Dedicated to the memory of my father Jack Clarence Smith 'Does man not have hard service on earth?

Are not his days like those of a hired man, or a slave longing for the evening shadows?' (Job 7:1-2)

William Gervase Clarence-Smith

Islam and the Abolition of Slavery

HURST & COMPANY, LONDON

First published in the United Kingdom by C. Hurst. & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 41 Great Russell Street, London WC1B 3PL © William Gervase Clarence-Smith 2006 All rights reserved. Printed in India The right of William Gervase Clarence-Smith to be identified as the author of this publication has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 1-85065-708-4

CONTENTS
Preface and Acknowledgements Pg i Abbreviations, dates, spelling, glossary, scriptural references xiv Maps xvii-xxvi Chapters 1. Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution The nature of slavery in Islam Rhythms of expansion and. contraction Slave numbers Orientalist contradictions The logic of Islamic abolition Part I. T H E C O N T R A D I C T I O N S O F SLAVERY 2. A Fragile Sunni Consensus Early uncertainties Taking infidels in holy war Slave raiding and kidnapping Tribute, purchase, and adoption 'People of the book' Conversion and freedom Punishing 'bad Muslims' Concubines and eunuchs 3. Dissenting Traditions Ascetics and mystics Theologians and philosopher's Establishing a Shi'i consensus Isma'ili divisions Other sects Slave revolts 4. Customary Law Liberation after a fixed term or on conversion v 22 23 25 27 31 36 39 42 45 49 50 53 55 56 60 63 66 67 1 2 6 11 16 19
a e x

vi

Contents The ambiguities of ethnicity and race Slavery by birth Self-enslavement and the sale of relatives Debt, bondage and serfdom Crime and taxes Female and mutilated slaves 5. Sultan's Law Military slavery Administrative and harem slavery Mughal reforms The turning of the Ottoman tide Iran, Morocco, and other gunpowder states Part II. T H E R O A D S T O A B O L I T I O N 6. Imperialism and Secularism The Maghrib between colonialism and secularism From reform to revolution in the Ottoman empire Hesitation, on the Nile Middle Eastern stragglers Abolition from Inner to Southeast Asia Conflicting experiences in Africa 7. The Ulama and QuasiAbolition Dissenting reformers South Asian Sunni pioneers and their opponents Apotheosis in the Maghrib Wider Arab reformism Ottoman conservatism Evolution in Southeast Asia Mixed, responses in Africa Muslims in Christendom 8. Mystics and Millenarians Early Sufi reformism in West Africa Sufi retrogression in Africa. Varieties of African Mahdism Maghribi holy warriors Jihads from the Balkans to Yunnan Risings in South and Southeast Asia Sufi'jihads of the tongue' 98 99 104 110 114 118 123 129 130 134 136 138 140 142 144 147 151 152 155 157 160 163 165 167 70 72 74 76 78 80 85 86 88 90 91 93

Contents Peaceful millenarianism Integrating former slaves 9. Literalism The first Wahhabi state and its wider impact Saudi Arabia The Muslim Brothers Mawdudi and Hamidullah in South Asia Other expressions of literalism The West and the web 10. Rationalism The South Asian shock-troops of abolition South Asian gradualism The great caution of Egypt The radicalisation of the Arab world Progress in the Turco-Iranian world Southeast Asian metamorphosis Africa and the 'second message' of the Quran Developments in the West 11. T i m i n g and Comparisons The course of Islamic abolitionism Judaic approaches to slavery Catholicism and servitude Orthodox and Protestant dispositions From Hinduism to Confucianism
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vii 170 173 177 178 181 184 187 190 191 195 196 199 202 207 209 211 213 215 219 220 221 223 227 230 233 234 277

Envoi References Index

Tatarstan and Northwest China South Asia and Southwest China Maritime Southeast Asia The Americas xix xx xxi xxii xxiii xxiv xxv xxvi xxvii xxviii viii .MAPS The 'Abode of Islam' The Western Mediterranean West Africa and the Sahara Eastern and Southern Africa The Middle East and the Nile From the Balkans to the Caucasus Turkistan.

These were areas where countless multitudes passed into servitude over the centuries. and carrying out research i n Sumatra and the Moluccas. In the course of my academic career. A l l this gelled when Gwyn Campbell invited me to comment on papers treating the Islamic factor i n Indian Ocean and Asian slavery. and later exploring Southeast. bloody communal clashes. stimulated a shift in my existing interest i n slavery. My focus widened to the entire Islamic world for an inaugural lecture i n January 2002. Revising that lecture for publication. initially focusing on Africa and the Near East. to mark my promotion to a personal chair in the economic history of Asia and Africa. I gradually taught more about Islam. Controversies rage regarding the place of women i n Islam. at an Avignon conference i n 2000. through my birth i n Gujarat. and the potential connections with abolition struck me forcefully. from Christendom to Islamdom.PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Various streams of experience flowed together i n the making of this book. Fierce polemics between faiths seize repeatedly upon the emotive issue of slavery. organised by the late Serge Daget i n 1985. throwing up intriguing problems of comparison. I was studying Muslim reformers in Southeast Asia for a new undergraduate course at the time. In personal terms. Attending a landmark conference i n Nantes. raising the issue of the distinctiveness of servile experiences. not to mention several lifetimes IX . East and Inner Asia. i n my first teaching job i n Zambia. as a youth i n Cameroun. I collected so much material that I decided to attempt a more substantial publication. Research on the Hadhrami diaspora brought Arabia and South Asia into the frame. Scholars are increasingly integrating Islam into the immense body of writings on world slavery. I often found myself close to the historical frontiers of the abode of Islam. as a child i n Eritrea. in a context of competition for converts. Primary research on this topic would require a knowledge of a forbidding multitude of tongues. and the spectre of global religious conflict.

for I am acutely aware of my temerity i n trying to cover 14 centuries of global history. and Roger Botte plied me with materials. Hala Fattah. Marie Miran made many suggestions for Sub-Saharan Africa. Dahlia Gubara. Gerald Hawting made suggestions on the early Islamic phase. Many of them. and stress my responsibility for all remaining errors and omissions. Michael Cook. I crave pardon from anybody whom I have inadvertently failed to mention below. scholars have made their detailed regional findings increasingly accessible over the years. Bernard Freamon. Sue Miers presented me with a copy of her book. Further help came from Ben Braude. Ismael Musah Montana let me quote his unpublished paper on Tunisia. I gleaned further elements from Sebastian Balfour. Paul Dresch.X Preface and Acknowledgements of study. M o n a Abaza provided an issue of al-Manar. Olivier Petre-Grenouilleau let me see the draft of his forthcoming book i n electronic format. M u h a m m a d Masud. and discussed aspects of twentieth-century slavery. summarised fatwas. and Elizabeth Sirriyeh. Jane Hathaway. These are bound to be numerous. Laila Moustafa provided me with documents. In attempting to understand slavery i n Islam. Joshua Teitelbaum. Martin Kramer sent me some crucial documents. and Peter Riddell. and Kristina Richardson did likewise for Iraq. Zekeria O u l d A h m e d Salem allowed me to cite his forthcoming article on Mauritania. Jamila Bargach. David Eltis and Stan Engerman sent me their draft introduction for a forthcoming volume of the Cambridge History of Slavery series. and pointed out a daunting number of pitfalls. I benefited from discussions with Michael Brett. and Bernard Haykel expounded on aspects of Zaydi law. commented on one of mine. Mike Feener. Faisal Deyji. E h u d Toledano warned me against attempting so ambitious a project. Keiko Kiyotaki. and Mark . Youssef Choueiri gave me the gist of a passage from Sayyid Qutb. R u u d Peters. For the Arab world. A m a l Ghazal allowed me to cite an unpublished paper. Ulrike Freitag. A m o n g general historians of servitude. have generously provided me with further information. translated for me by Ashraf ul-Hoque. Joe Miller commented on my attempts at quantification. and pointed me to a web site. Albertine Jwaideh. including the readers of my first draft. and commented o n a summary of my inaugural lecture. and helped me to clarify my ideas. Olivier Roy. Shamil Jeppie. David Gutelius. and M a h m o u d Yazbak. John King. Fortunately. Riad Nourallah summarised passages from A b d u h ' s commentary on the Quran. Daniel Duran. Bob Tignor.

Jamal Malik.Preface and Acknowledgements XI Smith sent a transcript of Northern Nigerian assembly debates. Roman Loimeier. Marc Gaborieau. A l i Akyildiz. Derin Terzioglu. Yucel Yanikdag photocopied a document for me. Ina Baghdiantz McCabe sent me the typescript of a forthcoming major study on Safavid elite slavery. and David Robinson did likewise for a recent book. Vahram Shemmassian. and Shabnum Tejani. Stanford Shaw. Kathryn Babayan. Brian Williams. Deniz Kandiyoti and Ferhunde Ozbay sent me their articles. Odile Goerg. Martin Klein. Kevin Reinhart. Caroline Finkel. L a m i n Sanneh. Cedric Barnes. Constance Hilliard. Ghislaine Lydon. Beatrice Nicolini. A n n a Zelkina and Michael Kemper instructed me on the Caucasus. Allen Frank. Succour also came from Anne Bang. Alan Guenther. . and provided me with a fatwa. Siobhan Lambert-Hurley. Palmira Brummett. Abdullahi an-Na'im. Francis Robinson. Claudia Preckel filled me in on matters South Asian and literalist. Margrit Pernau. Hasan Kayali. Arye Oded. I consulted Avril Powell on South Asian matters from an early date. together with Italian materials. Behnaz Mirzai permitted me to cite her unpublished paper. Taj Hargey allowed me to quote from his thesis on the Sudan. and Farouk Topan. and Jan-Peter Hartung sent me various materials. Florian Riedler. Barbara Metcalf. For Turkey. Ismael Barry. Leslie Peirce. while Nathalie Clayer suggested materials for the Balkans. her collaborator in translating U r d u texts. For Iran. and discussed the issue at length. and Massumeh Farhad. Hakan Erdem. and borrowed readings from her.J. Abdulrazak G u m a h . I also obtained advice from Virginia Aksan. so that I profited from the work °f S. and Galina Yemelianova. and Jonathan Miran sent me a copy of his thesis on Massawa. Vanessa Martin passed on some archival materials. and Gulay Yarikkaya allowed me to cite an unpublished paper. Shobana Shankar. Richard Gray supplied a chapter from a forthcoming edited collection. Qadri. Adeeb Khalid gave me the gist of an Uzbek text. Colin Imber. Alan Fisher. with the permission of her co-authors. Xavier Luffin. Ahmet Kanlidere translated selections from Tatar originals. Susan Babaie. and scrutinised a draft chapter. My forays into the Caucasus and the Turkic world were steered by conversations with Ben Fortna. Jan Hogendorn. and Scott Levi provided me with his article on West Turkistan. She allowed me to refer to a chapter in her forthcoming book. I was further aided by Jamal Elias. Christine Hardung. Shireen Moosvi. More assistance came from Willem Floor.

Nancy Naro. Tony Johns. Peter Carey. Annabel Gallop. and Tufy Cairus succoured me i n matters Brazilian. From a comparative religion perspective. Laura Newby guided me through the complexities of East Turkistan. Muhammad Hisyam. H e l p also came from Barbara Andaya. Johan Meuleman. In regard to Islam i n the West. and Sean Yom.xii Preface and Acknowledgements For Southeast Asia. Daniel Fields. commented on a preliminary draft. Jianping Wang. looked out for Indonesian materials. Indrani Chatterjee. Michael Salman. Virginia Hooker. Joao Reis. I turned to Peter Colvin for Islam and the M i d dle East. Mason Hoadley allowed me cite an unpublished paper on Java. the School of Oriental and African Studies. This book is largely a product of materials held by my own institution. and sent me writings by Western Muslims. and summarised an article i n Chinese. of the British Library. Nick Martland for South and Southeast Asia. and made available proofs of an edited collection. Daniel Brouwer. and Sheldon Pollock helped with Hinduism. Eric Germain alerted me to the Woking connection i n England. Jake Whittaker. Munawar Karim. Jonathan Lipman. I learned much on Judaism from Daniel Schroeter and Jonathan Schorsch. Raphael Israeli. Tony Reid. N u r Ichwan and Howard Federspiel sent extracts from Indonesian publications. and Sue Small for China. Manolo Florentino. while David Appleyard and Yoseph Mengistu searched for materials pertaining to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. and Geoffrey Hosking oriented me for the Russian Orthodox Church. Paul Lovejoy steered me towards internet resources. while Lars Laamann piloted me through Confucian complexities. J o h n Gullick. Further assistance was forthcoming from Jackie Armijo-Hussein. and Robert Slenes provided me with other elements. Greg Fealy. Joep a Campo. Victor van Bijlert. Karel Steenbrink. and the personnel of the Woking Mosque gave me the opportunity to glance . I owe a particular debt to librarians. while Heather Sutherland shared her long experience of the topic. and Mike Laffan checked works i n Leiden. Claude Prudhomme filled gaps on the Catholic side. Murari Kumar Jha covered both Hindus and Jains. Martin van Bruinessen. Albert Dekker transcribed materials. Michael Dillon. and Esther Velthoen. Barbara Turfan for Africa. Laurent Metzger. Richard Hellie. while Hans-Heinrich Nolte advised me on O l d Believers. Gyan Prakash. David Atwill. and helped with bibliography and internet sites. Nico Kaptein. Erwiza Erman. In an East Asian context.

and Sarah and Keiko put up cheerfully with the strains of writing. already i n poor health. and the University of California at Irvine.G. June 2005 W. my mentor i n global history for many years. when present at all. or set out i n separate lists. A m o n g the latter was my late father. Senate House.-S. to whom this book is dedicated. former and actual. Patrick O'Brien. It was gratifying to see many colleagues and students. the Institute of Historical Research. University of L o n d o n . together with loyal family and friends.Preface and Acknowledgements xiii through their collection. This has proved vital to the extensive browsing necessary for a broad synthesis of this type.C. Colin Bundy presided magisterially. introduced me with kind words. My thanks are further due to those who helped with my inaugural lecture. Andrew Osmond and Michael Dwyer encouraged me to turn the lecture into a book. Special appreciation is reserved for authors who have prepared a decent index. Kazuko Tanaka lent a helping hand at crucial moments. I further thank the library staff of the London School of Economics and Political Science. and Mary O'Shea worked her usual magic behind the scenes. It is thus a realjoy to come across a good one. are often perfunctory. London. limited to proper names. . Indexes. or had one compiled for them. Keiko also made valuable suggestions on redrafting the introduction.

except for ulama. English translations from other languages are my own. SCRIPTURAL REFERENCES Abbreviations b. = plural r. Spellings and translations Islamic expressions considered to have entered the English language are not italicised. a plural noun. Glossary 'alim ayatollah expert in the holy law (pi. see Hodgson 1974: I. as are words in Indian languages pronounced like the English sh. GLOSSARY. = ruled tr. literally 'sign of God' xiv . They are given English plurals.p. = no publisher pi. = translated Dates Common Era (CE) dates are used throughout. Ayn (') and hamza ('). Pinyin romanisation is used for Chinese whenever possible. DATES. = circa [about] d.d. For correspondence between CE and Islamic (AH) dates. = died ed. Ibn if used as the first part of a name] c. = no date n. = bin [son of. are both represented by the appropriate curved apostrophe. Other diacritics are generally omitted. = no place n. although they are explained in the glossary below.ABBREVIATIONS. Turkish s-cedilla is written sh. 20-2. = edited edn = edition n. pub. rasp and stop. SPELLINGS. ulama) spiritual leader of Shi'i Islam.

Arberry. spellings. Jews. all quotes are from J. and other 'people of the book' the holy law of Islam descendant of the Prophet through Hasan mystical or tribal leader chief mufti of a state Islamic mystic Scriptural references For the Quran.usc. New International Version. usually Shi'i marrying more than one wife judge in a sharia court Revelations of God to the Prophet Muhammad descendant of the Prophet through Husayn Christians. all quotes are from The Holy Bible. 1969. supreme religious and political leader pariah. fatawa) Hadith harem (harim) Imam jahiliyya jihad khan madrasa Mahdi mamluk muezzin mufti mujtahid polygyny qadi Quran (Qur'an) Sayyid scriptuaries sharia (shari'a) Sharif shaykh Shaykh al-Islam Sufi ulama. prior to Islam or among the infidel striving in the path of God. . scheduled or Harijan castes tax in slave youths ruler. military commander opinion on an aspect of the holy law sayings or deeds of the Prophet and his Companions secluded quarters for women of a household supreme religious and political leader. governor. Old and New Testament. see 'alim.Abbreviations. The Koran interpreted. holy war ruler. edu/dept/MSA/ quran/> For the Bible. governor. 1991. glossary. untouchable. military commander educational establishment at secondary or tertiary level millenarian leader military slave person who calls the faithful to prayer person who delivers opinions on aspects of the holy law interpreter of the holy law. Toronto: Macmillan. Shi'i and Khariji state of ignorance. Verse numbers follow <http://cwis. 1991. scriptural references caliph (khalifa) Dalit devshirme emir (amir) fatwa (pi. dates. London: Hodderand Stoughton.

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Muslim writers. without any mass movement emerging to advocate abolition. free will. it is not so much 'the peculiar institution' as 'the embarrassing institution'. H o l s i n g e r l 9 9 4 : 11. Hamdan b. Learned authors expatiate at length on political emancipation. Similarly. H e e r s 1981: 10-14. Michael Salman adds that accusations of slavery are 'a lasting source of anxiety' for all civilisations. 1 . H e did not mention Christian slaves i n Algiers. 'Uthman Khoja declared i n 1833 that he could see 'the English government make its glory immortal by the emancipation of the Negroes'. for. Hassan 2000: 244. Salman 2001:266. for their part. meeting i n Moga6 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Patterson 1982: ix. Mortified that slavery should have persisted in mediaeval Christendom. H a m e l 2002: 29-30. and 'slavery to G o d ' . Intellectual paralysis springs from a contradictory desire to condemn slavery and spare Islam. used as a justification for the French invasion. H u n w i c k and Powell 2002: i x . Salman 2001: 14. E r d e m 1996: xvii-xix. some European writers have blamed Islamic influences. without breathing a word about the social realities of servitude. 1 2 3 4 5 Another way to avoid the problem is to treat slavery as 'the modern world's trope for impermissible forms of domination'. Echoing this notion in the title of his book. often display intense unease that Islam accepted slaver)' for so long. delegates from 33 countries at the sixth World Muslim Congress.x . G o r d o n 1989: x i .1 INTRODUCTION T H E EMBARRASSING I N S T I T U T I O N Slavery is a topic that all too often encourages silence. at the very time that Algeria was being enslaved by 'free France'. as Orlando Patterson acutely observes. an-Na'im 1998.

predominated. Such myopia. In contrast. L o m b a r d 1990: II. 9 1 0 11 1 3 8 . agreed that. To understand how slavery ended i n Islam.2 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution dishu i n 1964-5. Thomas Jefferson. for according to Islam all these are crimes against humanity'. A n analysis of types of slavery. despite some marked peculiarities. Rulers relied on military and administrative slaves to such a degree that they sometimes seized power. Eunuchs were trusted as officials and harem guards because their genitals had been partially or entirely removed. wherever the sharia. the American 'apostle of liberty'. Pipes 1981. so that they could 10 11 12 13 K h a n 1965. they could have no truck with any kind of colonialism. They were not slaves because they were 'outsiders'. A preliminary and tentative stab at quantification further shows that slavery in Islam was on a grand scale. Reid 1993: 67. imperialism or slavery. Sy 2000: 46-7. who have rarely coalesced into combative associations. Slaves were chattels. himself owned slaves. 'as followers of Islam. arising from their undeniable humanity. the holy law of Islam. generating complex and conflicting gradations of servitude. from emirs to outcasts. and yet they possessed certain carefully circumscribed rights. slaves were allocated a bewildering variety of social roles. Conjectures as to how abolition came about are mixed. although many happened to be i n that category. M i u r a and Philips 2000. Despite this clear legal definition. 144-50. together with modes of acquiring people. the definition of slavery was simple and precise. or had been rightfully enslaved. 8 9 The nature of slavery in Islam Problems of definition i n the Islamic world mainly arose where customary law was strong. This has hindered both scholarly generalisation and common feeling between former slaves and their descendants. but because they were born as slaves. points to many characteristics shared with servitude in other civilisations. equally manifest i n the nineteenth-century Ottoman elite. they apparently failed to consider slavery in Islam. Brunschvig 1960. T o l e d a n o 1998: 128. similar to livestock i n many respects. Fisher 2001: 54-9. had close parallels i n the West. ^ T o l e d a n o 1998: 158. However. and the central suggestion made here is that Islam played a neglected role in the process. Matheson and Hooker 1983. its fundamental characteristics first need to be grasped.

Beg 1975: 110-17.. Those belonging to South Asian Muslims performed a variety of outdoor tasks. and sometimes denied a family life. 143-4. H o g e n d o r n 2000. Hambly 1974. Millant 1908. Peirce 1993: 138. many others died from castration. M a r m o a 1995. Crone 1980: 79. and to serve in his house'. Gervaise 1971: 83-5. A d a m 1840. 134. and short. . The lives of many common soldiers were nasty. she could wield immense influence. 123. Banaji 1933: 201. Pipes 1981: 90-2. to cook his rice. and survivors endured complex physical and mental consequences. C u m m i n g 1977: 68. or the 'sultanate of the African eunuchs'. Sarkar 1985: 101-3. For every successful eunuch. 148-9. Slaves of Inner Asian Turkmens had to 'watch the flocks. 97-9. 141-2. Similar lists of duties were recorded for East 15 16 17 18 19 0 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 14 15 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 7 J u y n b o l l 1912. 'Domestic slavery' is repeatedly said to have dominated servitude in Islam. Richardson 2004. Indeed. G o r d o n 2001: 94. weed and tend his crops. especially after her master's death. 79. Babaie el at 2004 Toledano 1998: 44." Singing-girls were as much prostitutes as courtesans. to punt his boat.. but they obscure the experience of the vast majority. J a h i z 1980. made to forget their homelands. even over caliphs. but this misleading term conceals a range of productive tasks. to attend to h i m upon his journeys. Youths for military duties were subjected to forced transportation. Reid 1993: 68. 253-4. Elbashir 1983: 127. The brilliant careers of elite slaves have fascinated historians and novelists for centuries. G o r d o n 2001: 74. . Risso 1995: 16. Singing-girls also exerted considerable sway. slaves filled 'almost every conceivable function'. brutish. Peirce 1993. Hjejle 1967: 83-4. If a concubine bore a son for a mighty man. Richardson 2004. In Islamic Southeast Asia. Some were 'virtually cannon fodder'. These were already impressive i n ninth-century Iraq. while the bondmaiden who attended to them faced both celibacy and drudgery. Enforced sexual continence was the lot of discarded and neglected sexual partners in large harems. B u r t o n 1973: 242.The nature of slavery in Islam 14 3 have no heirs. and weave carpets'. to wash and guard his kine [cattle]. Clifford 1913: 123-4. N i c o l i n i 2002: 125. prepare the food. the early-seventeenth-century Ottoman Turkish empire was called the 'sultanate of the women'. Meinardus 1969. make felts. A Malay master around 1900 expected slaves to 'plant his fields. Montesquieu 1960: 241.

Islamic law strictly prohibited the molestation of dependants. Salman 2001: 91. A Hadith of the Prophet allowed for corporal punishment. proto-industry. Servile labour was common on medium and even small properties. H u n w i c k and Powell 2002: 124. However. Nineteenth-century Egyptian owners marked the faces of slaves to deter fugitives. B o r n slaves i n northern Nigeria received facial scars of servitude as late as the 1950s. Awde 2000: 102. Unusually. Meinardus 1969: 50-1. quite a few slaves i n the Barbary states of North Africa wrote down their experiences. While some sources depicted placid relations. Christelow 1985b: 67-70. A d a m 1840: 188. public works. H e e r s 2003: 178-243. A b u alFaraj b. Talbi 1981. 192-3. Letourneau 1897: 285. Maugham 1961: 167-71. beat them at intervals. and a widely quoted Arab proverb declared that 'slaves are beaten with a stick'. 224. Christelow 1994: 117-92. others told much more sombre stories. leading historians to make comparisons with the Communist Gulag. A b o u E l Fadl 2001: 213. the ulama prohibited mutilating slaves or filing their teeth. To take an extreme example. because the voices of slaves have nearly always been obliterated from the historical record. one observer noted that slaves 'pass through the hands of ten or twenty masters. 412-13.4 28 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution Africa. Rosenthal 1960: 95. al-Jawzi (d. mining. transport. while Libyan Sufis burned the word ' A l lah' on to their slaves. pastoralism. . Mirza and Strobel 1989: 30-9. Lovejoy 1981: 223. 344. 1201) held that. Brunschvig 1960: 27. who make them lead the life of cab-horses. Stilwell 1999: 174. and at last sell them'. T n a u d 1995: I. Fisher 1972: 585. but subordination in the protected sphere of the household made it hard to police transgressions. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 199-206. on pain of severe penalties for owners and emancipation for slaves. while Crimean Tatars marked their foreheads. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 27-8. and construction. and slaves were widely employed in irrigation. 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 Harries 1965: 207-8. Clissold 1977: 1. Renault 1989. Elbashir 1983: 122. 'it is incumbent upon a woman to endure her husband's mistreatment as a slave should'. Garnett 1891: II. O f Istanbul i n 1870. It is particularly hazardous to generalise about treatment. 31. Elbashir 1983: 127. Barbary corsairs branded slaves on the soles of their feet. Davis 2003: 134. in the sixteenth-century. H o d g s o n 1974: 1.

Ruthven 2000: 72. Numbers of runaways were high.The nature of slavery in Islam 5 The institution of slavery further depended on brutal raids. alKhattab. Bigalke 1983: 347. Islamic sources describe the same horrors and suffering. Netton 1992: 252. traumatic forced marches. Brunschvig 1960: 33. Salman 2001: 53. the great Moroccan globe-trotter of the fourteenth-century. especially in harsh occupations such as diving for pearls in the Gulf. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 199-206. Five centuries later. O'Shea 1947: 176. However. the exodus was j o i n e d by many concubines and household slaves born into servitude. Several hundred thousand people decamped i n French West Africa i n 1905-6. Balde 1975: 212-13. 293. In Turkey. taken by the Prophet from the defeated Jewish Qurayza tribe. Inalcik 1997: 285. making this 'one of the most significant slave revolts i n history'. The Zanj rebellion in ninth-century Iraq was among the most impressive servile insurrections in world history. 179-80. Servitude sprang from coercion or destitution. E r d e m 1996: 160-73. dangerous seajourneys. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 124. an African survivor graphically narrated different torments endured i n crossing the Sahara. Popovic 1976. this was recognisably the same institution as i n other civilisations. Panikkar 1989: 52. Christelow 1985a: 120. sabotage and flight.: 14. pathetic sales of destitute people. and the demeaning routines of the slave market. noted i n a chilling passage that H i n d u Kush 'means slayer of Indians. may have tried to poison her illustrious master. Lovejoy 1983: 266-7. Brunschvig 1960: 33. Gunasekara n. From Senegal to the Philippines. There might be a temptation to dismiss eloquent nineteenth-century European denunciations as imperialist propaganda. Rahaina. or for any kind of refuge. 74-84. Slaves delivered their own verdict by engaging i n rebellion. a tidal wave of servile humanity simply headed for home. . In short.d. turned 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 4 7 4 8 4 9 0 0 Daniel 1966: 307-8. because the slave boys and girls who are brought from India die there in large numbers as a result of the extreme cold and the quantity of snow'. murder. badly treated slaves 'have often been known to set fire to the wooden houses of Stamboul'. and i n 644 a Persian slave assassinated 'Umar b. Cooper 1980: 49-50. Contrary to the sage prognostications of experts. Ibn Battuta. one of the rightly-guided caliphs. Battuta 1983: 178. The most striking indictment came as governments hesitated on the brink of ending the institution.

Renault 1989: 43-8. 51 52 53 In turn. the Abbasids obtained floods of European. . Renault and Daget 1985: 62-5. servile labour was quite common on medium and small rural properties. Corsica and southern Italy also yielded fresh captives. Under the Abbasid dynasty from 750. Indian. notably i n the western Mediterranean and i n oasis cultivation. and Indian resistance hardened. the Caucasus and the marches of China and Tibet. Pipes 1981: 98. as 'the stifling acceptance of the divi34 55 56 57 5 1 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7 Heers 2003. This was despite traumas caused by slave uprisings. M o r o n e y 2003. Brett 2001: 70. In part. occupied tolerable social niches. and was often repressive and degrading. I n a k i k 1979: 25. H o d g s o n 1974:1. from Iberia to Sind.6 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution human beings into things. and African slaves through purchase and tribute. 98. growing sugar. Estates existed i n places. and despite respect for the land rights of smallholders who had submitted to the new rulers. notably after the sack of Rome in 827. roughly from 1000 to 1500. Rhythms of expansion and contraction A libertarian whiff accompanied the birth of the new faith i n earlyseventh-century Arabia. Heers 2003: 219-43. 290. but the legitimacy of slavery was only ever contested by scattered sects. 28. the products of servile hands reached the far corners of the known world. Talbi 1981. witnessed a consolidation of slavery. Unless they could secure a meaningful form of liberation." Musca and Colafemmina 1989: 287. Verlinden 1955: 188-9. Clissold 1977: 11. W i n k 1999: I. however. their good fortune remained vulnerable to the whims of the free. A tiny handful of slaves reached dizzy social and political heights. Some victims found k i n d owners. Turkic. the ubiquity of slavery reflected the inadmissibility of serfdom and forced labour. Hunwick 1992: 20-1. However. Moreover. Advances i n Sicily. Byzantine. Ethiopian. The breathtaking scope and speed of early conquests generated a flood of cheap captives. among other crops. 30-4. for 'everywhere i n Islam the increase of commerce and monetization went together with an enormous increase i n the trade and use of slaves'. or were manumitted at an age when they could still enjoy their freedom. Sardinia. Davis 1984: 7. Over-extended Arab armies also turned back from France. The middle period of Islam. which violated the rights of free believers and submissive infidels. Rosenthal 1960: 77-80.

Fisher 1972: 584-5. The Mongols damaged Islamic prestige more severely in the midthirteenth-century. both urban and rural. Productive slavery was embedded i n enterprises of varying sizes. 532-74. the Golden Horde in the Volga basin embraced Islam in the early fourteenth-century. stimulating fresh bouts of conquest i n Anatolia and northern India. Constable 1994: 234-5. A m o n g tasks routinely allocated to thirteenth-century slaves were 'the cultivation of estates' and 'the grazing of flocks'. they had shifted the balance of war captives in their favour. however. Europeans went onto the offensive. and helped to propel Muslim Turks into Anatolia and northern India. Despite hammer blows from the steppe. reconquering Sicily in the eleventh-century and pressing down the Iberian peninsula. 32. The attractions of servile labour grew i n the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Animist Turkic tribes formed the initial threat. By the thirteenth-century. 'an egalitarian and socially mobile society seemed to require . Marshall Hodgson suggested the paradox that. giving rise to influential Islamic communities. such a class to set off those who momentarily had risen to the top'. 355. they employed numerous Muslim officials i n China. completed the occupation of Andalusia i n 1492. Iberians obtained footholds i n the Maghrib from 1415. Dozy 1913. Elite slavery became a menace to the integrity of public life. Other western Mongols also opted for Islam. The most 66 67 5 8 5 9 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5 6 6 6 7 Rosenthal 1960: 122. Hodgson 1974: II. Nevertheless. and only went over to Islam slowly and selectively. L a i 1994. with concubines a parallel threat i n the private sphere. Furio: 19. when Eurasian populations contracted owing to the Mongol fury and the Black Death. and exacted a heavy tribute in people and commodities from Russia and the Ukraine. Islam enlarged its frontiers i n this middle period. L i p m a n 1997. Inalcik 1979. Although the eastern Mongols plumped for Tibetan Buddhism. Koningsveld 1995: 5. and confronted Muslims with the unpalatable choice between conversion and expulsion. . but they generally converted to Islam on crossing the pale. 39-57. 15. Inalcik 1997: 284-5. 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 Muslims failed to have it all their own way.. Hodgson 1974: II. Crone and Cook 1977: 148. Tusi 1964: 183. Hodgson 1974: II.Rhythms of expansion and contraction 7 sion of society into free men and unfree men made itself always felt'.. 373.

Williams 2001: 49-51. Hellie 1993: 290-1. and extracted infidel captives on a grandiose scale. Inalrik 1997: 284-5. Davis 2003. G o l d e n 1992: 313-15. fostering the emergence of syncretic religious tendencies. 68 69 79 71 72 73 71 75 76 77 78 79 6 8 0 9 7 0 7 1 7 2 7 3 7 1 7 3 76 7 7 7 8 7 9 Bohdanowicz 1942'. I n a l c i k 1997: 307-8. M o n l a i i 1964. Compensation for these reverses came from expansion in Southeast Asia and Africa. returning with many slaves. many of them locally employed.8 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution western Tatars came under a milder form of infidel rule. signalled the end of the Muslims' privileged position. Israeli 1980: 82-3. and again i n 1683. 164-9. Ottoman vassals. following Lithuania's conversion to Christianity and union with Poland in 1386. Ricklefs 1993: 3-21. The spread of Islam under such conditions undermined the chances of restoring a single caliphate. and Moroccan sugar plantations seemed poised to rival those of the West. Muslim hosts nearly submerged Christian Ethiopia. in 1368. Trimingham 1965: 77-96. Heers 2003: 21-3. Babaie et al 2004. Barbary corsairs culled people from as far as the Newfoundland Banks and Iceland. and assiduously 'harvested' Christians. and brought additional local customs into competition with the holy law. The advent of the M i n g dynasty in China. T h e Mughals pressed further down into southern India than any preceding Muslim dynasty. . while importing Africans and Indians. 'Gunpowder empires' renewed Islamic power on a more stable basis from the sixteenth-century. Lovejoy 1983: 28-35. 297. A Moroccan army crossed the Sahara in 1590-1. only being checked at the gates of Vienna i n 1529. Ensconced in Maghribi ports under Moroccan or Ottoman suzerainty. Iranian Shi'i armies garnered more Christians from the Caucasus. The Ottomans took the Balkans and penetrated into Central Europe. sacked Moscow outside the Kremlin walls i n 1571. Risso 1986. promoted new languages of learning. flooding Inner Asia with H i n d u captives. Crimean Tatars. A mixture of peaceful conversion and local holy wars generated further throngs of slaves from the thirteenthcentury. Levi 2002. Muslims and non-believers intermingled in a complex mosaic. Renault and Daget 1985: 30-2. and an Omani seaborne empire took shape i n the northwestern Indian Ocean. Oyrat (Kalmyk) Mongols began to roll back the insecure Islamic frontier in the northern Chagatai khanate from the early fifteenth-century.

The training of free artisans undermined urban bondage. 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 8 0 8 1 8 2 8 3 8 4 8 5 8 6 8 7 8 8 8 9 9 0 Hodgson 1974: III. and extensive manumission eroded existing stocks of slave. displacing Muslim Tatars as far as the lower Volga. Lovejoy 2004: 15. Astrakhan. the former seizing the Crimea i n 1783. and some rural slaves blended into a free peasantry. low fertility. whose bridgeheads in West Africa exported Muslim slaves to the Americas from around 1650. Barrett 1999: 1-55. Hodgson 1974: III. Colley 2002: 45. and H i n d u Balinese and Protestant Dutchmen contested Muslim power i n Java. E r d e m 1996: 19-20. Maratha and British forces seized wide swathes of India. Digesting new conquests proved unexpectedly difficult. Ethiopia reversed the tide of conquest i n the late sixteenthcentury. Valensi 1969: 62-8. 82. gunpowder empires contracted or collapsed. with some help from the Portuguese. 134-61. Military servitude decayed. Hellie 1982: 73-4. Falling behind Europe technologically i n the eighteenth-century. 23. Oyrat Mongols migrated westwards from 1608. Risso 1986. 30. Golden 1992: 321-2. 156. Monarchy ruling over large and restive H i n d u and Christian populations restricted methods of enslavement to prevent rebellions. established Christian naval hegemony in the Indian Ocean. Moscow annexed the Tatar khanates of Kazan. 59-133. Ruthven 2000: 272. Russian and Austrian armies advanced on the Black Sea. Inalcik 1997: 125-6. The latter seized East Africa's Muslim city states. Fisher 1980a: 32-40. as centralising rulers sought to end military usurpation and create modern armies. as Christians and Hindus refused to convert. while Manchu hosts encroached on East Turkistan from 1697. Economic decay hampered purchases. Golden 1992: 327. The Mediterranean balance of power shifted further in favour of Europeans. Ottoman probate records reveal a persistent pattern of middling rural properties with a few slaves. Inalcik 1997: 284-5. and Sibir between 1552 and 1598. Lai 1994: 96-104. Heers 2003: 33-7. Unhappiness with slavery emerged i n gunpowder empires. and high mortality. Combative Cossacks were settled on Islamic frontiers.Rhythms of expansion and contraction 9 These impressive achievements concealed structural weaknesses. although the role of Islam i n this process remains uncertain. . 284-5. and contained the O m a n i challenge. However. Inalcik 1979: 41-2. causing the first significant crisis i n the long history of slavery i n Islam. 329. and Tatars under Russian rule could no longer own Christian slaves after 1628.

crewed ships. where groundnut exports were expanding. coconuts. 99. 19-23. as well as pearls. Apart from field work.23-4. coffee. wove cloth. cloves. anchoring the institution firmly i n Muslim societies. D o u i n 1936-41: 111/2. E r d e m 1996: 53. Savage 1992. they performed domestic tasks or corvee for the state. The significance of this type of slavery reflected local modes of cultivation. lives by plunder and works his fields by the slaves he captures i n his expeditions. Many O r o m o i n the Ethiopian kingdom ofjimma owned 'one or two' slaves. gold. Datu M a n d i of the southern Philippines explained in 1901 that it was women's agricultural skills that accounted for their high price. T o l e d a n o 1993: 44.10 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution A dramatic nineteenth-century resurgence of slavery was driven by the production of export commodities. A Dutch report of 1878 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 9 1 9 2 93 9 4 9 5 9 6 9 7 9 8 Lovejoy 1983. wheat. not their role as concubines. which is left to women and slaves'. Clarence-Smith 1989. millet. 'as soon as each has been able to purchase a horse and a gun. dates. freeing owners to market coffee. Mowafi 1981:13-14. copper. O n the demand side. Salman 2001: 90-1. 662. voracious capitalist requirements for raw materials pushed up commodity prices from the 1840s. Baer 1969:163-6. In the Gambia i n 1869. Slaves also grew foodstuffs. Small and medium proprietors acquired more slaves. Anatolian agrarian prosperity rested to some extent on Black and Circassian field slaves. Carrere d'Encausse 1966. and salt. B i n g e r l 8 9 1 : 23-4. Sarkar 1985: 101-3. triggered by the Civil War in the United States. holy wars from Senegal to Yunnan glutted markets with cheap captives. O n the supply side. Cooper 1968:8. while Circassian concubines became status symbols. Largueche 2003. 123. K l e i n 1968: 68-9. and served i n households. Beachey 1976a: 130-1. Warren 1981. and there was scarcely an Iraqi family or middling Muslim household i n India without a slave. 'Smallholder slavery' was generally most intense on the Islamic frontier. drawing Islam closer to New World models of servitude. 63-4. carried goods. . Snouck Hurgronje 1906:1. Slaves of Muslim owners thus produced sugar. and other cash crops. and thinks it beneath his dignity to perform any work whatsoever. The upsurge i n exports of pepper from North Sumatra depended on a mix of slaves and other workers. cotton. Lewis 1965: 66. During the Egyptian cotton boom of the 1860s and 1870s. Mowafi 1981. [he] considers himself a warrior. tin. sesame. even modest Egyptian peasants bought slaves.

however. Miers 2003. co-ordinated by the League of Nations from 1926.000 Black slaves crossed the Sahara. and a more thorough trawl would undoubtedly uncover additional information. This was 104 105 Sutherland 1983: 278-9. at one time or another. declared that. and from Iceland to New Guinea. good only for working the land. West Africa. with thick skulls and strong arms. Even though slavery had become formally illegal everywhere i n Islam by the early 1980s. Austen 1987: 275. Miers and Roberts 1988. the institution persisted clandestinely into the new millennium. is perhaps more properly applicable to all slaves in the course of Islamic history. Awad 1966. as the Muslim yoke. . Segal 2001. urged on by Western liberals and fledgling Islamic abolitionist movements. Ralph Austen originally proposed that 17. 100 101 102 103 Slave numbers Patricia Risso's suggestion. The cost of coerced labour rose. ' G o d imposed work on our father Adam. Holy wars ground to a halt. • often based on informed guesses. can only suggest an order of magnitude." Fulbe (Fulani) notables in Futajalon. The same problem arose with the United Nations' 1948 Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights. Fragmentary and problematic figures. Balde 1975: 198. Eradicating slavery completely proved harder. fell on almost every people i n the O l d World. from Siberia to South Africa. Productive servitude suddenly declined again i n the Islamic world from the 1880s. the Red Sea. Risso 1995: 16. and the Indian Ocean.000. but he made pagans.Slave numbers 11 described agricultural slaves growing rice i n South Sulawesi as mere 'work animals'. despite the steady growth of Islamic abolitionist sentiment. Several Muslim governments refused to endorse international agreements against slavery. Bushell 2002. and clearly destined to serve believers'. and slaves deserted en masse when officials ceased to return fugitives. and its Supplementary Anti-Slavery Convention of 1956. just as free labour became more readily available and commodity prices stagnated or fell. even i n secondary materials. Colonial regimes and independent Muslim states repressed slave raiding and trading. that military slaves ran 'into the tens of millions'. The scope of the task is awesome.

12 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution criticised as excessive. when supplies from the steppe dried up.500. about 3. informed by archaeology. and nearly one and a half million on the 'Eastern Coast'. 62. 32-3.000 between 1500 and 1800. Syrians. and Iberians were taken through conquest. spanning a racial continuum from Mongoloid to Caucasoid.250. while a modern estimate. Cassanelli 1988: 312.000. The total came to some 11. Lewis 1990: 55. including a number of Iranian and M o n g o l peoples classified as such. G o r d o n 2001: 72-4. 156. His assumption seems conservative. Paul Lovejoy reworked the data to indicate that over 6. Verlinden 1955: 201-2.000. of whom under five per cent escaped or were 113 m 1 0 / 1 0 8 1 0 9 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 l Sheriff 1987: 33-41. Sourdel 1985: 120. M a n n i n g 1990: 78. 142.000 i n the nineteenth-century.000.000. 106 107 108 100 110 111 112 European slaves were also abundant. Patrick Manning suggested that there were over three million in the 'Savanna and H o r n ' . 142. If this impression is at all accurate. and he later abstained from putting forward an overall figure. many subordinate rulers owned their own soldiers. so that they were only slightly less common than Africans and Turks up to 1500. Considerable numbers of Black slaves were retained by Muslim owners in and below the Sahara. Sizeable fresh imports were required to compensate for high mortality. For later centuries. Berbers. Assuming that 10 to 15 per cent of the population were slaves i n the nineteenth-century. and around 2.) Lovejoy 2000: 156. 47. several million Turks were imported. . Lewis 1990: 55. 81. and steppe peoples were employed for other purposes. Lovejoy 2000: 192. while an Italian census of 1903 classified about a quarter of the population of Somali towns as slaves.000 in the nineteenth-century. Lovejoy 2000: 26. up to 1. Most Muslim chroniclers accepted that the Turkish military slave corps of the ninthcentury caliphate numbered some 70. Egyptians.000 left between 650 and 1500. Pipes 1981: 124.000 human beings. with Lovejoy's 'East African coastal region' absorbing some 769. Turks. A French census of 1904 reported servility rates of 30 to 50 per cent i n Islamic West Africa.000. (Exports to the Mascarenes are excluded. were probably roughly as numerous as Africans i n the central lands of Islam from the ninth to the fourteenth-century. Cooper 1977: 56. however. and others were raided or purchased thereafter. Persians. exceeds 100. both regions where Muslim owners were numerous. Austen 1989.000 Christian captives entered the Maghrib from 1530 to 1780. H o d g s o n 1974: III. Sheriff 1987: 60. Austen 1992. See also Lovejoy 1983: 265.

. Wolf 1979: 151. T o this should be added an unknown tally of captives taken in Anatolian. Circassian military slaves dominated Egypt from 1382. only converted to Islam between 1717 and the 1830s.000 Armenian women and children may 115 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 2.000 in 1683 alone.000 slaves a year. J a i m o u k h a 2001: 57.' In a last gasp.Jaimoukha 2001: 69. The densely populated Caucasus was a major source of White slaves for the Middle East.90.000 slaves from the Caucasus. Algeria alone imported about 625.750.Slave numbers 1 13 ransomed. when attempting to take Vienna. Fisher 1972: 583-4. Toledano 1993: 44. Toledano 1982. up to 200. mainly Circassians. Sugar 1977: 56. Persians relied heavily on Caucasus slaves. Harobly 1991b: 583.000. and Central European campaigns. Erdem 1996:118.000 Ukrainians. when the trade was long past its peak. The devshirme system of levies netted some 200. with another 100. 149-52. and Russians from 1468 to 1694. Fisher 1972: 577-83. Barrett 1999.1 1 1 4 1 1 5 1 1 6 1 1 7 1 1 8 1 1 9 1 2 0 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 3 1 2 4 Davis 2003: 21. Williams 2001: 69-72. around 400. suggesting a total of around 2. From 1800 to 1909.000 or so arriving with their Circassian masters in the 1850s and 1860s. " From 1520 to 1830. Balkan. went to the Ottomans. 82. The population of the khanate itself. L a n g 1957: 218. 592-3.and seventeenth-century Crimean export statistics indicate that around 10. Patchy sixteenth. Poles.000 Balkan youths for the Ottomans between 1400 and 1 6 5 0 . but their last raid was i n 1774. Circassians were superficially Christianised Animists. E r d e m 1996: 30. A compilation of estimates indicates that Crimean Tartars seized about 1. Crimean Tatars took fewer slaves from 1694 to the Russian conquest of 1783. 23. the Ottomans imported some 200. Baghdiantz McCabe 1999: 38-46. Inalcik 1997: 285. including some Circassians. Russian captives long abounded i n Turkistan and the Muslim North Caucasus.000 Georgians i n a single campaign in 1795. The Ottomans allegedly seized 80.000 for 1450 to 1700. B u r t o n 1998. included a high proportion of slaves. capturing 15.500. and about 100 a year were still exported there i n the late eighteenth-century. Lands to the north of the Black Sea probably yielded the most slaves to the Ottomans from 1450.000 at this time.

The conquest of Sind i n 712-13 yielded 60. Muslims owned many of the estimated 8. Scott Levi.000. for slave numbers were expanding rapidly at the time.14 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution have been enslaved from 1915. 95. claimed to have 180.' As many as 200. for sale in Iran. E r d e m 1996: 21. In addition. G u m m i n g 1977. the Uzbek states of Bukhara and Khiva contained an estimated 900.000 personal slaves i n North India. Sultan Alauddin Khalji (r. H u i . Kolff 1990: 13-14. In the late fourteenth-century. L a i 1994: 56.000 Indian rebels were supposedly taken in 1619-20. bought several hundred thousand destitute children from the mid-seventeenth-century to 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 32 133 134 135 136 1 2 5 1 2 6 1 2 7 1 2 8 1 2 9 1 3 0 1 3 1 1 3 2 1 3 3 1 3 4 1 3 5 1 3 6 Shemmassian 2003: 86.000 slaves.000 to . Levi 2002. and Indian slaves were routinely exchanged for Inner Asian horses. 676. However.000 bondsmen i n 1841. of whom about half were in the Bengal Presidency. T i m u r the Lame killed a hundred thousand Indians captured before reaching Delhi. as millions were driven from their homelands to perish i n the Arabian deserts.000. while his fourteenth-century successor. Levi 2002: 278. Hardinge 1928: 379. Balfour 1885: III. but still brought thousands back to West Turkistan.000. most of these helots were probably Dalit castes i n H i n d u hands. Persian 'heretics' themselves were abundant i n the Ottoman empire after 1500. . and the Ghaznavids of eleventh-century Afghanistan drove hundreds of thousands home. 9.000. but distinguishing Muslim from non-Muslim owners is difficult. 676. Indian slaves i n East Turkistan raised diplomatic problems i n the nineteenth-century. Chinese Muslims. The servile population of West Turkistan included many South Asians from at least 1326. A n even smaller proportion of East Asia's teeming slaves belonged to Muslims. Slaves were copious in India itself. South Asian slaves were significant at an earlier date in Inner Asia and Persia. 121-4. Levi 2002. 12961316) possessed 120. The total probably rose well above one million if the khanate of Khoqand was included. L a i 1994: 49-53. Skrine and Nightingale 1973. Balfour 1885: III. Levi 2002. Sultan Firoz Tughluq. personal communication. and formed the majority in Turkistan by the nineteenth-century. Turkmen and Kazakh pastoralists owned many slaves. Levi 2002: 283-4. 23. Chaltopadhyav 1977: 251-2. In the early 1840s. Olcott 1987. Lai 1994: 18-20.

000 as the result of a single famine in Shandong i n 1790. However. A shipping capacity calculation suggests that between 200. for purchase by both Muslims and unbelievers. Laura Newby. Snouck Hurgronje 1906: I. A n o n . notably i n Sumatra. especially to Southeast Asia. Bigalke 1983: 347.000 H i n d u slaves from 1620 to 1830. and Borneo.000 Toraja Animists were obtained in South Sulawesi from 1880 to 1905. A trickle of Chinese captives also reached Turkistan well into the nineteenth-century. they accounted for 6 per cent in an 1879 census of the Malay sultanate of Perak. Descriptive materials indicate fairly steady raiding. Miers 2003:'157-61. leading Moros to seize unquantified numbers of Animists in inland Mindanao. Elsewhere in Southeast Asia. which might thus have yielded a total booty of some two million slaves i n the first two centuries of Spanish rule after 1565. while some 12. Warren 1981: 208. 1. Bali exported around 100. 1861: 335-6. Anderson 1876: 229. and even fellow Muslims. from the thirteenth-century. Ileto 1971: 24-7 Reid 1993: 69. Reid 1983a: 32. . There are no figures for similar local trades from Animist uplands to Muslim lowlands. 276-9. The archbishop of Manila claimed i n 1637 that M o r o raiders from the south had seized an average of 10. The proportion of slaves i n nineteenth-century Muslim societies varied widely. personal communication. H a n e 2003: 208.Slave numbers 15 the mid-nineteenth-century.000 Catholic Filipinos a year over the previous 30 years. acquiring 10.000. Spanish and Dutch naval patrols became more effective from the 1840s.000 captives entered the Sulu sultanate from 1770-1870. ™ Maritime exports of Chinese and Japanese girls grew from the late nineteenth-century. Supplies of Animists from Nias Island to Aceh from 1790 to 1900 may have amounted to around 50. Malaya.000 and 300. 20. Quite a few were acquired by Europeans and Chinese. Rare in Java i n the 1810s. mainly Muslims. and South Sulawesi exported another 100. Reid 1983a: 32. Muslims enslaved Hindus and Animists. lower than contemporary European estimates. Lasker 1950: 52-5.7 1 139 140 141 142 143 144 1 3 7 1 3 8 1 3 9 1 4 0 1 4 1 1 4 2 1 4 3 1 4 4 H a r t m a n n 1921: 100. 377.000 between 1660 and 1810. about a third in villages on the eastern edge of West Sumatra i n the 1860s. Snouck Hurgronje 1923-24: II.

Garnett 1891: II. is almost as great an offense as to permit what G o d forbids—and slavery was authorised and regulated by the holy law. However. Sir William M u i r noted of the Prophet that. and yet the late Edward Said remained curiously muted on this issue i n his influential Orientalism. slavery was 'indispensable to the social system'. was not glossed i n the light of social relations. Berlioux 1870: 308. to forbid what G o d permits. 317-8. From a Muslim point of view. Gerard de Nerval's 'Javanese' consort. Lewis did not innovate i n taking this stance. . For Lucy Garnett. 282-3. Nerval 1958: II. Said 1991: 182. 294. Thomas Hughes thought that 'abolition would strike at the very foundations of the code of Muhammadanism'. 190. R u i b i n g 1937: 30. seen as an arch-Orientalist. Hughes 1885: 600. slavery did not make it to Said's index. that 'of liberty they know nothing'. for he echoed a host of earlier Western writers. was purchased i n Cairo. he riveted the fetter'. D e J o n g l 9 3 4 : 129. 78. D o b b i n 1983: 138. Lewis 1990: 20. This sweeping generalisation conflicts with an earlier warning against depicting a single Muslim point of view.16 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution 30 per cent i n the Muslim zone of North Sulawesi. and two thirds or more i n part of North Borneo i n the 1880s. Margoliouth 1905: 461-2. slavery and other more or less "Western" evils'. David Margoliouth even rashly asserted that 'the abolition of slavery was not a notion that ever entered the Prophet's m i n d ' . Said briefly lambasted Bernard Lewis. 147 148 149 150 151 155 1 4 5 1 4 6 1 4 7 1 4 8 1 4 9 1 5 0 1 5 1 1 5 2 Wertheim 1959: 241. it formed part of the central core of social usage'. Gullick 1958: 105. A n American of Christian Palestinian origins. and his citation of Chateaubriand's comment. but no mention that Zaynab. 145 Orientalist contradictions Western authors have generally supposed that Europeans imposed abolition on unwilling Muslims. In the interwar years. 194-5. Bernard Lewis wrote i n the revised edition of his influential work on race and slavery i n Islam: 'The abolition of slavery itself would hardly have been possible. There was a fleeting reference to slaves i n Western sexual fantasies of the Orient. for dwelling on Islam's 'racism. Etienne Berlioux opined that slavery was one with Islam. based on the harem. 146 For his part. More specifically. 'while lightening.

'there was never any formal movement for the abolition of slavery. Reid 1983a: 33. Anthony Reid considers that abolition had 'little to do with an increasingly sensitive moral conscience'. H u n w i c k and Powell 2002: 181. Lovejoy 1981: 208. J o h n Hunwick and Eve Troutt Powell aver that.Orientalist contradictions 17 Robert Roberts declared. no human law could abolish i t ' . was not an indigenous African concept. Full-scale abolition was a western European idea born of conflicts generated in the eighteenth-century and the expansion of capitalism'. Stark 2003: 338. sold. Indeed. a doughty crusader against Islamic servitude. captured and owned slaves'. Cardinal Charles Lavigerie. Rodney Stark affirms that. i n the Muslim world'. . Lovejoy 1983: 264. habits are there.. Patricia Risso insists that. Strictly speaking. so that one will not be able to get rid of them at once. He went on to stress that Christianity had long faced the same problem. Paul Lovejoy maintains that 'strict adherence to law and tradition precluded any thought of abolition'. Even contemporary authors follow this line. Suzanne Miers and Richard Roberts argue that 'abolition . and have acquired a sacred character through their very antiquity. or even the suppression of the slave trade. 'because the Qur'an sanctioned the institution of slavery. Garrett Dejong considered that. Dissenting voices arose early. Risso 1995: 94.. 'the fundamental problem facing Muslim theologians vis-a-vis the morality of slavery is that Muhammad bought. Dejong 1934: 143. . 'the abolition of slavery would mean an upsetting of the entire system of Islam'. nothing would prick the consciences of Muslims i n the abolition of slavery'. while recognising the force of 'Islamic ideals' for reform. Historians of Africa and Southeast Asia concur. because it places the liberation of captives at the top of the list of merciful deeds. even among Christian missionaries. through which believers may be worthy of heaven. and sought to persuade enlightened Muslim monarchs to j o i n 1 5 : 1 1 5 4 1 5 5 1 5 6 1 5 7 1 5 8 1 5 9 1 6 0 Roberts 1925: 53. 'there is nothing whatever i n Islam that tends to the abolition of this curse'.. declared in 1888: 153 134 155 156 157 158 159 160 The Quran does not enjoin slavery.. Miers and Roberts 1988: 8-9. the Quran goes further. However. but merely permits it.

ix.18 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution 101 his campaign. and under the most orthodox and best Mahommedan rulers'. . " Martin Klein 162 163 164 11 5 166 167 168 169 17 1 6 1 1 6 2 Renault 1992: 566. Poulet 1994: 40. 45-7. 'the voices of abolition come through faintly i n these essays. In the introduction to an edited collection on Africa. [and is not] indispensable to the integrity of Islam'. Britain's Sir Bartle Frere wrote i n 1873 that 'the gradual extinction of slavery involves nothing repugnant to the law of the Koran. Later he noted that 'according to Mohammedan principles. as interpreted by the most learned men in the best times. wrote that. Thomas 1937: 69.x i . 'the religion of the Prophet could perhaps have contributed powerfully to the suppression of slavery. conceded i n 1907 that 'some Moslem apologists of the present day contend that Mohammed looked upon the custom as temporary i n its nature'.. ' i n die unabatement of slavery. if the spirit of the Quran had been applied with wisdom by men whose fanaticism had not been accompanied by the pride of conquerors'. Bertram Thomas stated baldly i n the 1930s that. 273. 149.. 570. Snouck Hurgronje 1916: 150-2. A few European officials and scholars made similarly perceptive comments. if ever Islam could draw near to its own ideals'. J o h n Willis mused that. G o r d o n 1989: x . had no business to put down slavery on their own account. the great Dutch Islamist. Samuel Zwemer. B l u n t 1907: 242-3. or what would become of the Society?' Western scholars of more recent times have demonstrated a similar awareness.. Christian Snouck Hurgronje. Brunschvig 1960: 38. investigating slavery in French West Africa i n 1905. 267-8. when told that A h m a d 'Urabi was intent on rooting out slavery in Egypt: 'Mohammedans . Zwemer 1965: 126-9. 1 4 1 6 3 1 6 6 1 6 7 1 6 8 1 6 9 1 7 0 Snouck Hurgronje 1923-24: 1. F r e r e 1 8 7 3 163 1 6 4 . slavery is an institution destined to disappear . 208-9.. but it is possible that we have not given them their due'. slightly amplified by Murray G o r d o n . remarked i n 1886 that 'slavery would disappear. Wilfrid Blunt mockingly recalled the shocked reaction of the secretary of the venerable British Anti-Slavery Society. Willis 1985:1. a fiery American Protestant. Arabia has been false to her Prophet'. ' Georges Poulet. Robert Brunschvig presented a brief outline of Islamic abolitionism i n 1960.

but they played a vital role i n turning the shadow of legislation into a lived reality. The foundations of slavery i n the original texts were weak. revealed by G o d to Muhammad. . 281. The Quran. However. David Waines considered that 'slave ownership was not a badge of the truly pious'. A second basic assumption of this book is that the Muslim rejection of servitude was no simple response to Western pressure. Slavery continued to function after secular laws had declared the institution to be defunct. ' 171 1 2 The logic of Islamic abolition Islamic abolitionists may have played little part i n ensuring the passage of laws against slavery. Hunter 1964: 145. even the half a dozen canonical collections presented 173 174 1 7 1 1 7 2 1 7 3 1 7 4 Klein 1993: 25. 153. either failed to provide explicit guidance on slavery. exacerbating a permanent tension between religious belief and social reality. A third characteristic of this book is the rejection of any single Islamic point of view. 99. clarified some points. known as the Hadith or Traditions. servitude thus gave rise to a rich diversity of debates and interpretations. or posed delicate problems of exegesis. believers held different views about social and political organisation. but the Islamic debate was clearly rooted i n arguments that stretched back to the origins of the faith. The sayings and deeds of the Prophet and his companions. Slavery. Waines 1995: 31. It is impossible to know whether there would ever have emerged a powerful current of abolitionism without the Western challenge. Bonne 1948: 331. suppression proved to be a labour of Sisyphus. As long as significant numbers of Muslims believed that servitude was legitimate. with qadis or private arbitrators interpreting the holy law i n private. Salman 2001: 82. From the time of the Prophet himself. was the clearest negation of a socially egalitarian vision of the faith. and that believers were urged to 'create the conditions of its ultimate dissolution'. even i n specific periods. Snouck Hurgronje 1923-24: II.Orientalist contradictions 19 noted that some African and Asian reformers 'looked to their own traditions to sanction antislavery action'. These internal contradictions facilitated the crafting of Islamic arguments for abolition. Embarrassing to many of the faithful. even mitigated by ameliorationist tendencies. Beachey 1976a: 220-59.

Decrees of Muslim rulers added another layer of diversity. emerging from Isma'ili Islam. Chapter 6 looks at the ways i n which imperialism. . together with early mystics and philosophers. Particularly affecting enslavement and manumission. Some aspects of social organisation d i d not originate i n the sharia.20 Introduction: The Embarrassing Institution uncertainties of transmission. There were few differences between the Hanafi. but culturally and historically embedded in Tslamdom'. impinged on Islamdom. To the Druze sect. fell the honour of being the first Muslims to repudiate slavery. some Westerners engaged deeply with the holy law. as shown i n Chapter 8. applying analogy and consensus of the learned to resolve uncertainties. but began to rein in the institution from the sixteenth-century. Marshall Hodgson suggested the term Tslamicate' for practices not derived from scripture. 'many of the prejudices which seem to us most distinctively Mohammedan have no basis i n the K o r a n ' . As William Robertson Smith (1845-94) put it i n a book published i n 1912. However. another of his neologisms. introduced yet more diversity. but rather i n customary and statute law. even when scholars only appeared to accept a tightening up i n the enforcement of the holy law. 1 7 5 1 7 6 1 7 7 H o d g s o n 1974: I. notably that of Ibn Ishaq as transmitted by Ibn Hisham. formal and informal. The ulama in all traditions were thus pressed to re-examine slaver)'. commentaries and fatwas completed these founding texts. This occasionally gave rise to 'quasi-abolition'. sects outside the Sunni fold. Although they were unbelievers. A huge body of glosses. Maliki. The early and approved biographies of the Prophet. Hodgson 1974: 1. Sultan's law initially intensified slavery. Shafi'i. a phenomenon appraised i n Chapter 7. 322-35. as shown i n Chapter 2. as shown i n Chapter 3. considered i n Chapter 5. coherence and interpretation. custom is covered in Chapter 4. 57-60. See Said 1991: 236. treated servitude somewhat differently. and Hanbali schools of law i n Sunni Islam. Mystics and millenarians explosively increased rates of enslavement when they chose the way of the sword. 175 176 177 The second part of the book moves on to responses to the external challenge from the late eighteenth-century. The approaches of the ulama were fully codified by the fifteenthcentury. Other responses to the Western challenge were similarly ambivalent. but often creating new doubts in the process.

This exercise suggests many similarities. They fell into two broad camps on the issue of servitude. Peaceful mystics also did much to integrate former slaves into Islam. the most consistent abolitionists i n Islam. Gradualists accepted that abolition was part of God's plan for humanity. and yet Muslim die-hards have generally lagged behind those in other faiths in endorsing complete emancipation. the subject of Chapter 9. Islam was precocious i n regulating slavery and exhorting the faithful to engage i n manumission. might oppose slavery. These various strands are woven together in Chapter 11. They were equivocal and often divided about the legitimacy of servitude. subversive millenarians. but also reveals a puzzling paradox. . which attempts an overall chronology. their chief concern was with the 'spirit' of the Quran. cutting out commentaries and mystical or millenarian accretions. but believed that the Prophet had judged conditions not to be ripe for immediate emancipation. claiming the right to abolish the law and reshape society. They thought that modern times were suitable for grasping the nettle. followed by a comparison with other world religions. are examined in Chapter 10. Rationalists. While advocating a return to the founding texts. and that Muslims had wilfully refused to obey the divine command. Literalists. preached a reliance on Quran and Hadith. it is essential to grasp the different ways i n which the social obligations of the faithful have been construed over time. To understand the fractured Muslim response to abolition.The logic of Islamic abolition 21 However. Radicals took the position that G o d had abolished slavery through his revelations to the Prophet.

Schneider 1999. unless she was a concubine whose master acknowledged paternity. Owners had to free any of their own slaves whom they wished to marry. They took human freedom to be the norm.Part I THE CONTRADICTIONS OF SLAVERY 2 A FRAGILE SUNNI CONSENSUS Slavery was neither taken for granted nor explicitly forbidden i n the Quran. 349-51. Brunschvig 1960. the law set out humane treatment in fine detail. this could have led to the institution dying out. Finally. especially Muslim ones. The other was birth to a slave mother. one Hadith called for slaves to resign themselves to their fate. Combined with repeated exhortations to manumit existing slaves. while sanctioning no other method of acquisition. and made no exceptions for foundlings. A t first reading. debtors or criminals. making up about a third of the 1 2 3 1 2 3 Avvde 2000: 94. 22 . However. but manumitting slaves. passages regulating the treatment of slaves might be read as implying the existence of the institution. A b o u E l Fadl 2001: 246. was a pious act. Converting to Islam after enslavement was no passport to liberty. Rulings on slavery then came to be woven like a scarlet thread through the fabric of the holy law. One mode of enslavement was the capture of obdurate infidels in holy war. A compromise was hammered out by Sunni ulama by around 800. Indeed. Muhammad's revelations forbade anybody but himself to take slaves in war. even a mandatory one to atone for certain sins.

a distinction that long bedevilled arguments. Revelations traditionally assigned to this period were generally more socially liberal than those attributed to the later era of the Prophet's rule i n Medina. 'the furthest jurists could go towards criticizing slavery was for them to look at the status quo with an uncomfortable feeling that its moral basis was shaky. 'Let no one say "my slave" or 11 12 13 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 H a m i l t o n and Grady 1870: xxxi. The unavoidable contrast between servitude and egalitarianism grated on the pious. Unhappiness persisted long after the 'gates of interpretation' allegedly slammed shut. 167. The Quran refers regularly to slaves either as 'necks'. 'people of the book'. A tradition recounted that the Prophet declared. and 'holy war'. or as 'those whom your right hand possesses'. While some scholars laid down that 'the basic principle for all the children of Adam is freedom'. Unwilling to challenge bondage head on. . the ulama disputed the 'technical' boundaries between free and slave. W h e n the Prophet began to preach i n Mecca. Mernissi 1987: 192. some of whom were singled out for persecution for lack of powerful protectors. 170. N a ' i m 1998. Hunwick 1992: 10-11. As Franz Rosenthal puts it. Moreover. often used for concubines. H o d g s o n 1974:1. this is what happened occasionally'. a few added 'as far as Muslims are concerned'. 4 5 6 7 8 9 Early 10 uncertainties Considerable hesitation appears to have prevailed at the dawn of Islam. Definitions caused much soul-searching when it came to 'bad Muslims'. Rosenthal 1960: 29.Early uncertainties 23 text of the Hidaya code. A w d e 2000: 127. Pipes 1981: 109. hallowed texts were deafeningly silent on acquiring slaves through purchase or tribute. many of his earliest adherents were slaves. Schneider 1999. 71. and receiving the answer that she would do better to pray. Boisard 1985: 92-3. meaning people. Rosenthal 1960: 31-2. Euphemisms hint at early reservations. Even a Hadith from the latter period told of Muhammad's daughter asking for a slave woman to relieve her of domestic duties. In fact. an influential late-twelfth-century Hanafi jurisprudence commentary. at some time between the ninth and the eleventh century.

Belief in the descent of all Arabs from Hagar the slave concubine might have predisposed Muslims to mercy. Brunschvig 1960: 24. a Hanbali 'alim who may have sought to demonstrate the power and prosperity of the founder of the faith. and the builders of the sacred Ka'ba shrine. the example of the Prophet and his Companions tended to support slavery. the free woman. in 2:125-7. The Quran. but not ignored by Arabs. listed 28 male and 11 female slaves belonging to M u h a m m a d . Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (1292-1350). N a ' i n i 2002: 121. 'property' and 'creatures'. Twentiethcentury Muslims took these stories as a critique of slavery.corn/fiqh/slav4. 179. Crone and Cook 1977: 121. Walker 1998: 335. descended from Hagar the concubine. and more widely of captives. 259. while 7:127. Even non-Arab Muslims claimed descent from Hagar and Isma'il.24 A Fragile Sunni Consensus 14 "my slave girl. A Hadith told how the patriarch Ibrahim (Abraham). 7. repudiated Hagar. Folk traditions embroidered on her tribulations i n the desert with her young son Isma'il (Ishmael). at the instigation of his free wife Sarah. ancestor of the Arabs. and 26:22 refer to Musa (Moses) and Hebrew slaves i n Egypt. 23:47. To counter prejudice against caliphs born of slave mothers. Hodgson 1974: I.htm> A b d el-Schafi 2000: 153-5. Another authority put the total 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 l s 19 2 0 2 1 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 H u n w i c k and Powell 2002: 2. whereas the despised Jews were of the line of Sarah. Goldziher 1967: 116-19. In contrast. specified that Isma'il and Ibrahim were the founders of Mecca. The female line was subordinate. underlining the significance of the story of Israel's bondage in Egypt. Walker 1998: 335. as i n Sumatra around 1500." but rather "my boy" or "my girl. Hodgson 1974: I. . scholars stressed that the Quraysh. <hUp://w^vw. Rosenthal 1960: 67-8. Yusuf s enslavement by Pharaoh is related i n 12:22-35 of the Quran. 'those under the yoke'. Military slaves took Isma'il as one of their 'exemplars'. although they also began to speak more pejoratively of 'captives'.central-mosque. the Prophet's own tribe. perhaps following in the footsteps of earlier authors. R u t h v e n 2000: 13-18. 123."' Muslim writers subsequently employed expressions such as 'children' and 'servants'. A w d e 2000: 143. Steenbrink 1993: 30. The patriarch Yusuf (Joseph) was another patron of military slaves.

. Jurists found reasons to nullify God's seemingly clear instructions to free prisoners after wars. although this passage is followed by the admonition that it is better to be patient and self-restrained. Even the splitting up of families by sale was apparently accepted under the Prophet. 'we used to sell the mothers of children i n the time of the Prophet and of A b u Bakr. 'a very large holding i n Arabia'. either by grace or ransom. chastise even as you have been chastised'. The most frequently cited text is thus 47:4: 'When you meet the unbelievers. Peters 1979: 26-8. Quran 8:67—'It is not for any Prophet to have prisoners until he makes wide slaughter i n the land'—concerns the Prophet alone. drawn from repeated commands i n the Quran to promote good and forbid evil. Taleqani 1983: 191-2. meant that men should not be released to fight again.Early uncertainties 27 25 at 70. 'what thy right hand owns. smite their necks. but this left open the possibility of acquiring new ones. as manumission was the only prescribed way of atoning for certain sins. This method of exegesis was justified by 2:106. The drive to manumit should have led to a rapid withering away of existing stocks of slaves. Brunschwig 1960: 25-7. The catch-all concept of 'public interest'. for a Hadith told that. ' A n d if you chastise. 28 29 Taking infidels in holy war The Quran is silent on the ordinary believer obtaining fresh slaves. tie fast the bonds. when you have made wide slaughter among them. but 'Umar forbade it i n his time'. It was alleged that 47:4 applied only to the battle of Badr i n 624. spoils of war that G o d has given thee'. Appeals for the good treatment of slaves i n Quran and Hadith were double-edged swords. then. Hughes 1885: 598. The same is true of 33:50. The enslavement of captives by infidels might be a further justification. for they seemed to presuppose the existence of slavery. and was nullified by later verses prescribing the treatment and manu30 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 Pipes 1981: 140. and yet seizing hardened infidels i n holy war came to be considered as the soundest form of enslavement. and led to complex disputes about the chronological order of revelation i n the Quran. some ulama fretted as to what would happen if there were no longer any slaves. till the war lays down its loads'. given 16:126 in the Quran. Indeed. A common technique was to abrogate 47:4 with a later verse. T h e n set them free. referring to.

. Alternatively.26 31 A Fragile Sunni Consensus mission of slaves. A Mauritanian scholar. he asserted that the enemy should not obtain valuable information and soldiers.. Peters 1979: 114. or 'for religion'. were frequently used to annul 47:4. After the Mongols had destroyed the caliphate i n 1258. strike off their heads . the caliph sallied forth yearly against the infidel. In a Maliki fatwa from the fifteenth-century Maghrib. 207-13. Although ransom is specifically recommended in 47:4. personal communication. Lai 1994: 21. placing slaves in the category of materials of war to be denied to the foe. While admitting that there was disagreement on such matters. Azumah 2001: 65. The instructions given to Muhammad alQasim. R u u d Peters. Sidi 'Abdallah wuld al-Hajj Ibrahim al-'Alawi (17331818). and some laterjurists even prohibited exchanges of captives. . 32 33 34 35 36 37 Further problems arose from defining a properly constituted 'jihad of the sword'. Hughes 1885: 597-8. some considered holy war to be in abeyance. the founder of the Hanafi school forbade the practice. but disapproved of ransoming Christian slaves. 8:67 was interpreted as a reproof to the Prophet for releasing prisoners to reinforce enemy ranks. and 'making Allah's word the highest'. 472. for the ancient 'Constitution of Medina' indicated that a j i h a d had to be either ' i n the path of A l l a h ' . Wanscharisi 1908-9: 1. with the task of 'voiding the earth of unbelief. Ibn Siraj allowed exchanges. Elwahed 1931: 131. such as 8:39. and spare none of them'. with enslavement then presented as a merciful substitute for death. Hughes 1885: 597-8. 38 39 40 3 1 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 A l l 1883: 165. bind their bonds. prohibited the sale of slaves to those who might sell them on to Christians. However. Peters 1979: 28. [and] grant freedom to no one of the enemy. W u l d al-Bara 1997: 96. 'Sword verses' commanding the slaying of infidels. make a great slaughter among them .. Such exegetical exercises had the paradoxical outcome of seeming to mock the Quran. conqueror of the South Asian province of Sind i n 710.. read like a cruel parody of 47:4: 'When you encounter unbelievers. not every war against unbelievers was holy.. although others believed caliphal duties to be delegated to any just ruler who enforced the sharia.. A h m a d 1967: 52. Firestone 1999: 123-4. K h a d d u r i 1955: 65. Hodgson 1974: II. Initially.

47 48 49 50 Slave raiding and kidnapping From the ninth-century. prudently declared that it was up to the commander of the faithful to determine the fate of non-combatants.d. known as Dar 51 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 47 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 K h a d d m i 1955: 127-32. jurists developed the fateful theory that the inhabitants of Dar al-Harb. Taqi al-Din A h m a d b. 235. Guillaume 1955: 463-6. L a i 1994: 55-6. the land of unbelief. Taymiyya (12631328). 11 42 43 44 45 46 A b u YusufYa'qub b. the arbitrator who passed judgement against the Qurayzajews did so i n terms of Hebrew law. Moreover. Also known as Dar al-Kufr. H a m i d u l l a h 1945: 172.3. Ruthven 2000: 54-7. rare or non-existent on the field of battle. rejected taking dependants as slaves. V e r l i n d e n 1955: 183-4. bursting at the seams with female captives. this area lay beyond Dar al-Islam.' This furnished female captives. Hunwick 1992: 11.: 12-14. the noted Hanbalijurist of Damascus. booty regularly came to include dependent women and children. . However. The example of the Prophet and his Companions was vital. However. the abode of war.Slave raiding and kidnapping 27 The next crucial step was to expand the category of the enslavable to the whole population of a conquered territory. thus opening the way to hereditary slavery and concubinage. the abode of submission to G o d . Ibrahim Ansari (731-98). A b d el-Schafi 2000: 150. One author even attributed the debacle of the battle of Poitiers or Tours i n 732. Charouiti Hasnaoui 2000: 4. M u i r 1877: 327-9. 6. K h a n 1972: 39. al-Khattab and A l i b. sparing only tribes that submitted voluntarily. 786-809). A b i Talib. to the fear that the Franks would attack the Muslim camp. it was reported that two rightly-guided caliphs. 210. declared of a prisoner of war that it was 'lawful to take his offspring into captivity'. In particular. The Hanbali jurist Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (1292-1350) stated that Muhammad had reduced prisoners of war to servitude. Peters 1979: 21. Gunasekara n. adviser to the great Abbasid caliph H a r u n al-Rashid (r. 26. 'were all potential slaves'. long believed to have prevented the conquest of Christendom. but never an adult male. Shafi'i jurists conceived of an intermediary sphere. In practice. Muhammad had enslaved Jewish women and children in Arabia. 'Umar b.

1508). Barbary ships invoked Muslim saints and sailed with a 58 59 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 Khadduri 1955: 261. and having as its purpose to discourage unbelief'. Lewis 1990: 148. 38. even Animists. as have fallen into his hands. 56 57 It has been asserted that Maghribi naval raiders engaged in jihad from the sixteenth to the nineteenth-century. Brett 2001: 384: Hunwick and Harrak 2000: 11-12. declared that. ' A l i b. like things which were originally common by nature'. . The most cited text was a fatwa from the pen of A h m a d b. the ulama developed the further argument that slavery was a form of divine retribution for unbelief. They are classed with inanimate things . Barbary corsairs 'considered themselves i n a permanent state of war with Christian powers'. he described slavery as 'a humiliation and a servitude caused by previous or current unbelief. the abode of holy war. Muhammad al-Jurjani (d. Yahya al-Wansharisi (d. Bennett 1960: 65. and this i n the eyes of the law is death itself'. It was unnecessary to invite infidels i n the abode of war to embrace Islam before seizing their persons. were protected from arbitrary enslavement as long as they had concluded formal pacts with Muslims. and saw the Maghrib as part of Dar al-Jihad. which originally was a penalty for unbelief'. and may be lawfully reduced to slavery'. . Ali 1883:27-8. Unbelievers who dwelled there. F o r a n d 1971: 61. To convince waverers. 52 53 54 55 From this. whereas slaves are in the category of the dead.28 A Fragile Sunni Consensus al-'Ahd or Dar al-Sulh. 1413) portrayed slavery as 'a debility theoretically produced by law. the abode of the covenant. Wanscharisi 1908-9: II. South Asian scholars deduced thatjihad was irrelevant when seizing infidels. Kafadar 1995: 83. 'freedom is the attribute par excellence of a living being i n a secular jurisdiction.. thus liable to be reduced to state of property. 426-8. E r d e m 1996: 30.. Renault 1989: 31-2. A n Algerian scholar resident i n Morocco. ' A b d al-'Aziz b. 1330). because they were 'something which is the property of no particular person and may by law become the property of a Mooslim. A h m a d al-Bukhari (d. for servitude is a vestige of obstinacy i n refusing to believe i n one God.. For a raider. Rosenthal 1960: 25. 261-2. this entailed that 'such of the inhabitants.. Chater 1984: 226. B a i l l i e l 9 5 7 : 363-5. are at his absolute disposal. According to Khalifa Chater. who were 'deprived of their rights of freedom without being possessed by anybody'. had their expeditions blessed by ulama.

Whatever their nominal faith. Mediterranean lore pre-dating any world religion. 93-8.Slave raiding and kidnapping 29 'scribe'. M o n l a u 1964: 73. B o n o 1964: 101-3. 256-66. Pennell 1989: 45-6. nor religion at a l l ' . and Amsterdam. 97-8. and obtained licences to avoid being hanged as common pirates. B o n o 1964: 96-9. Commercial companies mounted expeditions out of Maghribi ports from as early as the tenth-century. Musulmans. A n Ottoman observed i n the early eighteenthcentury that 'these renegadoes are neither Christians. many lived by the usanza del mare. While privateering retained aspects of a contest between faiths. many Maghribi ulama stubbornly refused to accord the name of holy war to these piratical forays. 67. and might negotiate a further turning of their coats with the Holy Office of Inquisition or the Knights of Saint J o h n i n Malta. 70. Clissold 1977: 6. Over time. it was also a business. for no caliph or Imam declared a jihad. 100. M o n l a u 1964: 53. and Muslims expelled from Iberia and Italy fought with particular fervour. though such documents were increasingly issued by corsair rulers themselves i n the Ottoman zone. for the Ottoman and Moroccan sultans only exercised a loose suzerainty over 'corsair republics'. financial backing for Muslim operations came mainly from Christians and Jews. L o n d o n . A t best. Clissold 1977: 6. Clissold 1977: 35. rooted on both sides of the Mediterranean. B o n o 1964: 91-2. M o n l a u 1964: 61-4. T e m i m i 1971: 229. he kept accounts and usually read books of divination and astrology. and rapine was all too clearly the main motive. they have no faith. As for the 'scribe'. Renegade Christians maintained close commercial links with their areas of origin. However. M o n l a u 1964: 75. W h e n the Dey of Algiers declared 66 67 68 69 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5 6 6 6 7 6 8 6 9 B o n o 1964: 96. B o n o 1964: 92-4. desperate for Ottoman help after a British bombardment i n 1816. Cosmopolitan bands even included the odd Japanese and Chinese adventurer. 60 61 62 63 64 65 M e n of dubious religious affiliation ruled Barbary states and crewed their ships. which made and broke their own treaties from the 1570s. Berque 1978: 166-7. Colley 2002: 44-5. The unusual notion of Dar al-Jihad seems to derive from a single letter by 'Umar Pasha. the latter often from Livorno (Leghorn) and well connected in Marseilles. . Clissold 1977: 33. Sultans were rarely i n a position to declare jihads. privateers preyed exclusively on unbelievers. Deardon 1976: 15-16. Dey of Algiers. 57-8. 92-3. Clissold 1977: 101. rather than consulting holy writ. nor Jews.

the foremost raiders. Malays requiring Animist Batak slaves 'frequently seize their children straying near the banks of the river'. 183-4. 84-5. slave heads could substitute ceremonially for those of captured enemies. Nevertheless. a religious specialist accompanied M o r o fleets. Africa was no different. writing i n about 1130. Erdem 1996: 46.30 A Fragile Sunni Consensus war on France in 1681. and arbitrate i n disputes over booty.' Gabriel 1996: 115. V e l t h o e n 1997: 370. as rite of passage and proof of male bravery. Al-Marwazi. As for Chechen and Circassian clans i n the Caucasus. Kelly 1968: 448. Ramachandran Nair 1986: 4 9 50. In Southeast Sulawesi 'often some heads were taken and the rest of the inhabitants were taken away as slaves'. to recite the Quran. The Iranun and Samal. At best. 'repair to the meadows and hide in the woods carrying with them dates. In South Sumatra's Lampung districts. he informed Marseilles merchants that they were still welcome to come and buy slaves. In Sumatra i n 1823. 182. 187-8. seemingly Muslim by faith. a report of 1793 noted that Mapila Muslims were kidnapping H i n d u children to sell to European traders. were barely considered to be within the Islamic fold. B r o e r s m a l 9 1 6 : 74. hunted down i n the forests of the interior. Majerczak 1912: 197. The Raja of Cannanore. was not known ever to have declared a jihad. Kidnapping and raiding were far more common than holy war i n Southeast Asia. " A n d e r s o n 1971: 321. and were quite prepared to take fellow Muslims as slaves. Similar problems arose i n South India and the Caucasus. Day 1863: 171. 7 1 7 2 7 4 75 . the only Muslim ruler on the Malabar Coast of southwestern India. although some authors have graced Moro naval raids from the southern Philippines with the name of jihads. Slave raiding grew out of the older practice of head-hunting. 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 7 0 7 6 7 7 M o n l a i i 1964: 78. lead prayers. they ravaged much of Southeast Asia from the seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth-century. 367-8. Warren 1981: 152-6. The element of raiding was clear elsewhere. recounted that traders i n East Africa. especially i n the Dutch port of C o c h i n . they raided for slaves without religious sanction or leadership. of which they drop a little on the children's playing ground'. Winstedt 1981: 53. Kusuman 1973: 41. 90-5. From bases in Mindanao and Sulu. for peninsular Malays made a distinction between people taken in war and inoffensive Animists.

A r o u n d 1500. 85 86 87 Tribute. Velthoen 1997. 78 79 80 81 82 8 84 Slave raiding i n conjunction with infidels was perhaps the ultimate negation of the ideal of holy war.Tribute. seize them. 43-4. Willis 1980: 189. Beachey 1976a: 197-8. However. . but i n vain. H i s k e t t l 9 8 5 : 123-4. Hunwick 1985: 86-7. Renault and Daget 1985: 25. 'the traders leap on them. he insisted that Muslim rulers alone could legally enslave people. Muslims were accused of mounting such attacks with Animist Fulbe i n West Africa. told o f Darfur i n the nineteenthcentury. and carry them away to their land'. Responding to a query from the borderlands of southern Morocco in 1615. Hausa authors in West Africa argued that success in slave raiding was divinely ordained. a Maliki scholar of Timbuktu usually known as A h m a d Baba. A h m a d b. 28. and founders of the schools of law concerning the procurement of slaves through pur7 8 7 9 8 0 8 1 8 2 8 3 8 4 8 5 8 6 8 7 Beg 1975: 107. A seventeenth-century Ottoman literary source described Christians and Muslims setting out on joint piratical expeditions i n the Mediterranean. Hunwick and Harrak 2000: 13. 23. purchase and adoption If unbelievers dwelling in the abode of war were at the free disposal of Muslim raiders. purchase and adoption 31 Having led the children a little further astray day by day. whatever the method of their enslavement. Hadith. and only i n holy wars to spread the faith. Fourteenth-century kings of Mali took slaves in holy wars. Low 1968: 128-30. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 53-64. This conveniendy overcame the silence of Quran. reacted against this trend. A h m a d al-Takruri. Renault and Daget 1985: 52. Kafadar 1995: 83. but this notion then receded into the background. inscribed with phrases from the Q u r a n . " Leaders of East African razzias flew a white flag. Malays i n nineteenth-century Borneo sallied forth on naval raids in partnership with Animist Sea Dayaks. This became a common story. African jihads were fated to 'yield place to the ghazwa—the expedition against the enemies of Islam was transformed into a foray for plunder'. and similar co-operation may have occurred in southeastern Sulawesi. then they could also be procured through peaceful means.

89 90 91 92 93 94 95 90 97 Infidels might enter servitude with Muslims as a matter of private contract. drawn up after the inconclusive siege of Dongola. L a n g 1957: 22. (Leonard) 199. clearly incorporated elements posterior to 652. A z u m a h 2001: 122. " Indeed. western New Guinea. Marrying their daughters to Muslim Malays. 32-3.177. Reid 1983a: 31. while Sumatran sultans received Animist Bataks from the highlands. 92-5. arranging for the transfer 360 slaves a year to the Muslim conquerors of Egypt. Khadduri 1955: 259-61. 57-9. Patterson 1982: 123. Fisher 2001: 295.198. were one such group. Fisher 2001: 295-308. In Southeast Asia. Papoulia 1963: 10.32 A Fragile Sunni Consensus 8 chase. The Ottomans imposed levies of children on a number of vassal states. Fontrier 2003: 52-3. . such as those fleeing harsh conditions in Russia's Tsarist army. However. including Christian Georgia.99. 14. E r d e m 1996: 52. often sold forthwith. vying with Circassians for popularity i n Middle Eastern harems. Renault 1989: 11-23. the burden of tribute owed to Egypt was transferred to Animists further up the Nile. The ruler of Makassar. from as early as the ninth-century to Yemen. 98 99 8 8 8 9 9 0 9 1 9 2 9 3 9 4 9 5 9 6 9 7 9 s 9 9 Hunwick 1992: 10-11. probably only regulated mutual trade. gift or tribute. Batak chiefs provided a dowry that included slaves. Some Christian Ethiopian women. Pipes 1981: 142-3. F. Hunwick 1992: 11. and thus failed to benefit from association with the companions of the Prophet. the Moluccan sultans of Tidore and Ternate obtained drafts of Animists from Halmahera. Deserters. Infidels not directly ruled by Muslims offered tribute in slaves when they had little else of value. Anderson 1971: 315. 17. Dobbin 1983: 182.3: 90. i n South Sulawesi. The precedent repeatedly cited for tribute was the treaty with Christian Nubia in 652. The text made public in the fifteenthcentury. even if many were clearly sold by their parents. Lovejoy 1981: 236-7. Muslims may have relied more on tribute to extract slaves than adherents of other religions. Brett 2001: 249.192-3. and northern Sulawesi. Nubian tribute only began i n the mid-eighth-century. relied o n the Lesser Sunda islands. were also said to offer themselves up to this fate.rdem 1996: 89-90. In all likelihood. after the destruction of the original document. Andaya. Once Nubians had become Muslims. Africans often sent people to Muslim rulers. Bidwell 1983: 7. the original treaty.

Modes of enslavement varied greatly. including members of the clergy. Wanscharisi 1908-9: 11.. despite the strictures of the Patriarch of Antioch i n the 1660s. Fahmy 1990: 94. Christian Georgian lords handed over serfs for payment. L a n g 1957: 69. allegedly first permitted by the Ummayarl Caliph Mu'awiya (r. stressing that property rights were guaranteed i n holy law. E r d e m 1996: 19-20.'"" In the eighth-century. and Malay households purchased Animist 101 102 103 104 10 . Lewis 1990: 148. Al-Ya'qubi. sultan of Morocco wrote a letter to Egyptian ulama arguing that it was legitimate to buy 'originally unbelieving blacks from over there through purchase from those who neighbor them and raid them and campaign against them'. i n effect becoming an import duty. he allowed the benefit of the doubt to rest with the buyer. However. Inner Asian dealers i n Bukhara and Balkh bought unbelievers raided by Oyrat Mongols. E r d e m 1996: 51. Swahili. Attempts to restrict the buying of slaves from the infidel were few and half-hearted. 109 Schneider 1999: 52-3. For al-Wansharisi i n Morocco. probably yielded the largest numbers of slaves. a believer should avoid acquiring slaves who had lived as free people i n ethnic groups known to be Muslim. although what this meant was far from clear. Brett 2001: 250-1. L a n g 1957: 69. During famines. Hunwick 1999: 53. From the fourteenth-century. 1 6 1 0 7 1 0 8 1 1 0 . were victims of civil wars between Christian lords. a ninth-century geographer. but such documents were issued for a fee. while Armenians sold children in times of need. purchase and adoption 33 Purchase. including ' i f they desire . 426-8. Levi 2002: 279. 1578-1603). G u m m i n g 1977: 86-7.Tribute. There was undoubtedly much purchasing of people forcibly enslaved by non-Muslims. Ibn Taymiyya permitted Muslims to purchase debt slaves from infidels who had no covenant with Muslims. Ahmad al-Mansur (r.. 661-680). their wives and children'. The rider was sometimes added that such people should have been 'rightfully enslaved'.wi 107 108 109 110 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 2 1 0 3 Ali 1891: 379-80. G o r d o n 1989: 26. 1 0 4 1 0 5 1 . From 1492 the Ottomans demanded proof that imported slaves were prisoners of war. reported that African kings sold their subjects without even the pretext of war or crimes. '' Many Georgian slaves from the Caucasus. Egyptian ulama declared it lawful for Muslims to buy people from Nubians. Renault 1989: 20.

The evidence should be i n accord with the shari'a." Nevertheless. Cooper 1968: 115. Leitner 1893: 18. . Digby 1984: 111-12. Harries 1965: 206. Al-Nasiri. for 'concerning the issue of ownership of slaves. B a t r a n 1985: 13-14.. it is based on the sale to the buyer. Beg 1975: 108-9." Dealers in slaves suffered from a generally poor reputation. Sidi al-'Arabi Burdalah issued a fatwa in Fez around 1708. you will never find blessing'. Kusuman 1973: 28. Ottoman guilds of slave merchants were little appreciated. ' Arabs in East Africa bought slaves condemned for witchcraft or non-payment of fines. Day 1863: 62. Rake 1979: 164. The ulama failed to condemn them. the notion that a person should have been justly enslaved lingered on. Anderson 1971: 297. However. Uncertainty as to the acceptability of purchasing slaves was perhaps revealed by disapproving attitudes towards Muslim slave traders. albeit possibly because the transaction involved the payment of interest. A n influential South Asian ethical treatise from the 1390s commanded: 'Do not trade i n slaves .. attacking slavery i n late-nineteenth112 3 114 115 116 7 118 119 120 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 1 5 1 1 6 1 1 7 1 1 8 1 1 9 1 2 0 Fisher 2001: 102. and you will not be an accursed regrater [profiteer]. E r d e m 1996: 34-9.34 1 1 A Fragile Sunni Consensus children. 'A'isha. Allah the Almighty said: whereas [sic] Allah hath permitted trade and forbidden usury'. Opinions do not differ on this. Charouiti Hasnaoui 2000: 5. M u i r 1877: 331. Guillaume 1955: 463-6. he continued that 'evidence must establish beyond a shadow of a doubt that a person is originally a slave. and those selling Blacks i n Egypt were of the 'cursed and impious guilds of low social status'. Garnett 1909: 212. and yet the occupation was often held to be reprehensible. had denounced the sale of a slave. A l i 1883: 152. Tradition also related that Muhammad's widow. Mapila Muslims of southwestern India obtained Hindus reduced to servitude for sexual misconduct. but this was apparently seen as exceptional rather than exemplary. He began by stating that trading i n slaves was legitimate. Ramachandran Nair 1986: 24-5. often women in breach of caste rules.. coercion and the like'. 96. Kelly 1968: 595. 117-18. A widely known saving of the Prophet declared that the seller of men was the worst of m e n . free of bias. Brunschvig 1960: 32. and sold captives from the Ibn Harita group.. A d a m 1840: 157-8. In trading i n slaves . The Prophet had exchanged Qurayza Jewish women and children for weapons and horses i n Najd. Baer 1969: 174.

Tribute. purchase and adoption 35 century Morocco. although augmenting the size of the Islamic minority overrode Mapila scruples i n the south. Ennaji 1999: 110. 197-8. H u i increased their purchases of children of both sexes from the seventeenth-century. Patterson 1982: 232. Gardner 1898: 104. Lasker 1950: 52-3. Adopting slave children was perceived as conflicting with holy law i n India. Hodgson 1974: I. Anderson 1876: 228-9. It was said that 'strong ties of affection and veneration' bound successful Turkic soldiers to the men who had sold them. This may have reflected the high reputation of vendors supplying soldiers. A modern Moroccan historian writes that slave dealers were respectable folk. Kiefer 1972: 85. Garnett 1891: II. Chinese laws only tolerated sales of people i f destitute children were thereby integrated into free households. widows and powerful men occasionally purchased children for adoption i n the Ottoman lands and Egypt. Mazumdar 1998: 197-201. compared to other civilisations. 181-2. 'Slave dealer' was an insult. as i n Mamluk Egypt. 410. Any k i n d of adoption was prohibited. and. . i n terms of 33:4 i n the Quran: 'neither has He made your adopted sons your sons in fact'. Chafik 1938: 52. Purchasing child slaves to adopt them was rare i n Islamdom. Baer 1969: 174. Many people came to 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 3 1 2 4 1 2 5 1 2 6 1 2 7 1 2 8 1 2 9 1 3 0 1 3 1 1 3 2 1 3 3 Hunwick 1999: 61. Ozbay 1999a: 6-9. Toledano 1998: 68. possibly because Circassians were thought to enter slavery voluntarily. W i n k 1999: II. Day 1863: 369. the more holy the person the more extensive are generally his transactions i n flesh and b l o o d ' . This led to a widespread subterfuge. Those who sold Whites in Egypt were 'grouped with the highly respected guilds'. The adoption of slave children was most characteristic of the H u i i n China. Toledano 1998: 26. Ayalon 1951: 22-4. whereby Chinese owners called their slaves adopted children. and settled some of them in satellite villages. One Western witness even alleged that 'sanctity and slave dealing may be considered somewhat akin i n the Turkestan region. A d a m 1840: 63-4. 70. There was some evidence to the contrary. but it probably served to evade M i n g and Qing legislation. Fontrier 2003: 190. Wei 1974: 8. i n areas as far apart as the southern Philippines and Somalia. perhaps as freed clients. A y a l o n 1951: 1-4. 32. B r o o m h a l l 1987: 57. K u m a r 1993: 121. Tsai 1996: 27-8. Childless couples. damned slave dealers as 'men of no morals and no religion'.

Schneider 1999. 290-1. Hodgson 1974:1. Parents exposed to the elements those children whose teeth had first appeared i n their upper jaw. which probably began in the reign of Baye/it I (r. who paid special taxes. Hunwick 1992: 10-11. scriptuaries became more or less coterminous with any infidel subjects.. 113. even Animists. Fulbe immigrants collected enslaved abandoned Animist infants in the Borgu area. 1360-1403). Baldus 1977: 439-40. but this was eventually rejected. Zoroastrians were later included without too m u c h protest. 'Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq made special arrangements i n the tax farm of the province of Gujarat for an annual supply of high-quality slaves'. that is Zoroastrians. Anderson 1876: 228-9. Indeed. which was thought to be inauspicious. who were unlikely to be able to pay i n existing or purchased slaves. " The most striking example of such a deviation from sharia norms was the Ottoman devshirme tax in Christian youths. enslavable at will. The ulama forbade turning foundlings into slaves. L i p m a n 1997: 45.36 134 A Fragile Sunni Consensus Islam in this way. west of the Niger. levies of slaves were raised from peaceful subjects. These were initially Jewish and Christian monotheists living peacefully under Muslim rule. In latefourteenth-centmy India. usually adolescents but ranging i n age from seven to 20. In reality. L a i 1994: 45. Barbour and Jacobs 1985: 136. Officials took male Christian children. A h m a d Baba argued that the founder of the Maliki school oflaw had assimilated 'all the nations . Digby 1984: 117. although the Janissary law of 138 139 140 1 1 3 4 1 3 5 1 3 6 1 3 7 1 3 8 1 3 9 1 4 0 1 4 1 H a n m a n n 1921: 99-100. 206. Fields 1978: 68-9.. 135 136 137 'People of the book' There existed an early and clear prohibition on enslaving 'people of the book'. although Manichaeans were excluded. Such definitions mattered. In effect. . Some Muslims wanted Hindus and Buddhists to be classified as idolaters. an edict of 1784 prohibited Muslims from adopting children. After an uprising i n Gansu. Wink 1999: I. but some believers took this to apply only to Muslim children. Recruitment was arbitrary. because Muslims were prohibited from turning free scriptuaries into slaves through taxation. who do not have a book' to Magians. or scriptuaries.

the usual fate of those snatched unofficially. Papoulia 1963: 62-6. 190. Shaw and Shaw 1976-7:1. They were rarely sold. however. Yarikayya 2004. circumcised. Erdem 1996: 11. Menage 1956: 183. Youths were not regularly manumitted on completing their training. The anguish was real. Indeed. with some destined for special cavalry units or palace duties. Towns were normally spared. Runt 1982: 61. Custom has sometimes been advanced to explain the system. Shaw and Shaw 1976-7:1. but this provoked an apologetic response. Malcolm 1998: 95-6. or even bribe. K u n t 1982: 61-3. measures tending to contribute to a homosexual culture i n the corps. 114-15. 46. Imber 2002: 13440. including their own slaves. youths were mostly incorporated into the Janissary infantry corps. A r n o l d 1913: 151-2. they only agreed to send their sons to serve i n the palace. Sugar 1977: 57-9. but the evidence is thin.109-16. Repp 1968. and were forbidden to marry. . and possessed and transmitted property. Bosnian and Albanian Muslims successfully requested their inclusion in the system. Imber 2002: 138-41. and not more than one from any given household. Converted. Some challenged her citation of a long list of Balkan laments from 1395. As for Albanian and Bosnian Muslims. a few succeeded i n dispensing patronage at home. or thereabouts. Christian parents might thus implore. Malcolm 1998: 377. leading Christians in Albania and Epirus to rebel i n 1565. Janissaries were subjected to ferocious discipline. Basilike Papoulia concluded that the devshirmewas an example of political prerogative exercised i n violation of the rights of scriptuaries. Officials toured every four to seven years. Winter 1992: 9. Even boys taken legally could end up as slaves i n private households. Sugar 1977: 57-8. Malcolm 1998: 96. Menage 1965. Wittek 1955. though Athens was affected i n the mid-sixteenth-century. Imber 1997: 78-9. officials to take their sons. 123. Papoulia 1963. specified a lad from every 40 households. culturally assimilated and trained. Erdem 1996: 4. Imber 2002: 135-7. 113-15. They pointed out that most recruits were privileged and remunerated. Some parents bribed recruiters not to take their child.'People of the book' 37 1402. Turkish custom might have legitimised the 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 1 4 2 1 4 3 1 4 4 1 4 5 1 4 6 1 4 7 Menage 1965. Sugar 1977: 55-9. Though ordered to cut all ties with their families. Inalcik 1979: 46. and only a few lads torn from their families rose far through the Ottoman ranks.

Inalcik proposes that this tax was 'one of the extraordinary services imposed by the state i n an emergency'. Cahen 1970: 215-16. A r n o l d 1913: 150-2. Instead. Other supposed Islamic justifications are scarcely more convincing. Menage 1956: 181-3. The levy was said to represent the fifth of the spoils of war owed to the victor. Menage 1965. Papoulia 1963: 43-7. However. and booty was not due from generations born into subjection. . The idea that peaceful Christians were slaves through conquest was common. Early Ottoman slave law was provincial. 60. Hakan Erdem suggests more specifically that Christians without formal written pacts remained collectively slaves. he admits that some communities had long been taxed prior to having lads taken from them. but the pressure to do so was irresistible. but its status in the Balkans was weak. Fisher 1980a: 26-9. Cahen 1970: 214-15.38 A Fragile Sunni Consensus 149 practice i n places. Wittek 1955. 'you shall have no fear. based on the existing situation i n conquered lands. Yarikkava 2004. an eleventh-century Byzantine text suggests that one child i n five was taken into servitude from Slavs and Albanians. notably i n Anatolia. denied by Paul Wittek. he fails to explain how an 'emergency' could have lasted for centuries. but boys were taken from Christian communities that had submitted peacefully. H e further points out that communities yielding boys paid no taxes. However. 46. This raises the question of Christian origins. hailing from Syria or Egypt. Wittek 1955: 275. and they had been monotheists since before the time of Muhammad. 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 1 4 9 1 6 0 1 5 1 1 5 2 1 5 3 1 5 4 1 5 5 1 5 6 1 5 7 1 5 8 Kunt 1982: 56-7. but it contradicted the sharia. Wittek 1955: 275. However. either from enslavement or from the taking of your children'. for Greeks and Armenians were sometimes recruited. the presence in Istanbul of Shafi'i ulama. Apologists further protested that no youth was actually forced to be circumcised and convert. Inalcik 1979: 25. This is unlikely. Erdem 1996: 2-5. in line with public interest. signally fails to explain why an officially Hanafi empire might have turned to an arcane piece of Shafi'i law. as they had converted to Christianity after the time of the Prophet. Wittek argues ingeniously that Balkan Slavs were not 'people of the book' i n Shafi'i terms. H e notes that a 1430 treaty promised the Greeks of one community i n Epirus that. Furthermore. Wittek 1955: 271-4.

or fleeing to avoid oppression could not be punished in this way. It was only adopted i n the past out of need. 1490-1574). or fought against Muslims.Conversion and freedom 39 Indeed. . Menage 1956: 181-3. Mustafa ' A l i . a great Ottoman Hanafi jurist. Asking for a fatwa i n fifteenth-century Morocco. could they be reduced to servitude. More acceptable i n holy law was the enslavement of dependants of scriptuaries who broke the terms of their subjection. 166-7. Despite strong local opposition. Some 70 years later. admitted that. endorsed both this notion and the idea that infidels were slaves through conquest. The devshirme was sometimes pictured as acceptable because Islam was the 'natural religion' of humanity. from Algeria. E r d e m 1996: 23. held that Jews and Christians who broke their pact with Muslims could legitimately be either killed or enslaved. Only if they took refuge among the infidel. who had taken no part i n war against the Ottomans. he called for the men to be killed and the women and children to be enslaved. Idris Bitlisi. loomed large. Ebu's Su'ud [Abu al-Su'ud] (c. 227. robbing believers. accusing them of not paying canonical taxes. Sa'duddin transcribed much of his argument. Delanoue 1982: 132. Hodgson 1974: I. Nevertheless. prohibited i n the sharia. but tellingly omitted passages affirming that the devshirme accorded with the sharia. as a means to increase the number of Muslims'. 'the service assigned to them is at variance with the Divine Law. Kurdish nobleman and historian. A sixteenth-century author. 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 Conversion and freedom Many believers were sorely troubled by the harshness of the sharia towards converts. wrote an incendiary tract against Saharan Jews. Defaulting on taxes. In the 1480s Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Karim al-Maghili. Imber 1997: 88. but the ulama did not concur. the element of forced conversion. rejected the penalty of enslavement for certain categories of rebellious scriptuaries. Kafadar 1995: 83-4. i n late nineteenth-century Cairo. H e also banned the enslavement of Armenian Christians i n Persia. Hunwick 1985: 36-8. See E r d e m 1996: 6. appealing to sharia and reason. A Maliki mufti o f Moroccan origins.

Shaykh Burhanuddin ' A l i . and considered that they should be re-enslaved. Hamidullah 1945: 272. which saves from death and from punishment i n the other world. then let them go their way. even refused to release those who converted after defeat. All-compassionate'. Awde 2000: 51. The Prophet himself gave the example by freeing A b u Bakr. . doubts occasionally surfaced as to the sincerity of conversions. Panikkar 1989: 52. and pay the alms. and lie i n wait for them at everyplace of ambush. ' H o w is it that the profession of the monotheistic creed. From a practical perspective. T h e ulama only accepted automatic liberation through conversion when slaves ran away from infidel owners to j o i n the Islamic host. 'Alawi b. 426-8. Sahl. but before being formally reduced to slavery. 62-3. Wanscharisi 1908-9: II. H e explained that this was because their wickedness had existed up to the point of defying God's community. an Ethiopian who let himself down over the walls with a pulley at the siege of Ta'if. and take them and confine them. that servitude was a punishment for past unbelief. does not save from the humiliation and suffering of slavery?' The answer. G o d is All-forgiving. Complaints that they were not following their new faith provoked Sayyid Fadl b. may not have convinced the doubters. the men of the law feared that slaves would pretend to accept Islam to secure their release. Lewis 1990: 25. Inner Asian author of the twelfthcentury Hidaya Hanafi code mentioned above. A h m a d b. Montana 2004: 187-94. al-Qadi al-Timbuktawi was shocked by the religious syncretism of freed Maghribi Blacks i n 1808-9. this still apparently contravened a 'sword verse'. But if they repent. The shaykh admitted that his ruling contradicted passages in the Quran. an early-nineteenth-century Hadhrami reformer i n the region. Hunwick 1985: 123. Hughes 1885: 597-8. went over to Islam to gain emancipation. 9:5: 'Slay the idolaters wherever you find them. However. to issue fatwas against their reprehensible practices. He argued his case on grounds of abrogation. and perform the prayer. causing social dislocation. Muhammad also freed the women of a tribe 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 6 7 6 8 6 9 7 0 7 1 7 2 7 3 Lewis 1990: 148. Indeed. Numerous South Indian Hindus.40 A Fragile Sunni Consensus one group inquired. from a servile and Dalit caste background. and the teachings of other schools of law. the example of the Prophet after the battle of Badr.

Swahili poetry encouraged converted slaves to resign themselves to their fate and obey their owners. B a and Daget 1962: 40. There was further dissension about slaves who embraced Islam while i n the possession of a non-Muslim owner resident i n an Islamic polity. 1 7 8 1 7 9 1 8 0 1 8 1 1 8 2 . with enslavement portrayed as a golden opportunity to learn about the true faith. and enlisted in his army. like the many Iberian Christians and Jews who deserted to become 'Allah's freedmen'. From their progeny there will be krors [tens of millions] by the judgement day'. Brunschvig 1960: 35. H e was not amused when the privateers asked h i m for compensation. including slaves. this might breach promises made to powerful infidel lords. Klein 1998: 229. leaders of West African holy wars freed even these slaves when they fled to their standard. saying that 'they all became Muhammadans. although the ulama glossed this as an example of meritorious manumission.Conversion and freedom 41 after their menfolk had j o i n e d the believers. Such ideas implicitly contravened 2:256 i n the Quran which says. E r d e m 1996: 27. Dozy 1913: 236-7. an Uzbek general vindicated the mass enslavement of defeated H i n d u rebels i n the early seventeenth-century. whereas others argued that the owner should merely be forced to sell them to a Muslim. Nevertheless. converted. Fisher 2001: 65. Conversion came to be seen as its own reward. Nevertheless. Frontiers provided golden opportunities for infidel slaves and serfs to seek liberation. Either way. Risso 1995: 94. A similar process seems to have been at work on the edges of Christian Ethiopia. Berque 1978: 173. Some opined that they should be freed immediately. although Muslim slaves fled i n the other direction to j o i n Cossack settlements. 'no compulsion is there in religion'. A seventeenthcentury Moroccan sultan d i d likewise when Christian captives escaped from their Barbary corsair owners. H a m i d u l l a h 1945: 209-10. Knappert 1979: 188. Matters were more complicated if owners of runaways were Muslims. Kelly 1968: 594-5. Lewis 1990: 37-8. Miran 2004: 63. 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 1 7 4 1 7 5 1 7 6 Ruthven 2000: 59. who had submitted to Muslim rule on condition that they could keep their possessions. The North Caucasus mountains were a magnet for fugitive Russian serfs.

heretics. mutilation or exile. Fisher 2001: 53-4. Khadduri 1955: 76-80. as long as they were taken in holy war. Stories about Nias. ' A b d al-Karim al-Maghili. This problem was widespread i n Africa. Hunwick 1985: 126-7. some ulama tolerated the enslavement of apostates. However. many thought that it was illicit to condemn such people as infidels before the judgement day. of Tlemcen (Tilisman) in Algeria. G o r d o n 1989: 28-9. which paradoxically only gathered pace after Western colonial conquest. . or they shall be banished from the land'. Inner Asia and Southeast Asia. Snouck Hurgronje 1906:1. ' 184 185 186 18 Punishing 'bad Muslims' Despite repeated prohibitions on reducing free Muslims to bondage. Ceulemans 1959: 38-9. Maxwell 1879: 46. Slaving was judged a major impediment to the spread of Islam i n Africa. but the standard penalties were death. excused a lack of ardour i n conversion by depicting islanders as descended from unclean animals and incestuous unions. Levi 2002. This reflected 5:33 in the Quran on apostates. and those causing dissension. Risso 1995: 109. Hunwick 1985: 74. for there emerged a deep reluctance to attempt to convert people living i n servile 'reservoirs'. Ottoman sultans allegedly refrained from either directly ruling or converting Georgia. Heers 2003: 44-5. 50. deserters. A h m a d Baba quoted well established precedent i n 1615 against 191 1 8 4 1 8 5 1 8 6 1 8 7 1 8 8 1 8 9 1 9 0 1 9 1 L a n g 1957: 22. and some ulama agreed that they might be enslaved. 188 189 190 Divisions persisted over apostasy. Jihads could certainly be declared against them. Muhammad b. 65. Mahadi 1992: 115. slavery tended to work against proselytisation. Forget 1900: 95. Az. The fate reserved for dependants of male apostates remained unclear.umah 2001: 66-7.42 A Fragile Sunni Consensus In other ways. Gregorian 1969: 37. who were to be 'slaughtered. Loyre-de-Hauteclocque 1989: 128. Fisher 2001: 28-9. Heers 2003: 59-61. or crucified. or their hands and feet shall alternately be struck off. to keep the Christian kingdom i n the Caucasus 'as a sort of nursery for slaves and for women for the sultan's seraglio'. 20-1. highway robbers. Trimingham 1959: 29. however. told the West African ruler of Songhay around 1500 that jurists remained undecided. the island off West Sumatra that provided most of Aceh's Animist slaves.

Petrushevsky 1985: 159. Imber 1997: 84-5. Shi'i believers thus came to dominate the servile masses of Bukhara and Khiva i n the nineteenth-century.Punishing 'bad Muslims' 92 43 enslaving them or their dependants.145-7. The Kazakh elite i n Turkistan regularly sold the 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 1 9 2 1 9 3 1 9 4 1 9 5 1 9 6 1 9 7 1 9 8 1 9 9 2 0 0 2 0 1 2 0 2 2 0 3 Hunwick and Harrak 2000. who founded the Sokoto caliphate i n West Africa. Confusingly. Hunwick 1985: 74. Hunwick 1985: 74-5. however. A caliph imposed this sentence on Khariji captives in 740. Complaints soared when recently converted Turks came to dominate the heartlands of Islam from the eleventh-century. Afghan grandees of the 1830s even proclaimed it 'an act of merit to sell a Sheah into slavery'. but that most Maliki scholars opposed this ruling. he seems to have issued another fatwa endorsing the enslavement of Shi'i foes in 1554. Lewis 1990: 80-1. Willis 1980: 180.' Usuman dan Fodio. who were outside the abode of Islam. an 1855 fatwa of Shaykh Jamal. recalled by sixteenth-century Ottoman and Maghribi scholars. at least on paper. Heers 2003: 45. Brunschvig 1960: 32. In particular. Ebu's Su'ud declared that war against the Shi'a was indeed obligatory. Carrere d'Encausse 1966: 52. Bivar 1961: 240-2. 50. Petrushevsky 1985: 158-9.41. 60. H a m e l 2002: 37-8. 'chief of the ulema of Mecca'. Erdem 1996: 21. . Kurds of the Ottoman-Persian borderlands enslaved both Shi'i heretics and Yazidi syncretists. Defeated dissenters could also face servitude. Hodgson 1974: III. In contrast. Sixteenth-century Inner Asian jurists pronounced it legal to enslave Iranian and Azeri Shi'a. Imber 1997: 86-9. declared that it was licit to kill Ottoman apostates and enslave their children. Garnett 1909: 224. 'intercourse with slave girls' taken i n such wars was sinful. Levi 2002: 279-87. Erdem 1996: 46-7. Such practices d i d not go uncontested. and 'heretical' women from a rebellious Berber tribe were publicly auctioned i n Cairo in 1077. Charouiti Hasnaoui 2000: 7. Rulers were tempted to cast the net even more widely. 39. Pipes 1981: 142. listed deviants who could be attacked i n holy war around 1800. despite a decision from the time of the rightly-guided caliphs that mere rebels should not be enslaved. It was a 1736 peace treaty with Persia that ended the Ottoman enslavement of 'heretics' i n war. Barbour and Jacobs 1985. Harlan 1939: 66. He noted that only apostates might face enslavement. but that captives could not be enslaved.

O n e Arab publicly disowned his own son. enslaved rival sultans and their families i n the 1890s. and they released pilgrims and descendants of the Prophet. 173. 232-5. in the same area. 101-2. Richardson 1853: II. for participating i n the impiety of their sultan. Renault and Daget 1985: 37. They insisted that slaves be taken from groups such as H i n d u Balinese and Animists from the Lesser Sunda islands. are considered fair booty'. Rutter 1986: 28.44 A Fragile Sunni Consensus 204 children of those ' i n disfavour'. At best. 146. punished Muslim women and children from Bagirmi in this way. the ruler of Wadai. 182. Kiefer 1972: 22-3. thus sought to redirect their razzias. Reid 1993: 70. A r o u n d 1800. for ravaging the coasts of Borneo in the 1760s. Inner Asia suffered much from the scourge of Muslims enslaving fellow believers. they forced captives 209 210 211 212 213 214 : 0 4 : 0 5 1 0 6 : 0 7 : 0 8 0 9 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 0 1 c o t t l 9 8 7 : 51. who. were agents of sharia-minded reform. immigrants from Hadhramaut. Warren 1981: 152-6. Andaya (Barbara) 1993: 96. as an extra precaution. Winter 1992: 27-8. Warren 1981: 199-201. M o o r 1968: A p p e n d i x . although. 'being infidels. Loyre-deHauteclocque 1989: 100-4. Christelow 1994: 113. Sayyid ' A b d alRahman al-Qadri. sought to reduce their wives and children to servitude. After founding the new state of Pontianak i n 1770-1. 92-5. . Bret 1987: 41. 205 200 207 208 Even worse was the enslavement of free Muslims i n raids. 31-51. Rutter 1986: 40. i n modern Chad. captors were more likely to ransom Muslims than infidels. common in Southeast Asia. priding themselves on orthodoxy. sent to defeat Mamluk emirs i n Egypt in 1786-7. Reid 1983b: 169-70. Civil wars led to mutual enslavement from as early as the sixteenth-century i n the Hausa states of West Africa. 187-8. Raffles 1978:1. 270-2. T o u n s y l 8 5 1 : 463-5. 76. Early M o d e r n sultans of Jambi i n Sumatra. Turkmen horsemen ingeniously asserted that Muslims could be enslaved because the Prophet Yusuf (Joseph) had suffered this fate. The spread and deepening of Islam in Southeast Asia from the seventeenth-century led to a growing insistence that slaves should only be taken from unbelievers. 84-5. A n Ottoman general. 129-48. 238-9. Pious descendants of the Prophet. The sultan of Dar Sila. the sultan regularly visited his father's tomb to pray for forgiveness. Fisher 2001: 121. 205.

Zanzibar courts heard claims of wrongful enslavement of free Muslims i n areas as far away as Manyema. 2 2 2 2 2 3 2 2 4 2 2 5 . Kashmir. Khoqand raiders of the nineteenth-century. Delanoue 1982: 57. 205. There were growing abuses i n West Africa. 158. 119-25. Similarly. accused Muhammad ' A l i . 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 22:1 224 225 226 Concubines and eunuchs The ulama accepted that a male believer could have as many servile concubines as he desired. Cases brought by those claiming to be have been wrongly enslaved were common i n Cairo from at least 1749. Lovejoy 1983: 71-2. Walz 1985: 147-9. seized peaceful subjects i n the early nineteenth-century. while neither encouraging the practice 2 1 5 2 1 6 2 1 7 2 1 8 2 1 9 2 2 0 2 2 1 Letourneau 1897: 226. personal communication. with a cut of the proceeds. The Hausa ruler of Zinder. 111. Indian Muslims were often kidnapped when travelling i n Turkistan. H a r l a n 1939: 44-5. Caucasus traditions envisioned both Muslims and unbelievers as legitimate victims. 221-3. Laura Newby. heavily indebted to Maghribi merchants. Pious merchants paid the legal fees. wrote to the Mamluk ruler of Egypt denouncing the arbitrary enslavement of free Muslims by Arab raiders. 282. A fourteenth-century king of Kanem. Richardson 1853: II. Barbour and facobs 1985. 226 Harries 1965: 206-7. Levi 2002: 286-7. One shaykh in northern Mozambique was accused of kidnapping his own people 'indiscriminately' around 1880. Ali 1891: 378. and Turkistan met. Gardner 1898: 32-3. Complaints multiplied i n Africa. one of the reasons for A h m a d Baba's issuing of his famous fatwa in 1615. Many Sunni Muslims were scooped up in expeditions against Animists and Shi'i or Isma'ili heretics i n the high valleys where Afghanistan. E r d e m 1996: 46. failed to differentiate between H u i Muslims and H a n infidels. of enslaving free Muslims i n conquering the Sudan from 1820. A b d al-Rahman al-Jabarti (1754-1825). a distinguished scholar of Ethiopian origins. seizing Chinese slaves i n East Turkistan. Levi 2002: 280-1. Duffy 1967: 85. Free Muslims illicitly taken into bondage might gain redress i n qadi courts. 103-5. Noelle 1997: 80-3. the sultan of Borno.Concubines and eunuchs 215 45 to declare themselves to be heretics. 228-31. Renault and Daget 1985: 34. Hunwick and Harrak 2000. 147-8. i n the Congo. and many petitioners were released. i n the Lake Chad area. Pasha of Egypt. H e bought off the wrath of his overlord. 238-44.

A d a m 1940: 246-7. ' Kandiyoti 1988: 37. it commands. Hambly 1974: 129. condemning those who 'cut off the cattle's ears . then [take] only one [wife]. Zaidi 1935. Concubinage also eased the conversion of Animists. 1 1 . The problem was that no canonical text clearly forbade the purchase of male slaves emasculated by infidels. and may have attracted Jews and Christians. Ulama were more likely to criticise the keeping of servile eunuchs. 33. Strobel 1979: 49. 'whoever castrates a slave. 'if you fear that you will not be equitable. but was believed to have owned two i n the later polygynous stage of his life.089. Hodgson 1974: II. Monteiro 1993: 198-9.46 A Fragile Sunni Consensus 227 nor allowing free concubines. 62-3. Willis 1980: 185-6. h i m also shall we castrate'. Hunwick 1992: 21. Pellat H al. The traditions were generally hostile to the practice. Kotb 1970: 48. The system overcame the 'four wives barrier' to embracing Islam. Balde 1975: 205. 65.. Some scholars further interpreted 4:118 i n the Quran. 1978:1. Juynboll 1912: 584. Mowafi 1981: 13.. Levy 1957: 77. although this Hadith was 228 229 239 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 ' H o d g s o n 1974: II. Lai 1994: 116-17. Finally. extending to men of quite modest means. 144.. the Prophet himself was said to have accepted a eunuch as a gift. as among the Yao living to the east of Lake Malawi in Africa. 24:32 enjoins. Hughes 1885: 600. Brunschvig 1960: 26. an 'attempt to deflect desire through a prophylactic approach to sexuality'. The ulama's resignedness could be seen as a pessimistic response to male lust. Verses from the Quran could be differently interpreted. Awde 2000: 10. The ownership of concubines certainly became widespread i n Islamdom. Parts of 4:25-30 read: 'Any one of you who has not the affluence to be able to marry believing freewomen i n wedlock. A h m e d 1992: 83. especially those that dwelled in the abode of war. 144. and a Hadith of the Prophet stated that. Meinardus 1969: 50-1. Hodgson 1974: II. Ruthven 2000: 57. and your slaves and handmaidens that are righteous'. as a general prohibition on emasculation.Juynboll 1912: 584. Winter 1992: 43-4. Fisher 2001: 181-2. let h i m take believing handmaids that your right hands own'. Baer 1969: 163. although others restricted it to animals. 'Marry the spouseless among you. 144. As for 4:3. The Prophet had no concubines while married monogamously to Khadija. Hughes 1885: 110. Indeed.. Another canonical tradition taught that 'he is not of my people who makes another a eunuch or becomes so himself'. or what your right hand owns'. and . alter God's creation'.

What defined a holy war. as a scientific rather than a moral issue. Wink 1999:1. Hambly 1974: 130. despite suggestions that the 'gates of interpretation' came to be firmly closed. Obtaining slaves by purchase or tribute were dubious practices. they retorted that their skills kept death rates low.Concubines and eunuchs 238 47 excluded from canonical collections. Eastern Orthodox priests and monks operated on slave boys i n U p p e r Egypt. from the time of the Prophet himself. Jews castrated Slavs for export. In tenth-century Muslim Iberia. were issues shrouded i n uncertainty. One enquiry suggested that mortality i n these centres was around 15 per cent. Muqaddasi 1950: 57-9. The responsibility for legitimating the practice was attributed to Caliph Mu'awiya (r. especially i n the Asyut region. who decided the fate of captives. Definitions of Muslims bad enough to deserve such a fate varied greatly.089. a major source for South Asia. 239 240 241 242 243 The seeming Sunni consensus on slavery was full of fissures. A n early Arab geographer discussed castration by infidels dispassionately. whereas it could reach 90 per cent elsewhere. Millant 1908: 203. Stung by criticism. Graver doubts surrounded unbelievers performing the grisly operation i n the lands of Islam. or indeed free unbelievers i n general. Ayalon 1999: 66. Constable 1994: 204-6. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 99-105. Determining who was legitimately a slave risked causing the de facto collapse of the institution. H o g e n d o m 2000: 62-3. 98. . benefited from the protection extended to free Muslims was particularly obscure. Baer 1969: 164. as d i d those of 'people of the book' good enough to avoid it. Meinardus 1969. but there is a pressing need to probe deeper into Sunni divisions over the issue. A n elaborate law of slavery was incrementally erected on foundations which were so flimsy as to pose a constant threat to the viability of the whole tottering edifice. Whether the latter. 661680). There is little hope of ever ascertaining whether an abolitionist project existed at the dawn of Islam. 2 3 8 2 3 9 2 4 0 2 4 1 2 4 2 2 4 3 Pellat et at. usually practising complete removal. all the more so when heathens enslaved people in ways diametrically opposed to Islamic norms. 1978: 1. H i n d u surgeons of the Baidya caste may have manufactured eunuchs i n Muslim Bengal. and whether non-combatants were legitimate victims.Juynboll 1912: 584.

Debates on these lines need to be unearthed from Sunni writings. Nevertheless. and lacked convincing canonical underpinnings. Further work should help to fix trends over time more precisely. Early Muslims appear to have been troubled that people should lose their birthright of freedom. Slavery as punishment for unbelief covered every form of acquisition. the tenor of Quran and Hadith appeared to be set against any employment of eunuchs. for there are unmistakable indications of a progressive hardening of hearts. There is thus a need to examine more carefully whether casuistry elicited critical reactions. In regard to concubines and eunuchs. even if pious Muslims clung to them for centuries. or left awkward loopholes. . Their Sunni successors comforted themselves with the mantra that not only rank unbelievers and seditious scriptuaries received their just deserts.48 A Fragile Sunni Consensus Supposed religious solutions to the problems encountered i n acquiring infidel slaves were poorly grounded i n the founding texts. and justified maintaining people i n bondage after their conversion. as absolutism eroded early egalitarianism. Other religious excuses were so lame that most ulama refused to acknowledge them. the canonical texts were either hard to interpret. notably the notion of the 'abode of war'. but also evil Muslims. but the notion emerged late. while limiting the incidence of concubinage.

he would be the occulted Imam. Even if social manifestations of bondage figured little as a direct preoccupation. The title could simply designate a 'renewer of the faith'. Maxime Rodinson has argued that despite libertarian tendencies. the focus of eschatological longings. Rodinson 1966: 86-7. 369-70. the wicked great of this world would be humbled or destroyed. 373-4. and traditions referring to him were weak.. and flared up again around 1590-1. the Christian Jesus. he would be the 'seal of the saints'. H a l m 1991. expected at the turn of each Islamic lunar century. would be exalted and share the good things of this world. the world 'would be filled with justice'. For mystics. and the lowly . Chiliastic expectations were strong i n the ninth and tenth centuries. free from oppressors'. Garcia-Arenal 2000.. 320. For Shi'i and Isma'ili groups. 317. Moreover. sectarian ferment cul1 2 3 1 2 3 Hodgson 1974: I.. Many dissenters had a libertarian agenda. However. 344. The Imam Mahdi. slave rebellions indicate that there were practical interpretations of such doctrines. as Muhammad had been the 'seal of the prophets'. In a famous prediction. there was no question of contesting .. was not clearly mentioned i n the Quran. 252-5. 49 . 'with rare exceptions. whereas most mystics and nonconformists have remained within the Sunni fold. marking a thousand years since the Prophet's emigration to Medina. For them 'very shortly.3 DISSENTING TRADITIONS Sects today account for around 15 per cent of Muslims. This may be too strict a judgement. the hereditary status of slaves'. to preside over the end of the world and the last judgement. with millenarian and antinomian groups particularly keen to stress social levelling. many Muslims came to believe that the Mahdi would be the last caliph. The M a h d i was further thought to prepare the return of Nabi Tsa.

a pioneering moment in Islamic history. Thus Suhaym (d. They propagated a disinterested love of God. Ruthven 2000: 176. She prayed so earnestly for deliverance that her master freed her. kidnapped. Ascetics emerged from the late seventh-century.50 Dissenting Traditions minated i n the Druze abolition of slavery. Born to a poor family of Basra i n the early eighth-century. my soul is free. i n terms of a Hadith of the Prophet. or the son of such a man. This accorded with a Hadith of the Prophet. by encouraging adepts to accept their position i n this world. Ruthven 2000: 223-4. 455. The main impact of this kind of mystical thinking was probably to integrate slaves and former slaves more securely into the Islamic order. later hailed as an early Muslim socialist. presumably including slaves. H e was exiled for calling on believers to give away all their worldly goods. See Rosenthal 1960: 91. Living i n poverty and chastity. and gradually evolved towards Sufi mysticism. a slave poet. Another inspiring figure was Hasan al-Basri (642-728) of Iraq. they spread Islam peacefully. Rodinson 1966: 41-2. Many claimed a filiation to A b u Dharr al-Ghifari. said to have been a freed Persian slave of Christian origins. Ruthven 2000: 222-30. she built up a circle of devoted disciples. awed by her piety and sanctity. because it is noble. 248-9. some early Sufis expressed social concerns. 224. A h m e d 1992: 87. Hodgson 1974:1. . early ascetics and mystics generally withdrew from the world to focus on their relationship with God. Stressing the 'greater j i h a d ' of the heart over the 'lesser j i h a d ' of the sword. A n d if I am black i n color. after the death of Muhammad i n 632. Ascetics and mystics Despite a certain 'libertarian openness'. Awde 2000: 94. 394. 'If I am a slave. They showed compassion for the wretched of the earth. H e r followers interpreted her initial loss of freedom as an opportunity to find 4 5 6 7 8 9 4 5 6 7 8 9 Hodgson 1974: II. 660/1). and protested against injustice. and sold to a merchant. Rabi'a was orphaned. promising a double reward i n heaven to 'a slave who discharges his duties fully to G o d and to his master'. wrote. motivated by neither desire for paradise nor fear of hell. The story of Rabi'a al-'Adawiyya (717-801) neady encapsulates Sufi ambivalence about servitude. my character is white'. Nevertheless. a semi-mythical figure.

Sufi shaykhs and ulama began to overlap and intermarry. Elite Sufis came to own many slaves. 1413) adopted current orthodoxy. Masruq. jurists were to recognise the mystical contribution to piety. alQushayri (986-1072). Rosenthal 1960: 25. he wrote that 'they bring boys as slaves 10 11 12 13 14 15 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 Smith 1994. writing about the ethics of slavery. A b u H a m i d Muhammad al-Ghazali (1058-1111) crafted a reconciliation between mystics and ulama. 216. 119. Hodgson 1974: II. The Sufis were to obey the sharia. although multiple affiliations were common. 20428. For their part. saints. 182. The pioneer. they also hinted at unease about slavery. H e personally freed all the slaves that his father had accumulated. Knysh 2000: 26-9. In one parable. describing slavery as 'a penalty for unbelief'. 149. Al-Ghazali himself. Winter 1992: 130-1. He wrote that 'freedom means for a human being not to be under the yoke of created things'. who died early i n the ninth-century. 145-6. 108-9. depicting the relative position of prophets. 215-16. and her later refusal to accept the gift of a slave as a rejection of luxury. was a Persian who settled in Konya. recognising the position of Sufi elites in the Islamic establishment. Ruthven 2000: 242. Talbi 1981: 210-11. and the fundamental relationship remained that of master to disciple. Netton 1992: 167. While his hagiographers underlined the saintliness of his poverty. 251. abandon monist or pantheist conceptions of God. was equally ambiguous. and curb excessive ritual practices. defined freedom as emancipation from the affairs of this world. Loose Sufi brotherhoods emerged. stressed good treatment over manumission. After his mystical conversion. Al-Jurjani (d. but authors mosdy 'assumed that the search for absolute freedom would lead to absolute disaster'. el-Sakkakini 1982. Metaphors of servitude abounded i n his work. and believers. A genre of Sufi philosophical writing i n praise of liberty emerged at about this time. but others clung to poverty and succouring the underprivileged. The life of the Tunisian ascetic A b u 'Abdallah b. i n Anatolia. such as the charms of Bulgarian slave-girls symbolising the temptations of the world. Levi 2002: 278. at least i n towns. he 'abandoned his whole inheritance to lead a life of prayer and total poverty'. but he occasionally employed images illustrating the social realities of slavery. poet and founding figure of the Mawlawiyya order. . Jalal al-Din R u m i (1207-73). 284.Ascetics and mystics 51 God. Willis 1989: 39-40. H u n w i c k and Powell 2002: 7-9.

The rebels demanded universal brotherhood. Sugar 1977: 26-8. Hodgson 1974: II. Spain. who freed a slave woman because she pined for her son back home. because this meant that the woman would return to polytheism. 157. 290. Bedreddin (1358-1419). some at ten. appealing for the freedom of his relatives enslaved there. 423. One of Ibn 'al-Arabi's Maghribi disciples. Musa. battling for the sultanate from 1410 and seeking Bedreddin's support. 206. however. forbade his followers from entering government service. Shaw and Shaw 1976-7: I. Monist Sufis of the western Mediterranean implicitly questioned servitude. 39. 1240). acclaimed a slave woman of the Hijaz as a saint. This evoked mystical notions that all historic faiths were external manifestations of a common 'kernel'. Whether this Utopia included the abolition of slavery is unclear. al-Harrali (d. Austin 1971: 159 Koningsveld 1995: 8-10 Hodgson 1974: II. and the recognition of Christians as worshippers of G o d . 'the externalist scholars [ulama] would deny this. Nizam al-Din Awliya of Delhi. 'unique in her time'. wrote to the Catholic authorities i n Tarragona. The Chishtiyya order of India voiced deep sympathy for the poor of all faiths. and ministered to the spiritual needs of Hindus. Shaykh Nizam commented that. H e told a story about his teacher. 498-9. stressed service to the poor over prayers and spiritual exercises. Rejecting the resurrection of the body and the last judgement. was later hailed as an early socialist. A celebrated fourteenth-century Chishti. equal property rights. but one can understand what 16 17 18 19 20 21 10 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1 C h i t t i c k 1983: 87. Knysh 2000: 281-2.52 Dissenting Traditions from the lands of the unbelievers into the Moslem realm and sell them. retained slave soldiers and administrators. The son of a Turkish warrior and a Christian captive of the Edirne region. Tellingly. and some at fifteen'. Kafadar 1995: 143. simple living. simply calling her 'aslave girl of Qasim al-Dawlah'. 38-43. 144. The ulama objected. Early Ottoman Sufism had libertarian overtones. including a muted critique of slavery. the Andalusian 'greatest master'. he was executed for allegedly taking part i n a rising i n 1416. he omitted her name. Some are brought at five years of age. . Shaw and Shaw 1976-7: I. His grounds were that there existed no real difference between religions. Ibn al-'Arabi [Ibn Arabi] (1165-1240).

Mu'tazili thinkers certainly imbibed a rationalist outlook from Greek and Indian mentors. whose order is not indicated. 117-18. who allowed a slave to buy his freedom with part of the money earned from carding cotton. South Asian Sufi references to slavery often had a critical edge to them. His famous defence of Turks and Blacks. and exalted a created Quran above the traditions. the ninth-century Abbasid caliphs who patronised them held many slaves. 32. the latter category embracing Indians and Chinese. Although Mu'tazili writers stressed the justice of G o d over his omnipotence. whereas the rich thought only of slave girls. His story of an angry 27 28 29 30 31 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 Habib 1988-9: 254-5. but this came with a highly elitist view of society. noted sardonically i n the mid-fourteenth-century that the poor thought of God. Rosenthal 1960: 92. Habib 1988-9: 252-3. Lewis 1990: 31-2.466-7. 433-8. and yet he cited the common Arab saying that 'the stick belongs to the slave'. but condemned those who dealt i n human flesh. Moreover. accepted slavery. they were generally mute on servitude. 23 24 25 26 Theologians and philosophers Sayyid A m i r ' A l i provided no reference for his claim that Mu'tazili theologians disapproved of slavery. Bahr al-Jahiz of Basra (776-869). Digby 1984: 111-12. was an 'eager Mu'tazili'. A l i 1917: II. This text was much reprinted and translated. H e also told the story of N u r Turk. 95. Akbar's chief minister. Shaykh Nasiruddin.Theologians and philosophers 22 53 he d i d ' . Kidwai 1985: 91. Moosvi 2003. 71. He noted that 'slaves do not suffer slavery except when they have been captured'. The Tuhfa i nasa'ih. portrayed his master's measures against slavery as the actions of a 'Sufi perfect man'. Hodgson 1974:1. Hodgson 1974:1. 73-9. Hodgson 1974: III. an ethical treatise composed i n Persian by Yusuf Gada i n the 1390s and often attributed to the Chishtiyya. rested in part on the assertion that they were not all slaves. Partly of African origin. . A b u l Fazl 'Allami (1551-1602). but scarcely condemned the institution as a whole. The prolific writer A m r b. al-Jahiz criticised aspects of slavery.

J a h i z 1980: 1-5. insisted that 'there must be masters and slaves'. 26. and the distribution of women and children as war booty. exalted as the 'second teacher'. who considered that 'nature has made no one a slave'. Ruthven 2000: 194-6.54 Dissenting Traditions wife. or as a divine dispensation unfathomable for mortals. whose husband neglected her for a beautiful young concubine. because he had no wish to become a 'ruler of slaves'. stated that it was just to seize i n war people whose 'best and most advantageous status i n the world is to serve and be slaves'. Rosenthal 1960: 31. Determinism triumphed. 91. A b u ' l Hasan Muhammad al-'Amiri (d< 992) wrote of the natural superiority of masters over slaves. A clearer reference to social bondage emerged from the story that Alexander had once refused to enslave war captives. Muslim philosophers and scientists. accepted the enslavement of captives. particularly harsh on traders. Mu'tazili and philosophical ideas came to be associated with sectarian Islam. generally agreed with their 'first teacher' that there existed 'slaves by nature'. 102-3. That said. despite not being directly acquainted with the Politics of Aristotle. To the extent that they survived. Ibn Rushd [Averroes] (1126-98). Interpreting slavery as punishment for sin. Davis 1984: 14. Some Islamic philosophers certainly cited Aristotle's advice to Alexander the Great that 'governing free men is nobler than governing slaves'. 34-8. Ibn Sina [Avicenna] (980-1037). Isma'il al-'Ashari (873-935) . The celebrated Persian physician. C r o n e and Cook 1977: 134. notably of the Shi'i and Zaydi variety. possibly aware that Aristotle had quoted the Sophist Alcidamas. The famous Iberian opponent of al-Ghazali. Lewis 1990: 54-5. Rosenthal 1960: 31. emerging from the theological arguments of A b u al-Hasan ' A l i b. 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 3 2 33 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 F a h m y 1990: 107-8. may have accompanied the decline of rationalist thinking from the thirteenth-century. Kelsay 1993: 62-3. A b u al-Nasr M u h a m m a d al-Farabi (870-950). 20. The epistle on singing-girls contained satirical passages on slavery. and Plato's opinion that 'he is no ruler who rules slaves'. was an ambivalent moral tale. They may also have been acquainted with Stoic critiques of servitude. some philosophers cited liberal Greek texts on slavery. and yet also condemned the wiles of the girls. .

Shi'i scholars i n this 'Twelver' strand could only interpret the law. A b i Talib (r. grandson of 'Ali. Ja'far ordered the freeing of Muslim slaves after seven years. sixth i n line. Rizvi 1987: ch. and would never support himself from the labour of others'. ' A l i b. Mernissi 1987: 192-3. with an emphasis on restoringjustice. once the twelfth Imam had become occulted in 873-74. Horrified to realise that she could recite the Quran. liberated many slaves. Imams i n this line were infallible. and her husband. he would have freed all the slaves'. He purchased slaves to free them. 3. T would be ashamed ever to take as a slave a man who said that Allah was his master'. he reputedly owned 17 concubines. Nurbakhsh 1980: 2. <http://www. although later Shi'i scholars interpreted this as 'a highly recommended deed of virtue'. 'If he had lived for a longer time. Blank 2001: 77. H a m i d u l l a h 1945: 172. son of 'Ali. Zayn al-'Abidin. Brunschvig 1960: 31. and thus had the power to modify the holy law. He repeatedly declared that 'all 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 4 0 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 4 7 4 8 4 9 H a l m 1991: 29-155. probably referring to enslaving fellow Muslims. Chafik 1938: 37. Ja'far al-Sadiq (d. Husayn.net/english/ahl_bayt/zayn_al_abidin/03. but possibly authorising liberation after conversion. H e 'preached against slavery'. Liberal traditions on servitude were attributed to Shi'i Imams. However. It was related that 'he was hard-working.balagh. except for female slaves captured i n the enemy camp. 656-61). However. 3. Rizvi 1987: ch. there is no compelling reason to believe the claim that. was known as the lawgiver for his crucial role i n the elaboration of Shi'i law. was given a slave girl by the 'usurper' Mu'awiya. 31-2. he freed her immediately. The evidence for later Imams is ambiguous. and attested to the Prophet's saying that the man who dealt i n slaves was an outcast of humanity. 765). .Theologians and philosophers 55 Establishing a Shi 'i consensus The Shi'a considered that supreme power was due to the descendants of Fatima.htm> A l i 1917: II. A b i Talib banned the enslavement of the womenfolk of defeated foes. demonstrating his piety. ' A l i b. rather than a binding obligation. However. H e was also reported to have said. the Prophet's daughter.

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people are free except someone who acknowledges his own enslavement', but this could have allowed for self-enslavement. In practice Shi'i approaches to slavery came to differ only in matters of detail from those of their Sunni rivals. For the Shi'a, birth as a slave depended on the servile status of both parents, and only Muslim slaves could be manumitted. In theory, there could be no j i h a d of the sword after the occultation of the twelfth Imam, so that war captives could not be enslaved. However, the Buyid dynasty, ruling Iraq and western Iran from 932 to 1055, obtained a ruling that they could declare holy war because they were 'guarding the frontier'. They employed military slaves. A millenarian and mystical current flowed through Shi'i channels from the fourteenth-century, notably i n Iran and India, with a stress on protesting against social injustice. The most famous Shi'i M a h d i was of Azeri Turkmen background, and he led the Safaviyya mystical order. He initially presented himself as the reincarnation of ' A l i and a divine emanation, but was astute enough to accept the judgement of those who hailed him as the instrument of imposing Twelver doctrines on Persia. As Shah Isma'il (r. 1501-24), he claimed the right to declare holy war, due to his alleged descent from the Imams. Shah Isma'il spurned military and administrative slaves, but he owned domestic ones. His successors soon restored elite slaver-) , turning their backs on any millenarian flirtation with freedom.
50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 1 58

Isma 'Hi divisions
Isma'ili sects, disagreeing with Twelvers about the succession to Ja'far al-Sadiq, were generally libertarian, antinomian, and millenarian, but most were also small and ephemeral. Many believed that the Mahdi would abrogate the law, introducing the religion of paradise. Thus, A b u Ya'qub al-Sijistani (d. c. 990) foresaw that the Mahdi would restore the religion of Adam. H e cited 7:157 in the
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T a l e q a n i 1983: 193. Brunschvig 1960: 31; Petrushevskv 1985: 158. Peters 1979: 171: Khadduri 1955: 67; K o h l b e r g 1976: 69-70, 78-80. Kohlberg 1976: 80-1. Hodgson 1974: II, 35-6. Ibid.: II, 493-7. Roemer 1986: 209-11, 336-7. Kohlberg 1976: 81. Babaie el al. 2004. Hodgson 1974: I. 490-2; H a l m 1991: 169.

Isma 'Hi divisions

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Quran, speaking of the 'Prophet of the common folk ... relieving them of their loads, and the fetters that were upon them'. Sayyid A m i r ' A l i declared that Hamdan Oarmat, the semilegendary founder of Qarmati (Carmathian) groups i n Iraq from the 860s, 'held slavery to be unlawful', but cited no source. More prudently, Leila A h m e d opines that the Qarmati sect rejected concubinage and polygyny. Some adepts certainly owned slaves, and tentative negotiations with Iraqi slave rebels did not lead to any formal alliance. A b u Sa'id al-Jannabi, the M a h d i of the Bahrayn Qarmati community, was no abolitionist. H e built up a state from the 890s, extending into al-Hasa. The form of government was quasi-republican, there were no taxes, and the poor benefited from generous social services. However, this precocious 'welfare state' depended on a servile underclass, mainly consisting of purchased Blacks, and estimated to number some 30,000 in the eleventh-century. Al-Jannabi himself was assassinated by a slave. The Bahrayn Qarmati enslaved Muslim enemies false to the faith. In about 925, they attacked the pilgrim caravan returning to Syria from the Hijaz, capturing some 2,200 men and 500 women. A m o n g them was a scholar, al-Azhari, who became the slave of a Bedouin family. Some five years later, they seized Mecca itself, removing the sanctuary's sacred black stone as an idol, and enslaving numerous inhabitants of both sexes. However, Bedouins overran the remnants of the Bahrayn Qarmati state in 1077, and the sect disappeared without a trace. Fatimid Isma'ili missionaries broke away to take their version of the Mahdist message to the Maghrib, where their revolutionary propaganda 'promised an equal share for all i n the Sun of God, symbolized by the M a h d i ' . However, Abdallah (r. 910-34) took over many of the concubines, eunuchs, and Black and White slaves of his vanquished opponents i n Qayrawan, Tunisia. A t best, he expressed some objections to administrative and military slavery.
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H a l m 1985: 140. A l i 1917: II, 32. A h m e d 1992: 66. Rodinson 1966: 43-4; Popovic 1976: 122, 167. Goeje 1886: 69-70, 150-1, 155-6, 178; Brett 2001: 68-72. Thomas 1937: 150; Brett 2001: 62. Goeje 1886: 85, 106-7. R u t h v e n 2000: 206. T a l b i 1981: 220, 224. Brett 2001: 144; H a l m 1996: 121-2, 137.

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Most later Fatimid caliphs, ruling the largest Isma'ili state that ever existed up to its collapse i n 1171, displayed even fewer qualms about servitude. The son and successor of the Mahdi called himself the Q a ' i m (r. 934-46), the 'judge at the end of the world'. He surrounded himself with slave soldiers and officials, mainly 'Slavs'. One of them, the eunuch Jawdhar, became the most powerful man in the realm. To obtain fresh supplies, the Fatimids scoured the Adriatic for captives, and imported Blacks from the south.™ N u ' m a n b. M u h a m m a d al-Tamimi (d. 974) composed The pillars ofIslam, the Fatimid code, which was close to Twelver Shi'i law. ' H e not only permitted slavery, but also legislated for it i n some detail. Slaves also figured i n the condensed version of this code, used for teaching purposes i n Cairo. * To be sure, N u ' m a n ordered that no free person should be reduced to slavery, but he probably meant free Muslims. The Isma'ili scholar H a m i d al-Din al-Kirmani (d. 1021), heading the Fatimid mission organisation in Cairo, dismissed Turks, Blacks, and Berbers as intellectually inferior, possibly justifying their enslavement. O f the Isma'ili groups to survive the collapse of the Fatimid caliphate, the Musta'li remained truest to their roots. Loyal to the occulted child Caliph al-Tayyib, victim of usurpation i n 1130, they vested authority i n a line of semi-hereditary and divinely inspired Da'i. They came to be centred i n Yemen and Gujarat, and split into two sects. They retained N u ' m a n al-Tamimi's code, and thus explicitly held fast to slavery. The Nizari Isma'ili, breaking with the Fatimids over an earlier succession dispute in 1094, took refuge in Syrian and Iranian eyries. There they became the 'Assassins', champions of'ordinary people' and 'determined to be free'. Whether freedom extended to slaves is unclear. Nadir al-Din al-Tusi (1201-74), a Persian writer on ethics sympathetic to Isma'ili doctrines, described slaves as the gifts of a beneficent G o d to mankind. Some slaves were admittedly free 'by
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Brett 2001: 144-5, 148; H a l m 1996: 220, 279-80, 339. H a l m 1996: 174. Fyzee 1969: 3 0 - 1 , 88-9; Abu-Izeddin 1984: 122. Dodge 1961: 16. Schneider 1999: 50. Lewis 1990: 55. H a l m 1991:193-200. Fyzee 1969. H a l m 1991: 185-93; Hodgson 1974: II, 59-61; H o d g s o n 1955: 148.

Isma'ili divisions

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nature', and yet he recommended that they be well treated rather than liberated. Servitude was probably questioned in a millenarian and libertarian phase i n Iran. When Hasan II (r. 1162-66) declared himself to be the Q a ' i m and annulled the sharia, he liberated captives, although it is unclear whether he freed all slaves. H e further proclaimed that paradise on earth was at hand, where 'there will be neither work nor illness'. After his murder, his son Muhammad II (r. 1166-1210) claimed to be the Imam, the infallible descendant of Nizar. The following ruler kept the title, but abandoned the millenarian promises. Shortly afterwards, the castles of the Assassins fell, to the Mongols i n Persia in 1256, and to Egyptian mamluk forces i n Syria i n 1271-3. The great Fatimid exception on servitude was Caliph al-Hakim (r. 996-1021), who ruled from Cairo and sought to be the perfect Isma'ili leader. H e became so eccentric that he was thought to be insane, but there was a certain method i n his madness. Pursuing social justice and a puritanical lifestyle, he freed all his slaves, male and female, i n 1013, albeit without commanding his followers to do likewise. In 1021, he rode out from Cairo into the desert on his humble donkey and vanished without a trace. Those who believed h i m to be a divine manifestation called themselves the Muwahhidun (Unitarians), but the name Druzes, from one of their early leaders, has stuck to them. Defeated i n rebellion, they settled i n the mountains of Greater Syria to await al-Hakim's return, developing their own scriptures. The Druzes copied most of their al-Shari'a al-Ruhaniyya, the spiritual law, from al-Tamimi's Fatimid code, and yet they expressly banned slavery, concubinage, and polygyny. Baha' al-Din explained this i n an epistle dating from the earliest years of the faith. The covenant, by which believers bound themselves to the community, was incompatible with slavery, because adherents needed to be completely free and able to determine their conduct. Moreover, 'In Druze religious teaching all human souls are given an equal op79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86
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Tusi 1964: 181-4. J a m b e t 1990. Hodgson 1955: 148-219. H a l m 1991: 185-200. Abu-Izeddin 1984: 74-86; Hodgson 1974: II, 26-7. H a l m 1991: 181-5. Abu-Izeddin 1984: 122, 230. Ibid.: 122.

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portunity in their transmigration from one body to another; thus, the Unitarians ... are free as human beings the moment they choose the Unitarian doctrine'. However, Druze egalitarianism never went so far as to dissolve 'die differential ranks and classes within society' . The wider impact of precocious Druze abolition remains uncertain. Endogarnous and refusing to accept converts, the Druzes 'may be said to constitute a separate religion'. H i d i n g away i n their mountains, they were prone to conceal their dogmas from outsiders as a defensive tactic. Indeed, the majority of the community were called the 'ignorant ones', because they knew so little about their faith.
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Other sects
Zayd b. 'Ali, great grandson of ' A l i b. A b i Talib, broke away from the Shi'i mainstream in 740. He was killed i n that same year, but his ideas lived on, notably his insistence that the Imam should be chosen from among the most qualified descendants of ' A l i b. A b i Talib. The Imam was no more than a fallible political leader of the faithful, a position reinforced by the later adoption of Mu'tazili rationalism. Ejected from various areas, Zaydi believers at last found a permanent refuge in the highlands of Yemen from the 890s. Zayd himself liad been taunted because of his mother's servile origins, and his followers were credited with a certain distaste for slavery, but Zaydi ulama did not formally reject the institution. Adepts occasionally owned slaves, including concubines and eunuchs, even if they were mentioned more frequently in the context of Sunni or Isma'ili believers in Yemen. A seventeenth-century Zaydi Imam employed Ottoman captives as 'agricultural workers'. Even an austere seventeenth-century leader, who 'was so determined never to touch state funds that he earned his living by making caps that go under turbans', still lived with a female slave and a single wife. Nusayri believers, also called Alawites but differing from others of that name, originated i n 859 and later took refuge i n the Syrian mountains. They had Shi'i roots, but accepted the transmigration
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F i n e 1992: 23. Ruthven 2000: 207-8. H a l m 1991: 206-11; Bidvvell 1983: 9-10. Rouaud 1979: 132; Elwahed 1931; 35-6; Bernard Haykel, personal communication. Bidwell 1983: 11-13, 25-7, 127; Heyworth-Durme 1952: .14, 40. fane Hathaway, personal communication. Bidwell 1983: 25.

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of souls. Their trinitarian doctrine of divine emanations associated the Prophet, ' A l i b. A b i Talib, and Salman al-Farisi. The latter was a famous Persian slave, or freed slave, who had been a companion of Muhammad. The ninth-century Book of shadows, a sacred Nusayri text, declared that those with true knowledge were free of slavery. This was probably meant metaphorically, and yet the words used for slavery were al-mamlukiyya and al-riqq, rather than the usual word i n this context, al-'ubudiyya. Khariji believers, emerging i n 658, rejected Shi'i approaches entirely. Priding themselves on their social inclusiveness and egalitarianism, they rejected the hereditary principle, arguing that the best man should be elected caliph. Extreme groups acted violently, and were soon suppressed. However, the moderate Ibadi sect survived, taking refuge i n the Maghrib and O m a n . Ambivalent about slavery, Khariji scholars were fond of quoting the Prophet's saying that obedience was required from the faithful, even if an Ethiopian slave was placed i n charge of them. They also proclaimed that a Black slave might be elected caliph. This appealed to 'oppressed and marginal groups'. However, there was no Khariji rejection of servitude as such. The 'sixth pillar of the faith' was holy war, including against Muslims who shunned them. The radical Azraki sect executed the vanquished, but others declared their womenfolk forfeit. Even Ibadi leaders, rebelling in the tenth-century Maghrib, promised the dependants of their foes to their followers. Ibadi ulama also allowed taxes i n slaves to be imposed on non-Muslims as a transitional measure pending their conversion, and permitted the Imam to purchase slaves with funds from the state treasury. Slavery was administered i n ways that were both more and less liberal than i n the majority Sunni community. Khariji groups in eighth- to tenth-century Iran may have given slaves greater property rights than was usual, and refused to sell slave women, or possibly even to own them at a l l . This may be the source of the dubious
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H a l m 1991: 156-61; Ruthven 2000: 203, 210, 212; Pipes 1981: 111. H a l m 1985: 137-9; Rosenthal 1960: 25. Hodgson 1974: I, 214-6, 256-8; Risso 1986: 22-4, 31; Zeys 1886. Talhami 1977: 455. Brett 2001: 63; Netton 1992: 145-6. " R u t h v e n 2000: 177. Shinar 1961: 97; Popovic 1976: 178; Brett 2001: 62, 167. Zeys 1886: 17-18; Brett 2001: 167; Talbi 1981: 215; Wilkinson 1987: 180-1, 189. Wilkinson 1987: 178, 180; Schwartz 1983: 70, 245. M a d e l u n g 1988: 58-9, 61, 76.
9 5 9 6 9 7 9 8

Brett 2001: 165-6. as the dynasty defeated the Portuguese i n 1578. Berbers of the Atlas mountains. but that a concubine who had given birth to a child might yet be sold. Verlinden 1955: 201-3. developed Mahdist doctrines from 1121. A tenth-century summary of Ibadi law held that a person who had contracted to pay for freedom i n instalments was no longer a slave. . but also denounced their standing army of slaves and mercenaries. 93. Risso 1995: 14. 71. 576. despite a tenth-century prophecy that the Mahdi's mother would be a slave.62 Dissenting Traditions 104 assertion that there was no Khariji concubinage. Ibadi ulama not only objected to the emergence of a hereditary dynasty of rulers of O m a n from the seventeenth-century. relied on slave labour to cultivate date palms. the sultans eventually prevailed. Renault and Daget 1985: 21-2. Margoliouth 1915: 13. Ibadi entrepreneurs came to figure particularly prominently among Muslim traders i n Black slaves. Risso 1986: 27. splitting religious and political roles and building up a substantial maritime and slaving empire i n the Indian Ocean. Indeed. 46. The Almohads. This reflected Khariji norms that no potentate should be able to prevent the faithful from deposing him. They displayed a certain austerity and restricted the use of Black slave soldiers. H u i c i M i r a n d a 2000: II. notably those from the Niger bend and Lake C h a d . 264. B e l 1938: 245-59. but without breaking with the Maliki establishment. The O m a n i Ibadi were pioneers of the East African slave trade. and returned to Sunni orthodoxy i n 1227. Zeys 1886: 67-8. patronised 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 0 4 0 6 0 6 0 7 0 8 0 9 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 A h m e d 1992: 66. were he to stray from the path of righteousness. Brett 2000: 103. The dynasty stuck closely to Maliki law in social matters. 33. Shinar 1961: 98-9. but they enslaved numerous Christian Iberians. 249-50. Wilkinson 1987: 222. Maghribi slave markets were once more flush with captives. Emancipatory zeal was absent among Moroccan millenarian movements from the twelfth-century. However. Hunwick 1992: 19. Clissold 1977: 8. They virtually monopolised a number of trans-Saharan trade routes. and also employed slaves to produce dates. Those who took refuge i n the Mzabi oases of modern Algeria. centred on Ghardaya. The Sa'di dynasty renewed Mahdist claims i n 1511.

For awhile. . 86. although there is no mention of condemning slavery. ' A l i b. he asserted his descent 116 117 1 1 4 1 1 5 1 1 6 1 1 7 Clissold 1977: 29. forecasting the arrival of Nabi 'Isa a thousand years after that of the Mahdi. Ruiz de Cuevas 1973: 17-23. H o d g s o n 1974: III. Beg 1975: 115. He declared himself the M a h d i in 1495. leader of southern Iraq's third and much larger Zanj rebellion of 869 to 883. However. and there may have been some connection between slaves and sectarians. and a more serious one i n 6945. the sources for these violent episodes are fragmentary and biased. and sought complete social equality. lived communally. encouraged flight from corrupt society. grasped opportunistically at a number of religious ideologies to shore up his position. meditated. Sayyid Muhammad al-Jawnpuri (1443-1505) came from a Chishti Sufi background. and conquered the middle Niger i n 1590-1. and died i n exile i n what is today Afghanistan. M a c L e a n 2000. It coincided with Khariji insurgents taking refuge i n the region's swamps. H e proclaimed himself to be the Mahdi. M a r g o l i o u t h 1915: 17-19. a small one around 689-90. some of these also carried Khariji slogans. claiming filiation to Muhammad through 'Abbas. Recruiting among the poor. 70-1. Rabah Shirzanji. Two slave risings broke out i n southern Iraq i n the seventh-century. 114 115 Slave revolts Exhibiting a heady mixture of millenarianism and sectarianism. The second rebellion was probably led by a Black slave. if ever. Muhammad. even if chroniclers of the time failed to make the connection. depending on the accounts of the victors. slave rebellions rarely. Libertarian Mahdism was more i n evidence i n India. P o p o v i c 1976: 62-3. Heers 2003: 41-2. Mahdawi preachers renounced worldly goods. In a genealogical shift. his followers formed righteous Islamic communities.Slave revolts 63 corsair raids from Sale and Tetuan. That said. 59. M o n l a u 1964: 54. inscribing the title on all his surviving coins. 97. he espoused the Zaydi position that the most able person in the Prophet's tribe should rule. appear to have been truly abolitionist. Rotter 1967: 105-6. After unsuccessful attempts at gaining political power through holy war. 65-6. The very occurrence of slave revolts challenged the notion of a meekly accepted servitude i n Islam.

possibly of Persian origins. Popovic 1976: 160: Talhami 1977: 456. but he appears only to have criticised poor conditions. but their religious beliefs are not mentioned. A h m a d b. including eunuchs and soldiers. for these groups displayed the most libertarian sentiments i n Islam. claiming the title of Mahdi and filiation to the Prophet. 471. he even enslaved Arab women descended from the Prophet. employed to remove the saline crust from the land. Muhammad was no Muslim Spartacus. 1 . H e reserved high positions for them. employed to care for horses near Cairo. He was a free man. . and some of his followers were also free. 128. Rotter 1967. Brett 2001: 57-8. H a l m 1967: 40-1. as the sources rarely reveal directly what these people thought about servitude. A few White slavesjoined the movement. Michael Brett suggests that unjustly deprived Muslims would thereby taste the fruits of conquest and empire. rebelled in 1146. Brett 2001: 57. H a l m 1967. Some 500 Black slaves. A l i b. even though Black slaves. but enjoyed less success than the 'lord of the Zanj'. 'Abdallah b. 118 11 120 121 122 123 The study of dissenting groups in early Islam is somewhat frustrating. al-Arqut led a movement i n the ninth-century. Nevertheless. Despite temporarily threatening the foundations of the caliphate. To the horror of pious critics. -' Some have alleged that ' A l i b. Turning slaves into slave-owners was ' A l i b. perhaps because there were fewer concentrations of agrarian slaves in tire Nile valley. Egypt's slave rebellions are much less well known. They briefly set up their own state. rather than from East Africa. Muhammad's interpretation ofjustice. 8 1 1 9 1 2 0 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 3 Popovic 1976. this is an important task to undertake. a paradox which has been widely noted. after taking Basra in 871. 460. Despite the appellation Zanji. Talhami 1977. formed the bulk of his forces. many of them probably came from the H o r n and the Sahel. He promised that he would turn former slaves into slave-owners. and sold defeated foes. How far they went i n opposing slavery remains to be securely established. Muhammad wished to abolish plantation slavery.64 Disseyiting Traditions from Husayn. whether pastoral Bedouins or settled farmers. H e certainly owned slaves. Heers 2003: 237. suggesting identification with Shi'i and Isma'ili notions of the infallible Imam.

as Mahdism clearly contributed to slave rebellions. How the Druzes took their decision to abolish slavery. A t present. Nevertheless. for they were heavily influenced by Aristotle's elitist and utilitarian views. This remained the case even after some Sufis had drifted closer to the establishment. Libertarian tendencies appear to have run into the sands in the middle centuries of Islam. . and even less about the Sufi impact on the real world. no systematic abolitionist doctrine emerged from a vision of an earth filled with justice. rebels may have sowed ideological seeds of self-liberation. However. the extent to which folk traditions about the great Iraqi rebellion of the late ninth-century inspired later generations of slaves remains quite unclear. remains to be fully elucidated. As for Ibadi survivors within the Khariji fold. classical Athens was a striking example of the coexistence of servitude and rational investigation. It is unclear whether Khariji egalitarianism ever resulted in any abolitionist tendencies. For example. As has often been pointed out. Claims about sectarian hostility to servitude need to be taken with a large pinch of salt. they became great traders in Black slaves. there is a faint possibility that Greek and Roman authors opposed to Aristotle on this issue were more influential among Muslim thinkers than has generally been realised.Slave revolts 65 Other-worldly ascetics and mystics may have underpinned servitude. It would be particularly helpful to know what happened to captives and born slaves when the Persian Assassins experienced their millenarian convulsion. and rationalist theologians seem unlikely to have condemned slaver)' at this stage. To be sure. Millenarian elements in dissent might repay special attention. especially i n the period before this strand of thought became restricted to the Ibadi sect. and yet more probing might reveal some surprises. but they also pricked elite consciences. a subterranean current of ideas may have survived to motivate abolitionists of a later age. scientists. and the sixteenth-century resurgence in Shi'i political fortunes only gave rise to a tidal wave of enslavement. but authors say surprisingly little about the social content of this strand of thought. Writings on early Islamic mysticism are voluminous. by offering a spiritual refuge from drudgery and violence. Isma'ili influence reached a nadir. Philosophers. and whether it affected other Muslims at all. it seems as though the Druzes withdrew into isolation. However.

custom was more forgiving than the holy law. Sumatra. Snouck Hurgronje 1906: I. but customary resistance could be tenacious. and gradual. The spread of sharia-mindedness led to gradual reform. debt. 168. H o d g s o n 1974: II. 66 . Custom meshed with the holy law i n complex ways. These terms covered everything from unwritten local lore to the elaborate codes of conquered peoples. Second and subsequent generations of slaves were often 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 Olcott 1987: 19. and the sharia. especially in regions where conversion to Islam had been peaceful. Snouck Hurgronje commented acidly that adat was really the 'mistress'. after a fixed period. 153. A l i 1969: 29. and women laboured under a number of specific disadvantages. and sharia 'her obedient slave'. but local communities were not necessarily of the same opinion. or because of ethnic factors. The ulama upheld the primacy of the sharia i n case of conflicting interpretations. for Bedouin 'customary law could be as distant i n Arabia itself from the Shari'ah law of the books as i n the remotest corner of the hemisphere'. recent. only fully codified in the 1820s. Mongol law. acting to restrict slavery i n significant ways. A proverb from Aceh.4 C U S T O M A R Y LAW The ulama recognised a subordinate place for custom and precedent from early i n the history of Islam. 10. This was a problem all over Islamdom. In other instances. and the sale of children was particularly common. Local conventions allowed for forms of servitude which made pious ulama shudder. Russian codes. Kazakh qadis in Inner Asia dispensed an amalgam of Turkic custom. Local habits allowed for liberation on conversion. Enslavement through crime. both emanating from G o d . held that holy law and custom (adat) were 'like the pupil and the white of the eye'.

1642-5) wrote more vaguely of Russian slaves who 'have served out their work'. Opinions differed as to the enforcement of these customs. considered i n chapter 11 below. Fisher 1972: 585. K u r o p a t k i n 1882: 199. 5 Liberation after a fixed term or on conversion Obligatory emancipation after a fixed time was praiseworthy i n both Shi'i and Sunni Islam. One author claimed that 'masters who do not conform to this requirement are severely punished'. However. 71. Most Uzbek slaves seem to have been freed after about 10 years. Heirs might seek repossession through a sharia court. In the nineteenth-century Balkans and Anatolia. Manumitting a couple when they married was another n o r m i n Anatolia. Chinese military slaves i n East Turkistan were released after 12 years. Erdem 1996: 155. 152-64. and may have derived from the Jewish precedent of freedom i n the seventh year.Customary Law 67 treated differently. A former member of the Ottoman imperial harem described the process as automatic. Officials also unilaterally extended the term of service. 412. personal communication. [Quilliam] 1895: 55 Hanimefendi 1994: 66. Crimean Tatars freed most of their slaves after six years. 76. 158-9. G a r n e t t l 8 9 1 : I I . Young 1905-06. Erdem 1996: 111. A l i 1883: 171. and expensive. refusal was possible. but release could be made conditional on the agreement of the owner. White slaves completed nine years.11. if rare. for example i n Crete i n I860. .168. whereas more resistant. Albertine Jwaideh. Khan Nadir Muhammad of Bukhara (r. a similar custom prevailed. Hellie 1982: 517. 162-4. and enforced by qadis. refuse liberation i f the purchase price had not been redeemed. cheap and adversely affected by cold weather. Hellie 1993: 294. A U w o r t h 1994: 32. Heers 2003: 10. the seven-year rule was usually reserved for Blacks. Hanimefendi 1994: 66-7. 6 7 8 9 10 11 1 2 13 14 15 16 5 6 7 8 9 1 0 n 1 2 1 3 14 15 1 6 Jwaideh and Cox 1989. while owners could demand compensation. or sell a slave just before the fixed time was up. In Iraq aspects of Babylon's ancient Hammurabi code continued to be enforced. limiting the activities that slaves could perform. ' In the wider Turkic world. Burton 1998: 347-8.

Syrian Arabs resented high-handed Ottoman attempts to impose the practice on them at this time. Fisher 1980b: 49-56. restricting imports made 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 Walz 1985: 147. run on Ottoman lines. Samory Ture worked for a nineteenthcentury West African chief for seven years to gain his mother's freedom. B u r c k h a r d t l 9 9 2 : I. M o r e l l 1984: 342. and thus acceptable i n sharia terms. Such documents were popular i n Turkistan and the Ottoman empire. although heirs sometimes managed to obtain a reversal of liberation through the courts. In Egypt the only slaves freed after seven or nine years in the nineteenth century were those employed by the state. A more prevalent expectation among Arabs was that devout believers would free slaves after an indeterminate number of years. E r d e m 1996: 157-8. masters of workshops guaranteed freedom after the completion of a specified task. Muhammad al-Anbabi. . Inalcik 1997: 284. though they continued to control them through clientage. 'Limited service contracts' were at the discretion of owners. Conversely. Some Western observers opined that emancipation merely stimulated fresh imports of slaves. In the great Anatolian manufacturing centre of Bursa i n the fifteenth-century. subject to centuries of Ottoman suzerainty. spoke of 'advice to pious persons among the captors to give them at the end of a few years their freedom'. Baer 1969: 188. especially if they had converted to Islam. A similar precept was recorded i n Tunisia. and often influenced by Turkic norms. Inalcik 1979: 27-9.68 Customary Law Elsewhere. an observer i n the 1850s noted that 'scrupulous Mussulmans think themselves bound to offer liberty to their slaves after nine years' good service. Edirne. Levi 2002: 287. and lowering costs of supervision. However. Similar cases were recorded for sixteenth-century Ankara. or after a period of time. 181-3. and Sofia. Brown 1974: 185. Fisher 2001: 188. Egyptian Shaykh al-Azhar i n the late nineteenth-century. perhaps a reflection of the custom across the Sahara. enhancing productivity among servile artisans. Bedouins often freed slaves. because it is thought that after that time they have paid their value i n labour'. In Algeria. liberation after a fixed term was rare.

custom could be to the disadvantage of slaves wishing to gain freedom through conversion. II. custom was prone to be generous to slaves who embraced Islam. . summed up i n his father's famous cry. Shaddad. 156. 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 D o u i n 1936-41:111/2.69-70. The chivalric ideal of his emancipation as a recompense for daring resonated throughout Islamic history.2001: 85. inhabiting areas of the upper Senegal and Niger basins where Animists were numerous. Pipes 1981: 22. Sy 2000: 47. Fisher 1980b: 54. A m o n g the Christians and Jews who were allowed to adopt Islam. because it entailed a customary exemption from rowing the galleys. even after conversion to Islam. Young 1905-06. Indeed. Hames and O u l d C h e i k h 1991: 67-73. Wolf 1979: 164-5. Clissold 1977: 4-5. 'Charge and be free. frequently re-issued and probably dating i n part from the eighth-century. freed any slave who became a Muslim. Ottoman officials encouraged converts to apply for manumission. The Soninke. 166-8. Limited service contracts lapsed i n late-nineteenth-century Hadhramaut. skilled workers and concubines were those most likely also to be liberated. The son of an Ethiopian slave mother. Hopkirk. Ottoman palace slaves also expected liberation if they converted on the birth of an imperial child. You shall be a slave no longer'. M a l c o l m 1994: 66-9. Barbary corsairs discouraged. though they were disappointed i n 1762. contributing to the growth of a Bosnian and Albanian free Muslim population.Liberation after a fixed term or on conversion 27 69 owners unwilling to release existing slaves. Davis 2003: 21-3. A popular literary genre portrayed freedom as a reward for heroism in battle. 256-7. Anatolian enthusiasm for liberation after a fixed term shrank i n tandem with imports. tells the story of a preIslamic hero. A n t a r a earned his freedom by his bravery. The Sirat 'Antara b. In the Christian Balkans. Norris 1980: 46. E r d e m 1996: 31. When much of the local population was not Muslim. Military slaves were especially likely to earn their liberty. 91-2. Hodgson 1974: II. Berg 1886: 11. 655. even if seized in holy war. 148. or even banned their slaves from converting. Bono 1964: 250-3. However. following treaties with Britain to prohibit the trade. Many Russians languished i n captivity i n nineteenth-century Turkistan.

including girls obtained by West African potentates in the fourteenthcentury. 75. From one perspective. Even the custom that Arab slaves should never be castrated was not always respected. 'if they should happen to be seized and sold by pirates. Indeed Ibn Butlan's eleventh-century buyer's manual described the qualities of Arab slave women from the holy city of Mecca. Cattelani 1897: 71. Raffles 1978:1. were numbered among the prestigious companions of the Prophet. Lewis 1990. 19-20. The Timbuktu Berber scholar. and nationalist loyalties. however common i n popular culture. a satisfactory proof of their origin would be sufficient to procure their enfranchisement'. M i i l l e r 1980: 66-71. O f the Javanese i n the 1810s it was written that. 35.70 Customary Law In South India some local Muslims clung to caste beliefs that certain people were inherently servile by birth. were thus akin to dynastic. not only by Somali authors. ethnicity might limit the incidence of enslavement. Ethnic and racial stereotypes. Rutter 1986: 140. Nevertheless. even if many ulama rejected this tradition as uncanonical. A h m a d Baba. sectarian. Beachey 1976b: 107. conflicted with Islamic universalism. Caliph ' U m a r b. the Somali of the H o r n of Africa were routinely credited with this privilege. whether favourable to slaves or not. Sales of Arabs certainly persisted. C e r u l l i 1957-64: II. Black and Persian slaves. K h a d d u r i 1955: 131-2. This casts doubt upon claims that ethnic groups of lesser standing were immune from slavery. Beg 1975: 108. This may have been a response to his own capture i n 1593. Nicholls 1971: 231. 634—44) was said to have prohibited enslaving male Arabs. Ruthven 2000: 212. . Elwahed 1931: 159-69. drew up a famous list of which ethnic groups could not be enslaved i n West Africa i n 1615. 38 The ambiguities of ethnicity and race Any recourse to ethnic and racial notions. who himself repeatedly rejected discrimination on such grounds. 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 3 8 3 9 4 0 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 45 4 6 4 7 Kusuman 1973: 24. Piscatori 1986. or freed slaves. tearing apart the seamless robe of God's community. Battuta 1983: 334. Rahal 2000: 18-20. A y a I o n 1999: 75. Norris 1978: 111-16. al-Khattab (r.

Barbour and Jacobs 1985. However. More problematic is the contention that the customs of some Muslim peoples prevented them from owning slaves. The H u i purchased numerous children. V l o r a 1968: I. and that they paid bride price to obtain wives from Catholic neighbours. organised i n tight-knit clans. The Muslim H u i of China supposedly held no slaves. the nineteenth-century elite imported Black slaves from Egypt. . but the waters have been muddied by Communist theoreticians equating slavery with backwardness. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 61. Jiangping Wang and Jake Whittaker. and Moroccan Berber villages owned slaves collectively. Eighteenth. and even the enslavement of Animist Fulbe came to be condemned. Hunwick and Harrak 2000. 208. as will be discussed i n Chapter 8. Muslim merchants in fourteenth-century China bought girls from infidel parents. D y m o n d 1929: 10. As late as 1930 the founder of the northwestern rebel state of Islamistan seized youths as soldiers. The French believed this to be true of 'republican' Berber communities of North Africa. Clissold 1977: 67. and it seems unlikely that they freed them all through adoption. for at one point he allowed the enslavement of two peoples whose Islam was 'shallow'. Another group allegedly without slaves were the mountaineers of northern Albania. Broomhall 1987: 57. Michaux-Bellaire 1910: 425. 292. Battuta 1983: 286.The ambiguities of ethnicity and race 71 48 followed by imprisonment and house arrest in Morocco till 1607. 145. and handed over enemy women to his men. 239.and nineteenth-centuryjihads probably gave rise to enslavement. and Circassian concubines from Istanbul. Kake 1979: 164-5. V l o r a 1911: 45-6. i n more socially stratified southern Albania. Emerit 1949: 35. according to local custom. the list became enshrined i n local lore. 56-62. as noted in Chapter 2. Cable and French 1942: 222. 70. Algerian Kabyles enslaved shipwrecked Christians when they could. R e c l u s 1883: 186. Ahmad's criteria were religious rather than ethnic. However. for they lacked an Islamic state and lived i n relatively densely populated areas. H u i 'brigand chiefs' i n Yunnan were kidnapping and enslaving people at around the same time. 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 52 5 3 5 4 0 0 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 Zouber 1977: 26-32. 153. personal communications. D u r h a m 1909: 36. 231. It is possible that their concubines were widows of relatives. However.

Ibn Sina. Olivier de Sardan 1975: 112-13. Kush i n the H o r n of Africa. Turks and Africans. Special treatment of second and later generation 65 66 67 68 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5 6 6 6 7 0 8 Lewis 1990: 5. 55. Davis 1984: 36. Lewis 1990: 53. Manumission on birth occurred. especially Muslims. but Jewish. Lasker 1950: 32 Brunschvig 1960: 25. 86-7. they 'were predestined to servility'. notably Slavs. Custom more commonly imposed a lesser improvement i n status. Colley 2002: 115. and Fut in South Asia.72 Customary Law M u c h more i n evidence was the manipulation of ethnicity and race to justify enslavement. Hellie 1993: 296. For the dark-skinned there was the additional problem of stories that the biblical H a m and his descendants had been cursed with both servitude and blackness for laughing at the nakedness of his father Noah. further propounded that extremes of temperature produced temperaments suitable to slavery among the fairer and darker peoples. As for Black Africans. influential in the Middle East. 119-22. Ufford 1856: 70. the famous Persian physician and philosopher encountered i n Chapter 3 defending natural servitude. while endorsing Ibn Sina's climatic determinism. held that a slave born i n the owner's house should not be sold. The great Tunisian historian Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) was among Muslim intellectuals who refused to accept such tales. Ham's progeny was sometimes divided between the offspring of Canaan i n darkest Africa. Rotter 1967: 141-4. 43. ix. Seventeenthcentury Algerians likened the pink skin of European captives to that of the proscribed pig. A m o n g the Minangkabau of West Sumatra. Black Papuans and Melanesians were probably also regarded as natural slaves i n Southeast Asia. Pre-Islamic Arab norms. B r a u d e 2002. The curse originally fell on Ham's son Canaan with no hint of pigmentation. Willis 1985:1. 60 61 62 63 64 Slavery by birth Local custom might mitigate the lot of those born to slave parents. Christian and Muslim writers embroidered the stoiy. and should be treated better than raided or purchased outsiders. notably in the Balkans. A N R I 1836-9. 123-5. Colley 2002: 115. . Sugar 1977: 13. Reformers i n sixteenth-century Songhay unsuccessfully tried to overlay West African conventions of this type with a more Islamic system. grandchildren were freed. 54-5. 18.

for subordination easily became permanent i n systems close to serfdom. who unrealistically attempted to limit such marriages to men beyond the age of fathering. Young 1905-06: II. O n the fringes of West Sumatra. 269. children of a free man and a slave woman were free i n Aceh. Iwabuchi 1994: 94. Verkerk Pistorius 1868: 437-43. Moszkowski 1909: 229. A free Circassian man might marry a slave woman without freeing her. could not agree as to the status of children. Fahmy 1990: 96-7. whereas they were alternately 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 Trimingham 1959: 133-5. If the man married the woman.Slavery by birth 69 73 slaves. They lived i n satellite villages. Snouck Hurgronje 1903: 60. Spaulding 1982: 12. Burton 1973: 253. Customary deviations from this pattern were legion. West Sumatran freed slaves and their descendants formed 'impure clans'. and were euphemistically called 'nephews below the knees'. who worked the soil i n perpetuity. who tended herds. Snouck Hurgronje 1903: 63. 158. so that any children were automatically free. Christelow 1994: 5-6. but free i n Shi'i Islam. 169. Children of a servile mother by a free man. a free man marrying a slave woman himself adopted her status. Moszkowski 1909: 236. and born slaves. Under customary law. Brunschvig 1960: 31. notably protection from sale. and those who were merely liberated. 100 A d a m 1840: 68-72. owing labour duties to local rulers. not her owner. Stilwell 1999: 174-5. such slaves could be sold without problem i n the Sudan. 63-4. A similar situation was recorded i n northwestern India i n the 1840s. . Tuaregs of the Ahaggar distinguished between recentiy obtained slaves. Bourgeot 1975: 92-3. Young 1994: 48. could not marry 'proper people'. Maliki ulama. The Alas and Gayo of North Sumatra distinguished between slaves who were adopted into clans after emancipation. Azarya 1978: 35. as did their children. H i l l 1976. equal to free people. persisted i n West Africa. and her offspring were then servile. Amelioration i n status over generations was a double-edged sword. Balde 1975: 200-1. were of servile status i n Sunni Islam. Caro Baroja 1955: 48. and i n the Gayo highlands of Sumatra. In contrast. Graves 1984: 13-14. Shafi'i and Hanafi ulama imposed liberation as a precondition.

Some were constrained by poverty. notably in the Balkans. Africa and Southeast Asia. or 87 88 89 90 8 2 8 3 8 4 8 5 8 6 8 7 8 8 8 9 9 0 L o e b 1972: 230-1. emerged from such unions i n East Africa. they also portrayed themselves as supplying soldiers for the noble cause of Islamic military supremacy. Winstedt 1981: 54. A d d i n g insult to injur)'. a man who had lost both parents could even sell his unmarried sisters. Snouck Hurgronje 1906: I. L o d h i 1973: 12-13. notably i n Southeast Asia and Africa. J a i m o u k h a 2001: 149-52. gradually embracing Islam from 1717. Jacobs 1894: I. Recent and imperfect converts often specialised in selling their offspring. men sometimes took free concubines. However. L i n e h a n 1973: 129. Turkic steppe tribes. Snouck Hurgronje 1903: 63. 22. In some cases. M o r e l l 1984: 340. continued to sell servile soldiers and concubines after conversion. Djajadiningrat 1929: 90. 78. they invoked destitution to explain their actions. Circassians of the northwestern Caucasus. descendants of a concubine retained the 'taint' of slavery for several generations. Mirza and Strobel 1989: 19. 197-8: Jackson 1999: 63-4. To the horror of pious ulama. but others wished to better the lot of their children. 169. L o d h i 1973: 12-13. K u m a r 1997: 62. 83 84 85 86 Self-enslavement and the sale of relatives Muslims might enslave themselves or their children because of abject poverty. were famed for providing boys as military slaves from the ninth to the fourteenth-century. . Sutherland 1983: 276. Toledano 1998: 36-40. Lasker 1950: 32-3. gradually entering the Islamic fold. the children of such unions were often considered inferior to those of free wives. The children of recognised concubines might be treated contrary to sharia provisions. Fisher 2001: 181-2. which was more or less complete around 1850. bureaucracy. M e n thus practised birth control or infanticide. D u r h a m 1909: 36. Uncanonical 'half-slaves'.74 Customary Law 82 slave and free i n South Sulawesi. Ayalon 1951: 1-4. or harem. W i n k 1999: II. They often ceased to do so as they became more thoroughly Islamised. 147-8. both of which violated holy law. Snouck Hurgronje 1906: I. 359. 360. Their greatest hope was that a daughter might become 'the mother of sultans'. U n d e r local custom. In Aceh. Hunwick 1985: 71. but also because this was a customary way to achieve upward social mobility through army.

. Fisher 2001: 102-3. was also blamed. notably in Kosovo. if there was no other way of staying alive. Chattopadhyay 1977: 175. Broersma 1916: 74-6. complaints grew apace. and finding it hard to distinguish between Circassians of free and servile origins. hunger. Indeed. Sutherland 1983: 275. intensified by uprooting. Vlora 1968: I. E r d e m 1996: 48-50. Purchasers i n the cities asked no questions. Self-enslavement and the sale of children by parents was allowed by the eighteenth-century Luwaran code of the southern Philippines. Muslims in the largely Kurdish Mosul area were reduced to selling their children i n 1841. Balkan Muslims. and did not appear i n the 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 9 1 9 2 9 3 9 4 9 5 9 6 9 7 9 8 9 9 5 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 2 Jaimoukha2001: 169. 'on account of their extreme poverty'. 249. A d a m 1840: 64-7.Self-enslavement and the sale of relatives 91 75 his adulterous wife. Hanimefendi 1994: 59. Popovic 1978: 168. Miers 2003: 306. Moszkowski 1909: 236. portrayed this as an outlandish custom of improperly Islamised people. 72. Garnett 1909: 211-12. Warren 1981: 215-17. Loyre-de-Hauteclocque 1989: 151. stating that their children were slaves. attributing blame to dealers. apart from 'eating a dead body'. This was contested. as long as the family of the latter agreed. Sagaster 1997: 43-4. Kurdish children were occasionally passed off as Circassians. Poverty. were horrified that Circassians sold free children. Hanimefendi 1994: 68. The South Asian Mohit-uSurakhsi declared that Muslims could sell themselves or their children. E r d e m 1996: 197. or sold their children. Kidwai 1985: 188-9. usually for reasons of debt. and chronic insecurity. Malcolm 1998: 214-15. Migeod 1990: 333. Kurds more generally traded their daughters for domestic and factory work i n Iran in the nineteenth-century. Toledano 1998: 105-9. savage. Some Muslims i n South Asia. Kurds were another group known for selling their children. vile and uncivilised'. Traders assuaged their consciences by affirming that they were rescuing children from a life of grinding poverty. however. Some free Circassian parents thus obtained false certificates. Anatolian Turks. who described their new compatriots unflatteringly as 'wild. When Circassians fled the advancing Russians and flooded into the Ottoman empire from the late 1850s. J a i m o u k h a 2001: 169. Polak 1865:1. Southeast Asia and Africa voluntarily became slaves. Harries 1965: 206-7.

Inner Asia. 1658-1707). albeit with limitations for victims of natural disasters. Winter 1992: 69. for example i n eighteenth-century Egypt. Matheson and H o o k e r 1983: 184-6. T h o m a z 1994: 261. resulting from forced mating between purchased Black women and European captives. The enslavement of Muslims for debt persisted de facto i n the Middle East after the ulama had prohibited it. but they were supposedly encouraged by Muslim traders from A c e h . J a i m o u k h a 2001: 169. Java's debt peons were worked hard. 292. reflectingjavanese legal principles. E r d e m 1996: 52-3. 277. Debt bondage was particularly widespread in Southeast Asia. Schneider 1999: 15. 56. Baillie 1957: 365-6. Reid 1983b: 160-1. 1 0 4 1 0 5 1 0 6 1 0 7 1 0 8 1 0 9 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 0 3 . 67-8. 48. The eighteenth-century Luwaran code of the southern Philippines enshrined the principle. where many Muslim societies failed to make a clear distinction between this status and slavery proper. an authoritative collection of legal opinions from the time of Awrangzib (r. The ulama frowned upon breeding children for sale. Only in Java was the transition from debtor to chattel 'out of the question'. One Barbary entrepreneur outside Algiers sold mulatto children. 103 104 105 106 Debt bondage and serfdom The earliest Muslims probably tolerated the imposition of slavery for unredeemed debt. Indeed. 246. The laws of Melaka (Malacca) allowed enslavement for debt i n the fifteenth-century. Elwahed 1931: 120-2. L o e b 1972: 143. the Surraq Hadith told of the Prophet selling a debtor. 285-6. Burger 1975:1.76 Customary Law Fatawa Alamgiri. That said. K h a n 1998: 57-8. and this famous code served as a model i n the archipelago for centuries. Hoadley 1983: 99. Slave breeders i n Nias island were Animists. It was common i n Bukhara. C l i s s o l d 1977: 46-7. 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 A d a m 1840: 23. 112 Warren 1981: 215-17. for example i n Cirebon's weaving workshops around 1800. i n the nineteenth-century. although no text was cited to prohibit the practice. 58. although this weak tradition was not included in canonical collections. Circassians courted further infamy by encouraging their slaves to produce children for the market.

Worcester 1913: 5. Reid 1993. "If you have not satisfied your creditor by such and such a date. you will go with him [across the Sahara] as a slave. Maxwell 1890: 247-8. not their person. 134-5. but they appealed to the authority of Malay custom. 67. The Mohit-u-Surakhsi held that a free man. A d a m 1840: 23. Gullick 1958: 101-5. but Ibn Battuta reported a fourteenth-century trade i n indebted women i n the entirely Muslim Maldive Islands. themselves an overt breach of sharia principles. Islam d i d not eliminate enslavement for debt i n Africa. therefore argued that replacing customary law with the sharia would eradicate persistent servitude i n South Sumatra. working for the Dutch. whether a high official or a slave. could sell himself. B i r d 1883: 370-5. A m o n g the Maranao of Mindanao. L o y r e .H a u t e c l o c q u e 1989: 145-6. Many debtors were doubtless Hindus. Frere 1873: 14. presumably the discredited Surraq Hadith.d e . Nevertheless. A n Indonesian official. 116 117 118 119 120 Sir Bartle Frere's surprising statement that Islam authorised the enslavement of 'insolvent debtors' may have reflected his long experience of British India. Although numerous South Asian ulama contested this ruling. Djajadiningrat 1929. the sultan of Wadai around 1870 'does not delay i n announcing clearly to the negligent debtor. High levels of indebtedness were made worse by usurious interest rates. Andaya (Barbara) 1993: 85. Muslims regularly owned such slaves. 151. a loan could allegedly double i n size i n as little as 10 days. . hard pressed by his creditors. 147. 48. Endicott 1983: 217. Thosibo 2002. unpaid debts were 'the most comm o n origin for the heritable slaves found i n many societies'. Malays recognised that the sharia only allowed the seizure of debtors' property. Baillie 1957: 365. A response to growing sharia-minded criticism was to insist that debtors were technically free. In reality. selling unredeemed debtors. and treating their descendants as chattels. L i n e h a n 1973: 128-9. Clifford 1913: 121-5. being merely under an obligation to repay the sum owed. A tradition of the Prophet was invoked. was commonplace. and presented children as collateral for loans. Battuta 1983: 244. Redemption thus remained a possibility. T r i m i n g h a m 1959: 30. although default might give rise to pawning rather than slavery proper i n West Africa. M a h m u d 1954. 97. as a substi121 122 123 124 1 1 5 u6 1 1 7 1 1 8 1 1 9 1 2 0 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 3 1 2 4 Reid 1983b: 160-1.Debt bondage and serfdom 11 115 Elsewhere i n Southeast Asia.

even distinguished between chattel slaves. H a r l a n 1939: 122. for example i n Inner Asia. wherever custom prevented the sale of rural slaves born i n captivity. Shaw and Shaw 1976-7:1. because it infringed the rights of free Muslims and scriptuaries. their k i n sometimes paid off the debt. A n example of sharia-minded reform of debt bondage i n West Africa came from Futa Jalon. Gardner 1898: 121-2. and this punishment was not condoned i n Maliki law. Mirza and Strobel 1989: 24. Rodney 1968: 281-2. The Shi'i HazaraNaf Afghanistan. theft and simply 'contravening a pro131 132 133 Fisher 2001: 32. 39. enslavement for crimes persisted where customary law was strong. 126 127 128 129 130 Crime and taxes Discussingjudicial condemnation to bondage. however. Patterson 1982: 128. South Sulawesi. with an obligation to work for the owner. as indicated above. movable property. Defaulting debtors were still beaten. developing i n eastern Europe from the fifteenth-century. reduced to servitude those merely convicted of 'lasciviousness' and other misdemeanours. 104. Sentencing free Muslims to slavery was common i n Southeast Asia. They were influenced by the repressive 'second serfdom'. Areas recently conquered from Christians showed signs of adopting similar arrangements. 50-1. Harries 1965: 206-7. but this is an exaggeration. M a l c o l m 1994: 93-4. was unacceptable to the ulama. Tying people to the land. of Mongol origin. Muslim debtors were then freed from enslavement. . and those attached to the land. their de facto status was close to that of serfs. The late seventeenth-century laws of inheritance i n Makassar. G a m m e r 1994: 246. Patterson concludes that 'the introduction of Islam to a country usually terminated this means of enslavement'. In reality. Gervaise 1971: 114.78 Customary Law 125 tute for the money you owe h i m . especially i n Balkan and Caucasus frontier areas. where the highway robbers' of Afghanistan were regularly sold into slavery. In Banten i n the 1780s. where a regime born of holy war imposed Islamic norms from the 1720s. Rosenthal 1960: 78. ' " W h e n Arab slavers i n East Africa sought to buy Swahili debtors. However. Pipes 1981: 98. Fisher 2001: 117.

failing which the guilty party was himself enslaved. There was sharia-minded opposition. not only he. Servitude was the usual penalty for many crimes in the eighteenth-century Luwaran code of the southern Philippines. Lewis 1965: 112-13. eloping with slaves. Loyre-de-Hauteclocque 1989: 145. women and children were sent into bondage 'for the slightest fault'. together with those who did not pay fines. Heers 2003: 45-6. This punishment might even fall upon the relatives of criminals. two centuries later. A m o n g the Maranao of Mindanao. . brothers and sisters'. Moszkowski 1909: 235. . There were bitter complaints that Arabs continued to demand a tax in children from Maghribi Berbers after their conver135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 Kumar 1997: 269-70.. crime was 'a lucrative source of supply for the prince. thieves could be either killed or enslaved. In thirteenth-century West Africa. In Zinder. Theft. his father and mother. Warren 1981: 215-17. Fisher 2001: 119. This was because he could discover no penalty i n the Quran for this crime. rape was one offence for which a man's whole family could be enslaved. he is forthwith sold i n the souk. Rodney 1968: 281-2. but if the Sarkee wants money. Taxes levied in slaves might be paid by dipping into existing stocks of slaves. 121. Children born out of wedlock became state slaves on the fringes of West Sumatra. In Senegal. but free Muslims were also reduced to servitude in this manner. Making an unmarried woman pregnant was punished by a fine of three slaves. In Futa Jalon. even i n this case a judge enslaved a Muslim who killed his own son i n the 1820s. Richardson 1853: II.Crime and taxes 134 79 hibition' were punished i n this way. banditry and disobeying royal orders were major causes of enslavement i n the O r o m o kingdom of Jimma i n Ethiopia. which was 'grossly at odds with the Islamic system of justice'. and incest. A boy steals some trifling articles—a few needles. 231. Similar examples came from Africa. Canot 1940: 81-2. Felonies leading to loss of freedom i n South Sulawesi i n 1863 included adultery.. Sutherland 1983: 275. Federspiel 1998: 351. However. a European observer i n 1803 praised the 'abolition of those African laws which make slavery the punishment of almost every offence'.

. W i n k 1999: II. Hodgson 1974:1. Gregorian 1969: 34-5. Peters 1979: 68-9. 10-12. K h a n 1998: 57. Bret 1987: 43-4. Fulbe elites denied free status to West Africans who stuck to Animism at the time that jihads were declared. 127. for example i n the limitation of concubinage. 35. freed one such community around 1900. 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 Female and mutilated slaves Bondwomen might benefit from custom. took concubines only from 'those villages which during the period of Islamisation had refused to embrace the new religion. or enslaving Muslims for failing to pay uncanonical taxes. and had thereupon been declared to be slaves'. feuds and raids. A reforming sultan of Dar Sila. The Egyptian conquerors of the Sudan from 1820 were accused of taxing i n slaves. Azarya 1978: 25. Chad. Noelle 1997: 83. 154 155 156 Wilkinson 1987: 180-1. 'which is equivalent to a permanent marriage'. Muslims of Sri Lanka and parts of India established an upper limit of forty concubines per man. Wills 1891: 326. A n astute doctrine to warrant taking free Muslims as tax was to declare that they had converted too late. Levi 2002: 287. 198.80 Customary Law sion. Tribesmen of the remote Arabian mountains of Dhofar exclaimed contemptuously in the late 1920s. A similar situation developed i n the Sudan-Ethiopia borderlands from the 1720s. In Shi'i Persia. H a r l a n 1939: 82. Non-payment of taxes i n Bukhara resulted in the enslavement of Muslim children. 717-20) stamped out this abuse. some 'respectable' men entered a contract for 99 years with a concubine. Spaulding 1982: 4. Trimingham 1965: 219-20. The sharia-minded grandees of Banten. 'let the nobility—the saiyids and the merchants of the coast—use their slave girls as concubines at their pleasure'. Thomas 1938: 67. but adhered to Islam later. 269. As 'their servile status preceded their adoption of Islam'. i n West Java. ' A b d al-'Aziz (r. there was no harm i n collecting tribute i n slaves from them. A l i 1972: 19. although it is unclear how this figure was arrived at. or when this rather generous restriction dated from. Bevan Jones 1941: 209. Papoulia 1963: 58. till the pious Caliph 'Umar b. Inner Asian taxes i n slaves exacerbated local wars. K u m a r 1997: 62.

albeit 'not sanctioned by law or custom'. 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 1 5 7 1 5 8 1 5 9 1 6 0 1 6 1 1 6 2 163 1 6 4 1 6 5 1 6 6 1 6 7 1 6 8 1 6 9 1 7 0 1 7 1 1 7 2 Goldziher 1967: 116-17. although it is unclear what arguments they deployed. Lane 1895: 147. E r d e m 1996: 34-5. slave girls from the interior of Borneo were circumcised as part of their conversion to Islam in the nineteenth-century. 155-6. Burton 1973: 201. Custom contributed to an uneven distribution of eunuchs across Islamdom. Many Arabs i n the central lands. Hanimefendi 1994: 65-6. Hargey 1981: 70. 50. and later from the Nilotic Sudan. Arberry 1969: II. Hunwick 1992: 16. Findley 1995: 169. frowned on the practice. Low 1968: 119. 1764-75). There was weak scriptural backing for female circumcision. Fahmy 1990: 107-8. Gervaise 1971: 115-16. Mamluk governor of Baghdad (r. 192. However. 298. The wife of 'Umar Pasha. including Bedouins. 'and the more careful legists could not regard it as fully b i n d i n g ' . Heers 2003: 193. The same problem arose in Sumatra. Burckhardt 1993: 1867. some free women went as far as to murder their husbands' concubines. Accusations were made against Ibadi believers i n Libya i n the twelfth-century. and probably elsewhere. In late-seventeenth-century South Sulawesi. However. Omani sultans employed them. Sullivan 1982: 56. The same was true of slave girls from Nubia. 1978: 1091. Lane 1895: 147. 199. Nieuwenhuis 1981: 24. Brunschvig 1960: 25. Servile prostitution flourished i n the Malay peninsula. Hodgson 1974: I. the Sudanese ulama produced a 'tentative religious ruling against infibulation'. 324. the legal fiction of short-term sales disguised the practice in Ottoman lands. This was a pre-Islamic Arabian custom. Pellat et at. 'did not even allow him to have a concubine. A d a m 1840: 68-9. and no particular mention of slaves. but not circumcision. Fahmy 1990: 107-8. . Jwaideh and Cox 1989: 55-6.Female and mutilated slaves 81 Free wives were the most consistent opponents of concubinage. However. H u n w i c k and Powell 2002: 94. U n d e r British pressure. Prostitution was explicitly prohibited i n 24:33 of the Quran. and Egyptians and Sudanese i n the nineteenth-century. Awde 2000: 126. Walz 1985: 151. South Asian Muslim prostitutes even bought other girls to work for them. Andaya (Barbara) 1993: 96. Moral tales criticising the custom showed wives as victims from quite early o n . and 'Umar died childless'. let alone infibulation.

Beachey 1976a: 172. they inexplicably vanished from the record thereafter. Millant 1908: 173-6. 256. Olivier de Sardan 1975: 128. Iranian Safavid rulers imposed castration as a punishment. Arabs in Mukalla. Chinese Muslims probably had none.82 Customary Law 173 and Morocco remained a consumer into the twentieth-century. Hadhramaut. 228-33. Constable 1994: 206. 153-64. 365. Tsai 1996: 55-60. 52. even asked a Western visitor i n 1843 how many eunuchs Queen Victoria maintained at her court. Saltana 1993: 113. Baghdiantz McCabe 1999: 39. so that there were few fatal cases. Trimingham 1965: 66. Turkic and Iranian custom may have made these peoples receptive to Byzantine. a Muslim boy captured and castrated by M i n g forces in Yunnan i n 1381-2. the Merciful'. . the Beneficent. and later i n SubSaharan Africa. Hughes 1885: 110. Penal emasculation. In the Atlas Mountains of Morocco in 1881 no less a personage than a Sharif 'rendered young boys into eunuchs with considerable skill. Schroeter 1992: 200. 97. However. 174 175 176 177 178 The castrating of slaves by Muslims clearly violated the sharia. Lewis 1965: 70-1. and yet this occurred i n eleventh-century Iberia. 230. L o m b a r d 1967: 81. eunuchs appeared late i n East Africa.196. Chamba Arabs of the Algerian Sahara recited 'in the name of God. Kidwai 1985: 77. 59. Beachey 1976a: 172. as they chopped off a slave boy's testicles with a knife. Bidwell 1983: 41-2. Meillasoux 1991:185-91. According to one victim. 203. Renault 1989: 55-8. A Hadith of the Prophet clearly forbade this practice. gelding a man for homosexuality. Hunwick 1985: 71. Heers 2003:193. 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 1 7 3 1 7 4 1 7 5 1 7 6 1 7 7 1 7 8 1 7 9 1 8 0 1 8 1 1 8 2 1 8 3 1 8 4 1 8 5 Beachey 1976a: 38. remained highly unusual i n Islam. rose to lead China's maritime expeditions i n the Indian Ocean from 1405 to 1433. Battuta 1983: 149. although Zheng H e [Cheng H o ] (1371-1435). and developed a lucrative trade'. Balde 1975: 203. 45. Fisher 2001: 280-94. H a m b l y 1974: 125-6. A few Muslims competed for this function with Egyptian Christians i n the nineteenth-century. 138. 287. Zambaco 1911. Their Qajar successors were also prone to imposing this disability on potential claimants to the throne. Numerous i n early Islamic Java and Sumatra. Persian and Chinese precedents. Sheriff 1987: 50-1. O f ancient date i n West Africa and the H o r n . Beachey 1976a: 39. stating that 'he is not of my people who makes another a eunuch'. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 105-6. common i n many civilisations. Polak 1865:1. 148. Zambaco 1911: 46. Renault and Daget 1985: 37-8. Meinardus 1969: 49-54.

186 187 188 Customary law threatened to choke God's word and the Prophet's teachings i n prolific and hardy Islamicate weeds. or even eradicate. Clissold 1977: 42-3. Sharia-mindedness could therefore restrict. 21. but were fiercely resisted as undermining the entire edifice of servitude. Segal 2001: 41-2. Patterson 1982: 421. Zambaco 1911: 77. More work is thus required to establish where such rights existed. Pipes 1981: 99. Laffin 1982: 58. how they evolved over time. aspects of 'folk slavery' that threatened the rights of freeborn believers and scriptuaries. H o d g s o n 1974: II. and reducing people to chattels may have inhibited reform. Toledano 1998: 73. Folk pressures to free slaves on their conversion to Islam were great. however. for castration served to preserve a 'boyish and beardless appearance'. Making slaves of criminals and debtors was a convenient alternative to putting them i n prison. this was because Muslims took people from so 1 8 6 1 8 7 1 8 8 Sourdel et at. Ethnicity and race have stirred much interest among scholars investigating slave systems. and the prostitution of eunuchs was denounced i n Lucknow in 1855. More research on the dynamics of this process might reveal the impact of waves of religious revivalism. Indeed. notably females and young boys. 361. Millant 1908: 205. and to what extent they were accepted i n qadi courts. Although a flagrant breach of holy law. There were other ways of dealing with such problems. sexual relations with slave boys were often tolerated. Snouck Hurgronje 1906:1. especially i n corners of Islamdom where custom was tenacious. some Barbary corsairs kept veritable harems of 'male concubines'. Less is known about advantages for slaves resulting from customs more liberal than the holy law. 104-6. Similarly. Practical considerations may have reinforced the persistence of non-sharia forms of enslavement. . Romero 1997: 82-3. 1965: 1082. even a humane alternative under certain conditions of incarceration. Reform could also protect particularly vulnerable groups. Unconditional liberation after a fixed term was the most valuable right that they stood to lose through sharia-minded reform. but they appear to have been marginal in Islam. self-enslavement and the sale of children i n times of want mitigated the nefarious effects of natural disasters and social crises. Willis 1980: 185.Female and mutilated slaves 83 Sharia-minded distaste for emasculation was heightened by the homosexual abuse of slaves. In part. 145-6.

. However.84 Customary Laiv many origins. including the noble Arabs themselves. credit should also be given to the ulama's unyielding refusal to take such factors into consideration. whatever the prejudices of secular elites and the general populace.

Attempts to restrict elite servitude began in the thirteenthcentury. T h o m a z 1994. imposing their own legal code. Although politics and religion were not clearly demarcated at the dawn of Islam. Rulers converting outside the frontiers of the old caliphate introduced further diversity. remained most firmly in the domain of sharia courts. Matheson and H o o k e r 1983. Monarchs legitimised their role by stressing the catch-all concept of public interest (maslaha). II. 62. Over time a separate system of secular justice emerged. Political opportunities also emerged for concubines and eunuchs.5 SULTAN'S LAW Secular legislation encroached on the sharia. 347-50. The Saljuq Turks formally split secular and religious roles i n the eleventh-century. 412. Shaw 197677:1. notably i n Southeast Asia. 85 . especially i n powerful and bureaucratic states. Pipes 1981: 60. To frustrate the ambitions of nobles and tribal leaders. 405-6. i n which slavery was included for most purposes. The ulama acquiesced with bad grace. and gath1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 H o d g s o n 1974:1. and the Mongols symbolically destroyed the vestigial caliphate i n 1258. Anderson 1976. and indeed religious notables. even if royal fears of political usurpation by elite slaves may have been more significant. The ulama reacted by treating edicts as administrative decrees. but family law. H o u r a n i 1970: 10-21. and played a part i n reversing the process. H o o k e r 1988. 134. perhaps reflecting Mongol distaste for the system. pre-existing Roman and Persian notions of monarchs as founts of justice re-asserted themselves from Umayyad times. Muslim potentates built up disciplined corps of military and administrative slaves. tolerated if they accorded with sharia principles. Elite slavery became a major source of friction between rulers and the ulama. based o n repeated injunctions in the Quran to command good and forbid evil. 291-2.

who adopted Byzantine. C r o n e 1980. Slaves thus appeared to be the best option. Military slaves never rose against Islam itself. Abbasid caliphs developed the strategy to such a degree that this became a striking example of an Islamicate institution amounting to much more than the fossilised relics of older cultures. Peirce 1993. for such cases are difficult to explain purely i n terms of social or political imperatives. Arab tribes had become unruly and unreliable. from Umayyad times. with an emphasis on recruiting Turks and Africans. there were hardly any attempts actually to get rid of slavery. Crone 1980: 74-81. although administrative slavery limped on. or turning to sects. A t the same time. . and concubines and eunuchs were largely confined to the harem. Pipes 1981. Rebellion was feared. Indeed. as long as the thorough indoctrination of impressionable infidel youths overcame the danger of servile mutinies. Restricting illicit forms of enslavement sprang from a similar mix of sharia-mindedness and pragmatism. Philips 2000. they did not make use of servile regiments. 6 7 5 6 7 Inalcik 1979: 25-6. a stricter application of rules protecting 'people of the book' brought Muslim regimes into line with holy law. foreign mercenaries were untrustworthy. and the pious were increasingly withdrawing from the public arena. Persian. South Asian Hindus and Jains. Bacharach 1981. Philips 2000. notably among East European Christians. This preoccupation developed from the thirteenth-century. That said. East Javanese Hindus. This suggests that scholars may have underestimated the role of the religious input into the process of reform. and A n i mists in scattered locations. Pipes 1981. Babaie et al.86 Sultan's Law ered momentum from the sixteenth-century. 2004. It was later rulers. once it became evident that numerous infidels i n newly conquered lands were resisting conversion to Islam. Specialised military slavery grew fast from the early ninth-century. 5 Military slavery Although the Prophet and his companions attracted individual slaves and freed slaves to fight for them. A few monarchs even envisaged complete emancipation. and Chinese models of imperial military slavery. Slave armies were moribund i n larger Islamic polities by 1800. and they proved to be ephemeral.

Pipes estimates that roughly half the military slaves of the early centuries were emancipated. 66.Military slavery 87 That said. However. monarchs frequently lost control of the Frankenstein's monster they had created. Pipes 1981: 157-8. Self-perpetuating mamluk regimes then emerged. Africans dominated other mamluk regimes. This was clearest i n Egypt from 1250 to 1382 under Turkic slaves. Crone 1980: 78-9. Winter 1992. notably i n parts of Yemen. A y a l o n 1951. 8 9 10 11 12 Military slaves might be ceremonially liberated on graduation. Crone a n d Cook 1977: 125. initially allowing servile officers to become the power behind the throne. Pipes 1981: 142. Although common. despite the conversion of military slaves and attempts to show that they were good Muslims. 145. Jackson 1999: 64. i n which rulers were typically bought infidel slaves. Pipes 1981: 10. Renault and Daget 1985: 53. 20-3. successful military slaves might accumulate sufficient booty or power to gain their freedom. Balde 1975: 203. T r i m i n g h a m 1965: 61. Patterson 1982: 288. this military system 'could never be specifically Islamic'. Nieuwenhuis 1981. 95. There was little systematic liberation of military slaves i n thirteenth-century India. The ulama almost invariably objected to it. The Ottomans allowed a subordinate Circassian regime to persist i n Egypt after 1517. but this expectation probably declined over time. officers were always more likely to be freed than troopers. Nieuwenhuis 1981. and a similar and largely Georgian one to bloom i n Iraq from 1749 to 1831. Winter 1992: 2-3. " P i p e s 1981: 22. Ethiopia. Egyptian sultans turned the manumission of trained infidel boys into a central ritual from 1250. or eighteenth-century Iraq. 9 1 0 1 2 1 3 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 8 . Caliph al-Amin created three corps of military eunuchs on Chinese lines i n the early ninth-century. 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 2 0 G o r d o n 2001. 47. Ayalon 1951. but this fell into disuse after the Ottoman conquest of 1517. Moreover. " J a c k s o n 1999. and India. as did other Islamic intellectuals. and then up to 1517 under Circassian slaves. selected to succeed by predecessors or peers. G o r d o n 2001: 129-35. Turkic slaves also rose to power i n thirteenth-century North India. and it may have been sharia-minded objections that prevented his successors from following suit. Repp 1968. the sixteenthcentury Ottoman empire.

Tounsy 1845: 269-70. M a r m o n 1995. 21 22 23 24 25 Administrative and harem slavery The ulama were hostile to the employment of servile officials. Pipes 1981. Shafi'i ulama only allowed slaves to fight i n defence of the Muslim community. the Prophet's tomb i n Medina and the great mosque i n Mecca. inveighed against this practice as an unauthorised innovation. Pipes 1981: 54. As slave soldiers were generally paid. One particularly exalted group guarded the holiest places of Islam. The servile status of numerous senior administrators depressed the status of all officials over time. Such people were neither authorised by the founding texts of Islam.' Professional soldiers. nor employed by the Prophet and his companions. Heers 2003: 208. Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (d. including slaves. Papoulia 1963. the ulama apparently objected to the deracination and brutalisation of military slaves. Schleifer 1983: 187. Toledano 1993: 39-42. Toledano 1984. Many senior officials were castrated into the bargain. 232. despite often harsh and difficult conditions of service. their lot may not have been seen as too harsh. a great Egyptian scholar. eunuchs became involved i n palace administration. thirteenth-century Hanafi jurists required those who battled for Islam to be free. the ulama taught that bondservants should not fight i n offensive operations. Less numerous and more privileged than slave soldiers. and then i n running the state. 94-5. Originally employed to watch over the harem.88 Sultan's Law More broadly. To follow the example of the Prophet. However. prevented free Muslim men from carrying out their obligation to fight i n holy war. 26 27 28 29 30 31 2 1 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 K h a d d u r i 1955: 85-6. M i u r a and Philips 2000. Believers also had to refrain from needlessly putting property at risk. there is no evidence of scholars showing concern elsewhere. 1505). . probably buttressing the despotic nature of political systems. or i n exceptional circumstances. In eighteenth-century Morocco. H a m i d u l l a h 1945: 152. and had a chance of manumission and upward social mobility. G o r d o n 2001. bureaucrats were often selected from the most able boys obtained for military duties. Philips 2000:215. whether slaves or mercenaries. from the eighthcentury.

Muhammad Rimfa (r.000. sultans restricted the succession to sons of concubines. or engage i n homosexual relations. From the midfifteenth-century. 786-809) already owned 'hundreds' of concubines. a concubine dedicated her life to scheming in favour of her boy. 58-9. supposedly purchased a thousand women for this purpose on a single occasion. Kidwai 1985: 85. Hurrem or Roxelana. 39. 1520-66) thus caused astonishment by falling i n love with his Ruthenian concubine. K h a n 1972: 35-9. ruler of Borno i n West Africa. The ulama favoured the seclusion of women. K h a n 1972: 35-9. If her son was successful. For the sharia-minded. each of whom was only allowed to have one male child. a master denied a family life to numerous unwanted concubines. Ibid. In effect.Administrative and harem slavery 89 32 Mass royal and noble concubinage dated from Abbasid times. Ingrams 1970: 29. After that. Rizvi 1978-83: II. she might become the veritable ruler of the empire. . 44. he condemned them to a 'system of involuntary imprisonment'. violating the sharia. A h m e d 1992: 83. and Caliph al-Mutawakkil (r. Caliph H a r u n al-Rashid (r. 193. Early Ottoman court practice seriously undermined the sharia norms of family life. Suleyman the Lawgiver. The Ottoman system was extreme. allegedly held over 6. Tounsy 1851: 404-5. 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 3 2 3 3 3 4 m 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 Peirce 1993: 30. together with their many female slaves. where Ziya-ud-Din Barani (1285/6-1356) wrote that the collection of large harems helped sultans to 'exhibit divinity' as wee-regents of G o d .000 i n the tenth-century. 847-61) was said to have possessed 4. or the Magnificent. 62. but by having sexual relations with a handful of women drawn from a vast harem. A rival Umayyad caliph i n Iberia. women might commit adultery. 86. vast numbers of servile consorts flouted repeated recommendations i n the Quran to treat slaves and wives well. Gervaise 1971: 83-5. and marrying her. Peirce 1993: 29-31. but they could not approve of the excessive development of the harem system. (r. 912-961). ' A b d al-Rahman III (r. whose most likely fate was death at the hands of a rival. Elbashir 1983: 127. From the late fourteenth-century. Heers 2003: 193. Montesquieu 1960: 241. There were even attempts to give the practice religious sanction i n South Asia. Chafing against enforced chastity. 357. 1465-99). sultans even ceased to contract legal marriages.

from the time that he assumed real power in 1560. however. even i f some eunuchs continued to straddle the private and public spheres. 92. and were not always consistent. 71. Ruthven 2000: 272-4. exhibiting a personal distaste for the entire institution. 71. 1556-1605) stood out i n tackling aspects of servitude out of kilter with the sharia. H e may have kept his concubines after 1582. individual nobles might field their own military slaves. 673. This followed a turbulent period. on grounds both temporal and religious. 'be you not prodigal. seeking to limit unrest among his H i n d u subjects. Richards 1993: 60-2. H e also banned the sale of slaves i n public markets. H o d g s o n 1974: III. A t most. even critics acknowledged his attempts to stem the tide of slavery. The imperial nobility and army of the new dynasty consisted essentially of free men. Sourdel etal. Moosvi 1998: 88. H e forbade the enslavement of women and children i n war i n 1562. Mughal reforms A m o n g the 'gunpowder empires' of Islam. H e freed thousands of slaves i n his own household i n 1582. Though much hagiography accumulated around Akbar. stating that 'it is beyond the realm ofjustice and good conduct for me to consider as my slaves diose whom I have captured by force'. 246-7. Palace slavery became essentially domestic i n nature. Pipes 1981: 50. Nevertheless. L a i 1994: 72-3. a majority i n his realm. 143-4. H e also prohibited the enslavement of non-Muslim subjects i n arrears on their taxes. The great emperor Akbar (r. Implicitly. 1965: 1084-5. H e loves not the prodigal'. the Mughals moved most decisively against slave elites from the sixteenth-century. enormous harems breached the command in 7:29 of the Quran. when 'peaceable inhabitants' had frequently been enslaved. Sourdel et at 1965: 1084-5. Nizami 1989: 106. A b u l Fazl 1972: II. .90 Sultan's Law 41 which was 'seriously alien to the Shar'i sense of human dignity'. Moosvi 2003. and he authorised slave trad42 43 44 45 46 4 48 49 50 51 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 4 7 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 Hodgson 1974: II. ' Akbar was probably. i n part. Balfour 1885: III. Hardy 1972: 14. Hodgson 1974: III. Akbar's reforms were tarred with the brush of heterodox religious opinions. H e went further.

which was to yield many female slaves. although not all was lost. 383-4. They 'wished to establish a legitimate basis for the ownership of slaves and goods taken i n war. Nizami 1989: 107. the Shi'i Nawabs of Awadh (Oudh) employed eunuchs. Moosvi 2003. 'Abdallah Khan Firuz Jang. many of whom were exchanged i n Iran for horses. O n one occasion. bought young girls from poor parents. liberated all her female slaves after her marriage i n 1611. L a i 1994: 116-17. They seem to have been oblivious to any potential conflict with the holy law. seized throngs of Indian 'rebels' i n 1619-20. and enslaved tax defaulters. Levi 2002: 283-4. 286. Moosvi 2003.The turning of the Ottoman tide 52 91 ing in areas affected by severe famine. and N u r Jahan. 53 54 55 56 57 58 69 60 The turning of the Ottoman tide Ottoman sultans sought fatwas on aspects of enslavement from the late fifteenth-century. However. Awrangzib. Kolff 1990: 12-13. Moosvi 2003. although the arrow merely grazed his skin. W h e n planning an attack o n Cyprus i n 1570. 1605-27). Some of his generals continued to enslave women and children i n conquered territories. Kolff 1990: 12. Under Jahangir (r. sales i n public markets continued to be forbidden. keen on Islamic orthodoxy. Lai 1994: 73. L a i 1994: 72-3. There was a return to older patterns after Akbar's death. for frontier raids contradicted formalistic Hanafi rules'. he d i d not prevent the importation of servile eunuchs. H e issued an edict i n 1568 for the imprisonment of families of executed rebels. Law 1916: 167. Blank 2001: 323-4. a slave tried to shoot him. A h m a d 1971: 91. tax collectors were less likely to seize family members as slaves from H i n d u defaulters than i n pre-Mughal times. an Uzbek commander. K n i g h t o n 1921: 229. and he enslaved 'recalcitrant peasants and rebels'. Hambly 1974. Levi 2002: 282. Even during the eighteenth-century dismemberment of the empire. citing the need to augment the Muslim population. However. which came perilously close to permitting their enslavement. K n i g h t o n 1921: 134-8. Jahangir himself prohibited castration i n 1608. the sultan hesitated to break a treaty with Venice. Ebu's Su'ud declared 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 6 0 K h a n 1972: 39. However. Kidwai 1985: 87. deployed religious arguments to justify the repetition of this prohibition i n 1668. Jahangir's wife. .

61. Toledano 1993: 42. and yet it was estimated i n 1832 that four-fifths of ministers had been purchased as slaves. 54-5. there was an attempt to resurrect military slavery with Circassian and Georgian boys. the 1791 Sistova (Swischtow) peace treaty caused a furore. and were not subjected to former levels of discipline. The infamous devshirme tax i n Christian slave boys ebbed from the 1570s. even though the decline of the devshirme was accompanied by an influx of free volunteers into the corps. Menage 1965. The number of freeborn administrators increased. Imber 2002: 134. but the sharpest price rise came when the devshirme was already decaying. However. obtained tax advantages. the Ottoman ulama prohibited the seizure of Muslim rebels. This breached the convention that Muslim converts should never be given up. Nieuwenhuis 1981: 13. 141. he cautioned that not all attacks on Christians automatically qualified as jihads. and was last mentioned in 1738. obtained from the Caucasus. and heretics. in the early seventeenth-century. Sugar 1977: 56. T h e system may have withered away as slave prices fell. Runt 1982: 64. because the treaty was detrimental to Muslims. even if they had embraced Islam as children or under duress. 187. one might have expected reform to occur earlier. However. 1520-66). as levies of adolescents taken from peaceful scriptuaries were an embarrassing anachronism. E r d e m 1996: 31. Soldiers could now marry. Fisher 1980a: 35. Reform may simply have aimed to keep the non-Muslim population quiescent. apostates. although the causes of its disappearance remain controversial. as well as infidel non-combatants in enemy lands. ceased to be regular from the 1630s. because it enjoined that all Austrian slaves in Ottoman hands should be freed and returned. 67 68 69 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5 6 6 6 7 6 8 6 9 Imber 1997: 84-5. As was shown i n Chapter 2. A r o u n d 1700. Imber 1997: 78-9. . 134. Hodgson 1974: III. 109-11. Imber 2002: 141-2. Papouiia 1963: 52. i n the reign of Siileyman the Lawgiver (r. However. Hevd 1961: 88. Shaw and Shaw 1976-7: I. N o formal text ever ended the Janissaries' technically servile status.92 Sultan's Law the campaign acceptable as holy war. Islamic misgivings motivated sultans who sought to align their laws with the sharia. 61 62 63 64 65 66 Policies on military and administrative slavery remained hesitant and unsystematic.

citing a Hadith of the Prophet that a 'people who entrusts its affairs to a woman will never know prosperity'. 6. 282. 1587-1629) turned his back on the dynasty's origins. and he appointed slave governors i n all the provinces. Hodgson 1974: III. inhumane. Baghdiantz McCabe 1999: 38-46. captured from the Caucasus or purchased from India and Africa. the decree precluded neither imports from the abode of war. 1629-42). encountered as a radical millenarian regime i n chapter 3. The document graphically described as 'slaughterhouses' the 'terrible places' where castration was practised in Egypt. Intervening i n an O m a n i civil war from the 1720s to the 1740s.' for example a mufti named Sunullah in 1599. Shah Abbas I (r. Risso 1986: 31. and developing elite slavery. Morocco. and other gunpowder states 93 Religious motives have been neglected i n explaining the loss of power by concubines and eunuchs i n the course of the eighteenthcentury. was the key to his military success. specifying i n the latter case drat they be drawn from die households of recendy deceased emirs. officials. usually attributed to Western threats to the empire's survival. Ottoman doubts concerning eunuchs emerged clearly i n 1715. some Ottoman ulama publicly castigated 'the political activity of royal women. when the sultan sent a decree prohibiting castration to Egypt. suffered from growing social inequality. concubines. declaring castration to be a prohibited innovation. Istanbul sent urgent requests for palace eunuchs i n 1722 and 1737. 70 71 Iran. Persian armies seized not only infidels but also Muslim heretics. Indeed. A tidal wave of bonded people flowed into the empire. and other gunpowder states The Safavid Shi'i state in Iran. equipped with firearms. who mounted another attack in 1653.Iran. and contrary to the sultan's orders. A Sufi shaykh from southeastern Anatolia. It came with a fatwa from Istanbul's Shaykh alIslam. the Persians were accused of slaughtering Ibadi children and enslaving women. to be publicly displayed. A servile army. including i n Cairo itself. Leslie Peirce may be unfair i n attributing such criticism solely to misogyny. However. nor the employment of existing eunuchs. concubines replaced 72 73 74 7 0 7 1 7 2 7 3 7 4 Peirce 1993: 267. and soldiers. However. Under Shah Safi (r. crushing a rival Mahdist rebellion i n 1590-1. Many were eunuchs. . was declared to be deranged. Morocco. Winter 1992: 43-4.

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princesses as the mothers of rulers, and hereditary families of elite administrative slaves emerged. There were estimated to be a thousand military slaves and three thousand eunuchs serving the Shah in Isfahan, with an Azeri eunuch, S a m Taqi, wielding real power as grand vizier from 1634 to 1645. This tremendous growth of elite slavery provoked a religious backlash. Shah Abbas II (r. 1642-66) ordered Sam Taqi's murder in 1645, and undertook a return to Shi'i orthodoxy. The ulama objected strenuously to the political dominance of Georgian and Armenian converts, perhaps because they doubted their sincerity. Military and administrative slavery thus declined, albeit without disappearing. The Qajar dynasty, of Turkmen origins and in power from the 1790s, further reduced the influence of elite slaves. Sons of concubines could no longer succeed to the throne, even though this conflicted with the practice of the Shi'i Imams themselves. Moreover, eunuchs were confined to the harem. However, the Qajar did not oppose slavery as such, keeping a largely Georgian servile bodyguard till the 1810s, and assiduously mounting slave raids in the Caucasus. Lacking any claim to descent from the Imams, Qajar rulers persuaded the clerical hierarchy to allow them to wage 'defensive' jihads, widely interpreted, thereby justifying the enslavement of war captives. Morocco employed firearms to revive its military fortunes and take numerous slaves. A h m a d al-Mansur (r. 1578-1603) first expelled the Portuguese from many of their footholds, taking copious levies of captives i n the process. He then deployed musketeers, serving under an Iberian eunuch, to conquer the middle Niger i n 1590-1. This stimulated a wave of servile imports. Moroccan seamen also took part in the rising tide of Barbary incursions, with one Dutch renegade based i n Sale raiding Iceland i n 1627. Al-Mansur wrote an undated letter to some Egyptian ulama to justify developing a Black mamluk army. He stressed the pressing
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Babaie el al 2004; Baghdiantz McCabe 1999: 39. Baghdiantz McCabe 1999: 173, 175, 178-9. H a m b l y 1991a: 159-60; Sourdel el al 1965: 1083. Brunschvig 1960: 36; Haeri 1993: 139-40. Polak 1865:1, 261. H a m b l y 1991a: 159-60; Hambly 1991b: 583. L a m b t o n 1970; Kohlberg 1976: 81-6; Peters 1979: 171; H a l m 1991: 104-5. M o n l a u 1964: 65-6, 86, 97; Clissold 1977: 29; Heers 2003: 41-2, 59; Hodgson 1974: II, 555; Renault and Daget 1985: 31-2.

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danger from Christian unbelievers on all sides, and affirmed that all his soldiers either had been legally purchased, or had been taken as runaways. However, his own ulama expressed doubts as to the legality of enslavement i n naval raids. The employment of slave soldiers reached a peak under his successor, Mawlay Isma'il (r. 1672-1727), but this provoked a religious response, Isma'il rounded up free Blacks to serve as military slaves, arguing that they were runaways and 'natural slaves', who were needed to defend the realm against Christians. H e sought support from the al-Azhar madrasa i n Cairo, and bullied most Moroccan ulama into accepting his claims. However, ' A b d al-Salam b. Jasus, an 'alim of Fez, denounced this flagrant violation of the holy law, arguing that even a voluntary acknowledgement of servile status by a free Muslim was inadmissible. Imprisoned i n 1708, he took up the cause again on his release, and was executed by strangulation in 1709. Explaining his refusal to back down, he wrote: T would have betrayed G o d , his Messenger and his law. A n d I would have feared eternity i n hell because of it'. Slave soldiers interfered i n succession disputes for three decades after Isma'il's death, leading Mawlay Muhammad III (r. 1757-90) sharply to curtail the size of the corps, while retaining some military and administrative slavery. According to Jacques Heers, some ulama protested against the rigorous isolation and training of slave soldiers, held to be contrary to the sharia, though he cites no source. He also notes that the system had alienated influential urban merchants. South of the Sahara, Askia M u h a m m a d I (r. 1493-1528), of Songhay i n West Africa, expressed uncertainty as to the legality of some forms of enslavement. Attempting to bolster his usurpation of the throne by excelling i n piety, he criticised his predecessor for enslaving Muslims, and released those of doubtful status. H e then obtained confirmation of his actions from three religious authorities, the ulama of Timbuktu, Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Karim al-Maghili i n Algeria, and Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti in Egypt. However, Askia Muhammad took thousands of slaves in a 1498 j i h a d against the Animist Mossi,
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Hunwick 1999: 52-5. Berque 1978: 166-73. Hunwick 1999: 56-9; H a m e l 2002: 46-8; Batran 1985: 7-9; Sikainga 1999: 63-4. M u n s o n 1993:51. Hunwick 1999: 59; Hunwick 1992: 20; Michaux-Bellaire 1910: 424-5. Heers 2003: 208. Willis 1980:189-90; Olivier de Sardan 1975:110-12; Hunwick 1985: 25-7, 71, 75-7.

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and no long-term reform occurred. O n the other side of the continent, Somali rulers claimed the right to free slaves by decree, but it is not clear whether they ever exercised this privilege. A n exceptionally bold royal assault on slavery occurred i n Southeast Asia, although it proved to be a flash i n the pan. In the first zealous flush of Islamisation, which began around 1610 i n the Bugis state of Bone i n South Sulawesi, L a ' Ma'daremmeng (r. 1631-44) interpreted the holy law as commanding the liberation of all bondservants, or perhaps of all foreign slaves. The neighbouring sultan of Makassar asked him whether this was 'by command of the Prophet, or on the basis of traditional custom, or according to his own will and pleasure'. Receiving no reply, he invaded Bone and revoked the emancipation edict. However, sharia rules on enslavement were carefully enforced i n Makassar. The sale of children and self-sale were not tolerated, and most slaves were Animists taken i n war. The dangers posed by discontented helots were illustrated by a serious rising of 'Javanese' slaves, presumably Hindus, i n the Malay sultanate of Patani in 1613.
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Monarchs bore a heavy responsibility for building up an intricate system of elite slavery, but it is an exaggeration to assume that the ulama merely responded by withdrawing from an impious world. It seems more accurate to say that many ulama opposed these developments, and that a few occasionally brought their doubts into the public arena. There is scattered evidence of ulama remonstrating with rulers, protesting against excesses i n the accumulation of soldiers, officials, eunuchs, singing-girls and concubines. What is required is a systematic piecing together of such objections into a coherent and documented narrative of religious opposition. The role of 'gunpowder emperors' i n repressing elite slavery is much better known, but the religious elements i n this about-turn have been neglected, or even denied. It may well be that monarchs sought to end these kinds of servitude mainly for temporal reasons, notably to guard against usurpation and to modernise their armed forces and bureaucracies. Even so, rulers sought religious justifications for their actions, and these need to be better understood.
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As for less common attempts to reform ordinary slavery, the religious dimension has again been disregarded. To be sure, it can be argued that the driving force was a fear of alienating numerous non-Muslims. Showing no signs of turning to Islam, they threatened the stability of some states, even their very survival. Nevertheless, religious justifications and motivations need to be better grasped. Moreover, research should not be confined to the three great gunpowder empires, for humbler monarchs displayed liberal attitudes towards servitude.

Part II THE ROADS TO ABOLITION 6
IMPERIALISM A N D SECULARISM
The demise of slavery has traditionally been ascribed to imperialism and secularism, as 'one of the most typical examples of the transformation that the Muslim world has undergone, through European pressure or example'. Western ideologists denounced slavery as a root cause of Islamic moral decadence and social decay, justifying diplomatic bullying or colonial conquest. For A d u Boahen, 'The readiness with which the Sultan of Turkey and the Bey of Tunis granted the British Government's urgent requests, and the refusal of the Shah of Persia and the Sultan of Morocco, show quite clearly that the determining factor in these negotiations was not a ruler's religious convictions, but rather his political and bargaining power vis-a-vis the British Government'. As for Western example, nineteenth-century Muslim elites were undoubtedly exposed to secular ideas such as humanitarianism, natural law, and utilitarianism. There was a parallel acceleration of the process of statute law encroaching ever more on the sphere of the sharia. However, the language of abolitionist legislation suggests that Muslim bureaucrats borrowed eclectically from secular and Islamic motifs. At the same time, some educated Muslims were swayed
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by Social Darwinist notions, spreading from the 1860s, which held that 'biologically inferior' peoples were better off as slaves. Sayyida Salme, a renegade Zanzibar princess living in Germany, was a good example of this tendency. Despite presenting the evils of servitude as a routine justification for conquest, colonial adminisuators hesitated. Underfunded, understaffed, and unfamiliar with local conditions, bureaucrats hoped that suppressing raiding and trading would suffice. Some manipulated Islamic beliefs and institutions to delay the enforcement of legislation imposed by the metropolis, to the extent that, 'colonial regimes became the defenders of slavery, and the greatest single impediment to full emancipation'. However, other officials studied Islam to foster its abolitionist potential, attempting to give legislation an Islamic gloss that would render it acceptable. Independent Muslim rulers moved legislation further away from Islamic norms, as radical secularism took root after 1918. Prohibiting slavery became an unthinking reflex i n the era of decolonisation and socialism, when brave new constitutions specified individual freedoms i n borrowed garb. Laws were sometimes copied verbatim from Western codes, and became integrated into an expanding framework of international law developed by the West. Even so, the input of Islamic notions never ceased entirely, and began to revive from the 1970s.
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The Maghrib between colonialism and secularism
As the Napoleonic Wars dragged to a close i n Europe, Western newspapers called vociferously for naval action to liberate the Christian slaves of Maghribi corsairs. A t the Congress of Vienna i n 1814—15, the assembled powers decided to end Mediterranean slave raiding by both Muslim and Christian privateers. O n the one hand, the Knights of Saint J o h n were not allowed to regain Malta, and Muslim merchant ships were to ply their trade peacefully. O n the other hand, Ariglo-Dutch and Anglo-French naval forces attacked Barbary ports i n 1816 and 1819 respectively, while the United States imposed a treaty on Algiers i n 1815. The French seizure of Algiers
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Lewis 1990: 82-4. Salme 1993: 152, 327-33, 441-2, 500. Miers and Roberts 1988: 17, 19-21. Lovejoy 1983: 247. A w a d 1966. Chater 1984: 220; Marques 1999: 120.

the French Republicans prohibited slavery on seizing power in 1848. Dermenghem 1954: 258-9. A h m a d Bey of Tunisia (r. Emerit 1949: 40-2. In the same year. C o r d e l l 1999: 44-8. . closed slave markets. Although the French presented liberation of Christians as a justification for taking Algiers. Governor-General Albert Grevy reminded judges of their obligation to enforce the law on servitude. M o n l a i i 1964: 117-23. We have heard it said that the K i n g of the French declared that nobody can destroy our religion. Renault and Daget 1985: 162. Clissold 1977: 158-64. O n acceding to the throne. The high court i n Algiers issued a decree i n 1880. Isma'il complained that. Shamed by Tunisian abolition two years previously. the governor-general advised officials to 'close their eyes'. he banned foreign trade i n slaves and birth as a slave. even i n the Department of Algiers. 'this measure harms our religion and destroys our power. In 1841-2. Christelow 1985a: 120-1. intimidating. As compensation was rejected. The T h i r d Republic returned to the question. after receiving reports of up to 2. underlining that the relation between owner and slave was not recognised i n law. Valensi 1969: 62-9. Sikainga 1999: 65. The Ministry of War ordered the return of the slaves. Cordell 1999: 38-40. because France had guaranteed security of property to the vanquished. Jennings 2000: 256. they failed to extend their liberality to Muslim and Animist slaves as they pushed further into Algeria. and our power'. and not to gain glory through the number of slaves freed'. Emerit 1949: 36-7. freed tribal slaves i n the O r a n region i n 1840. and on a case by case basis. when Governor-General Charles Jonnart sought to stamp out the institution.000 slaves a year transiting through the Mzab. However. 1837-55) was the first modern Muslim ruler to embrace abolition. because 'manumission is an act dedicated to G o d . When a French official. however. Mustafa b. on his own initiative. ordering the law to be read i n all Algerian mosques. B o n o 1964: 69-76. Deardon 1976: 243-4. Temimi 1985: 215.100 Imperialism and Secularism in 1830 ended a process of cajoling. Napoleon III left the law on the statute book. Christelow 1985a: 119-20. many Algerian Muslims still owned slaves i n 1905-6. he refused to parade manumitted slaves i n his predecessor's funeral procession. but liberation only occurred i n areas under civilian rule. 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 1 0 11 1 2 1 3 1 1 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 Chater 1984: 213-57. or battering the Barbary states into freeing Christian slaves. Emerit 1949: 41. our law.

Temimi 1985: 215-16. although sale to another owner was a canonical alternative. Nevertheless. Brown 1974: 324. and condemned the terrible sufferings endured i n crossing the Sahara. H e declared that slavery was 'contrary to religion'. having 'come to a fixed resolution of putting a total end to it i n his Dominions'. E r d e m 1996: 48. Boahen 1964: 140. H e was also fascinated by Western power. for the British consul worried that A h m a d was rushing the attack on slavery. Reasons of state supposedly explained this radical act. Awad 1966: 134. The British were the best allies he could hope for. he greatly enjoyed a state visit to Paris i n late 1846. Brett 1982: 18. Temimi 1985: 217-18. imports of Black slaves slowed to a trickle. Lacking funds for compensation. Even more threatening was French expansion into Algeria from 1830. Brown 1974: 322. This cannot explain everything. Montana 2001. A h m a d Bey sought complete political autonomy from the Ottomans. Awad 1966: 134. A h m a d wanted his decrees to accord with Islam. and ceased to send slaves as tribute to Istanbul. Montana 2001: 9-11. he initially hesitated to abolish the institution itself. 324-5. he took it upon himself to act i n the public interest. Muhammad Bey (18559) rather reluctantly followed the Ottoman pattern i n 1857. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 183-4. i n 1846 he ordered manumission documents to be issued on request. A n estimated 6. K h u r i 1983: 152-4. Reforms broadened after Ahmad's death. Indeed. wanting to be known as a 'civilised monarch'. 328-89. he stressed the dubious provenance of most slaves. Chater 1984: 553. who had imposed direct rule on neighbouring Libya i n 1835. .000 to 30. A h m a d Bey further extolled the virtues of manumission. for A h m a d feared that France would exploit the problem of runaway slaves to intervene i n his domains.The Maghrib between colonialism and secularism 101 liberated his own dependants. H e contended that the sharia imposed freedom for ill-treatment. with 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 1 9 2 0 2 1 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 Brown 1974: 322-5. probably seized i n a brutal raid. Brown 1974: 30-1. Brown 1974: 323-4. Citing A h m a d Baba. Emerit 1949: 39.000 people gained their freedom. Chater 1984: 550-3. and referred to a 'desire for liberty of the ultimate lawgiver'. and he shrewdly realised that abolishing slavery would win them over. As the ulama remained hesitant. Chater 1994: 45. Boahen 1964: 137-41. Ahmad's mother was a Sardinian slave. and White slaves ceased to enter the realm. during which liberals lionised h i m for abolishing slavery before France. which may have given h i m an emotional commitment to the cause. However.

insurgents demanded the cancellation of reforms not i n line with Islam. but with difficulty. 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5 H o u r a n i 1970: 64-5. The constitution was withdrawn i n 1866. Valensi 1977: 360-1. E r d e m 1996: 89. actively suppressing slavery and punishing offenders. and egalitarian. or keeping slaves. Failure to eradicate slavery entirely helped to justify the imposition of a loose French protectorate i n 1881. Six years after that date. the bey freed the women of his harem. roundly declared i n 1863 that countries without slavery were more prosperous. in the Islamic world's first modern constitution. Slama 1967: 34-7. As chief minister from 1873 to 1877. In a book published i n Tunis i n 1867. equality before the law was guaranteed i n 1861. cultured. H e sought to avoid the Scylla of popular protest and the Charybdis of Italian or French conquest. Under Muhammad al-Sadiq (1859-82). G o r d o n 1989: 163. Green 1978: 104. The French called this the 'second abolition'. The rising was crushed. Brunschvig 1960: 37. a Circassian slave purchased for A h m a d Bey i n Istanbul around 1839. Chater 1984: 553. Fisher 2001: 339. Husayn Pasha. minister of education. Morocco was far more dilatory. In 1890. the enslavement of a human being is a disaster'. Overt opposition to abolition was initially confined to Bedouins and southern farmers. Green 1978: 104. penal sanctions were decreed for buying. Leone 1973: 10. Resistance prevented complete success. . albeit without mentioning slavery. and later reissued i n Istanbul. A n increasingly powerful figure was Khayr al-Din (1810-89). H o u r a n i 1970: 84-7. H e also quoted a man of letters exclaiming: 'Your shari'ah aims at liberty. Tunisia promised to implement the 1846 decree. Khayr ed-Din 1987:148. These included the constitution and the abolition of slavery. just. Montana 2001: 16.102 Imperialism and Secularism 'public interest' guaranteeing human freedom. K h u r i 1983: 154. Green 1978:120. although few people were affected. he stressed freedom of the person. selling.90. he was instrumental i n getting the bey to sign a treaty with Britain i n 1875. most of them i n southern oases. notably in the island of Jerba. and some illicit slavery continued. W h e n tax increases led to great rural rebellion i n 1864. Largueche 2003: 336. Dermenghem 1954: 258. Sultan 'Abd al-Rahman of Morocco famously proclaimed i n 1842 that slavery was a matter on which 'all sects and nations have agreed from the time of the sons of A d a m ' .

Later Moroccan leaders moved slowly. E n n a j i 1999: 115. Ennaji 1999: 114-15. However. inherited both his servile status and his elevated position from his father and grandfather. reminding officials that public dealing in slaves was prohibited. Idris. Lapanne-Joinville 1952: 153-6. Slaves were well treated. The sultan declined to meet envoys from the Anti-Slavery Society in 1844. and that anybody asking for freedom would receive it. 120. the sultan even secured a ruling on slavery from Jewish rabbis. Muhammad b. with compensation paid to owners. regent from 1894. Greenidge 1958: 37. wrote to the British i n the following year. Musa. but Ba A h m a d b. In reality. that he had 'emancipated the slaves'. 'as we do not interfere i n religious principles which you profess. Pursuing his unfversalist claim.The Maghrib between colonialism and secularism 103 H e continued that not only the making of slaves but also 'trading therewith' were sanctioned by the Quran. minister of home affairs. and the institution protected the poorest. Ennaji 1999: 122. A h m a d Sikainga asserts that the declaration of a loose FrancoSpanish protectorate in 1912 completed the abolition process. cases of slavery were left to qadis. Sikainga 1999: 65. Possibly influencing the official m i n d were tax revenues. At best. . 212. ' A b d al-Rahman's decree of 1863 cited ill-treatment to justify the retention of slaves who fled to the authorities. His chief minister. a Moroccan minister declared i n 1884 that abolishing slavery conflicted 'with the bases of Muslim law'. charismatic rebel leader from 1921 to 1926. which 'admits not either of addition or diminution'. 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 Boahen 1964: 141-4. Military slavery disappeared from the central state. despite the declaration of Liazid b. 122. Schroeter 1992: 202-3. Even the R i f Republic only timidly raised the abolitionist flag. Sheean 1926: 142. Brunschvig 1960: 39. claimed to be restoring the sharia. which had been distorted by Sufi excesses. Sultan M u h a m m a d b. Ennaji 1999: 116. the authorities episodically closed public slave markets. The Spaniards also admitted that they had i n fact failed to ban the status of slavery i n their two Moroccan zones. and the South's dependence on slave labour. Michaux-Bellaire 1910: 424-5. Schroeter 1992: 203-5. Haj. Muhammad b. The French did at least issue a circular in 1922. likewise you should not interfere i n our religion'. Schroeter 1992: 201. 'Abd al-Karim al-Khattabi.

head of the Sanusi Sufi order considered here i n Chapter 8. even if his delegates at the Congress of Vienna refused to sign a declaration against the slave trade i n 1815. but were offensive to the civilised conscience today' . so that an appeal to the League of Nations included a promise to abide by international treaties. Muammar al-Qaddafi. went further. Portraying true Islam as the bastion of equality between races. and noted that slave markets remained open. Erdem 1996: 71. H e swept away the relics of military servitude in 1826. Western visitors met Black slaves and eunuchs. Maghribi independence witnessed the confirmation of emancipation on secular lines. 47 48 49 50 51 52 From reform to revolution in the Ottoman empire T h e looming threat of military annihilation led M a h m u d II (r. Moreover. His 'Third Universal Theory'. declared that slavery and polygyny 'made sense at an earlier stage in human history. as 'slaves' of the emir. 247-8. creating a new model army on Western lines. president of Tunisia. elaborated from 1976. 126. and inspired by the example of Kemal Atatiirk. he was also influenced by exposure to Spanish culture. Madariaga 1987: II. Nevertheless. Habib b. secular president of Turkey. 1965: 1091. ' A l i Bourguiba. 294. sexes. toiling on public works. and ordered the 53 54 55 4 7 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 Pennell 1986.104 Imperialism and Secularism However. al-Khattabi needed recognition from the world. Cleveland 1994: 76-7. Brunschvig 1960: 39. 269-72. The king of Libya. 55. he misleadingly denounced 'the latest age of slavery' as that of Wliite capitalists enslaving Blacks. M a h m u d ceased to enslave war captives. A local leader even described Spanish prisoners of war. 259-61. 121. Niewenhuis 1981. Q a d d a f i 1987: 77. 142. . and classes. who seized power i n Libya i n 1969. Sheean 1926: 47. a claim echoed by Spanish propaganda. Sourdel el al. 284. 110. and sharply pruned administrative slavery i n 1831-3. Furneaux 1967: 101. To pany any overspill from the Western crusade against Barbary slavery. Anderson 1976: 63. From Syria. E r d e m 1996: 11. a force was despatched to snuff out Iraq's autonomous mamluk regime in 1831. canvassed support for his ambitions in Africa. guaranteed personal liberty i n the constitution of 1951. 180839) to accelerate the pace of Ottoman reform.

60-2.From reform to revolution in the Ottoman empire 56 105 freeing of Christian slaves i n 1830. 1839-61) launched the Tanzimat reform programme. Proscribing the trans-Saharan trade i n 1849. The Bashibozuk repeated this performance i n the 1877-8 war against Russia. G o r d o n 1989: 47. although Bashibozuk irregulars 'saw no reason not to enslave enemy subjects as they had done before'. 196. H e justified this unusual preference for unbelievers over Muslims by questioning the purpose of keeping stubborn infidels under the yoke. M a h m u d also swept away relics of 'serfdom' i n the Balkans. Are not these poor creatures our equals before God? Why then should they be assimilated to animals?' In 1854. he cited appalling mortality. turning Christian peasants fully into sharecroppers. 68. Toledano 1998: 24-6. H e declared i n 1851. 'It is a shameful and barbarous practice for rational beings to buy and sell their fellow creatures . Toledano 1998: 117-18.. ending relics of administrative servitude. while cautiously affirming that 'our holy law permits slavery'. evinced i n religious terms. The Crimean War of 1853 to 1856 was the first major conflict i n which regular Ottoman troops did not reduce prisoners to slavery. is contrary to the will of the sovereign creator'. 129. Malcolm 1994: 93-4. captured i n the bitter war of independence of 1821-9. 59. Some high-ranking officials expressed similar feelings. The Gulf decree of 1847 noted that slaves were treated i n ways 'harsh and bereft of mercy'. Embarrassed officials were obliged to return 'kidnapped' Christians to the Russians. Y o u n g 1905-6: II. 171-2. and exports from Libya to Crete and Epirus i n 1855. or articles of furniture. Relief of suffering. Sultan Abdulmecit I (r. though others d i d not. seizing numerous Bulgarians. E r d e m 1996: 20. Zambaco 1911: 40. . he opined that 'selling people as animals. 26. Renault 1971: II.. was Abdiilmecit's main justification for acting against slave trading. Those emancipated were mosdy Greek women and children. Erdem 1996: 44-5. Lewis 1990: 160-1. although enforcement was patchy. H e also banned keeping eunuchs. E r d e m 1996: 30. Further decrees outlawed the Caucasus trade i n 1854-5. The entire African trade was prohibited 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5 6 6 V l o r a 1968:1. Toledano 1998: 117-19. For good measure.

British consular reports from 1869 revealed that imports from Africa were growing again. Ottoman officials allowed the resumption of imports from the Caucasus. Appraised of milder local customs of servitude. In 1840 L o r d Palmerston minuted sarcastically that one might as well ask the sultan to become a Christian. these slaves began to clamour for their liberty. The Ottoman foreign minister's widely touted promise to abolish slavery. 653-91. Beachey 1976a: 167. which were added to in 1867. Ewald and Clarence-Smith 1997: 290-1. Fleeing Russian conquest. Reformers balked at complete abolition. alleging that suppression. 107. facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal i n that year and the use of steamers. 161. In 1867. This dashed the expectations of the British Anti-Slavery Society. and the authorities deployed field artillery to oblige some Circassian beys near Edirne to free their slaves i n 1874. Toledano 1998: 99-101. Article 210 of the 1869 'Book of Trade' specified that 'a free man cannot be sold or exchanged for something else'. E r d e m 1996: 189. The 1858 penal code imposed punishments for kidnapping and enslaving people. contained i n a diplomatic note of 1857. Owners resisted. Beachey 1976a: 157-8. Y o u n g 1905-6: II. albeit with exemptions for the Red Sea trade. 110-11. 172-4. Abdulmecit's death i n 1861 signalled a slackening in the campaign against the slave trade. for not even Abdiilmecit was prepared to condemn a status enshrined i n holy law. Toledano 1998: 33. E r d e m 1996: 114-21. 155-6. resulted from a faulty translation from the Turkish. Commercial and criminal law. Istanbul reacted by decreeing that they should be freed on payment of a mutually agreed sum. However. Toledano 1993: 44. E r d e m 1996: 63-4. 177-8. Furthermore. held under their harsh customary code. as a kind of Muslim 'pope'. 70-1. after revolts had broken out i n the Hijaz and Massawa. 129. 156-7. might declare abolition throughout Islamdom. free Circassians flooded into the empire i n the late 1850s and early 1860s. Erdem 1996: 53. Toledano 1998: 81-2. the latter still had pay for their emancipation i n instalments. Young 1905-6: II. notably liberation after a fixed term. as discussed i n Chapter 4 above. codified from 1839. E r d e m 1996: X X . . 166-7.106 Imperialism and Secularism in 1857. decreed under duress. dealt further blows to the slave trade. A further twist i n the saga of Circassian slavery threatened public order. 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 6 7 6 8 6 9 7 0 7 1 7 2 7 3 E r d e m 1996: 66-76. D o u i n 1936-41: III—2. Toledano 1982: 44-5. Lewis 1990: 78-81. which had hoped that the caliph. bringing with them throngs of slaves.

inserted a commitment to the gradual abolition of slavery in the speech from the throne. The status of exemptions granted for the Red Sea trade remained unclear. she left Istanbul and married a farmer. Internal reform stalled. H e dismissed Midhat Pasha in 1877. 205. Zambaco 1911: 65. O n the advice of the Shaykh al-Islam. chief minister and leading reformer. the sultan rejected a draft law from the Council of State. The sultan stubbornly refused to prohibit the renewed traffic from the Caucasus. The dreams of one woman were shattered. Instructions issued i n 1864 tolerated Circassian parents selling their children. . whereby the empire would have ceased to recognise the legal status of slavery. Only diplomatic arm-twisting persuaded Abdulhamit to ratify the Brussels General Act of 1890 a year later. Erdem 1996: 125-9. Midhat Pasha (1822-84). and his 'freedom-loving acts' of 1877 and 1889 merely reiterated existing bans on the African slave trade. and on to Istanbul i n 1908. H e r master hauled her i n front of a qadi. and an Italian traced the movement of slaves from Eritrea to Syria. as did an 1880 convention with Britain. Believing herself to be free. Zambaco 1911: 64-5. but was brought back by the police. E r d e m 1996: 130.From reform to revolution in the Ottoman empire 107 was invalid. 71 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 7 4 7 5 7 6 7 7 7 8 7 9 8 0 8 1 Toledano 1998: 31-2. These prohibitions were poorly enforced. A t best Circassian and Georgian youths were freed before enrolment into the army from that year. even after the sultan had officially committed himself to 'strive for the suppression of slavery. and suspended the constitution the following year. Although Abdulhamit reluctantly promulgated a constitution asserting the equality of citizens before the law. 89-92. When Abdulhamit II came to the throne in 1876. despite a clause permitting 'domestic slavery'. E r d e m 1996: 130-46. Abdulhamit rapidly became the bugbear of abolitionists. merely threatening miscreants with the 'wrath of G o d ' . he disappointed his liberal supporters. In 1882. as long as they were neither tricked nor coerced. Erdem 1996: 137-9. and especially the Negro slave trade' at the Berlin Conference of 1885. She ran away. Toledano 1993: 44. Lenci 1990: 41. but the sultan omitted it. who ordered that she be restored to her rightful owner. the sultan ordered the cessation of all work on codifying Hanafi family law i n 1888. specific legislation on slavery did not follow. Sagaster 1997: 18.

8 3 8 4 8 5 8 6 8 7 8 8 8 9 9 1 9 2 8 2 . Crcmtier 1989. The number of eunuchs illegally entering the empire rose after 1876. a Frencheducated Greek Christian from Edirne. many of them destined for the imperial household. E r d e m 1996: 177-8. H e diligently defended the empire's 'mild' slavery. A flurry of apologetic articles claimed that slaves were well treated. while admitting that the institution was doomed i n the long term. governor of Jidda in the 1880s. Toledano 1998: 36-40. Toledano 1984: 300-1. personal communication. was Ottoman ambassador i n Brussels. A m o n g those who made real attempts to stamp out the infamous traffic were Arifi Bey. Some highly placed Ottomans supported the sultan's reactionary stance. governor of Tripoli. there were 194 eunuchs and up to 500 women i n the imperial harem. The Ottoman foreign minister defended slavery as bringing infidels to the true faith. Midhat Pasha. Toledano 1998: 119. In 1901 Abdulhamit refused to punish Yemenis discovered re-enslaving persons freed three years earlier. Once Young Turk rebels had forced the restoration of the constitution i n 1908. blue-eyed. and A h m a d Rasim Pasha. They were to be blonde. to speak no Turkish. Vanessa M a r t i n . Sagaster 1997: 18. In 1903. A t the time of Cardinal Lavigerie's attack on Muslim slavery in 1888. Coded missives ordered the governor of Konya to procure Circassian girls for the palace i n 1891-2. Toledano 1998: 48-52. 390. Hanimefendi 1994. Conversely. Libya. but this seems to have been a trumped-up charge. He was accused of donating two female slaves to a religious dignitary. Kara Teodori (1833-1906). unsuccessfully tried to suspend the annual pilgrim caravan in 1879. " T o l e d a n o 1998: 119. and they d i d not need to be drawn from the slave class. several newspapers took advantage of freedom of 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 Kandiyoti 1991: 27. from 1881 to 1896. and often manumitted. Martin 1985. demoted to governor of Syria. upwardly mobile. to prevent slave imports from the Hijaz. Toledano 1984: 382-5. Sagaster 1997: 31-7.108 Imperialism and Secularism 82 leaving slavery unreformed and subject to sharia courts. i n correspondence with his Persian opposite number i n 1882. liberal members of the elite refused to give up the struggle. The resurgence of harem servitude was a further sign of the times. Erdem 1996: 131-2.

H e was motivated by ethical Sufism. ashamed of their people's reputation. denied 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 9 3 9 4 9 5 1 0 0 1 0 1 102 Zambaco 1911: 60-3. The family code of 1917. The satirical press lampooned Abdiilhamit's eunuchs as an 'image of obsolescence'. enslaved by Kurds. E r d e m 1996: xvii. Nevertheless. Generals instructed their troops. Shemmassian 2003. but i n an ambivalent and shamefaced maimer. and Abdiilhamit's personal slaves were freed on his deposition i n that year. resulting in a humanitarian disaster of epic proportions. agitated for abolition. 'Ziya Gokalp (1876-1924). 121. The slave markets of Syria were glutted with Armenian girls. Among the survivors were women and children. members of the dynasty were allowed to keep their slaves. and Young Turk authors called Abdulhamit an apologist for slavery: for example. little was achieved. and a belief that 'the basis of democracy is equality. a tortuous compromise. E r d e m 1996: 148-51. 9 6 9 7 9 8 . shared the same fate. there was one last burst of mass enslavement After a number of Armenians had risen i n rebellion. Other Christians considered to have sided with the enemy. M i l l e r 1993: 94-136. See Brummett 2000: 95. E r d e m 1996: 128. as were high officials. personal communication. 'mentor of the nation'. criticised slavery i n 1909. Yucel Yanikdag. 147-8. Rihani 1928: 152. Osman Nuri. and Arabs. Circassian intellectuals. probably allowed a wife to prevent her husband from taking concubines.From reform to revolution in the Ottoman empire 109 expression to appeal for purification from the stain of slavery. 114. 324-5. 376. to abide by international conventions on prisoners of war. some of whom ended up in Central Arabia. 206. the Ottoman authorities deported millions to Syria from 1915. E r d e m 1996: 128. such as Greeks and Assyrians.55. Despite all this commotion. i n a book published i n 1911— 12. Morgenthau 1918: 316-21. 293. fighting with Germany from 1914. Although Hakan Erdem contends that slavery had become 'moribund' by the First World War. Imports of slaves from the Caucasus were prohibited for the second time in 1909. Turks. but it was suspended a year later. romantic notions of freedom-loving ancient Turks. copied almost verbatim from that of Switzerland. 62. The 1926 civil code. " F a b r i 1936: 37-8. Parla 1985: 38-41. J a u s s e n 1927: 129-30. The dictator Kemal Atauirk ended legal slavery i n the Turkish Republic. the basis of a republic is liberty' . thereby enhancing the empire's standing in Islamdom.

to garrison the region. Moreover. This may have referred to the evlatik system. Baer 1969: 161. He abandoned this strategy i n the late 1830s because of high Sudanese mortality and a surprisingly good performance by Egyptian peasant conscripts. However. J o m i e r 1954: 232. Napoleon Bonaparte issued a bold proclamation i n Arabic. and restored colonial slavery i n 1802. Ozbay 1999a: 10. Indeed. 1805-48) massacred Circassian slave officers in 1811. but attempted to conquer the Middle East with aBlack servile army. H o u r a n i 1970: 49-50. 164. including Muslims. work i n agriculture and pastoralism. and service the booming ivory trade. no day existed to commemorate abolition. Specific legislation against both slavery and evlathk only came in 1964. Beachey 1976a: 123. declaring all men to be free and equal. Raiding in the Sudan usually stayed just within the letter of the most traditional interpretation of the sharia. 12-14. the French bought males as soldiers and females as concubines. under which young girls. and might have signalled the end of servitude on the Nile. a year after the capitulation of his troops i n Egypt. This followed the 1794 abolition of slavery i n the French empire.110 Imperialism and Secularism 103 legal status to servitude. 104 105 106 107 Hesitation on the Nile Abolition in the Nile valley consisted of a series of false starts. In the 1990s. Jennings 2000: 3. Philips 2000: 232-3. Renault and Daget 1985: 178-9. were fostered i n a state of unpaid quasi-slavery until they were married off. he retained numerous slaves i n the Sudan. and there were no references to the embarrassing institution i n school textbooks. Napoleon personally opposed abolition. A w a d 1966: 267. The succinct instructions to the Egyptian conqueror of Kordofan were that 'the end of 110 111 1 0 3 1 0 4 1 0 5 1 0 6 1 0 7 1 0 8 1 0 9 1 1 0 1 1 1 Fahri 1936. the words for 'slave' and 'foster child' became almost interchangeable. . Having seized Lower Egypt i n 1798. Ozbay 1999b: 558. However. However. E r d e m 1996: xix. 108 100 Muhammad ' A l i (r. Gray 1961. Illicit sales of girls were reported i n the early 1930s. Turkey waited till 1933 to ratify the 1926 League of Nations convention on the suppression of slavery. recruited i n the Sudan from 1820. 17-24.

the aged Muhammad ' A l i was allegedly 'moved to pity' by the plight of slaves. for whom slavery was in conformity with Islam. and there was no attempt to summon victims to the faith. and closed Cairo's infamous slave market the following year. Hardinge 1928: 32. Ibrahim Pasha freed his own slaves. with no suggestion that they might convert or live as peaceful tributaries. whose morals he had corrupted'. H o g e n d o r n 2000: 67: Elbashir 1983: 31. 55. Licences were issued annually. Cowed survivors then furnished a regular tribute i n slaves. Sa'id Pasha (r. and 'was murdered i n his bath by two young slaves. . Muhammad 'Ali's successors from 1848 achieved little. 1854—63) undermined his own laws. 'Abbas I (r. 54-5. Mowafi 1981: 45-6. generals rounded up Animists like cattle. D e l a n o u e 1982: 479. To be sure. H e banned imports from the 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 1 1 2 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 1 5 1 1 6 1 1 7 1 1 8 1 1 9 1 2 0 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 3 Elbashir 1983: 28-9. 193. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 188. However. Tounsy 1851: 465-90. were advanced as an excuse for inaction. he prohibited castration i n 1841. raids began again. and forbidding his troops from foraging for slaves. and that since 'the people of these countries are savages. but he died suddenly. O n a visit to the Sudan in 1838. Gray 1961: 6-7. A t best. European complaints met with the official answer that military expeditions were responses to appeals from friendly tribes. The autonomous sultanate of Darfur ran raiding as an organised business. Tucker 1985: 173. The prejudices of the Egyptian elite. humanity cannot approve leaving them i n that state'. B a e r 1969: 164-5. British pressure from 1837 led to token concessions. Muhammad ' A l i also declared that he could do nothing without the sanction of the Ottoman sultan and the Shaykh al-Islam i n Istanbul. once he had returned to Egypt. Meinardus 1969: 58. and 'conceived a policy for the general abolition of slavery and the slave trade'. Mowafi 1981: 46. neither measure having much real impact. prohibited purchases for the state. 184854). Baer 1969: 176. While avoiding attacking known Muslims. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 53-4. H e gained favourable publicity i n Europe by freeing some 500 recently seized captives. surprise was of the essence.Hesitation on the Nile 112 111 all troubles and this expense is to procure negroes'. relapsed into inactivity.

Said to be the largest owner of slaves i n the country. his impudence is wonderful'. dominated the Bahr al-Ghazal from 1856. Badawi 1978: 102. H e not only gathered countless slaves i n brutal razzias. Tucker 1985: 177-8. Baer 1969: 164.000 servile domestics in his household. and assured an American visitor in 1869 that he considered abolition 'the swiftest mode of reviving the material prospects of his Central African domains'. a Sudanese Arab. and i n 1856 granted freedom to those wishing to leave their owner. backed the ulama who declared in 1877 that the Quran did not sanction slavery. 124 125 126 127 128 129 Despite this progress. There were an estimated 500 eunuchs in Cairo. Frere 1873: 14. Al-Zubayr al-Mansur. of the Egyptian Court of Appeal. infamous slave traders of Cairo. Cairo found it particularly hard to control distant adventurers i n the Sudan and beyond. including eunuchs. several slave regiments. Isma'il also adopted French civil law. Publicly denouncing slavery i n fashionable Western jargon. J o h n Scott. because slave razzias were unlawful. He complained of opposition from local Muslims.000 slaves from 1877 to 1889.112 Imperialism and Secularism Sudan and the payment of soldiers in slaves. 187-8. i n 1860 he placed an order for a bodyguard of 500 'Negroes' with the al'Aqqad brothers. but also flouted the sharia by forcing them to convert at the point of the sword. and imports of slave soldiers from the Sudan swelled once again. 'With 3. . He hired foreigners to suppress the slave trade in the Sudan. adding. Lady Duff Gordon commented acidly. His favourite Circassian concubine herself owned some 50 Circassians and 30 Ethiopians. 171. Frere 1873: 8-9. Beachey 1976a: 172. Fredriksen 1977: 177. Beachey 1976b: 33. 1863-79) seemed to herald a new age. that slavery went back to the times of the Pharaohs. Tucker 1985: 174. and lots of gangs on all his sugar plantations. Baer 1969: 175. Isma'il prevaricated. Walz 1985: 147. somewhat inconsequentially. Sir Bartle Frere put it to him i n 1873 that. When Isma'il Pasha 130 131 132 133 1 2 4 1 2 5 1 2 6 1 2 7 1 2 8 1 2 9 1 3 0 1 3 1 1 3 2 1 3 3 A l i 1972: 19-20. he had some 2. Isma'il Pasha (r. However. Elbashir 1983: 40. 135. 'according to strict Koranic law most of the children sold as slaves i n Cairo are not lawful slaves but simply stolen chattels'. Gray 1961: 52-3. Manumission Bureaux issued freedom papers to some 18. as the ulama refused to codify the sharia. Beachey 1976a: 130-1.000 in his hareern.

Sir Evelyn Baring. later L o r d Cromer. in the form of a fictional debate between two slaves. Minister of War and virtual dictator by 1882. to issue an internationally binding prohibition of servitude. H e forbade castration i n Upper Egypt. although this merely displaced the activity to Darfur and Kordofan. 206. Neither the 'religious party' nor the political elite were to be provoked by precipitate action. who promised to eliminate the embarrassing institution. Fadlallah (d. Blunt 1907: 210-11. . opposed the slave trade. servitude was to be gradually eliminated by repressing imports and granting manumission on demand. More ambitiously. Once Isma'il had been deposed in 1879. 1900) swept westwards to Lake Chad. exiled i n 1882 for his role i n the 'Urabi regime. Zambaco 1911: 46. Mowafi 1981: 52-3. urged that the al-Azhar ulama be encouraged to issue abolitionist fatwas. Muhammad Tawfiq Pasha (r. Fredriksen 1977: 177. 134 135 131 137 138 139 140 141 142 Disagreement within the Egyptian elite persisted. ' It was A h m a d 'Urabi. Rabih was remembered for seizing mainly Muslims i n Dar al-Kuti and B o r n o . i n part because it accepted slavery.Hesitation on the Nile 113 finally called these rascals to heel i n 1877. several high-ranking Egyptians. Baer 1969: 188. H e owned no slaves. and was 'very unfavourable to the system of the harem'. 59. Elbashir 1983: 120-1. including the 1 3 4 1 3 5 1 3 6 1 3 7 1 3 8 1 S 9 1 4 0 1 4 1 1 4 2 Spaulding 2000: 126. Since 'any measure likely to lead to a recrudescence of Mahomedan fanaticism is much to be deprecated'. However. While al-Zubayr generally stuck to capturing Animists. al-Ustadh. 1879-92) ascended the throne with a liberal reputation. enslaving thousands i n his wake. Rabih b. Blunt 2002: 149-50. H e published a sharp critique of servitude. H o u r a n i 1970: 251. Renault and Daget 1985: 194. Cordell 1985: 53-8. slavery helped to vindicate Britain's 'veiled protectorate' from 1882. 'Abdallah alNadirn. Wilfrid Blunt. he balked at abolishing slavery proper. In the event. Tucker 1985: 176-8. E r d e m 1996: 89. Tucker 1985: 178. He argued that the institution was recognised by 'Mahomedan religious law'. he hoped that a caliph of the tribe of the Prophet would call a general council of ulama i n Mecca. However. had a single wife. Powell 2003: 143-4. castigated Islam as a 'complete failure'. returned ten years later and set up a newspaper. E r d e m 1996:91-3. trying to ensure the success of 'Urabi's regime.

albeit not for selling them. slavery became more "Islamic" under the British regime than previously'. were arrested for buying slaves in 1894. initially entrusted to an energetic Scot. even though the delegates usually vociferously opposed any British proposal. As late as the 1940s L o r d Kitchener's memorandum of 1899 discouraging interference unless complaints were received 'still governs the official attitude on slavery'. 'Ironically. Baer 1969:181-9. for elite mentalities were changing. . Officials enthusiastically steeped themselves i n the holy law. Lovejoy 1983: 264-5. M . Daly 1986: 235-6. M c M u r d o . Left to reconstituted sharia courts from 1902. despite persistent reports of flagrant abuses. The Sudan administration therefore took over the Department i n 1911. The ending of raiding and trading. A guarantee of individual liberty was then inscribed in the 1923 constitution. This was the last gasp of pro-slavery opinions. Sikainga 1996: 54-7. 150-5. Their show trial resulted i n a single conviction. Baer makes no mention of Islamic reformism. A . only to then abolish it i n 1922. 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 Middle Eastern stragglers In the lands between India and the Red Sea. H a r g e y 1981: 419-53. the 'principal thorn i n the flesh of the Sudan government' was the Egyptian Slavery Repression Department. Warburg 1981: 258-66. and revealed much support for buying slaves. Brunschvig 1960: 39. 444. C o l l i n s ' l 9 9 2 : 151-5. Progress was slower i n the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. Beachey 1976a: 144-7. but it probably played a part i n this change of heart. bondage was bolstered by the surprising British decision to treat all female slaves as concubines. were thought to be sufficient. Slavery was now seen as expensive. T r i m i n g h a m 1965: 23. Paradoxically. as rural labour surpluses emerged and the dissolution of guilds i n 1887-90 reduced urban labour costs. some Muslim statesmen. The legislative council meekly accepted abolitionist legislation in 1895. desiring to participate i n the new dispensation after the First World War. portrayed anti-slavery agreements as the 'premature 1 4 3 1 4 4 1 4 5 1 4 6 ) 4 7 1 4 R 1 4 9 1 5 0 Powell 2003: 147-9.114 Imperialism and Secularism president of the legislative council. but the effect was to buttress servitude. and the revocation of slave officials.

A h m a d 1934: 6. set out to prove that 'the sacred law distinguished between slaves bought i n commercial transactions and captives made i n war'. 1834—48) long resisted British pressure. he lambasted the Ottomans as schismatics. Muhammad Nadir Shah Ghazi (r. and the O m a n i sultan as 'a Kharijite. Told of progress accomplished by other Muslim monarchs. 89-90. Mirzai 2000. forced the inhabitants to convert. In that same year. However. the British Foreign Office declared itself powerless to act. A b d al-Rahman Khan (r. However the shah responded that. Gregorian 1969: 37. 1901-19). 97. he conquered Kafiristan. 1919-29). banned concubinage. and emasculation in 1895. Afghanistan was a model of the first approach. the main reservoir of Animist slaves. I cannot say to my people that I am prohibiting something which is lawful'. 'buying women and men is based on the Shari'a of the last Prophet. 1880-1901) prohibited slave trading. His successor. 139. inspired by Kemal Ataturk and gaining Turkish assistance. In 1935. Gregorian 1969: 198. having been called a deranged infidel for emancipating women. 594-604. Freedom of the person was inscribed i n the 1923 Afghan constitution. to be ratified at a later date by the community. and as such little better than a kafir'. Amanullah Khan (r. and renamed the area Nuristan. H e also considered that by abolishing the slave trade. Persia's Muhammad Shah (r. Brunschvig 1960: 39. Where slavery persisted. enslavement. despite treaties prohibiting the slave trade. Justin Sheil. However. 129-30. 103. equality before the law. Kelly 1968: 495. British minister i n Tehran. Amanullah was forced to abdicate i n 1929. Habibullah Khan (r. G o r d o n 1989: 229-34. . itself a striking innovation. and freedom from forced labour. 96. establishing security of the person. A h m a d 1934: 73-4. he issued a vaguely worded prohibition on importing slaves by sea shortly before his death. 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 1 5 1 1 5 2 1 5 3 1 5 4 1 5 5 1 5 6 1 5 7 1 5 8 Snouck Hurgronje 1916: 151-2. the Afghan government adhered to the 1926 League of Nations convention on slavery. Awad 1966: 166. This would be a great sin.Middle Eastern stragglers 115 anticipation of a future political and social development'. because even formal protectorate arrangements left internal affairs i n the hands of rulers. Iqbal 2002: 308. T would prevent five thousand people a year from becoming Muslims. abolished slavery i n 1921. and I would get a bad name'. Poullada 1973: 71-7. 1929-33) promulgated a new constitution i n 1931.

70. M i e r s 2003: 166. 252-3. Treaties from the nineteenth-century prohibited the slave trade in the Gulf. weak Persian authority i n Baluchistan. Awad 1966: 77. A n antislavery society was founded i n Tehran i n March 1903. and Secularism A complete prohibition on imports followed the Brussels General Act i n 1890. . The Fertile Crescent came under League of Nations mandates after 1918. but the president of the provisional committee was Western. partitioned with British India. 1903. albeit without expressly mentioning slavery. After the promulgation of an Iranian constitution i n 1906. a Persian princess born in 1884 and educated on French lines. the Shaykh of Bahrayn issued a proclamation in 1937. Kelly 1968: 594-6.000 people. believing the trade to be religiously licit. to succour an estimated 38. Sunni captives might be freed on adopting the Shi'i creed. as part of a programme of radical secular modernisation on Turkish lines initiated in 1921. A u b i n 1908: 210-12. A t best. 664.116 Imperialism. as among the Bedouin tribes of northern Palestine. Ashkenazi 1938: 80-1. and it is not clear what the society achieved. allowed the persistence of clandestine slave exports to Arabia. Bonne 1948: 330-1. a report to the League openly discussed the slaves of Bedouin shaykhs i n 1934. 2. but Iranian officials did little to enforce the measure. Saltana 1993: 113. Brunschvig 1960: 39. 248-9. D o u i n 1936-41: H I / 2 . Anti-Simmy Reporter.3/2. 'reminding the public that owning 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 L 5 9 1 6 0 1 8 1 1 6 2 1 6 3 i n 4 1 6 5 1 6 6 M i g e o d 1990: 330-3. 306-9. Brunschvig 1960: 38-9. Slaves dismissed without a letter of manumission suffered from social death. Brunschvig 1960: 223. fundamental laws of 1907 established equality before the law and individual freedom. as nobody would employ them. Despite the British legally ending slavery i n Jordan i n 1929. but rulers long refused to end slavery African and Baluchi slaves continued to trickle i n . That said. criticised the treatment of those 'bought and sold like so much cattle'. Slavery often survived under the guise of clientage. Anxious not to introduce religiously improper innovations. Polak 1865: I. It was left to Reza Shah to enact specific abolitionist legislation in 1928-9. and Western oil companies hired those no longer needed for pearling. 339-40. She wrote of the Black slaves of the palace as 'creatures whom G o d has made no differently from others except for the colour of their skins—a distinction that i n all honesty does not exist at the divine threshold'. However. Taj al-Saltana.

The Emir of Qatar took the plunge the same year. explaining that slavery was 'forbidden in all civilized countries' and 'contrary to the principles of human dignity and social justice'. 140. to reduce dependence on unreliable tribal levies. From the lands of the Hadhrami diaspora came Chinese. The sultan recognised that most slaves had not been canonically taken as war captives. It was not till 1970 that a palace coup placed the Western-educated Sultan Qabus on the throne. However. i n what are today the United Arab Emirates. 351. However. . The sultan of O m a n clung to slavery the longest. 340-5. Miers 2003: 340-1. Townsend 1977: 79. Miers 2003: 347. 38. they 1 6 7 1 6 8 1 6 9 1 7 0 1 7 1 1 7 2 1 7 3 1 7 4 1 7 5 Miers 2003: 164-5. while free Arabs were occasionally kidnapped locally. Gavin 1975: 161. Harrison 1939: 208. Indian and African slaves. 194. Stark 1946: 49. and to give slaves the right to manumission on demand. but mentioning no Islamic principles. like the slave trade. copied this subterfuge i n 1963. Awad 1966: 149. A t best. Miers 2003: 268-71. 114-15. resulting i n the official ending of servitude. rulers warned i n the 1930s that the ulama would reject proposals to prohibit slave sales at fairs. Miers 2003: 352. to eradicate slavery i n 1967. Stark 1946: 28. Southeast Asian. The Shaykh of Kuwayt declared slavery unrecognised i n law in 1952. 263-7.128-9. It was left to Yemen's Marxist ruling party'. 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 In Britain's A d e n Protectorate. Slaves remained significant for security and administration i n the 1930s. with a Black slave governing a province i n the 1930s. The Qu'ayti sultan i n Hadhramaut built up an African slave army in the nineteenth-century. 249. stating that 'slavery. had long been forbidden i n their territories'.Middle Eastern stragglers 117 slaves was forbidden'. the decision was taken by an Interim Advisory Committee under defacto British control. The Trucial Council. and promised to free anybody on application. and both he and his Kathiri rival made the possession of slaves a criminal offence prior to 1967. the National Liberation Front. The 1971 programme of the People's Front for die Liberation of O m a n and the Arabian G u l f still called for 'the eradication of slavery and the abolition of slave relationships'. other local potentates under British protection failed to follow suit. Sultans would have to pretend to be acting under colonial duress. Ingrains 1942: 154.

118 Imperialism and Secularism decreed the ending of slave imports by sea. and clandestine imports continued. Systematic Russian attempts to obtain the liberation of all slaves began later. W h e n abolition was announced during the 1962 revolution that overthrew the Imam. did not prohibit imports of slaves till exchanging diplomatic notes with Britain i n 1934. G a m m e r 1994: 40. However. 176 177 178 179 180 181 Abolition from Inner to Southeast Asia The Russians initially prevaricated. and acted likewise i n Turkistan from the 1840s. 222-6. Backsliding Middle Eastern governments. A n Egyptian geographer and former rector of Alexandria University. 'nobody dared openly to criticise'. They forbade Tatar nobles from exporting Christian serfs to the Caucasus i n 1838. failed to adhere to the international anti-slavery convention of 1926. 145. When the British ignominiously withdrew from A d e n i n 1967. 297. 7 8 1 7 9 1 8 0 1 8 1 1 8 2 1 8 3 Ibid. 56. the Russians sought from the 1810s to gain freedom for Christian slaves held i n the Caucasus. Miers 2003: 361. independent from 1918. but non-governmental sources considered that the illegal trade i n slaves had dwindled. manumission declined. found themselves chivvied by D r Muhammad Awad. O ' C a l l a g h a n 1961. and refused to answer a United Nations questionnaire i n 1948. Awad 1966: 180. especially those that refused to ratify anti-slavery documents of the United Nations. but only the sultan of Lahij had proclaimed it an offence to own slaves by 1939. this very sultan later stood accused of including a slave girl i n his retinue at a L o n d o n hotel. 'the 182 183 1 7 6 1 7 7 . 304. For many years.: 268-9. Defarge and Troeller 1969: 56. close to the North Caucasus. he had become interested i n slavery as a student i n L o n d o n . Rouaud 1979: 132. 113. Allworth 1994: 33. K o l c h i n 1987: 41-6. 233. but violently repressed an 1853 rising by Christian serfs against their Armenian Muslim lord. 82-4. he headed international efforts to enforce abolition. 310. 351-2. Brunschvig 1960: 39. Greenidge 1958: 39-43. 351. The regime d i d not reply to a further United Nations questionnaire. Beyond their frontiers. H o p k i r k 2001: 203. . the National Liberation Front imposed emancipation. Heyworth-Dunne 1952: 14. O n finally crushing Circassian resistance i n 1864. 45. Miers 2003: 261. D r e s c h 2000: 65. Servitude remained legal. The Zaydi Imam of North Yemen.

issued earlier i n the year to stave off a Russian assault. In 1873 the defeated khan of Khiva signed a treaty i n which he confirmed an abolitionist proclamation. This preceded the 1906-10 process of abolition i n C h i n a proper. This followed the assassination of a Muslim merchant ofYarkand by his slaves. Many Persian slaves and ex-slaves fell victim to an anti-Shi'i pogrom in 1910. The East India Company decided i n 1772 that slavery should be governed by either Islamic or H i n d u law. . undertook to end the slave trade i n a treaty signed i n the same year. K h a n 1998: 57. The emir of Bukhara. 158. 'larded with expressions of moral indignation'. and ordering owners to free their slaves without compensation. Certificates of manumission were still being issued i n 1885-6. Two years later. and yet he kept servile officials and concubines. a measure only applied to the whole British empire i n 1807-8. especially of women.. Skrine and Nightingale 1973: 89-90. Laura Newby. As late as 1914 a Russian veterinary surgeon witnessed a man selling his daughter to pay a debt. Tashkent: Fan. 200. O n acceding to the throne in 1885. personal communication. discussed i n chapter 11 below. Adeeb Khalid.Abolition from Inner to Southeast Asia 184 119 triumphant tsar issued an edict prohibiting slavery'. continued. Olufsen 1911: 351. summarising Turgun A. The Company then banned the maritime slave trade of the Bengal Presidency i n 1789. Emir ' A b d al-Ahad made good his father's promise by proclaiming the abolition of slavery. Although overt field slavery ended and public slave markets closed. K h a n 1998: 151. 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 1 8 4 1 8 5 1 8 6 1 8 7 1 8 8 1 8 9 1 9 0 1 9 1 1 9 2 1 9 3 J a i m o u k h a 2001: 156. d i m m i n g 1977: 156-7. covert sales. personnal communication. The repetition of similar edicts i n later years indicates problems i n enforcing the ban. A d a m 1840: 25-6. Under British pressure. Fayziev (1990) Bukharafeadaljamiyatida qullardan faydalanishga dair hujjatlar (XIX asr). Levi 2002: 285. 254. Becker 1968: 76-8. forbade trading i n slaves i n 1778-9.. the Chinese issued a decree banning slavery itself i n 1897. intimidated by these events. Carrere d'Encausse 1966: 145-7. Warren Hastings wrote optimistically that leading Muslims i n Bengal 'condemn the authorised usage of selling slaves as repugnant to the particular precepts . Separately. Qing emperors of China. gradually taking over East Turkistan (Xinjiang). of the Koran'. Chattopadhyay 1977: 83-6. he promised to end slavery itself within ten years. Britain initially attempted to achieve reform i n India by persuading the o l d Mughal ruling elite and curbing trade.

Dingwaney 1985: 313. culminating in the 1857-58 'Indian Mutiny' discussed in Chapter 8. discussed further i n Chapter 7. together with polygyny. district judge i n central India. This contributed to the alienation of Muslim elites. female seclusion.3. . Chattopadhyay 1977: 181-4. Banaji 1933: 43-4. some of them under Muslim monarchs. the muftis of the Company's Madras court confirmed the ruling of their Calcutta colleagues. Although disappointed that maltreatment was rejected as grounds for obligatory manumission. A d a m 1840: 66-7. Richardson considered these opinions greatly superior to those of the H i n d u pandits. A d a m 1840: 23. Hjejle 1967: 98. under pressure from Christian missionaries and their allies. Similar legislation for indirectly ruled princely states. Chattopadhyay 1977: 25. Banaji 1933: 248. and effective from 1862. 196-207. However. Chatterjee 1999: 219-24. debt bondage was not affected. the Company therefore decided to cease recognising slavery i n law in directly ruled India. Chatterjee 1999: 213. without paying compensation. strictly circumscribed the sources of enslavement to capture i n war and descent. In 1841. was gradually introduced from 1855. but i n vain. Chatterjee 1999: 183. A n 1830 appeal case i n Calcutta confirmed the validity of the 1809 fatwa. 42-8. and owning slaves or trading in them became illegal in terms of a penal code drawn up i n 1860. and ease of divorce. demanded the ending of slavery proper in Company territory in 1808. 252-3. This great rebellion led to Crown rule. L e i t n e r l 8 9 3 : 18. first mentioned in 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 1 9 4 1 9 5 1 9 6 1 9 7 1 9 8 1 9 9 2 0 ( 1 2 0 1 2 0 2 2 0 3 Chaltopadbyay 1977: 170-80. A new edition of the Hidaya in 1870. His letter was sent for comment to the muftis attached to the Company's high court in Calcutta.120 Imperialism and Secularism J o h n Richardson. L o r d Auckland optimistically reported in 1839 that 'all slavery is excluded from amongst Muhammadans by the strict letter of their own law'. In 1843-4. Prakash 1990:145-7. The British stance became more confrontational. Hardy 1972: 99. Officials and politicians hoped that such reformism would suffice to extinguish Muslim ownership of slaves. Chattopadhyay 1977: 250-3. The muftis' 1809 ruling. He thus requested that Muslim law be applied exclusively to slaves. but Muslim jurists had taken this position for centuries. They singled out slavery as a particularly objectionable feature of Muslim social relations. Gyan Prakash contends that the British urged the muftis to assert that freedom was the natural human condition.

Slavery was not mentioned in treaties signed with Malay sultans from 1874. Legislation against debt bondage. initiated i n 1920. . Secularist Muslims i n Pakistan after 1947. such as Muhammad Munir. A 'free womb' law was passed in Sri Lanka i n 1816. A h m e d 1987: 168. A d a m 1840: 277-8. aristocratic Muslim families continued to possess slaves.Abolition from Inner to Southeast Asia 121 Chapter 2. the 'White Raja' of Sarawak in North Borneo. Hughes 1885: 599. Y e g a r 1975. contributing to the murder of a senior official the following year. Winstedt 1981: 54-5. feared the reactions of 'Moslem aristocrats'. officials stressed that the Quran urged the remission of debts. A late-nineteenth-century British expert called Malay debt bondage an 'unauthorised and illegal innovation' in terms of Islamic law. affecting the Muslim minority as both owners and slaves. 'who seem willingly to assent to their condition of bondage'. long after Indian independence. omitted as irrelevant the voluminous sections of Islamic law concerning slavery. Pringle 1970: 176-7. Dingwanev 1985: 324. and slavery proper i n 1860. 55-6. T h e process of abolition in Indonesia is a minefield for the unwary. the internal trade in 1855. In seeking to resolve this widespread social problem. However. Loopholes permitted debt bondage and military slavery to continue i n British territories i n Southeast Asia. In directly ruled areas the Dutch banned the maritime trade i n 1818. while excluding debt peons and slaves of uncompensated 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 2 0 4 2 0 5 2 0 6 2 0 7 2 0 8 2 2 1 0 2 1 1 2 1 2 2 1 3 2 1 1 H a m i l t o n and Grady 1870: xxxi. and the possession of slaves only became illegal in 1935. More traditions were invented in 1882. but British officials were verbally instructed that 'no slavery could be permitted to exist i n any state under British protection'. He thus issued a cautious circular on slavery in 1868. " ° T r o c k i 1979: 50-1. but slavery only legally ended i n 1928. Endicott 1983: 236. which 'after a certain time may become custom'. Andaya and Andaya 1982: 160. L o h 1969: 189-90. Charles Brooke. continued the colonial struggle against slavery. introducing nonbinding regulations. L o h 1969: 184-6. continued till 1976. 208. Thomas Stanford Raffles promulgated regulations against slavery i n Singapore in 1822. British efforts i n Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia were also protracted. Lasker 1950: 49-50.

placed on a table. the system had been re-established by the 1870s. the Dutch were only able to emancipate slaves after long and bloody struggles. A N R I 1859. 340. and the Mohammedan religion'.122 215 Imperialism and Secularism 'native' owners. 129. notably the West and North Sumatran holy wars discussed i n Chapter 8. To have this property taken away from us would mean a great loss to us'. 36. In some cases. 807. thus contained a detailed section o n servitude. The sultan of Sulu wrote to the American authorities i n 1902. obliged to repay owners i n cash or labour services within two years. 2 1 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 2 1 5 2 1 6 2 1 7 2 1 8 2 1 9 2 2 0 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 3 Lasker 1950: 31. Moreover. Hassek 1882: 190-1. Berg 1882-4: II. Taylor 1983: 125. That said. custom. when I have reflected on what I once saw at Batavia and Semarang. 122. on Madura. T h e latter were thus paid to abolish the institution. Slavery remained legal in some principalities till the eve of the First World War. i n that order. 'slaves are part of our property. 20. A N R I 1876-9. Indonesia's Muslim princes sometimes took the initiative. " In areas of indirect rule.81. Burger 1975: II. As late as 1909. . although the sultan of Tidore refused to extend the measure to his possessions i n New Guinea. where human beings were exposed for public sale. Rejection of abolition was violent i n the southern Philippines. A scandal erupted in the late 1870s. R e i d 1993: 78. slavery persisted even longer. and my blood has run cold. writing that. The sultan of Sumenep. Asked to give up his slaves i n 1861. animated by 'philanthropic ideas'. for lacking the latter he simply would cease to be a sultan'. insisting that slaves were held 'according to Moro law. the sultan of Magindanao replied 'that he would rather give up his wife and children than his slaves. when it was discovered that Dutch planters and officials were hiring slaves from sultans i n eastern Indonesia. A code of Shafi'i law. freed his slaves around 1814. Raffles 1978: 78. Salman 2001:66. initially under Spanish rule and passing to the Americans after 1898. However. and examined like sheep and oxen'. Reid 1993: 77. the Dutch turned South Sulawesi's slaves into debtors. 'for long have I felt shame. Sutherland 1983: 2*74-8. published i n Batavia 'by order of the government' i n 1882-4. 452-99. Bigalke 1983: 347. ceased to demand an annual tribute i n Papuan slaves from New Guinea and Halmahera i n the 1850s. Verkerk Pistorius 1868. The sultan of Tidore. Encyclopaedic van Nederlansch-Indie1917—21: III.

While this undoubtedly conformed with the sharia. 231. Gowing 1983: 55-6. General George W. Gowing 1983. Ending the trade with Islamic lands was another matter. 284-5. seeking to carve out an autonomous fiefdom with American backing. The 'Moresby Line' of 1822 restricted exports of slaves to a mainly Muslim zone of the Indian Ocean. the United States public was scandalised to learn that Moros held numerous Christian Filipinos as slaves. prohibited slavery i n the Zamboanga region of western Mindanao i n 1901. Salman 2001: 82. merely referring to colonial law. The sultan even ordered his subjects to pray that Westerners should come to their senses. Muslim elites of the southern Philippines were not united over the issue. and this sentiment will be of slow growth'. Nicholls 1971: 226. W h e n the line was altered in 1839. 1806-56). H e also stated that 'slaver}' never has and never will bring any progress with i t ' . Davis commented that slavery 'will never be eradicated i n these islands until public sentiment i n the community is opposed to it. The British consul noted in 1844 that there existed no 'party favourable to the abolition of slavery'. 140. Nevertheless. 74-85. Sultan A l B u Sa'id (r. To justify signing the 1822 Moresby Treaty with Britain.Conflicting experiences in Africa 123 One Republican congressman argued that 'domestic' slavery among the Moros was so mild that there was nothing to abolish. 53. H e made no reference to Islam. declared that he was prohibiting the sale of slaves 'to Christians of all nations'.: 47-8. Datu Mandi. Sayyid Sa'id wrote plaintively to Bombay i n 1826 that he would be forced into exile. and there followed long years of warfare. His private secretary 228 229 230 2 2 4 2 2 5 2 2 6 2 2 7 2 2 8 2 2 9 2 3 0 Ibid. as 'all Muslims would be his enemies'. A plan to place the Sulu sultanate under indirect rule had to be shelved. Indeed. N i c o l i n i 2002: 138. although the numerous slaves who risked their lives to flee to the protection of colonial garrisons refuted this meretricious argument. the newly excluded areas of Kutch and Kathiawar (Saurashtra) were predominantly H i n d u . 224 225 226 227 Conflicting experiences in Africa The Zanzibar sultanate was the scene of a prolonged tussle. . Sayyid Sa'id b. N i c o l i n i 2002: 154. Bhacker 1992: 103. his predecessors had shown no qualms i n selling to the French from the 1780s. 244. N k h o l l s 1971: 222-4. Salman 2001: 77.

Bennett 1978: 165-6. Romero 1997: 112. Sultan Hamid presented abolition as Islamic. he owned no slaves. In 1872 his 'council of shaikhs was unanimous i n refusing to "commit suicide". U p the coast the governor of L a m u raised the spectre of insurrection. even if it earnestly enjoined manumission. G o r d o n 1989: 213. . which was torn down. The 1845 treaty. Kelly 1968: 632. In a preamble to his decree. Frere 1873:51. and his subjects protested that abolition amounted to 'force and plunder'. Sa'id (r. At best. Hollingsworth 1953: 217. prohibiting all exports of slaves beyond coastal waters. 1978: 179. and one necessary to obtain free labour for clove and coconut plantations. but also as a generous personal act. 1890-3) was derided as the mamluk of the British for issuing a restrictive proclamation. Muhammad (r. prompted the Sharif of Mecca to send an envoy to remonstrate with the sultan i n 1850. Flardinge 1928: 197." ' Barghash opined that 'the Koran sanctions slavery'. Sheriff 1987: 236. 'Arabs have carried on the trade since the days of Noah.124 Imperialism and Secularism exclaimed that. Bennett. because of 'the weight of Muslim opinion [and] the advice of the leading Arabs'. pleaded for time. as even the poorest free family owned a slave in Zanzibar at the time. 1870-88). which the American consul attributed to poverty. Sultan Barghash (r. he said: ' A n d whereas the 231 232 233 23 1 235 236 238 239 240 241 242 243 2 3 1 237 2 3 2 2 3 3 2 3 4 2 3 5 2 3 6 2 3 7 2 3 8 2 3 9 2 4 0 2 4 1 2 1 2 2 4 3 Bhacker 1992: 129-30. Personal conviction seems a more likely explanation. Beachev 1976a: 295. Beachey 1976a: 52-3.' Sultan H a m i d b. Cooper 1980: 34-68. After Zanzibar had adhered to the Brussels General Act i n 1890.54. Bhacker 1992: 132. the sultan threatened prison sentences for those caught kidnapping Muslim children on the coast. 1896-1902) finally proclaimed the abolition of slavery i n Zanzibar and Pemba in 1897. Sultan ' A l i b. Conservative British officials delayed full abolition by raising the twin perils of economic chaos and the undermining of indirect rule. Harries 1965: 206-7. Sir Arthur Hardinge argued that the measure would be regarded as 'manifest despoliation' by the Arabs. faced with the novel demand to end slavery itself. When chosen by the British to succeed to the throne. Arabs must have slaves'.

Conflicting experiences in Africa 125 Apostle Mohamed . Salvadei 1927. and We are Ourselves desirous of following his precepts . Italy moved slowly.000 slaves. Strobel 1979: 51. i n both Christian and Muslim areas of Ethiopia. but the issue divided Muslims and contributed to the revolt's collapse. Duffy 1967: 67. . Hermann von Wissman. Abushiri b. thus causing a revolt. Mirza and Strobel 1989: 130. gained support from caravan slaves and maroons. 91-5. and fathers would lose rights i n their children. . A n amendment facilitated the departure of concubines from masters on the mainland i n 1909. Cassanelli 1988. Beachey 1976a: 199-200. The authorities long left cases of slavery to Islamic justice. repressing the trade i n Eritrea and Somalia. Greenidge 1958: 46. their children would become illegitimate. . 148. so that a British judge was scandalised to hear a man declare i n court 'she is my slave' i n 1922. and hanged those convicted. has set before us as most praiseworthy the liberation of slaves. 161. Salim. However. to which application of the measure was extended i n 1907. The Italians waited till 1908 before taking further measures.. Ernesto de Vilhena. and seem generally to have been content with allowing 'free womb' laws to reduce bondage in their colonies. A serious Somali rebellion followed m i l d attempts by the Societa del Benadir to manumit slaves with compensation i n 1903-4. once sources of new slaves had been choked off. ' Enforcement was another matter. an Italian Fascist decree of 1936 freed an estimated 420. because they might turn to prostitution. T r i m i n g h a m 1964: 137-8. but continuing to recognise 'domestic slavery'. They believed that the institution would die a natural death. Brunschvig 1960: 39. i n an attempt to gain international backing for the invasion of 1935. representing the char244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 2 4 4 2 4 5 2 4 6 2 4 7 2 4 8 2 4 9 2 3 0 2 5 1 See Beachey 1976b: 125. Cave 1909-10: 29-33. Portuguese difficulties in repressing the illegal slave trade from northern Mozambique to Arabia partly reflected a lack of commitment to the cause. The German authorities tried suspected East African slave traders in summary courts from 1885.. fliffe 1979: 92-7. especially on the mainland. Concubines were explicitly excluded. who defended traditional Islamic servitude i n this revolt. regarded the slave trader as 'the enemy of the human race'. sent to crush the Arab Revolt of 1888-9. Romero 1997: 130. 83-5.

appointed H a m i d b. Ceulemans 1959: 102. he owned few concubines. 106-7. 252 253 254 255 The issue of abolition encouraged Muslim resistance to European conquest i n West Africa. slavery was 'domestic'. Discreet as to his motives for repressing the slave trade i n his autobiography. he had earlier ruled Manyema under loose Zanzibari suzerainty. N o r t h r u p 1988: 466-8. Willis 1989: 71. 'who will act according to the prescriptions of the Book'. However. Kinenge 1979. W h e n King Leopold II of the Belgians. French conventions with chiefs from 1890 turned slaves into 'servants like those of whom it is spoken i n chapters 24 and 43 of the Book of G o d ' . O f mixed O m a n i and African origins. sovereign of the Congo Free State.126 Imperialism and Secularism tered Companhia do Nyassa i n the north. . K l e i n 1968: 167. 241-5. sought to implement his instructions to end the slave trade. 168. but seemed fascinated by the power of the West. al-Murjebi. exploiting Islamic motifs. Murjebi 1974. Primarily an ivory trader. Bret 1987: 50. H e alleged that the institution was useful. Agostinho Coelho. with certificates of freedom signed by a qadi. Western journalists wrote that the fox had been put i n charge of the hen coop. and providing much needed labour. a 1912 convention with Dar Sila stated that the French would hand over runaways to the sultan. i n part because infidels were liberating slaves. The Mauritanian leader Shaykh M a ' al-'Aynayn (1831-1910) justified holy war against France and Spain. the authorities i n the Spanish 256 257 258 259 260 2 5 2 2 5 3 2 5 4 2 5 5 2 5 6 2 6 7 2 5 8 2 5 9 2 6 0 V i l h e n a 1906: 198-200. criticised 'philanthropic' British measures against slavery i n Zanzibar. he made no appeal to Islam. and considered that slave porters and agricultural workers were prone to desert or die. and concubinage was the basis of the Muslim family. As late as the 1960s. although his successors switched sides. invoked progressive sentiments to aid slaves fighting Fulbe masters. better known as Tippo T i p . Self-liberation for a fixed sum became mandatory. Renault 1987: 165. Portuguese governor i n Bissau from 1879. In Chad. W u l d al-Bara 1997. Deherme 1994: 136-7. Hawkins 1980: 169-74. Senegalese notables attacked French measures in 1848 as 'an attempt to diminish their wealth'. French and Spanish officials trod softly. M u h a m m a d al-Murjebi governor of Stanley Falls (Kisangani) province from 1887 to 1892. helping to civilise barbarous Africans. Moreover.

Mark Smith. asserting that 'slavery is an institution sanctioned by the law of Islam. the authorities stalled. H i l l 1976: 407-10. it is only because the Moslem power is not strong here that we have not got the slaves to sell'. citing N o r t h e r n House of Assembly Debates." In neighbouring Cameroon. a Norwegian film crew showed the world the slaves of a Muslim lord of Adamawa i n 1966. the British did nothing about concubines. 10 M a r c h 1955. personal communication. Futajalon's slaves. M a u g h a m 1961: 166. 198-9. from freeing a slave'. Klein 1968: 169-70. the manipulation of Islamic beliefs and institutions to delay emancipation requires both more research and more publicity. and allowed sales of slaves under a qadi's supervision. It neatly turns on its head the patronising view of unwilling Muslims forced to accept abolition by upright Westerners. and property i n slaves was as real as any other form of property among the Mohammedan population'. according to the Koran. In a barely audible Hausa aside. premier of Northern Nigeria. 2 6 1 2 6 2 Mercer 1976: 130. However. 184-5. Lovejoy and H o g e n d o r n 1993. L o r d Lugard warned against ending northern Nigerian slavery prematurely i n 1906. Marty 1921: 447-52. 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 Colonial abolition might appear to be a field so thoroughly trampled by scholars that there is nothing left to discover. Christelow 1994: 113-16. Lovejoy 1983: 265. Balde 1975: 214. to avoid complications. Sardauna of Sokoto. proclaimed in 1955: 'As regards slaves. Stilwell 1999: 175-84. In the Adrar region of Mauritania. Sir A h m a d u Bello. Even after French West African slaves had been formally freed in 1905. the French tolerated slavery by birth in 1918. found it hard to shake off their dependence before the social reforms of the 1950s. facing a particularly well entrenched aristocracy. he added 'and they are there. 265 i i 1988: 368. Although decreeing freedom for all those born after the first of April 1901. H e left the sharia courts to regulate slavery. 2 6 3 2 6 4 M c D o u g a 2 6 6 2 6 7 2 6 8 2 6 9 2 7 0 2 7 1 . 196. Derrick 1975: 72-5. Azarya 1978: 74-8. A n official i n interwar Timbuktu advised a runaway to pay his Tuareg master for his freedom. as long as both parties were from the same district. Even administrative slavery was not finally repudiated i n the Kano emirate until 1926. Lovejoy 1983: 265. allowing transactions i n women to continue.Conflicting experiences in Africa 127 Sahara pointed to 'the merit gained.

One Western abolitionist asserted i n the 1870s that. polygyny. 'an intelligent Mohammedan . it is necessary to turn to the differing strands of the Islamic renaissance. has almost obliterated the Islamic dimensions of this process. Thosibo 2002. Burgeoning legal autonomy clearly shaped the ending of slavery. 272 273 274 275 275 277 278 2 7 2 2 7 3 2 7 4 2 7 5 2 7 6 2 7 7 2 7 8 R u i b i n g 1937.. and male divorce to be 'incompatible with the modern society they wished to create'. There is an even greater paucity of information on Islamic reactions to abolition by secular politicians i n the twentieth-century. In the Indonesian case. that the ulama would accept no restrictions on servitude. M i l l e r 1992: 249. notably Kemal Atatiirk. Too little work has been done on the ways in which Western notions of freedom had to be expressed in Islamic terms to become effective. The standard argument. perpetuated since independence. cannot be accepted at face value. there existed a kind of club of 'the more advanced Muhammadan princes' opposed to slavery. Cooper 1968: 114. M o d e r n authors still consider that 'an exculpatory counterthrust arose from a few western-educated Muslims'.. Sir Arthur Hardinge was of the view that 'liberal and Europeanized Mohammedans' simply sought to curry favour by pretending that slavery was not a 'fundamental principle of the social system of Islam'. Some Western-educated Muslims declared slavery. To understand when laws ending the institution were deemed to be religiously legitimate. By 1925. to hasten abolition through Muslim channels. drafting legal instruments along sharia lines. It remains unclear when Muslim secular elites really turned against bondage.128 Imperialism and Secularism As for the contrasting colonial stratagem. Hardinge 1928: 355. Zwemer 1965: 126-9. However. it underscores the significance of Islamic agency. G o r d o n 1989: 45-6. but nineteenth-century monarchs made repeated attempts to gain the support of the ulama. a Dutch obsession with customary law. Rutter 1933: 323-4. Assumptions that Westerners bullied Muslim rulers have led scholars to neglect those rulers' relationship with religious scholars. More needs to be known about the considerable colonial efforts made to define and explain the suppression of slavery i n ways acceptable to Muslims. will probably frankly tell you slavery is an evil institution which must be abolished'. A Christian missionary took the same line i n 1907. .

Numerous ulama accepted no more than rectifications i n the law of slavery. for the abstract legitimacy of slavery was rarely questioned. However. backed by unprecedented military might. and scholars were uneasy about jettisoning too much of what their illustrious predecessors had elaborated. were striking. Merit was then earned by abstaining from such actions. and the Prophet and his companions had owned slaves. Those released from bondage might become vagrants. to bring it i n line with underlying principles. Reformist ulama might downgrade servitude from the 'neutral' to the 'discouraged' level in the fivefold Islamic ethical system. i n effect. or otherwise undermine social order. sometimes as far as adopting a quasiabolitionist stance. and was effective i n bringing infidels to Islam. The crucial final step. Regulations pertaining to servitude accounted for a large proportion of the sharia. but they were not actually sinful. The ulama tackled the problem by re-examining their own traditions. commanded the faithful to check servile filiation stringently. Property rights were guaranteed i n holy law. 129 . They reaffirmed the limitation of legitimate slave origins to capture i n properly constituted holy war. These requirements were at times framed in such a rigorous manner that. Slavery was necessary to gain merit from manumission. A few scholars went further. demoting the embarrassing institution to the 'forbidden' category. possibly renewing old libertarian traditions. Their lack of interest i n Western ideas. and called insistently for manumission. however.7 T H E U L A M A A N D QUASI-ABOLITION Responding to the shock of Western demands. Islamic scholars undertook a painful reappraisal of servitude from the late eighteenth-century. was most likely to be contemplated by dissenters. slavery could no longer reproduce itself. this nearly always remained abolition by the back-door. and their failure to refer to them.

M a r t i n 1989: 113-38. N a ' i n i 2002: 124. In contrast. while clinging to the notion that infidels taken i n a properly constituted j i h a d could be enslaved. he asserted that the buyer of slaves was exempt from the censure proclaimed upon the seller. and deduced from this that the slave trade was an 'abomination'. al-Jisr taught that non-combatants should be spared enslavement. i n Lebanon. O p e n to modern ideas. he exclaimed. H e stated that 'the purchase and sale of human beings is contrary to the dictates of religion and the practice of civilisation. attacked traditionalists repeatedly for defending political 'slavery'. and that the making of new slaves i n war was thus illegitimate. See also Mirzai 2000. The influential Shaykh Husayn al-Jisr (1845-1909). Shi'i circles i n India and Lebanon contributed to the debate. H o u r a n i 1970: 222-3. 594-7. The chief mujtahid of the holy city of Najaf.130 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition Dissenting reformers The quixotic British campaign to prove that Shi'i Islam did not countenance slavery. the mujtahid ' A l i N u r ' A l i Shah issued an uncompromising fatwa i n 1912. agreed that slavery was 'discouraged'. including those between 'the free and the coerced'. argued that holy war had been suspended since the occultation of the Twelfth Imam. Muhammad Husayn Na'ini. dedicated to the Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamit II. A pamphlet. 'are further from the quest for constitutionalism than the sky is from the earth'. However. In 1847. who are claimed as slaves. However. However. ' A l l these issues'. A famous 1909 text by a leading constitutionalist from Najaf. from Tripoli. 165-200. noted in Chapter 6. men or women alike. are i n legal fact completely 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 Kelly 1968: 495. divided the ulama. i n Iraq. and that the Hadith condemning 'the seller of men' was valid. . published a book i n Beirut i n 1887. 345-8. H u n t e r 1964: 85-7. a more eminent mujtahid pronounced that infidels taken i n war could be enslaved. Snouck Hurgronje 1906: II. six Persian interpreters of the law cited the Hadith that 'the seller of men is the worst of men'. in a deft piece of casuistry. The question of freedom agitated Iranian ulama i n the context of the constitutionalist revolution of 1905-6. he also ridiculed opponents who said that the constitution would erase a set of differences between people. albeit almost exclusively from a political perspective. and therefore i n our eyes any persons. published i n Calcutta i n 1871.

196. Rather feebly. So would anyone for whom there was 'legal proof that all his ancestors without exception had been slaves descended from a person taken prisoner'. Haeri 1993: 139-40. and it was impossible to prove unbroken descent from legal slaves on the maternal and paternal side over a millennium. who supported the constitution and was a 'model for the lovers of freedom'. H e was poisoned i n 1918. are almost unknown on 6 7 8 9 10 11 6 7 8 9 1 0 1 1 T a b a n d e h 1970: 26-7. . proper Africans. Zaydi ulama. while stressing the good intentions that lay behind it. H e must have been the same person as Wafa ' A l i Shah (1847-1918). However. he restricted the sources of slavery to capture and birth. 'slaves as such. Shaykh Fadhlalla Haeri. Manzoni 1884: 190. 27. i n contrast to ruling 'Turks' and lowland Shali'i tribes. raised i n the holy Iraqi city of Karbala and educated in the West. ' A l i Shah's fatwa appears to have had little impact. perhaps because he was a Sufi. Miers 2003: 261. A n academic writing at about the same time stated that. and the equals of all other Muslims of their community'. Nurbakhsh 1980: 113-14. 199-201. 'except for isolated instances. or perhaps because it was i n advance of its time. found slavery distasteful rather than actually illegitimate. concubines or eunuchs of any kind. he noted that servitude gave a person a chance to learn about Islam. Anybody 'taken prisoner fighting against Islam with a view to its extirpation. In 1970. both mujtahid and head of the Nimatullahi Sufi order. In a publication intended for a Western audience. noting that several Shi'i Imams were born of slave mothers. Two kinds of slavery were still licit. and [who] persisted i n his sacrilegious and infidel convictions' would still be a slave. for reasons that are not clear. ensconced in the highlands of northern Yemen. Tabandeh'l970: vii-viii. remained ambivalent as late as 1993. There had been no properly constituted j i h a d after the last Imam had been occulted. his own grandson queried the validity of the fatwa i n terms of Shi'i law. Pourjavady and Wilson 1978: 160-3. A British report of 1936 was more cautious. he fell back on the virtues of manumission. estimating that Zaydi owners held about a tenth of the slaves i n Yemen. A n Italian explorer asserted i n 1877-8 that highland tribes round Sana'a kept no slaves. H e stressed the mildness of Muslim slavery. He ended lamely and inconclusively by observing that.Dissenting reformers 131 free. the slave trade had died out by the twentieth-century'.

Druze opposition to slavery became better known i n modern times. at a time when Sir Bartle Frere wrote that no Indian trader i n East Africa regarded slavery as a 'moral crime'. not only 12 13 14 15 16 17 13 19 20 21 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1 C o o n 1968: 199. Aga Khan III campaigned for the League of Nations after the First World War. 117-18. Druzes began to leave their mountain fastness in increasing numbers from the 1860s. Churchill. Rutter 1933: 323-4. by this time also centred i n Gujarat and implicated in the East African slave trade. the advent of the Westerneducated and liberal A g a Khan III (r. personal communication. Even after slavery had been 'abrogated by statute' i n British India i n 1843-4. befriended South Asian Islamic modernists opposed to servitude. Musta'li Isma'ili or Bohra believers were centred i n Gujarat by the nineteenth-century. Merchants of this community dominated the slave trade from Mozambique to Madagascar i n 1873. 1885-1957) was decisive. Moreover. for contributions to the repression of the East African slave trade. 310.132 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition the plateau. Mangat 1969: 20-1. Zaydi adepts generally left the slave trade to their Shafi'i compatriots. as late as 1947. Bernard Havkel. H . a British explorer of the 1840s. A t best.htm> A g a K l i a n III 1998:1. indicating that the turning point came shortly after 1885. R o u a u d 1979: 132. This remained the position in the 1960s. <http://www.dawoodi-bohras. 294. The winds of change blew more precociously through the Nizari Isma'ili or Khoja community. A g a K h a n III 1998. and owned by but a few extremely wealthy families'.com/perspective/methodology. As religious decisions were i n the purview of the living Imam. Frere 1873: 107. However. H e spent much of his time i n Europe. Known as an opponent of servitude. Fyzee 1969: i x . while noting that slavery had become 'very uncommon'. . Qasim al'Ansi referred to the law of manumission. and publicly praised the British i n 1909 for abolishing slavery in India. published news of their rejection of concubinage and polygyny. C h u r c h i l l 1994: II. i n an influential account. C. a cautious gradualist position was espoused by some Bohra i n the 1990s. 150. The British knighted the great Khoja entrepreneur Tarya Topan i n 1890. the great Zaydi jurist A h m a d b. the institution was valid i n the community's religious law. first published i n 1853. Blank 2001: 76. In the city of Sana'a they are exceedingly rare.x .

Yusuf Atfayyish (1820-1914). This probably contributed to British threats to abolish his position. 236-8. even if owners objected. Shaykh ' A l i b. Pouwels 1987: 120. notably by downplaying divisions between tribes and electing an Imam. Wilkinson 1987: 232-3. 22 23 24 25 26 Mutawwa revivalists i n O m a n and Zanzibar were favourable to slavery. Such liberated individuals were entitled to all the rights of free persons. Powels 1987: 204-6. 119-20. A l l e n 1987: 59. 27 28 29 30 31 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 H o u r a n i and Shehadi 1992. for 'the aim was honourable under Islam'. 'dared to stand alone i n open defiance against the ban on the status of slavery'. Strobel 1979: 52. In 1858 a group of Mzabi merchants wrote indignantly to the French authorities. Pouwels 1987: 204-5. Servitude was not harsh. Sheriff 1987: 218-20. Mzabi men kept concubines. In a more pragmatic vein. supported the Imam's cause against the sultan. Mzabi involvement i n the trans-Saharan slave trade remained considerable i n 1880. who seems not to have opposed slavery. As late as the 1920s. The Banu Riyam tribe. alienated by 1890s measures against trading i n slaves and firearms. Wilkinson 1987: 243-5. but that it was legitimate for infidels to buy slaves and emancipate them. 354. imposed i n 1897. This may have reflected persistent slave trading. The central figure i n the Ibadi renaissance i n Algeria was Muhammad b. he noted that any qadi who opposed the authorities risked dismissal. protesting against the liberation of slaves in one of their caravans. but slaves longed for their homelands. his family had him murdered i n 1849. This nineteenth-century movement sought to return to the fundamentals of the Ibadi creed. Renault and Daget 1985: 162. The Ibadi chief qadi of Zanzibar i n 1914. Christelow 1985a: 119. . and asking what else they could possibly buy i n the lands of the Blacks. Attitudes i n Zanzibar and O m a n gradually became more critical of servitude. In 1909. the Ibadi chief qadi of Zanzibar. stated that slaves freed by the government could not become clients of their former owners.Dissenting reformers 133 going down to expanding coastal cities such as Beirut but also participating i n the 'Syro-Lebanese' diaspora around the world. When a governor of Suhar signed an agreement with Britain to stop imports of African slaves. Dermenghem 1954: 258. Shaykh 'Ali b. G o i c h o n 1927: 73. and 'exchanged' slaves. 191. albeit only with the consent of their single wife. Msellum al-Khalassi. Muhammad al-Mundhiri.

then the measure was acceptable. [n. who had abolished the institution a year earlier i n Saudi Arabia (see Chapter 8 below).134 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition 'Abdallah b. W h e n the East India Company's muftis issued a fatwa on slavery i n 1809. Hamid al-Salimi. actually 'repudiated slavery'. This did not clearly distinguish between captives taken i n battle and non-combatants. citing ' A b d A l l a h al-Salimi. then it was not legitimate. It was not until 1963 that an Ibadi Imam. it may have been intended to gain support from Prince Faysal b. 396. They also wanted to know whether such slaves were allowed to marry without their owner's permission. H a m i d al-Salimi (1869/70-1914). gift. More34 35 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5 A m a l Ghazal.p. 32 33 South Asian Sunni pioneers and their opponents British India was an early testing ground for the Sunni world. translated from Persian into English i n 1791 (see above). implicitly legitimised the servile status of descendants of those enslaved before the advent of Islam. fraud or life-long labour contracts. personal communication. The reasons for this decision were not made clear. V. . 2nd ed. as was slavery originating i n debt. they stated that it was only legal to enslave 'infidels fighting against the faith'. The Hidaya code. ' A b d al-'Aziz. kidnapping. A l Salimi answered that 'this is a scourge that has stricken Zanzibaris as a punishment for the injustice they inflicted upon the slaves'. Chattopadhyay 1977: 170-7. Jatvabai al-Imam al-Salimi lil-Imam Nur al-Din 'Abd Allah b. Sale of self or children was prohibited. and their descendants. Such slaves. a blind scholar influential in Oman's Ibadi revival. Bengali ulama even stated in 1825 that slavery had effectively been 'almost extinct in this country for generations'. Following an appeal to the Calcutta court i n 1830. once more fighting a sultan of Masqat. Bevan Jones 1941: 204. (1999). ed. judges chose the 1809 fatwa over the Hidaya.]. without specifying whether he meant bad treatment or illegitimate enslavement. A d a m 1840: 64-7. Miers 2003: 360. Other jurists backed the stance of the Calcutta muftis. discussed in Chapter 6. whereas i f 'extortion and injustice' were their motives. However. H e ruled that i f the intentions of Christians were honourable i n freeing slaves. could be transferred by sale. whether those involved were Indian or African. was asked by Zanzibari petitioners whether it was lawful to hire slaves freed by the Europeans without the consent of owners. or inheritance..

inherited or taken i n warfare. making their lot superior to that of subject peoples in Western colonial empires. A h m a d 1967: 254-5. of the influential and conservative Deobandi school. denied that the Prophet had ever ordered the abolition of slavery. Religious publications. took slavery for granted. they added that owners must prove servile origins. . 1926. Sekaly 1926: 201. he ruled on the question. provided that i n this case they refuse to become Moslems'. 1761). president of the Jamiat ul-Ulama. See Hardy 1972: 173-4. 'whether the owner of a male slave may arrange the marriage of his slave'. of the same town. published a compendium of fatwas around the 1880s'. In 1926 Sayyid Muhammad Kifayatullah. Consensus long remained conservative. roundly denounced progressive notions of abolition i n the 1870s. the muftis of the Company's Madras court declared that only captives i n war and their descendants were 'true' slaves i n Islamic law. translated into U r d u and published i n Kanpur i n 1905. personal communication. OrieMe Mod-mo. justifying the enslavement of men and women who 'sought refuge' with the victors after the battle. Waji al-Din Saharanpuri headed a group of ulama who issued a fatwa. Islam improved the status of slaves and recognised their humanity. or even inspired it. In Sind in the 1840s. In it.H e repeated this argument i n a publication of 1957. Similarly. Powell forthcoming. 37 38 39 40 41 4 43 44 45 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4:> Banaji 1933: 43-4. Sayyid Muhammad 'Askari. Avril Powell. See Mujeeb 1967: 450. of the Farangi Mahall school of Lucknow. personal communication. . stressed the need to observe sharia rules on slavery. In 1841. In a book published i n Lahore i n 1946 Mawlana Sa'id Ahmad Akbarabadi. Claudia Preckel. included sections on female slaves and servile marriages. ' A b d al-Hayy. interpreted in a fairly restrictive manner. Leitner 1893: 18. 6/7: 358. fatwas of Shah 'Abdu'l-'Aziz Waliyullah (d. Chatterjee 1999: 213. Muslims i n much of the subcontinent refused to accept narrow definitions. even those emanating from moderate groups. Sayyid Imdad ' A l i Akbarabadi. A h m a d 1967: 63.South Asian Sunni pioneers and their opponents 36 135 over. Deputy Collector of Kanpur (Cawnpore). probably in the 1830s. A t most. led conservative ulama i n producing a stream of publications defending traditional forms of slavery. B u r t o n 1973: 242. slaves 'must have been duly paid for.

Those on the bey's newly formed religious council agreed that the monarch's will should be respected. 1850). Sagaster 1997: 33. and the legal permit for coition with her'.136 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition Collections of fatwas dealing with practical aspects of slavery long continued to be published i n India. but the dates seem too early for such an explanation. most Algerian ulama were slow 47 48 49 50 51 4 6 4 7 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 Shourie 1995: 5-11. which appeared between 1975 and 1982. and that his decrees were in conformity with the sharia. However. Shaykh Bayram. brought to the abode of Islam. A slave woman had to be captured in a j i h a d i n the abode of war. A n open letter. H o u r a n i 1970: 97. 533-4. 46 Apotheosis in the Maghrib Tunisia's ulama exhibited great caution during A h m a d Bey's drive for abolition in the 1840s. circulating i n Tunisia at this time. Chater 1984: 553. Montana 2001: 3-7. an ardent H i n d u politician. The Hanafi chief mufti. His Maliki colleague. even i f al-Shidyaq enjoyed good personal relations with Tunisia's Muslim reformers. The mufti merely noted that 'it is difficult to come by slave-girls i n the present times. did not go so far. the letter's impact remains to be ascertained. for the conditions required for lawful slave-girls are difficult to obtain now'. from Gujarat. Christelow speculates that this sprang from interpretations of abolition conforming to the spirit of the Quran. Green 1978: 105-6. Faris al-Shidyaq (1804—87). demonstrated that Quran and Hadith did not preclude abolition. The problem was not secular legislation. One passage reads: ' A slave-woman does not need marriage for the reason [that] the Shari'ah has made the possession of a slavewoman the substitute of marriage ceremony. although they later drew praise from Ottoman secular abolitionists. who onlylater converted to Islam. and apportioned as booty. although he had a reputation as a progressive and modernising scholar. Chater 1984: 552. in Arabic. further noted that Muslims might have been improperly enslaved. . Christelow 1985a: 121. quoted a set of opinions from the pen of Sayyid ' A b d alRahim Qadri. Distributed by the British Anti-Slavery Society. Ibrahim al-Riyahi (d. this document was probably written i n Malta by a Christian reformer from Lebanon. A few Algerian qadis co-operated with the suppression of slavery in the two decades following the French decree of 1848. discussed i n Chapter 6. A r a n Shourie. but doubtful provenance. 531. In any event. 15.

156. Lapanne-Joinville 1952: 153-4. . and that they were attesting that female slaves were wives i n 1893. Lapanne-Joinville 1952: 154. Cordell 1999: 48-50. 7. Michaux-Bellaire 1910: 423-7. and his opinions were more widely disseminated through a posthumous publication i n Paris i n 1906. His arguments were rooted i n Maliki conventions and Sufi piety. Hunwick and Powell 2002: 44-8. 193-4. Some Moroccan jurists declared slave trading to be illegal i n 1894. A h m a d b. These fears may not have been entirely justified. Many Moroccan ulama maintained the abstract validity of the institution. Al-Nasiri rehearsed established arguments. 196. Levi-Provencal 1960: 290-1. personal communication. as part of a history of the Maghrib. and that this effectively challenged the status of all existing slaves. A religious specialist and minor official. French hesitations after 1912 sprang partly from apprehension as to the ulama's reactions. Willis 1980. Indeed. Hunwick 1999: 60-3. Khalid al-Nasiri (1834—97). The French complained that Algerian qadis were returning slaves fleeing from Morocco in 1880. Al-Nasiri's uncompromising stance on slavery was contested. for many Moroccans still believed the institution to be legitimate on the eve of the declaration of the Franco-Spanish protectorate in 1912. he was influential i n the emergence of conservative modernism. 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 Dermenghem 1954: 258-9. Willis 1985:1. as people could no longer be captured in holy war after the French conquest of West Africa. Ennaji 1999: 114-15. in flagrant violation of the sharia. who brought quasi-abolitionism to a climax i n the late nineteenth-century. Toledano 1998: 125. Ennaji 1999: 114.Apotheosis in the Maghrib 52 137 to accept the legitimacy of French measures. Qadis also undermined slavery by treating concubines as a special category of wife without a dowry. Ennaji 1999: 121. It was a Moroccan scholar from Sale. but believed that it should disappear because conditions were no longer suitable. His real bombshell was the affirmation that no wars after the time of the Prophet and his companions could be called holy wars. H e wrote his attack on slavery i n 1881. one pessimistic European observer thought that freeing ill-treated slaves was the best that could be hoped for. an argument that convinced some Muslims to free their remaining slaves. David Gutelius. Most slaves i n Morocco i n 1952 had been kidnapped as children. rejecting the curse of H a m and denouncing uncertain conditions of enslavement.

186-7. he admitted that tribute in slaves from the Sudan was illegal. Lane 1895: 115. 178. considered existing slavery to be a perversion of the institution as permitted in holy law. However. some of whom were substantial slave owners. and being at the time of capture an infidel. which only sanctioned the enslavement of idolaters i n war for the purpose of converting them. As a showdown with Britain loomed i n 1881. Baer 1969: 183-5. he declared that he 'would be overriding the law in decreeing the abolition of slavery'. 187-8. because people lived i n peaceful treaty relations with Egypt. insisting that they had to obtain their owners' consent i n terms of the sharia. Edward Lane reported in the 1830s that 'the slave is either a person taken captive i n war or carried off by force from a foreign hostile country. or by her owner i f he does not acknowledge himself to be the father'. Beachey 1976b: 33. although the latter passage merely recommended the manumission of worthy slaves. Baer 1969: 188. Sanctioned by the sharia. The Shaykh al-Islam refused to concede 'the civil rights of a person born free' to those liberated by the state. discussed in Chapter 6. some Cairo qadis refused to allow the marriage of slave women freed by the secular bureaux. but was a matter of custom. The issue came to a head with the establishment of Manumission Bureaux in 1877. women were needed for harems. This wording allowed for the enslavement of non-combatants. Tucker 1985: 178. He added that reducing captives to slavery was not directly enjoined in holy law. E r d e m 1996: 89-90.138 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition Wider Arab reformism The Egyptian ulama. 672-3. . Having consulted the most learned scholars. Conservatives defended slavery more crudely in 1869. 116-17. Shaykh al-Azhar in 1882. Muhammad al-Anbabi. D o u i n 1936-41: I1I-2. A t best. citing 47:4 and 24:33 to prove that the Quran did not sanction slavery i n modern times. or by any man who is not her owner. opinions seemed divided. and barbaric Blacks benefited. while saying nothing about tribute and purchase. and allegedly driving them into prostitution. 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5 6 6 Crecelius 1972: 169-70. Winter 1992: 69. or the offspring of a female slave by another slave. Tucker 1985: 177-8. the institution was both ancient and mild. remained circumspect. Some ulama backed the government.

But who does not know that the Turks have long since wandered from the straight path of Islam to follow a tortuous trail which will eventually make them. Shaykh Muhammad A h m a d al-Bulaqi. Millant 1908: 203.Wider Arab reformism 139 After the British conquest in 1882.. Eccel 1984: 417. A n undated text from around this time blamed the use of eunuchs on the Turks: 67 68 69 76 71 72 We found the institution of eunuchs among the Greeks. pronouncing that the sharia prohibited not only the making but also the owning of eunuchs. . following his visit to Mecca i n the 1880s. refuted modernist theses on women i n 1899. the Egyptian ulama declared that as the Prophet had not prohibited slavery. Eunuchs were one subject on which the ulama were prepared to accept reform. D i d our blessed Prophet need eunuchs? Does the Arab of the desert and the tent make use of these incomplete men? One can only blame the inconsiderate use that the Turks make of White and Black eunuchs. Zambaco 1911: 36-8. unworthy of the religious and political preponderance that they have desired to exercise over the sons of Islam? 73 As far as ordinary slaves were concerned. Snouck Hurgronje. and its ethics. neither could they. of al-Azhar. However. A h m a d 1963: 101. blind schismatics. Snouck Hurgronje 1931: 20. its principles. despite the citation of a long list of weighty authorities. A congress of Islamic scholars was held i n Egypt in 1908. by implication defending concubinage. The eunuch is contrary to Islam. This reflected 'the power of the great international opprobrium felt for the institution'. as this tends to perpetuate the abominable practice of castration. 104-5. Although traditionalists continued to hold that what the Quran specifically permitted could not be outlawed. abolition caused little overt contestation. wrote of castrati as 'the great abuse condemned even by Islam'. this ruling was contested. .. However. if they are not careful. Romans and other peoples who preceded us. Chafik 1938: 49. an observer of the Middle East in the late 1940s thought that. pious ulama refrained from taking as concubines girls who might have been wrongly enslaved. 'the institution of slavery leads a 6 7 6 8 6 9 7 0 7 1 7 2 7 3 E r d e m 1996: 92.

and proposed reforms to administrative slavery. H e y d 1961. <http://members.. Al-Azhar prevaricated for decades. and assert that it is out of harmony with the spirit of their religion. In Hadhramaut in 1938. and represents His revealed w i l l ' . they endorsed the sultan's elimination of the relics of military servitude in 1826..html> Toledano 1998: 96. A t best. H u n w i c k and Powell 2002: 17-19. while gradually preparing slaves for freedom. and 'progressive leaders frequently admit that slavery is inconsistent with the solidarity of Mohammedanism'. A n al-Azhar fatwa.tripod. The Arabian peninsula was an area of particular uncertainty. agree that slavery is an evil system. held that Islam had set out to 'cure' slaver}'. 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 Ottoman conservatism 82 The Ottoman ulama 'upheld the legality of slavery because it was sanctioned by Islam'.140 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition 74 by no means illegitimate existence even today'. 'so that the Arabs of the towns are loud i n blame'. A n undated publication by a leading teacher stuck to the notion that slavery was licit for infidels captured in war and their descendants. . Bedouins drove their agricultural slaves harshly.com/skypin/fatwa/fatwal7. Harrison 1924: 257-8. published i n Cairo in 1980. Nevertheless. Slaves i n the Gulf perceived the 'iniquity' of their condition i n the 1920s. However. J o m i e r 1954: 232. Avoiding any 'counterreaction that would shake the pillars of society and tear apart its structures'. A b d el-Schafi 2000: 149.. but only because no free child should be sold. available on the internet i n Indonesian i n 2001. Harrison 1939: 207-8. A fatwa of 1939 declared that a father could not sell his son. assert roundly that slavery comes direct from the deep counsels of G o d . the third edition of a textbook of Maliki law. 'the finer spirits of the community . albeit without daring to say so in public. A decade later. simply relegated slavery to the domain of history. Stark 1945: 216. Islam thus proceeded by 'reducing the avenues to enslavement and closing them off. The slave holders on the contrary . the ulama recognised the rights of owners and the dangers of vagrancy. they refused Young Ottoman 83 7 4 7 5 7 6 7 7 7 8 7 9 8 0 8 1 8 2 8 3 B o n n e 1948: 351..

Moreover. Qadis refused to liberate slaves without their owners' consent. However. D o u i n 1936-41: III—2. Following the Young Turk revolution.000 people of a chance of salvation. Isma'il al-Nabhani (18491932). birth. would go no further than restricting enslavement to war against infidels. Europeans were merely trying to divide Muslims and stop the spread of Islam through conversion. together with other Christian 'rebels' enslaved 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 8 4 8 5 8 6 8 7 8 8 8 9 9 0 9 1 Sagaster 1997: 33. The Syrian paper al-Haqa'iq not only published the views of alNabhani. E r d e m 1996: 150. because the Russians had obliged their owners to free them. Ghazal 2003. but there was a link with the divine dispensation that there should be rich and poor. Yusuf b. Toledano 1998: 39-40. and stressed that slavery was authorised by Quran and Hadith. Zambaco 1911: 64. E r d e m 1996: 94. In a little book published i n 1908 he argued that the West was manipulating abolition as a weapon against Islamic influence. Ragheb made the telling point that G o d would have revealed the need to end slavery directly. They accepted capture in war. Some ulama even queried the manumission of some Circassian immigrants. and encouraging manumission. Believers might not comprehend why G o d allowed slavery. necessary to allow believers to atone for certain sins. slaves stood to lose most from abolition. i n which he criticised the abolitionist views of a certain A h m a d al-Mahmasani. except in cases of proven ill-treatment. but also reprinted an article by one Muhammad Ragheb in 1911.Ottoman conservatism 84 141 demands for fatwas declaring slavery to be illegitimate. 45. 679. Sagaster 1997: 18-19. Servitude was an inherent part of the law. 662. and purchase as causes of slave status in 1869. The Shaykh al-Islam continued to issue decisions concerning servile marriages as late as 1916. this only authorised freeing 'those persons who were not claimed by anybody as being slaves'. Upbraiding his opponent for reading too much into a Hadith. A conservative Palestinian 'alim. and providing men too poor to marry with a legitimate sexual outlet. . Istanbul's Shaykh al-Islam confirmed i n 1909 that the 'basic principle of the House of Islam is liberty'. had that been his intention. E r d e m 1996: 150. he spent some time at court i n Istanbul. Toledano 1998: 93-9. Ghazal 2001. 151. each year depriving some 100. Armenians. and became a senior judicial figure in Ottoman Syria. Ghazal 2003. Educated at alAzhar.

Sagaster 1997: 19. Some ulama persisted i n recognising the validity of slavery after the fall of the Ottoman empire i n 1918. In the 1920s a Palestinian shaykh expressed the view that pious Muslims could therefore buy Christian girls on the slave markets of the Fertile Crescent. this scholar was appointed chief mufti of Indonesia by the Dutch. Stauth 1992: 74-5. could not sell a child. such views of j i h a d simultaneously limited the scope for enslavement.142 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition during the First World War. although the services of such a child could be obtained i n return for a loan. some Southeast Asian ulama displayed reformist tendencies. A free father. were 'people of the book' who had broken their contract. published i n Mecca i n 1892. . H e was known for narrowly restricting the conditions under which a holy war could be waged. J a u s s e n 1927: 129-30. Buying a slave from an unbeliever was only possible if the initial owner was a Muslim. He began by stressing the consensus that the root of legal slavery was capture in holy war. Yahya (1822-1931). A collection of fatwas. Marriage of under-age girls was only valid if the child's father or legal guardian allowed it. A mufti of Batavia [Jakarta] issued a fatwa in the 1880s. Snouck Hurgronje 1923-4: II. M a l c o l m 1998: 215. answered ques96 97 98 9 2 93 9 4 9 5 9 6 9 7 9 8 Kamal-ud-Din 1925: 273-4. Reform was one thing. O f mixed Hadhrami and Egyptian parentage. 'Abdallah b. Although argued in terms of contesting colonial power. Popovic 1978: 168. In republican and secular Turkey. even a non-Muslim. 92 93 94 95 Evolution in Southeast Asia Influenced by Egypt. The author of this fatwa was almost certainly Sayyid 'Uthman b. sharia norms for dealing with slaves continued to appear i n specialised Islamic literature. ' A q i l b. who had acquired the slave legitimately. and a slave trader could not stand i n as such. A z r a 1995. answering a query about the legality of purchasing Chinese girls as concubines from Chinese dealers i n Singapore. 276-9. but the legitimacy of slavery was another. as though nothing had changed. when a qadi allowed a Circassian slave youth to marry a free woman. From the subsequent inquiry it emerged that Circassian slaves were turning to secular Yugoslav courts to avoid buying their freedom. In the new state of Yugoslavia a storm erupted i n 1935.

A h m a d Dahlan (181786). . He considered that social aspects of the sharia should change according to period and culture. Snouck Hurgronje 1906:1. Purchases of Chinese slave girls did not cease. 77-8. Riddell 2001: 249-53. Lasker 1950: 53-5. 36. South Sumatra. who had studied i n Mecca. East Javanese i n the 1950s declared that slaves could not perform the pilgrimage to Mecca. and became president of Indonesia from 1999 to 2001. especially Sumatra. 165. M u h a m m a d 1999: 190. M e d n i c k 1965: 31-2. Djajadiningrat 1929: 87-8. marriage.Evolution in Southeast Asia 143 tions from the region. Geertz 1960: 205. H e declared in 1904 that 'the Moros would not submit to any interference with their slave trading and holding'. 23. possibly the largest single organisation in the Islamic world. Ingrams 1970: 26-7. Sharif Tuan. Lasker 1950: 31. even though such documents were not recognised i n colonial courts. Seven of them referred wholly or partly to slavery. a scholar of Lampung. C h a b o t l 9 9 6 : 160. wrote most of the 130 opinions. Owners issued manumission certificates to slaves i n South Sulawesi i n the 1930s. and attempted to retain them after independence i n 1946. some of them being re-exported to Hadhramaut as concubines and domestics i n the interwar years. 61-5. backed the struggle against the Americans i n Mindanao. Abdurrahman Wahid [Gus D u r ] . and manumission. Ex-slaves needed such certificates to gain access to land. H e headed Indonesia's Nahdatul Ulama. Bigalke 1983. an 'Arab priest'. The Maranao of Mindanao took slaves during the Japanese invasion of the Philippines from late 1941. It was not until opposition to military rule grew i n Indonesia after 1965 that the men of the law showed interest in abolition. Servitude also continued to affect marriages and ritual status across Southeast Asia. H e accepted the 1948 Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights. received education in Cairo and Baghdad. of which article 4 bans slaver)'. Putra 1988: 15." In 1915-16. as applicable to believers. from a distinguished family of Javanese ulama. Meccan head of the Shafi'i school of law from 1871. Salman 2001: 114. 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 9 9 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 2 1 0 3 1 0 4 1 0 5 1 0 6 1 0 7 1 0 8 1 0 9 Kaptein 1997. 163. inheritance. Slavery continued to be seen as licit long after formal colonial abolition. issued a similar fatwa on servile marriages. treating the institution as a routine aspect of sale. and stressed the virtues of freed o m .

0 111 112 Shaykh Musa b. Ahmad al-Futi. S a m b 1980:94. to claim equality in land distribution. took a more systematic line. inspired by the Moroccan writings of al-Nasiri. Poulet 1994: 40-1. marriage. i n 1980-1. bad treatment justified the liberation of those born into slavery. Furthermore. In the 1980s ex-slaves of Futajalon themselves engaged i n an intense study of the sharia. Rejecting the curse of H a m . even censuring colonial measures as a plot to undermine the 3 114 115 116 117 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 1 5 1 1 6 1 1 7 Hunwick 1999: 61-3. Willis 1980: 197-8. that he was compelling them to do so'. Given that the country was completely Muslim. See H i l l i a r d 1985: 162. Musa Kamara mused whether abolition by Christian infidels might not have fulfilled a deep desire of the Prophet. and it was probably there that he cited a tradition that the Prophet had liberated all his slaves before he died. Nevertheless. W h e n Mauritania promulgated its third formal abolition of slavery. Klein 1998: 230-1. When his arguments were rebuffed. because the sharia forbade the separation of mother and child. Derman 1973: 29. H e published his main work in 1925. In the late 1890s M u h a m m a d al-Sanusi b. Reformist views persisted in West Africa. M e s s a o u d 2000:337. He commented that Muhammad 'inspired a desire among the people to manumit slaves to the point where someone would say that he was forcing them. some ulama gave the decrees their cautious endorsement. B o t t e 1994: 109-10. no new slaves could be made by capture. Musa Kamara stated the absolute freedom of all human beings i n unconditional terms. known as Musa Kamara (d. and political and religious employment.144 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition Mixed responses in Africa West African reform was initially couched i n terms of implementing particular aspects of the sharia. between Senegal and Mauritania. probably from Timbuktu. rejected skin colour or an alleged incapacity for selfgovernment as justifications for enslaving free Black Muslims. he went to study i n the Maghrib for several years. . most West African ulama fiercely opposed abolition." A qadi of Futajalon protested when a man gave a slave child to a chief. A French report of 1905 suggested that 47:4 i n the Quran was sometimes taken as a command to free captives. 1945). an obscure 'alim." Originating from FutaToro. Ibrahim al-Jarimi. and re-opened the case on his return.

Christelow 1994: 113-16. overstepped the mark. leading to a scandal i n Kano i n 1921. 97. Trimingham 1959: 133.Mixed responses in Africa 145 faith. 'jurists do not recognize the suppression of slave status by colonial governments'. " The pilgrimage was limited to free people. Fulbe elites had a similar reputation. 215.308. Caro Baroja 1955: 48. unless they had paid for their freedom. free Blacks and people of mixed race were among the owners of slaves. Christelow 1985b: 62-3. Klein 1998: 234. 207. McDougall 1988. 184-5. A former qadi issued a letter of manumission. but i n local eyes they became the slaves of their redeemers. 188. Bernus 1975: 35-6. Masters still took concubines from their 'clients'. Trimingham 1959: 168. Tuareg ruling clans clung to slavery. unless slaves accompanied owners. Northern Nigeria's sharia courts slowed the pace of emancipation and refused to oblige owners to release slaves. Klein 1993: 190. convinced that slavery was sanctioned by Islamic law. Botte 1999. i n Arabic." In the 1950s it was reported that. . African judges. In the same year slaves expressed the fear that their masters would repossess them once the French left. Maugham 1961: 164-5. buttressed by a persistent acceptance of the 'curse of H a m ' . Mauritania 131 132 1 1 8 1 1 9 1 2 0 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 2 3 1 2 4 1 2 5 1 2 6 1 2 7 1 2 8 1 2 9 1 3 0 1 3 1 1 3 2 Sanneh 1989: 215-16. Although often presented as a racial conflict. Indeed. 196. 213. to a male slave in 1961. The 'redemption' of slaves for a payment left them free in law. F i k a 1978: 198-202. 237. a servile rebellion against them erupted as late as 1946 i n the Timbuktu area. 170-2. and that wicked European impostors merely sought dependants for themselves. and slaves could not marry free people. Azarya 1978: 74-8. 8 11 120 121 122 123 124 123 126 127 128 129 130 Mauritania became the best known case of resistance to abolition. Sanneh 1997: 62-6. and inherited from slaves without heirs. They argued that slaves were necessary to enable scholars to concentrate o n learning and devotion. Barry 1997: 1. Concubinage therefore remained legitimate with women of servile descent. R u f 1999: 291-2. Slaves i n Futajalon were told that those who failed to stay with their owners faced death and eternal torment in hell.

Many Mauritanian ulama refused to accept the legitimacy of abolition.. does not have the right to seize my house. S t r o b e l 1979:52-3.146 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition adopted the sharia as the country's 'main law' i n 1981. The state. Some East African owners. Kamara 2000: 266. . The chief qadi i n Khartoum in 1925 objected to 'any unwarranted dilution of Islamic law' resulting from forced manumission. Cooper 1980: 76. Hardinge 1928: 363-4. A qadi i n Mombasa ruled i n 1911 that no government could free a slave without the owner's consent. 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 1 3 3 1 3 4 1 3 5 1 3 6 1 3 7 1 3 8 1 3 9 1 4 0 1 4 1 1 4 2 O u l d A h m e d Salem. obliged to make owners their heirs. but argued that the Europeans had bought their slaves. compelled to work for no pay. A Mauritanian scholar opined i n 1997 that abolition 'is contrary to the teachings of the fundamental text of Islamic law. 114. Salim 1973: 112. leading some owners openly to press claims against their slaves in front of qadis. R o m e r o 1997: 123. and that a supposedly Islamic regime was 'breaking the most elementary religious rules'. Beachey 1976b: 38-9. imprisoned. Cooper 1980: 52. forthcoming. i f it is Islamic. One group from Futa Toro indignantly protested against the 1981 abolition proclamation. arguing that only owners could legitimately free their slaves. beaten. or even by the sultan of Zanzibar. Reports told of slaves bought and sold. forced to marry. refused British compensation. Hardinge 1928: 362-3. Others took the money. an opinion endorsed by Kenya's Shaykh al-Islam and a qadi of L a m u . 74-6. my wife or my slave'. taken as concubines. Sudanese mosques were themselves endowed with slaves in charitable trusts. East Africa seems not to have hosted reformist ulama. 156-7. Segal 2001: 206. Messaoud 2000. 129-30. who could therefore not become clients of former owners. Even slaves themselves 'believed that waiting for their master to manumit them would improve their social status more than the piece of paper provided by an alien authority'. so that the latter persuaded owners to sign instead. the Koran . [and] amounts to the expropriation from Muslims of their goods.. fearing a loss of merit accruing from manumission. Targey 1981: 279-80. Karrar 1985: 142. Muslims generally spurned manumission certificates signed by officials. and required to pay for their freedom. goods that were acquired legally.

Lovejoy 2004: 8-11. According to Spencer Trimingham: 'The social status of former slaves still remains i n the "Arab" areas of the coasts and islands . 'slaves were not freed. still deemed slavery to be 'legitimate' i n the 1960s. even when Western abolitionism became influential. from which freedom can only be obtained by the process of manumission in such a court'. as they were seen as slaves of a government that was failing to provide for them.Muslims in Christendom 147 Religious courts continued to deal with slavery. affecting the right to take concubines. . When Muslims gained their freedom i n such areas. or their children would be illegitimate. Muslims apparently did not oppose slavery on religious grounds. Cassanelli 1988: 319. Masters continued to take concubines from servile families. Religious law supports this distinction. Many of those liberated by the Italians i n Somalia from 1903 drifted into vagrancy and crime. Machado 1970: 273. 147. Muslim leaders 'fully recognised and sanctioned slavery'. 158-9. M i r z a and Strobel 1989: 23-4. 145 146 147 Muslims in Christendom In lands where owners were overwhelmingly Christian by faith. 143 144 Similar problems arose elsewhere. and some remained i n Italy i n the early nineteenthcentury. the authorisation of marriage i n return for a fee. are still slaves according to the shari'a and subject to disabilities i n a shari'a court. Romero 1997: 130-1. inheriting from slaves who lacked an heir. but only by the individual action of their masters'. 229. Koningsveld 1995: 5. 95-6. an abundance of servile dependants was credited with making the Comoros East Africa's main centre of Islamic learning. Rather. some therefore became owners of slaves. P r u d ' h o m m e 2002: 75-6. though free according to secular law.. A t the time. i n Comorian eyes. There were Muslim slaves i n western Europe from at least the ninth-century.. Descendants of slaves. Shepherd 1980: 86-7. Trimingham 1964: 137-8. The largely Islamised Makua of northern Mozambique. When the French ended slavery i n the Comoro Islands i n 1904. and allocating land. Muslims i n independent realms developed a tradition of 148 149 Cooper 1980: 189-90. Strobel 1979: 51-4. 148. if local laws permitted it. by European emancipation decrees. and slaves had to obtain permission from their owners to marry.

Prior to emancipation in 1834. was Bilali. Umar b. However. 157-60. some free 154 155 156 1 5 0 1 5 1 1 5 2 1 5 3 1 3 4 1:K> 1 3 6 Koningsveld 1995. Georgia. A d d o u n and Lovejoy 2004. Austin 1997. and Muhammad Kaba Saghanugu. concentrated i n Louisiana. 150 151 152 153 Richard Madden corresponded with free Jamaican Muslims i n 1834. requesting his freedom. Both came from elite slave-owning families. Afroz 1999: 175. Islam may have been an effective ideology of resistance on the island. Slaves were only emancipated if they converted. no critique of the institution of slavery appears to have emerged. The same appears to have been true of Muslim slaves in North America. Sayyid [Sa'id?]. born i n Timbuktu and raised in Jenne. Emir Samba Makumba. but Sultana Afroz provides no evidence for the further statement that. a Fulbe from Timbo i n Futajalon. for it was considered meritorious to engage in this activity. presumably the tenthcentury text by Ibn A b i Zayd al-Qayrawani. his citations from the Quran referred to good treatment rather than to abolition. or Muhammad b.148 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition redeeming them from servitude. so that the question of freed Muslims owning slaves did not arise. and the Carolinas. 183-9. wrote a letter i n Arabic i n 1819. as long as sharia precepts were scrupulously observed. he wrote down from memory excerpts from a standard Maghribi exposition of Maliki law. However. A l i . Whether Bilali transcribed passages relating to servitude is not clear. Major J o h n Owen. Their summaries of Islamic beliefs noted God's command to care for the poor. The Muslim leader of Sapelo Island. A m o n g them was Sharif A b u Bakr Sidiqi. H e told them that slavery was legitimate i n Islam. the Risala. 214. Gardell 1999: 422-3. Georgia. but his choice of text implied acceptance of the institution. 197-8. . addressed to his owner's brother. M a d d e n 1835: II. A r o u n d 1840. 'the existence of the slave system was an antithesis to the concept of Islamic freedom'. notably the prohibition on enslaving fellow Muslims. 203-7. Hunwick 2003. Judy 1993: 248. a Mandingo from beyond Futajalon. A Quaker delegation to Trinidad discussed slavery i n 1840 with the leader of the Muslim community. Austin 1997: 6. of Futa Toro and resident i n North Carolina. but Madden upbraided them for remaining mute on slavery. 327. Lovejoy 2004: 18. Saghanugu's Arabic discussion of duties incumbent on a pious Muslim failed to mention servitude.

A number of Brazilian Muslim ex-slaves returned to West Africa. Achmat van Bengalen. there were some i n the retinue of Shaykh Yusuf of Makassar. at least according to one witness. 198-207. set out appropriate rules for owners. and sometimes freed them on conversion. raising thorny questions as to the influence of these minorities. Some Cape Muslims purchased 'aged and wretched creatures. irrespective of their religion. Muding. However. declared i n 1825 that. Davids 1980: 95-7. it is far from clear 1 6 7 1 5 8 1 5 9 1 6 0 161 1 6 2 V 1 6 3 1 6 4 1 6 5 Trotman and Lovejoy 2004: 225-7. 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 Dissenters may have progressed slightly more rapidly than their Sunni rivals along the abolitionist road. Verger 1968: 341. They played the leading role i n a great slave rebellion in Baia i n 1835. Mason 2003: 184-5. Marlv 1926: 16-19. and avoided condemning the institution. following a well established tradition of Islamic charity. including some from their own ethnic group. 51-2. heading another mosque. Reis 1986: 147-51. probably Muslims. They also pooled their resources to liberate Muslim slaves and help them to return to Africa. political exile and originator of Cape Islam i n 1694. e r g e r . where 'Brazilians' continued to be involved i n the slave trade for decades. Mason 2003: 184-9. Florentino 2002. owned slaves.Muslims in Christendom 149 Muslims on the island owned slaves. refused to sell them. Nevertheless. Lovejoy 2004: 19. 521-3. but we teach them to believe that their souls are free'. figured prominently i n Rio de Janeiro. A detailed police investigation revealed that some Muslim freedmen owned slaves. and that the plotters had planned to enslave mulattos. although they reputedly treated them well. because Muslim owners treated them well. Most free Muslims i n South Africa owned slaves. slaves converted to Islam on quite a scale. released from prison i n 1793 and a second founding father.603-4. leader of the Auwal mosque from 1822 to 1843. Indeed. 618. where they manumitted slaves. Tuan Guru. 'their bodies are i n slavery. to make them free'. led by Malam Abubakar from Kano and possibly influenced byjihads at home. Muslims were particularly numerous and combative i n parts of Brazil. enjoining good treatment and prohibiting the sale of Muslim slaves to unbelievers. 528-32. 613. Hausa freedmen. Watson 1990: 174-5. 1968. especially to the Bight of Benin.

persisting well into the twentieth-century. and who refused to set out on the journey at all. within an Islamic structure of manumission and clientage. It is necessary to gauge how much support each group commanded among the faithful i n different parts of the Islamic world. conservative positions were clearly more common.150 The Ulama and Quasi-Abolition whether the 1912 abolitionist fatwa i n Iran was generally accepted i n S h i ' i circles. The wider impact. They also offered practical avenues for upward social mobility to people of unfree origins. but the reserve shown elsewhere was even more conspicuous. The shaky foundations for slavery in the sharia made it possible to question the decisions of earlier generations of scholars. The Sunni drift towards quasi-abolition has received less attention than it may deserve. A great deal more research is required to determine who among the ulama contemplated going right down the abolitionist road. Ibadi reconciliation to the ending of slavery remains shrouded i n obscurity. The ulama. Furthermore. let alone outside them. . and i n some cases into the twenty-first century. for the ulama might have created consensus around this position over time. Reformers criticised the ulama as steeped i n tradition and hypocritical in their refusal to condemn slavery per se. the ulama probably reached more believers than any other group. and it is uncertain whether any Aga Khan issued a condemnation of slavery i n doctrinal terms. who would only go a certain distance. of Druze and Nizari views remains to be ascertained. i f any. could have achieved a literal release of slaves. and how this changed over time. The boldness of some scholars was striking. That said. 'those who b i n d and loose'. but some rationalist views of slavery owed more to traditional doctrines than is often realised.

L i p m a n 1997. transcending family and tribe. Neo-Sufis and Mahdists initially strove to preserve free Muslims from enslavement. Ricklefs 1993:135. They stressed social and political reconstruction rather than personal salvation. Gaborieau 2000. when many preachers prophesied that the world would pass away. Dharma 1987:1. successful movements punished countless 'bad Muslims' by reducing them to servitude. and Chinese and Vietnamese Confucianists. as chiliastic expectations reached a crescendo between 1785 and 1883. Hindus in India and Southeast Asia. broadly defined. They built up ever more exclusive and tightly knit brotherhoods. together with hosts of hostile unbelievers. force was not an option. They not only fought Western imperialists around the world. these revivalists frequently turned to holy war. However. Some mystics and millenarians swam against the tide of violence. For those living in powerful Muslim states. Beachey 1990: 37-8. Mahdist movements also erupted. Apparently irresistible advances by infidels made it seem all the more likely that the end times were nigh. 1 2 1 2 O'Fahey and Radtke 1993. M a r t i n 1976. This was the thirteenth Islamic century. 141-63. Neo-Sufis sought to make the sharia triumph. Sirriyeh 1999. and reserved esoteric study for the elite. Theravada Buddhists. and sometimes took a reformist stance on servitude. but also Ethiopian Orthodox Christians. revivalists also tended to protect property rights i n people. Andaya and Andaya 1982: 119-20. Abandoning otherworldly reticence. 151 . had explosive consequences from the late seventeenth-century. Sikhs. marking a thousand lunar years since the twelfth Shi'i Imam's occultation. The consequences for slavery were contradictory. Pitting their energies against backsliding Muslims and resurgent infidels.8 MYSTICS A N D M I L L E N A R I A N S The growth of Neo-Sufism. The Shi'i looked specifically to the 1840s. Wyatt 1982: 172-3. More seriously.

Millenarians. In Senegal itself. There was a return to traditional Sufi policies of proselytisation and social inclusion. These movements thus played an important part i n helping Muslim societies to avoid the social tensions that bedevilled the West after emancipation. were another source of early reformist zeal. hard-drinking infidels or nominal Muslims. Hilliard 1985: 160. Leaders were typically rural preachers. the 'greater jihad' against the base self could flourish. B a l d e 1975: 188-9. led ajihad from around 1645. some mystics and millenarians rejected the jihad of the sword as a matter of principle. and abuses involving slavery commonly justified holy war. as long as they could recite the short Muslim creed i n Arabic. often acting as arbitrators. notably the Naqshabandiyya and the Tijaniyya. with ex-slaves figuring prominently i n such programmes. Less Sufi oriented than many in West Africa. 5 6 . formed new sects and sought social insertion. the extortions and abuses committed by slave soldiers. In late-eighteenth-century Futa Toro. Martin 1976: 16. War captives were released. this state made a particular effort to apply the holy law to matters concerning servitude. spilling over the limits of modern northern Nigeria. Almamy ' A b d al-Qadir bi-Hammadi prohibited slave raiding and prevented foreign raiders from crossing his territory. Particular Sufi orders chose different strategies under different conditions. Even in less tightly governed areas. blaming Blacks from south of the Senegal river for enslaving free White Muslims. Fisher 2001: 117. Futajalon emerged from 1725 i n the plateau south of the Senegal river. 69-70. ' R o d n e y 1968: 281-2. The process began i n the far west.152 Mystics and Millenarians and they sought rather to influence rulers. i n turn partly supplanted by the Tijaniyya. faced with the failure of eschatological predictions. They witnessed a slow progression from the influence of individual shaykhs to that of the Qadiriyya. Early Sufi reformism in West Africa West Africa's holy wars. Nasir al-Din al-Daymami. a Berber Mauritanian holy man.' The vast Sokoto caliphate. Once revivalist polities had been crushed by around 1900. grew out of a jihad launched in 1804 by Shehu 3 4 5 6 3 4 Norris 1969: 515. Klein 1968: 63. probably the most extensive i n Islamdom. were mystically inspired from the outset. through a defensive jihad partly aimed at preventing the enslavement of Muslims.

as it did not figure in the Prophet's state. 1840). His own few slaves were treated with 'strict regard for the law'. free Muslims among a plethora of offences. he cited the enslavement of. and influenced by millenarian and literalist currents of thought. Justifying holy war against Hausa rulers. Stilwell 1999: 169. treating Sufism as a matter of personal devotion. 35. 21-3. Usuman's son. probably a Qadiri. Hiskett 1994: 31-2. even if his desire to reform slavery was evident. Azumah 2001: 105-6. . 18. 173-4. he was learned i n Maliki law. Martin 1976: 13-15. M u h a m m a d al-Jaylani (c. Bivar 1961.Early Sufi reformism in West Africa 153 Usuman dan Fodio [Shaykh 'Uthman b. in which the founder of the Qadiriyya placed a green turban on his head as the 'Imam of the saints'. Oral traditions that Shehu Usuman freed all Muslim slaves are erroneous. criticised the reduction of free Muslims to servitude i n a famous poem. and temporarily withdrew from leadership of the movement on this account. he had a vision in 1794. imposing 'the social ideal of the equality of all classes and 8 9 10 11 12 13 8 9 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 Levtzion 198V: 32-5. 1777c. Philips 2000: 222-4. Muhammad Bello. Abdullahi dan Fodio. He eschewed military and administrative servitude. He freed slaves who fled to join the cause. Fisher 2001: 71. Al-Jaylani sought to settle and urbanise his people. as well as Muslim slaves taken as booty. Moreover. Mahadi 1992: 114. influenced by at least three Sufi orders. Y a m b a 1995: 212. Lovejoy 1981: 213-14. Martin 1976: 15-35. and rejected the enslavement of 'bad Muslims'. W h e n military success led superficially Islamised and Animist Fulbe pastoralists tojoin his cause for the sake of booty. Willis 1985: I. However. Inspired by Shehu Usuman. He renounced attacks on Animists i n treaty relations with Muslims. and some refused to accept manumission. Clarke 1982: 113-14. A rural Fulbe preacher. whether directly or indirectly. Mack 1992: 89-90. declared i n 1812 that no slave should be sold to unbelievers. Sirriyeh 1999: 13-16. and he encouraged the manumission of all slaves who converted. and girded him with the 'sword of truth'. Usuman\s brother. he did not exploit the loosely structured Qadiri order for military or bureaucratic purposes. Other early leaders of the Sokoto caliphate demonstrated unhappiness with aspects of servitude. launched a j i h a d i n the Tuareg region of Adar in the 1810s. Lovejoy 1981: 210-13. Shehu Usuman was so upset that he retired from public life. Fudi] (1754-1817).

despite his austere lifestyle. 72.. including at least one concubine. because the Quran enjoined the brotherhood of man. H e refused to give the name of holy war to offensive operations. generals and Tijani shaykhs. Willis 1989: 72. and the sale of slaves to infidels. M a Ba. Sa'id Tal (1794-1864). al-Jaylani noted ominously that. Ibid. but equality may have been more religious than social. 205-6. Willis 1979: 30-1. from Futa Toro. [is] not inviolate nor sacrosanct-not even mothers of children'. Moreover. 280-1. labourer. However. Al-Hajj 'Umar b. H e freed slaves. gaining much initial support from slaves. 133. should not be disturbed. although the order figured little i n his administrative system. 147. 138-9. 'Forget the treatment that the law demands for prisoners of war who do not believe in one God. Fisher 2001: 71-3. 62. and slave. written after defeat i n 1816. those who formed his personal share of booty. 52. 249. 147. a Tijani supporter who fought his own holy war i n Senegal 15 16 17 18 19 20 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 1 1 8 19 2 0 Norris 1975: 147-9. Some council members i n Masina suggested the complete abolition of slavery and caste. A h m a d u Lobo demurred. Muslim or not. In a letter to Muhammad Bello.: 52. 159-60. H e endorsed the legality of enslaving Animists taken i n holy war. Peter Clarke glosses this as a wish to eliminate the distinction between noble. 67-8. Willis 1980: 192. he even berated the 'men of books and pens'. and liberating those who fought for the faith. 'the property of the doers of iniquity . basing the legitimacy and organisation of his state squarely on his position as West Africa's Tijani leader. H e launched his struggle around 1818. Shehu Ahmadu Lobo was a Qadiri Sufi. was Masina's nemesis. H e fulminated against the enslavement of peaceful Animist subjects. 66-7. or allied to Muslims. O n one occasion. Ba and Daget 1962: 40. Probably the most radical state was Masina. he owned some slaves. and stressed that Animists living peacefully under Muslim rule. appointing a few to high office. and apply that which is inspired by mercy'. and pious captives allocated to the state treasury.. saying to them. who fled to j o i n him. Clarke 1982: 123-5. . 165.154 Mystics and Millenarians 14 ethnic groups i n the j i h a d in God's way'. He built up a vast state from 1852. More controversially. Norris 1975: 157. he 'silkened the fetters of bondage' by promoting numerous slaves as governors. and refused to return them to Muslim owners who later came over to his side. on the Upper Niger.

writing around 1810. H e cited the slave origins of Hausa rulers to justify their overthrow. and his movement held out for decades. Alfa Molo. Searing 2002: 47. instead o f living peacefully under Muslim rule and paying the canonical tax. Balde 1975: 207. reduced unbelief meriting enslavement to a simple failure to practise Maliki rituals. garnering ever more Animist slaves to sell to Western traders. al-Qadi al-Timbuktawi. Scruples dwindled. Azarya 1978: 29-30. K l e i n 1998: 146. Conquered groups became servile tribes. Futajalon provided a precocious example of hardening hearts. and accepted the enslave23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 2 1 22 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 K l e i n 1968: 73-4. Mahmadu Juhe withdrew to the mountains in 1841 to found the H u b b u movement. A z u m a h 2001: 103. 'those who pray to G o d ' . A reactionary drift became evident i n Sokoto. Bam-1998: 98-101. ' 2 Sufi retrogression in Africa Regimes born of holy war became less liberal over time. K l e i n 1998: 43. K l e i n 1998: 48.Early Sufi reformism in West Africa 155 from 1861 to 1867. Botte 1999: 68. once Muhammad Bello emerged as sole ruler after 1817. 130. In Masina 'Islam started as a liberating force and ended up rationalizing slaving military activity*'. H e freed slaves who j o i n e d him. son of a Mande slave. or by employing them to produce commodities. and was succeeded by his son Musa Molo. Willis 1989: 70-1. K l e i n 1998: 46. . both rulers themselves owned slaves. 51-3. led another slave uprising i n the western part of Futajalon from 1870. A major servile rebellion broke out i n 1785. H e created a state along the south of the Gambia river. U n derpinning this evolution were facile definitions of 'bad Muslims'. Balde 1975: 207. Canot 1940: 81-2. The elite's sparing use of slave soldiers arose from fear of uprisings. So oppressive did slavery become in Futa Jaion that it provoked resistance. A h m a d b. Balde 1975: 189-95. confined enslavement to Animists and freed slaves who fought with their masters. albeit without abolishing servitude as such. and was only crushed with considerable loss of life. as leaders sought to obtain vital firearms and horses by selling slaves. 77. However. 205. Almamy Ibrahima Sory turned from holy war to razzias from the 1750s. Mansour and Harrak 2000: 27-34. and did not preclude the employment of servile officials. Person 1968-75: 924-9.

He used the Salihiyya to unite feuding Somali clans around his austere programme. he enslaved copious numbers of Animists. and he excused the capture of Animists on the hoary old pretext of giving them the chance to convert. and Italians from 1899 till he succumbed to influenza in 1920. 881-3. 'Abdallah Hasan (1864-1920) of Somalia. H e viewed slaves as legitimate booty. Manumission. A Salihi Sufi. 236-7. he was also influenced by literalist and millenarian ideas. and interpreted his wealth i n captives as a sign of God's favour. The rising power of the Tijaniyya signalled harsher attitudes. receiving slaves as presents. including 'bad Muslims' from Masina. Tribute in slaves became institutionalised. A z u m a h 2001: 106. Azarya 1978: 30. he took part in razzias. 220-1. Samory Ture (c. Beachey 1990. 74-83. the international head of the Salihiyya washed his hands of his fiery lieutenant in 1908. Although born of a slave mother. declined. British. 924-32. K l e i n 1998: 51-3. Stilwell 1999: 169-73. especially for field slaves. and repressed slave flight. Neither a Sufi shaykh nor an 'alim. 96-7. and mainly played off Tijani against Qadiri shavkhs. Stopping i n Sokoto on his return. The British gave the pejorative name of ' M a d M u l l a h ' to Sayyid Muhammad b. Lovejoy 1981: 213-14. 94-7. Willis 1989: 130. About half his army consisted of slaves.156 Mystics and Millenarians 31 merit of 'bad Muslims'. . built up the last great conquest state of West Africa. After launching his holy war. 86. 145. Philips 2000: 222-7. Person 1968-75: 251-5. A Mande trader from the eastern fringes of Futajalon. coffee. Martin 1976: 179-201. prohibiting ciat (Catha edidis). gradually moving eastwards into northern Cote d'lvoire. dancing. 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 3 1 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 Clarke 1995: 43. declaring jihads against the Ethiopians. tea. A l Hajj 'Umarwas more conservative on the issue than either Usuman dan Fodio or A h m a d u Lobo. When 'Umar set out on pilgrimage to Mecca in 1825.000 a year coming to the subordinate emir of Adamawa alone in 1851. Bemath 1992. he experienced only a short period of religious enthusiasm. Martin 1976: 69. although they were more prominent in some constituent emirates than i n others. he took slaves to sell at intervals. Mack 1992: 93. Azarya 1978: 34. 1830-1900). he seized numerous slaves on flimsy pretexts. Berlioux 1870: 46. Bello also re-appointed slaves to high administrative and military positions on pragmatic grounds. while generally refraining from taking Muslims. drumming. However. with about 5. and intercession through dead saints. Stilwell 2004: 8 9 90. Samatar 1992: 55-7. Lovejoy 1981: 214-15.

. Caroselli 1931: 150. carved out a principality along the northeastern shore of Lake Tanganyika from 1879. 66. and combated German and Congo Free State forces. Martin 1976: 197-8. 39 10 41 42 43 44 45 46 Varieties of African Mahdism. Martin 1976: 188. 157 The Salihi cause gained considerable support from fumbling colonial attempts to end slavery. Caroselli 1931: 86. Constantin 1987: 90-2. CassaneM 1988: 318. from 1903. Caroselli 1931: 164-5. A letter to an Italian commission of inquiry i n that year stated that some slave-owners. Sayyid Muhammad even seemed prepared to break the strong customary taboo on enslaving fellow Somalis. Khalfan al-Barwani. A 1905 peace treaty with Italy included an oath before G o d that Sayyid Muhammad would stop the slave trade. and used 39 4 0 4 1 4 2 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 CassaneIli 1988: 319. Bemath 1992: 42. The powerfid Bimayaal [Bimal] clan was angered by the Societa del Benadir's refusal to return runaways. His enemies accused h i m bitterly of seizing their womenfolk. Writing to the British i n 1917. with harlots. Martin 1976: 158-60. Sheik-'Abdi 1993: 108. This missive was interpreted either as a call for religious purification. He raided and traded i n slaves far and wide. 'the dream of Shaykh Ahmad'. He became a Qadiri shaykh at an unknown date. In 1912 he distributed the women and children of one group among his men. or pay for them. 324. better known as Rumaliza. 175. Martin 1976: 193. From an old O m a n i family. but there was no sign of compliance. O f the former Egyptian rulers.Varieties of African Mahdism. Sheik-'Abdi 1993: 155. he said that they 'used to drag your men away i n fetters and keep them imprisoned i n chains. and invoke his name day and night'. 168-71. he wrote about 'treading on their necks'. he stated that 'it is you who have j o i n e d with all the peoples of the world. Ahmad (1848-85). Sheik-'Abdi 1993:97. Saraatar 1992: 55. probably a euphemism for enslavement. castigating those who supported the infidel. or as a Pan-Islamic blueprint for opposition to European rule. with wastrels. Muhammad b. In 1881 the Sudan fell to a Mahdi. 'pray for the coming of Sheikh Muhammad bin Abdullah. N o r t h r u p 1988: 469. Martin 1976: 186. and of believing it licit to capture free Muslims. especially poorer ones. and with slaves'. In a poem. Muhammad b. and circulated an intriguing letter i n 1908.

48 49 50 51 52 53 4 7 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 5 2 5 3 Peters 1979: 68-9. if they would fight under his flag. He distributed numerous female captives to his followers after the fall of Khartoum in 1885. albeit possibly because he lost control over southern areas. Slave exports moved back towards former levels. U n d e r his rule. Sikainga 1996: 29-30. Those smarting at Egypt's hiring of Western officials to suppress slave raiding and trading supported h i m . Indeed his sudden death a few months later was attributed to poisoning by a concubine. Hargey 1981: 55-8. The Khalifa revived administrative slavery. Imports of eunuchs picked up.. Even if he did not deliberately court these men. including their wives and children. 69-72. Any residual hesitations were swept away by the Mahdi's successor. Beachey 1976a: 136. though castration was restricted to areas outside the state. he enrolled them into his army. and some of his measures intensified its incidence. who were thus at least provided with a home and means of sustenance'. At best. was regarded as a charitable solution of the problem of prisoners of war and surplus women. and even poor Muslim families were said to possess a slave girl. and boasted of a harem containing some 500 women. Hargey 1981: 56-7. Fredriksen 1977: 181-2. the Mahdi enslaved Muslims who refused to accept his exalted mission. There was littie manumission. . Collins 1992: 150-1. The Mahdi never questioned slavery's status as a religiously ordained institution. Layish 2000: 223-6. and female slaves were circumcised and infibulated.. H e exhorted his followers to treat slaves properly and not to enslave fellow Muslims. Western observers agreed that the intensity of slave trading fell under the Mahdi's rule. Slaves were promised 'freedom i n this world and paradise i n the next'. Beachey 1976a: 140-2. Hargey 1981: 58-62. Hadith and his own divine inspiration. he banned private slave razzias and slave exports. returning slaves to their former owners. Sikainga 1996: 29-34. Freeing the militiamen of slave merchants. known as the Khalifa. Warburg 1981: 245-7. 'Abdallah al-Ta'a'ishi. many of whom bravely fought and died for the regime. 'the buying and selling of slaves . Ceasing to employ servile officials. Theobald 1951: 184. despite problems in subduing southern Animists and trading with Egypt. 250-9. 139-40. Sikainga 1996: 29-30. Renault and Daget 1985: 193. Acknowledging only Quran.158 Mystics and Millenarians 47 to capture your wives and children'. Ruthven 2000: 293. he rescinded impious certificates granted by Egypt's secular Manumission Bureaux from 1877. the Khalifa continued to free male slaves enrolled into his army.

Sudanese Mahdists attempted to retard the process of abolition. 278-86. The government has its laws and we have ours. O u r law is that of G o d and the Prophet. and gradually improved his relations with the colonial authorities. However. Sanneh 1997: 86. In 1924. and you have commanded that they be freed. The Nyala rebellion of 1921. Daly 1986: 443-4. who warned the authorities that hasty liberation would undermine both agrarian output and social order. We are unhappy about this. the borderlands of Nigeria and Niger harboured a group of Mahdists who actively opposed slaver)'. according to our law. son of the Mahdi. we can imprison slaves and force them to work. Vecchi di Val Cismon 1935: 27-8. . Nevertheless. prudently disowned violence. 391-5. Somali millenarians also supported slavery. we must chase off the French'. including Sayyid ' A b d al-Rahman al-Mahdi. and no official could refuse to issue freedom papers. Hargey 1981: 268-85. i n the west. J o k 2001: 102-3. Shaykh Aji Hasan. as part of filling the 57 58 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7 5 8 Daly 1986: 119-29. because. Clarke 1982: 201-2. and eagerly awaited the arrival of Nabi Tsa. H e declared: 'Since we have not been heard on the question of slavery. We accept no lav/ other than our own. H e then complained to the Italians: 54 55 A l l our slaves have escaped and fled to you. Moreover. i n part because some Nigerian millenarians were influenced by the Sudanese Mahdiyya. the Antichrist.Varieties of African Mahdism 159 The Mahdiyya survived British persecution after defeat i n 1898. This is not i n accordance with our law. In Futa Jalon. After two idealistic young British officials denounced laxity in repressing slavery and the slave trade i n 1923. slaves should not have to buy their liberty. Sayyid 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi. predicted the imminent end of the world. and small uprisings persisted to the early 1930s. which has made us rich. was precipitated by officials freeing slaves and raising taxes. following the Prophet Muhammad and all the saints. 335-9. This triggered the intervention of the 'Three Sayyids' i n 1925. We are true Muslims. the colonial government reminded its subordinates that those born after 1898 were free. runaways should not be returned to owners. Tcherno A l i o u announced the imminent arrival of the M a h d i around 1911. leader of a Somali clan. ' 51 West African notions were similar. Millenarian die-hards portrayed the Europeans as the Dajjal.

He had also been influenced by the Naqshabandiyya in the Middle East. B u Ma'za declared himself 'lord of the hour' in 1845 between Algiers and Oran. French. ' A b d al-Qadir b. personal communication. on the basis of his hereditary status as Qadiri shaykh. which would come from the East to deliver God's oppressed. 59 60 Maghribi holy warriors Algerian Mahdism flared up following French advances from 1830. and 'seized women in razzias. Muhyi al-Din (1807-83) formed an Islamic state in western Algeria from 1832 to 1847. colonial officials refused to return a fugitive slave woman. notably the blind scholar Saybu dan Makafo. capturing a maxim gun. The Mahdi was arrested by the Sokoto authorities. had sex with them. and liberated the inhabitants of slave villages. and died in prison before he could be tried. 66. Martin 1976: 36. The chief of Satiru. 48-9. According to his detractors. arousing colonial fears. Lovejoy and H o g e n d o r n 1993. obscuring his involvement i n slavery. Clancy-Smith 1994: 87-92. the movement spread quite widely across British. he abolished the law. The leaders of the Satiru Mahdists. but his son raised the standard of revolt i n 1906. designating his son as Nabi Tsa. The rebels defeated a detachment of British mounted infantry. he acquired a reputation as a progressive scholar and nationalist hero. close to Sokoto. However. Some Nigerian millenarians continued to seek inspiration in Satiru and its abolitionist programme after 1906. They abolished the institution. the faithful awaited a great Muslim army. together with her 61 62 63 5 9 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 Lovejoy and H o g e n d o r n 1990: 21V—43. N a d i r 1972: 858-60. and did not hide it'. although a larger force soon avenged this humiliation. This was the spark that led B u Ziyan to raise the Mahdist standard i n the eastern Biskra area. and had five 'ringleaders' executed by the Sokoto authorities. encouraged slaves to leave their masters. The British destroyed the movement's rustic capital.160 Mystics and Millenarians world with justice. Refusing to pay taxes or perform corvee labour. prayed and fasted little. proclaimed himself the Mahdi i n 1904. Shobana Shankar. taught that slavery was 'a prime example of the injustice of caliphate society'. In gilded exile in Damascus after his defeat. A year after the unpopular French abolition decree of 1848. In 1839 he demanded the return of a Black slave woman. and German territory. .

204. The governor-general agreed to return them. Tsouli 1907-09. Martin 1976: 66. However. stating that prisoners held by France were not slaves. O n a single expedition i n 1835. Muhammad b. modelled on the Prophet's ideal community. More controversially 'Abd al-Qadir sought to enslave Muslims who opposed him. 64 65 66 67 68 ' A b d al-Qadir certainly took captives from France's indigenous Muslim allies. disagreed. causing the head of the Direction des Affaires Arabes to resign in disgust. he seized 95 male prisoners and 260 women and children. The pair had fled to Algiers. it would be forbidden to seize their wives and children'.. M a r t i n 1976: 100-18. 211. Maliki Shaykh al-Islam of Morocco. V i k 0 r 1995.. mediated between tribes. Julien 1964: 332-3. he proposed an exchange of captives to the French general i n Oran. Emeril 1951: 182-3. His order took root i n Cyrenaica from the 1840s.Maghribi holy warriors 161 freed mother. H e also authorised killing collaborators and enslaving their families. accused of facilitating the infidelity of 'Abd al-Qadir's wife. Emerit 1951: 155-6. With fulljustification. they may be extirpated and their women and children taken. and eventually overflowed the boundaries of modern Libya. spies and connivers. and without remorse. preached universal brotherhood. chief qadi of Fez and recipient of the third missive. The second letter was destined for Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Husayni. one of them to ' A l i b. 210. Danziger 1977: 202. [and] they are conscripted by force'. also from western Algeria. Al-Tasuli responded that 'Muslims may attack traitors and their associates. The Sanusiyya was initially more liberal. Chater ] 994: 44. A h m a d Tllaysh [Tlish] (1802-82). H e opined that 'even if they were apostates. ' A l i alSanusi (1787-1859). a Maliki mufti of Moroccan origins i n Cairo. and a fervent adept of the Shadhili order. Al-Sanusi declared no holy wars. despite impassioned pleas. H e wrote three letters to Islamic scholars in the late 1830s. . Delanoue 1982: 164-5. and preached against the enslavement of 69 70 71 6 4 6 5 6 6 6 7 6 8 6 9 7 0 7 1 Emerit 1949: 36. like their property'. or those who shelter them. who refused. prohibited weapons i n and around his missionary lodges. but it is uncertain whether he enslaved them. A contemporary source recorded that 'their girls and possessions are seized . 'Abd al-Hadi b. A year later. ' A b d al-Salam al-Tasuli. Peters 1979: 58.

He also employed many slaves as agricultural workers and soldiers i n a growing network of lodges i n Borku. Under the protection of al-Sanusi's successors. 5. each lodge contained 'Black slaves. 211-12. 15. 123. That said. educated them. R i n n 1884: 505. They also accused him of supporting ' A b d al-Qadir's j i h a d i n Algeria. Known for his love of luxury. A h m a d al-Sharif published a call to j i h a d 7 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 7 2 7 3 7 4 7 3 7 6 7 7 7 8 7 9 8 0 8 1 8 2 V i k 0 r 1995: 184-212. Forget 1900: 59. a Sanusi adept. A h m a d asked for supplies of eunuchs and numerous 'young. slaves became embedded i n the state. Triaud 1995: I. 466. the policy of freeing slaves to act as missionaries may have been initiated by his son. Renault 1971: II. which lasted longer than any other trans-Saharan artery. camels and horses'. .162 Mystics and Millenarians Muslims. Moreover. freed them. Some Europeans alleged that al-Sanusi benefited from the infamous commerce. there is no evidence that al-Sanusi ever preached against slavery or the slave trade. When A h m a d al-Sharif succeeded to the leadership in 1902. Richardson 1853: I. 647-8. 164. Ibid:. 509-12. 552-3. II. 19. and sent them back as missionaries to their communities of origin. northern Chad. Triaud 1995: I. . the Sanusiyya drifted further away from the ideals of the founder. I. The Sanusiyya became more violent after the 1911 Italian invasion of Libya. The British consul i n Benghazi said i n 1892 that 'slave dealing is considered by the Mussulman population a perfectly legitimate trade'. Martin 1976: 109. regularly sent slaves as gifts to the head of the order. In 1877. Salvadei 1927: 168. justified i n part by the need to repress the slave trade. Some Europeans spoke of his 'abhorrence' of the slave trade and attempts to stop it. 224. The sultan of Wadai to the south. E r d e m 1996: 86. Vik0r 1995: 188. Triaud 1995: I. 653-9. Wright 1989: ch. 415.The Sanusiyya purchased Africans from caravans. with its ambiguous impact on slavery. There were about a hundred Black slaves acting as domestics and herdsmen i n the central lodge by the 1870s. and caravans from Wadai to Benghazi brought mainly slaves in al-Sanusi's time. 507-7. Muhammad al-Mahdi. 582. Although the Sanusiyya did not directly engage in the trade. 446. skilful and pretty female captives'. the slave trade undoubtedly blossomed along the Wadai-Benghazi route. which became his 'granary'. 266.

M a l c o l m 1998: 190. In a famous incident i n 1839. The Sufi contribution to Tunisian abolition was ambivalent. initially formed of slave youths. the Khalwatiyya encouraged antiChristian operations from the sixteenth-century. Lev)' 1957: 86. H e also liberated the serfs of hostile khans in Daghestan. Ghadahum. Furthermore. 252-3. Valensi 1977: 363-4. . emancipated Russian prisoners who converted. Clayer 1994. preached j i h a d and strict adherence to the sharia. discussed in Chapter 6. After the dust had settled. possibly influencing his 1840s abolitionist decrees. Naqshabandi Sufis were the catalyst for j i h a d against Russia from 1830 to 1859. 123. 83 84 85 86 Jihads from the Balkans to Yunnan Sufis provided support to Ottoman Balkan wars. To launch his movement. he rejected the use of force to bring Circassian Muslims into his new state. The heterodox Bektashiyya. Baddeley 1999: 455. Brown 1972: 82-3. Majerczak 1912: 197. he exploited resentment against the Russian refusal to return run87 88 89 90 8 3 8 4 8 5 8 6 8 7 8 8 8 9 9 0 Peters 1979: 87-8. Two Sufi shaykhs. Founded i n Azerbaijan around the fourteenth-century. of uncertain affiliation. Zelkina 2000: 200. II 21. Imam ' A l i Shamil united ethnically fragmented peoples of Daghestan and Chechenya around the Khalidi branch of the order. Gammer 1994: 170. Shamil prevented a Chechen from selling a free Muslim woman as a slave. and treated freed slaves as full members of society. till the violent dissolution of the corps i n 1826. and thus probably condoning the enslavement of collaborators. displaying Christian and Shi'i tendencies. Temimi 1971: 20-3. Gammer 1994: 246. Shaw and Shaw 1976-7:1. and were led by ' A l i b. the Jerrahiyya. a new offshoot. was associated with the Janissary infantry. In the northeastern Caucasus. Conversely. Zelkina 2000: 190. As the tide of war turned. rebels in the great 1864 revolt sought to reverse the abolition of slavery. drawing heavily on al-Tasuli's 1830s Moroccan treatise. i n which numerous Christians were reduced to servitude. imposing the sharia and stamping out rampant blood feuds. There was a darker side to Shamil's jihad. The Shadhili order encouraged A h m a d Bey to care for the poor and needy.Maghribi holy warriors 163 in a Cairo journal i n 1913-14. with strong Tijani links. were prominent rebel commanders i n Sfax. slavery remained part of life in Sanusi oases.

176. and Shaanxi. i n 1864 sent 'nine Chinese damsels' to a Muslim chief fighting the Russians. religious devotion and withdrawal from the world. Kuropatkin 1882: 145. whose territories bordered on the west and south of Kashgaria'. He preached non-violent self-purification. Zelkina 2000: 237. and enslaved their wives and children. killed Muslims who failed to join his cause. Baddeley 1999: 456. with slave raiding as a major bone of contention. In the greatest jihad. and their attempts to prevent the enslavement of Christian Armenians and Georgians. notably i n Yunnan. a Naqshabandi offshoot. 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 H u i Muslims suffered from a rising tide of H a n Chinese settlement. but if no money was forthcoming. Sirriyeh 1999: 42. 252-3. A n n a Uvarova. from 1862 to 1878. They animated Turkmen resistance to the Russians till 1885. Bacon 1980: 104-5.164 Mystics and Millenarians aways. 256. However. Naqshabandi Sufis were prominent in the struggle against piecemeal Chinese conquest from 1697. Shamil's favourite wife was an Armenian captive. As the war dragged on. Sirriyeh 1999: 39. doing 'all the menial tasks'. Gammer 1994: 295. YemeIianova 2002: 61. sold to the Ottomans. East Turkistan forces 'obtained the women and children of the Chinese'. mystics were active elsewhere i n Turkistan. Gammer 1994: 120. Qadiri Sufis j o i n e d their Naqshabandi rivals i n 1877-8. Moreover. 397. Shamil forced him to go on a second pilgrimage to Mecca i n 1859. Shamil ransomed captured Russians who refused to convert. Kunta Haji. Although Naqshabandi shaykhs remained subservient to Uzbek rulers of centralised states. Many turned to the reformist teachings of the Jahriyya. he sold them as slaves. Yakub Beg from Tashkent. Yakub Beg offered Chinese male captives the choice between execution and converting to serve as soldiers for 12 years. Leone 1973: 93. Because he was gaining support among a weary population. 66. 102. Zelkina 2000: 229-30. Hamada 1990: 486. fighting a holy war against the Russians i n Daghestan. The leader of this jihad. G a m m e r 1994: 245-6. H e did not liberate all serfs who came under his control. taken i n a raid on a Russian fort i n 1840 and converted under the name of Shuanet. Gansu. 164-5. V i o 9 1 9 2 9 3 9 4 9 5 9 6 97 9 8 9 9 G a m m e r 1994: 40. 199. Zelkina 2000: 199. a Qadiri leader arose among the Chechens. 224. he enrolled 'a considerable number of slaves who had been taken i n wars with the various independent and minor potentates. Zelkina 2000: 193. Barrett 1999: 157-61. .

71. although slaves were not specifically mentioned. 113. 58. Influenced by the Mahdist expectations of his followers. A n altogether more momentous event was the 'Indian Mutiny' of 1857-8. 14. Kuropatkin 1882: 112. he declared a jihad against the Sikhs of the Punjab i n 1826. Titu M i r planned on seizing H i n d u girls for his followers. sometimes taking the form of holy war led by Sufis. and seized their dependants. including kidnapping for ransom. Metcalf 1982: 47-52. A similar pattern emerged during the southwestern H u i rebellion of 1855 to 1873.381. continued for decades i n the northwest. but was soon defeated. Rizvi 1978-83:11.jihads from the Balkans to Yunnan 165 lence erupted in the northwest i n 1781-4. 173-4. H u n t e r 1964: 5. 1895. issued a fatwa i n 1803. 111. ' A b d 102 103 104 105 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 2 1 0 3 1 0 4 1 0 5 L i p m a n 1997: 68-9. although there were no explicit references to permanent servitude. Powell forthcoming. 90. who was initiated into the Naqshbandi. After his death i n 1831. A heady mixture of Neo-Sufi revivalism. 121. 100 101 Risings in South and Southeast Asia A famous Sufi shaykh and reformist 'alim of Delhi. including Muslims fighting for the enemy. He inspired Sayyid A h m a d Barelwi (1786-1831). 146-7. when D u Wenxiu founded aYunnanese sultanate centred on Dali [Tali] . 82-4. Wei 1974. having earlier accepted Sufi investiture from Sayyid A h m a d Barelwi i n Mecca. B o n i n 1910: 217. Fields 1978: 68-9. was a holy war to restore Mughal power. and then founded his own austere Muhammadi order to enforce the sharia. 108-11. 93-4. 165-6. low-level guerrilla operations. 1861-73. where it was legitimate to 'hold slaves unconditionally'. Titu M i r led a j i h a d i n Bengal i n 1831. for some participants. . which. an influential Naqshabandi shaykh. affixed his seal to a fatwa declaring the conflict to be a jihad. Mahdism and holy war spread through Southeast Asia from the eighteenth-century. There were two other South Asian examples of mystical and millenarian conflicts. 102. as he had earlier done to a fatwa justifying slavery. and killed. possibly involving slaving. 224-6. In it he declared India to be part of the abode of war. Hardy 1972: 51-5. Gaborieau 2000. H u i leaders forcibly enlisted captives and conquered peoples. Shah A h m a d Sa'id. D i l l o n 1999: 71-2. Anderson 1876: 233-4. 100. Booty was promised. and 1914. Shah A b d u ' l 'Aziz Waliyullah. Dutta 1987: 25. Qadiri and Chishti orders. 186. G a m i e r 1996: 156.

This was disingenuous. Young Minangkabau radicals of the Shattari order. This civil war sprang from numerous abuses.Juynboll and Piekaar 1960: 743-4. and by private traders not by the state. Significant reformist conflicts broke out i n southern Thailand.166 Mystics and Millenarians al-Samad al-Palimbani (c. and forced them to pay tribute i n slaves. 10. the said Government never having done and is [sic] unwilling now to carry on such trade'. Imam Bonjol. and rejected his own shaykh's call for gentle persuasion. 1983: 138. Loeb 1972: 108. The Dutch instituted a naval blockade to prevent slave imports from Nias. and Lombok. Most slaves freed by the Dutch in 1876 had entered servitude through war. influenced by the Sammani. V e r k e r k P i s t o r i u s 1868: 435-6. a famous Padri leader. the United States consul i n Singapore insisted on 'measures against piracy and slavery'. Steenbrink 1993: 75. influenced by literalist ideas. D o b b i n 1983: 137-8. Sumatra. including 'bandits' enslaving free Muslims. which circulated widely for over a century. 90-1. South Sulawesi. Shattari. D o b b i n 1983: 128-87. West Sumatra's Padri Wars raged from 1803 to the late 1840s. 1972: 7. 100. or at least their womenfolk. 96. and decided to ban slavery itself in 1874. 1704—89). reputedly owned 70 slaves. Ricklefs 1993: 119-47. Asked for succour. Kraus 1984: 51-62. wrote a famous and influential tract commending holy war towards the end of his life. Ibid. Padri forces also seized Animist Batak to the north. proclaimed ajihad. Pelras 2001. at least in Aceh 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 1 0 6 1 0 7 108 1 0 9 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 1 1 4 A z r a 1992. Ibid. a Dutch allegation that Aceh 'has carried on trade by selling and buying slaves is untrue. Veth 1873: 119-20. southeastern Borneo. 20-1. Further. Java. The eradication of the slave trade was one of three Dutch demands that contributed to the outbreak of war with the Sumatran sultanate of Aceh i n 1873. . Local tradition and Dutch documents attest that the 'white time' of the Padris marked a high point i n enslaving indigenous 'bad Muslims'. for slaves were imported not exported. of Arab origins and propagator of the Sammaniyya order i n Palembang and beyond. The servile population of eastern villages cultivated fields and mined for gold i n the 1860s. Khalwati and Naqshabandi orders. Riddell 2001: 184-6. R e i d 1969: 83. Aceh's negotiators replied that the Americans should 'let us know i f we have at any time dealt with our countrymen i n selling them to other nations as slaves'. Collet 1925: 101. D o b b i n 1983: 180-2. Hasselt 1882: 191.

Levtzion 1987: 34. 153. The subsequent registration of slaves helped to spark off a rebellion from 1891 to 1895. founded by Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti (1729-1811) of Mauritania. They apparently took slaves from hostile villages. 167-70. called for obedience to Europeans in 1912. Damste 1928: 595. leader of a branch of the order in Senegal from 1891. 383. i n the Malay peninsula. A h m a d al-Bakka'i al-Kunti blessed the rebellion which led to the death of al-Hajj ' U m a r in 1864. at a time when the main Sufi order i n Aceh was the Sammaniyya. V i k 0 r 2000: 445. Resistance quickly turned into an Islamic struggle. this sub-order preached the superiority of the j i h a d of the tongue' over that of the sword. a Qadiri branch i n West Africa. Snouck Hurgronje 1957-65:1. as the unbeliever levels out all social differences'. 75-6. One example was the Mukhtariyya. 115 116 117 118 119 Sufi 'jihads of the tongue' Little is known of pacific Sufis at the time of the great holy wars. Knysh 2000: 260-1. who a slave. 161-2. Risso 1995: 91. Similar forces were at play i n Pahang. McDougall 1992: 74. Andaya and Andaya 1982: 160-1. Collet 1925: 520. inspired by al-Palimbani's tract on jihad. Searing 2002: 131-2. a European observer noted i n 1860 that Qadiri shaykhs of Mauritania 'are all very concerned with worldly goods and have many slaves'. and called for clemency as holy wars engulfed the region. nasihat al-Muslimin.Sufi 'jihads of the tongue' 167 proper. Moreover. The rebels declared their struggle a holy war i n 1894. Once defeated by Europeans. because the latter's attack on Masina had been unlawful. . They mediated between Arab and Tuareg desert tribes. 120 121 122 1 1 5 1 1 6 1 1 7 1 1 8 u 9 1 2 0 1 2 1 1 2 2 Kreemer 1922-3: II. This contributed to the bitterness of the 'Thirty Years War' which ensued. backed by a 'saint' from Trengganu to the north. Kraus 1984: 101. 201-2. L i n e h a n 1973: 140-2. A z u m a h 2001: 78-9. who a lord—this is no more to be known. Azra 1992: 551. portrayed by later nationalists as a rising 'to safeguard Malay tradition'. Al-Hajj Malik Sy. Influential i n Timbuktu. in part because they had stopped the Wolof from 'enslaving one another'. Martin 1976: 31-2. Riddell 2001: 185. 92-3. the West African Tijaniyya backtracked rapidly. where Sultan A h m a d refused to accept a British Resident till 1887. A long poetic call for holy war lamented that 'who is a noble. That said. 271-2.

Karrar 1985: 143. and the disenfranchised. Shaykh Uways b. 200-1. outflanked by Mahdism. 'Uthman al-Mirghani (1793-1853) founded the Khatmiyya. However. and Madagascar. Constantin 1987: 89. M a r t i n 1976: 163. he sent missionaries as far as Rwanda. 123 124 125 126 Sudanese Sufism. and large numbers j o i n e d the order on the mainland after the failure of the Maji Maji uprising against the Germans i n 1905-7. leading the Hindiyya offshoot from the Sammaniya. the poor. Cote d'lvoire and France. Shaykh A h m a d Hamahu'llah b. The influence of the Uwaysi branch of the Qadiriyya helps to explain why holy war figured little south of central Somalia. Zanzibar became his second centre from 1884. al-Hajj Seydou N o u r o u Tal (c. Shaykh Uways was accompanied on his many trips by 'slave and free'. runaways captured i n Kordofan in 1906 were found to belong to Sayyid al-Makki Isma'il 127 128 1 2 3 1 2 4 1 2 3 1 2 6 1 2 7 1 2 8 Garcia 1997: 253. became a Qadiri initiate i n Baghdad. also active i n the Hijaz and Eritrea. H e named his new southern Somali capital the 'town of peace' i n 1898-9. The French exiled him i n turn to southern Mauritania. H e appointed as deputy a slave owned by a woman. After the British had destroyed the Mahdi's regime i n 1898-9.168 Mystics and Millenarians His disciple. toured French Africa i n the interwar years. although the founder of the Qadiri order was widely revered as the 'saint of the oppressed' in East Africa. the Congo. After his return i n 1881. 1880-1980). he was a grandson of al-Hajj 'Umar T a l . Pouwels 1987: 196-8. Mozambique. owned 'hundreds and hundreds' of slaves. The son of a slave woman. V i k 0 r 2000: 453. . i n 1909. 1943) developed the Hamawiyya i n the Upper Niger region. G r a n d i n 1987: 48. before suffering martyrdom at the hands of Salihi followers of Sayyid Muhammad i n 1909. deriving his initiation from a Tijani centre in Tlemcen. Algeria. 313. the illiterate. this reclusive mystic and ascetic concentrated on the recently converted. Samatar 1992: 51-4. K l e i n 1998: 229-30. spreading a new Tijani message that the Europeans had done great things by freeing slaves. Yusuf bin A h m a d al-Hindi. of Brava (Baraawe) i n Somalia. but hagiographers boasted of his numerous concubines. H e 'urged former slaves to reject the claims of their masters' and welcomed 'slaves fleeing from their patrons'. Muhammad (d. Ironically. Muhammad al-Barawi (1847-1909). 60. Sayyid Muhammad b. where he died. O'Fahey and Radtke 1993: 80. remained peaceful and conservative on slavery. V i k 0 r 2000: 447.

Sirriyeh 1999: 140. Personally opposed to the slave trade. Naqshbandi Sufis i n Bosnia succoured the poor. Mirzai 2000. was executed i n 1821 for criticising social injustice. whereas 'popular orders' and 'unattached itinerant dervishes' opposed them. Parla 1985: 38-41. Hodgson 1974: II. called for greater social responsibility. Petrushevsky 1985: 298. the Iranian mujtahid ' A l i N u r ' A l i Shah was a Nimatullahi shaykh. Martin 1989: 19-21. better known as Ilham Baba. Tabandeh 1970: 26-7. III. 114. Heyd 1961: 68-9. Hargey 1981: 268-85. The Nimatullahiyya. Al-Nasiri reformed Moroccan Sufism and wrote a hagiography of the Nasiriyya order. Taha 1987. Heads of the Khatmiyya and Hindiyya were the other two Sayyids pleading for a slower tempo of slave emancipation i n 1925. Although slavery was not overtly attacked by those retelling the famous story of 137 1 2 9 1 3 0 1 3 1 1 3 2 1 3 3 1 3 4 1 3 5 1 3 6 1 3 7 Warburg 1981: 260. Mystical thought might seem less relevant to secularists and rationalists. 496. Kelly 1968: 594. considered i n Chapter 6. 38. The Naqshbandi and Mawlawi [Mevlevi] orders endorsed measures against military and administrative slavery from the 1790s. Cehajic 1990: 667. 'Abdul Vehhab. gradually gaining adepts i n high places. spreading to the West from the 1960s. Daly 1986: 443-4. leader of the traditionalist wing of the Isma'iliyya. Rorlich 1986: 61. and Shaykh 'Abdul Vehhab b. Aqasi successfully encouraged his imperial master to end imports of slaves by sea i n 1848. Some Sufis i n the Ottoman empire may have evinced critical attitudes towards slavery. Haji Mirza Aqasi served as both first minister and Sufi shaykh for Muhammad Shah i n the 1840s.Sufi 'jihads of the tongue' 129 169 al-Wali. Rooted i n Iran and India. David Gutelius and Constance H i l l i a r d . 151-2. J o k 2001: 102-3. but among those deeply influenced by Sufism were the secularist Turk Ziya Gokalp. O f the ulama treated i n Chapter 7. Dual allegiances have obscured later mystical contributions to abolitionism. the order overcame eighteenth-century Persian persecution of Sufis. both covered i n chapter 10. and Musa Kamara of Senegal was probably a Q a d i r i . . personal communications. was most obviously liberal on slavery. V i k 0 r 2000: 460. 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 Renewers of Sufism i n modern times. together with the Tatar teacher Musa Jarullah Bigi and the Sudanese reformer M a h m u d Muhammad Taha. 73-4. a Shi'i order developing from the fourteenthcentury.

Baha'u'llah and ' A b d u ' l Baha 1956: 53. which accorded with his revelations.170 Mystics and Millenarians 138 Rabi'a for Western audiences. for 'all are but bondslaves before the L o r d ' . In a publication of 1873 he forbade trading i n slaves. . Hodgson 1974: III. perhaps on a visit to the United States i n 1912. an implicit opposition was clear. In contrast. H e claimed to be the Mahdi himself i n 1847. and harshly suppressed the movement. R. but had died a natural death i n Srinagar. ' A b d u ' l Baha. however. Muhaiyaddeen 2002: i . In Palestinian exile. H e declared himself free to assume the title of Messiah because Nabi Tsa [Jesus] had not been bodily assumed into heaven to return for the last judgement. 66. marking the millennium of the occultation of the twelfth Imam. Lee 1999. The Bab does not appear to have directly opposed slavery. In 1863. More explicit was M . His successor. who probably witnessed his master's first revelations. Mirza Ghulam A h m a d (1839-1908) strove to remain within the Islamic fold. the Baha'i faith had become a separate religion. H e proclaimed his mission i n British India i n 1889. Kashmir. 81. one to 140 141 142 143 144 Smith 1994. Allowing only for the narrowest defensive concept of holy war. Baha'u'llah wrote to Queen Victoria in 1869. and those who accepted his leadership were called Baha'i. 305. he possessed at least one Black slave. It was Baha'u'llah (1817-92) who developed the Bab's notions of social justice. 139 Peaceful millenarianism ' A l i Muhammad (1819-50) declared himself to be the Bab or 'gate' of the Mahdi i n 1843-4. H e advocated religious pluralism and 'proclaimed an Islam of mercy and compassion'. a Sri Lankan Tamil Sufi. The authorities executed h i m i n 1850. having received revelations of his own. praising her for abolishing the trade in male and female slaves. Originating from a southern Iranian mercantile family. H a l m 1991: 109-10. he censured the enslavement of enemies. he proclaimed himself to be the prophet foretold by the Bab. claiming to be both Mahdi and Messiah. a renewer of religion. abrogating the holy law. Ghulam A h m a d also claimed to be a prophet. settled i n Philadelphia from 1971 to his death i n 1986. glossed this as a prohibition of slavery itself. Bawa Muhaiyaddeen. 22. Lee 1999: 2-3. 269. By this stage. el-Sakkakini 1982.

i n the latter case taking the stance that Islam could only gradually get rid of slavery. was the divinely inspired leader for over 50 years. K h a n 1976: 66-72. Walter 1998: 38. for Muhammad Zafrulla Khan (1893-1985). 145 146 14 148 149 150 Qadiyani attitudes towards servitude changed after 1945. The other A h m a d i branch. In an English-language commentary on the Quran. restricted Ghulam Ahmad's role to that of a restorer of the faith. Treated as an apostate by most Muslims. and an avatar of the H i n d u god Krishna. and later led his country's delegation to the United Nations. ' When the Ahmadiyya split i n 1914. Bevan Jones 1941: 208. highly placed i n the sect. taking a relatively conservative line on slavery. Walter 1998: 68-70. Balogun 1975: 165. and turned against servitude more rapidly and more radically. which negated the belief that Muhammad had been the 'seal of the prophets'. Ghulam Ahmad's views on slavery were probably moderately reformist. Walter 1998. Saifi 1956: 13-15. and repeatedly protesting his loyalty to the British. Muhammad ' A l i interpreted 47:4 i n the Quran as an unconditional order to release 151 152 1 4 5 1 4 6 1 4 7 1 4 8 1 4 9 1 5 0 1 5 1 1 5 2 Friedmann 1989. Ghulam Ahmad's son. Orthodox Muslims most resented the claim to prophethood. H e interpreted j i h a d as peaceful striving. H e denounced 'empty-headed maulvis' for issuing fatwas that declared it 'lawful to seduce or seize the women of unbelievers or heretics'. 71-3. as long as concubines were 'women taken prisoners i n war'. known as Lahori from their headquarters. Friedmann 1989. Hardy 1972: 172-3.Peaceful millenarianism 171 whom G o d or angels speak. first published i n 1916 and re-issued four years later. but he also criticised 'advanced Muhammadans' for rejecting Medinan verses of the Q u r a n . he energetically spread the sect's teachings around the world. M a h m u d A h m a d 1924: 331-3. presumably meaning female inhabitants of conquered countries. H e was Pakistan's first foreign minister. the Qadiyani branch continued the messianic tradition. Qadiyani believers i n the United States and Nigeria also rejected slavery from the 1950s. Friedmann 1989: 172-80. H e maintained that infidel aggressors could rightly be enslaved in defensive holy wars. opposed slavery unconditionally. relegating holy war to purely defensive struggles. Mawlana Sher 'Ali stated in 1934-5 that concubinage was licit. Mirza Bashir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad. Walter 1998. .

Entering Java i n 1924. In that same year. 'as long as war continues i n the world the system must continue'. Kamal-ud-Din pessimistically envisioned that. Returning to the fray i n 1936. The 'ignoble institution' was a 'curse'. H e stressed manumission. and yet considered Armenian slave girls i n Turkish households to have been legitimately captured i n a defensive war against the infidel. Enslaving captives was better than killing or mutilating them. 661-70. The best solution to the lingering slave trade would be to convert all barbarous Blacks to Islam. i n a book appearing i n 1925. they translated texts opposing slavery. Slaveryshould have withered away rapidly.172 Mystics and Millenarians unransomed captives. and rejected concubinage. Mirza Wali A h m a d Baig began rendering Muhammad 'Ali's annotated English version of the Quran into Malay. He denied accusations that the Ottomans had enslaved Armenians i n the First World War. Greenidge 1958: 59-61. Muhammad ' A l i included an incisive and lengthy attack on concubinage. Kamal-ud-Din published a confused and contradictory appendix on slavery. Kamal-ud-Din 1925: 245-74. and traditions that the Prophet had freed all his slaves before his death. Polemical attacks on Christians degenerated into accusations of responsibility for the international traffic i n prostitutes. encouraged manumission. K a r i m 1936: 62-4. albeit only i n defensive wars.975. where he gained support from an influential convert. L o r d Headley. but only three instalments had appeared by 157 ' A l i 1920: 78. The Prophet and his close companions freed all their slaves. President of the Muhammadan Educational Council of Bengal. A b d u l Karim. linked an intransigent stand against slavery to the Prophet's 'declaration of the equality of m a n ' . 1192. ' A l i 1936: 587. Khawaja Kamal-ud-Din took the Lahori message to England i n 1912. Lahori Ahmadi missionaries spread to Africa and Southeast Asia. they faced practical problems. Upward social mobility and alleged good treatment proved the superiority of Muslim slavery. However. so the Quran permitted it. and yet predicted that slavery would die a 'natural death'. as slavery was deeply ingrained i n Arab society. and 'it is apparent that from the teachings of the Prophet no Muslim is permitted to bring any person into slavery. and that Islam and the Qur-an [sic] give no countenance to anything like the institution of slavery'. 153 154 155 156 Further dubious notions appeared i n this tract. . had Muslims obeyed G o d and his Prophet. although it is not certain how much was published.

Further progress was blocked by influential Islamic intellectuals. Sultans exiled priestesses. Jwaideh and C o x 1989: 47-8. Hanimefendi 1994: 71-5. 158 159 160 Integrating former slaves Sufi orders were particularly well equipped to deal with the social and religious problems of former slaves. who held Lahori to be heretics. In sharia terms. under female leadership. and fetishes. Similar cults i n other 161 162 163 164 1 5 8 1 5 9 1 6 0 1 6 1 1 6 2 1 6 3 1 6 4 N o e r 1973: 150-1. involving spirit possession. Seeking to bring Muslims and Christians together i n a new 'religion of the spirit'. Forand 1971. respect for rulers and parents. Garnett 1891: II. but lodges and their cults persisted. he preached fear of God. West African millenarian sects probably appealed to former slaves. purity. and the use of the Wolof language. although i n practice it rarely extended beyond three generations.Integrating former slaves 173 1928. pious Muslims were shocked. but it is unclear how much was published. The belief that marriage partners should be socially equal was exploited to prevent marriages with former slaves. Clarke 1995. Translation into Dutch continued. The taint of servitude might be considered ineradicable. Freed persons reacted by creating their own organisations. . Loyre-de-Hauteclocque 1989: 104. forthcoming. Mitter 2001. 113. 415-7. especially as official measures to care for former slaves were half-hearted and ineffective. conjugal fidelity. aYoruba region much influenced by both branches of the Ahmadiyya. Instead of the 'jihad of the sword'. Seydina Mouhamoudou LimamouLaye (1845-1909) of Senegal declared himself the M a h d i and the Prophet reincarnated in 1884. Muhammad Jumat Imam declared himself M a h d i and Messiah in Ijebu.Jaussen 1948: 60-1. Bousquet 1938: 20-1. Hunwick 1992: 30. They followed the religious cult of priestesses of the 'infant L o r d ' . Azumah 2001: 185-6. divination. ex-slaves became clients of their former owners. O u l d A h m e d Salem. In the 1940s. as in Mauritania. especially where racial prejudice intervened. Africans i n nineteenth-century Istanbul formed mutual-aid lodges. These became acute when abolition was enforced around the world from the late nineteenthcentury. the movement was initially dominated by the poor and marginal. Although a thin Islamic veneer was retained. T h e relationship was i n theory perpetual between families.

V i k 0 r 2000: 449. Morocco. A h m a d Bamba never explicitly denounced servitude. 246-8. 130-6. 1927). especially the Ahmadiyya. Schroeter 1992: 206. Dermenghem 1954: 261-94. Cruise O ' B r i e n 1971: 38-57. O f Kenyan Sufis it was written that their 'popular teachings challenged the political elite's hegemony i n religious matters. Searing 2002: 47. Somalia's main orders. The best known was Sayyid Salih bin 'Alawi Jamal 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 1 6 5 1 6 6 1 6 7 1 6 8 1 6 9 1 7 0 1 7 1 1 7 2 1 7 3 1 7 4 E r d e m 1996: 173-4. 102. formed similar large agricultural settlements. Sufi orders took up the task of steering former slaves more firmly into the Islamic fold. Searing 2002: 247-8. Moitt 1989: 44-5. Ex-slaves. met with episodic repression. Salvadei 1927: 166-7. he founded Senegal's M u r i d [Mouride] order around 1905. whose position as clients of former owners was disadvantageous. and on one occasion ordered the return of a slave to his masters. and Albania. 180-3. and hence unattractive for Somali pastoralists. the Ethiopian freedman who acted as the muezzin of the Prophet. flocked to j o i n these establishments. Largueche 2003: 337-8. M o r t o n 1990: 183-5. Cassanelli 1988: 322-3. Rahal 2000. A certain ecological division of territory was possible. as property rights could not be violated. V l o r a 1911: 45-6. Salihiyya. Mansour and Harrak 2000: 36-43. A Qadiri from the late 1880s. placed more emphasis on material factors. for example in Tunisia. Mauritanian brotherhoods had most success i n attracting those who had been freed the longest. . he attracted slaves and ex-slaves to cultivate groundnuts i n rural communities. as agricultural settlements were often i n areas infested by tsetse flies. one informant recalled the attraction of leaders 'who did not categorize people as masters and slaves'. and Qadiriyya. H u n w i c k 1992: 28.174 Mystics and Millenarians cities. Trimingham 1965: 238-44. To attract former slaves of African descent. In the H o r n of Africa. Rabah. Opposing the 'jihad of the sword'. Christelow 1985a: 121. Despite caustic French comments that M u r i d disciples became slaves of their autocratic shaykhs. Michaux-Bellaire 1910: 426. That said. A h m a d Bamba Mbacke (d. and legitimised the social and economic aspirations of those excluded from power'. Ecstatic rituals and indigenous customs drew criticism from some ulama. adepts invoked the memory of Bilal b. a Wolof teacher. M o n t a n a 2004. Kamara 2000: 284. where complete equality reigned between disciples.

In the Lake Malawi area. known as Ramiya. Constantin 1987: 87-8. " This did not prevent the massacre of some five thousand Arabs i n the revolution that followed independence in 1964. symbolically transcending the past by becoming a Qadiri shaykh on a par with Rumaliza. 29-30. and allowed singing and dancing. Mtumwa binti ' A l i b. Habib Saleh is said to have owned slaves. Constantin 1987: 85-9. Unusually he allowed those not descended from the Prophet to j o i n the exclusive 'Alawiyya brotherhood. at least as ordinary members. 'Abdallah Ba Kathir. Pouwels 1987: 198. and became a Qadiri shaykh. or Habib Saleh. followed in the footsteps of his former owner as governor of Bagamoyo. studied i n Zanzibar. Known as the 'saint of Lamu'. A former slave from the Congo. who came to L a m u from the Comoros around 1880. He made a fortune in trade. 'Abdallah (d. V i k 0 r 2000: 448. 1931). i n a welter of rhetorical denunciations of the iniquities of Arab slaving. the lead175 176 177 178 179 18 1 7 5 1 7 6 1 7 7 1 7 8 1 7 9 1 8 0 Zein 1974: 117-43. 1958) was born of a slave mother and a free Swahili father. 90-1. Fair 2001: 19-20. That said. or the 'sharif of the coconut cutters'. 'attracting ex-slaves with dancing and elaborate celebrations of the Prophet's birthday'. and his disciple. accounting for 85 per cent of the population according to the 1895 census. Yusufu (d. Zanzibar and Pemba provide a rare example of social incorporation that may have failed. and spread the Qadiriyya from 1905. 96. Yahya b. Allegedly she married a District Commissioner. 152-3. took the message to South Africa.Integrating former slaves lib al-Layl. spread his peaceful message of economic and social justice among the numerous former slaves. Zahor Mohammed. and dabbled in nationalist politics. . he persuaded former slaves and masters to frequent the same mosque. a woman of servile origins was prominent. and to have employed some to build his mosque and school. However. The renown of his Riyadha religious school and mosque radiated over East Africa and Arabia. obtained an initiation from the Middle East. He was a model of assimilation through Sufism. the O m a n i former slave trader. She returned to Lake Malawi to spread the Qadiriyya. although her position was usurped by an Arab i n the 1930s. Romero 1997: 99-102. ' A n egalitarian brand of Sufi mysticism' developed around Bagamoyo. G l a s s m a n 1991: 294-5. From 1908 a Qadiri shaykh. 168-9.

The influence of millenarian sects is particularly hard to ascertain. made it possible to desert an owner while remaining a Muslim. Bennett 1978: 265-8. whereas others use servitude as a stick with which to beat Muslims. Even though the end times failed to materialise. Conversely. and might appear to have been exhaustively investigated. other forms of Mahdism may have acted as ideologies of self-liberation. It would be helpful to identify religious factors i n this process. M u c h work remains to be done on how mystics and millenarians shaped the Islam of ex-slaves and their descendants. especially for an understanding of the religious beliefs of slaves themselves. Revolutionary Mahdism is an intriguing topic. However. the legacy of religious revival may have perpetuated critiques of slavery. Many authors have noted the lack of polarisation around former slave status i n the Islamic world. Reality was more finely balanced. such as the adoption of literalist or traditionalist interpretations of the sharia. The experiences of quietist mystics and millenarians are much less well explored. especially as they were often treated as heretics by mainstream believers. rather than descendants of former plantation slaves. Apart from the Satiru case. for some continued earlier traditions of succouring the oppressed and the poor. so thatjustice could fill the earth. the changing nature of enslavement illustrated the old adage that all power tends to corrupt. Transcending the existing sharia. but there is currently a complete lack of information for the rest of Islamdom. To what extent this involved taking a position against slavery remains uncertain. which need to be better understood. Many charismatic leaders initially displayed emancipatory tendencies. . some 'progressive' writers ignore the issue of slavery. These people would repay closer examination.176 Mystics and Millenarians ing rebels were migrants from the mainland. which contrasts with the distressing legacy of servitude i n the West. 181 Holy wars have caught the imagination of many authors. Sufi orders profoundly influenced this outcome in the Maghrib and Sub-Saharan Africa.

culminating i n the creation of the Jama'at-i Islami i n 1941. although parlia1 1 Ruthven 2000: 265-8. analogy. 177 . Wahhabi adherents sought to return to the social and political models of the Prophet's Medina. and the consensus of the learned. these groups selected what seemed best from the schools of law.9 LITERALISM There was a recurring tendency for Muslims to adopt a literalist reading o f Quran and Hadith. Hatred for mystics and sects was intense. To the extent that they accepted schools of law. The terms fundamentalist. It took the eighteenth-century Wahhabi movement i n Arabia to make literalism the official ideology of a state. and all other dubious innovations. restorationist. More modernist interpretations emerged i n the twentieth-century. mystics. Holy war was the way to cleanse Islam. and less hostile to Sufism and sects. Elections were acceptable. are less satisfactory. as the traditions tended to loom larger than the Quran i n their approach. sects. millenarians. Islamist. rejecting schools of law. The power of a sultan was tempered by consultation and social egalitarianism. analysed in the following chapter. they stressed political mobilisation. matched by intolerance of the West and its modern ways. or salafi (faithful to the pious ancestors). Mawlana Sayyid A b u l AT a Mawdudi (1903-79) developed related doctrines i n South Asia. Literalists were called 'people of the Hadith' from early times. shared the urge to return to the founding texts. and the restoration of a universal caliphate was their ultimate goal. created i n Egypt i n 1928 by Hasan alBanna (1906-49). spread across the Arab world. The Muslim Brothers. they followed the Hanbali line. Less nostalgic for the times of the Prophet. This meant minimising abrogation. Receptive to education and technology. for rationalists.

However. clinging to the embarrassing institution hampered mass mobilisation. but the name Wahhabi stuck to them. Hostile to Sufi. 327-34. the Prophet had owned slaves. To complicate matters. leaders of Islamist regimes knew that reinstating slavery risked raising a storm of international condemnation. Nasr 1996. Embracing the sharia as the law of the land. Those associated with Usama b. their espousal of violence was i n line with Wahhabi traditions. and imposed them over much of the Arabian peninsula by force of arms. recalling earlier notions of permanent revolution. Slavery was a conundrum for literalists. raising the problem of servitude. ' A b d al-Wahhab (1703-92) preached a literalist form of Islam in central Arabia from 1736. new forms of literalism erupted onto the world scene from the 1990s. Ideologues argued that secular regimes had sold the pass by abolishing slavery. and Shi'i Muslims. Sabini 1981. in protest at 'idolatrous' practices of asking for intercession with G o d . They wrecked the installations around the Prophet's grave i n Medina. Roy 1994. 4 2 3 4 Roy 1994: 35-47. For the disciples of alBanna and Mawdudi. From the 1970s a greater number of Muslim statesmen began to contemplate making the sharia the law of the land. schismatics or unbelievers. While influenced by the Muslim Brothers. Adepts called themselves Muwahhidun. The Saudi family adopted these beliefs i n 1744. 2 3 The first Wahhabi state and its wider impact Muhammad b. N o government had yet dared do so at the time of writing.178 Literalism merits should neither challenge the sharia nor confer high office on women. they conquered the holy places of Islam in 1802-4. Ruthven 2000: 307-22. . or Unitarians. Islamic states within national boundaries were acceptable as the building blocks for an Islamic confederation. and they featured i n the Medinan state. Peskes 1993. A routinised representation of servitude permeated the Hadith literature. despite the need to determine the fate of captives taken i n holy war. and scrutinised international treaties for compatibility with the sharia. because it was both canonical and inegalitarian. This strand of Islam side-stepped the problem of slavery. Ibadi. the Wahhabi movement found it difficult to accept international pressure for abolition. L a d i n called for global and continuingjihad against 'Crusaders and Jews'.

Disliking pompous titles. complained: 'The Wahhabi religion calls for Muslims to kill each other and declares other Muslims who do not adhere to its doctrines as polytheists. Qasimi raiders of the Trucial Coast. R a s h i d 1981: 54. In 1817. adherents of the Wahhabi creed. negotiating with Britain i n 1820. or hiring slaves belonging to Muslims. but made no systematic attempt to hinder the trade. In contrast. Nevertheless. . 1814-18) said of his neighbours: ' A l l these people are our enemies. A Christian woman was among those taken i n a raid on Syria i n 1810. A b u Nabhan Ja'id b. Sabini 1981: 67. Sa'ud b. they 'call each other brothers: this is the name by which the master addresses the slave. defended the purchase of Africans. 'as was the custom of the great men of Najd'. Corancez 1995: 21. Khamis al-Kharusi. 82. Sabini 1981: 80. 61. A b d a l l a h b. L i t v a k l 9 9 8 : 121-2. were notorious for killing every soul on board captured vessels i n the Gulf. Enslaving infidels raised no concerns. reflected established literalist concerns. and by the Almighty aid. Sabini 1981: 68-9. 58. They withdrew with many captives. aspects of slavery conflicted with Wahhabi beliefs. A d a m 1840: 81. A b d al-'Aziz himself owned several Abyssinian concubines. and slaughtering men of fighting age. Corancez 1995: 53. although she was later released. Bhacker 1992: 40. a leading Ibadi scholar. although some were ransomed. Wahhabi objections to Syrian Christians and Jews buying slaves from Muslims. the taking of booty. Nicholls 1971: 231. Wahhabi forces sacked the city of Karbala i n 1801. the enslavement of their women and children. commanders guaranteed the safety of the urban population. wherever we may find them or their people we will assuredly slay the one and seize the other'. Other strategies towards fellow Muslims were deployed. Qasimi shaykhs.The first Wahhabi state and its wider impact 179 Wahhabi forces sometimes enslaved the dependants of Muslim foes. on taking the holy cities of Islam i n the early 1800s. Sa'ud (r. Wahhabi leaders disrupted caravans bringing slaves to the holy cities during their campaigns. aware that the eyes of the Muslim world were upon them. and the imposition of poll tax and land tax'. W h e n they turned on O m a n i n 1800-3. allowing the plunder of their goods. Peskes 1993: 318. Corancez 1995: 97-101. smashing the sacred Shi'i tomb of Imam Husayn. and with which i n 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 5 6 7 8 9 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 Bhacker 1992: 40.

at the dawn of the nineteenth-century. Influenced by Wahhabi doctrines. prominent i n this movement and prince consort of the autonomous state of Bhopal. 'Abdallah b. Berlioux 1870: 311-13. Sa'ud b. Saudi forces regrouped i n the Najd region of central Arabia. The spectacular capture of the holy places. and comprehensively defeated by 1818. Wahhabi rulers rejected administrative and military slavery. popularly associated with eunuchs. H i l a l alHariq. commanding their forces i n eastern Arabia. O n taking Medina i n 1804. made Neo-Sufis receptive to Wahhabi ideas. Dobbin 1983: 129-41. Salim b. Sabini 1981: 143. was also susceptible to Wahhabi ideas. such leaders protested against the enslavement of free Muslims. 47-52. The leaders of West Sumatra's Padri Wars from 1803 were strongly influenced by returning pilgrims. non-existent under the Prophet but increasingly prominent i n the Hijaz from the 1770s. Burckhardt 1993: 223-6. although many were free arid enjoyed complete social equality. was allegedly a Black slave. Metcalf 1982: 36-43. Burckhardt 1993: 344. By 1870. ' A b d al'Aziz laid a heavy fine on the chief eunuch. where Turki b. Sabini 1981: 69. Winder 1965: 60. 264-8. 1823-34) restored a smaller state. Sa'ud (r. the South Asian Ahl-i-Hadis (people of the Hadith) clung to the obligation to wage holy war against the infidel. straining relations with Britain from the 1840s. Usuman dan Fodio. 82. 216. who had witnessed the capture of Mecca. . . and exiled many of those who looked after the Prophet's tomb. Eunuchs were a further source of disquiet. 218. Siddiq Hasan. attacked progressive South Asian views on 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 u 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1 22 2 3 Ibid: 16. albeit rejecting the antipathy towards mysticism and saints' tombs. were repressed. but he was probably a freedman. it was estimated that up to a third of the population of parts of this state consisted of Blacks. M a r m o n 1995: 106. Hunter 1964.Ahmad 1966: 17. nemesis of the Hausa city-states of West Africa from 1804. H e 'gained economically from the flourishing slave trade'. Homosexual practices. Bhacker 1992: 41.180 14 Literalism turn the servant replies'. although a few were allowed to remain. L e v t z i o n 1987: 33. Corancez 1995: 101-2. As was shown i n Chapter 8.3. Corancez 1995: 97-8. and considered slavery to be legitimate. Expelled from the holy places by an Egyptian army i n 1812-13. 89. 336-7. and yet themselves enslaved 'bad Muslims' and Animists on a grand scale.

Metcalf 1982: 268-9. ruler of Bhopal. he replied that slaves 'lived like beasts' i n their homelands. a newspaper accused h i m of importing female slaves. and yet continued to levy import duties on slaves. Himself the owner of an estimated 3. 90-4. r. Miers 1989: 119. Rutter 1933: 323-4. 24 25 26 Saudi Arabia The Saudi family temporarily lost power in 1880. 278-80. he made the sharia the law of the land. he distributed slave girls to his close collaborators. The Begum. contributing to his political downfall. let alone slavery. arguing that slaves had not been captured i n properly constituted jihads. far from being entirely won over to Wahhabi ideas. 32 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 3 2 3 3 Claudia Preckel. 58. Ruthven 2000: 4-6. Miers 1989: 116-19. he agreed to co-operate in repressing the infamous traffic. personal communication. some Meccan scholars of the mid-1920s were prepared to limit enslavement narrowly to capture i n holy war and descent from a servile mother. The Dutch consul i n Jidda reported i n 1923 thatHijazi people saw slavery as a 'sacrosanct institution of A l l a h ' . The British retaliated by retaining the right to manumit slaves fleeing to their legation. British representatives pressed A b d al-'Aziz on the issue.'' The ulama of the Hijaz were still a cosmopolitan group at this stage. By the Treaty of Jidda i n 1927. In 1885. Ruthven 2000: 5-6. and himself manumitted a male slave i n Mecca. After conquering 'Asir and the Hijaz between 1924 and 1926. Piscatori 1986: 71. . Rutter 1928: II. He admitted that the institution was 'barbarous'. 280. but ' A b d al-'Aziz b. H e justified the institution by referring to Quran and Hadith. Miers 2003: 179-83. L e i t n e r l 8 9 3 : 17. A b d al-Rahman al-Sa'ud (Ibn Saud.. Hodgson 1974: 111.The first Wahhabi state and its wider impact 181 slavery. 27 28 29 30 31 Despite A b d al-'Aziz's attempts to hide behind the ulama. declared that the slaves had been obtained to gain religious merit by freeing them. Rihani 1928: 151-3. W h e n informed in 1928 that slaves were sold by pilgrims. 1902-53) revived the dynasty's fortunes. but feared that ulama and the people would not countenance the ending of the slave trade.000 people. and were better off i n servitude. Schmidt 1992: 71. The chief qadi of the Hijaz even said that the 'general consent of the Muhammadans' would be sufficient to abolish slavery. 267-8.

The task was not always easy. passed an 'antislavery resolution'. for one Yemeni delegate arrived 'with a large retinue of retainers and slaves'. Saudi Arabia sucked i n Baluchi children from the IranPakistan borderlands. ' A b d al-'Aziz promulgated new regulations i n 1936. affected by 'humanitarianism'. G o r d o n 1989: 47. Eunuchs were retained i n the holy places. for the League of Nations complained that the pilgrimage was a major source of slave trading. A l l owners and slaves were to be registered. Nusayri girls from the Syrian mountains 'sold like cattle'. M a u g h a m 1961:1-3. Toynbee 1927: 317. 1926. 34 35 36 37 Pressure grew. Dejong 1934: 141. 177. Miers 2003: 270. Kramer 1986: 111. Miers 2003: 254-60. no commission appears ever to have sat or reported. Liberation was promised to those enslaved i n ways contrary to the sharia after the foundation of the kingdom i n 1926. Wilkinson 1987: 282. and that no free Muslim should be reduced to servitude. . because the sharia banned enslaving or buying subjects of countries i n treaty relations with Muslims. and even local Arabs. and could insist on buying their freedom. However. Nallino 1939: 241-3. Imports of slaves by sea were prohibited. 307. Greenidge 1958: 50-4. and seeking to j o i n the League of Nations. although Toynbee indicated that the resolution actually called for a commission of enquiry to report on whether slavery i n the Hijaz contravened the sharia. The preamble stressed that the Prophet cursed anybody who sold a free person. Slaves could still come overland. Dejong 1934: 130. F 0 3 7 1 / 1 1 4 4 6 . 347-8. Oriente Moderno. M a r m o n l 9 9 5 : 107-11. 6 / 7 : 358. Prominent 38 39 40 41 42 43 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 4 1 4 2 4 3 Confidential Print. 16/11: 633-6. slave raiding broke out to seize Blacks and Persians belonging to rival tribesmen. Sekaly 1926: 201. This decree was patchily enforced. This statement was later repeated without qualification. Oriente Moderno. Slaves were to be well treated. 343. O'Shea 1947: 56-7. Laffin 1982: 61-3. as well as the need to ensure that sharia rules were observed.182 Literalism British consular personnel in Jidda thus sought to influence delegates arriving for the 1926 Congress of the Muslim World i n Mecca. 1936. 305. Phillips 1966: 87-93. but only with proof of their servile status. Within Oman. 171-2. Lewis 1990: 167-8. A r n o l d Toynbee claimed that the congress. The importance of freedom i n Islam was stressed. especially as oil wealth boosted demand. Renaming his state Saudi Arabia i n 1932.

even though Saudi Arabia failed to endorse the United Nations Supplementary Slavery Convention of that year.. but substantial indemnities were paid over the next few years. 349. Piscatori 1986: 124. The end came suddenly i n late 1962. including a trade union leader and 20 dissident princes. While Faysal appears to have been relying on the doctrine of doubtful provenance. . vociferously criticised these abuses. Rudiven 2000: 268. when Prince Faysal b. Awad 1966: 121-3. Awad 1966: 121. G a u r y l 9 6 6 : 151. ' A b d al-'Aziz took effective power from his more conservative elder brother. H e told a Western journalist that some twothirds of slaves in the kingdom had probably lost their freedom in non-scriptural ways. but notes that 'this is sanctioned i n the Quran'. Malise Ruthven calls the proclamation an 'innovation'. Miers 2003: 350. Faysal declared: 44 45 46 47 The attitude of the Shari'a towards slavery and its keen interest in liberating slaves is well known. and the prince's words were broadcast over the state radio. and never bought any himself. for reasons of state. The government now finds a favourable opportunity to announce the absolute abolition of slavery and the manumission of all slaves.. Segal 2001: 201. a tactic employed by the regime on other occasions. Miers 2003: 255. 1936.155. H e freed all his remaining dependants i n 1956.Saudi Arabia 183 exiles i n Egypt. Compensation was promised to 'deserving' owners. Faysal already seems to have played a leading role i n pushing through the 1936 regulations. Oriente Modenio. 48 49 50 51 52 4 4 4 5 4 6 4 7 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 5 2 Laffin 1982: 69-72. widely utilised by Sunni ulama. Norman Anderson argues that this was a rare instance of public interest overriding the sharia i n Saudi Arabia. Faysal may also have obtained a ruling from the ulama that slavery should be 'discouraged' i n Islam's fivefold ethical scale. It is also known that any slavery existing at present fails to fulfil many of the Shari'a conditions laid down by Islam to allow slavery. N o specific legislation followed. . and the proclamation was not everywhere immediately enforced. Laffin 1982: 71-3. 16/11: 633. Anderson 1976: 186. Addressing the newly formed council of ministers i n 1962. H e expressed a marked distaste for slavery as early as 1935.

he said that 'we will talk about them i n detail on another occasion. However.islamonline. and much reprinted thereafter. These purists gained confidence i n the 1990s. Islam has made it very easy for the slave to regain his freedom'. and progressively diluted literalist doctrines. Those who considered slavery to be illegitimate were simply 'infidels'. However. 1 June 2003.net> Fatwa Bank.184 Literalism Freeing slaves was not universally accepted by Wahhabi believers in Arabia. notably stating that Muslims could retain slaves as long as their enemies d i d so. Ruthven 2000: 307-22.cfm?qid=132&sid=2> <http://www. One writer on warfare vindicated this position by citing 2:194 i n the Quran: 'Whoso commits aggression against you. executed by the Egyptian government. side-stepped the issue i n an article originally published i n 1948. For now it suffices to say that Islam replaced the historical sentence for a captive from capital punishment (death) to life imprisonment through enslavement. it seems that alBanna never elaborated on this ambiguous formulation. 53 The Muslim Brothers The Muslim Brothers generally rejected the embarrassing institution.arabianews/english/arucle. do you commit aggression against h i m ' . Choueiri 1997: 135. . an opposition group i n the United States cited a highly placed cleric stating that. they were hesitant. There were those who complained that 'Abd al-'Aziz and his successors had crushed the Brothers who brought them to power. H e elaborated at length on the conditions under which holy war could be waged. Banna 1997. 140-3. and j i h a d will remain as long as there is Islam'. but enslaving of prisoners of war remained necessary if infidels refused 56 5 3 d 4 5 5 5 6 <http://www. stressing defensive aspects. As he died the following year. W h e n it came to slaves. Slavery is part of jihad. but leaving open the possibility for aggressive campaigns. and often put forward justifications of past slavery. 'slavery is part of Islam. as aged princes seemed increasingly unsure of how to prop up the regime. In 2003. 54 55 The most famous ideologue among the Muslim Brothers was Sayyid Qutb (1906-66). Those already i n bondage at the time of the Prophet had rapidly been freed. finding it an obstacle to propaganda among educated urban youths. Hasan al-Banna. In the first volume of an Arabic commentary on the Quran. the founder. he declared Islam to be in principle opposed to slavery.

Sayyid Qutb cited a Hadith of the Prophet that. tackled the issue more squarely. but only to lambast elite corruption. 136. albeit equally ambiguously. 214. manumission. including enslaving Muslims and trading i n slaves. Rather lamely. Apologetic snippets addressed the ban o n enslaving free Muslims. Muhammad Qutb at first seemed to condemn slavery. English editions appeared in Delhi i n 1964 and i n Kuwayt i n 1967. H e noted 'in passing' that 47:4 in the Quran recommended the freeing of prisoners of war.com/ islamand. siding with moderate elements after the assassination of Anwar Sadat in 1981.htm> . and later on the internet. but not imports of servile eunuchs. for they were not responsible for rulers abusing the harem system. This account failed to address the legitimacy of enslaving conquered populations. Without citing any authority. Qutb 1967. H e devoted a long and early chapter to slavery i n Islam the misunderstood religion. Although Muhammad Qutb eventually left the Muslim Brothers. the most odious form of doubt exploited by the Communists'. <http://www. published i n Arabic in Cairo i n 1964. but failed to address slavery i n a section entitled 'human equality'. Muslims should not be apologetic about past forms of servitude.d. personal communication.islam4all. Sayyid's brother. As unbelievers took 57 58 59 57 5 8 5 9 Y o u s s e f Choueiri. Gunasekara n. Kotb 1970: 44. Muhammad Qutb.: 27. he described raiding for plunder as a legitimate and routine aspect of Islamic economies. he went on to demonstrate the superiority of slavery i n Islam over all other historical forms. Indeed he stated that this is 'perhaps . he declared slavery to be irrelevant. owing to the circumstances of our time'.The Muslim Brothers 185 to give up the institution. However. 156-9. contrary to 'perfect equality among men'. 'people are all equal as the teeth of a comb'. as 'this practice has now disappeared. his views on slavery are still widely quoted.. 112-13. and stated that Muslims were obliged to enslave captives taken i n war against infidel nations.. and the social integration of former slaves. H e quoted Taha Husayn's criticism of 'idle aristocrats' for whom 'all the work was done by their imported slaves'. Rawat 1985: 343. In Social justice in Islam. H e further denounced the 'vicious crimes' perpetrated 'by some Muslim rulers i n the name of Islam'. good treatment. The Prophet's prohibition of castration was mentioned. first published i n 1945. attacking Communists for seducing Muslim youths by portraying Islam as reactionary and feudal because it sanctioned slavery. and reprinted many times thereafter. 47-9.

The papers of a conference held in Tunis in 1985 opposed slavery. The book was dedicated to such literalist luminaries as Sayyid Qutb and Mawdudi. stressed liberty. i n a clean respectable manner. W h e n non-Muslim nations decided to abolish slavery. The Muslim Brothers gained great political influence i n the Sudan. 108.186 Literalism slaves. they were to provide for their maintenance. and rejected violence. Even though the new Sudanese penal code of 1991 failed to recognise slaver)' as licit. H e concluded that 'there is nothing common i n this filthy abominable trade i n human bodies [in the West] and that clean and spiritual bond that ties a maid to her master i n Islam'.. 110. [and] that these slave women would belong to their masters only. feed and safeguard them from falling prey to such a depravation. 'Islam welcomed it'. H a m d i 1998: 101-3. Accounts of de facto enslavement prolifer61 62 63 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 Qutb 1967: 62-99. 101-5. While failing to mention slavery explicitiy. during attempts to crush nonMuslim southern rebels. Q u t b 1967: 105-7. Most disturbing was a long passage on concubines. but presented an apologetic portrait of its history in Islam. and enjoined that he alone may have sexual relations with them . Muslims did likewise to prevent the maltreatment of captives i n infidel hands. Toledano 1998: 142-52. 181-2. 187-9. and colonial officials. along with satisfying their own. such as Tunisia's Rashid al-Ghannushi (born 1941). Muhammad Qutb claimed that sexuality i n the West was reduced to adultery and prostitution. Communist bureaucrats. he embraced democracy from 1981. suggesting that Muslims were still slaves to capitalist bosses.. where Hasan 'Abdallah al-Turabi (born 1932) became the regime's eminence grise from 1989 to 2000. Moderates i n this tradition. Influenced for a time by the Muslim Brothers. 120-1. . and yet it simultaneously paid homage to a curious medley of liberal and rationalist Islamic figures. although both may spring from faulty translation. and published a book on civil liberties i n 1993. gratifying their sexual needs. 60 Islam made it lawful for a master to have a number of slave women captured i n wars. H e then appeared to double back. The transitions from 'slave' to 'maid' and from past to present tense are striking. Arab militia units took and sold slaves. he endorsed personal freedom. In contrast.

M a u d u d i 1972: 20-2. where the Taliban regime declared that it 'did not feel bound by U N human rights instruments. polygyny and other fundamental aspects of their faith. Miller 1996: 129. In the aftermath of the Western destruction of the Taliban regime. domestic. and sexual purposes..Jok 2001: v i i i .KashmirForum/message/1702> See Bushell 2002. 160. Segal 2001: 216-20. B i n L a d i n denounced slavery i n an open letter to Pakistani Muslims i n 2001. Mawdudi also alleged that slavery in Islam was greatly superior to its counterpart i n the West. . 'The Europeans . <http://groups. al-Turabi answered evasively that slavery had never been a 'substantial institution' i n the Sudan before the Egyptian occupation.group. he violently denounced Islamic timidity.yahoo. Burr a n d Collins 2003: 69-73. In articles originally written around 1935.. 164. causing licentiousness i n the West. H e censured exaggerated notions of liberty emanating from the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. Nasr 1996: 168. Al-Turabi's most famous disciple was Usama b. recognizing only the Shari'a'. for productive. and that all men were equal i n Islam. 218-19. 13 A p r i l 2003. and the Muslims averred that it was absolutely unlawful i n Islam'. but only as part of a long list of evils attributed to the enemies of the faith. unaware that to alter any part of Islam was to undermine the entire religious edifice.Mawdudi and Hamidullah in South Asia 187 ated. was intransigent on the subject of slavery.com. 126. 'Dispatches'. H e upbraided Muslims for being ashamed of slavery. there were reports of Afghan exports of slaves to Pakistan. 276. C h a n n e l 4. found fault with slavery. based i n the Sudan from 1989 to 1996. To be sure. H e then moved to Afghanistan. 71 72 6 4 6 5 6 6 6 7 6 8 6 9 7 0 7 1 7 2 B u r r and Collins 2003: 75. 28-33. Collins 1992: 155-9. 4 65 66 67 68 69 70 Mawdudi and Hamidullah in South Asia A b u l AT a Mawdudi [Maududi]. Ladin. the leading South Asian neoliteralist.i x . a Saudi of Hadhrami origins. 28. with some boys allegedly sent on as camel jockeys to the United Arab Emirates. Unverified reports i n the Western media stated that a radical literalist preacher promised to present the womenfolk of defeated foes to holy warriors. Ruthven 2000: 395. holy war. and published i n English i n 1972. 2-3. Public auctions of children were reported/' Quizzed on this i n 1994.

the strongest fortress of the Islamic civilisation. as this would allow them to fight once more against believers. apparently embarrassed by one of Mawdudi's outbursts on the subject. C h o u e i r i 1997: 143-4. Two years before his death. he ridiculed the idea of setting infidel captives free. . <http://mvw. Holy war could legitimately be waged to spread the message of Islam across the world. In one purple passage. inserted a rare footnote.188 Literalism Al-Ash'ari. Peace treaties with polytheists were void. and believed that male Muslims could own an unlimited number. As in so many Islamic debates about slavery. 'the last place of refuge where Islam guards its civilisation and culture. Mawdudi chided 'people who denounce Muslims day and night for recognising the institution of slavery'. He berated proponents of defensive j i h a d as defeatists. At best. except for prisoners of war. and would prevent exchanges of prisoners. Moreover. Mawdudi proclaimed the harem to be. if it ever suffered a reverse. which was built for the reason that. Sarwar Qureshi 1983: 28-32. Slaves were humanely treated. he explained to the unwary reader that Islam strictly forbade enslavement.jamaat. betraying the principles of Islam. Mawdudi nudged the debate i n an emancipatory direction by interpreting the Prophet's saying forbidding the enslavement of a free man as applying to free people of any religion.. not the forcible conversion of infidels. In an undated talk. though political power was the goal. . H e taught that the Prophet had owned at least one concubine. and then only as a 'necessary evil'. " K h a n 1972: 38. and revolution might be necessary to establish God's sov73 74 75 76 77 78 79 7 3 7 4 7 5 7 6 7 7 7 8 7 9 M a u d u d i 1972: 21. he held that not only war captives but also 'their womenfolk' were legitimately enslaved.. the editor and translator of the 1972 text. Through one of his followers i n the 1970s.org/islam/HumanPughtsPolitical. and could rise in society. it may then take refuge i n it'. Without denying the legitimacy of the institution. Sarwar Qureshi 1983: 15-16.html> M a u d u d i 1977: 17-19. concubinage loomed large. In a lecture first given i n 1939 Mawdudi also reprimanded his Muslim opponents for restricting j i h a d to defensive conflicts. Mawdudi refused to retreat from this position. Islam treated slaves humanely and encouraged manumission. i n contrast to Muslims in Christian hands. i n their anxiety to rebut Western accusations.

Elias 1999: 108. following the forcible annexation of the princely state of Hyderabad by the Indian army. 133. H e also opined that 'the Prophet had the emancipation of slaves so much at heart'. Hamidullah continued to treat slavery as a regular aspect of Islamic law. and mused that the duty to spread the faith might well be executed through slavery. was more restrained. of which the introduction to Islam volume proved immensely popular. Frequently reissued. Muhammad Hamidullah (1908-2002). together with the sharia. In the new Islamic country of Pakistan after 1947. A t one point he exclaimed that 'Islam wants the whole earth'. cited the Prophet's example i n enslaving Qurayza women and children. <http://wwiv. In his doctoral thesis on Islamic law. . Educated at Osmania University i n Hyderabad. Hamidullah admitted that 'there is no verse i n the Q u r ' a n directly permitting enslavement'. written i n German i n 1935 and published a decade later i n a revised English version. 168. The report into the Punjab Disturbances of 1953 particularly mentioned the wish to enslave enemy soldiers and keep concubines. both originally published i n French. H e went into exile i n France i n 1948.net/english/news/2002-12/20/articlel6. and justified it as a kind of social service.islamonline. H e maintained relations with Pakistan. 461-4. However. There was silence on the descendants of slaves. some seized the opportunity to argue that the need for manumission 'means that slavery cannot be abolished. offering them the chance of education i n Islamic surroundings. it has been translated into a wide variety of languages. Enslavement in holy war provided shelter for the destitute who could not be repatriated. H a m i d u l l a h 1979: 70. 156.shtml> H a m i d u l l a h 1945: 204-13. In 1977. and wrote numerous books and articles. but resigned from the commission writing a constitution for the new country. H a m i d u l l a h 1959: II. he proceeded to study i n Germany and France. ulama of the 'absolutist' type called for slavery to be reinstated. 103. 277. Hamidullah took the existence of slavery for granted.Mawdudi and Hamidullah in South Asia 189 ereignty and law. when General Zia ul-Haqq seized power and began to apply the sharia. Two more books followed i n the late 1950s. and taught in the Osmania law department from 1936. born and raised i n southern India. since to do so would be to deny future generations the opportunity to commit the virtuous deed of freeing slaves'. 80 81 82 83 84 85 8 0 8 1 8 2 8 3 8 4 8 5 Peters 1979: 130-3. A h m e d 1987: 88.

70-1. West African literalists. 196. H e further quoted a famous Hadith of the Prophet. A h m a d Hasan implicitly accepted slavery i n 1941.x i i i . Established families criticised Wahhabi reformers i n northern Cote d'lvoire for undermining the social hierarchy. argued that Islam's commitment to social equality was antithetical to slavery. The 1982 edition contained numerous details on the conditions for the sale and manumission of 86 87 88 89 90 8 6 8 7 8 8 89 9 0 Federspiel 1977: 55-6. L a u n a y l 9 9 0 : 187. influenced by Saudi Wahhabi scholars. H e originally gave his imprimatur to a 'question and answer' book written by somebody else. Some even argued that a 'non-complacent' reading of Quran and Hadith implied monogamy. according to which the faithful must obey constituted authorities. Kaba 2000: 190. . 186-200. H e stated that no deviation was possible from what was permitted and forbidden i n Quran and Hadith 'with regard to temporal matters'. J u m a r e 1996. Nevertheless. Kaba 1974: 127-9. where he was brought up by his Tamil father. but ultimately favoured abolition. it would have been counter-productive for M u h a m m a d to have abolished the institution. i n a hackneyed genre popular among leading ayatollahs from the 1950s. as was the slave trade. Indonesia's Persatuan Islam [Persis] was a small but combative West Javanese ginger group. Reducing fellow Muslims to slavery was a Sunni abuse. Taleqani even condoned enslavement i n a properly constituted j i h a d . accepted socio-economic inequality but were uneasy about slavery. Sayyid M a h m u d Taleqani. and that modern Muslims should reject the institution.190 Literalism Other expressions of literalism Literalists elsewhere i n Islamdom oscillated between moderate and absolute positions. implicitly criticising concubinage. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini expressed fewer qualms i n accepting slavery. Despite his sobriquet of 'champion of the oppressed'. even if a Black slave were to be placed over them. One author cited Muhammad Qutb i n a discussion of slavery i n Nigeria. Participants i n the Iranian Revolution of 19*79 displayed uncertainty over slavery. i n which slaves and members of castes were at the bottom of the heap. Acquainted with South Asian literalists i n Singapore. Taleqani 1983: x i i . led from 1926 by Ahmad Hasan. the 'red ayatollah' who died shortly after the fall of the Shah. and Muslims treated slaves better than adherents of other faiths.

published in L o n d o n . A h m a d 1976. unavoidably. The council sponsored two conferences i n L o n d o n . 86. Responding to pictures of the abuse of prisoners by American interrogators i n A b u Ghraib prison. he represented a militant strand in Iraq's Shi'i constellation. advanced some sibylline statements on slavery. To resolve this conundrum. slavery figured as an integral part of holy law. 429. The first conference was organised by the Islamic Foundation of Leicester. However. he then glossed this metaphorically. considered slavery to be licit. Islam: its meaning and message. As a senior aide of the radical leader Moqtada al-Sadr. U K . 'people must. 354. 9 May 2004. be divided into masters and slaves'. he turned to the well worn tactic of pinning the blame on infidels for maintaining the institution. Slavery became a practical question i n Shi'i areas of Iraq. 278. giving rise to a volume entitled. which upheld individual freedom. In effect. during which human rights were cautiously tackled. and thus strongly influenced by Saudi Arabia. albeit with a tendency to take a moderate line. had the consequence that. to repeat his 1967 statement that people were 93 94 9 1 9 2 9 3 9 4 K h o m e i n i 1984: xvi. Muhammad Qutb of Egypt. 9 92 The West and the web Literalists i n the West reflected divisions over slavery. Islam and contemporary society. Azzam 1982. Shaykh ' A b d al-Sattar al-Bahadli. .Other expressions of literalism 191 human beings. Independent on Sunday. The Islamic Council of Europe was promoted from 1973 by the Islamic Secretariat of Jidda. included a 'Universal Islamic Declaration'. an edition of the English version of Hamidullah's introduction to Islam was published i n the clerical centre of Q p m . Twentieth-century jahiliyya. ' In the same year. 13 May 2004. following the American invasion of 2003. 274. 220. The Quran regulated the institution and the Prophet and his companions had owned slaves. The second conference volume. In 1955. even if it was 'the greatest shame i n the history of humanity'. Ghoraba 1955. of Basra. i n 1975 and 1980. by this stage Professor of Islamic Studies at the K i n g A b d u l Aziz University i n Mecca. 353. 254. declared i n a Friday sermon i n May 2004 that anyone capturing a female soldier could keep her as a slave. ignorance of G o d . Financial Times. the editor of the Islamic Quarterly.

a doctoral candidate at the University of Minnesota. Allahbukhsh Brohi. among many others. but typeset in England. even though the chances of acquiring slaves in ajihad were nowadays so small? M i r p u r i answered robustly that 47:4 in the Quran did not invalidate other canonical texts on slavery. 95 96 97 98 In 1987. More lyrically than convincingly. capitalist bosses. and Communist bureaucrats. arguing that man could only worship G o d properly if he was free. B r o h i 1976: 93. and justified the institution as a means of conversion. 'it is then up to the Muslim Rulers to decide according to necessity and circumstances how they will deal with such situations'. but he prudently added two qualifications. H e concluded: 'True freedom will be enjoyed only when the individuals strictly follow God's revealed laws and all become equal in their servitude to G o d . enslaved by feudal lords. H e also affirmed that Islam always had an 'evolutionary programme for the progressive realisation of the ideal of human liberty and freedom'. 'Islam has tried to reduce slavery and gradually remove the jahiliyyah thinking on this issue'. cited the Qutb brothers in a confused and contradictory article. in Birmingham. slavery had disappeared'. he concluded that. personal communication. Fadel Abdallah. a Kashmiri. was it still legitimate to hold concubines. i n 9 5 9 6 9 7 9 8 Qutb 1982: 7-8. B r o h i 1982: 251. Western Orientalists denigrated 'governance andjustice i n Islam' in 'sugar-coated language'. H e claimed that after the death of the Prophet. propagated South Asia's AM-i-Hadis movement i n Britain. It included a query emanating from Bradford. as to whether reformers were right to argue that 47:4 i n the Quran had abrogated all other texts relating to slavery. except for temporary prisoners of war. the Almighty' . First. he then stressed the impracticality of rapidly abolishing slavery. . Secondly. where he died i n 1988. since 'a religion that calls for equality cannot at the same time encourage and give religious sanctions to slavery'. 'the issue of slavery is one. M i r p u r i 1998: 202-4. a city with a large Muslim population. A volume of his fatwas in English was published in Saudi Arabia. Mawlana M a h m u d A h m a d Mirpuri. confronted servitude more directly and in a more obviously liberal spirit. H e declared that 'Islam came to terminate the age of slavery'. Claudia Preckel. Minister of Law and Religious Affairs in Pakistan i n the 1950s. However.192 Literalism. 'in Arabia itself within forty years. More specifically.

and manumission was encouraged. and with no mention that other Muslims rejected these propositions. D r Yusuf al-Qaradawi. 'Islam Questions and Answers' returned to the intransigence of Mawdudi in its fatwas. The other. and described it 'an inevitable side-product of combating the enemies of A l l a h ' . Slavery was not ' i n principle' desirable. they even enslaved 'bad Muslims'. who migrated to Damascus and moved i n Ahl-i Hadis circles. One. Indeed.The West and the web 193 which one can appreciate in Islam a delicate and miraculous idealism effectively i n practice'. was an Albanian trained i n Istanbul. Muhammad al-Amin M a h m u d alShinqiti (1872-1932/3). Overall. but failed to note that this was long applied only to free Muslims. D r Taha Jaber al-'Alwani cited Caliph 'Umar b.com>. al-Khattab rejecting the enslavement of free people. information on Shinqiti and A l b a n i from Claudia Preckel. 46-7. there was a pervasive refusal to apologise. These fatwas drew mainly on two muftis. servitude was allowed when taking infidel captives. 1 ( 1 0 1 9 1 . <http://www. an Egyptian former member of the Muslim Brothers. and repudiating administrative and military slavery. Nevertheless.islamonline. " A b d a l l a h 1987: 31. Deeper examination is needed of the tensions that may have arisen from conflicting approaches espoused by early reformers. Rights to seize noncombatants and traffic in slaves were affirmed without scriptural justification. U n n a m e d muftis considered that slavery protected women. The web site TslamOnline' took an ambiguous position i n a series of fatwas from 1999 to 2003. 9 1 100 101 It remains unclear whether Wahhabi leaders ever pronounced systematically on the issue of servitude.islam-qa. was an Iraqi scholar of Wahhabi orientation. personal communication. Nasir al-Din al-Albani (1914—99).net> <http://www. presented a bland and brief gradualist position. disowning slavery i n principle. Authors remonstrated with Muslims for being ashamed of this aspect of their faith. Keen to stress comradeship between owner and slave. they nevertheless failed to contest the legitimacy of the institution itself. issued from 1997 to answer questions that revealed a persistent interest i n acquiring concubines. combined with the argument that Muslim abolition hinged on enemies of the faith abandoning servitude. H e also referred to the 'custom' of enslaving conquered women.

i f only as a tactical move. for a famous Hadith affirms that. The very frequency of references to the institution i n Q u r a n and Hadith becomes an argument for stating that what G o d has established no human can abolish. and unlikely to be publicly aired. Muslim opinion around the world has increasingly swung against slavery. Conversely. and whether the Jamaat-i Island and other movements consistently backed him on this controversial point. it might be possible to track down debates and attitudes through web sites and internal documents. literalist positions appear surprising. The tortuous and confused approach to slavery taken by modernising literalists deserves to be tracked down more carefully. . 'my community will not agree upon error'. it remains to be determined why Mawdudi adopted such a resolutely pro-slavery position. However. as the Saudi regime faces ever more determined opposition from literalists.194 Literalism The Saudi state from the mid-1920s was caught between the hammer of Western hostility and the anvil of adopting prohibited innovations. Reluctance to embrace abolition more ardently may spring from an unwillingness to admit that Muslims of the golden age sinned grievously i n this respect. their attitudes towards slavery require clarification. and of slavery itself i n 1962. Religious reactions to the abolition of the slave trade i n 1936. The extent to which Wahhabi adherents have continued to believe i n the legitimacy of slavery since 1962 is a crucial question today. given slavery's weak scriptural foundations. As for those currently engaged i n global j i h a d against the West. would thus repay closer investigation. The paradox is all the more cruel for originating i n Islam's precocious concern with slavery. Overall. making a defence of servitude embarrassing. needs to be established. The extent to which the Muslim Brothers jettisoned servitude.

unrelated to Western demands. correctly interpreted. Complete emancipation was to be achieved by believers when the time was ripe. Secularism nearly overwhelmed both types of rationalism after 1918. They held social regulations i n the Quran to be valid only for the time of the Prophet. late-nineteenth-century rationalist arguments about slavery were resurrected from the 1970s. including Communism and Fascism.10 RATIONALISM Rationalists are sometimes called modernists. They thus fought servitude as a purely social and political evil. Rather than wishing to return to an idealised golden age of the pious ancestors. many rationalists believed the Quran to be a created artefact. required the immediate ending of slavery. Vast numbers of Muslims had therefore failed to obey their G o d and their Prophet for centuries. 195 . Rationalists quickly split into two camps on the issue of slavery. as a 'neo-modernist' resurgence battled the secularist appeal. thought that Muhammad had not found conditions propitious for immediate abolition. The Quran. However. and limited holy war to self-defence. Gradualists. Attracted by a wide range of fashionable ideologies. which normally meant the 'modern age'. Differing from literalists by relying on the faculty of reason to renovate Islam's social and political teachings. Abolition was an urgent and imperative moral necessity. but the appeal to reason went back to the Mu'tazili tradition considered in Chapter 3. Radicals endorsed abolitionism enthusiastically and unreservedly. many thinkers relegated Islam to the sphere of family and folklore. they wanted Muslims to raise their societies to ever higher planes of submission to God's will. i n contrast. questioned the authenticity of numerous Hadith. of which the 'spirit' was more important than the literal text.

From 1871. In 1877. A h m a d Khan rejected any form of slavery for war captives. His 1871 articles came out as a book i n 1893. Mujeeb 1967: 450-1. He now boldly declared that 'set them free' was an absolute command. To counter this dismal portrait. Sayyid A h m a d Khan was i n L o n d o n i n 1869-70. characterised by a passion rare i n his usually unemotional prose. 258-60. he published a set of articles i n his periodical. were the first rationalists unequivocally opposed to slavery. A h m a d 1967: 51-2. Slavery was contrary to the will of God. the injunction applied to all prisoners of war at all times.196 Rationalism The South Asian shock-troops of abolition South Asian radicals. M u h a m m a d 1969: 217. Dar 1957: 236-9. citing Western authors. or 'the refutation of slavery'. Baljon 1970: 143. M u h a m m a d 1969: 215-17. unless the owner was 'unwilling to grant him his liberty'. Instead. because it had been abolished by colonial legislation i n 1843-4. 1 2 A more determined assault i n U r d u followed. under the title Ibtal-i ghulami. he published further letters on the topic. Powell forthcoming. K h a n Bahador 1979: 422-7. and the institution should have rapidly disappeared soon after the revelation of the Quran. as 47:4 i n the Quran only specified ransom or immediate release. who should be ransomed or freed. N o Muslim of his generation was as categorical or as zealous in attacking slavery as A h m a d Khan. and this was one of the three really novel aspects of his voluminous writings. Moreover. In his U r d u writings. See Powell forthcoming. subtitled i n English. he argued that 'we have to be certain in our hearts that this practice 3 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 5 6 Powell forthcoming. he first wrote i n English i n 1870. H e asserted that Islam treated slaves well. This iniquitous system risked plunging both owners and slaves into deep immorality. 47:4. where he was shocked by the strength of Western popular opposition to 'Arab slaving'. Mohammedan Social Reformer. He expressly rejected the idea that slavery did not need to be discussed. led by Sayyid A h m a d Khan [Khan Bahador] (1817-98). originally sent to Istanbul to influence the new Ottoman sultan. and that these 'freedom verses' could never be abrogated. A h m a d 1967: 52. . A vitriolic British propaganda campaign against the Sudanese Mahdi from 1885 contributed to this republication. Ruthven 2000: 298. Baljon 1970: 43-4. The Quran. only permitted enslaving a prisoner of war.

A h m a d 1967: 52. H e wrote that. personal communication. 13 Progressive South Asian Muslims agreed. in a book dedicated to A h m a d Khan. 144-83. H e also went into considerable exegetical detail to refute traditions that the Prophet had ever owned concubines. 7 8 9 10 11 12 slavery is gradually dying away. from a Shi'i background. so that when slavery should be completely put down. A l i 1883: x x x i i . In publications from 1876. Walter 1998: 66. Chiragh ' A l i returned to the attack. Enthusiastic for science and opposing 'improvident habits'. 65. 57. A l i 1885: 193-215. a topic that A h m a d Khan had rather neglected. employed in the southern princely state of Hyderabad. and a whole code of law relating to slavery built up i n a manner that betrayed the intention of making worldly interest override 7 8 9 1 0 11 1 2 1 3 Avril Powell. Stressing that 47:4 in the Quran had not been abrogated by later revelations. A distinguished civil servant i n Bengal. In the present day slavery amongst the Mohammedan nations exists for the sake of concubinage. H e penned an initial defence of A h m a d Khan i n 1874. he wrote mainly i n English. Powell forthcoming. was a stout supporter. Hardy 1972: 112-13. Challenging the authenticity of numerous traditions. he overtly harked back to Mu'tazili ideas. and that the command to free captives applied to all Muhammad's battles. after virulent criticism by Sayyid Muhammad 'Askari of Kanpur. some being 'aghast at the discoveiy that a clear injunction of the Qur'an had been overlooked. Chiragh ' A l i propagated a narrowly defensive concept of jihad.The South Asian shock-troops of abolition 197 was contrary to the Islamic religion. 59-60. 63. Delawarr Hosaen 1980: iii-vii. and his ideas circulated widely. he devoted a long section to censuring 'fanatical Moslems' who defended concubinage. . and was i n essence bad and unworthy'. x. In a book published in English i n 1883.i i i . he attacked slavery as one of the factors retarding Islamic civilisation around the globe. and the sanction given to it by Islaam [sic] will not now save it from annihilation. 24. Chiragh ' A l i (1844-95). concubinage would cease and disappear of itself. Two years later. Another valiant partisan of A h m a d Khan was Dilawar Husayn [Delawarr Hosaen] (1840-1914). he declared that slaves appeared i n the Quran de facto rather than de jure.

Bevan Jones 1941: 207-10. called for monogamy. Islamic Socialists questioned private property and labour exploitation.tolueislam. A scandal also broke out at this time. and the Tolu-eTslam organisation continued his work after his death. when he opted for Pakistan. <http:/www.com> . He adamantly opposed demands that slavery be reinstated i n the new Islamic country. 'those whom your right hand possessed'. re-interpreted passages from the Quran as injunctions to free and marry a bondmaid. it meant that 'the door for future slavery was thus closed by the Q u r ' a n for ever. i n the past tense. former chief minister of the Punjab 21 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1 Mujeeb 1967: 450-1. Parwez 1989: 345-6. he preached the primacy of Quran over Hadith. This was fiercely contested by one Barakatullah. The debate died down from the turn of the century. Fear that young Indian Muslims might drift into secularism. Stark 1946: 249. and female education on reformist agendas. Hanif Muhammad Ramey. for whom 'concubinage is against the clear teaching of the Qur'an and the Hadith. wrote that the Prophet had been survived by two concubines. or even socialism. revising Muhammad's biography accordingly.198 14 Rationalism the word of G o d ' . 19 20 Parwez was part of a broader movement i n the subcontinent. as O m a n i Arabs were caught kidnapping boys from Calcutta to sell i n Arabia. a Shi'a of some repute. but flared up again i n the 1930s. A h m e d 1987: 133. and not of the Q u r ' a n ' . As for 47:4. Criticising literalist and obscurantist ulama. sanitation. Powell forthcoming. emphasised social justice. 89-91. 15 16 17 18 Ghulam A h m a d Parwez (1903-85) was the most significant figure to carry the radical torch after independence i n 1947. Reformers. and thus referring only to people already enslaved at the time of the Prophet's revelations. H e argued that references to slaves i n the Quran should actually read. and it is a libel on the Prophet to say that he had Rahaina and Mary for concubines'. Abolition was frequently placed alongside temperance. and taught that slavery had been banned from the dawn of the new faith. Hardy 1972: 218-19. prompted scholars to search for authentically Islamic principles of social justice. Whatever happened in subsequent history was the responsibility of Muslims. when Sayyid Muhammad Hasanain Zaidi. Zaidi 1935: 85-6. notably i n Bengal.

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and editor of a weekly publication, Nusrat, explicitly rejected slavery. These thinkers were fond of citing 53:38-40 i n the Quran, 'that no soul laden bears the load of another, and that a man shall have to his account only as he has laboured'. Concubinage was denounced as a root cause of Islamic decadence, together with polygyny and female seclusion. These ills were blamed on ulama, Sufi shaykhs, and literalists. South Asian abolitionists combed the Quran minutely for injunctions against slavery, for example, Hafiz M . Sarwar Qureshi i n his attack on concubinage. Brigadier Nazir A h m e d apparently translated 3:79 as, 'It is not meet for a mortal that Allah should give him the Book and the wisdom and "Nabuwah" [prophethood], then he should say to men: be my slaves rather than Allah's'. Others render 'slaves' as 'servants' or 'worshippers', but Riffat Hassan, a Pakistani living i n the United States, interprets this excerpt as condemning slavery.
22 23 24 25 26

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Sayyid A m i r ' A l i [Syed Ameer Ali] (1849-1928), a Shi'i Muslim from Bengal who travelled frequently to Britain, launched a somewhat less radical attack on slavery. A critical examination of the life and teachings ofMohammed came out i n 1873, denouncing servitude. Slightly revised i n 1891 as The life and teachings of Mohammed, or the spirit of Islam, it was reprinted countless times thereafter, under the catchy title, The spirit of Islam, A m i r ' A l i further attacked slavery in an influential legal text of 1880, Mahommedan Law, which went into numerous editions. In famous words, often cited by later generations, A m i r ' A l i wrote that,
27

the Moslems especially, for the honour of their noble Prophet, should try to efface that dark page from their history—a page which would never have been written but for their contravention of the spirit of his laws. ... The day is come when the voice which proclaimed liberty, equality, and universal brotherhood

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Jawed 1999: 105-12. K h a n 1972; Sarwar Qureshi 1983; K h a n 1996: 64-70. Sarwar Qureshi 1983. <http://www.cen tral-mosque.com/fiqh/slav4.htm> Hassan 1995. Aziz 1968.

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among all mankind should be heard with the fresh vigour acquired from the spiritual existence and spiritual pervasion of thirteen centuries. It remains for the Moslems to show the falseness of the aspersions cast on the memory of the great and noble Prophet, by proclaiming i n explicit terms that slavery is reprobated by their faith and discountenanced by their code'.
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A m i r 'Ali was most radical on the question of concubines, interpreting 5:7 in the Quran as an unqualified ban on cohabiting with slave girls. Muslim men were only permitted sexual access to women, ' i n wedlock, and not i n licence, or as taking lovers'. H e bolstered his position by asserting that the Prophet had freed all women who came into his hands. O n other aspects of servitude, A m i r ' A l i was more circumspect. The Quran clearly disapproved of slavery, but, as temporal ruler, Muhammad could not abolish the institution overnight. This would have disrupted both society and economy, and might have turned Arabs against Islam. The Prophet thus ordered an immediate amelioration i n status and treatment, and encouraged manumission, trusting that slavery would soon die out. Reflecting his Shi'i background, A m i r ' A l i blamed the Umayyad 'usurper' Mu'awiya for authorising the purchase of slaves and the employment of eunuchs. Conversely, A m i r ' A l i praised the Shi'i law-giver Ja'far al-Sadiq, Qarmati dissenters and Mu'tazili rationalists for raising their voices against slavery. To fulfil the Prophet's expectations, A m i r ' A l i declared that, 'it is earnestly to be hoped that before long a synod of Moslem doctors will authoritatively declare that polygamy, like slavery, is abhorrent to the laws of Islam'.
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In his later writings, A m i r 'Ali's condemnation of slavery became increasingly perfunctory, with little or nothing of the earlier ardour. Indeed, unpleasant racist overtones crept into some texts. At one point, he even criticised servitude because it had led to a degeneration of Muslims of the core lands, through admixture with 'lower races, such as Ethiopians'. His stature grew after his death, as the Spirit of Islam was constantly re-published and translated into many languages, but A m i r ' A l i was often dismissed as a collaborator i n his own time. H e married an Englishwoman, and i n 1904, moved permanently to Eng31
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A l i 1891: 380. Ibid.: 331-9, 349-50. A l i 1891: 330-1, 365-80; A l i 1917: II, 31-2. A l i 1899: 205.

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land, where he was buried. Moreover, he was marginalised by his Shi'i origins, and his lack of formal grounding i n the intricacies of traditional jurisprudence. H e wrote exclusively i n English, and disdained debate with the ulama. Some South Asian Muslims took a gradualist approach to slavery without overt reference to A m i r ' A l i . Sayyid A h m a d Khan's son, Sayyid M a h m u d , the first Muslim Chief Justice of British India, was more of a gradualist than his father. In The Pioneer of Allahabad i n 1878 Sayyid M a h m u d declared that polygyny, divorce and slavery were 'as abominable to us as to Sir William M u i r himself. However, he drifted off into censuring biblical slavery, praising the good treatment of slaves under Muslim rule, and noting their ability to become sultans. O n another occasion, i n a legal judgement, he noted that slavery was no longer allowed by the British i n India, and yet he proceeded to explain how it would have affected the case i n question. Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938), celebrated poet and 'intellectual father of Pakistan', condemned slave purchases i n 1909, and admitted that slavery posed problems for Islam as a religion of social equality. However, his solution was to depict slavery i n Islam as an institution so benign as to have nothing i n common with true servitude:
32 33 34

The Prophet of Islam ... declared the principle of equality and though, like every wise reformer, he slightly conceded to the social conditions around h i m i n retaining the name of slavery, he quietly took away the whole spirit of the institution. ... The truth is that the institution of slavery is a mere name i n Islam. Iqbal justified his conclusion by uncritical references to social mobility, manumission, and the lack of social stigma pertaining to servile origins. Gradualist positions were manifest i n Pakistan after 1947 and later i n Bangladesh. Authors declared verses on servitude in the Quran to be 'contextual, revealed at a time when Muslims owned slaves, moving them toward a time when they would no longer do so'. What really mattered was the Quran's 'ethical standard i n favour of equality between human beings', which precluded any return to
35
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Aziz 1968; Snouck Hurgronje 1906: II, 345-6. Hardy 1972: 105-7. A l a n Guenther, personal communications. Iqbal 2002: 304, 307-8.

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36

the embarrassing institution. Professor Muhammad Usman, a leading Muslim modernist, took this position i n a book published i n Lahore in 1969. A b d u n Noor, professor at the University of Chittagong i n Bangladesh, argued that social freedom was a religious obligation, while studiously avoiding the dreaded word 'slavery'. Moiz Amjad, a Pakistani from Lahore, founded and co-ordinated the 'Understanding Islam' web site affiliated to the al-Mawrid Institute of Islamic Sciences. In response to a question on whether captives can be enslaved, posed i n 2000, he began with the usual gradualist statement. However, he added two riders that significantly strengthened his position. Islam 'would never approve any steps that may, i n any way, contribute to the reestablishment of the institution'. Moreover, Muslim nations were bound to honour international treaties regulating the treatment of prisoners of war.
37 38 39

The great caution of Egypt Deliberations stimulated by Western ideas of liberty were precocious i n the Middle East, especially i n Egypt. However, these debates were initially conducted almost exclusively at the political level. Only gradually, and incompletely, d i d discussions spill over into considerations of social unfreedom. Shaykh M u h a m m a d b. 'Umar al-Tunisi [el-Tounsy], an immigrant from Tunisia, resided in the Sudan from 1803 to about 1820, and wrote accounts, translated into French, of the sultanates of Darfur and Wadai. H e took part i n Egypt's Greek campaign i n the 1820s as 'regimental chaplain', administered a medical school i n Cairo, and supervised translations from Western languages. In terms of enslavement, he noted that 'the Muslim inhabitants of the Sudan, in their raids on idolaters, do not obey what is prescribed by God's word. They never summon these idolaters to adopt Islam before attacking them'. Raids were preceded neither by peaceful proselytism, nor by repeated warnings of the consequences of unbelief. However, this d i d not invalidate enslavement, as infidels thereby became Muslims. In terms of servile conditions, large harems condemned women to 'enforced chastity', or encouraged them to commit adultery. Making eunuchs was reprehensible, but
40
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Elias 1999: 108. See A h m e d 1987: 156. N o o r 2000: 441-2. <http://wsvw.understanding-islam.com/related/text.asp?type=question&qid=653> H o u r a n i 1970; Delanoue 1982.

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blame lay with infidels who mutilated them, for Muslims employed castrati out of charity. More prudent and parsimonious i n his opinions was Rifa'a alTahtawi (1801-73), a Sayyid from a family of Shafi'i ulama. H e was among the first batch of Egyptians to study i n France, from 1826 to 1831. Working as a translator, he lauded political freedom, and called for social reform i n many spheres. However, he remained almost entirely mute on slavery, despite living for some years as a virtual exile in Khartoum. His silence was only breached i n three asides. In 1869, defending a restrictive definition of holy war, he criticised those who declared jihads 'to seize booty, enslave people, gain a reputation for bravery and glory, or seek the goods of this world'. In publications of 1870 and 1872 he further stated that a ruler had the right to force owners to free their slaves i n cases of 'public calamity'.
41 42

Other authors publishing i n Egypt were only slightly bolder, or were socially marginal. ' A l i Mubarak (1824-93), an educational reformer and civil servant, studied i n France. H e condemned polygyny and concubinage i n his 1868 book, and added tantalisingly that 'there would be much to say concerning slavery i n our time'. Fransis Marrash wrote an outspoken denunciation of slavery in 1881. However, the impact among Muslims was limited, for he was a French-educated Christian secularist from Aleppo. Muhammad ' A b d u h (1849-1905), the most famous Arab reformer of his time, trod carefully on this controversial issue. H e came to terms with British colonialism, serving as Grand Mufti of Egypt from 1899, but differed from South Asian reformers in coming from a poor rural background, cherishing his hard won status as an Islamic scholar. This may explain why he was so coy i n his most influential work, The theology of unity. The only clear reference to slavery comes i n a rhetorical question: 'If religion eagerly anticipates the liberation of slaves, why have Muslims spent centuries enslaving the free?' This could be read as referring only to seizing free Muslims. His disappointing answer is that a careful reading of the Quran supports his interpretation, and that he will confound his critics i n another book.
43 44 45 46
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Tounsy 1845: v i i i - x i , 269-70; Tounsy 1851: 404-5; 467-90. See Delanoue 1982: 384-7, 398, 441, 458-9, 478-81; H o u r a n i 1970: 68-83. See Delanoue 1982: 546-50. H o u r a n i 1970: 247. Badawi 1978; Ruthven 2000: 301-5; H o u r a n i 1970: 143; Crecelius 1972: 192-3. See ' A b d u h 1966: 125, 135, 140, 152-4.

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Nevertheless, 'Abduh's reputation for opposing slavery was noted by many authors. Commenting on 2:177 i n the Quran, where ransoming a slave was numbered among actions of true piety, he trod a fine line between traditionalist exegesis and modernist interpretation. H e argued that manumission was a form of charity obligatory for the faithful. From this he deduced that freedom was the norm, indeed a necessity for the perfection of humanity. Only i n exceptional cases could liberty be breached, and only i n a transitory manner. In effect, he transformed captives into modern prisoners of war. In a fatwa, found among his papers after his death, 'Abduh also attacked concubinage. Muslims had abused this custom abominably for centuries, corrupting the ethics of the faithful. H e accepted that concubinage could be a legitimate by-product of war, but he called on political and religious authorities to stamp out the practice i n the name of public interest. When participating i n a government desperate to prevent a British assault in 1882, ' A b d u h sent a letter to Wilfrid Blunt, who was attempting to mediate. This missive smacked as much of al-Nasiri as of A h m a d Khan:
47 48 49 50

The present Ministry is trying hard to suppress domestic slavery. The Mohammedan religion offers no obstacle at all to this; nay, according to Mohammedan dogma, Moslems are not allowed to have slaves except taken from infidels at war with them. In fact they are captives or prisoners taken i n legal warfare, or who belonged to infidel peoples not i n friendly alliance with Mohammedan princes, nor protected by treaties or covenants. But no Moslem is allowed to be taken as a slave. Moreover, i f a person is an infidel, but belongs to a nation i n peaceful treaty with a Mohammedan prince, he cannot be taken as a slave. Hence the Mohammedan religion not only does not oppose abolishing slavery as it is i n modern times, but radically condemns its continuance. ... A fetwa will i n a few days be issued by the Sheykh el Islam to prove that the aboli-

' H o u r a n i 1970: 156; Elbashir 1983: 14-15; Fredriksen 1977: 145; Brunschvig 1960: 38; Blunt 2003: 149-50, 222. Riad Nourallah, personal communication, summarising IV, 433, i n 'Abduh's Complete works [in A r a b i c ] , edited by M . 'Amarah. Riad Nourallah, personal communication, summarising a 1927 fatwa i n al-Manar, Jomier 1954: 231-2. ' B l u n t 1907: 244; H o u r a n i 1970: 110-11, 143, 155-6.

freeing slaves was the greatest offering to God. In 1922. which rulers were at liberty to decree i n the public interest. Kurzman 2002: 151. to Mohammedan tradition. A n immigrant from Tripoli i n Lebanon. and to Mohammedan dogma. Rida held that there was no longer a caliph. This argument was to typify the approach of the Muslim Brothers. the latter a stipulation of Hanafi law. who had studied under Husayn al-Jisr. 5 5 3 For all that. but gradual abolition accorded with the spirit of Islam. necessary to declare a holy war and testify that the enslavement of captives was i n the public interest. If Muslim rulers had obeyed Quran and Hadith. i n which Rida summarised the views on servitude of A b d al-Rahman al-Kawakibi (1854—1902). Arabs. to improve their bargaining position. 77. Rida's views were ambivalent. or fail to seek proof of servile descent. a Syrian reformer established i n Cairo since 1898 and inspired by A b d u h . and probably became more conservative over time. Rida published opinions on slavery i n al-Manar over several decades.The problems involved i n knowing who thought what are illustrated by an issue of al-Manar in 1905. kidnap children. Amelioration i n conditions of servitude paved the way for abolition. but commented that respected jurists rejected this interpretation. Generalising from this medley of statements.The great caution of Egypt 205 tion of slavery is according to the spirit of the Koran. . Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865-1935). Sudden liberation would have been disruptive i n Islamic lands. holy wars should be defensive. buy slaves from the infidel. and was the final goal of the faith. H e recalled A b d u h saying that men should free and marry concubines. he arrived i n Egypt i n 1897. Rida clung to the notion that taking slaves in holy wars against infidel aggressors was licit. as long as captives were not Muslims. In response to questions from readers around the globe. Rida edited the widely disseminated Cairo journal al-Manar and the multi-volume commentary on the Quran of the same name. Kurzman 2002: 31. It was wrong to enslave women and children i n war. he took the line that Muslims were obliged to retain slavery if their enemies did so. slavery should have died out within a few centuries. or close relatives. 51 Understanding 'Abduh's position is rendered more difficult by the intervention of his forceful disciple. . See Ghazal 2003. Moreover. a feature of Shi'i law. Towards the end of his life. Even led by a caliph. 5 1 5 2 5 3 Blunt 1907: 253-4. Children had to inherit servile status from both parents.

Siddiqi 1982: 182. 239. and published his two talks as a short French book. where he attended Cardinal Lavigerie's famous harangue on Muslim slavery i n 1888. Extracts were rapidly published in English in the Egyptian Gazette. and could give all women a chance to bear children. Toledano 1998: 45. Powell 2003: 145-6. smarting at international criticism of covert colonial slavery. Shafiq addressed the Societe Khediviale de Geographie i n November 1890 and January 1891. i f any. given that free Muslims were not to be enslaved. Chafik 1938. H e considered international law to have superseded the sharia i n determining the treatment of prisoners of war. an Ottoman diplomat presented a copy of the French version to his Portuguese counterpart. Kramer 1986: 121. he went on to suggest that the West should support Egypt's efforts to create a vast African empire and convert its inhabitants to Islam. H o u r a n i 1970: 142. H e took a gradualist line. A n associate of Rida and the son of a Circassian concubine. personal communication. i n Cairo i n 1891. . defending the 'mildness' of slavery i n Islam. This little work was widely discussed and disseminated. However.206 Rationalism Rida even opined that servitude could be a refuge for the poor and weak. South Asians gained wider access to the book in an U r d u version in 1907. Peters 1979: 126-7. as long as wars were ' i n the interest of Islam'. The French edition was reprinted i n Cairo i n 1938. H e conceded that this meant that few. notably women. and were preceded by a summons to either convert or accept Muslim rule. Badawi 1978: 114. 170. L'Esclavage au point de vue musulman. Avril Powell. 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 5 4 5 5 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 6 0 G h a z a l 2003. Chafik 1938. al-Manar\909. causing quite a stir. Powell 2003: 146. Shocked by the experience. he clung to jihads against unbelievers as a licit way of making slaves. Duffy 1967. albeit revealing many contradictions. with a regretful acknowledgement that the author had never written the more extensive treatise that he had once planned. J o m i e r 1954: 231-2. H e studied politics and law in Paris. Sagaster 1997: 31. Eccel 1984: 416-17. while noting that 47:4 in the Quran included a command to free captives. It then appeared i n Turkish in 1896-7. Indeed. A h m a d Shafiq (1860-1940) tackled the topic i n a more focused manner. and the whole book was translated into Arabic i n 1892. of Egypt's slaves had been properly enslaved. Nevertheless. 145. See Powell 2003: 137.

The great caution of Egypt The radicalisation of the Arab world 207 Some Egyptian followers of ' A b d u h focused on a critique of concubinage. 61 62 63 64 65 66 was widespread i n the early days of Islam and remained so until it was gradually abolished. H e thus rejected concubinage by implication. of polygamy. 93-113. including 'equality among human beings'. Powell 2003: 145. the blind doyen of this profession in Egypt. Therefore. Fahmy 1990: 9-12. Two historians took a cautious line. The liberation of women (1899). Subhi Mahmasani. Mahmasani 1955: 196. disciple of A b d u h and shaykh of the great Zaytuna madrasa in Tunis. and The new woman (1900). but without directly calling for emancipation. . a lawyer wrote that slavery. As situations changed. H e subsequently lost his job at the university. of concubines. 159-60. A l i A b d al-Wahid Wafi [Elwahed]. Nowadays it is rare. probably Egyptian. The writer Qasim A m i n (1865-1908) called for monogamy in two controversial books. which do not come from Islam'. he implicitly reproduced the premises of Shafiq's work. and 'the contextual givens. The Egyptian Sociologist Mansour Fahmy (1886-1959) called for the abolition of slavery. Al-Tahir al-Haddad (1899-1935). because he had dared to criticise the Prophet. i n French. H o u r a n i 1970: 326-34. H o u r a n i 1970: 164-70. The abolition of slavery is consonant with the spirit of the Islamic sharia. wrote a scholarly thesis on slavery i n 1931. such as real human situations and mind-sets rooted in the preIslamic era'. citing 'the example of slaves. While overtly confining his analysis to early Islamic times. Siddiqi 1982: 183. Arab authors fell into line with A m i r 'Ali's ideas about the 'spirit' of Islam after 1945. and was not reinstated till 1919. Kotb 1970: 214. he differentiated between the 'founding principles of Islam'. objected to the abuse of slavery after the time of the Prophet. which ordered that slaves be well treated and urged their liberation i n many situations. 67 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5 6 6 6 7 A h m a d 1963: 103-8. he thought it necessary to drop pre-Islamic relics. no useful point would be served by elaborating on this point. H e had attended A h m a d Shafiq's talks o n slavery i n 1890-1. In a book that rocked the religious establishment i n 1930. which had corrupted Muslim women. remained in the gradualist mould. Dedicating his 1913 Paris thesis to Qasim A m i n . Taha Husayn (1889-1973). See Elwahed 1931. Chater 1994: 46-7.

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Radical South Asian ideas took longer to filter into the Arab world, but a new Arabic edition of A h m a d Khan's Ibtal-i ghulami stirred interest i n 1958. Two books accepting 47:4 i n the Quran as a command for the cessation of enslavement followed, one i n Beirut in 1965, written by the respected Syrian scholar al-Zuhayli. The other appeared in Kuwayt i n 1972, apparently a doctoral thesis. In 1962, Dar al-Tali'a, a left-wing Beirut publishing house, translated Sean O'Callaghan's sensational journalistic account of modern slavery i n the Middle East. A 'second renaissance' swept the writing of history i n politically progressive Arab countries at this time. Often publishing i n Beirut, these authors lambasted Muslim elites for slavery, despotism and the oppression of women, excoriating self-serving and misleading glorification of the Islamic past. Refreshingly, these authors showed a willingness to apologise to past generations of slaves. They blamed the ulama for much that had gone wrong, expressing horror that some scholars continued to vindicate slavery. Courageously broaching the topic of race, writers such as A h m a d 'Ulabi and Faysal alSamir evoked the ninth-century Zanj rebellion. Maghribi authors took up the radical torch. Habib Boulares, former Tunisian Minister of Culture and Information, accepted that the Quran d i d not explicitly prohibit slavery, but concluded that 'there is no doubt that the faith opposed it, founded as it is on the equality of all men before G o d ' . The gradualist position was untenable, and Muslims had erred from the outset i n concluding that they could keep slaves. His greatest ire was vented on literalists who still asserted that slavery was legitimate. Fatima Mernissi, teaching sociology in Morocco, considered that Quran and Hadith established equality among the faithful, making slavery unthinkable. She accused Muslim men of having deployed a variety of 'linguistic and juridical tricks' to disobey God for centuries, even if some tried to improve the treatment of slaves. In contrast, the Moroccan historian Milouda Charouiti Hasnaoui propagated a rather conservative gradualist line.
68 69 70 71 72 73 74

Brunschvig 1960: 38; Jahanbakhsh 2001: 38. Peters 1979: 148-9, 200; R u u d Peters, personal communication. Sivan 1978: 300; O'Callaghan 1961. Sivan 1978: 283-300. Boulares 1983: 114. Mernissi 1987: 188-92. Charouiti Hasnaoui 2000.

The radicalisation of the Arab world Progress in the Turco-Iranian world

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Ottoman debates on servitude were markedly secular i n nature, but sometimes demonstrated 'a fascinating cultural translation of Western-phrased opposition to slavery into Ottoman, but indeed Islamic, terms'. Newspapers played a significant early role, although journalists initially reported without comment on abolitionism around the world. With a freer press from 1860, al-Jawa'ib {The Replies) called on the authorities to intervene against slavery i n 1868. This Arabic-language paper, which lasted from 1860 till 1883, was widely read i n Islamdom, including i n Inner, South, and Southeast Asia. The editor was the Lebanese Faris al-Shidyaq, possibly involved in abolition in Tunisia in the 1840s, and by this time professing Islam. A Young Ottoman paper published i n Paris under the name of Hurriyet (Freedom) agreed i n principle with al-Jawa'ib. Indeed, A l i Suavi, a leading Young Ottoman, lamented his inability to persuade the Shaykh al-Islam to issued a fatwa 'which considers the purchase and sale of slaves as disapproved of by G o d ' . In 1888 he again appealed to the Shaykh al-Islam for such a fatwa. However, A l i Suavi also noted that 'wild tribes' were civilised through servitude. Moreover, he suggested that the chief problem was the treatment of ordinary Ottoman citizens as slaves. Intellectuals in Istanbul attacked slavery in novels, plays, and poems from 1860. Although Islam tended to remain i n the background, some authors suggested that slavery was a pre-Islamic institution, wrongly retained by Muslims. Ahmet Midhat, Abdiilhak Hamit, and Sami Pashazade Sezai were the staunchest critics of servitude. Their mothers were Circassian slaves, and their reproaches concentrated on the personal tragedies of White concubines. However, they also condemned the illegal splitting up of families by sale. Fatma ATiye (1862-1936), a woman novelist from a conservative religious background, objected to concubinage in books appearing between 1891 and 1897. Unlike male authors, she projected a realistic portrayal of the hard and menial work involved in domestic servitude. However, she accepted the institution as legitimate i n
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sharia terms, leaving documentary evidence of her own purchases of slaves. Whereas South Asian radicals failed i n attempts to sway Ottoman counterparts, Sayyid A h m a d Khan greatly influenced Tatar Muslims, at least by the 1900s. The leading rationalist of the Russian empire was a Crimean Tatar, Ismail Gaspirali [Gasprinski] (18511914). From 1883, he dedicated much of his time to running Tercuman (The Interpreter), a reformist newspaper read across the Turkicspeaking world. In 1909 this newspaper published a plea to Young Turk revolutionaries in Istanbul, begging them to abolish slavery and thereby make the empire a model for the Islamic world. It was a Volga Tatar scholar, Musa Jarullah Bigi [Bigiyev] (18751949), who attacked slavery most fiercely. Born i n Rostov-on-theDon of a family of ulama, Bigi was educated i n a Russian elementary school. He pursued Islamic studies from Egypt to India, coming under the influence of Muhammad 'Abduh. Back in the Russian empire, he studied law in Saint Petersburg, and taught in a reformist Islamic school i n Orenburg. In a stream of radical publications, he called for a 'Protestant Reformation' i n Islam, to the point of offending fellow rationalists. H e lost his teaching post, the Ottomans banned his writings, and traditionalists branded h i m a heretic. In 1910 Bigi published a book i n Tatar, containing some of the most ringing denunciations of slavery ever penned by a Muslim author. He summarised his views on the topic i n another book, published two years later. Slavery was quite simply the greatest evil in the history of humanity. The Quran had forbidden all further enslavement, and had commanded that all existing slaves should be freed. Other Muslims of the Russian empire did not confront slavery so bluntly. Jadid reformers of West Turkistan merely criticised 'the practices of polygyny'. Tatar militants proclaimed the freedom of the individual at three Islamic congresses i n the revolutionary years 1905-6, two held i n Nizhny-Novgorod [Gorky] and the other i n Saint Petersburg. A n All-Russia Muslim Congress rejected polygyny in May 1917, and appointed the first known woman qadi in Islamic
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history, but most radical Tatars then drifted into the Communist Party. In contrast, Bigi left Russia for a life of exile. Rationalist critiques took time to evolve i n Iran. Persian intellectuals became aware of A h m a d Khan's attack on slavery through the 1958 Arabic edition. ' A l i Shari'ati (1933-77), the son of a progressive teacher, was a highly popular lecturer, propounding left-wing Islam i n Tehran from 1967 to 1973. Indeed, his audience extended well beyond Iran. H e denounced slavery as one of the 'evils of class society' that 'true Islam' would overthrow.
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Southeast Asian metamorphosis
Munshi Abdullah raised the issue of slavery as early as the 1820s i n Southeast Asia, but this was a flash i n the pan. Working as an interpreter for Europeans i n Malaya, he was horrified by conditions witnessed aboard a slave ship i n Singapore. For h i m 'the man who owned these slaves behaved like a beast, shameless and without fear of Allah'. H e continued: ' H a d I been someone i n authority, I would most certainly have punished the wicked man'. Al-Manar, widely read i n Southeast Asia, revealed an incipient debate a century or so later. In 1930-1 Abdallah b. Nabitan, an A'ab resident i n Java, wrote that many slaves i n his native Hadhramaut were of doubtful provenance, and not captives from among the unbelievers as required by holy law. H e added, T do not believe that you are ignorant of the way i n which they are enslaved'. However, another reader declared i n 1911 that 'years are spent abroad to study...the issue of slavery and other matters, which is completely in vain because none of these are practised in the Archipelago'. A letter from Singapore i n 1922, asking whether it was legitimate to buy Chinese girls as concubines from their families, showed how misleading the earlier letter was.
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Indian rationalism percolated into Indonesia i n the interwar years, notably through the leader of Sarekat Islam from 1912, Omar Said Tjokroaminoto ['Umar Sa'id Cokroaminoto] (1882-1934).
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The scion of an aristocratic East Javanese family, he worked as an engineer i n a sugar factory, and read English rather than Arabic. His Tarikh Agama Islam (History of the Islamic religion) relied heavily on A m i r 'Ali's The spirit of Islam, albeit omitting the section expressly condemning slavery. Tjokroaminoto also collaborated with Lahori Ahmadi missionaries, considered here in Chapter 8, on translating Muhammad 'Ali's commentaiy on the Quran, which was strongly critical of slavery. However, it is not clear how much of this project was completed. In a pamphlet first published i n 1924, and often reprinted thereafter, Tjokroaminoto declared that the Prophet had desired to abolish slavery. There followed an apologetic description of the good treatment and upward social mobility that Islam provided for slaves, curiously containing no examples from Southeast Asia. In newspaper articles of 1921 and 1929, however, Tjokroaminoto denounced Javanese nobles for their traditional practice of kidnapping 'good-looking women of common stock'. Sarekat Islam's 'Basic Principles' of 1921 and 1933 also included a commitment to release the people 'from any kind of slavery'. Muhammad Misbach, the 'Red Haji,' left Sarekat Islam in the early 1920s, to forge a short-lived synthesis between Islam and Communism. He attacked Muslim elites for shamefully exploiting their fellow believers since the death of the Prophet, and drew up a long indictment of their transgressions against the lower orders. Takashi Shiraishi, the historian of Sarekat Islam, does not include slavery among these manifold forms of exploitation, but it would be surprising i f Misbach had not included it. Rationalists, often with higher education i n the West, brought attention back to the topic of freedom after 1965, i n the context of General Suharto's authoritarian rule in Indonesia. A l i Yafre argued that the Islamic concept of 'public interest' made die United Nations' 1948 Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights acceptable to Muslims, including its strictures against slavery. H a r u n Nasution, the modernist intellectual known for his Mu'tazili views, referred to 'freedom from slavery' in 1987. H e used slavery as an example of
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legal rules i n the Quran that were no longer relevant to contemporary society. Gradualist arguments were probably more common. A h m a d Azhar Basyir [Ba Ashir] (born 1928) at one time chaired the national board of Indonesia's Muhammadiyah. O f Arab extraction, he was partly educated i n Cairo. In 1988, he stated that the Quran did not explicitly forbid slavery, due to 'the conditions of the social structure at that time'. Purchases of slaves from the infidel were unlawful, but Muslim captives in enemy hands would have suffered more had Muslims not taken slaves themselves. The abolition of slavery i n secular law could never abrogate Quran and Hadith, but since these holy texts did not actually prohibit abolition, the faithful could relinquish slavery under present conditions. A h m a d Syafi Maarif, also from Muhammadiyah, stressed i n 1985 that the 'right to life implies the right to life as a free man'. H e cited the second rightly guided Caliph, 'Umar b. al-Khattab, 'Why did you treat the people as slaves, whereas they were born free from their mothers?' Maarif implied that this famous question applied to free persons in general, rather than just to free Muslims. A m o n g Indonesian gradualists, Munawir Sjadzali [Syadzali] paid the most detailed attention to slavery. H e obtained higher education i n Britain and the United States, and, as Minister of Religious Affairs from 1983 to 1993, had texts used i n sharia courts codified and published in 1991. Keen to 'reactualise' Islam for the modern world, Sjadzali rejected traditional views of slavery. Stressing that the social prescriptions of the Quran and the Prophet were only for their time, he singled out the second rightly guided caliph as a courageous example of adapting to change, albeit citing the rather unfortunate example of apportioning the spoils of war. Overall, Sjadzali maintained that the Prophet encouraged manumission and good treatment, at a time when conditions were not yet ripe for abolition. In the modern age, with human beings i n general agreement about condemning slavery, Islam should do likewise.
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Africa and the 'second message' of the Quran Many African rationalists also chose the gradualist path. 'Abbas Ibrahim Muhammad ' A l i simply cited A m i r A l i verbatim, and at
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Taha also opined that the 'circumstances and human capacities of the time necessitated the propagation of Islam via methods including enslavement'. was only slightly less cautious regarding the 'first message'. Taha 1987: 2-23. i n 1967. Even then. O n gradualist lines. However. stated that M u h a m m a d wished to alleviate slave conditions. without abrogating them permanently. 'Abdullahi al-Na'im. 109 110 111 Despite the new twist that he imparted to rationalist arguments. and possibly to prepare the way for its disappearance. President Ja'far Muhammad Numayri's regime reacted by sentencing him to death for apostasy i n 1985. when mere believers would truly submit to God's will. Taha was no radical on slavery. Once in political control of Medina.214 Rationalism 108 considerable length. Samb 1980: 93-7. 161-4. Taha was surprisingly reticent when discussing this new phase. M a h m u d Muhammad Taha (c. i n his historical study of Sudanese slavery. a disciple of Taha obliged to leave the Sudan in 1985 for the United States. publishing the first edition of his controversial work The second message of Islam. The 'second message' referred to the radical social programme outlined i n the early Meccan phase of the Prophet's revelations. . Amar Samb refused to interpret 47:4 in the Quran as an absolute and immediate prohibition on any further taking of slaves. 47. The rationalist line was inflected i n an original manner by an engineer and Sudanese nationalist. Muhammad's revelations had become more apposite to ruling a community steeped i n ancient traditions. Strongly influenced by Sufism. Taha insisted that the Medinan verses had only postponed the implementation of the original Meccan teachings. H e attacked radicals for interpreting 112 1 0 8 1 0 9 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 2 A l i 1972: 68-9. Kake 1979: 164. 137-8. Ibrahima Kake. H e developed his teachings after release from a British prison i n 1951. burying h i m i n an unmarked grave. 1909-85). 31. while accepting that the institution was destined to disappear over time. from West Africa. Ibid:. at best noting that 'slavery is not an original precept i n Islam'. T h e disappearance of the need for slavery only arose with the triumph of 'second message'. Writing i n Senegal. he argued that the Prophet had been forced to compromise with a situation i n which slavery was integral to social order. he saw the victory of the 'second message' as the achievement of a higher plane of consciousness.

According to Khalil. legitimises 'secret practices akin to slavery'. enhances discrimination against women. Abdullah Quilliam. 115 116 1 1 3 1 1 4 1 1 5 1 1 6 N a ' i m 1998: 228-31. and the founders of the schools of law all accepted the institution. It thus became abhorrent.Developments in the West 215 47:4 in the Quran as a command for immediate abolition. for the sharia to continue to sanction slavery. a thirteenth-century Hanbali jurist resurrected by al-Manar in 1906. . and morally indefensible. 23V. even temporarily. Leitner added further examples to those of A m i r ' A l i . and complicates adherence by Muslim governments to international agreements for the eradication of servitude. for whom verses exhortingjustice and mercy could never be abrogated. 234. 'slavery is lawful under sharia to the present day'. and slavery had thus not been legitimate since the time of the Prophet. incorporating England's first mosque. the Prophet and his companions possessed slaves. A second edition of this pamphlet came out i n Lahore in 1893. given that numerous other verses regulated slavery. a Hungarian who contributed to educational reform i n the Punjab. founded the Oriental Nobility Institute at Woking. [Quilliam] 1895. and republished i n Woking in 1889. al-Na'im developed the 'second message' more than his master i n relation to servitude. took an anti-slavery position at about the same time. Al-Na'im further pointed out that a persistent assertion of the legitimacy of slavery i n holy law perpetuates derogatory stereotypes about former slaves and their descendants. This allowed 'modern Islamic law to implement the fundamental Islamic legislative intent to prohibit slavery forever'. he concluded. Khalil 2002. a leading British convert to Islam. Gottlieb Leitner. In terms of the 'first message'. 113 114 Developments in the West Rationalists found an early home i n Europe. However. Muhammad Khalil adopted an even more radical stance. Khalil cited the teachings of Najm al-Din al-Tufi. mainly i n Britain. public interest should always be the guiding principle. Leitner 1893: 16-19. citing the Prophet's saying that the seller of men was the worst of men. Leitner echoed the gradualist line on slavery i n a letter first published i n a British newspaper in 1884. He deplored Taha's unnecessary concession that the Meccan verses had ever been abrogated at all.

. He directed the Islamic Research Institute of Pakistan from 1962 to 1968. His bibliography included an Arabic translation of A m i r 'Ali's writings on slavery. He considered pro-slavery views carefully. Wafi 1967: 74. Stressing equality as the cornerstone of Islam. breaking with earlier literalism discussed i n Chapter 9. specifically proposed A m i r ' A l i as the voice of consensus on servitude. A n earlier migrant was Majid Khadduri (born 1908). These practices are absolutely contrary to the principles of the very spirit of Islam'. often forced out of their own countries. North America became the major focus for rationalist debates on servitude. Many Muslim intellectuals headed for the continent. returning to the topic of his thesis (see Elwahed 1931). argued that slavery was an 'anachronistic remnant of an archaic past. edited by Mustafa al-Shak'a and apparently published i n Beirut. Boisard 1979: 111-17. called for the 'emancipation of man from servitude'. Gradualism generally dominated. Monteiro 1993: 265. and concluded that 'the complete liberation of all slaves is more i n accordance with the spirit of Islam'. from Mosul i n Iraq. perhaps the single most influential Islamic rationalist of modern times. but Islam now rejected the institution. but praised Tunisia's pioneer abolitionists. as i n the case of 'Abdullahi al-Na'im discussed above. citing the injunction i n 53:38-40 of the Quran 'that no soul laden bears the load of another'.216 Rationalism The Islamic Quarterly of L o n d o n adopted a gradualist line i n the 1960s.. K h a d d u r i 1984: 233-4. Muslims had only been able to achieve this meritorious goal gradually. W. Fernando Monteiro. criticised jurists i n 1966 for an obsession with detail that made them miss the wider picture. Boisard argued that the Prophet had personally wished to abolish slavery. as i n the case of Fazlur Rahman (1919-88).washington-report. A year later. . 'Arafat. possibly the noted writer on Islamic mathematics of that name. and is considered as a flagrant violation of human rights. who served i n the Portuguese army i n northern Mozambique. taking a gradualist line on its implications for enslavement. A l i ' A b d al-Wahid Wafi. he explored the evolution of the doctrine of holy war. Coming to the United States i n the 1940s.hlm> <http://www. 117 118 Marcel Boisard (born 1939) a Swiss academic and diplomat sympathetic to Islamic reform.org/backissues/0796/ . but conservative elements obliged 119 120 121 1 1 7 1 1 8 1 1 9 1 2 0 1 2 1 'Arafat 1966. 9607023.

valid for their age only.. ] stated that releasing a slave is an excellently good deed. Hassan 2000: 244. African-American and feminist Muslims began to probe slavery in Islam from the 1960s. made waves for her radical opinions on women and other issues. including i n South Africa and Malaysia. I do not change deen [religion].. of African-American background. However. because this is no subject of belief itself. one of her students adopted a more radical line. society structure and 1 2 2 1 2 3 1 2 4 1 2 5 1 2 6 1 2 7 Rahman 1979: 38-9. portraying the Quran as a 'one of the greatest anti-slavery books' and Muhammad as 'one of the greatest abolitionists'. despite citing Ghulam Parwez and 47:4 in the Q u r a n .Developments in the West 217 him to leave. Achieving international fame as Professor of Islamic Thought at the University of Chicago. A n item i n an internet discussion. sums up the popular view: 122 123 124 125 126 127 Prophet Muhammad [. maintained that 'the Qur'an does not state explicitly that slaven. of Pakistani origins and teaching i n the United States. . and the institution might even have provided protection for the weak. it is a subject of politics. Hassan 1995. hence it must be also a very good and valuable deed to liberate all slaves and to prohibit all slaver)'. In an earlier work she stated that the Quran merely fails to command that the institution should be continued. Riffat Hassan. Nevertheless. but she considered that. as far as abolition was concerned. Asserting that no 'intelligent and morally sensitive Muslim' could possibly argue i n favour of slavery today. Rahman exclaimed. citing one Nasiruddin to refute literalists. Wadud asserted that 'no Qur'anic precedent existed for the right of all human beings to live free from slavery'. 'surely the whole tenor of the teaching of the Q u r ' a n is that there should be no slavery at a l l ' . The spirit of the Quran was opposed to slavery. Muslims simply went along with Western decisions. W a d u d 2000: 15. Rahman 1982: 19. both Quran and Hadith clearly exhibited the intention that abolition should be achieved when conditions were propitious. he regarded slavery and the social position of women as examples of 'contingent' legal regulations in scripture. The Prophet could not abolish slavery i n his time. Rippin 1993: 110-11. A m i n a Wadud.is abolished'. Watson 2002.

in terms of geography.jihadwatch. Gradualism may have made anti-slavery ideas more palatable to a wider stratum of Muslims. Conversely. Regional variations need to be probed further. but the roots of his passion remain to be uncovered. or slavery may have been a stumbling-block for particular reasons. class and period.. and the West. and slavery is an injustice. 128 The broad lines of division between radical and gradualist approaches to abolition are easily perceptible. the Islamic William Wilberforce. Gradualist dominance of the debate was probably the rule i n most places and at most times. Sayyid A h m a d Khan. What caused South Asia to assume the lead is hazy. had an ardent commitment to ending slavery. <http://www. but such views denied Islam a pioneering role i n the unfolding of a global idea of social freedom. and we Muslims are ordered by Allah [.org/dM html> . Although distinctive critiques of slavery emerged i n Africa. There is a particular need to establish how the audience of the two camps fluctuated over time. Leaving infidels to determine the timing of abolition also allowed for the theoretical possibility of a return to slavery. the degree of support for each wing is much less evident.. Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida did not contribute as much to the rationalist cause as might have been expected.218 Rationalism Islamic law. their impact o n the heartlands of Islam remains uncertain. The poor showing by Turkey and Iran in the debate probably reflected precocious secularism. but this needs to be demonstrated. hence we must seek to clear our society of injustices. The alManarproject may have been less radical than has been alleged. Southeast Asia. and the implications of this need to be explored. However.] to enforce justice. even if occasionally blurred at the edges.

11 T I M I N G A N D COMPARISONS Since the processes whereby most Muslims have come to recognise slavery as illegitimate have been so diverse. i n a faith which often perceives itself as singled out for persecution by a triumphant West. and the ingrained conservatism of other faiths. However. Islamic minorities refusing to let go of slavery have perhaps been larger. or at least more vocal. 219 . although surprisingly little is known about such strands i n other faiths. In reality. a final challenge is to determine whether these strands can be woven together into a coherent chronological sequence. for whom disagreements over Dalits played much the same role. with the possible exception of Hindus. acceptance of slavery lasted for centuries i n all religions. A t most. a certain reluctance to let go of slavery also stems from a broader salience of traditionalism and literalism. where environmental conditions have impeded the penetration of new ideas. than i n other religions. Every major community of believers was internally divided over the issue. criticisms. and occasional outright condemnations. A t one level. this merely reflects the entrenched position of Islam across the great arid zone of the O l d World. It is intended as a clarion call to stimulate further research on this neglected historical transformation. The dogged refusal by some Muslims to accept the modern consensus about the sinfulness of slavery is not unique. it can be suggested that Islam was quite precocious in questioning servitude. and yet something of a laggard i n embracing abolition. It is customary to draw a distinction between Christian sensitivity to slavery. and yet went hand i n hand with doubts. The synthesis presented here is highly provisional. Timing raises the further issue of comparison with other world religions. The similarities between Islam and other creeds stand out as much as the differences.

A second phase of Islamic unhappiness with slavery emerged from the sixteenth-century i n 'gunpowder empires'. The only unambiguous process of abolition was that enacted by the Druzes i n the eleventh-century. could all be placed in the broad category of opponents of slavery. as reforms emerged mainly in areas where numerous subjects stubbornly refused to convert to Islam. especially as a deeper unease about servitude surfaced here and there. This had no obvious consequences for emancipation among the wider Muslim community. questioning the legitimacy of modes of enslavement. and further research may hold surprises. Many reformers simply concentrated on clipping the wings of elite slaves. and dissected more dispassionately. believing slavery to be a deviation from the path of God. was partly justified by a desire to suppress the slave trade and slavery. hard to explain purely i n terms of social and political tensions. Western diplomatic and military intervention. It is perfectly plausible to argue that this was intended to head off damaging rebellions. and Southeast Asia. royal collaboration with sharia-minded ulama has probably been underestimated. From the 1870s. As the lustre of nationalism fades. The greatest uncertainty concerns the beliefs of slaves themselves. together with moderate literalists and progressive ulama. despite their manifold disagreements. West Africa. usually millenarians i n the Isma'ili tradition. and therefore contributing to the community's weakness. Nevertheless. or even deny them altogether. especially when they imbibed millenarian ideas of justice filling the earth. but sectarian views of slavery remain a somewhat obscure subject. The usual explanation is that such slaves constituted an obstacle to political and military efficiency.220 Timing and Comparisons The course of Islamic abolitionism The first critics of slavery were sectarians. M u c h less research has been undertaken on Muslims who took the opposite tack. radical and gradual rationalists. Some rulers went further. India. this time emanating from enlightened despots and their religious advisers. as in the Balkans. the possible religious wellsprings of these measures need to be scrutinised. examples of strong-armed defence of slavery need to be recognised more openly. it is difficult to tell what audience they had among the bulk of the faithful. More work needs to be done on attitudes to elite slavery in the context of the wider desire to conform with holy law. However. from the late eighteenth-century. In the present state of research. . Writers desiring to portray anti-imperialist leaders as spotless heroes have thus tended to downplay violent Muslim reactions.

humiliate. and mainly informed by the cautious gradualism of A m i r ' A l i . but pinpointing this crucial moment is difficult. Boisard 1985: 4. because it probably exercised the greatest influence on early Islam. The O I C financed a conference on human rights i n Belgrade i n 1980. The Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) emerged in 1969. considering the legitimacy of the institution to be engraved i n God's law. oppress or exploit them'. and no one has the right to enslave. 1 2 3 4 There remains the tricky problem of estimating the size and influence of Muslim groups who refuse to accept the new consensus. the O I C published the 'Cairo Declaration on H u m a n Rights i n Islam'. 124. and rejected the enslavement of prisoners and conquered peoples. writing at the dawn of the third millennium.edu/documents/regionaldocs/Cairo_dec. Reuben Levy is probably overly optimistic i n thinking that victory had been achieved by the 1950s. is vague: 'Muslims of previous generations reached the awareness that slavery is immoral and unlawful.htm> 2 3 4 . as a matter of conscience'. as an association of Muslim governments. co-sponsored by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization ( U N E S C O ) .Judaic approaches to slavery 221 The majority of the faithful eventually accepted abolition as religiously legitimate. for examples of slave holding. Levy 1957: 88-9. when an Islamic accord against slavery triumphed. however. Judaic approaches to slavery Judaism is of special interest among world religions. The authors hedged their bets. Representing 54 countries by 1990. stressing that all human rights were subject to the authority of the sharia.humanrights. The 1960s probably constituted the true watershed. The published proceedings asserted the right to freedom. hastened by secularist agitation. Slavery was as old as the Torah. and belief i n the legitimacy of slavery. and posed few problems as long as outsiders • A b o u E l Fadl 2001:269.harvard. <http://www. Internet web sites defending such views show that this position is no mere archaic remnant i n Islam. Khaled A b o u el-Fadl. 107. Persistent manifestations of bondage in remote deserts could be dismissed as antediluvian relics of scant significance. Article 11a stated that 'human beings are born free. but urban literalists are also calling for the restoration of slavery. abounded in that decade.

.. 20:13-14. further commanded that slaves be freed after seven times seven years. 46:17. together with the cancellation of debts. At best.. you may take these as plunder for yourselves'. declared enslavement to be against God's will. rabbis were uncertain whether uncircumcised gentiles broke purity rules by residing in the household. The austere and pacifist Essenes. 44-5. Jeremiah. Ezekiel. Exodus 21:2-16 allowed the purchase of Hebrew children. taught that 'when the L o r d your G o d delivers [the city] into your hand. also referred to freedom in the year of thejubilee. but commanded the release of males i n the seventh year of their bondage. They probably reflected the ideas of Stoics and other Ancient authors. Deuteronomy. flourishing around the beginning of the C o m m o n Era.222 5 Timing and Comparisons were the victims. 3:6. Although holding Hebrew slaves grated with the founding story of liberation from bondage in Egypt. from them you may buy slaves'. put to the sword all the m e n i n it. Q u e n u m 1993: 16-18. they tightened rules on manumitting Jewish 6 7 5 6 7 Maxwell 1975: 23-5. A t the same time. centred i n Palestine. 93-6. and forbade kidnapping on pain of death. Despite this sectarian ferment. Sects. who opposed Aristotle's views on 'natural slavery'. 61:1-2. Meltzer 1993: I. took this a step further. trumpeted that G o d 'has sent me . the children. to proclaim freedom for the captives' and to 'proclaim the year of the lord's favour [the jubilee]'. Davis 1984: 85. rabbinical Judaism clung to slavery after the destruction of the Jerusalem temple. i n Egypt. Isaiah. Through J o h n the Baptist. but called for the release of female as well as male slaves i n the seventh year. T h e Therapeutae. and what impact this might have on their servile status. As for the women. Leviticus. 39-40. identified disobedience i n releasing Hebrew slaves in the seventh year as causing the wrath of G o d to fall upon his people. 1:6 and 1:9-10. fulminated against the sale of Jewish slaves to Greeks. Leviticus 25:44 further allowed purchases of gentiles: 'Your male and female slaves are to come from the nations around you. condemned the sale of 'whole communities of captives'. 25:10. i n the year of the jubilee. they may have influenced early Christianity. while Amos. The prophetic books criticised slavery. 4:8-22. pronounced slavery to be contrary to nature. whether efforts should be made to convert slaves. Joel. the livestock and everything else i n the city. exceptions were made and safeguards were ignored. Deuteronomy 15:1-18 allowed self-enslavement.

but Jews participated in Atlantic slave trading and slave production. circulated i n abolitionist circles. Paul's letter to Philemon. . has often been taken as the most detailed example of this attitude. Even after legal emancipation i n the United States. T h e teachings of the Gospels generally valued the poor and humble. Although Paul placed slave traders among the wicked in 1 Timothy 1:10.to thirteenth-century Egypt depict slavery as part of everyday life. Davis 1984: 94-101. i n Luke 4:18-19. Schorsch 2000. a minority of Jewish scholars 'continued to insist on the abstract lawfulness of human bondage as an ordinance of God'. the Greek word having the specific connotation of 'prisoners of war'. Jews i n Islamic lands may have been particularly slow to take up the cause. In contrast. 185— 254) approved of the Jewish freeing of slaves i n their seventh year. K o r n (1971-2). even if Matthew 18:25 could be read as accepting enslavement for debt. another model for early Islam. like their Christian compatriots. also accepted slavery. but his views were hotly contested. returning a fugitive slave to his master as a convert. The twelfth-century Maimonides code recognised both Jewish and non-Jewish slaves. 8 9 10 11 Catholicism and servitude Christianity. Jonathan Schorsch. but commanded slaves to obey their masters. and the Genizah records of tenth. proclaiming the year of the jubilee and freedom for 'captives'. Saint Paul exhorted masters to treat slaves kindly. personal communication. written in 1859. Schroeter 1992: 203. the lack of any formal encouragement of manumission contrasted forcefully with Quran and Hadith. It was hard to draw social lessons from the allegorical parables of Jesus. Jesus cited Isaiah 61:1-2 i n the synagogue at Nazareth. The early church fathers took opposing positions. Moses Mielziner's closely argued German dissertation. for all were equal before G o d . Davis 1984: 82-4. 8 9 1 0 1 1 Davis 1984: 88-92. Faber 1998. when some Jews were affected by Western abolitionist fervour.Catholicism and servitude 223 slaves. Origen (c. Early Modern rabbis debated whether it was right to h o l d 'Canaanite' gentiles as slaves. The United States Jewish community split over the issue on broadly North-South lines. 112. The onset of Judaic repudiation of slavery came i n the nineteenthcentury. to keep the community united. but with no specific references to servitude.

clerics breaking their vows of celibacy. . Muslims. Maxwell 1975: 18-19. ' Saint Bonaventure (c. and reiterated Augustine's points about the social utility of slavery and its origins i n sin. a weighty Franciscan contemporary. Heers 1981: 247-61. the fruit of both original and personal sin. Northwestern Cath12 13 14 lr 16 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 Q u e n u m 1993: 41-5. Lengelle 1976: 59. However Augustine recommended manumission. held the view that slavery was contrary to the 'first intention' of nature. servitude accorded with civil law. Q u e n u m 1993: 47-9. The C h u r c h promoted the transformation. Slaves taken i n war were saved from death. outside the sphere of public law. Q u e n u m 1993: 44-51. Davis 1984: 51-60. However. Q u e n u m 1993: 48. 335-94) condemned the ownership of human beings as contrary to divine and natural law. admitted slavery's validity i n civil law and as a punishment for sin. Stark 2003: 290-1. 211. the great Dominican theologian. 1217-74). Catholic slavery thus went i n curiously contradictory directions after the Black Death of the fourteenth-century. and those aiding the infidel. Popes themselves owned slaves. heathens. and profited both slave and owner. but not to its 'second intention'. i n the context of a strong tradition of people marking their conversion to Christianity by freeing their slaves. Heers 2003: 43. Controversy surrounds the role of Catholicism i n the transition from slavery to serfdom.224 Timing and Comparisons Saint Gregory of Nyssa (c. Lengelle 1976: 14. who held that servitude was 'the just sentence of G o d upon the sinner'. H e relegated slavery to the family. 49. Moreover. and there was much contractual freeing after a fixed period. 74-6. H e r n a n d o 2000: 226-43. Meltzer 1993:1. Saint Thomas Aquinas (1225-72). manumission was declared to be a pious act. 329. 211-12. it remained licit to enslave heretics. almost universal i n northwestern Europe by the twelfth-century. Meltzer 1993: I. Canon law anathemised those who encouraged slaves to leave their owners. 207. There was even a certain revival of Catholic slavery from the thirteenth-century. giving the example on its own extensive properties. Jews. and incorporated aspects of the Roman law of servitude. with the revitalised study of Aristotle and Roman law. as did priests and clerical corporations. and yet denounced it as 'infamous' and 'perverting virtue'. rebels against papal authority. especially at the death of an owner. However. 218. Christians listened more to the views of Saint Augustine of H i p p o (354—430). was a guarantee of social order. Lengelle 1976: 14-15. 206. Enslaving fellow Catholics was prohibited i n 992. 47. Meltzer 1993: I.

developing an even more flourishing variety of Catholic slavery. Baron de Montesquieu 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1 2 2 23 2 4 2 5 2 6 Q u e n u m 1993: 127. Davis 2003: 8-9. fell back on Paul and Augustine in the 1680s to justify the monstrous new slavery of the Americas. Northeastern Catholics eliminated the last vestiges of slavery. the CanaryIslands. mysteriously ceased to have the same effect overseas. Stark 2003: 305-7. Hellie 1982: 696. 79. coming from the Black Sea. 168-9. The Holy Office of Inquisition pinpointed a central loophole i n canon law in 1686. from the seventeenth-century. was this Mediterranean slavery restricted. Serious crimes. Only gradually. Rodney Stark strangely fails to realise that this not only allowed the purchase of Africans and Asians taken i n just wars'. Furio 2000. However. Jacques Benigne Bossuet. 82. Q u e n u m 1993: 72.162-4. 147-50. but they were ruthlessly silenced. Renault and Daget 1985: 35. but participated i n the rise of Eastern Europe's repressive 'second serfdom'. culminating i n Paul Ill's three pronouncements i n 1537 on protecting the subjects of Iberian kings. 139-42. 185-6. 98. these texts also mentioned the lights o f ' a l l other peoples'. The eighteenth-century Philosophes are usually portrayed as secularists. 'for the public good'. In passing. V i l a Vilar 1990. Charles de Secondat. 99-126. ruling that the right to freedom applied only to those who 'have harmed no one'. slave descent and the benefits of conversion were further adduced to authorise buying unbelievers. . P r u d ' h o m m e 2002: 76. Pimentel 1995: 239-50. and Animist slaves. with helots from the Americas and Africa. Stark 2003: 333. Bishop of Meaux. but they were mainly Catholics. which entailed freedom i n Europe. L e n g e l l e 1976: 15-16. Indeed. Q u e n u m 1993: 86-90. and Sub-Saharan Africa. Stark 2003: 305-7. Papal bulls sought to end Amerindian bondage from 1435.Catholicism and servitude 225 olics replaced serfdom with wage work. Southwestern Catholics obtained fresh levies of Muslim. tenancy. the same pope authorised the purchase and possession of Muslim slaves i n the Papal States in 1548. 164-8. but even permitted the continuing enslavement of unsubdued Amerindians. who cited Christian texts i n opposing servitude. Prud'homme 2002: 76. Baptism. the soil of France gained the reputation of conferring freedom. It was southwestern Europeans who took over the New World. A number of clerics spoke out against this cynicism. Marques 1999: 71-3. Q u e n u m 1993: 159-60. heretic. and sharecropping. 329-32.

civil law. notably i n the United States. A m o n g later major critics of servitude were two priests. Employed i n Catholic seminaries around the world up to the 1880s. However.226 Timing and Comparisons (1689-1755). to alter his treatise on moral theology. Bishop of Le Mans. who both fell foul of the C h u r c h for their political views. Marques 1999: 263. associated with appalling mortality i n the slave trade. and natural law. V i l a Vilar 1990: 26. that methods of enslavement i n Africa were unjust. Montesquieu 1960: 159-60. and emancipation 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 2 7 2 8 2 9 3 0 3 1 3 2 3 3 Jean Ehrard. 236-40. . condemned the slave trade i n letters to the kings of France and Portugal. but Gregory VI had been head of Propaganda Fide from 1826. The pope's failure to condemn slavery itself pleased pro-slavery Catholics. Q u e n u m 1993: 48. Self-enslavement was acceptable. However. and had gained an insight into how the trade hampered evangelisation. canon law. Q u e n u m 1993: 222-7. which no longer relied on imports of fresh slaves. needing British backing for the return of the Papal States. 249. P r u d ' h o m m e 2002: 75-6. personal communication. Guillaume-Thomas Raynal (1713-96) and H e n r i Gregoire (1750-1831). he put i n the mouths of imaginary Muslim Persian visitors a satirical attack on Christian contradictions between growing freedom i n Europe and spreading servitude i n the Americas. Pope Gregory VPs landmark ruling i n 1839. saw no contradiction between his Catholic faith and his attack o n slavery. Slaves should be treated humanely. first published i n 1834. this textbook followed Aquinas in teaching that owning people was underpinned by scripture. even if converts were automatically freed. Q u e n u m 1993: 190-6. and servitude was preferable to execution after defeat or for a crime. The trauma of the French Revolution made the Church intensely suspicious of liberty. The employment of Muslim slaves i n the Papal States lingered on. It owed something to continuing British pressure. Papal condemnation of the trade did not cause Monseigneur Jean-Baptiste Bouvier. he quickly stifled incipient critiques of slavery i n Swiss and German Catholic circles. in 1814 and 1823 respectively. H e launched his celebrated offensive chiefly on grounds of incompatibility with natural law. His delegates also signed the Congress of Vienna declaration of 1815. was the first public Catholic rejection of the slave trade. 232-6: Stark 2003: 343. Wirz 1984: 187.' In 1721. Pope Pius VII.

which risked intensifying the trade and corrupting clerical morals. . P r u d ' h o m m e 2002: 86-7.Orthodox and Protestant dispositions 227 was the ideal. Cardinal Charles Lavigerie launched his crusade against slavery i n Islam. but only through moral persuasion. P r u d ' h o m m e 2002: 85. Davis 1984: 114. but only by 'inflicting a wound on humanity which was less extensive. However. even if they were free. and Pope Leo XIII addressed an encyclical letter. Maxwell 1975: 14-17. Saint Nilus of southern Italy (d. even if the latter might be rejected i n practice for not conforming to the Church's rules. Lengelle 1976: 54. Both slavery and the slave trade remained legitimate i n theory. In that year. warning of social cataclysm if slaves were to be suddenly emancipated. Alexis de Tocqueville noted acutely in 1831-2 that racism resolved the contradiction between freedom at home and slavery overseas. he called on missionaries to increase the practice of ransoming slaves. Radical French priests of the 1840s denounced inhumane conditions. Inplurimis. 1005). 20. the pope presented no reasoned refutation of traditional Catholic justifications for slavery. Q u e n u m 1993: 240. Brazil became the last Catholic country to end slavery in law. The Catholic turning point of 1888 was not exempt from ambiguity. Catholic objections to Muslim eunuchs were undermined by the Vatican's own employment of castrated singers till 1878. The latter opened with a reference to Luke 4:18-19. Even progressive Catholics remained cautious gradualists. but infinitely harder to heal'. taught that Genesis 9:5-6 allowed for the enslave42 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 4 1 4 2 P r u d ' h o m m e 2002: 77-86. 34 35 36 37 3s 39 40 41 Orthodox and Protestant dispositions The views of Eastern Orthodox Christians have been little studied. rather than the institution itself. Lazzarotto 1982: 46. Croutier 1989: 129. Clarence-Smith forthcoming. Hellie 1993: 293-5. Some abolitionist writings were relegated to the index of prohibited books. to Brazilian bishops. Moreover. and by providing increased protection for them. Byzantine law codes from the sixth to the ninth-century modified the Roman inheritance by stressing the humanity of slaves. and Pope Pius I X referred to the curse of H a m afflicting Africans as late as 1873. with captives interpreted to mean 'slaves' rather than 'prisoners'.

including serfs themselves. A few Russian priests and monks voiced opposition to slavery prior to the transformation of slaves into serfs i n 1723. if illicitly. 'semi-feudal relations' largely replaced slavery. reflected in the thirteenth-century Fetha Nagast code. created by man's selfishness'. seen as 'an evil contrary to nature. condemned buyers of slaves as 'barbarians' during a famous trial i n 1894. 222-4. O l d Believers. However. sold independently from the land. Nolte 2004. were even more hostile. M o o n 2001: 31-2. and servile tribute may have been taken from Balkan Animists. Individual clergymen could own slaves. schismatics with millenarian and mystical inclinations. Seton-Watson 1952: 43. Kazhdan 1985: 218-19.228 Timing and Comparisons ment of fellow Christians who committed murder. From the eleventh-century. Powell 2003: 143. but not clerical organisations. Indeed. Clerics even gave credence to the Curse of H a m . Kazhdan 1985: 215. the Byzantine Church recommended freeing converts. Hellie 1982: 75. 'leading churchmen evinced growing disenchantment with serfdom' because it disrupted family and spiritual life. Symbolically. See Freeze 1989. 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 The Eastern Orthodox church of Egypt appears to have hesitated for a long time before rejecting slavery. The clergy began to murmur against servitude as clerical serfs were being 'secularised' between 1701 and 1764. drew on the biblical story of release from Egyptian bondage. A British official declared in 1881 that not a single indigenous Egyptian Coptic Christian opposed slavery. and as serfs came to be increasingly. 54 55 4 3 4 4 4 5 4 6 4 7 4 8 4 9 5 0 5 1 5 2 5 3 5 4 5 5 Kazhdan 1985: 215. even i f permissible i n law. but his may have been an isolated voice. the Archbishop of Moscow drafted the decree of liberation i n 1861. the paper stood alone i n doing so. as the descendants of Hagar. 225. 41-6. From timidly opposing the abuses of owners. However. Kazhdan 1985: 218-19. 374-5. Cahen 1970: 215-16. K o l c h i n 1987: 38-9. Elbashir 1983: 70. 219. Obdurate Muslims. Baer 1969: 167. Some Russians. Hellie 1982: 73-4. . The allied Ethiopian Ordiodox church adopted Judaic and Byzantine prescriptions of bondage. Hellie 1982: 585-6. but the C h u r c h as such took longer to embrace freedom. al-Fayum. 154. were natural slaves. 140. a Christian newspaper edited by Ibrahim Ramzi.

Their world was largely cleansed of servitude by the 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 6 0 6 1 6 2 6 3 6 4 6 5 Hellie 1993: 294. most Protestants shifted their perception from sin as slavery to slavery as sin. Shamed by Quaker activism. they scoured the Bible. and that all wars were illegitimate. the prohibition on slave trading remained a dead letter. Greenidge 1958: 46. 1855-68). Derrick 1975: 152-4. emerging from the early sixteenth century. an early environmentalist and evangelist of Native Americans. they believed that the 'internal light' ofJesus overrode the letter of scripture.Orthodox and Protestant dispositions 56 229 applied to 'real' Blacks. . Hellie 1993: 292. although a few early Spanish converts condemned the trade. Protestants. were patchily enforced. 115-19. The millenarian and mystical Quakers initiated a radical attack in Pennsylvania i n 1688. Schorsch 2000: 125. They tended to duck the question overseas. Moore-Harell 1999: 409. they merely reaffirmed the unacceptability of slavery o n European soil. Protestant owners avoided the moral dilemma of possessing fellow Christians by delaying baptism till slaves were at death's door. Pierre Jurieu (1637-1713). To back their campaign. The Quakers proclaimed that owning slaves was sinful. banned the slave trade and tried to root out the enslavement of Christians. Punshon 1984: 69. Q u e n u m 1993: 104. 167-8. wrote i n the 1680s that an implicit pact between masters and slaves should govern the treatment of the latter. Repeated by his successors. and preached this new gospel with fervour. T r i m i n g h a m 1965: 118-19. were initially preoccupied with assuring their own uncertain future. However. Valuing works and intuition as much as faith. citing Matthew 25:40. J o h n Woolman (1720-72). an exiled French Calvinist. Renault and Daget 1985: 221-6. Nevertheless. you did for me'. Trusting i n faith rather than works. From this they deduced that 'to enslave a "Negro" was to enslave Christ'. Hellie 1993: 293. Greenidge 1958: 46-7. launched an uncompromising onslaught from the 1750s. Measures against slavery proper. 'whatever you d i d for one of the least of these brothers of mine. Derrick 1975: 152. culminating in a 1942 decree under British military occupation. the Ethiopian church expressed occasional doubts about servitude. and interpreted both Isaiah 61:1-2 and Luke 4:18 as rejecting slavery. a deeply religious monarch. 179-81. 162-4. Renault and Daget 1985: 221. Lengelle 1976: 15. Emperor Tewodros (r. and often believing that only a finite number of humans would be saved. Stark 2003: 340-52.

Caste and slavery overlapped considerably. 4. birth to a bondwoman. Q u e n u m 1993: 206-16. stressed personal devotion to one divine being. Merciful Buddhist precepts may have hastened a transition from slavery to serfdom. but emphasised caste over slavery. a new generation reinvented H i n d u i s m as a reformed world religion. Kusuman 1973: 133-4. or judicial procedures. Ramachandran Nair 1986. Petre-Grenouilleau 2004. Moosvi 2003. Phule 2002: 2-99. but without eliminating servitude. They welcomed followers from all caste backgrounds. slaves came from any caste. and showed compassion for their lot. Chanana 1960. although practice diverged from this norm. although priestly Brahmins tried to have themselves exempted. similar to that of mediaeval western Europe. debt. In Slavery. although a few theologians continued to maintain the legitimacy of servitude. 66 From Hinduism to Confucianism The roots of slavery stretched back to the earliest H i n d u texts. Buddhism inherited slavery from Hinduism. and excluded slaves from becoming monks. 112-13. Chakravarti 1985: 67-8. In practice. while marginalising or rejecting caste. 136-53. It was also believed that no slave should belong to someone from a lower caste. inscribed i n stone his injunctions to cease slave trading and treat slaves decently. The canonical texts mentioned servitude without criticising it. 67 68 69 70 71 72 6 6 6 7 6 8 6 9 7 0 7 1 7 2 Davis 1984: 107-8. 163-5. spreading from the early centuries C E . he praised the Western abolition of 'Negro slavery' but wrote only of caste struggles against Brahmins i n South Asia. Although H i n d u opposition to slavery is seemingly not documented. ch. the archetypal Buddhist ruler. 269-32 B C E ) . 29. Bhakti movements. and thus criticised slavery by implication. sale of self and children. a popular and much reprinted book of 1873. but were far from being identical. See also Chanana 1960. M a b b e t t l 9 9 8 : 27.230 Timing and Comparisons Union's victory i n the American civil war of 1861-5. Ambiguous views of bondage were nicely illustrated by Mahatmajotirao Phule of Maharashtra (182790). and belief in reincarnation led to the interpretation of slavery as retribution for bad deeds i n an earlier life. Servile status originated chiefly from capture i n war. The Buddha forbade his followers from making a living out of dealing i n slaves. . Faced with the British colonial challenge. Ashoka (r. Bongert 1963. K u m a r 1993: 114.

500-1. A wave of servile uprisings prompted noted reforms i n the 1720s. 192. sometimes on monastic estates. a Buddhist revival. 73 74 75 76 77 78 7 3 7 4 7 5 7 6 7 7 7 8 See Turton 1980. the worst offenders were more rarely castrated than in earlier centuries. who were numerous. 1868-1910) indicates that he was sincere in these beliefs. the cornerstone of Confucian ethics. 27-8. Palais 1996: 217-19. commercial and hereditary forms of slavery and serfdom soon became rampant. However. belief in the superiority of free labour. brutalised both owner and chattel. The authorities prohibited raiding. some Korean scholars criticised private slavery as uncanonical and inhumane. H u a n g 1974: 228-31. and officials allocated such people to private individuals. Feeny 1993. and the private correspondence of King Chulalongkorn (r. Wyatt 1982: 175-8. other sages argued that patrimonial property should be protected at all costs. . See Meijer 1980. As Neo-Confucian reform movements spread from the twelfth-century. Feeny 1993: 88-90. Tsai 1996:17-19. Servitude engendered endless lawsuits. Palais 199(5: 232. The initial Thai abolition decree of 1873 was couched i n terms of Buddhist ethics. blended into this wider serf population. self-enslavement. premised on a return to original texts and the exemplary life of the Buddha. Hellie 1993: 299. Forced labour for life persisted as a punishment. Unredeemed debtors. including slaves. Theravada Buddhist kingdoms contained many more serfs than slaves. which initially only sanctioned forced labour for the state. East Asia's Mahayana Buddhism and Daoism were generally subordinate to Confucianism. 235. and the sale of children i n cases of dire necessity. Rowe 2002: 497-8. and royal strategies to restrict noble powers. Tenner 1998: 71-2. but these 'state slaves' could be neither transferred nor manumitted without official permission. also played a part. 232-7. private. together with rising population. However. Western imperialism was significant. for slaves are 'still Heaven's people'. M i n g and Q i n g Chinese rulers cited Neo-Confucian norms to improve the lot of'mean people'. However. and trading i n people.From Hinduism to Confucianism 231 Restricted to Sri Lanka and Mainland Southeast Asia by the thirteenth-century. 188.Jenner 1998: 70-1. kidnapping. Serfdom. debt bondage and corvee labour were abolished i n stages i n the Theravada Buddhist world from the nineteenthcentury. The main goal of frequent military campaigns was to seize people and settle them as whole communities attached to the soil. and undermined the family. commercialisation of the economy. Moreover. slavery. inflicted on captives and criminals. while tolerating servitude by birth.

H a n e 2 0 0 3 : 208. more or less complete by the tenth-century. Livingston 1976: I. The sale of girls. A Japanese-sponsored cabinet' then imposed complete emancipation on Korea i n 1894. provoked an international scandal from the mid-nineteenthcentury. Palais 1996: 266. although descendants of former captives might still be traded. and destitute parents continued to sell their children into bondage. and again by the Communists after 1949. Jenner 1998: 72. 7 80 81 82 83 84 85 80 79 8 0 8 1 8 2 8 3 8 4 8 5 8 6 S a n s o m 1978: 220-2. -' Prisoners of war ceased to be legally enslaved from the early seventeenth-century. In the 1980s and 1990s it was necessary to 'make propaganda to persuade rural people that buying women and children is wrong' . in response to Western pressure. Watson 1980: 240. The Qing thus took the ultimate step of abolishing slavery i n 1906. and Mahayana Buddhism may have played a greater role i n the transition from slavery to serfdom. passed a law forbidding all buying and selling of females i n 1872. The modernising Meiji regime. Even the latter found it hard to stamp out sales of abducted women and children. faced with an upsurge in exports of girls to Southeast Asian brothels after 1868.232 Timing and Comparisons Confucianism was weaker in Japan. Chinese abolition became more secular i n tone. Hellie 1993: 293. 11-12. Lasker 1950: 52-3. Serfs i n turn slowly evolved into a free peasantry in early modern times. to take effect i n 1910. however. . The prohibition was repeated by the Republicans after they took power i n 1911. in part for export to Southeast Asia.

prepared to row against the current by denouncing evils that those of their own persuasion accepted. Replacing partisan diatribes by sober and self-critical assessments is a priority. However. there is a need for a better understanding of why adherents of different belief systems accepted slavery for so long. Every world faith has condoned some version of servitude in its time. and why and how they ceased to do so. 233 . Serious scholarship is often the first casualty of the heated exchanges that sizzle along the internet. To achieve the eradication of slavery throughout the world and avoid the danger of its resurgence. to the surprise of many scholars. there were always courageous people. Above all. which could do much to heal current rifts between religious communities. including the atheistic creed of Communism. filtering into a varied range of publications. Re-emerging i n the late twentieth-century. 1 ' J o m i e r 1988: 102. Participants i n such controversies rarely heed Jacques Jomier's wise words that no religion is i n a position to cast the first stone i n the matter of slavery. because the subject has generated so much vulgar polemic.ENVOI Deeper studies of religious attitudes towards servitude and abolition are urgently needed. people of all beliefs should begin by uniting i n humble apology for the pain and sorrow inflicted on generations of coerced and humiliated human beings. these tensions threaten to tear our world apart.

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136 Ahmad Hasan 190 Ahmad Khan Bahador.Nabitan 211 Abdallahi dan Fodio 153 'Abdal-Salim b. 208. Sultan 107. 150 agriculture 3-4. 78. 170. 66. Muhammad 203-5. 60. Shah 94 Abbasid dynasty 6. 187 Africa (general) 8. 204. 102 Adamawa 127. 162. 62. 45. 115. Musa. 95 'Abduh. Khedive 111 Abbas I. Leila 57 Ahmed. Khaled 221 abrogation. Jasus. Islamic 25. 6. Fadel 192-3 'Abdallah (Fatmid Mahdi) 57 Abdallah b. 94-5 Ahmad al-Sharif. 56.INDEX Abbas I. Sir Sayyid 196-7. 193 Ahmad al-Mansur. see Rabi'a alAfdawiyya Aden Protectorate 117-18 adoption 35-6 Adriatic Sea 58 Adrar 127 Afghanistan 14. 74. Sultan 105-6 Abdun Noor 202 abolition of slavery.162 'Abd al-Rahman. 40. 213 Abu Bakr. 130 Abdullah. Sultan 33. 192. Emir of Bukhara 119 A b d al-Hayy 135 'Abd al-Qadir b. 63. Brig. 82. Muhyi al-Din 1601. see also names of countries and regions Afroz. 105. Ba 103 Ahmad Baiggg. 212 Ahmadiyya (Sufi order) 174 Ahmadu Lobo 154 Ahmed. Caliph 25 Abu Bakr. 56. 174 Ahl-i-Hadis 180. 166-7 Achmat van Bengalen (South Africa) 149 Adam (Prophet and first man) 11. Mirza Wali 172 Ahmad Bey 100-1. 210. 93.seellham Baba Abdtilhamit II. 156 Adawiyya. 218 Ahmadiyya sect 170-3. Sultana 148 Aga Khans 132. 210. Sanusi leader 162-3 Ahmad b. 23. Shaykh 159 277 . see emancipation Abou el-Fad]. 211. Munshi 211 Abdiilmecitl. 72. 89 A b d al-Ahad. Sultan of Morocco 102-3 'Abd al-Rahman III (Caliph) 89 'Abd al-Rahman Khan 115 'Abdallah Al-Nadim 113 Abdallah. 207. Rabi'a al-. 218 'Abdu'l Baha 170 Abdul Karim (India) 172 Abdul Vehabb . Nazir 199 'A'isha (wife of the Peophet) 34 Aji Hasan. 12. 30-1. 177. Salim 125 Aceh 15. Ethiopian slave 40 Abu Ghraib prison (Iraq) 191 Abu Bakr Malam (Brazil) 149 Abushiri b. 76. 192. 73. 144-7. 10-11. Shah 93 Abbas II. 196-7. 107.

Abi Talib. St 224 Austen. Ahmad al. 138.64 'Ashari. Abu al-Hasan 'Ali b. Sayyid Imdad 'Ali 135 Alas people 73 Alauddin Khalji. 94. 39. 160-1. Turkey 7. 229 Amin. 224-7. 221 'Amiri.68 Ankara 68 Ansari. Ghadahum (Tunisia) 163 'Ali b. Abu YusufYa'qub b. Isma'il al. 72. Emperor 76. Haji Mirza 169 Aqqad. Caliph 87 Amin. 38. 229-30 Amerindians 225.54 Ashoka 230 'Asir 181 'Askari. Fatma 209-10 Allahabadd 201 'Allami. see Amir 'Ali. Emperor 53.278 Index Anbabi. Nizam al-Din 52 Awrangzib. 136-7. 216. 140. 172 Arqut. Tahajaber 193 Amanullah Khan 115 Americas. 92 Averroes. al-95. 62. 68. 51. St Thomas 224. 163 Azhar. 136 Antioch 33 apostasy 42-3. Moiz 202 Amsterdam 30 Anatolia.141. 148-9. 55. al-112 Aquinas. 94. 216 Arifi Bey 108 Aristotie 54. 68. 222. Ralph 12 Austria 10. Sayyid 'Ali b. see 'Urabi Pasha 'Arafat. Qasim al-132 Anti-Slavery Society 18. 92„161. 91 ayatollahs 191 Azerbaijan and Azeri 43. Abul Fazl 53 Almohads 62 'Alwani. 65 Atlas Mountains 82 Auckland. 'Abdallah b. Abu'l Hasan Muhammad al-54 Amjad. 99100. 90-1 Akbarabadi. 215. 67. Maulana Sa'id Ahmad 135 Akbarabadi. 69 . 133. 113. Sayyid Muhammad 135. 10. 33. 39. al-. Muhammad 63-4 'Ali b. Nasir al-Din al. 199-201. Sultan 14 'Alawi. 139.193 Albania 37-8. Qasim 207 Amir 'Ali. Ahmad b. 226 Arabi Pasha. 103. Sayyid 57. 164. 60. 13. Lord 120 Augustine. slavery in 2. 162. Yusuf 133 Athens 37. 99-100 'Ali. Tcherno 159 Aliye. 106. 193 Alcidamas 54 Alexander the Great 54 Algeria 1. Sa'id. 213. see Ibn Rushd Avicenna. Muhammad al. 168 Algiers 29-30. Sidi Abdallah wuld al-Hajj Ibrahim al. 214 Aqasi. 223. 109. see Ibn Sina Awad. 71. 65. 65 Astrakhan 9 Asyut 47 Atfayyish. 61 'Ali b. 82.26 Alawites see Nusayri sect Albani. see also Ottoman empire. Muhammad b.118. 76. 69. 28. Caliph 27. Sayyid Amir. W. Ibrahim 27 'Ansi. 'Abbas Ibrahim Muhammad 213-14 'Ali Muhammad (Bab) 170 'Ali. 207. 224 Armenians 13-14. 141 Azraki sect 61 Akbar. Sultan of Zanzibar 124 Aliou. Dr Muhammad 118 Awadh (Oudh) 91 Awliya. 212. 197 Askia Muhammad I 95-6 assassins 58. 171.

216 Bektashiyya 163 Bello. 116. 42-3. 105. 116-17 Bafa (Bahia) 149 Baidya caste 47 Bali 9. 139. Sayyid Ahmad 165 Barghash. 154. 228 Balkh 33 Baluchistan. Hasan al. 31. 175 Bashibozuks 105 Bashir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad. Ahmad al-Takruri) 31.50 Basyir.S. 210-11 Bilal b. 182 Bamba Mbacke. 67. 224 Black Sea 9. 163. 168. 169 Bossuet. Baluchis 116. 32. 227 Brett. Shaykh (Tunisia) 136 Bedouins 57. Etienne 16 Bhakti movements 230 Bhopal 180-1 Bigi. 81. Battle of 26. Ahmad 174 Bangladesh 201-2 Banna. 152 Berlin Congress (1885) 107 Berlioux. 64. 102. 197. see mutilation Brazil 149. Sultan of Zanzibar 124 Barwani. 155 Bello. 70-1. 41. 140 Bedreddin 52 Beirut 133. Sir Ahmadu 127 Benadir. 45. 101 Badr. Ahmad (Ahmad b. 198. 79-80. seeMusta'li Isma'ili Boisard. Ziya-ud-Din 89 Barawi. Shaykh Uways b. Muhammad 153. Mirza 171 Basra 50. 159-60. 172. 75. 168 Bagirmi 44 Baha' al-Din 59 Bahadli. MusaJarullah 169. Shaykh 'Abd al-Sattar al191 Baha'i 170 Baha'u'llah 170 Bahr al-Ghazal 112 Bahrayn 57. 8.40 Bagamoyo 175 Baghdad 81. see 'Ali Muhammad Baba. Habib 104 Bouvier. 44. 225 Blunt. 36. 69. 156-7. 184 Banten 78. 113 Bosnia 37. Ali) 148 Birmingham. 167. 72. 69. W.82. 157 Bengal 14. England 192 Biskra 160 Bissau 126 Bitlisi. 47. 191 Basri.Jean-Baptiste 226-7 Bradford. 208. St 224 Bone 96 Borgu 36 Borku 162 Borneo 15. England 192 branding.99. 199 Benghazi 162 Berber people 63. Sultan 36 279 Bayram. 94 Barelwi. Muhammad b. Michael 64 Britain: 29. Marcel 216 Bonaventure. Khalfan al.113. 'Abdallah 175 Bab. 166 Borno 45. 28-9. 166 Batavia (Jakarta) 122.81. 204 Bohra. Idris 39 Black Death 7. Muhammad al-168 Barbary States 4. . 119. 68. 69.Index Ba Kathir. 165.(Rumaliza) 157. 121. 80 Barakutullah 198 Barani. Ahmad Azhar 213 Batak people 30. Societa del 125. 44 Balkans 37-8. 134. 142 Bayezit I. Rabah 174 Bilali (Muhammad b. 102. Habib 208 Bourguiba. 15. 113. 81. 13. 71. 76. 66. 53. 89. Jacques 225 Boulares. Hasan al.177.

227. 182 Brohi. 222. 9. 85. 83.213 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam (1990)_ 221 Calcutta 120. 170. 801. see Qarmati caste 14. 161.280 Index Chad. 191. 180. 125. 98. 35-6. Ahmad al28 Bulaqi. 162. Azerbaijan. 33 Christianity. 111. 181. 209 circumcision: female 81. Khalifa 28 Chechens 30. 41. 36-9. 172. king of Thailand 231 Circassians 10. 86. 53. 197. and abolition of slave trade and slaver). 93. 113. 13. 78. Vicomte de 16 Chater. 219. 38. Shaykh 40 Bursa 68 Buyid dynasty 56 Byzantine empire 82. 91. 231. 232 Chiragh 'Ali 197 Chishtiyya 52. 186. 211. 113 Chagatai khanate 8 Chamba 82 Chateaubriand. 114. 163. 230-2 Bukhara 14. 92. 28-9. 119 Bukhari. 109. 188. 94. Shaykh Muhammad Ahmad al-139 Bulgaria 51. 63. 93. 134-5. 70. 222 Clarke. 134-5. 126. 228 Cochin 30 Coelho. 74-5. 59. 67. 80. 171. 82.205.206. Charles 121 Brunschvig. 105 'Burhanuddin 'Ali. 45. 33. see Sri Lanka . 164-5. 119-21. 117-18. 119. 47. 199-201. male 37. 41 Cote d'lvoire 156. 231. 55. 35. 195. 36. 142. Circassians. 162 Comoros 147. Christians 12-13. 58. 159. Agostinho 126 Communism 185. Georgia Ceylon. 112. see also eunuchs Catholic Church 52. 123-5. 34. 175 concubines 3. Allan 136 Christian renegades 29. 30. 224. 67. 232. 1 54. 74. 102. 27. 71. 157. 190 cotton 10 Crete 105 . 106-7. 43. 116. 57. 190. 163. 76. 89-90. 69. 145. 214. 69. 207. 63. 73. 198 Caliphate 26. 143. 107. 70. 101. 128. 142. 227-8 Cairo 43. 130. 65. 204. 141. Lake 45. 175 Constitution of Medina 26 Corsairs 4. 212. 115. 118-19. 209 Confucianism 231-2 Congo 45. Chad 126. 133. 85. 200. 196. 93-4. 8. see also socialism 179. 13. 105. 45-6. 82. 224-7 Caucasus 8. 223-30 Chulalongkorn. 71. 88. Allahbukhsh 192 Brooke. 29. 103. 85. 110. 99-100. 30. Robert 18 Brussels Act (1890) 107. 198. 111. 124 Bu Ma'za 160 Bu Zivan 160 Buddhism 7. 112. 165 Christelow. 132. see also Armenians. 106.Daghestan. 211. 86. 163-4 China 7. 14-15. Chechens. 115.18. 87. see also names of Caliphs Cameroon 127 Cannanore 30 Carmatians. 158. 230 castration 3. 45. 45. 41. 215. 13-14. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. 179. 99 Corsica 6 Cossacks 9. 76.202. Peter 154 classical Greece and Rome 54. 8. 32. 71. 192. 109. 112.

160-1. vue musulman 206 Essene sect 222 Ethiopia 8. 181-4. 193. 221. 143. 93. 71. 223. 164 Dahlan. 223. 4 Cyprus 91-2 Cyrenaica 161-3 Daghestan 163. 157. 161 Foundlings 36 France 1. 99-102. 168. 156. 158. 83-4. 168. Ahmad 143 Dali (Tali) 165 Damascus 160. 127. 110. 123-6. 213. 193 Daoism 231 Dar al-Kuti 113 Daral-Tali'a208 Dar Sila 44. 132-4. see alsoHam. 109 Eritrea 107. 174. 88. 80. 40. 145. 58. 33. Abu al-Nasr Muhammad al54 Farangii Mahall 135 Farisi. aboli- . 71. Mansour 207 Farabi. 13. 232 Epirus 37-8. 125. 62. 6. 206. 225-6 freeing of slaves. 137. race eunuchs 3. 152-3 Futajalon 11. 75. 78. 167-8. 144. 230. 66. 165 Deobandi school 135 devshirme 15. 41. 79. 204-5. 174 Frere. Lord 113 customs. 47. 180. Nasir al-Din al-152 debt bondage 33. ch. 100-2.. 108. 120-1. 227. 106 Egypt: 4. 87. 149. 32. 174-5 East India Company 119-20. 18. 50. curse of. 81. 34-5. 68. see emancipation. 87. 123 Daymami. 144-7. 59. 79. 126-7. 229. Salman al. 126 Darfur 111.80. 18. 31. 153-4.Index crime and slavery. 145. 134. 10. 113. Y. 36-9. 59-60. 196. 203. daughter of the Prophet 55 Fatimid dynasty 57-9 Fetha Negast law code 228 Fez 95. 183. 80. 138-9. 43. 158. 210 Crimean War 105 Cromer. Sir Bartle 18. see also castration Fahmy. 139. 9. 132 Fulani/Fulbe people 11. 12. 218. 220 Du Wenxiu (Yunnan) 165 Duff Gordon. 179. 46-7. 222. 45. 228-9 ethnicity 33. 159-60. 45. 182. 132-3. 202-5 emancipation 67-9. 227-8 Ebu's Su'ud (Abu al-Su'ud) 39. 189. 155. 76-8. 67. 206-7. 1467. 64. 44. 134-5 Eastern churches 47. 70-2. 77.61 Fascism 125. 85. 94-5. 76. 81-3. 10. 92 281 tion measures 110-14. George W. 119. 228. 148. 202 Davis. 125 L'esdavage au point de. 666. 92 Edirne 68. 65. Lady 112 East Africa 30-31. injudicial condemnation to slavery Crimea 9. 127. 90. 156. 180. 147. manumission French West Africa 5. 163. 148. 13 Crimean Tatars 4. 159 Dhofar 80 Dilawar Husayn 197 Dongola32 Druze sect (Muwahhidun) 20. customary law ch. 32. Garrett 17 Delhi 52. 159. 103. 227. 71. 159. 163. 24. 230-1 Dejong. 1 Erdem. Hakan 38. 195 Fatawa Alamgiri 76 Fatima. 112. 145. 136-7. 150.

26. Henri 226 Gregory of Nyssa. 180. Yusuf 53 Gambia 10 Gansu (Kansu) 36. 96. 168 Ghannushi. al. 77. 136 Gulf. 52. Georgians (Caucasus) 13. 229 Hodgson. 92. 149. Abu Dharr al. 33. Sultan of Zanzibar 124 Hamidullah. Muhammad. Lucy 17 Gaspirali.107. 144. 91. al-. 169 Hakim. 42. 169 Golden Horde 7 Gordon. 171. 57. 165. al. 191 Hamit. Ismail 210 Gayo people 73 Georgia. Riffat 199. 194 Haeri. 168. 132. 42. Albert 100 Gujarat 36. St 224 Gregory VI. 219. 122 Ham. 227. 211 Hadith 4. 35-6. 228-9 Hamahu'llah b.50 Ghulam Ahmad. 40. al-Tahir al. 83. 73. Murray 18 Greece. 71. 15. 141. 82. see Kamara. 155 Futi. 39. 88.52 Harun al-Rashid. 181. Mirza 170-1 Gokalp.207 Hadhramaut 40. 123. 187. Thomas 16 Hui people 14-15. Rashid al. 179 Habibullah Khan 115 Haddad. 50. Muhammad 189. 19-21. 215 Haqa'iq. Gulf states 116-17. 148. 158. Ziya 109. Caliph 59 . 45. 143. 153.109. ch. 108.282 Index Halmahera 32. 164-5 Hungary 215. Shaykh Ahmad 168 Hamawiyya 168 Hamid b. 202. 119-20. 140. Marshall 7. Greeks 37-8. 105. 94.57 Hasan II (Iranian Assassins) 59 Hasnaoui. Muhammad. 182 Hindi. 130. Hilal al-180 Harrali. 91. 140. 44. 146. 106. 102. 58. Yusuf b. 112 Hariq. al.136. Shaykh Fadhlalla 131 Hagar 24. Salim b.186 Ghardaya 62 Ghazali. 34. 217 Hausa people 31. 142. 41. Caliph 27. 65. 76. 107. 228 hagiography 51. Pope 226 Grevy. 44. Musa Gada. 128 harems 3. 108. 125. Ahmad al-. 14. Sir Arthur 124. Abu Hamid Muhammad al-51 Ghaznavid dynasty 14 Ghiffari. 40. 157. 154. 164 Garnett. 222. Shaykh Musa b. 152. 2. 87. Curse of 72. Milouda Charouiti 208 Hassan. see also Austria Hunwick. 180 Hazara people 78 Hidaya law code 23. 32. see also classical Greece and Rome Gregoire. 177. 120-1. 136 Hanbali school 20. 'Abd al-Qadir bi-152 Hammurabi code 67 Hanafi school 20. 89. Ahmad al-168 Hindiyya 168-9 Hindus 9. 69. 136. 135. seeRoxelana Humyet 209 FutaToro 144. John 17 Hurrem. 108.20 homosexuality 82. Abdulhak 209 Hammadi. 27. 134 Hijaz 52. 67. 190. 93. 30. 177-8. 164 Georgia (USA) 148 Germany 99. 89 Hasa. 180 Hubbu movement 155 Hughes.141 Hardinge. 45. 77. 40.

65. 56 Jahangir.81. 216 Ibn Battuta 5. Emperor 91 Jahiz. 82. Musta'iili Isma'ili Isma'iliyya (Sufi order) 168-9 Istanbul 4. 83. 9. 104. 169. Prophet) 49. 30. Iberian peninsula 7. 193. Sayyid Salih b. 102. 193. 77 'Isa (Jesus. 211 89. 66. Muhammad 201 Iran (Persia) 8. 87. 27 Ibn Rushd (Averroes) 54 Ibn Saud. 87. see also Andalusia. 93-4. Khedive 112-13 Isma'ili Islam 58-9. Bahr al. 'Abdallah al-161 Hyderabad 189. 2 and (modern rethinking) ch. 'Amr b. 211-13. 29. 35. 130. 14. 60. Sultan 95 Isma'il. 225 Iqbal. 93. 72 Ibn Taymiyya. 187-9. Muhammad Jumat 173 Imams (Shi'a) 55-6 Inalcik. 85. Patriarch) 24 Ibrahim Pasha. 63. 165. 56. 179 Husayn. 72. 10. 169. 191.94 Ijebu 173 Ilham Baba (Shaykh 'Abdul Vehhab b. 216 Islamic Research Institute (Pakistan) 216 Islamic Secretariat 191 Islamic teaching on slavery passim. 62. 196 Indian Mutiny 120. 159. 33 Ibrahim (Abraham. 182. 'Abd al-Rahman al. 158 Inquisition. Holy Office of 29. 170 Ibn Hisham 20 Islamic Council of Europe 191 Ibn Ishaq 20 Ibn Siraj 26 Ibn Khaldun 72 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya 24. 197 283 32. 123. 132. Imam 55. ch.Index Husayn. 36. 71. 42. 133-4. Mawlay. 63. 190-1. 80. PortuIranun people 30 gal. 73. 47. 31 Islamic Quarterly 191. 130.96. Abdul Vehhab) 169 'Illaysh. abolition measures 119-21. Ahmad 161 Imam. 62. see also Nizari Isma'ili. 54. 162-3 Jabarti. Taha 185. 39. Khedive 111 Iceland 8. 119. 79. 40. especially 16-19. 80. 57. 74. 'Alawi (Habib Saleh) 174-5 . 43. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. abolition measures 121-2 infibulation 81. 29. 150. 'Abd al-Rahman al-181 Ibn Sina (Avicenna) 54. 44. 70. Muhammad b. 172-3. 81. Halil 38 India: 5. 86. 11. 'Abd al-Hadi b. Ibn al-'Arabi 52 130. 190. 9091. 8. 165 Indian Ocean 8-9. 34. 54. 71. 116. 142-3. Ibn Harita tribe 34 160. 80. 170. 51. 91. 24. 70. 7 Isma'il 24 Isma'il. Spain Portugal Iraq 3. 159. 141. 180. 209 Italy 6. 178. 7. 156-7. 56. Taqi al-Din Ahmad 27. 19-11. 10.45 Jadid movement 210-11 Ja'far al-Sadiq. Imam 55. 5. Shah 56 Isma'il Pasha. 147. 123 Indonesia: 9. 77. 52. 63-4. 56. 115-16. Ibadi sect 61-2. 11. 14. 166-7. 207 Husayn Pasha (Tunisia) 102 Husayni. 196-201.53 Jahriyya 164 Jamaat-i Island 194 Jamaica 148 Jamal al-Layl. 125. see Sa'ud. 78. 15-16. 225. 102. 75. 179 108. 173.128. 61. 93.

Treaty of 181 jihad 25-31. Mecca 191 Kirmani. 92. 95. 232 Jarimi.130. 232 Jamal.57 Japan 15. 50. 34. 172. Sayyid Ahmad. al. 42. Jacques 233 Jonnart. 27. 203 Kharusi. 143. 188-9.153-4 Jefferson. 'Ali b. 'Abd al-Rahman al. 211. Khamis al-179 Khatmiyya 168-9 Khayr al-Din 102 Khiva 14. see Borneo Kalmyk (Oyrat) people 8.58 Kisangani (Stanley Falls) 126 Kitchener. 36. Muhammad al. Shaykh Husayn al. Hamdan b. Hamid al-Din al. 108 Kordofan 110. 137. 191 Jidda. Shaykh 43 Jambi 44 Jamiat al-Ulama (India) 135 Jang. Sir Sayyid Khariji Islam 61-2. 212 Jawa'ib. Pierre 229 Ka'ba shrine 24. 163 Jannabi. 119 Khoja. seeNizari Isma'ili Khoja.209 Jawdhar 58 Jawnpuri. 43. 71.63 Jawzi. Ahmad al-Futi) 144. 113.284 Index Kamara. 9 Kamal-ud-Din. 181. Ayatollah Ruhollah 190-91 Khoqand 45 Kifayatullah. Mustafa 104. Charles 100 Jordan 116 judicial condemnation to slavery 78-9 Juhe. Khawaja 172 . Ibrahim al-144 Java 9. 197 Karbala 131. 174 Khadduri.4 Jaylani. 57 Kafiristan 115 Kake. 162-7. 115. Ibrahima 214 Kalimantan. 184. Muhammad al. Thomas 2 Jenne 148 Jerba 102 Jerrahiyya 163 Jesus. 'Uthman 1 Khomeini.205 Kazakh people 14. 76. 47. 103. 70. 56. 145. 158. Msellum al133 Khalifa ('Abdallah al-Ta'a'ishi) of Sudan 158 Khalil. 149 Kanpur 135. Shaykh 'Ali b. 29. Sayyid Muhammad 135 King Abdul Aziz University. Muhammad 215 Khalwatiyya 163.28. Majid 216 Khadija. 65 Khartoum 146. 15. 173. Lord 114 Knights of St John 29. 170 Kawakibi. 151-7. Muhammad al. Abu Sa'id al. Mahmadu 155 Jurjani. 10910. 168 Korea 231. 92. 79 Jisr. al. see 'Isa Jews. Muhammad al-Sanusi b. 'Abdallah Khan Firuz 91 Janissaries 36-9. 171. 205 Jomier. 51 Jurrieu. 128 Kenya 146. see Ahmad Khan Bahador. Musa (Shaykh Musa b. 143. Judaism 24. Abu Nabhan Ja'id b. 166 Khan. 169 Kanem 45 Kano 127. Abu al-Faraj b. 203 Jimma 10. 94. 190. 99 Konya 51. 221 Jidda 108. 66 Kazan 9 Kemal Ataturk. 179 Kashmir 45. 80. 43-4. 166. wife of the Prophet 46 Khalassi. 63. 67.

31. Muhammad b. Charles 17. 15. 17 Lucknow83. Ahmad) 157-8. Reuben 221 Lewis. Pope 227 Leopold II. Subhi 207 Mahmud. Haj 103 Libya 4. 157-61. see North Africa Magjndanao sultanate 122 Mahdawiyya (Mahdist movement) 63 Mahdi of Sudan (Muhammad b. A.32. 216 Louisiana 148 Lovejoy. 208 La' Ma'daremmeng 96 Lahij 118 Lahore 171. 104. Paul 12. Sayyid 'Abd al-Rahman al159 Mahdism 49. 44. 'Abdallah Hasan. 227 Laye. 56. 110. 78 Ma' al-'Aynayn . 175 Lane. 65. Ahmad al-141 Mahmasani. 212 Lampung districts 30. 99 Maluku.96. 9 Lithuania 8 Livorbo (Leghorn) 29 Lombok 166 London 29. 173. 39. 123 Manichaeans 36 Manila 15 Manning. 45. 62-3. Richard 148 Madras (Chennai) 120. Muhammad al. 205 Leitner. 137. 182 Lebanon 130. 206. 57-8. King of the Belgians 126 Levy. 75 Kuwayt 117.121. 175 Malaya/Malaysia.167 Kurds 43. 30. 'Abd alKarim al. Ahmad Syafi 213 McMurdo. Bernard 16 Liazid b. 77. al-205. 176 Mahmasani. 161 Malta 29. 202 Lahori Ahmadiyya 171-3. Shaykh 126 Ma Ba 154-5 Maarif. 101. 31. 168 Mahdi. Lord 127 Luwaran code 75. 161-2 literalist interpretation of Islamic scriptures ch. 78.211 Maldive islands 77 Mali 31 Maliki school 20. 110 Manar. 165-6. 26. 218 Mande peoples 148. 135 Madura 122 Maghili. 96. 151. 59. 114 285 'Mad Mullah'. 118. Datu 10. 155. Lake 46. Malays 3. 43.167.39. see Muhammad b. 143 Larau 146.81. 76. 95 Maghreb. Patrick 12 . 170. 211. Sayyid Madagascar 132. 81. 104. 153.Index Kosovo 75 Kunta Haji 164 Kunti. Sayyid (India) 201 Mahmud II. 93. 196. 115. 105.167 Kunti. 73. 159. 149 Makua people 147 Malabar coast 30 Malawi. 136. 168 Madden. 132. 191. Seydina Mouhamoudou Limamou 173 League of Nations 11. 135 Lugard. 108. Ahmad al-Bakka'i al. Sidi Mukhtar al. 62. Sultan 104 Mahommedan ILaw 199 Maimonides 223 Makassar 32.M. 148. 156 Mandi. 77. Edward 139 Lavigerie. see Moluccas Mamluks 35. 87. 42. 104.(Sanusi leader) 162 Mahdi.215. Gottlieb 215 Leo XIII. 140.

16-21. 47. 25. Yusufu 175 Mu'awiya. 165. Alfa and Musa 155 Moluccas 32. 62-3. 78. Fernando 216 Montesquieu. 35 Maranao people 77. M. Muhammad 212 Mkumba. Mawlana Sayyid Abul Al'a 177. 63. 127. 88. 178. 94-5. 67-70. 40. 143 Morocco 5. Baron de 225-6 Moresby Treaty and Line 123 Moro people 15. 214 Mediterranean Basin and Sea 6. Pasha of Egypt 45. 204. 187-9. 194 Mawlawiyya (Mevlevi) 51. Suzanne 17 military slavery 3. 169 Al-Mawrid Institute of Islamic Sciences 202 Mecca 23. Bawa 170 Muhammad. 197. 213. 35. 138. 185. 'Uthman al-168 Mirpuri. 26. 225 Melaka (Malacca) 76 Mernissi. 164. 146. 168. see Mawdudi Mauritania 26. 172. Prophet 5. 86-8. 144. 123. 232 Mirghani. 126. 31. 158. 143 Ming dynasty 8. 'Ali 203 Muding. 143. 70. ch. 145-6. 90-1. 12. 125-6. 61. 191 Medina 23. 122 Mombasa 146 Mongols 7. 198. 217. 108. Emir Samba 148 Mogadishu (Muqdisho) 1-2 Mohammedan Social Reformer 196 Molo. Fransis 203 Maratha state 9 Margoliouth. 79. Sayyid Muhammad b. Abu 'Abdallah b. 87. 158 Manyema 45. 55. Caliph 33. 77. 216 Mtumwa binti 'Ali b. 224 Manumission Bureau (Egypt) 112. 8. 147. 102-3. 88. Moses 223 Miers. 76. 9. 180. 161. 28. Mary the Copt 198 Masina 154. 144. 28-30. 169. 193. see also Kalmyk people Monteiro. 34. 174. 142-3. Mawlana Mahmud Ahmad 192 Misbach.286 Index manumission 6. 228 Moses. 103. 172. 119. 'Abd al-Wahhab 178 Muhammad 'Ali . 50. 122-3. 82. 174 Mawdudi. see public interest Masqat 134 Masruq. 64. 167 Maslaha: . 78. 200 Mubarak. 126 Mapila people 30. 57. 163. 182. 124. Ahmet 107. 165 Muhaiyaddeen. 149.R. 180 Minangkabau people 166 Mindanao 30. 41. 158. 79. 11. 189. 209 Mielziner. 33. 137. 138. 70. 94-5. 74.9.30. 104. 59. 34. Imam (South Africa) 149 Mughal dynasty 8. 70. 39. 181. al. 2. 99-100. 49. 51 Massawa 106 Maududi. 119. 85. 111.143 Marrash. 200 Muhammad II (Iranian Assassins) 59 Muhammad III (Morocco) 95 Muhammad b. 40. 216 Mozambique 45. 186. 167. 110-11 Muhammad Ali (of Lahori Ahmadiyya) 171-2 Muhammad al-Saddiq Bey 102 Muhammad Bey 101 . 144. 139. 180. 88. 208 Moscow 8. 100-1. 83. 197. 155. David 16 Marseilles 29-30 Marwazi. 24. 177-8. Fatima 208 Midhat Pasha. 110. 30. 55-6. 156. 152. we Musa Mossi people 96 Mosul 75. 82.

41. 54. Lake O'Callaghan. Yusuf b.214-15. 62. khan of Bykhara 67 Nadir Shah Ghazi. 175. Wahhabis -mystical and millennial Islam ch. 169 Nasiri.Index 287 Muhammad Munir 121 Muhammad Shah 115. 128. Caliph 89 Mu'tazili school 53. Muhammad al(TippoTip) 126 Musa (Moses) 24 Musa. 57. 169. 166-7 New Guinea 11. Isma'il al-141 Nadim. 12-13. 173. 159. 127. 180. 161 Orenburg 210 Organisation of the Islamic Conference 221 . 172. 82. Companhia do 126. 9. see also Napoleon III 100 Naqshabandiyya 152. 100. Sir William 16. 165-7. 154. Empress 91 Nur Turk 53 Nuri Osman 109 Nuristan 115 Nusayri sect 60-1. 179. 77. eunichs Muwahhidun. 197. 80-3. Muhammad Husayn 130 Najaf 130 Najd 34. Harun 212-13 neo-Sufism 151. St 227-8 Nimatullahiya 169 Nizari Isma'ili 58-9. 169 Muhammad Tawfik Pasha (Egypt) 113 Muhammadiyah (Indonesian movement) 213 Muhammadiyya (South Asian Sufi order) 165 Muir. 190 Nilus. Ja'far al. 61. 133 Nabhani. 180 Napoleon I 110 countries North Carolina 148 Nubia 32. Sultan 52 Muslim Brothers 177. 32. 182. Muhammad al-133 Munshi Abdullah 211 Muridiyya (Mourides) 174 Murjebi. 117. 26. 76. Muhammad 115 Nahdatul Ulama (Indonesian movement) 143 Na'im. 94. 62-3. 160. 7. 165. 121. 122 Newfoundland Banks 8 Nias island 15. see Druze sect. 216 Na'ini. Khalid al-137. 150 Nizhny-Novgorod (Gorky) 210 North Africa 4. 142. 179. see also Sufism Mzab 62. 15. 193. Ahmad b. 205 Mustafa 'Ali 39 Mustafa b. 144. 163-4. 201 Mukhtariyya 167 Mundhiri. 198 Oran 100. 'Abdallah al-113 Nadir Muhammad. Sean 208 Oman 8. 195. 33. Hamid b. Shaykh 'Ali b. 200. 115. 133. 100. 204 Nasiruddin. 42. 8. al-. 61. Isma'il 100 Mutawwa movement 133 Mutawakkil. 81 Numayri. see also Sufism Netherlands 9. 168 Nigeria 4. 184-7. 194. 182 Nusrat 199 Nyala rebellion (Sudan) 159 Nyassa. 93. 60. 166. Shaykh 53 Nasution.214-15 Nur Jahan. see also names of castration. 212 Mutilation 4. 132. 166 Niger (country) 159 Niger river 36. 69. 42. 145. 160. 'Abdullahi al. see also Malawi.

164. Pope 226 Pius IX. al. 229 Quilliam. Battle of 27 Poland 8 polygyny 46. Sayyid 'Abd al-Rahman al44 Qa'im.68. 157. 60. Muhammad. Orlando 1 Paul. 200 Qasimi tribe 179 Qatar 117 Qayrawan 57 Qayrawani. Islamic. 1223. 199-201. 189. 206.217 Palembang 166 Palestine 16. Lord 106 Papacy 225-8. 204. 206. abolition measures 104— 9. 35. 206 prophets. 67. 197. 209-10. Mahatmajotirao 230 Pierce. Sultan 117 Qaddafi. 227-8 Osmania University (India) 189 Ottoman empire: 2. 163. 174. 187. 15. Leslie 93 pilgrimage 143. 172. Cyan 120 prisoners of war 25-6. 122.130. 'Isa. 105. Pope 227 Plato 54 Poitiers. 189 Qureshi. 207.201-2. 171. 196. Ghulam Ahmad 198. 192 .58. see also concubines Pontianak 44 Portugal 9. 52.81. 3. 43. 207. 209 Parwez. 42. 78. 171. . 186. 120. 34. 165.91-3. 186 Protestant churches 229-30 Punjab 189. 198. 174 Qadri. 30. 203. 27. 132.87. 231-2 Qom 191 Quakers 148. 216. Abdullah 215 Quraysh tribe 24 Qurayza tribe 5. 136. 192 Origen 223 Ororao people 10. 14. Eve Troutt 17 Prakash. 180 Pius VII. Yusuf al. Pope 225 Perak sultanate 15 Persia. 75. Hafiz M. 167.288 Index Oriental Nobility Institute (Woking) 215 Orientalism 16. 34. 44. Musa. 164. 142.segAwadh Oyrat. Muhammad 185-6. Georges 18 Powell. 215 Qabus.143 Phule. 198. 57. 5. Ibn Ali Zayd al. 168. 79 Orthodox churches 47. 140-2 Oudh.51 Qutb.141. 59 Qajar dynasty 82. 190. 119. 109. 33. 153. 182. 75. 175 Qadiyani Ahmadiyya 171. seeAdam. Sayyid 'Abd al-Rahim 136 Qadri. 188. seelrm Philippines 10. 125-6. 180 Pahang 167 Pakistan 121. 217 Patani 96 Patterson.148 Qing (Manchu) dynasty 9. see Kalmyk Padri movement (Indonesia) 166. 94 Qaradawi. Ibrahim. 39. 56.216. 206. Yusuf prostitution 81. see also names of individual popes Papuan people 72. 165. 63. 222 Palimbani. 'Abd al-Samad al-165-7 Palmerston. 210. 169. 129. 60. Muammar al-104 Qadiriyya 152. 33. see also New Guinea Paris 101. al. 187. 9. 226" Poulet. 13. St 223 Paul III. 35.193 Qarmati 57. 8. Sarwar 199 Qushayri. 198. 130-1. 104. 169.

191-2 Rabi'a al-'Adawiyya 50-1. 'Abdallah b. Sultan Al Bu Sa'id.17. 13. Muhammad Kaba 148 Sahara desert 5. 40 Said. Hamid al-134 Saljuq Turks 85 Salman. Shah Ahmad 165 Sa'id b. 57. Muhammad 141 Rahaina 5. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Guillaume-Thomas 226 Red Sea 11. Franz 23 Roxelana 89 Rumaliza. see also ethnicity. Ahmad al-Sharif al-162 Sanusi. Robert 16-17 Robertson Smith. 231 Risso. Sayyida 99 Samal people 30 Samb. 56. 70-2.(Ibn Saud) 181-2 Sa'ud. Sultan of Zanzibar 123-4 Sa'id Pasha 111-12 St Petersburg 210 Sale 63. 74-7. Faysal al. Muhammad b. Shah 93-4 Saghanugu . 32. Jalal al-Din 51 Russia 7. 10 Raynal. 'Ali al-161 Sanusiyya 161-3 Sapelo island 148 Sardinia 6. Muhammad b. Muhammad Rashid 205-6 Rio de Janeiro 149 Rif Republic 103 risings by slaves 5. Waji al-Din 135 Sabl. 163-4. see classical Greece and Rome Rosenthal. Michael 1 Salme. 176 Sa'ud. 6. 83-4. 107. Edward 16 Sa'id. 9. 58. Sayyid. 168. Amar 214 Samir. 69. 65. 106. 109-10. Hanif Muhammad 198-9 Ramiya. Ibrahim 228 Rasim Pasha. 156 Sana'a 131-2 Sanusi. Anwar 185 Sa'di dynasty 62 SadiqJa'faral-200 Sadr. 168 Samory Ture 68. 183 . 230-2 Salihiyya 156-7. see also Spanish Sahara Saharanpuri. 145. Ibrahim al. 75. 33-4. 170 Rabih b. 96. 67. Maxime 49 Roman empire. 16. 227. Fadlallah 113 race 12. Khalfan alRumi. curse of Raffles. 101 Sarawak 121 Sarekat Islam 211-12 Saru Taqi 94 Satiru rising (Nigeria) 160. 'Abd alRahman al. 228 Ruthven. 8. 200. Malise 187 Sadat.Index 289 Qutb. 83. Thomas S. 174 Salimi. Ham. Favsal b. 134.(Tunisia) 136 Riyam tribe 133 Roberts. 208. 173. 1 1. 98-9. 'Abdallah Ramzi. 77-8. 106-7 Reid. Awali b. 210-11. 'Abd al-'Aziz al134. sa>Barwani. Sayyid 184-5.208 Sammaniyya 166. Richard 17 Roberts. 66. 83. 222. Moqtada al. 149. 226. 35-6. Fazlur 216-17 Ramey. John 120 Rida. 94 sale of self and relatives (voluntary) 14-15. 101. Ahmad 108 rationalism ch. 198 Rahman. Sayyid Fadl b. Patricia 1. Riyahi. William 20 Rodinson. 121 Ragheb.191 Sa'duddin 39 Safaviyya 56 Safi. 8. Anthony 17 renegades 29 Reza'shah 116 Richardson. s«?Yahya b. 105.

74-6. 88. 122. 50-3. 174 Songhay 42. 199-201 Shidyak. 110-14. 2245. 212 Sri Lanka 80. 116. Rodney 17. 155-6. 54.167-8. 168. 202. see 'Uthman b. 166. 93. Al-Hajj 168 Sezai. Ahmad 103 Sikhs 165 slave trades 11-16. 146. 'Aqil b. 119. Imam 'Ali 163-4 Shandong (Shantung) 15 Shar'iati. 130-1. 44. 231-2 Seydou Nourou Tal. Shaddad 69 Sistova (Switschtow) peace treaty 92 Sjadzali. 156-7. 54. Mawlana 171 Shi'a Islam 8. 198. 116. 225 Suavi. 190. 43. 209 Shinqiti. 'Ali Nur 'Ali 130-1. 72. 45. Takashi 212 Shirzanji.136. Christiaan 18. 169 Shamil. 144. 62. 186-7. 225-8 Snouck Hurgronje. 109. 100-1. 80. 131-2. 228. 103-4. 121.193 Shiraishi. 15. 187. 147. 52. 163-4. 179. 179-80. 81. 115. Almamy Ibrahima 155 South Africa 149. 168-9. 197 Senegal 79. 38. 202. 214-15 Suez Canal 106 Sufism 4. Yahya Scott. 73. 1579. 174. ^ i n d i vidual Sufi orders Suhar 133 Suharto. 178-80. Faris al. 103. 117. 126-7 Spanish Sahara 126 The spirit of Islam 199. see also Balkans slave numbers 11-16 slave raiding 8. 91. 1517. 173. Ahmad 206. 175 Spain 7. 190. Anna Siberia 11 Sibir khanate 9 Sicily 7 Siddiq Hasan 180-1 Sidiqi. 'Ali 211 Sharif Tuan 143 Shattariyya 166 Sher Ali. 231 Stark. Munawir 213 Slav people 38. 197. 27. 169. 33-6. see also corsairs secularism 99. Abu Ya'qub al. 152-3. Arun 136 Shuanet. 190-1. 26. Jophn 112 The second message of Islam 214 Index Sind 14.56 Sikainga. 154— 5. 198. see also Communism Sofia 68 Sokoto Caliphate 43. 203 Shafiq. 180 Saudi Arabia. 166. 28-31. Muhammad al-Amin Mahmud al. 105-6. 112-13. 148-9. Rabah 63 Shourie. 142. 161-70. 207 Shah. 155. 133. 150. 160 Somalia. 214 serfdom 78. 70-1. 110-11. 107. 169. 125. 70. 70-1. 67. General 212 . 58. 131. 55-6. 190. 151. 80. 105. 122. 174-6. 72. 211 singing-girls 3. 178. 118. 135 Singapore 121. 169.290 Sa'ud. 126. 96. 195. 169. 96 Sirat 'Antara b. Turki b. 95-6 Soninke people 69 Sory. Saudi dynasty 134. 194 Saybu dan Makafo 160 Sayyid 'Uthman. 152. 214. Sharif Abu Bakr 148 Sijistani. 73. 47. Somalis 12. Sami Pashazade 209 Shaanxi (Shensi) 164 Shadhiliyya 161 Shafi'i school 20. 119. 170. 60. 143. 166. 137. Abdallah b. Ali 209 Sudan 45. 15. 139 social Darwinism 99 social justice in Islam 185 socialism 197. see Uvarova.

59. 163 Tatars 7. 118. 1667. 30. 73. 60.' 118-19. 9. 216 Turabi. 81. Najm al-Din al. 168 Tolu-e-Islam 198 Topan. 208. Muhammad al-Murjebi) 126 TituMirl65 Tjokroaminoto. 104. 204. 214 Tahtawi. 81. 78 Sy. 163. see United Arab Emirates Tuan Guru (South Africa) 149 Tuareg people 73. Muhammad 113 taxation 36-9. Sultan 89. 231 The theology. 156 Timbo 148 Timbuktawi. 78. 24. 116'. 154. 'Abdallah al-. 143. 58. 'Abd al-Salam al. 100-2.Index 291 Suhaym 50 Sulawesi 15. 7 Tidore 32. Sayyid Mahmud 190 Taliban 187 Tamimi. Spencer 147 Trinidad 148-9 Tripoli (Lebanon) 130. 166 Suleyman the Lawgiver. 96. Al-Hajj Malik 167 Syria 57. 92 Sulu sultanate 15. 31. Ahmad al-. 122. 91 Tayyib.215 Tuhfa i nasa'ih 53 Tunisi. 77. Caliph al. 207. 'Umaral-202 Tunisia 51. 115. 68. 72. 127. Ahmad Taleqani. Turkey Turkistan 14. 104. 31-2 Trimingham. Jalal al-Din al. 95 Swahili people 41. 127. Emperor 229 Thailand 166. Tarya 132 Toqueville. Rifa'a al. Taymiyya. 142 Turkic peoples.144. 141. Turks 6. 155 Timbuktu 31. Hasan al. 32. 205 Tripoli (Libya) 108 Trucial States. 32. Arnold 182 Trengganu 167 tribute 6. 122. 145. 30. 67.88. 209. 153-4. 66.145. 79. 208 Ta'a'ishi. 167 Tuft. 122 Tijaniyya 152. 7. 43. 69. 209-11. 57.58 Teodori. 136. Alexis de 227 Toraja people 15 Tours. 180 Sumenep sultanate 122 Suyuti. 186.186-7 Turkey (post-1918) 109-10. 70. Ahmad b. 139. 164-5. 42. 'Ali b. 123 Sumatra 10. 72. 15. 143. 44. Nu'man b. 30. Kara 108 Tercuman 210 Ternate 32 Tetuan 63 Tewodros.203 Taj al-Saltana 116 Takruri. 87. 109. 210 . 182. Sam 94 Tarragona 52 Tashkent 164 Tasuli. 210-11 Tawfiq Pasha. see Ibn Taymiyya • Taqi. 12.of unity 203 Therapeutae sect 222 Theravada Buddhist kingdoms 231 Tibet 6. 44. see Khalifa Ta'if 40 Taha. 107. Mahmud Muhammad 169. Battle of 27 Toynbee. a-Qadi al40. 82. see also Ottoman empire. 74. Muhammad 58 Tanzimat reforms 105 Taqi a-Din Ahmad b. 85.167 Timur 14 Tippo Tip (Hamid b. Omar Said 211-12 Tlemcen 42. see Baba. 179. 15. 205. Shaykh Muhammad b.161. 122.

171. Muslim slaves in 148 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) 11. 113 Urdu 135. 199. 143. 167-8 'Umar Pasha (Baghdad) 81 Umayyad dynasty 85. 162. Sayyid al-Makki Isma'il al168-9 Waliyullah. 18. 'Ali 'Abd al-Wahid 207. 179. 82.28. 126. Ahmad 18. 164-5 Yusuf (Joseph. 44. 165 Wansharisi. 'Abd al-'Aziz. Yahya al. 170. 187 United Nations 11. 'Abdallah 175 Yakub Beg 164 Yao people 46 Yazidi sect 43 Yemen 32. 22930. Nadir al-Din al. 10. Abdurrahman 143 Waines.58 Index Ukraine 7 'Ulabi. Ali 212 Yahya b. Congress of 99. First 109. 187 usanza del mare 29 Wfi. Sayyid Muhammad Hasanain 198 Zamboanga 123 Zanj rebellion 5. Ahmad b. Ahmad 208 'Umar b. 164 Tusi. Sa'id Tal. 175-6 Zayd b. 117. Shah 'Abdu'l-'Aziz 135. 14. 63-4. 33 West African jihads 152-6 Western Sahara. Ladin 178. al-Khattab. Sayyid 142 Uvarova. Al-Hajj 154-5. 122-3. 226. Caliph 5. 140-1. 131-2 Yoruba people 173 Young Turks/Young Ottomans 108-9. 226 Vilhena. Caliph 80 'Umar b. 94. 200 UNESCO 221 United Arab Emirates (Trucial States) 117. 202 Wadud. 146. 108. 87. aAli 60 Usman. 191. 67. 124. 99. 118. 27. 184. 143. 223. Prophet) 24. Ernesto de 125 Volga Tatars 210 Wadai 44. 152-3. 173 Woolmanjohn 229 World War. see Spanish Sahara Willis. 166. 171. 193-4 Wahid. 208 Zanzibar 45. 164 Venice 91 Vienna: 8. Shaykh (South Africa) 149 Zafrullah Khan. 13. Amina 217 . 209. 58. 196 United States of America: 2. 190. 104. Abdallah b. Anna 164 Uwaysiyya 168 Uzbek people 41. 99. 148. 16. 60.292 Turkmen people 3. 86. 213 'Umar b. 213-15. 212 Usamab. 142 Xinjiang 119 Yafte. Yahya. 112. 210 Yugoslavia 142 Yunnan 71. 180 'Uthman b. 216 Wahhabis 177-84. Shehu 43. 216-17. 56. 184. John 18 Witchcraft 34 Wittek. Muhammad 202 Usuman dan Fodio. Prof. David 19 Wali. 'Aqil b. 91. 156. 44 Yusuf. 212 'Urabi Pasha. Paul 38 Wolof people 167. 156. Muhammad 171 Zahor Mohammed 175 Zaidi. 193. 123-5. 133-4.

63. al. 131-2 Zayn al-'Abidin.Index 293 Zaydi Islam 54. Samuel 18 . 79 Zoroastrians 36 Zubayr al-Mansur. 60. Imam 55 Zaytuna 207 Zia ul-Haqq. al. 118.208 Zwemer.112-13 Zuhayli. General 189 Zhenbg He(Cheng Ho) 82 Zinder 45.

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