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Solar Satellites Affirmative (2)

Solar Satellites Affirmative (2)

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Lack of public support hurts US primacy (1ac card)

Richard K. Betts (Arnold Saltzman Prof War and Peace Studies Columbia, SIPA), 2005, International Affairs,
The Political Support System for American Primacy. 81(1), 1-14.

There is dissent in the United States from the enthusiasm for exploiting primacy, but the dissenters have been unable to capture a base
big enough to exert political leverage. Primacy has so far been popular among Americans— and tolerated by foreigners—because of
the balance between moral and material interests. Americans have long been able to indulge moral interests (for example, promotion
of values such as democracy and human rights) because Americans’ margins of material power and security are so large that it is often
easy to do so at low cost, and if mistakes are made they rarely hurt them much. In terms of material costs and benefits, Americans are
happy to intervene abroad if the benefits for foreigners and American amour propre are high while the costs in American blood and
treasure are low. In this, and in the conditional approval conferred by other major states (when US control proceeds under the norms
and forms of international consultation and cooperation with inter- national institutions), we see the global hegemony of classic liberal
ideology, and political globalization as western hegemony within which the United States is dominant. The liberal values that
Americans used to think of as part of their national exceptionalism have now permeated the identity, policies and diplomacy of the rest
of the developed world. In the twenty-first century the old realist norms of balance-of-power politics traditionally associated with
European diplomacy, and rejected by Wilsonian idealism, now have scarcely more overt respect in other rich countries than they do in
the United States. Periodically, however, material interests diverge from moral motives. This happens with greatest impact when costs
are miscalculated because US leaders confuse power in terms of material resources (economic and military) with power to bring about
political reform in non-western societies (such as South Vietnam, Somalia or Iraq). Failure has been all that modifies ambitious
objectives, and it may be all that restrains the exercise of US primacy. (The exception is the ‘war on terror’, where a future failure
against Al-Qaeda and its ilk could lead not to retrenchment but to increased American ferocity.

Public support is critical to sustain US leadership
Stephen M. Walt, Kennedy School of Gov't at Harvard, 2002, "American Primacy: Its Prospects and
PITFALLS," Naval War College Review, Spring, http://www.nwc.navy/mil/press/Review/2002/spring/art1-
sp2.htm , Junaid

The first problem created by America’s favorable global position is a loss of public support for an active and engaged foreign policy.
When asked, Americans still favor “engagement” over “isolationism,” but public interest in foreign issues is declining, and support for
a costly foreign policy is especially weak. In a 1998 poll by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, for example, when Americans
were asked to name two or three important problems facing the nation, foreign policy issues did not make the top seven; they
constituted only 7.3 percent of all issues mentioned. When asked to name “two or three foreign policy problems facing the nation,” the
most common response (at 20 percent) was “Don’t know.” Support for traditional U.S. allies has also declined significantly. Thus, the
United States withdrew from Somalia after eighteen soldiers were lost, stayed out of Rwanda completely, was visibly reluctant to send
ground troops to Bosnia or Kosovo, and fought the air war in Kosovo from fifteen thousand feet. Public support for key international
institutions has also declined, and foreign policy issues played at most a minor role in the 2000 presidential campaign. It is also worth
noting that a key element of President George W. Bush’s campaign platform was the need for the United States to be more “selective”
in its overseas commitments. This is a far cry from the call to “pay any price and bear any burden” that animated U.S. foreign policy
during the Cold War. To be sure, there has been a surge of public interest and support in the wake of the 11 September terrorist attacks
and the subsequent war against Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Yet even here, the United States has relied heavily on proxy forces and
remains ambivalent about taking on a long-term security role in Central Asia. Unless Al-Qaeda proves more resilient than it now
appears, public attention is certain to wane over time. As it does, U.S. leaders will once again find themselves having to weigh their
international ambitions against a rather modest level of popular interest and backing.


Military Aff
DDI 2008 KO Lab
Junaid Tayyab, JB Hardin, Abhinav Shrestha, Francis Jin, Marc Milani

Massive public support key to intervention and hegemony

PoliGazette, 7/16/08, http://poligazette.com/2008/07/16/the-devolution-of-john-mccain/, Junaid

McCain began his career in Washington as a realist who, because of Vietnam, was reluctant to sanction the use of military force. He
felt the United States should intervene abroad only if its national interest was directly challenged–and then only if it had massive
public support and sufficient force to carry the day. That was McCain’s version of the Powell Doctrine, and it led him to call for
withdrawal from Lebanon in 1983; to caution against a tanker war with Iran in the Gulf in 1987; to warn against “trading American
blood for Iraqi blood” in August 1990; and to oppose the Clinton administration’s intervention in Haiti and (initially) Bosnia.


Military Aff
DDI 2008 KO Lab
Junaid Tayyab, JB Hardin, Abhinav Shrestha, Francis Jin, Marc Milani

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