Dutch Contributions to the Eleventh International Congress of S/avists, Bratislava, Linguistics (= Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics Vol

. 221. 493-567. RODOPI, Amsterdam 1994.

QUANTITY PATTERNS OF SUBSTANTIYFS IN CZECH AND SLOVAK
ARNO VERWEIJ

1.

Introduction

In Czech and Slovak, the quantity of the root vowel of any substantive can be long or short in all case forms, or may alternate between long and short following certain patterns. These quantity patterns are undoubtedly the continuation of the three reconstructed Common Slavic accentual paradigms (traditionally abbreviated 'ap.', and labelled (a), (b), and (cj). There is, however, not always a clear correlation between the quantity patterns in Czech or Slovak on the one hand and the Common Slavic accentual paradigms on the other. In Czech, for example, masculine o-stems originally belonging to ap. (a) have either a short root vowel in all case forms, e.g. rsk, Gsg. raka, or a long root vowel in all case forms, e.g. msk, Gsg. msku, or they shorten the root vowel from the Gsg. onward, e.g. pttih, Gsg. prebu) In this article, I shall make an inventory of the quantity patterns in Czech and Slovak and reconstruct the chain of developments that transformed the three reconstructed Common Slavic accentual paradigms into the attested quantity patterns. The inventory of the quantity patterns found with substantives in Czech and Slovak is given in section 2. In section 3, I shall give an outline of the main sound laws and principles concerning vowel quantity in Common Slavic. I have found it useful to insert this outline because the development of vowel quantity, stress and intonation in Slavic (a field of study commonly referred to as 'Slavic accentology') is a matter of relatively great complexity. In section 4, I shall discuss the historical development of the quantity patterns in C'iech and Slovak. In section 5, I shall give an indication of the relative chronology of the main developments concerning vowel quantity in Czech and Slovak mentioned in section 4.

o

o

494 The material for this article consists of approximately 750 Czech and 750 Slovak underived substantives which have a clear Common Slavic etymology. The words have been taken from several modern dictionaries and reference works and were checked for their gender and quantity pattern in the Pravidla cesk6ho prevopisu (1977) ~d the Pravk!la s~oven~ sk6ho pravopisu (1991). I did not aim at exhaustiveness, but 10 spne of the fact that not every Czech or Slovak underived substantive is included in the material, I believe that the corpus is large enough to allow for the conclusions arrived at in this article. The material was divided into subgroups according to historical gender and stem type. I discern feminine e-, je-, i~,r-, and u~stems, masculine 0-, jo-, 11-, i-, and n-stems, and neuter 0-, jo-, s-, n-, and nr-stems. For each of these 15 subgroups, I shall discuss the original paradigm, reconstructed for the end of the Common Slavic period, the Czech and the Slovak material and the developments it has undergone. Examples:
A H

495

Nsg. Gsg. Dsg. Asg. Isg. Lsg,

dub dubu dubu dub dubem dubu duby dubU dublim duby duby
dubech

C

i8k iaka iakovi iaka i8kem iakovi iaci iahi i8him iaky iaky iacich

D

E

dUm domu domu dum
domem

chvala chvaJy chv!Jle cbvelou chvale chvaly chval chvalam chvaly chvaJami chvaIach
chvslu

F

domu domy domu

krava kravy krave kTaYU krsvou krave kravy krav kravam kravy kravami
krsvtich

nina rany rane ranou rane rany ran' ranam rany ranami rsnsch
renu

Gpt. DpI.
Apt Ipt Lp1.

NpI.

domy domy domech

domiim

In two cases the quantity pattern of a word cannot be determined:
the root vowel is neutral with respect to quantity: in Czech the syllabic resonants are phonetically short, but as there is no opposition between long and short syIiabic resonants, their brevity is not phonemic. the root morpheme has no quantity: some words contain a non-syllabic root morpheme, e.g, pes, Gsg. psa. The quantity patterns of these two groups of words will be indicated by the symbol x. A considerable number of words show variation between two quantity patterns. These variant quantity patterns will be separated by a slash, e.g.:

2.

The inventory of quantity patterns

In this section, I shall describe the quantity patterns occurring in Czech and Slovak and illustrate each of them with an example. The quantity patterns will be indicated by the capital letters A through G. The patterns A through D occur both in Czech and Slovak. The patterns E and F occur in Czech only, while pattern G occurs in Slovak only. In the sequel, 'quantity pattern' witt be abbreviated 'qp.'. 2.1 Quantity patterns in Czech' In modem literary Czech, the following quantity patterns
stantives occur:
A: B:

for sub-

c:

a short root vowel in all case forms; a long root vowel in all case forms; . a long root vowel in the N(A)sg., a short root vowel to the

! !
I

1 i

Nsg. Gsg. Dsg. Asg.

Isg.

remaining case forms; '.' ..' D: a short root vowel in the Gpl., a long root vowel 10 the remammg case forms; E: a short root vowel in the Gpl., Dpl., Ip!. and Lpl., a long root vowel in the remaining case forms; F: a short root vowel in the Isg., Gpl., Dpl., Jpl. and Lpl., a long root vowel in the remaining case forms.

Lsg, Npl.

BID mfsa misy mise misu mfsou mise misy mis/mis mfsam misy misami misach

H/F

kUie kUie kUZi hiie hiiilkoii kUii kUie hiiilkoii kUiimlkoiim hiie kUiemilkoiemi hiiich/koiich

DIE skala skaly sk!tle sk!Jlu
skelou

lipe

D/F lipa lipy

skel«

lipu Iipou/lipou lipe lipy lip lipam/iipam lipy lipami/lipami lipach/lipach

Gpt.
DpI. ApI.

~'

Ipl.

LpI.

skaly skaJ skaJ8m!skalam skilly sk8Jami/skaiami skaIach/skalach

··0

0

496
Some words have vowel insertion in the paradigm before a ¢-ending, e.g, orel, Gsg. orla, desks; Gpl. desek. I regard the inserted vowel as the phonetic realization of the ¢-ending, not as a root vowel. Consequently, the quantity pattern for orel and desks witt be rendered with the letter A, which gives no information on the absence or presence of an inserted vowel or its quantity. The quantity pattern of a word with a stem consisting of more than one syllable will be rendered with a complex marking, indicating the quantitative alternations of each syllable separately. Thus, the quantity pattern of kamen is CA: the initial syllable is long in the NAsg. and short elsewhere, while the second syllable is always short. Other examples: hrdina XA, malina AA, pojedneni AAB, roztomilost MM, etc. A problem arises when the number of syllables of the stem is not stable in the entire flexional paradigm. In Czech this applies to mati, nebe, and the originally neuter n- and nt-stems (bfime, jehne, Gsg. biemene, jehnete, etc.), I indicate the quantity pattern of these words by a complex marking, the second element of which is in brackets, e.g. C(A), A(A). The part of the marking in brackets indicates the quantity pattern of the syllable which occurs in certain word forms of the paradigm only. 2.2 ~ patterns. in Slovak Examples:
A B C AD G

497

Nsg. Gsg. Dsg. Asg. Isg. Lsg. Npl. Dpl, ApI. Ip1. Lpl.
Gpt.

dub dubu dub
dubom dubs

ehVlTa
cbvll« chvili

vol vola
volovi

strsns

ehvifu
chvllou chvili

dube

vola v%m

strany strene
strsnu strsne

strsnou pcaisze peiiazi peniazom
peniaze peniszmi

volovi

duby dubov dubom duby
dubmi

cbvlle
ChVIT

chvifam
chvilo

voly volov voly volmi volocb
volom

strany 'strsn
strsnsm

dubach

chVlTami chVlTach

peniezoch

strany stranami strensch

In Slovak, unlike Czech, an opposition between short and long syllabic resonants exists, cf, srdce, Gpl. side, vlna Gp1. vin. Thus, only words containing a non-syllabic root morpheme have no relevant quantity, e.g, den, Gsg. diie. As in the case of Czech, I shall use the symbol X to indicate the quantity pattern of these words. . In Slovak the number of words showing variation between two quantity patterns is relatively small, e.g.:

In modern Slovak, the following quantity patterns for substantives

occur:
A:

a short root vowel in all case forms; B: a long root vowel in all case forms; c: a long root vowel in the N(A)sg., a short root vowel in the remaining case forms; 0: a short root vowel in the Gpt., a long root vowel in the remaining case forms. This pattern occurs only in the second syllable of the plurale tanturn peniaze 'money', Gpl. penazi. G: a long root vowel in the Gpl., a short root vowel in the remaining case forms, ,'

Nsg. Gsg. Dsg.
Asg.

Isg. Lsg.

cas casu casu Cas easom case

NO

A!x

Npt. Gpl. Opl. Api. Ipl. Lpt.

easy easov/eias easom easy casmi casoch

Nsg. Gsg. Dsg. Asg. Isg. Lsg.

lest'
lesti/Isti

Iesti/Istt lest' lest'oulfsfou Iesti/Isti

As I have stated above, information on the absence or presence of an inserted vowel or its quantity will be left unexpressed in the marking for the quantity pattern. The quantity pattern of a word with a stern consisting of more than one syUable will he rendered with a complex marking, indicating the quantitative alternations of each syllable separately; thus, the quantity pattern of peniaze is AD: the iniijal· syllable is always short, while the second syllable is short in the Gpf. and long elsewhere. Other examples: hrdina AA, mliekar BB, mucenik AAB, odvodenina AAAG, etc. For the words in which the number of syllables of the stem is not stable in the flexional paradigm, I shall use complex markings of the

·,·U

,..-"

o

498 type A(A}, A(G}, etc. In Slovak this applies to maf/rnati, nebo, and the originally neuter n- and nt-stems (bremii, jahila, Gsg. bremena, jahiiafa, etc.),

499 Stress retraction from final jets (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 15-16; 1978a: 278): stressed final jets lose the stress to the preceding syllable which becomes long and receives a rising intonation, e.g. Gpl. *TQki > *r¢k'h, cf. Po. rflk. This development also affected "e and *0, e.g.2sg. "'neseSb, Gpl. *synovi. > *nesesb, *synOV'b, cf. Slk. nesieS, Cz. synu. If the preceding vowel was a jer the stress retracted over the penultimate syllable onto the antepenultimate, which became long and received a rising intonation, e.g. DpI. *d~tbmi, *gostbrni > *d~tbm'b, *gosnm'h, cf. Ru, detjam, ORu. gostern'h. It is difficult, however, to find reflexes of long rising vowels in this position in the Slavic dialects. Apparently, the rising intonation in word forms like "'d~u.m'h, *gosu.m'h was replaced shortly after it had arisen by a falling intonation, analogically after the other stem-stressed word forms in the paradigm, thus *d?tbm'h, *gasu.m'b after NpI. d?ti, gaStbje (cf. the progressive stress shift in SIn. kostim and the absence of the effect of Dybo's law in Ru. detjam, Ijlidjarn, ORu. gostem'h).5 Only if the jcr in the preceding syllable was tense (i.e. followed by j) did the stress not retract onto the antepenultimate but onto the penultimate syllable, e.g. *d~tbjb > *d~tijb, cf. Ru, dete}. It is impossible to determine whether the jer in this case did or did not lengthen. Dybo's law (cf'. Kortlandt 1975: 32-33; 1978a: 272-273): every nonacute, non-falling vowel loses the stress to the following syllable, which receives a rising intonation if it is short and a falling intonation if it is long. The vowel which loses the stress becomes distinctively short if it is "e, "'0, *b, or *'h, and long if it is *a, "'e, "i, "u, *y, an r- or I-diphthong, or a nasal vowel, e.g. "'iena > "'iena, *xvala > *xvala, *vol'ti > *vol'ii, "'susti > *siisa, cf. SCr. iena, hv/JIa, voIja, susa (the latter two words show the later retraction of the stress according to Stang's law, see below). ill the period when Dybo's law operated, word-final jers could not be stressed any more, thus Cpl. *ien'h, *SUSb were left unaffected by this law. As a consequence of Dybo's law, distinctive vowel quantity arose in pretonic syllables in word forms belonging to ap. (b). This lead to the reinterpretation of all syllables which had been pretonic already in the period before Dybo's law (and thus were phonemically neutral with respect to quantity) as being distinctively short. This happened in words belonging to any of the three ~econstructed paradigms, e.g. *}pzyk'h (a), "verten» (b), *rpkami (c) « *jpzjh, "verteno, *rpkimi), cf. SCr. jezik, vreteno, rukeme.

3.

Vowel quantity 1D~1 intouBtiOll in Common Slavic

During the last decades, remarkable progress has been made in the study of Slavic accentology, This period of rapid progress was initiated by C.S. Stang (1957). Subsequently, many problems of Slavic accentology which had thus far appeared unsolvable were clarified by V.A. Dybo (especially 1962, 1968, 1981), Y.M. llIic~Svityc (1963), F.H.H. Kortlandt (especially 1975), and others. At this moment, there is no introductory manual available to the study of Slavic accentology. For the time being, Stang (1957, from chapter N onward), Zaliznjak (1985, chapter 2.). and Kortlandt (1978a, 1988) may serve as an introduction to the field. The study of Slavic accentology now finds itself in the position that quite a lot can be said with a great degree of certainty. In spite of the fact that many details are still open to discussion, the principles and main developments of Slavic accentology are generally agreed on.2 The reconstruction of the Common Slavic accentual paradigms which I give in this section is based entirely on the reconstruction put forward by Kortlandt (especially 1975, 1976, 1978a). Here, I shall refrain from repeating too much of what has been made adequately clear in earlier publications. This concerns especially the tripartition of the Common Slavic accentual paradigms and their characteristics, and the rise of ap. (b) as a consequence of Dybo's and Stang's laws.? For readers unacquainted with the subject, I refer to Kortlandt (1978a). There are, however, some laws and principles concerning intonation and vowel quantity which I want to mention explicitly, as it will increase the transparency of the reconstructions below. The following sound and accent laws play a crucial role in the development of vowel quantity in Common Slavic (they are given in their chronological order): Van Wijk's law (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 30; 1978a: 278): the simplification of a consonant cluster causes the following vowel to lengthen, e.g. *voIja > *vol'S, cf. OPo. wola. This lengthening gave rise to long variants of "e, which thus far could only be short, e.g, 2sg. *piSjeSb> *piSe5h.4 Word-final nasal vowels were neutral with respect to vowel quantity at the time of Van Wijk's law (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 31), 'and consequently they were left unaffected by this law;

~ 1

o

o

500

501

After the operation of Dybo's law, unstressed word-final nasal vowels became distinctively short, whereas stressed word-final nasals became distinctively long, cf. SCr. Gsg. g/;jve, but NAp1. glave, Sin. Gsg. lipe, but gor~ (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 32). Stang's law (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 33; 1978a: 271): a long final syUable which received the stress as a consequence of Dybo's law (and thus has a falling intonation) loses the stress to the preceding syllable, which receives a rising intonation. The vowel losing the stress is shortened, e.g. Lpl. *stol?x'b > "stolex» (from *stol~x'b before Dybo's law), 2sg. *piSesb> *piSeSb(from *piSesb before Dybo's law), cf. ORu. stoJeX'b, SCr. pfses (where the thematic vowel was lengthenend analogically). Furthermore, at the end of the Common Slavic period: the original acute (laryngeal) intonation had been replaced by a short rising intonation and!had merged with the short rising intonation that had developed from other sources, e.g. *v~ra « *v~ra), *s'bgodii « *sigodii), cf. SCr. vjera, zgoda.6 originally acute (Iaryngealized) vowels were long in syllables which were post-posttonic before the operation of Dybo's law (see above). In all other positions they were short, e.g. *ztIbiiva « *zabava < *ziiba?va?), *sliiva « *sMva < *sJa9va?), cf. SIn. zabiiva (on the intonation of this form see Kortlandt 1976: 3-4), SCr. slava. all long falling vowels in medial syllables had been shortened, e.g. *pob?da> *pob¢a (from *pob~ii before Dybo's law), cf. Cz. poMda. This shortening preceded the shortening of long falling vowels in final syllables and the stress retraction from these vowels onto the preceding syllable (Stang's law, see above). After Stang's law, the tonal opposition on non-initial syllables was lost and all stressed medial vowels obtained a rising intonation by default. all short falling vowels in monosyllabic word-forms had been lengthened, e.g. "'bOg'b> "'bog'b, cf. SCr. bag, Gsg. bOga (word-final jets did not count as syl1ablesany more). originally long vowels (i.e. every non-acute *a, *e, *i, *u, *y, T- or I-diphthong, or nasal vowel) in posttonic syllables had retained their length, e.g, *m~~cb« *m~~b), cf. Cz, mesic. After Dybo's law, a quantitative alternation could arise in the second syllable of disyllabic stems belonging to ap, (c): in the initially stressed word forms posttonic length was retained, e.g. gOJpbb,whereas in the finally stressed word forms, the originally pretonic vowel had become distinctively short, e.g. Gpl. gOJpbbjb. In West-Slavic this alternation was eliminated by
"_

generalizing the short vowel in all case forms, e.g, Cz.Slk. holub, Po. go/lib, Gsg. gol~ia. In the period between Van Wijk's law and Dybo's law, the flexional endings which did not occur under the stress in any of the accentual paradigms were shortened, e.g. Gsg. *xl~bii (a), *byka (b), *voza (c) > ·xl~ba, *bjka, *voza, as opposed to Ipl. *xJ~bj (a), *bykj (b), *vozy (c), where the ending was not shortened, because it was stressed in the paradigms of words belonging to ap. (c). posttonic sequences of -\1v- had been contracted to long vowels, e.g. Isg. *nmojp > *riinp. If one of the syllables was stressed, no contraction took place, e.g. Isg. *nogoj9.
4.

The development of quantity patterns in Czech and Slovak The feminine s-stems The feminine s-stems: the reconstructed (a)-riin-y riin-'b riin-am'b riin-y riin-amT riin-aX'b -zen-a ien-j zen-p ien-~ ap. (b)-ien-j zen-i ien-iim'b zen-j ien-iimT ien-ax'b
paradigm

4.1 4J.1
N

--ap. ran-a Griin-y D riin-~ A Tiin"p I riin-p L Tiin-~

--

zen-~ zeil-p

ap. (c)-nog-y nog-y nog-» nadi-~ nog-em» nog-p nog-y nog-oj9 nog-iimi nodi-~ nog-sx»

nog-«

() 0....../

The Gsg. and Ip1. endings occurred in two variants: short '"-y, "'-ami and long *-amT. Whenever a flexional ending occurs in more than one variant, it is likely that one of the variants will be generalized. This is what happened both in Czech and Slovak, where the short variant of both endings was generalized. The Isg. ending *-ojp occurred in three variants. In ap. (a) and (b) it was originally posttonic and had been contracted to * -p (and was later shortened in ap. (b) after the operation of .Stang's law), while in ap. (c) the ending was stressed, which had prevented contraction. In Czech the long variant *-p was generalized, cf. Cz. ienou, oez. ienu. In Slovak, uncontracted *-ojp was generalized, cf. Slk, ienou (note that *p regularly becomes u in Slovak, cf.pzit'). The Isg. of the words belonging to ap. (b) had probably obtained final stress analolically after the other case forms already in the Common Slavic period. . In Czech the Dpl. and Lpl. endings *-am'b, *-ax'b were probably lengthened analogically after the corresponding endings *-om'b, *-ex'b of the declensional type into which the 0- and u-stems had merged, cf. Cz.

<s.

o

Za6
\

I/)1

-? ~vra.H:-? (6 ",,2-d;; ~'4 ~ re r;;: 1,; 7 '''''''1'
;'

h-._

502

ienam, ienach, after lesUm, lesich. No lengthening of the Ipl. * -ami todf place because of the dissimilarity of the corresponding ending *-y of the o-/u-stems. I have no explanation for the length of the ending in Slk. ienam, ienach (cf. the short endings in Iesom, Jesoch), and assume that it is due to Czech influence. . The Common Slavic accentual paradigms were characterized by an interplay of stress placement, intonation, and vowel quantity. If one looks only at vowel quantity, it is possible to distinguish Common Slavic 'quantity patterns', parallel to the quantity patterns in modem Czech and Slovak. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns can be stated in terms of the symbols used for the quantity patterns found in modem Czech and Slovak as follows: the quantity pattern of the feminine a-stems belonging to ap. (a) equalled the modem Czech and Slovak qp. A. The original quantity pattern of the words belonging to ap. (b) depended on the root vocalism: words with "e-, *0-, or jer-vocalism (in the sequel '(originally) short' vocalism) had a short root vowel in all case forms, equal to the modem qp. A, and words with any other vocalism (in the sequel '(originally) long' vocalism) had a pattern equal to the modem qp. B. The original quantity pattern for the words belonging to ap. (c), too, depended on the root vocalism: words with originally short vocalism had a short root vowel in all case forms except for the Gpl., parallel to the modem Slovak qp, G. Words with originally long vocalism had a short root vowel in all desinentially stressed case forms and a long root vowel in the originally stem-stressed case forms, e.g. *rpka, Asg. *rpkp, Gpl. *rph.7 Here I have to make a remark on words with a polysyllabic stem. Most words in the material have an etymologically monosyllabic stem; only a few have a disyllabic stem. The words containing a disyllabic stem, like all other Weirds, fit perfectly in the Common Slavic accentual paradigms(a), (b), or (c). The only thing which has to be taken into account is that disyllabic stems belonging to ap. (a) can have fixed stress on any of the stem syllables, e.g, *m~sfch, with fixed stress on the initial syllable, versus *j~zjk1>,with fixed stress on the second syllable, cf. SCr. mjesec, jezik. Moreover, in the case of non-initial stress, the accentuation can have two origins, e.g. *irzjb., where the vowel in the second syllable was originally acute « *j~zfh), versus "potop», where originally the initial syllable was stressed, which lost the stress to the second syllable as a consequence of Dybo's law f'potop'b > *potop'b). Fixed stress on the initial syllable of a polysyllabic stem can occur only if the initial syllable was originally acute: if it had not been acute, it would have lost the stress to the following syllable as a consequence of Dybo's law. .

/

;:?

,C J

L

a y--o., /(. ()

Q~

c r~· ~7 J-,) -~ ." \

,

;'

\?

o..~

'1 .

503

In words with a disyllabic stem, the vowel quantity in Common Slavic depended not only on the accentual paradigm, but also on the place and origin of the stress if the word belongs to ap. (a). The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of words with a disyllabic stem are given below, in the discussion of the material. For reasons of clarity, I shall give the reconstruction of each word originally containing a disyl1abie stem whenever the number of syl1ables in the modem languages differs from the etymological number. 4.1.2 The feminine a-stems: the Czech material

The feminine a-stems have :developed into feminine nouns of the so-called lena-type of declension (cf. the classification of declensional types given, for instance, by Havranek-Jedlicka (1960: 131»). The reconstructed accentual paradigms (a), (b), and (c) are reflected by the modem quantity patterns as follows.! Ap. (a):
A:

B:

E:
F:

D:

X:

baba, cests, diva, duma, hnida, huba, jiskrs, jizve, klika, knihs; kupe, licbvs, mluva, muka, nlha, nlva, plna, piha, pleve, ryba, Fsds, sline, sluke, stroke, struns, stiechs, stika, vida, vydra biize, hlina, hliva, hllzs, hi'Iva, jiva, kh1da, kyla, kfta, liska, lisa, mama, mata, proubs, Hza, sirs, skfva, sltivs, stoupa, svada, skvara, stava, vla.ha baba, houbs, hrouda, jama, mouchs, slama, vlrs krava rina, sila mrva, vlns 'wool'

The following words show variation between two quantity patterns: NB: ieps/iip«
ND: struhs/strouhs BID: misa, sliva DIE: skrua, vrana, zaba D/F: bIma, driha, lipa, para, mira, iila

.
,

Ap. (b):
A: B: blechs, duha, hvizda, cbmurs, kos«, pila, robe, rota, rasa, sestrs, sluha (m), sosne, stops, uzda, vceJa « °bbcela), vdova « "Vbdova), vine, vesa, iena, iluna . brezd«, ceva, dyka, hlista, jlche, jizda, krisa, ki'ida, licha, llsks, miza, mouka, pfcha, slouhe (m), sti'ida, cHell, tilske, vltids, iJaza. Here belongs sih « ·spga), which has become masculine. bide, bauds, dira, chvala, kroupa, touhe, trouba crta, hre, mlha, mzde, tma, vrba

D: X:

···0

o

504

505 A short rising vowel in an open first syllable of disyllabic words is lengthened unless the second syllable contains a long vowel.

The following words show variation between two quantity patterns:
NB: soya/suva
BID: louka (in the plural also luka, qp. A) B/F: kUra DIE: brany, tT/iva D/F: brana, cara, v.iha

Ap, (c):
brada, cens, desks, hlsvs, hore, hlada, jehl« « *jbg'bJa), jikra, kope, koza, kuns, mena, noha, nora, pete, plena, rosa, ruda, ruke, leka, snaha, soohe, stena, strana, stieds, stiels, vods, zims, iIuva B: hruza. Here belongs vich « *vc:xa), which has become masculine. X: slze, srne, vlha, vine •wave' , IITstva AA: svoboda A:

The following words show variation between two quantity patterns:
NB: smola/smula

Instead of the original qp. A for the acute a-stems, the material shows a varied picture of quantity patterns. Since short vocalism is regular in view of the original Common Slavic quantity pattern, the long vowels must be innovations. If one looks at the quantity pattern with the smallest number of long vowels, i.e. qp. F, interesting facts come to light. It appears that the case forms with long vocalism are all of the same structure: they are disyllabic and the vowel in the second syllable is short, cf. nina, Gsg. rsny, DLsg. nine, Asg. rsnu, NApl. rany, as opposed to Isg. ranou, Dpl. renem, Lpl. ranach, with a long vowel in the second syllable, and Gpl. ran, Ipl. ranami, which are mono- and trisyllabic, respectively. .' On the basis of these forms a tentative sound law can be formulated: a short vowel is lengthened in the initial syllable of disyllabic words unless the vowel in the second syllable is long. However, there appear to be more conditions to this sound law. Firstly, the initial syllable originally had to be stressed, cr. the short vowel in Cz. iena « *iena), where the stress was originally on the ending. Secondly, the original intonation of the vowel had to be rising, cf. the short vowel in Cz, pole « *pol'e), where the root vowel originally had a falling intonation. Thirdly, the initial syllable had to be open, cf. the short vowel in Cz. rybka, hubka « *rjb'bka, *gpb'bkaj at the time when this sound law operated, the ending in these forms had been shortened and weak jers had been lost). This leads to the formulation of the following sound law:
.
~.>

The existence of this sound law, which I shall refer to as "the Czech lengthening", was first presupposed by Stang (1957: 35). Its definitive formulation was given by Kortlandt (1975: 19; 1978a: 278). It operated in Czech in the period after the loss of the weak jets, but prior to the loss of free stress and intonation. The Czech lengthening is an ordinary, phonetically motivated sound law, which affected all words and word forms in which the conditions for its operation were present, irrespective of the way these conditions had arisen. Thus, lengthening took place in Cz. slsv», kamen, sprsvs « *slava, *kamenb, *(j)bzpdJVii). The latter word was stressed on the initial syllable before the operation of Dybo's law (*(j)bzpravii) and at the time of the Czech lengthening had replaced its long ending by the short ending of the disyllabic and mobile a-stems. Only after the loss of the weak jers did kamen and zprsv« become disyllabic. The Czech lengthening also affected the reflexes of *e , *0, and strong jers, cf. Cz. lhUta, stvzira « *lJ.gotii, s'btvorii, parallel to zprava), and Cz. hufe, m6ne « *gor'e, *m~rle; in the latter word the reflex of the strong jer of the oblique case forms (*m~rlbs-) has been introduced in the NAsg. m and !1 also). and mene have received a rising intonation on the initial syllable as a consequence of Stang's law. The Czech lengthening gave rise to numerous quantitative alternations of root morphemes, either within one and the same flexional paradigm, e.g, rana, Isg. ranou, 1sg. mohu, 2sg. muies « *r;ina, *ranp, *mogp, *moieSb), or within derivational relationships, e.g. rana - Inf. ranit « *rana, *raniti). After the loss of free stress and intonation (but perhaps even earlier), these alternations became unpredictable and they fell subject to analogical developments that strove to eliminate them.

Hure

In the case of the a-stems, the original Common Slavic .qp, A was replaced by qp. F as a consequence of the Czech lengthening. When the quantitative alternations became unpredictable these words fell subject to the pressure to generalize either the short or the long root vowel. Which variant of the root morpheme was generalized probably depended on the frequency of occurrence of the wcJid or of its plural case forms. Words frequently used in both numbers show resistance to the generalization of either length or brevity. The generalization of the short vowel in some words, resulting in qp. A, may have been supported by the existence of suffixal derivations

(-')
\.../

o

506 containing the same root morpheme where the Czech lengthening did not operate. Note that the words now having qp. A must have developed in this way, and do not continue the original unchanged Common Slavic qp. A, since for many of these words a long root vowel is attested in Old Czech, cf. ciests; jiezva, kniha, piehs, plev«; rjba, sltiks, strtiks, or in South Czech, cf. bnids, pliva, rejba, sJina. The generalization of the long root vowel in other words apparently started with the generalization of length in the Isg, (giving rise to qp, E). This eliminated the quantitative alternation of the root vowel in the singular. Subsequently, length spread to the Dpl., Ipl., and Lpl. (giving rise to qp. D). Whether or not the final step in this development, i.e. the generalization of length in the Gpl. (resulting in qp. B), was made depended on the root vocalism: words showing the alternations i - i or j- y generalized the long root vowel and words with any other vocalism usually did not. In modem colloquial Czech, qp. D, E, and F have all been replaced by qp. B, except for a few words which have retained the short root vowel in the Gpl, (cf. SgalI-Hronek 1992: 40). It appears to be impossible to determine why some words generalized the short and others the long root vowel, nor, in the latter case, why some words generalized the long root vowel in all case forms or in some case forms only. Apparently, the originally acute a-stems found themselves at different points in the development from qp. F to either A or B at the moment when the Czech language was standardized. For some words, external circumstances favoured the acquisition of a certain quantity pattern, for instance, muke 'torture' « "'m¢ka) has generalized the short root vowel in all case forms to avoid homonymy with mouka 'flour' « *mQka), which belonged to ap. (b) and originally had a long vowel in all case forms. In two cases, the quantitative alternation of the root vowel was used to remove homonymy, cf. huba (qp. A) 'mouth' versus hoube (qp. D) 'fungus' « "'gQba 'mouth; fungus'), and baba (qp, A) 'old woman (pejorative)' versus Mba (qp. D) 'old woman, granny' *Mba). The originally oxytone a-stems generally have the original qp. A or B (depending on the vocalism). There are, however, some exceptions. The first group of exceptions consists of words with originally long vocalism which have. a short root vowel in some or all case forms. As I cannot find phonetic explanation for the shortening of the root vowel in these words, I assume that it is secondary. Note that for most of the words of this group, which now have qp. A, a long root vowel is attested in Old Czech, cf. drJha, iasa, rJzda, vina.

507 The shortening of the root vowel in hvezda may have occurred to avoid homonymy with the root morpheme hvizd- 'whistle'. However, l this shortening must have happened at a time when the reflex of long ~i * had not yet merged with the reflex of long *i, otherwise a shortening . of the root vowel would have yielded i.9 The root vowel of uzda may have been shortened as a consequence of the frequent usage of this word in combination with the prepositions na and za, i.e, na, za uzdu, na uzde. Perhaps the initial vowel of uzda was shortened in the resulting diphthong au, after which the short vowel was generalized in all word forms of the paradigm. As for the remaining words of this group with qp. A, it is peculiar that they all have i- or u-vocalism, except for rasa (cf. also Po. rzese, OPo. rzr:sa/rzllsa). Apparently, words with i- or u-vocalism are subject to some kind of shortening. Note that among the originally acute a-stems with qp. A there is a relatively large number of words with i- or u-vocalism. In sluha 'servant' the root vowel was shortened, but the long vowel was retained in archaic slouha 'shepherd'. A number of words have obtained qp. D, E, or F (as their only quantity pattern or as a variant). This must be due to analogy after the originally acute a-stems. Note that all words with qp. E or F have a-vocalism. The second group of exceptions consists of kura and suva, which have an unexpected long root vowel. A possible explanation is that these words have their long vowel from suffixal derivations, e.g. lairka, slivka, where u is the regular reflex of short rising *0 (see 4.2.3). However, - other explanations are possible: in some Slavic languages *(s)kora behaves as if it were a ja-stem, its accentuation running parallel to that of '"vol'e (see 4.2.2), cf. SCr. kiJra, Slk, kora, SIn. skgrja (cf. Zaliznjak 1985: 135-136). If this is true for Czech also, qp. F in kiits has arisen as a consequence of the Czech lengthening. Besides, both in kura and suva the long vowel may be due to a secondary lengthening of '"0 in the vicinity of labials or liquids. In the case of the mobile a-stems, the original quantity patterns have completely disappeared from the Czech language and have been replaced by qp. A (or AA for sloboda). In Old Czech some instances of length in the Gpl. of mobile words are attested, e.g. dus, noh, v6d, v6z. However, in the other case forms of mobile a-sterss, Old Czech regularly has a short vowel. This leads to the assumption that long vowels with a falling intonation were shortened in Czech, cf. hrad, Asg, ruku « '" gord'!>, *rgkp) (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 33).
(

7

e

«

a

'"

" U'' '

o

508
The shortening of the originally long rising root vowel in the Gpt. must be due to a later analogical development, as there appears to be no phonetic shortening of long rising vowels in Czech, cf. krsl, pout « * k6rb., *PPtb). In the modem language, only a few traces of length in original Gpl. case forms have been retained, e.g. in the final syllable of pedeset, seciesat, etc •• in the adverb dokoisn (see also 4.10.2), and in the postfix (sto-, tislc- )krat. I assume that in Czech the long root vowel in the Gpt. of words belonging to ap. (c) was shortened analogically, after the rise of qp. F as a consequence of the Czech lengthening and the subsequent shortening of long falling vowels. As a consequence of the latter sound law, all mobile a-stems obtained qp, G. This quantity pattern is characterized by a long root vowel in the Gpl. as opposed to a short vowel in the other case forms, which is nearly the opposite of qp. F, where the root vowel is short in the the Gpl. but long in most other case forms. Apparently, one of these two quantity patterns had to give way. Probably, qp. G disappeared, because the long root vowel in the Gpl. in qp. G was the only long vowel in the paradigm, whereas the short vowel in qp. F was supported by a short root vowel in other case forms of the paradigm as well. The originally mobile a-stems hriiza, smols/smiils, and vfeh have a long root vowel in all case forms. The long vowel in the former two words may he due to a secondary lengthening of * 0 in the vicinity of labials or liquids. I have no explanation for the long vowel in vich.

509

,
i

G: X:

I I
j

hike, miazga, muka, pile, pjcha, ruga, rless, rlava siaha trava trieds triesks, truba, tuha, villa, vJ:ida, vfba "" bleha, erta, jazda, koss 'scythe', oss, roba, rota, stubs, stope, uzds, veela « ·bbceJa), vina, lena, lfaza, llna hmls, hra, mzda, tma

!

Ap, (c):
doske, ibl« « *jlog"bla). ikra, rosa, vrstva hrsze, rieks, viechs G: breda, ~ena, hlava, hora, hrada, kopa, kosa 'braid', kozs. kuna, mena, nohe, nora, pata, plena, ruda, ruks, slze, smols, snaha, socha, srna, stens, strene, streds, strels, vlbs, vlna 'wave', voda, zima AG: sloboda A:
B:

i

I i

I
1
I

Nearly all acute a-stems have qp. G instead of the original qp. A. Appar~ntl~, they have ~nalogical1y adopted lengthening before the ¢-endlOg In the Gpl., which was normal for the mobile words with an original~y short root vowel. The words which have retained the original qp. A either have vowel insertion in the Gpl., e.g. Gpl. iskier, jsziev, or are singularia tanturn, e.g. lichvs, nebs. The long root vowel in ltiska miera, riza, sira (with the Czech reflex f of long *6, instead of the normal Slovak reflex ie). s/<iva, and viere is probably due to Czech influence (cf. Nonnenmacher-Pribic 1961: 78). I have no explanation for the long vowel in Mba and mlske. Nearly all oxytone a-stems with long vocalism have the original qp. B, except for crta, jazda, sluha, uzda, vine, ifaza, and ilna. The short vowels in crta, sluha, and vina may be due to Czech influence. The short vowel in jazda is due to the loss of phonemic quantity of a after j (see 4.6.3; cf. also Nonnenmacher-Pribie 1961: 92), after which the root vowel was lengthen~d a~ain analogically in Gpl. jazd. The short vowel in uzde may be explained In the same way as the short vowel in Cz. uzda, see above). I have no explanation for the short vowel in zfaza and Zlna. The o~ytone a-stems with originally short vocalism have either adopted leng~hentng of the root vowel before the ¢-ending in the Gpl, and thus obtained qp. G, or retained the original qp. A. The words with the original qp. A either have vowel insertion in the Gpl., e.g. sestier/-ar, sosien, or have a stem ending in -ov, which is never lengthened in modem Slovak. The long root vowel in the Gpl. of owone words with "o-vocalism, e.g, kos, stop, can have two origins. Firsily, 0 in the Gpl. is what one would expect because, as I shall show below, 6 is the regular Slovak ~e:t~x of ~. originally short rising *0 in initial syllables (except in wordlOltlal. position; see 4.2.3). Secondly, it can be due to the analogical adoption of length before the ¢-ending in the Gpl. after the words

4.1.3

The feminine a-stems: the Slovak: material

The feminine a-stems have developed into feminine nouns of the socalled iena-type of declension (cf. the classification of declensional types given, for instance, by the Pravidla slovenskeho ptevopisu (1965: 73-86». Ap. (a):
A:
B:

G:

iskre, jazva, licbvn, nebs, slsms, vlna 'wool' bib«, laska, miers, mlsk«, riza, sirs, slava, viers . baba, blana, breze, eesta; devil, draha, duma, hlins, blivs, hfuza, hnida, hrive, hruds, huba, chrssts, jsms, klsds, kfuka, knihs., krsvs, kupa, kura 'hen', kvaka, kyIa, kyta, less, lips, mama, mata, miss, mrva, mucha, muka, niva, para, peha, pen a, plevs, rana, repa, ryba, sils, skels, skyva, slina, slive, sluka, strsks, strechs, struba, struns, stupe, {kvara, St'ava, {ruka, {uba, veda, vlaha, vrana, vydra, laba, lila sestre, sosns, soya, vdova « *Vbdova) bied«, brsn», brany, brazda, bUda, cievs, eiara, erieda, diem, duha, dfka, hliste, hviezde, cbmsrs, chmUra, chvaJa, kora, krasa, krleds, krupa, lieske.

j

Ap. (b):
A:
B:

···U

r"-

o

510

511

belonging to ap. (c) (which is the only source for the long vowel in Gpl, 6s). The short root vowel in the Gpt. of words with a stem ending in -ov is due to the fact that "'0 and "'6 probably never developed a prothetic element p- before tautosyllabic -p, and lost phonemic quantity being part of the diphthong op (see 4.2.3). The only word with 6 throughout the entire paradigm is kora. The quantity of this word can be explained by analogy after kork«; but a more probable explanation is that its quantity has the same origin as that of vofa (see 4.2.3), parallel to Cz. kura, see above. Nearly all words belonging to ap. (c) have qp. G (or AG for sloboda). This pattern was the original Common Slavic quantity pattern for mobile words with short vocalism. In mobile words with originally long vocalism, the root vowel was long in all barytone case forms of the paradigm. However i as in Czech, long vowels with a falling intonation have been shortened in Slovak, resulting in qp. G for all mobile a-stems. The words having qp, A have either vowel insertion in the Gpl. e.g. dosiek/-ak, ihiel/-al, ikier, or are singularia tantum, e.g. rosa. The long vowel in hroza may be due to Czech influence. I have no explanation for the long vowel in tieke and viecha. 4.2 4.2.1 N G D
A I L

of Stang's law and became short. This gave rise to the odd paradigm given above, which is attested nowhere (cf. however ORu. Gsg. volja., given by Zaliznjak 1985: 142). I assume that the words belonging to ap. (b) soon generalized root stress in all case forms. Furthermore, all endings which occurred in a long and a short variant generalized the short variant, except for the Isg.~where Cze.ch generalized the variant "'-p. In Slovak the original Isg. ending of the ja-stems was lost and replaced by the ending -ou of the a-stems. As in the case of the a-stems, the Dp1. and Lpl. endings were later lengthened analogically after the corresponding endings of the o-Iu-stems in Czech, after which length spread to Slovak. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the ja-stems are the same as those of the a-stems. 4.2.2 The feminine ja-stems: the Czech material The feminine ja-stems have developed into feminine nouns of the miSe-type of declension. A number of words have dropped the original endings in the Nsg. and Asg. (sometimes variants with and without the ending occur in the modem language). Most words have replaced the original ¢-ending in the Gpl. by the ending -f of the i-stems. Some words have replaced all original endings with the endings of the i-stems. The Gsg. ending of these words is given in brackets. Ap. (a):
kaie, alse « -je-/o1bia, with an originally nee-acute vowel in the second syllable), saze, sukne, vez, visne B: biiii(e), boule, boufe, eise, dfne, houne, chfie, kine, kdoule {< -h,duna, with an originally acute vowel in the second syllable}, mfiz(e), nouze, pice, piize, skran, skfiii, staj, ifje D:. hrabC (pl.tant.)
A: F: prsc«

The feminine js··stems The feminine js-stems: the reconstruction (a)-bUr'-t; brir'-b brir'-ann brir'-C: bUr'-amI
brir'-ax'b

--ap. bur' -il bur' -e brir'-1 brir'-p brir'-p brir'-i

--ap.(b)-vol~a vol'-~ vol'-i vol'-¢ vol'-g volt-i

--ap.(c)-voJ~~
VOl'-b vol'-am'b dus-a dus-¢ dOS-i dus-p dus-ejp duS-i dus-~ dUS-b duS-8m'b dus-~ dus-ami dus-aX'b

vol'-~ vol'-ami
vi)J'-ax'b

As a consequence of Van Wijk's law, the endings of the ja-stems had been lengthened, e.g. "'volja > "'vol'a, except for the endings of the Gsg., Asg., and NApl., which were nasal vowels at the time of Van Wijk's law. In the paradigms of words belonging to ap. (a) and (b), the Isg. ending *-cjp had been contracted to "'-p. When the stress in the ja-stems belonging to ap. (b) shifted to the ending as a consequence of Dybo's law, the result was a falling intonation on the first syllable of the ending if it was long, and a rising intonation if it was short. Subsequently, the endings with a falling intonation in the final syllable lost the stress to the preceding syllable as a consequence

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
AlB: kule/koule

Ap. (b):
A:
B:

D: X:

stran, str:ii, sif(e), tii(e), tiiiiltrine, vlile, vrine, vfie, z:il(e) chvile krme, tvrz

« -nozdr'a), where the palatalization of the final consonant was Jost. dii(e), hloub (-i). houst', hraz, chUze,Toupe, loue, nuse, poust (-ti), sous,
klciti (pi.tant.), mez, zmije. Here belongs nozdrs

··.0

o

512
The following words show variation between two quantity patterns:
A!X: rez (rzi, f, or rozu, m) BID: svice B/F: krlie

513

4.2.3

The feminine ja~stcms: the Slovak material

Ap, (C):
A: duie, jedle; ovec « ·01....ea), zem(e). Here belongs zore where the" palatalization of the final consonant was lost.

moe,

«

·2'01"a).

The feminine ja-stems have developed into feminine nouns of the ulica-type of declension. A number of words have dropped the original endings in the Nsg. and Asg. (sometimes variants with and without the ending occur in the modem language). Most words have replaced the original ¢-ending in the Gpt. by the ending -f of the i-stems. Ap, (a):
A: baii(a), by!(a), hrable, chyla, je/sa « *je-/olbia, with an originally nee-acute vowel in the second syllable), kana, mrela, pasa, sedze, sukiis, sija, skraila, visna nridza, praea, priadze dyna, huiis, kuca, skriiie, veia. Here belong duls « * k'bdw'ia, with an originally acute vowel in the second syllable), where the palatalization of the final consonant was lost, and krpe « *k'brp(J)'a), which is declined after the lena-type. "

As in the case of the a-stems, the conditions were present for the
operation of the Czech lengthening in the acute ja-stems. As a result, the original qp. A of these words was replaced by qp. F. Like the a-stems, some ja-stems generalized the long and others the short root vowel in all case forms. All but two words gave up the quantitative alternation of the root vowel completely. Qp. F has been retained in prsce: Probably, the Czech lengthening did not operate in olie, sulme, and visne, as their initial syllable was closed. In olse the stress was originally on the initial syllable but shifted to the second syllable as a consequence of Dybo's law C:olbsii > *OIUii). Later it was retracted from the weak jer onto the initial syllable again. The ja-stems belonging to ap. (b) with originally long vocalism" have the original qp. B, except for kleSte 'pincers' (cf. however OCz. klesce), which may have shortened its root vowel to avoid homonymy with kliSte, !b 'tick'. In the words belonging to ap. (b) with short vocalism, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present. The resulting qp. F is retained as a variant in laiie. The other words have generalized the long root vowel in all case forms. In zmije the Czech lengthening did not operate, because the stress was originally on the ending (in words with a stem in *-Vj Van Wijk's law did not operate as there was no consonant cluster, so that, ultimately, Stang's law did not cause retraction of the stress here). In mez the Czech lengthening did not operate either, as the stress here, too, was on the ending, cf. Ru. meia, SCT. mMa. The final stress of this word is enigmatic (probably the word reflects an original je-stem, 'cf. Kortlandt (1977: 324». The short vowel in nozdra may be due to influence from nos (note, however, the final stress in Ru. nozdrja). All mobile ja-stems have obtained qp. A after the shortening of long falling vowels and the later analogical shortening of the root vowel in the Gpl.

B:

G:

The following words show variation between two quantity patterns:
NG: caSa, kaia

Ap. (b):
A: B: hrdza, koia, medzs, noia, zmija. Here belongs nozdra « *nozdr'a), which is declined after the lena-type. diela, hradza, bUit, chOdza, chvila, klieItc. m/adza, piaca, puit, stran, straz, sus, svieca, sir, tial, tvidza, vola, vOila, r,fi. Here belong ziara (probably a contamination of "ser'e and *iara) and ktip« (< *kup(J)'a), which are declined after the lena-type.

tona,

Ap, (c):
A: G: dusa, jedfa, ovca « *olll>ca),zem. Here belongs moe (< *moea), which has become masculine. Here belongs zor« « *zor'a), which is declined after the zcna-type.

As in the case of the a-stems, the acute ja-stems analogically adopted lengthening before the ¢-ending in the Gpl, The words which have retained the original qp. A have either vowel insertion, e.g. Gpl. hrsbiel, sukieii, or have replaced the original ¢-ending in the Gpl, by the ending -f of the i-stems, e.g. Gpl. chyi/, sijJ. All other words have obtained qp. G. In casa and kaSa the Gpt. ending -I is ~.ptional, cf. caSi!ciaS, kasl/kas. " The long vowel in nudza and praca'lnay be due to Czech influence; the long vowel in priadza is probably analogical after the verb priest/ priadavaf, or is due to Czech influence. All oxytone ja-stems with long vocalism have the original qp. B. The words with short vocalism have the original qp. A, except for a number

·0 ..

o

514 of words with "c-vocalism, cf. chOdza, tona, vola, vona. The lengthening of the root vowel in these words can be explained as follows: The diphthong 0 in these words is paralleled by the identical pronunciation of the 0 in similar words in Russian dialects which distinguish between two o-phonemes, cf. Ru.dial. koia, vo/ja, moieS. The evidence from these dialects shows that the opposition between two o-sounds does not reflect a Common Slavic difference in quantity, but a difference in intonation: an originally unstressed 0 or 0 with a falling intonation (*0) is reflected by an open :J, and an 0 with a rising intonation (*0 or ·0) is reflected either by a diphthong yo or by a closed 0 (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 17; Zaliznjak 1985: 173ff.). The diphthong yo as a reflex of * 0 with a rising intonation must have arisen in Common Slavic already, since reflexes are found all over the Slavic territory. However, its origins, distribution, and development in the different Slavic languages are stilt unclear. Kortlandt (1975: 17) assumes that stress retraction onto *0 as a consequence of Stang's law yielded a quantitatively neutral diphthong *po, e.g. ·vyal'a, "'myoiesh, *n,}osish. Subsequently, the diphthong would have merged with ·0 in the former two word forms, where the second syllable contained a short vowel, and with *a in the latter form, where the second syllable contained a long vowel after the analogical lengthening of the thematic vowel after the i-verbs belonging to ap, (a) and (c), thus yielding Cz. viile, muzeS, nosis; Slk. vola, mozeS, nosii (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 19). Perhaps these two developments provide a starting point to solve the problem of the reflexes of neo-acute *0 in Czech and Slovak. However, there are some details which complicate this problem. How, for instance, can we explain the rise of the diphthong *yo in Cz. kUii, stiil, Slk. k6rl, st61, where Stang's law never operated? And if '"a yielded * po in * kaiih, *stoh, why not in "sstok», -a (from ·sitoh, -a before Dybo's law). cf. Cz.Slk. stok, -u? I agree with Kortlandt and assume 'that Stang's law yielded a quantitatively neutral diphthong * yo. This diphthong was largely in complementary distribution with *a from other sources, as in ·potop'b (from potop» before Dybo's law) or *kdnh. An opposition betweentgd and ·0 could only occur in medial syllables of polysyllabic word forms, e.g. 3sg. zakpol'e(t'b) versus Gsg. s'btoka. In initial syllables of polysyllabic word forms only ·yo occurred, while in final syllables of polysyllabic word forms and in monosyllabic word forms only *0 occurred. It is therefore possible that *!:,o and *0 were reinterpreted as allophones of a single phoneme */0/.
,

515 The distribution of the allophones was only partly predictable. As for Czech and Slovak, I assume that the allophones of ·/0/ fell subject to redistribution: ·uo in initial syllables, including monosyllabic word forms but *a in non-U:;itialsyllables, thus *vyal'a, *myozeSh, *n,}asish, *kyoiih, but *potop'b, *zakol'e(t'b), *5'btok8 (the long vowel in OCz. zakole was probably restored on the basis of the simplex OCz. kole, Cz. kUle). After the loss of the weak jets and the shortening of long falling vowels (which put an end to distinctive intonation in West-Slavic), the allophones of */0/ became two distinct phonemes ·/6/ and */0/. Mainly following Kortlandt, I assume that */6/ merged with long rising */0/ yielding a diphthong *yo (phonemically */0/), except when it was followed by a long vowel in the following syllable, in which case */0/ merged with */0/ into short *0. Subsequently, the opposition between *yo and *0 was reinterpreted as a quantitative opposition.l? In Czech the diphthong *po « *6 and ·0) regularly developed into a long ii (written u). In Slovak it remained, unaltered (and is written 6). In some cases, however, Czech and Slovak have a short 0 instead of u/6, wh'ich one would expect on the basis of the development outlined above. In the first place, */0/ in word-initial position is always reflected by 0-, e.g. Cz, osm, ohen, ospa, Slk. osem, ohen (instances of initial 0in Slovak, e.g. osmi, Gpl. 6k, must be due to later analogical developments). Apparently the prothetic element y- of the diphthong • yo was lost in Czech and Slovak (as opposed to Russian, cf. vosem', ORu. vospa, where initial * yo- developed into vo-). In the second place, in Slovak */0/ is reflected as 0 in the position before tautosyllabic y, e.g. Gpl. slovko, Gpl. vdov, SOy, domov (cf. Cz. shivko, domu). In this position, *0 was part of 'a diphthong op, which probably prevented the rise of a prothetic element p- (or *yop dissimilated to au, cf. Carlton 1991: 221). In the diphthong op the opposition between short and long *0 was lost, cf. Gpl. slov, vdov « ·SJOVD,*YbdOVD). Finally, in Slovak */6/ is reflected by 0 in the position after tautosyllabic Cv-, e.g. dvor, svoj, tvoj, tvotcs (cf. Cz. dvlir, svlij, tviij, t~rce), The prothetic element y- of the diphthong yo probably merged With the preceding v, leaving behind a short 0 (cf. Nonnenmacher-Pribic 1961: 94; Carlton 1991: 221). Note that the prothetic element was retained after v whenever it was not preceded by a consoynt, cf. vola, vona, Gpl. v6d.
As a consequence of the merger of */6/ and ·/6/ in cbodze, tona, vola, and vorla, these words obtained qp. B. The root vowel in Slk. koie, noie,

·,.'0

(\

o

516
and nazdre was probably shortened analogically after koza, nosif, and nos, respectively (note, however, the final stress in Ru, nozdrja). All mobile ja-stems had obtained qp. G after the shortening of long falling vowels. hi GpI. dllSi, jedJi, and zem!, the root vowel was analogically shortened after the original ¢-ending had been replaced by the ending ~iof the f-stems. The root vowel in Gpl. oviec may have regularly developed from *6 into *yo, after which the prothetic element y- was lost in word-initial position, see above. The singulare tantum moe regularly has qp. A.
I,t

517
Ap. (a):
A:
B:

X:

dIan (-ne), jesle bousle (pl.tant.), Here belong prs neuter (pl.tant.),

(pl.tant.), Ian (-ne), mecf, mysl, mys, nit, vetev (-we) kacf, siii (-ne), sit and prsa « ·pbrsb), which have become masculine and respectively.

Ap. (b):
X: lei,
Yes

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
AlE: dvefe/dveie (pl.tant.)

4.3 4.3.1
N G D A I L

The feminine i-!itcms
The feminine --ap.

Ap. (c):
--ap.(b)-dvir-« dvir-i dvsr-i dVbr-h dVbr-'p , dvsr-i --ap.(c)-dvsr-i dvir-i
bel (-e), dan (-ne), deti. hat; hrucf, chrsst (-i. f., or -u, m), chut; jai (-e), kasr, mast, mel (-e), m/acf, moe, nat (-te), noe, pee (-e), pest; plet; icc, san (-ne), sec (-e). slest, strsst, sec!, tlue (-e), rye (-e), vee, vlest, iercf, iJue, iluf. Here belong hrana, Jata, and asa « "grens, "volt» ·asb), which have replaced their original endings by the endings of the a-stems, and zob and bol « • Zobb, ·lx!lb), which have become masculine. B: cast, pid', tvii (-e). ' c: 'suI X: (Jest, hrst, lest, pIst/pIst; pit, rei, srst, vei. Here belongs msta « • mbSu,), which has replaced its original endings by the endings of the a-stems. AA: holen (-ne), jesen (·ne) A:

i-stems: the rcconstruction
kost-b kost-i
kiist-i

(a)-nit-i

nit~ nit-i nit-i nit-» nit-'~ nit-t

nit-t nit-stm: nit-i nit-bmT nit-ex»

dvsr-im»
dvsr-! dVhr-bmT dVhr-bX'b

kost-b kost-bjp kost-i

kost-i kost-ijb kost-bm'b kost-i kost-bmi kost-hX'b

Both Czech and Slovak have generalized the short variant of the Gsg, and Lsg. endings and the long variant of the Gpl. ending, cf. Cz.Slk. GLsg. kosti, Gpl. kosti. In Czech the variants *-'p and *-bmi of the Isg. and Ipl. endings were generalized, cf. Cz. Isg. kost!, Ipl. kostmi. In Slovak the i-stems have replaced the original Isg., Dpl., Ipl., and Lpl, endings by the endings of the a-,ija-stemi. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the feminine i-stems are qp. A for words belonging to ap. (a) and qp. A or B (depending on the vocalism) for words belonging to ap. (b). The words belonging to ap. (c) with originally short vocalism had qp. C, whereas the words with originally long vocalism had a long root vowel in the barytone case forms and a short vowel in the other case forms.

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:

AlE:

sane/sine

(pl.tant.)

4.3.2

The fembiinc i-stems: the Czech material

The feminine i-stems have developed into feminine nouns of the kosttype of declension. A number of words have replaced the original endings by the endings of the ja-stems, except for the NAsg., where the ¢-ending has been retained. The Gsg. ending of these words is given in brackets.

In the acute i-stems, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present inthe Gsg., Dsg., Lsg, NAp 1., Dpl., 'and Lpl. However, the quantity pattern which arose after the lengthening of the root vowel in these case forms has been lost completely: all words have generalized either the long or the short root vowel in all case forms. The oxytone i-stems in the material have jer-vocalism, logically resulting in qp. X In the paradigm of *dVh11>,the loss of the weak jets gave rise to a problematic initial consonant cluster *dvr-. This cluster was simplified in some Slavic dialects by metathesis of the final two consonants, cf. OCz. divi, Po, drzwi, and in other dialects by introducing the reflex of the strong jet which occurred in other case forms of the paradigm, cf. Cz. dvefe/dvefe, Ru. dyer', Gsg. dveri. Since the jer was stressed in all case forms where it wa't originally strong, I assume that the analogical spread of the strong jer throughout the entire paradigm of this word was accompanied by the adoption of fixed root stress (which is attested in Old Russian and Slovincian, cf. Stang 1957: 85). After the

o

518
substitution of *dvj.r- for "dvsr- in all case forms, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present in the NApl., Dpl., and Lpl., *dv-tr-i, etc. Subsequently, the long root vowel was apparently replaced by the short vowel of the Gpl. and Ipl. in Dpl. and Lpl. dveiem, dveiech, and optionally in NAp!. dveieldveie. Nearly all mobile i-st,etns have qp. A (or AA for holen, jeseii), which they have acquired as a consquence of the shortening of long falling vowels. Cast has probably taken its long root vowel from the diminutive castka, where it is regular. This is supported by quality of the root vowel a (instead of 1, which is to be expected on the basis of OCz. cest/ciest). The tong vowel in tvai is probably analogical after the motivating verb tvafitj the long vowel in sane after sanka. I have no explanation for the long vowel in pic!'. The long vowel in NAsg. suI can be explained by assuming a tendency to lengthen • 0 in monosyllabic word forms ending in a resonant. This lengthening probably took place in some dialects only, and in modem literary Czech words with and without lengthening from different dialects have come together. In Czech, there are many instances of lengthening of *0 before word-final resonants, but it appears to be impossible to formulate a phonetically motivated sound law as the number of exceptions is large. Even in the limited material of the i-stems we find with lengthening, side by side bol without lengthening in the NAsg. Perhaps bol has managed to resist this lengthening because of the existence of related words, e.g. bolet, bolest. Ap. (b):
X: loi

519

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns: NG: Ap.(c):
be!, cast, dan (-ne), deli, hat (-te), hrst', hrl1cf (-de), chrsst, chl1f, jar, kost, mast, me! (-Ie), mIac!, moe, noe, os, ost, piisf (-te), pec (-e), pIef, plst; pIt, rai, ree, san(a), sane, seC, slasf, so!, srst; strsst, see!(-de), tIc (-e), trst; tye (-e), vee, vlast, maf (-te), ilc (-e), iJt (-te), ire! (-de). Here belongs zob « ·ZObb), which has become masculine. B: piBcf (-de), war (-el-i). Here belongs bOt « ·boIb), which has become masculine. G: Here belong bren«; lata « "grsn», ·VO/th), which have replaced their original endings by the endings of the a-stems. X: cest, vaS AA: holen (-ne), jesen (-ne) A:
dvere

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns: NX: Jesf Nearly all acute i-stems have the original qp. A. Only prsie, which has become neuter, has a long root vowel before its new ¢-ending in Gpl. pis. The long vowel in sien and sie!' is probably due to Czech influence. Both oxytone i-stems in the material have jer-vocalism, which would logically result in qp. x. However, in dvere the reflex of the strong jer has spread to all forms of the paradigm, see above. The Gpl. has two variants, cf. dveri/dvier, the latter form has secondary lengthening before the ¢-ending. Nearly all mobile i-stems have qp. A (or AA for hoJen, jesen), which they have acquired as a consequence of the shortening of long falling vowels. The exceptions are hrana and lata, which have replaced their endings by the endings of the a-stems and have lengthened the root vowel before their new ¢-ending in Gpl. hrsn, 1;it. Furthermore, we find a long vowel in tvar, which may be analogical after the verb tvarit; or due to Czech influence. I have no explanation for the long vowel in piacf and bOf (cf. also Po. bOl, Gsg. ¥Ju, SIc. bOp/, Gsg. bOplil, SCr. hBI, Gsg. bBJi).

sw

4.3.3

,The feminine i-stems: the Slovak material .!

.The feminine i-stems have developed into feminine nouns of the kost'type of 'declension. A number of words have replaced all original endings by the endings of the ja-stems; except for the NAsg., where the !2'-ending generally has been retained. The Gsg. ending of these words is' given in brackets. Ap, (a): A:
dJan (-ne), husle, jssle, nit (-te). Here belong endings by the endings masculine. sien (-ne), sief (-te) Here belongs prsis « kae!a, kysf (-te), Ian (-ne), me!/, myset' (-sle), mys, vetva « ·vetvz.), which has replaced its original of the a-stems, and prs « ·pbrsb), which has become ·pbrsh), which has become neuter (p1.tant.).

B:

G:

··.0

o

520

521

4.4 4.4.1
N

The feminine a-stc:ms The feminine a-stems: the reconsttuction -ap. (a)-tyk-y tyk'bv-i tyhv-e tyhv-'b tyk'bv-i tyhv-bm'b tjhV-b tjhv-i tyhv-'i) tyhv-bmT tyk'bv-e tyhV-b){'j~ -ap. (b) -iel..y ieliv-i ieliv-e ieliv-'b ieliv-i ieliv-bm'b ieliv-b ieliv-i ieliv-'i) ieliv-bmT ieliv-e ieliv-bX'b -ap. br-y briv-e briv-i bnv-b bnv-bN briv-e (c)-briv-i briv-» bnV-bm'b bnv-i brsv-smi bnV-bX'b

G

D A I L

long root vowel of the NAsg. has been replaced by the short vowel of the oblique case forms. In iernov the root morpheme originaUy contained a syllabic resonant, cf. OCz. irnov. In cirkev « *cbrky/cenky) the Czech lengthening did not operate, because the initial syllable is closed. I have no explanation for the long vowel in this word. Both oxytone a-stems, ie/va mrkev, have regularly obtained qp. A and X, respectively. Both mobile ii-stems have regularly obtained qp. x. 4.4.3
The feminine a-stems: the Slovak material

Neither Czech nor Slovak has retained the original paradigm of the ii-stems; In both languages, the ii-stems either joined the a-, ja-, or i-stem,s, or changed their gender, or were enlarged with the suffix -ic-, In the discussion of the material below, the suffixally enlarged forms have been left out of consideration. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the ii-stems are qp. A(A) for the words belonging to ap. (a) and qp. A(A) or B(A) (depending on the vocalism) for words belonging to ap. (b). The only words belonging to ap. (c) had a non-syllabic root morpheme in the Nsg., a long root vowel in the Asg. and Gpl. and a short vowel in the other case forms. 4.4.2 The feminine a-stems: the Czech material The feminine ii-stems have developed into nouns of the zena-, dIan-, psn-, or stroj-types of declension. Where applicable, I shall give the Gsg. ending and gender in brackets. Ap. (a):
tykcv (-kvc, D, rakev (-kvc, m) clrkev (-kve, D AA: icrnov (-u, .m) A:
B:

The feminine ii-stems have developed into feminine nouns of the iena- or kost'-types of declension. In the latter case, I shall give the Gsg. ending in brackets. Ap. (a):
A: bukve, cirkev (-kvi), rakva

Ap. (b):
A: mrkva, svokre

Ap. (c):
A: G: krv(-i)
brva

All ii-stems belonging to ap. (a) and svokrs have the original quantity patterns. I have no explanation for the short root vowel in the oxytone mtkve. In brva and krv the originally non-syllabic resonant has become syllabic, after which it was lengthened analogically in Gpl, bfv. 4.5 4.5.1
N G D A I L

The feminine r-stems The feminine r-stems] the reconstruction -ap. (a) --mat-i mster-i mster-e mster-» mster-i miner-un» mster-» mster-i mater-'i) mater-bmT mster-e mster-sx» ap. (b) ---ap.(c)-diM dicer-i dicer-e d'bcer-'b dicer-i d'bCer-bm'b dicer-b dicer-i d'bCer-hjQ d'bCer-bmi dicer-e d'bCer-bXb

Ap. (b):
A: X: ielva mrkev (-kvc,

D D

Ap. (c):
X: btvsc kre» (krve,

In the ii-stems belonging to ap. (a), the conditions for the operation of the' Czech lengthening were present in the Nsg. (now replaced by the Asg.) and Asg. The conditions were also present in the Gpl., but none of the words have retained the original ¢-ending. In tykev and rakev the

The only r-stems in Slavic are "meti and *d'bci. Both words have retained most of their original declension in several Slavic languages. In Czech and Slovak this is true only for *mati; the original declension of *d'bB has been lost but for the DLsg. dcefi (cf. also OCz. dci).

>V

·· .. 0

o

522 The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the r-stems are qp. A(A) for "meti and qp. A(G) with an additional long vowel in the second syllable in the Dpl. and LpI. for *dl>ci.

523 could be that the adoption of the endings of the a-stems was accompanied by a change in accentuation (Gsg, * dicere > *dl>cerj, with the same stress as *rpkY). Probably, for some period both the old and new word forms occurred side by side, e.g. Gsg. *dicere besides *d'JJcerjt, Dpl. *dl>ren.ml> besides *dl>ceraml>, etc. After the loss of the weak jers, the variant paradigm with the original endings acquired a long root vowel in most case forms, according to the law mentioned above, whereas the variant with the a-stem endings had a short root vowel in most case forms (Gsg. *deere - *dcerj). Apparently, some dialects generalized the long root vowel on the basis of the former variant, while other dialects generalized the short vowel on the basis of the latter variant.

4.5.2

The feminine r-stems: the Czech material

The original declension of the r-stems is largely retained in the singular of archaic mati, Gsg. mstete, etc. In the plural, the original endings of the r-stems were initially replaced by the endings of the a-stems, cf. OCz. NAp!. metery, DpJ. materam, Ip!. materami, Lpl. mstersch. In the modern language, mati has been replaced by the suffixal derivations matka and meminke, or joined the i-stems, cf. colloquial mat/mati, Gsg, mati (below, only the archaic variant is taken into consideration). The other r-stem, *dl>ci, has adopted the endings of the a-stems both in the singular and the plural (except for the DLsg.). Ap. (a):
C(A): mati

4.5.3

The feminine r-stems: the Slovak material

The original declension of the r-stems is largely retained in the singular of mati, Gsg. metere, etc. In the plural, the original endings have been replaced by the endings of the dJan-type. The other r-stem, *d7.(H,joined the a-stems, cf. deere: Ap, (a):
A(A}: mal'/mati

Ap, (c):
A: doers

In the Nsg., Asg., and Gpl. of *mati, the conditions were present for the operation of the Czech lengthening. In fact, in Old Czech, a long root vowel is attested in Nsg. mati, Asg. matef, but not in Gpl. mater (cf. Lamprecht et al. 1986: 171). Apparently, the long vowel in the latter word form was replaced by the short vowel of the other plural case forms in a period when lengthening \n the GpI. had become atypical in Czech. After the Czech lengthening and the subsequent shortening of the root vowel in the GpI., mati had obtained qp. erA). The later substitution of the Nsg. mati for Asg. matef and the adoption of the endings of the dJan-type in the plural did not change the quantity pattern. The quantity pattern of deere presents some problems. On the basis of Cz.dial. deem, Slk. deere, and Cz. jmeno (see 4.5.3, 4.14.2-3), it is tentative to formulate a phonetic sound law according to which a stressed weak jer (in the process of being lost) loses its stress to the following syllable, which becomes long and rising (Gsg. *diCere> *dcere). As a consequence of this sound law, the suffix "'-cr- in *dCi would become long in alI case forms except for the Isg. and Ipl, In order to arrive at the modern qp. A, one could assume a generalization of the short vowel of the Isg. and. Ipl. case forms, but this development does not appear to be very probable. Another explanation

Ap. (c):
B:

dcer«

Mat/mati has the original qp. A(A). The root vowel in deere was probably lengthenedphonetically as a .consequence of the loss of the stressed weak jer in the barytone word forms of the paradigm (see above). 4.6 'The masculine o-stcms 4.6.1
N G D A I

The masculine o-steins: the reconstruction
(a)-.--ap.(b)---ap.(c)--

-, -ap.

L

xJeb-l> xieb-a xl6b-u xl~b~l> xl~b-l>mh xl~b-{:

xleb-i xieb-l> xI6b-oml> xl¢b-y xl~b-j xJ~b-~X'],

bjk-l> bjk-a bjk-il bjk-l> bjk-imh bje-~

bye-i bjk-l> bjk-j bjk-y b~{:X7.
byk-om»

VOZ-l> voz-a voz-u VOZ-7. VOZ-7.mh

voz-~

voz-y

voz-i VOZ-7. voz-oml> voz-y VOZ-¢X7.

In all Slavic languages, the original o-stems have merged with the u-stems into a new declensional type in which endings of both stem types occur side by side. Probably, the merger of the 0- and u-stems started

·0 ...

o

524 already in Common Slavic, and could come about after the endings in NAsg. and ApI. had become identical in both paradigms. The outcome of this merger, however, is different for each Slavic language. .In Czech, the Dpl. and IpI. endings * -'bmlo, * -oani of the u-stems were lost completely, and so was the Gpl, ending *-'b of the o-stems (of the latter ending some examples are attested in Old Czech). In Slovak, the Gpt, Ipl., and LpI. endings *-'b, *-y, and .*-ex~ of th~ o-stems were lost completely (the GpI. ending *-'b has survived m two Isolated cases). The Dpl .. endings of the 0- and u-stems, *-om'b and *-lom7o, both regularly developed into -om. The substitution of the Isg. ending of the u-stems *-7omb for the original ending *-a (retained in e.g: Ru. vccra) in West-Slavic probably preceded the merger of the two stem types (cf. Kortl~ndt 1982: 1~8-18?; for a detailed survey of the Isg. endings of masculine substantives m Slovak dialects, see Pauliny 1990: 52-55); In all other case forms, endings of both stem types occur side by side both in Czech and Slovak, their distribution depending mainly on the meaning of the stem they are attached to. In Common Slavic, some endings occurred in a long and a short variant. Of these endings, Czech and Slovak generalized the short variants of the Lsg. ending *-u of the u-stems (besides *-e of the o-stems and the origlnal Dsg, ending *-ovi of the u-stems). Besides Czech generalized the long variant of the GpI. ending *-0V'b of the u-stems and short variant of the Ipl, ending *-y of the o-stems, which became the new Gp1.and Ipl. endings for both 0- and u-stems. The long variant of the ending '"-OV'"b originally belon~e~ to the u-stems of ap. (c), which was the most frequent accentual parad~gm ",among these words (see 4.8). In the DpI., the long variant of theendmg -onrs of the o-stems was generalized, Which was probably supported by ~he generalization of long *.-OV'b in the GpI. In the LpI., the long van ant of the ending * -ex7o of the o-stems was generalized, but the ending. * -lo~'b ~f the u-stems occurred side by side. In modern Czech, the ending -ich IS replaced by -ech "'-loXlo) in most words, except in w~rds with ~ st~m ending ina velar, where -fch survived relatively long and IS now beginning to be replaced by the ending -ach of the a-stems. It is impossible to determine whether in Slovak the short or t.he long variant of the Gpl, ending '"-OV'b of the u-stems was generalized. In modern Slovak the ending is short, -ov, which may sim~ly point ~o a generalization of the (rarely occurring) short ;ariant, but IS more likely due to the fact that "'0 did notdevelop a prothetic element y- before tauto-

525 syllabic -y and lost its length in the diphthong oy (see 4.2.3). In the IpI., the short variant of the ending *-7omi of the u-stems was generalized. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the declensional type into which the 0- and u-stems had merged are qp, A for the words belonging to ap. (a), and qp. A or B (depending on the vocalism) for words belonging to ap. (b). The words belonging to ap. (c) with originally short vocalism had qp. C, whereas the words with originally long vocalism had a long root vowel in the barytone case forms and a short vowel in the other case forms. A number of words had a disyllabic stem. The original quantity patterns of these words are given below. 4.6.2

The masculine o-stems: the Czech material

pan-type
A:

The masculine o-stems have merged with the u-stems into the hrad-/ of declension.

Ap. (a):
brstr, buk, cas, did, div, had, hnev, hrady, chlsp, jih, kien, kur, pluh, rsk, ryk, svat, tis, uzel, Vlach, vnuk « "vsnuk», with an originally neo-acute vowel in the second syllable), iid B: blln, carry), dftn. cbdm, kiln, kmfn « • ksanin», with an originally acute vowel in the second syllable), mek, mlfn. pram, pfr, slez, sfr, s/cvar, tfl C: hrdch, ch/tEb, mraz, prsh, vitr X: brb, chrt, smrk AA: jazyk « *j~zyk'b, with an originally acute vowel in the second syllable), oiech « ·oren, with an originally nee-acute vowel in the second syllable), sever « ·seven.. with an originally acute vowel in the initial syllable) AB: jcla.b, jestl8.b « ·jarpb'b, *jastr{!b'b. both with an originally acute vowel in the initial syllable)

Ap. (b):
A: bez, bob. bobr, hEbet « ·xII,bht"b), hi'ib, hvozd, cbvost, knot, kozel « *ko.zbl'b), 1iJh 'tannin', mech, orel « ·OIbl'b), osel « "ossl»), eves « ·OVDS'b),skot, snop. strop, step, um. Here belongs rozen « ·orun'b). where the final consonant has become palatalized. B: bfk. dil, dilk, difn. dZban « ·chban'b). hlist, blich, ohlev, chroust, kla.t. kloub, kout, 16k, Ioub, pan « *g'bpan'b), plst, proud. sloup, smlch, soud, $var, sip, itit, tlouk, troud, tid. vir, vous(y), iak « *dI.jak'b). Here belongs plast « ·plast'b), which has become feminine, Gsg. -I. C: dvUr, prist, strii X: kiest, lev, pes-prst, ret, sen, trn, AA: jeseter, sokol, toper AB: chomout, komar

«

.

'

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
B/C: kriI

....

()

o

526

527 qp. A. Other words introduced the long root vowel in the NAsg., which eliminated the quantitative alternation of the root vowel in the singular, whereas in the plural, quantitative alternation probably still remained. After the rise of this new quantity pattern, which is merely an intermediate stage in the development towards qp. B, some words simply continued their development and acquired qp.B. Other words, ef', OCz: bniev, as yet generalized the short root vowel in all case forms and acquired qp. A. Finally, some words generalized the short root vowel in all case forms, except for the NAsg., thus acquiring qp, C. The acquisition of qp. c by these words could occur only after qp, C had regularly arisen in the masculine 0-, jo-, and u-stems with o-vocalism, originally belonging to ap. (b), see below. Later, some words which had acquired qp, C generalized the long root vowel in all case forms, cf, djm, msk. As in the case of the acute a-sterns, it appears to be impossible to determine why a word acquired a particular quantity pattern. This probably depended on which case forms were most frequently used and on the presence of derivations, where the Czech Lengthening did not operate. . . Theorigirially disyllabic words jazyk, oiech,sever, jef<i.b and jestiab have the original quantity patterns. In the NAsg. of *seven., the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present, but the long vowel that arose in this case form has apparently been replaced by the short vowel of the other case forms. Kmin, slez, and vnuk underwent the same developments as did the originally monosyllabic words. The monosyllabic oxytone words with originally long vocalism regularly have qp. B. A short vowel instead of a long vowel is found in hfib, luh 'tannin', and All three have a stem with j- oru-vocalisrn, which was shown in 4.1.2 to be sensitive to shortening. The short vowel in urn may also be due to influence from umet and rozum, where it is regular. In the oxytoneo-stems with originally short vocalism, the conditions for the Czech lengthening were present in the Ipl.,' e.g. * stoly. However; no traces of lengthening in this case form have survived. All words have the' original qp. A, except fordvllr, kUJ, prist, and stUl. The long vowel in the NAsg. of these words is the regular reflex of short 0 with a rising intonation (*0; see 4.2.3). In kUl, Gsg. /diIIl (besides kolu) the long ,:ow,el of the NAsg. was generalized in the. entire .paradigm. . . However, iri most oxytone words with o-vocalism, the long vowel in the N(A)sg. was replaced by the short vowel of the other case. forms, cf. bob, bobr, hvozd, chvost, knot, skot, snop, and strop." .

AP: (c):
A: beh, bes, blesk, blud, bod, bok, bor, brav, brod, brus, bieh, buben « ·bpbhn'1t), cep, cad, eert, eich, e/en, clun, dluh, drozd, druh, duch, hlad, hlas, hlen, bnis, hnus, hod, hon, hrad, hrob, hrom, hleb, chlad, chlum, chod, jas, jed, ksl, klss, klen, kos, krov, kruh, kiik, kus, kvas, levet, lep, Ies, Iesk, let, lov, lub, luh 'meadow', Iuk, mech, mih, mlst, mor, most, mozek, mrak, mrav, nos, pisk, plat, plaz, plen, ples, plot, pluk, pot, prach, pruh, prut, puch, puk, roh, rok, rov, rub, ruch, fey, slad, slap, slez « ·s['leZ'b), slon, sluch, smrad, sok, spech, stav, stoh, strech, struh, struk, strup, stied, stiep,' stud, sud, svet, svit, svrab, sum, tab, flak, tok, trud, trup, trus, tfesk, tuk, tur, tver, tvor, vaz 'elm', vaz 'neck', vlsk, vias, vosk, vreh, vied, vies, zad, znak, zrak, zub, zvon, zvuk, z/eb, zJab B: bloud, cary, hmlt,pad,raz, roub, rust, uhcl « ·pg"l,,), zar. C: buh, snih, vUz X: len, srp, vlk AA: popel, vecer

cas,

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
NB: fez/liz

As in the case of the feminine a-stems, the acute masculine o-stems with a monosyllabic stem show a varied picture of quantity patterns instead of the original qp. A. After the merger of the 0- and u-stems, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present in the Gsg., Dsg., Isg., Lsg., Npl.c ApI., and Ipl. The quantity pattern which arose as a consequence of the lengthening of the root vowel in these case' forms is .not attested, Instead of this pattern, the originally acute o-stems acquired either qp. A, B, or C. The development which lead from the quantity pattern as it had arisen by the Czech lengthening to qp. A, B, or C appears to be no simple generalization of the long root vowel in case forms which previously contained a short vowel or conversely. Especially the rise of qp. C, e.g. mrsz, Gsg. mrazu, out of earlier. "mrez, Gsg. *mrazu is hardly conceivable without some intermediate stage. Furthermore, for some words now having qp. A, a long root vowel is attested in Old Czech, e.g. hniev, kUr, pbsb; For some words now having qp. C, a long vowel in the oblique case forms is attested in Old Czech, e.g, vietr, hrach, Gsg. vietm, hrachu (cf. also the NApl. hrachy given in the Slovnlk spisovtieho jazyka cesk6ho (1960-71)). Some words now having qp, B, until recently had qp, C, e.g, djm, msk, Gsg. djmu, msku, archaic dymu, msku. In view of these facts, a probable development could be that after the rise of the qp. *mraz, Gsg.*mrazu, some words started generalizing the short root vowel in all case forms, developing in the direction of

urn.

cas,

·.. .0

o

528 AIl disyllabic oxytone words have the original quantity patterns, except for iak, where the long vowel is the result of contraction of *-l.ja-. The originally short rising *17in the final syllable of N(A)sg. sokol and topor is regularly reflected by 0 (see 4.2.3). After the shortening of long falling vowels .and the substitution of the Gpl. ending * -OV70 for the original ending * -'1., all mobile o-stems had obtained qp. A (or AA for popel and veeer). In modem Czech, qp. A is the regular quantity pattern for the majority of these words. There are, however, twelve exceptions with a long root vowel in some or all case forms of their paradigm. The long root vowel in bloud 'fool', bUh, raub 'peg', snih, and vzlz probably reflects earlier oxytonesis. Relatively early in the Common Slavic period, before the operation of Dybo's law, all non-acute masculine ~o-stems with fixed root stress became mobile. This analogical development is generally referred to as 'Illic-Svityc's law' (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 27-28; mic-Svityc 1963: 118-119). Thusfar, it has remained unclear what the intermediate stages in the development from fixed root stress to mobile stress were, but it can be assumed that these words have known variation between two stress types over a considerable period of time. At the end of the Common Slavic period, these words apparently belonged to ap. (c), but could be stressed according to ap. (b) optionally (cf. IIlic-Svityc 1963: 119; Dybo et aI. 1990: 130 fn, 70; Vermeer 1984: 359). Reflexes of the optional oxytone accentuation are found all over the Slavic territory (cf. Dybo et a1. 1990: 131-134 and the map on pp. 136-137). I assume that many reflexes of the optional oxytone accentuation of these words can, be found in Czech and Slovak. Thus, I assume that qp. B in blond and raub, and, qp. C in bUh and vUz reflect earlier accentuation according to ap. (b). The short vowel in blud 'error' and rub 'backside' reflects the variant accentuation according to ap. (c). Quantity pattern C in snlh, Gsg. sn6hu is probably the consequence of a contarnination of the two variant stress patterns sn~g'b, sn~ga versus .sn~g'b, sn~ga (cf. DCz. Lsg. sniebu given by Travnicek 1921: 106), after the long falling vowel in the former variant had been shortened. Note that in the case of " bl{Jd'b, *sncg'l>, and *VOZ'b oxytonesis is attested in ORu.dial. Gs~. bluda, Dsg. b/udii (cf, Bulatova et a1. 1988: 59), Ukr.dial, Gsg. sncga (cf. Hanusz 1883: .334), and Ukr.dia1. Gsg. voza (cf. Dybo et a1.

529 the Common Slavic period they joined the s-, 0-, or i-stems (in fact, variation between a-, 0-, or i-declension for one and .the same root morpheme, e.g. SCr. iar/iara, or Slk. ziar (m), SIn. fala CD, Ru. zaP (0, is an indication that one is dealing with an original root noun). In Common Slavic, root nouns with a root vowel reflecting a PIE lengthened grade belonged either to ap. (b) or (c) (cf. Kortlandt 1985: 118). The words which later joined the a-stems retained their original accentual paradigm, while the words which joined the 0- or i-stems generally became mobile. In the latter case, traces of the earlier ap. (b) have been retained occasionally, which is probably the explanation for the long vowel in Cz. cary and zar. The long vowel in pad may be explained by assuming that this word has received acute intonation analogically after its motivating verb ·pasti, lsg, *pad(J, and subsequently underwent the same developments as did the originally acute o-stems (cf. also SIn. pad). I have no adequate explanation for the long vowel in hnat (cf. also Slk. hnat, SIc. gnayt), raz, nist, fez/Hz, and uhel. In the case of raz, the long vowel of the original ,GpJ. *raZ'1> may have been introduced, analogically in the Nsg. In many Slavic dialects which have generalized the ending of the u-stems in the GpJ., the original Gpl; *raz'b has survived as a relic because of its frequent use after numerals, cf. Slk. pat raz, Ru. pjat' raz. I think that it is possible that the long 1"90t vowel in this case form spread to the Nsg. and from, there to the other case forms of the paradigm.'! In nist, the long vowel may be analogical after the verb rust, or due to secondary lengthening after r. The long vowel in fez/fiz is either analogical after the verb fiznout or reflects earlier acute intonation (cf. SCr. rezati). The long vowel in 6hel may originate from the Asg. and Lsg. case forms, which were frequently used in combination with the preposition * Vb. After the loss of the weak final jer of the preposition, the initial vowel of the following substantive was lengthened,thus ·vD {JgDID,*V70 pg'ble> Cz. v uhel,v Uhlu (as in viibec, v1ici, Mol, zustat, cf. Gebauer 1963: 233-236). In order to differentiate *(igDh 'comer' from *pgll. 'coal', the long vowel may have been generalized in the entire paradigm .

.

'

4.6.3

The masculine o-stelDS:, the SlovU material '(i'

1990: 148).

cary and

far probably reflect original root nouns. In Slavic, the

PIE

. The masculine a-stems have merged with the u-stems into the dub-/ chlap-type of declension.

root nouns have retained their original consonantal declension over a relatively long period (cf. ORu. Ipl, carmi). In one of the final stages of

··,,0

o

530 Ap. (a):
bien, brat, buk, Car(y), ded, div, dym, had, hnev, hrsch, btb, ehlap, ehren, cbrt, juh, klin, kit, laz, mak, mlyn, pluh, prah, rak, ryk, slez 'mallow', smrek, svat, syr, skvar, tis, uzol, Vlach, lIlIuk « $n.nuh, with a nee-acute . vowel in the second syllable), iid B: ehrhn, kmln « ~'hmin'l>, with an originally acute vowel in the second syllable), pir C: ehlleb, mraz, vietor AA: jsstrsb ·jastrpb'l>, with an originally acute vowel in the initial syllable), jazyk « *j(:zyh, with an originally acute vowel in the second syllable), orecb « ·orCX'b, with an originally nee-acute vowel in the second syllable), sever « ·seven., with an originally acute vowel in the initial syllable) . A:

531 The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
A/G: rez

«

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
A/G: cas

Ap. (b):
bober, dvor, ehrbit (Gsg. chrbta, < ·XrI,bbtb), chvost, kozol « *koZhI'l», krst, lev, msoii; oral « -orb/'l», osol « -osbl'l», ovos « *OV,loS'l», prst, snop, strop, SVOkOT,step, um. Here belong bazs « -b'DZ'h), which has become feminine, Gsg. -y, and raien *oribn'D), where 'the final consonant has become palatalized. B: bOb, bjk, qiel, driek, diban « ·Ci,ban'D), friz(y), hIUb, hrfb, briecb, ehliev, ehrUst, klat, klb, knot, kut, lick, lUll, pin « ·g'l>pan'D), piest, plbt. past, prud, smiecb, stlp, sud, svU, s1p, stit, tlk, tnid, ud, vir, v&::lor,ilak ·dbjsh). Here belong dden, srieii, and tin « "derm, ·sern'D, ·tlorn'l», where the final consonant has become palatalized. C: kol, stcl X: pes, sen AA: sokol, topor AD: chomut, komar AAA: jeseter « *je-/osetn.) A:

«

«

Ap. (c):
beh, bes,blesk, blud, bod.. boh, bok, brav, breh, brest, brod, bubon « ·bpbbn70), eep, cad, cary, cert, Clen, cln, (frep, cuch, dlh, drozd, druh, duch, hIad, hlas, hnus, hody, bon, brad, hrob, hrom, hui, chlad. chlm, chod, jlis, jed, kal, klas, klen, krik, krm, krov, kruh, kus, kvss, kvet, lan, lep, les, lesk, let, Jov, lub, luh, lui, mcch, mih, mlat, mOI, most, mozog, mrak, mnv, nos, pisk, plat, plaz, plen, ples, plot. pluk, pot, prach, pruh, pueh, puk, rsst, rev, rez, roh, rov, rub, ruch, dad, slez 'rennet-stomach', slon, sluch, smrad, .sneh, sok, specb, stav, stoh, strach, stred, struk, stud, sud, svet, svit, svreb, sUm, (ah, tlak, tok, tresk, trud, ttup, trus, tuk, tur, tvar, tvar, uhol « ·pg'Di'b), vaz 'elm', viiz(y) 'neck', vlsk; vles, vlk, vosk, voz, vrab, VIed, VIes, znsk, zrak, zub, zvon, 21'11k,ilab, ireb B: bsr, brUs, hlien, hnat, kret, pad, prtit, rliz, iiar AA: popol, vecer A:

..

Nearly all monosyllabic acute words have the original qp. A. The long vowel in chram and pjr is probably due to Czech influence; and so is the rise of qp. C in cblieb, mr;iz, and vietor. In cas the original ¢-ending in the Gpl. survived as a variant, before which the root vowel was lengthened secondarily, cf. Opl. cias/casov. Among the disyllabic words, jazyk, orech, sever, and vnuk have the original quantity patterns. The long root vowel in kmin 'caraway' is probably due to Czech influence (cf. the Usual SUe. rescs 'caraway'). Forjastrab the original Common Slavic quantity pattern is AB; cf. Cz. jesti;ib, SCr. jiistreb « *jastr~b'b). The shortening of the vowel in the second syllable probably has its origin in the loss of phonemic quantity of a after j in the initial syllable (cf. also jazda, see 4.1.3). In Slovak, long *a, *e, or *~ after palatal consonants developed into an open diphthong la, e:g. Slk. iiar. After j, the onglide of this diphthong probably merged with j, after which the resulting sequence ja became phonemically neutral with respect to quantity. However, if we assume that phonetically the sequence ja equalled the diphthong la, the shortening of the. vowel in the second syllable of jastrab (and also of archaic jarab) may simply be the effect of the rhythmic shortening; according to which law the second of two successive long vowels is shortened. Later, the sequence ja was reinterpreted as j followed by short a; and the sequence was no longer neutral with respect to quantity (cf. jems, Gpl. jam). As a consequence of ,these developments, jastrab acquired qp. AA. The monosyllabic oxytone words with long vocalism have the original qp. B, except for um. The short vowel in this word is probably analogical after rozum. The words with short vocalism have the original ,qp. A,. except for a number of words with o-vocalism, The long vowel in the NAsg. of bob, knot, ko1, post, and sto1 is the regular reflex of *0. In these words, the merger of the diphthong*po « *0) and "'6 gave rise to qp, C (see 4.2.3). In bOb, knot, and post, the long vowel was subsequently generalized in the entire paradigm . . On the other hand, no long vowel is found in bobor, dvor, chvost, snop, and strop. In the case of dvor add chvost this is due to the initial consonant cluster Cv-. In the other cases the long vowel in the N(A)sg. was probably replaced analogically by the short vowel of the other case forms,

·0 ..

o

532

533 As a consequence of Van Wijk's law, the endings of the masculine jo-stems were lengthened, except for the Apt. ending, which was a nasal vowel. In the period following Van Wijk's law, the singular and Npl. endings were shortened, because they never occurred under the stress. In the words belonging to ap. (b), Dybo's and Stang's laws yielded the same stress alternations as in the paradigm of the a-stems, except possibly for an additional retraction of the stress in the Dpl., e.g. *nozem'b (from *nozemD before Dybo's law). In Czech and Slovak, the masculine jo-susas have retained most of their original endings (on the Isg. ending see 4.6.1). However, in Czech the Gpl. and Dpl. endings * -D, * -en1'bwere replaced by the endings of the declensional type into which the masculine 0- and u-stems had merged. Furthermore, the short variant of the Ipl, ending *-i was generalized and the long variant of the Lpl. ending * -ixz: In Slovak, not only the original Gpl. and Dpl. endings were replaced by. the endings of the o-Iu-stems, but the Isg., Ipl., and Lpl. endings *-bmb, *-i, *-iX'b as well. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the masculine jo-stems stems are the same as those of the masculine o-stems.

Vodar « *odn.) has probably absorbed the preposition *n.-. After the loss of the weak jer of the preposition, the initial vowel of the substantive was lengthened, see above (cf. also the long vowels in yoboo, (zokoJ-)vokal).
The disyllabic words belonging to ap. (b) have the original quantity patterns, except for jeseter, which has secondarily obtained vowel insertion in the Nsg., and subsequently generalized the mobile vowel throughout the entire paradigm. In the second syllable of N(A)sg. sokol and topor, *0 is regularly reflected by 0 (see 4.2.3). After the shortening of long falling vowels and the substitution of the Gpl. ending *-an. for the original ending, all mobile a-stems had obtained qp. A (or AA for pope! and yeeer). This is the regular quantity pattern for the majority of these words. There are, however, ten exceptions with a long root vowel in some or all case forms of their paradigm. In raz'turn' the original Gpl. rnz « *raZ'b) is retained as a variant (besides razov). In the case of bor, bttis, and prot, I assume that the long vowel reflects earlier oxytonesis. These words were subject to Illic-Svityc's law, and at the end of the Common Slavic period they were characterized by variation between ap. (b) and (c), see above. Oxytonesis in these words is supported by SCr.dial. bOr, Gsg. bora (cf. Resetar 1900: 45), Ru.dial, Gs~ brosa (cf. Dybo et a1. 1990: 140), and Ru. Gsg. prute. Ziar probably reflects an original root noun belonging to ap. (b), cf. also iiara (see 4.6.2; cf. Kortlandt 1985: 118). Kiat'multiplication table' has its long vowel from the motivating postfix (sto-, tisic-)knit, which is a petrified Gpl, The long vowel in pad and Taz 'character' is probably due to Czech influence, I have no explanation for the long vowel in hlien and hmit (cf. also Cz. hmit, SIc. ena!}t). 4.7 The masculine jo-·stems

4.7.2

The masculine jO-stems: the Czech material have developed into masculine nouns of the

The masculine jo-stems Ap. (a):

stroj-Imui-type of declension.
ksdel, kraj pJae, raj. Here belongs lin « ·/inI.), where the palatalization of the final consonant was lost. AB: mesic. zajic « °mes(lcI., ·zaj(lCh, both with an.originally acute vowel in the initial syllable) A: B:

The fol1owing word shows variation between two quantity patterns:

4.7.1 . The masculine jo-stcms: N --ap. plac-l:. plac-a pJac"u plac-b plac-bmb plaM (a)-pJac-i plac-l:. plac-em!> plac-{: plac-I plac-In

the TCC011Stnlction
-_ ap. mpz-b mpi-a mpz-u mpZ-b mpZ-bmb mpi-i (c)-mpi-i mgz-b mpz-6m'b mpi-{: mpi-i mpi-ixD

AB/AE: penlz

«

·pln~dZh, with an originally acute vowel in the initial syllable)

G
D A I L

-_. ap. (b)-nOZ-b noi-i noi-a noi-b noi-em'b noi-i: nOi-b noz-~ noi-bmb nai-i noi-ix'b noi-i

Ap. (b):
A: B: koI, mec, pep! « ·phphr'I:.), roj, vepi, vOj hJ.j, klie, kUst, krM, kill, mIcc, pI:Ht. Here belongs kliStl « "klesch), which has become neuter. . C: kUii, mil AB: Here belongs korab « *korab(l)'I:.), which is declined after the hrad-type.

or

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
AlC: deif/d6Sf

·0 ...

o

534 Ap. (c):
A: boj, knez « • k~n.fdZb), kyj, :nui, znoj. Here belongs sloj has become feminine, Gsg. -e, hnuj,luj pen, p/i

535 ending. The long vowel in the NAsg. of hnuj and luj is probably due to the dialectally conditioned lengthening of "'0 in monosyllabic word forms ending in a resonant.

(<: •slojh),

which

X:

C:

4.7.3

The masculine jo-stems:

the Slovak material

originally Yielded the same paradigm of quantitative alternations as in the case of the o-stems. Parallel to the o-stems, some acute jo-stems obtained qp. A and others qp. B. . . , .' Among thedisyllabic words belonging to ap, (a), the original qp. AB is found in mesic, zajic, and peniz 'coin'. . . "Ihe 'short vowel in the second, syllable in the oblique case forms of penize 'money' may be due to a secondary shortening before the ¢-ending in the Gpl. (which at a certain periodhad become typical in Czech for the acute a- and ja-stems and neutero-stems), after which the short vowel was analogically introduced in the" other oblique case forms of the pluraL Note,. however, the short vowel in Slk. Gpl. peiiazi, Po. Gpl. pieni¢zy, Ipl. pieoiedsmi. .' . The monosyllabic oxytone jo-stems with long vocalism have the' original qp. B. The words with short vocalism have the original qp .. 'A, except for deSt'/dBt~ kzin, and mii. '. The long vowel in: N(A)sg. kUif, fuji is the regular reflex. of "'0 (see 4.2.3). In kos, roj, and voj, the long reflex of "'0 was replaced by ·the short vowel of the other case forms. The long vowel in deSt,/d6St' presents a problem. Perhaps the formal alternation of the root morpheme, "'dj.idib, Gsg. "'d'bzdia. which had arisen after the loss of the weak jets, was eliminated by substituting the syllabic variant for the non-syllabic variant, yielding Gsg."'dj;idia;· etc. If this substitution preceded the Czech lengthening, the development of vowel quantity in deSt,/d6St' would run parallel to the originally acute masculine .0-. and jo-s~ems, and the rise ofqp. C could be explained in the same way as in the case of mraz (see 4.6.2). However, the nonsyllabic root morpheme in the oblique case forms in OCz. dBa, Gsg. dSce appears to cont_radict this assumption. Note also the long vowel in Slk. NAsg. daid', Gsg.· daid'a. The disyllabic oxytone jo-stems korab and pep! have the original quantity patterns. Nearly all mobile jo-stems have qp. A, which they acquired after the shortening of long falling vowels and the replacement of the 'original Gpl.

. In the moi1o~yllabic acute jo-stems, the Czech lengthening

The inanimate masculine jo-stems have developed i~to masculine nouns of the stroj-type of declension; the animate jo-stems have developed into masculine nouns of the chlap~type ·of declension. Ap. (a):
A:,

kasc/, krsj, plac, raj Hen AA:' zajac « ·zajfcb, with an originally acute vowel in the initial syllable) AB: mesisc « ·mes~h, with an originally acute vowel in the initial syllable)

13:

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
ABfAE:

penisz

«

"pen~dzb. with an originally acute vowel in the initial syllable)

Ap. (b):'
mec, roj, voj klief!o k~c, C: daze!, kon, kos, noz . AB: Here belongs korab
B:

A:

ha!~

~a.r. krii,
«

/ric, mliec, plast, prfSt

·korab(I)'J;), which is declined after the dub-type.

Ap, (C):
A: boj, bnoj, knaz « ·hn~dzh), kyj, loj, mui, sloj, znoj

X: pen The monosyllabic acute masculine jo-stems have the original qp. A, except for lien "'1irlb), which has replaced its root vowel by ie analogically after the verb lienit' (cf. Machek 1968: 333-334). Among the disyllabic masculine jo-stems, the original qp. AB is found in mesiac. The vowel in the second syllable of zajac lost phonemic quantity after j and was subsequently reinterpreted as a short vowel (see 4.6.3). The short vowel in the second syllable of Gpl. peiiszi 'money' may be due to Czech influence. Note, however, Po. Gpl. pieni~diy. The monosyllabic oxytone jo-stems with long vocalism have the original qp. B. The words with short vocalism have the original qp. A, except for daZd~ kon, kos, and nol., The long vowel in the N(A)sg. of the latter three words is the regular reflex of "'o""Cthelong vowel in the NAsg. of roj and voj has been' replaced by the short vowel of the other case forms). I have no explanation for the long vowel in NAsg. dillcf (cf.also

«

(\ ",'0

o

536 Cz. dest' and the long reflex of the vocalized jer in koniec and chrbat, both belonging to ap. Kordb has the original qp. AB. After the shortening of long falling vowels and the replacement of the original Gpl. ending, all mobile masculine ja-stems obtained qp. A.

537

(b».

4.8 4.8.1 N G D

The masculine u-~itcms The masculine w-stems: the n:construction --ap. (a)--

jll-'b jil-u jil-'b jiJ-'bmb jil-ii
jil-ovi

--ap.(b)--

jil-ove jil-'bm'h jil-y j11-'bmI jil-'bX'b
jil-ov»

vol-»

--ap.

(c)--

A

I L

vol-ovi vol-'h vol-imu vol-u
0-

vol-i:

vol-ov» vol-im'h vol-y vol-'bmf vol-ioa.

VOJ-OVf~

sjn-'b sjn-u sjn-ovi sjn-'h sjn-'hmb synod

sjn-ove syn-OV'b sjn-'hffl'h sjn-y syn-smi sjn-'bX'b
in

Most of the mobile u-stems have qp. A, which they acquired after the shortening of long falling vowels. There are some exceptions with a long root vowel in some or all case forms. DUI, !tid 'order', val 'roller', and ifr underwent Illic-Svityc's law, and I assume that the long root vowel reflects earlier accentuation according to ap. (b). In the case of *r~d'b and "vsb; oxytonesis is attested in Ukr.dia1. Gsg. r'ida (cf. Dybo et a1. 1990: 144), Po. Gsg. rzedu 'government', and Ukr.dial. Gsg. vaM (cf. Bulatova et at. 1988: 60). The mobile variant of *r~(i'b is reflected in Cz. fad, Po. rzed, Gsg. rzedu 'row'. The long root vowel in NAsg. dUm is probably due to the lengthening of *0 in monosyllabic word forms ending in a resonant. I have no explanation for the long vowel in mfr. 4.8.3 The masculine u-stems: the Slovak material

The masculine u-stems have merged with the o-stems into the dub-/

chlap-type of declension.
Ap, (a):
B: il

The merger 4.6.1. 4.8.2

of the masculine

and u-stems has been discussed

The mascuUne llr-stcms: the Czech material

The masculine u-stems have merged with the o-stems into the hrad-/ pan-type of declension. Ap, (a):
B: jil
I

Ap. (b):

c:
A: B:

vBl

Ap, (c):
cin, dar, dol, dom, dub, lad, lad, list, med, plod, red, rod, sad, sled, stan, mier, risd, iir

syn,

frak, trh, var, vek, vid; vrch

Ap. (b):

c: wi
Ap. (c):
A: B: C: . X: cin, dar, d~b, lad, led; list, med, plod, rod, fad, sad, sled, stsn, suk, syn;
.

va:' t~ktvi~. ~ .mlr,rad, v.il,.!br
dul, dum trh~;vrch

The only acute u-stem in the material, jJ1, was subject to the Czech lengthening in some of its case forms and subsequently generalized the long root vowel in the entire paradigm. The long vowel in the Nsg, of the originally oxytone viiI is the regular reflex of ·0 (see 4.2.3).

.

'

The only acute u-stem in the material, fl, has qp. B instead of the original qp. A. The long vowel is probably due to Czech influence, cf. older il, given by Nonnenmacher-Pribic (1961: 71). The long vowel in the Nsg. of the originally oxytone val is the regular reflex of * o. . Most of the mobile u-stems have qp. A, which they acquired after the shortening of long falling vowels. There are .some exceptions with a long root vowel in some or all case forms . The long vowel in riad 'gear; order' and zir probably reflect earlier oxytonesis, see above. The mobile varifnt of *r¢'b is reflected in Slk. rad 'row'. The long vowel in mier is probably due to Czech influence.

.-.

()
'-.._..)

U

r,

538 4.9 4.9.1 -N The masculine i-stems Ap. (c): -ap. (b) ---. ap. (c)--

539

The masculine i-stems: the rc:construction
ap. (a).--

z~t-h G ,z~t-I D z~t-i A Z~t-h I z~t-bmb, L z~t-I

z~t-'e z~t-I z~t-bm'!, z~t-i z~t-bmi z~t-bX'"h

PVt-b PVt-i ppt-l piJt-b ppt-i.mb, ppt-i

pvt-'e PVt-i ppt-i.m'b ppt-i ppt-bmi ppt-iX'b

ZV?r-b zver-i zv~r-i zv~r-b zv~r-bmb, zver-i

zv~r-'e zvtj:r-i.jb zV~Nm'b zv~r-i
zver-smi

ce1V(-a), hast (-a; the original endings have been retained in the Gpl., Ipl., and LpJ.), buse ill, loket (-kte/-u, < ·olkbtb), las (-a), /ide (pl.tant.; the original endings have been retained in the oblique case forms of the plural), mol (-a), nehet (-htu, < ·ne-!noghtb), zviSl (-e, D. zaJ (-u) AA: holub (-a), losos (-a), tetiev (-a)

A:

ZV~r-bX'b

The endings of the masculine i-stems are the same as those of the feminine i-stems, except for the Isg, and Npl. endings *-bmb, *-bje. However, in Czech and Slovak, the originally masculine i-stems have lost their original declension, and sometimes even changed their gender. In both languages, most words joined the o-/u- or jo-stems, while some joined the feminine i-, a- or ja-stems. Only "gost» and */'udbje have retained some of their original endings in the plural. Below, four masculine r-stems are listed among the i-stems, viz, *ne-/ nogut», * olkuu, *pOhtb, and *pecet», The original paradigm of these words is hard to establish. At the end of the Common Slavic period, it differed from the i-sterns probably only in the Gpl., which ended in * -z, The close resemblance of the t-stems with the i-stems makes it possible to treat them together. The original Common Slavic quantity. patterns of the masculine i-stems are the same as those of the feminine i-stems. 4.9.2 The masculine i-stems: the Czech' material ap-

In some word forms in the paradigm of the originally monosyllabic acute i-stems, the conditions were present for the operation of the Czech lengthening. The pattern of quantitative alternations which had arisen in these words as a result of the Czech lengthening has been eliminated by the generalization of the short vowel in rys, uhel, viehr, and zef, and of the long vowel in stin. Pei5e[' and 6hor have the original qp. Nt and BA. Both oxytone words have the original quantity patterns. The short root vowel in NAsg. oheii is the regular reflex of *0 in word-initial position (see 4.2.3). . Nearly all mobile i-stems have qp. A (or Nt for *gOJpbb,*Iososb, and *teteJ'Vb),which they acquired after the shortening of long falling vowels.
4.9.3 The masculine i-stems: the Slovak. materlal apThe masculine i-stems joined other declensional types. Where plicable, I shall give the Gsg. and gender in brackets. Ap. (a): .
A: rys (-a), uho! (uh!a), zaf (-a) B: lien (-a), vichor (-chra) AA: peea( (-te, f; < *peeatb, with an originally nee-acute vowel in the second syllable) BA: Uhor (-a; < *pgorb, with an originally neo-acute vowel in the second syllable)

The masculine i-stems Joined other declensional types. Where plicable, I shall give the Gsg. and gender in brackets.

Ap; (a):
rys (-u), uhel (uhle, m), vichr (-u), zef (-te,.m) B: stin (-u) AA: peed (-te, 1:; < • peeatb,. with an .originally nco-acute vowel in the second
syllable) . BA: lihol (-e, m; -<: ·pgorb, with an originally nee-acute vowel in the second syllable)

Ap. (b):
A:
B: ohen {ohna}

A:

pM (-te,

D

Ap. (c):

.'

Ap. (b):
A:
ohen (ohnc, m)

ce1V(-a), host (-a; the original ending has been retained in GpJ. hostf), hus (-i, D. lakof( -kfa, < ·olhtb), las (-a), JUdia (.m.p1.tant.; the orjglnal ending has been retained in Gpl. Judi), mol. t~a),necht (-a, < ·ne-!nog'1>tb), test (-a), zver 'animal' (-a). zver 'game' (-T. D B: pelt (-a, < *pol'1>tb),zia! (-u) AA: dover (-8), bolub (-a), losos (-8), tetrov (-a) A:

B:

pout

Hi, D

o

540 The i-stems peeat; lYs, uhof, iihor, and zat; originally belonging to ap. (a), have the original quantity patterns. I have no explanation for the long vowel in tien and vicbor. Both oxytone i-stems have the original quantity patterns. The originally stem-stressed word forms of *ognb do not show the long reflex of *0, because in Slovak, as in Czech, the diphthong po lost the prothetic element p- in word-initial position (see 4.2.3). After the shortening of long falling vowels, all mobile masculine i-stems obtained qp. A(or AA for the words with a polysyllabic root). In modem Slovak, this is the regular quantity pattern for· these words. The root vowel in p6/t was probably lengthened secondarily after the weak jer in the root was lost in the oblique case forms. Ziaf probably reflects an original root noun belonging to ap, (b), cf. Ukr.dial, Gsg. zalju (cf. Hanusz 1883: 332; Kortlandt 1985: 117-118; see also 4.6.2). 4.10 4.10.1 N G D I L 4.10.2

541

The masculine n-ste:ms: the Czech material

The masculine n-stems have developed into masculine nouns of the kamen-t~e of dec.lension. In modem Czech the original endings of the n-stems In the obhque case forms of the singular have become identical !o the .~ndings of .the jo-stems after the fronting of * a (> * a) > e and u > 1.m the endings of ~he latter paradigm. Thus, the kamen-type of decl~slOn became a hybrid type, with the endings of the stroj-type in the, sl?gular and the hrad-type in the plural. Besides, most words show vanatton between the stroj- or hrad-type in some or all case forms of the singular. Only den has retained its original endings in most case forms, although here too, variation is often possible. Ap, (a):
AA: planum, pram en CA: kamen

The masculine a-stems
The masculine D-stems: the reconstruction (a) -ap. (b)-ol-j olen-e olen-e olen-» (c)-ki3~n-e kor~n-'b kor~n-bm'b korr:n-i korr:n-bmi kor¢1-bx'b12 --ap. --ap. kem-y kunen-e ki3r-y Hmen-e ksmen-» ki3rrm-e ksmen-i ksmen-ssm: olen-i olen-sm» ki3rr:n-i kiimen-b ksmen-i olen-» olen-i ki3rr:n-b ksmen-uiu; Hmen-bmf o/en-bm'b olen-unt ki3rpn-bm'b kiimen-e kianen-sx» olen-e olen-sx» ki3rr:n-e

Ap, (b):
AA: jelen (-a, declined after the pan-type), iemen

Ap, (c):
AA: hieben, jeemen « X: den

·j~Cl,my), koien

A

Both in Czech and Slovak, the Nsg. .of the masculine n-stems was replaced by the Asg., thus removing the formal alternation of the root morpheme from the paradigm. In Czech the masculine n-stems obtained the endings of the o-/u-stems in the plural. In the singular they retained the original endings, except for the Lsg. ending *-e, which was replaced by the Dsg. ending *-i. In Slovak the masculine rr-stems joined the jo-stems. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the masculine n-stems are qp. AA for the words belonging to ap. (a) and qp. AA. or BA (depending on the vocalism) for the words belonging to ap. (b). The words belonging to ap. (c) with originally short vocalism. had qp. AG with an additional long vowel in the second syllable in the Dpl., e.g. *koTfnbm'b, and Lpl., e.g. * kO~nbX'b « * korenum, *korr:nbxi). The words with originally long vocalism had the same quantity pattern, except that the root vowel .. was long in the barytone case forms, e.g. *j~cbmy, Gsg. *j?Cbmene).

.'

In the paradigm of the acute n-stems, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present in the NAsg. and Gpl. A long vowel is found in the initial syllable in NAsg. kamen, but not in OCz. Gpl. ksmen (modem kamemi). Apparently, the long vowel in the initial sylla~le ~f the Gpl. was lost after lengthening in the Gpl. had become atypical in Czech. In plamen and pramen, the long vowel in the NAsg. (and Gpl.) has been replaced by the short vowel of the other case forms. Both words belonging to ap.(b) have the original qp. AA. After the shortening of long falling vowel, all mobile masculine n-stems acquired a short vowel in the initial syllable of the stem in all case forms. The long vowel in the second syllable of the stem in the Gpl., DpI., and Lpl. has been replaced by the short vowel of the other case forms. Note, however, the long vowel in the adverb dokoisn, in which the original Gpt. *korem. is preserved. . 'tf 4.10.3 The masculine n-stems: the Slovak material
The masculine n-stems have joined the stroj-/chlap-type of declension.

o

542 543

Ap. (a):
AA: kamen, plameii, prameii

Ap. (b):
AA: jeleii, remeii

Ap. (c):
AA: hrebeii, jacmeii (.< "j~Ci,my), koreii X: deii

The masculine n-stems belonging to ap. (a) and (b) have the original qp. AA. The originally mobile words have obtained' qp. AA after the shortening of long falling vowels in the initial syllable of the stem and the generalization of the short vowel in the second syllable of the stem in all case forms. 4.11 The neuter o-stems 4.11.1 The neuter o-stems: the reconstruction --ap. N D A I L
G J~t-o J~t-a let-u l~t-o J~t-'bmb J~t-~

*s¢mena, *pJemena (see 4.l3-15). In the Dpl., Ipl., and Lpl., the original endings * -om'b, * -y, * -ex'b were replaced by the endings * -smz; * -emi, *-axz. of the a-stems. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the neuter o-stems are qp. A for the words belonging to ap. (a) and qp. A or B (depending on the vocalism) for words belonging to ap. (b). The words belonging to ap. (c) with originally short vocalism had qp. G, the words with originally long vocalism had qp. B in the singular and qp. G in the plural. The Original quantity patterns of the words with a disyllabic stem are given below.

4.11.2

The neuter o-stems: the Czech material

The neuter o-stems have developed into neuter nouns of the mestotype of declension. Ap, (a):
blata, de/o, [itro, kies/o, mesto, nedra, rydJo, iito bleto, lfko, mas/o, misto, mjrJlo, pasmo, pouto, pouzdro, privo, rtidlo, rano, roucho, sidlo, sito, stsdo, viko D: dilo X: brdo, hrd/o, zrno AA: koleno, kopyto, koryto, poleno, ze/ezo (all four words with an originally neoacute vowel in the second syllable)
B:

A:

(a)-J~t-a J~-'b J~t-om'b J~t-a J~t-j J~t-~X'L

--ap.(b)-vin-d vin-a vin-u vIn-a vin-imb vin-~ vin-a vfn-'b vin-am'b vin-a vfn-y via-ex»

--ap.(c)-br'iix-o br'ux-a br'iix-s briJx-'b br'iix-u br'ux-om» br'iix-o br'ux-a br'iix-tatu. br'ux-f br'iis-« br'us~X'b

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
DIE: lCto

, The endings of the neuter o-stems differed from the masculine o-ste~s in the NAsg. and NApl. As a consequence of the merger of the mascubne 0- andu-stems, some endings originally belonging to the u-stems w~re introduced in the paradigm of the neuter o-stems (on the Isg. ending see 4.6.l). . In Czech the Lsg. and Lpl. endings *-e, *-ex'b received a variant *-u, *-'bX'b of the u-stems, In the modem language, the original Lpl. ending -fch has been replaced by -ech « * -'bX'b) in all words, except in wO,rds with a stein ending in a 'velar, where it is now being replaced by -ach, parallel to the' development of the m,asculine o-stems. As, in ~he case of the masculine o-stems, the long vanant of the Dpl. ending -otm; was generalized. " * In Slovak the Lsg. ending *-e received a vanant -u. In the NAp!., the long variant of the ending * -a was generalized. This long variant originally belonged to the consonant-stems of ap. (a) and (b), e.g, NApl.
v' •

Ap. (b):
bedrs, ce/o, peklo, sedlo « "sedblo), stebno, sukno, vedro, veslo, vrata, zebro, zezlo B: cislo, dJito. hnizdo, kouzlo, kiid/o; IUno, mleko, mfto, rouno, sldlo, steblo, stiibro « "shrebro), tiislo, usta, vlno, ziicllo. Here belongs daseii (< "d~no), which has become feminine, Gsg. dasne. ..D: jlidro. jitra X: dno, sklo AA: ieIeto, vieteno A:

.

'

The following word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
AJD: pero/pero

Ap. (c):
bleho, biicho, dfevo, jaro, maso, pstro, proso, seno, testo, veno, zlsto. Here belongs krosna « ·krosno), which has become feminine. X: jho AA: jezero, %vo A:

·· .. U

.

'\

o

544 In the paradigm of the originally acute a-stems, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present in all case forms, except for the Gpl., Dpl., and Lpl. The quantity pattern that arose in these words after the Czech lengthening was qp. E with an additional long vowel in the Ipl, This quantity pattern has not been retained, cf., however, OCz. Dpl. pravuom, Ipl. prnvy, LpI. pmviech given by Va.zny (1964: 46). The quantitative alternations were eliminated in some words by generalizing the long root vowel, and in others by generalizing the short root vowel in all case forms. DRo 'work' and 16to 'summer' introduced the long vowel in the Dpl, and Lpl., but retained the short vowel in Gpl. del, let. Leta 'year' introduced the short root vowel in the Ipl., which gave rise to qp. E. The resulting qp. D and E are merely intermediate stages in the development from the quantity pattern as it had arisen by the Czech lengthening toward qp. B and A, respectively. In three cases, the quantitative alternations were used to bring about a semantic differentiation, cf. blsto (B) 'mud' - bJata (A) 'swamp', dfJo (D) 'work' - deJo (A) 'artillery',misto 'place' (B) - mesta (A) 'town'. Note that the short vowel was generalized in the meanings which were most frequently used in the plural. The disyllabic words belonging to ap. (a) have the original qp. AA. The oxytone o-stems with long vocalism regularly have the original qp. B. Probably, j;idm and jatTO have shortened the root vowel in the Gpl. analogically after the acute words. The short vowel in sukno may be analogical after the acute ja-stem sukne. The short root vowel in vrets presents a problem. This word is found with two accentuations in different Slavic languages, cf. Ru.dial. vorots, SCr. vrste as opposed to Ru. votote: The former variants show the regular accentuation according to ap, (b). The latter variants apparently reflect fixed root stress, i.e, ap. (a). However, the root vowel in this word was originally not acute, which is unambiguously demonstrated by the former two variants and the verb Cz. vratit, Po. wr6cic, Ru. vorotit',

545 , the regular form "'vorta, besides "'vorta, which occurred in combination with prepositions only. This distribution is retained in some SCr. dialects, cf. Dubrovnik vrst», DILpl. vrtitims, but in combination with prepositions kroz vrsts, na vrstime and Prcanj vriita but proz vriita, na VTata (cf. Resetar 1900: 57; apparently, the root vowel of the variant "vorte was analogically lengthened after the variant "'vorta). Apparently, some Slavic dialects generalized the variant "'vorta, cf. SCr. vrata, Ru.dial. vorots, Slk, vrsts, and others the variant "vorte, cf. Cz. vrata, Ru, vorots, Po. wrota. In view of the fact that the Czech lengthening did not operate in Cz. vrata, I assume that the variant "vorts was still used exclusively in combination with prepositions until after the Czech lengthening.P I have no explanation for the short vowel in vedra (cf. also Slk. vedro). The oxytone words with short vocalism have the original qp. A, except for Jimo, pero/pero, and steblo. The long vowel in steblo « '" sublo) may be due to the Czech lengthening. Probably, the alternation of the root morpheme "stsbl- (non-syllabic, cf. OCz. stblo, modem ani zbla) "'s~bl- (which occurred in the Gpl. and in suffixal derivations) was eliminated by substituting the syllabic variant for the non-syllabic variant, after which the Czech lengthening operated in all case forms, except for the Gpl. and DpI. (and probably also the LpI.; cf. also dvefeidv6fe and des(jd6St~see par. 4.3.2, 4.7.2). I have no explanation for the long vowel in JUno and pero/pero (cf. also Ru. lono). The disyIIabic oxytone words have the original quantity patterns, except for stiibro. I have no explanation for the long vowel in this word. After the shortening of long falling vowels, all mobile neuter o-stems had obtained qp. G (or AG for jezero and alova). As in the case of the a-stems, the long vowel in the Gpl. of these words was shortened analogically, after the rise of qp. D, E, and F, so that qp. G and AG were replaced by qp. A and AA, respectively.

2sg.vorotis'.
I assume that '"vorts was frequently used in combination with prepositions to form adverbial compounds of. the type "'za-vorta, "'na-vorla, comparable to "'Ot-tgdli. As a consequence of Dybo's law, the stress in these compounds shifted from the initial to the second syllable, yielding "'zii-vDrlii, "'ot-t§dii. Subsequently, the long falling medial syllable was shortened, yielding "'za-vortii, "'ot-tgdii, cf. Ru. za vorots, otuide: These developments gave rise to the coexistence of two variants of "vorte, viz.

4.11.3

The neuter o-stcms: the Slovak material

The neuter o-stems have developed into neuter nouns of the mestotype of declension. Ap. (a):
A: B: hrdlo, jutro, kreslo, msslo, mydlo, ftt'dn1..puzdro, rsdlo, rydlo, sadlo dielo, miesto, pasmo, prsva, nino, nicho, stado G: blsto, brdo, delo, Ieto, lyko, mesto, puto, sito, tylo, veko, zrno, iito AG: koleno, kopyto, koryto, poleno, ielezo (all four words have an originally nee-acute vowel in the second syllable)

·0 ...

o

546
Ap, (b):
bedro, ciksno, jadro, peklo, pseno « ·pitSeno), rebro, sedlo « ·sedr.lo), steblo, stehllO, vedro, vesio, iezlo B: cislo, dlito, hniezdo, kridlo, kuzlo, mlieko, mfto, runo, sidlo, striebro « *Shrebro), sUkno, trieslo, !ista, vino, wata, iriedJo G: celo, lono, pero X: dno, sklo, do AG: meto, weteno A:

547
4.12 4.12.1 -N

The neuter io.SUms The neuter io.stems: the recoostruction ap. (a)---loi-e loi-a loi-i: loi-e lai-i.mh

ap. (b) -lOi-a 16i-1> 10i-em1> loz-a loi-i 10i-iX'J>

--

ap. (c)-pol'-a p61'-1> polt-ean; pol'-a pol'-i pol'-Ix»

G

Ap. (C):
AA: otovo
AG:jazero A: G: blaho, krama, proso, zlsto brucho, cesto, drevo, miiso, seno, veno

D A I L

loi-1

poP-e pol'-a pol'-u poP-e pol'-hmh pol'-i

As in the case of the acute a-stems, the acute neuter o-stems adopted lengthening before the ¢-ending in the Gpl., which was original for mobile words. The words with vowel insertion in the Gpl., e.g, hrdiel; jutar, have retained the original qp. A; the other words obtained qp. G. The long root vowel in all case fonns of ptismo, pttivo, rano, tticho, and stado is probably due to Czech influence, so too the rise of the semantic differentiation in dielo 'work' - delo 'artillery', miesto 'place' - mesto 'town' (cf. Nonnenmacher-Pribie 1961: 78,80). . The disyllabic words have adopted lengthening of the vowel in the final syllable of the stem before the ¢-ending in the GpJ. and obtained qp. AG. The oxytone o-stems with long vocalism have the original qp, B, except for d'asno, jadro, and vedro. The short vowel in jadro is due to the loss of phonemic quantity of a after j (see 4.6.3). I have no explanation for the short root vowel in desno and vedra (cf. also Cz. vedro). . The words with originally short vocalism.adopted lengthening before the ¢-ending in the GpJ. The words which have vowel insertion in the Gpl., e.g, bedier, rebier, or are singularia tantum, e.g. peklo, have retained the original qp. A; the other words obtained qp. G. The 0 in Gpl. Ion « "lon1» may be the regular reflex of *0 (see 4.2.3). . The polysyllabic oxytone pIeno and sedlo have the original qp. A. ReIeto and vreteno adopted lengthening before the ¢-ending in the Gpl. and obtained qp. AG. The long vowel in striebro may be due to Czech influence. After the shortening of long falling vowels, all mobile neuter a-stems had obtained qp. G (or AG for jszero and olovoy This is the regular quantity pattern for these words in modem Slovak. Qp. A and AA are found in the singularia tantum bleho, proso, zleto, and olovo, and in krosns, which has vowel insertion in Gpl. krosien,

As in the case of the masculine jo-stems, the endings of the neuter jo-stems were lengthened as a consequence of Van Wijk's law. In the period following Van Wijk's law,. all singular endings were shortened because they never occurred under the stress. After the operation of Dybo's and Stang's laws, the oxytone neuter jo-stems had final stress in the singular and root stress in the plural. The mobile words, on the contrary, had root stress in the singular and final stress in the plural. There are no acute neuter jo-stems in the material. In Czech and Slovak the neuter jo-stems retained most of their original endings (on the Isg. ending see 4.6.1). In Czech the Dpl, ending *-em1> was replaced by the ending * -om1>of the o-stems, which was later fronted to OCz. -iern, modem -fm. The short variant of the Ipl, ending *-1 and the long variant of the Lpl. ending * -ixx were generalized. In Slovak the Isg. eliding "-hmh was replaced by the ending of the a-stems. Parallel to the neuter o-stems, the Dpl., Ipl., and Lpl. endings * -enrs, ..-i, * -ix» were replaced by the corresponding endings of the fa-stems. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the neuter fa-stems are the same as for the neuter a-stems. 4.12.2 The neuter io.stems: the Czech material The neuter ja-stems have developed into neuter nouns of the moretype of declension. Ap. (b):
A: B: loie. Here belongs plec lice

..

«

·plece), which has become feminine, Gsg. -e. .~

~he fol1owing word shows variation between two quantity patterns:
DIE: -plice {p1.tant.}

···0

o

548 Ap. (c):
A: X: hore, mole, pole, slunce srdce « • sbrch.ce)

549

«

*nlnbce)

The oxytone lice has the original qp B. In the NApl. and Ipl. of Ioie and plec, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present, but no reflex of a long vowel in these case forms has been retained. PIke probably obtained qp, DIE analogically after the acute neuter o-stems. After the shortening of long falling vowels, all mobile neuter jo-stems acquired qp. G, which was subsequently replaced by qp. A analogically. 4.12.3 The neuter jD-sterm: the Slovak material

Neither in Czech nor Slovak did the s-stems retain their original declension. Due to the similarity of the NAsg. of the s-stems with the o-stems, the original declension of the s-stems was replaced by the declension of the o-stems, eliminating the stem formative -es- in all case forms. Traces of the formative are retained in Cz.Slk, koleso, where it has been generalized in a1l case forms, and in Cz. nebe; Slk. nebo, where it is retained in the plural case forms only, cf. Cz. Npl. nebese, Slk. Npl.

nebes8/nebesia.
There are no oxytone s-stems in the material. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the s-stems are qp. A(A) for the words belonging to ap, (a). The words belonging to ap, (c) with originally short vocalism had qp, A(G) with an additional long vowel in the Dpl. and Lpl. The words with originally long vocalism had the same quantity pattern, except that the vowel in the initial syllable of the stem was long in the barytone case forms.

The neuter jo-stems type of declension. Ap. (b):
B: G:

have developed into neuter nouns of the srdce-

plece

lice, plUca

4J.3.2.

The neuter s-stcms: the Czech· material

Ap. (c):
A: G: more, pole since, srdce

All neuter s-stems but nebe have developed into neuter nouns of the mesto-type of declension.

« • ssdnsc»,

Ap. (c):
•sbrch.ce) A: kolo, oko, pivo, slav 0, stievo, tela, ucho AA: koleso « • kolo, with the generalization of the formative -es- in the entire paradigm) A(A): nebe (declined after the mole-type in the singular and after the misto-type in the plural; in the plural the formative -es- has been retained)

The oxytone jo-stems with long vocalism have the original qp. B. Piece has adopted lengthening of the root vowel before the ¢-ending in the Gpl, and obtained qp. G. . After the shortening of long falling vowels, the mobile o-stems acquired qp. G. However, in more and pole the long root vowel in the Gpl, was replaced by the short vowel of the other case forms after the original ¢-ending had been replaced by the ending -f of the i-stems, cf. Gpl.

mori, poli.
4.13 4.13.1 N The

neuter s-st.=ms
(a)-- -ap. (b)---. ap. (c)--

The words which have replaced their original declension by the declension of the o-stems have obtained qp. A, parallel to the mobile o-stems. Nebe; which lost the stem formative in the singular, has generalized the short variant of the formative -es- in all case forms of the plural and obtained qp. A(A}. Koleso generalized the short variant of the formative -es- in all case forms and obtained qp. AA.

The neuter s-ntcms: the rcconstruct.i.OIl

4.13.3 kol-o kiiles-e kiiles-i kiil-o kOles-bmb koles-i: koles-» koles-un» koles-s koles-j koles-hx'h

The

neuter s-stcms: the Slovak material.
into neuter nouns of the

--ap.

G
D A I L

cud-o cudes-e cudes-i cud-o cudes-hmh cudes-e

cudeNT cudes-,~ ciJdes-bm'h cudes-li cudes-j7 cudes-J,X'h

mesto-type
Ap, (a):
G:

Nearly all neuter s-stems have developed of declension.

elIda

···.U

kiilcs-e ~

o

550 Ap. (c):
A; slovo G: creve, kolo, pivo, tela AG: koleso « • kola, with the generalization of the formative -es- in the entire paradigm) . A(G): nebo (declined after the mesto~type in the singular, with variation between the mesto- and srdce-types in the plural; in the plural the original stem formative -es- has been retained)

551 the Lsg .• where it was replaced by the Dsg. ending, and in the Dpl., which obtained the ending of the o-stems. As in the case of the o-stems the . ' short vanants of the NApl. and Ipl. endings * -8, * -y were generalized. In Slovak. the neuter .n-stems joined. the o-stems but retained the original NAsg. , The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the neuter n-stems are qp. A(A) for the words belonging to ap. (a), and qp. A(A) or B(A) (depending on the vocalism) for the words belonging to ap, (b). The words belonging to ap. (c) with originally short vocalism had qp. A(G) with an additional long. vowel in the DpJ. and Lpl. The words with originally long vocalism had the same quantity pattern, except that the vowel in the initial syllable of the stem was long the barytone case forms. 4.14.2 The neuter n-stcms: the Czech material

The following words show variation between two 9uantity patterns:
NG: oko, ucho

The acute s-stem cudo has obtained the declension of the o-stems and analogically lengthened the root vowel before the ¢-ending in Gpl. cud. All mobile words which have replaced their original declension by the declension of the o-stems have obtained qp. G after the shortening of long falling vowels, parallel to the mobile o-sterns. The short vowel in Gpl. slov is due to the fact that * 6 did .not develop the prothetic element p- before tautosyllabic !! and was shortened being part of the diphthong op (see 4.2.3). The plural of aka and ucbo is formed from two stems: ok-Ioc-. uch-luS-. The former variants lengthen the root vowel before the ¢-ending in Gpl. ok/oci, uch/uSi. The 0 in ok must be analogical, because initial *!!o regularly lost the prothetic element p- in Slovak (see 4.2.3). In the singular of nebo, the stem formative -es- was lost. In the Dpl. and Lpl., the long vowel of the formative was shortened analogically. As a consequence of these developments, nebo obtained qp. A(G). Koleso, which generalized the formative -e5- in all case forms, analogically shortened the final syllable of the stem in the Dpl. and L'Pl. and obtained qp. AG. 4.14 4.14.1 N D I The neuter n-sterns The neuter a-stems. (a)---

The neuter n-stems have developed into neuter nouns of the bfime-type of declension. After the fronting of *8 (> *Ii) > e and * u > i in the endings of the more-type. the hiime-type had become a hybrid type with ,the endings of the more-type in the. oblique case forms of the singular and with the endings of the mesto-type in the, plural. In the NAsg. the forms ending in -me were retained. In the modem language, the endings of the mesto-type spread to the singular case forms as well, and a new NAsg. form ending in -meno was introduced (which ultimately removed the formal alternation of the root morpheme from the paradigm). Below, I shall give the archaic forms ending in -me only, except for jmeno « *jhm{:), where the word form jme is attested in Old Czech only (it is petrified in the modern adverb najme). Ap. (a):

the recOnstruction
ap.·(b)--ap. (c)--

C(A): blime, rame, sime, sleme, teme, vfme

Ap, (b):

--ap.

G

s~m-(:

A
L

s~men-iI plem-~ s~men-e s~men-'b pJemen-e s~men-j s~men-hm'b plemen-! s~m-~ s~men-.a pJem-~ semen- s~men-j plemen, hmh sttu: semen-e semen-is» pJemen-e

plemen-a plemen-» pletnen-san» pJemen-ii pJemen-y

(j)bm-~ (j)bmen-e (jfomen-j (jfom-~ (jfomensmt: plemen-sx» (jfomen-e

(j}hmen-;i (j}hmen-'b (j}bmen-hm'h (j}hmen-a (j}hmen-f (j}hmen-hX'h

B(A); pisme C(A): pUme

Ap, (c):
"

D:

jmeno

The original declension of the neuter n-stems has been retained as a distinct declensional type in most Slavic languages. In Czech the original endings of the n-stems have been retained in all case forms, except for

In the paradigm of the acute neuttr n-stems, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present in the NAsg. and Gpl. The long root vowel in the NAsg. has been retained in all words, but the long vowel in the Gpl. has been lost. It was probably shortened analogically, after lengthening of the root vowel in the Gpl. had become

·0 ..

o

552 atypical in Czech. As a consequence of these developments, the acute n-stems obtained qp. e(A}. This new quantity pattern in combination with the alternation 6/1-- e apparently became a dominant feature of the ~ords. of the bffn:e-type of declension, and the alternation was analogically introduced in the paradigm of *rymt, cf. vjme, Gsg. vemene. The oxytone plsme has the original qp. B(A}. Pleme analogically introduced the alternation e after the acute words and obtained qp. C(A). The root vowel in jmeno was probably lengthened phonetically as a consequence of the loss of the stressed weak jer in the barytone word forms of the paradigm (see 4.5.2). I assume that after the loss of the weak jets, the root vowel in *(i)imr: was long in all case forms, except for the NApl. and Ipl., which had the stress on the ending. Subsequently, this quantity pattern was remodelled to qp. D analogically.

553

4.1S 4.1S.1
N G D A I L

The neuter nt-stems The neuter nt-stems: the reconstruction jagnr:Ni jagnr:t-'b jagnr:t-:&m'b jagnr:t-a jagnr:t-j --ap.(b)-zv~r-~ zv~r~t-e zvt;r~t-i zv~r-~ zv~r~t--ap.(c)-pBrs-r: pBrstt-e pBrsr:t-i pBrs-t pBrsr:tum. ZV~T~t-bX'b pBrsr:t-e zV~T~t-ii zv~r~-'b zv¢r~-:&m'b zv~r~t-ii zv~r~t..y porsr:t-a pors~t-'b pors6t-bm'b porstt-a porsr:t-j pors6t-bX'h

e-

--ap.(a)-jagn-r: jagntt-e jagntt-i jagn-r: jagnttjagnr:t-e

bmb

sms:

jagn{:t-:&X'h zv~r~-e

/'
.

4.14.3 . The neuter p-sterns: the Slovak material
The neuter n-stems have developed into neuter nouns of the brems~f declension. In the modem language, the original NAsg. ending m -ma has been replaced by forms in -meno, which eliminated the formal alternation of the root morpheme. Below, I shall give only the archaic forms ending in -mil, except for meno and pismeno « *jh11lr:,*pismt), where no forms in -ma occur (cf., however, the adverb najmii).

!>'Pe

Ap. (a):
A(G): brems, rama, sema, s/ema, tema, vema

As in the case of the n-stems, the original declension of the neuter nt-stems has been retained as a distinct declensional type in most Slavic languages. In Czech, the original endings of the nt-stems have been retained in all case forms, except in the Lsg., where it was replaced by the Dsg. ending, and in the Dpl., which obtained the ending of the o-stems. As in the case of the o-stems, the short variant of the NApl. and Ipl. endings * -a, * -y were generalized. In Slovak, the nt-stems adopted the endings of the jo-stems in the singular and of the o-stems in the plural, but retained the original NAsg. The original Common Slavic quantity patterns of the neuter nt-stems are the same as those of the n-stems.

4.15.2

The

neuter nt-stems: the Czech material

Ap. (b): BA: plsmeno A(G): plemii Ap. (c): G: meno The acute n-stems adopted lengthening of the final syllable of the stem before the ¢-ending in the Gpl., and thus obtained qp. A(G). The oxytone pfsmeno generalized the formative -en- in all case forms and obtained qp. BA -, Parallel to the acute words, plemil replaced its Original qp. A(A) by qp, A(G). The quantity pattern of meno presents a problem, since on the basis of deer a, Cz. jmeno one would expect the TOot vowel to be long in this word (see 4.5.2). Probably, in Slovak the short root vowel of the NApl. *(j)bmena has been generalized (except in the Gpl.), instead of the long vowel in e.g. Gsg. *(j)mene *OJimene).14 ,

The neuter nt-stems have developed into neuter nouns of the kuie. type of declension. In the modern language, the kuie- type of declension is a hybrid type with the endings of the more-type in the oblique case forms of the singular and of the mesto-type in the plural. Ap. (a):
A(A): jehne, kuie

Ap. (b):
A(A): stene, tele B(A): dite, 'hffbe,
·zvffe

Ap. (c):
A(A): prase

«

in the paradigm of kuie, the conditions for the operation of the Czech lengthening were present in the NAsg. and Gpt. In fact, a long root vowel is attested GCz. NAsg. hife. It appears, that the long

····U

r>;

o

in

554

555

vowel in the Gpl. was shortened analogically after lengthening of the root vowel in the GpI. had become atypical in Czech. The root vowel in NAsg. kuie was probably shortened analogically (perhaps to avoid homonymy with the root morpheme koui- 'smoke'). Jehne retained the original qp. A(A). In this word, the Czech lengthening did not operate because the initial syllable is closed. The oxytone nt-stems have the original quantity patterns. After the shortening of long falling vowels and the generalization of the short vowel in the formative * -~t-, prase obtained qp. A(A}. 4.15.3
The

5.

Conclusions

neuter nt-stems: the Slovak material

The neuter nz-stems have developed into neuter nouns of the dievcatype of declension. These words take the formative -at'- in the oblique case forms of the singular and either -st- or -enc- in the plural. Most words show variation between both formatives in the plural, e.g. NpI. jahiiata or jebnence; Gpl. jahniat or jsbneniec, etc. Below, the suffixal forms in -enc- will be left out of consideration.
Ap. (a):
A(A): kure 'chick(en)' A(G): jaMa

Ap. (b):
A(G): stena, tela B(A): die(a, zviers, iriebi

Ap. (C):
A(G):prasa

The acute jahiia adopted lengthening of the final syllable of the stem before the ¢-ending ill Gpl. jahniat and obtained qp. A(G). Kura has retained the original qp. A(A), but in the plural only forms in -encoccur. The oxytone nt-stems with long vocalism have the original qp, BA. The words with originally short vocalism adopted lengthening of the final syllable of the stem before the ¢-ending in the Gp1. and obtained qp. A(G). . After the shortening of long falling vowels and the generalization of the short vowel of the formative *-~t- in the Dpl. and Lpl., prase obtained
qp. A(G).

The comparison of the quantity patterns of substantives in modem Czech and Slovak with the Common Slavic quantity patterns shows that, apart from the shortening of long falling vowels which operated to a certain extent in all Slavic dialects, especially in Czech the quantity patterns underwent major changes since the end of the Common Slavic period. These changes started with the operation of the Czech lengthening. This sound law gave rise to a series of new quantity patterns, mainly in the paradigms of the words belonging to ap. (a). These new quantity patterns were characterized by erratic quantitative alternations of the root vowel in the flexional paradigm. After the loss of free stress placement and distinctive intonation (and perhaps even earlier), the quantitative alternations of the root vowel in these quantity patterns became unpredictable. Subsequently, they fell subject to analogical developments towards the generalization of either the long or the short root vowel in the entire paradigm. As a consequence of these ..analogical developments, some of the quantity patterns that had arisen after the Czech lengthening were lost completely and were replaced by quantity patterns which were more common at the time. Furthermore, .the analogical developments also gave rise to. new quantity patterns. The newly arisen quantity patterns D, E, and F, in their tum, became models for the analogical shortening of the root vowel in some (or all) case forms in words which originally had qp. B. Ultimately, the rise of qp. D, E, and F entailed the loss of the original Common Slavic qp. G of the originally mobile words. Two other developments which affected the quantity patterns of substantivesinCzech are the merger of */6/ « "'-0) and "'-/6/ (under certain conditions) and the dialectally conditioned lengthening of *0 in monosyllabic word forms ending in a resonant. The latter development was probably dialectally conditioned. Both developments gave rise to qp. c. The most important development which affected the quantity pattern of many substantives in Slovak is the analogical lengthening of the root vowel before the ¢-ending in the GpI. . Another development which affectdfthe quantity patterns of substantives in Slovak is the merger of */6/ « *0) and */6/ (under certain conditions), which gave rise to qp. c.

o

556

557

S.l

Relative chronology of the developments in Czech

I have arrived at the following relative chronology of the main developments concerning vowel quantity in Czech which occurred after the dissolution of the Common Slavic linguistic unity.
1.

Reinterpretation of *yo and *0 as allophones of a single phoneme */a/,and their redistribution: *yo in initial and *0 in non-initial
syllables (par. 4.2.3).

syllables); secondly in final syllables, where the stress retracted to the preceding syllable (Stang's law; this eliminated distinctive intonation in non-initial syllables); and finally in initial sytIables. The latter shortening operated under different conditions in different Slavic dialects, after the dissolution of the Common Slavic linguistic unity. In some dialects (e.g. Czech and Russian, cf. Kortlandt 1989: 55), it was preceded by a lengthening of short rising vowels, and ultimately entailed the loss of distinctive intonation in these dialects.'! S.2 Relative chronology of the developments in Slovak

2.

Analogical lengthening of the DpI. and Lpl. endings *-am"h and *-ax"h of the a-h'a-stems after the corresponding endings of the o-stems *-om"h and *-~X"h (par. 4.1.1). The Czech lengthening (par. 4.1.2).

3. 'Loss of w~ak jets and vocalization of strong jers.
4.

I have arrived at the following relative chronology of the Slovak developments.
1.

5; Shortening of long falling vowels (in initial syllables) (par. 4.1.2-3); loss of distinctive intonation.
6.

Reinterpretation of *po and "0 as allophones of a single phoneme */0/, and their redistribution: *po in initial and ·0 in non-initial syllables (par. 4.2.3). Loss of weak jers and vocalization of strong jets (par. 4.5.2, 4.9.3).

Dialectally conditioned lengthening of *0 in monosyllabic word forms ending in a resonant (par. 4.3.2). Merger of */6/ (which had become a phoneme in stage 3) and */6/ under certain conditions and with */0/ elsewhere (par. 4.2.3).

2.

7.

3. Shortening of long falling vowels (in initial syllables) (par. 4.1.2w3); loss of distinctive intonation.
4.

,~. Analogical change of the quantity patterns which had arisen in stages 4 and 5; loss of qp. G (par. 4.1.2).
I am unable to determine at which point in the chronology free stress placement was lost. It must be posterior to stage 6. . 'In this chronology, the Czech lengthening precedes the shortemng of long-falling vowels. This order is the reverse of the order. pu~ forward by Kortlandt (1975: XII; 1989: 54-55). In personal communtCatlOn~Prof. Kortlandt' drew my attention to the fact that a general shorte~mg of long falling vowels, such as happened in Czech an~ Slovak, uItl~ately eliminates distinctive intonation on long vowels, while the operation of the Czech lengthening requires distinctive intonation on short vowels. Consequently, the order put forward by Kortlandt earlier~ pre~u~po~es the existence for some time of an intonational system with distinctive intonation on short vowels only, which is typologically improbable. It appears instead that the shortenin~ of long fal.ling v?wels after Dybo's law consisted of three consecutive stages: flrst~y It. operat~d in medial syllables (which eliminated distinctive intonation m medial

Merger of */6/ (which had become a phoneme in stage 2) and */6/ under certain conditions and with */0/ elsewhere (par. 4.2.3). Rise of the diphthong ja « *a (after palatal consonants); *~,and ..~); and the subsequent loss of phonemic quantity of a after j, after which the sequence .je was reinterpreted as the (long) diphthong ja (par. 4.6.3). The rhythmic'shortening (par. 4.6.3). Analogical generalization of length before the ¢-ending in the Gpl. (par. 4.1.3).

5.

6.
7.

I am unable to determine at which point in the chronology free stress placement was lost. It must be posterior to stage 3. Furthermore, I am unable to determine when the Slovak a-stems borrowed the long Dpl. and Lpl. endings *-iim, *-ax from Czech. In modem Slovak these endings show rhythltfic shortening after long vowels, e.g, ienam but brszdsm, and are short if preceded by j, e.g, kolejem, However, this does not imply that they were borrowed before stage 5. They may very well have adapted themselves to existing patterns. At least, the borrowing must have preceded stage 7, because the latter

o

558 development shows that ja had been reinterpreted as j followed by a short a, e.g. Gpl. jazd, jam, whereas the short ending in korajam indicates that ja was still phonemically neutral with respect to quantity at the time when * -sm and * -ax were borrowed.
University of Leiden
3

559
In spite of the fact that the tripartition of the Common Slavic accentual paradigms is generally accepted, some scholars stick to the usage of the terms 'acute' versus 'clrcumflex', which stem from the classical and now abandoned theory of Slavic accentuation. A recent example of this can be seen in the latest manual on Slavic historical phonology by T.R. Carlton (1991). On page 188ff. the author describes the three Common Slavic accentual paradigms and their characteristics, while on page 144ff. he explains the differences found in the development of initial "ort-, "olt- from the original intonation: "acute or rising" versus "circumflex or falling" (1991: 145), disregarding the fact that at the time of the metathesis, initial "ort-, "oltcould have one of three different intonations, viz. acute, rising, or falling. Instead of using the old and inadequate terms 'acute' and 'circumflex' for the three reconstructed Common Slavic accentual paradigms (a), (b), and (c), they are now commonly referred to as 'acute', 'oxytone', and 'mobile', respectively.
4

NOTES
In this article the following abbreviations for grammatical features will be used:

N: G: A:
0: I: L: sg.: pI.:

nominative case form genitive case form dative case form accusative case form instrumental case form locative case form singular number plural number

f;

m.:
1: 2: 3:

!!.:

masculine gender feminine gender neuter gender lst. person 2nd. person 3td. person

The diacritics used in this article follow the normal usage in Slavic accentology: Ii- Ii: rising intonation on a long or short vowel, respectively; a - 1I: falling intonation on a long or short vowel, respectively; A: unstressed length; unstressed brevity is not indicated.

Inf.: Infinitive form

The diacritic? marks acute intonation. For practical reasons, I shall write ~ for the phoneme *c in reconstructions where the original quantity and intonation of vowels is indicated by means of diacritics. The following abbreviations for the Slavic languages will be used: (O)Cz. (O)Po. (O)Ru. SCr. {Old- )Czech (Old-)Polish (Old- )Russian Serbo-Croat SIc. Slk. Sin. Siovincian Slovak Slovene

The vocative and dual word forms will be left out of consideration. Due to the paucity of the material, there is thus far no definite reconstruction of the orig inal intonation and quantity of these word forms. The cases in this article are always given in the order N, G, D, A,I, L.
2

In their latest publication (Dybo et al. 1993), the Moscow school of Slavic accentology proposes a number of .radical changes in the reconstruction of the Common Slavic accentual system. They abandon Stang's, and Dybo's laws in the formulation in which they were used by modern accentologists thusfar (as, for instance, in par. 3. of the present article). Instead, they date the earliest progressive stress shift from non-acute vowels to acute vowels in a following syllable already in the Balto-Slavic period (1993: 72-73, also fn. 10). In spite of the theoretical and typological advantages of the changes proposed by Dybo et al., I do not think that the material justifies the far-reaching conclusions based on it. In my view, the heterogeneity of the accentuation of (b)-stressed lexemes in Slavic, on the basis of which the Moscow school has arrived at a division of Common Slavic into four basic dialectal groups, can and must be explained in a different way. Furthermore, the ~... nov[yj] variant[] praslav(janskoj1 rekonstrukcii" (1993: 12, fn.7) has ~me insurmountable disadvantage. By replacing Dybo's law in its standard formulation by a "... mnogostupencat[yj] process[] s posledovatel 'nym snjatiem ego drejfa" (1993: 73), which would have started already in the Balto-Slavic period, it becomes impossible to explain the rise of distinctive vowel quantity in pretonic syllables in Slavic. This article is not the place for a detailed discussion of the merits and demerits of the changes in the reconstruction of the Common Slavic accentual system proposed by Dybo et al. I hope to return to this subject at length in a future publication.

5 Old-Russian manuscripts distinguishing between two a-phonemes generally have the open o, reflecting a falling intonation, in word forms of the type • gostsm», cf. ORu. Dpl. kostears, Lpl. kostex», Dp!. moscem'b, Lpl. noscCK'b, given by Stadnikova (1989: 153, 156, 158). However, the open o in these word forms does not necessarily reflect a Common Slavic falling intonation, as it may very well be a much later analogical substitution, of the open 0 for the closed o. The single attestation of Dpl. moscem'b, adduced by Stadnikova, is insufficient data to assume an earlier rislng intonation in this word form.

.

'

A remnant of the classical theory of Slavic accentuation is the assumption that acute vowels have retained their original length in the initial syllable of disyllabic words in Czech (cf. e.g. Lamprecht et al. 1986: 79; Carlton 1991: 237). This assumption was based on another assumption that acute vowels in Balto-Slavic were the regular reflexes of PIE long vowels. The latter assumption has been proven untenable (cr. Kortlandt 1975: 72ff.; 1985j 1988: 299-302). The origin of the acute intonation in Balto-Slavic appears to lie in the presence,pf the PIE laryngeals and glottalized obstruents. The dissolution of the PIE gloulized obstruents into a buccal and a laryngeal segment (= Winter's law; cf, Kortlandt 1978b: 110) and the SUbsequent loss of the laryngeals as segmental phonemes yielded a series of glottalized (acute) vowels. In stressed syllables, acute vowels remained neutral with respect to vowel quantity up to the end of the Common Slavic period. In one of the final stages of the Common
6

-~.-.

o

o

560
Slavic period, the glcttalized articulation was lost and the vowels were reinterpreted as short in the entire Slavic territory (cf. Kortlandt 1978a: 276-278). Long reflexes of originally acute vowels in Czech, Upper Sorabian and Slovene are due to later lengthening in the separate languages (for Czech see 4.1.1).
7 After the loss of the weak jers, words belonging to ap. (b) or (c) with jervocalism had a non-syllabic root morpheme, i,e, qp. X. In Czech and Slovak, these words will generally have qp. X, too. Only occasionally have they secondarily obtained another quantity pattern, e.g. *bl7>xa> Cz. btecb« (A), where the inserted vowel of the Gpl. was generalized in all case forms, and Slk. blahs (G), where the originally non-syllabic resonant has become syllabic. In the sequel, I shall pay no special attention to words which have obtained qp. X as a consequence of the loss of the weak jers. Furthermore, I shall pay no special attention, to the Czech material in which ·hr, * sl, ·7>r, or "7>1is reflected by a syllabic resonant and which, consequently, has obtained qp. X

561
This course of events does not only provide an adequate phonetic motivation for the rise of different allophones of short rising ·0, it also accounts for the aberrant long reflexes of long falling ·0 in monosyllabic word forms in Czech, e.g. dum, sill, etc. which I deal with in section 4.3.2. At the time long falling vowels were shortened, the root vowel in these words was a long diphthong • !!B. The shortening of this diphthong yielded a short diphthong which was phone~ically equal to. the diphthongized allophone of short rising ·0 (note that the shortening of long falhn~ vowels eliminated distinctive intonation in Czech and Slovak, see 5.1). The short diphthong subsequently merged with long ·1/0 (from ·6). In this case, ~he need to a~sume a (dialectally conditioned) lengthening of *0 before resonants In monosyllabic word forms, as I do in this article, is absent. An advantage of this view on the matter is that it becomes possible to regard every instance of Ii/o in Czech or Slovak as a result of lengthening, instead of retraction (which is phonetically less probable). The synchronic distribution of il/o versus 0 in Czech and Slovak is highly irregular and the precise original distribution of the allophones of nee-acute ·0 still remains unclear. A better .understandi~g of the original distribution will be attained if more material, especially from dialects, is taken into account.
11 Strictly speaking, this could also be the origin of the. long vowel in ~z, cf. the two attestations of the original Gpl. ·von after numerals In OCz. paddesat woz, sto woz given by Gebauer (1960: 55).

8 The attribution ,of 'the words in the material to the Common Slavic accentual paradigms is based on information from Nonnenmacher-Prlbie (1961), IlIic-Svityc (1963), Kortlandt (1975), Dybo (1981), and Zaliznjak (1985).

9 As a matter of fact, sometimes .short i is found as the reflex of ·e, e.g, piha, lIdci « *pega, • redbchjh). This I could only have arisen through the intermediate stage i. Consequently, the root vowel in the originally acute a-stem piha shows that it was subject to the Czech lengthening, lost the alternation i and Was 'subsequently shortened.

e,

10 In this description of the rise of the twofold reflex of nee-acute ·0 in Czech and Slovak, I follow Kortlandt and assume that stress retraction onto ·0 according to Stang's law gave rise to a diphtong ·1/0, which differred from the nee-acute ·0 from other sources. Since this does not automatically offer the attested distribution, I had to come up with 'a redistribution of allophones. In personal communication, Dr. Vermeer suggested to me that this problem can be solved along the same lines more elegantly if one starts with only one reflex of nee-acute lo after Stang's law. I did not have the time to incorporate his remarks into the article, but I find his suggesticns too interesting not to mention them here. In the period around Stang's law, *l was diphthongized and raised from *,ii to ·If in large parts of the Slavic territory. This gave rise to an asymmetrical vowel system in which *jf lacked a rounded counterpart. In Czech and Slovak the' gap was filled by dipllthongizing long ·0 (whether rising or falling) to *1/0. Similarly, short rising "0 developed a diphthongfzed allophone in positions where it was subject to ordinary phonetic (sub-phonemic) lengthening: most likely in initial syllables of disyllabic word forms with a short second syllable (i.e. in the position where Czech regularly lengthened all short rising vowels: the Czech lengthening, see 4.1.2) and in monosyllabic word forms (perhaps depending on the word-final consonant). Apparently, ,short falling ·0 did not develop a diphthongized allophone (note that short falling ·0 did not occur in monosyllabic word forms). At some time, both in Czech and Slovak, the quantitative opposition between the allophone ·1/0 « ·0) and the phoneme *1/6 « *6) was lost and both diphthongs merged into a quantitatively neutral diphthong ·1/0. The resulting opposition between ve and ·1/0 was reinterpreted as a quan· titative opposition,

12 In the oblique case forms, the root of the n-stems is regularly enlarged with ·-en-. Occasionally, ·kory may be enlarged with o_~n_or ·-en- also, cf. Cz. dokol;in, sCr. korijen. 13 ReSetar (1900: 57) assumes the root-stressed variant to be the continuation of the dual number of the originally mobile ·vorto, i.e, ·vorte. This assumption does not hold in view of Ru. vorota, which indicates that the root vowel originally had a rising intonation. Furthermore, it does not explain the restriction of this variant to prepositional phrases in Dubrovnik and Prcan],

Thus I assume that Cz. jmeno generalized the long root vowel of Gsg. ·(j)mene ·(j)en:ene), etc. and Sik menothe short vowel from NAp!. • (j)mena. Similarly, though in a slightly different way, the opposition between ·(j)Cm{: and ·Whm:na appears to be reflected by Po. imi{: versus mieno. The former word shows vocalization of the weak stressed jer, whereas the latter word shows the regular loss of unstressed initial * (j)h-.
14

«

,'

Supporting evidence for the relatively, late shortening of long falling vowels in initial syllables comes from certain Central Slovak dialects. In North-West Central Slovak, strong jers are occasionally reflected by a, instea~ of more usual 0 or e. It appears that the a-reflex is possible only after etymologically short vowels, thus dialectal kotal besides literary kotol, but piesok: with 0 only (cf. Greenberg 1988: 56-57). The absence of a-reflexes in e.g, /tUben or lakel' {< Ob?bbl17>,·6Ik7>tb~ is an indication that the long falling vowels in these words were still long at the time that the strong jers were vocalized.
15

·0

o

562 REFERENCES
Bulatova, R.V., Dybo, V.A., Nlkolaev, S.L. -, 1988 "Problemy akcentologtdeskix dialektizmov v praslavjanskom", SisvjansJcoe jllJ.'Ykoznll11ie.X Meldunarodnyj s "ezd slsvistov. Doklady sovetskoj delegacii, 3Hi6 & 389. Moskva: Nauka. Carlton, T .R. 1991 Introduction to the Phonological History of the Slavic Languages. Columbus, OH: Slavica, Dybo, VA 1962 "0 rekonstrukcii udarenija v praslavjanskom glagole", Voprosy slavjanskogo jazykoznanija 6, 3·27. . 1968 "Akcentologija i slovoobrazovanie v slavjanskom", Slavjanskoe jazykoznanie. VI Mddunarodnyj s'ezd slsvistov. DokJady sovetskoj delegecii, 148-224. Moskva: Nauka. Slavjanskaja akcentologija. Opyt rekonstrukcll sistemy skcentnyx 1981 paradigm v pras/avjanskom. Moskva: Nauka. Dybo, V.A., Zamjatina, G.I., Nikolaev, S.L. 1990 Osno!?, slavjanskoj skceutologii, Moskva: Nauka. 1993 "Praslavjanskaja akcentologija i llngvogeografija", SIavjanskoe jazykoznanie. XI Meldunarodnyj s"ezd slavistov. Doklady rossijskoj deJeglicii, 65 -88. Moskva:' Nauka. Gebauer, J. Historicks mluvnice jazyka ceskeho III. Tveroslov! I. SkJonovani_ 1960 Praha: Nakladatelstvi Ceskoslovenske akademie ved. Historicka mluvnice jazyka ceskeho I. Hlsskoslovl. Praha: Naldada1963 telstvi Ceskoslovenske akademie ved. Greenberg, M. 1988 "On the Vocalization of Jers in Slovak", Die Welt der Slaven 33/1, 43-62. Hanusz, J. "()b~r die Bctonung der SUbstantiva im Kleinrussischen", Archiv Iiir 1883 slavische Phi/ologie 7,222-255 & 325·385. Havranek. B., Jedlicka, A. 1960 Ceska mluvnice, 3. vydan], Praha: .Statni pedagogicke nakladatelstvi. IIIic-Svityc, V.M. 1963 ImeniIaja akcentuaeija v ba/tijskom i slavjanskom. Sud'ba akcentua· cionnyx parjldigm. Moskva: Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR. Kortlandt, F .H.H. 1975 Slavic ACCeJltuation. A Study in Relative Chronology. Lisse: The Peter de Ridder Press. "The Sl~ene Nee-circumflex", The Slavonic and East European 1976 Review 134, 1-10. "Historical Laws of Baltic Accentuation", Bsltistics 13/2, 319·330. 1977 "On the History of Slavic Accentuation", Zeitschriit Iiir vergleichendo 1978a 1978b Sprachforsehung 92, 269-281. "Proto-Indo-European Obstruents", 83, 107·118.

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Kortlandt, F.H.H. (ctd.) .1982 "Early Dialectal Diversity in South Slavic 1", South Slavic and Balkan Linguistics (= Studies in Slavic and General linguistics 2), 177·192. Amsterdam: Rodopi. "Long Vowels in Balto-Slavlc", Baltistica 21/2, 112·124. 1985 "The Laryngeal Theory and Slavic Accentuation", Die Lsryngel1988 theorie und die Rekonstruktion des lndcgermsnischen Lsut- und Formensystems, 299·311. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitatsverlag. "Od praindoevropskog jezika do slovenskog (Foncloski razvoj)", 1989 Zbornik za fil%giju i Hngvistiku 32/2, 41·58. Lamprecht, A., Slosar, D., Bauer, J. 1986 Historicks. mluvnice ceStiny. Praha: Statni pedagoglcke nakladatelstvi. Machek, V. 1968 Etymologicky slovnfk jazyka ceskeho, 2. vydani. Praha: Academia. Nonnenmacher-Pribic, E. 1961 Die bsltoslsvischen Akzent- und Intonstionsverbidtnisse und ihr quantitativer Reflex im Slovakischen. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Pauliny, E. 1990 Vfvin s/ovenskej deklinacie. Bratislava: Veda. Pravidla ceskeho pravopisu. 1977 Previdls cesk6ho prsvopisu, 7. vydani (ed, Havranek, B.). Praha: Academia. PravidJIi s/ovensk6ho prsvopisu. 1965 Pravidla. slovenskeho prsvopisu, 6. vydanie (ed. Peciar, S.). Bratislava: Vydavatefstvo Slovenskej Akademie Vied. 1991 PravidJa slovenskeho pravopisu (ed. Kaeala, J.). Bratislava: Veda. ReSetar, M. Die scrbokroetische Betonung' siidwcstlicher Munderten. Wien: Alfred 1900 Holder. Sgall, P., Hronek, J. 1992 CeStina bez pfikras. Praha: H&H. Slovnik splsovneho jazyka ceskeho 1960-71 Slovnik spisovneho jazyka ceskeho (ed. Havranek, B.). Praha: Nakladatelstvi ceskoslovenske akademie ved. Stadnikova, B.V. 1989 "Materialy k lzucenlju dvux fonem 'tipa 0' v starovelikorusskom", Istoriceskaja akcentologija i srevnltel'no-lstoriiieskij metod, 135·175. Moskva: Nauka. Stang, C. S. Slavonic Accentuation. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. 1957 Travnicek, F. "Ke kvantite muzskjch kmenu na ·0·, .jo- a -u- v cestine", Listy 1921 filologleke 48, 104-111. Y! Vermeer, W.R. 1984 "On Clarifying Some Points of Slavonic Accentology: the Quantity of the Thematic Vowel in the Present Tense and Related Issues", Folia Linguistics Histories 5/2, 331-395.

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Indogerma ische

Forschungen

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W. ANDRIES VAN BELDEN

VaznY. v.
1964

Historickii mluvnice ceska II. TvarosJovi l. SkJonovani. Praha: Statni pedagogicke nakladatelstvi.

Case and Gender. Concept Formation between Morphology and Syntax
Amsterdam/Atlanta. GA 1993. Vol. 1 - XXV,566 pp. Vol. II - 713 pp. (Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics 20 - 21) ISBN: 90-5183-514-0 2 vols, Bound HfI. 500,-tUS-$ 294.The cybernetic dream which pervades Soviet bureaucracy after Stalin produced a relatively liberal and generous science policy. In linguistics, the new spirit gave rise to a variety of trends professing to practise "structural", "mathematical" or "applied" linguistics, and promising practical applications' in natural language processing. The trends originating in the sixties comprise the so-called Set-theoretical School. In 1957 the mathematician Kolmogorov confronted the participants of a seminar on mathematical linguistics with a few pilot questions, such as "what exactly do we mean when we say that two words are in the same case?" The rigorous answers which the Set-theoretical School worked out for Kolmogorov's questions turned out to have far-reaching implications for linguistic theory. Case and Gender examines both the contextual and the internal development of the Set-theoretical SchooL The rise and decline of the School can' be ascribed to Soviet humanities policy, while the specifics of its linguistic development can be attributed to the non-linguistic backgrounds and applied goals of its first exponents. The two volumes contain a systematic account of the networks of definitions ("models") proposed by the School, and provide a "metamodel" which facilitates providing a consistent formalization of the models and uncovering their implicit assumptions on the properties of language. The metamodel also enables an orderly comparison of the models with one another and with terminological systems developed elsewhere. Moreover, the models are evaluated. amended. and confronted with linguistic material from various languages. The later chapters are concluded with more farreaching proposals. Kolmogorov's questions must be taken seriously. The tum toward a semantics-orientated approach which is evident in the last stage of the development of the Set-theoretical School must be pursued. New definitions of 'case' and 'gender' are proposed in accordance with the new approach. Case and Gender contains not only an analytical survey of the complete scientific output of the Set-theoretical School on morphology and syntax but also a confrontation with contemporary western theories. It shows the viability of a tradition which was abandoned as a result of political developments. The long chapter on the history· of the relationship between linguistics and politics in the Soviet Union contains new material on the 1950 linguistics discussion in Pravda, which was decided by Stalin's contribution and who~impact would last for decades to come.

Zaliznjak, A.A. 1985 Or praslavjanskoj skcentusci! k russkoj. Moskva:Nauka.

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USA/Canada: Editions Rodopi, 233 Peachtree Street, N.E., Suite 404, Atlanta, Ga. 30303-1504, Telephone (404) 523-1964, Call toll-free 1800-225-3998 (U.S. only), Fax (404) 522-7116 . And OtbO Editions Rodopi B.V., Keizersgracht 302-304, 1016 EX Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Telephone (020) 622.75.07, Fax (020)

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