal. Sanford and Vigilante (1994) Grenada's Untold Story. Bishop saw Libyan funding as pivotal.R. Jenny Pierce (1982) Under the Eagle. 523. To miss the aid chain of U. 525. 521. 524. says there is no evidence for the claim of Soviet funding of the airport. Jorge Heine (1990) A Revolution Aborted University of Pittsburgh Press p46. Albania Defiant. Westview Press. Grenada Revolution in Reverse p109. 526. New York p290. see Jan Myrdal. I found most of the other North Americans I met experienced the same thing. Ferguson.516. New York p182. New York pxii. the links did not defy their source. 522. Peter Dunn (1986) American Intervention in Grenada. Madison Books. Heine p46.

Interview with Desmond LaTouche. This was the only copy of the document I saw in Grenada. Westview Press. SUNY Press. while most (86%) Grenadians only completed primary school. and they were indeed someplace else. but this comment was made to me repeatedly. to improve abilities and not privilege. Tony Martin (1982) In Nobody's Backyard. On the other hand. Havana p225. writing to praise the literacy campaign in Lankshear's (1993) Critical Literacy. never at NJM. there is a question in regard to the reliability of NJM's claims regarding the level of functional illiteracy. I reviewed a copy of "Let Us Learn Together" in Grenada at the National College. 535. Didacus Jules in Critical Literacy. University of Pittsburgh Press p279. New York p136. I copied the . Interview with Bernard Coard 5-12-94. All of this indicates that. Records in my possession. 538. Didacus Jules. 530. 537. 5-12-94. and in New Jewel practice. New York p53. Jorge Heine The Revolution Aborted p103. that these three revolved around production. New York. Notes in my possession. Nor is there any indication anywhere that the purpose of the critique of privilege was aimed at Gairy. The Grenada Documents p30. He then indicates his sense of relative illiteracy as that being located in the peasant-worker population. Jules is a former NJM official. p145-147. and to expand democracy. Just how relatively illiterate Jules believes they might be is not clear. 539. There is no question that in Bishop's mind. Cuadernos Press. Bishop listed three other goals: to develop critical appreciation. 534. 536. says that "absolute illiteracy" was not really a problem in Grenada. The National College was indeed training teachers. The appropriate inversion of absolute literacy might be better raised as a matter of relative functionality.52. Routledge. is not the stigma of illiteracy still severe? 531. Dujomvoi. laTouche is the current Director of adult education in Grenada and worked on the adult literacy programs. There are no accurate records of the numbers of teachers leaving Grenada. whether you are or not. Jorge Heine (1990) Revolution Aborted. Didacus Jules writing in Lankshear (1993) Critical Literacy.529. It was in a pile of magazines dating back to 1978. a former NJM official. 533. if the people in power believe you are illiterate and hence treat you as such. Kai Schoenhals (1985) Revolution and Intervention in Grenada. 532.

See (1994) Basal Readers. Given their training with Freire. Jules makes this comment in relation to other literacy campaigns. See Joshua B. that the purpose of the literacy campaign was. there are few recorded successes of Freire's literacy programs. especially Cuba. Anthony Payne. 542. Forrest (1992) Guinea-Bissau: Power. Richard Owen Publishers. Latouche interview 5-12-94. Freire's own comments in Pedagogy of Hope (170-174) clearly indicate his participation and leadership. Illiteracy dropped from a pre-Freire campaign rate of 95% to 88. that the textbooks are directive and that the teachers trained by the PRG did not remain together as a cohesive group. Patrick Shannon has carefully charted textbooks and comes closest to suggesting their abolition. it is reasonable to expect that some of the teachers attained . 545. probably near the margin of error in any survey of this sort. A Second Look.6%. Revolution and Invasion St.chapter heads and noted the themes and left it at the college. I believe the evidence is incontrovertible that the textbooks were indeed developed with Freire's leadership and that it made no difference whether or not the initial teachers endured as a group. Conflict and Renewal. The vast majority did. That in Guinea-Bissau had but a marginal impact. The point here is not to demonstrate that Freire cannot teach people to read. if the statistics are to be believed. or the campaign itself. New York p112. Westview Press. 543. New York p101. above all. Remarkably. there can be no question that the textbooks were both created and a focal point of discussion. 541. either those working with the program or those opposing it. Some teachers did not follow the Freire-NJM model. it preceded his work and theories. Jules in Critical Literacy p149. New York p1. Boulder p136. New York p71. Greg Sanford and Richard Vigilante (1992) Grenada the Untold Story. Martins Press. Hickling-Hudson (1988) believes the Grenadian educators did not faithfully follow the Freire model. The librarian in the National Library stated that no copy of this textbook was available in the library. 544. There is no hint of criticism of the textbooks from the campaign. indicating. or that phonics fails. for example. By the time of his second visit. Madison Books. but to suggest that his iconicization has given a great deal of weight to a part of the literacy-consciousness-liberation triad and not applied the critique that might support it. Scott Nearing (1921) Education in Soviet Russia. there was no disagreement between the teachers. I note that Cuba was the inspiration for the Freire model. Even so. 540. International Publishers. Paul Sutton and Tony Thorndike (1984) Grenada. national economic development.

University of Pittsburgh Press p101. see W. While most people that I met still preferred New Jewel to Gairy. There is extensive analysis of the CPE and the teacher training programs in Anne Hickling Hudson (1988) Toward Communication PRaxis:Reflections on the Pedagogy of Paulo Freire and Educational Change in Grenada. This did occur. Revolution Aborted p136. To the contrary. more publicly recognized than wage gaps. as the interviews below will show. I believe the Grenadian educators faithfully carried out Freire's plan which was fatally flawed by its inability to analyze the social reality which surrounded it. or to independently reformulate their group. teach in opposition to the PRG's political messages. housing. 550. What Hickling-Hudson does not raise is the possibility that some teachers. . 547. Grenada the Road to Revolution. for themselves. 551. If this did not obtain. This was a visible issue. 549. It was repeated to me as a policy by several people. 548. New York p275. Re: PRG income gains.I also note my experience that the best homes on the island were filled with NJM/PRG members. 546. Jacobs. Havana (1982) p130. if covertly. I met many NISTEP participants during my visits to Grenada. "Step Forward". This is a strident analysis from the Cuban CP's line but I believe the initial figure is correct. the binary of the ideology of the revolution and the reality of its social practice. they felt that New Jewel leaders were taking one of the key commodities on the island. Havana. apart from the mainstream which they believe was Freire's pedagogy. those same people expressed a near-wistful attitude toward Bishop and Creft. While many did complain about the NJM style of conducting classes. However. Re: 30% cut. See Jorge Heine (1990) A Revolution Aborted. Routledge. Michael Apple.sufficient critical consciousness to function on their own. Jorge Heine (1992) A Revolution Aborted. (1982) Marryshow Reader. would actively. Infant 1B. Journal of Education v170 n2. They did not feel that these two would approve of this behavior. This was a key matter of contention during my second visit to Grenada. Sanford and Vigilante. Cuadernos Publication. 552. the respondents who indicated they themselves participated in this activity said that their efforts were unusual and isolated. not trained by Freire or the PRG. University of Pittsburgh Press p93. then at issue is Freire's ability to formulate serious success in critical pedagogy. Grenada The Untold Story p72. Linda Christian Smith (1992) The Politics of the Textbook.R. Heine.

See also Paul Seabury (1984) The Grenada Papers. Revolution in Reverse p25. 557. See Seabury. Ferguson (1994) Grenada. This does not mean. The Grenada Papers p329. I found Ferguson's description of the invasion itself. 558. former education official in the post invasion government. See his introduction titled "Urgent Fury". Interview with C.553. The CPUSA had a strong influence. Ibid. 5-12-94. I was in Grenada at the same time as Davis. 559. and carved out their own area rarely to be interrupted. 562. There is a vast record of the documents of the NJM Central Committee which reflects the debate inside the party in relation to Bishop. Moreover. The Vietnamese were training Grenadian General Hudson Austin how to deal with dissidents as the movement split apart from inside. p114. See The Grenada Documents pxiii. 565. San Francisco p163. had distant relationships with people in the community. 563. There is no question that the majority of the CC opposed Bishop's actions. 555. See also Seabury. I visited the medical school on each of my visits. I . Grenada the Untold Story p175. Sanford and Vigilante. in Grenada. Grenada's Untold Story p2. American Intervention in Grenada p61. Sanford and Vigilante. Institute for Contemporary Studies. Through the entire period from 1980 to 1994. on the Detroit City Council where one-time CP'er Coleman Young was Mayor. Bishop criticized himself for the very things that the CC pointed out as his faults. Dunn/Watson. 554. to be satisfactory. In 1986. The Council routinely pressed the keys to the city on visiting Grenadians. For statistical date see Heine p157. James. however. The Grenada Papers p244. 564. Ferguson Grenada Revolution in Reverse p114. Heine Revolution Aborted p103. 560. 556. for example. that at any given point they opposed Bishop. Revolution in Reverse. Students always studied on the beach. 561. little has changed.

S. hours later recanted.S. who would have to come from the U. I believe that the Lebanon embarrassment.S.S. students whose medical degrees are certified by the U.S. and now a contracted communications expert for the Grenadian government told me that Bishop was beginning to deal with the U. given free rein to photograph. American Intervention in Grenada p60). Dozens of tourists were taken to it every day. p175. This claim would indicate Soviet/Cuban tensions in that Castro was reportedly shocked and angered at Bishop's death. I must note that Hughes also believes there are people on Venus. Aldrich Ames (see Washington Post 2-23-94) who was later arrested. put on a plane to the U. Thus. Frank Hughes. He is now a practicing medical doctor in the U. and were introduced to the Cuban construction workers. and began to plan to remove Coard who had deep ties to the U. American Intervention in Grenada p63. one of the people the students had believed was an older student revealed himself as a member of the U. had Bishop and Bain arrested and killed. the Jewel Despoiled p56) There was nothing secret about the airport. played a key role. Grenada's Untold Story p162. I found the other information he gave .S. He told me that they were seized. I also think there are indications to verify what one informant told me during my last trip to Grenada. He indicated the students felt no fear in Grenada until the invasion began. knowing about Bishop's turn through the KGB.S.R.S. Grenada Revolution and Intervention p114.S. Grenada Papers p152. However. However. This operation was blown. brother of Alistair Hughes. I agree that the U. This general line is verified piecemeal in Grenada's Untold Story. While Grenada does occupy a strategic position in the Caribbean. feared Grenada as a training ground for trouble-makers. Bishop visited the U. I withhold this student's name at his request as he still claims to fear for his safety.S. coupled with the fact that the Reagan administration could rely heavily on racism to gain support for the Grenada attack.S. it appears to me the claim that the U.S. North's office refused to return phone calls or respond to a letter. The director of the medical school initially denounced the invasion over his radio. He said the students acted as such because they feared for their lives--and careers. Coard. He had recognized that the new airport was useless without tourists. Grenada Jewel Despoiled p55. according to Hughes.(see also commentary in Dunn/Watson. There is also some collaborating evidence that CIA agents were operating in Grenada before the self-coup (see Lewis. He said that at the time of the invasion. by a mole within the CIA.interviewed one student who was at the medical school at the time of the invasion. It is important to note that the medical school depends on U. Coard emphatically denied this charge in my interview with him. military and began to issue orders to them. and told they had better be very grateful when they were met by reporters when the plane landed. feared a major airbase there is groundless. Hughes said Bishop met with Oliver North and Kenneth Dam of the State Department and engaged New Jewel's Norris Bain as a mutual contact for future work.

5-9-94. New York. Leon James. their sentences were commuted to life.p44. 571. I have also attended to advice offered by Harry F. 574. Vincent Joseph. Didacus Jules writing in Critical Literacy p161. president of the Grenada Union of Teachers. May 1994 Interview with Coard in Richmond Prison. One of the two reliable television stations in the country is devoted to 24 hour evangelist programming. Lester Redhead. see especially p19-24. 577. Wolcott writing in Eisner and Pushkin (1990) Qualitative Inquiry in Education. New York Times 3-11-94. 572. Interview with C. David Bartholomew. Andy Mitchelle. 568.James. Ewart Layne. 576. Selwyn Strachan. 567. Hudson Austin. Colville McBarnette. Cosmos Richardson. former PRG official.me to be precisely on point. Records in my possession.88. who believes in God. Interview with Clarissa Charles. Interview with C. Teachers . The following are now in the 18th century jail: Phyllis Coard. why not treat Hughes in the same way? 566. Christopher Stroude.99. 570. the details of the conversations. 1994 demonstrated that Christian evangelists are now an important factor in Grenadian life and are giving the Catholic Church stiff competition. Evangelist churches are full and over-flowing on Wednesdays and Sundays. My experience in May. immediately. Pedagogy of Hope p174. Leon Cornwall.James 5-12-94 for official estimate. same date. for unofficial statistic. I have struggled to accurately report and write down. Basic Books. I could find no satisfactory answer to the question: if I take Freire seriously. Cecil Prime. 575. Louis. 573. I have attempted to follow in a path charted by Clifford Geetrz (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. In this sense. Seventeen people are now in Richmond prison. Interview with C. Callistus Bernard. Interview with Glen St. Bernard Coard. Heine (1990) Revolution Aborted p281. John Ventour. Interview with Frank Hughes 5-14-94. 5-15-94. James 5-12-94. 569. Ferguson's Revolution in Reverse provides a detailed examination of the psyops squads. Originally sentenced to hanging. Paulo Freire.

591. 582. Here Wolcott urges the method of note taking in place and immediately following interviews. Basic Books New York p6. p33. Peking p99. Lenin writing in "Left Wing Communism. . in all areas. Verso. Norton Publishing. Paulo Freire Learning to Question p64. 579.71. New York p224. Jorge Lorrain writing in Tom Bottomore (1983) Dictionary of Marxist Thought. 585.453. 584. 589. Engels writing in Robert Tucker (1990) The Marx-Engels Reader. Marx writing in the German Ideology in Robert Tucker (1978) Marx-Engels Reader. Paulo Freire (1989) Learning to Question. New York p38. In fact. Norton. 586. 590. New York p248. Lenin. Materialism and Empiro Criticism. 593. Foreign languages Press. 583. New York p147. New York p648. 587. New York p559. Blackwell Publications. and entreats attempts to record accurately. Celebrities. 588. Continuum Publications. Paulo Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p5-6. 578. "or at least not get it all wrong". Paulo Freire (1980) Pedagogy of the Oppressed p33. the PRG had a widely discussed and widely published budget. Norton. New York p128-135. Clifford Geertz (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. Mr Jones is simply incorrect on this point. Paulo freire Learning to Question p78. 580. an Infantile Disorder" in Robert Tucker (1975) The Lenin Anthology. Pedagogy of the Oppressed p114.66. Writers. 581. Ferguson Revolution in Reverse p104. 592.College Press. An Infantile Disorder. Lenin (1964) Left Wing Communism. See for example Freire. Regis Debray (1981) Teachers.

p77. then social systems. 610. Interview with John Dewitt. 596. New York p9. 609. 606. 597. Delta Books. Christopher Pines Ideology and False Consciousness p78. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of Hope p91. 598. Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p175. Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p124. See Erich Fromm (1941) Escape From Freedom. Fromm became distracted by his own abstractions of the concepts of love. 608.177. 603. Paulo Freire Learning to Question p84. 604. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p145. Paulo Freire Education for Critical Consciousness p149. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p165. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p146. Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p185. Other than Freire's somewhat vacant discussions about racism and his failure to notice the repeated rebellions of the people of Brazil. 605. but did contribute to Freire's profound sense of the . freedom. 600. Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p169. Freire here relies on Erich Fromm who saw society first composed of individuals. paulo Freire Pedagogy of the Oppressed p147. 602. Georg Lukacs (1973) Marxism and Human Liberation.594. New York p35. Paulo Freire Pedagogy of the oppressed p169. 595. See for example Freire's discussion of sadistic love based on commodity fetishism in Pedagogy of the Oppressed p45. 611. 607. Holt. and humanity. 601.96. 599. 8-8-89. as opposed to his notion of love for the people as expressed by Che Guevara. see his discussion of "total suppression" in Pedagogy of the Oppressed p145.

need for mutuality between the oppressed and change agents. Pedagogy of Hope p51. Return to Rich Gibson's Home Page . See Pedagogy of the Oppressed p45. paulo Freire. between teachers and students. 612. 613.55. Georg Lukacs writing in Marxism and Human Liberation p20.

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