Professional Documents
Culture Documents
CAFE Affirmative
CAFÉ Affirmative
CAFÉ 1ac........................................................................................................................................................................3
CAFÉ 1ac........................................................................................................................................................................4
CAFÉ 1ac........................................................................................................................................................................5
CAFÉ 1ac........................................................................................................................................................................6
CAFÉ 1ac........................................................................................................................................................................7
CAFÉ 1ac........................................................................................................................................................................8
CAFÉ 1ac........................................................................................................................................................................9
***Oil***......................................................................................................................................................................10
Action Needed For Soft Landing..................................................................................................................................11
Fuel Inefficiency Increase Oil Use................................................................................................................................12
Fuel Inefficiency Causes Dependence..........................................................................................................................13
40mpg Solves Dependence...........................................................................................................................................14
39mpg Solves Dependence...........................................................................................................................................15
Small Efficiency Increase Solves Dependence.............................................................................................................16
Fuel Efficiency Solves Dependence..............................................................................................................................17
Fuel Efficiency Solves Dependence..............................................................................................................................18
Fuel Efficiency Solves Dependence..............................................................................................................................19
Energy efficiency key to solve energy crisis................................................................................................................20
......................................................................................................................................................................................21
***Alternative Advantages***.....................................................................................................................................21
Oil Spills Advantage.....................................................................................................................................................22
Caspian Advantage........................................................................................................................................................23
Caspian Advantage........................................................................................................................................................24
Caspian Advantage........................................................................................................................................................25
Caspian Advantage........................................................................................................................................................26
Caspian Advantage........................................................................................................................................................27
Resource War Advantage..............................................................................................................................................28
Resource War Advantage..............................................................................................................................................29
ANWR Advantage (Terror impact)...............................................................................................................................30
ANWR Advantage (Species Impact)............................................................................................................................31
ANWR Advantage (Culture).........................................................................................................................................32
***Caspian Extensions***...........................................................................................................................................33
CAFÉ Solves Caspian Instability..................................................................................................................................34
***ANWR Extensions***............................................................................................................................................35
Increased CAFÉ prevents ANWR drilling....................................................................................................................36
***2ac Add-ons***.......................................................................................................................................................37
2ac Add-on: Power Wars...............................................................................................................................................38
2ac Add-on: Proliferation..............................................................................................................................................39
2ac Add-on: Trade War.................................................................................................................................................40
2ac Add-on: Mideast War..............................................................................................................................................41
2ac Add-on: Pollution...................................................................................................................................................42
***Auto Industry***....................................................................................................................................................43
Increase Auto Industry..................................................................................................................................................44
CAFÉ Key U.S. Auto Industry......................................................................................................................................45
***Economy***...........................................................................................................................................................46
CAFÉ Boost Economy..................................................................................................................................................47
***Case Answers***....................................................................................................................................................48
A/T: Consumers will Drive More.................................................................................................................................49
A2: Safety.....................................................................................................................................................................50
A2: CAFÉ Cause High Oil............................................................................................................................................51
A2: CAFÉ Causes Low Oil...........................................................................................................................................52
A2: Oil Shocks..............................................................................................................................................................53
A2: Transition...............................................................................................................................................................54
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 2
CAFE Affirmative
CAFÉ 1ac
Observation One: A policy without commitment
The U.S. government is investing heavily in oil subsidies and tax breaks which pushes fuel-
efficient vehicles and policies out
Tom Peters (executive director of Tennessean Citizen Action) June 9 2008 “Fuel policies unfairly tilt to
corporations”, The Tennessean,
http://www.tennessean.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20080609/OPINION01/806090352/1008
In the long run, the U.S. needs an energy policy that decreases our reliance on fossil fuels and puts us on a path
toward energy independence through development of environmentally friendly, renewable energy alternatives. Today,
oil companies get huge government subsidies in the form of huge tax breaks. These subsidies waste taxpayer
dollars by undermining government programs to promote fuel efficiency, alternative fuels and environmental protection.
Instead of giving handouts to Big Oil, we need to be investing in our priorities here in America, including more
comprehensive mass-transit systems and more fuel-efficient vehicles that will give people more options and save money
on commuting. Furthermore, the oil companies should have to invest more of those profits in alternative-fuel research and development so
that we turn the page on dependence on foreign oil. This long-term approach will take real policy change and a different set
of priorities that value people and families over corporations. The oil companies are obviously comfortable with "business as
usual" at the expense of consumers. Instead of giving billions more in taxpayer handouts to oil companies that are already making billions, we
need to be investing in America's priorities.
Without Federal incentives the auto industry will continue to block fuel-efficient vehicle
improvements or and increase in standards
Derrick Z. Jackson (columnist with the Boston Globe) June 13 2008 “Foresight lacking”, The Record,
http://news.therecord.com/Opinions/article/366219
As Asian automakers focused on smaller, fuel-efficient cars, Detroit kept feeding American delusions of unbridled power and
limitless privilege. In 2002, GM vice-chairman Bob Lutz extolled the Hummer as "luxury in the sense of acquiring more capability than
you will likely ever need." The automakers have bitterly fought U.S. federal and state efforts toward stringent standards
for fuel efficiency and emissions. They keep trying to fit the round peg of fuel efficiency in a square hole of
"smaller" Hummers and hybrid Tahoes and Yukons. Two years ago, GM offered to reimburse some new car buyers for any
gasoline they purchased over $1.99 a gallon. In 2005, Lutz boasted that he and Wagoner were putting their resources "where we've got positive
momentum, which is basically ... Cadillac, Hummer, and GMC." Later that same year, Lutz voiced confidence that the slumping SUV market
would rebound because, "I'm betting we're going to see regular under $2 a gallon again." This winter, Lutz went so far as to call global
warming, of which SUVs have become America's symbol of denial, "a crock of (expletive deleted)." The lack of American vision was
made complete last month as Asian automakers outsold Detroit for the first time in history, with the top four cars being
the Honda Civic and Accord and the Toyota Corolla and Camry.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 4
CAFE Affirmative
CAFÉ 1ac
Advantage One: The End of Oil
Current estimates of oil supply are based on status quo consumption rates instead of future
consumption. Depletion of oil is accelerating.
David Goodstein (Physicist and Vice Provost at California Institute of Technology) 2004, Out of Gas, pg. 45-6
As we saw earlier, many experts think there is enough oil in the ground to last for decades and enough coal for hundreds of years, at the present
rate of consumption. Among other fallacies, that view rests on the unstated assumption that the oil crisis will occur when the
last drop of oil is pumped and likewise for coal and the other fossil fuels. The more sophisticated Hubbert analysis tells us that we
get into trouble when we reach the halfway point. That’s when the rate at which we can extract oil or other fuels starts to
decline. But that isn’t the only fallacy in that rosy picture. The present rate of consumption is the biggest myth of all. For one
thing, we Americans consume fuel at five times the average per capita rate of the rest of the world, and the rest of the world wants in. For
another there is a powerful inverse correlation between per capita energy consumption and female fertility. The richer the nation, the higher the rate of fuel
consumption and the fewer the number of children born. If the whole world is brought up to first-world status as quickly as possible, then sometime later in the
century there might be ten billion people on Earth living in relative comfort and burning lots of fuel. If, instead, the third world remains in poverty, there might be a
hundred billion people on Earth living in misery, and consuming the same total amount of energy. Either way, all the fossil fuel will run out a lot
faster than predicted by the present rate of consumption.
And, an end to oil is coming, oil shocks, global economic depression, and war are all
inevitable without reduced consumption
Paul Roberts (energy expert and writer for Harpers) 2004, The End of Oil, pg.12-13
Suppose, for example, that worldwide oil production hits a kind of peak and that, as at Ghawar, the amount of oil that oil companies and oil
states can pull out of the ground plateaus or even begins to decline — a not altogether inconceivable scenario. Oil is finite, and although vast oceans of it remain
underground, waiting to be pumped out and refined into gasoline for your Winnebago, this is old oil, in fields that have been known about for years or even
decades. By contrast, the amount of new oil that is being discovered each year is declining; the peak year was 1960, and it has been downhill ever since. Given
that oil cannot be produced without first being discovered, it is inevitable that, at some point, worldwide oil production
must peak and begin declining as well — less than ideal circumstances for a global economy that depends on cheap
oil for about 40 percent of its energy needs (not to mention 90 percent of its transportation fuel) and is nowhere even close to
having alternative energy sources. The last three times oil production dropped off a cliff — the Arab oil embargo of 1974, the Iranian
revolution in 1979, and the 1991 Persian Gulf War — the resulting price spikes pushed the world into recession. And these
disruptions were temporary. Presumably, the effects of a long-term permanent disruption would be far more gruesome. As
prices rose, consumers would quickly shift to other fuels, such as natural gas or coal, but soon enough, those supplies would also tighten and
their prices would rise. An inflationary ripple effect would set in. As energy became more expensive, so would such energy-
dependent activities as manufacturing and transportation. Commercial activity would slow, and segments of the global economy
especially dependent on rapid growth — which is to say, pretty much everything these days — would tip into recession. The
cost of goods and services would rise, ultimately depressing economic demand and throwing the entire economy into an
enduring depression that would make 1929 look like a dress rehearsal and could touch off a desperate and probably
violent contest for whatever oil supplies remained.
CAFÉ 1ac
Inaction causes hard landing
Paul Roberts (energy expert and writer for Harpers) 2004, The End of Oil, pg. 331
Conversely, the costs of inaction are significant. Each year that we fail to commit to serious energy research and development
or fail to begin slowing the growth of energy demand through fuel efficiency, each year that we allow the markets to continue treating
carbon as cost-free, is another year in which our already unstable energy economy moves so much closer to the point
of no return. Every delay means that our various energy gaps, when we finally get around to addressing them, will
be wider and costlier to fill. By then, it will be too late for low-cost solutions and diverse portfolios and smooth,
incremental transitions. Instead, we will need largescale solutions that can be deployed rapidly. Little room will remain for concerns about
sustainability or efficiency or equity, and our chances for long-term success will be seriously impaired.
CAFÉ 1ac
Advantage Two: Environmental Leadership
US action to increase efficiency responds to our lack of action and sends a strong message
to allies
Paul Roberts (energy expert and writer for Harpers) 2004, The End of Oil, pg. 325
Politically, a new U.S. energy policy would send a powerful message to the rest of the players in the global energy
economy. Just as a carbon tax would signal the markets that a new competition had begun, so a progressive, aggressive American energy
policy would give a warning to international businesses, many of which now regard the United States as a lucrative dumping ground for older
high-carbon technology. It would signal energy producers — companies and states — that they would need to start making investments for a
new energy business, with differing demands and product requirements. Above all, a progressive energy policy would not only
show trade partners in Japan and Europe that the United States is serious about climate but would give the United States the
leverage it needs to force much-needed changes in the Kyoto treaty. With a carbon program and a serious commitment to improve
efficiency and develop clean-energy technologies, says one U.S. climate expert, “the United States could really shape a global
climate policy. We could basically say to Europe, ‘Here is an American answer to climate that is far better than Kyoto. Here
are the practical steps we’re going to take to reduce emissions, far more effectively than your cockamamie Kyoto protocol.”’
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 7
CAFE Affirmative
CAFÉ 1ac
US leadership is essential to prevent global nuclear exchange.
Zalmay Khalilzad RAND, Washington Quarterly, Spring, 1995
Under the third option, the United States would seek to retain global leadership and to preclude the rise of a global rival or a return to
multipolarity for the indefinite future. On balance, this is the best long-term guiding principle and vision. Such a vision is desirable not as an
end in itself, but because a world in which the United States exercises leadership would have tremendous advantages. First, the
global environment would be more open and more receptive to American values -- democracy, free markets, and the rule of law. Second, such a
world would have a better chance of dealing cooperatively with the world's major problems, such as nuclear proliferation,
threats of regional hegemony by renegade states, and low-level conflicts. Finally, U.S. leadership would help preclude
the rise of another hostile global rival, enabling the United States and the world to avoid another global cold or hot war and
all the attendant dangers, including a global nuclear exchange. U.S. leadership would therefore be more conducive to global
stability than a bipolar or a multipolar balance of power system.
CAFÉ 1ac
Solvency:
Existing technology could be deployed to create an auto fleet averaging 40mpg and beyond
David Friedman is a senior transportation analyst in the UCS Clean Vehicles Program., Union of Concerned
Scientists, 12.06.2002, http://www.ucsusa.org/publications/nucleus.cfm?publicationID=317
Using conventional technologies, automakers could create a fleet of passenger vehicles that average more than 40
miles per gallon, nearly a 75% increase over today's fleet. Fuel cost savings to consumers could be as much as $3,000 to $5,000 over the
lifetime of the vehicle. These savings would more than make up for the cost of the fuel economy improvements. Under such a scenario, the
typical family car could reach over 45 mpg, while the cost of filling up an SUV could be cut in half with a fuel
economy of 40 mpg. Hybrid electric technologies could take fuel economy up a notch, bringing it to at least 55 mpg across the fleet. This
would more than double current fuel economy and could save consumers $3,500 to $6,500 in fuel costs. Hybrid family cars could reach nearly
60 mpg, while hybrid SUVs could cross the 50 mpg mark. Fuel cell cars offer the greatest benefit, potentially tripling fuel economy.
Incorporating SUVs, vans and small pick-up trucks into a more strict CAFÉ program
would significantly decrease US reliance on foreign oil
Colston Warne (founding Chair of the Board of Consumers Union) December 22 2002 Journal of Consumer
Affairs
A primary example is the problem of carbon emissions from fuels, particularly auto transportation, which contributes greatly to problems with
air quality and global warming. Average miles per gallon for personal vehicles is the lowest it's been since 1980--even as dependence on
foreign oil is a growing concern. A very practical step is to urge consumers to drive more economical vehicles, and to require that
manufacturers produce vehicles with better fuel efficiency. Consumers Union believes that sport-utility vehicles, vans, and small-
pickups should be required to meet the same miles-per-gallon standard that cars do. And we support increasing the
combined fuel economy for cars and light trucks to at least 35 miles per gallon by 2013. If this single change were
implemented, by 2020 it would save 2.53 million barrels of oil per day -- more oil than we currently import from the
Persian Gulf. I'm disappointed that Congress recently rejected improvements in CAFE (Corporate Average Fuel Economy) standards, but
we shouldn't take no for an answer, and we'll be back to fight another day.
Even if some people drive more – overall the plan still drastically reduces consumption
David L. Greene 1997 Center for Transportation Analysis “Why CAFÉ Worked,”
http://ntl.bts.gov/lib/000/700/725/cafeornl.pdf
Vehicle usage is well known to be negatively correlated with vehicle age, as is fuel economy for models years 1975 through
1983. Models estimated using survey data that include age as a right-hand side variable, carried out by Golob et al. (1996) and Goldberg
(1996) have produced cost per mile elasticities close to zero. The conclusion that the elasticity of VMT with respect
to fuel cost is small, is quite robust when recent data are used. Even Nivola and Crandall (1995) who assert in chapter 3 of their
book that the fuel price elasticity of VMT is -0.5, report in Appendix A of their book that their own econometric analysis produced a fuel price
elasticity of -0.1, entirely consistent with the results of other recent studies. In addition, they found that the elasticity of
fuel economy (MPG) was only 0.04 and not statistically significantly different from zero. In other words, Nivola and
Crandall’s (1995, p. 126) econometric results are consistent with the hypothesis that there is no rebound effect whatsoever. The idea
that the rebound effect may be smaller than the fuel-cost-per-mile elasticity of vehicle travel is further supported by recent analysis of
asymmetry in the price elasticity of demand for petroleum and petroleum prices. Dargay and Gately (1994) have shown that petroleum and
petroleum product demands appear to respond more to price increases than price decreases. Their econometric analysis
indicates an elasticity of about -0.21 for rising prices but only -0.04 for falling prices for oil demand in the U.S. transportation sector. Since
increasing fuel economy amounts to a decrease in the fuel cost of travel, this suggests that the rebound effect may well be smaller than the
average fuel cost elasticity of vehicle travel. Thus, recent estimates of the rebound effect based on the full experience with
fuel price and fuel economy changes over the past 25 years provide very strong evidence that it is quite small, on
the order of -0.1 in the short-run and about -0.2 in the long-run. The implication is that 80 percent to 90 percent of the
maximum potential reduction in fuel consumption and greenhouse gas emissions due to a technical change in
vehicle efficiency will be realized, even after the increase in vehicle miles due to lower per mile fuel costs has had
its full effect. Once again, the prima facie evidence is entirely consistent with this conclusion. Despite an 80 percent increase in
light-duty vehicle travel from 1975 to 1995, light-duty vehicle fuel use has increased by only 20 percent. The
difference is attributable to a 50 percent increase in on-road fuel economy over the same period. The average
annual growth in VMT of 3 percent is consistent with historical trends. The rebound effect has not obviated the
potential benefits regulatory-driven fuel economy gains. Instead, those improvements now reduce U.S. gasoline
use by about 45 billion gallons of gasoline per year and save motorists about $55 billion per year in gasoline costs.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 9
CAFE Affirmative
CAFÉ 1ac
Empirics prove a federal action is needed for the success of fuel efficiency
Union of Concerned Scientists, February 24 2004
http://www.ucsusa.org/clean_vehicles/cars_and_suvs/page.cfm?pageID=221
If improving fuel economy makes so much sense, why aren't automakers doing it already? Automakers have a
history of not incorporating cost effective technologies that benefit consumer safety and the environment until they
are required to do so. As a result, government has had to step in to protect consumers by setting safety, fuel economy
and emissions standards. One of the most recent in a line of examples is the air-bag that is now required in all new vehicles
- automakers resisted this technology even in the face of clear demonstration of its safety benefits and calls from
consumers for safer vehicles.
Federal regulations are the only effective way to motivate effective auto industry
innovation
Jack Doyle (founder/director of Corporate Sources) 2000 Taken for a Ride, P. 452-453
If there is a lesson in the long and tortured clean-car fight, it is one of countervailing power, and why a government
presence and outside pressure are important, indeed essential in moving the auto industry forward. In the US, the Big Three
have been quick in recent years to use the "command and control" pejorative to demean gov ernment regulation, offering
in its place "voluntary initiatives" and "governmentindustry collaboration." Yet the record in this industry, as troubled as it is
still, suggests things would be much worse without the deadlines and regulations that have so far been put into law.
The outside mandates have helped save the American auto industry from complete economic disaster, pushing it to
innovate. "Much as I hate to admit it," said Chrysler's Charlie Heinen, director of vehicle emissions in the late 1970s, "the EPA accelerated the pace at which we
studied combustion. The knowledge we've gained is important, whether applied to emission control or fuel economy." Henry Ford II also admitted the law was the
spur. "We wouldn't have the kinds of safety built into automobiles that we have unless there had been a federal law. We wouldn't have had the fuel economy unless
there had been a federal law, and there would not have been the emission control unless there had been a Federal law."24 Outsiders--ranging from the
National Academy of Sciences to journalists who have taken up residence inside one or more of the automakers for periods of time--have
said the same thing: laws and regulations have, on balance, been a good thing for Detroit. "[P]ractically every recent
move by US automakers to adopt advanced features--lightweight metals, high-strength plastics, electronic ignition management
devices--can be traced to the influence of government regulations," concluded Massachusetts Institute of Technology analysts C.
Kenneth Orski, Alan Altshuler, and Daniel Roos.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 10
CAFE Affirmative
***Oil***
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 11
CAFE Affirmative
Had the 40 mpg law been enacted it would have saved the US 1 million barrels of oil a day
Union of Concerned Scientists April 10 2003
http://www.ucsusa.org/clean_vehicles/cars_and_suvs/page.cfm?pageID=222
In 1990, Senators Richard Bryan and Slade Gorton tried to reverse the downward trend in fuel economy by
sponsoring a bill to raise fuel economy standards for both cars and light trucks over 10 years. The bill called for a
40 percent increase in CAFE standards. Had this bill become law, today’s cars would average 40 mpg and light
trucks 29 mpg. The United States would save 1 million barrels of oil a day (mbd) in 2003, on its way to saving 3
mbd. Instead, the average fuel economy of new vehicles is at a 21-year low.
40mpg program would lower oil consumption by 2.3 million barrels per day
The Santa Fe New Mexican (New Mexico), August 21, 2004
It's great to have DaimlerChrysler back in the diesel game on these shores. It might stimulate other carmakers,
especially the Japanese, to bring diesels here. If we were to have 20 to 30 percent of new cars achieve 20 to 30
percent better fuel economy with no performance compromises, just think of the fuel we'd save. Indeed, according
a study by the Union of Concerned Scientists, if the average fuel economy of vehicles on the market were
increased to 40 mpg, the United States could lower its oil consumption by 2.3 million barrels per day. It's enough
to make you practice your motorcraft.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 15
CAFE Affirmative
Small increases (2.7mpg) in fuel efficiency are key to end Gulf dependence
Paul Roberts, energy expert and writer for Harpers,2004, The End of Oil, pg. 215
And these gains are only the palest shadow of what could be achieved. Around the world, at every level of society,
we squander an embarrassing volume of energy every day. Less than a quarter of the energy used in the standard
stove reaches the food. Power plants in the United States discard more energy in “waste” heat than is needed to run
the entire Japanese economy — and half the electricity generated in the United States isn’t needed to begin with.
Barely i~ percent of the energy in a gallon of gasoline ever reaches the wheels of a car — a missed opportunity
that, if exploited, would completely rewrite the geopolitics of oil. As Amory Lovins, one of the world’s most
outspoken efficiency advocates, likes to point out, “just a 2.7 miles-per-gallon gain in the fuel economy of this
country’s light-vehicle fleet could displace Persian Gulf imports entirely.”’
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 17
CAFE Affirmative
The most obvious method for reducing oil dependence is increased fuel efficiency standards
Business Week, May 17, 2004
While there's enough supply in the global oil market to meet the increased demand for the near term, most of it is
coming from unstable or potentially unstable countries such as Saudi Arabia, Russia, Angola, and Venezuela.
Indeed, terrorist action against oil pipelines, refineries, and loading facilities looms as an increasingly real threat,
especially after the murder of five Western oil workers on May 1 in Saudi Arabia. That leaves the U.S. ever-more
economically vulnerable to political turmoil around the world. The situation is especially disturbing given that,
over the past 20 years, the U.S. has done little to encourage oil conservation. Fuel-efficiency standards for cars are
no higher than they were in 1985. We need a comprehensive plan to reduce U.S. dependence on overseas oil.
Since gasoline is the biggest oil product, the most obvious and useful step would be a big increase in the fuel-
efficiency standards for cars and light trucks, including SUVs, as Senator John Kerry has proposed. Such a
measure, should be phased in over ten years to minimize its disruptive impact. The Bush Administration has
proposed ticking up mileage standards on light trucks over the next few years, but much bolder action is necessary
to cut gas consumption.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 18
CAFE Affirmative
Fuel efficiency standards will allow us to avoid drilling for oil in ecologically sensitive areas
David Friedman is a senior transportation analyst in the UCS Clean Vehicles Program., Union of Concerned
Scientists, 12.06.2002, http://www.ucsusa.org/publications/nucleus.cfm?publicationID=317
The vehicles that will reach future fuel economy standards will not be much different from those we drive today.
We will not need to sacrifice performance and comfort, but will be able to buy higher fuel economy versions of the
same safe and reliable vehicles we now drive. Following this path to higher fuel economy will enable us to turn
back the clock on our car and light truck oil use while significantly reducing the environmental footprint we leave
behind — all the while leaving more money in our pockets. Along the way, we will find that drilling for oil in
environmentally sensitive areas becomes a notion of the past as we use our existing resources more efficiently.
***Alternative Advantages***
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 22
CAFE Affirmative
Caspian Advantage
Russia, China, and the US are cooperating in the Caspian now, but competition for
resources could turn the tide
Michael Richardson (former Asia editor of the International Herald Tribune, is a visiting senior research fellow at
the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore) May 21 2004 South China Morning Post
But Central Asia and the Caspian Sea oil and gas basin are very much in China's strategic sights. Indeed, China has re-emerged in
recent years as a major player in the region, along with Russia and the United States. The three appear to have a
common interest in working together to counter Islamic extremism and terrorism in the region. But this convergence of
interests could be upset by rivalry over oil and gas, especially between China and the US. A consortium of American,
European and Japanese oil companies is developing the Kashagan field, one of the world's largest deposits of untapped crude, in Kazakhstan's
section of the northern Caspian Sea region. Discovered in 2000, the Kashagan field is estimated to have 38 billion barrels of oil, making it one
of the largest discoveries in 30 years. Initial production is expected to start in 2008, with output rising to 1.2 million barrels a day, part of which
will be sent via a pipeline to an export terminal in Turkey.
Perceived arrogance of US actions in Central Asia causes resentment from Russia, China,
and Iran
Lutz Kleveman (free-lance journalist has worked for CNN, Daily Telegraph, Newsweek and book author) 2003,
The New Great Game, pg. 259-60
American arrogance of power will not fail to affect relations between the United States and its main rivals in the new
Great Game: Russia, Iran, and China. Long before the diplomatic rift over Iraq, those countries suspected that the Bush
administration was using its war against terror in Central Asia to seal the American Cold War victory against Russia, to
contain Chinese influence, and to tighten the noose around Iran. Faced with Bush’s verdict that “those who are not with us are against us,” the
regimes in Moscow, Beijing, and Tehran became increasingly worried about what they perceived as an aggressive
U.S. foreign policy aimed at “fullspectrum dominance,” i.e., worldwide control of political, economic, and military developments.
In what reads like a deliberate allusion to Lord Curzon’s famous “chessboard” dictum, President Jimmy Carter’s national security adviser
Zbigniew Brzezinski argued as early as 1997 that “America is now Eurasia’s arbiter, with no major Eurasian issue soluble without America’s
participation or contrary to America’s interests. How the United States both manipulates and accommodates the principal geostrategic players
on the Eurasian chessboard and how it manages Eurasia’s key geopolitical pivots will be critical to the longevity and stability of America’s
global primacy.”
US bullying in a Central Asian “Great Game’ causes Russia and China to balance the US
Lutz Kleveman (journalist and author) February 16 2004 The Nation
Washington's Great Game opponents in Moscow and Beijing resent the dramatically growing US influence in their
strategic backyard. Worried that the American presence might encourage internal unrest in its Central Asian province of
Xinjiang--whose Turkic and Muslim population, the Uighurs, are striving for more autonomy--China has recently held joint military
exercises with Kyrgyzstan. The Russian government initially tolerated the American intrusion into its former empire, hoping
Washington would in turn ignore Russian atrocities in Chechnya. However, for the Kremlin, the much-hyped "new strategic
partnership" against terror between the Kremlin and the White House has always been little more than a tactical and temporary
marriage of convenience to allow Russia's battered economy to recover with the help of capital from Western
companies. The US presence in Russia's backyard is becoming ever more assertive, but it is unthinkable for the majority
of the Russian establishment to permanently cede its hegemonic claims on Central Asia. One man who is quite frank about this
is Viktor Kalyuzhny, the Russian deputy foreign minister and President Vladimir Putin's special envoy to the Caspian region, whom I
interviewed in Moscow last year. "We have a saying in Russia," he told me. "If you have guests in the house there are two times when you are
happy. One is when they arrive, and one is when they leave again." To make sure that I got the message, Kalyuzhny added, "Guests should
know that it is impolite to stay for too long." Unfazed by such Russian sensitivities, American troops in Central Asia seem
to be there to stay. Two years ago, when I visited the new US air base in Kyrgyzstan, I was struck by the massive commitment the
Pentagon had made. With the help of dozens of excavators, bulldozers and cranes, a pioneer unit was busy erecting a new hangar for F/A-18
Hornet fighter jets. Brawny pioneers in desert camouflage were setting up hundreds of "Harvest Falcon" and "Force Provider" tents for nearly
3,000 soldiers. I asked their commander, a wiry brigadier general, if and when the troops would ever leave Kyrgyzstan. "There is no time
limit," he replied. "We will pull out only when all Al Qaeda cells have been eradicated." Today, the troops are still there and many tents have
been replaced by concrete buildings. Increasingly annoyed, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov has repeatedly demanded that
the Americans pull out within two years. Significantly, President Putin has signed new security pacts with the Central
Asian rulers and last October personally opened a new Russian military base in Kyrgyzstan. It is the first base Moscow has set up
outside Russia's borders since the end of the cold war. Equipped with fighter jets, it lies only twenty miles away from the US air base.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 24
CAFE Affirmative
Caspian Advantage
This dangerous US involvement creates tension with Russia in the Caucasus, risking
regional conflict
The Economist, 11/29/2003
But what happens next in Georgia will have consequences for those neighbours too. Though it has few direct links to them,
all three can be proxy battlegrounds for influence between the two big countries that have interests in the region, Russia and
the United States. A tussle over one could spark a tit-for-tat dispute in another. Ex-Soviet politicians such as Mr Shevardnadze,
for all their weaknesses, are adept at the power games and bargains that keep competing interests--both domestic and foreign--in balance. And
he is the second such leader to depart this year. Heidar Aliev, who ruled Azerbaijan for the best part of three decades, has not been seen since
leaving the country for medical treatment in the summer. His son, Ilham, who officially took over after last month's election, is a western-
minded, well-educated polyglot like Mr Saakashvili, but with even less political experience. With the two flawed but dependable leaders
replaced by fresh but untested ones, the Caucasus is once again an open field for the great powers to jostle for influence.
The politics of pipelines What interests Russia and America most in the Caucasus are oil and gas, which the region has, and
terrorism, which they fear it might breed. Start with the energy. America depends heavily on Middle Eastern oil; western Europe,
on gas piped out of Russia (much of which comes from Central Asia). Both would like to depend less on those sources. Their hope lies in the
oil and gas fields in the Caspian Sea. The elder Mr Aliev encouraged foreign oil firms to explore them; his son will preside over the epoch in
which exploration becomes exploitation. Over the next 20 years Azerbaijan is expected to make $29 billion in oil revenues alone. The
pipelines that will carry this oil and gas westwards, across Azerbaijan and Georgia to Turkey, are now being built. But Russia already has
its own pipelines to Turkey and the Black Sea. Thanks to the competition, Russia stands to lose not only transit fees, but also
crucial levers of influence over the West. The state gas monopoly, Gazprom, signed a framework deal with Georgia this year whose
terms are vague, but which seems to give Gazprom the right to expand Georgia's gas network. Some think this means that it will try to use
Georgia as an export route for its own gas to Turkey, getting there before the trans-Caucasian pipeline is built. Moreover, Russia supplies
almost all of Georgia's gas. But in future Georgia will be able to get much of it from the trans-Caucasian pipeline at an extra-cheap rate. In the
past, Russia has cut off gas supplies in winter: theoretically for non-payment, but often apparently for political ends. Most notably, Russia has
put the heat (or rather the cold) on Mr Shevardnadze when rebels from Russia's war-torn republic of Chechnya have used Georgia's Pankisi
Gorge, across the border from Russia, as a hiding place. Russia's state electric company, UES, has also bought the main Georgian distributor,
Telasi. It clearly suits Russia to have a pliant government in Georgia. Mr Shevardnadze was despised by many in the Moscow old
guard for his role, as Mikhail Gorbachev's foreign minister, in dismantling the Soviet Union. His strong ties to the West, and the American
military aid that he accepted to fortify Georgia's ramshackle armed forces and fight terrorism, infuriated Russia. But his weakness also made
him easy to manipulate. The question is whether Russia will continue to use the levers that it has in the past.
Russian presence in Central Asia is inevitable. Growing US influence is making Russia feel
squeezed and will inevitably cause Russia to destabilize Central Asia
Kiplinger Business Forecasts December 4 2003
Although the U.S. and Russia remain friendly and cooperative on oil and other ventures, Russia's quiet moves to reassert its
influence throughout many of the former Soviet Union republics pose risks to U.S. interests in the region. Political instability
there can only hurt U.S. efforts in the war on terrorism and thwart business investment. Behind Russia's push for a
more commanding role is a desire to keep growing U.S. influence at bay. With the U.S. presence in Iraq and
Afghanistan and NATO entrenchment in eastern Europe, Russia is feeling a bit squeezed. Russian tinkering with its
neighbors' politics hit the headlines recently when Eduard Shevardnadze, the embattled president of Georgia, quit under a cloud of alleged
corruption and election fraud, with a nudge from Moscow. His replacement is likely to be Mikheil Saakashvili. Though even more pro-U.S.
than Shevardnadze, Saakashvili is less experienced and will have a tougher time keeping pro-Moscow secessionist forces at bay. Ultimately,
that will weaken Uncle Sam's hand in Georgia. Georgia is only the most visible example of Russian involvement in former
Soviet republics. Moscow is also encouraging pro-Russian movements in other neighboring countries many of which are
already none too stable. Armenia has had a running war with Azerbaijan that started even before the Soviet Union collapsed. Tajikistan had
a civil war that lasted through much of the 1990s. And Uzbekistan has a long-running border dispute with Kyrgyzstan. "You have a region
that is just sliding into anarchy," says Glen Howard, president of the Jamestown Foundation, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank that
focuses on Eurasia. "Russia will maximize its opportunities, either covertly, overtly, or by a combination of the two." But
Russia is running a big risk in trying to beef up its own influence in the region while preventing strong, pro-U.S.
governments from taking root along its borders. The danger? Weakened states on Russia's borders, particularly in largely
Muslim central Asia, could become magnets for radical Islamists, as happened in Chechnya a considerable thorn in
Moscow's side. Moscow's gamble one that the government of Russian President Vladimir Putin thinks it can win is that pro-Moscow
forces in destabilized neighboring countries will win out over pro-U.S. forces and radical Islamists.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 25
CAFE Affirmative
Caspian Advantage
US-Russian relations prevent Central Asian balancing
F. Stephen Larrabee, and Ian O. Lesser (policy analysts at RAND) 2003 Turkish Foreign Policy in an Age of
Uncertainty, http://www.rand.org/publications/MR/MR1612/MR1612.ch5.pdf
At the same time, the events of September 11 and the war on terrorism are weakening old alignments and creating new ones. President Putin’s
decision to side with the United States in the war on terrorism could weaken the Russian-Armenian-Iranian-Syrian
axis. On one hand, it may increase Armenia’s room for maneuver and lead to a gradual reduction of Yerevan’s dependence on Moscow. On the
other hand, it could weaken Russian-Iranian cooperation, especially in the nuclear field. Both developments would work to
Turkey’s advantage.
War in Central Asia goes nuclear and draws in the US, Russia, and India and Pakistan
Ira Shorr (analyst with Institute for Policy Studies in DC) October 14 2001, The Record
This process of keeping nuclear weapons on a hair-trigger means that leaders on both sides have just minutes to assess
whether a warning of an attack is real or false. And while the threats we faced during the Cold War came from Soviet strength -- the danger
today comes more from Russia's weakness. For example, Russia's troubled economy has led to the profound decay of its early warning
satellite system. A fire last May that destroyed a critical facility used to control Russian warning satellites has made things even worse.
"Russia has completely lost its space-based early warning capabilities," says Bruce Blair of the Center for Defense Information.
"In essence, the country's ability to tell a false alarm from a real warning has been nearly crippled. " False alarms on both sides have
already brought us to the brink of nuclear war. What will happen now if there is a war in the volatile neighborhood
of Central Asia -- a region that includes nuclear powers India, Pakistan, and Russia? Former Sen. Sam Nunn brought the
point home in a recent speech: "The events of Sept. 11 gave President Bush very little time to make a very difficult decision -- whether to give
orders to shoot down a commercial jetliner filled with passengers. Our current nuclear posture in the United States and Russia could provide
even less time for each president to decide on a nuclear launch that could destroy our nations. " Nunn called on Presidents Bush and Putin to
"stand-down" their nuclear forces to "reduce toward zero the risk of accidental launch or miscalculation and provide increased launch decision
time for each president. " In the spirit of the courageous steps his father took to decrease the nuclear threat 10 years ago, President Bush should
take action now to remove nuclear weapons from hair-trigger alert. This would send a signal to the world that in this volatile time, the U.S. is
serious about preventing the use of nuclear weapons.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 26
CAFE Affirmative
Caspian Advantage
War between China and the US likely to spark up soon over oil in central Asia
Bülent Gökay (senior lecturer in International Relations of Southeast Europe, Keele University) Summer 2002
Alternatives, Volume 1, Number 2, http://www.alternativesjournal.net/volume1/number2/gokay.htm
The largest American foreign military base constructed since Vietnam, Camp Bondsteel was built by the Brown & Root Division of
Halliburton, the world's biggest oil services corporation, which was run by Dick Cheney before he was made Vice-President.(38) On 2 June
1999, the US Trade and Development Agency announced that it had awarded a half-million dollar grant to Bulgaria to carry out a feasibility
study for the pipeline across the Balkans.(39)Rivalries being played out here will have a decisive impact in shaping the post-
communist Eurasia, and in determining how much influence the US will have over its development.(40) This situation has
worldwide and not just regional consequences. For instance, the expansion of US influence in Eurasia poses a direct
and immediate threat to China, because, among other factors, the expansion of the Chinese economy is directly
dependent on access to petroleum. China's oil needs are expected to nearly double by 2010, which will force the
country to import 40 percent of its requirements, up from 20 percent in 1995.(41) Driven by a burgeoning demand for energy, the
Chinese government has made securing access to the largely untapped reserves of oil and natural gas in the
Caspian region a cornerstone of its economic policy. China's focus is the construction of a 4200 km network of gas and oil
pipelines running from China's western province of Xinjiang to the major east coast metropolis of Shanghai. In 1997, the China National
Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) acquired the right to develop two potentially lucrative oilfields in Kazakhstan, outbidding US and European oil
companies. Feasibility studies are also underway for the construction of over 3000 kilometres of gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to Xinjiang by
the state oil holding company, PetroChina Co. This east-west pipeline is China's biggest infrastructure project after the Three Gorges Dam.(42)
China's influence in the Caspian oil politics has increased as a result of a recent business deal in Azerbaijan: two subsidiaries of China National
Petroleum Corporation bought the 30 percent stake owned by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development in two oil fields, the
Kursangi and Karabagli fields, in Azerbaijan for 52 million US dollars as part of China's move to diversify its resource base.(43) Theoretically,
oil and gas pipelines to China from Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan could be extended to link into the pipeline networks of both Russia and Iran.
This model has been dubbed the "Pan Asian Global Energy Bridge", a Eurasian network of pipelines linking energy resources in the Middle
East, Central Asia and Russia to Chinese Pacific coast. China's pipeline network has the potential to bring about a significant strategic
realignment in the region. Central Asia with its huge reserves of oil, and natural gas, and strategic position is already a
key arena of sharp rivalry between the US, major European powers, Russia, Japan and China. All of the major
powers, along with transnational corporations, have been seeking alliances, concessions and possible pipeline routes in the
region. In the midst of this increasing competition, open conflict between the superpower US and important regional power
China seems highly likely.(44)
Caspian Advantage
Caspian oil can’t solve Mideast dependence and only strengthens US imperative to secure
energy
Peter J. Cooper July 3 2002 AME Info, Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates,
Moreover, continuous technological innovations mean that Oapec, which comprises the Gulf States and six other Arab oil producers, will be
able to easily increase its reserves in that period, according to the study, while boosting output. It claims that the UAE could double output to
5.1 million bpd by 2020, with Saudi Arabia producing 22.1 million bpd, Kuwait 4.8 million bpd and Iraq 5.5 million bpd. Most energy
experts agree that rival oil sources such as the Caspian Sea will not offer anything to touch this type of output
capacity, and indeed alternative sources will not come on stream fast enough to cope with increasing demand.
This will leave the world more reliant on the Arab world for its oil and gas than ever, and with an even clearer
geo-political imperative to ensure than oil and gas supplies remain in friendly hands. And regional GDP should rise by a
substantial multiple as a consequence, quite aside from the impact of economic reforms and foreign inward investment. So there is clearly
reason to expect higher economic growth in the Arab oil states over the next two decades than in the previous 20
years. That alone should secure the economic prosperity of the region.
Energy interests cause Bush to use the war on terror to further justify intervention for
energy interests
Lutz Kleveman, journalist and author, 2/16/2004, The Nation
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration has undertaken a massive military buildup in Central Asia,
deploying thousands of US troops not only in Afghanistan but also in the newly independent republics of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and
Georgia. These first US combat troops on former Soviet territory have dramatically altered the geostrategic power
equations in the region, with Washington trying to seal the cold war victory against Russia, contain Chinese influence
and tighten the noose around Iran. Most important, however, the Bush Administration is using the "war on terror" to
further American energy interests in Central Asia. The bad news is that this dramatic geopolitical gamble involving thuggish
dictators and corrupt Saudi oil sheiks is likely to produce only more terrorists, jeopardizing America's prospects of defeating the
forces responsible for the September 11 attacks.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 28
CAFE Affirmative
Even if markets can solve scarcity, perceived need for control of energy to meet demand
causes resource wars and conflict with China
New Statesman, 9/8/2003
In the 1990s, the faith of Spencer and Marx was repackaged and sold to governments. Given a spurious rigour by economists, it became the
intellectual basis for the global free market. Yet its influence over policy has never extended to defence planning. Bien-pensants economists
can babble on as much as they like about the pacifying effects of free markets, but military strategists continue to assume
that secure access to energy sources is a strategic imperative. Advanced industrial societies would collapse if they
were cut off from them for more than a few months. No new technology can prevent such a disaster. Talk of new sources of
energy replacing oil in the long run is all very well, but history is one short run after another. The first Gulf war was waged to protect western
oil supplies, and for no other reason. Iraq's vast oil reserves are not the only reason that country was invaded, but they are a vitally important
factor. If - as some strategists believe is likely - military conflict breaks out between China and the United States over the next
few decades, it will be partly because they are the chief competitors for the world's shrinking reserves of cheap oil.
The rising demand for energy has become a cause of war. Contrary to the theories of progress bequeathed to us from the 19th
century, worldwide industrialisation is not banishing scarcity in the necessities of existence and ushering in a new era of peace. It is
creating new scarcities and triggering new conflicts. Without oil, the energy-intensive agriculture on which we rely so
heavily could not exist. A steady supply of oil is as important in our lives as good weather was in the agrarian societies of the past.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 29
CAFE Affirmative
***Caspian Extensions***
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 34
CAFE Affirmative
***ANWR Extensions***
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 36
CAFE Affirmative
***2ac Add-ons***
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 38
CAFE Affirmative
Unilateralism erodes American power and invites the rise of new great powers
Joseph Nye (Dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard) April 14 2002 Boston Globe,
http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/news/opeds/nye_unilateralism_bg_041402.htm
Those who recommend a unilateralist American foreign policy based on such traditional descriptions of American power are relying on
woefully inadequate analysis. When you are in a three dimensional game, you will lose if you focus only on the military board and fail to
notice the other boards and the vertical connections among them. For instance, as the Bush administration seeks to persuade British Prime
Minister Tony Blair to support a campaign against Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the British press reports that Blair has been weakened politically by
our recent unilateral impositions of tariffs on European steel imports. And many of these transnational issues cannot be solved
unilaterally or by the use of military power. The good news for Americans is that the United States will likely remain the
world's single most powerful country well into this new century. While potential coalitions to check American power could be
created, it is unlikely that they would become firm alliances unless the United States handles its hard coercive power
in an overbearing unilateral manner that undermines our attractive or soft power. As the German editor Joseph Joffe has written,
"unlike centuries past, when war was the great arbiter, today the most interesting types of power do not come out of the barrel
of a gun . . . Today there is a much bigger payoff in `getting others to want what you want,' and that has to do with cultural attraction and
ideology and agenda setting . . ." On these measures, China, Russia, Japan, and even Western Europe cannot match the influence of the United
States. The United States could squander this soft power by heavy-handed unilateralism. The bad news for Americans in this
three-dimensional power game of the 21st century is that there are more and more things outside the control of even a
superpower, such as international financial stability, controlling the spread of infectious diseases, cyber-crime and
terrorism. Although the United States does well on the traditional measures, there is increasingly more going on in the world that those
measures fail to capture. We must mobilize international coalitions to address shared threats and challenges. America needs the help and
respect of other nations. We will be in trouble if our unilateralism prevents us from getting it.
***Auto Industry***
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 44
CAFE Affirmative
***Economy***
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 47
CAFE Affirmative
***Case Answers***
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 49
CAFE Affirmative
And, the evidence goes onto to cite recent studies that found there was not rebound effect.
90% of the reduction in fuel consumption is due to change in vehicle efficiency, EVEN after
the increase in vehicles miles has had its full effect. Overall, the plan reduces consumption.
The majority of driving is done by commuters who only drive to work once a day
Donald O. Mayer (Professor of Management at Oakland University) March 2002 Vanderbilt Journal of
Transnational Law
The denial of global warming or global climate change as a serious policy problem was part of U.S. automakers' approach to [*626] corporate
advocacy well into the 1990s. 217 Detroit automakers reacted to the Kyoto Protocol in 1997 by denying that global climate change was a
problem that needed to be addressed. 218 Other arguments against CAFE have merit, but are also open to debate. It is true that doubling fuel
efficiency for all vehicles - including light trucks - would not necessarily conserve gasoline if people drove twice
as much. The majority of driving, however, is done by commuters; presumably, commuters would not drive to
work twice as often, but they might live further from work. Still, commuting times may already be approaching their
maximums in a number of U.S. metropolitan areas. 219 The safety of smaller cars can be enhanced by decreasing numbers of very
large vehicles, and technologies exist to make smaller cars even safer than they are today. 220 In claiming that developing nations' emissions
will far outweigh any savings that may be generated in the United States, there is both a denial for past European and North American
contributions to carbon emissions and an assumption that the automobile future in nations like China must be similar to the U.S. past. Major
automakers will play a part in the kinds of vehicles sold in China, however, and those need not be based on the internal combustion of gasoline
unless there are truly no good economic alternatives. That, in turn, depends on what is meant be "economic" if alternate fuels have a viable
infrastructure, if the full costs of gasoline are factored into its price, and if subsidies to oil could be phased out, other kinds of vehicles could
very well be economical.
Cars die at the same mileage no matter what – consumers can’t drive more miles after the
plan
Andrew N. Kleit and Randall Lutter AEI Brookings Joint Center for Regulatory Studies
http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:7bfQEVdkLkgJ:aei-
brookings.org/admin/authorpdfs/page.php%3Fid%3D989+%22drive+more%22,+CAFE+standards&hl=en June
2004
In a perhaps somewhat rambling discussion, GL (at 8-10), while agreeing that (at 10) “the rebound effect is real,”
attempt to argue that it is perhaps very small. The core of the argument seems to be stated at page 9: Driving a
vehicle more implies either that a vehicle is scrapped at an earlier age or that they [drivers] put more miles on a
vehicle before scrapping it. This leads to the question of when and why consumers scrap vehicles. If consumers
scrap vehicles purely because they become unfashionable, then we expect that miles driven would increase. If, on
the other extreme, vehicles were “one-hoss shays,” that disintegrate into dust at 150,000 miles, then no additional
miles would be driven with this vehicle. Perhaps better stated, the existence of the rebound effect implies that
either consumers drive their cars more miles, or they purchase cars more quickly after driving their vehicles more
intensely. The second hypothesis seems somewhat unlikely, given that automobile manufacturers do not
generally support higher CAFE standards.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 50
CAFE Affirmative
A2: Safety
We reduce the amount of unsafe vehicles like hummer’s on the road and we have the
technology now to make smaller vehicles safe.
Safety will increase with less SUVs on the road and tech exists to make small cars more safe
Donald O. Mayer, Professor of Management, Oakland University, Rochester, Michigan, Vanderbilt Journal of
Transnational Law, March, 2002
The denial of global warming or global climate change as a serious policy problem was part of U.S. automakers' approach to [*626] corporate
advocacy well into the 1990s. 217 Detroit automakers reacted to the Kyoto Protocol in 1997 by denying that global climate change was a
problem that needed to be addressed. 218 Other arguments against CAFE have merit, but are also open to debate. It is true that doubling fuel
efficiency for all vehicles - including light trucks - would not necessarily conserve gasoline if people drove twice as much. The majority of
driving, however, is done by commuters; presumably, commuters would not drive to work twice as often, but they might live further from
work. Still, commuting times may already be approaching their maximums in a number of U.S. metropolitan areas. 219 The safety of
smaller cars can be enhanced by decreasing numbers of very large vehicles, and technologies exist to make smaller
cars even safer than they are today. 220 In claiming that developing nations' emissions will far outweigh any savings that may be
generated in the United States, there is both a denial for past European and North American contributions to carbon emissions and an
assumption that the automobile future in nations like China must be similar to the U.S. past. Major automakers will play a part in the kinds of
vehicles sold in China, however, and those need not be based on the internal combustion of gasoline unless there are truly no good economic
alternatives. That, in turn, depends on what is meant be "economic" if alternate fuels have a viable infrastructure, if the full costs of gasoline are
factored into its price, and if subsidies to oil could be phased out, other kinds of vehicles could very well be economical. 221
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 51
CAFE Affirmative
And High Oil prices means we will be able to transition to hybrid cars more efficiently and
there will be less people driving.
The fragile Russian economy is the only thing holding back a Russian civil war and a
worldwide nuclear war.
Steven David, Prof. of political science at Johns Hopkins, 1999, Foreign Affairs
If internal war does strike Russia, economic deterioration will be a prime cause. From 1989 to the present, the GDP has fallen by 50
percent. In a society where, ten years ago, unemployment scarcely existed, it reached 9.5 percent in 1997 with many economists declaring the true figure to be much higher. Twenty-two
percent of Russians live below the official poverty line (earning less than $ 70 a month). Modern Russia can neither collect taxes (it gathers only half the revenue it is due) nor significantly cut
spending. Reformers tout privatization as the country's cure-all, but in a land without well-defined property rights or contract law and where subsidies remain a way of life, the prospects for
transition to an American-style capitalist economy look remote at best. As the massive devaluation of the ruble and the current political crisis show, Russia's condition is even worse than most
analysts feared. If conditions get worse, even the stoic Russian people will soon run out of patience. A future conflict would quickly draw in Russia's military. In the Soviet days civilian rule
kept the powerful armed forces in check. But with the Communist Party out of office, what little civilian control remains relies on an exceedingly fragile foundation -- personal friendships
between government leaders and military commanders. Meanwhile, the morale of Russian soldiers has fallen to a dangerous low. Drastic cuts in spending mean inadequate pay, housing, and
medical care. A new emphasis on domestic missions has created an ideological split between the old and new guard in the military leadership, increasing the risk that disgruntled generals may
enter the political fray and feeding the resentment of soldiers who dislike being used as a national police force. Newly enhanced ties between military units and local authorities pose another
danger. Soldiers grow ever more dependent on local governments for housing, food, and wages. Draftees serve closer to home, and new laws have increased local control over the armed
forces. Were a conflict to emerge between a regional power and Moscow, it is not at all clear which side the military would support. Divining the military's allegiance is crucial, however, since
the structure of the Russian Federation makes it virtually certain that regional conflicts will continue to erupt. Russia's 89 republics, krais, and oblasts grow ever more independent in a system
that does little to keep them together. As the central government finds itself unable to force its will beyond Moscow (if even that far), power devolves to the periphery. With the economy
collapsing, republics feel less and less incentive to pay taxes to Moscow when they receive so little in return. Three-quarters of them already have their own constitutions, nearly all of which
make some claim to sovereignty. Strong ethnic bonds promoted by shortsighted Soviet policies may motivate non-Russians to secede from the Federation. Chechnya's successful revolt against
Russian control inspired similar movements for autonomy and independence throughout the country. If these rebellions spread and Moscow responds with force, civil war is likely. Should
the consequences for the United States and Europe will be severe. A major power like Russia -- even
Russia succumb to internal war,
though in decline -- does not suffer civil war quietly or alone. An embattled Russian Federation might provoke opportunistic attacks from
enemies such as China. Massive flows of refugees would pour into central and western Europe. Armed struggles in Russia could
easily spill into its neighbors. Damage from the fighting, particularly attacks on nuclear plants, would poison the environment of much
of Europe and Asia. Within Russia, the consequences would be even worse. Just as the sheer brutality of the last Russian civil war laid the basis for the
privations of Soviet communism, a second civil war might produce another horrific regime. Most alarming is the real possibility that the
violent
disintegration of Russia could lead to loss of control over its nuclear arsenal. No nuclear state has ever fallen victim to civil war,
but even without a clear precedent the grim consequences can be foreseen. Russia retains some 20,000 nuclear weapons and the raw
material for tens of thousands more, in scores of sites scattered throughout the country. So far, the government has managed to prevent the loss
of any weapons or much material. If war erupts, however, Moscow's already weak grip on nuclear sites will slacken, making weapons and
supplies available to a wide range of anti-American groups and states. Such dispersal of nuclear weapons represents
the greatest physical threat America now faces. And it is hard to think of anything that would increase this threat more than the chaos
that would follow a Russian civil war.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 52
CAFE Affirmative
They have no empirical evidence that CAFÉ will lower oil prices. We are going to argue
that high oil prices leads to a market a freakout and the impact of economic collapse and
the case impacts outweigh and come first in this round.
A surge in oil prices would cause an inflationary spiral, hurting the US economy
Jonathan Tepperman, senior editor at Foreign Affairs, 5/1/2004, Charleston Daily Mail
A surge in oil prices would hurt everyone: consumers, by making transportation and heating far more expensive;
and producers, by increasing the cost of their energy and other raw materials. This would raise the price of finished
goods, decreasing sales and hitting consumers yet again. Worse, as we saw in the 1970s, a sudden jump in oil
prices could also cause interest rates to skyrocket, setting off a dangerous inflationary spiral.
High oil prices hurt the global economy. Lower prices are good for the world economy and
especially indebted countries
Don Egginton, June 14, 2004, Oil and Gas Journal
High oil prices hurt the world economy's GDP growth. While GDP is not a complete measure of welfare -- it
misses out environmental costs, for example -- slower growth, especially in the HIPCs, is not to be welcomed. A
stronger case may have been made that high oil prices are good for the world's welfare if McKillop had
highlighted the environmental costs of hydrocarbon fuel use. Does this mean that a very low price is good for the
world economy? Again, ignoring the environmental impacts, the answer is: Yes, in aggregate, the world's GDP will
be greater even if the effects on GDP are smaller due to asymmetry effects. There would be losers, of course,
including the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, but in principle at least they can be
compensated for their losses through transfers from the increase in the world's GDP. In particular, low oil prices
would have significant benefits for HIPCs and, given the predicament of these countries, a rise in their GDP would
have to be a welcome development.
Missouri State Debate Institute 2008 53
CAFE Affirmative
Next Cross-Apply the Second Roberts card. We won’t be able to predict the peak of oil so
we will be unable to respond to oil shocks pre-plan unless we reduce consumption because
oil companies with hold supplies occasionally. And cross-apply our Roberts cards that says
Immediate action is key to soft landing and preventing oil shocks
Shocks are inevitable in the coming energy transition—the only question is our response
Paul Roberts, energy expert and writer for Harpers,2004, The End of Oil, pg. 309-10
This is why, for many energy experts, true change in the global energy system is virtually impossible, except in
response to some serious shock. In this somewhat pessimistic view, the question is not whether the world can
avoid some kind of energy-related disaster, but whether our response will be reactionary and short-term, or
constructive and long-term.
A2: Transition
The technology exists in SQ for non-fuel dependant vehicles. A federal mandate will lead to
a smooth transition to this technology.
A transition of alternative forms of fossil fuel hasn’t been feasible in the status quo because
they are unable to compete in an oil based market.
Next we don’t claim to solve for oil dependence, we just decreases it dramatically. We
transition away from oil related energy sources.
Raising the fuel efficiency standard would immediately diminish US dependence on Middle
Eastern oil
MERRILL GOOZNER, director of the Integrity in Science project at the Center for Science in the Public
Interest, The American Prospect, May, 2004
Not surprisingly, the administration and its oil-industry patrons are alarmed by the growing public awareness that
environmental and national-security issues are converging. Even the Pentagon has begun planning for worst-case
scenarios, such as a coastal deluge caused at least in part by global warming. In last year's State of the Union
address, the president spoke about a clean-fuel technology 20 to 50 years down the road. Meanwhile, he ignores
things that could be done immediately to reduce greenhouse gases and diminish our dependence on Middle
Eastern oil, such as raising the fuel-efficiency standard, eliminating the SUV -- is-a-small-truck loophole, and
providing tax credits for buying and producing hybrid vehicles.