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A Paradox of Street Survival: Street Masteries Influencing Runaways’ Motivations to Maintain Street Life Todd William Greene1 Data suggests that only 50% of homeless and runaway youth are strongly motivated to get off of the streets. What motivates many to remain despite difficult and dangerous conditions? From an integrated stress process view, this study employs logistic regressions to identify correlates of motivations to get off of the streets and to remain there. Deviant subsistence masteries are associated with motivations to stay on the streets. Barriers to developments of street masteries, such as having learning disabilities, being hungry, tired or unrelaxed, or adhering to certain dominant cultural values, correlate with strong motivations to get off of the streets. Paradoxically, the runaways who seem most adept at street survival appear to be the ones less motivated to leave the streets behind them. Life course views would predict cumulative disadvantages for such survivors. Implications for future research, social policy, and runaway services personnel, are described. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: email@example.com Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2012 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.] KEYWORDS: Runaways, Motivation, Mastery, Stress, Deviant Subsistence.
1 Todd William Greene, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Wayne State College. He has previously proposed theories for better explaining dynamics and consequences of individualism; and for assessing various theoretical and applied intersections of criminality and mental illnesses. Dr. Greene is currently constructing an integrated paradigm for resilience research. Acknowledgments: Dr. Greene expresses much gratitude to Dr. Dan Hoyt, Dr. Kimberly Tyler, Dr. Cynthia Willis-Esqueda, Dr. Rosalie Torres Stone, Pamela Everett, and Tania Greene for their assistance. Address correspondence to: Dr. Todd W. Greene, Wayne State College – Connell Hall, 1111 Main St., Wayne, NE 68787; tel: (402) 375-7296; e-mail:firstname.lastname@example.org.
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1997). and dissociative symptoms (Tyler et al. Yoder et al.. and alcohol abuse (McMorris et al. previous researchers have tacitly assumed that all runaways are equally motivated to leave the streets.. when street stressors contribute to experiences of disorientation or internal imbalance.. 2004.. 2002. and constraints and they include forces such as adverse family backgrounds (Whitbeck & Hoyt. Their qualitative research suggested that street youth are more motivated to leave the streets when in states of “disequilibrium” (2002). 2001). 2002) increase for those engaged in deviant forms of subsistence. 2004).. In particular. Slesnick and Prestopnik (2005). runaways are at increased risk for drug use (Kipke et al. deviant street peers (Hagan & McCarthy. 1999. for example.. Runaways are at elevated risk for numerous negative mental health outcomes. Despite numerous advances. Auerswald and Eyre’s (2002) study stands out as an exception. McMorris et al. Tyler et al. medical. 1999). criminal behaviors (Hagan & McCarthy. and other social services (Slesnick et al. While significantly advancing knowledge. 32 . Those less motivated to leave the streets would be likely to experience greater health and safety risks for longer periods of time. Additional risks for depression and victimization (Whitbeck et al.. Runaways exhibiting the greatest mental and physical health needs are often the ones least likely to access mental health. 1997). Johnson et al. (2005) discovered that 93% of runaways who met criteria for substance use disorders also met criteria for at least one other mental disorder...Todd William Greene INTRODUCTION Homeless and runaway youth research has identified numerous risks associated with street life. 2001. In addition. values. Yoder et al. researchers have only rarely considered the basic question of how motivated street youth are to leave the streets. Tyler et al. 2003). found that 60% of youths in a runaway shelter met criteria for dual diagnoses. that is.. 2001). Among other things. Ontogenetic factors (such as choice or agency) have been less emphasized in previous studies. 1997. 1999. 2002). Auerswald and Eyre (2002) were nonetheless unable to gauge distributions of such motivations within a larger runaway sample. Sociogenic factors arise from social influences. Tyler et al. and deviant subsistence strategies (Whitbeck et al.. neither Auerswald and Eyre nor other researchers have identified the forces that increase motivations to stay on the streets. Hagan and McCarthy (1997) argue that negative outcomes are influenced jointly by sociogenic and “ontogenetic” factors.
1981). appear to buffer some types of street stress. Wheaton (1997) differentiated “severe” from “chronic” stressors. Other stressors that have been identified include “role strains. BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF STRESS PROCESS The stress-process paradigm consists of three basic components: stressors. Finally. moderators. Deficiencies in one’s ability to moderate street stress would be expected to facilitate “disequilibrium. and daily hassles (Kanner et al. this study hypothesizes that the relative absence of non-conventional masteries will be associated with increased motivations to leave the streets. Likewise. for example. Hypotheses center on the relationships of (non-conventional) stress moderators to the stress-related outcome of motivation (to stay or to leave). The empirical existence of motivational differentials brings the need for identifying the social factors that contribute to these differences to the forefront. 1999).” leading to increased motivations to get off of the streets. 33 . The purpose of this study is to use logistic regression methodologies to identify social correlates of motivations to either stay on or leave the streets. while not normative.” neighborhood strains. Viewing motivation to leave the streets as a stress-related outcome (albeit a positive one). this article briefly summarizes stress process research. first distinguished between “severe” and “non severe” stressors. The latter hypothesis will quantitatively test Auerswald and Eyre’s (2002) findings. Extensive stress research has delineated numerous stressors that are of consequence. Brown and Harris (1978). SHARE data clearly suggests that such motivations are not equally distributed. A better understanding of the social influences of runaways’ motivations could advance social scientific knowledge as well as lending important insights to social policymakers and services providers. Stress process theory can be modified to account for the non-conventional nature of “stress moderators” used by street youth. discrimination stresses. panhandling). Runaways’ social supports (deviant peers) and personal masteries (dumpster diving.Theory In Action A baseline look at the Seattle Homeless Adolescent Research and Education (SHARE) sample suggests that only 50% of homeless and runaway youth are strongly motivated to get off of the streets. This study hypothesizes that the use of non-conventional stress moderators such as “street mastery” will be associated with decreased motivations to leave the streets. ambient stress. The findings and implications of this study are outlined in the article’s conclusion.. and outcomes (Pearlin.
Persons using drugs or alcohol to “self-medicate” psychiatric symptoms would not be seen as completely lacking in “control” in Weisz’s view (even though they lack primary control). Personal resources usually imply self-esteem and “sense of control. This understanding led to simultaneous foci on stress moderators. Wethington and Kessler found that persons’ perceptions that they have social support may be more important for mental health outcomes than the actual receipt of such supports (1996). In the late 1970s researchers realized that regardless of the type of stressor. has been conceptualized in numerous ways as well. finding the means of controlling the psychological impact of uncontrollable situations.” Sense of control is. An interesting dilemma emerges. and internal locus of control).Todd William Greene Thoits (1995) argued that stressors that most impact an individual are those directly assaulting core components of his/her identity. for example. high control or mastery implies that individuals believe they can cause positive outcomes to occur across a number of life’s domains. the stress process paradigm broadly proposes that certain stressors (severe. or material. distinguished between social supports that are instrumental. Meanwhile runaways’ social support systems may be comprised of very deviant peers. social support). how individuals and social groups cope with stress. coupled with the relative absence of certain moderators (sense of control. Primary control is defined by attempts to change objective conditions to bring them in line with one’s wishes. that is. in applying traditional stress process theory to the study of runaways. implies attempts to accommodate unchangeable objective conditions in order to create a more satisfying fit. in some respects. 1975). will significantly influence stress-related outcomes. Cobb (1979). chronic). In short. The other broad category of stress moderators. agency. While control constructs have assumed many names (mastery. autonomy. some stress-exposed persons do not develop negative mental health outcomes (Kessler. on the other hand. however. active. social support. Weisz’s (1990) distinction between primary and secondary control provides additional important considerations. Mirowsky and Ross (2003) suggest that stress moderators fall into one of two broad categories: personal resources and social support. Secondary control. the opposite of “learned helplessness” (Seligman. their “sense of control” may be anchored in abilities to do 34 . Stress process researchers have conceptualized stress moderators in highly conventional terms. 1979). that is. These individuals may be exerting “secondary control” over adverse symptoms that have resulted from less controllable circumstances.
and the routinization stage. how to avoid being victimized. At each stage runaways increase their 35 . Miller.” Important street skills are learned in three main stages: the unsettling stage.Theory In Action such non-conventional things as panhandling or dumpster diving (to meet basic needs). Runaways arriving on the streets must confront a plethora of new stressors – intense and severe – that center around deciding where to safely sleep. That social supports may exist in deviant forms is an idea more inherent to criminology (Sutherland. To account for the influence of non-conventional moderators on runaways’ outcomes. how to stay warm. 2006). -distress might induce disequilibrium (Auerswald & Eyre. in contrast to traditional stress process perspective. The use of non-conventional stress moderators would be expected to have important implications for outcomes. 1958. Palenski (1984) implied that youth develop a sense of street mastery as they become socialized into “runaway careers. Family backgrounds that involve sexual abuse increase the likelihood that youth will run away at an earlier age (Thrane et al. the exploratory stage. Affiliations with deviant peers. 2001). and affiliate with deviant peers (Tyler et al. 2002) as secondary control. Escaping adverse situations. Warr.. seem to be particularly strong predictors of whether youth will run away (Tyler et al. may make criminal outcomes more likely (Hagan & McCarthy.. RUNNING AWAY: STRESSORS AND MODERATORS Runaways’ lifestyles before and after emancipation appear to be marked by stress.. 2002) than to mental health research. 1997). Cohen. 1955. for example. use of deviant masteries to gain food or money may reduce stress while increasing the odds of victimization (Whitbeck et al. how to acquire money for food. Early exposure to stressors embedded in dysfunctional and disorganized homes. They may feel particularly vulnerable. 2001. does not guarantee entrance into secure or reduced stress environments for these youth. how to avoid arrests. Moreover. 2002). the outcome of distress may in some cases be seen as desirable for runaways. 1947.. for example. 1960. Runaways also turn frequently to self-medication (McMorris et al. the stress process can simply integrate notions of non-conventional supports and masteries from criminology (Greene. e. etc. Cloward & Ohlin. 2009). increasing motivation to get off of the streets. while serving to reduce (street) stress. 1999)..g. Similarly.. however. Agnew. It is at this point that many runaways develop non-conventional “masteries” as a means of buffering street stresses. 2000) once on the streets.
Hagan and McCarthy (1997) found that those who consistently engaged in conventional employment reported significant reductions in their own rates of crime. p. The “punks/skinheads” who lived on the streets were the groups most likely to panhandle. “Loners. Gang affiliation increases the risks of incarceration.” on the other hand. once acquired. Moreover. Money matters aside. increase resiliency while buffering many forms of street stress. seem to fare better. for example.” “punks/skinheads.’s (1997) sample selfidentified as “druggies. Runaways who affiliate with deviant peers are at higher risk for the outcomes of drug use and non-violent crimes (Hagan & McCarthy. 1999). Runaways who had experienced sexual abuse in the home.” “loners. Identifying with “druggies. In similar terms. 40% of the runaways in Palenski’s study claimed identities as “hustlers. Runaways’ outcomes.Todd William Greene abilities to manage uncertainty. others arrive on the streets knowing how to meet basic needs through non-conventional practices. 36 . were more likely to rely on friends or lovers for money. were more likely to use prostitution as a means of acquiring money on the streets. employed youth spent much more time gaining “social capital” in the company of conventional others (social support). increased the likelihood that runaways will live at friends’ residences. found that persons affiliating with “punks/skinheads” most likely lived in cars/abandoned buildings or on the streets. Kipke et al. Those accustomed to self-medicating with drugs or alcohol before running away would be expected to do the same (to manage the effects of street stress) during the course of street life. however. Those adept at panhandling or dumpster diving are at higher risk for victimization (Whitbeck et al. 1997). 1984). are influenced by the stress moderators that they customarily employ. By the final routinization stage youth have also assimilated a street identity. Affiliating with particular non-conventional peer groups can also lead to reliance on particular shelter arrangements or subsistence patterns.’s (1997) study. These masteries.. for example. While some runaways may be socialized into non-conventional masteries by street peers (Palenski.” however. Runaways who employ conventional masteries. “Druggies.” relying on others for shelter. residential patterns were found to be associated with particular subsistence strategies. For example.” or gang members. were most likely to access government assistance. in turn.” using their bodies or minds to extract money from others (1984. 90). Whitbeck and Hoyt (1999) suggest that runaways take to the streets with them the (non-conventional) coping strategies they acquired prior to elopement. Kipke et al.
A paradox. than those of persons less skilled at managing the streets. tired. Logistic regression is a multivariate estimation procedure that can be utilized to generate predictive odds in models with discrete outcomes. is revealed for those most adept at street survival. and unrelaxed will be significantly associated with more motivation to leave the streets. peer affiliations. In essence. and disequilibrium factors. Hypothesis 1 is instructed by the stress process. For example. to develop into resilient survivors. Hypothesis 2 is guided by Hagan and McCarthy (1997). Hypothesis 2: Higher levels of conventional values and employment will be significantly associated with more motivation to leave street life behind. however. logistic regression does not make assumptions about the normality of the classification variables (Cox 1970). and various forms of disequilibrium. Hypothesis 3: Higher levels of disequilibrium in the form of being hungry. may actually serve to extend the amount of time they live on the streets. Auerswald and Eyre (2002) provide the basis for hypothesis three. or the converse.” HYPOTHESES AND METHODS The primary objective of this study is to determine if the odds of not being strongly motivated to leave the streets. correlate with motivation to stay on the streets (or to leave them) will be tested with cross-sectional data using logistic regression procedures. and time on the streets is time exposed to multiple risk factors. Hypothesis 1: Higher levels of non-conventional mastery will be significantly associated with less motivation to leave the streets.Theory In Action Earlier research on runaways suggests that conventional and nonconventional stress moderators can indeed serve to buffer high levels of street stress. in the long run. The same non-conventional resources and networks that enable them to buffer street stress. those mastering street life can become “victims of their own success. can be predicted by knowledge of street subsistence strategies (street masteries). 37 . This procedure actually requires fewer assumptions than other linear methodologies such as discriminant analysis (Cox 1970). 2002) that successful survivors accrue may be greater. The idea that non-conventional stress moderators. The “cumulative disadvantages” (Laub & Sampson.
Conventional employment places runaways in contact with more conventional sources of social support while increasing their “social capital” (Hagan & McCarthy. 38 . older runaways may be better adept at managing street stress. 1997). in turn. in turn.” is tested through frequent drinking. Deviant subsistence strategies. may be more likely to “panhandle” or use hard drugs than younger ones. Those rigidly valuing cleanliness or honesty may find it difficult to adopt survival strategies that require getting dirty or being dishonest. a behavioral indicator of street mastery. or “secondary control. The first two blocks are composed of social location and pre-street background measures. and (lifetime) drug use variables. By developing more non-conventional street skills. Meanwhile conventional values might create affective barriers to persons’ abilities to acquire some nonconventional masteries. Self-medication. such as between being physically tired or consistently hungry are stepped into the analysis in the final block as well. Employment and conventional values are thus hypothesized as correlating with increased motivations to leave street life. Several forms of non-conventional mastery are tested. High degrees of self-efficacy (or sense of mastery) and affiliations with deviant peers (non-conventional social support) are also hypothesized as correlating with reduced motivations to get off of the streets. Older runaways. This. This. On the other hand. A victimization scale is tested. is also expected to correlate with reduced motivations to leave the streets. The fourth block of variables tests relationships between “disequilibrium” (Auerswald and Eyre 2002) causing factors and street motivation. Other potential sources of disequilibrium. could influence motivations.Todd William Greene Variables are organized into four blocks. This. younger runaways may have more optimistic outlooks toward the potentialities of street life. Social location variables may influence the types of street stress management strategies that certain runaways customarily employ. may increase the motivation of older runaways to stay on the streets. too. for example. could influence motivation to stay on the streets. The third block of variables introduced to the final analytic model tests hypotheses 1 and 2. It is important to include these control variables since they may capture unanticipated heterogeneity. Tables 1-4 provide descriptive statistics for each block of variables.
and then a $5. and of minority status. and 52. Within the SHARE sample 45. the findings reported in this study are limited to the 322 respondents who completed both interviews in the first wave of contract in the SHARE survey. Only eight respondents answered the motivation question in the third wave. however. 39 . Interviewers asked the core questions regarding runaways’ motivation levels to get off of the streets only in the first and third waves.5% of respondents were female. The use of the first wave of data collection avoids problems associated with attrition in this sample. younger.2% stated their race/ethnicity was Caucasian. a certain proportion of respondents disappeared after the baseline contract. is even more likely with transient populations such as homeless youth. and the sample inevitably became smaller as time progressed. 375 Seattle street youth between the ages of 13 and 21 (mean = 17. The 52 cases that were deleted from the sample were only slightly more likely to be male.) at baseline were interviewed every three to four months in 1994-1995.14 yr. Not every question was asked at each wave. and not living in a group home for more than 45 days. Attrition.00 for completion of the entire interview. Being homeless was defined as not having lived with parents within the last week.00 bonus for completing both sessions. The motivation question that comprises the dependent variable in this study was not asked until the second day of interviewing. Experienced service workers carried out the interviews at sites frequented by runaways. as is also common in studies of homeless populations. The SHARE study was conducted in six waves of interviews.Theory In Action SAMPLE In the Seattle Homeless Adolescent Research and Education (SHARE) study. This particular study is thus limited to cross-sectional analyses of youth who completed the first wave of interviews. A total of 374 youth responded to the first day interview. Thus. Participating youth received $10. All participants were homeless when interviewed. These interviews were conducted on two separate days with each segment lasting between 1 1/2 to 2 hours. Minorities were over sampled to allow for racial comparisons in the data. not being in state custody.00 for each completed interview session. Only 322 of the first day respondents returned to complete the second interview. common in any longitudinal study. However. The sample was therefore not representative of racial or ethnic compositions. for a total of $25. Many claimed multiple ethnicities or races.
6% of respondents identified themselves as Caucasian while only 21. Other social location variables include gender (female = 1. nearly one-third of the sample.” “Sexual Abuse. = 2.” “Too much conflict. “Why did you run away” that centered on issues of escaping family dysfunction. Possessing strong motivations to get off of the streets was coded as 0.24. also identified with at least one other racial/ethnic minority group.” they had been labeled learning disabled at some point.11). Based on this distribution. Since many respondents self-identified with more than one racial or ethnic category. Being less than strongly motivated to get out of street life (54%) was coded as 1. “Has a teacher. An escape scale was created from responses to the question.D.7% did not. nearly half of the respondents (46%) strongly agreed that they really wanted to get out of street life. Two scaled measures assess whether different reasons for running away would correlate with differences in street motivations. This left 51% of respondents who identified themselves as Caucasian. is measured using responses to the statement. race/ethnicity variables required recoding.9%).” “Fighting at home. Many respondents who identified themselves as Caucasian.4%) answered “yes. Accordingly.” While the potential distribution fell across a 5-point scale. doctor.” and 40 .Todd William Greene CONCEPTS AND MEASURES Motivation to get off of the streets. 46.” “Drug use in the home. One represented “strongly disagree” and 5 indicated “strongly agree. Prior to recoding. A count measure sums the number of “yes” responses to questions of escaping “Violence at home. Persons who then identified themselves as belonging to only one ethnic or racial minority group (African American. violence. persons identifying themselves with more than one racial/ethnic group.” “Physical Abuse. or someone like that ever told you that you had some kind of learning disability (=1). Native American or Other) were grouped together in an ethnic/racial minority category (18.1%). Pre-street experiences and stress management practices can influence which coping skills/resources a runaway uses during street life. a learning disability variable was created by coding responses to the question. More than one-third of the sample (36. the dependent variable was dichotomized at this point. the outcome variable.4%) and age (mean = 17. S. were assigned to a multirace category (31. counselor.” Answers to this question fell along a scale of 1 to 5. Finally. though. Asian American. “I really want to get out of street life. 70. Hispanic/Latino. and abuse.
Mean substitution replaced the missing values with the mean value of all of the valid entries.” (1) “Almost Never. and parental love.” (3) = “Many times. The third set of measures tap different kinds of “non-conventional masteries” that are central to stress process theory. A separate leave scale was then created from combining reasons for running away that were less related to escape and more related to emancipation.D. Its mean was 1. Following imputation. Other single-item measures tested in block two included parental anxiety.” (4) = “About 41 . how often did your Primary Caretaker know where you were?” Response categories were (0) “Never. While mean substitution is a simple procedure.40 while its standard deviation was 1. while its standard deviation was 2.” The potential range of this scale is 0-7.18).” (2) = “A few times.” (3) = “About monthly.” With a potential range of 0-6.” “My own drug use.” and (4) = “On a regular basis.67.33. the imputation procedure of mean substitution was employed. “On a day-today basis.” “My family did not like my having sex. = 1. A question used to measure parental monitoring was.” (3) “Almost Always.39.Theory In Action “Alcohol use in the home.66. The variable “frequent drinking” represents responses to the question.76. parental efficacy. the mean for the deviant subsistence strategies scale was 3. A use of deviant subsistence strategies variable indicates that youth have gained certain street masteries needed to meet basic needs.” and (4) “Always” (mean = 2.59. its disadvantage is that the actual distribution of values (for the given variable) can become distorted due to over-representation of its mean value. the mean for this scale was 1. parental communication. The Cronbach’s alpha for deviant subsistence is . Frequent drinking of alcohol is a common means of self-medication (or non-conventional mastery). “Parents (were) too strict.” (1) = “Once. while its standard deviation was 1.” “My own alcohol use.” (2) “About Half the Time.” (1) = “Once. S. A composite measure was created by combining the frequencies to questions on “dumpster diving” and “panhandling. To account for 27 missing cases.” These questions were worded.” “My family couldn’t handle the trouble I got into.46. how often have you (spare changed/looked through dumpsters or recycle bins)?” Responses were coded as (0) = “Never. “Since you’ve been on your own.” High scores on the summed deviant subsistence scale (potential range 0-8) indicate regular frequency of both panhandling and dumpster diving. “How often in the past year did you drink alcohol?” This scale is constructed with (0) = “Never.” and/or “I wanted My Freedom.” (2) = “A few times. This scale summed “yes” responses to these statements.
with 1. Illicit drugs can also be used to manage the symptoms of psychological distress. taken money from others. A summed scale was created by counting the number of affirmative responses to these questions. This measure does.34.92. (3) acid (LSD). (6) “crank”.06. (5) ecstasy.” (3) “Agree.52 as the standard deviation. shoplifted.” (2) “Neutral or Mixed. have the potential to “behave erratically” when applied to homeless and runaway youth. Measuring lifetime prevalence.” and (4) = “On a 42 .” Responses could range from (0) “Strongly Disagree. been suspended from school. (4) mushrooms. or morphine.48.13. The deviant peers variable was also imputed by mean substitution techniques to address missing values. however. threatened someone. or assaulted someone with a weapon. respondents were asked if they have ever tried: (1) marijuana or hashish. as an attempt to gain a sense of mastery from non-conventional means. The mean for this imputed variable (potential range of 0-9) was 6.” (1) “Disagree. “Since you’ve been on your own. if youth define their own level of mastery in conventional terms (such as having had success in school or athletics). Its standard deviation was 2. (2) cocaine or crack. Measures that permit the assessment of conventional mastery and conventional values are expected to be associated with having strong motivations toward getting out of street life. The possibility exists that responses will not represent persons’ true feelings about their levels of street efficacy.Todd William Greene weekly. “I am able to do things as well as most people. Put simply.” and (4) “Strongly Agree” (mean = 2.” and (6) = “Daily.17. used drugs.” The mean for this measure was 3. broken into a house or store to steal something. that is. S. Deviant peers (non-conventional social support) was measured using a 9-item scale that asked whether or not runaways’ friends had ever sold drugs.” (2) = “A few times. That this variable was skewed in the direction of persons’ having highly deviant friends is not surprising for a street youth sample. while its standard deviation was 3. = 0.94). been arrested.” (3) = “many times. (7) heroin.” (1) = “Once. A single-item measure of self-efficacy was indicated by responses to the following statement. how often have you had a regular job?” Zero equals “Never.” (5) = “About daily. and (8) inhalants? A lifetime drug use variable was created by counting the number of “yes” answers to each of these 8 separate questions.D. The mean for this variable (potential range of 0-8) was 4. they may be markedly less likely to view themselves as efficacious even when possessing an abundance of street masteries. opium. Conventional employment was gauged through responses to the question.
conventional employment was also imputed using mean substitution. I believed a “conventional values” measure would yield significant findings (as correlated with street motivations).” Adverse mental health circumstances may also induce disequilibrium by reducing one’s perceptions of street mastery or social support.” (2) “A few times (2 or 3). Values conflicts with non-conventional subsistence strategies may lend themselves to a limited sense of street mastery. this author was homeless in the early 1990s.” These responses were summed.D.” and “hard working. In theoretical terms. It is theorized that salient “values conflicts” can create internal conflicts related to engaging in certain subsistence strategies necessary for street survival. could not be created from the questionnaire. In fact. = 3.Theory In Action regular basis.” (1) “Once. A reasonable indicator for conventional social support. It should be noted that the purpose of testing such a scale was not to further stigmatize runaway youth. that is.” Since the sample size for this variable was 283. It is still possible that those who have worked regular jobs have also established support networks with their more conventional co-workers.56. 43 .” and being “assaulted.67. conventional values was imputed using mean substitution (mean = 10.10). The Cronbach’s alpha is . The mean for this imputed variable is 0. How much does it matter to you to be _____?” Four questions were selected for a conventional values scale that pertained to being “well-dressed. disequilibrium would be expected to reduce one’s sense of mastery. The final set of variables may be associated with “disequilibrium” (Auerswald and Eyre 2002).” being “threatened with a weapon. A conventional values scale was created and included.10.” Response options consist of (0) “Never. Single-item Victimization variables were created from responses to questions worded.” having one’s “stuff stolen.02. Mastering the streets may necessitate a willingness to. increasing motivations to leave the streets.” and (3) “Many Times.” “witnessing violence.” “honest. Having experienced some of my own values conflicts. increasing motivations to get off of the streets.” Responses for each question fell along five-point scales ranging from (0) “Not at all important” to (4) “Extremely important. High scores indicate greater conventional values.” “giving. however. while its standard deviation is 1. “Since you’ve been on your own. use deceit or become dirty. at times. The wording for each question began with. how often have you ____?” Victimization categories involved being “robbed. S.” “fighting. “We are wondering what qualities you like in yourself and others. Since the sample size for the initial scale was 291. a state of confusion or imbalance.
= 0. Feeling unloved was measured by responses to the question. Each one unit increase on the conventional values scale is associated with a 22% decrease in the relative odds for the motivation to stay on the streets (B = -. S. S.77). “During the past month. The hypothesis (H1) that deviant subsistence strategies will predict motivation to stay on the streets is supported (see block 4). To possess such conventional value systems may. Feeling this sense of control.77). Exp (B) = 1. in several important respects.218). Conventional values predict motivation to leave the streets at the . 44 . A measure of being unrelaxed was created through responses to the question.775). Dumpster divers and panhandlers are using the streets to meet basic needs for food and money and. S. A hunger question asked for responses to the statement. FINDINGS The results from four logistic regressions are summarized in Tables 5 and 6. in doing so.” to (2) “Very true or often true” (mean = 1.76. “I don’t eat as well as I should. did you feel relaxed and free of tension?” Response options were the same as the other disequilibrium questions.Todd William Greene Questions concerning physical and mental health were coded as measures to tap this dimension. interfere with the development of street masteries.D. “How much of the time. Deviant subsistence strategies are fairly synonymous with street mastery.” to (1) “Somewhat or sometimes true. Worry was measured by responses to. street youth are less likely to be motivated to leave the streets. S. This variable was reverse coded as well (mean = 2.197. Each unit increase in deviant subsistence is associated with a 22% increase in the relative odds for motivation to stay on the streets (B = . during the past month.D.39). The results also show support for the hypothesized (H2) relationship between conventional values and strong motivations to get off of the streets. how much of the time have you felt loved and wanted?” This variable was also reverse coded (mean = 2. they gain a sense of personal control.D.79. = 0.47). “I feel overtired” (mean = 0. = 1. = 1.001 level.D.255. Tables 1-4 provide descriptive statistics for all variables used in all blocks.77.53. Exp (B) = . Being physically exhausted was gauged by the same range of responses to the statement.80). “I worry a lot” (mean = 0. S.06.” ranging from (0) “Not true. = 0.D. To leave the streets may imply giving up this degree of mastery by returning to environments where personal control was lacking.
but it is in the predicted direction. One probable reason for this is that self-medication could be less directly associated with street mastery than deviant subsistence. The hypothesis that self-medication variables (drugs and alcohol). was not supported. In other words. A different self-efficacy question. Perhaps some runaways accept a degree of street victimization as “part of the territory”. an aversion to dirtiness may cause persons to not see dumpster diving or sleeping outdoors as viable options. this question is not designed to specifically measure perceptions of street efficacy. Having a strong value of being “giving” toward others. may conflict with the maintenance of a highly self-centered attitude that can lend itself to street survival. in turn.” Although self-medicating. that is. The deviant subsistence measure. This result may have much to do with how the particular question was worded. compared themselves to peers successful in school or athletics may have consequently reported lower levels of self-efficacy (even though they may be adept at street survival). in contrast.” would predict motivation to stay on the streets. runaways who “couch hop” or live with friends may also be smoking. The victimization scale was not significant. Street youth who. or “drugging. these youth are not simultaneously building the street mastery skills that appear to exert more influence over street motivations. contrary to hypotheses (H1). however.442. The hypothesis (H3) that being unrelaxed is associated with motivation to leave street life behind is supported. attempts at “non-conventional mastery. thereby decreasing street motivation. Variables introduced to the final model involve indicators of disequilibrium. when considering their answers to this question. Exp (B) = 45 . would more directly pinpoint youth whose daily lives are intertwined with the streets. Overall. This variable is not significant in block 4. In other words. The efficacy measure did not clarify its reference group. more designed to measure a sense of street efficacy. drinking. as something that does not detract from one’s sense of personal mastery. The self-efficacy measure is not significantly predictive of motivation either. for example.Theory In Action A rigid value of honesty. only partial support is hinted for the hypothesis (H2) that conventional work increases conventional mastery (or social capital). could provide future research with a better test of the relationship between street mastery and street motivation. In block 3. Similarly. Each unit increase in being unrelaxed is related to a 36% decrease in the relative odds of being motivated to stay on the streets (B = -. Conventional employment reaches significance in a 1-tailed test. would likely conflict with survival strategies such as panhandling or stealing.
the hypothesis (H3) that being hungry will predict motivation to leave the streets is also supported.350). Being learning disabled is associated with much higher relative odds for motivation to stay on the streets (B = -. Perhaps the most intriguing finding of this model is that feeling unloved correlates with motivation to stay on the streets. Perhaps persons who feel unloved had believed that the streets held more promise for providing love than returning home to family or other more conventional settings. the proportion of association in motivation to leave the streets is increased with the introduction of the variables in block four. and conventional society that influences their motivations to stay on the streets. Exp (B) = 1. Exp (B) = .44. In addition. Perhaps persons with learning disabilities perceive a greater sense of mastery relative to their peers in street settings than in schools. This explanation would resonate with Auerswald and Eyre (2002). Being unrelaxed may indeed pose direct challenges to one’s sense of mastery. Exp (B) = . Every unit increase in hunger is associated with a 47% increase in the relative odds in motivation to get off of the streets (B = -.531). This would resonate with Agnew’s “general strain” view of learning disabilities (2001). that is. Exp (B) = .511). the physical and psychological impacts of hunger may reduce one’s sense of vigilance and physical feelings of strength.672. being tired may undermine one’s sense of mastery.641).633. Each unit increase in exhaustion is related to a 36% increase in the relative odds of being motivated to leave the streets (B = . Every unit increase in feeling unloved is associated with a 35% increase in the relative odds for motivation to stay on the streets (B = . Being tired also correlates significantly with motivation to leave the streets. to one’s ability to manage the physical and psychological impacts of street stress. Like being hungry and unrelaxed. can only be interpreted as an approximation of the proportion of variation in the dependent variable associated with the set of correlates. The Nagelkerke estimate is a pseudo R² measure and. leading to a declined feeling that one can protect him/herself.643). Overall. 46 . workplaces. The Nagelkerke R² for the fourth model is . Similarly.444. A connection between this variable and a sense of street mastery is not immediately apparent. thus. Hunger is strong evidence that one has not been able to successfully meet basic needs (street mastery). who found that many street youth do believe that the streets will magically meet their needs.Todd William Greene .300.
and other assorted victimizers are not necessarily concerned with providing social supports. tired. its relationship to motivation had not previously been delineated. According to the SHARE sample... Auerswald and Eyre identified a relationship between disequilibrium and increased motivations to leave the streets (2002). 2002). this is initially surprising. Deviant subsistence directly taps into survival behaviors that 47 . The findings suggest that runaways who employ deviant subsistence strategies. while exerting less influence over motivations. However. A quality of friendship bond measure may have helped clarify this issue. It is entirely possible that street peers significantly impact certain behavioral choices (such as committing crimes or using drugs). and/or who feel unloved are more motivated to stay on the streets. Because numerous studies have tied street subcultures to important outcomes (Palenski. Kipke et al. have learning disabilities. Factors associated with a reduced sense of street mastery -.. many peer affiliated runaways may decide that they really only have themselves (or their own masteries) upon which to rely. deviant subsistence is significant. hustlers. nor the social factors that influence motivations to remain on the streets had previously been considered. neither the distribution of such motivations among runaways. The streets themselves are ill suited for deep social connections. Its congregation of pimps. Among the “mastery” variables tested. In street environments. Auerswald & Eyre. 1984. One of the major findings of this study is that a large proportion of the youth who runaway (or otherwise find themselves on the streets) do not express a motivation to leave street life. When it comes to issues of survival. to rely solely on one’s own street masteries. While deviant subsistence has been found to amplify risks for victimization (Whitbeck et al. 50% of runaways have less than strong motivations to leave the streets behind them.disequilibrium variables (unrelaxed. The deviant peers measure was not even significantly associated with motivation at the bivariate level. addicts. 1999) and alcohol abuse (McMorris et al.Theory In Action MOTIVATION TO STAY ON THE STREETS In an important qualitative study. hungry) and adhering to conventional values – correlate with motivations to leave the streets. 1997. Other findings of this study suggest that non-conventional mastery exerts a stronger influence over street motivation than do nonconventional social supports. even at the expense of potential social supports. 2002). Hagan & McCarthy 1997. their impact has been missed by many researchers. Although these motivational differences carry important research and service implications. is not unwise.
” Other variables tested do not tap these behaviors as directly. study the development of street motivations over time and examine how street exposure and events influence changes in motivation.Todd William Greene are central to the definition of “street mastery. Their street trajectories 48 . for example. Researchers could. with a well-established runaway subculture. The self-efficacy question. Future research may be able to develop more in-depth understandings of motivation through longitudinal designs for runaway samples. Another limitation of this study is its reliance on cross-sectional methods. Typical of many studies that employ secondary sources of data. Furthermore. it should be noted that Seattle is itself viewed as a “magnet city” for runaway youth. Runaways living in Seattle may in fact be more likely motivated to maintain runaway lifestyles than runaways residing in other cities may. To support their families. This observation would. Similarly. the concepts of this study would be better addressed if the original research design had focused on motivations to either leave or stay on the streets. LIMITATIONS One important limitation of this study is its reliance on a single indicator of motivation to leave the streets. Multiple indicators could have better tapped the possible strength of motivation. 1991). Depending upon their orientation. for example. of course. the SHARE sample relied upon retrospective recall data. These findings cannot be generalized until future research can be conducted. which has inherent biases ranging from inaccuracies of memory to re-casting past behaviors in more positive contexts. The motivations of these youth are entirely different. In addition. Perhaps two-fifths of the world’s homeless youth live in Latin America (Barker and Knaul. many Latin American youth work street jobs during the week while returning to their families on weekends. does not clarify the standard used by respondents. persons could self-medicate with alcohol or illicit drugs regardless of their residential situations or involvement with street life. apply to a number of other measures that were employed in this study. It should also be emphasized that these findings are not presumed to be generally applicable to other cultures. street youth could be reporting self-efficacy over either normative or non-normative behaviors. Deviant subsistence correlates with street motivation because it provides a more direct measure of street mastery.
In addition. say. however. to some degree. A heightened understanding of motivation differentials among runaways could lend assistance to runaway services personnel in several ways. rather than by their own objectives and issues of mastery. even in street contexts. however. making “rational choices” to become street youth. You can survive.” Perceiving “pay offs” (in the form of masteries) to street life is quite a different phenomenon than.” Perhaps close friendships. for instance. A service worker could. as times to promote the advantages of alternative living arrangements.Theory In Action are more likely dictated by the survival needs of their social support systems. a runaway’s level of motivation to get off of the streets.” Perhaps it’s a matter of directing these abilities (that runaways have already developed) to more conventional pursuits. Astute runaway services workers could view their interactions with hungry or weary street youth as potential “teachable moments”.. interactions with street youth may also become more effective if workers speak directly to these youths’ senses of mastery. is not the same thing as choosing street life to begin with. needs to be tested in order for research to conclude that it is indeed mastery that affects street motivation. should such persons feel consistently tired. First. or unrelaxed.. It should be emphasized that the findings of this study are not intended to “blame the victim. Many street youth believe that they have nowhere else to go. hungry. This could change. preface their pitches for alternative living arrangements by something along the lines of: “Look at everything you are able to do. Experiencing this sense of esteem or mastery. that is. You are resourceful.” for example. Runaways who rarely felt efficacious at home or school may nonetheless gain a sense of esteem from having learned to master street life. to understand subsistence patterns is to gauge. It is choosing survival. Future research could also fine-tune social support measures by testing for “closeness of peer bonds. Runaways adept at street subsistence are less likely to have strong motivations to leave the streets. do function to reduce street stress for some runaways. 49 .. IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL SCIENCES AND SERVICES This study calls for research to continue testing outcomes associated with non-conventional mastery using improved measures. it may also be investing in cumulative disadvantage. A mastery measure that specifically addresses sense of “street efficacy. Paradoxically.
Small gains in physical security are not worth such large losses of selfhood. An ability to help more of these high-risk youth thus emerges not from reactionary practices of coercion and control. would be perceived as an affront to their abilities to survive. Survival experiences inform them that they do not need anyone telling them what to do. to their identities as free and efficacious individuals. any policy designed to place street survivors anywhere against their will is set up for likely failure (Hagan & McCarthy. and curfews of shelters would be expected to repel successful street survivors as well. where runaways are free to come and go as they see fit. In safe environments. In short. Moreover. They know that they can survive on their own. They certainly do not want the main assets of their lives so far. For example. punishment. the potential for trusting relationships to be established with service staff increases. For example. Put simply. regarding “fixing individuals” versus “fixing systems” debates. resilience can benefit all sides of the equations. from respect for runaways’ nonconventional masteries. Also it requires resilience for persons/groups to work to change laws. but from relationships built upon trust. In general. The negative consequences of street life can last a lifetime. The streets are highly risky and dangerous. To increase societal “resilience levels” is thus to potentially lend 50 . when runaways are more motivated to get off of the streets. What research strongly advises is for social help to be offered without coercion. As an outcome. or overt control (Hagan & McCarthy. to be taken away from them. 1997). runaways who understand that they can frequent drop-in services for showers or meals without strings attached are more likely to use such services. freedom and mastery. systems. service staff are in better positions to use their pre-established rapports to offer conventional residential alternatives (to audiences more likely to consider these options).Todd William Greene An understanding of how street masteries influence street motivations carries important implications for social policy. The rules. Resilience enables service workers to strive to guide such individuals toward changes. These runaways will assuredly run away again. Social policies designed to help these youth are clearly needed. resilience increases when persons effectively manage and/or overcome life stressors. resilience can be extremely and widely beneficial. for example. Being placed in foster homes. runaways who are not motivated to leave the streets will not likely be receptive to conventional alternatives. and social structures. Time spent on the streets is time accumulating significant disadvantages. regulations. 1997). It takes resilience for individuals to struggle to change themselves.
S. Greene. Report HRD-90-45. Washington. R. Cloward. 2(1). Greene (2009) has argued for teaching age-graded “coping skills” courses in public schools. & Ohlin. Youth homeless in San Francisco: A life cycle approach. acquiring “cumulative disadvantage” (Laub & Sampson. 54. Homeless and runaway youth receiving services at federally funded shelters. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency. New York: Free Press.W. Brown. & Harris.. their impressive resilience could be among their best assets for transitioning to less adverse environments and circumstances. Delinquency and opportunity: A theory of delinquent gangs. 2002). Cobb. 122-139.R. (2001). Nonetheless.org/10. On the streets resilience appears a more intriguing and paradoxical outcome. (1955). DC: Author. The “survive resilience” of street life could perhaps then be converted to “thrive resilience. & Eyre. http://dx. This is more likely to occur if those interacting with them better mirror. 1497-1512.). Building on the foundation of general strain theory: Specifying the types of strain mostly likely to lead to crime and delinquency. (1989).impacting the “resilience levels” of next generations. T. Social Science & Medicine.1016/S0277-9536(01)00128-9 Barker. L. http://dx. L. (1979). New York: Childhope USA. and validate resiliencies in them. Resilience facilitates survival here as well. B. to recognize “teachable moments” as suggested by this study. E. G. (1978). J.. (2009). CO: Westview Press. Yet resilient survivors may be the ones most likely to spend months and years exposed to multiple street risks.org/10. (1960). London: Methuen.doi. Riley (Ed.3798/tia. Mean streets: Youth crime and homelessness. G.Theory In Action improvements to numerous aspects of society.1017/CBO9780511625497 51 .W. D... http://dx. Toward such ends. Cox. S.A.doi. 93-106). (1970).” leading to many improvements in subjective well-being. (1997). Theory in Action. (1991). In M. & McCarthy.doi. REFERENCES Agnew.W.doi.1937-0237. 319-361. Social origins of depression: A study of psychiatric disorder in women.08032 Hagan. R. Cohen.O. (2002).1177/0022427801038004001 Auerswald. Aging from birth to death (pp. respect. Delinquent boys: The culture of the gang. New York: Cambridge University Press.org/10. 38(4). Boulder. T. GAO. The Analysis of binary data. & Knaul. http://dx. Such curriculum could be conceived as “Teaching the 4 R’s” (resilience being the fourth) -. Exploited entrepreneurs: Street and working children in developing countries. New York: Free Press. A. and to have resources available for assisting such youth in transitioning to lives off of the streets. C. F.org/10.L. Social support and health through the life course. An integrated stress process theory: Viewing intersections of crime and mental illness. New York: Free Press.
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27 0.31 0.19 0.73 2.06 3.17 1.50 0.33 1.54 Streets Gender (female = 2) Age Minority Multirace Caucasian Sexual Minority ( = 1) 0.48 3.42 0.40 Standard Deviation 1.02 Table 2: Descriptive Statistics for Block 2 Mean Parental Anxiety Parental Efficacy Parental Communication Parental Love Parental Monitoring Escape Leave 2.39 54 .36 Age at First Run 13.50 2.42 Standard Deviation 0.66 1.46 17.50 0.97 1.Todd William Greene APPENDIX TABLES 1-6: Table 1: Descriptive Statistics for Block 1 Mean Motivation to Stay on 0.46 1.63 2.39 0.23 Learning Disability ( = 1) 0.18 1.46 0.01 1.50 0.11 0.24 0.24 2.
76 0.38 1.48 1.15 0.39 1.17 1.29 1.80 0.67 10.06 2.88 1.77 0.32 1.16 0.52 1.43 0.76 4.52 1.10 Standard Deviation 2.Theory In Action Table 3: Descriptive Statistics for Block 3 Deviant Subsistence Drugs Frequent Drinking Deviant Peers Self Efficacy Conventional Employment Conventional Values Mean 3.10 Table 4: Descriptive Statistics for Block 4 Stuff Stolen Robbed Witnessed Violence Fighting Threatened Assaulted Loneliness Unpromising Outlook Unrelaxed Unloved Hungry Exhausted Fear Worry Mean 1.47 0.59 2.06 0.34 6.53 2.79 Standard Deviation 1.13 0.77 55 .68 0.94 1.27 1.77 1.11 0.64 0.02 3.87 2.50 1.77 2.52 3.92 0.17 3.19 1.
137 -.614 1.549 Age at First Run .977 .439 .063 .949 .032 -.264 Exp(B) .023 Block 2 Sig.034 -.088 .017 -.259 -.033 .772 .030 .028 Minority .362 Sexual Minority (=1) .043 Sig.956 1.079 56 .064 .910 . .352 .231 -.807 Exp(B) 1.820 1.918 .032 .437 1.204 .349 . .488 .578 1.045 .920 .030 1.975 .647 .691 .023 .078 .925 1.048 B .475 .966 .337 .599 Multirace .260 .497 .Todd William Greene Table 5: Logistic Regressions Predicting Motivation to Remain On Streets (Blocks 1 and 2) Block 1 B Social Location: Gender (female =1) -.487 .781 1.114 Learning Disability (=1)-.122 -.047 Pre Street Life: Parental Anxiety Parental Efficacy Parental Communication Parental Love Parental Monitoring Escape Leave Nagelkerke R2 .147 .025 Age -.107 .577 .972 1.885 .086 -.121 .759 .
991 1.072 .960 .787 1.153 -.132 .875 1.166 -.776 .633 -.231 .144 .098 1.011 .105 .488 .044 .041 1.485 .453 .043 -.673 .318 .438 57 .444 .336 .730 .667 .036 .100 -.115 -.342 .015 Sig.442 .968 1.288 .059 -.240 .001 .843 1.083 .108 -.197 .015 B -.129 -.146 1.058 -.151 .054 .010 . Age Minority Multirace Sexual Minority (=1) Learning Disability (=1) Age at First Run Pre Street Life: Parental Anxiety Parental Efficacy Parental Communication Parental Love Parental Monitoring Escape Leave Street Life: Deviant Subsistence Smoking Drugs Frequent Drinking Deviant Peers Self Efficacy Conventional Employ Conventional Values Disequilibrium: (significant variables) Unrelaxed Unloved Hungry Exhausted Nagelkerke R2 .698 .068 .467 .672 -.886 .033 .641 .300 -.208 -.141 1. .318 .079 -.517 .102 . .024 -.592 1.484 .791 .112 .218 1.170 .141 -.883 .054 -.943 .057 .858 .080 .060 .181 .634 Exp(B) .255 .776 .396 -.254 .060 .148 .891 .775 -.531 .405 .944 -.864 .942 1.231 -.000 1.943 .Theory In Action Table 6: Logistic Regressions Predicting Motivation to Remain On Streets (Blocks 3 and 4) Block 3 B Social Location: Gender (female =1) .771 Exp(B) 1.029 Block 4 Sig.511 -.265 .043 .041 .511 .172 .661 .976 .083 1.350 .053 .842 .801 .024 .288 .643 1.133 .972 .116 -.321 .454 1.265 .222 -.146 -.093 .004 .133 .903 1.054 1.517 .868 .492 .000 1.106 -.257 .028 .012 .157 .879 .682 .460 .794 .024 .122 .308 .897 .948 .
). Jackson 120 Book Review: Anarchism and Education: A Philosophical Perspective by Judith Suissa. Pp. Peter McLaren. ISBN: 9780691131054 Greg Beach Journal of the Transformative Studies Institute .95 (Paperback).95 (Paperback). 176. Pp. Princeton University Press. 2009. Pp. Pumar and Adam Sitsis 73 Globalizing the social movements? Labour and the World Social Forum Timothy Kerswell 93 The Cartel Model and Motions for the Agenda: Israel as a Case Study (2003-2009) Akirav Osnat 117 Book Review: Academic Repression: Reflections from the Academic Industrial Complex edited by Anthony J. 378.Volume 5 Number 3 July 2012 Theory In Action IN THIS ISSUE 1 Those Who Can Become “Foreign Koreans”: Globalisation. $19.95 (Hardcover). 2010. PM Press. 590. ISBN: 9781904589987 Raphael D. Nocella. AK Press. Transnational Marriages and Shifting Nationalist Discourse in South Korea Sohoon Lee 31 A Paradox of Street Survival: Street Masteries Influencing Runaways’ Motivations to Maintain Street Life Todd William Greene 58 Educational Attainment in a High Performing School District: The Relative Significance of Class Enrique S. $24. ISBN: 9781604861143 Laini Szostkowski 134 Book Review: Making Cities Work: Prospects and Policies for Urban America by Robert Inman (ed. 2010. Steven Best. $31.
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$24.95 (Hardcover). No. $31.CONTENTS Vol. 2010. $19. ISBN: 9780691131054 Greg Beach 31 58 73 93 117 120 134 . Pp. Pp. 2009. Transnational Marriages and Shifting Nationalist Discourse in South Korea Sohoon Lee A Paradox of Street Survival: Street Masteries Influencing Runaways’ Motivations to Maintain Street Life Todd William Greene Educational Attainment in a High Performing School District: The Relative Significance of Class Enrique S. ISBN: 9781604861143 Laini Szostkowski Book Review: Making Cities Work: Prospects and Policies for Urban America by Robert Inman (ed. 378. Nocella. 176.95 (Paperback). Princeton University Press. Steven Best. ISBN: 9781904589987 Raphael D.95 (Paperback). Pumar and Adam Sitsis Globalizing the social movements? Labour and the World Social Forum Timothy Kerswell The Cartel Model and Motions for the Agenda: Israel as a Case Study (2003-2009) Akirav Osnat Book Review: Academic Repression: Reflections from the Academic Industrial Complex edited by Anthony J. 5. Pp. PM Press.). AK Press. 2010. Peter McLaren. 590. Jackson Book Review: Anarchism and Education: A Philosophical Perspective by Judith Suissa. 3 1 July 2012 Those Who Can Become “Foreign Koreans”: Globalisation.
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