330 B.C -A.D. 400








Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Handbook of classical rhetoric in the Hellenistic period, 330 B.C.-A.D. 400/ edited by Stanley E. Porter, p. cm.— Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0 - 3 9 1 - 0 4 1 1 7 - 7 1. Greek literature, Hellenistic—History and criticism—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 2. Criticism—Greece—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 3. Rhetoric, A n c i e n t — Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Title: Classical rhetoric in the Hellenistic period, 330 B.C.-A.D. 400. II. Porter, Stanley E., 1956PA3083 .H36 2001 808'.00938—dc21 2001035744

ISBN 0 - 3 9 1 - 0 4 1 1 7 - 7 © Copyright 1997 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

To my Father, a great, humble and loving man


Preface Introduction

xi xiii


Chapter 1 : Historical Survey of Rhetoric

3 43 51 89

Chapter 2: The Genres of Rhetoric

Chapter 3: Arrangement

Chapter 4: Invention

Chapter 5: Style


Chapter 6: Delivery and Memory



Chapter 7: The Episde

171 195 265

Chapter 8: Philosophical Prose

Chapter 9: Historical Prose



Chapter 10: Poetry and Rhetoric


Chapter 11: Biography


Chapter 12: Oratory and Declamation


Chapter 13: Homily and Panegyrical Sermon


Chapter 14: T h e Rhetoric of Romance

445 467 489

Chapter 15: Apocalyptic and Prophetic Literature

Chapter 16: Drama and Rhetoric


Chapter 17: T h e Gospels and Acts


Chapter 18: Paul of Tarsus and His Letters

533 587 609

Chapter 19: T h e General New Testament Writings

Chapter 20: T h e Johannine Writings

Chapter 21: T h e Greek Christian Writers


Chapter 22: T h e Latin Church Fathers

671 695

Chapter 23: Philo of Alexandria



Chapter 24: Plutarch


Chapter 25: The Rhetoric of Josephus

737 755

Chapter 26: Cynics and Rhetoric

Chapter 27: Translations of the Old Testament I . Greek, J O H N A. L. L E E II. Latin, KEVIN H. L E E Chapter 28: Rhetoric in the Christian Apocrypha

775 784 793 807

Chapter 29: The Rhetoric of Inscriptions

Index of Ancient Authors Index of Modern Authors

829 000


This Handbook of Classical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic Period (330 BC-AD 400) has been a long time in the making. It has been an involved and lengthy editorial project, but it has been a very rewarding editorial task as well. I have had the opportunity to expand greatly my intellectual and academic horizons, both in terms of knowledge of writers of the ancient world and their use of rhetoric, and in terms of the scholars who have written on them. Graciousness prevents me from mentioning by name those who, though contractually obligated, backed out at the last moment. I am indeed thankful that in the vast majority of cases others willingly stepped forward to fill necessary gaps. T o a person each of the final contributors has been very cooperative, preparing their work on time and going through the rigours of checking references and completing footnotes. Many of these contributors have offered continuing encouragement to me as well, as they got an inkling of the complexity of the editorial task. Of course, my opinion is severely biased, but I think that the end product more than justifies the incredible amounts of effort that the work in total represents. I can only hope that the final product is as beneficial to those who use it as it has been to those of us who have contributed to its creation. Besides the individual contributors, each of whom deserves much gratitude and thanks, the following deserve special thanks. First, Julian Deahl and Hans van der Meij of Brill Publishers merit special mention. It was Julian who first contacted me about editing a project such as this, but it was Hans who has become an enduring friend. I judge the value of his friendship by his understanding of the hazards that this project has encountered, his gentle (and sometimes not so gentle) nudging to push for completion, and his willingness to run interference with a few authors. Secondly, I wish to thank several institutions who have enabled work on this project to be undertaken, including Trinity Western University in British Columbia, Canada, and Roehampton Institute London, England. Although I was in transition some of the time that this project was being undertaken, each institution provided an excellent environment for my own work, including support of some of the necessary administrative costs of such



a project. In conjunction with this I wish to thank Mr Neil Taylor, the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of Roehampton Institute London for his direct support of this project. Thirdly, but hardly lasdy, I wish to thank my wife for her enduring and abiding support for me in this and all my work. I cannot say enough, and will not even try. My father has also been a perpetual source of encouragement and support to me in my work. He was my first instructor in the art of rhetoric, and it is to him that I dedicate this volume. The system of abbreviations used in this volume should be explained. T h e references to ancient writers for the most part follow those contained in H. G. Liddell and R. Scott's A Greek-English Lexicon and P. G. W. Glare et al.'s Oxford Latin Dictionary, apart from some abbreviations, such as biblical and related books, that should be selfevident. References to secondary literature employ standard abbreviations employed by English-language or Continental publishers. These can be readily found elsewhere, and it was not thought necessary to reprint a lengthy list here. Whereas general consistency has been sought in editing this volume, the nature of the material and the characteristics of the individual contributors has made flexibility a necessary feature as well. Stanley E. Porter London, May 1996

INTRODUCTION Stanley Ε. Porter

This volume, Handbook of Classical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic Period (330 BC-AD 400), does not require much introduction. Rhetoric is a very important topic in the study of the writings of the Greek and Roman worlds, and a volume in English to introduce the major features of rhetoric and its practitioners should find ready reception. More than that, the study of rhetoric has become a very active topic in a number of scholarly fields. This volume provides a comprehensive and wide-ranging introduction to classical rhetoric as it was practised in the Hellenistic period (330 B C - A D 400). In three sections, this detailed reference volume provides a thorough description and analysis of the standard categories of thought, terminology, and theoretical and historical developments of classical rhetoric, as well as providing useful bibliographies. T h e three sections of essays include, first, definitions of the major categories of rhetoric. Included here are significant essays on the genres of rhetoric, and the categories of arrangement, invention, style, delivery and memory. These are prefaced by a historical survey of ancient rhetoric that provides an overview of the rhetorical literature being discussed throughout the volume. Whereas these topics have all been discussed before, the treatments have the individual stamps of their contributors, and should help in exposing readers to the various ways in which such standard categories of rhetoric can be approached and utilized. T h e second section analyses rhetorical practice according to genre of writing. Some of the genres here have already been subjected to a good amount of rhetorical analysis, such as oratory and declamation. Others of the genres, however, have had very little rhetorical analysis. The contributors in these areas have taken the opportunity to explore previously uncharted territory. There is some very significant work here that will foster much further scholarly analysis, even of those topics that have been treated previously. The third section treats individual writers from a rhetorical perspective. The focus in this section is upon writers of the Hellenistic period, including those of the New Testament and Christian tradition,



as well as others. Whereas these writers have all been studied before, some of them from rhetorical perspectives, there is also much new work here, as well as much work that challenges previous conclusions. Although there is some overlap in these topics, genres and authors, this can only be an aid to fostering further discussion of these topics. Where specific topics are not discussed, there should be plenty of useful guidance provided elsewhere so that one can at least begin research into a new area of investigation. The intentions of this volume are several, and bear mentioning here. T h e first is to provide a comprehensive and wide-ranging introduction to the field of classical rhetoric in the Hellenistic period. Each essay should give some idea of any consensus among scholars, as well as appreciating diversity and complexity of the subject as discussed and utilized in the ancient and modern worlds. The second is to provide a thorough introduction to the standard categories of thought, terminology, and theoretical writers on the subject, along with its history and development. Each chapter is thoroughly documented and concludes with a useful bibliography. These bibliographies vary in length, but should provide instructive guidance to further reading on the subject. T h e third intention is to provide an assessment of the use of classical rhetorical categories in a representative selection of literary genres and a number of specific writers of the Hellenistic period. These assessments conclude both positively and negatively regarding the applicability of rhetorical analysis, providing many challenges for further research. The fourth is to provide relevant examples of each term defined and analysed, with suitable amounts of primary text as necessary. The fifth and final intention is to suggest areas warranting further research. Perhaps the test of the value of this volume will be the amount of further scholarship that it generates. In developing and writing this volume, the editor, as well as the contributors, have had several projected audiences in mind. Others should feel free to utilize the volume, but the following audiences are being specifically addressed here. T h e first is New Testament scholars. Although there has been increased interest in rhetoric as evidenced in a multitude of recent publications, New Testament scholars have not had a handbook that introduces the categories of rhetoric in terms of their literature. This volume should provide a standard reference work for this large (and growing) group of New Testament scholars. It must be noted that important caveats regarding the use



of rhetoric to study the New Testament are registered in this volume. T h e second audience is scholars of the Hellenistic period. Latinists are familiar with the period of attention, even though it has until fairly recently been neglected by many students of Greek. T h e volume integrates Latin and Greek interests as they focus upon the literature of the Hellenistic period as seen through the eyes of rhetoric. The third is classical scholars. As classical scholars expand the scope of their interests, a work that applies familiar categories to new areas of investigation should be welcome, especially one that integrates classical categories with Hellenistic literary practice. T h e fourth and final audience is patristics scholars. Patristics has proved a useful area of discussion regarding rhetoric. This volume provides a synthesis that places patristic investigation within its larger context in the ancient world.





and his claim that it is no true 1 2 Schiappa 1990. and even in the fourth century it is found almost exclusively in the writings of Plato and Aristode. D E F I N I T I O N S OF RHETORIC The Greek word ρητορική first occurs in Plato's Gorgias. "speaker". and reasoning by sophists in the fifth century should be viewed as a wider interest in forms of discourse that did not differentiate political rhetoric as a specific area of study. and accepted without protest by the sophist Gorgias and his follower Polus. . of public speaking which Gorgias practiced and taught to others and about which Polus had published some written work. The term is there used by Socrates. or discourse". cf. Cole 1991:2. USA I. the "art of words. and Gorgias accepts. 453a2 Socrates attributes to Gorgias.2 and Plato's use of the word—including Socrates' definition of rhetoric as a form of flattery and a counterpart of cookery. 1 which might be thought to have some negative connotations because of its derivation from ρήτωρ. The word ρητορική does not occur. A more common term in the fifth and fourth centuries was τέχνη λόγων. if not at the dramatic date of the dialogue in the last quarter of the fifth century. in any surviving fifth-century Greek text. the "worker of persuasion". a definition of rhetoric as πειθούς δημιουργός. If so. Cf. speech. or art. often implying "politician". however. Chapel Hill. Since Socrates initially speaks of "what is called rhetoric" (448d9). to describe a τέχνη. at least by the time of its composition. probably written in the second decade of the fourth century BC. the usual view has been that the term was current. It has been argued that Plato coined "rhetoric".CHAPTER 1 H I S T O R I C A L SURVEY O F R H E T O R I C George A. Kennedy University of North Carolina. In Grg. speech. Schiappa 1991:64-85. the development of the arts of language.

This implies that there exists rhetorical knowledge or theory—what modern critics call "metarhetoric"—which is then applied by a speaker in an intentional. Throughout western history there have continued to be those who have distrusted rhetoric as deceit. officium) of an orator. superficial ornamentation. De or. in Aristotle's view. T h e question of rhetorical genres will be discussed in the next chapter. 1:2:1355b25~26) modified the Platonic conception of rhetoric by defining it as "the ability in each [particular] case to see the available means of persuasion". Viewed historically. 3 Aristotle (Rh. others stressed the artistic ability of a speaker on any subject. 464bl~66a6)—is an attempt to distinguish political rhetoric. of which Quintilian gives a critical survey in his Institutio oratoria (2:15): some emphasized persuasion as the "end" of rhetoric. the meanings of rhetoric tend to fall into one or the other of two categories. was taught in 3 In antiquity Aristophanes (esp. is an antistrophos. or at public ceremonies. . In scholarly contexts. cf. in Clouds) and other comic poets ridiculed rhetoric for comic effect. Some preferred to define the duty or function (έργον. for he insists that an orator "cannot speak well unless he is a good man". but implies moral purpose.4 GEORGE Α. however. in lawcourts. aiming at persuasion however achieved. Aristotle's treatment of rhetoric largely limits it to public address before political assemblies. 1:4648 and 85-89. though not always successful. Rhetoric. as does the author of the Rhetoma ad Herennium (1:2): "the function of an orator is to be able to speak on those matters that have been fixed by law and custom for civic purpose and to secure as far as possible the assent of the audience". but most criticism of rhetoric came from philosophers. 2:15:34) is much broader: bene dicendi scientia. Writers on rhetoric after Aristotle offered a variety of definitions. or the empty use of words. rhetoric with particular issues. and in this he is followed by subsequent Greek and Roman writers on rhetoric. to dialectic (1:1:1354a 1 ). dialectic deals with general questions. This is especially true in the second century BC. often echoing Gorgias. usually in a continuous oration. In popular usage today rhetoric often carries a negative connotation. KENNEDY art since it lacks knowledge (Grg. or "counterpart". often in dialogue format. in which "well" refers not only to persuasive argument and stylistic art. Quintilian's own definition (Inst. propaganda. or "the knowledge of speaking well". act of persuasion. from philosophy. as an academic discipline that developed in Greek times. Cic.

periods. and figures). were then often used as the basis of the criticism and interpretation of texts of all sorts. Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca 1958. Welch 1990. utilizing the same basic categories. with grammar and dialectic. it has experienced a revival in the late twentieth. Since effective rhetorical composition was viewed as a conscious. and became. the theory of rhetoric expounded from the fourth century BC to the end of antiquity is essentially a unified system of describing and teaching public address. Although the teaching of classical rhetoric faded in the nineteenth century. There is consider4 5 Cf. Renaissance. memory (the use of mnemonic systems to retain the contents in the mind).HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 5 schools throughout the Greco-Roman period. intentional act. style (the choice and combination of words into clauses. and a formidable list of figures of speech. rhetoric is a system of effective and artistic composition. but then adapted to literary composition. including poetry. or excellences. rhetorical criticism in this sense has usually focused on discovering the intention of the original author and describing how or to what extent that intention was achieved for the original audience. including poetry and eventually the Christian scriptures. Esp. arrangement (of the contents into a logical sequence and unity). developed to teach young people how to speak and write effectively in accordance with approved conventions. a part of the trivium in the liberal arts course of the Middle Ages. 5 Although Greek and Roman writers differed vociferously about the value of rhetoric and the effect of giving it a leading role in education. . and delivery (oral expression and gesture). some necessary. and early modern periods. Inventional theory was expanded in the Hellenistic period to include stasis theory (the technique of determining the question at issue in a speech). and to letter-writing (the medieval and renaissance dictamen). By the late Hellenistic period it had developed a traditional set of precepts grouped in five "parts" that recapitulate the act of planning and delivering a speech: invention (planning the content and argument). T h e precepts of rhetoric. including both a return to the study of classical rhetoric in language instruction 4 and the creation of "new rhetorics" that are at least in part based on classical models. and the theory of style was enlarged to identify certain "virtues". others appropriate in specific contexts. originally concerned with public address in civic and religious life. whether in speech or in writing.

9 So viewed. 7 Cf. offers instruction in "the principle of fine speech". and narrative voices. Eagleton 1983:194-217. 10 Cf. 8 Cf.. political. Booth 1961. e.8 and also of the cultural." (Gen.. . historically the modern meaning developed out of the study of tropes and figures in academic rhetoric from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. written in Egypt about 2000 BC. most ancient cultures had some concept of persuasion and artistic speech or writing and of the differing abilities of speakers. metaphor. novel. their indices are invaluable to the student of rhetoric. 4:10-16).. l:3ff). and the aim of such rhetorical criticism is not to reconstruct authorial intent and the effect on the original audience. which cannot be fully known and may be irrelevant. but to discover meaning in the text as received by any reader or to deconstruct the text into the oppositions or ambiguities that in post-modern thought are regarded as always already present in any attempt to control language. KENNEDY able variation in detail. "And God said. 16:21 "pleasant words are like a honeycomb. the wisdom text of Ptahhotep. 6 .6 GEORGE Α. primarily in France. For example. sweetness to the soul and The system is set forth in detail in the modern handbooks of Lausberg 1960 and Martin 1974. and social assumptions that are inherent in the text. and some variation in terminology. expounded in handbooks and illustrated in practice. and in the network of signs that constitute a text.g. e. or other artistic composition is thus a matter of how the text works to achieve some effect through its imagery. 9 Cf. in Prov. Groupe μ 1981. rhetoric is not necessarily a conscious art on the part of the original author.g.. Fox 1983 and Blythin 1986. but it is possible to speak of a standard system of classical rhetoric. irony. Although rhetoric in the sense of an inherent quality in language and texts is logically prior to rhetoric in the sense of the classical system of conceptualized rhetoric. especially linguistic signs. as teachers sought to be innovative. views it as a quality inherent in the use of signs. 6 A second meaning of rhetoric. Moses protests to God that he is not eloquent and God replies by designating Aaron as the orator of the Jews (Exod. Although the word "rhetoric" is a Greek coinage.7 The rhetoric of a poem. play. found in modern critical writing but not in classical sources.. 10 In the Old Testament creation is described as a speech act. . figuration.

Cole 1992.g. Brut. argumentative people. 13 Cf. I I . If we wish to provide a name for "rhetoric before rhetoric" probably the best choice is πειθώ. Oliver 1971:220-33. and historians who had not studied a system of rhetoric. But the rhetorical conventions of any culture are built on audience expectations of what a speech should be and what constitutes valid argument.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 7 health to the body". and Corax (which means "crow") may well be a nickname for Tisias. often before large audiences. lyric poets. 46-48. The accounts are confused. 11 . it was largely in Athens that rhetorical systems developed and found their practical application. as they understood it. thus it is not surprising that many of the techniques of rhetoric identified in the fifth and fourth centuries can be found in earlier Greek literature. 12 Classical rhetoric is a specific cultural development of a universal phenomenon of communication that probably has its ultimate natural origin in the instinct of self-preservation common to all creatures 13 and which in tribal and urban societies took on differing conventional forms that seemed capable of being reduced to rules and being taught. was "invented" in the second quarter of the fifth century by Corax and Tisias in Sicily. 14 Cf. G R E E K R H E T O R I C BEFORE T H E F O U R T H CENTURY Greek and Latin writers (e. drawing on Aristode's lost Συναγωγή τεχνών) claim that rhetoric. and even the earliest Greek literature shows a consciousness of what later came to be called rhetoric." There are also manuals of speaking from ancient China: for example. Rabinowitz 1983. which required individual citizens to be able to speak on their own behalf. 12 Cf. The Book of the Honeycomb's Flow. Aristode constandy quotes examples of rhetoric from Homer. Cic. "persuasion". This becomes the basis for the fifteenth-century treatise on Old Testament rhetoric by Judah Messer Leon.14 The contexts in which attempts to teach effective public speaking developed were the administrative and legal system of constitutional governments. The Greeks were a highly vocal.. ed. dramatists. Difficulties in the Way of Persuasion by Han Fei Tzu. This was especially true under the Athenian democracy. and trans. Kennedy 1992.

Sappho fr. Peitho is regularly found in Greek art in company with that more physical persuasive force.. but using few words (3:214-15). Aphrodite. and in the mid-fifth century the poet Eupolis (fr. 73. the gready increased use of writing in composition and com- 15 Cf. the "worker of persuasion": thus the popular view of rhetoric through the classical period as "the art of persuasion". Op. KENNEDY conceived as a divine force present in language (Hes. medicine. and 200 Campbell.). "whose voice flowed from his mouth sweeter than honey" (1:249). with extended speeches that can be divided into logical parts. The Iliad. There are poor speakers like Thersites. was the model of the grand style. . Herodotus (8:111) reports that early in the fifth century Themistocles told the Andrians that the Athenians came to them with two great goddesses. Πειθώ τε και Άναγκαίη ("Persuasive Speech and Physical Constraint"). Aulus Gellius 6:14:7).g. eloquent speakers like Nestor. and political theory. etc. It was facilitated by what has come to be known as the "literate revolution" of the late fifth century. including natural and moral philosophy.15 The conceptualization of a rhetorical system and the definition of rhetorical terms was an aspect of the general development of Greek thought in the classical period. the earliest work of European literature. For later antiquity (e. Odysseus. Pi. Socrates attributes to Gorgias the definition of rhetoric as πειθούς δημιουργός. who knows words but not how to put them together effectively (2:213). not precept): Phoenix has taught Achilles to be both a speaker of words and a doer of deeds (9:443). already shows many of the features of rhetoric that are conceptualized in the later tradition. 90.8 GEORGE Α. Skill at speech is something learned (presumably by imitation. fluent. especially the three speeches of the embassy to Achilles in book 9 and the pathetic appeal of Priam to Achilles to recover the body of Hector in book 24. Nestor was the model of the "middle" or smooth style. As already noted. Menelaus. and recognition that there were different effective styles of speech. Later Greeks and Romans regularly found models both of thought and style in speeches in the Iliad. are a feature of both Greek and Trojan assemblies. her mother according to Sappho. 96. Th. P. Formal debates. 94:5) said that Peitho sat on Pericles' lips. Kennedy 1980:11-14. of the plain style. whose "words flew like flakes of snow" (3:222). 349. 9:3:9.

or summary conclusion. Tisias. or introduction. Lenz 1989. Prodicus. and it is perhaps responsible for the increased use of periodic sentences with numerous subordinate clauses. διήγησις. or narrative. and Thrasymachus. In Plato's Phaedrus we meet a young enthusiast for rhetoric who is studying the written text of a speech attributed to Lysias. Euenus of Paros. Although the goal of rhetorical teaching and study was effective speech. and Hippias are also mentioned.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 9 munication. Gorgias. Licymnius. In Phaedrus (266d5~267d8) Plato gives a survey of "the numerous things found in books written about the art of speech". with provision for introduction of the evidence of witnesses. and έπίλογος. It contributed to a greater awareness of style and the stylistic possibilities of prose in particular: Greeks became more aware that things could be said in different ways with different emphases and different moral and emotional implications. with comparison between passages. though it is doubtful whether they should be regarded as authors of handbooks. Havelock 1982. Polus. 1992. such as the formation of the Athenian empire and the Peloponnesian war. Greater use of writing changed the view of language. and they also included the texts of speeches by sophists and orators that were studied as models of expression. 16 Although an adaptation of the Phoenician alphabet had been introduced into Greece as early as the eighth century BC and written copies of literary texts were in circulation at least by the sixth century. written texts were basic to its methods. T h e authors mentioned include Theodorus of Byzantium. or proof. it facilitated logical argument that might be difficult to follow orally. some opinions of the sophists Protagoras. that the handbooks set out a structure of a judicial speech consisting of a logical series of parts: a προοίμιον. but some of the writers suggested the need for additional parts. or handbooks in circulation in the late fifth century. it made rereading possible. Greater reliance on writing may have developed with the need for communication over distance in the historical events of the fifth century. which were given technical names. T h e four basic 16 Cf. both composition and publication long remained oral. These are the τέχναι. . none of which has survived. allowing it to be visualized on a page. and also from what Aristotle says about τέχναι λόγων in the Rhetoric (3:13:1414a37-b6). It seems clear from the passage. These included the handbooks (τέχναι) that were used by average citizens to gain an understanding of rhetorical methods. T h o m a s 1989. πίστις.

where it is attributed to Tisias) and Aristode (Rh. Greek orators often distrusted direct evidence. came into use to refer to the physical place in a written τέχνη where a "commonplace" could be found to fit a variety of contexts. the large man can turn this around and argue that because of his size he would be easily blamed as an aggressor and for that reason it is improbable he would have started the fight. apparendy ephemeral. 2:24:1402a 18-20. Argument from probability seems to have appealed to the Greeks in that it was based on an understanding of human nature. It has recently been plausibly suggested that the term τόπος. he argues that it is improbable that he would have conspired to gain the throne. Aristotle in his Rhetoric criticizes the handbooks for their neglect of logical argument. and in all likelihood more a collection of examples of what might be said than a statement of precepts. was one of 17 Cf. Although the early handbooks seem to have set out a model structure for a speech. where it is attributed to Corax). They were probably short. Argument from probability. is very common in Greek literature of all sorts in the fifth century. Rh. 1:1:1354a 11-21)." Teaching rhetoric. The classic example. but at least one form of proof seems to have been illustrated: argument from probability (εικός). suggested some forms of argument. often for rather considerable fees. cited by both Plato (Phdr. 273a-b. they should not be regarded as very sophisticated or theoretical treatments. Plato's description also suggests that the handbooks contained some information about correct and ornamented word choice and about the expression of emotion (on which see also Arist. in a variety of forms. literally "place" but used to mean a rhetorical topic. and though they introduced some of the technical vocabulary that became traditional in rhetoric. less regularly in deliberative and epideictic speeches. .10 GEORGE Α. conversely. and given developed form in the Third Tetralogy attributed to Antiphon. in reply to Oedipus's attack on him. not only in oratory but in poetry. A good example is the speech of Creon in Sophocles' Oedipus Tyrannus (583-615) where. KENNEDY divisions are regularly found in Greek judicial oratory. as easily faked or bribed. such as that by witnesses. Cole 1991:88-89. involves responsibility for starting a brawl between a small man and a large man: the small man can argue that it is improbable that he would have started a fight with someone much larger than himself. and contained information on style.

by Forster 1955:154. or she was seduced by Paris's words. Text and translation by Maidment 1941. by Kennedy (1991:283-88). just as if one should claim to be able to communicate knowledge for the prevention of pain in the feet and then did not teach the cobbler's art and the means of providing suitable foot-gear. taught students how to compose and how to argue. or she was overcome with love for him. 319al). Sophists. it argues that Helen must have abandoned Menelaus and gone to Troy with Paris for one of four reasons: either it was fated by the gods. Pl. but offered a selection of various kinds of shoes. she is not to be held morally blamable. 325e-326c). authorship and date are very controversial. As the description of education by Plato's character Protagoras in the dialogue of that name makes clear (Prt. in which both sides thought that the rival arguments were for the most part included. 19 18 . with minor changes. for he has helped to supply his need but has not imparted an art to him. by Kennedy in Sprague 1972:54-63. Prt. This is Trans. Gorgias seeks to prove that whichever was the reason. for the first time.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 11 the activities of fifth-century sophists. discourses on hypothetical issues that demonstrated techniques for students to imitate. but they did so by the example of their own method of epideixis. At the end of his treatise On Sophistical Refutations (SE 183a-184b) Aristode criticizes the teaching of Gorgias and the sophists as unsystematic: For some of them gave their pupils speeches to learn by heart. 18 The most famous surviving examples of sophistic model speeches are the Tetralogies attributed to Antiphon (three sets of two speeches for the prosecution and two for the defense in homicide cases)19 and two by Gorgias. proof. traditional Greek education (παιδεία) made no attempt to teach original composition or original thought. Palamedes trans. narrative. Hence the teaching which they gave their pupils was rapid but unsystematic. or she was taken by force. an important aspect of their claim to teach practical wisdom in public and private affairs (cf. for they conceived that they could train their pupils by imparting to them not an art but the results of an art. and epilogue. 20 Helen trans. The Helen is divided into the four parts of prooemion. speeches which were either rhetorical or consisted of questions and answers. The Encomium of Helen and The Defense of Palamedes?0 Gorgias first came to Athens on an embassy from Leontini in Sicily in 427 BC and made an enormous impression there with his remarkable prose style and his clever use of argument.

and fourth-century writers largely abandoned them. Gorgias's prose style is characterized by constant antithesis." T h e passage as a whole can be taken as expressing the wonder and excitement in the fifth century occasioned by the dawning awareness of the possibilities of rhetoric. to arrange them properly. more challenging in the case of words or love. about 390 BC. Isocrates was very much a part of the "literate revolution". Though they are usually referred to as epideictic. Over the next fifty years it attracted a large number of students. seeking instead force and clarity on the principle that the greatest art is to disguise art. 3:2:1404b 18—21). He was himself ineffective as a public speaker and his "speeches" are written treatises in oratorical form. the student must not only have the requisite aptitude. and the use of poetic devices.12 GEORGE Α. . word play (paronomasia). opened a school in Athens that was intended to supply an understanding of moral and political philosophy and of rhetorical skills to future leaders of Greece. and highly polished. composed in long periodic sentences. who. and also. Such techniques were imitated by others—they can. not to miss what the occasion demands but appropriately to adorn the whole speech with striking thoughts (ενθυμήματα) and to clothe it in flowing and melodious phrase—these things. frequently revised. It can banish fear and remove grief and instill pleasure and enhance pity. 8-14) is the discussion of the power of logos: "Speech is a powerful lord that with the smallest and most invisible body accomplished most godlike works. T h e most famous part of the speech (Hel. for example. He is fond of balancing clauses with the same number of syllables (isocolon) and of rhyming the last words of clauses or phrases (homoeoteleuton). T h e most important successor of the sophists in the fourth century was Isocrates. His early programmatic work Against the Sophists (13:16-17) outlines his educational method: I hold that to obtain a knowledge of the elements (ΐδέαι) out of which we make and compose all discourses is not so very difficult if anyone entrusts himself. often lengthy. require much study and are the task of a vigorous and imaginative mind: for this. KENNEDY relatively easy to show if fate or force are involved. both of which Gorgias presents as irresistible forces. be found in speeches in Thucydides' History—but the jingling effect was distracting. The first statement of this principle is found in Aristotle [Rh. to join them together. . I hold. . not to those who make rash promises but to those who have some knowledge of these things. they are often cast in the form of judicial or deliberative orations or of letters. But to choose from these elements those which should be employed for each subject. but must learn the different kinds .

What Norlin translates "expound the principles of the art" is in the Greek text only "go through (or describe thoroughly) these things". must so expound the principles of the art with the utmost possible exactness as to leave out nothing that can be taught. Note his use in the passage above of ίδέαι and ένθυμήματα in a non-technical sense. beyond what little was to be found in the τέχναι λόγων. invention. a striving always to say what is best. he must in himself set such an example of oratory that the students w h o have taken form under his instruction and are able to pattern themselves after him (μιμήσασθαι) will. 22 His surviving works. by Norlin II 1929:173-75. show in their speaking a degree of grace and charm which is not found in others. but apparendy Isocrates also intends to lecture on rhetorical theory. Although the account of rhetoric found in the Gorgias of Plato is negative. The development of a conceptualized system of rhetoric with principles of composition and a technical vocabulary. from the outset.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 13 of discourse and practise himself in their use. The thought comes first. it is then arranged logically and finally cast into words and polished. and style. and they lack technical rhetorical vocabulary. Plato allows Socrates to outline what would be the major features of a valid art of rhetoric. arrangement. of which the Antidosis is the most important account of his own teaching. for his part. and the teacher. including the teacher's own examples. philosophical art of discourse: "a genuine attempt to make the souls of one's fellows as excellent as may be. The student learns primarily from imitation (μιμήσις) of approved models. in the Phaedrus. 22 21 . whatever the degree of pleasure or pain it may afford the audience. But a rhetoric such as this you have never encountered". discerning the nature of the soul Trans. present more a philosophy of rhetoric as a method of moral education than a theoretical system. was largely the contribution of Plato and Aristode. A few years later. 21 This is the earliest passage in which a Greek writer recognizes the stages in composition which became the three major parts of rhetorical theory. for the rest. This is the subject of the second half of the dialogue and is summarized in the following long sentence in 277b5~c6: Until someone knows the truth of each thing about which he speaks or writes and is able to define everything in its o w n species and subspecies to the point of indivisibility. and. even that dialogue (503a5-b7) suggests that there might be the possibility of a valid.

or ceremonial occasions. or "leading of the soul". . he realized that in practice the political. Aristotelian rhetoric is very much a phenomenon of the real world of politics and the lawcourts. and until in a similar way he composes and adorns speech. and knowledge of the psychology of the audience: it is a ψυχαγωγία. neither for instruction nor for persuasion. courts. Although he puts great emphasis on understanding valid logical argument. "Probable" argument is only probable if based on a knowledge of truth (260a ~c). logos. knowledge of logical method. all composed in such a way that they suit both each other and the whole" (264c2~5). or awakening the emotion of the audience. or cultural issues discussed in public speaking usually are matters on which only probabilities can be established. middle nor extremities. should be so put together that it has its own body and lacks neither head nor feet. legal. or logical argument. like a living creature. he regarded rhetoric as itself a morally neutral art that suggests "the available means of persuasion" and how to argue on either side of an issue. T h e Platonic conception underlies the account of rhetoric that Aristode subsequendy formulated. thus he does not hesitate to describe methods that might be persuasive even if invalid or immoral. Aristode largely limits the sphere of rhetoric to public address in contemporary assemblies. or presentation of his character as trustworthy. Although he believes that an orator should not seek to persuade an audience of something that is wrong (Rh. Effective discourse requires a unity of its parts: "every discourse.14 GEORGE Α. while discovering the logical category which fits with each nature. furnishing variegated and complex speech to a variegated soul and simple speech to a simple soul—not until then will it be possible for speech to exist in an artistic form in so far as the nature of speech is capable of such treatment. as has been shown by our entire past discussion. 1:1:1354b31). Nevertheless. by both reason and emotion (261a7-9). Rhetoric thus requires knowledge of the subject. Although he often draws examples from poetry. KENNEDY in accordance with the same method. especially his emphasis on logical method and his division of the artistic means of persuasion into the use by a speaker of ethos. and pathos.

including this one. the historian claims (1:22) that in so far as possible he based the speeches on what was actually said. for example. who employs techniques taught by the sophists). in Greek drama (especially plays of Euripides. with its sharp focus on the conflict between expediency and justice in determining a policy to deal with the Mitylenean revolt. The most famous speech in Thucydides' work is his version of the Epitaphios. its emotional account of death in batde. and as a result often bring out the political issues in a striking way. given by Pericles at the ceremony for those who died in the first year of the war (2:35-46). in Greek historians. and its relatively chilly consolation for those who are left behind. of which epitaphios is one species. . G R E E K AND L A T I N ORATORY Throughout the history of Greek and Roman rhetoric the imitation of classic models was fundamental to instruction in rhetoric. 23 For an extended discussion of the ideological and rhetorical issues in Greek funeral orations. The speeches he includes are clearly quite compressed. This included study of speeches in the Homeric poems. fitting" to say in the circumstances. with its highly idealistic presentation of Athens and her culture as the "school of Greece". what was "needed. T h e speeches in Thucydides' History of the Peloponnesian War are probably the most interesting to the student of the early history of rhetoric. appropriate. in the epitaphios by Lysias). and of course in the orators. see Loraux 1986. 23 Pericles both acknowledges and breaks from the conventions of the genre (the traditional topoi are better seen. or Funeral Oration.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 15 III. but it easily became artificially inflated into praise of rulers and the status quo and frequendy glosses over or rewrites unpleasant historical realities. A particularly good example is the debate between Cleon and Diodotus in 3:37-48. but it was often difficult to know this accurately (political speeches were not usually published until Demosthenes began to do so in the fourth century) and thus he relies on τά δέοντα. O n any ceremonial occasion such as this the major rhetorical challenge to a speaker is how at one and the same time to meet the audience expectations for the traditional form and to make something significant of the occasion by saying something new and striking. it was a major element in transmitting traditional values and in educating the populace in those values. Public epideictic oratory. was developed in classical Greek times and became important again under the Roman Empire.

and 21. At least two orators. Antiphon. not of the prose style. Isocrates in his early career. Lysias became for the Standard works on Greek oratory include those of Blass 1874—80 and Jebb 1893. applied to the challenge of specific situations. are artistic developments of the oral traditions of speech in Greece within the conventions of public life and the law courts. and even criminal prosecutions had to be brought by some individual rather than the state. Lysias. the profession of logographer. Isocrates. and Isaeus. Lysias and Demosthenes. and Hyperides are worthy contenders for the second rank. none shows specific influence of the ideas of Plato and Aristotle about rhetoric. Demosthenes can be fairly said to be the first individual in history whose life we can know in any detail. Their published speeches. As a stylist. known in later times as ethopoiia. Isaeus. 7. Demosthenes. 24 . Aeschines. organize his case. The fourth century was a period in which attention turned increasingly to individual character and even to the portrayal of personality: it is in the pages of the orators that we first meet real. KENNEDY The extensive surviving corpus of Greek oratory provides an understanding of rhetorical practice in the late fifth and fourth centuries. perhaps based on a text used by the clients who bought them. political. or speechwriter. Demosthenes. in the case of Lysias. 25 The latter is argued by Dover 1968:151-61. individual Greeks in the course of their ordinary lives. Lysias in particular is famous for the success of his portrayal of a wide variety of clients in such a way as to make them seem both natural and believable. Isocrates.16 GEORGE Α. They are all important sources for historical information—legal. This quality in his speeches. 25 The challenge for the speechwriter was to size up the client. rank with the greatest oratorical geniuses of all time. 9. Since Greek law required that most legal procedures be conducted personally by the principals in the case. and social—as well as models of eloquence. Among the most celebrated examples are his orations 1. and since individuals involved in criminal trials or litigation often lacked rhetorical training. and present it and him in the most effective way. developed in the late fifth century. and Aeschines also tell us much about themselves. perhaps published by the original author as examples of his skill. Many of these speeches survive. 24 Although the orators were familiar with the rhetorical handbooks of the time and with the work of sophists. and others wrote speeches for clients to memorize and deliver as best they could in court. rather. is a matter of the thought and topics employed.

and their fourth-century successors. drew up canons of Greek poets. characterized by purity of dicdon. followed by Eusebius of Caesarea in the early fourth. . beginning with Gregory Thaumaturgus in the third century. or forcefulness. their avoidance of hiatus (the "gap" occurring when a word ending in a vowel is followed by a word beginning with a vowel). From the Roman period we have substandal collections of Greek speeches. Trans. and especially On the Crown. Lysias. or more accurately the master of every style "harmoniously blended". and Themistius. Andocides. Hyperides. Demosthenes. Himerius. Demosthenes. arranged by genres (epic. The most important orators are Dio Chrysostom (late first century AD). or "smooth".HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 17 rhetorical schools. and Dinarchus. Lycurgus. some actually delivered. Aelius Aristides (mid-second century). The Alexandrian grammarian-critics of the third and second centuries BC. Dionysius 26 57 For a rhetorical analysis of On the Crown see Donnelly 1941. Lycurgus. Hyperides. Libanius. For these orators rhetoric was a fully conceptualized system and their works can be studied in terms of the theory taught in schools of the Hellenistic and Roman period. A canon of the Attic orators also eventually came into existence. Dinarchus. lyric. etc. Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus. tragic. in contrast. best seen in his deliberative speeches: the Olynthiacs. and attaining its greatest achievements in the work of Gregory of Nazianzus in the mid-fourth century. style is the orations of Isocrates.26 The classic model of the "middle". and their rhythmical flow. others published as epideictic models by rhetors who are representatives of the "Second Sophistic". clarity of grammatical construction. Aeschines. His distinctive quality is δεινότης.). and restraint in ornamentation by tropes and figures. the Philippics. and for modern students. Isocrates. Demosthenes. 32-37) singles out Isocrates. with their vast periodic sentences. best known from the anonymous treatise (probably a work of the second century AD) On the Lives of the Ten Orators that is preserved among the works of Plutarch:27 the ten approved models are Antiphon. Isaeus. the model of the "plain" or "simple" style. and Demetrius of Phaleron for special mention. Synesius. Lysias. Isaeus. Cicero (Brut. The beginnings of a canon can be found by the first century BC. by Förster 1936. There is also a development of Christian epideictic oratory in Greek. Demades. became the model of the "grand" style. There is no extant Greek oratory from the last three centuries BC. Aeschines.

. many examples of declamation. where Cicero criticizes contemporary Latin orators of the plain style for claiming to be "Attic" and neglecting the variety of styles found in Demosthenes and other Attic orators.18 GEORGE Α. such as the sermons of Ambrose and Augustine. The texts of the classical Greek orators played a special role as models for imitation in the Atticism movement. Caecilius of Calacte. Rhetorical analysis by Donnelly 1934. Atticism in Greek begins with Dionysius of Halicarnassus and over dme created an anachronistic literary language that dominated the schools and literary composition for centuries. Grammar and rhetoric furnished local inhabitants with an entry into the new civic life and access to the law courts. and Christian oratory. Isaeus. 28 oratory in Latin is represented almost solely by the speeches of Cicero. who canonized the list in a work of which we know only the title. fragmentary orations of Symmachus. and Dinarchus. Demosthenes. who knew the theories of the schools well but knew equally well when to rise above pedantic rules. The earliest references to Atdcism are in Brutus and Orator. IV. Isocrates. a significant number of boys then entered a rhetorical school at the age of twelve to fourteen. a reaction against the perceived decadence of vocabulary. The two speeches that most fully accord with rhetorical rules are De lege Manilla and Pro MiloneP Outside of Cicero's works there are the Panegyric (of Trajan) by Pliny the Younger. Except for fragments of Cato the Elder and other early Romans. They learned some theory from lectures by their 28 29 Cf. and style in simple Koine Greek and in florid Asianic oratory. Malcovati 1955. A system of formal education came into existence in which young people began the study of Greek grammar around the age of seven. the Apology by Apuleius. On the Character [or Style] of the Ten Orators. RHETORICAL SCHOOLS T h e spread of Greek language and Greek culture throughout the Near East and Mediterranean after the conquests of Alexander the Great brought with it the establishment of rhetorical schools in every urban center. discussion in Kennedy 1972:3-102. It was perhaps Dionysius's contemporary. grammar. KENNEDY of Halicarnassus devotes treatises to Lysias. a collection of panegyrics of late Latin emperors.

on education in Palestine and its effect on Jews and Christians. the followers of Apollodorus in the first century BC insisted on the need for all parts of the oration in a standard order. philosophers. 3S On the evolution of technical handbooks and the different structures they take.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 19 teacher and practiced exercises in declamation in imitation of his examples. though attendance at school was never required in antiquity. were written by rhetoricians. and enthusiastic amateurs throughout antiquity. especially Quintilian and Diogenes Laertius. grammarians. only from incidental references by other writers. see Kinneavy 1987:56100. if at all. De Rhet. The Romans initially resisted the teaching of rhetoric. G R E E K AND L A T I N R H E T O R I C A L T R E A T I S E S BEFORE 4 0 0 AD WRITTEN Literally hundreds of rhetorical handbooks.31 The more thoughtful works usually begin with a general introduction that alleges a reason for writing another handbook. Most were ephemeral and are known. Beginning in the second century AD the emperors required cities throughout the empire to subsidize instruction in grammar and rhetoric. more rigid on some other points. . 30 V. but then gave way and Rome became a leading center of rhetoric soon thereafter. see Fuhrmann 1960. and even engages in philosophical speculation. expelling Greek teachers in 161 BC and putting an interdiction on teaching rhetoric in Latin in 92 (Suet. as did the precocious young Cicero in De inventione. plus monographs on specific aspects of rhetoric. 31 See Kennedy 1972. Handbooks differ somewhat in structure. 1). orators. Most were original only in the treatment of details. with bibliography. funded by the emperor. provides definitions and divisions of the subject. In 71 AD Quintilian was the first person named to a chair in rhetoric in Rome. there were frequent professional disputes over categories of stasis or whether something should be regarded as a trope or a figure or other matters. Public subsidy of instruction in rhetoric had already begun in some Hellenistic cities. the followers of Theodorus were more flexible about this. 32 discussion of invention and arrangement in particular posed an organizational problem for the writers: how to combine treatment of the 30 On the history of schools in antiquity see Marrou 1956 and Bonner 1977.

especially πίστις and τόπος. ΰπόκρισις (actio. (with extensive notes) Kennedy 1991. and trans. The most important contributions of Aristode to rhetorical theory are the following: (a) The division (1:2) of πίστεις ("means of persuasion") into ατεχνοι ("non-artistic"). and εντεχνοι ("artistic"). contracts. Aristode (384—322 BC) Rhetoric (Τεχνή ρητορική or Περι ρητορικής). like the Poetics.34 Major problems in interpretation of the work (written at different times and not finally revised) arise from inconsistency in the use of terms. deliberative.20 GEORGE Α. commentary on the whole by Cope 1877. Aristode thus covers three of what became five parts of rhetoric in later theory. Kassel 1976. it is probably best viewed. etc. and where to discuss stasis. Freese 1926. Book 3 (probably originally a separate work) discusses λέξις (elocutio. and from the contrast between the very austere. or direct evidence including witnesses.2 deal with what Aristode (at the end of book 2) calls διάνοια. (which the speaker does not invent but uses). "delivery"). and at the beginning of book 3 has some comments on a fourth part. as essentially a formal analysis of the subject. The chief extant works on rhetoric are listed below. 33 34 See Kennedy 1991:299-305. Platonizing view of rhetoric in 1:1 and the much more pragmatic treatment in the rest of the work. He probably returned to the subject when teaching Alexander the Great around 341 and seems to have revised his text into its present form just before returning to Athens in 335. and topics. ed. forms of argument. 1. commentary on books 1 and 2 by Grimaldi 1980-88] Aristode was a member of Plato's Academy from 367 to 347 BC. "thought". and epideictic—and the parts of an oration without too much repeddon. KENNEDY three species of rhetoric—-judicial. He then may have used it (there is no specific evidence) as the basis of lectures in his new "Peripatetic" school at the Lyceum. trans. important lost works are identified in each period. [Ed. see Kennedy 1991:13-22. Although attempts are sometimes made to read the Rhetoric as ethical and political philosophy. some of the material in the Rhetoric as we have it probably derives from that time. in later writers called εϋρεσις. "arrangement"). 33 Books 1 . For a chapter by chapter outline of the whole. Around 355 he began giving a course of lectures on rhetoric. "style") and τάξις (divisio. . inventio.

. "the just". not on the basis of an external reputation). (d) The definition of three and only three genres (or taking oratory as the genre. given the subject matter of civic rhetoric. what Aristode calls κοινά. Each of the species is divided into a positive and negative form: a deliberative speech is either προτροπή ("exhortation") or άποτροπή ("dissuasion"). "commonalities". demonstrative") and the central issue is τό καλόν ("the honorable"). future fact. deductive rhetorical syllogisms). logical strategies such as argument from cause to effect. 2:19). "species") of rhetoric on the basis of whether or not an audience is a judge and of what (1:3). (c) The theory (also begun in 1:2) of τόποι ("topics"). which are discussed in detail in 1:4—14. if the audience is making a judgment about the past the speech is δικανικόν ("judicial") 35 and the central issue is τό δίκαιον. discussed in detail in 2:23. secondly. and magnitude or importance (1:3:7 and 14. one premise is frequendy omitted as well known to the audience. past fact.e. the arousal of emotion (πάθος) in the audience.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 21 which the speaker invents. There are three categories: first. An enthymeme is usually only probable. (b) The division (also in 1:2) of logical means of persuasion into παραδείγματα ("examples" used to construct inductive arguments) and ενθυμήματα ("enthymemes". special [topics]"). what he generally calls ϊδια ("specifics. and thirdly. if the audience is not called upon to make a judgment about action the speech is έπιδεικτικόν ("epideictic. The artistic means are then divided into three and only three: the presentation of the speaker's character (ήθος) as trustworthy through what he says in the speech (i. The formal materials of enthymemes are τεκμήρια ("signs") and εικότα ("probabilities"). If the audience makes a judgment about the future the speech is συμβουλευτικόν ("deliberative") and its central issue (in practice a "special" topic) is τό συμφέρον ("the beneficial or advantageous"—the translation "expedient" somewhat distorts Aristode's meaning). four forms of argument useful in any species of rhetoric: the possible or impossible. the propositions of the various species of knowledge. 35 . used by the speaker. κοινοί τόποι ("common topics"). a judicial speech either κατηγορία The translation forensic is best avoided because of other uses of that word in the USA. primarily politics and ethics. the use of valid logical argument (λόγος). thus the usual form of an Aristotelian enthymeme is a proposition with a supporting statement.

and the theory of the kinds or levels of style. 1994. Rhetoric for Alexander (Rhetorica ad Alexandrum). [Ed. and some of his stylistic terminology (e. Aristode did not develop a theory of tropes and figures of speech. δγκος. an epideictic speech either έπαινος ("praise. and judicial in 1:10-15. . encomium") or ψόγος ("blame. invective"). The subject matter and special topics of deliberative rhetoric are then discussed in 1:4-8. and the analysis of character types (2:12-17). and visualization (3:ΙΟΙ 1). including identification of "clarity" as the "virtue" (αρετή) of style (3:2).g. clarity. such as the three species of rhetoric. Cf. with bibliography] This is the only other surviving fourth-century rhetorical handbook. epideictic in 1:9. Fuhrmann 1966.22 GEORGE Α. and the accounts of simile (είκών) (3:4). These appear in some form in most later discussions. the theory of figures. KENNEDY ("prosecution") or απολογία ("defense"). by Rackham 1937.37 2. especially Theophrastus. The Aristotelian ideas that did come into the common tradition. and propriety— in the treatise Περι λέξεως. 36 Theophrastus's most important contribution was the development of the theory of four virtues of style—correctness. possibly first stated by Aristotle's student Theophrastus. There are other features of the Rhetoric that were often ignored by later writers: the great emphasis on logical reasoning. prose rhythm (3:8). especially the stasis theory of Hermagoras. On the basis of a reference in Quintilian (3:4:9) it is usually assumed M 37 See Kennedy 1991:305-309. derive from writings (all now lost) by those who had personally studied with him. ornamentation. metaphor (μεταφορά) (3:2 and 11). the discussion of the psychology of the emotions (2:2-11). Stroux 1912. trans. (e) The discussion of prose style in 3:2-12. By that time important innovations had been made by others. Although for the modern reader Aristode's work is the most important and penetrating ancient discussion of rhetoric. discussion by Kennedy 1963.. it had relatively little direct influence on the classical tradition: Aristode's lecture notes on rhetoric were not available to the public until the first century BC when his personal library was rediscovered and his treatises edited and published for the first time by Andronicus of Rhodes. appropriateness (3:7). or "expansiveness") did not become standard in the later tradition. periodicity (3:9).

not a collection of examples for imitation. forms of rhetorical argument (7-20). 1-6). and other later writers. 4. Isocrates. this is apparently a forgery by some later writer. some comments on style (2128). a writer of historical works who. There are also some similarities to views of Isocrates. The version of the treatise we have begins with a dedicatory letter purporting to be from Aristode to Alexander in reply to his request for a treatment of rhetoric. Augustine. epideictic. or other writers on rhetoric is problematic. 3. Hermagoras expounded a theory of stasis. T h e treatise can be described as sophistic in that it outlines techniques of persuasion without any consideration of moral purpose and it consistendy claims that the method it describes is the only proper approach.. was that by Cato the Elder. no definition of rhetoric is provided) and lacks the analytical strength and philosophical qualities of Aristotle's Rhetoric. it is organized over-all in the same way: the subject matter and topics for the separate species of public speaking (Rh. which resulted in the inclusion of the treatise in the Aristotelian corpus. Rhetoric for Alexander is a rule based handbook. Quintilian. T h e contents can be reconstructed in outline on the basis of discussions of the subject in Cicero. like Aristotle. Cato the Elder (234-149 BC) Libri ad Marcum Filium The first Latin rhetorical handbook. Its relationship to teachings of Aristode. discussion by Kennedy 1963:303-21] The most important lost Hellenistic handbook was that by Hermagoras of Temnos. other evidence. but the basic approach to the subject is not that of Isocrates. and discussion see Matthes 1958. according to Quintilian (Inst. 3:1:19).g. and judicial orations (29-37). or teachings later attributed to him. [For fragments. 380-320 BC).HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 23 to be by Anaximenes of Lampsacus (ca. Al. the Rhetorica ad Herennium. written about the middle of the second century BC. This may represent the standard structure of the time which Aristotle thus has adopted rather than invented. the determination of the question at issue in a speech. had connections with Alexander the Great. It was apparendy part of a . Although it fails to use most Aristotelian technical terminology or definitions (e. Hermagoras of Temnos Art of Rhetoric. and thus evidence for developments in the teaching of rhetoric by the second half of the fourth century beyond the early technai and the efforts of the sophists. and the parts of deliberative.

pr. the author has deliberately postponed style to a separate book and in a preface to it argues energetically that a rhetorician should create his own example of good style. has the great advantage of also discussing arrangement (Rhet. Parts of the work that are of special interest include discussion of the "five-part argument" (2:27-30). . especially in the fine edition with introduction and notes by Caplan. memory (3:28-40). the words will follow". 85 BC) many Latin terms for Greek rhetorical terminology had not yet been standardized. KENNEDY short encyclopedia that also contained discussion of agriculture and medicine. ad Her. quoted by Seneca. known in Greek as επιχείρημα and representing stylistic amplification of an enthymeme. The latter. delivery (3:19-27). not borrow them from literature. thus giving a picture of the whole subject as taught in the late Hellenistic period. and trans. From it. is a good man skilled at speaking". however. 5. vir bonus dicendi pentus ("An orator. apparendy. some rules for invention are found verbatim in both Cicero's De inventione and Ad Herennium. with examples. and simple style and their defective variants (4:11-16). which is the clearest extant summary of the mnemonic system of images and backgrounds. son Marcus. including tropes (not here so called) (3:18-46) and figures of thought (3:47-69). of the grand. Rhetorica ad Herennium [Ed. Caplan 1954] This anonymous Latin handbook (sometimes attributed to an otherwise unknown Cornificius and until the Renaissance thought to be by Cicero) provides the most convenient introduction to classical rhetorical theory. Its chief disadvantage is that at the time of composition (perhaps ca. however. come two famous statements: orator est. verba sequentur ("Seize the subject. The author occasionally claims originality in details but seems to have studied with the same teacher as had the young Cicero. quoted by Julius Victor. The five parts. 9) and rem tene. 3:16-18). 374 in Halm 1863). Marci fili. Controversiae 1. Ad Herennium became one of the basic rhetorical texts in the Middle Ages and was the subject of commentaries. including Hermagoras's stasis theory. and style (book 4). and the lists of figures of diction. middle. the discussion of memory (3:28-40). the discussion. are here not arranged in canonical sequence.24 GEORGE Α. p.

who argues the importance of law. but it avoids technical vocabulary. It is the earliest Latin work to show direct knowledge of Aristode's Rhetoric and to adapt some of Aristode's concepts to Roman conditions. Tullius Cicero (106-43 BC) A. Sutton and Rackham 1942. De inventione [Ed. Scaevola. Wilkins. Antonius. Book 1 opens with a philosophical preface which contains the famous statement existimem sapientiam sine eloquentia parum prodesse civitatibus. who discusses wit and humor in 2:217-34. more popular even than Rhetoma ad Herennium. with notes. 1892. treated in book 1 in terms of the parts of a judicial oration and in book 2 in terms of stasis. 89 BC). De inventione became a basic rhetorical text for the Middle Ages. De oratore [Ed. is Cicero's major work on the subject. The chief speakers are: Crassus. commentaries were written by Victorinus (ed. Kumaniecki 1969. Halm 1863) and by Grillius in late antiquity and by numerous medieval scholars. new trans. B. and Caesar Strabo. The work closely resembles the Rhetorica ad Herennium and shows the influence of Hermagoras. philosophy. commentary by Leeman etal. in preparation by James May et al:. he planned to discuss all five parts of rhetoric but completed only the two books on invention. but eloquence without wisdom has too often done much harm and never been advantageous"). published in 55 but dramatically set in 95 BC. Hubbell 1949. who takes a narrower. law. and other subjects. and topics. Because it provided a clear summary of the subject. discussion by Kennedy 1972:103-38] This is Cicero's earliest work (ca. argument. Among influential features of rhetorical theory found in the dialogue are the adaptation of the three Aristotelian . in progress 1981-] This philosophical dialogue on the nature of rhetoric and the function of the Roman orator. eloquentiam vero sine sapientia nimium obesse plerumque. practical approach. and trans. prodesse numquam ("I think wisdom without eloquence has been of little advantage to states. T h e preface to book 2 claims that Cicero is not following a single source and gives (2:1:6-8) a brief history of rhetoric.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 25 6. M. based on his study of rhetoric with an unnamed teacher. and numerous manuscripts survive. and trans. ed. with whom Cicero identifies himself and who argues the need for an orator to have a wide knowledge of politics. more systematic than Cicero's other rhetorical writings and shorter than Quintilian's. ed.

Wooten 1983.26 GEORGE Α. or "faculty of the orator". Hendrickson 1939. De optimo genere dicendi [Ed. Rackham 1942. all that he completed was this introduction. is discussed first (1-26). with commentary Douglas 1966] Cicero wrote this history of rhetoric and oratory in dialogue form in 46 BC. E. and Cicero's own rhetorical and philosophical education. Its chief interest is that it shows the development of technical vocabulary in Latin and provides a brief survey of all aspects of rhetoric. the former being calm and persuasive. 283-91) his reaction to the Atticism movement of the time. then the parts of the oration (27-60) and stasis theory (60138). Hubbell 1949] About 46 BC Cicero projected a translation of two speeches of Demosthenes and Aeschines. the latter a more violent stirring of passions. Cicero saw the Attic orators as models for a variety of styles. . Partitiones oratoriae [Ed. the attempt of Calvus and others to teach a pure and simple style imitating the Attic orator Lysias in reaction to the excesses of Hellenistic Asianism. and trans. The vis oratoris. and trans.38 In Orator (69) these are called "duties of an orator" (officia oratoris: probare. pathos) into the form: "that we prove our case to be true. D. 38 On the development of theories of ethos and pathos see Gill 1984 and Wisse 1989.Also of special interest is the treatment (2:18385) of ethos and pathos as degrees of emotional appeal. In addition to its interesting account of historical developments. and admired especially the ability of Demosthenes to fuse them. and trans. delectare. C. it presents (Brut. that we call their hearts to what emotion the case demands" (2:115).flectere). famous Roman orators. 39 The treatise was unknown from late antiquity to the fifteenth century. ed. that we win over those who are listening. discussion by Kennedy 1963:328-30] Perhaps about 53 BC Cicero wrote this rhetorical catechism for his son. Brutus [Ed. 39 Cf. logos. KENNEDY modes of persuasion (ethos.

written in 44 BC. and trans. His method is largely to criticize the views of earlier writers. 1927. and trans. and trans.] Philodemus was an Epicurean philosopher. English paraphrase by Hubbell 1920. G. After an introduction on the concept of an ideal orator and the errors of the Atticists (1-36). an unusual division 40 For further discussion see Innes 1989. Orator [Ed. similarity. Roberts 1902. 7. Περι ερμηνείας) [Ed. Hubbell 1962. The date is very uncertain. Philodemus (ca. it was possibly written in the early third century BC when that treatise was available in Athens. 110-ca. Topica [Ed. which like poetry is useless but gives pleasure. Demetrius On Style (De elocutions. discussion by Kennedy 1989:196-98] The author has not been satisfactorily identified with any known Demetrius. with special attention to prose rhythm (168-236). trans. and adds comments on stasis theory and rhetorical invention. species. including On Poems and On Rhetoric. begins as a summary of Aristotelian dialectic. he provides a rather uneven survey of rhetorical theory (37-139) and then turns to "composidon" (140-238). . and trans. since direct use is made of Aristotle's Rhetoric. The treatise begins abruptly with a discussion of periodic sentences (Eloc. He limits the art of rhetoric to sophistic or epideictic oratory. 40 BC) Rhetorica. Like the Brutus. but appears to draw more on Hellenistic sources to discuss such topics of argument as genus. but more probably in the first century BC when the Rhetoric was rediscovered and published. new ed. the main body of the work identifies and discusses four χαρακτήρες ("characters or kinds") of style. the Orator was unknown in the Middle Ages. Sudhaus 1892-94. with notes Grube 1961.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 27 F. in preparation by Richard Janko et al. The latter is the most important discussion of the subject in ancient writings on rhetoric. Papyri from Herculanean have brought to light portions of his Greek works. living in Italy. 1-34). 40 8. commentary by Sandys 1885] Later in 46 Cicero continued his campaign against Atticism. [Ed. Hubbell 1949] This difficult short work. and difference.

Isaeus. but should be more studied and express character. T o the section on the plain style is added (223-35) a discussion of letter-writing. γλαφυρός. and figures). He is the earliest Greek spokesman of the Atticism movement. There are also defective versions of each of the styles: "frigid. Isocrates. is half of a dialogue. the author says. the author emphasizes that style should be appropriate. ισχνός or "plain". Dionysius of Halicarnassus (fl. affected. unusual in rhetorical treatises:41 a letter. there he wrote a history of early Rome and apparendy taught rhetoric. Dionysius devotes one essay each to Lysias. Usher I 1974] After a preface on the corruption of style (Asianism) in the Hellenistic period and the Attic revival of his own time. or "elegant". 30 BC) [Ed. KENNEDY otherwise known only from a mention in Philodemus: μεγαλοπρεπής.42 9. 447 48 Halm) and anon. now lost. and trans. providing a Letter writing is briefly discussed in two Latin handbooks of the fourth or fifth century AD: Julius Victor Ars rhetorica 27 (pp. some characters of style but not all can be combined. A Latin translation by P. arid. or "forceful". Halm 1863:1-21] In the mid-first century BC a Greek rhetorician named Gorgias wrote a treatise on figures of speech. Excerpta rhetorica (p. VI 1904] Dionysius came to Rome after the victory of Augustus in the civil wars. 42 For further information see Grube 1961. It defines and gives examples of twenty figures of speech. drawn from an unusual range of sources. On the Ancient Orators (De Oratoribus Veteribus) and On Thucydides (De Thucydide) [Ed. and composition (rhythm. and Rutilius Lupus. Σχήματα λέξεως.28 GEORGE Α. and Demosthenes. or Figures of Speech [Ed. In the Peripatetic tradition. respectively. 10. 589 Halm). 41 . diction. or "elevated". Demetrius illustrates his discussion with frequent examples from Greek literature of the classical period. and graceless". Within the conventional limits of the rhetorical theory of style he is a perceptive literary critic. Rutilius Lupus has survived. Rhetorical works attributed to him are as follows: A. The four styles are distinguished by thought. and δεινός. Gorgias of Athens. Usener-Radermacher V 1899. periodicity.

in contrast. however. and trans. 2) resumes discussion of the style of Thucydides. On Imitation [Fragmentary work. The Letter to Pompeius (Pomp) defends Dionysius's preference for the style of Demosthenes over that of Plato and discusses the style of classical Greek historians: Herodotus. by Usher II 1985:37399. the best surviving account of the effect of the sound of words and larger units on the Greek ear and contains many interesting examples of literary criticism as practiced by a rhetorician.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 29 brief life of the author and an extended discussion of his style. in different works. 3). T h e Second Letter to Ammaeus (Amm. The essay on Thucydides discusses the historian's treatment of his subject as well as his style. I) replies to a Peripatetic philosopher who had claimed that Demosthenes learned his art from Aristotle's Rhetoric. Trans. Dionysius. "emulation" (ζήλος) is "an actualization of the soul (of a writer) set in motion at admiration of what seems to be beautiful" (fr. a sizable portion of the second book is quoted in the Letter to Pompeius. Usher II 1985] Style as taught in the rhetorical schools was divided into λέξις (dictio. the combination of words into rhythmical clauses. as a source of excellence and imitation. 10:1. coining new concepts and terminology and not easily summarized. Thucydides. Literary Epistles [Ed. It is. genre by genre. Usher II 1985] There are three of these: The First Letter to Ammaeus (. Roberts 1910. and trans. Dionysius shows that the historical references in the Rhetoric indicate it post-dated most of Demosthenes' speeches. and figures. providing a precedent for Quintilian's discussion in Inst. Greek text of other fragments in Usener-Radermacher VI 1929: 197-217] By the late Hellenistic period imitadon of classic literary models was regarded as the basis for attaining excellence in style. Roberts 1901. Dionysius's treatise is a complex discussion of the composition. On Literary Composition [Ed. B. D. and Theopompus. Xenophon. Dionysius defines imitation as "an actualization (ένέργεια) modelling the example by means of inspection".Amm. The work surveyed Greek literature. Subsequendy he added a separate essay on Dinarchus. "word choice") and σύνθεσις (compositio). and . variously employs a concept of three kinds (χαρακτήρες) of style. three "harmonies" of word order. C. periods.

Kennedy 1972:342-63. and trans. 55 BC-40 AD) Oratorum et rhetorum sententiae. Among other things. Annaeus Seneca (Seneca the Elder) (ca. sublimity.. including characterization. 30 BC) [Fragments ed. 45 Cf. clarity. colores [Ed. Seneca the Elder wrote his reminiscences of the rhetorical schools of his youth. KENNEDY lists of "virtues" of style. Usener and Radermacher VI 1929:253-387. his works are lost. 43 . 72-73. he was the author of a treatise on the "sublime" (ΰψος). 46 12. Russell 1983:36. and exhortation to athletes. are "supplementary".43 Some virtues—correctness. His work is the best introduction to decla- For discussion see the introductions to Usher's translations (1974. is preserved with the writings of Dionysius. 45 11. with extensive quotations from memory of the clever turns of phrase (sententiae). References show him to have been a proponent of the Atticism movement. emotion. divisiones. and conciseness—are "necessary". a composite work by at least two later writers. but there are many references to them in later writers. Kennedy 1972:364-69. He also describes an historical evolution from a "rugged" style in fifth-century writers to the "smooth" style of Isocrates and the "blended" style of Demosthenes. Winterbottom 1974] Late in life. 44 Cf. others. 46 Cf. 44 E. L. RussellWilson 1981:362-81] An Ars rhetorica. funeral orations. wedding speeches. the divisions of the question at issue (divisiones). Works Falsely Attributed to Dionysius of Halicamassus [Ed. birthday speeches. to which Longinus later replied. 1985) and Innes 1989:267-72. ca. chapters 1-7 trans. elegance. These are followed by three longer chapters on declamation. Caecilius of Calacte (fl. Offenloch 1907] An important rhetorician living in Augustan Rome was Caecilius of Calacte. and of an influential work on figures of speech. etc. It consists of seven chapters on forms of epideictic: panegyric.30 GEORGE Α. A series of introductions provide overall estimates of famous speakers of the Augustan period. addresses to an official. and the interpretation of cause and motive (colores) found in the controversial and suasoriae of declaimers he had heard.

47 13. In fully developed sequence they became: myth or fable. thesis. and judicial). which had become not only an exercise for students but a fashionable activity for adults. is unusual: since Quintilian 47 48 Cf. chreia (development of an anecdote of something said or done). development of a gnomic saying. and delivery (11:3. discussion by Kennedy 1969] Quintilian's Education of the Orator is the fullest account of classical rhetoric. 4 0 . arrangement (7). and thus books 1-2 describe the rhetorical environment of the home. T h e "perfect orator" whom Quintilian seeks must above all be a good man. The work then proceeds in the traditional order through an account of invention (books 4-6). and praise or blame of a law. and an introduction to stasis theory (resumed in book 5). Winterbottom 1970. syncrisis (comparison). encomium.48 T h e exercises are important since they were widely studied and influenced the structure of literary composition in many genres. confirmation.c a . Spengel II 1854: 59-130. however. . commonplace. M. refutation. Fabius Quintilianus (ca. ekphrasis (physical description). Butler 1920. 96 AD) A. trans. deliberative. narrative. trans. Aelius Theon (1st century AD) Progymnasmata [Ed. Sussman 1978. style (8-11:1). Cf. the discussion of rhetoric proper begins in book 3 with divisions of the subject. the best surviving account of hearing and seeing an ancient speaker). He is not highly innovative. based on his twenty years of teaching the subject and over two years of research in earlier sources. but applies his own good judgment and experience to evaluating the theory and practice of rhetoric as it had developed in Rome. Kennedy 1983:60-66. Institutio oratoria [Ed. Book 10. 14. giving the highest authority in both respects to Cicero. primary education. and studies in the grammar school in detail.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 31 mation. invective. the species of oratory (epideictic. Butts 1987] This is the earliest account of the graded exercises in composition taught as introductory to declamation. Bonner 1949. personification. memory (11:2). his moral and rhetorical training is to begin immediately after birth.

and of ex tempore speaking (10:7). Shackleton Bailey 1989. KENNEDY believed that style is best cultivated by reading and writing. The Major Declamations [ed. together with a comparison of styles of speaking to styles of sculpture and painting. Inserted into this discussion is chapter 12:10 on the genera dicendi. of premeditation (10:6). Sussman 1987] consist of 19 speeches. Hâkanson 1982. of revision (10:4). his retirement "while he will still be missed". B. and continues with discussion of the function of imitation in cultivating style (10:2). middle and plain styles. The Institutio was known throughout the Middle Ages primarily in an abridged version. the need to study philosophy and law. Quintilian takes a positive view of the opportunities for rhetoric under the Flavian emperors. but he sought to restrain and discipline the excesses of declamation and to return to a more Ciceronian style. T h e Minor Declamations [ed. in terms of their utility for the cultivation of eloquence. the different styles of speaking. the discovery of the complete work by Poggio Bracciolini in 1416 aroused great interest and made the work a major source on both education and rhetoric for the Renaissance and early modern period. In contrast to Tacitus and others of the early empire.] consist of 145 extracts from an original 388 controversiae. no English trans. of various exercises . author by author. They are the only extant full Latin specimens. trans. Declamations Attributed to Quintilian Two collections of controversiae (exercises on judicial themes) are attributed in medieval manuscripts to Quintilian. of practice in writing (10:3). and finally how hopes for a great orator may yet be fulfilled. The final book (12) is also unusual: Quintilian here returns to the moral qualities required of an orator. including the grand. but this requires caution in that he describes the secular rhetoric of the capital of the Empire in its most developed form. which is more self-conscious and sophisticated than what can generally be assumed in the provinces. the career of the orator and the cases he will plead.in composition (10:5). he inserts (10:1) a famous chapter which reviews Greek and Latin literature. their interest is increased by the addition of sermones. short . to whom he owed his position and fame. Since Quintilian was a contemporary of the writers of the New Testament it is tempting to use his work as a basis for the study of early Christian rhetoric. and the issue of Atticism. genre by genre.32 GEORGE Α. composed by teachers of rhetoric during the Roman empire to illustrate artistic treatment of the themes.

and trans. Curiatus Maternus has abandoned oratory and turned to writing tragedies. Egypt. 1912] This is a dialogue in the Ciceronian style dealing with the conditions of oratory and the schools of rhetoric in the second half of the first century AD. T h e Major Declamations are regarded by virtually all scholars as not the work of Quintilian or his students. trans. when. In conclusion. and Rome. Murgia 1985. AD). trans. 55-ca. Vipstanus Messala criticizes the rhetorical schools. Huebner 1983. 16. 49 . by Sussman 1994. Aper celebrates the current age and its achievements in oratory. despite Quintilian's optimism. with their emphasis on declamation. but traveled to Greece. commentary by Gudeman 1894. The reader is left the impression that even if the Empire does not actively repress freedom of speech. 49 15. Cornelius Tacitus (ca.s0 T h e dramatic date is 75 AD. it is perhaps possible that some of the Minor Declamations may ultimately derive from his teaching. 45) is a long treatise entitled On Rhetoric which attempts to answer the criticism of rhetoric in Plato's Gorgias and to demonstrate that rhetoric is an art and expressive of justice and the virtues. On Rhetoric [Ed. He lived in Asia Minor. Among them (Or. Peterson 1970. Maternus claims that the great oratory of the time of Cicero resulted from disorders and dissensions that no longer exist and that the lawcourts now allow the orator less scope for elaborate addresses. M. of which fifty-five survive. T h e date of composition has been much debated—perhaps 97 AD.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 33 comments by teachers on how the theme is best treated. it tends to stifle discussion. delivering and publishing elaborate epideictic speeches. Behr I 1973:278-557] Aristides is the best known representative of the Second Sophistic. Another collection of excerpts from declamations is attributed to Calpurnius Flaccus (2nd cent. eloquence was widely perceived to be in decline. Aelius Aristides (117-89 AD) A. 115 AD) Dialogus de oratoribus [Ed. as decadent. 50 Cf. a movement which sought to reinvigorate the role of rhetoric in society by relating traditional values of Hellenism to contemporary issues and by restoring the purity of language to the diction and style of Attic Greek of the fourth century BC.

On Political Discourse. additional comments on style. expounds a theory of style similar to the system of Hermogenes. was discovered in 1843 by Seguier de St. Anonymus Seguenanus [Ed. proof. with perhaps majority sentiment now inclining to the second century AD and the author conventionally referred to as an otherwise unknown "Longinus". strong emotion (= rhetorical pathos. The four standard parts (prooemion. discussion by Schmid 1917-18] Two treatises on rhetoric are preserved with the works of Aristides. and euphony (39-42). Longinus On Sublimity [Ed. and a paraphrase of portions of the Iliad. they are probably not by him but may date from about the same time. Date of composition and authorship are debatable. narration. to this were added. 29 of Aristides. rhythm. probably written in the second century AD. nobility of diction (30-38. The one surviving manuscript attributes the work first to "Dionysius Longinus". 8): the power of conceiving impressive thoughts (= invention. a summary of Or. T h e work is of historical value in that it shows the survival in the Empire of a somewhat Aristotelian approach to rhetoric and cites otherwise lost writers. Pseudo-Aristides [Ed. Spengel II 1854:459-554. 18. then to "Dionysius or Longinus". and features of style: figures of thought and speech (16-29). entided On the Simple Style. The last chapter (44) considers the causes of the decline of eloquence. and composition. not discussed in the work as we have it). including word-order. 17. and trans. KENNEDY Β. The second treatise. by Dilts-Kennedy 1997] A Greek treatise on the parts of the oration. discussed in 9-15). the latter meaning Dionysius of Halicarnassus or Cassius Longinus who taught rhetoric in the . including Apollodorus of Pergamum (1st century BC) and Alexander son of Numenius. The author identifies and illustrates five sources of sublimity (ch. T h e first. 43). Brisson in a Paris manuscript. no English version. trans. probably by a later writer.34 GEORGE Α. attributing it primarily to moral decay rather than political causes. with commentary by Russell 1964. author of an influential treatise on figures of speech in the second century AD. Fyfe 1927] This is the best ancient example of the application of rhetorical teaching to literary criticism. takes Xenophon as a model for imitation. and epilogue) are discussed in terms not only of contents but of arrangement and style.

Dionysius of 51 Cf.] This is probably not by Hermogenes. but soon thereafter lost his facility.) [Trans. Progymnasmata [Trans.. On "Types" of Style (Id. Rabe 1913. On Staseis (Stat. revising the system of Hermagoras and others in many details. by Miller 1973]. Numerous prolegomena and commentaries were subsequendy written to expound their difficulties. Rediscovery of the treatise in the Renaissance led to the cult of "the sublime" from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. resembling the accounts by Theon and Aphthonius. Five works were attributed to him by the fifth century and. for trans. this is the most interesting of Hermogenes' works.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 35 third century. 161 — AD) [Ed. are discussed in terms of invention.51 The subject appears to be an outgrowth of earlier discussion (Theophrastus. . In the fifth century AD a Latin version was made by the grammarian Priscian [text in Halm 1863:551-60. in book 4. book 3 lays out a system of proof which differs from other accounts in concept and terminology. B. ? 19. Hermogenes of Tarsus (ca. i. and commentary by Heath 1995] An extended account of how to determine the question at issue in preparation of a speech. by Baldwin 1928:23-38] A discussion of the traditional exercises in composition preparatory to study of rhetoric. including figures. T h e first two books give a brief account of the prooemion and narration. trans. with the substitution of a work by Aphthonius for the treatise on progymnasmata. it was influential in the West in the Renaissance. D. C.) [Trans. it is probably not by Hermogenes. On Invention [No English trans. On Ideas.e. A. aspects of style. Fourteen "headings" are identified and discussed. by Wooten 1987] For most readers. see below. Patterson 1970. constituted the standard corpus of Greek rhetorical theory throughout the Byzantine period. discussion by Kennedy 1983:52-103] Hermogenes was a rhetorical prodigy by the age of fifteen.

KENNEDY Halicarnassus.36 GEORGE Α. making a total of twenty "ideas" of style to be discussed: clarity. of which four are divided into sub-headings. divided into solemnity. speeches of consolation. and farewell addresses. sweetness. 20. The term "method" was favored by Hermogenes to describe the art or theory of rhetoric.) of virtues and characters of style. rapidity. by Dilts-Kennedy 1997] T h e latest surviving Greek handbook to discuss all parts of rhetoric. and modesty. the longer second treatise describes speeches for a variety of social occasions. 22. Demosthenes. et al. vehemence. character. and finally forcefulness (δεινότης). divided into purity and distinctness. AD) [Ed. Menander Rhetor (fl. E. beauty. . divided into simplicity. which Hermogenes calls ιδέα. Seven larger categories are identified. 300 AD) Division of Epideictic Speeches and On Epideictic [Ed. grandeur.. It is cast in the traditional form. speeches at weddings. The shorter first treatise discusses prose hymns and encomia. sincerity. Halm 1863:22-37. ca. no trans. On the Method of Deinotes (Meth. and intended to provide instruction in declamation. and abundance. florescence. it probably dates from his time. Although a late work. asperity. and trans.) [No English trans. Apsines of Gadara Ars Rhetonca (3rd cent. 21. including indignation. subtlety. many of the forms and topics go far back in Greek history.] Aquilla defines and illustrates (usually from Cicero) forty-six figures of speech. including the arrival and departure of officials and friends. which is a blending of all and characteristic of the greatest orator. Aquila Romanus (3rd cent. brilliance. although not by Hermogenes. AD) De figuris sententiarum et elocutionis [Ed.] This is a rather miscellaneous discussion of some features of style. and trans. Russell-Wilson 1981] These are indispensible works for the study of the numerous forms Greek epideictic took in the time of the Roman empire.

the sections on rhetoric from the encyclopedias of the liberal arts by Martianus Capella (5th century). continued vigorously in the fifth and sixth centuries and shows the influence of Neoplatonism. After discussing "things" and the interpretation of "signs" in books 1-3. completed in 427. begun in 396. Halm 1863] This is the standard collection of late Latin writing on rhetoric. and other writings on rhetoric dating from late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. and Milan before his conversion to Christianity in 386. Aurelius Augustinus (354-430 AD) Saint Augustine taught rhetoric in Carthage. Sulpitius Victor. listed above.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 37 23. Rome. handbooks written in the fourth or fifth century by Fortunatianus. Green 1963. It includes the treatises on figures by Rutilius Lupus and Aquilla Romanus. The writing of rhetorical treatises. trans. 24. Julius Victor. including commentaries on the works attributed to Hermogenes. Aphthonius (second half of the 4th cent. T h e earlier books of the Confessions give a picture of his own studies and teaching. 25. AD) [Ed. It was translated into Latin by Rudolph Agricola and widely used in Renaissance grammar schools. and numerous commentaries were written on it. Robertson 1958]. Rabe 1926] This became the standard handbook of preparatory exercises throughout the Byzantine period. including rhetorical analysis of eloquent sections of the Old and New Testament. the most important for the history of rhetoric is De doctnna Christiana [ed. of his other writings. replacing that by Theon and that attributed to Hermogenes. Among the more important writers are Syrianus and Sopatros (see Kennedy 1983:109-32). he provides in book 4 an application of secular rhetoric to homiletic preaching. Victorinus's commentary on Cicero's De inventione (4th century AD). Cassiodorus (6th century). a handbook attributed to Saint Augustine. . Rhetores Latini Minores [Ed. and Isidore of Seville (7th century).

Rhetorua 1 (1983) pp. VA: Speech Communication Association. 1926). Claremont Graduate School. 1966).. N. On Sophistical Refutations. Α. Plutarch. E. Roman Declamation in the Ijite Republic and Early Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press. P.. and trans. 1987). Anaximenis. in the vol. Cambridge. London: Heinemann. "Who was Corax?". Dover. LCL. K.. E. 1973). Dilts. R. etc. Kennedy. Cambridge.. Blythin. Das systematische Lehrbuch: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Wissenschaften in der Antike (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1936)... .. T. Brutus.J. Literary Theory: An Introduction (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. C. London: Heinemann. KENNEDY BIBLIOGRAPHY Baldwin. L. C. Cambridge. 1877). Herennium. "Ancient Egyptian Rhetoric". Donnelly. . ed. T. and trans. with Aristode.. Lysias and the Corpus Lysiacum (Berkeley: University of California Press. Rhetoric at Rome: A Historical Survey (London: Cohen & West. Ad C. M. ed. J. Leipzig: Teubner. Cope. ICS 16 (1992). M. London: Heinemann. Ars rhetorica (Leipzig: Teubner. Bonner. Behr. The Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian (4 vols. 1920-22).. 1968). 1997). 1991). ed. H.: sic] (Annandale. Ancient Rhetoric and Poetic (New York: Macmillan.. A. Panathenaic Oration and In Defence of Oratory (LCL. H. and G. and trans. Two Greek Rhetorical Treatises from the Roman Empire (Leiden: Brill. Ε. Sandys (3 vols. S. 1966). E. MA: Harvard University Press. and trans. Cambridge... MA: Harvard University Press. Blass. P. W. 1874-80). by F. A. . The Rhetoric of Aristotle with a Commentary. Medieval Rhetoric and Poetic (to 1400) Interpreted from Representative Works (New York: Macmillan. with rhetorical commentary and trans. and trans. "The Ethos/Pathos Distinction in Rhetorical and Literary Criticism". The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. pp. On the Sublime (LCL. ed. 1924).. MA: Harvard University Press. Cole. London: Heinemann.38 GEORGE Α. F... F.. M. C. 149-66. Aristotle.. Douglas. Tulli Ciceronis. ed. Poetics·. (LCL. with commentary (Oxford: Clarendon Press. ed. H... The "Art" of Rhetoric (LCL.. Longinus... Gill. ed. Cicero's Milo: A Rhetorical Commentary (New York: Fordham University Press. ed. and trans. C. . Education in Ancient Rome (Berkeley: University of California Press. Butts. 1928). M. ed. London: Heinemann. 1977). Eagleton. Butler. 1927). MA: Harvard University Press. 1960). Demosthenes On the Crown. London: Heinemann. The Progymnasmata ofTheon (Dissertation. [Cicero]. MA: Harvard University Press.. Cambridge. E. S. 1961). London: Heinemann. S. 1934). Booth. CQ_ 34 (1984). H. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Freese. 65 84. J. 1986). Clarke. MA: Harvard University Press. Caplan. revised by J. Fyfe. The Maxims of Ptahhotpe [Ed. Cambridge. E. 1954). Fox.. Forster. M. 1953). . Aristotle. Die attische Beredsamkeit (3 vols. . 1941). 1949). and trans. 9-22. and trans. 1983).. 1955).. Moralia 10 (IJves of the Ten Orators) (LCL. F. MA: Harvard University Press. The Rhetoric of Fiction (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. H. Fowler. Simpson (New York: Fordham University Press. Fuhrmann. V. ed. M. Aristides. R. De ratione dicendi (LCL. Cambridge. pp.. W.

Α. L.. Innés. Halm. . Tulli Ciceronis. Sect.. . 215-19. M. Grimaldi. 1969). Groupe μ (Jacques Dubois et al. Aristotle. revised German ed... 1963). G.. 1894). 1863). ed. Α. 2nd edn. A Commentary (2 vols. Grube. D.. Sancti Aureli Augustini. B. ed. Greek Rhetorical Origins of Christian Faith (New York: Oxford University Press. . The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism. . Μ. Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modern Times (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ed. 1983). L. Huebner. 1983). . MA: Harvard University Press. Jebb. with English commentary (Boston: Ginn.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 39 Green. 1980-88). in The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism (ed. 1981). New Testament Interpretation through Rhetorical Criticism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.. Kassel. "A Hoot in the Dark: The Evolution of General Rhetoric". L. London: Heinemann. The Art of Persuasion in Greece (Princeton: Princeton University Press. M. pp. P. Aristotle. A. The Attic Orators (2 vols.. Comelii Taciti. ed. trans. Havelock. Ε. Hubbell. 1994). Cambridge. Munich: Max Hueber. Kumaniecki. 1893). and trans. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Berlin: de Gruyter. M. 1963). 1984). 1961). 1991). trans. . Christiana (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. ed.. Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 23 (1920). G. 1960). . Hâkanson. A Greek Critic: Demetrius on Style (Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Α. M. Classical Criticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hermogenes On Issues: Strategies of Argument in Later Greek Rhetoric (Oxford: Clarendon Press. . MA: Harvard University Press. C. ed.. . ed. pp... 1949). F. P. and trans. with Brutus. H. 245-73. and trans. A General Rhetoric (trans. Μ. 1982). Slotkin.. Dialogus de oratoribus (Leipzig: Teubner. vi. ed. London: Heinemann. Lausberg. A New History of Classical Rhetoric (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Α. Aristotelis. . 1912. Quintilian (New York: Twayne. Cicero. G. 1989). Rhetores Latini minores (Leipzig: Teubner. 1982). Kennedy.. 1989). Declamationes XIX minores Quintilian falso ascriptae (Leipzig: Teubner. De doctnna... 1-21. De optimo genere dicendi. Brutus (LCL.). trans. Cambridge. 1972). M. 1976).. I. The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Hendrickson. J. Burrell and Ε. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Heath. 1969). Ars rhetorica (Berlin: de Gruyter.. Kinneavy. On Rhetoric (New York: Oxford University Press. . Hendrickson. De inventione. Cicero. Rhetoric.. Comelii Taciti. The Literate Revolution in Greece and Its Cultural Consequences (Princeton: Princeton University Press. H. pars vi: Vienna: Hoelder-PichlerTempsky. MA: Harvard University Press. "The Rhetorica of Philodemus". Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors (Princeton: Princeton University Press. London: Heinemann. 243-382. W. H. Philosophy and Rhetoric 25 (1992). . . ed. W. Gudeman. G. G. L. LXXX. New York: Fordham University Press. C. 1995). "Philodemus" and "Augustan Critics". Α. 1962). A Greek Critic: Demetrius on Style (with translation) (Toronto: University of Toronto Press. London: Macmillan. P. pp. Cambridge.. ed. Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik: Eine Grundlegung der Literaturwissenschaft (2 vols. Orator (LCL. 1961). Dialogue de oratoribus. Topica (LCL. R.. K.. Kennedy. ed. Cicero. ed. 1962). 1987). De oratore (Leipzig: Teubner. 1980). K. R. and trans.

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1884-86). Philodemi. Opuscula (vols. 1994). Rhetores Graeci (3 vols. ed. Longinus. London: Heinemann. 1983). E. 1990). ed. M. 1974. ed.. R. Cambridge. Usher.. trans. 457-70. Α. Spengel.. vol. D. "Die sogennante Aristidesrhetorik".. K. J. .. De oratore libri très. W. NJ: Erlbaum Associates. and trans. Orator. The Major Declamations Ascribed to Quintilian (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Cicero's Philippics and Their Demosthenic Style (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.. 1970). J.V I of complete works.. 1992). pt. 1892). 1978). Ethos and Pathos from Aristotle to Cicero (Amsterdam: Hakkert.. with commentary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cicero. The Elder Seneca (Leiden: Brill. LCL. L. Schiappa. Leipzig: Teubner. 2. pp. . Stroux. Welch. Declamationes minores (Leipzig: Teubner.HISTORICAL SURVEY OF RHETORIC 41 Russell. . Κ. Α. 1942). W. Hermogenes On Types of Style (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1972). ed.. Schmid. 113-18. . 1899. Greek Declamation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tulli Ciceronis. ed. Shackleton Bailey. The Older Sophists: A Complete Translation by Several Hands of the Fragments (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press.. Tulli Ciceronis. Rhetorica (2 vols. London: Heinemann. I. De Theophrasti virtutibus dicendi (Leipzig: Teubner.. and trans. . E. Protagoras and Logos: A Study in Greek Philosophy and Rhetoric (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press. "Did Plato Coin rhetorike?". ed. Menander Rhetor (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1991). ed. Books I-1I (completed by H.. Leipzig: Teubner. Winterbottom. Hammer 1894. Controversiae and Suasoriae (LCL. MA: Harvard University Press. 1987). and L. 1989). Sprague. AJP 111 (1990)... H. M. M. and N. ed. Dionysius of Halicamassus. W. Critical Essays (2 vols. E. Leipzig: Teubner.. R. Quintiliani. with commentary (Oxford: Clarendon Press. Leipzig: Teubner.. . S. 1964). with introduction and notes (Oxford: Clarendon Press. Oral Tradition and Written Record in Classical Athens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dionym Halicamasei. D. M. 1987). Wilkins. Sandys. On the Sublime. Sutton. trans. Radermacher. 1989). London: Heinemann. Rackham. 1892). C. and Commentary (Leiden: Brill. 1989). pp. L. R. 1985). 1912). Cambridge. J. Thomas. LCL. Sussman. MA: Harvard University Press. Usener. 1981). The Declamations of Calpumius Flaccus: Text. 238-57. Sudhaus.. Literacy and Orality in Ancient Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ed. .. Wisse.. S. Fabi Quintiliani. trans. and trans. . Lnstitutionis oratoriae libri duodem (2 vols. V .. E. ed. RhM 72 (1917-18). 1885). revised by C. Seneca. Cambridge.. . MA: Harvard University Press.. De oratore. ed. 1904). S. A. Translation. The Contemporary Reception of Classical Rhetoric: Appropriations of Ancient Discourse (Hillsdale. Wilson. Wooten. 1983).. 1974). Oxford: Clarendon Press.


and dicanic (judicial).CHAPTER 2 THE GENRES OF RHETORIC George A. Chapel Hill. πανηγυρικός (λόγος). or exhortation. and in the latter case a judge either of past or future . έγκώμιον. In our version of the text. Kennedy University of North Carolina. or praise. απολογία. Aristotle says. then as species (of the genos rhetoric) (Rh. The Rhetoric for Alexander (Rh. or dissuasion. 454e5~6) that rhetoric causes persuasion in the law courts and other assemblies. epideictic. 1421 b8— 10) identifies seven είδη. Al. or genres (Rh. 3:4:9) attributes to Anaximenes a general division into judicial and deliberative oratory. is either a spectator or a judge. αποτρεπτικός (λόγος). accusation. these have been grouped under three γένη. For example. USA Literary and rhetorical genres originate in social contexts where a distinctive form is developed to perform a distinctive function. dissuasion. They include: κατηγορία. Plato makes Socrates say and Gorgias agree (Org. it probably appeared at the beginning of the original text of Anaximenes' rhetorical handbook. referring to them first as gene. or accusation. In the third chapter of his lectures On Rhetoric Aristotle sought to classify the kinds of civic discourse on a logical basis. and έπιτάφιος (λόγος). for Quintilian (Inst. προτρεπτικός (λόγος). This concept of two general contexts and thus two genres of public address can be found occasionally throughout the classical period. The hearer of a speech. I:2:1358a33). defense. or species of political speech: exhortation. or funeral oration. eulogy. By the early fourth century BC a number of Greek terms had come into use to describe different kinds of public address and are commonly found. or defense. or genres: demegoric (deliberative). I:3:1358a36). and investigation. edited under Aristotelian influence. The genre is determined by the audience. vituperation. or speech at a festival. In the earliest attempt to define rhetoric. written in the third quarter of the fourth century and known to us in its later form as the Rhetoric for Alexander.

or deliberative. to be discussed below. Isocrates' Antidosis is not. Declamation in the Roman period. epideictic is either praise or blame. thus judicial. there are necessarily three genres of rhetoric: συμβουλευτικόν. a phenomenon not mentioned by Aristode. he says. This is a favorite technique of early sophists and later teachers of rhetoric who composed fictive speeches as examples of their artistry. however. it is an epideixis of Gorgias's method in argument and style. or judicial. he later says ( 1:9:1367b36—37). characterized by praise or blame. δικανικόν. seeking instead to remove the blame commonly heaped upon her. Gorgias's Encomium of Helen presents a different kind of problem in classification. and primarily referring to the present. T h e jury in a court of law judges past actions and is primarily concerned with justice. takes one of two stances: deliberative oratory is either exhortation or dissuasion. and έπιδεικτικόν. or demonstrative.44 GEORGE Α. in that what one might propose in deliberation becomes encomia when the form of expression is changed. Gorgias's Defense of Palamedes. though there may be reference to both past and future events. Like most of Isocrates' other "speeches" it was published as a pamphlet. as the tide suggests. It is again primarily an example of method. Thus. it is an imagined response to a legal challenge which he used to answer more general criticism of his career and conduct. Praise and deliberation. are part of a common species. deliberative in the sense that it offers advice for specific action by the Greeks. is not a real judicial speech for someone accused of treason. a speech given in court in response to a suit. as it purports to be. A spectator at a ceremonial speech is concerned with the ability of the speaker and thus not with making a judgment leading to action. however. His Panegyncus. This third genre of speech Aristode regards as concerned with what is honorable. took the forms of deliberative . and its celebration of speech and Greek paideia makes it predominantly epideictic in tone. Isocrates in his Helen (10:14) complains that Gorgias's famous speech was not an enkomion but a defense (apologia). Members of a political assembly judge future actions in terms of what is advantageous or beneficial to the state. KENNEDY happenings. was not delivered at a deliberative assembly nor was it given as an epideictic speech at a festival. not epideictic. Each of these. Generic classification is complicated when a speaker uses the form of one genre for the purpose of another. but it never really praises Helen. judicial is either accusation or defense. for example. but Aristode later (2:18:139lb 17) speaks of the spectator as a "judge" of the speaker.

Rhet. Dionysius of Halicamassus (Comp. in Cic. such as episdes. and other later Greek rhetoricians sometimes treat all literature as a form of epideictic.THE GENRES OF RHETORIC 45 and judicial oratory. except when specifically aimed at a future action on the part of the audience such as receiving baptism or at the judgment of some past action as requiring excommunication or anathema of an heretical doctrine by the church. 3:4) to the question of whether there are three or more genres. judicial. Or. and his opponents. by Aristode's definition it would be classified as epideictic. 2:10: See Cic. 1:2. Quint. genres of rhetoric was accepted by most later classical rhetoricians and often specifically attributed to him. and he ends (3:4:16) by describing the traditional triad as "easy and neat" rather than true. De or. 3:3:14-15. It is thus an important feature of cultural or group cohesion. judicial. or epideictic rhetoric. is whether rhetoric is restricted to the law courts and assemblies (see 1:16:35. and only three. Aristode's theory of three. things. any one speech may involve deliberative. referring to views of some authorities that there are "innumerable" genres. 12).g. 2 See Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca 1958:47-57 and Beale 1978. ad Her. 1:7. Hermogenes (Id. That is. 46-48. but on imaginary themes. Aristotle's view of epideictic. subject to rhetorical analysis at least in terms of style. though his criteria differ from Aristode's in that he makes the basic division into speeches in the law courts and speeches in other contexts. De or.2 Epideictic is perhaps best regarded as including any discourse. 2 : 3 9 43). understanding. "for all rely on mutual aid". as had Plato. Inst. and epideictic elements. 1 .. can be viewed as epideictic. Most religious preaching. 2:21:23. Irw. oral or written. that does not aim at a specific action or decision but seeks to enhance knowledge. often through praise or blame. who takes the broadest view of rhetoric. 1:141. based on his observation of public address in Greece. 2:43. In Cicero's De oratore a feature of the argument between Crassus. or values. Quintilian devotes a chapter (Inst. Part. 70. passim). or belief. Hinks 1936. Since it did not aim at a decision on the part of the audience. and thus it did not fulfill the function of either of those genres. 1 but there were dissenting views. combine features of deliberative. it is often useful to consider the E. is too narrow for a general theory. Although many written discourses. Although the Aristotelian triad has continued to be fundamental to rhetorical teaching. whether of persons. He agrees with the majority that there are three.

whereas no one had to speak in the assembly unless he wanted to. In Quintilian's Institutio oratoria the focus throughout the twelve books is largely on judicial oratory. stasis theory. at the beginning of his important work The Philosophy of Rhetoric (1776). that judicial oratory was more easily reduced to rules. T h e eighteenth-century rhetorician George Campbell. KENNEDY dominant rhetorical genre of a work in determining the intent of the author and the effect upon the audience in the original social situadon. and secondly. Most later rhetorical treatises deal primarily with judicial oratory. Greek rhetoricians of the Roman period show a greater interest in the more Hellenic study of philosophy and history. epideictic in chapter 9. insists that the ends of speaking are four: to enlighten the understanding. which takes up much of their discussion. to move the passions. only chapters 7 and 8 of book 3 are specifically given to epideictic and deliberative forms. according to Campbell. or to influence the will. which was an institution Rome developed to a high degree of sophistication. aims over all at only one of these ends and others are present only as secondary means to that. is a method of determining the question at issue in a trial. with only minor application to deliberative or epideictic speeches. Other reasons are likely to be. and by the time of the Empire opportunities for deliberative oratory were somewhat reduced. and the parts of the oration which are discussed at length in these treatises are the characteristic divisions of a judicial speech. first. to please the imagination. Rhetorica ad Herennium has a somewhat similar discussion at the beginning of book three. the handbooks of his time discussed only judicial rhetoric (and did that badly). There are Greek handbooks of epideictic but litde later Greek discussion of deliberative forms. Any one discourse. Although only three genres are commonly recognized by classical . Aristode himself discussed deliberative rhetoric in chapters 5 to 8 of the first book of his Rhetoric.46 GEORGE Α. 1:1:1354b22~29) that although deliberadve oratory is finer and of more general interest than judicial. and judicial in chapters 10 to 15. that some understanding of judicial oratory was useful to more people. there were no native Latin counterparts of Greek epideictic. since Greek law required litigants to speak in their own behalf. He blames this on the greater opportunity for emotional appeals and irrelevancies in court. Aristotle complains (Rh. Cicero's De inventione discusses deliberative and epideictic oratory rather briefly at the end of the second book. Roman rhetoricians instinctively connected rhetoric with the law.

and others is a quite consciously epideictic form. They would then be received as speeches and their authors anticipated this by observing some of the conventions of public address. or to the public assembled on some festival occasion. the protrepticus. Public episdes. 4 The Dialexeis of Maximus of Tyre are good examples of philosophical lectures of a rhetorical sort from the second century AD. is a characteristic of this form. taught in the schools and practiced throughout the Roman Empire by sophists. thus species or sub-genres of the three basic genres. Numerous examples survive in the works of Dio Chrysostom. The Jewish midrash and the Christian homily. or were simply staged as displays in the theatre to allow the public to enjoy the artistry of a distinguished sophist. the best examples set out ideals of conduct for the edification of the addressee and the wider public. See Stowers 1981. Ambrose.THE GENRES OF RHETORIC 47 rhetoricians. sent by rulers to their subjects. It must. . they fall under the general rubric of epideictic. Other genres of public address included the lectures of philosophers and other teachers to their schools. or sometimes to a public audience. Synesius. Although flattery. Themistius. Though often simple and unpretentious. 3 4 See Malherbe 1986. were surely read aloud in public to audiences. there are other forms of composition that have come to be thought of as distinct rhetorical genres. The panegyrical sermon as practiced in later antiquity by Gregory Thaumaturgus. sometimes to a group but even by a solitary reader.3 is one type of such lectures. the diatribe another. Aelius Aristides. Libanius. often strongly influenced by the teaching of rhetorical schools. and those that were intended to be read by individuals privately. Gregory of Nazianzus. Secular panegyric was a major oratorical form in late antiquity. an exhortation to philosophy or to a moral life. sometimes unabashed flattery of important persons. These can be divided into those that are forms of public address. be remembered that literature was generally read aloud in antiquity. Himerius. and John Chrysostom developed their artistic potentialities. Such speeches were sometimes addressed to individuals such as emperors or governors. however. or the episdes of Saint Paul and other Patristic writers to Greek churches. both based on interpretation of scripture with application to the life of the congregation. and was thus "heard" in much the same way as a speech. and others. Eusebius of Caesarea. are also forms of public address.

divisiones. then memorized and delivered them. their speeches were an important instrument of pagan resistance to Christianity. There are no Latin examples of such speeches and apparently training in them was to be had only in Greek schools. which was ostensibly preparation in deliberative and judicial oratory for a student looking forward to a public career. colores. dissuade Agamemnon from sacrificing Iphigenia). including birthdays. the genre continued to be practiced throughout the Byzantine period. real or imaginary. In the deliberative suasoria the student was asked to address some mythological or historical personage and urge some course of action (e. teachers and those adults who declaimed as a social pastime for the most part spoke extemporaneously. it is occasionally found in the western Middle Ages and flourished again in renaissance Italy. The student then used a knowledge of these conventional forms in speeches on social occasions. Declamation itself is not a rhetorical genre. written in the second quarter of the first century AD. entided Oratorum et rhetorum sententia. called respectively suasoria and controversiae. the law provides that a woman who has been raped may choose whether her convicted assailant should be put to death or be forced to marry her. A man rapes two women in one night. 2:100) implies that declamation was common in Rome by the beginning of the first century BC. Cicero (De or. the first chooses his death. and then proposes an ambiguous situation. Quintilian (Inst.e.48 GEORGE Α.. The two handbooks of epideictic by Menander Rhetor. The main activity in the rhetorical schools was declamation. perhaps written about the end of the third century AD. describe seven kinds of prose hymns and sixteen other kinds of epideictic. the teacher posits one or more laws. and the arrival or departure of friends.. Declamation lies on the cusp of written and oral composition: students usually wrote out declamations in advance. toward the end of the 4th cent. 2:4:41) says that practicing fictitious cases in imitation of judicial and deliberative oratory began in Greece about the time of Demetrius of Phaleron (i. in the judicial controversia. In a Christianized form. Latin writers specifically divide it into the two genres of deliberative and judicial oratory. but our earliest good account is in the work of the elder Seneca. the more popular form in Rome. the second mar- . Sophists and their students also practiced epideictic orations in their schools. with advice about division of the subject and the appropriate topics to employ. and though sophists rarely refer direcdy to the new religion. BC). KENNEDY Sophistic panegyric was an important factor in preserving and transmitting the values of Hellenism.g. For example. funerals. weddings.

the latter called plasmata. Thucydides describes his method in such speeches in a famous passage early in his History of the Peloponnesian War (1:23). or speeches by generals to their troops before battle. exciting to adolescent minds. There are some literary examples of these genres among the works of Libanius. and two speakers did not argue against each other.5 Declamation differs from other public address. Greek rhetoricians did not make the distinction between suasoriae and controversiae so sharply and tend to speak of melete (practice) as divided into historical or fictive forms. pirates. Latin versions of the exercises are described by Quintilian (Inst. memory. The student then composes a speech for one of the parties involved and may invent any additional facts or interpretations at will. Aphthonius. wicked stepmothers. 6 The best example of epideictic in an historical 5 6 See Russell 1983. . Most speeches in Greek and Latin historians are deliberative and belong to one of three sub-genres: speeches by a political leader to a council or assembly. etc. Greek epic and historiography from the very beginning in the Homeric poems and the History of Herodotus included speeches. encomium. peopled with ravished maidens. which deeply affected literary composition. syncrisis. See Hansen 1993. first. style. speeches by an ambassador to another city's authorities.THE GENRES OF RHETORIC 49 riage. Declamation was not a debate. arrangement. It differs also in creating an imagery world. Hermogenes. Speeches are of course also found in the Old and New Testaments. chreia. those in the book of Acts seem most analogous to speeches in Greek historiography. and delivery. ekphrasis. These are the writing exercises of the advanced stage of the grammar school or the elementary stage of study of rhetoric. fathers who disown sons. composed by the historian. and some of them were often incorporated into larger works in prose or poetry. 2:4): fable. personifications (prosopopoeiae) of what might have been said. narrative. as described in the Greek handbooks by or attributed to Theon. the first to note are the progymnasmata. and in encouraging artificiality in both thought and language. tyrants. in that the speaker is not trying to persuade an audience of some policy or the justice of some case but is exercising skills in all the parts of rhetorical theory: invendon. and Nicolaus (see the descriptions in chapter 1 above). and other lurid characters. If we then turn to rhetorical genres found only in written composition.

primarily in style. "The Battle Exhortation in Ancient Historiography". A Greco-Roman Sourcebook (Philadelphia: Westminster Press. virtually all literary composition. F. by L.. Grammarians and teachers of rhetoric seem to have viewed artistic prose literature as limited to three genres: oratory.. the three main genres of rhetoric are letter-writing (called dictamen). The Philosophy of Rhetoric (ed. H. S. Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press. M. 1981).. J. KENNEDY work is the Funeral Oration by Pericles in Th. but sometimes also in invention and arrangement. the pulpit. pp. Campbell. 1776). pp. Malherbe. G. 1958). and verse composition. and artistic examples of philosophical writing such as dialogues. Greek Declamation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. whether in poetry or prose. Weaver 1969. CQ_ 30 (1936). W. CA: Scholars Press. A. 1983). Perelman. Hansen. an adaptation of the classical triad. "Tria genera causarum". In the fourth book of De doctnna Christiana Saint Augustine analyzes passages from the prophet Amos and the epistles of Saint Paul as rhetorical forms. Α. The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on Argumentation (trans. "Rhetorical Performative Discourse: A New Theory of Epideictic". 1974).7 In the Renaissance and early modem period there are often references to the three genres of the senate..50 GEORGE Α. J.. In the Middle Ages.. 170-76. 7 See Murphy 1974:135-355. The Diatribe and Paul's Letter to the Romans (Chico. K.. Philosophy and Rhetoric 11 (1978). C.. G. Beginning in Greek in the Hellenistic period and in Latin by the Augustan Age. . Bitzer 1963. BIBLIOGRAPHY Beale. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. Moral Exhortation. viewed from a stricdy rhetorical point of view. preaching. Olbrechts-Tyteca. Historia 42 (1993). shows the influence of the study of rhetoric. and continuing through the rest of antiquity. Wilkinson and P. though the classical triad is often noted.. and L. 2:5-46. D. by J. A. Murphy. pp. H. historiography. Russell. 1986). are discussed by Dionysius of Halicamassus in his work On Imitation and by Quintilian in the first chapter of the tenth book of his Institutio oratoria. 161-78. J. D. and the bar. Stowers. "Canons" for each of these genres. Numerous handbooks were written on each subject. 221-46. Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: A History of Rhetorical Theory from Saint Augustine to the Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press. Hinks.

Berkeley. What Stemmler (1985. that is generating. but without attention paid to rhetoric.CHAPTER 3 ARRANGEMENT Wilhelm Wuellner Pacific School of Religion. or (4) even the order of a collection of books (narratives. the order of words and phrases. California. whether on the level of (1) sentence syntax. Besides compositio the term structura was also used for the structural order of the parts of the sentence (Scaglione 1972:24-26). The Romans used dispositw/disponere and compositio/componere (on lepos. 23) for διάθεσις and οικονομία. BC and later used [οικονομία] as synonym for . The activity of inventing. see Spengel 1863:501 n. and in terms of the "parts of speech". essays. both as to their style (λέξνς/elocutio) and their delivery (ϋπόκρισις/atfto)—in terms of their appropriateness (aptum) for the adopted partiality. as well as another set of terms: the Greek σύνθεσις and the Latin collocatio. poems. (3) the discourse unit as a whole. According to Cardauns (1985:10) "it is certain that Greek rhetorics of the 1 c. and their respective verbs. STANDARD C A T E G O R I E S AND TERMINOLOGY Arrangement is the ordering of the substance of what was accomplished in the process of εΰρεσις/inventio for the purpose of serving the partiality/utilitas in the discourse's aim. law codes. The latter is used for the results of one's arranging activity. The Greeks had several words for arrangement: διάθεσις/διάθεσθαι τον λόγον. οΐκονομία/οίκονομεΐν. οΐκονομία/οίκονομεΐν. Arrangement is the necessary complement to εΰρεσις/inventio with focus on arrangement of thoughts or ideas. is designated by διάθεσις/διάθεσθαι. USA I.). dispositio/disponere and compositio/componere. διήγησις. and ordo for τάξις. Krings (1941/1982) does for ordo. τάξις/τάσσειν. even the canonical order of sacred writings). designing an arrangement. but also of the order and choice of words. or (2) the traditional "parts of speech" (προοίμιον. etc. letters. see bibliography under Cardauns 1985) does for an overview of οικονομία.

In the opening general remarks about the history and development of arrangement in antiquity some special attention will be paid to the cultural and institutional factors which affected both types of disposition. also Glück 1967. only one side of the whole picture. the type of arrangement determined by utilitas. a comparison found also in ancient rhetorical handbooks. A quite different type of arrangement is the one Lausberg (1984:33-41) calls "disposition external to the discourse".g. what the Greeks called τάξις. While terminology and rhetorical theories that come with it are preoccupied with the first of the two types of arrangement.52 WILHELM WUELLNER part 2 [of the officia oratoris]. the accommodation to the circumstances. in contrast to subject or theme—ΰπόθεσις—on the one hand. Such an overview of the history and development of arrangement within the traditions of classical European rhetoric invites comparison and contrast first of all between the Greek (and later Byzantine) or Eastern and the Roman or Western traditions (e. All arrangement practices and theories of antiquity revolve around these two pole. where the orator uses his judgment to modify the order. Nearly all of the terms used for arrangement apply to only one of the two types of arrangement that were recognized: the type which Lausberg (1984:28-32) calls "disposition internal to the discourse". beginning with the early Greek sophists. T H E H I S T O R Y AND D E V E L O P M E N T OF A R R A N G E M E N T IN A N T I Q U I T Y In this section we offer an overview of the various approaches to arrangement in rhetoric as primarily an object of scientific. and Stroh 1975). The distincdon between the two aspects of arrangement as process and as product is like the distinction between strategy and tactic in the military arts. the second type did also receive a certain degree of attention. the Greek and . alongside the various institutional settings in which oratory was practiced long before the practice was elevated to the level of an art or science (τέχνη). which is the arrangement according to the rules for the "parts of the speech" arising from the orator's first 'έργον/officium: the εϋρεσις/inventio and iudiâum. though an important one. critical reflection. II. theoretical. "Antiquity had rhetoric for a general theory of literature" (Curtius 1973:71): but that is. and to stylistics— λέξις—on the other" (cf.

Take the political changes in antiquity which affected rhetoric: they range from (1) the time-honored traditions of hereditary aristocracy in early antiquity. the law courts [jurisdiction for the forensic genre. activated by cultural conditions" (E. as one of the "rhetorical propensities. comparative critical studies are called for between classical European tradition(s) and ancient non-Western traditions. When we take notice of the discussion about arrangement in Judaism and Christianity of this period of our overview. Greek. Latin) Christianity (Neymeyr 1989). equally classical. the religious assemblies. oratorial practices in Rome. some as early as . Mishnaic and Talmudic Judaism (Phillips 1959) and in Patristic (Syriac. Coptic. by and for the variety of school systems whose origins go gack to the early sophists. The history and development of arrangement in classical Western rhetoric will have to show both sides of the coin: O n e side is the tradition of arrangement-schemes in practices and theories immanent to the rise and development of certain social. social. It will be seen then that arrangement. [appears in its development as] neither innate nor immutable.Β below for brief comments on this area of future reseach. cultural. the theatre. which in turn influenced also centers of religious schooling or emerging academies. we need to be mindful that both religions dealt with cultural and political influences wider than the Imperial borders. to (2) democracy with its development of increasingly purer forms. . both in early Rabbinic. (See IV. moreover. or even ancient Israel. This historical character of rhetorical practices and their theories needs to be kept in sharp focus and seen as relevant also to our own work in this volume. but also legislation for deliberative as well as epideictic genres]. and political institutional settings and traditions which change over the centuries and influence both the practice of oratory and the theory of oratory known as rhetoric. political institutions (the agora or forum. especially those of ancient India and ancient China. . b u t . to (3) the monarchic system of the Hellenistic era.). etc. the academy or school. or among Jews and Christians). then the Imperial regimes in Byzantium in the East and Rome in the West. to (4) the Roman Republic at first. T h e other side of the coin is made up of the arrangement theories or schemata developed in.ARRANGEMENT 53 Byzantine scholastic rhetorical theories vs. Black 1980:82). O n e manifestation of this system became in due course the εγκύκλιος παιδεία system.) The history and development of arrangement in classical Western rhetoric will bring us face to face with a variety of cultural. the emerging liberal arts.

school. and philosophy respectively—giving rise to such scholarly categories of "philosophical rhetoric" and "literary rhetoric"—the technical. generated by rhetoric's interest in syllogistic argumentation—a fateful legacy which resurfaced in the Ramist reform of rhetoric (see Dickson 1993: ch. in practices or theories. poetics. 1 on the classical and medieval roots of Ramism). courts) of public life in Greece and Rome (and all the changes each of them underwent. or the culture of declamations which promoted the προγυμνάσματα. personal and spiritual development. whether as linguistic theory. to call attention to scholarship's long-standing emphasis on the effect of the fusion (or "syncredstic tendencies") generated by the emerging school system(s). given rhetoric's tradidonal interest in the emotions. T o the standard three areas (forum. increasingly so since late Republican. but also other areas as indicated above.54 WILHELM WUELLNER the pre-Constantine era. schools. Both as traditions of oratorical practices. sometimes from one generation to another. Fuhrmann (1987:10) adds three other areas where rhetoric was used and studied. . It would be a mistake to reduce rhetoric. as literary theory. that is. or as literary criticism. More than half of Quintilian's textbook is oriented toward declamation exercises. logic. A third area contributed to rhetoric's fusion with interests in psychagogics. to any one of the cultural activities. courts. however. 1131). and philosophy. early Imperial times (Kroll 1940:1119-24. rhetoric in antiquity flourished as a rainbow coalition with a variety of disparate. The other school system is the culture of μίμησις/imitatio which fuelled the production of the προγυμνάσματα (Hock-O'Neil 1986). motivation or disposition to action—something which philosophers as well as teachers of religion were equally interested in. For in this syncretism or fusion of rhetoric with grammar. discrete activities of public life: in forum. imagination. Perelman's emphasis on "adaptive order" grows out of those same concerns. Another area contributed to rhetoric's fusion with the study of dialectic. One area contributed to rhetoric's fusion with the study of grammar and of poetry: rhetoric's interest in aesthetic values giving rise to a literary rhetoric. let alone over centuries). and as traditions of rhetorical theories or precepts about arrangement. and it was the "unhealthy air of the schools" in which first the declamations then the προγυμνάσματα flourished. It is important. and the will. prescriptive component of rhetoric as a rigid system far overshadows the other component constitutive of ancient rhetoric: the concerns for accommodation to specific situations.

And. Curtius (1973:501) felt that rhetorical theory in antiquity "had little to say" about arrangement. e. or other areas. as it was to music. except for the addition of the concerns with statis (which concerns. But the old tradition continues.ARRANGEMENT 55 Whether as part of rhetorical theory. The framework for discussing τάξις in the oldest rhetorical textbooks (see Plato Phaedrus for the earliest reference) is the schema of the μέρη λόγου. . or as part of the art of oral and literary discourse (including the popular literary genres. however. liturgical. such as religion's literary. diatribes. etc. General Remarks The use of arrangement in Homer's epics—as in the case of Israel's early epics (Alter 1981)—is proof for Kennedy (1980:14) that inventio. "and that little was [later] misunderstood". It was the fifth century BC sophists who. and legislative arrangement-schemes. the basic teaching on rhetoric has not basically changed since the fourth century BC which is best exemplified by the common resources in apparent use in the rhetorical schools. such as Hermagoras's stasis theory. dispositio. novels.). as in the school of Apollodorus of Pergamum. or as part of rhetoric's role in education. letters. Greece 1. 27 on Vitruvius Pollio's De architecture 1:2). It is widely recognized that developments in the study of arrangement ran along two lines: (1) the older sophistic tradition of rules or precepts in the technical handbooks. A. elocutio were long in use before they were conceptualized. especially in those instances where technical definitions are briefly summarized (Kroll 1940:1101) which is often the case with the teaching on arrangement. or architecture (see Spengel 1863:505 n. Alexandrum. Kennedy 1980:97). The first efforts of changing this tradition can be seen in Aristotle's Rhetoric and in the Rhetorica ad. as teachers. sermons. see Kroll 1940:112425. (2) T h e later Peripatetic tradition of arrangement in accommodation to circumstances. T h e divisions of arrangement according to the μόρια λόγου/"parts of speech" are historically the earliest framework of technical rhetoric into which other material got inserted. this tradition continued in the school of Theodorus of Gadara (for a comparison and contrast between these two 1st century BC schools of Apollodorus and Theodorus. or the Stoic system of dialectics. also go back to the 4th century BC).g. concern for arrangement was central to discourse.

Cicero. . then Stoics. άγώνες. and (3) the critique of the tripartite genre-system. for a critique of this long held view. on the Latin side: Rhetorica ad Herennium. προκατάστασις. and by way of the declamations cultivated by teachers and students. arising from the growing realization that " . the remarkable continuity of rhetorical theory from its beginnings to the fourth century extended several more centuries by way of the exercises. in the tradition of the forensic genre. "The original motivations that determined the outcome of the ancient rhetorical system apparently have (for Scaglione 1972:39) to do with the impact of the musical element of poetic discourse.n/20-schemes attributed to Corax are held by Goebel to be without authority. Hamberger (1914:38) points out (with reference to Arist. Qpintilian. which became spontaneously applied to p r o s e . (2) focus on the three genres (on the Greek side. he. " Corax is said to have advocated all of seven parts of speech: προοίμιον. Antiphon's disposition scheme is similar to the ideal schemes of Gorgias and Anaximenes. κατάστασις. Rh. The connection of the discussion of arrangement with rhetorical genres can be seen in three stages: (1) the exclusive concentration on the forensic genre. 3:14:14146 on προοίμιον) that it was the opinion of the earliest rhetoricians that this rhetorical term (perhaps like other terms) had been taken over from ancient Greek musical theory. In the very first textbooks we note their familiarity already with the methodological resource of definitions of conventional rhetorical concepts (Fuhrmann 1960:126 and n. 6). by way of the imitation of classical models. Fortunatianus. Menander. either in the form of controversiae. προκατασκευή. see the . concludes that rhetorical theory shows a remarkable continuity from its beginnings to the fourth century. a good part of the potential field of rhetoric remained outside the [tripartite] division" (Solmsen. since Aristotle. . the Byzantines. But despite Goebel's cridque of the alleged role of Corax in the development of the uses and theory of arrangement. or in the form of suasoriae. παρέκθεσις. 3 on disposition). έπίλογος (Hamberger. . Martianus Capella). in Stark 1968:339. In what Kroll called (1940:1131) the unhealthy air of the schools during the Hellenistic and Imperial era. Rhetorica ad Alexandrum. but best represented by Hermagoras and his status system which only fits forensics. . beginning with Corax. . The <fo/>0. see Goebel 1983: ch.56 WILHELM WUELLNER created and coined their own terminology for a theory of rhetoric. in the tradition of the deliberative or epideictic genre. too. In connection with Corax's definition of the προοίμιον.

Special attention deserves to be paid to the four genres of nonfictional prose in antiquity: philosophical literature. What we will note in the development of rhetorical arrangement. more or less felicitously. For two of the four prose genres (philosophy and science) the invention. And Kroll (1940:1119. 6:1. 1122-23) reminds us that epistolography does not appear among the προγυμνάσματα. . scientific literature. . and epistolography. arrangement. especially in the epideictic genre and its proliferating species. and not by virtue of principles or precepts". Kroll rightly warns (1940:1132) that the rules of the later handbooks about arrangement. 1:62). and Colson 1913). and style considerations became operational there "merely by imitation of the appropriate models. designed to reach even the ίδιώται and not just society's elite. The highlights of the development of arrangement in the Greek tradition are as follows. historiography. Black 1989. 6:57) or on literary style and composition (έν πειθοί της φράσει και συνθέσει των λέξεων σοφίας) (Cels. cf. to related genres". cannot rely on τα της ρητορικής θεωρήματα (Cels. 2. The Early Sophists It is generally held (Hamberger 1914) that Corax and his student Tisias in the fifth century BC were the first to set up a theory of . it is in no way self-evident that epistolary theory influenced epistolary praxis" (Koskenniemi 1956:17). was noted also by a student of Greek epistolography: "there is no immediate connection between epistolographic theory and the extant actual letters . 1:62 on the lack of τάξις απαγγελίας "according to the dialectical or rhetorical techniques of the Greeks". and the Christian apologetic response emphasizing that persuasion. see M. How significant the precepts for arrangement in epideictic rhetoric were for the emerging genres of ancient biography (Kroll 1940:1128-35) and of the ancient novel (Hägg 1983:105-108) can be seen in the polemics against the Christian Bible as lacking τάξις (see Orig.ARRANGEMENT 57 critical comments in Cicero and Quintilian). Cels. namely the frequent discrepancy between the theorists and the practitioners. but in the other two (historiography and epistolography) "modest initial efforts were made without hiding the fact that they simply copied traditional rhetorical precepts and applied them. such as epistolography (Fuhrmann 1987:9). should not be seen as rooted in the earlier Hellenistic era.

έπίλογος. Goebel (1983: ch. b. offering . 3). has found the arrangement schemes attributed to Corax without authority. Fuhrmann 1960:125 n. 3:13-14. 266c-267d. but according to Aristotle it had seven parts: προοίμιον.58 WILHELM WUELLNER arrangement. πίστις. The later fourth century guidelines for the arrangement of discourse appear to Fuhrmann (1960:159) as basically the same since the early sophists without additions or deletions. αγώνες. consisting of προοίμιον.). esp. προκατασκευή. Aristode himself points out (Rh. έπίλογος. 257ff. then διήγησις. but that of the followers of the Isocratean school or tradition. c. which for the Peripatetic school are the "proofs". κατάστασις. however. 3. παρέκθεσις. but limited to the arrangement of the parts of forensic oratory: προοίμιον. The similarity of Antiphon's disposition scheme to the ideal schemes of Gorgias and Anaximenes illustrates the remarkable continuity which theories of arrangement show from their beginnings down to the fourth century. not that of the master himself ("a pedagogical genius. we have the oldest coherent report of the oldest rhetorical theorists and of their precept-teachings. Plato In his Phdr.. plus or minus πρόθεσις. Rh. but no systematician". however. these theorists linked arrangement with invention as did Corax earlier. Gorgias T h e excessive arrangement techniques of Gorgias are said to be derived from Eleatic dialectics (Fuhrmann 1960:128-31). T h e target of the Peripatetic critique (Arist. προκατάστασις. to which also belong Thrasymachus and Theodoras of Byzantium. a. 16:1414a—17a) that Isocrates' concern with arrangement was focused mainly on the first two "parts": προοίμιον and διήγησις. αγώνες. Antiphon As a member of the group of "the older sophists". 3:13-19:1414a-20a) of the Isocratean approach was due to its alleged superficiality and lack of any clear conception of the essential functions of oratory. What is referred to in scholarship as the Isocratean approach to arrangement is. Isocrates Isocrates' approach to arrangement remains based on the μέρη λόγου. έπίλογος.

after the manner of a bad carver" (τό πάλιν κατ' εϊδη δύνασθαι τέμνειν. άλλα μέσα τε ε'χειν και άκρα. The other principle (ετερον είδος) concerns "dividing things again by classes. making clear by definition [εκαστον οριζόμενος δήλον ποιή]. κακού μαγείρου τρόπω χρώμενον. . In 265d Socrates speaks of "two principles" (δυοίν είδοιν): one is that of "perceiving and bringing together in one idea the scattered particulars . composed in fitting relation to each other and to the whole" (δεΐν πάντα λόγον ώσπερ ζώον συνεστάναι σώμά τι έχοντα αυτόν αύτοΰ. In 266b-268a Socrates professes to be "a lover of these processes of division and bringing together. as it were. like a living being. κατ' άρθρα. Lysias is criticized (263e) for not beginning his argument (on the nature of love) with a definition and "finishing] his discourse with that in view" (συνταξάμενος πάντα τον ύστερον λόγον). ή πέφυκε. Mindful of the excessive arrangement-schemes of Gorgias and the naive arbitrariness in the arrangement practiced by Lysias. In 264a Socrates goes on: "[Lysias] . and begins with what the lover would say at the end to his beloved [και άρχεται άφ' ών πεπαυμένος αν ήδη ό έραστής λέγοι προς τα παιδικά]". does not even begin at the beginning. . but to have a middle and members. [It is] by this means that discourse acquires clearness and consistency [τό γούν σαφές και τό αύτό αύτώ όμολογούμενον διά ταύτ' εσχεν ειπείν ό λόγος]". και μή έπιχειρεΐν καταγνύναι μέρος μηδέν. but undertakes to swim on his back up the current of his discourse from its end [ουδέ άπ' άρχής άλλ' άπό τελευτής έξ ύπτιας άνάπαλιν διανείν έπιχειρεΐτόν λόγον]. so as not to be headless or footless. 264c). Plato criticizes two aspects of contemporary. 265e). . 264b) is based on the premise that "every discourse must be organized. and not trying to break any part. The critique of the seeming lack of "any rhetorical reason" (τινά άνάγκην λογογραφικήν. ώστε μήτε άκέφαλον είναι μήτε άπουν. he is told by Phaedrus that there are "many things" (μάλα συχνά) besides dialectic when it comes to what is "written in the books on rhetoric" .. πρέποντ' άλλήλοις και τω ολω γεγραμμένα. While for Socrates rhetoric and dialectic are synonymous (as they are later for the Stoics). τών διαιρέσεων και συναγωγών. pre-Platonic rhetoric: its unreflected routines.. ϊν' οίός τε ώ λέγειν τε και φρονειν). where the natural joints are. . as aids to speech and thought" (έραστής. The μέρη λόγου were the only precepts relevant to arrangement. with a body of its own. and the related practice of formalistic techniques (Fuhrmann 1960:135-37).ARRANGEMENT 59 a recognizable methodological arsenal of the early rhetoricians.

in Stark 1968:184-95). According to Hill (1983:69). "Aristotle was consistendy interested in the organic unity of a whole and the realization of its potential. The role Aristode could have played in mediating between philosophy and technical or sophistic rhetoric was first realized by Cicero. and in our days by Perelman. that Aristode considers the arrangement not only of judicial but also of [the other two genres]". . as does Aristode himself. The three influential features of Aristode's treatment of arrangement in Rh. "no doctrine of speech as organism is expounded in [Aristode's] Rhetoric—in the Poetics. but subsequent handbook tradition ignores it. as well as criticizing Perelman for his critique of the Peripatetic concern for organic unity in arrangement) for failing "to provide adequately for the mixture of intentions found in actual oratory". style and arrangement are part of artistic rhetoric" (Kennedy 1980:77). though perhaps part of "the little things" (τα μικρά) of the art of rhetoric. By these "many things" Socrates means "the niceties of the art" (τα κομψά της τέχνης). but not in the Rhetoric". he criticizes Aristotle (1980:80. (2) emphasis on only two parts to arrangement (which is the philosophical bent in his Rhetoric). . Theodorus. He sees Aristotle's τέχνη borrowed from Theodectes with whom he disagrees in some respects. namely. 3:13-19:1414a~20a are: (1) arrangement gets treated after style. 268a) appears to be part of the then current discussion of arrangement. and (3) arrangement gets applied also to epideictic and deliberative rhetoric. and Theodectes. 3:13-19:1414a20a) organize "the whole material under categories representing essential qualities or functions of any speech". Most of 3:13-19 belongs to "the system of the μόρια λόγου type and.60 WILHELM WUELLNER (τά γ' έν τοις βιβλίοις τοις περι λόγων τέχνης γεγραμμένοις). not after inventio. Aristode's approach was born of interactions with Isocrates. passed over by Socrates for the sake of keeping the focus on "what force of art they have and when" (τίνα και πότ' έ'χει την της τέχνης δύναμιν). but not at all with his great contemporary Demosthenes. Though Kennedy found it "an important feature . Aristode Like Plato. a fifth-century BC pupil of Protagoras. The reference made to "correctness of diction" (όρθοέπεια. the familiar "parts of speech" as outlined by "the man from Byzantium". 4. Solmsen (Stark 1968:312-49) sees Aristotle (in Rh. Aristotle and the Rhetorica ad Alexandrum a. . yes. Alcidamas (Solmsen.

may rather be regarded as the first stage in the process of fusion between the two rival traditions [which became] the way in which the ratio Aristotelia left its mark upon the later rhetorical systems" (32327). discuss them again in the dispositio. b. and (3) the τάξεις or μέθοδοι των λόγων (29-38) on how each of the rhetorical genres (εϊδεα) get arranged organically (τάττειν τους λόγους σωματοειδώς. The whole work is organized around three issues: (1) the δυνάμεις/functions or qualities of discourse (1-5). 28 end).ARRANGEMENT 61 so far from being characteristic of Aristotle's own approach to rhetoric. for example. It is obviously not a subtle way of treating arrangement. and other subjects of minor importance (Cicero's treatment of dispositio. 36 on the forensic genre (subdivided into κατηγορικόν/άπολογετικόν = prosecution/defense) on "how we shall construct and arrange these species". Hill (1983:71) finds Aristode's treatment of arrangement according to the four parts of speech persevering "under whatever names they appear" but notes that "Aristode himself was critical of the four-part division and did not choose to organize his Rhetoric along these lines. see. of course. 31 on τάξις in the narratiopart. 35 on the epideictic genre (subdivided into έγκωμιαστικόν/ κακολογικόν = eulogy/vituperation). (2) the χρήσεις/practical and proper usefulness (6-28)." The later rhetoricians who use the "parts" in the inventio cannot. is again an exception since he has not anticipated the discussion of the partes under inventio. Thus they must confine themselves in the dispositio to some remarks concerning the length of each of the parts. Aristode had borrowed from the alternative system and discussed the "parts of the speech" under τάξις. and in 37 the new . in De or. see 348-49 on "the insistence on the old boundary between inventio and dispositio" [349]). Traditional is the approach to arrangement according to the μέρη. the sequence of the points to be made. and it breaks down as a guide to the analysis of any very complicated production. Rhetorica ad Alexandrum Like Aristotle's Rhetoric. but new in 29-38 is the elaboration of the "parts of rhetoric" according to seven rhetorical genres (an advance over the old sophistic which only focused on the forensic genre): 29-34 on the deliberative genre (sub-divided into προτρεπτικός/άποτρεπτικός = exhortation/dissuasion). T o deal with them under dispositio as he does was in keeping with the original Perpatetic procedure. 2:307-332. this work grew out of the rhetorical training praxis in fourth-century Athens.

and (2) the application of contemporary philosophy. as is customary. devoted to λέξις. 12). In the fourth of the subdivisions under οικονομία. for Fuhrmann (1960:122) this work shows fully developed all the characteristics of the later handbooks. 5. (4) ΰπόκρισις. and their arrangement in the syntax of the sentence./inventio'. His approach influenced the young Cicero. partitio and ordo. but with dual focus: the sequence of the parts of the discourse.62 WILHELM WUELLNER είδος έξετάστικον = investigation. in Stark 1968:315 n. for they deal with the disposition of the subject matter of a given discourse. Fuhrmann (1960:123) suggests that these textbook characteristics are the legacy of the sophistic school system. While the rhetorical genres and the "parts of speech" are dealt with in traditional fashion. (b) μερισμός/partitio. there is no reflection as yet of the officia. (c) τάξις/ ordo. (d) λέξις/φράσις/έρμηνεία—. deriving the operating principles in this book from SocraticPlatonic and Aristotelian logic. (3) οικονομία—with four subdivisions: (a) κρίσις/iudicium. but the officia or opera/'έργα rhetoros in the following order: (1) νόησις/intellectio\ (2) εϋρεσιζ. belong closely together. all he stresses are the selection of fitting words and phrases. completing "the link between Greek rhetorical theory and Roman rhetoric" (Murphy 1983:82). 6. still less to deduce the necessity of such a division (Solmsen. No attempt is made to establish a rational division of the principles of rhetoric. Hermagoras of Temnos In his six-volume work on the rhetorical arts this late second-century BC rhetorician contributed much to the reform of rhetorical theory. He approached arrangement not by the μόρια λόγου. Prodicus and Gorgias. including a critique of the sophists. and the ordering of its most important part. (5) μνήμη. highlights an aspect of the approach to arrangement which has its own history: . he has surprisingly little to say. especially Gorgias. Two aspects characterize this work: (1) the sophistic legacy. Even so. a first-century BC Epicurean. But instead of. Thus a critical examination is required of the relationship between philosophical methodology and sophistic school-praxis (Fuhrmann 1960:132). traceable back to Protagoras. In the history of arrangement his divisions under οικονομία are new: the two subparts. the "proofs". Epicureans and Stoics The rhetoric of Philodemus.

. and natural because 'logical'. [Prior to Priscianus] grammarians. διάθεσνς) succumbed to the ruling quinquepartite principle. εΰρεσις. or of a given oration. such as Chrysippus. and stylistic analysts had remained content with the identification of the first and last places in the sentence as the most important because of their weight on the hearer (vis)—ostensibly a psychological [and not logical] approach to the matter" (Scaglione 1972:39). right because natural. It was in response to logical or dialectical postulates of philosophers and grammarians alike that Stoic linguists. 1) calls the syncretistic tendencies generated by the school system in antiquity (see also Kroll 1940:1080-90 on rhetorical-philosophical syncretism). . according to Fortunatianus. Spengel (1863:493 n. like any work of art. as it tended to be in the Socratic-Platonic critique of the sophist tradition. 17) noted that the Stoics. it was also prefigured in Aristotle's highlighting mainly the "proofs" in his discussion of arrangement of the "parts". The sixteenth-century Ramist reform is but a belated echo reverberating through the rhetorical tradition since antiquity. One of their categorizations of a tripartite scheme of the rhetorical officia (νόησις. . He insisted that a piece of rhetorical art. emphasized the notion of a "natural" or "right". . This view of composition first entered the domain of grammar with Priscianus "without forcing the rhetoricians to give up [their categories of arrangement] . And it was Priscianus who established the view that the 'right' order is the 'natural'. The third-century BC Stoic approach to arrangement can be considered as one of the results (literary rhetoric as the other) of what Fuhrmann (1960:160 n. rhetoricians. that is.ARRANGEMENT 63 arrangement as the organic whole of a discourse. logical order. as Dickson (1993) reminds us. . In Stoic theory all reflection on arrangement became part of the system of dialectics. did not produce precise and uniform désignations for arrangement. Hagius (1979) traces the development of the rules for the "parts of speech" from the early Stoics to the Alexandrian grammarians. can be understood and appreciated only when perceived in the totality of its component parts. whether the whole of a sentence unit. The Stoics introduced the concept of syntax into the discussion of the rhetorical arts. or the whole of a collection of such orations.

word-arrangement/appropriate composition (σύγκεισθαι προσφόρως). and the same tendency is manifest in dealing with all individual elements in the letter (Koskenniemi 1956:202). to σύνθεσις γλαφυρά (3:179-185). and Literary Criticism T h e rhetorization of poetics in late antiquity was one of the manifestations of the syncretistic tendencies in the ancient school system. to σύνθεσις ισχνή (4:204-208 with an added section on epistolary style and arrangement in 223-235). a. see Kustas 1973:46ff.). Hence there are sections devoted to the σύνθεσις μεγαλοπρεπής (2:38-74). the same observadon made about the "parts of speech" as major principle for disposition applies to the arrangement of letters: the basic structure or form of letters remains unchanged by and large. and to σύνθεσις δεινή (5:241-271). The more epistolography gets associated with poetics. subject-matter/thought (διανοία). elegant (γλαφυρός). (See Solmsen in Stark 1968:285-311. elevated/grand (μεγαλοπρεπής). merely due to copying rhetorical precepts and applying them to the art of letter writing without notions of arrangement indigenous to it (see also Classen 1992:323-24 on the substantially different orientation in the rhetorical handbooks and the manuals on letter-writing which offer "no particular rule or advice" least of all on the arrangement or structure of letters. Demetrius (and Epistolography) Demetrius's contribution to arrangement lies in his concerted effort in his περι ερμηνείας (from the second half of the 1st century AD) to deal with each of four (instead of the more familiar three) types (χαρακτήρες) of style (2:36-37): plain (ισχνός). forcible (δεινός). Literary Rhetoric: Rhetoric and Poetics. for Fuhrmann (1987:9). on "the common ground between letter and homily". .64 WILHELM WUELLNER 7. What evidence there is of rhetoric's influence on epistolography (similar to that on historiography) is. it had far-reaching consequences. the more noticeable is the interest in the continuity of the letter's basic τάξις/dispositio.) As to the role of arrangement in the theoretical reflections on epistolography. He does this in terms of the same three headings: diction (λεξις). Grammar.

the first he assigns to the traditional έργον of εϋρεαις/inventio·. Dionysius Halicamassus About Lysias's arrangement and development (τάξιν και έργασίαν) of discourse Dionysius (in Lys. And it is the second part that is the most important for him: arrangement (τό οίκονομικόν) of the subject matter on the one hand. in his use of τάξις και μερισμοί) were superior to Lysias in the arrangement of the material they have invented (οίκονομήσαι τα ευρεθέντα). the philosophers—especially the followers of Epicurus—. the second to οικονομία or arrangement. who maintained that rhetoric had a merely empirical structure. 15. The theories of evaluation which Dionysius used in his rhetorical treatises are characterized by Schenkeveld (1975:107) as laying claim to the logical basis and structure of the τέχνη of the rhetoricians against their rivals in educational matters. But he makes as little use of Cicero's speeches. (3) determine whether any modification is required in the material used. his contemporary. In Σύνθεσις ονομάτων 6 he outlines the three εργα of the science of composition (συνθετική έπιστήμη): (1) determine which σύνθεσις is likely to produce a beautiful and attractive united effect (συζύγιαν). Isoc.ARRANGEMENT 65 b. on the level of τό οίκονομικόν (e. and composition (τό συνθετικόν) of the selected style. (2) determine how each of the parts which are to be fitted together should be shaped (σχηματισθέν) so as to improve the harmonious appearance of the whole (άρμονίαν).g. Demosthenes is his most admired rhetor. 4) felt that other orators (such as Isocrates. . mean ways (άμορφα και ταπεινά και πτωχά) or in sublime. In his Σύνθεσις ονομάτων 4 he points out that in the arrangement of words in a sentence (he uses σύνθεσις for that) the same words can be used in either misshapen. rich and beautiful fashion (υψηλά και πλούσια και καλά). alteration) and carry out such changes with a proper view to their future purpose (πρός την μέλλουσαν χρείαν οίκείως έξεργάσασθαι) on the level of τό συνθετικόν. addition. and (3) έξεργασία is taken as the elaboration of particular events. In his Thucydides he develops some other critical categories. as Aristotle made use of his contemporary Demosthenes. 51 he divides approaches to discourse into two concerns: what is the subject matter (τό πραγματικόν) and its expression (τό λεκτικόν). T h e arrangement of material (οικονομία) gets subdivided in a new way: (1) διαίρεσις is the general method of arrangement. (2) τάξις refers here only to the adequacy of beginning and end. beggarly. that is. subtraction. In his Dem.

and Ephesus as the important "sophisdc centers" besides those in Pergamum.-Longinus On the Sublime In 1:4 it is pointed out that skill of invention. and others. which. whether in the concerns for the whole speech. Aelius Aristides. surprisingly. led to the proverbial controversies among the sophists (Bowersock 1969:17-100). in turn. is taken as one of the strengths of rhetoric in early Roman Imperial times. The strength of Roman rhetoric of that period is seen in the premise of a concept of unity of the material. Gadara. σύνθεσις. and not municipal. Another sophist. observes Scaglione (1972:23) and adds: "the Sophists had little explicit consciousness of overall composition in the sense of organic structure or plot". λέξις to δικαιοσύνη (Spengel 1863:492). but "in the whole tissue of the composition" (έκ του ολου των λόγων). in contrast to its simultaneously prevailing weakness as evident in the growing scholastic tendency (flourishing in the unhealthy air of the school system) of regularizing. The efforts of making a case for dignified word order in a composition (as one of five sources for the sublime). εϋρεσις relating to φρόνησις. 8.g. or for the whole of education. But the context for sophist and non-sophist rhetoricians alike has changed: their dependence on supportive centers (the municipal centers in the East. of course. Ps. with τάξις representing σοφροσύνη. patronage). codifying. e. and. and of arrangement and marshalling of facts (τάξιν και οίκονομίαν των πραγμάτων) in a given work shows up not in one or two isolated features. Smyrna. found in rhetorical theory of the εργα a reflection of the four cardinal virtues. 9. Mydlene. Athens. Second Sophistic What was true of the early sophists continues with representatives of the Second Sophistic: they tended to stress composition above all else. since this is all he specifically treated". and proliferadng precepts (Kennedy 1980:112~ 16 on "Manifestation of Literary Rhetoric").66 WILHELM WUELLNER c. Syrian Antioch or Alexandria. but not. Flavius Philostratus (late 2nd/early 3rd century AD) uses τάξις "for nothing more than compositio. but there subject to Imperial. Anonymus Seguerianus The novelty in the treatment of the four standard parts of an oradon found in this third-century AD author lies for Kennedy (1972:617) . Rome.

General Remarks There is a two and a half centuries-long gap in tradition between the earliest Latin textbooks on rhetoric (Rhetorica ad Herennium and early Cicero) and the main Greek texts. in the treatment of arrangement (see under Rhet. 7). this is an issue equally important to contemporary Mishnaic and Talmudic Judaism. with the partial exception of the prooemium. and was said. 2:307-315. The chief merit of Byzantine rhetoric lies in channeling the legacy of Greek and Roman rhetoric to its late Medieval renaissance and subsequent renaissances of classical rhetoric in the modern world. Inst. with its cause or effect relation to theories of arrangement (see IV. Byzantine Rhetoric With its function as presenting decisions to the public and strengthening the loyalty to church and state through the use of the forms of epideictic. the writer considers invention. As Clarke (1953/ 1968:32) and Kennedy (1972:115) note. there is little left that can be said. Rome 1. Part. Quint. Three literary forms emerging in Roman times reflect some of the . 3:16-18. B.C below on areas of future research). De or. the other (first mentioned in the Peripatetic tradition of Aristotle) emphasizing the orator's judgment in modifying the conventions of rhetorical arrangement. arrangement. see Kustas (1973:46ff. 10.). On the role which rhetoric played in creating "the common ground between letter and homily". Kennedy (1980:170) sees Byzantine rhetoric making no important contribudon to rhetorical theory.1 5 . when inventio encroaches on the province of dispositio by dealing with the parts of speech under inventio.ARRANGEMENT 67 in this "that. ad Her. became under the Roman and Byzantine empires a powerful instrument for preservation of the status quo". Cic. It is an irony of history worth critical reflection that rhetoric which was "invented in the fifth century BC as an instrument of social and political change. 9 . and style as applied to each of these parts". In this period the discussion on arrangement ran on two tracks: one going back to the early sophists with their interest in the "parts of speech" as framework for approaching arrangement.

Beside these two points other critical issues demand attention (see IV. and the school masters with their progymnasmata exercises and declamation training on the other hand). It is here that the discussion of arrangement in ancient rhetoric must account for "the shaping effects of the medium itself on both the communicator and the communicant" (Sloane 1974:804). As a result. T h e Romans—at least some of them—wanted their literary forms to be shapeless. This principle was elaborated in book 1 as part of invention. and practice (exercitatio/γυμνασία). This is a change (also found in Cicero. Rhetorica ad Herennium In 1:3 dispositio is mentioned as one of the faculties (officia) which one acquires in three ways: theory (arj/τέχνη). imitation (imitatio/μίμησις). 2. Ε below on areas warranting future research). Kroll (1940:1134) speaks of the conflict between "the demands of the modern times" and the rhetorical convention (especially as embodied by the "technographers" on the one hand. and as such can serve as a model in the school system. In 3:9:16-18 we find the distinction made between two genera dispositionum: (1) Arrangement generated by the principle of rhetoric (ab institutione artis profectum)—the rules (of the sequence of "the parts of speech") mentioned already in Plato's Phaedrus. and (2) the published version can become a political pamphlet or a legal or religious document. The function of arrangement is the ordering and distribution of the matter (ordo et distnbutio rerum) indicating the place each thing is assigned to (demonstrat quid quibus locis sit concolandum). and the novel (Hägg 1983). De inventione) from the Peripatetic tradition which dealt with the "parts" under arrangement. Textbook rhetoric was hard put to account for the arrangement in these seemingly disorderly genres. the subjective elegy (Gelhaus 1973). For Kroll (1940:1104). And part of that conflict was also generated and fuelled by the transition from the old world of orality to the unfolding world of literacy (see O n g 1982. what is said on arrangement be- .68 WILHELM WUELLNER changes in the approach to arrangement: the satura or sermo = ομιλία (Lévy 1993). What distinguishes these three distinctly R o m a n literary forms is their formlessness. Swearingen 1991). the change from an oral to written and published oration is twofold: (1) the published version is likely to pay more attention to the aesthetic components.

330 on changes in narratio and peroratio). especially the "proofs". ratio/argumentatio. Cicero The young Cicero. 1:30). conclusio. sed etiam momento quodam atque iudicio dispensare atque componere) Also the need of modifying or even completely eliminating certain "parts" of the discourse from their prescribed arrangement (first discussed in Inv. like a general. The orator. In his Or. gets elaborated in De or. 139). Each of the six parts serves a specific function in the whole arrangement. 15:50 he offers as example of such choices of arrangement (appropriate to the utilitas of the case) the ordering of one's strongest arguments at the beginning and end of the "proofs" with the weaker arguments inserted in the . exomatio.ARRANGEMENT 69 comes "narrow in scope and rather sterile" (Caplan 1954:xviii). (2) Arrangement generated by accommodation to specific circumstances (ad casum temporis adcommodatum). confirmatio. confirmatio. partitio. but with a discriminating eye for the exact weight as it were of each argument" (non solum ordine. This genre of arrangement deals with the changes and transpositions (commutationes et translationes) necessitated by the cause itself (ipsa res). As we have seen already in Aristotle's Rhetoric 3. 139 rhetorician Marcus Antonius compares the arrangement of discourse for greatest force and effectiveness (plurimum proficere et vaelere) with military strategy and tactics. the partes orationis (of which he lists six: exordium. the announcement that one wants to deal with arrangement may in fact apply more to the discussion of arrangement in one or the other of the "parts". Such changes in arrangement are compared with military tactics (3:9:18. 1:142) has Crassus qualify the earlier precept by advising the arrangement of the inventive discoveries "not merely in orderly fashion. but also (as set forth already in 2:18:28) to the individual "parts": expositio. The older Cicero (De or. reprehensio. narratio. in his De inventione defined arrangement (1:9) as the distribution of arguments discovered (in the inventio) in the proper order (dispositio est rerum inventarum in ordinem distributio). Arrangement of. 3. 2:307-332 (see 320 on changes in proems. cf. Brut. T h e principle informing arrangement is said to apply not only to the discourse as a whole. In his Brut. conclusio) should be considered only after (denique ordinandae) the primary task of the invention of arguments "in proper order" (1:19). and not with the discourse as a whole. and in. Cic. arranges his material in the most opportune parts of his discourse (in maxime opportunis orationis partibus collocabantur).

and with arrangement in particular—even in medieval Jewish rhetoric! 4. a program generated by his personal character (160 n. even if both come from the same person. that remained till Renaissance times the most influential force in dealing with rhetoric in general. was the model generally used in the first century BC. rhetoric. the "parts"-approach has not yet been adopted. does not always agree with praxis. following inventio and elocutio. Comments like this warn us that rhetorical theory. or from the instinct of the speaker. As Spengel (1863:501 n. which follows the two genera dispositionum of Rhetorica ad Herennium. though allegedly derived from praxis in part. and in part serving praxis again (Fuhrmann 1987:7). in terms of first dealing with the five officia and then the five partes. Fuhrmann (1960:69) sees a tradition already hardened by mannerism. As Classen (1985) and others (Stroh 1975) have shown. de artifice) textbook-type.70 WILHELM WUELLNER middle. None of Cicero's own oradons can be fully and satisfactorily analyzed "with the categories of the rhetorical system in the sense that an individual oration can be explained as the ad hoc embodiment of what the rhetorical precepts taught" (Leeman 1982:42-43). with the precepts of traditional arrangement skillfully modified. All arrangement arises either from the nature of the case. Horace At the base of his Ars poetica lies the tripartite (officia. In Cicero's reflections on arrangement. In De inventione (as in Rhetorica ad Herennium) arrangement gets discussed under "parts of speech" in its relation to inventio. 2:307-332 Cicero has not anticipated the discussion of the partes under inventio. or praxis with theory. partes. and (2) Cicero's design for unity of philosophy. but only with respect to the forensic genre. and politics as part of the program Cicero had for his own life. as well as the other officia. Kroll (1940:1069) points out that in De oratore and in Oratore the approach to arrangement. Cicero's use of arrangement in his speeches is manifold. In his De or. His blend of rhetorics and poetics is well represented . 23) observed: only where res and verba get combined does arrangement/dispositio come to be discussed in third place. It was Cicero. and he accounts for the discernible signs of a philosophical-rhetorical syncretism in the rhetorical handbooks of Cicero and Rhetorica ad Herennium in two ways: (1) the syncretisdc tendencies in the school and education-systems of the times. not Aristotle. as to the arrangement in the other two rhetorical genres. 1).

concern with the wording and delivery as belonging to elocutio. 5.e. but also quo loco. arrangement is considered neither "as duties of the oratory [nor] as elements of rhetoric. . (2) Theodorus of Gadara. with tendencies for novelty. leaving the student with the impression "as though arrangement was anything else than the marshalling of arguments in the best possible order" (quasi aliud sit dispositio quam rerum ordine quam optimo collocatio). he sees concerns with subject matter (res) and arrangement as belonging to inventio. division. In 3:3:2 he briefly comments on the importance of dispositio dealing with discourse not only quo modo. .3 with theoretical issues. his contemporary (for teaching that all of rhetoric falls into parts only: invention and arrangement. but [as] parts of the art and not the material" (Meador 1983:161). The use of the "parts of speech" as the principle of structure and organization in the section on invention constitutes for Solmsen (in Stark 1968:326) an important departure from the original Peripatetic system—a "contamination" with the Isocratean tradition which is a process that began with Aristotle. in his inventio] will not be abandoned by eloquence [Jacundia deseret] or lucidity of arrangement [lucidus ordo].ARRANGEMENT 71 in section 39-44: "The man who chooses his subject with full control [i. (3) Hermagoras (for placing judgment. As with all five officia. In 3:3:6 he cites Cicero for his claim that the iudicium/judgment function in the inventio phase is indispensible for both dispositio and elocutio\ in 3:3:7. Among the developments since Cicero. another contemporary (for having a different view by subsuming elocutio under inventio as one of its two parts. Among the chief developments he refers to are (1) Dio of Prusa. again with reference to Cicero. order and everything relating to expression under the heading of economy . Quintilian and Pliny the Younger Quintilian Institutio Oratoria deals in books 1 . the other with verba). As to arrangement: its excellence and charm [ordinis virtus et venus] . and dealing with arrangement. as the remaining "parts"). with memoria acting as custodem omnium. and postponing and temporarily omitting a great many things [pleraque différât et praesebs in tempus omittat]" (Russell and Winterbottom 1972:280). the first concerned with res. consists in saying at this moment what needs to be said at this moment [iam nunc dicat iam nunc debentia did]. etc. he points to the urge for making additions to arrangement (adiecerunt ordinem) besides the standard teaching on dispositio.

elocution belong to the partes rhetorices or to the opera oratoris. 7:10:11). not to be solely preoccupied with elocutio. Pliny. another contemporary of Quintilian. For Quintilian. subiicit oeconomiae— a word for which Latin has no equivalent. Quadlbauer (1977:75) finds a similar view shortly after Quintilian in Theon. as in the dispoûtio in Homer's Odyssey (more Homerico a mediis vel ultimis. 3:13:3). and (5) the many dissenting voices (plures dissenserunt) over the issue whether invention. the transitions. advocating that the five officia. both inventio and dispositio belong to rhetorices propria. On the Sublime 44:3-5]. (4) some unnamed ones who put memoria even before dispositio. in his letter to Voconius Romanus (Ep. the figures [or figurations] as well! Superb invention [invenire praeclare] and magnificent expression [enuntiare magnifice] are sometimes found also among barbarians [the same topos is found in Jos. a student of Quintilian. (3) Quintilian includes a number of things not usually found under the heading of dispositio. warns critics. What he has to say about arrangement in book 4 and following shows these highlights: (1) A neutral value is put on the merits of the ordo naturalis of the ab initio-technique (with orderly sequences to middle and end) over against the ordo artificialis of the a mediis-approach.72 WILHELM WUELLNER [iudicium. . In book 4 he starts laying out specific precepts to be used in school exercises (for Kroll 1940:1099 the normal type of the system of schoolrhetoric is to be found in the works of Dionysius Halicamassus). 3:3:9]). Quintilian sides with Hermagoras against Athenaeus. and then exclaims: "If only people would look at least at the arrangement. partitonem. It is good to remind ourselves here that Quintilian was the first teacher of rhetoric at Rome on the Imperial pay roll. Ps. 4 7 20:264. but only the erudite can arrange with propriety [disponere apte] and give variety to his figures [figurae varie]". belong to the elementa/στοιχεία of rhetoric (3:3:11). arrangement. (2) 7:1:42-62 illustrates Quintilian's approach to arrangement with what Kroll (1940:1071) calls an unusually captious treatment of a controversia declamation which proves how anatomy is best taught with a corpse for illustration. quaeque sunt elocutionis. ordinem. which include arrangement.-Longin.

Rhetores Latini Minores The Latin technical handbooks of the fourth century "subtly alter the classical conception of the subject matter of rhetoric and thereby anticipate some the characteristic developments of later medieval theory" (Leff 1982:72). the Latin tradition remained more aware of the need for "adaptive order". since Hermagoras. But on a second.ARRANGEMENT 73 6. In his Institutiones oratoHae (Halm 1863:311-52). at first sight. inventio. continue the efforts of Demetrius. and others. like Plato. But "neither the elements of disposition nor invention receive more than passing attention" (Leff 1982:74). His textbook of progymnasmata is designed to help students with the task of arrangement. and Apsines (his is the last complete τέχνη in Greek to survive). not to speak of the diversity in the practices of oratory in the various times and places. Like Apsines's interest in progymnasmata. the students in the school of declamation" (Kennedy 1980:103-105). Aristotle. His concerns for composition (arrangement on the sentence level). Sulpitius Victor "dramatically restmctures the elements of rhetorical theory". Dionysius Halicamassus. III. closer look there emerge two groups into which this diversity can be sorted: (1) the original Greek sophistic approach which even those honored who severely criticized the sophists. This approach . The officia of the rhetor are now only three: intellectio. Book 3 he deals with arrangement by using new stasis categories as "ways of ordering the material". A R R A N G E M E N T IN R H E T O R I C A L THEORY The survey of the history and development of arrangement in antiquity reveals. the colorful diversity in the systems of rhetoric. While the Hellenistic approach. "he wrote primarily for . and dispositio which includes style and delivery. 7. Hermogenes of Tarsus (mid-2nd century AD) In his treatise On Invention. . Like Quintilian before him. so did Hermogenes' contribute to the increasingly systematic scholasticism of the rhetoricians in late Imperial Rome (Kroll 1940:1117-19). tended more and more toward a fixed logic of public argument and dealing with arrangement increasingly without reference to specific audiences. . as demonstrated in his work On Ideas of Style.

periods and cola. and so also all matters pertaining to arrangement. technical approaches to grammar and poetics. of generating persuasion (in contrast to logic's. or dialectic's concern for demonstration). and that in two respects (Fuhrmann 1987:8. T h e development along this line led rhetoric to make common cause with theoretical. its sounds. renegotiated by the Peripatetic School. This group differs from (2) the later emerging approach. A. sentences. that is those structures or arrangements of thoughts and words which either promote or disguise the truth claim. which was "decidedly morally oriented" and using moral criteria (Furhmann 1987:12-13). then the pro. (1) T h e first is the concern with discourse. Here the conceptualization of arrangement is focused on the οικονομία/ collocatio of the subject matter (res) or arguments. led by the Socratic/Platonic Academy.74 WILHELM WUELLNER viewed all of rhetoric. the τέχνη. arrangement is closely related to grammar. rhythm. in Stark 1968:323. The development along this line led rhetoric to make common cause with logic or dialectic. It is interesting to note that with the first century BC we also see the emergence of the early Rabbinic (middot) "rules" . phrases. which began with the sophists' use of the Eleatic tradition of dialectic. The Ancient Technographers What yielded a certain degree of continuity—from the beginning to the fourth century BC "a remarkable continuity" (Goebel 1983)—was the approach taken by the sophists to rhetorical theory as a formal discipline. till the rhetorical-philosophical syncretism or reconciliation emerged at the dme of Cicero. At this level. syntax. for discourse above the level of everyday speech (prose as distinct from artful speech = Kunstprosa). words. first noted among the Stoics. developed in yet other ways by Epicureans and Stoics. and then represented by much of Roman rhetoric since Cato the Elder. (2) Quite distinct is the other formal concern with the techniques of argumentation. also Kroll 1940:1096-1100 on two types of handbooks or technographers). semantic and syntactic means. with the overriding concern for rhetoric as the art. see Solmsen. and stylistics and was conceptualized and defined in terms of οικονομία/compositio or collocatio of syllables. leaving rhetoric as antiquity's form of literary theory and literary cridcism.and anti-sophistic controversies. the Peripatetic types. earlier research also spoke of two groups: the Isocratean vs.

characterized as "accommodating to the nature of the problem faced". and Fortunatianus. Conley (1990:23-24) proposes "at least four different models for rhetoric in antiquity": T h e two operational models of the sophistic (the motivistic model of Gorgias. Inst. etc. This "parts"-type gets subordinated to/fused with the εργα-type (e. for each of the five εργα. Cic. and Julius Victor). In response to these two operational models emerged the problematic rhetoric model of the Peripatetic School. the latter including both εϋρεσις and τάξις. and then again got sharply separated and contrasted (as in Cic. and the controversial model of Protagoras/Isocrates. The rhetorical textbooks developed two types (Kroll 1940:10961100 Handbuchtypen\ Fuhrmann 1963:156-88). characterized as "manipulative of audience". and in Apsines in the second/third century AD (the latest complete τέχνη in Greek to survive) who is indebted to Hermogenes. 1:1:13-2:2:1355b). both in theory and practice. 3-26 officia'.) also found in Arist. 27-60 partes). etc. Phdr. but also in Rhetorica ad Herennium. τάξις. 3:13-19:1414a-20a. this tripartite type lies at the basis of Horace's Ars poetica. De or. Aristotle (διάθεσις = τάξις already in PI. then tended to blend. λέξις. Part. Rh. Arist. 236a. narratio. Inv. The two operadonal models of the sophists—the motivistic model of Gorgias. Qpintilian. characterized as "seeking consensus"). which started out as separate..g. This quinquepartite system later developed subdivisions.ARRANGEMENT 75 for argumentative/interpretative techniques (both as recognizable in the texts as well as applicable to one's dealing with texts) attributed to Hillel (Strack-Stemberger 1982:26-30). also known as the Pre-Aristotelian/Isocratean type—deal with arrangement on the basis of the μόρια λόγου or partes (proem. The problematic rhetoric model of the Peripatetic School (accommodating to the nature of the problem faced) was based on the officia oratoris (εϋρεσις. 12). and the dialectic model of Socrates and Plato. Qpintilian. Rh. also in Rhetorica ad Herennium. or have added to officia and partes a third section on de artifice (see Quint. of λεκτικόν and πραγματικόν. and the controversial model of Protagoras and Isocrates. . The development of these "at least four different models for rhetoric" influenced the formation of dispositio-schemata.) found in Anaximenes. 2:315-340 where the parts of speech are dealt with in the discussion of dispositio.

are the exceptions that prove the rule (Kroll 1940:1066-1069). and Cicero later. of one type or another. Arrangement is defined here in terms of its parts. reflecting the two sophistic operational models: Gorgias's "motivistic model" and the "controversial model" of Protagoras and Isocrates. actio. ranging from three to seven (as is still the case in the later works of Julias Severianus.g. despite or perhaps because of the theory of arrangement. with grammar and rhetoric running separate but coordinated tracks. Two reasons are offered for the wretched state of the results of . though Isocrates earlier. Classen 1985). moreover.76 WILHELM WUELLNER (1) T h e Pre-Aristotelian/Isocratean type. Rufus. Distinguished orators. All these. the tendency grew to view arrangement in its variation within the three distinct rhetorical genres. see Stroh 1975. but preceding elocutio. and the Anonymus Seguerianus). were a different breed from the teachers of rhetoric in schools and from authors of handbooks of rhetorical theory. The grey theory dominating the school discussions of dispositio in the progymnasmata and school declamations stands in contrast to traditions tested by such practitioners as Demosthenes and later Cicero (on Cicero. in terms of the five-part subdivisions of dispositio. did not lend themselves to being reducible in their respective arrangement schemes to one fixed τέχνη. and memoria. in the era of the έγκυκλιος παιδεία (Conley 1990:30). T h e systematic rigor imposed by the school system can only accentuate the impression of wretchedness in the treatments of arrangement in both types of handbooks of rhetorical theory. let alone their proliferating respective species. along with logic/ dialectic. with dispositio following inventio. as fixed parts of the emerging trivium of the "liberal arts" as the required core for all students in the emerging medieval university system. Each of the five officia later get further subdivided into έργον πραγματικόν and λεκτικόν. genres and species. Fuhrmann 1987:78-79) as: "The treatment of arrangement leaves a quite wretched impression". Apsines. (2) The Peripatetic type (Conley's "problematic model"). It become a pedagogical commonplace. T h e overall impression one is left with concerning the treatment of arrangement in rhetorical theory has been repeatedly voiced by scholars (e. in forum or court. once grammar and rhetoric had become part of the school system in late Imperial times. working with the quinquepartite system of the officia oratoris.

he follows the conventional approach: inventio. Each of the chosen and . the first of the five partes artis. 455-507). with only two categories: ordo naturalis and ordo artificialis)·. The Case of a Modem Technographer Among the numerous modern attempts at summarizing the highlights of what ancient Western theory of rhetoric taught about arrangement (Martin 1974. situation-specific forms (and their indigenous arrangement patterns). then elocutio (very long [248-525] with a long section on compositio. none is more idiosyncratic than Lausberg's (1963/1984). He offers the following grid of the two constitutive components of the dispositioschemata in antiquity. etc. that is what selection (έκλοψ\/electio) was made. 1973). (2) The other reason cited is "that little was left to be said" once inventio encroached on the domain of dispositio (a) when (as in Rhet. and others). narratio.). B. and finally two very brief section on the other two "parts". and (b) when once it is emphasized "that the arrangement of the speech [may or must] be varied according to circumstances and that the orator should use his judgment" (Clarke 1968:32.ARRANGEMENT 77 the handbooks' gathered wisdom on arrangement: (1) practical oratory. but dispositio at length and idiosyncratically (27-41): (1) Disposition internal to the discourse or text (28-32). later work (1963/1984) he discusses inventio and the associated "parts of speech" very briefly (25-26). gets elaborately outlined in 146-240 (with nearly all of it [150-240] devoted to the five "parts of speech": exordium. novels. letters. and in Quintilian) the parts of speech came to be treated under inventio. and what order (τάξις) chosen— of both res and verba—and the means or techniques actually used (χρήσις/Mmy) in the text-external dispositio. about which rhetorical theory was unable to offer anything to anyone who wanted to comprehend the rationale and sophistication of the various and deviant refinements in matters of arrangement (Fuhrmann 1987:79). 2nd edn. Murphy 1983/1994. ad Her. In his massive earlier work (1960. had produced a great variety of unique. etc. homilies. Carrino 1959). as well as the prolific growth of various literary and sub-literary genres (e. 3:16-18. instead of dispositio.). in Cicero.g. In his shorter. This is followed by dispositio (very short: 241-47.

or as logical. (a) Ordo naturalis. see below IV. use of flashbacks (Lausberg 1984:§ 47/2. 1960:§§ 447-451). refutation. but there are limits here. (This limit takes on other dimensions when the medium is no longer either oral or manuscript-literary. epilogue). Cicero. proofs. see Hermagoras and Cicero). even more so. The whole and its parts extend to the selection and order of sounds. (b) Ordo artificialis/artificiosus = starting in médias res. organic unity (Socrates. dialectical unity (Stoic and Epicurean). or (2) three parts for beginning. see also Perelman 1969:508).) The selection and arrangement of ideas (διανοία/rej) offer more options than the verba. or even at the end. narratio. and end (Lausberg 1984:§ 47/1. (c) T h e text-internal dispositio is (1) determined by the author's iudicium (one of the officia oratoris elaborated in some of the ancient textbooks in connection with. (d) Arrangement of parts as whole can be found in two types: (1) arrangement in two parts for tension or polarity. Plato). middle.B. too. By amplifying the middle part of the tripartite arrangement one gets a five part-whole. The much debated reasons and purposes for the omission of one or the other part of the quinquepardte arrangement of discourse— due to partiality/ utilitas—also belong to the artificial arrangement. by "habits of the heart"! Arrangement is exercized in the polarity between the speaker's artistic freedom and the "more or less great constraints of societal [or cultural] norms" (§ 49/3). or only one's native language. adaptive unity which is ttft/ztai-appropriate (Aristode. and (2) related to the selection and arrangement of the parts into a structural whole. or as artificial. contrast or balance (as in thesis/antithesis). with its beginning. inventio. or even prior to. which are set by "the milieuconditioned habits of thought" (§ 49/2)—if not. 1960:§ 452).78 WILHELM WUELLNER used means or tools has its function. Lausberg considers the study of actually used function-possibilities as a rewarding task for a "literary rhetoric" by documenting a "typology of functions" (§ 46/2). see below IV. words within the limits of the syntax of a given language.D. This quinquepardte system . This whole can be perceived—by speaker a n d / o r audience—either as a given whole (§§ 50-54) or as to the possibilities (perhaps even necessides?) for altering the whole (§§ 55-63). middle and end of the whole: whether as ontological. as in the parts of discourse (proem. natural. syllables.

such as chiasm. (e) Arrangement of the whole in terms of its materia or thema can be done in two ways: (1) the circular whole (§ 56/1) which. as in αναστροφή or ΰπερβατόν. is the argumentative situation of the whole which is more than the sum total of the parts of the various argumentative situations that constitute the whole. It is this orientadon which constitutes the ordering principle of the discourse and guarantees its structural unit as a whole (Lausberg 1984:33-41). Chiastic structure or ring-composition is one of the well-known arrangement schemata. middle. έναλλαγή (§ 62) which is the </is/>o. (c) Transmutation (§ 61): as in reversing order. amplification etc. pleanoasm. (2) Disposition external to the text (Lausberg 1984:33-41 = §§ 64-90. (d) Replacement of some part within the whole by a part not normally considered fitting.figuratus. He distinguishes three types of oratorial tactics (Rede-Taktik. (b) Other considerations by which partiality influences the choice of arrangement are: (1) whether the intended effect of the oration is to rely mainly on the cognitive. and (3) the tactic using a mixture of these previous four types (ductus mixtus). (2) the tactic with deceptive approaches of three subtypes (ductus subtilis. semantic component . Perelman 1969:503).and obliquus). as in άντίθεσις. in Perelman's terms. At this point arrangement is seen as closely related to inventio. In 1973 (§ 446) Lausberg defined partiality as the main principle of arrangement. end). Both linear and circular arrangements can be modified or altered with four alteration categories available: (a) Additions (§ 59): apposition. or placing a part from its expected "normal" position to another position within the whole. and to what Perelman calls the rhetorical situation with its adaptive arrangement.«fro-equivalent to what the major tropes are for elocutio.ARRANGEMENT 79 greatly influenced the order of the classical handbooks of the rhetorical τέχναι. (b) Subtractions (§ 60): as in the omission of one or the other "canonical" parts of speech from the whole. 1984:33-34 = § 66): (1) the straightforward tactic (ductus simplex) working with perspicuity as means of expression. or (2) the linear whole (§ 5 6 / 2 with its beginning.. Lausberg has the following sub-points for external order: (a) The text-external dispositio is oriented toward partiality (utilitas causae).

with four genera amplificationis (35-39 = §§ 71-83). According to Perelman (1969:507-508). gets renewed recognition in Perelman under a more attractive label. especially the proofs. and "logical order" invites a distinction to be made between adaptation (as practiced in the forum. Drijepondt 1979). or by exaggeration and alienation. Perelman has opted for a more philosophical rhetoric which also seeks to preserve the legacy of antiquity. earlier Hovland 1957.) operating either direcdy. because it stresses only the formal. The Issue of "Adaptive Order" versus "Ontological Order". see also the work of D'Angelo 1990. the ordo invicem (see Krings 1982:51-88). and Winterowd 1986. Kennedy (1980:80) in turn criticizes Perelman (for his critique of the Peripatetic concern for .80 WILHELM WUELLNER (λόγος) of persuasion. or in numbers (numerus) and the order of distinctions or in weight (pondus) and the order of inclination. Perelman's plea (1969:508) for substituting "adaptive order" for "ontological order". and Tucker 1963). so imporant for ancient technographers of rhetoric in dealing with arrangement in terms of the "parts of speech". AREAS WARRANTING FURTHER RESEARCH A. IV. technical "relationship between. this traditional approach to arrangement was and remains a way of "separating the form of the discourse from its content". "logical Order" Classical rhetoric spoke of "order" as "organism" or organic whole as reflected (1) in forms of art. Where Lausberg opts for a literary rhetoric in restoring ancient rhetoric to all its rights. 34— 35 = § 68). the relations". The στάσις or status system. "modalities" in argumentation and its arrangement (Perelman 1969:154-63. the schools. the courts. from simple variation to deliberate shock or going against the grain by the arrangement choices (1984:39-41 = §§ 84-90. Carrino 1959. it "envisages the speech as something isolated and sufficient in itself". "Organic Order". or whether the intended effect is best realized by amplification. as in the military's inclination to be victorious. etc. and (2) in forms of "the order of nature" (ordo naturae) as found in reality (modus) and the order of priorities. "organic order". or through reflections of the hearer on the question of order. [but] does not define the nature of. or to rely on the use of the audiences'/ readers' emotions (the affects in ήθοçjethos and πάθος/pathos. but with an idiosyncrasy different from Lausberg's.

but also on the reverse: the influences these religious cultures had on rhetorical theory and practices of antiquity. we need to be aware not only. As a special area warranting further research. or in Judaism. currently in its initial phase. etc. But the same applies to early Christianity with its adaptations to Greek and Roman rhetoric differing not only in Greek and Byzantine versus Latin patristics (as in the uses of rhetoric in Alexandria [e. in Stark 1968:350-401) as relevant for the period under consideration in this essay.g. B. Augustine. Comparative Critical Approaches to Arrangement in Western and Nonwestern Rhetoric A century ago scholarship reflected on this issue in terms of the categories of atticism and asianism (see e. or Chrysostom. What Kroll (1940:1138) said of early Christian uses of rhetoric could also have been said of early Rabbinic uses of rhetoric: the precepts and rules of the Greek and Roman schools of rhetoric were liberally used as were "all rhetorical arts despite occasional pangs of conscience which were often only faked". or among the Cappadocian Fathers. such as Philo of Alexandria (see Conley 1987. as we traditionally are. Weltin 1987). but also the early vernacular rhetorics of the Syriac or Coptic Fathers (Müller 1956.ARRANGEMENT 81 organic unity in arrangement) for failing "to provide adequately for the mixture of intentions found in actual oratory". Future research in the . however.). see also C. let alone in the rise and development of Rabbinic Judaism (see Neusner 1992). The comparison and contrast between Greek or Byzantine and Roman rhetoric may be another case in point (see Murphy 1983:80 on the "considerable cultural friction" causing several expulsions of Greek rhetoricians and philosophers from Rome). Throughout all this. Tertullian. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. Relevant also is the traditional comparison and contrast between Athens and Jerusalem (Alexander 1990. attention needs to be called to the critical awareness of the indigenousness of approaches to rhetoric in the Jewish tradition. Black II 1988). whether in Christianity (Spira 1989). of the influence of Greek and Roman rhetoric on these religious cultures. Clement and Origen]. There is more to all that. even within the circle of Hellenistic Judaism. than Kroll's glib comment allows. Neymeyr 1989).g. Jerome. or in the Latin circles of Justin Martyr. [see Bowersock 1969 on Eastern cities as sophistic centers]. etc.

29). D.) C. see Kustas 1973:46ff. for "rhetoric in an organizational society managing multiple identities". Stern 1981. Arrangement in the Relation between Music and Rhetoric Following the clues offered by early rhetorical theorists themselves who noted certain connections between rhetoric and music. on "the common ground between letter and homily"). and other forms. "ironic that Greek rhetoric. and (2) the mixture of rigid rules and situational or cultural accommodation which provided the two guidelines for the study of arrangement in classical Western rhetoric. Goldberg 1978). see Reding 1985. (For a comparative study of Chinese and Western approaches. especially the halakhic type (Taatz 1990. or of the varieties of Christian literary culture. became under the Roman and Byzantine empires a powerful instrument for preservation of the status quo" (Kennedy 170 ad n. For it is. of Rabbinic homilies (Bowker 1967. indeed. Strack-Stemberger 1982 on the tradition of the middot\ Neusner 1992). The same goes for another area: the institutionalization of jurisprudence (Kübler 1920 on Rechtsschulen in antiquity. and recognizing the mutual effect the two had on each other over the cen- . Another issue related to institutionalization is the study of rhetoric's subtle way of contributing to "the power of the elite establishment" (Kennedy 1980:170 in view of Byzantium) and how this relates to rhetoric's dealing with arrangement and order. Stroux 1949) and the comparable formation and development of Rabbinical academies. midrashim (Silberman 1982. Boyarin 1985).82 WILHELM WUELLNER order and composition of Mishnaic and Talmudic Judaism (Towner 1973. see Sweity 1993. see Cheney 1991). must account more adequately for two mixtures: (1) "the mixture of intentions found in actual oratory" (Kennedy in critique of Perelman). which was 'invented' in the fifth century BC as an instrument of social and political change. but also letters. Arrangement and Institutionalization of Rhetoric One area in which the institutionalization of rhetoric (see Swearingen 1991:116-25) has deeply influenced rhetoric is the school or paideia system administered by municipalities or by a super-regional central agency (Imperial or Papal decree. for a Moslem approach to arrangement.

Rhetorica ad Herennium (LCL. Phaedrus (LCL. (ed. . overture. Cambridge.) and of the compositional unit or genre as a whole (Bonds 1991). Epistles. Plato. (ed.. London: Heinemann. H. London: Heinemann. The "Art" of Rhetoric (LCL. J. London: Heinemann. Cambridge. (2) the far-reaching effect on the study of ancient rhetoric in the wake of two veritable quantum leaps produced by two modern mediums: (a) the print culture at the beginning of the modern era. H. Institutio Oratoria (4 vols.). the medium issue is for rhetoric. and Ars Poetica (LCL. Such study would focus on the oratorical or musical arrangement on the sentence level of the word.). MA: Harvard University Press. Satires. 1914). BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Texts and Translations Butler.). N. (ed. MA: Harvard University Press. H. Cambridge. Cambridge. Horace. pp. 119-254. etc. Cambridge. Quintilian. Anangement and the Shaping Effects of the Medium The discussion of arrangement in ancient rhetoric must account for "the shaping effects of the medium itself on both the communicator and the communicant" (Sloane 1974:804. "Longinus" On the Sublime (LCL.or phrase-order (compositio). and (b) the electronic audio and video text culture (including the whole corpus of ancient texts) on cassettes and diskettes at the beginning of the postmodern era (Enos 1990. Fyfe. 1960). 1954). the study of rhetorical arrangement can profit from the cause or effect relation with music. Caplan. (ed. and not just the first of the two medium changes that affect scholarly work: (1) the transformations that took place in the transition from orality to (manuscript) literacy (Ong 1982). 1945).). MA: Harvard University Press. MA: Harvard University Press. LCL.ARRANGEMENT 83 tunes (Buelow 1980) and in different cultures. R. T u m a n 1992). Heim 1988.). 1920-22). H. London: Heinemann/New York: Macmillan. What the instrumentation issue is for music. London: Heinemann. 1959). The modern scholar of the oral or literary rhetoric of antiquity must be mindful of both. Aristotle. Lanham 1993. Fairclough. E. (ed. as well as on the level of the compositional unit of the respective "parts" (proem = prelude. Freese.). see also O n g 1982. (ed. E. Swearingen 1991). London: Heinemann. MA: Harvard University Press. Fowler. W. H. H.

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Neymeyr. . The Electronic Word: Democracy. Reding. pp. pp. J. R. Α. Phillips.. Contemporary Psychological.2 (ed. "The 'Midrashic' Proem: Towards the Description of Rabbinic Exegesis". S.. 1985). 1949). Taatz. Literacy Online: The Promise (and Peril) of Reading and Writing with Computers (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Polzin and E. 37-46. 1982).. Atlanta: Scholars Press. 1993). 1957). 45-71.. in Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der. in R. Athens and Jerusalem: An Interpretive Essay on Christianity and Classical Culture (AAR Studies in Religion. Β. L. Notre Dame/I^ondon: University of Notre Dame Press. 1989).. 1920). 1986). pp. C.. Tuman.l. Kalamazoo: Cistercian Pub. 43. 1963). NY: Cornell University. Stern. Perelman. S. Approaches to Ancient Judaism.. M. "Dispositio: The Concept of Form in Discourse". University of Texas at Austin.. Technology. New Haven: Yale University Press. Scott Green (ed. Lanham. Munich: Beck. Spira. 16. Neusner. 53-72. Winterowd. "The Impact of Christianity on Ancient Rhetoric". 1983). W. H. Livingstone. Olbrechts-Tyteca. Römische Rechtswissenschaft und Rhetorik (Potsdam: Stichnote. ihr Selbstverständnis und ihre Geschichte (VCSup. Müller.. "Koptische Redekunst und Griechische Rhetorik". Exegesis and Talmudic Narrative (BJS. Leiden: Brill. G. "Rechtsschulen". The Order of Presentation in Persuasion (Yale Studies in Attitude and Communication. Fribourg: Universitätsverlag/Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.. Speech Monographs 26 (1959). Atlanta: Scholars Press. IV. H. and the Arts (Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press. 141-50. "Scientific Rhetorical Adaptation: An Integration of Post-Renaissance Rhetorical. Hovland. classischen Altertumswissenschaft (ed.. in Composition/ Rhetoric: A Synthesis (Carbondale and Edwardsville. L. M. Rothman (eds. 27. IL: Southern Illinois University Press. StPatr 18. Stemberger. 1990).. Prooflexts 1 (1981). J. Philadelphia: Fortress/Chico. J. G. Die christlichen Lehrer im zweiten Jahrhundert Ihre Ichrtätigkeit. pp.). Witte. Jaffe. cols.). The Bavli's Massive Miscellanies: The Problem of Agglutinative Discourse in the Talmud of Babylonia (South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism. F. W. "Rhetoric and Midrash: The Case of the Mashal"../Leuven: Peeters. JAAR 39 (1971). 49. 1973). Chico. Stuttgart: Metzler. A. The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on Argumentation (trans. Sweity. and Experimental Theories of Rhetorical Dispositio" (Diss. Leiden: Brill. R.ARRANGEMENT 87 Heinemann. 1992). 1987). in W. pp. 1982). Frühjüdische Briefe: Die paulinischen Briefe im Rahmen der offiziellen religiösen Briefe des Frühjudentums (Novum Testamentum. C. W... et al. Kübler.. Weltin. U . E. 137-53. J. The Biblical Mosaic: Changing Perspectives (Semeia Studies.. Wilkinson and P... "The Practice of Rhetoric at the Talmudic Academies". M. S.-P. Towner. D. Ithaca. pp. Α.. Silberman. and L. 1992). The Rabbinic "Enumeration of Scriptural Examples": A Study of a Rabbinic Pattern of Discourse with Special Reference to Mekhilta d'Rabbi Ishmael (Studia Post Biblica. Studies in Liturgy. L· Muséon 69 (1956). Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch (7th edn. Wever. 245-52. I. . II. 261-91. (ed. D. 22. "Profile of a Midrash: The Art of Composition in Leviticus Rabba". CA: Scholars Press. pp. 1969). "Toward a Rhetoric of Midrash: A Preliminary Account". Strack. Stroux. J. pp. 380-394. 4. 1993). IJIS Fondements philosophiques de la Rhetorique chez les Sophistes Grecs et chez les Sophistes Chinois (Bern: Lang. D. 15-26. C. 95-112. I. pp. CA: Scholars Press. E. "Al-Juijaanii's Theory of ηα/ζτη [Discourse Arrangement]: A Linguistic Perspective" (Diss. and G. Α. Kroll and Κ. Shofar 6 (1988). "Why no Science in Judaism?". Tucker. 1989).). 1.


In II. following the precedent of ancient handbooks it will use a hypothetical worked example to illustrate the processes and principles of invention in practice. "The Ancient Dispute over Rhetoric in Homer".1 In the fourth century AD. Artium Scnptores (SB Vienna. 1 . Theory did not exist for its own sake. This process of discovery was extensively theorized by ancient rhetoricians. The rhetor's students would not be judged by their ability to articulate a body of theory. Heath. an anonymous declamation of uncertain (but later) date replies to Menelaus in the person of Paris. 356-63. but as a framework to give guidance in the acquisition and exercise of a particular set of skills. pp. 23-35. "Στάσις-theory in Homeric Commentary". see L. England "Invention" (inventio. AJP 78 (1957). when the Greeks offered peace if the Trojans would return Helen. 227. he contrasts the two envoys' rhetorical styles. This chapter will therefore emphasize application. Radermacher. In rhetoric it designates the discovery of the resources for discursive persuasion latent in any given rhetorical problem. 3:203-24 the Trojan elder Antenor recalls the embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus before the onset of hostilities. 3-10. G. But rhetoric is in essence a practical discipline. and its precepts are tools to be applied in practice.3. and (striking evidence of the long life of the classical rhetorical tradidon) the beginning of the fifteenth century yields a fragment of a reply to Odysseus On ancient perceptions of Homeric rhetoric. εϋρεσις) means "discovery". M. pp. Kennedy. Libanius composed declamations representing the speeches of Menelaus and Odysseus. T o identify a suitable theme for our illustration. Mnemosyne 46 (1993). 1951).CHAPTER 4 INVENTION Malcolm Heath University of Leeds. A. we may turn to an incident crucial in ancient rhetoricians' perception of the history of their craft. but by their ability to compose and deliver speeches and declamations which satisfied the expectations of contemporary audiences. pp.

repr. Prolegomenon Sylloge 364:14-367:12 Rabe. pp. 1962). 400-402. Frazer (2 vols. No comprehensive synthesis. survives from this period.. Cambridge. Anecdota Graeca (Paris 1830. 6 T h e notes will provide pointers for readers who wish to explore related treatments from earlier periods. M . for example. 6 I have drawn largely. Manuel Palaeologus's fragment was first published by J.4 This diversity precludes a single all-embracing synthesis. 274-92. 3 According to Livy (1:1:1) Antenor "always" advocated the return of Helen. 5 J. pp. 308-309. rejects the concepts of class and mode which were conventional in the rhetorical teaching of his day. on Hermogenes On Stasis: text . Gantz. Indeed. 5 I have chosen to focus primarily on theories of invention current in the Greek-speaking world from the middle of the second century AD onward—the period in which the treatment of stasis. MA: Harvard University Press. II. 3-4 (V. D . 2:5:9. Hermogenes. and its juxtaposition of Aristotelian. C. comparable to that of Quintilian. 557-661. Schenkeveld. but not exclusively. achieved its most sophisticated form. and the ridicule it incurred. pp. Hellenistic and late classical material lacks historical perspective. and is reprinted in Foerster's edition of Libanius (V. and an exhaustive catalogue of variants would vasdy exceed the scope of the present chapter. so my account will be a composite one. even so fundamental a principle as stasis could be dismissed as drivel (at the risk. 3 O u r approach to the subject must be selective. admittedly. F. 22-23 below. The mythological material concerning Troy used in the rest of this chapter can be found most conveniently in Apollodorus (Bibl. Antike Rhetorik (Munich: Beck. 2:3:23-5:14 Rabe. 228-86 Foerster). 1974) devotes 196 dense pages to invention. Bevegni. Invention was theorized in many different ways over the centuries. Boissonade. 199 221. pp. 2:6:4. Deel. esp. "Anonymi Declamatw Paridis ad Senatum Troianum". So let this be our theme: "After thé speeches of Menelaus and Odysseus. 1993). Martin. see Syrian. LCL. Early Greek Myth (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. J. drawing eclectically on a number of different sources. 357-58) could be taken as evidence of his earlier support.or early fourth-century rhetor Phrynichus. For the rejection of jfaju-theory in favour of unstructured improvization by the third. even so his account is not all-embracing. of incurring ridicule). 3-5): text and trans. pp. T. CQ_ 41 (1991). 493-94. even contemporary rhetoricians might give conflicting accounts of it. 226-27). 4 On class and mode see nn. 2 Drafting a complete reply for Antenor will offer a variety of perspectives on invention. Epit. 2 lib. cf. London: Heinemann. SI FC 3 (1986). 1921).90 MALCOLM HEATH in the person of Antenor composed by the Byzantine emperor Manuel II Palaeologus. G. but when he does so in II. "The Philosopher Aquila". Antenor advises the Trojans not to concede the Greek demands". a key tool in invention. pp. Hildesheim: Olms. cf. 7:347-53 (in very changed circumstances from the time of the Greek embassy) Paris's reply (esp.

C. 9 Hermog. This persona will strengthen our case.. VIII. On the "contamination" of invention and disposition in Hellenistic rhetoric see J. and Anonymus Seguerianus. it will certainly have made him cautious. 77-78. 29:7-31:18. Leipzig: Teubner. The scholia to Demosthenes (much. 7 We shall then attempt to produce an oudine of the case as a whole. Heath. Spengel and C. since the principles of invention are specific to the standard parts of a speech—prologue. [Hermogenes] On Invention (text in Rabe). pp. Quint. Sulp. 175:16-177:7. Stat. Sopatros the Rhetor (BICS Sup. Antenor. since the advocacy of a hard line carries more weight when advanced with the judicious caution of experience than it would in the mouth of a hot-headed youth. commentary: D. . 10 Long experience may have made him wise. 199:25-202:8. 8 we must follow their lead. He is a Trojan elder.INVENTION 91 There will be two stages in our discussion. Hammer. [Augustine] 137:4-6 Halm. 5:10:23. Rh. Ancient handbooks on invention were often organized on this basis. Rabe (Leipzig: Teubner. and commentary M. First among the persons of whom we must take account is our speaker. though not all. for good practical reasons. 1894). 1995). cf. 1. 1983-86). rhetorical techniques which a younger. of the material may derive from a commentary by the thirdcentury rhetor Menander of Laodicea.. 7 For this analytical phase (νόησις) see Zeno ap. 1989). 10 Cf. Arist. at the same time illustrating more selectively techniques for the detailed articulation of individual arguments. Winterbottom. Sopater's Division of (Questions illustrates how the theoretical apparatus was used in practice: text in RG. O n the other hand. Scholia Demosthenica (2 vols. Ars 169-78. argument and epilogue. Hermogenes On Issues (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 315:5-319:35 Halm. 48. A PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS OF T H E THEME The basic components of any rhetorical situation are person and act. Innes and M. pp. 1913). more impetuous speaker could use without giving a bad impression must be avoided. At this second stage we shall find that invention is inextricably linked with questions of arrangement. 8 E. more familiar in connection with epideictic oratory: n.g. R. Hör. together with the treatises of Apsines and the Anonymus Seguerianus: text L. Inst. 1988). narrative. 69:1-6.2 (Leipzig: Teubner. H. First we shall consider the resources which the rhetorician could use in a preliminary analysis of his theme. 83-92. London: ICS. Prolegomenon Sylloge 60:21-61:12. trans. Apsines. 2~385 Walz. he therefore brings into play a set of assumptions about old men. 9 the analysis of our theme should start with these. Vict. 25) illustrate its use as an interpretative tool: text M. I. Dilts. Rhetores Graeci. [Hermogenes] On Invention. 1389b 13—90a24. Ethos and Pathos from Aristotle to Cicero (Amsterdam: Hakkert. Wisse.

What state of mind are they in? Here we should clarify one feature of the assumed background to the debate. put about by Paris's enemies. His reputation is extremely unfavourable. we must try to counter the conventional prejudice against him. therefore. running off with another man's wife is despicable behaviour. But the Trojans will also be apprehensive in view of the size of the Greek army. the fact can surely be turned to our advantage. open invective might suggest a malicious and vindictive old man. is a cuckold. We must also convince them that there is something worth their fighting for. and most problematic. since his bringing Helen to Troy has provoked the present crisis. But it is not only the person of Paris which presents a challenge. T h e first stage of the course in rhetoric was a series of preliminary . Paris is a crucial element in the theme. This has brought us to the last. the other basic component of the rhetorical situation. Libanius follows Herodotus (2:118) in supposing that the Greek army had already landed in Trojan territory when the embassy was sent. Paris has to be handled carefully in respect also of act. But should we take these actions at face value? A hostile account of what happened. on his own admission. This way of proceeding might seem provocative and offensive to the Trojans. of doubtful parentage and notorious for tricks and false tales).92 MALCOLM HEATH for example. taken at face value. but the character of Antenor restrains us from exuberant exploitadon of their potential. if they believe that the war would be fought simply to defend an adulterous relationship between Paris and Helen it will be harder to induce them to undertake its hardships and dangers. person in our theme. This point is important. Homer does not specify the exact timing of the embassy. These openings may be useful if approached obliquely. At this point. so we must convince them that they are able to win the war. Odysseus is a lying bastard (that is to say. it may be helpful to make a detour through the early stages of an ancient rhetorician's training. to see how it would have equipped him to bring critical scrudny to bear on an opponent's version of events. and they will recollect that Troy has been sacked once before (by Heracles). O u r speech is addressed to a Trojan audience. closer inspection reveals that his family background is an unsavoury mess of incest and butchery. ought not to be swallowed uncritically. since both the persons to whom Antenor is replying offer scope for invective. Menelaus.

Education in Ancient Rome (Berkeley: University of California Press. The Chreia in Ancient Rhetoric (Adanta: Scholars Press. 13 Note that none of the προγυμνάσματα (with the exception of ηθοποιία) required the student to adopt a specified individual point of view. There is therefore no problem of anachronism in the references to Homer and to subsequent events in the story of Troy. 29). 14 Since they are not objective witnesses.g. 250-76. Paris. S. pp. and shown to suffer from one or more of a variety of flaws: it might be unclear. 11:1-20. F. they. Richardson. O u r next step is to consider the essential elements of the story. see N. Anderson. the story is told by Homer and other Greek poets. For an excellent example of the application of the techniques of refutation on a large scale see Dio Chrysostom's Trojan Discourse. they then tried to bribe their chosen arbitrator. [Hermog. the paired exercises of refutation (άνασκευή) and confirmation (κατασκευή) brought the student back to narrative. who have a vested interest in giving their narrrative an anti-Trojan bias. 9-22. pp. 1993). 12 Aphth. improper or inexpedient. B. R. pp. impossible. 10:13-14. According to Aphthonius a refutation should begin by discrediting those who tell the story. O'Neil.J. Bonner. and gave practice in handling piecemeal techniques which would subsequently be brought together in composing declamations and speeches. Isocrates' Encomium of Helen is also relevant. 30 (1980). For the most part. 1957). 53-70. 1977). 12 How might we set about this exercise with reference to the story of Paris's abduction of Helen? 13 Discrediting those who tell the story is easy. 177-212. G. A. 273-74. which "proves" that the Greeks did not take Troy. CQ. 47-53. pp. Prog. it is poets who tell the story. D. pp. A little way further into the programme. implausible. then the story itself is briefly recounted. L. cf. and in the encomium below. concise and plausible account of events. The Second Sophistic (London: Roudedge. BT II. 2:674-75). fr. Three goddesses chose Paris to arbitrate a dispute between them. Kennedy. allowing his " Modern discussions include G.INVENTION 93 exercises (προγυμνάσματα). F. so in this refutation. But "poets tell many lies" (Sol. 1983). their story must be treated with caution. N. 14 Homer was often perceived as a philhellene in ancient commentary (e. and not yet attempting to adopt the persona of Antenor. which taught the student to present a clear. we are conducting a preliminary investigation into the material of our theme. ." These introduced the student to certain basic concepts. One of the earlier exercises in the programme was narration. inconsistent. Rhetoric in Greco-Roman Education (New York: Columbia University Press. are its source. Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Clark. certainly. Hock and Ε. Hainsworth on II.] Prog. More particularly. 10:9-19 Rabe. and taught him to take a critical view of it. "Literary Criticism in the Exegetical Scholia to the Iliad". pp. sch. 1986).

this is an important skill in the handling of (in particular) judicial speeches. It cannot be conceded that the goddesses offered Paris bribes. Hera promised mastery of all Asia—an offer which might well have appealed to a prince of Troy. nor that an arbitrator worthy of divine approval would have been open to bribery. In fact.94 MALCOLM HEATH judgment to be influenced by these bribes. the student is offered two alternative models for organizing his material: Aphthonius illustrates refutation by telling the story as a whole and then giving the criticisms en masse. Taken in this way. the story is wholly consistent. We may note that the student has learned a number of useful techniques in the course of this exercise. Secondly. First. found Helen a more attractive inducement than the offer of military or political success. This story falls apart at every point. the adjudication in favour of Aphrodite makes it implausible to suppose that Paris was influenced by the alleged bribes. it offers practice in the critical analysis of narrative. his elopement with Helen was therefore a pay-off for his adjudication in favour of Aphrodite. So much for our refutation of the story of Paris. with a prologue. in which it is often necessary to cast doubt on the opponent's account of events. Most obviously. the original version makes no sense at all. Athene promised to make him invincible in batde—an offer which might have appealed to a young warrior. Aphrodite promised him a single mortal woman—but what inducement was that for a man who was already the lover of the goddess Oenone? Thirdly. this is an extremely improper assumption. narrative and argument. the exercise accustoms the student to the handling of a prescribed formal structure. it is neither plausible nor proper to suppose that she would embroil her own sister in immorality and scandal. Aphrodite was half-sister to Helen (daughter of Zeus and Leda). The internal organization of the argument is determined by the order of events in the story. his confirmation . But it is entirely credible that she would have been offended by the relationship with Menelaus (a man polluted by his family's terrible history) and that she would have wished (with her father's approval) to sever that connection and bring about Helen's marriage to someone more worthy—someone whose virtue was so outstanding that he had been chosen to arbitrate between the goddesses. it presupposes that the gods are both corrupt (since they offered bribes) and foolish (since they chose as their arbitrator a man who is himself both corrupt and foolish). Secondly.

But praise of a person was the standard form. Rh. Rh. Anon. 1:100-105. In the exercise called common topic (κοινός τόπος). Alexander son of Numenius ap. Martin. 8:4. 15 . consistency. Seg. plausibility. 52-53. a place or an abstract quality such as courage might also be prescribed. 2:47-49. 15 Thirdly. the student was trained to elaborate on generalizations applicable to any instance of a given category. Al. In confirmation and refutation the student seeks to demonstrate a conclusion. The subject of encomium was not always a person. propriety and expediency. too. Quint. in which the student takes as given the good qualities attributed to a particular person and seeks to exhibit them in a way which will excite or increase the audience's admiration. but he will also wish to awaken and reinforce the jury's sense that murder is a terrible crime which deserves to be treated with the utmost severity. Inst. But demonstration is only one of the key abilities that an aspiring orator must acquire.g. 153-58. tyrant or whatever the case requires. 129-33. he also needs a mastery of amplification (αΰξησις). pp. the exercise introduces the student to the use of topics (τόποι). Antike Rhetorik. Cf. and the topics of encomium were accordingly designed to provide a comprehensive basis for the assessment of personal attributes. 1438b 14-29. 1:30. each stage of the story can be tested to see whether it is faulty in respect of any of these qualities. was included in the programme of elementary exercises. Irw. We shall see in due course that the use of topics as a guide and stimulus to invention is a fundamental rhetorical technique. adulterer. Cic. later on the student would be taught to incorporate common topics into the epilogue of speeches and declamations in order to incite the jury against the person just shown to be a murderer. for example. a prosecutor may wish to show that the defendant is guilty of murder. Amplification. possibility. 16 Amplification: e. Inv. whenever an argument based on person is needed For these two patterns see Arist. these are not arguments but (literally) "places" where we can look for arguments. 1416bl6-26. The topics of refutation are the criteria already stated—clarity. Rhet. ad Her.INVENTION 95 tells the same story piecemeal and defends each step of the story before moving on to the next. Part. Another exercise in amplification was encomium (έγκώμιον). a term which designates the techniques used to increase the perceived importance of some fact that is taken as given. Cic. 16 For example. This means that they have an application beyond the exercise of encomium itself.

Cf. Stat. 119-27. Cf. 1902). See further T. Encomium too has a simple formal structure. 1981). 18 Aphth. D. xxv-xxix. striking indications of divine favour?). Russell and N. is a comparison (σύγκρισις) designed to enhance the amplification. 53:6-19 Feiten. 372:21-25. An additional element in this structure. Different handbooks give somewhat different lists of encomiastic topics. Quint. Hermog. wealth. Men. 19 But we might remark. Inst. placed before the epilogue. 21:20-22:11.Rh. courage. not in argumentation. Indeed. Burgess. comparison is such an important technique for amplification that it formed an exercise in its own right. for example. He was descended from Zeus through his ancestor Dardanus. achievements. Inst.96 MALCOLM HEATH the topics of encomium can be used as a guide to invention. influence). 18:15-20:5. 31:6-32. Epideictic literature (Chicago Studies in Classical Philology. We should take care not to offer an explicitly argued defence of Paris. 5:10:23-31. 18 In an encomium of Paris we might make his dubious reputation the basis for our prologue. pp.] Prog. citizenship. pp. that his qualities are so outstanding as to silence even the sustained malicious criticism to which he has been exposed. Quint. in anticipation of our praise. 112:8-13 Spengel (quoting Isocr. a city founded by gods. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. and his father Priam had raised Troy from the depths of misfortune after its sack by Heracles and had made it 17 This summary draws on Aphth. we will point out that he was a prince of Troy. after practising encomium and its counterpart invective (ψόγος). . but the range of variation is limited. cf. strength) and the possession of external goods (friends. 17 Standard doctrine would include the subject's origin (nationality. in encomium the topics follow a set order. 3:7:6. 19 For the contrast between encomium and apologia see Theon Prog. 15:18-17:4. C. Wilson. 3. birth (were there. A. encomium is an exercise in amplification. Men. Turning to his origin. In refutation the topics are applied in a sequence determined by the order of events in the story.Rh. Menander Rhetor (Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Hermog. or his equality to some acknowledged paragon. justice and wisdom) and of body (beauty.] Prog. Prog. 377:2-9 etc. the student would be required in comparison to amplify the excellence of one person by exhibiting his superiority to others who might be thought his equals. Prog. [Hermog. chosen life-style (επιτηδεύματα). Nicol. 46:8-24 illustrates the use of the topics of encomium in judicial argument about motive. illustrating qualities of soul (especially the cardinal virtues: piety. Helen [10] 14). G. 420:10-31 Spengel. nurture and education. ancestry and parentage). framed by a prologue and epilogue. Prog.

thus he became by right of battle what he was by right of birth—an honoured leader and protector of his people. The name Alexander ("defender") was given to honour this victory. A shepherd. In this way he was acknowledged as the king's son. Anyone who doubts the nobility of his birth need only look at his brother Hector. There can be no doubt that this pious and compassionate fosterfather would have taken pains to teach the child his own reverence for the gods and for justice. seeing in this miracle a sign of the gods' favour. raised in country ways. His courage and strength were shown when he routed a band of catde-raiders. "No one in all fairness could belittle your success in battle. Paris proved himself in competition against his brothers. Physical strength was combined with strength of character. as you are a brave fighter" (II. although Paris did not enjoy the advantage of being reared in an imperial court like his brothers. they had trained in athletics all their lives but he. But he was not an effeminate weakling.INVENTION 97 the head of an empire so powerful that it could withstand the united efforts of all Greece for ten years. Hector paid tribute to his bravery when he said. Divine testimony concurs. whose piety and martial prowess are conceded even by Homer. As to his birth. we will not wish to give weight to the omen which prompted his parents to expose him as an infant. and might well have tried to belittle his qualities. . Events confirmed Hector's words: it was Paris who avenged his brother's death. he proved himself as a fighter and as an athlete he was victorious over the strongest and swiftest of his peers. was moved by piety and compassion to take up the child and rear him as his own. nevertheless divine providence took care of him. relying on innate excellence alone. Turning to his physical person. although his parents took fright over a dream which his mother had in the stress of pregnancy. outdid all of them in the games. ensuring that he was suckled by a she-bear. everyone concedes that he surpassed other men in beauty—beauty radiant enough to win the love of a goddess. killing the strongest and bravest of the Greeks. In the end the status accorded to him by popular acclaim was recognized at court as well. we will try instead to turn its sequel to our advantage. 6:521-22)—and Hector said this when he was angry with his brother. We could say that. though he (as a Greek poet) was a hostile witness and prone to slander Trojans. Moreover. he triumphed over adversity and gave ever clearer proofs of his innate qualities as he grew to maturity.

—but the subject is inexhaustible. 21:108). it is addressed to the Trojans taking counsel about their future actions with respect to Helen. Rhet. to this end.g. A speaker typically wishes to persuade his audience that something is the case.98 MALCOLM HEATH When a dispute arose between the three goddesses Paris was chosen to judge between them. Another. Inst. and how . So we should pay no attention to the voice of malice and envy. Arist. Cic. Rh. to which class (είδος) should we assign it? The question is ambiguous. . T o whom. 3:4. nor did Achilles display self-control and wisdom such that he was chosen to judge divine disputes. But Paris was the greater: he never put on girl's clothes to evade military service. it was Paris who prevailed. rhetorical persuasion looks for more than an abstract assent. And on the field of battle. 1358a36-b8. so this appointment provides compelling testimony to Paris's wisdom and integrity. and space is limited. too. I could tell you too how leading a small fleet of fugitives he captured the flourishing city of Sidon. should we compare Paris? Achilles. We should now return to our main theme. Faced with such a task an ordinary person would have been overwhelmed with terror and confusion. less familiar. then. sense of "class" in ancient rhetoric categorized themes according to the dominant means of persuasion. Athene is the most martial. the need to defend Paris against the accusation that he has eloped with Menelaus's wife gives the theme a quasi-judicial element as well.20 In this sense. So does the way in which he discharged the commission. but Paris was charged with awarding the prize to the most beautiful. the theme is clearly deliberative. and proceed further with its preliminary analysis. . whose excellence we have only begun to describe. rational argument may be employed. as Achilles did. 1:2. Each of the goddesses is due primacy of honour in her own sphere: Hera is the most regal. he was also a great warrior. then. was beautiful—indeed. Quint. However. In one sense "class" may refer to the familiar classification of rhetorical themes according to their context and function as judicial. but recognize and strive to emulate the virtues of Paris. Paris calmly made a true judgment without fear or favour. and this is what he did. 1:7. we shall consider the implications of this more closely in due course. deliberative or epideictic. Inv. some 20 E. First. However. he boasted of his beauty (II. . Zeus would not have entrusted his own wife's honour to the judgment of someone dishonest or foolish. ad Her.

RG. 316:3-22.INVENTION 99 action is expected of the audience (even if it is only the casting of a vote). 5:8:3. emotion and character. 3:5:2. D. Minucianus 340:6-7 Spengel-Hammer. . 203. So our theme is of the practical class. p. Fortenbaugh. Brut. but it would be out of keeping with the character of our speaker to rely too heavily on emotional appeal. which invite a treatment oriented primarily towards objective facts and therefore dependent largely on the resource of argument. Stat. W . 1356al-*20. "Benevolentiam conciliare and animos permovere". plausible and readily intelligible. De or. 21 The extent to which we draw on each of these will depend on the nature of the case. 19 (30:2131:2 Usener-Radermacher). Ideally one would wish to speak to a theme that is honourable. Vict. 89. where the subject 21 On the three means of persuasion see Arist. It may therefore be helpful to distinguish themes of the "practical" (πραγματικόν) class. Quint. 190:12-18. to this end. Inst. Inst. pp. A further principle of classification is mode (τρόπος). A binary classification (as practical or emotional) is found in Cic. 23) on the implausible grounds that it has implications only for the style of the composition. IV. Anon. W . 185. Seg. O n the other hand. that is no more than a subsidiary to the speech's main persuasive effort. and to show that the war can be won and that fighting the war will best serve Trojan interests. 22 The situation premised in our theme has some scope for emodve rhetoric. 2:42:1143:23. Lys.H. Wisse. 22 Class is variously treated by Zeno ap. the projection of an attractive and trustworthy character will be useful. 34:16-35:14 rejects this concept of class and that of mode (n. Anon. weighty. 25973. Fortunatianus 88-89 Halm. making moderate and restrained use of emotional appeal. from themes which invite a treatment based primarily on character or on emotion. 6:1:1. Reasoned argument is needed if we are to refute the charge against Paris. Inst. 165:17-24. Ethos and Pathos. VII. 198. But the audience is more likely to be receptive to rational or emotional appeal if they regard the speaker with confidence and goodwill. 417:12-26 Walz. Rhetorica 6 (1988). and a different balance between them will imply a different approach to invention. On the orator's three tasks: Cic. p. firing the Trojan sense of indignation at the presence of a hostile army in their territory. 182:8-183:14. 2:115. Mode categorizes themes according to the opportunities and difficulties they present to the speaker in managing the relationship with his audience. Cf. he may seek to arouse their emotions. Brut. it will emphasize rational argument. If the speaker wishes to incite his audience to an acdve response. Rh. in other modes. IV. although the speaker's character will add weight to his advocacy of war. pp. Quint. Quint. Seg. Hermog. Sulp. So we have three basic means of persuasion: argument. RG. Syrian.

[Augustine] 147:18-151:4 (= Hermagoras fr. Sulp. Inv. in the prologue especially. Menander Rhetor. 1:20-21. 4:1:41. Rhet. for example. Thompson. pp. Vict. an accusation of murder in which the facts are contested will need to be handled in a very different way from an accusation of murder countered by a claim of justification. 26 D. The correct treatment of epideictic themes can be grasped quite easily. Matthes. 3:6:49). Quarterly Journal of Speech 58 (1972). Stasis applies only to logical 23 For various treatments of mode see Cic. pp. Rhet. W. 25 But forensic and deliberative oratory are more complex. V. 266-77.). the latter. trans. Ijistrum 3 (1958). 23a). Matthes (Leipzig: Teubner. 1962). cf. pp. 58-214. and the basic pattern of encomium can be adapted readily to suit each type of occasion. Superficially similar situations may have an utterly different underlying logical structure. and commentary in RussellWilson. Vict. Rh. 316:23-317:31. 1427a23-30. 1373b38-4al7. Quint. there is a limited range of social occasions which may call for a formal honorific address. 317:7-14. contract or other document with legal force. 1417b21-27 (with Quint. will. Inst. fall outside the scope of the system. The theory of stasis seeks to classify themes according to the underlying nature of the dispute. Aristotle: The Classical Heritage of Rhetoric (Metuchen: Scarecrow Press. 25 Examples of model adaptations can be found in the treatises on epideictic attributed to Menander of Laodicea.24 By far the most important step in the analysis is to identify the stasis or issue (στάσις.100 MALCOLM HEATH has a discreditable aspect or is in some respect trivial or paradoxical or hard to follow. 4:1:40-41. 1:21. turning on the interpretation of a law. . RG. "Stasis in Aristotle's Rhetoric". The roots of the theory are much older: see Rh. Zeno αρ. 1974). the mode is therefore ambiguous (άμφίδοξον). pp. Inv. Fortunatianus 109:2-10 (using the term σχήμα). 1:6. 1:5. additional care must be taken (especially at the beginning of the speech) to make the audience sympathetic and attentive. constitutif). ad Her. Inst. ad Her. Inst. Erickson (ed. status) of the theme. IV. text. Sulp. 188:6-189:29. Quint. and we must introduce the creditable part of the theme before its discreditable aspects. This would not be necessary in preparing an epideictic speech. "Hermagoras von Temnos". 134-41 = Κ. Arist. T h e most influential contributor to j/ajù-theory in the early Hellenistic period was Hermagoras of Temnos. 23 In our present theme we have a distinguished speaker defending a person and act of questionable repute. Al. fragments D. N. to secure the audience's goodwill in this mode. 24 See Cic. 26 Hermagoras distinguished between logical and legal disputes. Theory suggests that we will need to work harder.

7:2-10. Quint. but it was not for her son to kill her. 93-96. We must next ask the grounds on which the defence claims justification (the αϊτιον). 53-71. Alternatively (a controversial addition to the system) the defence might contest the procedural validity of the prosecution. "The Substructure of Starts-theory from Hermagoras to Hermogenes". pp. 2:2-26. in this case. and the two parties can set to work to confirm or undermine that crucial argument. The stasis of the case is therefore quality. This elaborate apparatus was not free of internal tensions and practical problems. De or. Inst.). Holtsmark. or with the categorization of acknowledged facts (definition: is it murder if one knowingly subjects an unstable colleague to a degree of stress sufficient to induce his suicide?). so the question (ζήτημα) arises. Quint. 98-108. 28 27 . 1:18-27. E. whether Orestes was justified in killing his mother. 1:10-19. Inv. cf. to those concerned with aspects of the facts. but the two parties contest their evaluation. "Quintilian on Status: A Progymnasma". Cic. Cf.INVENTION 101 disputes—that is. Quint. 114-29. 1:18-19. These disputes might be concerned with the fact itself (the stasis of conjecture: did this man cause his colleague's death?). 3:6:60. "Substructure". Inst. pp. 3:6 (with J. esp. Top. the facts and their categorization are agreed. pp. Adamietz ad toe. Nadeau. now a charge (αϊτιον: Orestes killed his mother) is countered by the For this innovation and its critics see Cic. GRBS 2 (1959). Hermes 96 (1968). T h e prosecution. 28 Take the case of Orestes. 1:16. Inv. R.29 By the second century AD its main terms had been redeployed. 2:104-13. "Classical Systems of Stases in Greek: Hermagoras to Hermogenes". or with their evaluation (quality: was it justifiable to induce the colleague's suicide in the given circumstances?). 3:6:56-61. Inv. Inst. Not all scholars accept that Cicero gives an accurate account of Hermagoras's theory. Part. This account is based on Cic. Clytaemnestra deserved to die. 356-68. while accepting that this was a crime which deserved to be punished. for discussion see M. 2:12-end. it is the fact that Orestes' mother had killed his father. 1:139-40. So it is now possible to define with precision the point to be decided by the jury (the κρινόμενον): was the fact that Clytaemnestra had killed his father sufficient to justify Orestes in killing his own mother? Knowing the point on which the dispute will be decided we can try to identify the crucial line of argument (the συνέχον) for the defence. and it subsequently underwent a complex evolution. 115-21. 27 For Hermagoras stasis was one key component in a more elaborate diagnostic apparatus. For a variety of theories of stasis see Rhet. denies that it warranted matricide. Heath. CQ_ 44 (1994). 29 On the subsequent history of Hermagoras's diagnostic model see Heath. ad Her. He is charged with matricide and claims justification.

the speaker's task is to give the argument concrete form by relating its abstractly formulated heads to the particular circumstances of the case in hand. because the victim deserved it. this.g. άντίληψις (asserting that an act is legitimate per se) is the decisive head in the division of the stasis to which it gives its name. a dispute may be concerned with fact. T h e division (διαίρεσις) of a stasis into its constituent heads of argument (κεφάλαια) provided the speaker with a ready-made outline of his case. The division of each stasis is a different selection and arrangement of items drawn from a limited pool of possible arguments.30 T h e division defines an appropriately ordered series of steps which the speaker may follow in developing his argument. Qualitative disputes may be logical (turning on the evaluation of facts) or legal (turning on the interpretation of a document). Logical disputes concerned with the evaluation of future actions are practical (a stasis which corresponds roughly to the deliberative class). In these cases it may be maintained that the act in question was legitimate per se. because a third party was responsible. and these give rise to the point for adjudication (κρινόμενον: was the killing justified?). it may be argued that it was justifiable. . If they are concerned with past actions. This simplified system was of little practical use. In this system.102 MALCOLM HEATH crucial argument of the defence (συνέχον: the killing was justified because she had killed his father). T h e overall articulation of 5toiy-theory had also changed by this date. By way of compensation. theorists had by now developed detailed and extremely sophisticated analyses of the most effective strategy for handling each kind of dispute. created the thirteen-iiayw system which enjoyed canonical status in later antiquity. on the extension of a document's application to cases which it does not explicitly cover. T h e distinction between logical and legal disputes had been absorbed into the system. on a conflict between two laws. or on an ambi- 30 It is important to note that the same term may designate both a head and a stasis. or. together with the promotion of what had previously been subdivisions of the stasis of quality. definition or quality. Legal disputes may turn on a conflict between the literal meaning of a document and its spirit. Logical disputes may be concerned with the evaluation of past or future actions. Hermogenes tacitly abandons it. conceding its prima facie illegitimacy. or because of other mitigating factors. or at least excusable. the dispute is juridical. e. in the given circumstances—because of its beneficial consequences. but also plays a supporting role in several other staseis.

1:6-8. conflict of law (άντινομία). letter and intent (ρητόν και διάνοια). Anon. the four kinds of counterposition (άντίθεσις)—that is. Russell. Inv. ad Her. 73-86. objection (μετάληψις). counterstatement (άντίστασις). the audience. Greek Declamation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 32 On the prologue: Cic. and the subject-matter. Aps. Thus we have the thirteenstasis system: conjecture (στοχασμός). 1983). 31 . pp.INVENTION 103 guity in the construction of a single law. 1-39. the practical stasis (πραγματική). Calboli Montefusco. 40-73. Inst. Antenor must function in part as an advocate for Paris) both the speaker and the person on whose behalf he speaks may provide material for the prologue. counterplea (άντίληψις). The prologue is usually conceived in our period as composed of a number of distinct Details of Hermogenes' divisions are given in Heath. This will give us a key to the handling of the argument at the next level of analysis. and mitigation (συγγνώμη). the four legal staseis—that is. Seg. Each of these was furnished with a division indicating the most effective strategy for that kind of dispute. Rh. M A P P I N G OUT THE CASE A. Greek Rhetoric. the opponent. this is generally held to entail rendering them attentive. 217:2-242:11. Kennedy. La dottrina degli status nella retorica greca e romana (Hildesheim: Olms-Weidmann. for a more extensive collection of material see L. Quint. assimilation (συλλογισμός). Hermogenes. Prologue The prologue's primary function is to establish the desired relationship with one's audience. or seek to disarm unfavourable ones. II. 93:4-108:17.31 Our present theme is concerned with whether or not the Trojans should return Helen. so it seeks to make a qualitative assessment of a future act and falls under the practical stasis. transference (μετάστασις).32 T o this end the speaker may exploit favourable aspects of the theme. Finally. 4:1. definition (ορος). [Hermog. 1986). counteraccusation (άντέγκλημα). and ambiguity (άμφιβολία). Where the speaker is an advocate (as we have seen. the defence may contest the validity of the proceedings. A. receptive and well-disposed. 1:20-26. pp. There are generally held to be four topics from which appropriate material may be derived: the speaker. Rhet. for brief expositions of Jtaîtî-theory in this period see D.] Inv.

conveyed obliquely under the guise of saying something else. 43a). 31 b e . Penndorff. Leipziger Studien zur classischen Philologie 20 (1902). [D. and hence with the security of the homeland.g. 68:18-70:9). which 33 . 18:8. One approach is to generate each proem from a simple underlying scheme: a proposition (πρότασις) is advanced together with a supporting argument (κατασκευή). Rhet. 204:16-210:8.35 Having identified promising topics for the prologue. 33 In the present case the subject-matter offers a weighty opening: we are concerned with war and peace. Inst. 106:15-108:17 (cf. 36 Since the prologue's function is to manage our relationship with the audience. J. our opponents' shortcomings are worthy of consideration in this connection.H. 9 and 13 Dilts]). 34 Cic. each based on a different topic or a different application of a topic. Our earlier comments on the theme's ambiguous mode indicate that we will wish to highlight Antenor himself in order to stake a claim on the audience's attention. "Untersuchungen zur Anlage und Entstehung der beiden Pseudodionysianischen Traktate περί έσχηματισμένων". although this was not universally accepted. we must find a way to articulate them in more detail. [Hermog. Schöpsdau. 83-123. Inv. ad Her. 1:8. 35 On figured speech see Quint. 1:3 [8. Paris should be kept in the background until we are ready to mount an explicit defence of his conduct. 169-94. and avoid launching an overt attack on the opposition. 24:5 [18a]) and Aeschines (e. 37 Hence the term άξίωσις (also άπόδοσις) is used for συμπέρασμα in [Hermog. [D. 369:13-16. and a conclusion (συμπέρασμα) is derived from them. In this scheme the proem can be completed. "De sermone figurato quaestio rhetorica". any criticism should be "figured" (έσχηματισμένος)—that is. by a fourth colon (βάσις). 9:2:67-98.] Inv. and the mismatch between the Greeks' conciliatory words and the aggression apparent in their behaviour (sending an army first. pp. 37 Thus the three topics we have identified could be worked out along these lines: See the conflicting views in the scholia to D. with K. when a panegyrical effect is sought. RG. But we must bear in mind Antenor's character. the conclusion is in effect a cue to guide the audience's response to what they are going to hear. VII. Cf. pp.] Rh. Men. 12 (27a d. 1:22.34 Odysseus's eloquence is a source of suspicion. since odium raised against them may contribute to goodwill towards us. 295-385. RhM 118 (1975). Some rhetoricians set a limit at three proems. 36 This three-colon analysis is common in the scholia to Demosthenes (e. We noted also that the ambiguous theme puts a premium on winning the audience's goodwill.104 MALCOLM HEATH units. pp. 368:4-6 Usener-Radermacher.] Inv. or proems.Rh.H.] Rh.g. envoys second) may fuel a hostile response.

2:330. Inv. based on subject] T h e question we are discussing is one of the utmost importance (πρότασις): the security of our homeland is at stake (κατασκευή). 1:12-16.] Inv. Normally it would come after the narrative. 249:15-260:16. since I have lived a long time and know about peace and war from experience (κατασκευή). Cic. based on opponents] Odysseus's reputation as a speaker has gone before him. ad Her. Aps. . Inst. .40 indeed. foreshadowing what will prove to be the main heads of argument. 1:27-30. Seg. Rhet. with due regard to the demands of justice and honour. based on speaker] I have some claim to know what I am talking about (πρότασις). 40-142. Inst. [Hermog. 119:20-125:21.INVENTION 105 [1st proem. 39 On the narrative: Cic. I would therefore ask you (συμπέρασμα) to pay attention to what I say.39 But do we need to narrate? Most ancient rhetoricians agreed that the narrative was not needed in all cases. [Hermog. but Menelaus is especially to be congratulated for his eloquence (πρότασις)—no one else could have persuaded me that the arrival of a foreign army in our territory was not a hostile act (κατασκευή). but deliberate calmly and carefully whether to accede to their request and return Helen. Quint. 4:2:4-8. So (συμπέρασμα) we should not give way to anger if anything that the Greeks have said or done seems offensive. Rh. the only cites the underlying facts of the theme as the grounds of the άξίωσις. We must therefore (συμπέρασμα) examine what has been said with great care. Quint. Nanatwe After the prologue in the standard structure of a speech comes narrative. De or. but deliberate calmly and carefully whether to accede to their request and return Helen. whom (βάσις) they claim Paris has stolen from her lawful husband". 126:16-131:24. 4:4:1.] Inv. 1:30. 38 On the προκατασκευή (also πρόθεσις. Seg. seeking what is in the best interests of our country. however much I fall short of my guests in eloquence. 161-68. 4:2. Inst. Inv. [3rd proem. 250:12-16. propositio): Anon. We may note in passing that a brief προκατασκευή has been included at the end of the final topic. 1416b 16-17b20. Anon. thus the first proem below might end: ". Seg. Rh. Quint. Anon. So (άξίωσις) we should not give way to anger if anything that the Greeks have said or done seems offensive. 38 B. but the position is variable. [2nd proem. 40 Arist. Rh. Aps. . 113-20.

advantage. the refusal of this request Quint. 41 . 1417bl2-20. 43 But we should not apply this list mechanically. 78:10-21. [D. feasible and honourable. 42 [D. 26-36. and facts generally known to the audience do not need to be narrated. Arist. 5. just. Sen. 2:13:2. 44 In our present theme. 41 Some held that narrative was unnecessary in deliberative oratory.106 MALCOLM HEATH indispensable part of a speech is argument. In Libanius's declamation Menelaus does narrate. Stat. Stat. 113-28. in our theme Antenor is in no better position to know the facts than are most of his audience. 5 praef. criticizes the school of Apollodorus for its insistence on rigid adherence to the standard structure of a speech (cf. 3:8:10-11. 51. 369:20-24. 291:3-296:12. but justice. Quint. Argument It is in the argument that itam-theory proves its worth.H. Inst. As we have seen. Aps. since the facts would be known to the audience in advance. 363:11-20.] Rh. 44:1-20.H. [D. Rh. and cf. The head of justice is necessary if we are to have any effective response to the main thrust of our opponents' argument. justice would demand acquiescence in the Greek request for her return. it offers a framework to guide and stimulate invention. 30:3-9. the division of each stasis into heads provides an outline strategy for handling a dispute of that kind. There were various versions of this list. Seg. Con. and we must remember that our theme has a quasijudicial aspect (defending Paris's behaviour) as well as a deliberative one. a basic one would have us ask whether the action proposed is legal. but the speaker must also exercise judgment in selecting the heads relevant to the particular theme in hand. A division is not to be seen as a rigid prescription. for example. Rh. Anon. custom) at issue.] Rh. 2:1:36). But Menelaus and Paris were direct participants in the events. as does Paris in the anonymous reply. 370:20-371:1. Inst. 42 This can hardly be regarded as a universal rule. 76:3-79:16. 44 On the exercise of judgment see Hermog. feasibility and honour will all feature. η. C. cf.] Rh.H. there is no question of law (or of its unwritten counterpart. Quint. Inst. 43 Hermog. The practical stasis is divided according to the heads of purpose (τελικά κεφάλαια). So the present case does conform to the principle that narrative is dispensable in a deliberative speech. If Helen was and is Menelaus's legitimate wife. advantageous. These are a checklist of the criteria by which an action can be assessed.

is a counteraccusation (άντέγκλημα): the Greeks began the sequence of abductions with Europa and Medea (Deel. 7:2:27-50. Zeno ap. 48 Hermog. the stasis is the species of conjecture known as incident conjecture (έμπίπτων στοχασμός). 56:24—57:11. Stat. if there are witnesses (or other forms of Hermog. ad Her. Cic. 43:16-53:13. 2:3-12. anticipated by Odysseus. T h e second defence. nested within the practical stasis there will be a subordinate juridical stasis determined by the defence which we elect to offer on Paris's behalf. Vict. 48:10-14. Our earlier examination of the story of Paris suggests a more radical line of defence: we shall deny the truth of the Greek account of what happened. Inv. μετάληψις. Here it is the manner of Paris's plundering of Menelaus which explodes the defence. 77:3-5. Stat. since our "jury" is well-disposed and the opposition will not have a chance to dispute the claims. therefore. 45 In Libanius the ambassadors anticipate two distinct lines of juridical argument. Quint. if there were substantive grounds for a formal challenge to proceedings they would have to be argued out in detail and the case would be treated under a different stasis.INVENTION 107 would be a manifest injustice. and the stasis conjecture. The dispute will then be one of fact. VII. pp. 46 Menelaus counters this argument with an objection (μετάληψις). 325:19-327:7. The innocent gloss which the defence will place on Paris's behaviour rests on factual claims concerning the status of Helen which the other party would dispute. One is a counterplea (άντίληψις): Paris might claim that it was legitimate to plunder Menelaus. Hermog. 4:20-35). that the quasijudicial aspect of the theme comes into play. we can perhaps safely pass it over. For less developed treatments of conjecture cf. 48 T h e defence may begin by protesting against the validity of the proceedings (παραγραφικόν). a head which concedes the general principle but maintains that the circumstances of the act in question remove it from that principle's scope. It is here. who was an enemy (Deel. 46 45 . Stat. on which see Hermog. 781:8-782:18. As theory requires. cf. Stat. Inst. RG. 3:18-22). 2:14-51. to accept and betray hospitality is not a proper way of prosecuting enmity. Sulp. 47 Strictly. Rhet. This is a skirmishing tactic. designed only to sow doubts in the jury's mind. so a subsidiary conjectural question arises at this point. In a properly judicial theme this incident conjectural question would need to be argued out as well. 47 A model argumentative strategy for handling conjectural cases can be found in the division set out by theorists like Hermogenes. The argument proper begins with an examination of the witnesses (έλέγχων άπαίτησις).

50 Again. IV. or κοινή ποιότης). but his doing this does not entail his guilt. Then. to determine the intrinsic likelihood of the alleged crime. T h e prosecution will also analyse the sequence of events (τα άπ' αρχής άχρι τέλους). in which it is argued that the facts are "not convertible": if he were guilty he would have done this. But the substitution would not greatly strengthen our case. or άντίληψις. or at least leads into it. if there are not. Rh. pp. 536:23-537:10. Aps. their absence can be exploited to cast doubt on the accusation. he would certainly not have drawn suspicion on himself by acting in that way (a persuasive defence. using common topics to stir up helpful emotions such as indignation or (for the defence) pity. Anon. none of the overt and agreed facts would have been different had he done so. Once the argument has been completed. we must exercise judgment in applying the division. perhaps. the speaker will take the qualities of the individuals involved in the case and consider them in general terms (common quality. The defendant (applying. and that so far from implying it they point in quite the other direction—had he been guilty. πιθανή άπολογία). often rendered "artificial" and "inartificial") see (e. trying to show how the undisputed facts in the case cohere with and uphold the disputed claim that the defendant committed the alleged crime. 188-91. 542:1921.108 MALCOLM HEATH non-technical proof) 49 the defence will have to undermine their credit. Quint. so we cannot use a persuasive defence to invert the signs of guilt alleged by the prosecution and make them into signs of the defendant's innocence. pp. For the contrast between technical and non-technical proofs (εμτεχνοι and ατεχνοι. Inst. Rh. 49 . 1355b35-40. Common quality. 260:18-261:15.g.) Arist. that they are open to an explanation which does not imply the alleged crime (a transposition of cause. 50 For the theoretical debate on this point see RG. He also has a series of arguments concerning the undisputed facts which have been adduced as signs of his guilt: he will maintain that they are innocent in themselves (a counterplea. the defendant's motive (βούλησις) and capacity (δύναμις) are examined. 446:20-448:4. Hermogenes suggests a weaker substitute. 5:1. 442:11-443:14. this is part of the epilogue. Seg. VII. or μετάληψις). to which as we have seen the prosecution will respond with an objection. μετάθεσις της αιτίας). the skills practised in refutation) will try to rebut this analysis and pick holes in the prosecution's construction of events. Not all of the heads are relevant to the defence of Paris. Moreover. There is no doubt that he had the capacity to run away with Helen.

which claims that the Greeks are acting unjusdy in bringing their accusation against Paris. Sulp. IV. 140:10-147:15 (we will return to the larger context of this passage below: n. the acknowledged facts are on the face of it so scandalous as to demand careful preparatory treatment. 3:5:17-18. 5:10:32-52. Vict. the elements of circumstance (περιστατικά): person. can be stated in terms of person: the Greeks are acting both as accusers and as jury. Time. Cic. but it is recognized that the constraints of a particular situation will sometimes make a departure from the norm advantageous in practice. manner and cause. 373:29-374:10. . 52 For this dispute see RG. Sulp. V.INVENTION 109 which is (or is interwoven with) the epilogue. 316:2-23. (e. since it might seem provocative to claim the freedom to perform allegedly incriminating acts before it has been shown that they are susceptible to an innocent explanation. IV. 42:22-43:3. they have an innocent explanation. At this stage we only need a very basic list of topics. or economy (οικονομία). 326:30-32) places counterplea first. 313:20-314:13. but says that it is not always used. T h e order. time. is also superfluous in what is only one part of a larger argument. pp. 3:16-17.) RG. correcting Hermogenes' less comprehensive account of the possible grounds for a παραγραφικόν (Stat. 47:9-11. 320:9-20. pp. For this application see [Hermog. cf. place. 299:20-301:5. Quint. act. 123:6-124:10. Hermog. Hermogenes' order allows the defence to approach a climactic assertion by way of an effectively controlled escalation: the acts in question are not illegal. who have 51 On natural order (τάξις) and artificial order. 3:3:8. cf. V. too.g. pp. 45:20-46:3. Vict. But some rhetoricians thought it better to place the counterplea after the transposition of cause. 2:307-309. 7:10:11-13. is relevant: the Greeks. we have yet to see how it can be given concrete form. 121:24122:12. The use of topics to guide invention was introduced earlier. as well as the selection. pp. 53 Thus the παραγραφικόν. But our argument under the head of justice is still only an abstract template. 66). VII. 325:27. ad Her. Stat. p. the way of conducting the argument that is best in principle.51 It is particularly relevant to note here that a variety of opinion existed about the proper position of the counterplea. Theory seeks to formulate in the division the natural order— that is.] Inv. Zeno ap. which is unjust. this technique will now help us to begin putting flesh on our case. 44:1-11). De or. Inst. 315:10-19. 7). Zeno (ap. 52 In the present case this view has some force. see Rhet. of heads needs to be considered. Inst. 53 For circumstance in general see Quint. indeed they refute the allegation based on them. [Augusdne] 141:8-142:14 (= Hermagoras fr. 257:16-22.

655-60. Rhet. The testimony of witnesses is needed because it provides a vital safeguard against malicious accusation and miscarriages of justice. have prejudged the case. 41:4. establishes a natural For the father's right see D. and also to show that Paris's bringing Helen to Troy has an innocent explanation (μετάθεσις της αιτίας): when Aphrodite promised Helen to Paris she was acting in accordance with the will of Zeus. the innate virtue he inherits from his father Priam. This argument is based on the person of Zeus: as Helen's father Zeus had the authority to give his daughter to anyone he chose. manner. We may draw on our earlier sketch of a refutation of the story of Paris to undo the sequence of events (τα άπ' αρχής άχρι τέλους) alleged by the Greeks. as of most other staseis. for example.54 Having established the justice of our position. we might mention. in this case. above all. so we have to make our own assessment of the plausibility of the charge. Since Menelaus has produced no witnesses we have only the accuser's assertions about what actually happened. and this is not enough. Epit. Didot I. the influence of his upbringing and the testimony to his integrity and good sense given by the gods in choosing him as judge. above all when he was a guest in Menelaus's house. The άντίληψις follows: Paris has done nothing wrong in bringing Helen to Troy. witnesses are needed to support the accusation in view of the seriousness of the charge and the unblemished record of the person accused. This brings us to motive (βούλησις). which draws primarily on person: Paris's manifold virtues make crime abhorrent to him. in such a treacherous and underhand manner. The order in which we use them is for us to determine. 54 . The division of conjecture. ad Her. who wished to secure another marriage for his daughter (a display of tactful reluctance to explain why Zeus found fault with her existing husband will convey our opinion of Menelaus without descending to overt invective).110 MALCOLM HEATH already put an army in the field and delivered an ultimatum without allowing Paris's defence to be heard. And what was the incitement which allegedly caused him to do this? A mortal woman: yet Paris had been the partner of a goddess. time. The demand for witnesses (έλεγχων άπαίτησις) can be argued out in terms of cause. But act. place and cause all reinforce the claim: it is impossible to believe that a person of Paris's good character committed a crime so unprincipled. Our encomium will provide material here. 2:38. pap. Men. we move on to the other heads. act and person.

3:34 (154b). the head of advantage could well arise as an άντίθεσις: although the war can be won. justice and feasibility are basic to our case. which here means an argument attributed to the opposition. will be well-motivated and confident of divine support. there is little to be gained from considering other points. A common alternative technique is to use a hypothetical objection as a point of departure. This is a good example of the instability of rhetoric's technical terminology. together with supporting arguments based on a variety of circumstances. whether it is better to proceed from a stronger head to a weaker one or vice versa: RG. this is not a promising start to their campaign. midway between άντίθεσις and άντιπΐπτον (η. will introduce the head. The effect of this on their morale is important. 5:24 (37). the speaker's own contentions are then set out as a solution (λύσις) to the opponent's objection. in scholia on D. and that it is possible to win the war that will ensue on a rejection of those demands. cf. 1:14 (105c). 133:24-136:19 uses the terms ύποφορά and άνθυποφορά. Inst. 55 . p. A counterposition (άντίθεσις). Quint. Rh. T h a t the Trojans are fighting to defend their homeland permits an argument from place: the Trojans will always have a secure refuge. they are therefore poorly motivated.] Inv. So the next head after justice will be feasibility: can the war be won? At least four of the elements of circumstance bring to light considerations which make a Trojan victory likely. 2:9 (64c). compelled to go to war by oath. VII. 56 In the present case. An argument based on time supports our case: they have come to Troy after the fiasco of their landing in Mysia. this head will take the form of an assertion of the feasibility of resistance.55 In the present case.INVENTION 111 order for the heads through which the argument is to be pursued. in view of the argument from person: the Greeks are a reluctant army. 56 άντίθεσις and λύσις: Aps. that is. it is not in the Trojan interest Different rhetoricians took different views on the best ordering principle (e. 20:3 (14b) etc. fighting to defend their homeland and justice. 260:18-279:17. Feasibility has here been handled directly. 67).g. but the order of the heads of purpose in the practical stasis is more fluid. [Hermog. the Trojans. 613:16-24. but the latter term is applied to a form of objection. 5:12:14). O u r vindication of Paris permits an argument based on cause: the Greeks do not have justice on their side. until it has been shown that jusdce does not require acquiescence in the Greek demands. the Greeks must endure the privations of a prolonged siege in a precarious and uncomfortable encampment.

The technique is associated especially with Demosthenes: see scholia on D. 132:7-8. p. its apparent strength being exploited to our advantage. and Troy's empire would begin to dissolve. 2:334. 58 Arist. 138:15-140:8. Sopater RG. the cost of compromise is negligible. If we are to consider doing this a powerful counterweight is necessary. VIII. 48:14-49:6. We will say. then. 268:21-269:2. The use of άντιπαράστασις may seem problematic in the present context. Stat. Hermog.112 MALCOLM HEATH to fight over a woman. 269:17— 270:3. 1:21 (140c-d). 163:28-164:2. The very fact that this is not a sufficient reason for fighting a war proves that the Greeks have some other aim in threatening to start it. and is far from counterbalancing the disadvantages of war. The principal ones are ενστασις and άντιπαράστασις. in either order. T h e ενστασις will follow. that the course of action we are proposing is disadvantageous. ad Her. pp.59 in this the opponent's point is turned back on itself. respecdvely. 136:20-138:13. 21:114 (401). . 76:17-77:2. 57 These are. Cic. the "forcible" argument (βίαιον). that even if it is true that the disadvantages of war outweigh the cost of acquiescence. it would certainly be shameful to give way to threats of force when justice does not demand it. an outright rejection of the opposing position. Aps. T o show that fighting the war is not disadvantageous we will have to argue that acquiescence in the Greek demands would risk graver consequences than the hardships entailed by war. 21:103 (352). O n e point to consider is the impact which a dishonourable display of weakness would have on the allies: they would lose confidence in the Trojans. Rh. Here we must consider the different forms of λύσις available to us. 3:4:14. 3:3. There is a third kind of λύσις. Here the disproportion to which the objector draws attention between the hardships of war and the triviality of its cause shows that the alleged cause is no more than a pretext. Inst. Rh. the λύσις κατά περιτροπήν in Aps. since one head may appear as a solution to another. 59 [Hermog. cf. De or.] Inv. with a different terminology. Sopater RG. they are using the pretext of a just war 57 [Hermog. the Greeks are not so foolish as to embark on a war for no better reason than this. Another of the heads of purpose might suffice. Rh.] Inv. the two arguments can be combined. VIII. it would be shameful to surrender. 19:134 (291a). Quint. even hypothetically. Advantage is so much the basic point at issue in deliberative argument 58 that it goes against the grain to concede. and a qualified acceptance combined with an attempt to show that the desired consequences do not follow. 1358b20~29. So honour provides a promising basis for the άντιπαράστασις. Rhet.

216. Martin. In the Rhetorica ad Herennium. In this illustration the author is working out the head of motive for a declamation theme (a case of conjecture) in which Odysseus is found next to Ajax's corpse holding a bloody sword and is charged with his murder: cf. pp. 4:2: 13-14. W. 1:18. drawing on an earlier Hellenistic Greek source. ad Her. Irw. for living organisms are superior to inanimate objects. 204-207 implausibly tries to assimilate the models found in Rhetorica ad Herennium and Cicero De Inventione. For example: death means nothing to us. so the world is a living organism) is more like a syllogism. pp. but it is effectively equivalent to it. Dos Epicheirema (SB Vienna. Cf. Inst. For example: Odysseus had a motive to kill Ajax (propositio): for he wanted to remove an enemy. 1:57-61. 2:2 for the Greek term). Surrender would on this account be dangerous as well as disgraceful. The third pattern (living organisms are superior to inanimate objects. ad Her. 60 . 1:11. the complexio is not in this instance identical to the propositio. In doing this we were converting the underlying heads into potential epicheiremes. Inv. Kroll. The technical terms έπιχείρημα and ένθύμημα are applied in a bewildering variety of ways in different sources. Inst. 61 Rhet. Antike Rhetorik. T h e three-colon scheme which we used in the prologue also has an application in the argument.61 This pattern corresponds to the first of Quintilian's three patterns for the epicheireme. so Odysseus. "The Aristotelian Tradition in Ancient Rhetoric". whom he feared (ratio). for what has been dissolved lacks sense. nothing is superior to the world. "Hermagoras".62 In mapping out the argument we proceeded from the abstract division of the stasis to a more concrete formulation in terms of the elements of circumstance. 35-50. 169-78. 1:27. Cic. so the world is a living organism). wanting to remove this threat. pp. and what lacks sense means nothing to us. 102106. AJP 62 (1941). 169-90.2. Quintilian's second pattern is a close variant. 62 Quint. the form of rhetorical argument known as epicheireme (έπιχείρημα)60 is conceived as an elaboration of an underlying scheme comprising a premise (propositio or expositio). 1:92. Having mapped out the overall structure of the argument we must consider its articuladon at a more detailed level. but Quintilian notes (5:14:12) that it could be reformulated in accordance with the first pattern (the world is a living organism. and a conclusion drawn from the combination of the two (complexio). Inst. 1936). Rhet. a supporting reason (ratio). Matthes. 2:27-30 (cf. Quint.INVENTION 113 in the hope of intimidating the Trojans into a concession that will undermine the confidence of their allies and weaken their empire. T h e άντίληψις which Rhetorical terminology in this area is extremely inconsistent (Quint. esp. and corresponds to the model of the epicheireme in Cic. had a motive to kill Ajax (complexio). a full survey of the variants would be lengthy and unilluminating. 5:10: 1-7 illustrates the problem). and nothing is superior to the world. Solmsen. F. 5:14:10-11.

or that the new husband should be prosecuted for receiving the god's gift? So Paris is blameless. If even human fathers have this right. for Zeus undoubtedly had the authority to give his daughter to anyone he chose. this is the rationis confirmatio. the rights of the father of gods and men cannot be any less. a greater degree of elaboration is required. Suppose that the god at Delphi were to order someone to divorce his wife and allow her to remarry. Paris has done nothing wrong in bringing Helen to Troy. ad Her. Inst. this in turn is subjected to enrichment and embellishment (exomatio).114 MALCOLM HEATH concluded the quasi-judicial defence of Paris will provide a simple illustration: Paris has done nothing wrong in bringing Helen to Troy (propositio). as we noted earlier. is a technique of amplification practised in the rhetorician's elementary training). so Paris is blameless (complexio). but they help to make the speaker's point more vivid and compelling. it makes a comparison between the upright and heroic Ajax and the devious and cowardly Odysseus to highlight the nature of their enmity (σύγκρισις. So the full structure of the epicheireme in the Rhetorica ad Herennium comprises five parts: the ratio is supported by additional considerations adduced to corroborate it (rationis confirmatio). the lust for power and so on) to illustrate the general principle that people are induced to commit crimes by the advantage they hope to gain. and by his proven readiness (as in the case of Palamedes) to take ruthless action to dispose of his enemies. 63 . Quint. T h e exomatio gives examples (avarice. 5:14:7-8). The rationis confirmatio is essential (but from another point of view can be seen as part of the ratio: cf.63 Thus the ratio which establishes Odysseus's motive for killing Ajax—that he wished to remove an enemy—can be corroborated by reference to Odysseus's acute perception of the threat which Ajax posed to him. But these bare bones of an argument must be fleshed out further if they are to be placed before an audience with any hope of holding their attention and gaining their assent. and it concludes with imagery drawn from the behaviour of wild animals. would anyone claim that the oracle should be ignored. this is a right which any father may exercise over his daughter. None of these embellishments offer proof of Odysseus's motive in stricdy logical terms. for Zeus undoubtedly had the authority to give his daughter to anyone he chose (ratio)·. 2:30. the exomatio and complexio can be omitted: Rhet. and the accusation against him cannot be sustained. This model can be applied to our άντίληψις.

makes the comparative topics a distinguishing feature in the next stage of his multi-layered approach to the evolution of arguments. n. 66 We do not have space to demonstrate how every part of our argument could be worked out on this model. Ruf. 2:119-30). 1:34-49. they outnumber the Trojans by more than ten to one (II.g.) Arist. 53 above. 2:1 (lc) etc. Sopater RG. Anon. 1:14 (105c). 5:10:86. 67 Our preliminary analysis identified two points likely to make the Trojan audience anxious about the prospect of war. Antike Rhetorik. Inst. 88:13. whose model we followed earlier in converting heads into potential epicheiremes using the elements of circumstance.\ Quint. p. Seg. 140:9-148:15 (epicheireme). 24:204 (371b-c). A speaker must always be alert to points which run contrary to his case (άντιπίπτοντα) and take care to disarm them. Rh. the equal or the opposite.] Inv. Inv. 224:8-226:14. De or. Martin. and on a hypothetical example. 251:3-9. an example. Rh. the whole complex is then rounded off with an enthymeme (ένθυμημα). but we may return briefly to the head of feasibility as a final illustration. Anon. 150:16154:8 (enthymeme). 169-81. 24:112 (222). 246:6-12. There is one further technical point to consider first. the sense of vulnerability to which this gives rise might be disarmed by drawing a contrast between past and present. 405:28-406:5 Spengel-Hammer. Inst. or an argument from the lesser. 107-19. For the varied usage of the term ένθυμημα (n. 5:10:20-99. 405:12-14.Rh. in the exomatio. For συγκριτικοί τόποι see scholia on D. Inst. scholia on D. 66 [Hermog. The abstract head yields an epicheireme through the application of the elements of circumstance. Rh. 60) see e. 157-59.g. Cf. VIII. cf. O n e is the knowledge that Troy has been sacked once before. 65 A later theorist. 238:4-14. a pointed expression designed to highlight the thrust of the comparison. to the epicheireme is added a development (έργασία) which makes use of a comparison. in particular. Cic. Quint. . 273:18-274:20. topics involving comparison are important. the greater. The other concern is the immense size of the Greek army. 2:23. 240:12-20. Aps. 2:15373. 343-51. cf.INVENTION 115 In this illustration the exomatio is based on an argument from lesser (human) to greater (divine). 65 For fuller lists of topics see (e. pp.64 In finding corroborative arguments and embellishing them a richer store of topics than we used in determining the oudine of our argument will be helpful. Top. 67 Aps. 5:10:95-99. Minuc. The Trojan allies offset this numerical superiority in some measure 64 On arguments καθ'ύπόθεσιν see Quint. Seg. 148:16-150:15 (εργασία). both of which constitute potential weaknesses in our argument for the likelihood of a Trojan victory.

Hdt. We proceed to place: the Trojans can win the war because it will be fought on their home ground. . 7:49). however. An argument from the opposite can be used for embellishment here. Moreover. it can look to the gods for protection. facing years of hardship in a precarious and uncomfortable encampment. The size of the Greek army does not make them invincible: the Trojans have allies to offset their superiority (a catalogue. person: the Trojans can win the war because they face a poorly motivated enemy.116 MALCOLM HEATH (II. T h e proof is that they undertook the war reluctantly. and for the invaders. the argument from cause would be the basis for the first of the epicheiremes under this head: the Trojans can win the war because they have justice on their side and their enemies do not. In confirmation we could remind the audience that the city is protected by the Palladium. by contrast. 1:11. because they were compelled by oath. his actions are a better measure of his confidence than are his words. At this point. the worry concerning the size of the Greek army must be faced. This proposition is established by the fact that the Greeks have attacked on a false pretext. Tr. always in reach of a secure refuge. E. helping incidentally to disarm one of the άντιπίπτοντα: when Laomedon cheated his benefactors. We decided earlier that. under whom the city enjoys divine favour (as the gift of Helen to Paris shows). Ag. and they must therefore be given a prominent place. pretended to be mad in an attempt to avoid service. Thucydides' remarks on the logistical problems involved in maintaining such a large army in the field suggest a way to achieve this inversion (Th. 2:130-33). may help to add impressiveness at this point). An enemy reluctant to embark on the war will be eager to abandon it once they experience its fruidess hardships. 386-93). whose speech has no doubt stressed the hopelessness of the Trojan cause. the Trojans will be fighting in defence of their homeland. 555-66. drawing on II. a just and pious king. A. might provide suitable embellishment (cf. now that Troy is ruled by Priam. as happens in the "forcible" species of solution. since feasibility was to come after our rebuttal of the charge against Paris. the city was sacked by Heracles. A comparison of the prospects for the defenders. A particularly pointed example is to hand to enrich the argument: Odysseus. T h e city's history proves that injustice does not prosper: so the Trojans can face an unjust enemy with confidence. But it is always good if a strong point in the opposing position can be turned against itself. Next. cf. the size of the Greek army is itself a weak- . 2:816-77.

Quint. Anon. In any case. how can they beat the whole? D. perhaps. 2:858).68 T h e recapitulation in the present case will come round in the end to the last point we made in the head of advantage. Pylos and Sparta) as Troy's present enemies are not. But we have already seen that a quick victory is not within their grasp. 68 . but. Elis. here we have a good basis on which to build indignation against our opponents. Jason's visit to Colchis might be mentioned. We will amplify our condemnation of the Greeks' behaviour in the manner of a common topic. so many troops cannot be supported in the field for very long. and he was a renowned sacker of cities (he took Orchomenus. so much as its quality. On the epilogue: Cic.INVENTION 117 ness. 198-253. Seg. and we could invite our audience to reflect on the fact that the Greeks are led by sons of Atreus. they know. the size of the enemy army is not the decisive factor. as the Greeks do not. An argument from the lesser to the greater immediately springs to mind: the Mysians are just one contingent among the Trojan allies (//. In deploying force on such a scale the Greek commanders are gambling on a quick. Rhet. 6:1-2. 2:47-50. Oechalia. if the Greeks cannot beat a single contingent of the Trojan army. as always. Inv. The final epicheireme under the head of feasibility supports that last observation. provided that the defenders are resolute. Rh. 296:13-329:23. Heracles was able to capture Troy with only a small force: he had a just cause. Inst. This is an argument from time: the Trojans can have confidence in their ability to win the war because the Greeks have already suffered defeat: they were repulsed in their invasion of Mysia. which deduced a covert and hostile intention on the part of the Greeks from the inadequacy of their overt casus belli. Aps. This Greek duplicity is at one with the hypocrisy of opening negotiations when their army is already in the field. Epilogue The chief functions of the epilogue are to recapitulate the main points of our argument and to incite the emotional response which will finally carry the audience along with us. decisive victory. 1:98-109. Further examples of Greek treachery would help to show that this behaviour is consistent with their whole character. that the morale of their reluctant army is too fragile to sustain the hardships of a prolonged campaign. ad Her.

the apology which one ancient writer on invention offered for the manner in which his examples were expressed is apposite: "Do not worry about the baldness of the style: since my aim has been the primarily didactic one of technical exposition. in view of his uncommon respect for the rights of host and guest (which the Greeks claim to have been violated). 13-14. and for this reason he was thought better suited to teaching beginners. We will of course be careful to propose an arbitrator who is neutral. although skilled in invention. and be measured in our condemnation. The παραγραφικόν which began the defence of Paris points the way here: instead of prejudging the case the Greeks should withdraw and submit their claim to arbitration. and defend their rights and their honour. drawing once more on the heads of purpose. I have stripped away the power of discourse. composed in a disjointed style. T h e epilogue will also contain a call to action. Hermog. T h e appeal which we have already made to honour could be developed further: the Trojans should act in a manner worthy of their glorious past. 70 But that is another story. then they themselves should act jusdy. Inst. expression was. 69 .0 [Hermog. We have been content up to now to state and elaborate our arguments without any pretence at stylistic polish. III. the most advanced and demanding element of rhetorical study. CONCLUSION If we were to return to the argument and continue the process of elaboration through the whole case the task of invention would be complete. in the sense of being non-belligerent. 94:22-95:1. Quint.69 Philostratus (KS1 604) tells us that the second-century rhetor Phoenix of Thessaly. in fact. The polishing of students' style was work for the most advanced teachers. if they are serious when they invoke justice. 35:10-12. As for the Greeks. is the Thracian king Polymestor. . T h e obvious candidate.118 MALCOLM HEATH we must remember the dignity and restraint which our persona demands. in his compositions the facts were set out with no suit of verbal clothes to cover their nakedness. presenting the ideas naked for greater clarity". 8 praef. lacking rhythm. But we would still be very far from having produced a finished declamation. but who can be trusted to favour the Trojans. Slat.] Inv. cf.

Greek Declamation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1981). 114-29.. Matthes. 1983). Epideictic literature (Chicago Studies in Classical Philology.INVENTION 119 BIBLIOGRAPHY Burgess. 3. "Hermagoras von Temnos". . W. 35-50.. Α. T. .. AJP 62 (1941). D.. 1995). M. pp. Ijistrum 3 (1958). L.44 (1994). 1983). pp. 169-90. D. Dos Epicheirema (SB Vienna 216:2.. Α... Solmsen. and N. Wilson. Kennedy. Calboli Montefusco. Ethos and Pathos from Aristotle to Cicero (Amsterdam: Hakkert. 1986). Russell. .. Martin. Hermogenes On Issues (Oxford: Oxford University Press. C. La dottnna degli status nella retorica greca e romana (Hildesheim: Olms-Weidmann. F. Antike Rhetorik (Munich: Beck. Wisse. "The Substructure of S&uu-theory from Hermagoras to Hermogenes". Menander Rhetor (Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 58-214. 1989). 1974). "The Aristotelian Tradition in Ancient Rhetoric". 1902). CQ. Heath. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors (Princeton: Princeton University Press. J. 1936). Kroll.. G. G.. J.


clarity. 1963). pp. classical rhetoric supplies a rich nomenclature encompassing most of the important stylistic phenomena found in any language. pp. 245-345. philosophical essays. Douglas's review in CR 12 [1963]. 1958) and G. there are names for more than 60 tropes and figures identified by rhetoricians from the fifth century BC through to the early Chrisdan era. Although Lausberg's work has flaws (see A. Antike Kunstprosa (2 vols. 1974). 248-525. the criteria. Die Rhetorik der Griechen und Römer (Leipzig: Teubner. E. 1960). Weiss. Recommended for later Greek and Latin style are E. 1909.3. Moscow. Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik (2 vols. A. the one concerning style (λεξις/ elocutio) has had an especially pervasive and lasting influence. Berlin: Teubner. Norden. historical writings.. First. Munich: Beck. I. and letters as well as political and forensic speeches. Bultmann. Der Stil der Paulinischen Predigt und die kynisch-stoische Diatribe (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. and propriety. 1885. it is the most complete and systematic source of stylistic terms and definitions presented by the ancient rhetoricians. Ii. repr. 246-47). Of fundamental importance to the stylistic aspect of the New Testament are J. Rowe University of Idaho. 1980). 1 . ornamentation. classical rhetoric has established criteria for judging style that are sufficiently flexible to allow for changing tastes and requirements. For general and deep background on the theory of style according to classical rhetoric see the following works: H. Thirdly. Secondly. 393-562.. Kennedy. These precepts inform poetry as well as prose. Hildesheim: Olms. particularly as a response to Lausberg. Antike Rhetorik (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft. Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modem Times (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. the so-called virtues (άρεταί/virtutes) of correctness. Not to mention other stylisdc terms. 1915 [Nachträge]. pp. Stuttgart: Teubner. In fact.CHAFfER 5 STYLE Galen O. the ancient precepts on style apply to any verbal expression and not simply to that which is used to persuade. form the basis of the entire classical theory. especially for the excellent examples of tropes and figures. USA Of classical rhetoric's five duties. 1897) and R. Beiträge zur paulinischen Rhetorik (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Munich: Max Hueber. and J. pp. 1910). Lausberg. The serious student will also wish to consult R.' At least three reasons account for this influence. Martin. repr. Volkmann.

A type of solecism through addition would be pleonasm—for example. when authors intentionally alter a word's correct sound or spelling. instead of contemnere). the ancient rhetoricians focus on the common errors. omission. As the word. involves rhetoric in grammar. falling into two classes—barbarisms and solecisms. The omission of a necessary word or phrase is called ellipsis. 1:26 of repostum instead of the correct repositum in order to avoid an excess of short syllables—or to achieve a special effect. VIRTUE 1: C O R R E C T N E S S T h e first and basic stylistic virtue. Barbarisms encompass the unintendonal alteration of single words by the addition. in which all the necessary letters are included but some are in the wrong positions. resort to metaplasm either to satisfy the metrical demands of their verses (metn causa)—for example. Verg.g. a mispronunciation of ruit). A transpositional barbarism is leriquum. or "figures" (σχήματα/ figurae). as with the archaic gnatus rather than natus. in which a letter or syllable is added to the beginning of a word (e. especially. which is missing the word erat (meaning in this context "belonged"). and substitution. Barbarism through omission would include aphaeresis. omission. of grammar that speakers ought to avoid.. transposition. ROWE I. transposition. 6:620 temnere. Poets. A sole- . Like barbarism. "to whom a quiver of gold"). If "barbarism" designates the distortion of single words. the incorrect alteration of words is assumed to have occurred through ignorance or lapse. solecism has the four classifications of addition. such as cui pharetra ex auro (Verg. however. adhuc nondum factum est ("to this point it has not yet been done"). since "correctness" in this case means the correct use of the speaker's language. Finally. however. the alteration receives the designation metaplasm. Because of their common and recurrent nature the vices can be regarded as standard grammatical shapes. an example of barbarism through substitution would be bobis instead of the correct vobis. or vices. 4:138.122 GALEN Ο. in which a beginning pordon of the word is left off (e. A. An example of barbarism through addition would be the grammatical figure prothesis. or substitution of sounds or syllables or letters.g. "barbarism" (from the Greek word for "foreigner"). rather than subsuming the entire subject of grammar within their domain. indicates. the term "solecism" is applied to a grammatical error that occurs through the faulty combination of words. Virgil's use in A.. correctness. instead of reliquum. A. gruit. where either adhuc ("to this point") or nondum ("not yet") suffices.

397-406. and in these instances solecisms cease to be grammatical figures/vices and partake of the virtue of ornament as rhetorical figures. pp. or case.STYLE 123 cism through transposition occurs when the sequence of words differs from the sequence of thought. is employed to great effect as a rhetorical figure by the orator Demosthenes and is regarded as an important characteristic of his style. 576-88. and technical 2 D. W. they discern two areas where clarity could be achieved or lost—in the selection of single words and in the combination of words. authors may employ solecisms just as intentionally as they would barbarisms. They understand the object of clarity to be the immediate apprehension of the speaker's remarks even by inattentive readers or listeners. For example. pp. T h e only difference between a solecism and a rhetorical figure is the author's intendon. Dem. "Dionysius of Halicamassus and Hermogenes on the Style of Demosthenes". Rowe. the word familiar to certain regions. Regarding the former. Wooten. VIRTUE 2: CLARITY Clarity follows correctness in the order of stylistic virtues. In fact. one could cite such common errors as the substitution of one part of speech for another—an adjective for an adverb ("good" instead of "well") or mismatches of gender. and G. a solecism through transposition. As in the case of correctness. See also C. Among several possible substitutional solecisms.H. II. hyperbaton. the made-up word. it is the speaker's task to select the word which is the first to designate an object or an idea and which through constant use has become the appropriate word (verbum proprium). the word removed from usage. the vice of redundancy. . Finally. Types of inappropriate words include the improper synonym. however. 50 and 58. as in quibus de rebus ("which about things". instead of "about which things"). but the ancient rhetoricians do not elaborate this virtue to the same degree as correctness. "The Many Facets of Hybris in Demosthenes' Against Meidias". AJP 114 (1993).2 Again. This solecism is called anastrophe. pleonasm. AJP 110 (1989). number. solecism through substitution occurs when a word that is inappropriate to the context is substituted for another that properly belongs. frequently and sometimes elaborately occurs in all ancient writers.

"trope". it contributes several different features to the verbal expression—strength. polish. as in the case of correctness. VIRTUE 3: ORNAMENTATION By far the most elaborated of style's four main virtues is ornamentation or. by completing the thought without excessive postponement. that of tropes. III. gaiety. in Greek means "turn". Tropes extend. and tropes. are the speaker's own creations. A. however. Ornamenting single words requires the speaker to substitute for the customary expression another word or group of words that conveys not only the meaning but also a specific feature of the meaning. thus making them attentive and disposed to believe the speaker. 8 : 3 : 2 ) designates it. that ancient rhetorical theory pays the most attention. the virtue of ornament applies to either single words or words in combination. such as the nine listed above. neologisms. An archaism would be any word regarded as old-fashioned but not so obsolete as to be obscure. vices may be committed against clarity in the name of some other stylistic virtue. As useful as the first two classes may be. "new words". In Latin the term is modus elocutionis—"manner of speaking". For single words there are three classes of substitutions from which to choose—archaisms. as Quintilian (Inst. In combinations of words clarity is achieved by maintaining words in their correct order. delight. expand. Tropes O n e can hardly overestimate the importance of the trope as an element of style. cultus et omatus— "elegance and adornment". precision. such as ornamentation or propriety. Neologisms. variety. Specifically.124 GALEN O. which he produces from a phenomenon's sound (onomatopoeia) or by derivation from other words. and by not saying too much or too little. somewhat as in "turn of phrase". abundance. The word. ornamentation functions to please the listeners. acuity. it is the third class. or change the meaning of words as no other rhetorical device. ROYVE jargon. Quintilian (Inst. As with the virtue of correctness. 8:6:1) defines the trope as "a change of a word or phrase from its proper . and clarity—depending on the type of ornament employed. In general.

the specifically appropriate term for the status of the ship. pp. and a later addition to it. does not stand completely in defiance of correct meaning. "with bronze sword having drawn out his life". since both meanings are species of removing. and "cutting out with unyielding bronze". the 'Ανωνύμου περί ποιητικών τρόπων. Second is the relationship from species to genus. a person. Aristotle (Po. the trope known as metaphor occurs when the word. Every trope constitutes an impropriety. A third relationship. is used to designate a person. as in "my ship is at anchor there". To be effective it must bear a certain semantic relationship to its subject. This extreme transference from one meaning to another is brought about by the intent of the speaker/ writer and made intelligible to the listener/reader by the context in which the trope is contained. detailed The number 41 comes from a combination of Tryphon περιτροπών. One reason for the dispute is the often tenuous distinction between certain tropes and figures. 3 . has had its meaning changed from that of a man to that of a lion. however. there is the relationship by analogy. One could say that the subject. First there is the relationship from genus to species. Rhetores Graeci (Leipzig: Teubner. identifies four possible semantic relationships between a trope and its subject. since one implement has the same importance to one god as the other implement has to the other god. Finally. ten thousand. where "drawn out" is used for "cutting out" and vice versa. A trope.). the propriety of literalness as a goal becomes subordinated to the effect that the speaker/writer hopes to achieve. Dionysus's shield. because a trope by definition causes a deviation from the proper meaning of the word. Spengel (ed. III. 8:6:1) reports that an irresolvable conflict raged among grammarians and philosophers as to the correct number and classification. such that what one rhetorician regards as a trope appears to another as a figure—and vice versa. as in "Odysseus has accomplished ten thousand noble deeds". because "is" is the broader category of "moored". 3 and Quintilian (Inst. T h e first extant. from species to species. 189-213. is exemplified in the phrases. perhaps in order to stress the person's ferocity. the shield could be called Ares' cup or the cup. moreover. 1853-56). where the specific number. 21:7:1457b). lion. For example. The number of ornaments recognized as tropes varies from a conservative nine to forty-one or more. who uses the term metaphor to apply to all tropes. stands for the generic idea of a large number. See L.STYLE 125 meaning into another for the sake of effect". For example.

whereas the first ("darkness") causes the reader to infer the subject as "ignorance". J. 2. Ameringer. where the table. "The Influence of the Second Sophistic on the Style of the Sermons of Saint Basil the Great" (vol. "που δ' αλες. DC). translatio): A metaphor is a word or phrase literally denoting one kind of object or idea but used in place of another in such a way that it suggests a likeness or an analogy between them. including T. ϋπαλλαγή. where the libations [that we shared]?'" Note: The objects mentioned here are parts of the convivial feast and symbolize the bonds and trust of friendship that the speaker protests have been violated. που τράπεζα. For Gregory of Nazianzus see R. nisi literarum lumen accederet. Campbell. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:189) '"But where is the salt. 22. 6:14) "These [examples] would all lie in darkness. and W. "A Study of the Vocabulary and Rhetoric of the Letters of Saint Augustine" (vol. Quae iacerent in tenebris omnia." (D. 5. Gregory ofNazianzus: Rhetor and Philosopher (Oxford: Clarendon Press. pp.4 however. 1930). that by Tryphon (during the reign of Augustus). Arch. Parsons. 5 1. Lausberg. (John 6:35) "I am the bread of life". for examples of tropes and figures in patristic writings I am especially indebted to several monographs published in Catholic University of America Patristic Studies (Washington. I. Metonymy (μετωνυμία. the second makes both the metaphor ("light") and its subject ("literature") explicit. 1969). It therefore is not always the case that the subject of the metaphor is not made explicit. 2. που σπονδαί. I have in most instances used the traditionally more common Greek words and supplied alternative Greek and Latin terms in parentheses. 282-307. 5 4 . contains fourteen different tropes. Many of the examples of tropes and figures cited below are from my own gleanings. as the main terms. Note: Of the two metaphors. the "darkness [of ignorance]" and the "light of literature".126 GALEN O. instead of following Lausberg's practice of using. Metaphor (μεταφορά. John Chrysostom" (vol. denominatio): Metonymy is the name of one thing applied to another with which it is closely associated. Ruether. Isidore and Beda each recognize thirteen. if the light of literature were not brought to bear". 1922). the Latin words found in Quintilian. "The Stylistic Influence of the Second Sophistic on the Panegyrical Sermons of St. έγώ είμι 6 άρτος της ζωής. Handbuch. (Cic. ROYVE classification of tropes. T h e selection that follows is based on Lausberg's classification. however. 1921).

specific uses of the two elements. circumlocutio): Periphrasis is saying in many words what might be expressed in one or roundabout what might be put directly. "descended". Note: As "foresaw" in . (Horn. ώ κακή κεφαλή. Periphrasis (περίφρασις. Huic urbi ferro ignique minitantur.Note: "Iron" and "fire". the context would normally require the word "in". however. and the mad rashness of Gaius Cathegus". remoto Catilina non mihi esse P. Note: The word. Od. intellectio): Synecdoche occurs when a part of something is signified by the whole or the whole is signified by its part. Quintes. 5. Synecdoche (συνεκδοχή. 5:11:27) "He was already thinking that the rest of his time was owed to Venus and Bacchus". "through" (per). 11:14:37) "They threaten this city with iron and withfire". emphasizes the great depth of the wooden horse. 3:63) "He lay through the cave". 11:523) "We descended into the horse". (Cic. "Through" stresses the cyclops's unusual size. Providebam animo. "making a lesson". circumitio. 1:68) "You were not always making a lesson from what we were teaching".STYLE 127 Venen iam et Libero reliquum tempus deberi arbitrabatur. that with the removal of Catiline I would not have to fear the sleep of Publius Lentulus. pars pro toto. represent "sword" and "conflagration". εις ϊππον κατεβαίνομεν. A. 3. Cethegi temeritatem pertimescendam. (Verg. 4. Iacuitque per antrum. 3:7:16) "I foresaw in my mind. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:313) "Ο wicked head\" Note: This synecdoche represents the whole person of Aeschines by a part. Catil. (D. Lentuli somnum nec L. The deities are mentioned instead of the pursuits in order to emphasize Verres' religious-like devotion to carnal pleasures. (Cic. Phil. Note: The periphrasis. the head. ού περι ών έδιδάσκομεν εκάστοτε την μάθησιν έποιεΐσθε. Citizens. Cassi adipes nec fumsam C. synecdoches from the whole. Ver. Note: "Venus" and "Bacchus" are associated with the pursuits of love-making and drinking. (Cic. cannot receive vocal stress because in Virgil's poetic meter it is an unstressed syllable. Note: The word. is used instead of "learning". Emphasis (εμφασις): Emphasis indicates a special or greater meaning than the word by itself contains and is usually conveyed through the context or by vocal stress. (Th. the corpulence of Lucius Cassius.

Against Eratosthenes 12:22) "For I would have not the slightest [= the greatest] share of this good". This periphrasis is found elsewhere in Cicero and in other classical Latin writers. his inveterate foe. (Matt. Catil.128 GALEN O. (D. μετήν γαρ αν και έμοι τούτου τάγαθού ούκ ελάχιστον μέρος. for his love of performing speeches. Hyperbole (υπερβολή. Irony (ειρωνεία. Ecquod iudicium Romae tam dissolutum. such as Philip. 7. periphrases. 26:48) "And the one who was betraying him gave them a sign". άντεναντίωσις. Note: Here Demosthenes pokes fun at Aeschines. Ver. 4:9) "But really must that Semiramis be retained in Syria any longer?" Note: The notoriously licentious queen of Assyria is what Cicero calls the profligate Roman governor. (Cic. especially before distinguished listeners. Non facile hanc tantam molem mali a cervicibus vestris depulissem. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:254) "He would rather have allowed someone to share his blood than his speech [to Philip]". so venal that any goddess of salvation could save you from judgment?" 8. An vero in Syria diutius est ilia Semiramis retinenda? (Cic. tam nummariura fore putasti. θάττον γαρ αν του αϊματος ή λόγου μεταδοΰναί τινι. (Lys. the inclusion of "in my mind" is unnecessary. tam perditum. Litotes (λιτότης. exadverm): Litotes is the emphatic affirmation of something by denying its opposite. 6. ό δέ παραδιδούς αυτόν εδωκεν αύτοΐς σημεΐον. 5:3:131) "Did you think that any court at Rome would be so careless. Consil. Note: Matthew uses antonomasia to emphasize Judas's special role. for a proper name. however. 3:7:17) "Not easily [= with difficulty] would I have cast from your shoulders this great burden of evil". so corrupt. Antonomasia (άντονομασία. Aulus Gabinius. ROYVE this context can only apply to mental activity. 9. άντίφρασις. superlatio): Hyperbole is a fitting exaggeration of the truth in order to make something appear greater or smaller than it is. they are also examples of synecdoche. quo ex iudicio te ulla Salus servare posset? (Cic. The remaining italicized expressions are of the type cited by some rhetoricians as. illusio): Irony is the use of words which in the context convey a contrary meaning. . usually a nickname or descriptive epithet. pronominatio): Antonomasia is the substitution of an appellative.

Quintilian (Inst. word. Against Androtion 22:32) " This fine and good man not only thought it necessary to speak and to propose when he was out of order but also to do so contrary to the laws". like the body posed in an activity. sometimes called schemes. (Cic. a. such as questions and exclamations. geminatio)·. 2:13:9.STYLE 129 ό καλός κάγαθός ούτος ού μόνον φετο δείν λέγειν και γράφειν ούκ έξόν. Figures of omission result from the absence of words normally essential to the syntax. si istius furorem ac tela vitemus. 9:1:11) explains it as a metaphor from the human body or from pictures and statues of the human body. A statement seemingly without figuration resembles the body in a state of rest. 1:1:2) "But we. 1. Epanalepsis is the repetition of a word (or group of words) within the same clause. think that we do enough for the republic if we avoid the madness and weapons of the fellow". Figures of transposition are deliberate changes in the normal order of words. (2) omission. is an active expression conveying vitality and affecting the listener in certain ways. or combination of sounds and words. on the other hand. Word Figures Word figures belong to three basic categories—those resulting from (1) addition. the shaping of groups of words belongs to the category of figures. Catil. Ancient rhetoricians recognized two categories of figures—figures of words. Nos autem vin fortes satis facere rei publicae videmur. in which the meanings of the word groups have standard intellectual and emotional shapes. . άλλα και παρά τους νόμους ταΰτα ποιεΐν. as well as other forms of recurrence. perhaps even of lifelessness. Figures of addition include all forms of repetition of the sound. Figures of addition (1) Epanalepsis (έπανάληψις. Flures Whereas tropes result from changing single words or expressions. that is words arranged in certain patterns. T h e figured statement. "figure". B. (D. brave men. Although no one knows who originated the term. and figures of thought. and (3) transposition.

οΰκ εστίν οπωςήμάρτετ'. as natural as it is divine". και προσκυνητή. it is not possible that you erred. (D. which ends a clause. ταΰτα φοβεΐ με. both venerable and long-suffering! Ijong-suffering. listen. ή θλίψις ύπομονήν κατεργάζεται. reduplicatio): Anadiplosis is the repetition of a word (or group of words). On the Crown 18:208) "But it is not possible. ROYVE άλλ' ούκ εστίν. παλιλλογία. hope. quanto naturalia." (3) Climax (κλίμαξ. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:289) "Philip does not frighten me. and hope does not put one to shame". (Cic. quanto vulgana tanto communia. αν τα παρ' υμών υγιαίνη. (Tert. ή δε δοκιμή έλπίδα· ή δέ έλπίς ού καταισχύνει. . indeed.130 GALEN O. that is what frightens me. redditio): Prosapodosis is the use of the same word or group of words at the beginning and at the end of a clause or sentence. Naz." Hie tarnen vivit. 23 [MPG 35:1165B]) "Ο Holy Trinity. Catil. και μακρόθυμε! μακρόθυμος γαρ ή έπι τοσούτον άνασχομένη των σε τεμνόντων. men of Athens". Haec testimonia animae quanto vera tanto simplicia. as simple as it is ordinary. άνδρες Αθηναίοι. et cognoscite rei publicae volnera. άλλ' εί παρ' ύμίν άδεια γενήσεται τοις παρ' έκείνου μισθαρνεΐν βουλομένοις . tanto naturalia. Lives? Why. 5:3-5) "Affliction produces patience. Or. . ούδέ φοβεΐ με Φίλιππος. ή δέ υπομονή δοκιμήν. The effect is that of climbing a ladder. έπαναδίπλωσις. Audite. audite. as shared as it is natural. if matters on your part are sound. as ordinary as it is shared. are you who so long endure those who persecute you. proof·. 1:1:2) "And yet this man lives. tanto divina. Test. and recognize the republic's wounds!" (2) Anadiplosis (άναδίπλωσις. "climax". 2:17:43) "Usten. (Rom. 5) "This witness of the soul is as true as it is simple. and proof. quanto communia. and patience." . but if with you there will be indulgence to those who wish to be in his hire . (4) Prosapodosis (προσαπόδοσις. . in which the last word of the preceding phrase is repeated as the first word of the next phrase. Conscript Fathers. (Gr. 7 Ω Τριάς αγία. . (Cic. Vivit? immo vero etiam in senatum venit. which is the English meaning of the Greek word. anim. quanto simplicia tanto vulgana. gradatio): Climax is an ascending order of thought through successive phrases. Phil. κύκλος. (D. patres conscripti. at the beginning of the next clause. he even comes into the senate.

Vigilat iste. The one stays awake with pious mind churning and glowing. I reasoned as a child". Vigilat iste. κοινότης. μακάριοι οί πτωχοί τω πνεύματι.STYLE 131 Ferro. conexum)·. κτλ. έλάλουν ώς νήπιος. (1 Cor. έλογιζόμην ώς νήπιος. conversio): Antistrophe is the repetition of the same word at the end of successive clauses. Doletis très exercitus populi Romani interfectos: interfecit Antonius. dentibus suis frendens et tabescens. so that he might praise the doctor for his cure. Symploche is the repetidon of the same beginning word(s) and the same ending word(s) in a succession of clauses. too. (6) Antistrophe (άντιστροφή. 9:6) . there are many repetitions of rhythms and sounds within each clause. οτι αυτών έστιν ή βασιλεία τών ουρανών. 219 [MPL 38:1088]) "The one stays awake." (7) Symploche (συμπλοκή. (2 Cor. ut laudet medicum liberatus. οτι αύτοί παρακληθήσονται. have been taken from you by Antony. ferro. ut blasphemet iudicem condemnatus. You long for your most distinguished citizens: these. ό σπείρων φειδομένως φειδομένως καί θερίσει. Auctoritas huius ordinis adflicta est: adflixit Antonius. σύνθεσις." Note: This famous passage gives an example of interlocking anaphoras. και 6 σπείρων έπ' ευλογίαις έπ' εύλογίαις καί θερίσει. έφρόνουν ώς νήπιος. (Matt. I thought as a child.' he says. 'by the sword. communie. 9:24) '"By the sword. because they will inherit the earth. (Aug. 13:11) "When I was a child. μακάριοι οί πενθοΰντες. because theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are they who mourn. (Cic. Blessed are the meek. Phil. Sern. It was assailed by Antony. so that he might revile the judge for his conviction. Caec. 5:3-5) "Blessed are the poor in spirit. έπιφορά." Note: Although vigilat establishes the dominant tone of anaphora. because they will be comforted. μακάριοι οί πραείς. οτε ήμην νήπιος. I spoke as a child. repetitio): Anaphora occurs when successive clauses begin with the same word or group of words. the other stays awake. vigilat ille. Is the repetition of ferro due to the speaker whom Cicero quotes (as I have indicated by quotation marks) or to Cicero himself? (5) Anaphora (αναφορά. ΰποφορά. 2:22:55) "You grieve that three armies of the Roman people have been destroyed: they were destroyed by Antony. Desideratis clarissimos civis: eos quoque vobis eripuit Antonius.'''" Note: This use of prosapodosis achieves emphasis but also inserts an ambiguity. (Cic. the other stays awake with teeth gnashing and with wasting. The authority of our order has been assailed. mentibus piis fervens et lucescens. complexio. έπαναφορά. vigilat ille. inquit. οτι αύτοί κληρονομήσουσιν την γην.

Ego autem iudices veros et z^ritate severos magis intueor. When pronouns change not only their endings but their entire spellings the term metabole is applied. Epist. The Greek example is that of polyptoton. Nonne hoc indicant. centers on s everos ("severe"). my speech distinguishes me. but in the plural (moribus) it means "character".e. which contains within itself the word veros ("true"). 2:62) "[You must] meet the enemy not only with confidence [φρονήματι] but also with contempt [καταφρονήματι. the Latin. Note: The pun.. 2:64:155) "Do they not signal this. contempt for the enemy]". . severe". i. On the Peace 8:101) Far more truthfully would a person be speaking. 97:10) . 143:4) "But I look upon judges who are true and. Discemit me fides mea. sparingly will he also reap. άλλα καί καταφρονήματι (Th. Ιέναι δέ τοις έχθροΐς όμόσε μή φρονήματι μόνον. (Aug. that the injustices are so great that they much prefer to depart from their own custom than not to speak about your character?" Note: The same word in the singular (more) means "custom". (9) Traductio (traductio): Traductio is a play on different meanings of the same word or on different words which have the same spelling. Δημοσθένης υπέστη Φιλίππω· Δημοσθένους πένης μεν 6 βίος. Spengel. metabole. ω Δημοσθένες. if he should say that then proved to be for them the beginning [αρχήν] of misfortunes. III. because of their truth.132 GALEN O. Ver. which defies translation. (10) Polyptoton (πολύπτωτον. when they assumed the rule [αρχήν] of the sea. a play on words which sound nearly the same but have distincdy different meanings. p. εί φαίη τότε τήν άρχήν αύτοΐς γεγενήσθαι των συμφορών. μεγάλη δ' ή παρρησία· Δημοσθένει πολλών διδομένων ούδέν οΰτε πλήθος οΰτε κάλλος άξιον έφάνη προδοσίας· Δημοσθένην 'Αλέξανδρος έ ξ ή τ ε ι . discemit me iustitia mea. . (Hdn. (Isoc. bountifully will he also reap". οτε τήν αρχήν της θαλάττης παρελάμβανον. ROYVE "He who sows sparingly. discemit me oratio mea. my justice distinguishes me (8) Paronomasia (παρονομασία. On Figures. παρήχησις. (Aug. 214:3) "My faith distinguishes me. and he who sows bountifully. μεταβολή): Polyptoton is the repetition of a noun or pronoun in different cases at the beginnings of successive clauses. annominatio): Paronomasia is a pun. tantas esse iniurias ut multo maluerint de suo more decedere quam de tuis moribus non dicere? (Cic. Epist. άδίκως τε άπέθανες. πολύ αν τις αληθέστερα τυγχάνοι λέγων.

σύγκρισις. disiunctio): Synonymia is the repeddon of a thought in synonymous terms. άλλα τα πράγμαθ' απλώς άφήρηται. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:208) "This takes away their boldness.STYLE 133 "Demosthenes submitted to Philip. Demosthenes". τοϋτο παραιρεϊται την θρασύτητα την τούτων. and so you will be happiest for attaining". and happier for loving. Note: This highly artificial example of polyptoton manages to use all five cases of the proper noun. nothing. Catil. (D. ό δη τους χρόνους τούτους άναιρών της οϊα παρ' ήμίν έστι πολιτείας. ( 1 Cor. (12) Synonymia (συνωνυμία. it places the last use of "Demosthenes" at the end rather than at the beginning of its clause. escaped. 267) "Happy is such as you for thinking faithfully. blocks their mout chokes. (D. which acquires added or different significance in the repetition. unjusdy did you die. (Cic. makes them nient". communie nominis. τοΰτ' αποστρέφει την γλώτταν. seemed worth treason. et ideo eris felicisdma consequendo. (Aug. in that crowd? Through whom moreover was it given? Whence was it gotten? What then was the meaning of that interception of the cup? Why nevertheless was it not given again?" (11) Metaclisis (μετάκλισις. Demosthenes Alexander demanded. έμφράττει τό στόμα. erupit. To signed the conclusion. this twists back their tongues. παρηγμένον. Quod autem tempus veneni dandi illo die. άγχει. ού χρόνους άνήρηκεν ούτος. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:186) . 9:20) "And I became to the Jews as a Jew. withdrawn. Demosthenes' life was that of a poor man. άντίστασις. although many tried to bribe him. For Cluentius 60:167) "But what chance of giving the poison on that day. declinatio): Metaclisis is the repeated use of the same word. πλοκή. amando felicior. (13) Diaphora (διαφορά. καί έγενόμην τοις Ίουδαίοις ώς 'Ιουδαίος. Υνα 'Ιουδαίους κερδήσω. Abiit. Epist. evasit. σιωπάν ποιεί. broken out". άντιμετάθεσις. 2:1:1) "He has gone away. ου. Felix es talis fideliter cogitando. elsewhere than at the beginnings of successive clauses. so that I might gain Jews". but his candor was great. with different inflections. moreover. excesnt. neither wealth nor beauty. ilia frequentia? Per quem porro datum? Unde sumptum? quae porro interceptio poculi? cur non de integro autem datum? (Cic. to Demosthenes. distinctio): Diaphora is the repeated use of the same word.

τω δέ αδελφή. distributio): Diaeresis occurs when certain specified roles are assigned among several parts of a whole or several members of a group. S. Habet excusationem vel pietatis vel necessitatis vel aetatis. πέπεισμαι γαρ οτι οΰτε θάνατος οΰτε ζωή οΰτε άγγελοι οΰτε άρχαί οΰτε ένεστώτα οΰτε μέλλοντα οΰτε δυνάμεις οΰτε ΰψωμα οΰτε βάθος οΰτε τις κτίσις . ROYVE "The person who takes away these moments from a government such as exists with us has not taken away moments. (D. and to another. di immortales! ac nefarium facinus atque eius modi quo uno malefkio scelera omnia complexa esse videantur. τω δε γυνή καί παίδες. to necessity] if he expected something. that he was waiting for his death. "When Proculeius was complaining about his son. wife and children". Against Meidias 21:103) "And the person he hired to do this was the corrupt and too compliant one. Cael. (And. to adolescence. pietati tribuo." Note: When diaphora occurs in a dialogue in such a way that the word is repeated by a different speaker. 'No'. "immo". Cum eis facta pax non erit pax. (Cic. such as an adjective or an appositive. Phil. appositum): Epitheton is an attributive addition to a substantive.134 GALEN O. 37) "A criminal. to another a sister. On the O Mysteries 1:48) "There came to one a mother. Rose. συνάφεια): Polysyndeton is the repeated use of conjunctions. puentiae. Si voluit accusare. ή K ν δε τω μεν μήτηρ. si iussus est. reftexio). but a pact of slavery. If he wished to accuse. no. Quintilian (Inst." (15) Epitheton (έπίθετον. καί τον τοΰτο ποιήσοντ' έμισθώσατο. 9:3:68) gives the often quoted example: cum Proculeius quereretur de filio. Ye Gods. 7 ask that you wait'". inquit. anaclasis (άνάκλασις. and the latter had said that he was not waiting. quod is mortem suam exspectaret. I attribute it to dutifiilness·. τον κονιορτόν Εύκτήμονα. sed pactio sewitutis. (Cic. the dirty Euctemon". τον μιαρόν καί λίαν ευχερή. (14) Diaeresis (διαίρεσις. (16) Polysyndeton (πολυσύνδετον. (Cic. "rogo expectes". et ille dixisset se non exspectare. necessitate si speravit aliquid. 1) "He has the excuse either of dutijulness or of necessity or of age. Scelestum. it has the designation. but has taken away the whole business". 12:6:14) "Peace made with them will not be peace. and wicked deed and of that kind where all crimes seem encompassed in one evil act". if he was ordered. he said.

but if [you regard] his nature and the truth. (Rom. Quibus non modo non orbari. 1) " Whether you are taken from the sky or conceived from the earth or moved by numbers or by atoms or begin with the body or after you have taken on the body. ταύτάδεταΰτ' Άργεΐοι. 8:38-39) "For I am persuaded that neither death nor life nor angels nor powers nor present nor future nor forces nor heights nor depths nor any other created thing will be able to separate us from the love of God which is in Christ Jesus our lord". translated with "of". translated with "by".STYLE 135 έτερα δυνήσεται ημάς χωρίσαι από της αγάπης του θεοΰ της έν Χριστώ 'Ιησοΰ τω κυρίφ ημών. συλλήψις. Unde maior Caesari metus. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:262) "The Argives [said] this same thing". no matter how. έπεζευγμένον. below. ώσπερ καί πρότερον. but even increased [by these]". Seu de caelo exciperis seu de terra conciperis sen numeris seu atomis concinnaris seu cum corpore incipis seu post corpus induceris. (Tac. b. you make a person. (Tert. Against Ctesiphon 168) "Ifyou regard his fine-sounding words. while in the second clause it must be supplied as an ablative of material with "augeri". omissio)·. άν μεν τοίνυν προς τήν εύφημίαν αύτοΰ τών λόγων άποβλέπητε. Ellipsis is the omission of essendal grammatical details. a rational animal most capable of feeling and of knowledge". Sen. you will not be deceived". άπό κοίνου. 17) " Of these old age not only is usually not deprived. as in the Latin example. no matter whence. Ann. parallel phrases in order to complete their meanings (simple zeugma). έξαπατηθήσεσθε. . Note: The use of "quibus" in the first clause is ablative of separation with "orbari". sed etiam augeri senectus solet. undeunde et quoquo modo hominem facis animal rationale sensus et scientiae capacissimum. ligatio): Zeugma is the use of a word in one phrase which must be understood in other. Mart. you will be deceived just as before. Sometimes the word to be understood must be modified in meaning or syntax in order to suit the remaining phrases (complicated zeugma or syllepsis). εάν δ' εις τήν φύσιν καί τήν άλήθειαν. detractio. (D. Figures of omission (1) Ellipsis (ελλειψις. as in the Greek example. (2) Zeugma (ζεΰγμα. (Cic. 1:60:1) "Whence [there was] greater fear for Caesar". adnexio. ούκ έξαπατηθήσεσθε. (Aeschin.

Fragiiis in altum cymba processit. (D. ώ Ζεΰ καί πάντες θεοί [C]. θανάτων [Α] λόγους [Β]. πεπληρωμένους πάση άδικίςι [καί] προνηρία [καί] πλεονεξία [καί] κακία. the smoke of time". [and] silver. (Acts 17:29) "We ought not think that [the divine is like] to gold or silver or stone. transgressio): Hyperbaton is the separation of two words. πολλών [Α] άξιους [Β]. temporis fumum. 1:29) "Filled with all injustice [and] wickedness [and] greed [and] evil". (Aug. 2:22) "At least to a man able to reason these things regarding [= regarding these things]". ROYVE (3) Asyndeton (άσύνδετον. (Instead of. mixtura): Synchesis ("interlacing") is an elaborate form of hyperbaton. (Rom. Figures of transposition (1) Anastrophe (αναστροφή. the imprint of man's art and thought. in which each of the related elements of one syntactic group tends to be separated by elements of another syntactic group. traiectio. 1:1:1) " What to end [= to what end] will that unbridled audacity of yours flaunt itself?" (2) Hyperbaton (ΰπερβατόν. (Jerome Ep.) (3) Synchesis (σύγχυσις. ούκ όφείλομεν νομίζειν [τό θείον είναι ομοιον] χρυσφ ή άργύρω ή λίθφ. Quam ad finem sese effrenata iactabit audacia? (Cic. pallorem terrae. [et] argentum. Sern. the divine is like". 191:19:5) "Gold. earth's blue color. "The fragile craft advanced into the deep". which syntactically belong together.136 GALEN O. [and] honor. c. (Hdt. solutum): Asyndeton is the omission of conjunctions between coordinate members of the same sentence. earth's pale color. words [Β] worthy [Β] of many [A] . reversio): Anastrophe is the reversal of the normal sequence of two words immediately following each other. Aurum. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:16) "Ο Zeus and All You Gods [C]. χαράγματι τέχνης καί ένθυμήσεως ανθρώπου. άνδρί γε λογίζεσθαι τοιούτων πέρι οϊω έόντι. [et] honorem. τό θείον είναι ομοιον. through the insertion of a word or group of words not belonging immediately in this place. Catil. 14:10) "Fragile into the deep the craft advanced". livorem terrae.

18:8:2) "The light of day does not shine. shattered are the rocks.) "To learn [A] useless [B] or difficult [B] to understand [A]". which tend to have the same construction and length (measured by number of words or syllables). περί των αύτών πολλαχώς έχηγησασθοα. and to make great matters trivial. πάρισον. . ημέρα [Α] ού φωτίζεται [Β]. Mur. I readily cease". the order of the second (verb-noun-noun-verb) is the reverse of the first (noun-verb-verbnoun)—ABBA and BAAB. Note: The interlacing arrangement yields the pattern. (Cic. (5) Chiasmus (χιασμός): Chiasmus is a feature of isocolon in which the second of two coordinate clauses reverses the order of the first. the foundations of the earth are shaken. Rent is the veil. (Hippol. [10 syllables] nulla inhumanitatis culpa [9 syllables] suscipitur. llf. no blame for cruelty is incurred. παρίσωσις. no shame for arrogance. Haer. parimembre): Isocolon consists of the succession of two or more coordinate clauses. [12 syllables] καί τοις μικροΐς μέγεθος περιθεΐναι. (Sidon. that is. (6) Homoeoteleuton (όμοιοτέλευτον): Homoeoteleuton is a feature of isocolon in which coordinate clauses end in words that have the same inflections and sounds. Panegyric 4:39) "To expound many times on the same subject. [11 syllables] (Isoc. Note: The synchesis has the interlacing arrangement of ABC AB. [ 13 syllables] καί τά τε μεγάλα ταπεινά ποιήσαι. ego vero libenter desino. Si nulla inertiae infamia." Note: This example contains two chiasmuses arranged chiastically. ABCDDEB. (4) Isocolon (ίσοκωλόν. Quantum [A] meas [B] déprimât [C] oneris [D] impositi [D] massa [Ε] cervices [B]. [8 syllables] nulla superbiae turpitudo. praef. in which the same letters would normally go together. 9) "If no disgrace for indolence.STYLE 137 deaths [A]". τά θεμέλια της γης [Α] σείεται [Β]. (Macr. Cognitu [A] inutile [B] aut difficile [B] perceptu [A]. 6:1:5) "How much [A] the weight [E] of imposed [D] burden [D] depresses [C] my [B] shoulders [E]". ρήγνυνται [Β] πέτραι [Α] σχίζεται [Β] καταπέτασμα [Α]. and to invest magnitude with details".

Hei 7) "By force was she seized and lawlessly was she violated and unjustly was she assaulted". In fact. qui Baias viderit. Thought figures. it is the conclusion of successive cola with the same case form. Epist. Hoc nec dici brevius. θεραπεύων. lack the concreteness of word figures. 11) "Who refused no party. The Greek example illustrates the former definition. The classification here is based upon. οϋτω πάντας έσπούδαζεν είσαγαγεϊν εις την βασιλείαν. if one changes the words. I. 3 [MPO 50:485:24]). (7) Homoeoptoton (όμοιόπτωτον. in which the words have specific spellings and positions relative to each other. (Aug. 6 Lausberg. who wore perfume. however. Laud. ευχόμενος. exhorting." Note: This is an example in which the stylistic figure appears irretrievably lost in translation. the Latin. (Cic. nor heard more joyfully. Modern treatments show the same tentativeness and variety as the ancients in classifying thought figures. qui in hortis fuerit. qui unguenta sumpimi. according to some rhetoricians. nec intellegi grandius. Cael. omission. most figures of thought do not readily fall into the categories of addition. the latter. and several of them make no attempt to do so. "So eager was he to lead all into the kingdom. 37-455. 2. Çhii nullum convivium renuerit. who saw Baiae. and transposition. Paul. nor done more productively". (Chrys. nec agi fructuonus. παρακαλων. 41:1) "This [cannot] be said more briefly. who was in the garden. that of Lausberg. 3:52:200) points out. Handbuch. ancient rhetoricians do not agree on how thought figures ought to be classified. promising praying. 6 It consists of two main categories—figures focused upon the audience and figures focused upon the subject. . hence another feature of isocolon. healing. the word figure is destroyed. simile casibus): Homoeoptoton consists of the frequent repetition of the same grammatical case within one period/sentence. pp. Thought Figures Unlike figures of words. nor understood more abundantly. beseeching". but the thought figure can persist regardless of the words one uses to express it. nec audiri laetius. As Cicero (De or. ίκετεύων. but does not completely follow. or shapes. ROYVE βίαι ήρπάσβη καί άνόμως έβιάσθη καί αδίκως ύβρίσθη (Gorg.138 GALEN O. ύπισχνούμενος.

παραστησαι τά σώματα υμών θυσίαν ζώσαν άγίαν εύάρεστον τω θεώ. misrepresent what I consider to be in your best interests". (Rom. ού μην οίμαι δεΐν την ιδίαν άσφάλειαν σκοποΰνθ' ΰποστείλασθαι περί ών ΰμΐν συμφέρειν ηγούμαι. dico aperte. obsecratio. soul". (Mark 12:24) "Is it not for this reason that you err. consules desumus. ού δια τοΰτο πλανάσθε μή είδότες τάς γραφάς μηδέ την δύναμιν του θεοΰ. everyone of you who judges". 2. Catil. (c) Apostrophe (άποστροφή. Sir. per deos immortalis! deponite deponite! (Cic. 1:1:3) "There is not lacking to the republic the counsel and the authority of this order: we. nos. holy. (Rom. Figures of question (a) Erotesis (έρώτησις. Consiste in medio. obtestatio): Deesis is an impassioned request made in the name of a god or a special person or a sacred object. which by appearing to risk the good will of the audience instead is intended to strengthen it due to the speaker's courage in speaking the truth. brothers. by the immortal gods! Lay [it] aside!" (b) Parrhesia (παρρησία. 4:1:1) "But that [goodwill of yours]. (Cic. Olynthiacs I 1:16:1) "I certainly think that I must not. 1) "Take your stand in the middle. (D. out of concern for my own safety. licentia): Parrhesia is claiming to use candor. interrogatio): Erotesis is an affirmative proposition stated in the form of a question to which the answer is obvious. διό άναπολόγητος εί. through the mercies of God. anima! (Tert. παρακαλώ ούν υμάς. 2:1) "Therefore you have no defense. 12:1) "I therefore exhort you. αδελφοί. we—I say it openly—the consuls are lacking". Mart. well pleasing to God". Catil. to present your bodies as a living sacrifice.STYLE 139 a. Non deest rei publicae consilium neque auctoritas huius ordinis: nos. aversio): Apostrophe is turning from the general audience to address a specific group or person. δια τών οϊκτιρμών του θεοΰ. ώ άνθρωπε πάς 6 κρίνων. Sed earn [voluntatem vestram]. not knowing the scriptures or the power of God?" . Figures focused upon the audience 1. Figures of address (a) Deesis (δέησις. έρώτημα.

how unlawfully they indicted me. Against Meidias 21:98) "And. ROYVE Nonne extremam pati fortunam paratos proiecit ille? (Caes. Yes. that is true. 1:13:4) "How long. On the Imperium of Gnaeus Pompey 11:29) . έξετασμός. What kind of a fellow is he? A corrupt and good-for-nothing lad under somebody's influence? Older than forty years". σκοπώ μεν ούν εγωγε. subiectio): Aitiologia is an imaginary dialogue in the form of questions and answers: καί τίν'. why in fact were you putting Moerocles on trial?" Qpousque patieris. άπόφαις. διαπόρησις. ώς άκυρόν έστιν . by the gods. percontatio)·. Rose. non adesse caput rei publicae? (Tac. Patrem occidit Sex. he is insolent and disgusting.140 GALEN O. (D. but. quaesitum. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:293) "Well. Caesar. Qui homo? Adulescentulus corruptus et ab hominibus nequam inductus? Annos natus maior quadraginta. 14:39) "Sextus Roscius killed his father. how invalid it i s . οτι νή Δί' ασελγής έστι και βδελυρός. dubitatio): Aporia is a state of feigned helplessness. But this you will discover is precisely the cause of his insolence". τί γαρ δήποτε Μοιροκλεα μεν έκρινες. ώ προς των θεών. . men of Athens. Roscius. Ann. ώς παρανόμως με ένέδειξαν. άλλ' οτι πλούσιος έστιν· άλλα τοΰτό γε τής ϋβρεως αύτοΰ σχεδόν αίτιον εΰρήσετ' δν. (d) Aporia (απορία. ή περί του ψηφίσματος του Ίσοτιμίδου. Civ. or concerning Isotimides' decree. 2:32:8) "Did he not abandon you. gendemen. It is because he is wealthy. άνδρες 'Αθηναίοι. ώ άνδρες. εξετ' ειπείν πρόφασιν δικαίαν ή καλήν. On the Mysteries 8:1) "I am considering. (D. " Iam vero virtuti Cn. (Cic. by Zeus. will you allow the republic not to have a head?" (c) Aitiologia (αιτιολογία. . πότερον εκ τών τελευταίων [λόγων]. you ought to hate such men as this rather than save them. in which the speaker seeks advice as to how to proceed and poses alternatives. Pompei quae potest oratio par inveniri? Qpid est quod quisquam aut illo dignum aut vobis novum aut cuiquam inauditum possit adferre? (Cic. whence to begin my defense. Caesar. what just or fine pretext will you have to utter? That. . . though you were prepared to endure ultimate misfortune?" (b) Pusma (πύσμα.ταΰτα γάρ έστι τάληθη· άλλα μισείν όφείλετ'. S. δήπου τους τοιούτους μάλλον ή σωζειν. whether from the last speeches. άπόκρισις. exquisitio. πόθεν χρή άρξασθαι τής άπολογίας. (Andoc. Pusma is a question which demands an answer other than "yes" or "no". none of which appears desirable.

. ή μεν φωνή του προστάγματος μικρά. present or future) taken in the case. under whose eyes I speak. 7:63C) "The voice of the command is small. and an inclination of the will. rather not even a voice but a nod. άλλα ροπή μόνον καί ορμή τοΰ θελήματος. Ο bane of Greece?" Sed quam longe videtur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere qui se ipse iam dignum custodia iudicarit? (Cic. άφηίήο. τον ούν εις τινα τούτων των χορευτών ή τών χορηγών ΰβρίζοντ' έπ' έχθρα. 1:8:19) "But how long should one be free from prison and shackles who has already judged himself worthy of a guard?" b. finitio): Orismus is a definition which supports the speaker's case but is not therefore contrary to common opinion. 339 c. (Aug. ea demum firma amicitia est. under whose eyes I think". is sound friendship". this. (Aeschin. (Bas. in short. μετάνοια. immo sub cuius oculis cogito. Against Meidias 21:55) "When a person assaults one of the chorus or choral directors out of enmity and does this during the competition and in the shrine of the god. τοΰτον άλλο τι πλην άσεβεϊν φήσομεν. μάλλον δέ ούδέ φωνή. 20) "For to want the same thing and to not want the same thing. Hex.STYLE 141 "But really. (D. communicatio): Anacoenosis differs from aporia. what speech can be composed equal to the qualities of Gnaeus Pompey? What is there that anyone can offer that is worthy of him or new to you or unheard of to anyone?" (e) Anacoenosis (άνακοίνωσις. 1 [MPG 38:1480]) "But He. Semι. (b) Epanorthosis (έπανόρθωσις. Catil. in that the speaker does not ask (either the audience or his adversary) for advice about his speech but about an acdon (past. καί ταϋτ' έν αύτφ τφ άγώνι καί έν τω του θεοΰ ίερώ. Cat. only. έπιδιόρθωσις. correctio): Epanorthosis is the correction or improvement of a remark immediately recognized by the speaker as unsuitable. Against Ctesiphon 131) "Well then. sub cuius oculis loquor. what else shall we call this except impiety?" Nam idem velle atque idem nolle. Figures focused upon the subject (1) Semandc figures (a) Orismus (ορισμός. knows—nay. τίνος ουν ει συ ζημίας άξιος τυχείν. έπιτίμησις. ώ της 'Ελλάδος άλειτήριε. (Sal." Ille autem novit. ΰπαλλαγή. what punishment do you deserve to get.

ROYVE (c) Prodiorthosis (προδιόρθωσις. contentio. βούλομαί τι καί παράδοξον ειπείν · καί μου προς Διός καί θεών μηδείς την υπερβολήν θαυμάση. Epist. (D. . but by the grace of the savior giving lavishly". contraposition): Antithesis consists of the juxtaposition of opposite meanings. On the Crown 18:199) "I wish to say something surprising. ά λ λ α μετ'εύνοίας δ λέγω θεωρησάτω. who prances in the parades without a mask". 3 [MPG 35:520]) "That which is raised on high receives honor. (Cic. Nactus est primum consules eos. but that which abases itself to God. προθεράπευσις. Or. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:287) "And he was talking about fornication. sed spiritu quo donatur. Romani. if you will. (d) Antithesis (άντίθεσις. tum etiam Studium atque aures adhibere posset. and. Veremur nos. let nobody marvel at this extreme statement but attend with goodwill what I say". (Liv. Naz. Romans. 39:37:17) "We are concerned. by Zeus and the gods. 5) "He first obtained an audience with those consuls. ώ γη καί θεοί. άντίθετον. regressio): Prosapodosis is a statement about two or more elements. Arch. with his two inlaws standing beside him. δς έν ταΐς πομπαΐς άνευ του προσώπου κωμάζει. and the accursed Cyrebion. οΰς ίδόντες αν ΰμείς άνακράγοιτε. who hired himself to Chabrias bound for Egypt. of whom the one could contribute the greatest exploits for writing and the other not only exploits but even interest and discernment". 196:6) "Not by the letter by which a command is issued. άτιμάζεται δέ τό Θεώ ταπεινούμενον. Νικίου τε του βδελυροί». (e) Prosapodosis (προσαπόδοσις. which are elaborated in separate disdnguishing clauses. δυοΐν μεν κηδεσταΐν παρεστηκότοιν. et. και πορνείας έλεγεν. καί του καταράτου Κυρηβίωνος. (Aug. και θεραπεύεται μεν τό ύψηλόν. we are even afraid". non ergo meritis operands hominis sed largientis gratia salvatoris. ö έαντόν έμίσθωσεν εις Α'ίγυπτον Χαβρία.142 GALEN O. Non littera qua iubetur. is dishonored". and. but by the spirit by which a gift is given. (Gr. etiam timemus. (D. ye earth and gods. the sight of whom would make you cry out in protest—Nicias the loathsome. praecedens correctio): Prodiorthosis is an attempt to prepare the audience for a shocking or offensive statement. alter cum res gestas. quorum alter res ad scribendum maxumas. si ita vultis. not therefore by the merits of man working.

(g) Oxymoron (όξύμωρον): Oxymoron is a paradoxical statement combining two terms. ώ άνδρες Αθηναίοι. τείχη περιηρημένα. commutatio): Antimetabole consists in the confrontation of a thought and its reverse through the repetition of the same words with switched grammatical functions. imaginatio. 126:7) "To God's free servitude" (2) Affective figures (a) Exclamatio (exclamatio. gentlemen of Athens. in which one of two coordinate elements is made subordinate in thought to the other.(D. Naz. οικίας κατεσκαμμένας. we could not help seeing the whole scene— . ή της άνισότητος ίσότης (Gr. έκφώνησις): Exclamatio is an abrupt utterance. 1:2) "O the times! Ο the character!" Note: This famous quotation is often translated as "O the character of the times" and offered as an example of the thought figure. is not mentioned as a figure in extant ancient rhetoric and only makes its first appearance in Late Latin. repraesentatio): Enargeia is the description of a situation or action as though it were present. Catil. διατύπωσις. which in ordinary usage are contraries. έξ άνάγκης ήν όραν ήμΐν πάντα ταύτα. usually isolated in its context by grammar and vocal stress and conveying a strong emotion. praecavendo vanissime quibus parcunt et parcendo ineptissime quibus praecavent. however. 8:14) "Ο squalid body and garment!" Ο tempora! Ο mores! (Cic. Or. Epist. 1) Admonishing most idly those whom they spare and sparing most ineffectually those whom they admonish. θέαμα δεινόν. χώραν έρημον τών έν ήλικίςι. depictio. Naz. such as pity or indignation. For when we were on our way to Delphi. (b) Enargeia (ενάργεια. Castit. ΰποτύπωσις. descriptio. hendiadys (εν δια δυοΐν). and pitiful. γύναια δέ καί παιδάρι' όλίγα καί πρεσβύτας άνθρώπους οικτρούς. "Ω πιναροΰ σώματος και ένδύματος! (Gr. 28:30) "The equality of inequality" Ad dei liberam servitutem (Aug. Hendiadys. (Tert.STYLE 143 (f) Antimetabole (άντιμεταβολή. Or. τό σάββατον δια τόν ανθρωπον έγένετο και ούχ ό άνθρωπος δια τό σάββατον · (Mark 2:27) "The Sabbath happened for the sake of man and not man for the sake of the Sabbath". On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:65) "A terrible spectacle. και έλεινόν· οτε γάρ νυν έπορενόμεθ' εις Δελφούς.

You ascend. (D. soliloquies. Catilina. nullum flagitium sine te. another thing the wife. ubi est pater meus. conversations. Phil. fictio personae): Prosopopoiia is the attribution of speech and personality to non-human things. (Cic. Fugitur unitas ut hue maritus illuc uxor conveniat. (D. (d) Prosopopoiia (προσωποποιΐα. wearing a wreath. μίμησις. amictus toga purpurea. Escendis. not specifying when". but she replies. διάλογος. (e) Epimone (έπιμονή. in sella aurea. coronatus. ROYVE houses demolished. . he himself entertained the ambassadors'. (c) Sermocinatio (sermocinatio. ηθοποιία. clad in a purple toga. expolitio): Epimone is the repetition of a thought either in the same words but with changed vocal inflection or in synonyms. real or imagined. saying. or unexpressed thoughts attributed to normal persons. on a golden chair. . . On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:119) "Do not these facts call out and say that Aeschines took a bribe and is constandy a scoundrel for money?" Quae patria tecum.'τό πότ'ού διορίζων.144 GALEN O. Epist. (Cic. like this and somehow though silent speaks: 'For several years no crime has arisen except through you. You approach the chair. Diadema ostendis. 'keep unity with me because I am your husband'. αυτός είστία τους πρέσβεις. Ί stay where my father is'". which while conveying the same basic idea nevertheless add nuance to it. You show the diadem. accedis ad sellam. no outrage without you'". . that colleague of yours. 108:17) "Unity is put to flight so that one thing suits the husband. Catil. 'he himself praised us. 1:7:18) "This country deals with you. ταΰτ' ούχί βοά καί λέγει οτι χρήματ' εϊληφεν Αισχίνης καί πονηρός έστιν αργυρίου συνεχώς. walls razed. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:235) "That is what my opponent will now present. just a few women and children and miserable old men". Catiline. ταΰτα δη παρέξεται νυν ούτος λέγων ώς 'αυτός έπηνεσεν ημάς. dicat ille "mecum tene unitatem quia ego sum vir tuus". 2:34:85) "He was seated on the rostra. the country deserted of those in their prime." (Aug. commoratio. moralis confîctio): Sermocinatio is the creation (not quotation) of statements. Gemitus toto foro. so that he says. sic agit et quodam modo tacita loquitur: nullum iam aliquot annis facinus exstitit nisi per te. respondeat ilia: "ibi moror. There's a groan from the whole forum". Sedebat in rostris conlega tuus.

Ο—what. On the Crown 18:188) "This decree [caused] the danger then surrounding the city to pass by like a cloud". Mil. Caeli. An corpus solum sit homo. a mere youth. quam vaga volubilisque fortuna. . (f) Simile (similitudo. quantae in periculis fugae proximorum. έπί τούς πόδας έσπεύσατε. Cael. (Cic. (Cic. Naz. 19:3:23) "Or is man solely body. Vides quam sit varia vitae commutabilisque ratio. dismissing the head. how pretenses are suited to the moment. should not be asked to speak when his father is silent. comparatio): Simile is an explicit comparison between the speaker's subject and a fact of natural life and of general (not historically fixed) human experience. τί προκαλεΐσθε λόγον εϊκοντα πνεύματι. Or. Civ. relating to the soul somehow as the cup to the drink?" (g) Metabasis (μετάβασις. 16:1 [MPG 35:936]) "Why are you destroying the approved order? Why do you force a tongue that is bound by law? Why do you provoke the word when it yields to the spirit? Why. 26:69) "You see how varied and changeable is life's way. Caelius. how many violations of trust in friendships. vicissim ac mihi auctoritatem patriam severitatemque suscipio. could someone rightly call you?" Redeo nunc ad te.STYLE 145 τι λύετε τάξιν έπαινουμένην. conciliatio): Synoeciosis is the exploitation of an opponent's argument to one's own advantage. (D. if he were to speak. aliquo modo se habens ad animam sicut poculum ad potionem? (Aug. and I assume my fatherly authority and severity". τί βιάζεσθε γλώσσαν νόμω δουλεύσαν. do you hasten to the feet?" Note: The synonymous expressions are designed to show that the speaker. how many desertions in danger by associates. quantae timiditates. On the Crown 18:26) "Well. τοΰτο τό ψήφισμα τόν τότε τη πόλει περιστάντα κίνδυνον παρελθείν ώσπερ νέφος. (D. aversio): Metabasis is an abrupt change of subject or a return to the subject from a digression. είτ'ώ—τί άν ειπών σέ τις όρθώς προσείποι. (3) Dialectical figures (a) Synoeciosis (συνοικείωσις. τί την κεφαλήν άφέντες. 16:37) "I now return to you. how errant and capricious is fortune. quantae infidelitates in amicitiis. (Gr. how many examples of timidity". quam ad tempus aptae simulationes.

judges. and quite splendidly. (D. but because I ride borrowed horses to try to persuade you that I am not disabled. ώ άνδρες Αθηναίοι. παρομολογία." (b) Proparaskeue (προπαρασκευή. Men of Athens". too. accusare autem eos ipsos a quibus mercedem accepisti. which is subsequendy shown to have no damaging effect on one's case. (Hyp. but to bring accusations against the very people who are paying your fee. principiis enim cognitis multo facilius extrema intellegetis. ROYVE καίτοι πώς ούκ άτοπον έστιν. For once you have learned the beginnings. Clu. προυπεργασία. for him. (Cic. by Zeus. Council. άκούσατε. and I ask you not to hold it against me. 29:80) "Sometimes. περί γε τής φιάλης της άνατεθείσης οΰτ' άν Εύξένιππον ήτιώ. ώ άνδρες δικασταί. καί πάνυ γ'. to claim that this. una mercede duas res adsequi velle. is a sign of those who are able?" Interdum mihi videos. you would not be charging Euxenippus for dedicating the cup nor would you have offered any other argument on this point. too. Eux. 23) "And yet. καίτοι. . Do you ask why? Will you please listen. nos iudicio perfundere. τών άλλων μια χρωμένων. πειράσθαι πείθειν υμάς ώς δυνατός είμι. you will much more easily understand the end". iudices.). (Lys. (Cic. λαμπρώς. τούτον αν. δν μέλλω λέγειν. when others use one. a course of argument that he is about to present. and because I use two crutches. praeparatio): Proparaskeue occurs when the speaker prepares the audience to attend. to the account that I am about to give?" Paulo longius exordium rei demonstrandae petam. praemunitio. Erucius. εί μέν έπ' άστράβης όχούμενον έώρα με. καί νή Δί' έγωγε καί τους παρά του Φιλίππου πρέσβεις έξένισα. quod quaeso. Rose. if you had good sense. ne moleste patiamini. to keep silent (for what would he say?). in a special way. I did entertain the ambassadors from Philip. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:235) "And yes. concessio): Synchoresis is an admission of the truth of an opponent's argument. οτι δ' έπί τους ήτημένους 'ίππους αναβαίνω. οΰτ' άν άλλον λόγον ούδένα ένταΰθα έποιήσω· ού γάρ άρμόττει. Eruci. καί μου τόν λόγον. 4:11) "I shall make a rather long introduction to my defense. οΐς έγώ δια την αύτήν αΐτίαν αμφοτέροις χρώμαι. εί νουν είχες. On Behalf of the Cripple 24:23) "And yet how is it not improper. if he saw me riding in a soft saddle. καί οτι μέν δυοΐν βακτηρίαιν χρώμαι. You are not being consistent. μή κατηγορεΐν ώς καί τούτο τών δυναμένων έστίν οτι δ' έπί τους ίππους αναβαίνω. τεκμηρίω χρήσθαι πρός υμάς ώς είμι τών δυναμένων. I think that for one fee you wish to achieve two objectives—to agitate us with a trial. διά τί. (c) Synchoresis (συγχώρησις. σιωπάν (τί γαρ αν καί ελεγεν.146 GALEN O. ώ βουλή.

egredere aliquando ex urbe. let him stand up and speak on my allotted time". άπο δέ τών δοκούντων είναί τι—όποιοι ποτε ήσαν ούδέν μοι διαφέρει· πρόσωπον 6 θεός άνθρωπου ού λαμβάνει—έμοί γάρ οί δοκοΰντες ούδέν προσανέθεντο. Gentlemen of Athens. Οτι the Fraudulent Embassy 19:57) "If anyone takes issue with this. not because I approve of them—indeed. (Cic. not even if it appears most sorry. ώ άνδρες Αθηναίοι. (D. περί ών δ' άν τις άντιλέγη τούτων. over the present situation. 1:5:10) "Since this is so. even to dare. δ γάρ έστι χείριστον αύτών έκ του παρεληλυθότος χρόνου. τούτο προς τά μέλλοντα βέλτιστον υπάρχει. Primum igitur acta Caesaris servanda censeo. Catil. the gates are open. Catiline. at last get out of the city. non quo probem—quis enim id quidem potest?—sed quia rationem habendam maxime arbitror pacis atque oti. I recommend that Caesar's acts be maintained. άναστάς έν τφ έμώ ϋδατι είπάτω. (Cic. patent portae: proficiscere. 140. Quae cum ita sint. this which is best pertains to the future". τοις παρούσι. (D. interpositio): Parenthesis is the insertion of a grammatically independent phrase within a sentence. above. depart!" (4) Figures according to the four categories of change: figures through addition (a) Parenthesis (παρένθεσις. (This aetiologia should not be confused with the question figure. p. (Gal. 4:10) "As to the fact that afterwards we have seen and recognized my client among the friends of that person: Who denies it?" (d) Epitrope (έπιτροπη. God does not go by a person's appearance—for those who seemed something contributed nothing to me". Philippic I 4:2) "We must not despair. 1:7:16) "First. Quis negat? (Cic. who can do that?—but because I especially believe that we must take thought for peace and quiet". perge quo coepisti. 2:6-7) "As for those who seemed to be something—what sort they were makes no difference to me. someone (the judges or one's opponent) to decide or to act independendy of or contrary to the speaker's position. παρέμπτωσις. (b) Aetiologia (αιτιολογία): Aetiologia is the attachment of a reason to a main statement. For that which is worst about it belongs to the past. Cael. . Catilina. Phil. c.STYLE 147 At enim postea scimus et vidimus esse hunc in illius etiam amicis. proceed where you have begun. permissio): Epitrope occurs when the speaker pretends to allow. ούδ' εί πάνυ φαύλως έχειν δοκεΐ.) ούκ άθυμητέον.

continentur. each of which would otherwise . some armed violence from brigands or enemies. si in vim et in tela aut latronum aut inimicorum incidisset. Archidamus 6:101-102) "It is in rimes such as these that brave men must distinguish themselves. vehementer errat. (D. 4:10-11) "If we had encountered some treachery. propterea quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus. nor do they expect to be obeyed. Silent enim leges inter arma nec se expectari iubent. (d) Epiphonema (έπιφώνημα): Epiphonema is a statement. Civ. Arch. 10:23) "If anyone thinks less glory is gained from Greek poetry than from Latin. (Isoc. but adversity quickly makes clear the qualities of each individual". For good fortune hides the failures even of sorry men. (Cic. (c) Gnome (γνώμη. cum ei qui exspectare velit ante iniusta poena luenda sit quam iusta repetenda. whereas Latin is confined to its own. (Cic. αί δέ δυσπραξίαι ταχέως καταφανείς ποιούσιν όποιοι τίνες έ'καστοι τυγχάνουσιν δντες. omnis honesta ratio esset expediendae salutis. Latina suis finibus. 2:37) "This same information was given to Curio. sententia): Gnome is a truism or a maxim used to support a specific point. often in the form of an exclamation. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:267) "So mindless and foolish does bribery make people". because Greek is read in almost every nation. For the laws are silent in battle. οϋτως έκφρονας. Χρή δέ τους άνδρας τους αγαθούς έν τοις τοιούτοις καιροΐς φαίνεσθαι διαφέροντας · αί μέν γάρ εύτυχίαι και τοις φαύλχης τών ανθρώπων τάς κακίας συγκρύπτουσιν. So much confidence did he have in his own position". borders". he gready errs. ROYVE Nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Graecis versibus percipi quam ex Latinis. but for some time he could not believe it. καί παραπλήγας τό δωροδοκεΐν ποιεί. (5) Figures according to the four categories of change: figures through omission (a) Epitrochasmus (έπιτροχασμός. admittedly small. that concludes a line of argument or makes a comment about what has been narrated. ώ άνδρες Αθηναίοι. exiguis sane.148 GALEN O. Nundabantur haec eadem Curioni. sed aliquamdiu fides fieri non poterat: tantam habebat suarum rerum fiduciam. when he who wishes to obey must pay an unjust penalty rather than receive his just due". every means of securing our safety would be honorable. percursio): Epitrochasmus is the brief enumeration of subjects or events. (Caes. Si vita nostra in aliquas insidias. Mil.

quid superiore nocte egeris. καί τί δει λέγειν τών λοιπών παθών τον δχλον. audirem fortasse: quamquam—sed hoc malo dicere. Phil. important as it is in the Peloponnese. praetmtio. occultatio. 125:4) "For I shall not mention what you know as well as I.STYLE 149 deserve a prolonged treatment. Catil. Against the Drunks 125A) "And why must one mendon the host of other maladies? The peevishness of character? The tendency to be provoked? The querulousness? The temperamental state of the soul?" Nam ut omittam quod mecum nosti quam sit tremendum de periurio divinum iudicium. although—but I prefer to say this: I would listen". perhaps I would listen. do you think. The subjects or events are presented as though they were the headings of a comprehensive oudine. which he nevertheless mentions in passing. 12:2:4) "If contritely he would propose some arrangement with you. (c) Aposiopesis (άποσιώπησις. what the night before. (Cic. whom you called together. τάς δυσκολίας του ήθους. he holds Elis. yesterday he had designs upon the Megarians". Μεγάροις έπεβούλευσεν πρώην. τό μεμψίμοιρον. ubi fueris. άλλ' έφ' Έλλήσποντον οϊχεταν. τό όξύρροπον τής ψυχής. omissio. ΤΗλιν έχει τηλικαύτην πόλιν έν Πελοποννήσφ. (Aug. . Philippic III 9:27) "He proceeds against the Hellespont. τό εύπαρόξυντον. (D. praetermissio): Paraleipsis is the speaker's stated intendon to omit certain subjects. where you were. before it has been completely expressed. 1:1:1) "Who of us. (Bas. previously he arrived against Ambracia. πρότερον ήκεν έπ' Άμβρακίαν. but for me—I do not wish to begin my speech by saying something annoying". what plan you adopted?" (b) Paraleipsis (παράλειψις. Quid proxima. audirem. quem nostrum ignorare arbitraris? (Cic. ού γάρ έστιν ϊσον νυν έμοί τής παρ' υμών εύνοιας διαμαρτείν καί τούτω μή έλείν τήν γραφήν. quos convocaveris. reticentia): Aposiopesis is the abrupt breaking off of a thought. Epist. obticentia. Interruptio. how to be feared is the divine judgment against peijury". does not know what you did last night. άλλ' έμοί μέν—ού βούλομαι δυσχερές ειπείν ούδέν άρχόμενος του λόγου (D. On the Crown 18:3) "For it is not the same thing for me to lose your goodwill and for him not to win his case. Si iacens vobiscum aliquid ageret. quid consilii ceperis.

Enigma (αίνιγμα) is a riddle. and (4) prose rhythm. so this category designates thought (or sentence) figures in which one thought may be expressed through another. O n the other hand. is elusive. where a word or brief phrase is changed from its proper meaning into another meaning in order to achieve a certain effect. sometimes over an entire literary work. Statuerat et deliberaverat. and a sentence figure through substitution. (7) Figures according to the four categories of change: figures through substitution As in the case of trope. would seem most appropriate to the category of thought tropes. C. ROYVE (6) Figures according to the four categories of change: figures through transposidon Hysterologia (ΰστερολογία. The terms irony. T h e chief difference between a trope proper. allegory and enigma. This difference. or thought trope. άπεληλυθότων δέ τών Λακεδαιμονίων καί προησθημένων την άπάτην (D. (3) the sequence of words. dissimilar thought. emphasis. whereas a thought trope extends over a complex of words. On the Fraudulent Embassy 19:50) "When the Lacedaemonians had departed and had seen through the deceit". Allegory (αλληγορία) is an extended statement in which each named object or event is intended to suggest an abstract idea or force. (Cic. ύστερον πρότερον): Hysterologia is a statement in which what would logically be said first is said last and what would logically be said last is said first. ancient rhetoricians treated the broader aspects of composition under various topics which include (1) the basic types of composition. expressing truth under impossible combinations. two protracted tropes. Ver. synecdoche. 1:1:1) "He had decided and deliberated". or word trope. (2) the period and its basic parts. A trope proper is conveyed through one or a few words. and hyperbole designate both word tropes and thought tropes. however.150 GALEN O. is that of extension. . Composition In addition to describing the specific kinds of ornamentation.

they occur paratactically and in the natural sequence of the events or ideas that they express.STYLE 151 1. is also known as the periodic style. As the descriptives. or all three may be present. Although it can be quite small. ancient rhetoricians generally agree that the expressive structure known as the period possesses four characteristics. when it occurs. of composition—the loose style (διαλελυμένη λέξις. as measured by the number of words that the period contains. to varying degrees. Certain rhetoricians limit its size to the number of words that can be uttered in a single breath or to the degree of complexity that the audience can grasp. Not a vehicle for an intellectual development of ideas. διαλελυμένη and soluta. and the complicated style (λέξις κατεστραμμένη. and subordination. or styles. the running or strung-on style. least artisdc. and the most natural style of putting words together. oratio perpetua). and in orators. Finally. a certain looseness of syntax characterizes this style. but to modern readers. some of the most famous periods in . especially Herodotus. T h e loose style is the least premeditated. at least. T o understand the nature of this shape and complexity one needs to understand the period itself. not only because it contains elaborate sentences called periods but also because the total expression has the period's shape and complexity. the complicated style. The second type. Any one of these styles may characterize a certain author or work. The Period and Its Basic Parts Despite some differences of opinion. oratio vincta atque contexta). the period is the largest unit of expression within a composition. in one work. tends not to exceed the first degree and is easily detached from the main statement. oratio soluta). It is likely to prevail in spontaneous situations. is expression in a straight line. where the words receive utterance as they occur and without much regard to the niceties of grammar and style. 2. like Lysias. The first is length. There are relatively few subordinate clauses in the running style. indicate. the running style (είρομένη λέξις. or hypotaxis. who emphasize the narrative parts of the oration. Although the statements may be syntactically coherent and exhibit some ornamentation. the running style is the style of narrative. and it is usually thought of as elaborate and lengthy. such as conversations. and as such it has its most skilled practitioners among historians. Basic Types of Composition The rhetoricians describe three types.

T h e period consists of two subordinate parts—the colon (κώλον/ membrum) and the comma (κόμμα/caesum or incisum). the colon is the longer of the two and comes closer to conveying a complete thought. usually achieved through various types of hypotaxis. the fourth characteristic of the periodic style. style has its reason for being and distinguishes itself from the running style of narrative. the opening statement of Demosthenes' On the Crown or of Cicero's For Archias. such as causal. who understands that he will return whence he has started. Demetrius (Eloc. and completeness of thought within an elaborate period. much like the protasis and apodosis of a conditional sentence. 2:2) illustrates the relationship of the colon to the period by comparing it to the relationship of the finger to the hand. however. The period evokes the image of a circular path because the ideas presented at its beginning are only completely understood at the end.Eloc. that develops between the introduction of the incomplete thoughts at the beginning and their integration and completion at the end. as the colon is subordinate to the period. 2:29) compares the speaker of a period to a runner in a stadium. Presumably one may extrapolate by comparing the comma to a section or joint of a finger. 9:4:19) term.152 GALEN O. when they have been integrated with each other into one conclusive context. relative length. or periodic. so the comma is subordinate to the colon. The idea of the circle also suggests the tension. The circle connotes the idea of self-containment and independence from timeridden and linear developments which continue without end. Regarding the first. oratio vincta atque contexta. T h e third characteristic is expressed by the term itself. Rhythm. The ancient critic Demetrius (. T o establish other than these relative criteria seems to encounter disagreement or inconsistency. περίοδος in Greek. or conditional clauses. T h e subordination can develop as far as the third or fourth degree. "Period". It is thus that the complicated. ROYVE ancient prose seem to exceed these limits—for examples. Although some rhetoricians recognize only the colon and others give conflicting definitions for either of the two parts. will receive detailed attention below. one can conceive of their relationship in terms of degree of subordination. means "coming around in a circuit" or "coming around to the starting point". The second characteristic is complexity. this criterion does . a kind of sensus suspensio. 9:4:123) believes that the colon can be further distinguished from the comma by having a rhythmical close (clausula). relative. as in Quintilian's (Inst. Consequendy. Qpintilian (Inst.

the speaker must be constandy alert to the effect that combining words has upon the rhythm of his composition. is famous for his avoidance of hiatus. for some practitioners. Correct order. such as spring before summer or men before women. ista gladiatoria totius corporis firmitate ("you. followed by successively longer ones. and rhythm (numerus). on the other hand. juncture. such as in structura aspera. is of two kinds—natural and correct. or in structura hiulca. the gaping of the mouth in hiatus when a word ending in a vowel precedes a word beginning in a vowel. Finally. the position of the verb at the end of the sentence has. 3. juncture (iunctura). illustrates both aspects of the modus per incrementa. a harsh sounding combination of consonants. with that jaw of yours. assumes that various parts of speech have certain specified positions within a sentence. It can also produce unpleasant sounds. T h e first. order. The Sequence of Words Three major considerations determine the sequence of words in composition—order (ordo). for example. .STYLE 153 not square with every known definition of the colon and with every prose author's use of rhythm. The same law of growth applies to ideas of strength or importance. Juncture can detrimentally affect the sound of words in succession by unintentionally producing offensive meanings and thus become the vice known as cacemphaton (κακέμφατον). A passage from Cicero (Phil. the force of a grammatical rule. 2:25:63). that gladiator's strength of your whole body"). T h e orator Demosthenes rarely allows more than two short syllables to sound in succession. Hence to place the verb anywhere except at the end of the sentence violates the correct order. or law of growing members. Also regarded as a natural order is the modus per incrementa. The orator Isocrates. Several successive words of the same part of speech can seem tedious to the listener. Natural order is that which nature or convention seems to dictate. tu istis faucibus. for example. which places the shortest of coordinate words or clauses first. istis latenbus. A succession of several monosyllabic words or of too many short or long syllables disrupts the desired rhythmic flow. The second consideration. In Latin. concerns the effect that words have upon each other by contact. that chest.

there must be a variety of long and short syllables and not an excess of either kind in any clausula. Several of the greatest practitioners of prose. poetry imposes upon the entire composition a uniform arrangement of certain feet. and finally. pp. Even so. the fourth and final stylistic virtue. Secondly. it may sound like the beginning of a poetic verse. reveals no similarly consistent and pervasive arrangement of feet. since certain rhythms reinforce the sense of ending or completion in the meaning. the end of a period must not sound. however. there is a clear distinction to be made between the use of rhythm in poetry and that in prose. which is called meter. VIRTUE 4: PROPRIETY Propriety. is achieved when all the parts of an oration harmoniously merge into one organic whole 1 Lausberg. Instead.154 4. and the rhythmical patterns of successive clausulae must vary. like the end of a poetic verse.7 In selecting rhythms prose artists follow three rules. Prose Rhythm (Numerus) GALEN O. rhythmically. By far the most important of these points is the period's end. 491-503. although there must not be an excess of either long or short sounds in any clausula. although of a different kind than the ones ending a period. which subsequendy were observed and discussed by ancient critics. beginning with the sophist Thrasymachus in the late fifth century BC. rhythm is an essential property of all verbal expression. it will be found to employ short combinations of feet at important points within a single period. IV. Prose. supplies an exhaustive list of clausulae. ROYVE Although one usually associates the study of rhythm with poetry rather than with prose. Some rhetoricians also advocate the use of combinations of feet at the beginning of the period and at the ends (clausulae) of cola. Handbuch. especially among the orators. and even in casual conversation the speaker's choice of words will sometimes depend upon which combination produces the most satisfactory alternation of short and long sounds. Thirdly. or clausula. While both forms accept the "foot" as the basic rhythmic unit. I. the long sounds will outnumber the short sounds in order to achieve a braking effect on the momentum of the period. imposed upon their compositions certain rhythmical constraints. as a rule. See . First.

that presents the listener with a choice of two different meanings. however. in a tragedy. meiosis. the plain (χαρακτήρ ισχνός. or the author of On Style (Eloc). occurs as the obviously inappropriate disparity between the language selected and the idea it was meant to express or as a mismatch between language and literary genre—using the words of comedy. Siebenborn. T h e first. one of the leading proponents of this approach. three additional stylisdc vices deserve mendon. "frigidity". genus medium. certum est Antonium praecedere eloquentia Crasstim. and pleonasm. (2) the speaker's goal in addressing the subject. Historiographia Linguistica 13 (1986). The virtue of correctness. in which either Antonium or Crassum could be the subject of the infinidve. Somewhat related to propriety is the discussion of kinds of style (genera dicendi). Whether three or four in number. as a stylistic virtue. and the forceful (δεινός). the grand (μεγαλοπρεπής). and the virtue of clarity results from the absence of such vices as jargon. Finally. amphibolia (αμφιβολία). the levels are variously discussed by various rhetoricians according to such criteria as (1) the subject to be addressed. Ancient rhetoricians and critics generally agree on three such kinds or levels. clarity. kakozelia (κακοζηλία) is a kind of stylistic overkill. is a type of obscurity. (4) the amount of tropes or metaphors to be employed. types of speeches. In their comments about propriety the rhetoricians discuss not so much the means to achieve the virtue as the vices to be avoided in its pursuit. overlaps the three previous virtues of correctness. pp. and ornament. 403-23. genus subtile). is achieved through the avoidance of the vices of barbarisms and solecisms. psychron (ψυχρόν).STYLE 155 and the whole exacdy fits the occasion. floridum). for example. created by the combination of words. the medium or flowery (χαρακτήρ μέσον. for example. any affectatious use of stylistic ornament. Defined in this way. Several of these vices. "Herkunft und Entwicklung des Terminus Periodos". the elegant (γλαφυρός). for example. which proceeds from the perception that different speakers. άνθηρόν. (3) the peculiar qualities or virtues contributed by each. advocates four—the plain (ισχνός). propriety encompasses the entirety of ancient rhetoric and. Secondly. and parts within a speech. and the grand (χαρακτήρ άδρόν. have already been described. (5) the models or examples also E. hyperbaton. occasions. the absence of which constitutes propriety. . genus grande atque robustum). require different kinds (genera or χαρακτήρες) or levels of stylistic intensity. however. Demetrius.

p. Thus. Asianism. "Three Levels of Style in Augustine of Hippo and Gregory of Nazianzus". Although usually the Atticist label connoted approval.8 Finally. pp. enjoyed success. (d) avoidance of metaphors or highly figurative expression. because orators of Asia Minor seemed especially decadent in their use of the Greek language. the kinds or levels of style constitute not so much a doctrine of rhetoric as a convenient means of comparing styles. It is difficult to develop a substantial list of criteria for either style. 9 See also C. however. See also U. 8 . (e) the speech of Menelaus in the Iliad (3:214—15) or Cicero's For Legaùus-. The term became popular in Rome to distinguish the purist users of Latin (Atticists) from those who seemed to have corrupted it in certain ways (Asianists). pp. ROYVE (whether of speeches or orators). (b) teaching or demonstrating. "Asianismus und Attizismus". Rhetorica 11 (1993). since they simply represent degrees of stylistic intensity. for example. (6) the range of variety permitted. Milovanovic-Barham. One could almost extrapolate from this example the remaining two or three levels. especially if the Asianist. on the other hand. and (g) it is susceptible to the vice of aridity. and (7) the defects or vices to which each level is susceptible. presents a detailed description of Asianism. the plain style would be appropriate to (a) narrative or proof. (f) it would not be uniformly plain but allow a selecdve use of ornament. the fourth century. was not a consistendy negative term. The chief distinctions tend to be those of purity in diction and conservatism in ornament in Atticism versus their opposites in Asianism. Atticism versus Asianism stands for a controversy that began in the first century BC. In fact. Hermes 35 (1900). (c) a respectful and disinterested demeanor. Iff. when certain Greek orators appeared to have departed from the purity of diction and style that prevailed in the glorious period of Attic oratory.156 GALEN O. like Cicero's worthy adversary Hortensius. Antike Kunstprosa. These orators were called Asianists. another means of describing styles deserves brief mention— the dichotomy of Atticism versus Asianism. Actually more than a dichotomy. 126. it occasionally assumed a pejorative connotation for styles that seemed excessively pure and traditional. Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. I. 9 Norden. 1-25.

. Rhetores Grata (3 vols. and critics over several centuries. clarity. it has nevertheless proved to be indispensable to any discussion about verbal expression in modern times. Munich: Beck.STYLE 157 V. may seem to our age somewhat limited in insights. 1910). Rohrer. 1951). 2:3. and it has established the four virtues—correctness. The Art of Persuasion in Greece (London: Roudedge and Kegan Paul. Lausberg.. Classical rhetoric has supplied the nomenclature that has made it possible to describe the formal characteristics of verbal expression. philosophers. 1980). 1897). 1963). Munich: Hueber. 1853-56).. 1960). E. Nachtrage. H. Die antike Kunstprosa (2 vols.. as it was developed and transmitted by sophists. Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modern Times (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. rhetoricians. and propriety—which after 2. L. J.. CONCLUSION Although the theory of style.).500 years remain the valid criteria of any style. Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik (2 vols. ornament.. G.. Beiträge zur paulinischen Rhetorik (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Radermacher. Antike Rhetorik (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft. Der Stil der Paulinischen Predigt und die kynisch-stoische Diatribe (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.. Martin.. 1974). Artium scriptores (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (philosophisch-historische Klasse) Sitzungsberichte. Kennedy. Weiss. Leipzig: Teubner. (ed. 1909.. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bultmann.. Spengel. Norden. . 3rd edn. . Berlin: Teubner. 227. J. L. R. 1915). Vienna: Rudolf M.


T h e pre-Aristotelian rhetoric. . 1991). but in regard to delivery he wrote that it "is of the greatest importance. secondly. 345." 2 He mentioned delivery briefly in book 3 in the section on style. The Art of Rhetoru (LCL. Freese. ad Ha. IL: Waveland Press. Aristotle. Harry Caplan wrote. Cole. Caplan. the five parts of rhetoric are: invention. Rh. He focused first on voice. the sources of proofs. 2 Arist. sections 4—7. MA: Harvard University Press. USA According to the Rhetorica ad Herennium.CHAPTER 6 DELIVERY AND M E M O R Y Thomas H. Rh. MA: Harvard University Press. 1:3. Concerning the emergence of the five part canon of rhetoric.1 Aristode in The Rhetoric discussed the first three. 1959). See R. we do not know. Enos. treated the first three (without classifying them). The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Cambridge. implying that both were to be presented orally. O n the other parts he recognized predecessors. Olbricht Peppcrdine University. This and subsequent translations are from J. style. 3 A contemporary of Aristotle. memory. Though the Rhetorica ad Herennium placed memory before delivery. the arrangement of the parts of the speech. 4 Aristode believed that both poetry and rhetoric are concerned with delivery. L. style. H. p. California. 1993) and T. Aristotle would add Delivery . represented by the Rhet. 3 Arist. Cambridge. and his pupil Theophrastus did so. When precisely in the Hellenistic period Memory was added as a fifth division by the Rhodian or the Pergamene school. Theophrastus. arrangement. 1 . 3:1. 4 H. published about 80 BC. and delivery. 1954). ad Alexandrian. I will follow the now traditional order. 3:3. . Rhetorica Ad Herennium (LCL. He only discussed delivery for about a page and a half. but focused on invention. 6. but has not yet been treated by anyone". pointing out that by the emotion in the voice different Rhet. wrote a significant treatise which is no longer extant. . "There are three things which require special attention in regard to speech: first. and thirdly. Greek Rhetoric before Aristotle (Prospect Heights. p.

pp. New York: Oxford University Press. . Throughout medieval times the Rhetorica ad Herennium was attributed to Cicero. They contain asyndeta and frequent word repetition. and R. 3:4. to let the actors spell out specific guidelines. pp. 6 Arist. Reprinted in Aristotle: The Classical Heritage of Rhetoric (ed. pp. 251-66. 9 Caplan. He declared that written composition was the most precise. He designated as "vulgar" concern for delivery. harmony. 1974). 7 Arist. Rh. and gesture. 10 G. Kennedy. G. Κ. Metuchen: Scarecrow Press. however. countenance. but now it is commonly believed to be by a contemporary of Cicero. TAPA 90 (1959). One manner of assessing the period is through the Rhetorica ad Herennium. 3:12:3. 11 Rhet. 264. See also R. 1:3. 8 Arist. 54. 8 Since New Testament episdes were written to be read aloud to the assembled believers. and next to it comes the forensic style.5 The three voice qualities are volume. Rh. V. . 3:12:6. Rh. 1963).6 But since delivery carries the day in persuasion. T h e next major work on rhetoric is the Rhetorica ad Herennium. Rhetorica Ad Herennium. but sound silly when read. According to Kennedy. Delivery is the graceful regulation of voice. These debates may make a great impression orally. for its function is reading.160 THOMAS H. word and arrangement. Erickson. The Art of Persuasion in Greece (Princeton: Princeton University Press. no doubt thereby disclosing the importance he attached to it. A. 9 While many rhetorical works were written by the Greeks after Aristode."" T h e author of the Rhetorica ad Herennium despaired as to whether he could adequately set out the rules for delivery. it may be that their style was more that of public debate rather than of the precision demanded of the law court and on ceremonial occasions.10 Concerning the functions of memory and delivery. ad Her. A. 5 . Rh. "Memory is the firm retention in the mind of the matter. few have survived. Kennedy. 1991). Sonkowsky. it is exceedingly helpful in gaining a general notion of developments in the two hundred and fifty years after Aristotle's Rhetoric". Nadeau. He was content. p. 55. "An Aspect of Delivery in Ancient Rhetorical Thought". On Rhetoric: A Theory of Civic Discourse (trans. 3:5. and rhythm. 256-74. "Delivery in Ancient Times". "The epideictic style is especially suited to written compositions. Quarterly Journal of Speech 50 (1964). pp. Aristotle. P. concluding that they were better taught by actual demonstration than by verbal Arist. attention must be directed to it."7 The public debates required a different approach. ". viii-xiv. the author of Rhetorica ad Herennium stated. OLBRICHT moods can be set.

14 Rhet. pp. M. and flexibility. Southern Speech Communication Journal 17 (1951). ad Her. 3:24. 229-36. On this rhetoric see J. In addition. W. but to the ideas and emotions. Rhetoric in the European Tradition (New York: Longman. 12 He believed that superior vocal technique gave attention to volume. and it will be slower when we narrate something else done in leisurely fashion. ad Her. pp. T h e artificial memory can be enhanced through the employment of backgrounds and images. The Art of Memory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Memory. . pp. pp. and sometimes to use a calm and uniform gesticulation and a sad and disturbed expression. Hoogestraat. 13 Rhet. 29-50. 114-24. Conley. T. 3:20. Munich: Beck. W. Meissner. "Memory: The Lost Canon?". the author depicted ways of employing gestures so as to respond to the moods and ideas expressed. 12 . the author argued. W. he was the first to put them down in a manuscript which is still extant. 1974). He divided delivery into voice quality and physical movement. 1990). pp. stability. vol. the proper approach is "the Narrative Conversational Tone": . one ought to slap one's thigh and beat one's head. 157-60. E. E. "Good delivery ensures that what the orator is saying seems to come from his heart. varied intonations are necessary. A. American Philosophical Quarterly 2 (1965)." It is in regard to memory that the Rhetorica ad Herennium made a unique contribution. . For example. Nevertheless. 1966). But since no one had elaborated on the subject. 15 It is not clear whether the author's ideas are his own or whether he borrowed them from earlier rhetoricians. when narrating. Our delivery will be somewhat rapid w h e n we narrate what we wish to show was done vigorously. uncluttered background. but good memory did not require that items be recalled only first to last or from front to Rhet. F. so that we seem to recount everything just as it took place. Order was important. Journal of Germanic Philology 59 (1958). Antike Rhetorik (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft. he set out to construct a new perspective. Yates. Hargis. In order to remember a series of items they should be set in a vivid. 141-47. B. 15 G. Quarterly Journal of Speech 46 (1960).DELIVERY AND MEMORY 161 description. Mathews. ad Her. II. "For the Pathetic Tone of Amplification. Martin. "Memory in Rhetoric". consisted of an artificial quality or came entirely from nature. D. 3:27. "Augustine on Speaking from Memory". "A Historical Note on Retention". the speaker needed to vary the voice at the beginning and end of each speech in a manner compatible with the differing kinds of material. 13 In addition." 14 T h e outcome of these variations should be that the technique not call attention to itself.

A. 37:142.2I Cicero reported that he finished De oratore in 55 BC. "Memory is the firm mental grasp of matter and words. Partitiones oratoria. 1973). Cambridge. LCL. written about 87 BC. M. Rhet. MA: Harvard University Press. Douglas. and Off. 18 My references are to Cicero De Inventione (trans. 1:9. Cambridge. but the emotions are con- Rhet. Delivery is the control of voice and body in a manner suitable to the dignity of the subject matter and the style."19 It is commonly presumed that Cicero intended to carry this work through the five canons. 20 Cic. and therefore contemporary with the Rhetorica ad Herennium was De inventione. 17 Cicero's earliest work on rhetoric. but offered little more. 8:34. 22 Cic. 123-26. 3:215. ad Her. 1:37. ANRW (Berlin: de Gruyter. 17:55-18:60. he expanded delivery and memory in summary fashion. as did his predecessors.162 THOMAS H. 1949). He argued against the position that words themselves were to be memorized. LCL. 1967). 37:133. De or. 20 It was in De oratore. The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Manuscripts were available a year or two later. but even then they were not as extensive as in the Rhetorica ad Herennium. Rackham. Or. and 80:278. 21 My comments refer to Cicero. 17 16 . 25. MA: Harvard University Press. 19 Cic. T h e images employed should be correlative to the items. pp. OLBRICHT back. He argued that "reality beats imitation in everything". he felt a "dictionary of images" too complex to be helpful. He believed that the images selected should aid the natural memory with the result that. In a later work. Part. 22 According to Cicero the thoughts of the speaker are conveyed through the words. Sutton and H. that his detailed comments were set out. H. E. "The Intellectual Background of Cicero's Rhetorica".'8 In this work Cicero defined memory and delivery. De Oratore (trans. 1972). The work was to be similar to the ancient handbooks for school boys. 26. commonly recognized as Cicero's finest statement on rhetoric. For bibliography on Cicero's rhetorical works see A. 3:30. 17:55. See G. but only completed a discussion of invention. ad Her. Though certain rhetoricians highlighted a series of images so as to recall the important words. Kennedy. Cicero highlighted the importance of delivery. 16 A good memory scheme should include the recall of items at will regardless of order. which Cicero prepared for his son about 45 BC. W. In addition to the documents considered here Cicero also discussed delivery in Brut. Hubbell. 3:34. but he decried the manner in which instruction on the item had been taken over by the actors. "art will supplement nature". Inv.

He explained "background" in reporting a story in which Simonides was dining at the house of Scopas in Thessaly. variadon and change. Later when friends arrived to dig them out they could not identify specific bodies as the result of the damage: Simonides was enabled by his recollection of the place in which each of them had been reclining at table to identify them for separate interment. urgently requesting that Simonides come out so they could speak with him. 2:351. As soon as he exited the roof collapsed crushing Scopas along with his relatives. He inferred that persons desiring to train this faculty must select localities and form mental images of the facts they wish to remember and store those images in the localities. The guidelines for delivery therefore focused on exhibiting the various emotions: For delivery is wholly the concern of the feelings. Cicero's comments on memory are much like those of the Rhetorica ad Herennium.DELIVERY AND MEMORY 163 veyed through delivery.23 T h e voice is the most important aspect of delivery. On details see also. De or. T h e voice must center upon the natural level. He believed that the senses provided the most vivid pictures and among these the keenest 23 Cic. two messengers appeared at the door. . and the whole of a person's frame and every look on his face and utterance of his voice are like the strings of a harp.26 Cicero believed that the chief origin of memory was nature. 24 Cic. 354. and constantly engage in alternation. 3:221. He reported that Simonides of Ceos invented the science of mnemonics. . and sound according as they are struck by each successive emotion" (3:216). but not as lengthy. As they finished eadng. De or. 26 Cic. . 25 Cicero declared that memory consisted of establishing a background and employing images. 24 Cicero did not offer specific instructions for the different genre of speeches as did the Rhetoma ad Herennium. 25 Cic. but he declared that in employing a backdrop upon which images were located. even the most dull-witted could profit. "For nature has assigned to every emotion a particular look and tone of voice and bearing of its own. and there is nobody who can produce the same effect with the eyes shut. 3:225-27. . and that this circumstance suggested to him the discovery of the truth that the best aid to clearness of memory consists in orderly arrangement. De or. and these are mirrored by the face and the body capable of producing as many indications and variations as there are emotions. 2:353. De or.

Rhetoric in the European Tradition. Quoted from The Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian (trans. is one of the fullest records of rhetorical lore in the Isocratean-Ciceronian tradition ever written. . O n gestures and bodily approaches he provided much additional expansion. OLBRICHT was sight... 30 Conley. Kennedy. 33 Inst. U. 38. He was careful to distinguish the teaching of delivery by the rhetor. IV. that nature was the most influential. Quintilian was more detailed and explicit in these regards than his predecessors. E. 1989). but he elaborated much more on the rules. 30 Clearly Quintilian presented the most extended analysis on delivery and memory extant. written about AD 95. 249. Sonkowsky. Die Gestikulation in Quintilians Rhetorik (Frankfurt: Peter Lang. 11:3:4. "The Institutes. as it covers in 12 books a program of education from the cradle to the grave". LCL. the first regarding the voice and the second. De or. 3 3 T h e voice is to vary according to the subjects at hand. A. He maintained that memorizing words was less essential but nevertheless of value. 32 Inst.29 In the view of Conley. Buder. p. He argued that outstanding delivery carried the day over superior ideas. 1936). 27 Sonkowsky argued that pre-planning of delivery and memory were for Cicero a part of the speaker's advanced preparation. 29 G. the body or gestures. clear. Quintilian (New York: Twayne. 28 .31 He concluded. 11:3:15. and were endemically as much a part of the oration in both anticipation and presentation as the words of the speech.32 Keeping the superior voice in form requires speaking daily. we cannot hope to attain perfection unless nature is assisted by study". 28 T h e most comprehensive work on rhetoric from the ancient world was the Institutio oratoria of Quintilian. 2:357-60. The voice must have both the proper quantity and quality. 31 Quint. . "An Aspect of Delivery". Facility at memory may be limited in the normal population but certain people possess superhuman powers in remembering words. Maier-Eichhorn. MA: Harvard University Press. He did so because of his commitment that " . What is heard is reinforced when accompanied by a visual background. Utterances are to be "fluent. pleasant and 'urbane'". Cambridge. He offered intricate instruction 27 Cic. 11:3:30. 1969). however. Quintilian developed his thoughts on delivery in two parts. T h e perspectives of Quintilian on delivery are much the same as those of Cicero. Inst. p. 259-61. H. from that of those who trained actors.164 THOMAS H.

his criterion should at least be considered in making distinctions in regard to digressions. 35 Delivery also required adaptation to the personality of the speaker. The following example exhibits the specificity: T h e following gesture is admirably adapted to accompany modest language: the thumb and the next three fingers are gendy converged to a point and the hand is carried to the neighborhood of the mouth or chest. in returning thanks. restrained. Quintilian's observations on memory advance little beyond Cicero. 37 While Quintilian's depiction may not hold true in every case. O n the other hand. the delivery will be melancholy and subdued. 36 Based on their perspective it seems dangerous to be adamant in rhetorical criticism as to the rules that appertain to a specific text. Inst. Quintilian in effect agreed with the statement that the rule for effective speaking is that there are no rules. Consequently. though he provides more detail. for example. funeral orations excepted. held that rules are always situational. Inst. the eyebrows. then relaxed palm downwards and slightly advanced. He tells the story of Simonides in 34 35 36 37 Inst. in funeral or consolatory speeches.DELIVERY AND MEMORY 165 on movements of the head. as well as the rest of the ancient rhetoricians. and grand. when we address the people. 11:3:153. it will be authoritative. or his panegyric of Pompey. as a rule are characterized by gentleness. and when we are pleading in private cases. For naturally passages which deal with subjects lying outside the main question in dispute demand a less combative tone. exhortations and the like. magnificent. in panegyric. 3 4 Bodily motion is to vary according to the type of speech. and the clothes worn. 11:3:161-84. as. . it seems appropriate to set forth Quintilian's observations: Digresùons. W h e n we speak in the senate. dignified. his picture of Sicily. Inst. as well as to the different parts within the speech. together with most of those in defence of accused persons. 11:3:164. calm and placidity. Inasmuch as biblical critics form conclusions based upon alleged digressions in biblical documents. in Cicero's description of the Rape of Proserpine. In other words Quintilian. the delivery must be luxuriant. the hands. 11:3:96.

pp. CJ 86 (1991).38 He too argued for placing ideas in a spatial setting. Through incorporation of this added dimension in exegesis. 3-27. that reading was always aloud even as late as the time of Augustine. so that the memory may derive assistance from the double effort of speaking and listening.166 THOMAS H. so as to keep them sorted out and in order. JBL (1993). which sheds light on the argument of some. Inst. 11:2:33. 41 On this discussion see P. 337-43. 42 The materials in the New Testament were no doubt written in anticipation that they would be read aloud. 11:2:9. pp. "More Silent Reading in Antiquity: Non Omne Verbum Sonat". but in addition. 40 This observation. Likewise. it seems. the various rooms of a house. and especially his bibliography. Starr. as the speech is prepared. What if at some stage in trying to understand the text the critic read aloud while at the same time visualizing appropriate vocal and physical responses to the text? Then the exegete might go through the text once again. 689-94. 40 Inst. help the audience retain the same. 11:2:20-26. Achtemeier. with the result that other thoughts break in. inasmuch as in their case an outstanding memory is a great asset. new insights might accrue in respect to continuities and nuances. R. "Reading Aloud: Lectores and Rome Reading". 39 He also recommended that it is better to read aloud the material to be memorized: T h e question has been raised as to whether we should learn by heart in silence. it would be best to do so. He pointed out that Plato decried the advent of writing on the grounds that memory was thereby set aside. save for the fact that under such circumstances the mind is apt to become indolent. JBL 109 (1990). According to the Rhetorica ad Herennium. H. 41 Most ancient rhetoricians recommended that as the orator prepared a speech he should at the same time devise appropriate vocal and physical responses. seeking depictions which highlighted local color and image. Kelber. D. The Oral and the Written Gospel (Philadelphia: Fortress Press. 227-47. for example. "Omen verbum sonat: The New Testament and the Oral Environment". For this reason the mind should be kept alert by the sound of the voice. and F. implies that one might read silendy. pp. Inst. a disaster especially to speakers. 1983). 42 On the manner in which memory theories may have influenced ancient texts see W. memory assisted both the author and the audience. Gilliard. A differendy nuanced exegesis might accrue from contemplating delivery and memory. attention should be given to images that not only help the speaker recall his train of thought.J. 39 38 . OLBRICHT fuller form. pp.

R. R. pp. Quarterly Journal of Speech 46 (1960). L... Hoogestraat. Α. pp. W. CJ 86 (1991). P. IL: Waveland Press. B. Die Gestikulation in Quintilians Rhetorik (Frankfurt: Lang. "More Silent Reading in Antiquity: Non Omne Verbum Sonat'. W.. Conley. 157-60. "Memory in Rhetoric". D.E. Antike Rhetorik (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft. T. Quarterly Journal of Speech 50 (1964).. T. 1991). J. W. 3-27. APQ_ 2 (1965). 1963). G.. pp. Enos. "An Aspect of Delivery in Ancient Rhetorical Thought". pp.DELIVERY AND MEMORY 167 BIBLIOGRAPHY Achtemeier. 1990).J. The Art of Persuasion in Greece (Princeton: Princeton University Press. "Memory: The Lost Canon?".. . W. G. "Augustine on Speaking from Memory". Kelber. R.. "Omen verbum sonat: The New Testament and the Oral Environment". Sonkowsky. Yates. U . pp. 256-74. JBL 112 (1993).. Rhetoric in the European Tradition (New York: Longman. "Reading Aloud: Lectores and Rome Reading". P.. pp. 1972). ΤΑΡΑ 90 (1959). 1989). Greek Rhetoric before Aristotle (Prospect Heights. 1966). 689-94. Kennedy. Α. "A Historical Note on Retention". Journal of Germanic Philology 59 (1958). H. D. The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 229-36. pp. JBL 109 (1990). 1969). "Delivery in Ancient Time". . R. SSCJ 17 (1951). 337 43. pp. Mathews. The Art of Memory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. Martin. 141-47. Quintilian (New York: Twayne. Meissner. 114-24. 1993).. E.. F. 1983). Starr. 54-55. . Nadeau. M.. The Oral and the Written Gospel (Philadelphia: Fortress Press. Hargis. Cole.. Gilliard.. F. 1974). The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World 300 BC-AD 300 (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Munich: Beck... Maier-Eichhorn.




. CA: Hermagoras Press. 1983). 1983). But did this actually occur. 2 D. 27. in A Synoptic History of Classical Rhetoric (ed. 87. INTRODUCTION Episdes1 and rhetorical speeches were two of the most significant genres of communication during the classical and Hellenistic eras. The various "species" as well as three of the five categories of rhetorical practice (inventio. Studies in Ancient Greek Epistolography (SBLRBS. Washington.CHAPTER 7 T H E EPISTLE Jeffrey T. Ochs. USA I. p. Adanta: Scholars Press. so M. Henderson. dispositio. they served somewhat different purposes. CA: University of California Press. Murphy. 331-55.J. Despite their importance. 4 By "epistolary theorist" I include the authors of the epistolary handbooks as well as those learned letter writers who make less systematic (sometimes casual) comments about letter writing. L. 96. Letters primarily served the task of bridging spatial distance separating communicants. The resulting multi-functional nature of letters begs the question whether rhetorical practices were employed in letter writing—a debate taken up by the Ciceronians and humanists during the medieval era. J. originating in administrative practices but soon finding a place in personal correspondence. citing evidence from the rhetorical and epistolary theorists 4 and actual letters. Reed Issaquah. 3 J. p.J. either in theory or in practice? The following study suggests ways in which rhetoric was and was not employed in letter writing. Rhetorical speeches were primarily intended for the law courts and public arena. "Erasmus on the Art of Letter-Writing". Stirewalt. 3 T h e very flexibility of the epistolary genre allowed for the possibility of rhetorical influence. pp. in Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice of Renaissance Rhetoric (Berkeley. R. elocutio) provide a 1 No semantic distinction between "episüe" and "letter" is intended in this study. 1993). "Cicero's Rhetorical Theory". 2 typically with the audience in full view of the speaker and with some persuasive goal in mind. Greek terminology made no such distinction. Davis.

Are these three types of spoken genres found in ancient episdes? In order to probe this question. 22). "Erasmus". R H E T O R I C A L T Y P E S (SPECIES) IN EPISTLES Oral and literary genres are functional. p. 1491). p. Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular TraditionfromAncient to Modem Times [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.e. judicial speech operated in the courtroom. other written mediums were influenced by rhetorical principles: e. 5). p. Cicero and Seneca note the dialogical nature of letter writing (Cic. 91. Ancient rhetorical speech—a genre of argumentation—was typically divided into three sub-genres (or registers): judicial. deliberative. they develop conventional forms and patterns of language appropriate to the basic situational function they serve.—the speaker's (the public speaker's) art" (W. These are secondary mediums of classical rhetoric. G. Kennedy. L. Besides . 6 Speech was the primary medium of rhetoric (i. A. 1990). De componendis et omandis epistolis of Giovanni Sulpizio of Veroli (Rome. relevance for letter writing. p. being mosdy influenced by stylistic choices (Kennedy. rhetoric was "the art of the rhetor. 8:14:1. attention is given to actual letters which apparently employ a rhetorical structure. however. Semeia 22 (1981). MN: Augsburg-Fortress. Β. "The Greek Documentary Letter Tradition Third Century BC to Third Century AD". pp. 4-5).g. White. and the letters of Seneca". often being answered with physical evidence. Att. 75:1). 1928]. the epistolary definition of J. 12:53. 7 Cf. II. primary rhetoric. Rhys Roberts. "Did something happen or not?" was an essential question scrutinized by judicial speech. Ep. Cicero describes this essential function of letters: 5 Memory (memoria) and delivery (pronuntiatio) had little. cited by Henderson. "Should something be praised or blamed?" was the question discussed by epideictic speech. spatially separated. cf. if any. "Plutarch's Lives and Moralia .. 9:10:1. and epideictic. Rhetoric and the New Testament (Minneapolis. Sen. it is first necessary to discuss ancient attempts to classify various types of letters.. In general. wished to communicate. "Is it more beneficial to do this or that?" was the question explored by deliberative speech.5 Finally. the discourses of Dio Chrysostom. Classical Rhetoric. and epideictic speech in the public arena (frequently at ceremonial occasions). 337. Mack. Greek Rhetoric and Literary Criticism [New York: Longmans. that is. In contrast to the oral. Nonetheless. REED useful outline for the investigation. Scribonius Curio in 53 BC.172 JEFFREY T. 30. face-to-face context of most ancient rhetoric. the commentaries of Philo of Alexandria. 1980]. deliberative speech in the political assembly. cf.6 the epistolary genre was occasioned by situations where one or more individuals. 7 Writing to C. p.

T h e one falsely attributed to this primary function. Rhys Roberts. agreeing (ξυγχωροΰντες) or disagreeing (μή . Philostratus (Ep. 8 He differentiates between public and private letters: "You see. 15:21:4).g. pp. to bridge the spatial gap between people. In a letter to Gnaeus Pompeius. letters of solace. preferred the term λόγος rather than έπιστολή to classify their writings. Plutarch. however. and letters promising assistance (Fam. Dionysius of Halicamassus: The Three literary Letters (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. letters of petition. . 2 Maccabees. 9 In his categorization of the five characters of rational discourse (οί του λόγου χαρακτήρες). and expressing affection (έρώντες). Cicero goes on to speak of letters which are "intimate and humorous" and letters which are "austere and serious". . letters of commendation. 2:257:29258:28 [3rd century AD]). attacking (καθαπτόμενοι) someone or defending (άπολογούμενοι) the writer. 2:4:1. writer of episdes (έπιστολικός). Cicero mentions informative letters. to inform—with the primary occasion of the genre—viz. The authors of "letter-essays" such as The Martyrdom of Polycarp. the letter was used for a host of other purposes (e. there is one kind. as έπιστολήν τ ι ν α . p. . 2:4:1). and commentator (ΰπομνηματικός). ) on some issue. 9 W. Dionysius of Halicamassus describes a letter. 86. and administrative letters). historian (ιστορικός). 89. 19. and another way of writing what I think will be read by many" (Fam. εύπαίδευτον "an educated letter". about which there can be no mistake—for indeed letter writing was invented just in order that we might inform those at a distance if there were anything which it was important for them or for ourselves that they should know (Fam. Dionysius of Halicamassus. 10 Stirewalt. and those of Epicurus. letters of recommendation. but his comments are casual and do not reflect an elaborate system. . domestic letters. letters of friendship. which he had received from a friend. Studies. advocate (δικανικός). mentions letters giving (δίδοντες) or requesting (δεόμενοι) something. 8 Cicero's typology conflates one function of the genre—viz. 1st century AD) includes the philosopher (φιλόσοφος). Many of his own letters in Epistulae ad Familiares combine the function of conveying political information about himself and/or the recipient in either a formal or an informal manner. 4:13:1. 18-20. Apollonius of Tyana (Ep.THE EPISTLE 173 That there are many kinds of letters you are well aware. 5:5:1). I have one way of writing what I think will be read by those only to whom I address my letter. 1901). . although providing only a partial list. Elsewhere. letters of praise and blame.10 The most comprehensive attempts to classify letters are the epistolary handbooks.

12 Ps. however. Thus. Τύποι Επιστολικοί (2nd century BC-3rd century AD). p. who notes that "many similarities between it and Egyptian papyrus letters can be identified. T h e above abbreviated list of ancient typologies reveals the difficulty of any modern attempt to classify what could and could not constitute the secondary function of a letter. The Τύποι. .174 JEFFREY T. had only marginal influence on actual letter writing in Egypt—the resemblance may. Such functional parallels do not necessarily indicate. This makes it difficult to draw conclusions from this epistolary handbook about the indirect influence of rhetorical theory on letter writing. require different styles of writing.12 Therefore. delineates forty-one types of letters. This functional overlap between the rhetorical species and " For a brief introduction (including dating). Έπιστολιμαίοι Χαρακτήρες (4th century-6th century AD). that is. "The Greek Letter of Introduction". however. texts and translations of the two handbooks as well as other works on epistolary theory see A. who says it had "litde influence on Greek letter writing in Egypt" and Malherbe. the handbooks were written for advanced epistolary students or more likely professional letter writers (pp. Groups within the society (e. C. Thus. functions which involve different relationships between the communicants and. cf.-Demetr.g. W. (Τύποι 'Επιστολικοί 1:22-24) notes the flexibility of the epistolary genre and the possibility of further developments to the epistolary typologies. but this cannot be taken to prove that this particular manual significandy influenced actual practice". details twenty-one types of letters. be the influence of letter writing practices on the handbook. it is not surprising that some of the epistolary types parallel the three sub-genres of rhetoric. rhetors and philosophers) may have developed and classified ways of "persuading others" to serve their own needs. Missoula. and epideictic "species" of rhetoric would likely have been used in various literary contexts such as the letter. Ancient Epistolary Theorists (SBLSBS. 19. that an author patterned his or her letter after the rhetorical handbooks. 1988). In other words. 4. they were flexible and allowed the individual to handle a variety of situations with a variety of types of letters." Each type serves different. deliberative. If a text indicates (usually at the beginning) that it is written between two or more spatially separated individuals (real or imaginary). although at times overlapping. REED Demetrius of Phalerum. AJP 56 (1935). 44. p. they served the needs of professional letter writers. MT: Scholars Press. Epistolary Theorists. argumentation is universal as well as particular. Keyes.. Rather.J. which originated in Egypt. Ancient typologies were practical. the body of the letter might contain anything. Malherbe. thus. the similarities may simply be due to culturally-shared means of argumentation. 6~7). fondions of judicial. In addition. the epistolary handbook falsely attributed to Libanius (another edition is attributed to Proclus)..

With respect to the possibility of a "judicial letter". Τύποι 'Επιστολικοί 18. 27. Once again. 16 Ps. for example. but the parallels may only be functional and there is no mention of a courtroom setting. such as that of Isocrates. The author does attempt to differentiate the paraenetic from the advisory type of letter. Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia: Westminster. A deliberative type of rhetoric is mentioned in the epistolary theorists. S. does this type speak of "inventing" or "ordering" such a letter according to rhetorical conventions. the fact remains that nothing else is said about the "rhetorical" nature of such letters. Τύποι'Επιστολικοί 11. Έπιστολιμαΐοι Χαρακτήρες 5. not a speech.-Demetr. which are used to "impel [someone] to something (προτρέπωμεν έπί τι) or dissuade [someone] from something (άποτρέπωμεν από τίνος)". 55).Lib.'"6 It is difficult to know if this theorist's terminology has been borrowed directly from the rhetorical handbooks. 14 Ps. the "blaming" (μεμπτικη) letter in Ps. parallel deliberative rhetoric in that they speak of what is beneficial and harmful. 17 Cf. Both types of letters. Paraenesis is divided into two parts: encouragement (προτροπήν) and dissuasion (άποτροπήν). nonetheless. Έπιστολιμαΐοι Χαρακτήρες 6 and the "counter-accusing" (άντεγκληματικη) letter in Έπιστολιμαΐοι Χαρακτήρες 22. stating that the latter assumes a counter-argument (i. In 13 Ps. Of the three species of rhetoric. 15 Ps. Of the three rhetorical subgenres. 3:4:3). Κ. perhaps the "accusing" (κατηγορικός) letter comes nearest. epideictic was most at home in written discourse.15 Pseudo-Libanius categorizes the same type of letter as "paraenetic" (παραινετική). Τύποι 'Επιστολικοί 17. p. someone might employ the "apologetic" (απολογητικός) letter to ward off an indictment.e. more importandy. Greek Rhetoric. "Epideictic oratory. someone who needs to be persuaded) whereas the former does not. Pseudo-Demetrius speaks of "advisory" (συμβουλευτικός) letters.-Lib.-Demetr. . the parallel between the epistolary types and the rhetorical species may only be functional. 1986). 13 In rebuttal to the "accusing" letter. was coming more and more to be a pamphlet. Cf. in theme and occasion it had never been so restricted as the other branches of oratory" (Roberts. " T h e paraenetic type of letter is that in which we impel someone by urging him to pursue something or to avoid something. The divergent language suggests otherwise. Stowers. the epideictic type is most at home among the epistolary theorists. the "praising" (έπαινετικός) and "blaming" (μεμπτικός) letters. Even if it has.17 Several of Pseudo-Libanius's epistolary types resemble Quintilian's categorization of epideictic rhetoric (Inst. 14 Again this type of letter clearly did not replace the courtroom rhetoric nor. p.-Demetr.THE EPISTLE 175 epistolary types is demonstrated in the epistolary theorists.

176 JEFFREY T. were not the traditions upon which ancient letter writers depended. . familiare (Henderson. p. but I would concur with J . Some of the epistolary typologies at least functionally parallel the three rhetorical species. L. yet the epistolary theorists were not bound by a formal "rhetorical" agenda for letter writing. the terminology used by the epistolary theorists suggests some type of relationship with the rhetorical handbooks. . asking questions about the fact. III. first of all. 18 Such letters were likely argumentative speech acts practiced in everyday communication. L. . 52. Whether the precise nature of this relationship is direct or indirect. 355). "A Discussion of light from Ancient Letters". definition. 19 A fundamental distinction between the epistolary and rhetorical genera is that the former were relegated to spatially-separated communication. . face-to-face context of judicial. Biblical Research Bulletin 32 (1987). demonstrative. and judicial species. Another means of invention was the use of "topoi" (topics) or "commonplaces" both com- Not until the 16th century did Erasmus categorize letters according to deliberative. a wide array of situations. deliberative. Epideictic was the most suitable of the three to the epistolary genre. Letter writing demanded a much more flexible typology in order to handle. and "praise or blame" without necessarily being limited to the genera of the rhetorical handbooks. it is clear that the epistolary theorists were not limited by the three genera of the rhetorical handbooks. and nature of the issue under discussion.20 This could be accomplished. adding to this a fourth category. 18 . p. R H E T O R I C A L INVENTION IN EPISTLES Rhetorical invention (inventio) concerns the speaker's attempt to select or find (εϋρεσις) valid arguments to render a thesis plausible. White. 20 The author of Έπιστολιμαΐοι Χαρακτήρες uses the Greek technical term εϋρεσιν for inventio in his example of a letter of "inquiry" (82). "expediency or non-expediency". and epideictic speech. 19 J. In conclusion. by determining the "status" or "issue" to be resolved. at least not through the first two or three centuries of the Christian era". limiting the extent to which they could parallel the typical oral. "Erasmus". it is reasonable to surmise that ancient letter writers could conceptualize an epistle in terms of "accusation or defense". REED sum. and the deliberative . White (but on a broader scale) that "the j u d i c i a l .

witticisms or enigmas". he indeed writes. 51:6). division. and stock metaphors). as will the use of venerable works (παλαιών συγγραμμάτων). definition) and special (e. He goes on to discuss literary conventions appropriate for letters: proverbs (παροιμίαι. but not only does no definite theme suggest itself. avoiding the unadorned (άκόσμητα) style "which allows for no pithy sayings. Gregory of Nazianzus approves of the graceful style of letter writing. citing Aristode in support of this: "I have not written to you on this subject. but not a letter" (Eloc. 51:5). parisoses and isocola (Ep. well-aimed proverbs (παροιμιών εύστοχων). Eloc. figures of speech. 233). In contrast. Cicero tells of his difficulty in choosing a topic to write about: "I have been asking myself for some time past what I had best write to you. the elements of style he discusses are part of the inventio process. 620). and philosophers' dogmas (φιλοσόφων δογμάτων). In one of his sample letters. Thus. consequence. but they are not to be used in an argumentative manner" (Έπιστολιμαΐοι Χαρακτήρες 50). 232) and logical proofs (αποδείξεις. oracles. Eloc. it should be no surprise that epistolary theorists and letter writers discuss how to create epistolary topics. Did letter writers invent the content and argument of a letter by these means of rhetorical invention? The general principle of rhetorical invention is not limited by the theories of rhetors but is a phenomenon of language use in general. proverbs or apophthegms. customary maxims. Demetrius (Eloc. citations.g. Pseudo-Demetrius (Τύποι Επιστολικοί 4) cites the maxim "Know yourself" (τό γνώθι σαυτόν). Some letter writers speak of the process of inventio involved in composing a letter. but he warns against "the undue use of these devices" (Ep.g. 230) notes the existence of topics or "matter" appropriate only for the letter (πράγματα τινα επιστολικά). he states that it is inappropriate to employ clever types of argumentation (σοφίσματα) in letters: "If anybody might write a skilful argument (σοφίσματα) or questions of natural history in a letter. but even the conventional style of letter writing does not appeal 21 Although Gregory of Nazianzus is discussing "style" per se. cause-effect. He tentatively adheres to the use of tropes (but only if done so sparingly and without seriousness) and to the use of antitheses. . as with the species of rhetoric treated above. 232).21 Pseudo-Libanius explains how topics should be used in letters: "Mentioning works of history (ιστοριών) and fables (μύθων) will bring charm to letters. since it was not fitted for a letter" (Fr.THE EPISTLE 177 mon (e. proverbs.

This "friendly" aspect of the epistolary genre had its own set of topoi (cf. a function typifying the epistolary genre. Cicero's "free and easy topics of friendly correspondence" in Att. REED to me" (Fam. prayer formulas. the epistolary theorists stressed the importance of carefully selecting the topic of one's letter based on the epistolary situation. or any for that matter. Helsinki: Akateeminen Kiijakauppa. the sample letters provided by the epistolary theorists serve as a type of "special topoi" which could be used by professional letter writers to invent their own letters.Philophronesis). 35-46. and the relationship between the two genres may be treated in terms of common practices of human communication. he states. 38. In sum. 9:10:1). Koskenniemi. Cicero realizes that letters need not have one particular subject matter. In a letter to Atticus. p. eine Form eben dieses Zusammenlebens während einer Zeit räumlicher Trennung darzustellen. 1956). die απουσία zur παρ ουσία machen". bridging the spatial gap through the sender's presence (Parusia).22 Regarding parusia. Cicero finds himself in a similar dilemma: "Though now I rest only so long as I am writing to you or reading your letters. and closing greetings. Chr. That is. 23 Other possible topoi of the epistolary genre include health wishes. d. H. the epistolary topoi were not limited by rhetorical concerns. disclosure formulas. This concern at least functionally parallels the process of inventio treated in the rhetorical handbooks. "I have begun to write to you something or other without any definite subject. Letters written as friendly correspondence reveal this particularly well. "Es wird nämlich als die wichtigste Aufgabe des Briefes angesehen. (Annales Academiae Scientarium Fennicae. 23 Koskenniemi. Koskenniemi detects three special topoi of friendly letters: maintaining friendship (.h.178 JEFFREY T. and carrying on a dialogue with the recipient (Homilia). Indeed. 9:4:1). 9:4:1). Studien. they show concern that the writer "invent" or compose a letter appropriate for the occasion or issue at hand. Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefes bis 400 n. he was looking for a topic appropriate for "these times of ours in its gloom and melancholy". still I am in want of subject matter" (Att. so that I may have a sort of talk with you" (Att. H. pp. 22 . Nevertheless. These conventions developed apart from rhetorical concerns. but not necessarily without "argumentative" functions. 4:13:1).

24 T h e epistolary theorists say nothing about arranging letters according to this standard rhetorical convention. confirmatio (proof). and the confiitatio (refutation of the opposing arguments). the essential proposition of the speech. There are three standard conventions found in the majority of letters: opening. which follows the confirmatio. or a commendation. for example.25 These are best understood as spatial locations in the letter which are filled by epistolary formulas.e. could be filled with a petition. e. T h e obligatory elements of the opening include the superscription (i. I also am well'" (Ep. and "inventing" the subject matter. 26 Even To these categories.g. instead. "since the correspondence was usually local and delivered to the door by a messenger" (J. from whom the letter is sent. structural conventions. "Epistolary Formulas and Cliches in Greek Papyrus Letters". p. T h e opening could include. R H E T O R I C A L A R R A N G E M E N T IN EPISTLES After selecting the type of speech to be delivered. τη μητρί). to whom the letter is sent. a cursory discussion of epistolary structure is in order. Another common part was the propositio.g. Seneca recalls the traditional use of the health wish: "The old Romans had a custom which survived even into my lifetime. The ancients also recognized that certain elements belonged in certain positions of the letter. 25 This description of letters is not solely a modern one. In these cases.THE EPISTLE 179 IV. They would add to the opening words of a letter: 'If you are well. before suggesting any parallels between epistolary structure and rhetorical arrangement. Pseudo-Libanius speaks of the proper way to begin a letter: "So-and-so to So-and-so. Apart from these formulas. the rhetor proceeded to arrange the material into the best possible order. 26 Two types of letters—"Questions to the Oracle" and "Letters of Invitation"— often omit the superscription and/or adscription.Oxy. greeting" ό δείνα τω δεινι χαίρειν (Έπιστολιμαΐοι Χαραχτηρες 51). 1484 (2nd or 3rd century AD): έρωτςι σε 'Απολλώνιος δειπνήσαι. a health wish. In part. see e. e. the author of Ad Herennium) add the divisio (oudine of the steps in the argument). L. body and closing.e. Therefore. and peroratio (conclusion).g. greeting. 294). which follows the narratio. the invitation in P. White. conforms to the standard pattern of letter writing. 15:1).g. the lack of the superscription and/or adscription does 24 .Fay. a marriage contract. For example. among other things. Άντώνις Λόνγος) and the adscription (i. the reason epistolary theorists do not prescribe rhetorical arrangements to epistolary structures is because letters had their own long-established. it is well. 133 (58 AD): Σοκωννωκυννΐ θεώι μεγάλομαγάλωι. SBLSP 2 [1978]. Rhetorical arrangement (dispositio) often consisted of four sections in the following order: exordium (introduction). The body. other elements used in the opening are discretionary. narratio (the statement of the facts of the case). and the question to the oracle in P. What they do say. other rhetorical theorists (e. or thanksgiving formula.

and closing is that the opening establishes who the participants of communicadon are and the nature of their immediate relationship. Nevertheless. varies according to the epistolary skills and needs of the particular author. complaints). "The Papyrus Invitation". often involving language that again establishes the immediate relationship between sender and recipient. X. and White ("Epistolary Formulas and Cliches". body. 294) righdy notes that "it can be demonstrated in almost every instance. . Nevertheless. the body advances the information or requests/ commands which the sender wants to communicate.180 JEFFREY T. and closing and the exordium. 1976). 1986). closing greetings).g. ερρωσο) is not stricdy obligatory. the written formulas would be replaced by oral ones in order to fulfil the obligatory function of identifying the communicants (cf. which reveals the general character of the correspondents' relationship toward each other. p.-H. p. p. With respect to the body. body.J. 29 J. rather. White provides a helpful functional definition of these three sequences in ancient letters. petitions. pedtions. 27 Although White ("Documentary Letter Tradition". The Form of the Ancient Greek Letter of the Epistolary Papyn (3rd century BC~3rd century AD): A Study in Greek Epistolography (repr. 28 F. 71.g. letters of commendation). however. this is only the case for formulaic elements. L. In other words. narratio. since it is frequendy absent from letters. Another way of looking at the opening. however.g. JBL 94 [1975]. Instead. pp. χαίρειν) is sometimes omitted from the opening. REED the commonly employed salutation (e.28 Most letters. omission of the addressee and recipient is rare. Even "family letters". the slot had to be filled. p. "the keeping-in-touch aspect of letter writing (maintenance of contact). 219. every letter contains some communicative element after the prescript. what fills this region of the body varies. not negate the obligatory nature of the formulas.27 The common epistolary closing of the letter (e. especially in formal contexts (e. 92) notes that "the only epistolary element which can not be omitted from a letter is the opening". 29 In the body. Chicago: Ares. In the opening and closing. a host of epistolary materials could fill this slot. have communicative elements which fill the position of the body. However. 69. C. Kim. not for the spatial locations in the letter. There is no inherent one-to-one correspondence between the epistolary opening. stock phrases express the circumstances which motivated the message of the letter. there are no letters that simply have a prescript. which White claims "often have no specific body". White.g. used various formulas to signal the end of the communicadve process (e. L. The bulk of the body. however. confirmatio. and the closing signals the end of the communicative process. Exler. comes to expression".g. especially official and business letters. 397). Light from Ancient Letters (Philadelphia: Fortress. J . that these anomalous forms are the result of the letter being either a first draft or copy". although patterns exist (e.

30 . The same may be said of the epistolary closing and the peroratio. In Τύποι Επιστολικοί. the twenty-one letters exemplified in his epistolary handbook are not arranged according to a rhetorical dispositio. for example. . epistolary conventions used in actual letters seem to resist a dispoûtio classification. so also the exordium serves to generate a positive relationship of trust and compliance between the speaker and listener. certain functional parallels do exist between standard epistolary arrangement and rhetorical arrangement. "official" letters). What the author means by arrangement instead has to do with the language and function of each kind of letter. which appropriately reflect the relationship between the communicants. Finally. If a letter does contain an explicit rhetorical arrangement (e.g. specifically mentioning a "letter of exhortation" which he had previously written (Fam. In fact. 31 An exception to this may be found in several of Pliny's letters (61-112 AD). 27:8-9). Although his term for "arrangement" parallels that of the rhetorical handbooks (τάξις. . the author first describes the method by which he has constructed his work. O n e type of letter in particular created Cicero is apparently familiar with the various classifications of letters. in which he often uses a standardized opening to state the "subject" of the letter. 31 Despite these differences. He has set out to describe the various "styles" ("ways of writing") of letters and what distinguishes each style from the other. friendly letters are filled with "friendly" language. 4:9:1). demonstrating how each is arranged (της εκάστου γένους τάξεως). maintains that "the openings and conclusions of letters . 30 He then provides a sample of each type. He espouses no theory for employing an exordium or peroratio in these parts of the letter. who advocates the use of rhetorical convention in letters (specifically. even Julius Victor. Furthermore. should be written according to customary practice" (Rh. dispositio). that is. the letters of Demosthenes). Regarding epistolary openings and closings. to speak of the propositio of a letter is dubious since letters often develop more than one "theme"—a feature of their "conversational" nature. What the author does not do is construct examples with a four-part rhetorical schema. then epistolary conventions are at a minimum and are distinct from the four rhetorical parts. In the same way that epistolary openings function to expose the general nature of the relationship between the sender and the recipient (be it positive or negative).THE EPISTLE 181 and peroratio. Lat. to build ethos. epistolary theorists do not speak of epistolary arrangement in rhetorical terms.

epistolary theorists and letter writers show signs of rhetorical influence mosdy in the area of style. . Epistolary closing expressions as "I wrote these things to you . metaphors. 42. 34 See also the discussion of rhetorical invention above. 1974). V. however. 3:1-12). " also slightly parallel the recapitulatio function of the peroratio. T h e similarities may be explained by the fact that language is often used pragmatically in different genres to do similar things. Bradford Welles. Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Penoé A Study in Greek Epigraphy (repr. elocutio) was also the epistolary theorist's concern. 33 This primarily involved questions of grammar.32 Because the epistolary body was open to various mediums of communication. Chicago: Ares. "This neglect 33 32 . In summary.182 JEFFREY T. the friendly type (φιλικός). there is no inherent formal relationship between the basic theory of epistolary structure and the technical teachings about rhetorical arrangement. and choice of words. closing) share some similarity with the four principal parts of rhetorical arrangement (exordium. in contrast to the "content" of the message. figures of speech. For example. Finally. such expressions occur throughout the body of the letter. Clarity. For Aristotle (Rh. Welles goes on to state. . periodic and continuous syntax. although royal letters are largely "uninfluenced by the rhetorical schools". the possibility always exists for finding a rhetorical arrangement here. The epistolary theorists were aware of rhetorical practices and even debated the use of distinctively rhetorical styles in letters.-Demetr. But the slight similarity is only functional. were also discussed under the rubric of style. nevertheless. to name a few.34 Indeed. In other words. More importandy. R H E T O R I C A L S T Y L E IN EPISTLES T h e rhetorician's concern for style (λέξις. the epistolary theorists and letter writers say nothing explicit about structuring letters according to a rhetorical arrangement. p. "style" entailed the "way of expressing" something through the choice of words or arrangement of clauses. narratio. confirmatio. not formal. the three standard epistolary components (opening. REED ethos. 35 C. peroratio). syntax. and citations. body. Τύποι Επιστολικοί 1. 35 some of them do exhibit features of style Ps. it is worth nodng that the theorists do not expound upon a use of dispositio structure in the body of letters. there seems to be no functional parallel between the epistolary closing and the enumeratio.

Antiochus II to Erythrae (15). 68. combines various qualities and virtues of style (e. clarity. contrast H. not only of the purely administrative notes but also of texts of a more 'diplomatic' character" (p. Demosthenes.39 T h e plain style lacks "ornament and oratorical device". They are clearly "literary" in tone and substance. homoeoteleuton. 40 Roberts. 56 See the letters in Welles. vigour. beauty. and Menander). 68). triads. T h e letters attributed to Aelian (entitled έκ τών Αιλιανού άγροικικών επιστολών) also echo the voices of the classical era (e. 46). Peter.g. Ptolemy II to Miletus (14). and gravity) into a more complex scheme (Kennedy. 1901). p. De Elocutione (Περί Ερμηνείας). elegant (γλαφυρός). 38 These four kinds of style represent only one theory on the subject. p. 20.g. he summarizes that the letter should be a compound of the graceful (χαρίεντος) and plain (ισχνού) styles. However. Greek Rhetoric. phil. the love letters of Philostratus (ΈπιστολαΙ Έρωτικαί). Ptolemy IV to a provincial governor (30). farmers. ethos. One of the more thorough discussions of epistolary style is the treatise attributed to Demetrius of Phalerum. and parasites. 223). which discusses the "style" (χαρακτήρ) appropriate for letter writing. For example. grandeur. 11). Homer. . litotes). Klasse.38 Later. Aristophanes.3. 37 Imaginary letters resemble little the purposes and practices of most Greco-Roman letter writing. and forceful (δεινός).g. it may also be the same "graceful" style which he describes under the section on the "elegant" style (128-89).THE EPISTLE 183 characteristic of rhetorical practice (e. It shows some dependence on the third book of Aristode's Rhetoric (Eloc. Classical Rhetoric. Hesiod. In several of these the author cites and borrows from other literature (especially from classical authors). Another theory. antitheses. Ziaelas of Bithynia to Cos (25). der Königlichen Säschsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Leipzig: Teubner. developed by Dionysius of Halicamassus and later continued by Hermogenes. Initially. plain (ισχνός). Seleucus II to Miletus (22). Der Brief in der römischen Literatur: Literargeschichtliche Untersuchungen und Zusammenfassung (Abh.36 Many of the imaginary letters37 also employ stylistic features found in ancient literary and rhetorical practices. 104). 39 It appears that by "graceful" he is referring to the heightened style that one should use to write letters to states or royal personages. chiasmus. Correspondence·. which lack all of the common epistolary elements. prostitutes. which is one of four kinds or "characters" of styles—elevated (μεγαλοπρεπής).hist. Alciphron (dubbed "The Rhetor") composed imaginary letters purportedly written by fishermen. verity. who argues for a much closer dependence of epistolary theory on rhetorical theory. Roberts also notes that "when he [Demetrius] refers to 'rhetoricians' there is sometimes a shade of irony or contempt" (p. Cf. Demetrius advocates writing letters according to the "plain" (ίσχνότητος) style (Eloc. which he has just mentioned in 234. 40 suggesting that the author did not readily conflate of rhetoric is in general characteristic of the royal letters.

Naz. He is most concerned that letters be written with clarity and fitness. which is as close to nature as possible. This "plain" style is particularly relevant in "friendly" letters where maintaining friendship was done not just by writing letters but by the way in which one wrote the letter. 42 He uses the term συγγράμματα rather than έπιστολαί to refer to "so-called" letters (such as several of Plato's letters and that of Thucydides) which are. and rather incline towards the conversadonal (λαλικόν)" (Ep. cf. 14:11). Demetrius argues for concise ones (Eloc. "Clarity" of style (σαφήνεια) in letter writing was esteemed by many (Gr. Gregory of Nazianzus warns against the abuse of an overly rhetorical style: When the birds were disputing about who should be king. I should not stamp my foot.184 JEFFREY T. Ep. 228). everyone knows that one should avoid proselike (λογοειδές) style so far as possible. each adorned in his own way. but I should leave that sort of thing to the orator. 41 . and they came together. direct style in letters without any of the embellishments employed in oratory. or toss my arms about. according to him. As to the length of letters. without denying the applicability of argumentation to letters: Even if I were arguing a point. that must especially be preserved in letters (Ep. 51:4). or raise my voice. Gregory of Nazianzus avows: "As to clarity (σαφήνειας). For example. For example. too long and stilted in expression (Eloc.42 he was not supported by Pseudo-Libanius (Έπιστολιμαΐοι Χαρακτήρες 50). 51:4. also 5-6). 228). 51:7. 75:2). Έπιστολιμαΐοι Χαρακτήρες 48-49. Seneca as well attempts to distance the letter writer from the orator. as if you were writing not a letter but a speech (δίκην) for the law courts" (Eloc. It is this unadorned quality. two features of the plain style.-Lib.41 Here again we see an emphasis on using a plain. he maintains that "it is absurd to build up periods. and should be content to have conveyed my feelings toward you without having either embellished them or lowered their dignity (Ep. REED the epistolary and rhetorical styles. Various other opinions existed concerning the appropriate epistolary style. His basis for this assertion follows: In another letter Seneca mentions his preference for philosophy over speechmaking (Ep. Ps. Similarly. 229). quoting Philostratus of Lemnos). the greatest adornment of the eagle was that he did not think that he was beautiful.

1509). 334. a style conducive to bridging the spatial gap between the sender and the recipient and to creating a face-to-face atmosphere. In summary. 44 Henderson. Eloc. two features of epistolary style most parallel rhetorical discussions: clarity and appropriateness for the situation. iambus.43 Similarly. Inst. 340). 45 Quint. p. Although much more could be said about epistolary style (e. for my letters have nothing strained or artificial about them" (Ep.45 The fundamental difference was a result of the epistolary situation (viz.g. Fam. many of which were directed to a public audience (Ep. not artificial. "Erasmus". the former should have a "looser texture" (as in dialogue.THE EPISTLE 185 Stated briefly. 51:4). use of asyndeton. direct address. 1:1). 75:1—2). "Erasmus". Seneca speaks of a friendly. Theorists generally agree that letters should be written in a style most appropriate for the situation (cf. According to him. Sen. In his Commentana epistolarum conficiendarum (Pforzheim. much of the discussion of style by rhetoricians (e. the letter writers and theorists (even those well versed in rhetoric) still differentiate between the epistolary style and rhetorical style. novel expressions. whether to use the dactyl. p. Demetr. a few principles seem to have existed. 75:1. Nevertheless. spatial separation). Fam. This generally involved a style characteristic of dialogue and everyday speech (Cic. and being immediately understandable (Ep. 43 . again probably because of the "plain" style that should be used in letters. 9:4:23). 223). or paean as the basic ingredient of rhythm) is absent from epistolary stylistic theory. compliments and jesting). Heinrich Bebel appealed to classical sources to prove that a letter should not be written in oratorical style but in Latin sermo (cited by Henderson. 15:21:4). that is. Cic. 44 Furthermore.g. sermone) and the latter a more closely connected style (Inst. appearing to the former as written on the popular level and to the latter as above that level. classical theory distinguished the sermo (ordinary language) of the letter from the contentio (formal speech) of the oration. the standard principle of epistolary style seems to be that there was no stricdy endorsed stylistic theory. 9:21:1. the best and most beautiful letter is written so that it is persuasive to both the educated and uneducated. However. 7:32:3. 9:4:19-22 also sets the epistolary style apart from the rhetorical. as Julius Victor identifies: Contrast Pliny the Younger's letters which tend to be prose exercises on various subjects. Ep. setting in which he writes letters: "I prefer that my letters should be just what my conversation would be if you and I were sitting in one another's company or taking walks together—spontaneous and easy.

Demosthenes. exordium (or captatio benevolentiae). 9:21:1). 1968). his rhetorical commentary on them on pp. heavenly)—then it is difficult to imagine that the classical rhetorical conventions were never employed in actual letters. . What similarity is there between a letter. erotic. but for persuasive arguments in favour of the authenticity of letters 1-4 see J. adding the salutatio which distinguished it as the epistolary genre: salutatio. and conclusio. narratio. or someone writing under his name. A. Perhaps the best extant examples of "rhetorical letters" come from the eminent orator himself. The Letters of Demosthenes (New York: Columbia University Press. poetic. 27:19-21). Goldstein. p. 332). it is impossible to do so in correspondence when the other is absent (Rh. If the epistolary genre is defined functionally as the communication between spatially separated individuals (absentis ad absentem colloquium)—which is necessary to account for actual letters (e. scientific.g. 133-81. literary-critical. 47 The authenticity of the letters has been debated. VI. REED When there is no need to hide anything from others. a mixture of rhetorical and epistolary styles was not encouraged by some. RHETORICAL EPISTLES? The above study reveals epistolary and rhetorical theorists' resistance to marrying the episde and oration. petitio. The ars dictaminis divided the letter according to the structure of classical oration. private. public. "Erasmus". and a speech in court or at a public meeting? Why even in law-cases I am not in the habit of dealing with all of them in the same style (Fam. official. avoid obscurity more painstakingly in letters than you do in speeches and conversation. novelistic. esp.186 JEFFREY T. magical. introductory. 47 Epistles 1-4 are set in the fourth century BC during Demosthenes' exile and the oncoming "Lamian" war to overthrow Mace- 46 This resistance was later advocated by classical purists. the medieval Ciceronians. who confined the epistolary genre to the limits of the familiar letter and desired to "purge humanist epistolography of all vestiges of the ars dictaminis" (Henderson. however. For although you can ask someone who is speaking unclearly to elucidate his point. 46 Theory and practice do not always harmonize. Papirius Paetus: How do I strike you in my letters? Don't I seem to talk to you in the language of common folk? For I don't always adopt the same style. Consequendy. Cicero states this pointedly in a letter penned to L.

a historical novel in the form of a collection of letters (Briefroman). expedient. honourable. Ep. 2 is an example of the forensicepideictic genre of self-apology. the texts are an attempt to defend Demosthenes' career.51 T h e closing farewell (ευτυχείτε) is as terse as the prescript. Plutarch (Lives 20). Goldstein has analysed them according to the partes orationis. 1 and Aeschin. Ep. they lack the many epistolary formulas and the style of the "familiar" letters (familiares) and instead may be categorized as negotiates. Rh. greetings"). easy to accomplish or. 1:7. 15) knew of and were perhaps influenced by Demosthenes' epistolary style. or political propaganda. Id. Letters. 49 Goldstein. to which Julius Victor claims the canons of rhetoric apply (Rh. lawful. setting the stage for the epistolary body in which Demosthenes attempts to persuade his audience on a particular subject. pleasant. 2:8 and Ps. Quintilian (Inst. perhaps repeating much of the defence given at his trial. 3:1:35). Or. 48 The letters were deemed significant enough to be preserved throughout the Hellenistic and Byzantine eras. J . 10:1:107). T h e main body of the letter consists of (1) a prooemium written in the indignant tone of one who had been wronged but at the same time appealing to the audience's good will through flattery (2:1-2). (2) a propoûtio calling the Athenians to exonerate him (2:3). 31-34. 50 They are in the form of a letter only because he is in exile (Ep. Modern scholars generally classify the letters according to one of four genres: a rhetorical exercise treating the theme "What would Demosthenes have written to the Athenians from exile?". As letters.THE EPISTLE 187 donian dominadon over Greece. 49 In any case. 51 Hermog. T h e prescripts take the f o r m ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΗΣ THI ΒΟΥΛΗI ΚΑΙ ΤΩΙ ΔΗΜΩΙ XAIPEIN ( " D e m o s - thenes to the Council and Assembly. Another illustrative example of a "rhetorical letter" is the first letter Letters 5-6 (one to Heracleodorus and the other to the Council and Assembly) are relatively short and resemble more so an attempt at interpersonal dialogue. 121. 50 For similar letters of defence see PI. 11 and 12.-Arist. otherwise. (3) a confirmatio favourably portraying the career of Demosthenes according to the so-called rhetorical topics of τελικά κεφάλαια— the propositio is just. pp. 27). if difficult. a creation of a rhetorical historian or biographer. 1:2-4. possible and necessary (2:4-20). and Cicero (Brut. (4) an epilogue reiterating the appeal for exoneration and containing pathetic amplification and a final appeal to their good will (2:21—26). Ep. 47 interpret letters 2 and 3 in 48 . they consist of self-apology and advice to the public. 1:45.

After narrating the "facts" of the event he requests Heraclides to file his petition so that it may be used as evidence (προς μαρτυρίαν) in a later trial. sets forth arguments (Amm. 53 See White. even brief. is probably terms of their rhetorical style. a copy of a complaint (έγκλήματος) by Saprion. Demosthenes did not base his speeches on Aristode's rhetorical theory. represent only a small portion of the extant epistolary literature. For example. (3) statements used to persuade. several epistolary formulas are used with persuasive functions: (1) disclosure formulas reveal the author's reason for writing. Dionysius. . "non-literary" letters require persuasive devices to accomplish their goals. For a more detailed rhetorical analysis of this letter see Goldstein. Letters like those of Demosthenes and Dionysius of Halicamassus. this letter is written to an individual. the prescript is terse: ΔΙΟΝΥΣΙΟΣ ΑΜΜΑΙΩΙ ΤΩΙ ΦΙΛΤΑΤΩΙ ΠΛΕΙΣΤΑ XAIPEIN ("Dionysius to the beloved Ammaeus. the latter is a polemic against a similar attitude towards the style of Thucydides. Light. In other letters. There is. nor are they as long as these. the author writes to Heraclides. 53 The "rhetoric" of such letters. Consequently. in P. then. 1:6). 158-66. pp. Letters.188 JEFFREY T. narrating how his mother and an accomplice assaulted him in order to "deprive me of my own property". (2) statements of reassurance and concern appeal to the pathos of the reader. in response to the request of Ammaeus. Like the letters of Demosthenes. Demosthenes was not dependent on the former's rules of rhetoric. Unlike the letters of Demosthenes. Ryl. however. it lacks the various epistolary formulas found in most personal letters. pp. 116 (194 AD). REED of Dionysius of Halicamassus to Ammaeus—a lengthy argument advocating that Demosthenes did not learn the rules of rhetoric from Aristode.52 Like most "literary" letters. as someone had suggested to Ammaeus (Amm. however. 204-208. many greetings"). coerce. also his second letter to Ammaeus and his letter to Gnaeus Pompeius. 2:6 ποιήσαι τους λόγους) which convinced him that Aristotle did not write his Rhetoric until Demosthenes had reached his prime and had already delivered most of his speeches. Most letters do not reveal a rhetorical structure. Nevertheless. no reason to suggest that letters employing rhetorical conventions are only written to plural audiences. He ends his letter claiming to have proved his point (ίκανώς άποδεδείχθαι νομίζω). or threaten seek the reader's obedience concerning important (often business) matters. viz. The former is a polemic against an excessive admiration and imitation of Plato's style. 52 Cf.

Stirewalt righdy claims that "in dealing with the city state.g. 58 Welles. gave me your letter . and a certain confidentiality of tone that other genres tend to repel". 56 E. Leiden: Brill. "Erasmus". 355. 2. whom you sent to me. The official letter usually accompanied the oral message of a herald or embassy. no. and erotic letters. 20-21) or incorporated into the letter (21). S. ed. a rhetorical environment—viz. pseudepigraphic letters. 55 54 . magical letters. άπέσταλκα δέ σοι τον περί μανίης λόγον (18:12-13) and άπέσταλκα δέ σοι και αΰτός τόν περί έλλεβορισμού λόγον (20:28-29). Northwest Review 19 (1981). and trans. one author notes that "Menodorus. For a critical edition and introduction see Hippocrates: Pseudepigraphic Writings. . Ep. . consequendy. 6:464 περί ευθυμίας and 13:1012 περί της έν Τιμαίω ψυχογονίας) are similar in content with his other moral writings. demonstrated this with his invention of the letter poem. also demonstrating a mixed genre. "Epistolary Poetry". 58. T h e Corpus Hippocraticum contains various kinds of propagandistic. the epistolary genre originated in an oral and. Hamill.THE EPISTLE 189 not dependent upon rhetorical theory.g. 54 Some of Plutarch's letters (e. pp. 228 34. First. Smith (Studies in Ancient Medicine. treatises (λόγοι) were sent with a letter (18-19. the flexibility of the epistolary genre allowed for its conflation with other genres. the Latin poet. 55 In other Hippocratic letters. of which letters 10-17 are in the form of novels relating Hippocrates' visit to Democritus. the popular assembly. 1990). Erasmus—somewhat confined by the narrow classical definition of the letter as a conversation between separated friends—distinguished the epistolary genre from others in terms of its flexibility of style}1 This flexibility resulted in an array of letter-types such as official letters.56 Much later. p. 57 Henderson. Quintus Horatius Flaccus. various reasons prevented their complete success. letters from heaven. and spoke himself at considerable length on the matters concerning which he said he had instructions". they more likely represent a type of "universal" rhetoric prevalent at the time and still functionally found in other communicadve forms today. Royal Correspondence. W. philosophical letters. The above examples demonstrate that letter writing was at least pardy influenced by rhetorical conventions. D. For example. He admired the "personal" nature of the letter: "The poem as letter allows a privacy of speech. 58 Thus. Secondly. Despite epistolary and rhetorical theorists' attempts to discourage such practices. the official correspondence of royalty. M.

cols. Brut. the use of chreiai in pithy letters was a popular practice. the personal letter evolved independently of such influences. p. B. and literary) reveals both simi59 60 Stirewalt. often exhibit rhetorical practices. Metzlersche. Alexander. p. 9. 1954). if unwillingly. 1994). 61 Students could exercise their rhetorical style by writing letters under the name of celebrated persons of the past (e. official. Plato. Rhetorical Criticism of the Bible: A Comprehensive Bibliography with Notes on History and Method (Leiden: Brill. and Euripides). you admit to wrongdoing. Studies. cf. epistolary theorists. Nevertheless. Thirdly. 60 For example. educational exercises—practised at least by the time of the second century BC—promoted the use of rhetorical conventions in letters. CONCLUSION T h e above survey of Greco-Roman rhetoricians. Sykutris. pseudonymous letters. Watson and A. Isocrates. prove it by giving to me willingly [Cic. the official administrative. 63 The letters of the New Testament have received renewed attention as to their rhetorical nature.g. Such examples should not obscure the fact that the majority of letters discovered from the Hellenistic period do not lend themselves to classical rhetorical analysis. Studies. I]. Diogenes. 1924). 42) judged the letter of Nicias in Thucydides and the letters of Plato according to the canons of oratory. For a useful treatment of this issue with bibliography see D. . in Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft Supplement 5 (Stuttgart: J. pp. Hippocrates. Socrates. 573-74. 64 leaving the possibility that they may be analysed similarly today as well. in RAC II (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersman. "Brief". 61 Cited in Stirewalt. 5 9 However. Hauser. Studies. as in the syllogistic letter: [Brutus] to the people of Pergamon I hear that you have sent financial aid to Donobellas. 20-24. Schneider. cols. Pythagoras. 50. VII.190 JEFFREY T. a careful reading of the extant texts reveals that rhetorical conventions were at times employed in letters. while the official letter had ties to forensic practices. more so than authentic letters. J. diplomatic letter was a rhetorical product". 62 Consequently. 64 Dionysius Halicamassus (Th. 62 J. "Epistolographie". 63 Indeed. If you did this willingly. Aristotle. 210-13. yet with methodological caution. For examples see Stirewalt. some ancient scholars analysed letters in terms of rhetoric. and letter writers (personal. REED and public forensic activity.

pp. either in theory or in practice. they list a wide array of letter-types and the style appropriate for their use. JSNTSup. J . 1993). E. K. 67 C. in Rhetoric and the New Testament (ed. 68 Even here. Rhetorical dispositio seems to have had little. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. i. Despite the presence of rhetorical conventions in the epistolary genre. 288-89. Debate over the appropriate use of style in letter writing does imply. The three species of rhetoric were too limited to provide a model for letter writing. Julius Victor suggests that rhetorical rules only be applied to "official" (negotiates) letters.65 As S. if any. and even here it is relegated to an appendix alongside the de sermodnatione. the few remarks on letter writing that do exist are mostly on matters of style. however. and often those which contrast rhetorical and epistolary style. H. 90. that some may have been writing letters with an "oratorical" style.J. "The letter-writing tradition was essentially independent of rhetoric". First. up until the fourth century AD (Julius Victor Ars Rhetorica)68 letter writing was not treated as part of a systematic rhetorical theory. instead. Stowers observes. rhetorical conventions are clearly found in letters—a result of the epistolary genre's flexibility—but rarely in a systematic manner governing the entire letter such as the letters of Demosthenes. to stay within the elaboration and presentation of their respective theory". Classen puts it in more disjunctive terms: "Rhetoric (oratory) and epistolography were regarded as two different fields in antiquity. therefore. letters which are official and serious in nature. the similarity may only be a result of "universal" principles of argumentation. two observations based on the literary evidence suggest that the rhetorical and epistolary genres were not readily merged.THE EPISTLE 191 larities and differences between epistolary and rhetorical practices. Letter Writing. 65 . Classen. and it seems advisable. 67 O n the other hand. p. T h e manuals on letter wridng do not deal with the officia oratoris or the partes orationis as set forth in the rhetorical handbooks. a systematic theory of how to write a "rhetorical letter" is lacking in the rhetorical handbooks. 66 C . S. inventio and especially elocutio seem to have influenced marginally the theories and actual practice of letter writing. 66 Stowers. O n the one hand. epistolary theorists and letter writers often dissuade the writer from using rhetorical conventions. There are also several functional parallels between the two genres. influence on theory or practice. but the epistolary theorists do not develop these in a formal. but their functions are often represented in actual letters. In addition. methodical manner. thus. Porter and T. Olbricht.e. "St Paul's Episdes and Ancient Greek and Roman Rhetoric". 52. T o be more precise.

J. Η. A. Α. Der Brief in der römischen Literatur: Iitérargeschichtliche Untersuchungen und Zusammenfassung (Abhandlungen der Königlichen Säschsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Helsinki: Akateeminen Kiijakauppa. 1958). Κ. when used judiciously and mosdy descriptively. 1031-1432. cols. 3. may often provide heuristic tools for the analysis and understanding of ancient letters. p. 564-85.. In sum. Leipzig: Teubner. Μ'Γ: Scholars Press. Goldstein. R. Berlin: de Gruyter. darin. classical and modern theories of rhetoric.25. . 1981). 1988). Chr. 1968). 5). 71 Modern critical theories of argumentation useful in the study of ancient letters include C. ANRW 11. 1984). Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns (2 vols. in Reallexicon fur Antike und Christentum II (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersman. Roberts.. daß in einer persönlich adressierten Schrift der Name des Empfängers gleich am Anfang nach den ersten Worten im Vokativ genannt wird. Greek Rhetoric and literary Criticism (New York: Longmans. there appears to be a general principle that letters displaying rhetorical influence lack many of the optional epistolary formulas found in the personal letters (e. Malherbe concludes: "It is thus clear that letter writing was of interest to rhetoricians.192 JEFFREY T. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp. J. This gradual interplay between the two genres is also reflected in the increased rhetorical interest of the Έπιστολιμαΐοι.g. The Uses of Argument (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.70 Conversely.3. Olbrechts-Tyteca. 1956). but they were never wed. written somedme between the fourth and sixth centuries AD (p. J. Koskenniemi.. prayer. Schneider. S. das findet sich aber in einem Brief nicht". W. REED So A. (Annales Academiae Scientarium Fennicae. Malherbe. H.2 (ed. 188) mentions a specific difference between literary and private letters: "Ein wichtiges Unterscheidungskriterion liegt m. Missoula... Ε. 1958). col. 1928). philologisch-historische Klasse.69 Secondly. pp. disclosure formulas. Perelman and L. The Letters of Demosthenes (New York: Columbia University Press. Temporini and W. "Hellenistischen Gattungen im Neuen Testament".. 1901). 1954). 70 Sykutris ("Epistolographie". H. Epistolary Theorists. Peter. 69 Malherbe. Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefes bis 400 n. 19. Haase. Ancient Epistolary Theorists (SBLSBS.. thanksgiving. closing greetings)—an observable difference between literary and personal letters. Habermas.J. J. the rhetorical and epistolary genres may have been betrothed. Toulmin. "Brief".. Nevertheless. letters replete with epistolary formulas lack full-blown rhetorical conventions.71 BIBLIOGRAPHY Berger. but it appears only gradually to have attached itself to their rhetorical systems". 20. La nouvelle rhétorique: Traité de l'argumentation (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

Welles. C. Atlanta: Scholars Press. .. B. 1974).THE EPISTLE 193 Stirewalt.. L. 185-220.. Β. 27. in Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft Supplement 5 (Stuttgart: J. K. S. "Epistolographie". Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia: Westminster. Chicago: Ares. Metzlersche. M. 1986). J. Studies in Ancient Greek Epistolography (SBLRBS. Stowers. Sykutris. Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Period: A Study in Greek Epigraphy (repr.. 1993). cols. 1924).


By form I mean dialogue. but may also be consolatory. Inclusion of technical writings serves as a reminder that not all prose is Kunstprosa. the longer πραγματεία and commentary. protrepdc and paraenetic or of some other kind. however. Amsterdam. one on the philosophical treatise and one on Stoic philosophers. I had promised to make two contributions. This has come about because division of assignments has the genre of Letters (Epistolary style) discussed elsewhere.CHAPTER 8 PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE Dirk M. 1 Originally. diatribe and thesis.1 The approach to philosophical prose taken here is that of form. and Epicurus's paraenetic episde could easily have gone unnoticed. It turns out that the approach by form is more manageable but for one exception: a separate section is reserved for protreptic and paraenesis. The latter category requires a different approach and to discuss these texts in this contribution would gready exceed the limits of size. . INTRODUCTION In the Hellenistic and Roman period philosophical treatises in the widest sense were written in multifarious forms and styles and for various purposes. isagoge. The goals or purposes of these texts may be pure instruction for the beginner or the more advanced student. rather than purpose. but even there we may find traces of rhetorical influence. Because. The Netherlands I. Schenkeveld Free University. the style of Stoic philosophers is not different from that of other philosophers in this period it was more convenient to discuss texts of philosophers together with texts on philosophical subjects all together in one contribution. but also ego-documents and technical writings such as the handbook. attention will be paid to prose wridngs. and poems such as Cleanthes' Hymn to £eus and Lucretius's De rerum natura or Proclus's Hymns and Manilius's Astronomicon will be left out of consideration. to borrow Norden's term. Here.

however. I have said something about the structure of the texts in this contribution without. is often difficult to ascertain. particularly when this comes forward in Gorgianic schemata and similar rhetorical figures. Thus. it can be said that from the start of the Hellenistic period onwards most authors underwent training in rhetoric and even when they reject rhetoric's claims we may still reckon with some influence. And. always suggesting that a particular ordering is due Most translations come from LCL editions. for example. The answer to this question is intricately linked to the matter of what a philosophical text is. must also be included. The easiest to detect is stylistic technique. even outward appearance is not always a trustworthy guide. and the same goes for several treatises by Plutarch of Chaeronea—but what about the moral diatribes of Dio of Prusa. such as Epicurus and Plotinus. Avoidance of hiatus is another detector but some negligence in this respect may be due to obedience to the rule that the style of a dialogue should not be as exact as that of a speech. and which left aside. Here I have opted for the solution that texts written by authors generally recognized as having been philosophers. to take another example. In general. although some are by my hand. the great examples of the pre-Hellenistic age for the dialogue. says that prose dialogue should not be rhythmical but in late antiquity we see. like Plato and Aristode. of course. 2 . No one will expect exclusion of Cicero's philosophical dialogues from this discussion. have to be included but also texts on philosophical subjects. Separate sections on matters concerning the relationship between philosophy and rhetoric lead the discussion proper. do not make a decision any easier. In some cases I have slighdy changed translations of other scholars. It concerns the question of which texts by which authors will be included. even when their authors are not accepted as genuine philosophers. SCHENKEVELD O n e decision had to be taken whose outcome will not be to everyone's satisfaction. Cicero. whose claim of a conversion to philosophy is very much in doubt? Lucian of Samosata makes a similar claim and is he a philosopher? I have decided to be liberal and included texts on philosophical subjects written by non-philosophers. 2 What must count as influence from oratorical practice and rhetorical theory.196 DIRK M.. If necessary. Inner structure and argumentation are less evident indicators of rhetorical influence because a clear structuring of one's thought is very much a matter of philosophy. Themistius follow new contemporary rules of clausula.

pp. Kennedy. Another phase. The Art of Persuasion in Greece (Princeton: Princeton University Press. De oratore 3. 1996). A. Amsterdam 1994. now in order to give the reader a better understanding of the issues involved when rhetoric is found to be used by philosophers in their treatises. Heidelberg: C. The dispute has had at least two active periods: in the fourth century BC with Plato and Isocrates as its main participants. Paris: Inst. when most philosophical schools join in the debate. Kennedy. Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modem Times (London: Croom Helm. From the first two centuries AD we meet with the same arguments in the works of men like Quintilian and Sextus.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 197 to rhetorical training. Winter. Série Antiquité. La rhétorique de l'éloge dans le monde gréco-romain (Coll. Wisse. again one of reconciliation. and although they may represent a renaissance of the debate. D. Pinkster et ai. Augustin. 4 G. T h e relations between the two disciplines are never uncomplicated. some explanation is always expected to be given. 3 I I . Darg Newsletter 2 (1986). In general. and from about 160 to about 40 BC. 4. "Is Rhetoric an Art?". Etud. 14-26. Wisse convincingly argues in favour of the debate continuing up to 40 BC and not already ending about 100 (thus e. d'Etud. pp. now published in A. 1963). In this way this contribution deals with "secondary" rhetoric as formulated by George Kennedy. they may also be a literary tradition with no connections to the debate. 4 This may especially be true for Quintilian because already in the first century BC Cicero had advocated some sort of reconciliation and he is Quintilian's great example. 1993). 5. Barnes. more attention is being given to outward appearances. M. the participants may keep silent for a long period and then again voice their objections and refutations aloud. But the subject of the thesis requires.. p. some discussion of this aspect. 2-22. T H E D I S P U T E BETWEEN P H I L O S O P H Y AND RHETORIC In other sections of this Handbook the antagonism between rhetoric and philosophy has already been alluded to to some extent but here the main points of this dispute will be highlighted.g. Barnes). L. At no time is it taken for granted that a philosopher would also be a rhetorician. and vice versa. Leeman. Pernot. Tullius Cicero. pp. pp. of course. 1980). De Oratore libri III: Kommentar [vol. . 52-95 (Diss. 19-37a. 493-605 andj. Augustin. 138. Welsprekendheid enfilosofiebij Cicero: Studies en commentaar bij Cicero. J. A. H. 321-30. involves the rhetorical and philosophical practice and writings 3 G. from Plato and Isocrates onwards there is always some controversy.

For unknown reasons. 8 Kennedy. Oratory had lost some parts of its domain but was still very much important in the daily life of the poleis. In this way he adopts a neutral stance vis-à-vis possible rhetorical practice. Plato's main disapproval. turns on the lack of moral goals in rhetoric. 462b-66a. therefore. and after a period of decline having a revival in the fourth century AD. focuses on the psychology of the audience and eloquendy voices its tenets. 6 In his Rhetoric Aristode follows Plato in asking for knowledge of the audience's psyche but keeps the actual (im)morality of rhetoric away from his analysis of possible uses of rhetorical arguments. Rh. 9 Phld. 8 In the Hellenistic period the debate on the status of rhetoric got a new impetus when rhetorical studies had a renaissance. Plato is not opposed to an eloquent style as such. now called σοφισταί. Then the teachers of rhetoric. however. calls his own brand of rhetoric φιλοσοφία and maintains that it is "a wisdom in practical affairs resulting in high moral consciousness and equated with mastery of the rhetorical technique".9 The same goal was professed by philosophers and hence there was a revival of the quarrel Grg. . that is. he requires that its practitioners have to be truthful. On the other hand. 5 In his Phaedrus he views the possibility of a right kind of rhetoric. are not interested in its psychology and only say what is pleasing to their listeners. . p. Plato's objections to contemporary rhetoric are that it is just a collection of recipes. Art of Persuasion. who after other scholars calls Aristotle's stance "amorale". had a high rating because they instructed aspiring politicians. moreover. 1:223:11-16 reports the rhetoricians' claim that τό μητέρα τών μαθημάτων και τών τεχνών είναι. Rhétorique. questions concerning the polis and all its citizens. T h e final stage occurs at the end of the period covered in this Handbook when in the commentaries of the neoplatonists and the late introductions to rhetoric another attempt is made to reconcile both disciplines. 7 Pernot. 515-19. την ρητορικήν and Hermagoras defines the subject matter of rhetoric as being πολιτικά ζητήματα. Phd. 89c-91c. reaching a climax in the second. finally. 7 Isocrates. teaching in rhetoric steeply declined until the start of the second century BC.198 DIRK M. its practitioners do not try to educate their audience. which is wholly subordinated to philosophy. 178. Consequendy. a movement starting at the end of the first century. not a well-ordered system. SCHENKE VELD of the philosophers-orators of the Second Sophistic. 6 5 . pp.

12 Phld. Basel: Schwabe. a matter from Aristode onwards reserved. 1:1. accepted by many others. many instructors of rhetoric are poor speakers. significandy. 13 Epicurus and his followers oppose rhetoric as being useless. 2:28:2-15. Finally. 125. Ε. the aspect of knowing the listeners' psyche is too often neglected. The main challenge to rhetoric is that it is not an art or expertise (τέχνη). which hostility should be seen within the framework of an adversity against all contemporary παιδεία. although with more orthodox Epicureans they still maintain that this art is not competent in instruction in forensic and symbouleutic oratory. 15 For the Stoics rhetoric is part of their philosophical system—they take over most of the traditional theory and. S. for philosophers. Additional arguments are that it is not useful for it does not make individuals or states happy and that an orator is often constrained to defend criminals. συντομία. which concerns written and impromptu speeches of an epideictic kind. 2:22:7-20 etc. " The well known Stoic definition of τέχνη. 13 F. extend Theophrastus's list of four άρεταί τής λέξεως with one more. brevity. De or. one can be a good orator without formal training and. Moreover. 10 T o this end. Die Schule des Aristoteles (2nd edn. M. rhetoricians included in their system training in θέσεις.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 199 on the art of rhetoric. as it were. Ε. Rh. X. Cicero reports debates on this subject held in the late second century by Charmadas the Academic and the rhetorician Metrodorus. 14 but Zeno of Sidon and his pupil Philodemus are sympathetic to a τέχνη σοφιστική. conversely. Thus Peripatetics like Theophrastus and Demetrius of Phaleron actively develop rhetorical theory but in the second century Critolaus with his pupils reject rhetoric. M. Rh. 2:910. It may also be indicative of their preferences that next to forensic and symbouleutic 10 Traditionally the revival is connected with the Athenian embassy of three philosophers to Rome in 155 BC (Cic. 15 Phld. .12 Thus the debate turns on the question whether one with Aristotle accepts rhetoric as an art even though like dialectic it does not belong to a specific field of knowledge. 1:155). The participants involve members of all schools of philosophy but one cannot say that one specific school always remains friendly or hostile towards rhetoric." and therefore the rhetorician is not an artist (τεχνικός). 14 S. but neglect to find a place for the audience in their system. 1:7:9-29. p. Wehrli. or rejects his argument. But the chief point of attack still is that rhetoric is not an organized body of knowledge and lacks its own domain. quaestiones infinitae (see chapter 4 above).. 1966).

though he offers a classification of θέσεις which is absent from the ordinary theory. 19 Fin. 18 Diog.. p. 21 Nevertheless. Therefore. or rehashing of old arguments.200 DIRK M. 4:7.17 This view makes it possible for Diogenes of Babylon to propose a Stoic theory of eloquence and at the same dme to oppose common rhetoric of his day. L. Ε. "Is Rhetoric an Art?". 107 (Stoic. like Cameades and Charmadas. p. SCHENKE VELD oratory they call the third one not epideictic (display oratory). the Stoic orator aspires to a very sober style. 2:9. Reconciliation between the two disciplines is attempted by Cicero in his De oratore. sciences can only be practised well by the infallible σοφός. 23 This revival. β. 22 Oral. 125.22 In the first centuries AD a revival of the old dispute may have come about. D. έπιστήμη χοΰ εύ λέγειν. Bab. De or. 7:142. Stoic. is mostly traditional. 19 Finally. however. Vett. and other. Quintilian and Sextus. S. ch. De or. the latter especially being known from Cicero's De oratore (1:84-93). 17 16 . L. Lectures. where he proposes the ideal of the orator perfectus. 21 Wisse. 16 Rhetoric is even called a science. Dionysius and the History of Archaic Rome (Sather Class. who are also very much interested in rhetoric. Cic. Cf. E. Galba. 20 Tusc. 1991). 1:1:2-5. but in their view this. 20. 7:41-42. But Philo of Larissa is said to have introduced rhetoric in the Academy curriculum. although the material in our sources. 99. 20 which fact. 23. though not without some embellishments although these are to him mere appendages. T h u s Olympiodorus (middle 6th century) admits that D. 2:6. the Academy produces many fierce opponents to rhetoric. Berkeley: University of California Press. have to reconcile Plato's stringent arguments against rhetoric with their own interests. Dionysius of Halicamassus is less demanding and after Isocrates calls his rhetoric ρητορικη φιλόσοφος or φιλοσοφία πολιτιιαΓ|. Philo's rhetorical instruction probably is very much like that of rhetorical schools. 3:110. 23 Barnes. Welsprekendheid. 56. Ill. is to be interpreted as an attack against the rhetoricians. n. as Aristode did. 210). M. does not contribute anything substantial to the dispute and can be omitted from discussion here. 18 Apart from this. 3:65. Cicero despises Stoic oratory. neoplatonic commentators. 142. but encomiastic. 2. who combines extensive knowledge of philosophy with perfect mastering of rhetorical techniques and attitudes. As to the attempts at reconciliation in late antiquity.

NY: Cornell University Press. L. Behr. and their own rhetoric. who is talking about a different kind of rhetoric. 116-22. which produced a lot of sophistphilosophers or philosophical sophists. the tropes of Pyrrho and even writes on the life-style of philosophers. De philosophia libn (BT.30 Aelius Aristides (ca. Kennedy. 1995). A. 1994). P. or aesthetic subjects. Leipzig: Teubner. A. Thomas. True rhetoric is divine and can only be practised by first becoming a philosopher. Dillon. Gleason. and a famous sophist like Favorinus of Arelate (Aries) (1st/2nd century) addresses in his lectures and conversations questions of natural philosophy. 30 KS 491. A prime example of this group is Dio Chrysostom of Prusa. Westerink.g. 281-83. Stoic logic and epistemology. 1908). 1995). repr. Kennedy. M. Cf. 230-56. Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Their status as philosophers is usually doubted and German scholars have initiated the denigrating designation of Halbphilosophen Olympiodorus In Platonis Gorgiam commentant (ed. 333. G. 27 Ed. moral. 1983). 24 Similar distinctions between kinds of rhetoric are found in the so-called Prolegomena. p.27 Using a series of phrases from the Phaedrus and the Gorgias he makes a case for good rhetoric. 31 In On Rhetoric. who use oratory to expound their views on political. Rabe in Prolegomenon Sylloge (Leipzig: Teubner. Philostratus deigns him worthy of the tide of sophist. 28 J. pp. 129-32.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 201 Socrates' definition of rhetoric in the Gorgias as a form of flattery is in itself right but Socrates is talking about popular rhetoric. primarily teachers of rhetoric and proficient in declamadon. trans. pp. and the philosophical sophists. 1931. in Rabe. 24 . Nevertheless. in C. pp. The Prolegomenon of Marcellinus. p. AD 125). Prolegomenon Sylloge. 117-189) does not reconcile both disciplines and strongly defends rhetoric by attacking Plato. Aelius Aristides: The Complete Works (Leiden: Brill. 26 E.29 Many of these call themselves both σοφιστής and φιλόσοφος. pp. G. pp. 131-32. ethics. 1981-86). which start in the fourth century. The Middle Platonists (Ithaca. W. Kennedy. 1970). introductions of later Greek teachers of rhetoric to their lectures. 25 By means of these distinctions it is possible for them to save both Plato. Apuleius III. 26 This endeavour of saving rhetoric has a forerunner in chapters 8 and 9 of De Platane of Apuleius of Madaura (born ca. A. Making Men: Sophists and Self-Presentation in Ancient Rome (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Cf. 28 Apuleius's attempt can be connected with the Second Sophistic movement. 1977). 29 See now G. Greek Rhetoric. 31 But Philostratus distinguishes between pure sophists. 33. A New History of Classical Rhetoric (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 25 Collected by H.

specifically those of rhetoricians. Thus Epicurus's condemnadon of rhetoric and dialectic implies avoidance of ornate style and all he asks for is clarity (σαφήνεια). 33 32 . I I I . 34 But this attempt belongs to the early twentieth century tendency to detect everywhere Stoic ideas and influence. SCHENKE VELD but one should not forget that their contemporaries commonly accepted them as being philosophers also. to be continued by Quintilian. The pages on Stoic theory of style in M. "The Failure of Stoic Rhetoric". L. 392-427. pp. J U D G M E N T S ON P H I L O S O P H I C A L STYLES AND STYLES O F PHILOSOPHERS Both philosophers and non-philosophers in antiquity left statements on the styles to be used by philosophers and on their actual styles. L. The Influence of the Stoic Theory of Style as Shown in the Writings of Dionysius. C.. and in the commentaries of the Neoplatonists. This expectation is also based on the consideration that from about 200/150 BC onwards authors of any repute would have had some training in rhetoric. having its culmination in Cicero's magnificent ideal of the orator perfectus. I. The Stoic Tradition from Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. 9:13 and Quint. L. and Lit.. These authors may well have an axe to grind D. 56 60 are disappointing.33 From this passage and from Cicero Off. Ser.".202 DIRK M. Cf. 1:132 some scholars have deduced a specifically Stoic theory of style. Inst. 205-72.32 whereas among their five virtues of style the Stoics include ornament but only in so far as it is compatible with brevity and avoids vulgarity. Judgments of non-philosophers. which very much influenced Roman authors. one cannot detect stylistic traits which mark off Stoic authors from those of other schools. 3 (1906). 7:59. As far as the texts discussed in this whole section are concerned. Quintilian. Philol. Leiden: Brill. C. This history of an ancient dispute shows a gradual reconciliation between philosophy and rhetoric. CQ. this being one of the standard disciplines taught in the εγκύκλιος παιδεία. Stoicism in Classical Latin Literature (2nd edn. pp. 2:17:15. pp. 34 E. In accordance with this picture we may expect that in the course of antiquity philosophical treatises show influence from rhetoric to a gradually increasing extent. "Ladnitas and Ε Λ Λ Η Ν Ι Σ Μ Ο Σ . 1990). 38 (1988). Smiley. are seldom enthusiastic. Colish. D. Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin. N .. Atherton.g..

Budé. 1887). Paris: Les Belles Lettres. precision and style and that their works do not afford any pleasure at all. arrangement. these judgments often offer a fascinating view of the reactions of non-specialist readers of philosophical writings. 42 35 36 Tusc. O n e common complaint is that their writings are often obscure. M. p. 1997). These and other judgments in H. a friend of Cicero. 4:79. pp. Welsprekendheid. 3 ' Comp. 39 5:187c. D. 38 Prog. In the prologue of book two of the Tusculanae disputationes Cicero polemically describes the style of works written by Epicurean Romans.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 203 and one should always take into account the circumstances under which their statements are expressed. he mendons the "choir of Epicureans" who care nothing for literary composition. 3:66.l. Epicurea (Leipzig: Teubner. in RG. 204-205. Orationis Ratio. 24. Historians and Philosophers (Amsterdam: Hakkert. See now Aelius Theon. p. Their works are said to be written with charm and fullness of presentation. nevertheless. and in general completely useless for an orator. Leeman. 71:7 Spengel. Usener. for parallels. II. post. . Their definitions are exact but often use many notions in a way opposed to common language. Progymnasmata (ed. A. Patillon. Cicero commends Epicurus for his σαφήνεια and ελληνισμός. They claim to be indifferent to definition. pp. 88-90. Leeman. 1:5. 41 The style of the two latter schools is very much praised by Cicero. Manlius Torquatus. 122:8ff. 42 Brut. even apologizes for this lack of ornament in Epicurus's works. cf. pp. 38 Athenaeus stresses his lack of prose rhythm. Orationis Ratio: The Stylistic Theories and Practice of the Roman Orators. and trans. But Cicero can be more friendly and praise Epicurus for expressing his meaning adequately and giving a plain intelligible statement. a. 37 and whereas Aelius Theon censures Epicurus for writing excessively rhythmical prose. Wisse. Cf. Ac.35 The Epicurean L. 39 The style of Stoics was also not considered to be attractive. 40 De or. 1963). 201-203. 2:7-8. the very first two virtutes dicendi\ Their style is dry. 36 But such a favourable judgment is not to be found when Dionysius of Halicamassus refers to Epicurean writings. They are therefore guilty of faults against ελληνισμός and σαφήνεια. But Panaetius apparendy imitates the style of Academics and Peripatetics and rejects the Stoic crabbedness. 41 De fin. who strives for perspicuitas and even embellishes his works. In other words. Usener-Radermacher. 120-21. 40 For philosophical wridngs Cicero makes an excepdon for Panaedus.

is often ignored in antiquity.46 In the fourth century BC it has as its aim a change of conduct in the readers or the characters in a text (usually in the field of ethics) or. These aims may be expressed explicitly (e. Pers. though found in Posidonius's classification. 46 Posidonius: Sen. Stud. υποθετικός or by other designations. class. R.44 exhortatio)45 is one of the few literary genres recognized as such by ancient philosophers. From the Hellenistic period onwards. 43 . Rh. the wider aim of changing a person's conduct is mainly found in the diatribe (section VI below).. Ep. [Plato]. Greek Rhetoric after Aristotle: A Collection of Papers in Honour of D. z. Schenkeveld (Amsterdam: Free University Press. 309-34 and S. Slings and I. De exhortationum a Graecis Romanisque scriptarum historia et indole (Leipz. All Hellenistic protreptics Literature: P. Phil. e. then he is told how to continue his new life. 1995). 95:1. 69-106. whereas the protreptic is concerned with converting a person to the study of philosophy.g. A Commentary on the Platonic Clitophon (Amsterdam: Acad. 2:7:2. Phd. pp. for any admonition to apply oneself to any other discipline (music. "dissuasion". Stoics. "Ancient Philosophic Protreptic". M. Commentary. in J. pp. like Posidonius and Philo of Larissa. Sluiter (eds. pp. Epicureans and other philosophers. 47 T h e difference between the two types seems related to two stages the prospective student has to go through: first he must be won for philosophy. RhetoHca 4 (1986). Arist. pp. 11. 64a4-69e5 with its unvoiced conclusion that philosophy is necessary in order to attain happiness). 1889). D. Leipzig. 47 Slings. R. rhetoric) can be called thus. in contrast with αποτροπή. S.). SCHENKEVELD P R O T R E P T I C AND PARAENESIS Α. which consists of a series of concrete rules of conduct.204 IV. to win someone for philosophy. and called as such.g. Abbenes. A distinction is often made between protreptic as giving general arguments for changing one's conduct and paraenesis. 1981). Protreptic is not exclusively restricted to philosophy. Hartlich. and not always maintained in modern studies either. medicine. Philo: Stob.Jordan. 207-336.M. 70-73. 45 In rhetoric the word has the more general sense of "persuasion". Slings. ϋφηύιοηΛ The philosophic protreptic 43 (λόγος προτρεπτικός. "Protreptic in Ancient Theories of Philosophical Literature". I:3:1358b9. Alcibiades I) or implicidy (PI. R. S. DIRK M. R. pp. T h e need to proselytize is felt by all schools of philosophy and we know of protreptics written by Peripatetics. Slings. 44 Also called παραινετικός. 173-92. T h e latter distinction. in a stricter sense.

52 Aug. άπιτεον. Β 110). 49 Protreptic or paraenetic parts of texts belonging to a different type are not discussed here. α ρήοή makes the view probable that this kind of text uses persuasive techniques found in rhetoric. 1968) = Fr. si aut exstingui tranquille volumus cum in his artibus vixerimus. C. in the manner of Aristotle's Protrepticus (Fr. though not having this designation. Protrepdcs appear in various forms. Epicurus's third letter is nowadays often called a protreptic. which cannot give a strong basis for a stylistic judgment. pp. 229-31.. 100 in L. . 3:4:7: librum . and therefore bland exposition of what philosophy is about will run the risk of not persuading the other person. BC see Slings Commentary.51 with an impressive peroration: Quapropter.. 15. Burgess. 115 GriUi (Naples. or.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 205 explicitly called thus are now lost. vita. . 4. in his studiis omnis opera et cura ponenda est. as far as we know. Phil. but. 48 . aut si ex hac in aliam haud paulo meliorem domum sine mora demigrare. there is no favourite form. . η . and we have it in its complete form. in Class. 1902). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 50 Beat. Ciceros Hortensius (Europ. 3. to win over someone to study philosophy. For the situation in the 4th cent. . Bern: Lang. The addressee of the message is an outsider. Epideictic literature (Stud. 49 The very aim of protreptic. A useful survey is in T. 51 Düring: ή φιλοσοφητέον . 1976). For many protreptics from the Hellenistic and later periods we cannot test this statement because of the lack of relevant texts in their original form.9.48 However. Conf. Along with this are De mundo ascribed to Aristode and some texts of Philodemus. dialogue (Cicero's Hortensius). cuius linguam fere omnes admirantur. 14:19:26 = Fr. someone not yet wholly dedicated to philosophy. This dialogue ended. 78-83. From the Roman period we have Themistius's Προτρεπτικός Νικομηδεΰσιν εις φιλοσοφίαν and Iamblichus's Protreptikos. Hochschulschr. Τήη. at least. . letter (Epicurus). 52 but most fragments consist of individual words. . anthology (Iamblichus). Thus Augustine's enthusiasm for Cicero's Hortensius50 may be quite understandable in view of Cicero being the author but we only have a few fragments which may justify Augustine's reaction. ut aliquando terminetur oratio. pp. StraumeZimmermann. such as discourse (Aristode). Ciceronis.

who may well be sons of the same person. Bailey. L. is not like a mortal being. knowledge about desires and pleasure. 53 .. SCHENKE VELD Β. in. He then goes through those elements. Teub. Sbordone. Adv. ζήση δε ώς θεός έν άνθρώποις. especially because it starts with the admonition to study philosophy. 10:122-135.g. one should exercise oneself (μελετάν) in the things which bring happiness. Schmid. 55 Phld. Epicurus: Epistulae très et ratae sententiae (Bibl.206 DIRK M. having a simple life and knowing that prudence (φρόνησις) is the beginning of all this and the best thing. After this prologue Epicurus addresses Menoeceus directly and tells him to do and exercise himself in what Epicurus often told him.g. Naples: Loffredo. Hildesheim: Olms. Almost nothing is known about this man. 1947). 56 D. 1970). I6 13-15 (ed. He ends by summarizing the happy life of the one who knows all these things and then comes back to his first admonitions: Ταΰτα ούν καί τά τούτοις συγγενή μελέτα προς σεαυτόν ημέρας και νυκτός πρός <τε> τόν ομοιον σεαυτφ. Examples 1. holding them to be the elements of the right life. Epicurus: The Extant Fragments (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1922). For a man who lives among immortal blessings. von der Miihll. soph. "precepts": e. 10:28. e. W. Separate edn. no fear of death. repr. there D. It is tempting to see this letter as an example of protreptic. C. Therefore. RE Sup. cols. A text very much kindred to protrepdc is the third letter Epicurus (341-270) 53 writes to Menoeceus. 11 (1968). Steckel. Meditate therefore on these things and things akin to them during the day by yourself and at night with the like of you. ούθέν γαρ έ'οικε θνήτφ ζώφ ζών άνθρωπος έν άθανάτοις άγαθοΐς (10:135). and nowadays this view has been expressed more than once. 1926. 55 Together with two other letters this letter is preserved because Diogenes Laertius presents these three as containing the epitome of Epicurus's philosophy. right opinions concerning the gods. fr. for teaching us to lead a happy life. Trans. 54 Books containing instructions often have as their tide παραγγέλματα. Plutarch's παραγγέλματα πολιτικά. 57 H. P.. and in another context "sons of Menoeceus" are mentioned. and never shall you be disturbed waking or asleep. "Epikuros". 56 It starts with an admonition to study philosophy during one's whole life. και ουδέποτε οΰθ' ϋπαρ οϋτ' δναρ διαταραχθήση.57 However. 621-22. L. although from 10:123 (α δέ συνεχώς παρήγγελλον)54 it appears that Epicurus has been in touch with him several times. viz. "Epikuros". but you shall live like a god among men. Leipzig: Teubner.

Let no one when young delay to study philosophy. Epicure: Scritti morali (I Classici della Bur L. άνύποπτον ό θάνατος.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 207 seems to be no need for Epicurus to persuade Menoeceus to begin with philosophical studies but to instruct him how to do so. and C. in contrast with its two companions. 621. Sbordone). ] Wherefore both when young and old a man must study philosophy. T h e very first lines (10:122) contain many instances of anaphora and antithesis: Μήτε νέος τις ών μελλέτω φιλοσοφείν. For no one can c o m e too early or too late to secure the health of his soul. and so that in youth he may be old as well since he will know no fear of what is to come. 4:9-14 (ed. xli-xliii) onwards scholars tend to ignore or neglect this view. Serra. Milan: Rizzoli. Exhortationum. Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (LEC. [. Diano and G. col. μήτε γέρων υπάρχων κοπιάτω φιλοσοφών· οΰτε γάρ άωρος ουδείς έστιν οΰτε πάρωρος πρός τό κατά ψυχήν ύγιαϊνον. soph. but from Usener (Epicurea. . και τάγαθόν μέν εΰκτητον. but now also with homoeoteleuton. . cols. p. RAC 5 (1962). 59 The third letter. p. 58 Thus. in C. [ . άλλ' οτι λυπεί μέλλων. προσδοκώμενον κενώς λυπεί (10:125). . τό δέ δεινόν εΰεκκαρτέρητον. Ö γάρ παρόν ούχ ένοχλεΐ. Similar. Stowers. Diano. 691-95 and S. Adv. death no worries. "the fourfold remedy". Philadelphia: Westminster Press. evil is readily obdurable. 1987). And while good is readily attainable. . too. . These concern the same topics as the first Κύριαι Δόξαι and what is expressed in the so-called Τετραφάρμακος.] ώστε φιλοσοφητέον καί νέω καί γέροντι. Hartlich. has a disdncdy literary character. . let no one when he is old grow weary of studying philosophy. It starts as a protreptic by its general admonition to spend one's life in studying philosophy 58 but then it switches to a more paraenetic form by giving concrete advice on which subjects Menoeceus should meditate. Κ. containing the essential message of Epicurean ethics: άφοβον ό θεός. τφ μέν οπως γηράσκων νεάζη τοις άγαθοίς δια τήν χάριν τών γεγονότων. so that as he grows old he may be young in blessings through the grateful recollection of what has been. 1986). This letter has therefore a slighdy different character. 59 Phld. pp. is the following part: ώστε μάταιος ό λέγων δεδιέναι τον θάνατον ούχ οτι λυπήσει παρών. τω δέ οπως νέος άμα καί παλαιάς ή δια τήν άφοβίαν τών μελλόντων. God presents no fear. 116. 129.

Norden. " (10:133-34). Initially. to envisage. . . xli. . whereas one time only we meet with a striking metaphor: λύεται ό της ψυχής χειμών (10:128). indeed. For.. 2 analyses some lines. Epicurus by means of imperatives (five times in 10:123-24) and similar forms (two times in 10:127) tells Menoeceus what.?"). In his Κύριαι Δόξαι. 93. and is at all times free from fear of death . p. w h o d o you think is a better man than he w h o holds reverent opinions concerning the gods. especially when Epicurus summarizes what he has said before or introduces what he goes on to say. 62 Usener. which reverts to the imperadve. 62 The peroration is a summary of the good life of the wise man and is put into the form of a rhetorical question ("Who is in your opinion superior than the man who . apart from some cases but these come under the category of admissible hiatus. SCHENKE VELD S o that the man speaks idly w h o says to fear death not because it will be painful w h e n it comes.208 DIRK M. whereas it ends thus: κρείττον είναι νομίζοντος εύλογίστως άτυχείν ή άλογίστως ε ύ τ υ χ ε ΐ ν βέλτιον γάρ έν ταΐς πράξεσι τό καλώς κριθέν <μή όρθωθηναι ή τό μή καλώς κριθεν> όρθωθηναι δια ταύτην 60 Ε.61 Hiatus is absent almost everywhere. and how.. For the rest the letter develops its exposition in a tranquil way. but because it is painful in anticipation. a collection of aphorisms. p. . Epicurea. Agnostos Theos (Leipzig: Teubner. in which every point to be made comes in the form of a participle in the genitive dependent on "than the man who .. These ornamental expressions with a prose rhythm of their own 60 occur in short phrases. 61 . but after this he goes on by expounding what "we" Epicureans think and keeps to this mode until the final paragraph. 1912). n. thereby avoiding complex arguments and technical jargon. The first instances sufficiendy show the structure of the whole clause: τίνα νομίζεις είναι κρείττονα του καί περί θεών οσια δοξάζοντος καί περί θανάτου δια παντός άφόβως έχοντος καί τό τής φύσεως έπιλελογισμένου τέλος κτλ. Epicurus has a pleasing gift of metaphor.

άλλ' οίον έπί του μεγάλου βασιλέως ιστορείται. μάλλον ή ώς διήκουσα καί φοιτώσα ενθα μή καλόν μηδέ εϋσχημον αύτουργεί τά έπί γης. . Τοΰτο μέν γάρ ούδέ άνθρώπων ήγεμόσιν άρμόττει [ . Famous is the comparison between the power of the deity and that of the Great King in Persia. 63 and the best that Cicero can praise in Epicurus's writings does not go beyond that they can be clear and have correct Greek. It is therefore better. viz. For it is better in a man's actions that what is well chosen should fail. . Bollingen Series. Aristotelis De Mundo (Paris: Les Belles Lettres.2. δ καί πρέπον έστι και θεώ μάλιστα άρμόζον. anaphora and figura etymologica are found more than once. 65 D. 1984). 221-55. 1933). trans. T h e reason is found in the aim of the letter. Schenkeveld. Barnes. Bos. even as it is more seemly and befitting for God. after which come the words quoted above. He dedicates what follows to Alexander the Great. 64 But this letter has much more. a text written between 350 and 250 BC.65 and authorship of which is still under debate. See section III above. From here onwards the text contains a systematic account of the cosmos and God. rather than that what is ill chosen should be successful owing to chance. The pseudo-aristotelian Περί κόσμου. M. The two other letters differ considerably from this letter in style and manner of presentation. pp. .". L. the use of synonyms to express one idea is frequent. . P. Though the subject is itself lofty. viz. The way this is introduced is indicative of the style of the treadse in general: Κρείττον ούν ΰπολαβειν. Lorimer. II Trattato sul Cosmo per Alessandro attribuito ad Aristotele (Milan: Centra di ricerche di metafisica. 2. "Language and Style of the Aristotelian De Mundo. to persuade Menoeceus to meditate and thus reach the level of the happy philosopher.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 209 He therefore thinks it better to be unfortunate in reasonable action than to prosper in unreason. ώς έ'νι γε ειπείν. specifically its theological part in the cosmos. ώς ή έν ουρανώ δύναμις ιδρυμένη καί τοις πλείστον άφεστηκόσιν. 66 begins by stadng the author's admiration of philosophy. who is also interested in these matters. καί σύμπασιν αίτιος γίνεται σωτηρίας. Text: W. 54 63 . Reale and A. Elenchos 12 (1991). and isocolon and homoeoteleuton. 1995). ] . Princeton: Princeton University Press. J. to suppose that the power which is established in the heavens is the cause of permanence even in those things which are furthest removed This may be due to their contents. it is still a surprise to have here a treatise written in a high-flown style. 66 G. 71. The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised Oxford Translation (ed. physical theories. T h e amount of poetical words is high. .

La révélation d'Hermès Trismégiste. Il buon re secondo Omero (La scuola di Epicuro. 33-47 with a discussion of different interpretations of this much mutilated text.69 Its style is said to be accordingly more limpid and selective than in other writings of Philodemus but one may doubt this statement. έφ' μη δεσποτικην άναχωρήσαντες πάλι τά σπουδαία βασιλεΐ παραινώμενκαί τραχύ τι έθος καί πικρόν έχθαίρειν καί πραότητα δ' έπιείκειαν καί τό βασιλέως ήμερον καί σχέσεως οσον πλείστον. bibliques. II.. . for these are things which bring him to a firmly established monarchy and not to a tyranny based on fear. Paris: Lecoffre. ώς φοροΰντα προς ευσταθή μοναρχίαν καί φόβω δυναστείαν. 1949). ch. The whole introductory chapter is one encomium of philosophy. Turning away from this subject (of royal behaviour at banquets) let us give again serious recommendations to the king: to hate harsh and rough and bitter comportment. as much as possible. rather than to hold that it passes forth and travels to and fro to places which become and befit it not and personally administers the affairs of this earth. An example is col. 69 Dorandi. Festugière. 68 Ed. 1982). . in which the author expresses his pity for authors dealing with such mundane subjects as places and rivers of the earth. and practise gentleness as well as fairness and royal mildness and a harmonious behaviour. Among the texts preserved on papyrus in Herculaneum is one which belongs to a specific paraenetic type. For indeed. whereas to speak about the cosmos is much loftier. 67 3. 14. as w e might say. . but Homer's text is merely a source of ideas which—and this is Philodemus's paraenesis—should be applied by a patronus to his clims. Le Dieu cosmique (Etud. and indeed in everything.] but rather they should act as it is recorded was done in the time of the Great King. to superintend any and every operation does not become even the rulers a m o n g mankind [.J. SCHENKE VELD from it. Dorandi. T. 67 A. It is in accordance with its protreptic character that several times the author indicates that he only gives the main points. In his Περι του καθ' "Ομηρον άγαθοΰ βασιλέως (De bono rege secundum Homerum)68 Philodemus offers his patronus Piso an exposition of the correct behaviour of kings and commanders in Homer's epics. Omero. 24: άπό δή τούτου αύστηρόν μέν δ ι α σ κ ε ι ν καί άρμονικόν. 3. 2nd edn. Not only in this way does he exhort others to do philosophy of the cosmos but at the end he explicitly exhorts Alexander to do so. Naples: Bibliopolis. According to Festugière this shows that the text belongs to the isagogic genre but a different explanation seems preferable. This treatise can best be classified as a protreptic text. pp.210 DIRK M.

the various sayings are geared to build up arguments. Porphyre. άπό δέ τούτου άναβατέον έπί τόν θείον. a paraphrasis as well as a correction of the protreptic of Posidonius. Dillon. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.. lamblichi Chalcidensis in Platonis dialogos commentanorum fragmenta (Phil. In 303 he was on a long voyage and wrote a long letter to his wife Marcella. is wrong. which could also be put into syllogisms.72 Moreover. and it may be wrong to deal with the letter under this heading. Ep. des Places. ends with advice on how to conduct herself towards her house slaves. but this view. Reinhardt. as we have it. "the Pythagorean Sequence".71 As has been demonstrated by Pötscher. RE s. It is at first a consolatory letter. T h e salient point in this kind of paraenesis is that it is a string of wise sayings. 19-20. although Poseidonius did write a "Protreptikos" (Frs. p. 74 It culminates in a secdon on Pythagorean symbols and prohibitions.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 211 4.. 90 contains. which stems from the early 19th century. 5. Porphyry (AD 234-301/5). Ant. Leiden: Brill. 73 J. Lettre à Marcella (CUF. 1969). It is true that nowhere in the letter do we find expressions reminding us of the protreptic vocabulary. 72 W. 27): κατανοητέον ούν πρώτον σοι τόν της φύσεως νόμον. 15. pp. 23. which ordered nature's law. and is the second volume of a ten-volume collection called Συναγωγή Πυθαγορικη. 94-100. Προς Μαρκέλλαν (Phil. E. "Ancient Philosophic Protreptic". 11 onwards becomes a kind of paraenesis. 70 Porphyry instructs her in what philosophy teaches and what she should think upon. pp. δς καί τόν της φύσεως διέταξε νόμον. Ant. for example in a passage with assonance created by identical word-endings (ch. according to Jordan.v. 1-3 Edelstein-Kidd). The letter. when already old. see K. First you should consider nature's law and rise from there to the divine law. Pötscher. a widow with seven children. Porphyry's bridge-passages have a force of their own. 74 Sen. thereby enabling scholars to reconstruct Aristotle's work of that name. AD) has as its title προτρεπτικός εις φιλοσοφίαν. Porphyries. 73 T h e Protreptikos is a collection of extracts from previous philosophers. the famous Neoplatonist. Vie de Pythagore. άφ' ών ορμώμενη ούδαμοΰ εύλαβήση τόν εγγραφον. 805. 1973). 311 and other scholars. Prophyre. The Protreptikos of Iamblichus (4th cent. pp. 71 Des Places. All the various parts Ed. 3ff. married. Starting from these you'll not be afraid of the written law. col. "protreptic to philosophy". but the original contained more. but from ch. 70 . many of which are known from anthologies. 1982). Leiden: Brill. "Poseidonios von Apameia".

The plan of the original work is totally obscured so that all stress is laid on individual pieces of protreptic wisdom. 78 Hartlich. Norman. unless implicidy. 78 The twenty-fourth oration shows how loosely the designation προτρεπτικός can be used for it does not exhort the Nicomedians to study philosophy. esp. Stegemann. Bibl. which consists of a selection of materials coming from every school of philosophy. 6. Downey and A. 1965-74). 326-27. pp. 9) and philosophicus (Or. we may well skip this example of protreptic. G. Leipzig-Stuttgart: Teubner. 1642-1680. "Ancient Philosophic Protreptic". who also writes the introducdon. whereas the philosophical one may elicit protest. The rhetorical protreptic (= not an exhortation to rhetoric. 24). the subject he discusses in the last chapter. T h e principle ordering this approach is not uniform nor easy to detect. Teub. and the mixture of philosophy and rhetoric is depicted as a chorus of young men dancing harmoniously.. Themistii orationes quae supersunt (3 vols. RE 2:10 (1934). Themistius wishes to prove that philosophy should be coupled with the grace and sweetness of rhetoric to have an impact on its audience. except for its interest as to the disposition of the whole work. 1663-64 and 1672-76. Iamblichus tends to abbreviate his quotations. SCHENKEVELD are linked by passages written by Iamblichus himself. thereby reducing the protreptic structures to something which is like Pythagorean symbols. Both philosophy and rhetoric are described as persons with their distinct stature. cols. Exhortationum. 77 In this respect it joins the group of Fürstenspiegel texts.212 DIRK M. Taken in this way Iamblichus's principle of ordering has everything to do with his own philosophical approach to Pythagorean wisdom.. p. AD 317-388). 76 75 . A final example is a Protreptic towards philosophy for the people of Nicomedia by the rhetor and philosopher Themistius (ca. Since the abstracts come from pre-Hellenisdc philosophers and the introduction is written in the common expository style of philosophical works of late antiquity. begun by Xenophon's Cyropaedia. but this is an admonitory oration to the young prince Valentinianus and contains an exposition of the virtues of a commander 77 as well as much praise for the Emperor Valens. 75 In order to approach the doctrines of Pythagoras and his students one should begin with a common preparation. "Ancient Philosophic Protrepdc". pp. F. 326-29 distinguishes both orations as being respectively protrepticus rhetoricus (Or. thus Jordan. 312) is an admonition to virtues no one will disagree with. The orator develops this theme by quoting and explaining many passages from clas- Jordan. W. habits and clothes. 76 His ninth oration is also called προτρεπτικός. "Themistios" (2).

"Themistios". But this feature may well be there by design in order to attain the simplicity (αφέλεια) advocated by rhetorical handbooks. Obviously he thinks Plato's ethics more at home in orations for a greater public. in his orations he almost nowhere quotes this philosopher. The philosophy one finds here is of the same general ethical kind as in non-philosophical orations. Plato and Aristotle The dialogues of Plato have very much influenced our thoughts on what a dialogue is. T h e hall of philosophy is not wholly void of graces. Important is his avoidance of hiatus in his public orations whereas his talks often admit it. 101:11-17 Downey-Norman): ούκ έστι χαρίτων έ'ρημος παντελώς ή φιλοσοφίας αυλή. Themistius's style79 is that of the orators of his time: often long orations. DIALOGUE80 A.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 213 sical writers. ά λ λ α την Άφροδίτην άεί συμπλέκειν ταΐς Μούσαις προθυμησόμεθα · άδελφαί γάρ άλλήλων καί τήν κοινωνίαν άσπάζονται. V. οΰδ' αν στήσαιμέν ποτε ΰμΐν χορόν άμοιροΰντα σώφονος ηδονής. and the goddesses do not encamp apart from our schools of philosophy. and stories. In other words. 1672-76. Themistius is one of the first writers to observe the basic rule of early Byzantine prose (Meyer's Law) on the clausula. that between the last two accents of a sentence there are two or four non-accented syllables. examples. being sisters they welcome togetherness also. in which a clear dispositio is not his first concern. Dialogue is here restricted to a literary form of conversation in which two or more participants discuss one or more problems put forward by one participant. but we always wish to combine Aphrodite and the Muses. as appears from the lines containing the main theme of this oration (p. cols. as a true rhetorician the orator has his public in mind when composing his works. ούδέ άποσκηνοΰσιν αί θεαί πόρρω τών ημετέρων μουσείων. nor would we ever put up for you a chorus not sharing in temperate pleasure either. 80 . Though Themistius also published paraphrases of Aristotelian works. Plato is very often quoted or referred to. He avoids monotony by introducing anecdotes. but their literary greatness and important contents ' 9 Stegemann.

In the earlier dialogues Socrates confesses his own ignorance. 1895). "Dialogos". Further. whose views have been accepted by most scholars. and none of them imposes his own view without being challenged. "Dialogus". Hess-Lüttich. Dialog. pp. Aristotle's dialogues. and in some dialogues Aristotle has the role of the main character. In Xenophon's Memorabilia we read many short dialogues and his Symposium is another example of this type. F. See also E. but not much of these has survived. Phaedo). gradually exposes that of his partners (ελεγχος) and brings them towards further research (προτρεπτικός). 606-21. Schmid. SCHENKE VELD may easily make us forget that this kind of philosophical dialogue neither is the only possible one. I. These persons present their views in lengthy antithetic expositions.6 9 one may query Hirzel's interpretation of the words Aristotelio more (Fam. Hirzel. . B. of the conversation. the Laws. Gradually.214 DIRK M. has nothing more of the vividness and directness of the early dialogues. nor was the only type in the fifth and fourth centuries BC. by which the last dialogue. for Περί φιλοσοφίας it is likely that it contained three books. 2) and rather take them as not looking at Aristotelian dialogues but at his method of instruction (disputalio in utramque partem).81 Socrates' pupils like Antisthenes and Aeschines write their kind of Socratic dialogue. Plato's dialogues are not uniform: apart from the difference between his dramatic or mimetic dialogues (e. Der Dialog: Ein literarhistorischer Versuch (2 vols. 81 R. 1575-77 (with references and literature). 724-25. Leipzig: Hirzel. this combined action starts to disappear together with the immediately appealing characterization of the participants. dKP 2 (1967). Now the participants most of the time give their exposition in a kind of monologue. "Dialog". 6 7 . deciding on the problem put forward. II. With Leeman-Pinkster. have a distinctly different character. 1:9:23) as meaning "längere mit einander abwechselnde Reden der einzelner Gesprächspersonen" (p. Meno) and the reported ones. G. 1993-). LAW ( 1965) cols. I. Thus. in which someone reports a dialogue (e. Cicero. W. each introduced by a prooemium and in which the author himself (Aristotle) was one of the participants in the discussion: Plato's "anonymity" has been abandoned. Wehrli. pp. T h e participants try by a combined effort to further their knowledge. like Theophrastus and which discussion dominates the whole.g. however.g. preserved in fragments only. 82 Hirzel. interrupted at time by one of the other speakers. or the main part. 82 This kind of dialogue is to all appearances continued in the writings of Peripatetics. Historisches Wörterbuch der Rhetorik (Tübingen: Niemeyer. 276 n.. cols. 272-300. pp. a gradual evolution is noticeable. and the colourful description of the scenery— and Socrates is even absent from the discussion in Plato's last dialogue.

17. 86 Often the interlocutor is anonymous. constitute together with genuine short dialogues of Plato a class of their own. Die Kurzdialoge der Appendix platonica (Studia et test. 33-39. p. 87 From the 3rd/2d cent. 84 83 . pp. YV. 86 C. 211-14. ending with a summarizing phrase. The theme of the discussion is usually immediately submitted and there is a clearly structured composition. apparently) reports a discussion he has witnessed. Πολίταις μέν γάρ και οίκείοις λέγουσι πιστεύειν εικός Hirzel. De iusto. pp. let alone their style. but the narrator ends by confessing that he is not convinced of the truth of either's views. V. Slings.83 B. In this way the author shows his scepticism. 85 Slings. ant. The three dialogues in the Demodocus87 have much in common: each time a narrator (Socrates.84 written between 350 and the first or second century AD. pp. A selection from the third dialogue gives an impression of what has been said: 'Ανθρώπου τις κατηγορεί εύήθειαν οτι ταχέως καί τοις τυχοΰσιν άνθρώποις λέγουσι πιστεύοι. Text: Burnet's Plato. but also in those of other Hellenistic philosophers. There is no description of a scenic background or other circumstances. 272-421. Alcyon. Sisyphus. CommenUiry. Kurzdialoge. I. and in the three discussions of the Demodocus everyone is so. De virtute. 327-29 and the review by S.. Müller. and in which the result is a call for further investigation. Before this the dialogues unfold by means of antilogies when someone attacks a popular truth taken for granted by someone else. Mnemosyne 31 (1978). 85 They show the development of Academic philosophy in that their Socrates evolves from the protreptic and aporetic participant through a more dogmatic stage towards a sceptic who propagates έποχή or an admirer of Pythagoras. pp. Pseudoplatonic Dialogues Plato's dialogue tradition continues in the pseudoplatonic dialogues. Munich: Fink. 1975). cf.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 215 Heraclides of Pontus. We know of a considerable number of dialogue writers in this period but almost always have to guess at their contents. 271. which fact together with anonymity may be due to a wish to stress the universal validity of what is said. Demodocus consists of two parts by different authors: (1) a symbouleudc speech and (2) three very short reported dilalogues. R. Müller. BC. Among these the shorter ones (Kurzdialoge). Dialog.

I. and whether these are those that deserve trust and know what they are talking about. or one's friends and acquaintances. For. short though they may be. Dialog. SCHENKEVELD έστι· τοιούτοις δ' άνθρώποις ους οΰτε είδεν οΰτε ήκουσε πρότερον αυτών. καί πότερον τοις πιστοίς καί τοις είδόσι περί ών λέγουσιν ή τοις οίκείοις καί τοις γνωρίμοις. About this then. This connection has no sense in so far as these dialogues. but they are too long and have too much argument just to serve as illustration. These dialogues. Cicero was the 88 Müller. In Rome. that is not a small sign of silliness. Καί τών παρόντων τις έ'φη· Έγώ δέ ωμην σε τόν ταχύ καί του τυχόντος αν αίσθανόμενον πολλού νομίζειν άξιον είναι μάλλον ή τόν βραδέως (385c2~d3). it is reasonable to trust what your fellow-citizens and your friends say. or something else. pp. known as one of the school exercises in rhetoric (progymnasmata)I. T h e narrator ends thus (386c5-9): Ταΰτ' ούν λεγόντων αύτών ήπόρουν τίσι ποτέ δει πιστεύειν καί τίσιν οΰ. but to put faith in such people you've neither met nor heard before [ . after Hirzel. These dialogues have been connected 88 to the χρεία (chreia. can be put in a context of illustrating Socrates' sceptical approach. A chreia is to be used as a short tale in order to illustrate an acdon. . Περί τούτων ούν πώς συ νομίζεις. C.216 DIRK M. what do you think? T h e narrator finally addresses the man to whom he reports the discussion thus suggesting that they will continue this discussion. have more than anecdotal meaning. S o m e o n e accused another of simplicity because he was inclined to promptly put faith in what persons he did not know intimately told him. 145-46. but as a true sceptic he gives no hint whatsoever that they will succeed where others failed. O n e of the m e n present there said: "But I thought you hold the opinion that the man w h o quickly understands something is of more value than one w h o does so slowly". 270 and 322. pp. ] . he said. ] . Cicero After the Hellenistic period the philosophical dialogue had its renaissance. While they were speaking thus I was at a loss concerning w h o are to be trusted and w h o not. like the dialogues in Xenophon's Memorabilia. Kurzdialoge. . a habit. . πιστεύειν [ . it is true. . . ήλιθιότητος σημεΐον ού σμικρόν είναι. first in Rome and later elsewhere. or anecdote).

99— 111. in his Orator he asks for a more moderate style in a philosophical work. 2:7-8. no ferocity. Here is not the place to sketch his reasons for doing so and to give an account of his philosophical ideas. nec vincta numeris. pure and modest virgin. pp. 89 . Cicero. 93 Or. Paratore (ed. but is loose in structure. 90 Modern discussion of various aspects in the introductory chapters by LeemanPinkster. 1962).). nihil atrox. "Cicero's Contribution to Philosophy". sed soluta liberius. The style of philosophers is gentle and academic. Moreover. 62-64. after giving general information stress must here be put on the linguistic and rhetorical aspects of his philosophical dialogues. because almost the whole of Cicero's philosophical writing is still extant. II (Roma: Centra di studi Cicer. sublimity. it is not arranged in rhythmical periods. 89 The reason why Cicero prefers the dialogue form to that of a treatise is to be found not only in the Greek tradition (see above on the Greek dialogue) but also in the scope the dialogue gives to Cicero to show his abilities as a writer. a somewhat lengthy discussion here is in order. no hatred. 120-21.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 217 prime representative of this type of writing. Cicero introduced philosophy in Latin literature. dialogues with their informality of conversation (sermo) are more in tune with the urbanity of the participants who all belong to the same social class. in E. nihil invidum. Cotlana di Studi Ciceroniani.90 He censures the books written in Latin by Epicureans for their lack of disposition and ornateness 91 and praises Academic and Peripatetic philosophers for their suavitas and copia. that of a discussion on differences between styles of oratory and philosophy (Orator) and that of an exposition focused on different philosophical styles (Brutus). no shrewdness. even sometimes their granditas. There he characterizes this style as follows: mollis est enim oratio philosophorum et umbratilis. 91 Tusc. I. it might be called a chaste. nec sententiis nec verbis instructa popularibus. virgo incorrupta quodammodo. and. nihil astutum. nihil iratum habet. 92 Brut. it has no equipment of words or phrases that catch the popular fancy. But Cicero refuses to keep the two styles J. nihil miserabile. Ferguson.92 It is true. more of a civilized conversation (sermo) than oratory.93 The difference between the two statements can be explained by their context. casta verecunda. for both are closely related. no pathos.. an achievement of prime importance for Western philosophy. there is no anger in it.

on the model of Plato's Theaet. 47Iff. however. combining a philosophical approach with a discussion of rhetoric. The second period (46-3 BC) is the more important one. Tusculanae disputationes. Only De officiis does not have a dialogue form. The De legibus. De divinatione. Cicero lists his books on philosophical subjects in De divinatione. prologue to the second book. whereas of other books not mentioned here we have fragments only. in which his famous Somnium Scipionis stands. 97 Tusc. The discussions are either reported (reported dialogues). Various general statements. Cato maior de senectute. Cicero. Dialog. Fin. 95 T h e latter method of presentation is more commodious. when he writes De republica.218 DIRK M. 17-21 on the common view that these philosophical activities are the result of his forced absence from politics. Commonly scholars distinguish two periods of philosophical activity. A big difference with dialogues is that someone puts forward a point to be discussed but is almost silent for the rest. 96 Lael. De legibus and De oratore. 94 . De natura deorum. a form of systematic instruction. 1:7-8. De finibus bonorum et malorum.96 Tusculanae disputationes (likewise De fato) stands apart from other dialogues in so far as it is not a report on a conversation but that of a schola. 2:9. as he himself puts it. and 524ff. De fato. some even in the form of a two-layered report. in which he publishes Academici libn. 1:3. at id sedens aut ambulans disputabam ( 1:4). de quo quis audire vellet. or directly put forward as in drama (dramatic or mimetic dialogues). 95 Hirzel. Laelius de amicitia and De officiis. I. as his own De oratore witnesses. Leeman-Pinkster.97 Cicero introduces the participants in the discussion as standing for Cf. for it saves him the frequent use of inquam and inquit. pp. For he tries to bring philosophy to rhetoric and vice versa. all of which are still extant. immediately starts as in drama with one of the participants making remarks. SCHENKEVELD completely apart as far as his own philosophical works are concerned. In accordance with Plato's approach in his Politeia and Nomoi Cicero's De republica contains a discussion held by Scipio Africanus Minor and his friends as reported to Cicero and his brother by Publius Rutilius Rufus when they were spending some days at his house in Smyrna. Cicero sojourns with several friends in Tusculum and ponere iubebam. are put forward and discussed by Cicero. pp. 2:2. I.94 the first occurring around 55 BC. theseis. all other writings have. cf.

22-23. 297. υ (Leipzig-Berlin: Teubner. 1912). which is taken up again the following morning and occupies another book. I. 99 The use of prologues enables Cicero to discuss the importance a n d / o r complexity of the subject. after refuting the Epicurean views in book 1.300. 99 98 . the Stoic Balbus that of his school in the second one. It. Disp. but often such individuals are absent. Ciceros Tusc. 98 Cicero's arrangement often coincides with temporal indications. I. Other persons may be present in order to listen only (thus Cicero in this dialogue) or to ask pertinent questions which help to develop the dialogue. pp. in the first book. such as that it is evening and time to interrupt the discussion. representing the Sceptic Academy. At the same time it offers him the possibility of dedicating his work to a friend and explaining why he does so. A regular feature of most of Cicero's philosophical and other dialogues is the presence of a prologue and arrangement by books. T h e Tusculanae disputationes are said to reflect five days of discussion held in J u n e 1620. 4:16:2. 46 BC. 100 In the Tusculanae disputationes this transition comes rather smoothly. pp. O n e difficulty inherent to this kind of prologue is how to manage the transition to the subject to be dealt with in the dialogue proper. needs the whole third book to combat the Stoic doctrine. whereas Cotta. who also prefaced each book with a prologue. Att. his friend Atdcus and himself on his estate at Aipinum. for Cicero first announces and defends his intention to present philosophy in Latin and stresses his view that to do so involves a certain Cic. Dialog. or to vent his views on philosophy in general. but contemporary discussions can also be reflected. Pohlenz. 100 M. The (main) participants are at liberty to expound their views to a considerable length (disputatio). thus praising this dedicatee.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 219 different viewpoints. including theology. thus for De natura deorum a date between 77 and 75 is given. whereas Cicero writes this work in 45 BC. for example De legibus gives a picture of a discussion held by his brother Quintus. A division in books is already present in Aristotle's dialogues. Hirzel. Here the place of discussion changes several times—it starts in a grove. The dialogues may be set in earlier times. soon changes to the bank of the nearby Liris and later the speakers go to an island in another river. Thus in De natura deorum the Epicurean Velleius explains Epicurean physics.

pp. . He then continues: This has often struck me. 206ff. p. philosophia). ANRW 1. but it did so with especial force on one occasion.3 (1973). as Cicero admits. on the other hand. full of technical jargon. urbanitas and dissimulation02 However. However. Orationis ratio. He had formerly trained in orations. and here enters the aspect of rhetoric. pp. and . but must be kept away from dialogues. (1:15). 102 101 . 209. artes. Prologues to later books may continue the approach taken up in the first prologue or develop a different theme. SCHENKEVELD ornate and full style. Orationis ratio.220 DIRK M. 101 therefore characterized by humanitas. rich and varied language (see above). Leeman. . 139-208.103 Three types of remedies are applied: Latinization of Greek words (e. the kind of literature which abhors dry expositions. Michel. He first discusses several views. almost all philosophy was developed by Greeks. Cicero. his declared intention is to write on the branch of philosophy dealing with the nature of gods.. Many of these features of the prologues and the dialogues proper can be explained as due to Cicero's reading of Greek models. w h e n the topic of the immortal gods was made the subject of a very searching and thorough discussion at the house of my friend Gaius Cotta. Cicero is very much aware of the stylistic demands of the dialogue. I.g. There is wide diversity of opinion on his subject and this fact must have its impact on those who think that they possess certain knowledge. Leeman-Pinkster. It was the Latin Festival. pp. In De natura deorum. An example is what he has done when sojourning in Tusculum. he expressly states that there is a close relationship between rhetoric and philosophy and that the best exposition of philosophy follows rules of rhetoric in using an ornate. "Rhétorique et philosophie dans les traités de Cicéron". Such an approach may do very well in τέχναι. Transposition of their ideas and thoughts into Latin entails creating a philosophical terminology in Latin. These are sermones. "free discussions between cultured amateurs and litérateurs". goes on to state that it is his duty to public life to expound philosophy to his fellow-countrymen and then comes back to his intention given at the start of the prologue. but both proems to books 1 and 2 of Tusculanae disputationes deal with Cicero's justification of his involvement in philosophy. Thus in the prologue to the second book of De divinatione Cicero presents us with his "autobibliography". A. 80-84. 103 Leeman. in his old age he does so in philosophical discussions. handbooks.

107 Trans. expeller of vices! Fam. tibi nos.. Cicero numerosus: Studien zum ant. Ad te confugimus. sic nunc penitus totosque tradimus. ex quo eramus egressi. Cicero restricts himself in applying these remedies and rejects some verba novata. tossed by a great storm. I have taken refuge in that same harbour from which I had taken my departure. in the laus philosophiae (Tusc. Accordingly. the painstaking use of the clausula is even rejected for philosophical style. tu eos inter se primo domiciliis. Cicero writes in a more grandiose manner. 105 104 . Prosarhythmus (SB Oest.-hist.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 221 use of existing words in a special sense (sapiens for ό σοφός) and derivation from Latin stems (essentia for ούσία). For example. tu dissipatos homines in societatem vitae convocasti. conforming to the rules of Latin. Cicéron traducteur de Platon (Paris: Boccard. 324. Ak. especially in the prologues. Douglas. deinde coniugiis. and moderately ornate. Wiss. Poncelet. Rhythmical analysis in W. phil. Cf. 1990). also R. and in these grievous misfortunes. 106 Or. in A. In contrast to some of his friends.104 He avoids pedantic subtilitas. tu magistra morum et disciplinae fuisti. p. 107 From my earliest years my wishes and interests drove me to her bosom. where the Greek language benefits from the infinitive with article and a freer use of participles than Latin. 1:21. Vienna: Böhlaus. Primmer. tum litterarum et vocum communione iunxist. Ο vitae philosophia dux. The problem of sentence construction. however. Cicero: Tuscutan Disputations II & V (Warminster: Aris & Phillips. 1957). sed omnino vita hominum sine te potuisset! T u urbes peperisti. uses therefore sometimes the same word for different notions and likes to vary his vocabulary or to render one Greek word by two in Latin. E. a te opem petimus. 15:19:1 and Fin. Kl. Ο Philosophy. 5:5) he admits a kind of prose hymn: (philosophia): cuius in sinum cum a primis temporibus aetatis nostra voluntas studiumque nos compulisset..106 and beautifully arranged periods are used sparingly. 64. tu inventrix legum. 257. searcher out of Virtue. for cumbrous circumlocutions and many subordinate clauses have to be used. 1968).105 In these matters Cicero evidendy adheres to his own rhetorical ideas of what is proper language: clear. such as spectra for Greek εϊδωλα when imagines is perfecdy suitable. his gravissimis casibus in eundem portum. is not really solved. not much attention is given to prose rhythm. guide to life. ο virtutis indagatrix expultrixque vitiorum! Quid non modo nos. magna iactati tempestate confugimus. ut antea magna ex parte. Sometimes.

1 " Though some rhetoricians claim theseis for rhetoric. 112 De or. T h e view to be discussed has the form of a statement. in Somnium Scipionis Cicero often uses poetical vocabulary in harmony with the tenor of Scipio's vision of the heavenly spheres. to you I surrender myself. then c o m m o n bonds of writing and speech. e. 110 Wisse. Ethos and Pathos from Aristotle to Cicero (Amsterdam: Gieben. 3:152iT. 9:4:1-3. 1:11.222 DIRK M. therefore. Wisse. should be seen not as due to his rhetorical approach of Cf.g.g.110 Cicero. Y o u were the inventress of laws. Similarly. as formerly in large measure. 109 108 . This method of dicere in utramque partem Cicero connects with Aristode and the Academy. thinks it necessary for an orator to pracdce both techniques and did so himself from an early age onwards. 111 Cf. then with marriage. and then discussing the various aspects of this opinion. "Should one remain in one's country when under tyranny?") or a specific one (quaestio finita. θέσις. In you we look for refuge. you brought scattered human beings together in c o m m u n a l living. Att. from you we seek help. 3:80.109 Both methods serve to produce a sharper insight into the matter under discussion but also are useful to Sceptics as an instrument and an expression of their scepticism. you the instructress in morals and ordered living. so now utterly and completely. "Should Cicero remain in Rome now that Caesar dominates it?"). you joined them to each other. ύπόθεσις. Welsprekendhàd. they are the proper subject for philosophers and accordingly claimed by them. of proposing a general statement. 169 and 177. SCHENKE VELD What could not only I but human life in general have achieved without you? Y o u created cities. De or. A related method is that of arguing against any opinion held by someone else (contra id quod quisque se sentire dixisset disputare) and for this method the Academics Arcesilaus and Carneades are said to be responsible. first with dwellings. moreover. 112 Cicero's method in Tusculanae disputationes. pp.D. 2:161 Carneades is also associated with the first method. but in De or. e. 1989). N. De or. but also one person can argue both sides. 3:109-10. J. which is either a general question (quaestio infinita.108 It has been often noticed that Cicero likes to deal to with a subject by having participants of the discussion respectively arguing in favour and against a particular view. for example malum mihi videtur esse mors (1:9). 3:80. on De or.

his own oratorical experience influenced his handling of these theseis and of philosophical themes in general. In the next generation L.g. Dahlmann. Discours moraux (Paris: Les Belles Lettres. for example. De tranquillitate animi. there is a very superficial appearance of a dialogue when Serenus starts by describing his lack of tranquility of mind and asks Seneca for some medicine. Support for this view can be found in the use of διαλέγεσθαι = to practise the type of dialexis in opposition to practising declamation by Philostratus. T h e absence of Christian theology is remarkable in view of Boethius's defence of neo-chalcidian theology elsewhere. 23. 4 8 0 524). including De benφciis and De clementia. in one work only. 1973). Libanios. Later Latin Dialogues Cicero's attempt to introduce his form of the philosophical dialogue into Latin literature did not have much success.. especially moral. in our MS tradition. problems by means of tenets held by various schools (Cynic. but there is no sign of a report of a conversation. 367. Philosophy consoles him by discussing many philosophical. which. Annaeus Seneca. Stoic. Seneca immediately starts by addressing someone else. 1949). Peripatetic and (neo-)Platonist). See B. Schouler. It has been claimed that these Senecan writings may better be called "diatribes" and that Seneca called them dialogi using an acceptable Latin equivalent for the Greek διάλεξις. . Of course. p. by H.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 223 philosophy but as a consequence of the training in philosophy he received from Philo of Larisa and other philosophers. D. For this absence of a dialogue situation I think it better to discuss the Senecan dialogi in the section on diatribe and dialexis. The last dialogue on the Latin side to be discussed here is the Consolatio philosophiae of Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius (ca. which fall outside the collection of 12 dialog. L. De brevitate vitae (Munich: Hueber. the someone else is absent and is like the recipient of a letter. have nothing to do with the format of those of Cicero. called dialog. p. 113 Indeed. In all other so-called dialogues. however. When in prison he composed a dialogue between Lady Philosophia and himself. but explainable by the 113 E. Annaeus Seneca (AD 1-65) not only chose to follow a completely different style but also produced twelve treatises. Seneca responds by expounding his views and counsel in one long monologue of over 30 Teubner pages.

x-xii. 115 Hirzel. Babbitt et ai. 890-93. Plutarch's Moralia (16 vols. Plutarch (London: Duckworth. K. Ziegler. IA W (Zich-Stuttgart: Artemis.224 DIRK M. Later Greek Dialogues O n the Greek side the philosophical dialogue made a come back in the Imperial period. II. C. Russell. pp. p. but the main part is reserved for Philosophy's exposidons. Plato follows this course in his Symposium and other authors imitate him. 117 This alternative is often the one Plutarch chooses because of his scepticism (Ziegler. but he does not have dialogues consisting of a rapid interchange of question and answer. only those made up of a series of developed speeches. MA: Harvard University Press. but now put to use for a philosophical and serious subject. . London: Heinemann. If there is a continuous and true conversation. 1973). Cambridge. 1965). "Plutarchos von Chaironea". LCL edition of Boethius. RE 21 (1951). pp. pp. Plutarch" 6 follows Plato's example in having both mimetic and reported dialogues. A. 1927-36). 116 Hirzel. cols. to raise objections and to assent. 34-41. For his philosophical and other writings Plutarch sixteen times chooses a dialogue form and Dio of Prusa also has some full-blown dialogues. 253-55. II. Variety is also achieved by the introduction of many poems. Lucian and others. SCHENKEVELD view that philosophy deals with the nature around us. T h e less plausible answers come first and are refuted in the course of the later speeches. Dialog. pp. 253). a genre practised by Varro. theology with doctrines delivered by divine revelation." 5 E. at other times when she alleviates the tension by summarizing her argument in verse form. LCL. F. Plutarch is able to give a lively portrait of its characters and he also keeps his eye on the environ- 114 P. 124-238. Merlan. All these are given in a quiet way.. be it very small ones. 2nd edn. This mixture of prose and poetry has been brought back to the Menippean satire. "Boethius". but sometimes a true dialogue of question and answer introduces a sense of variety. (1964). "Plutarchos". Dialog. This strategy is fully comprehensible. Ed. Sometimes Plutarch's dialogues begin with a genuine dialogue but after a few pages this form is abandoned and one participant has the floor up till the end of the conversation. D. 347-48. for after the right or most probable" 7 solution has been given all strain and anxiety have vanished and no one is waiting for another wrong explanation. cols." 4 The dialogue form allows Boethius to have himself put questions to Philosophy. sometimes when Philosophy is done with a problem.

At the same time there is a line of narrative about a stranger staying near the tomb of the Pythagorean Lysis. But in modern literature on the ancient novel Plutarch's dialogue is not mentioned at all. PluUirch. Flacelière. Russell rightly compares this dialogue with its novel-like setting to the first book of the novelist Achilles Tatius and states that the dialogue made a contribution to the development of the novel.121 In his treatises as well as in his dialogues Plutarch heavily relies on earlier authorities. Stories are taken from various sources to Full discussion in Russell. a beautiful but widowed woman. Plutarch's Moralia." 9 Here Plutarch's son Autoboulos reports a conversation held several years ago by his father and some friends in the neighbourhood of Thespiae. 35. defending conjugal love rather than homosexual love. Thus in the first dialogue the liberation of Thebes from the Spartan occupation in 379 BC forms the background against which the conversation of the conspirators and exiles in the house of Simmias. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. which is interrupted by the message that the widow has abducted the young man. 120 There is a big commotion in the town because a certain Ismenodora. Novel in comparison with Plato's dialogues such as the Phaedo is the intricate interplay in two dialogues (De genio Socratis and Amatonus) between the subject of the discussion and the setting. Helmbold. 121 Russell. 36-41.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 225 ment. Another Platonic trait is the presence of an eschatological myth in De genio Socratis and two other dialogues. of course. Bacchon leaves the decision to two older relatives. takes place. Plutarch. pp. Dialogue sur l'Amour (Ann. IX. 1953). now an old man. 120 Plato's Sympoùum has a similar beginning. In a part now lost they move away in the direction of the town and Plutarch is the principal speaker. who consult Plutarch and his friends on this matter. Developments in the two plots punctuate the discussions." 8 In the Amatonus a narrated love-affair gives rise to a philosophical discussion on love. de l'Univ. The group is now reaching Thespiae and gets the news that Ismenodora and Bacchon have come to an agreement and that the wedding is already under way. de Lyon iii. C. LCL. Thus in the Amatonus an enormous number of quotations from poets is found and. 119 118 . Plutarque. Several participants now leave and Plutarch and his friends now discuss other aspects of Eros. wishes to marry Bacchon. also beautiful but rather young. W. R. p. A discussion between the adherents and the opponents of pederasty first develops. 21. Plato's Symposium is referred to once and again.

Cf. 1969).123 This part of the dialogue also offers a good example of Plutarch's calm style with often long periods. Helmbold LCL). either because they have taken careful thought.226 DIRK M. 1977). Plutarque. pp. cols. εί μη τι καί υμάς άναπεπείκασιν οί γραμματικοί. Plutarch seems to wish to identify Eros with the intelligible archetype of the Sun. or else by the god's help they have really grasped the truth. no longer a daemon. 108-12 on the view that Plutarch's ideas on conjugal love are taken from Stoic sources. and one of his pupils. "Plutarchos". col. Dio of Prusa (Chrysostomus) composes twelve discourses in the form of a mimetic dialogue between Dio. SCHENKEVELD demonstrate particular points. full of poetical words which seem to have gone into Atticistic prose and with an abundance of two words expressing one thought (lhendiadyoin) as well as comparisons. In this way one may see this dialogue as a depository of views on love. 765D-F): Τά μέν ούν πολλά ποιηταί προσπαίζοντες έοίκασι τφ θεφ γράφειν περί αύτοΰ καί αδειν έπικωμάζοντες. It comes from Amatonus (Mor. Nevertheless from the end one gathers that though defending both homosexual and conjugal love as equally important Plutarch really advocates the latter. pp. as in the Symposium. pp. Russell. D. but they have some serious productions to their credit. the teacher. 161 and Flacelière. 294-301. Dillon. 122 200-201. 122 Another point of difference is that Eros is undoubtedly a God. ch. Plutarch. 123 J. and thus takes a stance different from the Master. and thus T h e good in Republic 6. 25-27. "Plutarchos". and rhythmical cola in an Atticistic Greek. Plutarque et le Stoïcisme (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. avoidance of hiatus. 2. λέγοντες προς το ποικίλον του πάθους καί τό άναθηρόν γεγονέναι την είκασίαν. 8 Diehl = 327 Campbell LCL). Babut. . εϊτε κατά νουν καί λογισμόν εϊτε συν θεφ της αληθείας άψαμένοις· ών εν έστι καί τό περί της γενέσεως δεινότατον θέων < τ ό ν > γέννατ' εύπέδιλλος "Iρις χρυσοκόμα Ζεφύρω μίγεισα [Alcaeus fr. Ziegler. N o w generally poets w h o write or sing of the god seem to be making fun of him or carousing in a drunken revel. O n e such concerns his birth: Most fearful of the gods W h o m fair-sandalled Iris bore T o Zephyrus of the golden h a i r — unless y o u have let yourselves be persuaded by literary critics w h o affirm that the imagery symbolizes the variegated brilliance of the emotion (trans. 124 Ziegler. όλίγα δέ εϊρηται μετά σπουδής αύτοις. 124 One example must suffice. The Middle Platonists (Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

ή οταν μη προσέχωσι μηδέ πείθονται τώ δαιμονίω άγαθώ οντι. W. London: Heinemann. Dio is led by the sight of the statue of a handsome youth to express regret that beauty among males is dying out because it is unappreciated. 84-119. apart from an introduction. 1898). Dio's style in dialogues is quite different from that of Plutarch. Dio immediately starts by putdng a question to his pupil. which is good and wise. for instance. πώς φάτε γίγνεσθαι κακοδαίμονα άνθρωπον. but first and foremost a real conversation does not take place: the master instructs the pupil. Ed. the wrong ideas are put forward first and the better one comes at the end. LCL.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 227 who remains anonymous. 1932-51). Cohoon and L. thus in Or. h o w d o you explain a man's becoming unfortunate. if divine. 23. For just consider: If you really believe that the guiding spirit is divine and good and the author of no evil to anyone. II. von Arnim. Crosby (5 vols. while that of females is increasing. ώσπερ εί νομίζοιμεν τους ιατρούς άπαντας άγαθούς είναι δια τά της τέχνης καί μηδένα αύτών πονηρόν ίατρόν μηδέ β λ α β ε ρ ό ν . 125 . As in other ancient dialogues. Leben und Werke des Dio von Prusa (Berlin. τους δέ πειθομένους άνάγκη καλώς άπαλλάττειν· καί δ τι άν γίγνοιτο ούκ άν θαυμάζοι τις. εί ούν ήγείσθε τό δαιμόνιον θείον καί άγαθόν καί μηδενί κακού μηδενός αίτιον. "That the wise man is fortunate and happy". 23:10: έπεί φέρε. hiatus is allowed where Plutarch shuns it. In this dialogue the pupil objects to the view that guiding spirits. In Or. of dialogues between Philip and his son Alexander and Alexander and Diogenes respectively and are equally as long as Plutarch's). pp. Dialog. The calmness of the latter have given place to much shorter sentences.δήλον οτι τούτους άν φαΐμεν μη έθέλειν τά προσταττόμενα ποιεΐν. Cambridge. 125 Sometimes an external object or incident brings about the conversation. Moreover. 21. J. MA: Harvard University Press. My example comes from Or.. τών δέ καμνόντων κακώς τ ι ν α ς πράττοντας βλέποιμεν καί βλαπτομένους έν ταΐς νόσοις. unhappy? O r does that happens Hirzel. Dio admits that up to now he has maintained the popular opinion but now will give the right philosophical (= Stoic) view: only the wise man is happy because listening to the guiding spirit. " O n Beauty". that is. The young man mosdy answers with "Certainly" and other non-impressive statements but he can also be critical and. can be wicked. H. these dialogues are much shorter (but the second and fourth orations on kingship and delivered before Trajan in Rome consist. declare that Euripides' view of the continuously unhappy state of man is nonsense—a statement easy to make for Euripides is often quoted by ancient authors as expressing ridiculous ideas.

Dörrie and H. 2:1:21-34. White. of course. symbolizing the ways of life. Dio's strength is to be found not in his dialogues but in his orations. The ekphrasism as a literary device is much practised by rhetoricians and well known from some of Lucian's dialogues and especially the introduction of Achilles Tatius's romance Leucippe and Clitophon. The Influence of Ekphrasis In the first or second century AD. 128 G. Plutarch would not have approved but Cicero applauded. GraecoRoman Religion Series. the dialogue genre undergoes a further change when the unknown author of the Κέβητος Πίναξ (Tabula Cebetis)m joins the characteristics of a dialogue with those of an ekphrasis. RAC. 127 H. "Ekphrasis". evidently we should say that they refuse to obey orders and that such patients as do obey cannot but come through well.g. 7. C o h o o n LCL). cols. CA: Scholars Press. also influential. Dörries. Whereas the explanation takes the form of an erotapokrisis. and personification and allegorization of virtues and vices are applied. 126 . Mem. 127 at the end a real dialogue on the meaning of the picture comes about. Chico. e. M. one participant by means of his questions being the prompter of the other who supplies all information. 342-70. SCHENKEVELD w h e n he does not heed or obey his guiding spirit. This method differs from that adopted by. RAC IV (1959). Dio (see above) in so far as there the I (Dio) by his questions and information keeps the conversation in motion. J. but yet should see some of their patients doing poorly and suffering harm in their illnesses. perhaps in order to show the looseness and friendliness of the conversation. and nothing that should happen to them would surprise anyone (trans. together with a friend. "Erotapokriseis". 923ff. T. The I. Downey. 129 Xen. Now this device is used to propagate moral ideas. VI. this being good? It is just as if we should think that all physicians are good in the matters of their profession and that none of them is a bad physician or harmful. with the relevant picture of a love story.. Fitzgerald and L. cols. look at an enigmatic picture in a temple of Kronos and in an ensuing dialogue a venerable old man explains the picture with its four enclosures.228 DIRK M. one of these may be the admittance of hiatus at numerous places. 1983). F. Prodicus's story about Heracles on the crossroads129 is.. The Tabula of Cebes (Texts and Trans. This new approach of presenting moral paraenesis heavily leans on literary examples.

At any rate. At the end Hermotimos has undergone a conversion and promises to lay down his philosopher's dress and appearance and to behave as an ordinary man. 120-180) 130 comes back to that type of Platonic dialogue in which short questions and answers abound. D. έγώ σοι φράσω. so I guessed it was the best. M. έώρων τους πλείστους έπ' αύτήν ορμώντας ώστε εΐκαζον άμείνω είναι αύτήν. πόσφ τινί πλείους τών Επικούρειων ή Πλατωνικών ή Περιπατητικών. Luciani opera (ed.So you are not prepared to teach me. I saw that most people took to this one. I made an estimate. 4 vols.I didn't count. Trans.. Harmon et al. one may suppose that the critical observer Lucian has found another subject to ridicule. (8 vols. T h e speaking parts of Hermotimos tend to be smaller towards the end when Lycinus gendy but inexorably demolishes all pretensions of philosophers. ώς ούκ έθέλεις διδάξαι με άλλα εξαπατάς. . ήρίθμησας γάρ δηλαδή αύτούς καθάπερ έν ταΐς χειροτονίαις. You are hiding the truth from me (trans.36:5 (1992).. Lucian It is interesting to observe how in some of his dialogues Lucian of Samosata (ca. M. You are cheating when you tell me you decide such a matter by guesswork and weight of numbers. 1913-1967). who acts as a second Socrates. Macleod.131 but as so often in Lucian's oeuvre. . 3451-82. ANRW \1. "Kaiserzeidiches Skeptizismus in platonischem Gewand: Lukians 'Hermotimos'". ΛΥΚ. 197287). pp. MA: Harvard University Press. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Typical of Lycinus's attack is his down to earth manner. A. London: Heinemann. LCL. Nesselrath.I will tell you. Kilburn LCL). . for example in 16 when Lycinus asks Hermotimos to teach him how we can distinguish the best philosophy: EPM. άλλ' ούκ ήρίθμησα έγωγε. ΕΡΜ. This text has been seen as a serious and eloquent defense of scepticism.H o w many more Stoics are there than Epicureans or Platonists or Peripatetics? You obviously took a count of them as in a show of hands. 130 . ΛΥΚ. . 131 H. εΐκαζον δέ. OCT. δς περί τών τοιούτων είκασμφ φής καί πλήθει κρΐναι άποκρυπτόμενος λέγειν πρός με τάληθές. Lycinus.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 229 G.-G. in Hermotimos the claims made for the lifelong study of philosophy are systematically undermined by Hermotimos's interlocutor. Cambridge. Lucian explores the possibilities of many types of literature and in dialogues like Hermotimos he adopts the Socratic manner.

See for the history of the debate E. cols. G. Paulus und die "Diatribe": Eine vergleichende Stilinterpretation (Münster: Aschendorff. Not equivalent: Schmeller. 57. Wallach. Schmidt. T. Introduction At the end of the nineteenth century scholars started to use the term "diatribe" for a group of "lectures or discourses on a moral theme. Die Thesis: Ein Bätrag zu ihrer Entstehung und Geschichte (Rhet. Leiden: Brill.230 DIRK M. Schouler. dKP 2 (1957). 40. or not—alternatively. 1981). 1976). Stud. cols.. if so. Dialogues do not offer the chance to show stylistic brilliance. 134 The first occurrence is in Usener. SCHENKEVELD Lucian's style here and elsewhere in dialogues is in keeping with the general stylistic ideals of dialogue writers: no contentio (άγων) but sermo (διάλογος. Paulus und die "Diatribe". on its relation to ancient terms and on its origins has continued until today and consensus on all points has not come about. 1987). 627-33. 1994). D I A T R I B E AND D I A L E X I S A. p. p. 17. G. Plutarch. Epicurea. θέσις παραινετική and διάλεξις have been proposed 135 —and. Comparable to θέσις παραινετική: H. marked by a combination of seriousness with humour and a certain vividness and immediacy in language". Throm. VI.. Κ. 77. Equivalent to (a certain kind of) διατριβή: S. 19. 132 In doing so they were under the impression of continuing ancient usage of the Greek word διατριβή. 1-54. In ancient Greek διατριβή has several meanings. p. "Diatribe". in a wider sense. pp. 133 Since then the debate on what a diatribe is and is not. "a work in which this teaching is written down" and. Equivalent to (a kind of) philosophical διάλεξις: B. pp. whether the diatribe is first and foremost a product of school lectures or a discourse for a bigger Russell. repeating his The Diatribe and Paul's Letter to the Romans (SBLDS. 30-37 and (with restrictions) Schmeller. Ρ. Paderborn: Schöningh. Ueding. 134 A huge bone of contention is the problem of whether diatribe in the modern sense and defined as above is equivalent to what the Greeks and Romans called διατριβή. διάλεξις). Tübingen: Niemeyer. Chico. CA: Scholars Press. Discours moraux (Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Historiches Wörterbuch des Rhetorik (ed. Lucretius and the Diatribe Against the Fear of Death (Mnemosyne Sup. 133 132 . Schmeller. 1577-78. lxix. 149. pp. Paulus und die "Diatribe". Stowers. "a philosophical treatise". based on a course of lectures. 1973). 29. after many other scholars. among which are pertinent here "a (philosophical) school". Ubanios. 1932). 135 Only recent studies are mendoned. "Diatribai". followed by Β. "teaching done in such a school". Rules of rhetoric forbid such a show. and followed by New Testament scholars in North America.

in so far as it aims to bring its public to a better way of life by means of concrete lessons. See now D. 3:34:81. e. for much depends on the starting point one chooses. 140 E.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 231 audience of laymen (with little or no knowledge of philosophy). 138 Authors using elements of the diatribe style (e. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. 1 9 Th. Many lectures of Epictetus would not be understood by a big audience and the same is true for many dialexeis of Maximus of Tyrus. pp. Musonius Rufus. 136 "Diatribe" in the modern sense represents a distinct tradition of works of a particular kind in antiquity. pp. p. 141 Schouler. unwise to overlook that in both classical and New Testament studies diatribe in a modern sense has been widely accepted and to ignore the usefulness of this term. Festugière. Plutarch and Dio Chrysostom are seen as examples of this kind of diatribe. Droysen's "Hellenismus". be it with some misgivings about the status of Dio as a philosopher. Bion) but this trait is not as typical as many scholars have thought. Révélation. pp. 288.g. 140 Neither is it correct to characterize the diatribe as the product of philosophy being popularized for laymen (populärphilosophische Vorträge). not one lecture but a series. Paulus und die "Diatribe". 137 A depressing list of many more works called diatribe (or diatribe-like) in Schmeller. but not a huge crowd. 141 136 Q n e m a y c o m p a r e other instances of scholars introducing ancient terms in a new sense while not thinking so. however. Philo of Alexandria) are not discussed here. s characterization is in accordance with the ancient use of σχολαί and 3 διατριβαί.g. Tusc. 34-35. Ubanios. 199ff. 138 The diatribe can be seen as the paraenetic counterpart of the protreptic (see section IV). It is a typical product of the Hellenisdc schools with their insistence on individual happiness. The New Testament in its literaiy Environment (LEC. although exceptions occur. Another presupposition of this type is its continuity. It would be. Commonly works (all or some) of Bion of Borysthenes. Cic. Epictetus. though Cynics and Stoics. II. e. if such a task were possible. 1987). Here is not the proper place to try to give a definite answer.g. Diatribe is not restricted to one school of thought. 139 Usually the audience consists of a teacher's pupils or a somewhat larger group. Some famous teachers using the diatribe are wandering philosophers (e. . especially not when by this designation one implies mass propaganda. in which several themes are developed and the addressee is supposed to go through several stages of moral development. Teles. 137 and this course is followed here. 34-35.g. as far as we know. Aune.g. use this method to a greater extent than Epicureans and Academics.

142 and scholars often equate the modern diatribe with the kind of dialexis which is a lecture or oration. not all of these dialexeis are to be classified as diatribes. The victim is always nameless. 558-68. lectures and sophistic introductory causeries (προλαλιαί). and maxims. dialogues. emotions and passions. SCHENKE VELD Is the modern diatribe identical to the ancient διάλεξις? The latter word is used for philosophical works. Features of the Diatribe As a philosophical discourse the diatribe is full of common rhetoric: direct address to imaginary participants. just like those of Maximus of Tyrus. the position of the gods. Paulus und die "Diatribe". but also fear of death. meant for a bigger audience and dealing with philosophical matters in a more popular way. Accordingly. 142 . 17-19. irony and sarcasm plentiful. Rhetorical questions are usual. 1911).232 DIRK M. poverty versus luxury is discussed. pp. very often a fictive participant. or self-control versus licence. whereas the syntax is simple because of short phrases and ellipses. 143 As to the identification of θέσις see section VII. Schouler. 143 B. Schmeller. Effective figures of isocolon. the author leads a participant into self contradiction or has him take up an absurd position. Halbauer. De diatribis Epicteti (Leipzig: Teubner. Ubanios pp. Pemot. provided one stresses the aspect of lecture more than that of oration and also accepts its restriction to ethical subjects. and so are vocatives ("Man". In the Socratic manner known from fourth-century dialogues. and thus physics and logic are most times not discussed and sometimes even mentioned with contempt. whereafter he corrects him in a stern way. The lectures of Epictetus are also called διαλέξεις. The dubious aspect of Populärphilosophie aside. Difficult philosophical subjects are absent. being young or old. "you fool"). parallelismus and antithesis are favoured. Rhétorique. anecdotes and comparisons popular. short dialogues with questions and answers. pp. the equation does not appear to be wrong. 22-37. O. and not all of these concern a moral theme. All stress is laid on ethics and because diatribes have the intention to bring people to a better way of life.

is it? You're not missing any necessary thing. 3 3 5 ca. . don't I? I regularly hand over the money I earn. φωνήν τά πράγματα. 1 4 4 H e a d o p t e d the life o f a w a n d e r i n g p h i l o s o p h e r after a c q u i r i n g his p h i l o s o p h i c a l e d u c a t i o n in A t h e n s at four different schools ( A c a d e m y . ού τήν άποφοράν εύτάκτως σοι φέρω. especially t h o s e p r e s e r v e d b y the C y n i c w r i t e r T e l e s . καί ό διψών ήδιστα πίνει καί ήκιστα τό μή παρόν ποτόν άναμένει. <saying:>. . are you? Not of self-control. ού πάν τό προσταττόμενον υπό σου ποιώ. 40-41. C y r e n a i c s a n d H e w r o t e m a n y notes o f his lectures (υπομνήματα. μή καλού τίνος δι' έμέ στερίσκη.. πλήρεις δέ αί κρήναι ϋδατος. φησίν ό Βίων. Bion of Boiysthenes: A Collection of the Fragments with Introduction and Commentary (Studia graeca Upsal. 17 Kindstrand (= Stob. 2 4 5 BC) is the first p h i l o s o p h e r k n o w n to h a v e held s u c h lectures. also Peripatos). pp. are you? Is it not so that the roads are full of vegetables. not of righteousness. ή ούκ εύφραίνεσθαι μετ' έμού ούκ έστιν. the fragments. öv τρόπον καί ημείς. just like us. Kindstrand. 1976). just like a slave sitting at the house altar pleads his case before his master. ούκ άν εϊποι. . 11." καί ή πενία < ά ν > ε'ίποι πρός τόν έγκαλοΰντα "<άνθρωπε>. F. ή ούχ ό πεινών ήδιστα έσθίει καί ήκιστα όψου δείται. μή τί σοι κέκλοφα. did I? I do everything you order me. ή ούκ δψον άδάπανον καί άτρύφερον παρασκευάζω σοι τήν πειναν. O n e o f the l o n g e r fragm e n t s m a k e s this clear: 1 4 5 Διό και ει λάβοι. not of bravery. ούκ εύνάς σοι τοσαύτας παρέχω όπόση γη. When things would have a voice. he says. άλλα μή τών άναγκαίων ένδεής εί. έγώ μέν γάρ < ά ν > δοκώ άφωνος γενέσθαι. φησίν. ή ού μεσταί μέν αί οδοί λαχάνων. καί στρωμνάς φύλλα. μή δικαιοσύνης.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 233 C. [probably] called διατριβαί). . give s o m e idea o f f o r m a n d c o n t e n t . 3:1:98. τί μοι μάχη. ώσπερ οίκέτης πρός τόν κύριον έφ' ιερόν καθίσας δικαιολογείται "τί μοι μάχη. 145 Fr. 38:14-40:4). H e did n o t practice the d i a l o g u e f o r m but t h e lecture. why do you quarrel with me? Through me you are robbed of nothing beautiful. <μή> άνδρείας. καί δύναιτο δικαιολογείσθαι. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wicksell. pp.. and would be able to plead their case. C y n i c s . don't I?" Just so poverty can say to the man who brings charges against her: "Man." εί ταύτα λέγοι ή πενία. the sources full of water? D o I not procure as many beds as the earth is big? And leaves 144 J. Bion of Boiysthenes Bion o f Borysthenes (ca. τί άν έχοις άντειπεΐν. b o t h for pupils a n d for a larger public. ή ούχ όρφς γράδια φυστήν φαγόντα τερετίζοντα. μή σωφροσύνης. "why d o you quarrel with me? I have stolen nothing. T h o u g h his actual w o r k s are lost. Bion says.

Stoa und Stoiker. is it not so? Don't you see old w o m e n humming when eating pastries? Don't I give you hunger as food without costs and luxury and doesn't a hungry man eat with gusto and he doesn't in the least need sauces? Doesn't a thirsty man drink with gusto and he doesn't in the least await drink that is not here?". ού χρωμένους δέ τούτοις δι' άνελευθερίαν καί ρυπαρίαν. and comparisons are dear to Bion. οϋτως έ'νιοι πολλών υπαρχόντων αύτοίς δι' άνελευθερίαν ούδενός γεύονται ούδέ άπτονται· άλλά πλείω οί μύς κατεσθίουσι καί οί μύρμηκες ή αύτοί. . Hense. rhetorical questions abound. Teletis. 147 Ed. άλλ' ώσπερ Πρίαμος ούδ' έ'τλη εζεσθαι έπί θρόνου πολλών κατά οίκον έόντων. 39-55) discusses the stylistic background of Bion (similarities to the new. 25-39. 219-25. 146 Kindstrand. Bion. SCHENKE VELD as bedding? O n e can enjoy oneself with me. Teles und Musonius: Wege zum glückseligen Leben (Bibl. The whole turns thus into a eulogy of poverty. isocolon and parallelism occur often. If poverty says this. p. pp. Capelle. The personificadon of the abstract concept of poverty. II. 148 Hense.234 DIRK M. He starts with a proposition which he attacks or unfolds. . Crates and other authors. Zieh: Artemis.). All rhetorical devices are used in order to get the attention of his audience. O. who also (pp. pp. as we can ascertain from the significant fragments of his writings. "Asiatic" style and Cynic influence) as well as ancient cridcism of this style. 59297. word play. der Alten Welt. what would you say against her? I think I would become speechless. The style is lively because of the dialogue poverty has with us. Griech. ούχ οράς ένίους κεκτημένους μέν πολλά ώς δοκούσιν. . Teletis reliquiae (2nd edn. a Cynic philosopher who intersperses his discourse with very many quotations from Bion. 3rd cent. 1909). 146 Larger fragments of Bion's writings are almost exclusively known from quotations in the diatribes of Teles of Megara (?. a German one in W. Epiktet. Révélation. Reihe. the comparison with an every-day occurrence of the slave fleeing to the housealtar and the materials of common simple life are combined in order to advocate the αυτάρκεια. A French translation of Teles's περί αύταρκείας (Hense ii) in Festugière. pp.147 Thus the fourth fragment 148 commences with an opinion of some pupil(?): "I think that possession of money sets one free from scarcity and poverty". άλλά χαμαί έκάθητο κυλινδόμενος κατά κόπρον.. satisfaction with what one has. Leipzig: Teubner. 33. antithesis. 3. to which Teles immediately counters with: Και πώς. 1948). Figures such as anaphora.

the shoemaker listened attentively. Musonius Rufiis In the first century AD the Roman eques and Stoic philosopher Musonius Rufus taught at Rome. in the same way some people though having much at their disposal do not taste anything nor touch it. who does not know what he can do. Geytenbeek. A.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 235 H o w do you mean? Don't you see that some people have a lot of money. . Hense. and a good reputation as well. who sitting at the shoemaker's was reading Aristode's Protreptic. don't you see that rich people because of having more business are prevented from having leisure (and studying). Epictetus was one of his pupils. 150 149 . told by Zeno about the Cynic Crates. viaticum) for an old man on his path of life and Musonius's answer is "to live systematically and according to nature". 45ff. Musonii reliquiae (Leizpig: Teubner. Musonius Rufus and the Greek Diatribe (Assen: Van Gorcum. C. The next fragment starts in the same way149 and treats the statement that "poverty is an obstacle to philosophizing. first by a proof from animal life. Hense. "though there was much in his house". pp. Ed. mice and ants eat more than they. 1963). who seems to have condensed them. 1905). D. When he was reading this. just like Priam did not dare to be seated on his throne. whereas the poor man. This statement is then developed. with an interruption because of banishment by Nero. Philiscus. By means of direct questions ("or don't you see t h a t . 17 starts with a question of an old man about the best provision (έφόδιον. O. at the same time continuing his repairs. . but do not use it because of illiberality and sordidness of mind? No. Fr. again. comes to philosophy?".") Teles offers objections till he comes to this one: "Or. In this work Aristotle writes to king Themison that he has more external goods than anyone else to take up philosophy. as it seems. but richness is useful for it". for you have more things at your disposal than the man for whom Aristode wrote his work". Teletis. Musonius's lectures have been written down by his pupil Lucius. but sat on the ground "wallowing in dirt". 150 Musonius's lectures and talks are different from those of Bion and Teles. Really. Therefore Crates said to him: "I think I shall address a protreptic to you. At this moment Teles tells an illustrative story.

152 and accept the customary explanation that because of the editorial work done by Musonius's pupil Lucius many a trait of the original vividness has been lost. when he took as a bad thing that which necessarily comes after the best life? If. πέρας δέ καί τούτου θάνατος. and the absence of imaginary dialogue and objections. Paulus und die "Diatribe". It ends by a short refutadon of the view that richness gives the best solace in one's old age. After more proofs it is concluded that this kind of life is the best guarantee for happiness. an anecdote. οτι "οϋτως ώσπερ εικός τόν ένενήκοντα μέν γέροντα έτη. One example must suffice. and Schmeller.236 DIRK M. For. Musonius Rufus. one agrees that the best life is that of the good man and death the end of this life also. SCHENKEVELD thereafter by references to human virtues. also the rhetor Isocrates has admitted this. The way the original statement is being developed. pp. Therefore. What share in culture or knowledge of truly good or bad things can this man have had. καίτοι πώς έκείνφ τι παιδείας μετην ή γνώσεως τών άλη<θώς άγα>θών. by which man is comparable to gods. This conclusion is strengthened by the didactic and quiet tone of the discourse. makes it possible to view this fragment as an example of a thesis. 151-54. the story goes: "In the way one can expect from a ninety years old man who thinks death the worst thing". pp. the part of refutation is very slight. showing the foolishness of a non-philosopher. ειπείν. one may be content with the usual classification of Musonius's works under diatribe. T h e context is that fear of death makes old age miserable (Fr. or chreia. at least. as well as the refutation at the end of a possible alternative. Differently Schmeller. κακών δέ έσχατον νομίζοντα είναι τόν θάνατον". 17:92 Hense): ώσπερ άμέλει teat ό ρήτωρ Ισοκράτης άνεμωλογησατο.151 the suggestion at the end excepted. φασι γάρ έκεΐνον. and does not concern the main statement but an alternative. εϊ γε άριστος βίος ό του άγαθού άνδρός. However. δς ύπελάμβανεν είναι κακόν τό έξ άνάγκης έπόμενον βίω τφ άρίστφ. Paulus und die "Diatribe". έρωτησαντός τίνος οπως διάγει. For instance. when asked by someone how he was spending his life. Thus Geytenbeek. Because of this uncertainty it is hazardous to quote from existent fragments in order to demonstrate Musonius's style. 125-57. 152 151 . he answered.

Therefore. both of these types of books dealing with ethics. and that of 124 Epistulae morales. allegedly written to his younger friend Lucilius. pp. pp. if one follows Quintilian's depreciatory analysis. for example. 1 and 3. He wrote tragedies. perhaps also because of the importance of the subject. praef.158 Quintilian praises Seneca for his denunciations of vice and striking general reflections but K.157 for which he becomes famous. Seneca obviously tries to avoid the dry manner of handbooks. Then comes the Naturales quaestiones on the most elevated part of Stoic philosophy. In the preface to book 1 he stresses its utilitas for it makes man aware of his own unimportance and the greatness of God. His philosophical allegiance was confessedly Stoic. Codoner. and two out of his three teachers of philosophy were former declaimers. A. 129-30. The younger Seneca thus became acquainted with school declamations. His father was Seneca the Elder. which he may introduce a n d / o r conclude as such. 154 153 . 158 Inst. where he was educated.32:2 (1985). These dialog} do not have the formal characteristics of dialogues but rather of diatribes. 156 On Naturales Quaestiones see C. 1973). New York: Twayne. Already a first reading of Naturales quaestiones shows peculiarities of Seneca's style. the study of the cosmos. the author frequently inserts moralizing digressions. ANRW 11. "Seneca. Seneca (TYVAS. Leben und Leistung". 268. L.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 237 Ε. esp. 656-702. ' 55 This work will not be thoroughly discussed here. "La physique de Sénèque: Ordonnance et structure des "Naturales Quaestiones". ANRW 11. though it may be of some interest for the theme of this Handbook. For this reason they are discussed here. Seneca Lucius Annaeus Seneca (AD 1-65) was born in Cordoba. praef. 157 Cf. and was even appointed to give the young Nero a rhetorical training. 156 It is sufficient to point out the personal point of view Seneca often takes up in this work and the dialogue he maintains with his addressee and his readers. Seneca was famous for his senatorial orations.36:3 (1989). colores recalls the declamations he heard in his youth. Pliny's Naturales historiae. dialogues and a work on physics. or Rhetor.154 to be supplemented by De clementia and De beneficiis. divisiones. pp. orations. Abel. who in his Oratorum et rhetorum sententiae. 1779-1822.153 His philosophical prose is found first in a collection of 12 Dialog. 10:1:125-31. 1. Motto. letters. O n the whole this work is much livelier than. Spain. 109-28. 155 Nat. 1. but soon came to Rome. or notorious.

epigrammatic expressions. paraprosdokian and antimetabole. non mehercules ieiuna esse et arida volo. 161 Ep. homoeoteleuton. but am wedded to it. . anaphora. . quae de rebus tam magnis dicentur.238 DIRK M. as is witnessed by the following quotation where Seneca says what he wishes to prove of himself: H o c unum tibi adprobarc vellem. much of Seneca's philosophical prose comes close to an oratorical style and thus shows influence from rhetoric. "Le 'Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium' di Seneca. wish that what will be said on such important matters is jejune and dry. such as antithesis. pp. Bourgery.161 and pleads for a more moderate view in stylistics.36:3 (1989). who thinks that Fabianus's style is not vigorous enough. haec sit propositi nostri summa: quod sentimus loquamur. exilitas and acntas. Valore letterario e filosofico". Orationis ratio. nec tantum sentire sed amare . neque enim philosophia ingenio renuntiat. For philosophy does not renounce natural ability.p. because they strive after spontaneity. by Hercules. 100. . Also interesting is the fact that Seneca breaks through the restraints of the various classical styles of granditas.162 Leeman. pp. quod loquimur sentiamus: concordet sermo cum vita. whereas Cicero and his contemporaries build long periods. omnia me ilia sentire. Orationis ratio. who taught Seneca. Let this be the kernel of my idea: let us say what we feel. 264. . . 1922) and G. ANRW 11. Seneca defends him to Lucilius. I do not. Everyday expressions mingle with poetical words. 1863-69. Seneca and other writers of Imperial Ladn show an accumulation of short sentences. abound and classical word-order is often given up. Rhetorical figures. p. Ep. 261-71. 160 159 . A. Extensive discussion in Leeman. primarily Cicero. that I not only feel it. quae dicerem.159 This looseness of sentence-building facilitates the emergence of pithy.. This style owes much to an idea of a New Style which comes up after Cicero and is represented by Papirius Fabianus. . 162 Cf. This judgment has everything to do with a classicisdc return to the classical Roman writers. 160 I should like to convince you entirely of this one fact—that I feel whatever I say. . and feel what we say. Nevertheless. let speech harmonize with life. . directness and fluency. Mazzoli. Sénèque prosateur (Paris: η. 75:3-4: Note the prose rhythm in these sententiae and the figure of antimetabole. a rhetorician turned to Stoic philosophy. SCHENKEVELD censures his love of oblique expression and ruptured sentences (sententiae minutissimae) and calls his style corrupta and teeming with attractive vices. too loose in word-order and therefore lacking in emotional directness. Indeed. metaphors and neologisms.

1724-78. Kenney and W. Essays on Seneca (Stud. Motto and J. André. "Zand zonder kalk: Cohesie en het proza van Seneca".166 A close relationship between Senecan dialogi and the diatribe has been observed by many scholars and even been made the main and only formative factor of his style. klass. J. Lampas 19 (1986). pp. the mood of these texts is quieter and more placid and the 163 Cf. vivid descriptions and striking comparisons. z. Discussion of separate dialogues in ANRW 11. 164 This criticism is said to have a forerunner in the statement of the emperor Caligula on Seneca's writings: harena sine calce ("sand without lime"). 163 One has the impression that Seneca starts with blocking out the main headings to be treated in a given book and then goes on to develop his thoughts in the framework of each heading.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 239 Seneca is fond of paradoxes. 1993). Thus some scholars analyse many Senecan dialogues along the rhetorical plan of exordium etc.36:3 (1989). 516. 167 Cf.. Whereas Cicero would have his characters describe in an objective way and by means of many third person verbal forms their point of view. although one should not forget that trained philosophers are also used to developing their thoughts. Frankfurt a. V. At any rate. Seneca has a speaking and ex tempore style of brief. 79. 165 Suet.-M. "Sénèque: 'De brevitate vitae'. . Bolkestein.: Peter Lang.36:3 (1989). to quote a common complaint.. Even then often much order in the argument cannot be detected. M. a discussion of his dialogi in this section on diatribe does more justice to their typicality than in that on the dialogue. 164 E. 53. .165 but this statement looks at a supposed ephemeral value of these works. L. pp. Philol. In contrast with his Letters to Lucilius. In the disposition of his works also such a rhetorical influence can be found. 'De otio'". both in his Epistulae and in his Dialog. though influence from the declamatio can also be detected. A. Latin Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 166 A. chs. p. II. I.. M. Cambridge History of Classical Literature. Clark. a personal style of addressing his addressee. 1982). He always maintains. Discourse analysis has now shown that Seneca expects his reader to cooperate and to pick up the hints he gives. but this method is rejected by others.167 These texts have in common that there always is an addressee who is not an unknown person as in earlier diatribes but a person called by his/her name. ANRW 11. V and XIII. Clausen. often striking sentences (style coupé) with relatively many first and second person forms. Cal. personification..J. 298-307.

"will there be no one who will attempt to do the wise man injury?" Yes. Arrianus also summarizes the main points of Epictetus's philosophy in a compendium. A4C(1962). Cambridge. AD 55-ca. διαλέξεις.168 F. SCHENKEVELD vividness of the diatribes is maintained only to a certain degree. Even when the mighty. which had been taken down in shorthand. and published these Διατριβαί in eight books. London: Heinemann. In all. Oldfather (2 vols. and trans. Also called σχολαί. 170 Ed.169 out of which we have four. Schenkl. For the distance which separates him from contact with his inferiors is so great that no baneful force can extend its power all the way to him. strive to injure him. Seneca's theoretical views on style and composition are of great interest too but belong to a different section. 260 83. ύπομνημονεΰματα. he taught at Nicopolis in Epirus after Domitian banished him from Rome in 89. 2 De constantia sapientis) 4:1: "Quid ergo? non erit aliquis qui sapienti facere temptet iniuriam?" temptabit. AD 135) was a slave. all their assaults on wisdom will fall as short of their mark as do the missiles shot on high by bowstring or catapult.. the title does not indicate that these pieces are diatribes in the modern sense. citra caelum tamen flectuntur. Flavius Arrianus edited his lectures. quam ut ulla vis noxia usque ad ilium vires suas perferat. cum extra visum exilierint. maiore enim intervallo a contactu inferiorum abductus est. tam citra sapientiam omnes eorum impetus deficient. quam quae nervo tormentisve in ahum exprimuntur. Seneca's ruptured sentences are still present. the attempt will be made. 1916). By itself. cols. called Έγχειρίδιον. "Epiktet". Orationis ratio. Epictetus (2nd edn. Leipzig: Teubner. Eng. Good survey in L. Manumitted. "What then?" you say. which though they leap beyond our vision. etiam cum potentes et imperio editi et consensu serviendum validi nocere intendent. maior H. 169 168 . 1925-28). 599-681. LCL. sed non perventuram ad eum.240 DIRK M. MA: Harvard University Press. 170 Epictetus was a teacher Cf. exalted by authority and powerful in the support of their servitors. who was allowed by his master to attend the lectures of Musonius.. one of the most influential booklets ever written. An example comes from (Dial. W. Spanneut. Epictetus Epictetus (ca. pp. ed. but the injury will not reach him. yet curve downwards this side of heaven (LCL). which he may have called dialogus. one has the feeling that he is not imitating the earlier diatribe but instead tries to make it a genre of its own. A. Leeman.

A skêsis: Notes on Epictetus' Educational System (Assen: Van Gorcum.171 The place of his Διατριβαί in this system is much disputed. what would have happened? W e should have lost not merely the Iliad. where he contends that sense-impression (φαντασία) is the measure of man's every acdon. ή Ίλιάς ούδέν έστιν ή φαντασία καί χρήσις φαντασιών. hypothetical arguments and such like (1:7).—Ούδέν. 1959). in his lectures Epictetus deals with all aspects of Stoic philosophy and thus he can devote a whole lecture to the usefulness of equivocal premises.—Τίνα δέ καί λέγεις τά τηλικαύτα. another task was to develop various themes put up as problems and. καί κατασκαφάς πόλεων.—Έκ τοιούτου ούν μικρού πράγματος ήρτηται τά τηλικαύτα. N o w if an impression had led Menelaus to feel that it was a gain to be deprived of such a wife. Paulus und die "Diatribe". έφάνη τη Ε λ έ ν η άκολουθησαι αύτώ. to exercise in practice what they learnt. and demonstrates in another one that the study of logic is indispensable (1:17). . τί άν έγένετο. καί τί μέγα έχει ταύτα.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 241 of philosophy for persons who later would have a career in politics and administration. more often than those of Bion and Teles. it is often asserted that they were a complement to Epictetus's regular teaching. There came to Alexander an impression to carry off the wife of Menelaus. . 175 Schmeller. έφάνη τω Αλεξάνδρα) άπάγειν τοΰ Μενελάου την γυναίκα. ταύτην ούδ' άλλην. his diatribes are explicitly argumentative and didacdc. At the same time. So you conclude that such great and terrible things have their origin in this—the impression of one's senses? In this and nothing else. πολέμους . Epictetus does not neglect the well-known method of interrogating imaginary opponents and also uses the rhetorical features mendoned above. righdy or wrongly. finally. on the contrary. An example comes from 1:28. 160-61. τό φαινόμενον. and an impression to Helen to follow him. Other scholars. which has not survived. pp. Nevertheless.172 At any rate. think that this regular teaching mainly consisted of these lectures which as Διατριβαί survived. Accordingly. Hijmans. and continues as follows (11-14): ώστε καί τά οϋτω μεγάλα καί δεινά εργα ταύτη ν έχει την άρχην. . άπολώλει ή Ίλιάς ού μόνον ά λ λ ά καί ή 'Οδύσσεια. but the Odyssey as well.—Then do matters of such 171 B. his program was a demanding one for the pupils had to read and learn the books of the great Stoics and answer questions about these works. εί ούν έφάνη τφ Μενελάφ παθείν οτι κέρδος έστι τοιαύτης γυναικός στερηθηναι. T h e Iliad is nothing but a sense-impression and a poet's use of senseimpressions.

Such carelessness contributes to the . A favourite device of Epictetus is to put a series of short questions and short answers without connecting words (asyndeton). what is weeping and sighing? A judgment. assumed to be good or evil. Why. for example (3:12:43): όρέγεσθαι δ' ή έκκλίνειν ή όρμάν ή άφορμάν ή παρασκευάζεσθαι ή προτίθεσθαι τίς ύμών δύναται μή λαβών φαντασίαν λυσιτελούς ή μή καθήκοντος. or to set something before yourself—what man among you can do these things without first conceiving an impression of what is profitable. and that. τί στάσις. accusing. foolishness? They are all judgments. Oldfather LCL). and destruction of cities? And what is there great in all this?—What. But polysyndeton is also used. too. εις ους ού παραβάλλει. faultfinding. judgments about things that lie outside the province of moral purpose. He ignores smooth composition without hiatus.—ούδείς But to desire. impiety. τί μέμψις. μηνύσατε άνθρώπους. for example (3:3:18): τί γάρ έστι τό κλαίειν καί οίμώζειν. μηνύσατέ μοι τήν χώραν.242 DIRK M. What is misfortune? A judgment. or to avoid. nothing great in this? (trans. μηνύσατε έπαοιδήν. show me the people to whom I may go. And where can I go to escape death? Show me the country. and repetition often occurs (1:27:9): καί πού φύγω τόν θάνατον. τί διχόνοια. disagreement. εις ους άπέλθω. δόγμα. or to prepare. . or what is not fitting?—No one. He uses many popular or vulgar words to express his thoughts. Use of these devices does not automadcally make Epictetus a perfect orator. ταύτα πάντα δόγματά έστι καί άλλο ούδέν καί δόγματα περί τών άπροαιρέτων ώς όντων άγαθών καί κακών. In 3:9:14 he has people accusing him of admitting solecisms and barbarisms into his lectures and he does not care. show me a magic charm against it. or to refuse. δόγμα. What are strife. τί φλυαρία. . τί δυστυχία. or to choose. upon whom death does not come. SCHENKE VELD great import depend upon one that is so small?—But what do you mean by "matters of such great import"? W a r s . often admits anacolutha and similar signs of careless wording. τί άσέβεια. τί κατηγορία.

In all. in J. 1921). 1916-19). pp. de Budé. AD 40-after 110) was converted from "sophistic" to philosophy because of his experiences in exile and. G. V. xxxvi (Cambridge Greek and Latin Class. 3-7. P. 1951). Though there is enough reason not to discuss his works in this part on philosophers.176 His philosophical oudook is Stoic. Lamar Crosby (Cambridge. C. "Tipologia e varietà di funzione comunicativa degli scritti dionei". Dio Chrysostom. "Dio of Prusa: A Survey of Recent Work". Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. G. who also taught Epictetus. 176 D. A. 8-12. 175 Ed. Orations vii. 13) but here the literary mode of expression suggests a less drastic interpretation. The relevant parts are found in the LCL Dio by H. W. for this reason he must posit that there were two different stages in Dio's life. Philostratus.33:5 (1991). as is the case for many of his contemporaries.. Lives of the Sophists (ed. Crosby (5 vols. General discussion in G. consequendy. 3903-59. 1932-51). The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World (Princeton: Princeton University Press. most scholars now agree that Dio was trained as an orator (his nickname is "Chrysostomus". one may surmise.33:5 (1991). London: Heinemann. pp. trans. London: Heinemann. . LCL. 566 82. some discussion is not out of place here. Dio. B. MA: Harvard University Press. MA: Harvard University Press. Whereas to Philostratus Dio combines philosophy with sophistic oratory. Dio of Prusa (ca. Cambridge.177 173 Synesius.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 243 impression of vividness the diatribe gives.174 In his own orations175 Dio alludes to something like a conversion undergone during his exile (Or. Monographs. F. and can therefore be seen as due to the wish for effectiveness. pp. or on Living by his Example. 177 An interesting typology of all his writings in P. 173 Philostratus speaks of Dio as one of those philosophers who expound their theories with ease and fluency and are therefore called "sophists" without being so.. London: Heinemann. Synesius keeps the two features apart. 1993). Eng. The Roman World of Dio Chrysostom (Loeb Class.. L. or the Golden-Tongued) and kept being so but gradually showed an inclination to convey moralistic messages to the intellectuals in the cities he visited. 174 C. pp. he criticizes Philostratus for including Dio among the sophists whose lives he describes. considers them even incongruous and. Harris. Kennedy. pp. Dionis Prusaensis Opera (Leipzig: Teubner. though he also owes a debt to the Cynics. Cambridge. Cohoon-H. He was a pupil of Musonius Rufus. 3860-63. Russell. A. Desideri. 1978). Jones. Wright. pp. MA: Harvard University Press. ANRW 11. MA: Harvard University Press. 1972). W. Cambridge. ANRW 11. pp. 17-23. Dio of Prusa According to Synesius. xii. LCL. 365ff.

such as Maximus of Tyre and Themistius. AD 45-after 120) uses the format of the diatribe more than once in his philosophical works of a popular Or. 181 Christ-Schmid-Stählin.g. Christ-W. klass. Bern: Francke. 7. 933 speaks of "die veredelte Form der Diatribe". Plutarch Plutarch (of Chaeronea) (ca. 13. and the horse Troy! H. 62-66. The oration flows forth smoothly and almost nowhere do we find the characteristics of a diatribe. 179 178 . 14. philosophy and such subjects. Lesky. 71-73. 278-79: 14-17. Different are the works discussing slavery. 24. τί δε 'Αμφίων αδει. in which large parts are reserved for a dialogue between two speakers or contain dialogue exclusively. Schmid-O. 21. 10. Why. 26-27. 180 E. 9. p. τί δέ μετά τού λέοντος Μήλης τό τείχος περιέρχεται. 19-20. 52-58. In the last group we have the orations entided: "Diogenes or O n Tyranny" or some other addition. SCHENKEVELD T h e orations and discourses of Dio may be divided into three classes—sophistic. 22. A few times only do we find the method of questions applied. 5th edn. why does Dioces toil. Or. and moral. A. τί δέ Διόκης πονεί.. 75-76 and 78-80.244 DIRK M. why does Semiramis build. p. (Geschichte der griechischen Literatur 3rd edn. 68-69. τί δέ ό 'Απόλλων μισθαρνεΐ. κρατήσει γαρ Μήδων Κύρος καί Βαβυλωνίων Ζώπυρος καί Σάρδεων Μάρδος καί Τροίας ό ϊππος.1. Geschichte der griechischen Literatur (Hdb. Stählin. political. 23. why does Meies together with his lion encompass the wall? For Cyrus will master the Medes. why Apollo work for hire. 181 However this may be. pp. beauty. τί δέ Σεμίραμις οικοδομεί. 64: τί ούν οί τύραννοι μέγα φρονοΰσιν έπί τοις τείχεσι..2. Dio's classicistic reworking of the diatribe is followed by later authors. Munich: Beck. these "diatribes" have lost much of the immediacy of earlier examples.179 Many works are classified as diatribes by earlier scholars. a Mardian Sardis. 1971). are tyrants proud of their ramparts? Why does Amphion sing. 1911).. 6 and 8. then. Geschichte.178 These orations contain a long story of what the Cynic Diogenes did or said at one time and draws moral lessons from this story. such as in Or. kingship. 180 These discourses are very different from those discussed above and their change is attributed to a desire to lend them a more regular and definite rhetorical composition in order to bring them nearer to classical Attic prose. 30 and some among the group 55-80. Alt. Zopyros the Babylonians. 279. W.

.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 245 type. In contrast to Dio's diatribes this one is very lively. B. Moralia (Leipzig: Teubner.). but also elsewhere. Various useful articles are in ANRW 11. 183 Ed. κατ' ιδίαν δ' οϋτως έκατέραν σκοπώμεν. μή δανείση. I am pointing out to those who are too ready to become borrowers how much disgrace and servility there is in the practice and that borrowing is an act of extreme folly and weakness. The ensuing discussion of the two alternatives is not a theoretical one but starts from anecdotes and develops the message contained therein. . Maximus of Tyre. M. ού γάρ απορείς. Imagined interruptions. "Plutarchos von Chaironeia". The Philosophical Orations (Oxford: Clarendon Press. enlivened by numerous examples and anecdotes. RE (1951). Babbitt et at.182 One instance is that entitled περι του μή δείν δανείζεσθαι. Maximus of Tyre The last author to be discussed here. C. 636-962 (2nd edn. 1964) and Russell. ούκ έχεις. His orations or lectures are called Διαλέξεις. cognoscenti. direct addresses to the audience. . There is a certain vulgar vigour in the imagery and the theme is unusual. Ziegler. 1997). 182 . cols. if Divination exists. . ού γάρ έκτίσεις. This diatribe consists of repeated warnings against running into debt. for example 829F: . Have you money? D o not borrow. Trapp. for you will not be able to pay. 827D-32A). ένδεικνύμενον τοις προχείρως δανειζομένοις. "On borrowing" (Mor.. Hubert et al. .33:6. οσην εχει τό πράγμα αίσχύνην καί άνελευθερίαν καί οτι τό δανείζεσθαι τής έσχατης αφροσύνης καί μαλακίας έστίν. out of which we have 41. I. Plutarch's Moralin (LCL). In antiquity he was called "a Platonic philosopher" but to us he is more a rhetorician who handles philosophical subjects for an audience of πεπαιδευμένοι. for you are not in need. "Whether.183 In these Maximus is dealing with questions such as "Who is God according to Plato" (11). and striking word-arrangements are characteristic. was active in Rome under the emperor Commodus. Stuttgart: Druckenmüller. B. 1994). μή δανείση. έχεις. there is Free Will" (13) or the problem of evil (41). Plutarchus. Dissertatwrus (Stuttgart-Leipzig: Teubner. Plutarch. Have you no money? D o not borrow. Let us look at each of these two alternatives separately (trans. Maximus of Tyre (second part of the 2nd cent. Maximus Tyrius. Survey: K. Fowler LCL). rhetorical questions. 1908). .. M. T o students of ancient philosophy these Ed. Trapp. trans.

Trapp discusses parallels from contemporary philosophical treatises as well as the interest in this lecture from the fourteenth century onwards. άξίωσαι άποκρίνασθαι όποιον τινα ηγούμεθα είναι τόν θεόν. 186 This subject is worthy of investigation but in order to understand Plato's dialogues one needs a technique which will assay what has been found with the light of reason. while entertaining notions of our own. χρυσάς δέ χαίτας. it were to demand that we say what we think God is like.246 DIRK M.184 T h e way he builds up his dialexeis usually is to approach slowly and by means of literary references to his proper subject. pp. to discuss without explicidy taking up a position. 399 400. 200-205. Reardon. de l'Univ. κυανάς μέν όφρύας. 186 Analysis in Festugière. 3. whereas in the second one the contemplative philosopher. (Ann. Courants littéraires grecs des II' et III' siècles après J. we imagine Plato to hold different beliefs that contradict them. or whether. Middle Platonists. the active or the contemplative one?". 1971). κάτα ήμών φασκόντων έχειν. καταγέλαστος ή άπόκρισις. de Nantes. 109-15. and if when we replied that we do have notions of our own. If this technique had a voice and were to ask us whether. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. and to end with an uplifting conclusion. SCHENKEVELD discourses contain much of interest for the general background of second-century Platonism and its place in educated circles. pp. we ourselves have no belief in the existence of a divine element in Nature and no conception of God at all. At the end Maximus concludes that each life has its advantages and disadvantages. IV. P. What follows gives some idea of Maximus's style (3): Ει ούν εροιτο ημάς ή τέχνη φωνήν λαβούσα. B. In his translation. 183 T o approach one's subject in this way reminds the reader of Plutarch's method in many of his works. In the first discourse the defender of the active life is imagined to give his speech. in our dispute over Plato. thereby liberally telling stories. οτι έστιν ό θεός γυρός έν ώμοιιν. ούλοκάρηνος. In 15 and 16 Maximus enters into the question "which is the better life. maintains his point of view. έλελιζόμενον δέ ΰπ' αύτών τόν ούρανόν. In the eleventh oration he investigates Plato's teachings about God. κάν εί μειζόνως χαρακτηρίζοις τόν Δία. giving historical examples and quoting many authors. Révélation. pp. ή αύτοί τινας έχοντες οικείας δόξας έ'τερ' άττα ηγούμεθα παρά ταύτας δοξάζειν έκεΐνον. 185 184 . μελανόχροος. what would our answer be? That God is Dillon. lit. here exemplified by Anaxagoras of Clazomenae.-C. τί τοίνυν άν άποκρινοίμεθα. πότερα τοίνυν ούχ ηγούμεθα αύτοί τι είναι θείον έν τη φύσει ούδέ έχοντες καθάπαξ έννοιαν θεού άμφισβητούμεν περί Πλάτωνος.

a treatise or essay (many works of Philo of Alexandria or Plutarch). This proposition is of a general kind and will be discussed by the method of in utramque partem. T. e. the Diatnbae of Epictetus and many other works discussed in this section show a use of rhetoric geared towards an audience willing to be persuaded to change their views and to be instructed. VII. 159-66. pp. and apt quotations. with curling hair? [Od. 188 Fundamental is Throm. not always easy to grasp. 1). uses it as an equivalent of φιλόλογος. thus in MOT. that is. Rather long periods with much hypotaxis. Mansfeld. Clarke. There is no fixed form and thus theseis are found presented in the form of a dialogue (Cicero Tusculanae disputationes is the most famous example). but this term is often used in a loose sense. Die Thesis'. or any other format. witness the tide θέσεις found in the lists of works of Zeno and Chrysippus or 187 Plutarch. pp. THESIS A. "Doxography and Dialectic". L. 45 (1951). ANRW 11. 3193-3208. dark in complexion. the Dialexeis of Maximus. whether one should philosophize when at a symposium. 612C. Are they the product of the professional rhetor (sophist) who is also a philosopher. Dffinition A philosophical thesis (θέσις. "The Thesis in the Roman Rhetorical Schools of the Republic". of confirmation and refutation (κατασκευή. CQ.36:4 (1990). even if you were to offer a more impressive characterization of Zeus—raven brows. 112-19. or cast into a speech (Cic. . T o his contemporaries he may well have been a φιλόσοφος. and vivid descriptions—all these are at home in these orations. statements which are not of necessity true. see also D. a θέσις on the question. or the other way round? In this period it does not really matter how we classify men like Maximus. interesting stories and comparisons. but most times elegantly construed. golden hair and heaven shaking at his nod (trans. Parad. 105-51 esp.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 247 Round shouldered. pp. 19:246] What a ridiculous response. The treatment itself of the proposition is also called θέσις. it belongs to the class of ένδοξα. VC 35 (1981). Runia.. M.g. and J. ανασκευή).187 Whatever the answer may be. Trapp). "Philo's De aetemitate mundi". The genre has its origins in Aristotle's school but is very much practised in other schools. quaestio infinita)m is first and foremost a proposition fit for discussion.

189 . pp. also because proponents of the diatribe in the modern sense tend to neglect the thesis. II. As to diatribes possibly being theses. pp. and their introduction into the curriculum of rhetoricians under the progymnasmatam is a source of great irritation to the philosophers. pp. LCL. Phenomena such as introduction of imaginary or real opponents (φησί τις. Rhétorique. at the same time anticipating and refuting the oppo- E. 17-19. Consequently. Paulus und die "Diatribe". quotations. Discussion in Runia. inquit aliquis). theseis also other themes. XII. 192 After a short survey of thinkers who support either side of the proposition Plutarch continues to discuss possible arguments pro and contra. diatribes always concern an ethical subject. Kennedy. pp. In rhetorical theory the discussion of a proposition referring to specific persons or events (περιστάσεις.g. SCHENKE VELD the reports on the members of the Academy. 597-98. but see Schmeller.248 DIRK M. In epideictic rhetoric the use of theseis is recommended and several examples of such an oratory still exist. A first set of these plead in favour of the proposition that water is more useful than fire. Die Thesis. 120-28 Spengel. pp. 192 Text at Helmbold. 60-65. as we have seen.190 A clear distinction between diatribe and thesis has not often been made. Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors. 955D-958E). Patillon). 114-15. drcumstantiae) is named ύπόθεσις (quaestiofinita). Plutarch A clear example of a thesis is Plutarch's discussion of the question "whether fire or water is more useful" (Mor. examples and comparisons. the criterion here will be the degree of tightness (thesis) or looseness of argumentation.Philosophical schools use the thesis as a pedagogic method. pp. 191 Throm. many philosophical works labelled nowadays as diatribes may be put under the class of theseis as well.191 This comes about because a diatribe most times focuses on one theme. pp. 290-307. "Philo's De aetemitate mundi". Aelius Theon Progymnasmata (RG. because these also occur in works called theseis by ancient authors. as in the thesis. Progymnasmata. 77-79. are not strong enough indications for the label of diatribe. Moreover. which can be put as a proposition. 190 Pemot. B. But a thesis is not restricted qua format. coupled with vividness and informality of language (diatribe). 82-94 ed. pp.

This apparent looseness of thought has given scholars many headaches but under the surface one can often detect a well-reasoned argument. Liveliness is sparingly sought by questions. but there is no attempt to construct a logically coherent and consistent sequence of argument". T h e qualities of mind and character of individual m e n stand revealed at our national festivals no less than at symposia. a defence which comes second is stronger than the first one. Although Plutarch does not offer a definite solution. it may well be that he favours the second proposition. A second set. 115. C.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 249 site view.m When comparing this thesis to the example of a diatribe of Plutarch one is struck by the greater degree of calm reasoning in the thesis.195 It is a description of various types of men attending symposia or festival games. anecdotes are almost absent. introduced by the transitional sentence. which tends to be forgotten. Moreover. Lampas 16 (1983). p. Slings. It starts with a proposition: οί άνθρωποι γίγνονται κασταφανεΐς οποίαν έχουσι διάνοιαν έ'καστος έν ταΐς πανηγύρεσιν ούχ ήττον ή έν τοις συμποσίοις. except that at festivals the revelation is more varied and extends over a longer period of time. "Philo's De aetemilate mundi". Runia. pp. 27) is entitled Διατριβή ή περί τών έν συμποσίφ ("A short talk on what takes place at a symposium"). the arguments in the second part are more philosophically orientated and look stronger. 65-85. R. 193 This trait is characteristic of the other examples of both diatribe and thesis discussed so far in this chapter. the analysis of 1:18 in S. and all interest is put in the argumentation. One argument for this view is that rhetorically speaking. πλήν οτι ποικιλώτερον τό τών πανηγύρεων καί χρόνου πλείονος. "The sequences of arguments are joined together by introductory phrases and connecting particles. II. 194 193 . reviews the arguments favouring the view that fire is more useful. τί πρός τουναντίον άν τις εντεύθεν έχων λέγοι ("what could anyone find to say on the other side from this point on?"). Dio of Prusa One of Dio's discourses (Or. Cf. 195 LCL. for example in the case of Epictetus's Diatribae. "Epictetus and Socrates".

Ronnick. Cicero's "Paradoxa Stoicorum": A Commentary. 198 He imagines his audience as consisting of prudentissimi. . and in a prooemium startles them by putting before them the problem (Parad. kl. and one of his pupils on the question whether man is fortunate and happy or not. z. although sparingly. It is foolish therefore for people to neglect the assistance of philosophers and physicians. 33): Laudetur vero hie imperator aut etiam < t a m > appelletur aut hoc nomine putetur. an Interpretation and a Study of its Influence (St.: Lang. but Cicero soon turns to a more general deliberation. 196 . not uncultured persons. Aphr. but on the whole in this dialogue Dio hastens to arrive at his conclusion that the wise man is happy.250 DIRK M.. Imperator q u o m o d o . Sometimes even Dio himself suggests possible disagreement. a dialogue between Dio. In Top. with trans. who has as much trouble in attracting the audience's attention as a physician. Phil. the Stoic paradox οτι μόνος ό σοφός έλεύθερος και πας άφρων δούλος is discussed as concerning a certain military commander. Frankfurt a. For example. The comparison between philosopher and physician is a popular one in protreptic and other philosophical literature. . Cicero. 42 is endded διάλεξις. 23. 196 This device frees Dio from introducing objections by imaginary opponents because now the pupil does so. Brutus that he has transposed the usual θέσεις of the schools into the form of rhetorical exercises. II. Stylistic analysis in M. 198 Parad. H. De oratore.. He tells his addressee M. cum ipsis improbissimis dominis. A subject also mentioned as fit for theseis by Alex. 62. the Greek title saying nothing about the distinction between diatribe and thesis. Rackham. 176:10. Another thesis is Or. Cicero Quite different in style is Cicero's handling of Stoic propositions in his Paradoxa Stoicorum. T h e way Dio starts and the manner in which he develops his proposition make classification under theseis preferable. II). 197 Or. V. tum incipiat aliis imperare. Ed. 45-50. qui non potest cupiditatibus suis imperare? Refrenet primum libidines. aut cui tandem hie libero imperabit. the teacher. SCHENKEVELD Dio first discusses the behaviour of participants at a symposium. pp. 1991). but this is an alternative of προλαλιά. 5 (ed. 197 D. .M. then goes on to do the same for those at festivals. The last type to be discussed is the philosopher. in LCL.

and judged worthy of this title. Ille videat quo modo imperator esse possit."quibus et possumus et debemus"? Isn't all fear slavery? What import then does that speech. Cicero ends thus: Sed haec hactenus. parere desierit: dum quidem his oboediet. . or even hailed "imperator".PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 251 dedecori ac turpitudini. "Do not permit us to serve anyone". But enough of this. Shortly hereafter. But in what sense is he a general? What free person will be in command. of L. in all these cases people are led by fear of loss. in the case of such a famous and well-born man? All the cowardice of a weak. All fear is servitude (Parad. Crassi. sed liber habendus omnino non erit. non liber esse vult. a man of the greatest eloquence. Ronnick). have? "Save us from slavery". . not only ought he not be considered a general but in no circumstances even a free man (trans. So long as he shows obedience to these. quid enim adiumgit?—"nisi vobis universis"—Dominum mutare. first of all. 41): An non est omnis metus servitus? Quid valet igitur ilia eloquentissimi viri. He first discusses what libertas is and concludes that "the capability to live as one wishes" is only viable for the wise man and that therefore omnes improbi servi (sc. disgrace and indecency. This point is now developed for the aspects of family life. copiosa magis quam sapiens oratio: "Eripite nos ex Servitute"—Quae est ista servitus tam claro homini tamque nobili? Omnis animi debilitati et humilis et fracti timiditas servitus est—"nolite sinere nos cuiquam servire"—In libertatem vindicari vult? Minime. This brings him to the very proposition dictum est igitur ab eruditissimis viris nisi sapientem liberum esse neminem. Throughout the oration Cicero asks . works of arts. What sort of slavery is that. lowly and broken soul is slavery. not free. who cannot regulate his own appetites? Let him. L. This exercise does not prove explicidy that only the wise man is happy but does so more by implication. not be free. inheritances. sunt). offices and commands. cum eum ne liberum quidem esse ratio et V e r i t a s ipsa convincat. the main point is rather that the unwise are slaves. . restrain his desires. He wants to change his master. Let that man reflect on how he can be a commander. Does he really want to be emancipated? Not at all. for what does he add? "Except to all of you for whom we are both able and obliged to be". It may be that this man is praised as a general. Crassus. when reason and truth itself prove that he is not even free. more fluent than wise. non modo imperator. Let him begin to give orders to others only when he himself has ceased to obey the most shameless of masters.

in order not to succumb entirely to low spirits. Εί εύλαβητέον τόν καταλύοντα. often called Meditations) are unique and do not come under any of the other headings. Ad se ipsum libH XII (ed. Significantly. Biography: A. and especially in the part on works of art someone is presented as making objections. 1916). MA: Harvard University Press. London: Heinemann. 203 Marcus Aurelius. J. 201 VIII. Edman. 199 . London: Batsford. When banned by Caesar's dictatorial regime from official duties he had time to devote himself to theseis. Trans. μή αύτός αϊρηται 200 and six more. even under a tyranny. Historical examples are put forward and. Cicero sets great store by theseis and reproaches rhetoricians that they neglect to train their pupils in this genre. EGO-DOCUMENTS This category is put here by necessity because Marcus Aurelius's twelve books To Himself (Τά πρός εαυτόν. The way he may have handled these themes can be seen from the examples discussed above. 202 Together with St Augusdne's Confessions. although its method belongs to a Stoic type of meditation. Marcus Aurelius (exp. Ei παντι τρόπω τυραννίδος κατάλυσιν πραγματευτέον. Black. NY: W. T h e oratorical format is clearly visible. 200 "Whether one should remain in one's country. and in a letter to his friend Atticus he mentions some. but this text is outside the framework of this contribution. parts of which have been preserved. 1987). 1945) and in C. he quotes these in Greek: 199 Ei μενετεον έν τή πατρίδι τυραννουμένης αύτης. Marcus Aurelius and his Times (Roslyn. R.. Teub. 1979). analysis of a clause from a famous speech is given. At the same time." 201 For the theseis in Tusculanae disputationes see the secdon on dialogue. edn. the category consists of this one text only. Whether any means are lawful to abolish a tyranny. these two kept a correspondence.J. even if they endanger the existence of the State. Haines. The themes he chooses are applicable to the present political situation. Bibl.203 He got an education in rhetoric from Fronto and although Marcus turned away from rhetoric later on. Dalfen. Leipzig: Teubner. in I. Whether one ought to take care that one who tries to abolish it may not rise too high himself. In one of these Marcus praises Att. καν μέλλη δια τοΰτο περι τών όλων ή πόλις κινδυνεύσειν.. 9:4.252 DIRK M. SCHENKEVELD rhetorical questions. at the end. LCL (Cambridge. 202 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (121-180) was emperor from 161-180. Birley.

influence of Epictetus's Diatnbae is very much present. 2228- 2252. Ε. concerns a gende attitude to those who utter incorrect expressions but that his indebtedness to Fronto does not mention specific rhetorical subjects. It is unlikely that the emperor had any intention of bringing these Meditations into circulation. "The Stoicism of Marcus Aurelius". who lured him away from oratory. 379. At first look. καλόν ή καλήν.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 253 a speech of Fronto and does so in a full-blown rhetorical vein with Gorgianic schemes and other trappings. who brought him to a knowledge of Stoic ideas. R. άπροαίρετον ή προαιρετικόν. 206 However. τί είδες. But whereas these writers offer a methodology. Marcus never became a full-blown Stoic philosopher but fully sympathized with this school of thought. and reflection is much helped by using sententiae. but by some unknown factor they came to be transmitted. Junius Rusticus. It is interesting to observe that his indebtedness to Alexander.36:3 (1989). ANRW 11. Theory and Practice of the meditatio in Imperial Stoicism". training in directing one's soul by means of meditation. επάγε τόν κανόνα. ANRW 11. and from Claudius Severus and Sextus of Chaeronea. exempta. Orationis ratio. άποκρίνου ώς προς ερώτημα. Marcus's Meditations stand apart in showing the practice. "Cotidie meditare. pp. 204 205 Leeman. 207 206 . p. The remaining books contain varied observations on power and life. in which his Stoicism is apparent. as well as other rhetorical devices.J. this kind of personal jotting scarcely invites him to adopt rhetorical techniques. Moreover.36:3 (1989). 205 At the end of his life. p. 204 He learnt philosophy from Q. for example: "From my grandfather Verus I learned good morals and the government of my temper". Newman. moral homilies addressed to himself. The first book consists of seventeen expressions of gradtude to relations and the gods. The Meditations are not discussed in Norden's Kunstprosa. Epictetus tells one what to do when in the morning one rises from his bed (3:3:14): εύθυς ορθρου προελθών δν αν ϊδης. when campaigning. he wrote down a kind of diary— his personal commonplace book—which also contains recollections. 367. Asmis. άπροαίρετον αίρε εξω. there is a definite tradition in Imperial Stoicism of meditatio. cf. pp. esp.207 It is even possible to reconstruct a theory of meditation from the writings of Seneca and Epictetus. 1506-15. δν αν ακούσης έξέταζε. 1473-1517. the grammarian.

Marcus. δει. τό καθ' αύτάς συγκοσμούσας κόσμον. pp. εί πορεύομαι έπί τό ποιεΐν. (trans. on the other hand. . ού τρέχεις έπί τό κατά την φύσιν. "Stoicism". You must. or in general for passivity. helping to give order to the ordered world as far as their own part goes? And then you are unwilling to do the work of a human being. τους άράχνας. ού βλέπεις τά φυτάρια. Edman. ή έπί τούτο κατεσεύασμαι. What did you see? A handsome man or a handsome woman. adapted). examine him and then answer as you would to a question. έδωκε μέντοι καί τούτου μέτρα ή φύσις κτλ. let this thought be with you: "I am rising to the work of a human being. οτι έπί ανθρώπου έργον εγείρομαι· έτι ούν δυσκολαίνω. the little birds. and no matter whom you see or whom you hear. προς τό ήδεσθαι ούν γέγονας. όλως δέ πρός πείσιν. "άλλά δει καί άναπαύεσθαι". I too say so. Away with it (trans. Do you live then to take your pleasure. "άλλά τούτο ήδιον". for example. ών ένεκεν γέγονα καί ών χάριν προήγμαι εις τόν κόσμον. έπειτα συ ού θέλεις τά άνθρωικά ποιεΐν. Why then am I dissatisfied if I am about to do the things for which I was brought into the world? Or was I made to lie under the bedclothes and keep myself warm?" "But that is more pleasant". ού πρός ένέργειαν. Apply the rule. his training in rhetoric and philosophy helps him to express his thoughts in a lucid and well-ordered way. τά στρουθάρια. πρόχειρον έστω. Oldfather LCL). τάς μέλισσας τό 'ίδιον ποιούσας. and especially the shorter maxims are closely related to rhetorical sententiae. you say. Is it outside the province of moral purpose. not for activity? Do you not see the little plants. the bees. 2232-34. But nature has fixed bounds to this etc. It is not polished and. has his own "morning thoughts" (5:1): "Ορθρου οταν δυσόκνως έξεγείρη. admits hiatus freely.φημί κάγώ.208 2oe Asmis. the ants. the spiders. however. SCHENKEVELD Go out of the house at early dawn. This kind of dialogue Marcus will have heard from speakers of diatribe in Rome and known from earlier literature.254 DIRK M. 'ίνα κατακείμενος έν στρωματίοις έμαυτόν θάλπω. you are not eager to do what belongs to your nature? "But I must have rest also". Whenever in the morning you rise unwillingly. τους μύρμηκας. or inside? Outside.

They mosdy have the form of a treatise or introduction and can be dedicated to an individual person or addressed to a pupil. and other types belong to this group. variety or some other persuasive technique. LSJ s. II. pp. refers to notes jotted down and collected and to treatises or commentaries. it may be of interest to look at this type of text as writings which try to put over a message in whatever way and then detect which methods are used.v. Treatises can also 209 210 Schmeller. 9-12. Whether these belong to rhetoric or not. who often fashion the text. but this feature is not obligatory. we have fragments of over 30 writings by Philodemus. These texts. is then another matter. or of Porphyry doing the same for Plotinus's writings and lectures. for example. for instance. many still extant. is credited with over 150 tides and that list is still incomplete. conversations held in the classroom. Very many texts are lost. those of Proclus to Platonic texts. We may think of Arrianus editing Epictetus's διατριβαί. Paulus und die "Diatribe". 210 for example. talks. However. one might argue. introductory texts. doxographies. The list of texts is impressively long: Chrysippus. Thus titles like σχολαί and διατριβαί merely state that their texts represent in writing lectures.3 and 5. Οφηίίιοη The heading of "technical wridngs" comprises all those works in which their authors offer information of a philosophical kind in the way of pure and direct instruction. T h e classification of the texts is diverse for commentaries. Most ancient tides of these texts give little or no indication of the genre of texts they announce. do not deserve to be discussed in this part on rhetoric and philosophy and this view is not wholly wrong. 209 Epictetus's διατριβαί are also called υπομνήματα (commentarii). A few of these demand our attention. which term. even many biographies. . treatises.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 255 IX. handbooks. and for Porphyry we know of over 65 tides. They have been written down occasionally by the teacher himself but often by his pupils. to all appearances without any thought for embellishment. but also Philodemus speaks of his writings as often based on the teachings of his master Zeno. TECHNICAL WRITINGS Α. alleviation.

For literary texts with specific titles. τά προ της αναγνώσεως τών του Πλάτωνος διαλόγων. Apart from the interest the methodical approach of a text offers. Outside philosophical contexts. 1012B). biography) give somewhat more to go on. etc. εισαγωγή (introduction). the isagogic writings are rhetorically important because they query the obscurity (ασάφεια. Leiden: Brill. 63-100. Thessaloniki: Patriarch. ύποτύπωσις (outiine) and βίος (life. Prolegomena: Questions to be Solved before the Study of an Author.212 In the philosophical schools of late antiquity teachers prepare their pupils for the study of the important texts of Plato and Aristotle by first discussing a few preliminary questions. στοιχείωσις (elementary exposition). pp. επιτομή (summary). Mansfeld.w. 213 G. Notwithstanding clarity always being recognized as a necessary virtue of style. its utility. or a Text (Phil. 2 " B. Introductory Texts T h e first category is that of the introductory texts. at least its character of being a vice (κακία. see the foregoing sections. Vitium dicendi) is no longer stressed. Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric (Analecta Vlatadon.256 DIRK M. whereas it is more of a commentary. είσαγωγαί. Kustas. because of the authority of its author (e. 1994).g. 1973). whereas the late commentaries on Aristode start with this type of question. obscuntas) of the text to be studied. Studies. such as the theme of the work to be studied. But έξήγησις (commentary). and in calling his Περί τής έν Τιμαίω ψυχογονίας (De animae procreatione in Timaeo) an αναγραφή (Mor. especially in later rhetorical theory. 61.g. 212 211 . obscurity now becomes a virtue of its own. 213 See LSJ s. Thrasyllus (1st century AD) is one of the first ancient scholars known to have written such an introduction to Democritus and Plato. We still have isagogic texts written by Porphyry and Proclus. Plutarch may intend no more than indicating a type of treatise. Aristotle). The obscurity becomes excused because of the difficulty of the subject a n d / o r the public the Master wrote for consists of cognoscenti. coupled with a bios and a list of their writings. Σύγγραμμα is another vague title. T h e title of these preparatory texts explains their introductory status: e. SCHENKE VELD have πραγματεία as their title and this too is related to the original treatment of a subject. J. 17. ant. obscurity is very much valued. Institute for Patr. L..

I. 215 As to the style of his writings. Knox (eds. A. 215 K. 216 A. and one can only conclude that literary elegance was the last quality expected from technical writing at this time". 4):217 και σπάνια δ' έστιν παρ' ήμίν ένια. "they frequently display the crabbed qualities of Epicurus at his worst. Sign. ANRW 11. 214 Repeatedly one suspects that when he gives quotations from the text of a victim under attack he deliberately takes these out of their context in order to have them fit his onslaught. ύπέρ ών συντιθέμεθα τήν σημείωσιν. έχομεν ζητείν εϊ τι καί τούτων. H. Naples: Bibliopolis. the person in Epidaurus. edn. righdy. Long. W.216 This severe criticism of a modern scholar is borne out by reading a few pages of Philodemus. La Scuola di Epicuro. and E. in P. .36:4 (1990). with a colossal head that could be beaten with a hammer. καί ό γαμηθείς ώς πάρθενος έν Έπιδαύρωι κάπειτα γενόμενος άνήρ [follow some more examples]. M. in Philodemus On Methods of Inference (ed. R. "Philodemus' Epicureanism". . There are also in our experience some infrequent occurrences. 1978). 1985). Philodemus The aridity of many of Aristode's treatises is often attractive because of the preciseness of language and argument. 1988). Easterling and B.). καθάπερ ό γενόμενος ήμίπηχυς άνθρωπος έν Ά λ ε ξ α ν δ ρ ε ί α ι κεφαλήν δέ κολοσσικήν έχων έφ' ής έσφυροκόπουν. [. In a different situation he even adjusts the texts of the founders of the school.] If these things go beyond all 214 A general survey in E. Asmis. pp. The Cambridge History of Classical Literature. οτι ούκ έστιν. . In a similar way.). I. E.. in S. who used to be exhibited by the embalmers. De Lacy. 21-39. pp. 217 Text and trans. OPHELOS (Amsterdam: Free University Press. εί δ' ούν έξήλθεν τά προκείμενα πάνθ' ά είθίσμεθα καί ούκ έστιν ομοια. One example of a very simple type must suffice and the reader is invited to imagine with what enthusiasm Plutarch would have seized the opportunity to treat this kind of subject-matter (Phld.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 257 C. as for example the man in Alexandria half a cubit high. P. who observers. Philodemus's writings may at times appeal for the forcefulness of his attacks on opponents. that prose style and language of technical treatises have been so little studied that it is extremely difficult to make comparative assessments. Slings and I. "Post-Aristotelian Philosophy". δν έπεδείκνυον οί ταρειχευταί. Epicurus and Metrodorus—he calls them "The M e n " (άνδρες)—to prove that even they appreciate epideictic oratory. Greek Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2369-2406. Sluiter (eds. who was married as a young woman and then became a man. A. rev. Goudriaan. "Van Eerste naar Tweede Sofistiek". p. 629.

Prolegomena. Consequendy. for example. attend to an inferior. Η. II. but are satisfied that what they say. άλλά τοις ολίγοις άρέσκοντα λέγειν αίρούνται τά τε ά λ λ α καί τά περί της τών πολλών διαθέσεως. Thus in the fifth book of his Περί ρητορικής (On Rhetoric) Philodemus compares the wretched life of a politician with that of the philosopher and through the factualness of the presentation of his opponent's ideas and that of his own arguments one feels that Philodemus is closely involved in the subject (Rh. 1920). 219 Notwithstanding the arid character of these πραγματεΐαι in general. Smith. nor do they as slaves of all. I. The Rhetorica of Philodemus (Trans. T h e philosophers are not vexed if people. Epicurus and Philodemus do not stand alone.. 221 A curious document is the monumental inscription a certain Diogenes (ca. Vol.. p. έργφ δ' άμυνούν πλείστον άποδιδόασιν ούδέ δουλεύοντες άθρόοις αύτοΐς ενός εκάστου βουλεύονται κυριεύειν. F. we may ask whether any of those things about which we make inferences may also be exceptional. 312. 237-38. SCHENKE VELD that we are familiar with and are not similar. Hubbell. Plutarch and Galen 218 show the same characteristics. 1993). 1892-96). New Haven: Connecticut Academy. AD 120) had inscribed on the walls of a stoa in his native town Oenoanda in Lycia. (non vidi) by M. 1971). 5:8):220 ούκ άγανακτούσιν. M. their authors sometimes rise to an unexpected level of spiritedness. for example in the case of those of Epicurus or Stoics like Zeno. W. like foolish sheep or cattle. the need for commentaries which explain these treatises very soon springs up. for the quotations from Chrysippus's writings by. Mansfeld. one can say that the technical treatise of philosophers (υπόμνημα. Sudhaus. rhet. shall please the few. εί καθάπερ ποιμένος πρόβατα καί βουκόλου βόες ούτως άφρονες φαύλω προσέσχον. of Arts and Sc. Diogenes of Oenoanda: The Fragments (Oxford: Oxford University Press. by which he wanted to instruct his fellow-citizens in Epicurus's philosophy in order to dispel their fear of death and of the gods. 23.258 DIRK M. Diogenes of Oenoanda: The Epicurean Inscription (Naples: Bibliopolis. 220 Philodemus. C. 156. S. Large fragments have been preserved 222 and these show a In Stoic. pp. p. (ed. Latest ed. particularly about the attitude of the c o m m o n people. Connecticut Acad. In general. try to rule everything for themselves. πραγματεία) does not aim at persuasion by its style. 219 218 . and in action they are most blameless. 221 Trans. 222 Ed. Chilton. Leipzig: Teubner.

therefore. περί τούδέ τίνος μόνου τολμηρόν καταποφαίνεσθαι. 224 523 . πλήν τούτο μέν παρενβεβλήσθω.224 This was done because Philodemus often reproduces what he has learned from the lectures (σχολαί. Philippson. Use of rhetorical devices is found in many hyperbata and avoidance of hiatus. which we see low in the sky and not the sun itself. Even in the expository treatises on physics and ethics Diogenes does not forget his readers at the walls. Lexicon Philodemeum (Purmerend-Amsterdam: Muusses-Swets. that it is rash for the inquirer into obscure subjects if he sees a number of possible explanations to pronounce categorically about only one. 226 Cf. cols. μάντεως γάρ μαλλόν έστι τό τοιούτον ή άνδρός σοφού. they assume the sun to be as low as it appears whereas it is not as low as that. ii-iii Chilton): τόν γούν ήλιον ΰπολαμβάνουσιν οϋτως είναι ταπεινόν. this typification has been connected with the use of diatribe in the modern sense and wrongly extended. Let us now speak about risings and settings and matters connected with these first making this point.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 259 great love and concern for his fellow-men.J. Philippson. but this is by the way. cols. Ricerchefilodemee(Naples: Macchiaroli. s. 1969).223 I give one passage from his text on physics (fr. R. περί δ' άνατολών ήδη λέγωμεν καί δύσεων καί τών έφεξής. εί γαρ ήν οϋτως. 5 (1931). 8. it is better to keep Philodemean texts in this section. "Philodemos". ένπυρίζεσθαι τήν γην έδει καί τά έπ' αύτής πάντα πράγματα. ώσπερ φαίνεται. τήν ούν άπόφασιν όρώμεν αύτού ταπεινήν. 226 Consequently. at any rate. διατριβαί) of his teacher Zeno.2 (1938). pp. which may be connected with caring for the clausula. It is its appearance (?). 43-46 and what I have said in the section on diatribe. 225 However. It may come as a surprise that several of Philodemus's writings have been classified as diatribes. RE Sup. M. for if it were the earth and all things upon it must have caught fire. 170. R. 1934-1941). several letters. His manner is gende and he tries to persuade his audience of the blessings of Epicurean philosophy. RE 19. col. 2467ff. T h e inscription consists of a dedication. ά λ λ ' όχι αύτόν. his testament and texts on Epicurean physics and ethics. Such is more the method of a soothsayer rather than a wise man. μή όντα οϋτως ταπεινόν. 225 See C. "Diogenes". Vooys.w. άν βλέπη τους τού δυνατού τρόπους πλείστους. έκεινο προθέντες οτι τόν ζητούντά τι περί τών άδήλων. Gigante.

Buffière.). Impend Period Factual exposition is the main characteristic of most treatises of the Imperial Period. for example in All. But we who have purified ourselves from the sacred vessels (at the entrance to Homer's sanctuary). let us under the Ed. F. A.. L. in R. Έρρίφθω δέ Πλάτων ό κόλαξ καί 'Ομήρου συκοφάντης. because of ignorance.A. they may even have rejected without due examination the truth and not understanding what is said philosophically keep to what the poet seems to have made in a mythical way. ένδοξον άπό τής ιδίας πολιτείας τόν φυγάδα προπέμπων. AD 60). Teub. do not understand Homer's allegorical language and have not gone to the deepest corners of his wisdom. 227 . Keaney (eds. Allegories d'Homère (Paris: CUF. cults and myths. άλλ' άβασάνιστός αύτοΐς ή τής άληθείας κρίσις έρριπται. pp. have said about the cosmos and the gods. 228 Ed. Stoics discover more easily their meaning. let them begone. κτλ. is in all probability the author of the έπιδρομή τών κατά τών Ελλήνων θεολογίαν παραδεδομένων. 1992). esp. 228 In this case the author has an axe to grind for he must prove that Homer was not irreverent to the gods and that what in his poems may look impious can be sanitized by allegorical explanation. C. In the first chapter and at other places Heraclitus eloquendy attacks people like Plato and other detractors. Leipzig: Teubner. δ μυθικώς δοκεΐ πλάσαι προσαρμονίζουσιν. especially Stoics. [. which never gets changed. By means of bringing back the original form of names. Homer's Ancient Readers (Princeton: Princeton University Press. a nephew of Seneca the philosopher and a Stoic himself (ca. σεμνήν ύπό νόμω τών ποιημάτων τήν άλήθειαν ίχνεύωμεν. "Stoic Readings on Homer". . epithets. their names. 1962). ούτοι μέν έρρέτωσαν. These people. Lang (Bibl. . Heraclitus the author of 'Ομηρικά Προβλήματα (1st century AD ?) adopts a definitely allegorical reading of the ancient poetry. 53-56. 1881). Annaeus Cornutus. ημείς δ' οϊ τών άβεβήλων έντός περιρραντηρίων ήγνίσμεθα. SCHENKEVELD D. who righdy stresses the difference between the etymological and the allegorical approach.260 DIRK M.J. καί τό φιλοσόφως ρηθέν ούκ είδότες. The book has no literary value and is mainly interesting because of its etymological approach to names and epithets. Perhaps there are people who. 41-66. Long. Lamberton and J. especially Homer's.] Ούδ' Επικούρου φροντίς ήμΐν. a short survey written for a young boy about what the ancient philosophers. 227 In contrast with Cornutus. 3 and 4: Ei δ' άμαθώς τίνες άνθρωποι τήν 'Ομηρικήν άλληγορίαν άγνοούσιν ούδ' εις τά μύχια τής έκείνου σοφίας καταβεβήκασιν.

it is wrong to put him down as a mere rhetorician. 18. Saloustios. "Kynismus". Herclitus has written carefully. 232 R. Helm. the treatise reaches a higher level. thus he deliberately avoids hiatus. Nock. G. pp. They are extremely difficult to understand but this is the consequence of the abstractedness of Plotinus's thought. the lectures and writings of Plotinus. the immortality of the soul and. RE 12 (1925). But away with Plato. This also happens when by means of chiasm or. pp. xxx-xxxii. Occasionally. Hildesheim: Olms.. Des Dieux et du Monde (Paris: CUF. D. the flatterer and accuser of Homer. But when writing about the One and the Intelligible World. apparently in order to keep the reader's attention to its subject. He first illustrates the correct attitude of students of theology and then explains the tenets about immutability and other properties of God and gods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [. 1966). Nevertheless. though in accordance with the demands of late prose Sallustius generally avoids hiatus and follows rules about accented prose rhythm. Some of these texts are lectures intended for his devotees only with a more elevated style and many images and metaphors. Having said so much in answer to those w h o required stronger proofs I pray that the universe may itself be propitious to me. wrote a small treadse Περί θεών και κόσμου.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 261 melody of the poems look at the traces of the august truth. Sallusdus. and is written in a very simple style. Rochefort. who sends away from his own Politeia the famous exile. . cix-ciii. conversely. 230 Ed. 229 But at the end of a long exposition he ends by praying (17:10):230 Τοσαΰτα καί πρός τους ίσχυροτέρων αποδείξεων δεομένους είπόντες αυτόν ήμΐν εύχόμεθα ι'λεων τόν Κόσμον γενέσθαι.] Nor do we have care for Epicurus either. Concerning the Gods and the Universe (prol. 231 Rochefort. repr. parallelism Sallustius highlights a specific point. though also sometimes seen as diatribes and thus connected to a Cynic tradition of literature.231 Similarly. Plotinus can adopt solemn language commensurate 229 Sallustius. by A. The booklet has a strict regularity. . a kind of isagoge. living in the fourth century and helping the emperor Julian. 1960). 1927. whereas his instructional texts (Lehrschriflen) are mainly written in a simple style. finally. thus. the afterlife. and trans. His treatise fits in very well with that of other gens cultivés of his time. Saloustios. 232 have their place in this section. col.

237 Dillon. 309ff. AD 125) because of the contrast in style between most of these texts and his most famous work. si velis perniciter currere. Quod cum omnes facile perspiciant. quibus curritur. 21: Et nihil aeque miror quam. bracchia vegetanda sunt. animus colendus sit. pp. pp. the novel Metamorphoses. 527-30. 235 Survey in B. .236 The text is much livelier than the other works mentioned and Apuleius throughout the speech keeps his audience in mind. Jr. RE. and his rhetorical writings. "Plotinos" (Sonderausg. 1978). 236 Ed.262 DIRK M. speaks of "Apuleius' most florid rhetorical style" used in this speech but this goes too far. Beaujeu. ut res est. similiter in omnibus ceteris membris sua cuique cura pro studio est. In keeping with the subject and the occasion this oration is more sedate than his apology. At si quis velit acriter cernere. "Apuleius. Apuleius's De Piatone et eius dogmate first offers some information on Plato's life and then informs the reader of his philosophy. SCHENKE VELD to the subject matter. Apulée: Opuscules philosophiques et fragments (Paris: CUF. Hijmans. Περί ερμηνείας. indem si pugillare valde velis. 1973). in the same vein as the booklet on logic. 234 R. such as Apologia pro se de magia liber. ut optime vivas. for example in Soc. cols. Ferwerda. tamen animum suum non colant.237 though more animated parts occur. admirari cur non etiam animum suum ratione excolant. cum omnes et cupiant optime vivere et sciant non alia re quam animo vivi nec fieri posse quin. 234 E. Apuleius of Madaura O n the Ladn side some attention must be given to the philosophical works235 of Apuleius of Madaura (born ca. La signification des images et des métaphores dans ία pensée de Plotin (Groningen: Wolters. L. in De deo Socratis Apuleius assumes the stance of an orator and a philosopher and he delivers a speech on the daimonion of Socrates. 1985). apart from his translation and adaptation of the pseudo-aristotelian De mundo. Munich: Druckenmüller. 395-475. 233 It has also been observed that in order to express his ideas on difficult items Plotinus repeatedly uses metaphors and images. However. 233 H.. Middle Platonists. Philosophus Platonicus".-R.36:1 (1987). quibus pugillatur. nequeo satis mecum reputare et proinde. quibus cernitur. Platonic doctrines form the backbone of his discourse and quotations from many poets are interwoven into the argument. pedes curandi sunt. J. It is a purely informative exposition. oculi curandi sunt. AHRW 11. Schwyzer.

. BIBLIOGRAPHY Arnim.. . Now. Hirzel. P. Slings.. therefore. 1987). in the same way. Die Kurzdialoge der Appendix Platonica (Munich: Fink.. 1993).. 1987).. Darg Newsletter 2 (1986). C. Institute. B.PHILOSOPHICAL PROSE 263 Nothing bothers me more than the following consideration: All people wish to live the best life and know that they live by nothing else than the soul and that it is impossible to live the best life without cultivating their soul. 1977). "Protreptic in Ancient Theories of Philosophical Literature". this being so.. P. Plutarch (London: Duckworth. 1963). R. G. 1994).. Prolegomena: Questions to be Settled before the Study of an Author (Leiden: Brill. A.. in J. Marcus Aurelius (London: Batsford. 1994). one should take care of one's eyes by which one sees. 1889). NJ: Princeton University Press. Paulus und die "Diatribe" (Münster: Aschendorff.. "Ancient Philosophie Protreptic". if you wish to be a strong boxer. D. Geytenbeek. C. Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt (Berlin: de Gruyter). August. Clark. The Middle Platonists (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Musonius Rufus and the Greek Diatribe (Assen: Van Gorcum. Ε. M. 309-34. you should take care of your feet. Leben und Werke des Dio von Prusa (Berlin. Leeman. as is natural. to wonder why they do not also take care of their soul with help of reason. with which one is boxing. 36 (1987-92). Α. 1971). 1958). L. 1895). J. 1. Essays on Seneca (Frankfurt a. Kustas. All people see this clearly and without any difficulty. .. 1963). R. P. 1980). J. by which you run. Barnes. Müller. Der Dialog (Leipzig: Hirzel.: Peter Lang. L. C. pp. Α. esp. Russell. D.32:2 (1985).. Pernot.. W. 1973). Nevertheless. 11. 2-22. The Roman World of Dio Chrysostom (Cambridge. CQ. Dillon. MA: Harvard University Press. A.). Α. C.3 (1973). d'Etud. 1993). "Is Rhetoric an Art?". if one wishes to have sharp eyesight.. Courants littéraires des II' et III' siècles après J. 1978). La rhétorique de l'éloge dans le monde gréco-romain (Paris: Inst. De exhortationum a Graecis Romanisque scriptarum historia et indole (Leipzig. Historians and Philosophers (Amsterdam: Hakkert. Rhetorica 4 (1986). and J. G. Jordan. Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric (Thessaloniki: Patriarch. I cannot stop to consider and. for all other limbs there is a proper care for each according to its purpose. pp.. 33:5 (1991). L. 1898). J. Atherton.. Kennedy. (ed.. the articles in vols. Reardon. "The Failure of Stoic Rhetoric". Similarly. Birley.. A New History of Classical Rhetoric (Princeton. H. pp.. Α. Die antike Kunstprosa (Darmstadt: Wissenschafdiche Buchgesellschaft. H. Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modem Times (London: Croom Helm. they do not cultivate their soul. Orationis Ratio: The Stylistic Theories and Practice of the Roman Orators. Schmeller. 1975). G. Hartlich. Norden. if you wish to run fast. M. T. Motto. Jones. (Paris: Les Belles Lettres.. 392-427. Haase. you should strengthen your arms. 1973). Mansfeld. D.. S..38 (1988).

S. Stowers.). Sluiter (eds. H.. 1986). Throm. 1995). K.264 DIRK M. S. Greek Rhetoric after Aristotle (Amsterdam: Free University Press. 1932). Slings and I. R. . SCHENKEVELD Abbenes. 173-192. pp. Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia: Westminster Press.. Die Thesis (Paderborn: Schöningh.

the reproach that he had betrayed the proper task of historical D. Munich 1920). the general surveys and resources mentioned in the bibliographical appendix. Gabba.H. RE Sup. However. On the earlier Greek historians. This sweeping judgment however fails to recognize the divergent lines of development and takes no notice of the different models which can be identified in Greek historiography from the fourth century on. who are not discussed in this survey. 6th edn. but with the exception of the Histories of Polybius the original works are lost. above all from Diodorus Siculus. pp.CHAPTER 9 HISTORICAL PROSE Stefan Rebenich University of Mannheim. Thus Polybius himself brings against Phylarchus. 4 a historian of the third century BC. 471-89. T. Dionysius of Halicamassus already laments that a whole day would not suffice to enumerate all the Greek authors who had written historical works after the death of Alexander. Germany I In the first century BC. from the Lives of Plutarch (about AD 100). 11:1 (HAW. 3-55 and 193-239. the rich historical production of the fourth century continued without a break in the Hellenistic age. Comp. Athenaeum 35 (1957). Phylarque (Paris 1989). 3 Dionysius moreover criticizes the linguistic shortcomings of the post-classical historical writing. Duris. cf. pp.2. 4 On Phylarchus cf. pp. 3 There is a detailed listing of the individual historians in W. who wrote in the time of Augustus. 204ff. Phylarchus and the Spartan Revolution (Berkeley-Los Angeles 1961). Jacoby in FGrHist (see bibliographical appendix). Africa. and adduces as crown witnesses in particular Phylarchus. 7. W. 2 A host of names have come down to us. 2 1 . Geschichte der griechischen Uteratur. Pédech. 4:30. 8 (1956). von Christ and W. Trois historiens méconnus: Théopompe. The standard edition is by F.1. Kroymann. 1 In fact. J. Schmid.. and from Imperial and Byzandne authors who made use of Hellenisdc historians. P. "Studi su Filarco". the content and rhetorical structure of quite a number of them can be reconstructed from the compilations of later periods. E. Duris and Polybius.

which dealt in 28 books with the period from Pyrrhus's march against the Peloponnese (272 BC) down to the death of the last Spartan king Cleomenes III (220/219 BC). through his portrayal of the actual events and speeches. Meister. For poetry. In the ninth chapter of his Poetics. 93ff. 6 the extant fragments 7 from Phylarchus's main work let it be clearly seen that here an attempt was made to present history in a more lively and vivid fashion through the dramatic presentation of events of secondary importance and through the depicting of scenes which aroused horror and compassion. φόβος. In fact the author of the "Histories". But Polybius's clear criticism of Phylarchus's manner of presentation is at the same time his answer to the depreciation of historical writing over against tragic poetry. Poetry therefore was both more philosophical and more significant than historical writing. above all H. συμπάθεια). Cf. Κ. or to recount the subsidiary circumstances which accompanied the events. even if it was a question of quite ordinary things. it was not proper for a historian—in contrast to a tragedian—to interpolate fine speeches such as might perhaps have been delivered. Baldry. 1451 b6f. Historische Kritik bet Polybios (Wiesbaden 1975). Rather it was his duty to record exclusively what actually (κατ' άλήθειαν) happened and what was really said. directed against the pro-Spartan historical writing practised by Phylarchus. ή δ' Ιστορία τα καθ' εκαστον λέγει)". "speaks rather of the general. the other what might—according to probability or necessity—have happened. pp.266 STEFAN REBENICH writing. Even if Polybius's judgment is distorted by his Achaean patriotism. speculates about the emotional stirrings of his readers (ελεος. which goes back to Aristode. .8 5 6 7 8 Plb. 5 T h e efforts of the historian ought not to be directed towards winning the attention of the public through the narration of sensational occurrences (τερατεία). FGrHist 81. according to Aristode. Aristotle had specified that the historian and the poet are distinguished by the fact that the one narrates what had happened (τά γενόμενα). Arist. Again. For the aim of history writing and that of tragedy were opposed to one another: the task of the tragic poet was to thrill and charm (έκπλήξαι καί ψυχαγωγησαι) his hearers for the moment by using the most plausible words. 2:56:8-12. On this much discussed passage cf. that of the historian was to instruct and convince (διδάξαι καί πεΐσαι) for all time those who were desirous of learning. Po. history of the particular (ή μέν γαρ ποίησις μάλλον τα καθ' ολου.

Flashar (ed. but also that of Plutarch. 10 The Greek. E. 340-270 BC) and the latter's successor Phylarchus translated into practice. Radt. 2 1 6 34. 1451 a 36. 127-36. L. "Die Bedeutung des Aristoteles für die Geschichtsschreibung". Wiss. Κ. Schriften zur griechischen und römischen Verfassungstheorie und Geschichtsschreibung (Berlin-New York 1976). Leiden 1992). idem. Poesia e Historia nella Poetica Aristotelica (Rendiconti dell'Istituto Lombardo. Classe di Lettere e di Scienze Morali e Storiche. R. Kyrkos. S. 189-205. with Eduard Schwartz. ed. RhM 131 (1988). Croix. Gastaldi. pp.-hist. 9 have argued. 474-522. H. von Fritz. Erbse. pp. who in his "Life of Themistocles" rejects the dramatizing of a report with tragic methods in the writing of history. Jacoby in the commentary on FGrHist 76 F 1. 113-36. Zoepffel. Phronesis 2 (1960). Phil. Stevens on his Seventieth Birthday (London 1975). which Aristotle's disciple Theophrastus gave a theoretical basis in his (no longer extant) Περί ιστορίας ("On the Writing of History") 10 and his pupil Duris of Samos (ca. Karpp zum 70. A. 1855. 7 (1940). "Aristode on History and Poetry (Poetics 9. Klasse. pp. 1973). Vandoeuvres-Geneva 1956). indeed blending the two literary genres. in order to give to historical writing that element of the general by which poetry was distinguished. RE 5. IX".b l 1)". Mnemosyne. 430-57. W. 9 E. S. Geburtstag dargebracht (Bonn 1977). Walbank. p. Philosophia 1 (1971). Thought and Influence. pp. G. E. 67-91 = idem. 4. Akad.. Grundriß der Geschichte der Philosophie: Die Philosophie der Antike (vol.. pp. 159-77. 2. 12 The literature on the "tragic" or "peripatetic" writing of history is legion. pp. pp. Stuttgart 1983). 45-58. Wehrli in H. pp. s. W. 107. 1975). pp.). Historia 9 (1960). as many scholars. have been the reason why in the school of Aristotle (the "Peripatos") people set about bringing historiography closer to tragedy.. Berlin 1943). Duris. in Festschrift E. Horn.v. Antike und moderne Tragödie (Berlin 1962). 24 (1971). in Bonner Festgabe Johannes Straub zum 65. 1354— 1562 and F. F. 11 Plu. "Aristoteles über Tragödie und Geschichtsschreibung (zum neunten Kapitel der aristotelischen Poetik)". "Zum neunten Kapitel der aristotelischen Poetik". Fortenbaugh et al. pp. Fünf Vorträge über den griechischen Roman (2nd edn. Ser. Here we may mention not only Polybius's criticism of Phylarchus. This was done by the so-called "tragic". idem.2 (1905). Historia und Geschichte bei Aristoteles (Abh. "Aristoteles und die Tragödie". 315-38. Them. pp. In addition to the studies of Walbank and von Fritz mentioned in note 8 the following . M. "Entstehung und Inhalt des neunten Kapitels von Aristoteles' Poetik". Cf.11 According to the dominant view among scholars. Further editions and literature in O. Writings. H. "History and Tragedy". pp. and trans. 4.12 Duris in his historical "The Interpretation of Poetics. 3. 123ff. B. pp.HISTORICAL PROSE 267 This devaluation of historical writing from the mouth of the Stagirite must. Ladn and Arabic texts of Theophrastus are now available in a voluminous new compendium: Theophrastus of Eresus: Sources for his Life. ch.J. pp. Heidelberg. "dramatic" or "peripatetic" writing of history. Regenbogen. Geburtstag (Hamburg 1958). pp. 256-87. "Der tragische Mythos und die Geschichte bei Aristoteles". RE Sup. in Histoire et historiens dans l'Antiquité (Entretiens de la Fondation Hardt. Schwartz. de Ste. (2 vols. 202-42. 32:4. in The Ancient Historian and His Materials: Essays in Honour of C. 8 5 145 = idem.

78.. 16 Actually. W. GG. K. there are repeatedly to be found in the genre of Hellenistic history writing represented by Duris and Phylarchus stylistic topoi presentations are important. 109ff (Polybius und die "Tragische Geschichtsschreibung").1 (1984). Okin. L. delight") according to the Aristotelian theory of tragedy as dramatic vividness and the entertainment of the reader. Wiesbaden 1966). 1853-56 = idem.. 27-31. the chief historiographical work by Duris was a "Macedonian History" in at least 23 books. Richter. Strasburger understood the μίμησις demanded by Duris as the "imitation of reality as in a stageplay" 15 and stressed the realism of the historian. Schwartz. Sacks. cf. Polybius on the Writing of History (Berkeley 1977). Marasco. H. FGrHist 76. and interpreted the two terms μίμησις ("imitation") and ηδονή ("pleasure. SIFC 81 (1988). Pédech (see note 4). "Ctesia. 384ff und 574ff. who introduced ήδονή in the Aristotelian sense as a means of κάθαρσις. Heidelberg 1954). 13 . Κ. in addition R. RE 5. 95ff. G.. cf idem. 16 Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung (Stuttgart-Berlin-Cologne 1990). pp. In the Shadow of Macedon: Duris of Samos (Wiesbaden 1977). 15 Die Wesensbestimmung der Geschichte durch die antike Geschichtsschmbung (SB Wiss. Zeger.2 (1905). 1987). Meister in CAH 7. F. Torraco. K. since they were oriented to the sensational. La maschera scenica nella storiografia ellenistica (Salerno 1988). pp. Beobachtungen zur Erzähltechnik im tragischhistorischen Roman der Penpatetiker: Ein Stil. A. 34ff. Seibert. 216-34. W . 'Eraclide di Cuma e le origini della storiografia tragica'". pp. Duride di Samo. pp. pp. Meister. in theory they pursued the goal of depicting reality faithfully in their works (μίμησις).. L. der J . In addition to the "Annals of the Samians" and the "History of Agathocles". Polybius (Berkeley 1972). and speaks with reference to the practice of history writing of "sensational history". pp. p. pp. but in practice they frequendy exaggerated and falsified the events. University of California 1974). pp. Kebric. Meister turned against the influence of Aristode on Duris and his successors. Untersuchungen zur hellenistischen Historiographie: Die Vorlagen des Pempeius Trogus fiir die Darstellungen zur nachalexandrinischen hellenistischen Geschichte (lust. pp. to captivate the public. B.und quellenkritischer Beitrag zur hellenistischen historiographischen Literatur (Diss. 38ff. Hamburg 1959). pp. N. Hepperle. Goethe Universität Frankfurt. 15ff. which reached from the death of King Amyntas in 370/68 BC to the death of Lysimachus in 281 BC and was marked by anti-Macedonian tendencies. Dos Zeitalter der Diadochen (Darmstadt 1983).J. Studies on Duris of Samos (Diss. Hence Meister prefers the concept "mimetic" rather than "tragic" history writing. 4867. and has emphasized the common roots of tragedy and history in the "pre-Hellenistic" and "pre-Aristotelian" epic.14 While H. and at the same time give a good survey of the sometimes complex scholarly discussion: A. Walbank above all has taken a stance against tracing the tragic writing of history back to Aristode. Historische Kritik bei Polybios (Wiesbaden 1975). 144ff.-D. of purification of the soul.268 STEFAN REBENICH works13 carried over the Aristotelian doctrine of style and poetics into the wridng of history. Fundamental for Duris is E. pp. 13-40) (Frankfurt/M. Gesell. K. 14 Historia 9 (1960). 5. Wesen und Ursprung der tragischen Geschichtsschreibung (Diss. Dinone.

71. 84. 47. FGrHist 81 F 21. 70. 81. 93. S . 32. 50. 93ff. 96. 47. 63. 61. 27. poets and historians. left its mark on numerous politicians. 24. 2:94. 18. 53. 40. D . which the later doxographers transcribed. 30. Cicero compares this school with the Trojan Horse. pp.21 Climaxes. 41. Sagas. FGrHist 81 F 4. orators. 28. rhetoric—in part in rivalry with philosophy and poetry—gained an ever greater influence in numerous areas of public and cultural life. 24 Through teachers of rhetoric.18 curious animal stories. In this connection it is well to bear in mind that. 38. The model for this well thought out and skilfully composed abundance of material is the history writing of Herodotus of Halicamassus. 18 17 . Hence attention was paid FGrHist 76 F 12. also influenced many generations of historians who had enjoyed a literary and rhetorical education. FGrHist 81 F 12. 37. 50. 60.19 anecdotes 20 and love stories. fables and legends. 75. from the time of the epoch-making appearance of the orator Gorgias of Leontini in Athens in the year 427 BC. 17. and consequendy also had a strong effect upon the writing of history. At the same time the teachers of rhetoric carried over their own literary and stylistic qualities into the writing of history. characterized by an elegant rhythm and a strict avoidance of hiatus.HISTORICAL PROSE 269 and narrative elements which have as their purpose to entertain the reader in an appealing fashion. Meißner. 51. 20 FGrHist 76 F 3. are freely strewn through the narrative. 10. 21 FGrHist 76 F 2. Historiker zwischen Polis und Königshof: Studien zur Stellung der Geschichtsschreiber in der griechischen Gesellschafl in spätklassischer und friihhellenistischer ^F-t (Göttingen 1992). 87. 35. 24. 26.22 Above all the rhetorical school of the Athenian orator Isocrates (436-338 BC). 22 Cf. 17. 24 Β. Among these are the topical description of the clothing and hair-style of the historical actors. but also νόμιμα Ελληνικά καί βαρβαρικά and verses from the poets. De or. historical knowledge became part of the educational canon which was imparted to the city elite of the Greek world in their schooldays. 69. from which none but leaders emerged. FGrHist 76 F 54. 11. 49. 21. 23 Isocrates' artistically developed period. 23 Cic. 12:53:Iff. 69. founded about 390 BC. and opened it up for literary re-shaping. The "rhetorical" writing of history is to be distinguished from the "tragic". surprising turns of events and the element of suspense can also be observed. 19 FGrHist 76 F 7. Significandy. FGrHist 81 F 10. 70. 14. and 146 has recendy warned against over-emphasis on the direct influence of Isocrates on Greek historiography. 21. 17 phenomenal occurrences.

and distanced himself from the concentration of historiography on the δεινόν and the θαυμαστόν. However. Ephorus in Plutarch's Lives (Diss. admiring tribute was paid to the structure of the extensive work. 497-98. AJP 84 (1963). in Historiographia antiqua: Commentationes Lovanienses in honorem W. Bürde. he made use to a large extent of the stylistic device of the doublet. idem. isocola (sentences with equal members). pp. 27 Plb. "Ephorus' κατά γένος History Revisited". Polybius righdy treated Ephorus (ca.. P. G. J. . according to subject areas. Connor. 244-55. Barber. although in ancient times his style was judged by many to be "flat. 95fF. in fact prove that Ephorus laid great store on the stylistic shaping of his work and on an artistic language. G. pp. pp. pp. Studies in Ephorus and Other Sources for the Cause of the Peloponnesian War (Diss. Studio Hellenistica 30 (1990). pp. A. GG. 5:33:2 (FGrHist 70 Τ 7). Theopompus of Chios and Anaximenes of Lampsacus. Princeton 1961). pp. 28 Cf.J.. parisa (balanced clauses). Schwartz. 28 since he renounced such Gorgian figures of speech as antithesis. Peremans septuagenani editae (Louvain 1977). L. Schepens. 3-26. Herbert. De Ephoro et Theopompo Isocratis discipulis (Diss. 7:39 (FGrHist 70 F 42). 147-60. R. AncSoc 1 (1970). moral and political concerns. Alonso-Nunez. F. Münster 1913). homoioteleuta (similar endings). Ephoros (FGrHist 70 Τ 28a). in order to be able to describe occurrences at one and the same scene of action over a long period of time. 29 Str. when he makes a statement that goes beyond the theme". 400-330 BC)25 from Cyme in Aeolia as his only real precursor in the field of universal history. E. The Emergence of Universal Historiographyfromthe Fourth to the Second Centuries BC. 173-92. idem.v.B. yet without losing sight of didactic. Untersuchungen zur antiken Unwersalgeschichtsschreibung (Munich 1974). 163-73. he has a special eloquence in his digressions and in the sentences he has formulated himself and. pp. etc. W. Kalischek. The Historian Ephorus (Cambridge 1935). pp. he 25 FGrHist 70. Hermes 104 (1976). "Ephore sur la valeur de l'autopsie".. to put it briefly. 29 O n the other hand. Harvard 1954). 1-16 = idem. RE 6 (1907). which was wideranging both in time and in its themes. 43ff. "Sulla composizione delle Storie di Eforo". For Ephorus had arranged his books not as an annalist but rather κατά γένος.270 STEFAN REBENICH above all to the stylistic shaping of a historical work. Among the leading representatives of this rhetorical history writing are Ephorus of Cyme. K. 26 Plb. 12:28:10 [FGrHist 70 Τ 23). written probably between 350 and 334 BC. sluggish and void of tension".26 he considers him "admirable both because of his style and also his handling of the material and the richness of his thought. AAT 81/82 (1947/49). "Historiographical Problems in Ephoros". 27 The extant fragments of the "Historiai". Drews. "Ephorus and History Written κατά γένος". E. M. pp. that is. Suda s. Carrata.

On the difficulties for the student of antiquity which result from this way of working. thus Polybius complains that the portrayals of batdes. "Die politische Tendenz in Theopomps Geschichtsschreibung". Η & Τ 9 (1970). he is said to have composed 20. Theopompus and Fifth-Century Athens (Cambridge. 31 In Plutarch it is said: "As for the rhetorical efforts and grand periods of Ephorus. and there was no important town in Greece in 30 Thus Plb. S. R. 31 Plb. RFIC 63 (1935). inscriptions and documents were reproduced inaccurately and in a manner remote from reality. A. 803b (FGrHist 70 Τ 21). A.e. pp. Connor.C. Ε. which they present as delivered after they have armed and drawn up the armies for batde. before the battle)". idem. Theopomps Hellenika (Halle 1909). "Die Diodordublette XV 38 = XV 50 über die Friedensschlüsse zu Sparta 374 und 371". 86-109. RFIC 9 (1931). and particularly the descriptions of land battles. pp. Bonamente. M. pp. Pédech (as note 4). Mor. T h e telling saying was in circulation in the ancient world that Isocrates had once said of his two pupils that Ephorus needed the whip. "Studi sulla storiografia greca del IV secolo a. Schranz. K. pp. Theopomps Philippika (Diss. Berkeley 1976).HISTORICAL PROSE 271 repeated at various places particular descriptions or events. 33 FGrHist 115. Theopompus of Chius: History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Century B. "Theopompus and Classical Greek Historiography". W. 34 According to his own testimony. In contrast to Ephorus. K. Bruce. AIIS 4 (1973/75). and ranked with Isocrates and Theodectes among the most famous orators in Greece. 315-48 and K.C. were "laughable". T h e first universal historian of antiquity was in fact a "bookworm". AuA 4 (1954). 12:25:3 (FGrHist 70 Τ 20). since they were written "entirely without experience and without his ever having seen a batde". I. Die Ungeschichtlichkeit des Kalliasftiedens und deren historische Folgen (Wiesbaden 1982). one can only say: 'Nobody speaks such nonsense near the iron' (i. 45-64. Freiburg 1922). 1-86. I: Teopompo". pp. Theopompus of Chios (378/77 BC-after 320 BC)33 was regarded as stylistically brilliant and politically involved. University of California. Flower. who took extracts from the sources available. Meyer. pp. 3 (FGrHist 70 Τ 28b). Α. 230-42 and 335-53 = idem. Momigliano. . W. Reed. 174-203. 34 Vit. R.000 lines in all. Theopompus the bridle. Theopompus of Chius: History and Oratory in the Fourth Century (Diss. pp. Historia 8 (1959). "La storiografia di Teopompo tra classicità ed ellenismo". further important elements of historical presentation such as speeches. Theopompus and Anaximenes. Lauffer. Isoc. MA 1968). Meister. La storiografia greca (Turin 1982). 32 Plut. and transposed them into an agreeable uniform style. 30 T h e reliability of his reporting also was already doubted by several ancient critics. 6:46:10 already makes the criticism that the presentations of the Cretan and the Spartan constitutions—if one leaves aside the proper names—are almost identical. "La storia di Eforo e le Elleniche di Teopompo". cf. 180-204. G. 32 In addition. von Fritz. (Oxford 1994). he was initially active as an orator. put them together. F.

ample space was likewise given to marvellous phenomena and fantastic stories. Meyer.H. Cf. and the motives of those acting.39 his style. at the central point of which stood Philip II of Macedon. cannot be entered into here. Lehmann affirmed. Daimachus and Cratippus.40 His style. Pomp. and on various events in the years 397-395 BC. Breitenbach. and is said to have comprised 150. especially on the sea batde at Notium in 4 0 7 / 6 BC. Laqueur. for example FGrHist 115 F 75. pp. Although his descriptions of batdes and his commanders' speeches. and—at least in the extant parts—reproduces no speeches. and the Φιλιππικά. F. The author writes a simple style. 176). Others have wished to identify him with Ephorus. 383-426 with literature. found no favour with ancient critics. 36 it was accordingly a comprehensive work of universal history. 40 D. McKechnie and S. on this the editions of M. Rib I. which the multitude cannot easily know. 36 . inserts numerous digressions. 6 [FGrHist 115 Τ 20a 7). the "History of Philip" in 58 books. Cf. Bruce (Cambridge 1967) and H. shot through with numerous Gorgian figures. with translation and commentary). but also to seek out the hidden causes of the actions. 37 The question whether Theopompus is to be identified with the author of the so-called "Hellenica from Oxyrhynchus". which report on what took place in the Decelean War. 38 Cf. R. 39 FGrHist 115 Τ 32f. on this the prologue to Herodotus's "Histories". Chambers (Stuttgart-Leipzig 1993) and P. which continued the historical work of Thucydides and in 12 books presented the period from 411 to 394 BC. The work probably began with the year 411 BC (the end point of Thucydides' history) and extended at least to 395 BC. FGrHist 115 F 25. RE Sup. The "Hellenica from Oxyrhynchus" (FGrHist 66) consist of two groups of papyrus fragments. and to reveal all the secrets both of apparent virtue and of undetected vice". R. Androtion. cultural-historical and mythological as well as political information. His historical work was however even more extensive. which contained topographical. as for example E. A. 12 (1970).J. the "Greek History". as well as the commentaries of I. ranked as altogether exemplary.35 His chief works are the Ελληνικά. geographical. Kern (Warminster 1988.000 lines. 37 The "Philippica" included an abundance of digressions. and the feelings in their hearts.38 With this understanding of history writing Theopompus stands in the tradition of Herodotus. like those of Ephorus.272 STEFAN REBENICH which he had not won great renown with his speeches. He praised especially Theopompus's ability "in every course of action not only to see and express what is visible to the multitude. ethnographical. Ruschenbusch and G. Dionysius of Halicamassus esteemed not only his great care and the exactness that rested on personal research. E. A. Dionysius con35 FGrHist 115 F 25 (Phot. in which Theopompus according to his own statement described "the deeds of the Greeks and barbarians". R.

"degenerate Athenians" (ΆπαΟηναιοι) and "the disinherited son" (άποκήρυκτος).HISTORICAL PROSE 273 tinues. the rhythmic cadence of periods and the uniformity of constructions. elevated. this is especially the case when he blames towns or commanders for wicked policies or unrighteous actions. avoiding hiatus). 45 FGrHist 72. Pomp. "Anaximenes and King Alexander I of 42 41 . the orator Dio Chrysostom about AD 100 does not hesitate to accord him the second place after Thucydides.). FGrHist 115 Τ 44 with F 225a and b. On the background cf. then he would probably have expressed himself far better than in fact he did". often also splendid. since they did not give any force to the speech. If one considers the later influence of Theopompus. 380-320 BC)45 likewise counts among the chief representatives of the rhetoricizing writing of history. which he often does—here he attains to the rhetorical power of a Demosthenes. but rather made it laboured and often even frigid. On him cf. In some cases his λέξις deviates from the Isocratean style through bitterness and tension. and his writing is distinguished by a harmonious balance and a pleasing and gende flow. 44 Anaximenes of Lampsacus (ca. he employs the words in common use.43 Nevertheless his language and style on the whole followed the conventions usual at the time and reflected the literary and rhetorical training of the author. P. pp. emphatically warns in his " O n Style" against the use of overdrawn antitheses and assonances. is carried beyond that sense of emotion to attain which is yet properly the task of the rhetorical figures. namely when Theopompus gives way to his passions. T h e listener who directs his attention to a περισσοτεχνία of this kind ("excessive artificiality"). Cf. 6 (FGrHist 115 Τ 20a 9f. "non-citizens" (άπολίται).e.) (LCL translation). noble. he ranks among the most influential and most read Greek historians. a critic of probably the Hellenistic period. Brunt. 18:10 (FGrHist 115 Τ 45). Chr. 41 For many ancient readers. 43 Poll. But "if in those passages over which he has taken the greatest trouble he had paid less attention to the blending of vowels (i. "friendless" (άφέταιροι). or rather κακοτεχνΐ3 ("bad art"). however. A. 126ff. linked with an excessive moral appraisal. such as Theopompus had used in an oft-cited example. in D. resembles most that of Isocrates. was a stumbling-block. 3:58 and 4:93 (FGrHist 115 F 338f. 44 D. His manner of speech is pure. is clear.42 The lexicographer Pollux in the period of the empire criticizes the neologisms formed by Theopompus. Norden. [Pseudo-]Demetrius. the strongly rhetorical style. H.

Wendland. Dionysius of Halicamassus is of the opinion that Anaximenes wished to be perfect in every sphere. In addition there are two works of contemporary history. either as early as the Macedonian king's lifetime or soon after his death. as well as Jacoby's commentary in FGrHist. P. JHS 96 (1976). but weak and unconvincing". F. Brown. 2. interpreter of poetry. M. T. The Greek Historians (Lexington 1973). Often they had participated in his expedition into Asia. Das Alexanderreich auf prosopographischer Grundlage (vol. FGrHist 72 Τ 14 and 27. 47 Although his contemporary Theocritus of Chios describes Anaximenes' rhetoric as "a stream of words.. and in their descriptions could draw upon their own observations. idem. A twelve-volume work is mendoned under the tide "Hellenica" or "First History". Anaximenes von Lampsakos (Berlin 1905). Berve. 46 Cf. Flor. 19 (FGrHist 72 Τ 13). 50 II In view of the great events of the time of Alexander.274 STEFAN REBENICH antiquity he was always regarded in the first place as an orator and sophist. 124ff. "Die Alexanderhistoriker". 151-53. Schwartz. Goukowsky.51 Here we must distinguish between historians commissioned Macedon". 46 The tides "Hellenica" and "Philippica" alone betray his rivalry with Theopompus. author of deliberative and forensic speeches—"but in fact he was perfect in none of these spheres. pp. a History of Philip II in at least eight books and a work " O n Alexander". C. which covered Greek and Persian history from the creation of gods and men to the battle of Mantinea and the death of Epaminondas (362 BC). Alonso-Nunez . 48 he was included in the canon of the ten most important Greek historians. 51 On the individual Alexander historians cf. Nancy 1979/81).. J. the corresponding articles by E. FGrHist 72 Τ 6 (5). Munich 1926). 50 D. S. it is not surprising that numerous authors set about composing historiographical works. 49 The few extant fragments seem to confirm his rhetorical skill. In general reference may be made to: H. Essai sur les origines du mythe d'Alexandre (336-270 av. 3:36:20). as historian. 48 FGrHist 72 Τ 25 (Stob. His example in addition bears witness to the dominant influence which rhetoric exercised in the fourth century on the writing of history and other literary genres. Jacoby and others in RE. P. in J.) (2 vols. but a mere droplet of thought". Is.H. composer of rhetorical manuals. pp. 49 FGrHist 72 Τ 31. 47 Cf.

Will. and those authors who found themselves fulfilling some function in the king's retinue and of their own accord felt themselves called to write about Alexander. 58 FGrHist 126. Hammond. 56 FGrHist 138. historical and archaeological themes. 54 the commander of the fleet. 53. Onesicritus of Astypalaea. 63-79. pp. 39. The works of the authors mentioned are generally extant only in fragments. Alexander der Große (Stuttgart 1986). J. and Ephippus of Olynthus. Pédech. Schachermeyer. the So-Called Vulgate Authors Diodoros. 55 FGrHist 134. 57 who accompanied the expedition as an engineer and architect. 55 FGrHist 124.).HISTORICAL PROSE 275 by Alexander in person to set down his deeds. served as did a strongly rhetorical composition to loosen up and adorn (ed. N. Werner (Xenia. Iff. Numerous digressions on geographical. . 29. Pearson. Geschichtsbild und Geschichtsdenken im Altertum (Darmstadt 1991). reprint 1963). pp. 58 who was active in Egypt as "overseer over the mercenaries". 42. 53 the είσαγγελεύς (the royal master of ceremonies). P. 56 Aristobulus of Cassandreia. 55 the helmsman of Alexander's flagship. » FGrHist 125. K. Justin. 54 FGrHist 133. 40. which produced a host of very diverse works in which every possible way of presenting history was pressed into service and put to the test. Nearchus of Crete. 149fT. pp. Ptolemy the royal bodyguard and later king of Egypt. as for example Chares of Mytilene. 38. Historiens compagnons d'Alexandre (Callisthène-Onésiaite-NéarqueAristoboule) (Paris 1984). in Festschrift R. pp. Three Historians of Alexander the Great. Konstanz 1989). Alexander der Große: Das Problem seiner Persönlichkeit und seines Wirkens (Vienna 1973). Alexander der Große (Darmstadt 1972). pp. We can however clearly recognize the uncommon dynamism of the Alexander historiography. The studies mentioned list both the older literature and also investigations into the individual historians. such as Callisthenes of Olynthus 52 and the Anaximenes already mentioned. The Lost Histories of Alexander the Great (New York 1960. 59 FGrHist 124 F 25. 33. 59 as well as on natural science.. L. which because of his execution in 327 BC remained unfinished. Callisthenes (ca. W. In his chief work "The Deeds of Alexander". Seibert.. 41. "Das Bild Alexanders des Großen in der Historiographie seiner Zeit". 28. L. 30. the nephew and for many years collaborator of Aristode and a contemporary of Theopompus and Ephorus. G. 3 7 0 327 BC). aimed at the educated public of Greece. 136-65. 54. 57 FGrHist 139. Meister. F. Curtius (Cambridge 1963). and have to be laboriously reconstructed from the later tradition. 11 ff. 22.

60 Strabo already accused Callisthenes of κολακεία. with more recent studies. such as was otherwise conveyed to the public by the performance of tragedies.. 62 It is to Onesicritus that those stories go back which present Alexander in dialogue with Indian Brahmins and Yogis. 63 FGrHist 134 Τ 10 = Str. 15:1:63-65). 17:1:43). a philosopher in arms. 9:4:1-3. 831T.64 that in his work it is a question of a kind of historical Cf. In the remnants of other court historians one may learn to recognize parts of popular romantic accounts of the deeds of Alexander. when he declared that all the Alexander historians had preferred the marvellous to the truth. They are written from the perspective of a world fundamentally changed through Alexander's conquests. Of another kind was the work of Onesicritus (ca. who mediated Greek philosophy and culture to the inhabited world. pp.276 STEFAN REBENICH the work. 305 BC). Schachermeyer 60 . Alexander became an έν οπλοις φιλόσοφος. Even if Strabo cast doubt on Onesicritus's trustworthiness. allegedly a pupil of Diogenes. for their part. in this he evidendy went beyond the earlier usage practised by Thucydides. but Onesicritus appeared to have surpassed them all in his delight in sensation (τερατολογία). and beyond that criticized the excesses in the tragic style (προστραγωδειν). 62 FGrHist 134 F 17 (Str. 373~ca.63 it is still to be emphasized. The author aimed in fact at producing emotion and passion. who presented the events from a Cynic perspective. From the extant fragments it is in addition clear that he set his historical writing at the service of the Macedonian king. 61 In consequence Callisthenes also availed himself of the literary device of verbatim speeches for the characterizing of individual persons. for example his report on Alexander's journey to the oracle of Ammon in the year 332-331 BC (FGrHist 124 F 14a = Str. and have at their disposal the wisdom of the older philosophical tradition. but must shape the speeches in a manner appropriate both to the person and to the circumstances". and it has therefore been conjectured with a certain plausibility that the "tragic" historical writing which first comes clearly to the fore in the following century had in him a precursor. cf. 61 FGrHist 124 F 44. FGrHist 134 Τ 12 = Gell. for example Pearson Lost Histories (note 51). 64 Cf. they act and speak like perfect Cynics. 15:1:28. and subordinated his description of the events to propagandist purposes. the gymnosophists. At any rate Callisthenes discussed questions of historiographical theory and came to the conclusion that "whoever attempts to write anything may not lose sight of the person.

which began with the king's ascent to the throne and ended with his death and of which only 36 fragments are extant. 68 A master of stylistic composition. 66 in particular Clitarchus's twelve-volume "History of Alexander".67 and Quintilian opines: Clitarchi probatur ingenium. Alexander der Große (note 51). 10:1:74 (LCL translation).70 The Alexander historiography of the close of the fourth century. Clitarchus wished to impress his readers and hold them in suspense through an unusually figurative and artistic language. Alexander der Große (Darmstadt 1968. His precise description of Alexander the Great's funeral carriage may rank as a model example of ekphrasis (description). "Diodorus Siculus and Hieronymus of Cardia". also the literature on the historians of the Diadochi mentioned in note 12 (esp. and refrained from both the exaggerations of the rhetorical and the inventions of the "tragic" history writing of his time. G. 208-209 and 261. took over traditional forms of presentation. "Der 'Lamische Krieg' und die 'Freiheit der Hellenen'. 69 FGrHist 154. 151-52. pp. A. Überlegungen zur hieronymianischen Tradition". More important than the Alexander historians was Hieronymus of Cardia (ca. W. GH. Lehmann. 66 FGrHist 137. pp. pp. 67 FGrHist 137 Τ 7 = Cic. Cambridge 1948). and freely inserted speeches into his work. Jacoby. pp. Hornblower. Cicero significandy reckons him among the orators "to whom it is permitted to spread abroad lies in their historical works. 121-49 and I. T h e deeds of Alexander were enhanced into the marvellous and sublime by Aristobulus 65 and Clitarchus of Alexandria. The fundamental work is F. . as chief of staff to Eumenes. He wrote a sober style. W. 42. In antiquity he already ranked as a notorious liar.. 70 FGrHist 154 F 2 (Ath. 360-after 260 BC)69 the historian of the wars of the Diadochi. he had first-hand experience of the events. 68 FGrHist 137 Τ 6 = Quint.HISTORICAL PROSE 277 romance. Inst. Hieronymos of Cardia (Oxford 1981). pp. In the tradition of Thucydides he was concerned to give a reliable and correct description of what happened. enduringly painted the portrait of Alexander for later ages and already prefigured some central elements of the Hellenistic Alexander legend. Brut. pp. but his trustworthiness is impugned"). 12:540). 90-93. in which historiography and a philosophical Utopia entered into a peculiar union. Tarn. Richter and Seibert). one of the generals contending for the succession to Alexander. AHB 2 (1988). fides infamatur ("Clitarchus's talent is approved. 154060 = idem. %PE 73 (1988). RE 8. original English version in 2 vols. 245-55. 65 FGrHist 139. Cf. In addition the following may be mentioned among more recent studies: S. L. Merker. free from flourishes. that they may be able to portray something more vividly".2 (1913).

Ε. Str. 14:41:1. Descriptions of battles. 305-50. pp. which became more and more dominant. Will. Seibert. Historia 27 (1978).). Cic. Leipzig 1911).278 STEFAN REBENICH which was expressly oriented to personality and almost throughout highly tendentious. Untersuchungen zur hellenistischen Historiographie: Die Vorlagen des Pompeius Trogusfiirdie Darstellungen zur nachalexandmischen hellenistischen Geschichte (lust. Vogt (eds. pp. the linguistic and stylistic shaping of the individual historical works does not stand in any fixed relationship with particular tendencies of historical presentation. J. H. 73 Cf. 9:4:3. "Comment on écrit l'histoire hellénistique". the late classical and above all the Hellenistic writing of history71 developed formally into greater linguistic power of expression. J. 65-82. Pretentious periods were constructed according to the rules of stylistic prose. Schmitt and E. 1987). Basically people strove for unity of composition. 205-30 with further literature. 72 FGrHist 142. yet without avoiding inconsistencies. which were the hall-marks of Thucydidean history. 72 scarcely formed any school in historiography. Athenaeum 64 (1986). 71 . Richter. Gell. Lens Tuero. Das Zeitalter der Diadochen (Darmstadt 1983). The Asianism which made its appearance as a rhetorical fashion in the third century. was moulded by the two main streams of Hellenistic historiography. Ill Under the influence of literary rhetoric. De hellenistica historiae conscribendae arte (Diss. 383-95. speeches were inserted. and to which for example Hegesias of Magnesia shows himself indebted in his History of Alexander. pp. "Rhetoric and Speeches in Hellenistic Historiography". sometimes also explicidy moral judgments. on this. D. the "tragic" and the "rhetorical". Wirth. "Historiografia helenisdca". Scheller. Sacks. pp. "Hellenistische Geschichtsschreibung". in H. Kleines Wörterbuch des Hellenismus (Wiesbaden 1988). Brut. These two streams however did not develop in isolation from one another. 73 In their presentation of historical events the writers of history took into consideration ever more frequently the results of contemporary sci- Cf. 13-40) (Frankfurt/M. H. 286. receded into the background. T o characterize the participants. in Unidady pluralidad 1 (Madrid 1983). At the same time description of the facts and investigation of the causes. ekphraseis and the free reproduction of letters and official documents were all popular. besides R. K. G. As the Alexander historians already show. digressions of the most varied content. and great stress was laid on the avoidance of hiatus.

RE 9A. Sontheimer.. Chronology of the Ancient World (2nd edn. 75 who taught in the Museum at Alexandria in the third century. Thus scientific chronology. pp.. 323a. 78 a contemporary of Thucydides. At that time there was no town or region without its own historian.76 who was also prominent as the author of a learned commentary on the catalogue of ships in the Iliad. 78 FGrHist 4 F 171-72. The Local Historians of Attica (Oxford 1942. FGrHist Illb (suppl. 1: text. P.). 77 FGrHist 250. and in Castor. 82 For another. L. and at the same time created a large number of literary subcategories. found its compilers in the most significant savant of Hellenism. which evaluated all the evidence from archive material and inscriptions through proper names down to anecdotes. cf. Palermo 1961). 1981).J. architectural monuments. in the Athenian Apollodorus (2nd century BC). E. 74 the evaluation of the many local lists of officials and calendar systems. London 1981). s. RE 20. Atthis: The Local Chronicles of Athens (Oxford 1949). there came into being comprehensive accounts of the history of particular towns Cf. Regenbogen. The Attic writing of local history reached its high point in the last-named author. vol. vol. Beside the impressive series of representatives of universal and contemporary history there stood hundreds of authors who cultivated the most diverse subsidiary and special fields of history writing.v. and extends through Clidemus 79 and Androtion 80 (middle of 4th century BC) down to Philochorus 8 ' (3rd century BC). festal customs. 2455-2477. 76 FGrHist 244. where the series of the so-called Atthidographers begins with Hellanicus of Lesbos. 75 FGrHist 241. Manni. Bickerman. pp. 82 It was the researches of F. who put forward a work which themadcally was unusually many-sided. 2nd edn.2 (1967). 1462-1466. Jacoby that first properly appreciated the significance of the Atthidographers for the later tradition. W. For one thing there were authors who with an antiquarian purpose dealt with legal and cultic traditions. idem. 2: notes (Leiden 1954). Eratosthenes. 79 FGrHist 323. "Atthis and Politeia".v. T h e number of those who devoted themselves to local history is beyond any survey. and other such matters. This local research came to its fullest bloom in the Athens of the fourth and third centuries. A Commentary on the Ancient Historians of Athens. 81 FGrHist 328. Eratosthenes. 80 FGrHist 324.2 (1950). Harding. Histona 26 74 . s.. here people relied on a thoroughly critical scientific method. Zeitrechnung.HISTORICAL PROSE 279 ences. E. 77 who was active in Rome as a freedman of Sulla. Pearson. O. 1. Fasti ellenistici e romani (Kokalos Sup.

Munich 1967). 6:234d. RE 21.280 STEFAN REBENICH or regions. 35. on festivals. 85 Cf. Pearson. pp. G. His gathering up and re-working of all the information available to him about the geography and history of the western Mediterranean area. Die sizilische Geschichte bei Diodor (Diss. "Atthis und Politeia". 350 BC-after 260 BC)84 from Tauromenion (the modern Taormina) in Sicily. On the epithet στηλοκόπας cf. pp. 84 FGrHist 566. RE 6A. are known to us by name. Studia Hellenistica 30 (1990). Ricerche su Timeo: La "pueritia" di Agatocle (Florence 1982). pp. Here we may mention Polemon from Ilium in Asia Minor. which was in every way intended to satisfy literary and stylistic demands. Ath. Ricerche sulla storiografia siceliota (Palermo 1958). 476-98. The Greek Historians of the West: Timaeus and his Predecessors (Philological Monographs of the American Philological Associadon. RSI 71 (1959). Numerous Hellenistic antiquarians and savants.2 (1952). 73-81. because he pounced upon stone inscriptions like a hungry man on a good meal. 316-26. "Atene nel III secolo a.C. 108-48. 529-56 = idem. sacrificial offerings. L. 83 FHG III. R. Walbank. Brown. Adanta 1987). he bore the nickname "Stelokopas". pp. 86 his synthesis of diverse historiographical genres (1977). W. T. "The Historians of Greek Sicily". Rhodes. who put out more or less original collections of material on the history of Greek provinces and cities. Momigliano. Herodicus ap. the games. Cf. 85 his detailed consideration—for the first time—of R o m a n history. 86 From Timaeus's pen comes also a chronological handbook with the title . R. Kokalos 14/15 (1968/69). which were usually worked up from existing literary models and often included a mythical pre-history. 1076-1203. T h e work was of fundamental importance for later authors. pp. Vattuone. on famous personalities. Meister. A. 23-53 = La stonogrqfia greca (Turin 1982). FGrHist 566 F 7 (Plb. pp. S. Deichgräber. who at the beginning of the second century BC published various writings of geographical description which rested on his own researches.J. Laqueur. "The Atthidographers". T h e boundaries between this genuine local and regional historiography. and a learned and antiquarian entertainment and "text-book" literature are fluid. K. F. 12:28a:3). On his person and work cf. 148-60. Timaeus of Tauromenium (Berkeley-Los Angeles 1958). H e spent fifty years of his life as a political exile in Athens. = Storia e storiografa antica (Bologna 1987). pp.1 (1936). E. Terzo contribute (Rome 1966). Hermes 109 (1981). Ruschenbusch. his independent researches in the field of chronology. and a host of other themes. and settled the image of the Greek West in Greek literature down to the time of Augustus. 225ff. 97-126. pp. pp. pp. Κ. 1288-1320. where in the libraries he composed the 68 books of his history of Sicily and lower Italy from the beginnings to the start of the First Punic W a r . pp. e la scoperta di Roma nelle Storie di Timeo di Tauromenio". P. 83 A special place among all the local historians belongs to Timaeus (ca. de Sanctis.

his style too was finely elaborated. cf. 87 Cicero comes to the conclusion that of all Greek historians. FGrHist 566 F 11. Timaeus possessed the highest culture and. . 91 FGrHist 566 Τ 19 = Plb. De or. 90 Polybius's sharp attack on the speeches inserted by Timaeus belongs in the same context. the greatest riches. his lack of practical political and military experience. Τ 19 = Plb. like the modern. 12:12b. and above all for his "book-learning". 90 FGrHist 566 Τ 19 = Plb. 87 Cf. rounded and agreeable turns of phrase and less by weighty and impressive sentences. 12 and F 124. cf. his critics grew heated over the manifest rhetorical shaping of the work. Diodorus for example praised Timaeus's exactness in chronological questions. On Timaeus's speeches cf. his own performance was "full of dreams. 11) reckons Timaeus alongside Thucydides and Theopompus among the gravisnmé historici. including Herodotus and Thucydides. in which he lists the victors in the Olympic games with other eponymous figures in synchronistic order. characterized by richness in polished. pp. the superstitious fear of the divine. 12:ll:lff. to put it shortiy. his δεισιδαιμονία. Nepos also (Ale. "The Speeches in Timaeus' History". 88 Cic. are however not uniform. his great experience and his almost completely factual reporting.89 Timaeus however experienced the sharpest criticism from the mouth of Polybius. His admirers praised the scientific rigour of the bookish scholar. 2:58 = FGrHist 566 Τ 20: quantum iudicare possum Longe eruditisûmus et rerum copia et sententiarum varietate abundantisûmus et ipsa compositione verborum non impolitus magnam eloquentiam ad smbendum attulit. 350-68.HISTORICAL PROSE 281 and his critical debate with his predecessors all ensure him a prominent place among the historians between Ephorus and Polybius. recendy L. 91 He had concerned himself neither with the exact wording nor with a reproduction of the speeches faithful to the content. but disapproved of his excessive tendency to censure. that is. AJP 107 (1986). 325 = FGrHist 566 Τ 21. FGrHist 566 F 10 (Plb. T h e ancient judgments about Timaeus. 88 In the Brutus he names Timaeus as an apt example for a particular form of the Asiatic style. 12:24:5. his sensationalist presentation.). 89 Cic. craven superstition (δεισιδαιμονίας άγεννοΰς) and womanish love of the sensational (τερατείας γυναικώδους)". but had freely "Olympionicae". so far as fullness of content and variety of thought were concerned. Polybius takes Timaeus to task for his sometimes immoderate polemic. Pearson. 12:25a and 25i. prodigies. who devoted a large part of his twelfth book to discussion of his predecessor and in this connection set forth his own historiographical premisses. While Timaeus brought accusations against others with great rhetorical skill. incredible tales and. Brut.

once so lively in Herodotus and his predeces- FGrHist 566 F 7 = Plb. FGrHist 70 F 111. 92 . . 12:28a:If. Timaeus adds that this was not surprising because Artemis. 92 Here Timaeus turned vigorously against the view held by many. and a higher training than the writing of history.: "First of all he (Timaeus) says that the difference between history writing and epideictic oratory is as great as that between houses actually built and furnished and the places and objects which appear on stage scenery. According to the testimony of Cicero. where it is said that Euripides came into the world on the day of the battle of Salamis. who wrote a history of Alexander at the end of the fourth century. that the composition of epideictic speeches presupposed a greater talent. the several conceptions of historiography began at an early date to overlap. . FGrHist 566 F 105. and is not simply to be reckoned to the rhetorical or the "tragic" writing of history.95 The expansion of the geographical horizon following the conquests of Alexander and the manifold new relations with foreign peoples reawakened the interest in the historical tradition of hitherto unknown regions of the world. Secondly he affirms that the collection of material for history writing represents a greater work than the whole study of epideicdc rhetoric. 43.282 STEFAN REBENICH invented them. and many historians unite in their works the characteristics both of rhetorical and of "tragic" history writing. At the same time. more energetic labour. 94 T h e criticism of the conception and style of Timaeus's historical work makes it clear that he drew upon various literary and historiographical inspirations. since she wanted to be present at the confinement of Olympias. For in line with the expectations of their readers. 93 Among Timaeus's stylistic peculiarities we may mention also his partiality for noting synchronizations. His example also underlines the point that it will not do to assign the individual historians of the Hellenistic period unequivocally to one of the main streams of contemporary historiography.] at the same time carried off the forger of tragic sufferings and introduced the tragic hero". after the manner of a student of rhetoric working at some particular theme. already adorned his presentation of the deeds of the Macedonian king "in rhetorical and tragic fashion" (rhetonce et tragice ornare)." 93 Ephorus had already taken a stand against this opinion. was absent from her house. and died on the very day on which the elder Dionysius was born. cf. In FGrHist 566 F 150a we may read that Alexander was born in the very night in which the temple of Artemis at Ephesus was burnt down. Polybius reports on Timaeus's outpourings in the prologue of his sixth book. on the differences between the epideictic art of speaking and historiography. Brut. "while Tyche [. Clitarchus. 95 FGrHist 137 F 34 = Cic. 94 Cf.

cf.. "Berossus' Babyloniaka and Seleucid Rule in Babylonia". pp. RE 3. RE 7 (1912). 125-60. Hellenism in the East (Berkeley 1987). K. Schwartz. C. 18999. 496fT. P. 99 FGrHist 273. "Herodotus' Influence on Manethon and the Implications for Egyptology". F. "Neue Studien zu Berossos". P. Already in the early third century the Egyptian Manetho 96 and the Babylonian Berossus97 each published a history of his country in Greek. s. paradoxes and miracle stories. T h e compilations of Alexander. wrote a geographical account and history of Egypt adorned with novelistic elements. s. D. H. Kuhrt. Armayor. CB 61 (1985). their scripturally codified religion. pp. Kleio 10 (1980). Cf. 97 FGrHist 680. "Berossus en de griekse geschiedschrijvers over Mesopotamie". 2 7 5 310. Ε. 309-16 = idem. understood as a "philosophy". pp. 7-10. 22-28. RAC 14 (1988). 18. and S. pp. Studio Hellenistica 30 (1990). 1060-1101.1 (1927). Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den Ägyptischen Königslisten (Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ägyptens. Diamond.1 (1897). H. J. cf. Basel 1959). Drews. RE 3A. pp. W. F. R. B.HISTORICAL PROSE 283 sors. GH. Fraser. W. Mendels. in idem. 1449-1452 = idem. pp. Hecataeus of Abdera. pp.. Sothisbuch. Lehmann-Haupt. Like the Peripatetics Theophrastus and Clearchus earlier.). 39-55. Schnabel. Boncquet. RE 1. 9. F. he was also interested in the Jewish people. pp. "The Polemical Character of Manetho's Aegyptiaca". 98 FGrHist 264. and the political system in Judaea. Laqueur. Ptolemaic Alexandria 1 (Oxford 1972). of California. pp. 99 who bore the epithet Polyhistor and worked in Rome in the first half of the first century BC. which had as its target the educated public in the Greek cities. T h e material excerpted by him was worked over by later authors. Waddell (LCL. RE 14 (1928). Other peoples like the Parthians. and enduringly stamped Roman ideas about foreign peoples in the imperial period. A. Redford. pp. M. G. D. Iraq 37 (1975). FGrHist 609. 98 a contemporary of the poet Callimachus. Fraser. Ο. pp. Los Angeles 1974). 32ff. pp. Klio 22 (1929). idem. pp. R. Schwartz. P. Ε.2 (1894). 505ff. Ptolemaic Alexandria 1 (Oxford 1972). pp. 96 . Hecataeus of Abdera: A New Historical Approach (Diss. Sherwin-White (eds. 227-37.v.6 9 = idem. Helck. M. 2 7 5 0 . pp.. Jacoby. MA 1940). Berlin 1956). Univ. 1234f. the edition by W. Pharaonic King-lists. Hekataios (with detailed bibliography). GG. Späthellenistische Berichte übtτ Welt. Kultur und Götter (Schweizerische Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft. the Ethiopians or the Celtic Galatians were described in the same fashion. Annals and Day-Books (Ontario 1986). Spoerri. pp.v. "The Babylonian Chronicles and Berossus". GG. Kees. London-Cambridge. cf. pp. Berossos und die babylonisch-hellenistische Literatur (Leipzig 1923). were a compendium of such ethnographic and horographic literature which frequendy exhibited fictitious elements. 91-100. 240-44.

From the abundant literature may be mentioned J. idem. Eisen. Ziegler. 277-91. pp. Polibio e l'imperialismo romano (Naples 1978). commander of the cavalry. Meister. Schepens. Petzold.284 STEFAN REBENICH IV T h e first Greek who made the rise of Rome as the dominant power in the Mediterranean world into the central theme of a world history was the Arcadian Polybius of Megalopolis (ca. K. R. Jena 1957). Polibio (Padua 1949). S. "Polybios' Sicht der Ver100 . "Über die Arbeitsweise des Polybios". Bude. Moral Vision in the "Histories" of Polybius (Berkeley 1995). Vandoeuvres-Geneva 1974). Polybios (Darmstadt 1982) (pp. F. ANRW 1. the first important Philhellene in the Roman aristocracy. Sacks. 20. Nicolet (8 vols. Büttner-Wobst (2 vols. Eckstein. RE 21. W. Holzberg (eds. The Theory of Mixed Constitution in Antiquity (New York 1954). A . 120 BC). Pédech. Studien zur Methode des Polybios und zu ihrer historischen Auswertung (Munich 1969). pp. K. Polybios (note 12). Walbank. R. After the Roman victory over the Macedonian king Perseus at Pydna (167 BC) he was deported to Rome as a hostage with other prominent Greeks.3 = idem. MA 1922-1927 [several reprints]) and by P. G. The standard edition is that of T. Κ. and of the remainder large parts have come down to us in Byzantine collections of excerpts. Historische Kritik bei Polybios (Wiesbaden 1975). Paris 1961-82). G. pp. Walbank has written the fundamental commentary in three volumes (A Historical Commentary on Polybios [Oxford 1957-79]). C. have survived complete in direct manuscript tradition. Mione.. Untersuchungen zur historischen Glaubwürdigkeit des Polybios (Münster 1967). idem. London-Cambridge. R.2 (1972). which are completely lost. 161-90. E. Foucault. This is the only Hellenistic work of history of which a considerable part has survived.. Mohm. Polybios (note 14). F. 1 0 0 In the Achaean League he rose to be "Hipparch". La méthode historique de Polybe (Paris 1964). F. the first five of a total of forty books of his major work. P.).. Polybiosinterpretationen (Heidelberg 1966). pp. 439ff. D. Kleine Schriften. Polybios (Leipzig 1913). 1114-1181. but a little later in Scipio's retinue took part in the campaign which led in 146 BC to the destruction of Carthage. K. and thus occupied the second highest position within the League. the great universal history ("Histories"). In the house of Aemilius Paullus he became the tutor and friend of P. Saarbrücken 1977). Ε. Lehmann. Untersuchungen ZU den historiographischen Anschauungen des Polybios (Diss. Leipzig 1889-1904 [several reprints]). III (Wiesbaden 1964). dealing with the period from 220 to 145/144 BC. Pédech. Koerner. SHAW 1956. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus (Scipio the Younger). R. von Fritz.W. In contrast to his minor writings. pp. Paton (6 vols. After seventeen years Polybius returned to his homeland. Among bilingual editions may be mentioned those by W. 1440-1578. M .: "Bibliographie 1970-1980"). Geizer. Musti. Κ. RSA 5 (1975). "Polybius on the Critical Evaluation of Historians". M. WeU. I. "'Έμφασις und ένάργεια in Polybios' Geschichtstheorie". LCL. A. Boncquet. AncSoc 13/14 (1982/83).2 (1952). 185-200. Polybios als Kritiker früherer Historiker (Diss. 200-ca. Stiewe and N. Polybe (Entretiens de la Fondation Hardt.J. "Polibio negli studi deU'ultimo ventennio". Laqueur. K.

and practical political and military experience (έμπειρία). which impresses readers for the moment. Theopompus and above all Timaeus. 2:56ff. in this too not unlike Thucydides. Wooten. that is. Consequently for Polybius. 7:7 (historian on Hiero of Syracuse). and the resultant insight into historical issues. who as a rule allows things to speak for themselves. 15-30. 101 The indispensable presupposition for this kind of historiography is the detailed study of the sources. 12:25ff. Gymnasium 97 (1990). cities and dynasties are to be set forth for the politically interested reader. 12:24:5 (Timaeus). monographs on the other hand can always gangenheit". who upheld the view that for the historian the attentive study of earlier works of history was sufficient. 104 Cf. 105 Plb. However. 16:12 (Theopompus). 1552. the prologue to Book 9. 15:36.102 Polybius—in agreement with Thucydides—sees the aims of history writing in the establishing of the truth.104 In his criticism of Phylarchus he emphasizes that a presentation aimed at sensation and effect falsifies the truth and obliterates the boundary between tragedy and history. . An Insight into the Nature of Hellenistic Historiography". since the narrative which at first carries them along cannot hold its own against a critical narrative oriented towards the facts. unlike Thucydides. also 3:47-48 (anonymous historian on Hannibal). This however presupposes a treatment in terms of universal history. for example Plb. Polybius seeks to practise "pragmatic history writing" (πραγματική Ιστορία). pp..2. exact knowledge of the topographical and geographical data. C. the deeds (πράξεις) of peoples. AJP 95 (1974). Ziegler.105 T h e historian therefore must strive not for έκπληξις ("strong emotion") but for recognition of the truth. With this requirement Polybius clearly sets himself apart from the "book-learned" Ephorus. 103 He firmly distanced himself from the "tragic" writing of history. cf. pp. 101 Cf. "The Speeches of Polybios.HISTORICAL PROSE 285 According to the concept which he himself coined. the concrete utility of pragmatic history writing lies in the communication of political (and military) relationships and in the instruction of the reader. Polybius "like a pedantic schoolmaster felt it necessary to drive home every precept yielded by the narrative with uplifted forefinger and at length". the recognition of the causes. p. 103 K. 105 Plb. 235-51. RE 21. but then disappoints them. since only such a treatment can provide a satisfying explanation of the whole.

12:25a. and to set himself apart even in external form from the other programmes of contemporary historiography. 110 Plb. . 1524-27 also Kennedy. pp. pp.106 Finally Polybius reproaches the rhetorical writing of history because it is not oriented to the historical truth. cf. cf. long participial and infinitive constructions. he is not essentially different from Attic. 109 Plb. in syntax and in grammar. Dubuisson. esp. pp. 12:12b: I. and Sacks (as note 12). On the recasdng of the speeches. 1:22:1. RE 21. A. thus Timaeus freely invented his speeches. 7:7. Ziegler. 79ff. for example Plb. 32ff. but to rhetorical and stylistic principles. of whatever kind they were". On the speeches in Polybius cf. 68ff. 1569-72 with older literature. frequent references back and tautologies underline his concern to reproduce what happened in accordance with the facts. Consequently he made Thucydides' demands on the reproduction of speeches108 his own. Here Polybius describes it as the specific task of the historian "to ascertain the speeches which were actually delivered. Artificially compounded verbs.107 In point of fact. Recherches sur la langue et le style de Polybe (Paris 1972). M.07 106 . 36:1:2. pp. Norden. J. Cf. Foucault. 12:25i:8. Plb. Polybius's critique of method is directed against the main streams of Hellenistic historiography that were acknowledged in his time. Norden pp. 2:56:10. ponderous prepositional phrases. Like all ancient historians. what is necessary and appropriate in the given situation. sometimes in the form of twin speeches but for the most part only in meagre extracts. 152ff. letters and documents reproduced by ancient historians. 8:4. he makes an energetic plea for the verbatim reproduction of what was said. χα δέοντα in Th. and specifically in his polemical digressions.2. Altogether about fifty speeches can be identified. l:3:3ff. 109 Although in theory. 3:32. 1 " In phonology and morphology. 36:1:7. 111 On the language and style of Polybius cf. Le latin de Polybe: Les implications historiques d'un cas de bilinguisme (Paris 1985).. Polybius also took over the practice. is still worth reading. and showed no concern either for the exact wording or for an accurate reproducdon of the sense. K. Ziegler. he actually follows the policy of Thucydides. precisely and beyond misunderstanding. conceived only from literary points Cf. 108 Th.286 STEFAN REBENICH illuminate only individual aspects. in that he lets the speaker say τά καιριώτατα και πραγματικώτατα. 1:22:1. 29:12. 36:1:7. RE 21.2. usual since Herodotus and perfected by Thucydides. of introducing direct or indirect speeches into his presentation and with their aid interpreting historical occurrences. and K. but he is in vocabulary and phraseology. pp.110 Polybius's language is the κοινή current at the time.

and the "pragmatic" postulated a sober investigation of the facts and their causes.Ub does not mention him in a single word in those passages where he speaks of the literary side of historical writing. or combine individual elements. T o this belonged—as already in classical times—the clear arrangement and disposition of the work and the use of conventional materials. 11:18a. 12:25b.HISTORICAL PROSE 287 of view. 116 D.. and describes the effort to captivate and entertain the reader as secondary. T. which was strictly observed by Polybius. 4:30. Cicero. the "tragic" sought to present the events pictorially and graphically. 112 . who calls him pmtissimus rerum milium*14 and bonus auctor in pnmis. cf. 114 Cic. because like many other historians he had taken less care over the investigation of the facts and the appropriate handling of the material than over the elegance of his style." 2 If he sets the concrete profit and instruction of his reader at the centre of his concern. T o this belongs also the avoidance of hiatus. these streams had it in common that the authors were all concerned for a fastidious formal shaping. Philologus 16 (1903). pp. 6:2:8. not always lucid but free from flourishes. for stylistically artistic shaping. 113 Thus at 16:17:9-10 he criricizes the historian Zeno of Rhodes.H. Rep. in which as a rule were to be found autobioCf. is akin to the Hellenistic official language known to us from numerous papyri and inscriptions. as a stylist he did not count. Off. 116 V Hellenistic history writing is characterized by a multiplicity of historiographie genres and by the high skill of its formal shaping. Thus at the beginning stood the prologue. Cf. "Der Hiatus nach dem Artikel bei Polybios". after the Isocratean model. The "rhetorical" writing of history strove. Dionysius of Halicamassus finally reckons him among those historians whom nobody could read to the end. further 1:4:11. Comp. familiar sayings. 2:56:10ff. 9:1-2. to satisfy the demands for a pleasing style and for the beauty of his presentation (τό τερπνόν). Büttner-Wobst. T h e author could choose between different courses. parables and metaphors. 1:34. 25g. 10:27:8. His excessively correct style. 2:27. With all their differences. 113 he still had regard for literary conventions: he inserts citations from the poets. 115 Cic. Yet however much Polybius was esteemed as a historian in antiquity. 3:113. 541-62.

demanded historical studies. 118 Cf. Since the prose authors of the third to the first centuries no longer ranked as models of style. There was no historical work for which its author raised any literary claims which was not judged wholly or predominandy from a stylistic and rhetorical point of view. who mosdy came from the urban upper classes. there was at most an antiquarian interest in the history of literature to justify reading them. with its declamation themes borrowed from "classical" history. organic whole". Here the emphasis lay upon rhetorical and literary instruction. digressions. which in line with the programme of the school founded by Isocrates integrated historiography into rhetoric and reduced it to the function of a normative stylistic model. pp. the almost complete loss of Hellenistic history writing. Herodot. ekphraseis. did not counter the widespread opinion that artistic delight (τέρψις)—alongside profit (ωφέλεια)—was the pre-eminent aim of historical writing." 7 In Hellenism the influence of rhetorical training grew increasingly strong over the whole of prose literature. T h e Hellenistic historians. an indication of the greatness and importance of the theme. instead of according to its content. but sought. in that they subordinated the abundance of reports and information to one "great organizing theme of composition." 8 There W. a main line". 141-42. This becomes most evident in the so-called "rhetorical" writing of history. La storiogra/ia nell'educazione antica (Pisa 1992). notes on historical method and on the intention of the work. Schadewalt has apdy put it for Herodotus. Die Anfange der Geschichtsschreibung bei den Griechen. Meißner (as note 24) and R. and the rhetorical tuition. above all the Peripatetic.. 5ff. Frankfurt 1982). to produce "a living. descriptions of batdes. is due to the fact that literary taste had fundamentally changed in the second half of the first century BC. pp. received their education and their training within the framework of the polis. as W. and not least the verbatim speeches were frequendy given a telling form. 117 . individual historical scenes. Even the increasing influence of philosophical schools. For the rest. Hose. and consequendy on historical writing also. Nicolai. 2.288 STEFAN REBENICH graphical information about the author. concluding evaluations of historical personages. Thukydides (Tübinger Vorlesungen. Schadewaldt. as of other genres of Hellenistic literature. Within the presentation. Here the historians generally did not limit themselves to a simple stringing together of events.

Rome had entered into the foreground of history writing. Malitz. Die Fragmente. G. and the reasons which ensured the rise of Rome to be the dominant power. Polybius countered his countrymen's dreams of freedom with a precise analysis of the factors which led to the collapse of their old world. pp. The thread of his work was picked up by the Stoic philosopher Posidonius of Apamea (ca. Κ. It is no accident that Polybius revives and energetically stresses the advantages of a writing of history that is true to the facts and seeks for the causes. Peremans septuagenam editae (Leuven 1977). idem. sophists. 1: Texte. which fostered hopes of political independence. 135-51 BC). 558-826. philosophers. and qualify ethically the personalities involved.120 who in 52 books 119 120 Plb. Die Historien . Kidd. 3:4:3ff. T h e historian therefore had to recount in lively fashion events beyond his reach. 2: The Commentary (Cambridge 1989) and W. also L. Edelstein and I. From this there followed of necessity the insight that one must come to terms with the real balance of power. Reinhardt. "Poseidonios als Historiker". nor were there any professional historians.1 (1953). teachers of rhetoric and literary scholars predominate. 2: Erläuterungen (Berlin 1982). Posidonius 1: The Fragments. von Fritz. Cf. Poseidonios. RE 22. Among the writers of history we find quite varied vocations. Theiler. FGrHist 87. the circle of those who bore political responsibility and took an active part in political life more and more decreased. and sought to meet a desire for fastidious entertainment. one could no longer achieve publicity and success on the venerable principle of communicating political insights: in the face of the great Hellenistic kingdoms with their small elite of governors and functionaries. Κ.HISTORICAL PROSE 289 was no development of an independent historical curriculum. That these authors for the most part gave political instruction the second place behind literary enjoyment. but politicians. 163-93." 9 After the destruction of the Macedonian kingdom the Greek city state experienced a brief false flowering. VI With Polybius. M. military men. Poseidonios d'Apamé (Paris 1965). Laffranque. As a historian. had its reasons not only in literary and rhetorical convention but also in a radical change in the world of the Hellenistic states. and that meant: with Roman hegemony in the Mediterranean region. in Historiographia antiqua: Commentationes Lovanienses in honorem W. pp. Poseidonios (Munich 1921). J.

but equally took into consideration economic. 125 With the expansion and consolidation of the Imperium Romanum. 121 On the close interweaving of the social with the economic and political problems. rather he was even enthusiastically fond of the ΰπερβολαί. Sordi. 126 FGrHist 88. and condemns the social reformers from Tiberius Gracchus to Marius and Cinna. 122 Cf. 558-61. 2:1:2 (= FGrHist 87 Τ 9). ANRW 11. 124 Str. cultural. Klio 66 (1984). Strasburger. even more than for Polybius. Kosmologische Aspekte im Geschichtswerk des Poseidonios (Güttingen 1980). M. 123 One need only read the appealing speech with which the philosopher Athenion wins the Athenians for Mithridates: FGrHist 87 F 36. Posidonius not only dealt with political and military history. Here should be mentioned above all Timagenes of Alexandria. 125 Cic. and to present his detailed material. Since he linked together philosophical ethics and the writing of history.121 Still. 4 0 . 775-97 with further literature. in a fastidious literary fashion. ethnological. universal history meant the history of the Roman empire. social. "Poseidonios on the Problems of the Roman Empire". 122 Here Posidonius understood how to set the historical events before our eyes in an uncommonly lively and graphic manner. as detailed as it is cridcal. Thuemmel. . pp. the need grew for the writing of world history from a Roman perspective. which according to the Stoic conception were interpreted as parts of an allembracing whole. For him. pp.5 3 = idem. cf. The aim of his historical work consisted in comprehending all the historically acdve forces. Att. 920-45 (German version). 123 Strabo expressly highlights the fact that Posidonius did not refrain from the customary ρητορεία.124 Cicero also esteems him as a rhetoricizing historian.g. as well as natural science. H. e. Hence several Greek authors set forth presentations of universal history in the second half of the first century BC. JRS 55 (1965). II (Hildesheim-New York 1982).' 26 who came to Rome as a prisoner of war in 55 BC and in addition to many other des Poseidonios (Munich 1983). and from his pen there comes an account. "Poseidonios und die Geschichte". FGrHist 87 F 45 and 110-112.290 STEFAN REBENICH described the period from 145 down to the eighties of the first century BC. 3:2:9 (= FGrHist 87 F 47). G. pp. "Timagene di Alessandria: uno storico ellenocentrico e filobarbarico".30:1 (1982). pp. of the many slave revolts of the late second and early first century BC. Studien zur Alten Geschichte. K. he stands entirely on the side of the conservative senatorial aristocracy. Schmidt. H. in conformity with the principles of rhetorical historiography. geographical and religious aspects. he was specially interested in questions of "social history". Cf.

l:4:6ff.). modernizing his language. R.129 who in the second half of the first century BC wrote his 40-volume world history (Βιβλιοθήκη Ιστορική). pp. 27fT. M. Nissen (Kritische Untersuchungen über die Quellen der vierten und fünften Dekade des Livius [Berlin 1863]). Cambridge. Further literature in F. and Diodorus from Agyrion in Sicily. cf. tradizione. F. E. is increasingly criticized. Toher. Spoerri. 1 (1931). Das Zeitalter der Diadochen (Darmstadt 1983). Müller (1828-1868) as well as the complete edition by C. and turn against the verdict of T. 3rd edn. L. Sacks. Dindorf and C. MA-London 1933-67).HISTORICAL PROSE 291 writings published a work critical of Rome with the title " O n the Kings". 35-97. ANRW 11. Philhellénisme et impérialisme (Rome 1988). the three editions of L. 310-19.30:1 (1982). 131 The question what models Diodorus used is still controversial among scholars. 867 96. Diodorus Siculus and the First Century (Princeton 1990). which however extends only to book 20. 125). 64 BC to shortly after the birth of Christ). pp. T. Nicolaus of Damascus (ca. K. F. for books 21ff. the form and content of the sources he reworked remain as a rule transparent. Honigmann. RE 5. C. Wirth. Galvagno. Laqueur..1 (1903).A D 27). On his person and work cf. For his account of Hellenistic FGrHist 90. ANRW 11. G. On the history of research cf. D. 128 On his historical work cf. pp. 64 B C . MH 48 (1991). Vogel and C. more recent literature in M. 131 In his manner of working. Geer. "Strabon devant l'Empire romain". 129 Among editions may be mentioned: F. Lasserre. At the same time those voices grow stronger which emphasise Diodorus's independence and value as author and source. Mommsen. Fischer (5 vols. pp. which probably extended down to the time of Caesar. Berlin 1859]. FGrHist 91 and E. Walton (12 vols.. Literature: E. the well-known geographer Strabo of Amaseia (ca. 663-704 = idem. R. 127 . Diodor und das Ende des Hellenismus: Mutmaßungen zu einem fast unbekannten Historiker (Vienna 1993). pp. Brown Univ. Leipzig 1888-1906). J.1 (1936).. which extended from the origin of the world down to 6 0 / 5 9 BC. S. Molè Ventura (eds. 362424. S. and where more than one version was available he made a compilation. For the several periods Diodorus used earlier authors who seemed to him reliable. J. Sherman. pp. L. RE 17. the content of the remaining books can be reconstructed from fragments. "Diodorea". "Diodoro e la storia romana". C. 724-73 (survey of research). pp.128 whose universal history bore the tide υπομνήματα ιστορικά and consisted of 47 books. 85-90. idem. The single-source theory which goes back to H. Providence 1985). especially the Constantinian excerpts. Schwartz. The Βίος Καίσαρος of Nicolaus of Damascus: An Historiographical Analysis (Diss. Mito. pp. Späthellenistische Berichte über Welt. who attacked the "incredible ingenuousness and even more incredible unscrupulousness of this most wretched of all writers" (Die römische Chronologie bis auf Caesar [2nd edn. according to which Diodorus copied and abridged Polybius.. RE 4A. Oldfather. p. G. Perl. Seibert. C. 130 On the structure and chronology of the work cf. Ferrary. LCL. Bradford Welles. Diodoro Siculo e la storiografia classica (Catania 1991). Kritische Untersuchungen zu Diodors römischer Jahreszählung (Berlin 1957). W. storia. R.127 who at the instigation of King Herod composed a world history in 144 books.130 Books 1 to 5 and 11 to 20 have survived. Càssola. Kultur und Götter: Untersuchungen zu Diodor von Sizilien (Basel 1959)..30:1 (1982). GG.

MA. 1937-50). 11:1:1 on the year 480 BC: "Under the Athenian archon Calliades. Leipzig 1885-1905) and the other works were published by H. bringing together according to particular years events spatially remote from one another in the inhabited world. 135 The standard edition of the text of the "Antiquitates Romanae" is that of C. Radermacher (Leipzig 1899-1929). S. in order not to rob historical writing of its ποικιλία. E. Kunz. which he combined with the Roman consular lists. M. As his chronological scaffolding Diodorus probably used a Hellenistic chronography. among the Eleans the 75th Olympiad was celebrated. began with Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Jacoby (4 vols. lOOff. 20:1:1-2:2. for example D. 132 Here he did not shrink from dismembering proceedings which extended over several years and distribudng them among particular years. cf. that the flow of the narrative suffered from too many interruptions and the organic harmony was destroyed. thereafter he structures what took place in annalisdc and synchronic fashion. easily readable and comprehensible style133 and in contrast to many other Hellenistic historians—apart from jusdfied exceptions—renounced the insertion in his account of lengthy verbadm speeches.292 STEFAN REBENICH history he followed Timaeus. D. 134 Cf. J. However. The prologue to book 20 possibly goes back to Duris. or again adducing them wholly under one year. Polybius. Hieronymus of Cardia and Posidonius. pp.' 35 who came to Rome in 30 BC. e.134 VII A new stylistic trend. In full agreement with the "tragic" writing of history. Usher (1974/85). the Romans named Spurius Cassius and Proculus Verginius Tricostus as consuls. This looked back to Isocrates Cf. £ur Beurteilung der Proömien Diodors historischer Bibliothek (Diss. in which the Syracusan Astylus was victor in the 'stadion'". its richness in variety. Usener and L. London-Cambridge.. 133 Cf.. since he felt these obtrusive. Cf. S. further 132 . Über Sprache und Stil des Diodoros von Sizilien (Lund 1955). in conscious opposition to Hellenism and its motley variety of possible styles. in number and in compass. Diodorus deals with events from the mythical period down to the first Olympiad in 776 BC arranged according to themadc areas. for knowledge of whom the fragments recovered from the "Historical Library" are our main source. Zürich 1935). he turned against so great an expansion of the share allotted to the speeches. Palm. the "Critical Essays" are edited in LCL by S. He wrote a uniform. he declined to renounce rhetorical inlays altogether in his history. Cary has published a bilingual edition of the "Roman Antiquities" in LCL (7 vols.g.

GG.138 He did not however carry out any independent research into the facts and causes. which was published in 7 BC. 934-61 = idem.H. S. Schwartz. C.. ANRW 11. Martin. attractively stylizing and transposing to literary effect the information which he gathered from his sources. W. and the remainder in fragments.136 was the history of Rome from primaeval times to the outbreak of the First Punic War in 264 BC. pp. His language reflects the purism of the first Atticists. Gaida. S. 138 D. Numerous speeches are incorporated into the work. Breslau 1934). 597-607. as well as those who wished to beguile their time with some attractive historical reading. but wrote his history as an orator. Augustus and the Greek World (Oxford 1965). S.H.1 (1903). L. book 11 with many gaps. "La 'Storia di Roma arcaica' di Dionigi d'Alicarnasso".HISTORICAL PROSE 293 as its example. Egger. 1:8:1-2.30:1 (1982). 130fF. 65-87. Sacks. pp. F. 7 9 9 816. 1:8:3. the detailed Greek presentations of Roman history begin. Renard (Brussels 1969). which were mainly annalistic. 817-38 with detailed references to older literature. Die Schlachtenschilderungen in den Antiquitates Romanae des Dionysios von Halikamaß (Diss. 136 D. Usher. 839-65.30:1 (1982). JRS 51 (1961). P. at the same time the first theorist of the Atdcizing reaction. Caesarodunum 4 (1969). pp. 961-71. pp. Hurst. "The Style of Dionysius of Halicamassus in the 'Antiquitates Romanae'". Bonner. The content of the "Roman Antiquities" (Ρωμαϊκή αρχαιολογία). 198-202. Kennedy. Marin. Hill. which served as a historiographical example of the new style. pp. but his choice of words still bears a strongly Hellenistic stamp. "Historiography in the Rhetorical Works of Dionysius of Halicamassus". Denys d'Halicamasse: Essai sur la critique littéraire et la rhétorique chez les Grecs au siècle d'Auguste (Paris 1902). with which. in order to satisfy both the politically active reader and the one whose interests were theoretical and philosophical. 342ff. Athenaeum 61 (1983). Ε.H. Herodotismen in der Archäologie des Dionys von Halikamaß (Lund 1942). "Le dessein de Denys d'Halicamasse dans les Antiquités Romaines et sa conception de l'histoire à travers sa préface du livre I". pp. RE 5. E. Dionysius at this point naturally alludes to Polybius. S. RE 5. pp. . E. 319-60. "Un critique grec dans la Rome d'Auguste: Denys d'Halicamasse". they evidently conformed with his rhetorical tenets and frequently link up with Thucydides. Bowersock. K. 13 ' D.137 According to his own testimony.1 (1903). and set classical Attic prose as the absolute model of style. Radermacher. ANRW 11. composed some monographs on individual Attic orators and on special rhetorical problems. pp. D. The Literary Treatises of Dionysius of Halicamassus: A Study in the Development of Critical Method (Cambridge 1939). in Hommages à M. 4/VRWIL30:l (1982). M. Ek. Xenophon. as he indicates. A. Dionysius. Gabba. pp. 1:3:4. Books 1 to 10 have survived complete.. Dionysius seeks to combine the various historiographical genres. 68 93. "Dionysius of Halikarnassus and the Origins of Rome". pp.. "Dionisio di Alicarnasso e il latino". H. pp. pp. as well as a Roman history in 20 books.

8. 1:8:3. 3:7. T h e Greek history writing of the imperial period also was more and more oriented towards the models of a great bygone age. Th. Pomp. authors of novels and of biographies. Der griechische Roman und seine Vorläufer (2nd edn. Macleod. Stylistic classicism went hand in hand with compilation in matters of content. H. AD 120-180) in his critical work "How One Should Write History" (Πώς δει ίστορίαν συγγράφειν. 35Iff. 141 On this the following are still worth reading: E. D. orators and teachers in the gymnasium. 349ff. Over and above this.H. Bowersock. geographical and ethnographical information. Schmid. Here it was not only historians and antiquarians. G. Leipzig 1900). had a style-shaping effect not simply because the author. paradoxes. Further literature on Lucian in M. Homeyer (Munich 1965) has published a German-Greek edition with introduction and commentary. Rohde. W. Atticism was intimately associated with this turning back to the past. writers of military works and travel guides. but also grammarians and lexicographers. a third of the entire text is assigned to speeches. pp. his discussion of Thucydides (περί του Θουκυδίδου χαρακτηρος) had an influence on the theory of historiography in the Hellenistic-Roman period. Stuttgart 1887-97). as he himself thought. who now communicated historical. MALondon 1959). De histona conscHbenda)H2 turned against contemporary history writing and its eccen- D. as a Greek presentation of the oldest Roman history. In content.294 STEFAN REBENICH Demosthenes and Isocrates.. Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford 1969). D. 139 T h e "Roman Antiquities". and W.. and practised the Atticizing mode. language and style. in his stylistic criticism he speaks of history as the priestess of Truth. Lukians Schrift zur Geschichtsschreibung (Meisenheim 1956). 142 An English-Greek edition was provided by K. pp. From the third book on. Avenarius. The heritage of classical Greece was now brought into the bilingual culture of the Imperium Romanum. cf. Norden. Kilburn (LCL. "Lucianic 140 139 . Der Atticismus in seinen Hauptvertretem von Dionynus von Halikamass bis auf den zweiten Philostratus (5 vols.H. Cambridge. wonder stories and παραδείγματα. On the historical background cf. surpassed his predecessors.141 The sophist Lucian of Samosata (ca.. which was idealized and admired. 140 but because the Attic style here represented achieved a quick success and the educated public turned away from the traditions of literary prose hitherto in vogue. It was scarcely by chance that this harking back to the language and style of an idealized antiquity took place precisely at the moment when with Egypt the last independent part of the world of the Greek cities came under Roman domination. generally G. anecdotes. Cf.

1448-1509 (with bibliography). The style and tenor of the work are didacdc and moralizing. Consa. T o be able to observe these successfully. and are therefore criticized harshly and at length. 145 Lucian Hist.HISTORICAL PROSE 295 tricities. 64ff. in all human probability. "Lucian and Historiography: 'De Historia Conscribenda' and 'Verae Historiae'". esp. esp. s. In fact Lucian. 1422-47. 63 (LCL translation). pp. and O. but as a possession for all time" (LCL translation). Lucian also attacks rhetorical adornment and literary excess as historical methods. indeed. T h e starting point is a violent polemic against the descriptions of the Parthian War under Lucius Verus which Lucian claims to have heard from some archaizing historians in Ionia and Achaea. 146 Cf. 143 On this cf.34:2 (1994). 147 Lucian Hist. Georgiadou and D. Studies since 1930. Luschnat. Th. Thukydides.. pp. however. 1:22:4: "Whoever shall wish to have a clear view both of the events which have happened and of those which will some day. After a detailed cridcism of particulars. 1085-1354.. G. H. Strebel. and ends in the epilogue with a reminiscence of the famous aphorism in 1:22:4: "History should be written in that spirit. 15:19:26.34:2 (1994). and recall the philosophical and rhetorical diatribe. H. Consa.J. Watung und Wirkung des thukydideischen Geschichtswakes in da griechisch-römischen Literatur (Diss. now A. 34.34:2 pp. 1315-60. Larmour. happen again in the same or a similar way—for these to adjudge my history profitable will be enough for me. For his work begins with an allusion to Thucydides.v.144 Practical military and political experience had not only been enjoined by Polybius and other Hellenistic authors such as Theopompus. but had already been presupposed by Thucydides. the historian must bring with him two main qualities: political understanding (σύνεσις πολιτική) and the power of expression (δύναμις ερμηνευτική). who defends a form of history writing appropriate to the content and not rhetorically embellished. with truthfulness and an eye to future expectations rather than with adulation and a view to the pleasure of present praise". ANRW 11. he sets out general historiographical rules. pp. ANRW 11. pp. 1362-1421 and G. knows himself indebted to Thucydides. Consa. unmistakable for those in the know. "Lucian: Tradition versus Reality". 1299ff. RE Sup. pp. 12 (1970). Strobel. Κ.34:2 (1994). ANRW 11. pp. On the Historia Conscnbenda cf. 144 Lucian Hist.147 In his two books Verae Historiae. 145 The certainly numerous imitators of Thucydides 146 had in Lucian's eyes sinned against this commandment. Munich 1935). Cf. . "Zeitgeschichte unter den Antoninen: Die Historiker des Partherkrieges des Lucius Verus". it has been composed not as a prize essay to be heard for the moment. Anderson.". ANRW 11. And. 143 He firmly emphasizes that the boundaries between history writing on the one side and encomium and romance on the other must be observed.

Lucian's resumption of the Hellenistic discussion of theory was no accident. AD 95-ca. 38-40. Brunt. however. and the "Alanica". 149 Two-volume edition by A. in general J. Tonnet. M. The fragments are in FGrHist 156.1 (1895). Arrian of Nicomedia (Chapel Hill 1980). pp. the "Parthica" in 17 books. Leipzig 1967-68). Alexander der Große (Darmstadt 1972). 146 . 618). GG. pp.A. For historians in the proper sense. P. further E. were the exception right down to the period of the Antonines.34:1.34:1 (1993). English-Greek edition of the Anabasis and the Indica by Ε. A. Semper in omnibus varius: "The Emperor Hadrian and Intellectuals". 1976-83). 583-611 and S. Bosworth. the Aegyptiaca of Apion and of Chaeremon of Alexandria (FGrHist 616. he composed an "Anabasis of Alexander" in seven books. 175) from Nicomedian Bithynia also showed himself indebted to this tradition. pp. ANRW 11. André. RE 2. MA-London 1929-39) (revised text and translation with new introduction and notes by P. ANRW 11.A. From Arrian to Alexander: Studies in Historical Interpretation (Oxford 1988). Roos. Stertz. Städter. 612-28 with further literature. A. pp. Cf. composed after Hellenistic models. these two genres certainly enjoyed a second flowering. I.34:1 (1993). Bosworth. 226-337.A. there was a preponderance of monograph presentations on ethnography and horography. AD 131-137) governed the province of Cappadocia. Schwartz. A. Enige hutonografische aspecten van Arrianus' Anabasis Alexandri (Diss. M. Wirth (2nd edn. As a protégé of the emperor Hadrian 150 he rose to the rank οΪ consul suffectus and for six years (ca. the Tyrrhenica and Carckedoniaca of the emperor Claudius (FGrHist 276). 150 On the background cf. Recherches sur Arrien. Reference may be made also to the contributions by A. Silberman and A. In addition. B. Seibert. 1230-47 = idem. H. Breebaart. Leiden 1960). pp.296 STEFAN REBENICH exaggerating in parody the fantastic inventions of the adventure novels.FGrHist 707) and of Trajan's personal physician Crito (FGrHist 200) and the Phoenuica of Philo of Byblus (FGrHist 802-824). pp. which contains a report on Trajan's Parthian wars. Arrian composed ethnographical and historical treatises like the eight-volume "Bithyniaca".148 Flavius Arrianus 149 (ca. This witty insight into the historiographical practice and discussion of style at that time is to be seen against the background of the steadily growing influence of rhetoric. sa personnalité et ses écrits Atticistes (Amsterdam 1988). Robson (LCL. revised by G. J. the Getica of Dio of Prusa (. Devine in ANRW 11. G. B. the title and number of books reflectI mention here only the Samian Horoi of Potamon of Mytilene (FGrHist 147).. 130-55. which portrays in detail the Roman conflicts with the Alans in AD 134/5. "Hadrien littérateur et protecteur des lettres". Cambridge. who described a period or a historical personality. VIII In the early empire and at the beginning of its middle period.

G. For a long time scholars have pursued above all the question of the sources Appian used in his history. 7:2:2ff. d. are more than mere exercises in style. above all his presentations of the history of Alexander.-hist.155 Arrian's historiographical writings. possibly through some connection with Nearchus. A. 5:19:2. On new approaches and controversies cf. RE 3. T h e "Indica". On his language cf. in Göttingen. cf. pp. Klasse. and ever more complex stemmata have been proposed. 7:1:6. MA 1912-13).M. so we are indebted to Appian of Alexandria (about AD 95-165) 156 for a history of the Roman wars. an "Indica". pp. 154 Cf. philosophical and military writings. 155 Cf. F. pp. He is critical of miracle stories and paradoxes. pp. 361-91. 7:15:6. AJP 1 (1886). His avowed model in content and style was Xenophon.. In the process the literary quality of the work and Appian's talents as a writer have to some extent been neglected. also K. 153 Cf. 6:ll:2ff. An. I. White has provided an English-Greek edition in LCL (4 vols. pp. 191-201. C. 1684 1722 = idem. Cyn. 23-45. 1:1:12. "De Arriani dialecto ionica". 1:4. 29:8.. Wiss. As we owe to Arrian's compilations from earlier authors a history of Alexander. one of his sources. Cambridge. Ferrero (Turin 1971). C. which as a supplement to the "Anabasis" gives an ethnographical and geographical survey of Indian history and of Nearchus's voyage of discovery.. also K. Latte. Hahn. and following Xenophon's example renounces the division and numbering of books. and contrast pleasantly with the formal trifling of contemporary archaizing authors. O n occasion a moralizing trait stands out in his history writing.". also in general F. Ein neues Arrianftagment (Nachrichten von der Akad.Eux. and in fact he more than once emphasizes that he wished to be a νέος Ξενοφών or new Xenophon.HISTORICAL PROSE 297 ing a reminiscence of Xenophon. Allinson. 5:25:1. e. Manni. Phil. "Asinio Quadrato e l'Arcaismo Erodoteo nel III secolo D. 6:28:lff. The earliest extant work of Arrian is a Penplous of the Euxine Sea. pp. "Pseudo-Ionism in the Second Century AD.J. Leidl. 152 He is perfectly prepared—like his classical models—to leave hiatus at certain places. Magnino in ANRW 11. the articles by K. and a ten-volume history of the events after Alexander's death (τά μετ' Άλέξανδρον). Brodersen. Mendelssohn (Leipzig 1879-81). 339-554 with detailed bibliography. 3:9:5fr. G. 23-27. Marasco. An. pp. Gomez Espelosin. is composed in the Ionic dialect. G. Mnemosyne 55 (1927). B. Tact. Schwartz. McGing and D. Peripl.". for example E. G. C. 151 Consequently he strove for a simple Attic without rhetorical exaggerations. Appian was acdve as an Arr. G. 5:1:5-6.g. Roos. 203-17 and E. 1950). T o this we may add biographical.2 (1899). Appians Abriß der Seleuhdengeschichte (Syriake 152 151 . 153 reproduces speeches concisely—frequently in paraphrase— 154 is concerned for a factual description of military affairs.34:1 (1993). H. in Gedenkschüft F. Roos (Leipzig 1905/1939) on the basis of the edition published by L. 156 The last critical edition of Appian was edited by P. 5:1:2. Brodersen.. GG. 5:5:3. Viereck and A.

His procedure shows itself in full agreement with the theory of Dionysius of Halicamassus. which departed from the usual synchronistic form. pp. During his work he had been compelled. van der Leest. Kiel 1886). Praef 12-14. comprising 24 books. 232-70. 1-44. 232): Text und Kommentar (Munich 1991). the Άννιβαϊκή (7). to hasten from one people to another and back again. parts of book 9 and books 11 to 17 are extant. 369): Text und Kommentar (Munich 1989). 142ff. 158 Cf. Laudes Romae (Diss Rostock 1918). . W. Gernentz. as a self-contained account without consideration of the events taking place at the same time in other places. Appian and the Writing of the Roman History (Diss. the 'Ιλλυρική (second part of book 9) and the books about the Civil Wars (13-17). covers the whole of Roman history down to the present. 160 Cf. of which the prologue. D. in order to yield a complete whole:160 the beginning 45. according to which the beginning and end of a work ought to be exacdy planned. 99ff. The work. so that finally he resolved to set forth the history of each people from the moment when it came into conflict with the Romans. Appians Antiochike (Syriake 1.159 Appian writes a clear. H. App. idem. 159 Cf. The Triumvirat Narrative of Appian and Cassius Dio (Ann Arbor 1992). Quaestiones Appianeae (Diss. Appian expresses himself at length on the construction of his presentation. Among the parts handed down complete are the 'Ιβηρική (6). The original disposition of the material κατά έθνος probably goes back to the example of Herodotus.158 A necessary consequence of this structural principle is that again and again we come across repetitions. cross-references and recapitulations. the Μιθριδάτειος (12). like a wanderer.298 STEFAN REBENICH advocate in Rome under Hadrian and a friend of Fronto. Toronto 1988 [microfiche]). Gowing. was subdivided according to individual thematic areas. Hose. 157 On parallel passages cf.g. In the preface.. G. whom Appian follows in several linguistic and stylistic respects. His "Roman History" ('Ρωμαϊκά). the Λιβυκή (8). pp. e. Zerdik. A. Pomp. The factors which in his view conditioned the rise of Rome into a world empire are to be made clear by the choice and ordering of the events. and to give to each a separate title. the Συριακή (11). 3-48. books 6 to 8. and is distinguished in particular by a well thought out and independent arrangement of the material. pp. 3:9ff. introduced by five prefaces of their own. flowing and easily readable style. J. which offers a comparison of the Imperium Romanum with the other world empires 157 and a survey of the contents. the champion of Latin archaism.

was his "Roman History" ('Ρωμαϊκή ιστορία) in 80 books.2 (1899). Bleicken. Melber (3 vols. dealing with the period from 68 BC to AD 47. 479-86. Klio 68 (1986). 235). a particularly instructive example is the discussion 161 The fundamental edition was published by U. pp. 444-67. B. Cary (with English translation: 9 vols. and the author does not refrain from ethical appraisal. 162 D . Baldwin. A Study of Cassius Dio (Oxford 1964). and accordingly follows the main part of the sources adduced by Cassius Dio. Manuwald. Today only books 36 to 60 are extant. 46:35:1. and in these Dio occasionally puts his own reflections and ideas into the mouth of historical personalities. C . on which he worked for twelve years after a ten-year period in the collecting of material (roughly from AD 196 to 216). the ordering of events is not chronological but thematic.. pp. 1684-1722 = idem. then 21 years old.. J. reprint 1955-69). Cambridge. cf. which—divided into decads and pentads—extended from the early Roman period down to AD 229. Predecessors of Dio Cassius". 394-50. Schwartz. Gowing (as note 156). A little more than half a century after Appian. Berlin 1895-1931. His chief work. pp.161 As son of a Roman senator he made a career in the imperial government. Leipzig 1890-1928) and E. 395ff. LCL. Bering-Stachewski. On Cassius Dio cf. P.162 Long speeches are frequendy inserted into the presentation. Literarische Beziehungen zwischen Cassius Dio. Herodian und der Historia Augusta (Bonn 1972). MALondon 1914-26). and the contributions announced for ANRW 11. pp. F. Boissevain (5 vols. Ε. He professes a conception of historiography according to which the writing of history has to communicate only what is essential. pp. Millar. and in AD 229 held his second consulship along with the emperor Severus Alexander. Hermes 90 (1962). 356ff. in addition there are extensive Byzantine excerpts. GG. In the shaping of his "Roman History" Appian has regard for what the rhetorically educated reader particularly expected from the genre of historiography. Bochum 1981). The work is arranged annalistically. another Bithynian became a historian of the Roman empire: Cassius Dio Cocceianus from Nicaea (ca. RE 3. Cassius Dio und Augustus (Munich 1979). R. and should not aspire to any detailed or novelistically embellished narrative of events. Kolb. Hose. Norden. in addition the editions b y j . "Historiography in the Second Century. B. Römische Zeitgeschichte bei Cassius Dio (Diss..HISTORICAL PROSE 299 and end of the several books are clearly marked. AD 155-ca. telling details like variegated descriptions of battles and anecdotal narratives are so selected that weariness never overtakes the reader. F. "Der politische Standpunkt Dios gegenüber der Monarchie".. Yet the author seeks to combine what belongs together in space and time. pp.32:3. .

who characterized it in the words that in name it was a democracy. but in reality it was a question of rule by the foremost citizen. C.168 and then in practice proceeds quite differently. 168 D. 163 Firmly rooted in the tradidon of the senatorial writing of history in the imperial period. it should not be overlooked that for all his theoretical rejection of them Dio still made use of stylistic methods of the "tragic" writing of history167 and of the rhetorical tradition. Dio had also gone to school with Thucydides. 41:7:2. for example D. Thus he transferred to Caesar and the Romans properties of thinking about power such as Thucydides had illustrated from Pericles and the Athenians.300 STEFAN REBENICH between Agrippa and Maecenas on the merits of the republican and the monarchical forms of state. 169 Cf. 167 A. 165 Th. 59:20:3. in order to highlight the monarchic character of the Augustan system. Piatkowslti. he none the less responded to the need for entertainment among rhetorically educated readers. who expected colourful and vivid descriptions of catastrophes 170 and D. 52:2-40. C. 38:1. he throws into relief the opposition between appearance and reality. C. Other pieces of rhetorical embellishment do not stand in isolation in his work: although he sought in the tradition of Thucydides to investigate facts and their causes and to provide political instruction.165 In so far as he shines his light behind the republican facade of the principate. but all too often this distinction remains shallow and superficial. Eirene 1972 (Amsterdam 1975). in which Maecenas puts forward thoughts on the reform of the contemporary autocracy. 39:19:2. 2:65:9. 38:36:2-3. "L'influence de l'historiographie tragique sur la narration de Dion Cassius". in Actes de la XIV Conférence Internationale d'Etudes Classiques. 50:4:5.169 we may conclude that the current historiographical theory rejected the insertion of digressions. 43:9:2. pp. C. for example 39:49 (Rhine) and 39:50 (Britain). F 32. When at the beginning of his work he says that he is not accustomed to make use of digressions (έκβολαι του λόγου). 51:9:5. D. 7. 166 Cf. 263-69. . 170 One need compare only his portrayed of the burning of Rome in 52:16:1164 163 18:1. 166 Despite the indisputable "classicizing" points of contact with the Thucydidean conception of historiography. 47:35:5.164 In his analysis of the Augustan principate also he followed the celebrated analysis of the Periclean state leadership by Thucydides. 37:3-4. but Dio was either unwilling or not in a position to come to terms with this.

Volckmann. Hermes 92 (1964). Kaiser Commodus und Herodian (SDAW. composed a "History of the Empire after Marcus" (Τής μετά Μάρκον βασιλείας ιστορία) in eight books. I7S Cf. Β 31 (1957). pp. as has happened in the case of some writers". MA-London 1969/70). Among the succeeding soldier emperors there was no historian who would have drawn such a sober and realistic portrait of the history of the Roman empire. "Tecnica biografica e tecnica annalistica nei 11. pp. 171 . Der Bericht des Cassius Dio über die gallischen Kriege Caesars (Munich Programme 1891). which describes the period from the death of Marcus Aurelius (AD 180) to the accession of Gordian III (AD 238) without digging very deep but in a quite absorbing way. 174 Cf. Melber. D. 176 who was likewise active in Roman public service. 291-97. also J. De Herodiano rerum romanarum scnptore (Diss. Cf. Cf. J.175 Although from the point of view of the history of style and genre Cassius Dio's "Roman History" fits seamlessly into the development of Greek historiography in the imperial age. further F. Commodus: Ein Beitrag zur Kritik der Historien Herodians (Leipzig 1868). Cambridge. 175 Cf. 954-59. LCL..1 (1912). De Herodiani vita scriptisfideque(Königsberg 1859). ών τά βιβλία έπί τφ άττικίζειν άναγιγνώσκομεν. Stavenhagen (Leipzig 1922) and C. in Commentationes Woelfflianae (Leipzig 1891).34:4. Acta Clasnca 20 (1977). 159-65. no one will on this account question the truthfulness of the narrative. 177 Cf. C. StudUrb N. R. pp. 55:12:5: 'Ελλήνων τινές. 1954). and attempts to delineate the crisis of the empire with rhetorical and dramatic methods. D.. Kreutzer. that if I have used a fine style (κεκαλλιεπημένοι λόγοι). RE 8. 467-81. F 1:2: "I trust. Harrington. E. Herodian righdy understood the Roman history of his period as the history of the emperors and rival emperors. so far as the subject matter permitted. E. Brutus gegen die Veneter". as well as the characterizing of the emperor Elagabalus (5:5:8). "Cassius Dio as a Military Historian". "Des Cassius Dio Bericht über die Seeschlacht des D. Townend. in terms of content it marks a clear caesura. 165ff. Literatur und Gesellschaft im ausgehenden Altertum (Halle 1948). "Some Rhetorical Batde-Pictures in Dio". 174 In short: Cassius Dio has bequeathed to us κεκαλλιεπημένοι λόγοι. Hohl. for example the description of Commodus's wild-beast fights and appearances as a gladiator (1:15) and the bloodbath which Caracalla organized among the adherents of his murdered brother Geta (4:6). J. Altheim. Melber. G. pp. Ε. Bonn 1881). J. Dopp. 176 Editions have been published by C. Questa.173 In language also he took pains to conform to the Atticizing conventions. Whittaker (2 vols. LIII-LXIII de Cassio Dione". pp. and schooled himself from appropriate models. Zürcher. 209ff. 172 Cf. he too finds his place in Cf. 177 As his introduction allows us to recognize.S.171 appealing character sketches172 and dramatic scenes. C. pp. moreover. D. Speeches. the chapter on the surrender of King Vercingetorix and his last meeting with Caesar in 40:41. pp.HISTORICAL PROSE 301 battles. New contributions on Herodian are announced for ANRW 11. Kolb (as note 161). as well as Gowing (as note 156). aphorisms and learned digressions also are not lacking. Β. 37-53. Herodian (about AD 180-250). C.

down to the end of the Roman empire. Buchanan and H. as might be expected. In the annotated editions and translations there is also abundant literature on the historiography of late antiquity. 183 FHG IV. Bonn 1957). also underlines the appreciation of its style. Ridley (Canberra 1982).v. Liverpool 1981-83). In the ninth century the Byzantine scholar Photius still praised the agreeable style and the rhetorical balance of this artistically wrought work. pp. 1:1:5: πολλά καί ποικίλα ήνεγκε καί θαύματος άξια.181 IX T h e historians who followed. 99. The undeniable popularity of his history. 184 FHG IV. We may mention here by name P. 185 As a result of their rhetorical 178 Cf. English translations of Zosimus have been published by J. 179 Hdn.179 Although in his prologue.302 STEFAN REBENICH the great number of the imitators of Thucydides. Blockley. C. 275). 185 As a collection of the fragments of historians from late antiquity.J.. Priscus and Malchus (2 vols. now the bilingual annotated edition by F. T. Hdn. F. 57ff. Paris 1971-89) as well as the German translation and commentary by O. Olympiodorus. Paschoud.. Bibl. The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire: Eunapius. which found many readers and imitators in the following period. Cf. T.182 Eunapius of Sardis (about AD 345-420). with translation and commentary. 181 Phot. Dexippus et Herodianus rerum scriptores quatenus Thucydidem secuti sunt (Diss. RE 10A (1972). further F. 785 841 s. Paschoud (5 vols. Veh and S. Rebenich (Stuttgart 1990). On Zosimus cf. AD 210-ca. Davis (San Antonio 1967) as well as by R. Herennius Dexippus from Athens (ca. 183 Olympiodorus from Thebes in Egypt (first half of fifth century)184 and the last pagan historian Zosimus. pp. Budé. 182 FGrHist 100. use should be made—in addition to Miiller's FHG—of R. 178 His Atticizing language fits well with his stylistic claims. likewise stand in the classicist and rhetorical tradition. 1:1:4: τύχας ποικίλας and βίους παραδόξους.J. 180 Cf. 1:1:3. who towards the end of the fifth century wrote his "New History" (Νέα ιστορία) in order to produce the historical proof that the victory of the Christian God had been the cause of the decline of the empire. pp. Stein. he yet seeks to give variety of form to his own work through the conventional mention of paradoxes and wonders. . 7ff. 180 He loosened up his description with more than thirty speeches. but concerned themselves solely with language and style. he engages in polemic against those historians who did not strive for the truth.

Bibl. "Greek Historiography in Late Rome and Early Byzandum". xvii. according to fixed rhetorical principles. examples. Cinq études sur Zpsime (Paris 1975) and B.Conscr. As the historians came to terms with the contemporary theories of history writing. 290. E. Baldwin. In style and language one cannot imagine a greater contrast to Eunapius. and not from the original sources. like their predecessors in the imperial period before them. Lucian Hist.1 (1930). Photius calls Zosimus's manner of expression concise. 51-65. Bibl. so the language and style of their works as a rule corresponded with contemporary taste. Niebuhr in CSHB I. 189 Phot. 398.186 and above all of Thucydides. Schwartz.Conscr. whose style. 189 was condemned by B. clichés. 188 Phot. 188 However. had at their disposal a rich reservoir of stereotypes. Norden and censured as obscure and affected by E. paradoxes and other elements of style and composidon. p. as may be seen from the judgments about Dexippus. 187 Cf. Norden. 293 = idem. p. Many archaizing passages and turns of phrase may however have been borrowed from rhetorical handbooks. extolled by E. even our modern judgments regarding the rhetorical style of ancient authors are dependent on individual and timeconditioned criteria. 34. 190 B. etymological and archaeological information. that was normative. G. GG. ζήλος τών αρχαίων in Lucian's words. 190 Zosimos. Hellenica 33 (1981). Niebuhr. 186 Lucian Hist. Schwartz. makes use of a simple style without unnecessary rhetorical ornament. Yet the Greek historiography of late andquity does not present any stylistic uniformity. 187 and so too the characterizing of personalities and the choice of examples and paradoxes. brief dramatic exchanges of words and longer addresses could be introduced into the presentation for literary adornment. p. antiquarian.HISTORICAL PROSE 303 training all these historians. and not without charm. RE 5. idem. praised by Phodus. who seeks to continue Polybius. Zosimus for example. and even renounces the much-favoured speeches and debates. whom he copied out over large stretches. although there were different opinions as to the extent to which language and style ought to correspond to the much-admired Attic models. T h e authors throughout reserved to themselves individual liberties in the shaping of their work. . G. clear and lucid. Moralizing sententiae. 82. pp. Here it was precisely the imitation of classical authors. 49. Battles had to be described according to specific patterns. 98. p. ethnographical or geographical digressions.

his Significance". Doran. St. pp. in addition G. 1. St. idem. 726 (Artapanus). Thackeray. P.J. ANRW II. pp. Jh. S. C. Schallt (ed. the Man and the Historian (New York 1929). a new English version rev. F. 192 Editions: B. 'Josephus and Modern Scholarship". Marcus. who lived in Egypt. Artapanus.. Josephus: The Historian and his Society (London 1983). pp. H. Leipzig 1885-97. "The Jewish Hellenistic Historians before Josephus".21:2 (1984). The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 BC-AD 135). Bilde. pp. L. "Flavius Josephus Revisited. Josephus andjudaean Politics (Leiden 1990). The five books of Maccabean history by Jason of Cyrene appear to have been the basis of 2 Maccabees.J. his Works and their Importance (Sheffield 1988).. Schürer. v. A. Hengel. 186.). He was followed in the second century by Eupolemus. (3rd edn. LCL. H. MA-London 1926 65). van Unnik. R. Cambridge. his Writings. while Cleodemus sought to harmonize the Jewish primal history with Greek mythology. 1934-2000. Feldman (10 vols. 191 T h e questions and debates addressed in these works were not laid to rest down to Flavius Josephus (AD 37/38 to beginning of 2nd century). pp. The Man.21:2 (1984). attempted in a work περί 'Ιουδαίων to combine Jewish cultural history with an apologetic for Judaism. reprint 1955).A. Niese (7 vols. Demetrius the Chronographer in the third century BC put together a comprehensive outline of Jewish history with the title περί τών έν 'Ιουδαία βασιλέων. in 4.. by G. 41ff. Cf. ANRW 11. idem. who stands at the end of Jewish historiography in andquity. S. Schwartz. 489ff. Judentum und Hellenismus: Studien zu ihrer Begegnung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung Palaestinas bis zur Mitte des 2. and aug. Flavius Josephus als historischer Schriftsteller (Heidelberg 1978). 763-862. Chr. Thackeray. idem. Vermes. esp. Cohen. Jewish historiography also made use of the Greek language as a means for its intellectual self-assertion. 246-97. Hölscher. in general R. M. 191 .. £ur Josephus-Forschung (Darmstadt 1973). pp. 182 (Jason). 723 (Eupolemus). Millar. Josephus in Galilee and Rome: His Vita and Development as a Historian (Leiden 1979). Tübingen 1988. RE 9. D. Schreckenberger. S. 1937-80. 545-46. as a Hellenistic Jew who was the protégé of the Flavian emperors and sought to communicate to the Romans the history of his people. ANRW 11. I. W. Die Flavius-Josephus-Tradition in Antike und Mittelalter (Leiden 1972). Naber (4 vols. ET London 1974). Wikgren. E. to Hellenisdc histo- Cf. Leipzig 1888 93). Josephus. FGrHist 722 (Demetrius).. H. Rajack. For example.2 (1916). which is composed wholly in the style of the "tragic" Hellenistic history writing. Bibliographie zu Flavius Josephus (Leiden 1968). Rezeptionsgeschichtliche und textkritische Forschungen zu Flavius Josephus (Leiden 1977).J. M. Edinburgh 1973-87). and III.304 STEFAN REBENICH X From the third century BC. Cf. Black (3 vols.20:1 (1987). 192 As a Pharisee and member of a priesdy family in Jerusalem. T. H. A. Flavius Josephus between Jerusalem and Rome: His Life. he is just as much marked by the Palestinian and Old Testament historical tradition as he is indebted. Feldman. L H.

1976 and 1990.HISTORICAL PROSE 305 riography. and uses aphorisms. pp. 106: Mélanges 1945. RE 9. 945-76.196 makes long addresses out of brief words of Scripture. 30. AJ 1:1. explains and assesses the behaviour and conduct of individual personalities. A. 197 Cf. adorns his presentation after the manner of profane Greek historians with fastidiously elaborated speeches. 194 J. Hölscher. Marburg 1896). 341-550. pp. 22. and for the educated public availed himself of the linguistic. pp. parables and rhetorical figures of every kind. 196 On the role of the speeches cf. 194 he seeks "to add nothing. 17. would have been able to produce the content of this work so accurately for the Greeks. localities and military matters.2 (1916). He is concerned for a dramatic stylizing of events. zur griechisch-römischen Welt und zum Christentume (Gütersloh 1913). Paris 1947). 7:454-55. whether Jew or alien. pp. Ο.197 Worthy of special mention are the numerous documents and original sources which Josephus inserts in his seven-volume Jewish War and above all in his twenty-volume Jewish Antiquities. De Flavii Iosephi studiis rhetoricis (Diss. De Flavii Iosephi belli Iudaia scriptoris studiis rhetoricis (Diss. Analysen und Perspektiven". on this G.AJ 1:17. BJ 1:6. "De Flavii Iosephi elocutione". Flavius Josephus und seine Schriften in ihrem Verhältnis zum Judentum. Schmidt. and other classical authors whom he cites. Michel. Josephus was thoroughly conversant with the literary language of his time.21:2 (1984).193 His historiographical method is manifestly influenced both by Jewish apologetic and by the pragmatic writing of history. Halle 1908). inserts novelistic episodes. highly differentiated methodically and in literary and rhetorical terms. H. Etudes historiques de la Faculté des lettres de Strasbourg (Vol. or quotes the relevant phrases at second hand.198 At the end of the Antiquities it is said: "I may now at the end of my history say with confidence that with the best will in the world no other man. especially the theoretical conception of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. αλήθεια and ακρίβεια the aims of his presentation. Personal experience and the possibility of verification are the presuppositions. Wolff. For as my 193 Qf ρ Collomp. G. "Die Rettung Israels und die Rolle Roms nach den Reden im 'Bellum Iudaicum'. Halle 1912). 198 Cf. 195 J. Untersuchungen über Josephus (Diss. 81-92. W. 26. Drüner. and to leave nothing out". on this still Β. Brüne. Hornbostel. ANRW 11. Whether he had himself read Thucydides. stylistic and compositional instruments which late Hellenistic historiography. portrays in detail battles. 195 With such stipulations Josephus sets himself in the tradition initiated by Thucydides. placed at his disposal. may be left an open question. 19 (1894). "La place de Josèphe dans la technique de l'historiographie hellénistique". . Jahrbuch fir Philologie Sup.

bibliographies and commentaries. Α.. Stuttgart 1984). 2nd edn. ET Studies in the Acts of the Apostles. The Style and literary Method of Luke. "Neglected Nuances of Exposition in LukeActs".. Die Mitte der %eit (Tübingen 1954. Ehrhardt. pp. Daube. Dibelius. von Harnack. Morgenthaler. Bruce. Agnostos Theos: Untersuchungen zur Formengeschichte religiöser Rede (Leipzig-Berlin 1913. 1977. ET Oxford 1971). Göttingen 1977. 201 According to the title πράξεις άποστόλων. Zürich-Basel 1948). Goulder. Haenchen. Das Neue Testament im Rahmen der antiken Literaturgeschichte: Eine Einfuhrung (Darmstadt 1993). in methods. H. Gärtner. MA 1920). . D. Plümacher. 228ff. U. Cadbury.306 STEFAN REBENICH countrymen could bear me witness that I have excelled in the sciences of my native land.'"" XI Christian historiography likewise. 6th edn. 1953. Trocmé. pp. E. although the fluent speaking of it is made impossible for me by the custom of my homeland. 1974). D. Norden. Die Missionsreden der Apostelgeschichte (Neukirchen-Vluyn 1961. 200 201 199 Luke 1:1-4 and Acts 1:1-8. F.]. and lay store upon beauty in expression. since this skill ranks as commonplace not only for the free but even for the slaves [. went back in considerable measure to Hellenistic Greek models. R. E. ET The Theology of Saint Luke.. Zur urchristlichen Geschichtsschreibung (2nd edn. so have I also concerned myself in depth with the Greek language and thoroughly learned its rules. E. the author—following J. in E. ITie Acts of the Apostles (Manchester 1964). 2569-2603. Plümacher. I. pp. A. London 1909). pp. The Semitisms of Acts (Oxford 1965). 1929). the Gospel and Acts. M. . Stuttgart-Berlin 1921-23). E. M.25:3 (1985). Ursprung und Anfange des Christentums (3 vols. Meyer. 862-63. "The Acts of the Apostles: Historical Record or Theological Reconstruction?". LThK3 1 (1993). London 1956). London 1960). Weiser. TRE 3 (1978).. Part 1: The Diction of hike and Acts (Cambridge. E. M. are clearly separated from one another by their prefaces. above all lists of research reports. systems and forms of presentation. D. Simon. St. Hengel. 1-59 and III.25:3 (1985).J. Cf. 483-528 and A. Wilckens. Wilcox. The individual books of Luke's double work. 3rd edn. 2329-56. F. Type and History in the Acts (London 1964).. Dormeyer. The New Testament book of Acts200 already stands in the tradition of Hellenistic history writing. Stephen and the Hellenists in the Primitive Church (London 1958). pp. M. Le "Livre des Actes" et l'Histoire (Paris 1957). The Areopagus Speech and Natural Revelation (Uppsala 1955). Β. Die Apostelgeschichte (Leipzig 1908. Lukas als hellenistischer Geschichtsschreiber (Göttingen 1972). esp. Die Apostelgeschichte (16th edn. For among us those are not specially regarded who are versed in many languages. 4 7 20:12. H. . Die lukanische Geschichtsschreibung als Zeugnt^ Gestalt und Gehalt der Kunst des Lukas (2 vols. Conzelmann. ET The Acts of the Apostles. Further literature. attested since the close of the second century. ANRW 11. 2nd edn. ANRW 11. M. pp. Aufsätze zur Apostelgeschichte (Göttingen 1951.

204 Cf. A new series in the Corpus Christianorum: Series Apocryphorum is in process of appearing. Hennecke and W. for example Stephen's speech before the Sanhédrin. Acta Johannis (2 vols. and Paul's speech on the Areopagus. pp. 4 3 6 3 . 11-70.-M. The carefully wrought speeches of Peter. are adapted to the given situation and interpret the events. pp.25:6 (1988). pp.. J. Cf. The subject of Acts is the spread of the word of Jesus from the primidve community in Jerusalem to the very centre of the Imperium Romanum. T h e so-called "We-passages" 205 probably do not show the author as a companion of Paul. The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford 1993).. Turnhout 1989). Schneemelcher (2 vols. especially E. 206 The New Testament apocrypha are edited in a German translation by E. Bauer. cf. Junod and J. Prieur ANRW 11. 205 Acts 16:10-17. McL. 1:1:1. M. Acts 17:22-31. 27:1-28:16. LThK3 1 (1993). pp.8 3 (Acts of Peter). pp. but are rather a literary device of which Luke makes use.. 203 Cf. Acts 7:2-53. as apostle of the risen Christ and the driving force of the Gentile mission. 21:1-18. and here Paul especially. 4431-4527 (Acts of Philip). the books περί Άννίβου πράξεων by Sosylus of Lacedaemon from the second century (FGrHist 176) and Philostratus's account of the life of Apollonius. TRE 3 (1978).25:6. Geerard. further M. Die Reden der Apostelgeschichte und die antike Geschichtsschreibung (SBAH 1949) = idem. Die Wir-Passagen der Apostelgeschichte (Göttingen 1989). Tubingen 1987/89. Turnhout 1983) andJ. 341-81. pardy in accordance with convention and partly at the instance of his sources. 40ff.204 T h e author. stands at the central point. RE Sup. 9:1:5-6. cf. Clavis apocryphorum Novi Testamenti (Turnhout 1992).4 3 6 2 (Acts of John).25:6 (1988). A list of the standard editions and further bibliographical references will be found in R. Poupon ANRW 11. see also J. pp. and observes the literary elements of contemporary Graeco-pagan as well as GraecoJewish history writing. Hellenistische WundererZählungen (Leipzig 1906). B. Wilson.-D. Plb.HISTORICAL PROSE 307 Hellenistic models202 and entirely in the sense of Polybius203—seeks in his history to depict the deeds and words of the persons involved. p. Aufsätze zur Apostelgeschichte (as note 200). G. . 4415-30 (Acts of Thomas) and F. Paul and others. in accordance with Thucydidean requirements. pp. It was now the model of the 202 Cf. a hellenistically educated Gentile Christian of the post-apostolic period. Junod and J. In addition reference may be made to the contributions of E. Tissot ANRW 11. In the later apocryphal Acts of Apostles206 the almost "classical" form of the Lukan history writing was given up. Acta Andreae (2 vols.. 20:5-15. Prieur. on this also R. J. Cf. 4384-4414 (Acts of Andrew). Kaestli (eds. M. knows very well how to tell a dramatic and absorbing story. Y. Elliott. ET Cambridge 1991/1992). (1988). 864. D. Wehnen. 120 -62 was the first to point out the indirect imitation of Thucydides by the author of Acts. Bovon ANRW 11. pp. pp.25:6. E.25:6 (1988).). Dibelius. Kaesdi in ANRW 11. 4 2 9 3 . K. Reitzenstein. 15 (1978). J. 5th edn. for example the πράξεις Αλεξάνδρου by Callisthenes of Olynthus from the fourth century BC (FGrHist 124). Plümacher.

724-65 (with Literature). Theodoret. Α. Adler. pp. Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors (Princeton 1983). C. Paul. Sozomen. Regeneratio Imperii: Aufsätze über Roms Kaisertum und Reich im Spiegel der heidnischen und christlichen Publizistik (2 vols. pp. From a historiographical point of view. Christentum und heidnische Opposition am Ende des 4. F. Time Immemorial: Archaic Historiography and its Sources in Christian ChronographyfromJulius Ajricanus to George Syncellus (Washington. pp. idem. as well as the Church history writing founded by Eusebius of Caesarea. It may however be remarked that with Eusebius's Εκκλησιαστική ιστορία standards were set for the composition and stylistic shaping of the succeeding Christian historical works. J. A. idem. Vittinghoff. except for satire. As to literature for a first orientation. the restraint in presenting political and military events. Geschichte der kirchlichen Historiographie I (Freiburg 1967).). Emmett Nobbs. pp. Kötting. "Pagan and Christian Historiography in the Fourth Century".. B. La storiografia ecclesiastica nella tarda antichita: Atti del Convegno tenuto in Erice (3~8 XII 1978) (Messina 1980). idem. the neglect of speeches in favour of long quotations of documents and sources. R. Jahrhunderts (Münster 1961 ). T h e five great Acts of the second and third centuries. Heidnische Geschichtsapologetik in der christlichen Spätantike (Bonn 1963). The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford 1963). 198 (1964). G. 605-14. are not a theme of this study. Peter. A. B. Inst. idem. Orosius and Their Tradition: Comparative Studies in Pagan and Christian Historiography (Diss.308 STEFAN REBENICH ancient romance that shaped the presentation of the apostle's life. we may mention: W. Acts had no successors. "Zum geschichdichen Selbstverständnis der Spätantike".207 XII Like all genres of Roman literature. G. F. Winkelmann. 7-29. are witnesses to a popular edifying literature for entertainment which stands close to the Hellenistic novel and the philosophical aretalogy. DC 1989). pp. Andrew and Thomas.. RAC 15 (1991). T. A. 186ff. Hansen. 79-99. those of John. Mosshammer. The First Christian Histories: Eusebius. CCC 3 (1982). and Evagrius (2nd edn. The chronographical and universal history presentations of Christian authors.). and the abundance of Scriptural quotations. pp.). The Chronicle of Eusebius and the Greek Chronographie Tradition (London 1979).. 52974. Über heidnisches und christliches Geschichtsdenken in der Spätantike (Munich 1982). Herodotus. New York University 1974). Macon 1986). "Deila storiografia classica alla storiografia cristiana". Emmett (eds. Mordey (eds.208 historiography also showed its debt to the legacy of the Greeks. in idem (ed. Zpsimus. G. M. reprint Darmstadt 1965). Momigliano. F. Reading the Past in Late Antiquity (Canberra 1990). Byzantinoslavica 37 (1976). Croke and A. 1-10 and 172-90. Meinhold. 10:1:93. History and Historians in Late Antiquity (Sydney 1983). Kennedy. Here belong the preference for a language oriented towards the elevated κοινή (instead of the classicist Attic). which paid heed to the fact that the new genus sought to differentiate itself in formal terms also from the pagan Greek historiography. "Griechische und lateinische Geschichtsschreibung in der Spätantike". pp. Sordi. F. . 208 207 Quint. Rosen. A. B. Overbeck. Über die Anfange der Kirchengeschichtsschreibung (Programm Basel 1892. K. "Die Kirchengeschichtswerke im oströmischen Reich". Socrates. P. Euseb von Kaisareia: Der Vater der Kirchengeschichte (Berlin 1991). Marcus. Croke. Darmstadt 1972/86). Chesnut. Straub. Klio 66 (1984).

F. 209 . 34ff. 1-38. the tide origines also points to the Greek foundation stories. Jordan (Leipzig 1860. Timpe. Empylus of Rhodes and Olympus the events relating to the murder of Caesar. "Fabius Pictor und die Anfange der römischen Historiographie". pp. FGrHist 187 (Heraclides). pp. Latomus 35 (1976).. but rather capitulatim. "Nochmals über den Anfang der römischen Geschichtsschreibung". A. pp. pp. 209 T h e real founder of Latin history writing is M. the remaining four are devoted to Roman history from the First Punic War down to 149 BC. in the first century BC the writers were Greek: Socrates described the Civil Wars. Teucrus of Cyzicus and Metrodorus of Scepsis the wars against Mithridates VI of Pontus. Above all the Hellenistic writing of history. Schönburger (Munich 1980). pp. "The First Latin Annalists". the κτίσεις. 180-213 with German translation and notes. Badian. Hermes 69 (1934). W. 55-97. v. A & A 25 (1979). If in the period of the Hannibalic Wars Q. A. Lebek. His chief historical work. FGrHist 274 (Teucrus). the edidons of the fragments by H. FGrHist 198 (Olympus). 273-338. B. that is. which combines historical presentation and personal comment. "The Early Historians". Kleine Schuften. Historia 2 (1953/54). pp. Geizer. does not proceed after the manner of a chronicle. E. Fabius Pictor on the Roman side had begun to present Roman history in the Greek language. Jh. Heraclides of Megara. pp. pp. M. it was limited to the main events and composed FGrHist 809. cf. pp. since local history. the "tragic". continued to work in Roman historiography in manifold refractions and combinations. Klingner.". and with the early history of the other Italian cities and peoples. Börner. FGrHist 191 (Empylus). Chr. idem. On this and on what follows cf. P. FGrHist 183 (Caecilius). pp. III (Wiesbaden 1964). Ε. 342-48 = Kleine Schriften. The earliest Roman historians normally wrote not in Latin but in Greek. HRR I. Wiseman. reprint 1966). and 66ff. Peter. Dorey (ed. pp. and Caecilius of Cale Acte the Slave Wars. ANRW 1. pp. wonder stories. 51-103. 20-22. in T. Lwius und seine Vorgänger (Leipzig 1940/41). FGrHist 192 (Socrates). Porcius Cato (234-149 BC). "Erwägungen zur jüngeren Annalistik". T h e narrative. FGrHist 184 (Metrodorus). Klotz. and begin with a new prologue. digressions and etymologies are all present. "Die Anfange der römischen Geschichtsschreibung". 46-55 = idem. 210 HRR I. T. Verba prisca: Die Anfänge des Archaisierens in der lateinischen Beredsamkeit und Geschichtsschreibung (Göttingen 1970).210 deals in the first three books with the development of Rome from the beginnings to the end of the period of the kings. CXXVII-CLXIV. 689-717. Latin Historians (London 1966).HISTORICAL PROSE 309 Xenophon and above all Thucydides had a direct or indirect influence upon Roman historians. 1-30 and O. pp. 97-119. Rawson.2 (1972). pp. pp. pp. the Origines in seven books.). 104-10. the rhetorical and the pragmatic. LCM 8 (1983). "The Credibility of the Roman Annalists". 189-209. Hermes 82 (1954). idem. 928-69. T h e extant fragments allow us to recognize the Greek elements of the genre. D. 5-39 (Fabius Pictor). "Thematik und Krise der römischen Geschichtsschreibung im 2.

for example Cincius Alimentus (HRR I. 217 Cf. Q. is superior to all other states because it was created not by individuals but by many and over a longer period of time. F 83 (= Gell. for example A. religious ceremonies. 4. ACD 17/18 (1981/82). who was for all that possessed of considerable qualities as a narrator. pp. and formulae of devotional. 217 while Cf.1 . such as the plural ques. Fabius Pictor. and with the propagandist glorification of the gentes. The founder of the annales. how often grain was dear. 215 HRR I. anecdotes and antiquarian information. P. pp. FGrHist 810). F 77 (= Gell. But the Hellenistic formal elements here merged with the Roman thinking in terms of examples. how often darkness or anything else obscured the light of the moon or the sun". After Fabius a series of senators also compiled Greek annals. This combination was to remain the special mark of Roman historiography. Untersuchungen über Aufbau. 2 ' 1 In the introduction there are striking archaisms. 175-87. like that military tribune who deserves to be called a Roman Leonidas. 344-59. 214 In the prologue to the fourth book Cato clearly distances himself from the mere compiling of records: "I have no pleasure in writing what stands upon the board in the house of the Pondfex Maximus. Bardon (Brussels 1985). Ca. "Zur Problematik der älteren römischen Geschichtsschreibung". pp. 216 Cf. C. 2. Poucet. pp. Cologne 1950). Cf. heaping up of synonyms. in Hommages à H. Vandoeuvres-Geneva 1956). Κ. 216 He had a fondness for ethnographical evidence. in Histoire et historiens dans l'Antiquité (Entretiens de la Fondation Hardt. Rep. Acilius 212 2.212 T h e aim of the Origines is the moral instruction and guidance of the reader through outstanding examples. "L'amplification narrative dans l'évolution de la geste de Romulus". J. was the Fabius Pictor already mentioned.3 HRR I. "Osservazioni su Catone prosatore". Bung. 3:7:2-3). Traglia. 40-43. 213 Although Cato did not develop any historiographical theory of his own. der erste römische Annalist. the recording of facts ab urbe condita in the manner of a chronicle.310 STEFAN REBENICH according to subject areas. legal and official language. 215 Yet it was precisely the annals which emerged from the pontifical records that were the specific element in Roman history writing. so Cato leads us to understand. Nep. Stil und Inhalt seines Geschichtswerks an Hand von Polybios / . his work stamped Roman history writing precisely by its raising an exemplary individual deed for the res publica into an absolute ethical norm. 147-70. The Roman state. 214 Cic. in addition we can note archaic duplications. 2:28:6). 2:2./ / (Diss. 3:4: "Atque haec omnia capitulatim sunt dicta". Despite the proverbial brevitas Catonis one should not overlook the rhetorical elements of Cato's prose style. Hanell.

The characteristic marks of the annalistic approach are presentation according to years and "archaeology". Also frequent is the separation of res inlemae and res externae. Limis. 73 (1979). While res gestae and historiae in principle preserve the annalistic manner of presentation and—like the annales—seek to set out history continuously. 219 HRR I. cf. 143-47.221 praetor in the year 70 BC. Claudius Quadriganus. Cassius Hemina. Postumius Albinus (HRR I. they represented Rome as the central point of history. who concerned himself after the manner of Polybian and pragmatic historiography with analytic investigation of facts and their causes. ranks as the oldest Latin annalist. FGrHist 812). Their founder was L. Sprachbehandlung und Darstellungsweise in römischer Prosa. 220 HRR I. Cf. a contemporary of Cato. speeches and dreams. pp. pp. 218 HRR I. original and colourful. thus archaic turns of phrase stand alongside neologisms. but probably came from the Italian municipal aristocracy or from the equestrian order and wrote as clients of particular senators. His prose is rich in variety. pp. Ε. 327-46. 221 HRR I. pp. 1:7. digressions. 222 in his Historiae. Schibel. a dramatic style of narration. pp. but the annalistic schema can be loosened up by the insertion of letters. 220 The historiae. Cic. 276-97. 222 Cf. His style combines fashionable Asianic undercurrents with archaizing elements. the emotive. Cornelius Sisenna and the Early First Century BC". CLV-CLXXIII. His historiographie model was according to Cicero the historian of Alexander.HISTORICAL PROSE 311 L. sensation-working devices of Hellenistic history writing were put to use. 53. 98-111. On this cf. Consciously harking back to the annalistic tradition. Rawson. the author limits himself to contemporary history alone.218 Only among the authors of the Sullan period (the socalled "later annalists") do we find annalists who—like Claudius Quadrigius or Valerius Antias 219 —did not belong to the senatorial class. FGrHist 813) and A. 48-52. Leg. F 1-2 (= Gell. Clitarchus. CQ. which neglect the presentation of the early period and pay more detailed attention to contemporary history. its first representative is Sempronius Asellio (about 160-190 BC). historical monographs group the material round a central (HRR I. esp. 205-37 and 238-73. also W. descriptions of battles. The annalistic presentation is also followed by the res gestae. "L. speeches and anecdotes. Aulus Gellius (Amsterdam 1971). as the fragments still show. . pp. 5:18:8-9). p. lack the "archaeology" altogether. Cornelius Sisenna. which likewise follow the annalistic structure.

while others again follow the fashionable Asianic rhetoric. and the commentarius. which is likewise historically oriented. Coelius Antipater. 226 but the style of the Roman epic. yet—with an eye on Greek history writing—he complains that Coelius "did not set off his narrative with any variety of reflections. T h e orator and jurist L.224 This characterization is thoroughly apposite: on the one hand Coelius used a rhetorical device like hyperbaton so awkwardly that he excuses himself for it in the foreword. 226 Cf. Occasionally phrases from lower levels of language do indeed appear. pp.312 STEFAN REBENICH theme. 225 Cf. which is attested from the first century BC. F 1 (= Cic. ranks as the first Latin representative of this genre. Others prefer the ponderous Latin official style. Cicero does indeed ascribe to him the merit of having surpassed his predecessors. his language is stilted and his style Asianic: small rhythmic cola. XIII T o the forms of history writing so far mentioned we may add the universal history. Or. 229). 224 Cic. which has roots both in the Roman and in the Greek world. Die Historien des Coelius Antipater: Fragmente und Kommentar (Meisenheim 1979). HRR I. Hermann. refined hyperbata. He made use of dramatic and of rhetorical devices. 225 on the other. he deserves to be appreciated as a pioneer who in constructive interaction with Hellenistic historiography compiled the first historical monograph in the Latin tongue. It has consequently at first no uniform character as a genre. also had an influence on the Roman historians. which may be combined with one another. but embraces a host of different forms and elements. Lebek. Verba prisca (note 209). unusual words. Language and style too are scarcely uniform. or give finish to his work by his marshalling of words and a smooth and unvarying flow of style". At the centre of historical interest stand HRR I. the epitome or "short history". W. describes the Second Punic War in seven books (published after 121 BC). De or. The history writing of republican Rome accordingly reflects the whole variety of Hellenistic historical literature. 223 who. as occasional poetic elements in Cato and Coelius for example show. 223 . which differentiated the material geographically. 158-77. following Hellenistic models. 2:54 (LCL translation).

Rasmussen. "Der Commentarius: Zur Vorgeschichte und literarischen Form der Schriften Caesars". 215-26. G. 1966). A. Poetica 8 (1976). pp. . with supplements by W. Pascucci.3 (1973). idem. 653-87.HISTORICAL PROSE 313 primal history and contemporary history.1 (1901). pp. 229 Cf. pp.5. Hermes 81 (1953).5 2 2 = idem. "The General Reflection in Caesar's Commentaries". Klingner. ANRWU (1972). Gymnasium 57 (1950).3 (1973). F. Holtz. Eden. Radista. "Elegantia Caesaris: Zu Cäsars Reden und Commentarii". Greek and Roman 227 The single exception among the annalists is Cato. idem (ed. Kroymann. 149-63. Kleine Schuften.. Caesarstudien (Leipzig 1910). 1950. pp. XIV C. L. Kennedy. Caesar (Darmstadt 1967). "I mezzi espressivi stilistici di Cesare nel processo di deformazione storica dei Commentarii". Caesars Bellum Gallicum: Eine Einfiihrung (Frankfurt 1988). Trillitzsch 1964. M. K. Hermes 73 (1938). Caesarstudien (Stuttgart 1967). J. RE 4. P. pp. Ε.. H. 2nd edn. pp. Glücklich. 457-87. 134-74. Caesar as Man of Letters (Cambrige 1956).. Klotz (2nd edn. L. 26-28. in idem.4 4 BC)228 raised the commentarius into a literary form. "Caesar. Julius Caesar quo usus sit in orationibus dicendi genere (Jena 1913). Geizer. Gal. F. Hirt. "Caesar und das Corpus Caesarianum in der neueren Forschung: Gesamtbibliographie 1945-1970". already Cic. Caesar als Erzählstratege (AU. Norden. Α. I (Wiesbaden 1956). 95-119. Caesars Commentarii: Stil und Stilwandel am Beispiel der direkten Rede (Göttingen 1963). s. ANRW 1. pp. 1990).. 210-50. 229 In his commentant on the Gallic Wars. pp. 8. reprint 1992). "Caesar als Historiker".Julius Caesar ( 1 0 0 . H. Erzählstil und Propaganda in Caesars Kommentarien (Heidelberg 1975). pp. ICS 9 (1984). Hering (2nd edn. pp. Scntti scelti (Florence 1983). G. pp.3 (1973).). Görler. Caesarodunum 14 bis (1979). 107-10. pp. Mutschier. "Caesar's Style: Inheritance versus Intelligence". 112-23. Klotz. M. Collins. Deichgräber. 726-59. Gesche. idem. "Towards a Practical Criticism of Caesar's Prose Style". 209fT. CR 45 (1931). Seel. the Man of Letters". pp. L'art de deformation historique dans les commentaires de César (Paris 1952. 1952). 33. Stiewe. 262. CW 50 (1956/57). E. ANRW 1. who in the fourth book of his Origines describes the origin of Carthage and characterizes the Carthaginian mixed constitution. J. Brut. Gotoff. Dallmann. Caesar—Der Schriftsteller und sein Werk (Leipzig 1933). WJA 2 (1976).J. pp.. pp. ANRW 1. 283ff. 307-35. Börner. H. D. 90ff. SCO 6 (1957). H. "Die Veränderung des Erzählerstandpunktes in Caesars Bellum Gallicum". Caesar (Darmstadt 1976). commentarii. we need mention here only the Teubner editions of the Bellum Gallicum by A. Williams. 19-39. 1992) as well as that of the Bellum Civile by A. which—with very few exceptions227—is tailored to fit Rome. M. 3-7. T. K. II (Wiesbaden 1963). "Caesars Rede für die Bithynier". Seel (1961) and W. C. Caesar als Darsteller seiner Taten: Eine Einfuhrung (Heidelberg 1977). "Wahrheit und Rhetorik in Caesars Bellum Gallicum". V. H. Adcock. 1-18. "César et la rhétorique". Oppermann. ICS 10 (1985). Rambaud. Walser. pp. praef. Caesar und die Germanen: Studien zur politischen Tendenz römischer Feldzugsberichte. pp. Mensching. Avery. W. in Colloque sur la rhétorique. Klotz (2nd edn. O. 922-66. pp. pp. pp. 417-56.-H. 4 8 8 . pp. F. D. Craig. J. 341-46. W. "Caesar as a Political Propagandist". O. C. 74-117. The number of editions and translations is legion. Richter. 228 F. "Interpretazione linguistica e stilistica del Caesare autentico". Glotta 40 (1962). H.v. "Julius Caesar and his Writings". T. Premerstein. "Caesar's Bibracte Narrative and the Aims of Caesarian Style". W.

further N. D. 233 The gradual increase in the direct speeches. 5:12-14. pp. Gal. He created a new commentary style. 231 These "reminiscences". 79-104 = idem (ed. Gaul and Germany he takes his place in the succession of Greek ethnography. Cic. 232 Caes. But the Roman commentarius came closer to the style of the elevated history writing which strove for an enlivening of what had happened. Rasmussen. and this ascent culminates in the great address of the Avernian Critognatus. which were part of the internal political debates of the senatorial aristocracy. 1:19:10. Hermes 68 (1933). pp. 1:20:6. υπομνήματα. 182-95. 85-98. Lutatius Catulus wrote about his consulate (102 BC) and his achievements in the service of the state in Latin. the prologue is lacking in Caesar. 231 230 . as they were called in Greek. Anregung 33 (1987). The presentation gains in liveliness from book to book. is not only to be explained by the development of Caesar's style. Oppermann. in idem.232 Yet he also learned from Xenophon: as with Xenophon. With F. 5:30. He too had his fame and reputation to defend when he resolved to compile the commentarii. H. Gal. but also points to the artistic shaping and rhetorical structuring of his literary Cic. are to be distinguished from the proconsular reports to the senate. Caesars Commentarii (as note 228). and took over elements of the epideictic prose of Isocrates and of the "dramatic" stylizing of the expedition reports from the circle of Alexander the Great. 7:30. which can also be observed in the bellum civile. Geographie und Ethnographie in Caesars Bellum Gallicum (Dortmund 1930). 230 and Cicero sent a Greek hypomnema about the high point of his career to friends and acquaintances. in selfdescription he makes use of the third person. T h e portion allotted to the direct speeches increases from the fourth book to the seventh. Beckmann. Holzberg. 6:11-28. Caesar (as note 228). Caesar latched on to this. his commentarii like Xenophon's Hypomnemata comprise seven books. "Das Autonomwerden des geographisch-ethnographischen Elements in den Exkursen". and introduced other elements of literary historiography into this genre. I start from the assumpdon of the authenticity of the digressions. 50. Brut. 132. the so-called litterae. "Zu den geographischen Exkursen in Caesars Bellum Gallicum". private records of Roman officials about their administration and their conduct in life. "Die ethnographischen Exkurse in Caesars Bellum Gallicum als erzählstrategisches Mittel". especially that of Posidonius. that is. pp.314 STEFAN REBENICH traditions of style and genre are combined. 339-71 and others. Thus in all his digressions on Britain. Att. pp. and the style strives for objective simplicity. 38. In the confusion of the declining republic there were many commentarii or. Cf. cf. Thus Q. 233 Caes. 7:77:2-16.).

and greatness". Vienna 1932). Beobachtungen zu Bauelementen in der antiken Historiographie. Brut. Zur Technik der Peripetie und ihrer Vorbereitung im Bellum Gallicum". Büchner. his purism is characteristic. W. K. 214. A. thought through with logical consistency and built up with a lapidary power of language. 236 Cic. 343-52. . Thus there is no prologue. Gal. pp.. W. His readers are above all to learn. Avenarius. one has more or less a standard for one's own feeling for Roman vigour. nihil est enim in historia pura et inlustri brevitate dulcius was Cicero's laudatory comment. 48. 262.. 2:19-27 and W. Giancotti. 238 E. Norden has described the result: "In one's joy over a Caesarian period. "Sallust und der rhetorische Schulunterricht".239 His five-volume Historiae. 235 Cf. T h e answer was given by C. B. 237 Cic.3 (1973). He understood how to write in a masterly. Bedeutungszusammenhänge und Bedeutungsverschiebungen als inhaltliche Stilmittel bei Sallust (Berne 1971). ANRW 1. Leipzig 1961). C. F. "Ein Darstellungsprinzip Caesars. F. the deliberations as a result of which he took precautions and made his decisions. Görler. 720-54. T h e very choice of the genre makes it clear that his work was not intended to be measured by the standards which were applied to historiae. RIL 8 9 / 9 0 (1956). Egermann. Becker. Die Prooemien zu den Werken des Sallust (SAWW.237 E. Hessen. "Sallust". The use of literary methods is accordingly subordinated to the aim of the author's political self-presentation. Bloch. Strutture delle monografie di Sallustio e di Tacito (Messina 1971). Brut. energy of will.HISTORICAL PROSE 315 work. as it were to experience by proxy. 239 Cf. Sallustius Crispus (86-35/34 BC). Gärtner. simple and yet artistic fashion. Die römische Uteratur (6th edn. Hermes 105 (1977).3. 236 T o attain this admired brevity and charm required "the greatest devotion and conscientiousness". pp. 235 In fact competition with the historians was far from Caesar's mind. Heidelberg 1982). in the first four books the indirect speeches usual in the commentaùus are the rule. For Caesar's handling of language. in order to present himself as the dominant personality. 292ff. 307-31. and Caesar portrays what happened always from his perspective. for example Caes. Kennedy. 252. pp. Sallust (2nd edn. Norden. pp. and Caesar himself worked through recondite and unusual writings in order to perfect his style. besonders bei Livius und Caesar (Wiesbaden 1975).. 238 With Caesar's commentant it was however not yet clear which road Roman history writing was to follow. which 2. Further methods of allowing the reader to participate in the events are the description of the commander's reflections and the appearance on the scene of particular persons.4 On this see H. 234 T h e author also has a brilliant understanding of how to dramatize episodes effectively. p.

V. G. ANRW 1. Spes frustrata: A Reading of Sallust (Heidelberg 1987).. 6 . 401-60. Schur. pp. Ledworuski. Historiographische Widersprüche in der Monographie Sallusts zur Catilinarischen Verschwörung (Diss. Lebek. Leeman. 117ff. 755-80. F. Vretska. R. Β. Vretska (Heidelberg 1976). the impressive separation of the idealized primal period from the morally degenerate present in Cat. Pöschl (ed. with text) on Cat. "Zur sprachlichen Entwicklung des Sallust". 200ff. Paul (Liverpool 1984) on Jug. begins with the year of Sulla's death (78 BC) and extends down to the year 67 BC. A. pp. U. "Die Vorrede zu Sallusts Historien in neuer Rekonstruktion". Tite-live et Tacite (Oslo 1927). T. G.. K. an "archaeology" 243 and also a great speech at the beginning. Quintilian later set him on a level with his Greek precursor. Sallust als Historiker (Stuttgart 1934). Ramsey (Adanta 1984. D . P. 229. The following commentaries are important: K. idem. Maurenbrecher (2 vols. Inst. Der Aufbau von Sallusts Bellum Jugurthinum (Wiesbaden 1953). Leipzig 1957. R. Fletcher. 241 the style of which was stamped by Thucydides. as might be expected in a genre marked by the Thucydidean stamp. W. Latomus 40 (1981). idem (ed. which has for its subject the war with the Numidian k i n g j u g u r t h a (111-105 BC). Pöschl. Les modèles grecs de Salluste (Paris 1949). W. Perrochat. 271-88. "Formen sallustischer Geschichtsschreibung". pp. A .1 3 . Latte. pp. Philologus 117 (1973). 13-37.. pp.. Studien zu Sallusts Bellum Jugurthinum (SAWW. 59-67. Κ. 1955).). whose terse brevity the Roman historian sought to emulate. Petrone. Verba prisca (note 209). E. in both monographs a political Der historische Infinitiv im Wandel der Darstellungstechnik Sallusts (Frankfurt 1984).4. reprint 1967). D. B. Darmstadt 1981). pp. Paananen. 243 Cf. pp. Woodman. pp. Aufbau und Absicht von Sallusts Bellum Jugurthinum (Amsterdam 1957). 240 Cf. Sallust (2nd edn. Scanion. The Influence of Thucydides on Sallust (Heidelberg 1980) with the older literature. Sallust brought out two historical monographs. the edition by A. Norden. Mnemosyne 7 (1954). Quint. 240 With his Bellum Catilinae. T. Richter. 323~39 und 8 (1955). Sallust's Politico-Social Terminology: Its Use and Biographical Significance (Helsinki 1972). SO 39 (1964). "Der Manierismus des Sallust und die Sprache der römischen Historiographie". Steidle. Gymnasium 74 (1967). 242 . Sallust (see below). D. Syme.3 (1973). there are a prologue. reprint 1992). Latta. 76-86 and G. the annotated edition by B. Cf. pp. Scanlon. Skard. T. pp. Leipzig 1891/93. 108-15. and his Bellum Iugurthinum. "Sallusts Prologe und seine Auffassung von der Historiographie". Sallust (Leipzig 1905) = V. 38-48. Grundwerte römischer Staatsgesinnung in den Geschichtswerken des Sallust (Berlin 1940). two letters and about 500 fragments are extant. "Der Wandel in Sallusts Geschichtsauffassung vom Bellum Catilinae zum Bellum Iugurthinum". K. 242 In all three works. Cf.). M. Kurfess (3rd edn. pp. Maia 39 (1987). Sallust (Berkeley 1964). 580-88. "Per una ricostruzione del proemio delle Historiae di Sallustio". Leeman. Berlin 1992 = Frankfurt 1994). which depicts the course of the Catilinarian conspiracy in 63 BC and enquires into its occasion and causes. From this work four speeches. Büchner. La technique des discours dans Salluste. pp. Pan 4 (1976). 241 Cf. Sallusts historische Monographien: Themenwahl und Geschichtsbild (Wiesbaden 1958). on the theme cf. F. Flach. "On Sallust's Bellum Catilinae". Ullmann. W. E. P. 10:1:101. A.316 STEFAN REBENICH was thought of as a continuation of Sisenna's work. McGushin (Leiden 1977) a n d j . Köstermann (Heidelberg 1971) and G.

85 cf. In the Iugurtha the fact that it deals with an external war offered fewer links with the Thucydidean tradition. 2:1. What linked him with Thucydides was above all that he relentlessly exposed the motives of human conduct and mercilessly unmasked the hypocrisy of opportunistic politicians. 13ff. pp. 63 im Aufbau von Sallusts Bellum Iugurthinum". 43-83 Metellus (63-83 together with Marius). K. La Penna. such as the portrayals of battles and the treatment of internal and external political interdependence. 77ff. 250 On the structure of the prologues cf. Sallust's central theme. pp. the moral and political decay of the Roman state. "Der Mariusexkurs Kap. 247 Cf. Yet it would be wrong to think of Sallust's imitation of Thucydides as absolute. On this.S. A. 248 moral reflections. A. Jug. letters. Vretska (Heidelberg 1970). A. 246 Cat. D. cf. and in particular of the nobility. positively demanded comparison with Athens in the Peloponnesian War. G.251 digressions. Marius (83-114). 245 The geographical digressions in the Iugurtha and in the Historiae recall Posidonius. 304-31. Sulla (95-114 together with Marius). and in the Catilina in addition a debate with controversial speeches. We can identify an abundance of Hellenistic historiographical techniques. 34:33. 105-18. the combining of anecdotal elements and sententiae in the narrative of Micipsa and his sons is characteristic. 38:3:11) already noted that Sallust inserted more or less freely invented speeches to characterize persons. 8:7. 251 Pompeius Trogus (F 172 Seel = lust. On the famous speech of Marius in Jug. 76-90. 248 Cf. as well as generally E.244 the last words of Cyrus in Xenophon may have served as a stimulus for the king's speech. pp. the shaping of scenes. D. 245 244 . pp. AU 11. Leeman. X. RFIC 104 (1976). "II ritratto paradossale da Silla a Petronio". in Festschrift K. for example Cat. for example the comparison between Caesar and Cato in Cat. 9:1. SO 31 (1955). Cyr. esp. "Bemerkungen zum Bau der Charakteristik bei Sallust". Tiffou. Form und Sinn: Studien zur römischen Literatur (Frankfurt 1985). Sallust's development as a writer from work to work implies also an expanding of the circle of his models. as do the idealizing of the simple life of the primitive society246 and the idea that external threat had a salutary effect upon the Romans. 249 Cf. Essai sur la pensée morale de Salluste à la lumière de ses prologues (Paris 1974).5 (1968). "Die große Rede des Marius (lug. Other tools in his literary technique are prologues. 85) und ihre Bedeutung für das Geschichtsbild des Sallust". aphorisms and extended comparison of personalities 249 is influenced by the rhetoricizing and moralizing tradition. pp. Vretska. Klinz. 247 Sallust's fondness for detailed characterizations. 270-93.250 speeches. 9-11. Wille.HISTORICAL PROSE 317 digression. 53-54.

3.g. are sufficient evidence that Sallust was quite prepared to make concessions to his readers' desire for edification. 9:3:12. In shaping his own style Sallust looked back to the Censor. 257 Maurenbrecher's edition of the Histories is fundamental for discussion of Sallust's language. Glotta 15 (1927).318 STEFAN REBENICH and denouements. 15:4-5. and thereby at the same time canonized Cato's way of writing as the standard style for Latin historiography. but also from the epic. 252 Marius demonstrates his deficient rhetorical training in a speech masterfully shaped by Sallust. pp. pp. he refrains from the excesses of the rhetorical and dramatic writing of history. His most important Roman model was Cato the Elder. pp. 254 However. Numerous borrowings from Cato. 61. pp. so in his literary technique several streams flow together. Geschichte zu schreiben (Catil. 79. "Brevitas Sallustiana". 36:4-39:5. and strikingly portrays emotions. AION(lmg) 8 (1986). and the narrative of the sacrificial death of the Philaenus brothers from Carthage. pp. 260 Cat. enrich Sallust's stock of words. which is marked by archaisms. Sallust und seine Vorgänger (Oslo 1956). Kroll. Inst. W. "I modelli dell'arcaismo. Jug. 72:2. Tessera: Sechs Beiträge zur Poesie und poetischen Theorie der Antike (Erlangen 1983). 257 varietas and brevitas258 characterize his prose. 259 richness of language and expressive words. 31:1-3.255 The lively portrayal of the panic in Rome. Quint. cf. 85. and for example in battle scenes abstains from the gory details. "Die Sprache des Sallust". because Cf. 280-305. Koster. at the beginning of the Historiae. Suerbaum. the moving description of the field of corpses after the victory over Catiline. Cat. 255 Cf.260 Thus he avoids empty political clichés. Gegenwart der Antike (Munich 1974). Jug. 256 Cat. 253 252 . Hörmann (ed. 71 : Iff.g. further G. M. in W. T h e moralizing attitude with which Sallust deplores the decline of the old Roman virtues likewise derives from Cato (and is rather foreign to Thucydides). Skard. Carboli. S. as do stylisdc precision. Porcius Catone". 10:2:17 as well as A. 4:2:45. 254 Cf. Romani generis disertissimus. 2)". whom he calls. e. "Sallust über die Schwierigkeiten. 3:2. 258 Cf. in idem..). 51:1. He combines Atticizing clarity with great wealth of language. 55-68 and E.253 After the manner of his Hellenistic models Sallust likewise emphasizes the role of chance. Cat. 83-103. 181-87. 37-69. 41-42. Jug. e. Cf. Klinz. for example the terse statements in Jug. Jug. which recalls Herodotus. The linguistic presentation is to do justice to the status of the themes: facta dictis exaequanda. 259 Classification of the stylistic methods in W. 70:1. "Poetisches bei Sallust". Anregung 28 (1982). 256 As in his conception of history and history writing.

265-1296. Munich 1890). Schmalz. 235-61. Aug. and Quintilian. but the chief demand is not Cf. Suet. 3:82:4 as well as K.g.261 T h e political misuse of language is for him a further symptom of the general decline. 268 G. 3:30:1. 8:3:29). he himself wrote a "harsh and dry" style (Tac. 52:11 with reference to Caesar's advocacy of mildness: "We have long since lost the true names for things". 269 Tac. De or. 86:1:3. pp. 10:3:8. Inst. 67-70). Quint. like Augustus.268 Tacitus finally calls him rerum Romanorumflorentissimusauctor.. For this reason Sallust did not make things easy with his writing: et sane manifestus est etiam ex opere ipso labor. 261 . 272 Cf. is he esteemed as aemulus Thucydidis. Inst. 262 Quint. ALL 6 (1889). Funaioli. 2:5:19). RE 1A. ANRW 11. 271 Cic. 10:1:113). 10. H. 10:26:1 (cf. Gram. practically nothing has survived (cf. who imitates him. pp. while Coelius Antipater. 10:1:101 (cf. "Über die Latinität des Asinius Pollio". Iust. p.32:2 (1982). pp. Dial. Schilling (Paris 1983). dealing with contemporary history from 60 BC. Wölfflin. Sallust's model. according to which it is an opus oratonum. 85-106 as well as G.269 That archaists like Fronto and Gellius valued him goes without saying. 266 Veil. Inst. Th. criticized his archaisms. Über den Sprachgebrauch des Asinius Pollio (2nd edn. 1949. Suet. Hommages à R. 267 Mart. Livy.262 As a stylist Sallust at first met with rejection. "Vera vocabula rerum amisimus". Inst. 265 Pompeius Trogus ap. 14:191. Quint. 265 Only after Velleius Paterculus. p. 1:6-7. Gell. e. Fro. Gel. Ann. Leg. Licinius Macer and Cornelius Sisenna appeared to him to have reached a higher level.266 Martial extols him as the first Roman historian267 and Suetonius in De viris illustnbus deals with him in the first place among the writers of history. Leg. 2:36:2. 9:1:14. In his review of the growth of Roman history writing Cicero had assigned Cato's Origines. Cf. 1:5. Zecchini.HISTORICAL PROSE 319 they had long lost their real significance. 263 the Atticist historian Asinius Pollio (76 BCAD 5) his imitation of Cato 264 and Pompeius Trogus his speeches.270 Before Cicero however Sallust would have found no favour. J. Büchner.2 (1920). In this area Sallust's linguistic and literary and his political convictions come together. Ε. 21:7). had he had to stand before his judgment. Sen. On vera vocabula rerum cf. 9:14:26. "Asinio Pollione: Dall'attivitä politica alla riflessione storiografica". pp.271 He himself in his rhetorical writings oudined a literary theory of history writing. 134 van den Hout. Con. Of Pollio's 17 volume Histories. so that one might have thought that as an author he was a generation older than Cicero (Quint. 263 Livy ap.272 T h e ascertaining of the historical truth is indeed a basic requirement. to the inidal stages. 38:3:11. 270 Cf. 2:52-54. 18:4:1. 264 Asinius Pollio ap. Cat. HRR II.

Berlin 1880-1924. W. A. III. pp. idem. Trencsényi-Waldapfel..). Livius-Interpretationen (Berlin 1939). Lindemann. RE 13. pp. E. Sinkovich. 458ff. pp. H. C. E. "L'historiographie dans le 'De oratore' de Cicéron". pp. History as testis temporum. idem. Brunt.30:2 (1982). 156-66. A. Orationis ratio (Amsterdam 1963). 239ff. pp. F. Kelley. 149-73. La phrase oratoire chez Tite-Uve (Paris 1982). De or. Livius und seine Vorgänger (3 vols. Foster.). lux veritatis. pp. Α. Roman Literary Theory and Criticism: A Study in Tendencies (London-New York 1931). Leeman. I (Rome 1979).. Dangel. A. PCA 14 (1917). McDonald (Books 1-35. 70ff. A. Historiography in Cicero (Diss. pp.. Hellmann.S (1973). D. LEC 21 (1953). 274 273 Editions by W. idem.. Der Zweikampf: Historische und literarische Aspekte seiner Darstellung bei T. C.1 (1926). M. the relevant papers and bibliographical articles in ANRW 11. pp. 27ff. 2 (1960). 3-18. Gärtner (as note 234). Jena 1899). S. 2. H. Livy: The 275 . 280-88. vita memoriae. commentaries and literature cf. 253-76. Beobachtungen zur livianischen Periodenkunst (Diss.). idem. Petzold. For separate editions.. Ullmann. J. pp. H. pp. Luce. I. A. 311-40. several reprints). T. F. Müller (10 vols. Sage. Michel. De or. "Some Considerations as to the Influence of Rhetoric on History". TAPA 73 (1942).. pp. "Cicero und Historie". K ..J. T. pp. 899-1263. pp. B. Walters. Quomodo Cicero de historia eiusque auctoribus ludicavent (Diss. Colson. On Cicero's conception of historiography cf. A. Kennedy. 295ΑΓ. 139-208. T. Moore. idem. L. J. AïïRWl. S . pp. Lefèvre and E. pp. RSC 22 (1974). pp. Burck (ed. E. Klotz. Budap. F. 49Iff. Schilesinger (10 vols. Ο. Oxford 1914-65). "Cicero and Historiography". "Cicero the Historian and Cicero the Antiquarian".275 His historical Cf. Univ. in Miscellanea di studi classici in onore di Eugenia Manni.. (Sect.). the edition in 34 volumes planned by J.). "Rhétorique et philosophie dans les traités de Cicéron". Reference may be made in particular to E. Henze. Weissenborn and M.. Κ. 2:62 64. MA-London 1919-59. A. Bayet and others (Budé) is still in process of appearing (Paris 1947ff.. J. Scient. Livy (London 1971). "Poésie et réalité historique dans la théorie et la pratique littéraire de Cicéron". instruct him through examples.36. Form (as note 250). Kroll. KJingner. F. Cambridge. 25-53. P. and 331ff. Rambaud. Rawson. Livius from Padua (59 B C ? ~ A D 17). "Histoire et éloquence d'après Cicéron". Olshausen (eds. Dorey (ed. Marburg 1964). 273 It should entertain the reader. Ε. Chiron 2 (1972). pp. magistra vitae and nuntia vetustatis can attain to immortality only through the voice of the speaker. Cicéron et l'histoire (Paris 1953). Wege zu Livius (3rd edn.320 STEFAN REBENICH for research but for the artistic shaping of the material. F. LCL. Festschrift E. JRS 62 (1972). University of Pennsylvania 1969). A. and 253ff. P. Leipzig 1940-41). and be politically effective. Ann. D'Alton. Burck (Munich 1983). G. with commentary. 816-52. 33-45. Conway. "History and Tragedy". Rhétorique et philosophie chez Cicéron (Paris 1960). 87ff. "Cicero Historicus". pp. 164-75. 274 XV T h e task imposed by Cicero on the language of history writing was fulfilled by T . esp. K. J o h n s o n . P. pp. R. Defourny. Woodman. BAGB (1985). Livius: Werk und Rezeption. Studien zum Verständnis der römischen Literatur (Stuttgart 1924). Livius (Meisenheim 1985). 5 vols. 168ff. Philol. Das Geschichtswerk des livius (Heidelberg 1992). Cic. K.. Fries. Darmstadt 1977). pp. Β. reprint 1962).

pp. Der Auflau des livianischen Geschichtswerks (Amsterdam 1973).HISTORICAL PROSE 321 work Ab urbe condita deals with Roman history from the beginnings to the death of Drusus in 9 BC. Darmstadt 1968). for example 22:51:5-9. Artistry and Ideology: Livy's Vocabulary of Virtue (Frankfurt 1989). and refers to embassies. 128ff. Schibel (as note 219). Petzold. and the concluding part of the book then deals with the threat to libertas through internal political discordia. P. 276 Cf. Livius (2nd edn. The remainder is known to us from lists of contents (pmochae). G. Burck. Berlin 1964). in composition and in terms of thought. Tränkle. 280 as is the literary technique of syncrisis (comparison). ένάργεια) to his presentation. and only rarely gives way to the pathetic portrayal of horrible and ghasdy incidents. Moore. 1971). extracts (epitomae) or fragments. Walsh. Wille.. Thus at the beginning of every year Livy mentions the installation of officials. enumerates the prodigies.281 Livy's historical work is successfully concerned for the refinements which Cicero had demanded: artistic arrangement of words. Of an original 142 rolls only books 1-10 and 21-45 have survived. Liv. . following the "tragic" history writing. with a structure in decads or pentads and an annalistic principle. Norden. explanations of wars. and the distribution of the troops. 281 Cf. 279 Direct and indirect characterization of persons is to be found.. Livy offers his readers two different formal principles of arrangement. 43:13:2. 39:40:4-12 (Cato). in order to stir the reader. The coherence of the work. G. Recurrent themes (Leitmotive) are an important means of giving the account a narrative unity. 280 E.J. 2nd edn. 277 Fundamental on this is E. Woodman. the assignment of the provinces. 31:18. Die Erzählungskunst des T. Then follow the expeditions and details about elections. variety Composition of his History (Princeton 1977). 279 Cf. T. 278 Cf.-E. for example 7:9:6-7:10:4. pp. he does not invent any new scenes and speeches. 234ff. where he himself speaks of his annales.278 Livy frequently gives prominence to dialogues and individual achievements. Livius und Polybios (Basel 1977). idem. Cato in der vierten und fünften Dekade des Livius (AAWM. 21:4:3-9 (Hannibal). batdes and triumphs in prominent places. 277 However. in order to lend clarity (evidentia.. is enhanced by the description of significant events like speeches. Here Livy. Du Eröffnung des zweiten Römisch-Makedonischen Krieges: Untersuchungen zur spätannalistischen Topik bei Livius (Berlin 1940. Thus in chapters 1-21 of the second book libertas stands at the central point. Lay: His Historical Aims and Methods (Cambridge 1961). Η. 276 Other compositional elements also serve as aids to orientation.g. strives for dramatic presentation. the comparison between Papirius Cursor and Alexander the Great in 9:16:19-19:17 as well as that between Fabius Cunctator and Minucius in 22:27-29. K.

420ff.30:2 (1982). Cal. and on the speeches in Livy's history). pp. pp. JÄS47 (1957). D. on this see B. Livy on Thucydides". McDonald. pp. Since history writing is the task of the orator. Aili. cf. "Great Expeditions. 285 But at most the emperor Caligula agreed with this opinion. linguistically and stylistically polished. "The Styles of Sallust and Livy. Asinius Pollio. 2:5:19. Gries. 284 Cf. "The Style of Livy". K. Infinitive of Narration in Iky: A Study in Narrative Technique (Turku 1983). Defining Terms". 336-37. A. 386-415.. REL 62 (1984). Viljamaa. 285 Quint. "Beobachtungen und Erwägungen zum Wandel der livianischen Sprache". 1:5:56. Harvard 1969). CJ 9 (1913/14). 283 On the speeches cf. H. 79-83. Riemann. cf. the results of these works are confirmed by H. 155-72. 125-51 and 39 (1918). 335-52. Etude sur le style des discours de Tite-Live (Oslo 1929).283 He works out political controversies with speech and counter-speech. Following Cicero's precepts. Für das Bedürfnis der Schule entworfen (2nd edn. and sketches a picture of the person and the historical situation. direct speeches play an important role in Livy. Die Hauptpunkte der livianischen Syntax. V. T h e historian too must preserve gravitas and dignitas in his presentadon. Paris 1885). . TAPA 116 (1986). K. "Livy's Use of Dramatic Speech". Kennedy. AJP 70 (1949). pp. "Livy's Language. Lambert. H. "Rhetorical Elements in Livy's Direct Speeches". Aili. Kühnast. Still fundamental are L. pp. Die indirekte Rede als künstlerisches Stilmittel des Livius (Zürich 1946). support de lecture des clausules cicéroniennes et liviennes". A. 8:1:3. pp. 284 With his impressive and comprehensive presentation of Roman history. 103-52. a certain Patavinitas. pp. which at the beginning of his history show the strongest idiosyncracies. as happened 282 On Livy's language and style. Tränkle. Canter. the debate between Fabius Cunctator and Scipio Africanus in 28:40-44. pp. did indeed believe that he could identify a Paduan thread. S. T. 287 Quint.287 Even Livy might occasionally overload his sentences.322 STEFAN REBENICH in stylistic colouring. 118-41. H. H. 34:4. Livy met with so much approval that he soon ranked as the second classic of Roman historiography after Sallust. Studies in Livy's Language (Diss. HSP 74 (1970). Inst. and refrained from damaging points. The Prose Rhythm of Sallust and Lay (Stockholm 1979). "Le mot. R. ANRW 11. "Livy the Orator". Smith. 44-64. J. pp. Inst. 282 The influence of the annalists and of Ennius is just as demonstrable as that of Augustan authors. J. which shows elements of the Thucydidean style of speech. Rodgers. pp. Ulimann. Livy avoided the proverbial sharpness of the judgment tone. WS NF 2 (1968). Etudes sur la langue et la grammaire de TiteLive (2nd edn. CB 61 (1985). Dangel. pp. in his manner of expression. Berlin 1872) and O. 1122-1147 (with literature on the language and syntax. on the vocabulary. A Critical Survey of Research". M. 286 Quintilian however in his introduction for the budding orator relativized Pollio's judgment. and a smooth even flow of language. pp. and without the slightest reservation advised the beginner to read Livy rather than Sallust. idem. the confirmed purist.. Gleason.. 24-34. 286 Suet. AJP 38 (1917).

"Livi lactea ubertas—Bemerkungen zu einer quintilianischen Formel und ihrer Nachwirkung". Cf. 10:1:32. AlonsoNunez. the political utility which Sallust had still written into his pages gave way to literary enjoyment. 290 But Livy could match Herodotus only as a writer. 289 288 . Seel (Leipzig 1935. Hoffmann. namely Herodotus. Inst. which did not do any damage either to clarity and intelligibility or to Livy's ladea ubertas. 288 Quintilian saw in such sentences rare aberrations. F. XVI The historians of the Julio-Claudian era adorned their works with rhetorical figures and availed themselves of the narrative techniques of rhetoric. Inst. A & A 4 (1954). pp. in Lefèvre and Olshausen (eds. cf. W. 290 Quint. not as historiae auctor.). as Sallust had with Thucydides. F 75 Weißenborn/Müller (LCL translation). Livy. Stuttgart 1972). went back home. 347-66. Inst. a non-senator and provincial. In his work the Roman annalistic tradition reached its fulfilment. having failed to obtain peace. Livy's success also reflects the political changes at the beginning of the period of the Principate. Quintilian compared him with a classic of Greek historiography. "An Augustan World History. J. At the same time the demands which an educated public now posed for historiography increased. Quadlbauer. 170-86. The Historiae Philippicae of Pompeius Trogus". 10:1:101-2. As a result the expectations for a historical work shifted: people wanted to be entertained rather than instructed. Livius (as note 275). 291 Cf. 2nd edn. 292 Edition by Ο. in the shaping of official speeches and commanders' addresses (in contionibus) he showed himself "more eloquent than can be expressed in words". "Livius und die römische Geschichtsschreibung". Quint.HISTORICAL PROSE 323 for example when he said that "The ambassadors. 2:5:19. pp. in the portrayal of events (in narrando) Livy combined "wonderful charm" with "the most luminous clarity".289 Although Livy had not gone to school with any Greek model. whence they had come". so now in Rome the number of the citizens who participated in important political decisions steadily declined. 8:3:53 = Liv. met these expectations with a finished style and a sure mastery of language. 292 who had Gallic ancestors and probably Quint. 291 As in the Greek east when the great Hellenistic empires arose. M. This is shown also by the Historiarum Philippicarum libri XLIV of Pompeius Trogus.

idem. 230013 (Nr. pp. pp.2 (1952). "Pompeo Trogo come fonte di storia". J. Cremutius Cordus 293 for example "did not indeed speak ill about Caesar and Augustus. 1298-1362. Hellegouarc'h (2 vols. Roman history down to 20 BC is only dealt with in the last two books. which merge into the Roman empire. The same Cremutius in AD 25. pp. Inst. 4:34. 297 Tac. Suet. O. . 1:1:2. 61:3. 1363-1423. R. 142). is Velleius Paterculus. 296 The history of the JulioClaudian emperors was "falsified from fear. pp.30:2 (1982). ANRW 11. are digressions of geographical and ethnographical content and prologues. Ann. Untersuchungen zur hellenistischen Historiographie. Urban. "Pompeius Trogus und das Problem der Universalgeschichte". L. W. 56-72. but did not show any unusual respect for them". pp. 294 D. 65 and 87-88. so long as they flourished. idem. His books were confiscated and publicly burnt.. Speyer. Cal. Cf. Among Trogus's historiographical techniques. 1928). H. idem. 298 born about 20 BC. with clear encomiastic traits.324 STEFAN REBENICH worked under Tiberius. but written with a fresh hatred after they were dead".30:2 (1982). 2nd edn. Ellis (Oxford 1898. Seel. who under Tiberius compiled a twoG & R 34 (1987). A. so that under Caligula an "expurgated" new edition appeared (Quint. Forni and M. D. '"Gallisches Bewußtsein' und 'Romkritik' bei Pompeius Trogus". In the Augustan period the senatorial writing of history had still retained something of its old freedom. 13-40) (Frankfurt 1987). G. La Historia universal de Pompeyo Trogo.30:2 (1982). had to answer for himself before the senatorial court. 298 Editions: R. which survive only in Justinus's epitome. while in the central place (books 7-40) stand the Macedonian monarchy and the empires of the Diadochi. Angeli Bertinelli. Ferrero. Juden und Christen (Stuttgart 1981). 294 Augustus even sat among the listeners as he read from his historical work. Eine römische Weltgeschichte: Studien zum Text der Epitome des Iustinus und zur Historik des Pompeius Trogus (Nürnberg 1972). at the instance of Sejanus. Ann. He compiled the first universal history in Latin in 44 books. 10:1:104. Die Praefatio des Pompeius Trogus (Erlangen 1955). because in his history he had praised Brutus and called Cassius the last Roman. 293 HRR II. Some copies could however be saved. Coordenadas espacialesy temporales (Madrid 1992). Richter. ANRW 11. Biichervemichtung und Zensur des Geistes bei Heiden. 87-90. following Hellenistic models. Thereafter he was forced to take his own life. a striking feature in his rhetorically elevated style is his aversion to direct speeches. 57:24:3. 1424-43. 296 Tac. pp. C. ANRW 11. Struttura e metodo dell'Epitome di Giustino (Turin 1957). Tib. G. 297 A historian typical of the time. pp. 295 Suet. Klotz.295 The climate however grew perceptibly worse. Die Vorlagen des Pompeius Trogus fur du Darstellung der nachalexandnnischen hellenistischen Geschichte (lust. 16:1). RE 21.

Hellegouarc'h. A. Starr. pp. Hommages à M. p. "Osservazioni sullo stile di Velleio Paterculo". DA 39 (1979). in J. Through the fact that he groups what happened around personalities. 5491 A. 299 On the unusual but consciously chosen form cf. Hellegouarc'h. C. and in the frequent use of antitheses. GIF 13 (1960). rhythmic ends to sentences. pp. Delia Corte. idem. The first book deals in 18 chapters with the period from the end of the Trojan War to 146 BC. characterizations of individuals and syncriseis. Renard. CCC 8 (1987). Exemplum zwischen Rhetorik und Literatur: Zur gattungs- . Portalupi. F. p. Velleius Paterculus en de rhetoriek van zijn tjid (Diss. cf. Woodman. DA 31 (1971). C. 785-99. His rhetorical training shows itself in an abundance of examples. Curzio Rufo". "I giudizi letterari di Velleio Patercolo". Nijmegen 1954). Genre. ANRW 11.J. pp. 239-56. 3528A. Ohio State Univ. "The Scope and the Genre of Velleius History". Valerio Massimo. pp. "Lire et comprende. Woodman (Cambridge 1977). J. pp. pp. Honstetter. pp.5-10 (1931). cf. 336-45. Bibauw (ed. RFIC NS 15 (1937). the annotated edition of the section 2 : 4 1 9 3 by A. H. "Alcune osservazioni a Velleio Patercolo". F.HISTORICAL PROSE 325 volume "Roman History". pp. 268-73. I (Bruxelles 1969). R. W.J. Kuntze. Valerius adopted the casuistic employment of the example in forensic rhetoric. 299 In similar fashion to Livy's annalistic procedure. idem. 272-305. "Luxuria e mos maiorum. Also to the Tiberian period belong the Facta et dicta memorabilia of Valerius Maximus.1 (1955). loosely attached sections. Dihle. "Questions of Date. arranged according to subject-groups. REL 54 (1976). Bolaffi. 1:16:1 and J. pp. cf. De Vivo. 154-59. McGonagle. 300 Budé. R. D. NS 25 (1975). the second contains 131 chapters and presents in increasing detail the span from 146 BC to the time of Velleius. Cf. CQ NS 31 (1981). variations. pp. Zur Darstellung des Kaisers Tiberius und seiner Zeit bei Velleius Paterculus (Frankfurt 1985). The exemplum does not strive for historical truth. A. Futher literature in J. Velleius holds to the chronological sequence and depicts alternately events in Italy and abroad. but is intended to stimulate to delectio and admiratio. his work also has biographical features. and Style in Velleius: Some Literary Answers". 1:14:1. Castiglioni. 249-64.7. 2 8 7 301. 162-74. CQ. 300 On this cf. Rhetorik and Biography in Velleius Paterculus (Diss. pp. Indirizzi programmatici della storiografia velleiana". 404-36. 1970). A Literary Introduction to Velleius Paterculus (Diss. which are likewise found in Livy. RE 8A. later authors follow him in the stereotyped use of the canonized historical examples.). idem. Terse dramatic presentations alternate with rhetorically stylized. 637-59.J. De Vetleiano sermone et quibusdam dicendi generis quaestionibus selectis (Pisauri 1925). "Velleius' Literary Techniques in the Organization of his History". pp.: Velleio Patercolo. Vichiana 13 (1984). Veil. culminating in a panegyric on Tiberius. he compiled this rhetorical collection of exempla for continuous reading for a fastidious literary public. TAPA 110 (1980).32:1 (1984). A. 39-57. idem. "Sallustian Influence on Velleius Paterculus". Paris 1982). "Etat présent des travaux sur l'Histoire Romaine de Velléius Paterculus". here 240. Princeton 1978). further E. Verhaak. Quelques remarques sur le texte de l'Histoire romaine de Velleius Paterculus". "Tre storiografi latini del I secolo d. L.J. RAL 8.

Valerius Maximus and the Rhetoric of the New Nobility (London 1992). oriented towards cultural history. Porod. Three Historians (note 51). Tradition und Neugestaltung: %ur Frage der Eigenständigkeit des Schriftstellers Curtius (Graz 1987).32:1 (1984). CVIIIIff. 301 Of the original ten books. 5. and then went on to deal with the period from geschichtlichen Sonderstellung von Valerius Maximus und Augustinus (Diss. 303 Cf. "Der Traum des Historikers: Zu den 'Bella Germaniae' des Plinius und zur julisch-claudischen Geschichtsschreibung". Der Literat Curtius. Hammond. Cf. the end of the fifth. the beginning of the sixth. (?) Cornelius Tacitus (about AD 55-115). T h e work is enlivened by numerous speeches. an account written in the historiographical tradition of Hellenism with clear novelistic features which attests the reality of the Alexander myth in the imperial period. 20) (Munich 1988). 303 XVII T h e high point and the conclusion of early imperial history writing is embodied in P. Cluvius Rufus and Fabius Rusticus. W. the presentation of Cremutius Cordus already mentioned. Sallman. "Valerius Maximus and Roman Historiography.32:4 (1986). who as consul in AD 98 began with the biography of his father-in-law Agricola and his Germania. 2329-57.301 All the remaining historical works from the first century are lost: the Annales of Festenella. Hellenistisches und Römisches in der Philippos-Episode bei Curtius Rußis (3. who wrote 20 books bella Germaniae302 and a history a fine Aufidi Bassi extending to Vespasian. HRR II. ANRW 11. also K. Untersuchungen zur Datierung der Alexandergeschichte des Curtius Rufus (Diss. Seibert. ANRW 11. pp. the first two are missing. and by a dramatic stylizing of what took place. and parts of the tenth. H. Holzberg. 1~6. and the historical works of Servilius Nonianus. Proposals for the dating of Q. pp. Alexander der Große (note 51).326 STEFAN REBENICH From the first century AD we need only mention the history of Alexander by Curtius Rufus (Historiae Alexandra Magni Macedonis). pp. Maslakov. Bödefeld. and 79ff. Bloomer. Curtius Rufus". "Zur Erzählkunst des Q. which throw its rhetorical character into special relief. Curtius Rufus range from Augustus to Theodosius. R. the elder Seneca and the elder Pliny. . 578-601. 437-96 with further literature. ANRW 11. who in addition dealt with the German wars of the Augustan period. pp. Ν. M. Rutz. as are the beginning of the third. very probably he wrote in the first century AD (under Vespasian?). Constance 1977) and G.32:1 (1984). A Study of the Exempla Tradition". pp. the contemporary histories of the emperor Claudius. 302 On this cf. the continuation of Livy's historical work by Aufidius Bassus. We may add W. 29-34 with further literature. Düsseldorf 1982).

12:40.33:5 (1991). 483ff. Pßichte./ 4th edn. Syme. Ginsburg. Dial.). Studien zur Darstellungskunst des Tacitus (Hist. written under Trajan and Hadrian. 11 (1968). military events. Heraeus (2 vols. The annalisdc principle is the reason why at the beginning of every year the names of the consules ordinam are noted. occurrences in the city of Rome and the deaths of prominent personalities. pp. Tacitus (2nd edn. J. D. 373-512. und 504ff. Nipperdey and G.. Hist. still extant are books 1-4.HISTORICAL PROSE 327 AD 14 to 96 in his Histories and Annals. Tadtus (2 vols. Koestermann (4 vols. 306 E. V. because they took place in different years. IV (Wiesbaden 1964).. G.33:2 (1990). text and commentary. Darmstadt 1986)./6th edn. 304 .. Tacitus und Ausklang.g. Radke (ed. commentary by H.. the extant parts. Oxford 1896/1916). Tradition and Theme in the Annals of Tacitus (New York 1981). 1. Studien zur römischen Uteratur. pp.33:4 (1991) and ANRW 11. pp. R. From the flood of editions (and translations) we may mention: Ann. Vielberg. 11th edn. 4:71. 160ff. Büchner. Fauth. RE Sup. H. text and commentary. Woodman. the detailed studies. Ag. meetings of the senate. he fully acknowledged the laws of the genre coined by Sallust and Livy. K. T h e art of the To open up research into Tacitus. 305 but nonetheless he disregards the pattern only in exceptional cases. ANRW 11. Aubrion. W. Among comprehensive surveys the following may be mentioned: E. Die Bildkunst des Tacitus (Hildesheim 1975). Fisher (Oxford 1911). 5th edn. In his presentation Tacitus remained an "annalist". Heubner (Stuttgart 1978). and accordingly rooted in the tradition of Roman historiography. Winterbottom and R. Der Aufbau der Werke des Tacitus (Amsterdam 1983). Borzsâk. The Annals (Ab excessu Divi Augusti) recount the history of the Julio-Claudian house from Tiberius to Nero. from book 1 to the opening of the fifth book. Ideale: Eine Untersuchung zu den Wertvorstellungen des Tadtus (Stuttgart 1987). Tacitus und die Tradition der antiken Geschichtsschreibung (Göttingen 1973). G. Werte. 50. Oxford 1958). Ten Studies in Tadtus (Oxford 1970). surveys of research and bibliographical articles in ANRW 11. 5 with W. book 6 (but without a beginning) and books 11-16 with lacunae at the beginning and end. Berlin 1915/1908).. now beyond any survey. Flach.12~2. Andresen (2 vols.. Heidelberg 1963-68). Pöschl (ed. Form (as note 250). K.306 Yet it is not the division of years but rather Tacitus's conscious shaping that is decisive for the arrangement of the material. M. the opening of book 5. Klingner. U. cf.. I. cf. Leipzig 1904/1899).33:3 (1990).). 12:40.51) (Würzburg 1935). Politik und literarische Kunst im Werk des Tadtus (Stuttgart 1971). und 317ff. 2nd edn. Ann. vol.. pp. 305 Ann. Heubner (5 vols.. Tacitus does deplore the necessity of separating proceedings which belong closely together. Leeman.. H. idem. D. Heubner (Stuttgart 1983). W. also the commentary by E. 15:48. Rademacher. relate to the years AD 69/70. ANRW 11. Ogilvie (Oxford 1975)... Wille. Ger. M.. 304 The Histories are devoted to contemporary history from the beginning of the Year of the Four Emperors to the assassination of Domitian. Heidelberg 1963-1982). Rhétorique et histoire chez Tacite (Metz 1985). Furneaux (2 vols.. H. Heubner. M. 305ff. text and commentary. then follow the deeds of the emperor. C.

Ginsburg. pp. in order to characterize Agricola and Germanicus. to relativize it. 3.328 STEFAN REBENICH composition. pp. pp. D. A. Again and again Tacitus works with illuminating contrasts: the usurpation by the energetic Flavians is blended into the sluggish victory march of the Vitellians. W. Shotter. in order to set forth the real factors in historical change. 171-74. Miller. 2:89. P. Anregung 31 (1985). Particularly expressive is the actualizing of historiographical models and traditions in the styling of personalities. JRS 57 (1967). 3.42". the increasing. who represents the old Roman virtus. in the later between Nero and Corbulo. pp. 308 307 . pp. already Norden. 3:67-68.310 T h e capacity for the scenic shaping of a historical event becomes clear precisely in particular episodes from the Year of the Four Emperors. and space is given to apposite psychological interpretations. Thus Tacitus harks back to the Alexander motif. Suggestions for a Re-Evaluation". In great things as in small the literary and linguistic elements of historiography are skilfully united with one another. assigns to each happening the function that is due to it in the work as a whole. Histories 4. 37-38". 525-41. Letters and both direct and indirect speeches likewise serve for the characterizing of persons and situations. B. AJ Ρ 85 (1964). "The Debate on Augustus: Tacitus. pp. as well as I. Annals 1. Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature (Garden City.9-10". who is a "worthy" successor of Nero. pp. contrasting or anticipatory arrangement. (iymnasium 89 (1982). and Otho.308 Frequently the antagonism between two persons determines the presentation. R. Ann. Hùt. 49-51 and 14. NY 1957). Reference may also be made to the interpretation of the Percennius speech at Ann.0 J. 1:16-17 in E. 153-64 with further literature. "Othos Rede an die Prätorianer. in the first books of the Annals that between Germanicus and Tiberius. 337-38. Martin. Rudand. 37-56 and L.1 Cf. RhM 30 (1987). "The Tacitean Germanicus. Annals 3. Borzsâk. H. 2:74-86. "Speech and Allusion in Tacitus. 15:51. Mnemosyne 20 (1967). hist. 168-73. "Senatorial Speeches and Letters in Tacitus' Annals". 333-43. Gedanken zu Tacitus. SPh 15 (1918).309 Yet the description of persons is never stereotyped. in the Histories between Galba. Hist. 109-14. "Alexander der Große als Muster taciteischer Heldendarstellung". 3:843-44. AJP 107 (1986). "The Speech of Curtius Montanus: Tacitus. Auerbach. pp. N. A. 2:70. G. pp. individual traits are not denied. Harrer. 309 Cf.307 The stubborn silence of a prostitute is set against the cowardly treason of the senators. C. 279-96. 311 Dramatically constructed complexes of action and impressive portraits of character are harmoniously linked together. 29ff. 48-49". "Dramatic Speech in Tacitus". 1. pp. Maier. Dominant in the Agricola is the tension between the protagonist and Domitian.

T h e rhetorical training of the high imperial period wished for concise handbooks like the outline of Florus or the annalistic introduction of Granius Licinianus. language and composition of Tacitus's work are placed at the service of his historiographie aim.-R. the perception that Principate and freedom are incompatible.6 Editions: E. ibid.HISTORICAL PROSE 329 Consciously setting himself apart from the Flavian writing of history. On the language and style of the Annales cf. Voss.. pp. Du stéréotype à l'intention signifiante". Suerbaum. ambiente. 2879-2902. "The Development of Thought and Style in Tacitus". A Review of the Problem of Innuendo and Tacitus' Integrity". inconcinnities and antitheses.. Tacitus seeks to write sine ira et studio.. ANRW 11. pp. 1:1. Ep. come elementi strutturali délia storiografia di Tacito".5 Cf. the survey in W. 2 5 9 7 2688. 1032-1476. L. Longrée.. 3. ibid. ibid. "Paesaggio. M. 2795-2831. "Zweiundvierzig Jahre Tacitus-Forschung: Systematische Gesamtbibliographie zu Tacitus' Annales 1939-1980". Malcovati (Rome 1938. and attains the high point of its individuality in the first six books of the Annals. A. 2454-2538. ibid. "Rhetorical Generalizations in Annales 1-6. 2832-2878 and M. Borzsâk. pp. Jal (2 vols. pp. "La phrase à rallonge chez Tacite". Hellegouarc'h. rythmique et métrique". E. 312 T o this end he created a stylistic prose which Pliny described as σεμνώς:313 Tacitus combines a piquant. new combinations of words. 313 312 . ibid. Budé. "Les structures de la phrase oratoire chez Tacite: Etude syntaxique.. "Le décor dans les 'Histoires' et les 'Annales'. ibid. Ε. Annaeus Florus316 gave a survey of the external and internal wars Hist. Tanner. Sinclair. pp. 27522771.. 25812596. Aubrion. pp. 2385-2453. ibid. 2:11:17. D. extremely terse and pictorial style314 with archaic and poetic turns of phrase. ibid. here 1292-1323. 1:1. S.. 2689-2751. pp. ibid..33:4 (1991). J. R. "Le style de Tacite: bilan et perspectives". Giua. "Die dramatische Kunst des Tacitus". Plin. ANRW 11. With him at the same time the senatorial writing of history came to an end. 2539-2580. probably during the reign of the emperor Hadrian.. Der pointierte Stil des Tacitus (Münster 1963). P. XVIII With Tacitus the style of historiography stamped by Sallust reached its climax. In the first half of the second century. as well as the contributions published in the same volume by J. 3. pp. "The Structure and Function of Speeches in Tacitus' Histories I III". pp. 2nd edn.33:2 (1990). "Tacitus—ein Manierist?". pp. natura. Dangel. G. T h e style. 1972). ibid.. Malissard. "L'eloquenda de Tacite et sa fides d'historien". 3.. 2772-2794. Keitel. and accordingly adheres to the principles of discovering the truth and of impartiality.315 His manner of writing developed ever more sharply from work to work. Billerbeck. Ann.4 B. P.

M. Lact. also S. 1:5.34:1 (1993). A. Hose. 53fT. "Floro: un retore storico e poeta". Paris 1967). pp. 598ff. pp. 98ff. pp. Steinmetz. C. ΑΛΚΗ711. MALondon 1929). Cf. pp. 7:15:14fF. the frequent use of figures of sound and sense. 318 Granius Licinianus 319 put out a factual compendium. Sieger. L. "Der Stil des Historikers Florus". pp. 313-41. "Appunti per una storia délia storiografia retorica nel II secolo". 43. 289-307. in which the material was epitomized in order according to years. S. This circle of readers found edification also in collections of historical exempta and studied dry compendia for school instruction like the Liber memonalis of Ampelius. all make it clear that Florus wished to write more than a mere school-book. Forster (LCL. mirabilia. Facchini Tosi. reprinted Stuttgart 1967) and N. V. pp. Florusstudieru Beiträge zur Kenntnis des rhetorischen Stils der Silbernen Latimtät (Lund-Leipzig 1928). RFIC 56 (1928). GIF 14 (1961). which seeks to reproduce Roman history rhetonce et tragice. E. cf. II proemio di Floro: La struttura concetuale e formale (Bologna 1990). Klotz. which fused together diverse historiographical elements. P. Hermes 92 (1964). His presentation of history is not a historical work. Castiglioni. For further reading cf. Inst. individual characterizations and geographical and ethnographical digressions. pp. On the background cf. Untersuchungen zur römischen Literatur des zweiten Jahrhunderts nach Christi Geburt (Wiesbaden 1982). scenic presentations. Bessone. Haussier. pp. but an opus oratonum conforming to the Ciceronian ideal. 317 Cic. S. Ν. 320 The suggestions for dating range from the second to the fourth or fifth century. Alonso-Nunez. Woodman. "Der zweite Punische Krieg bei Florus". Jannaccone. Alba. . ANRW 11. 119-205.320 At the same time interest grew in biographies of emperors. 95-108. as well as J. WS 51 (1933). Floro e Livio (Padua 1942). T o this were added descriptions of the siege and capture of cities. interspersed with source-critical notes and inserts about cultural history. R. Brut. 114 27. "Vom Ursprung und Wandel des Lebensaltervergleichs". Flemisch (Leipzig 1904. pp. Die politische und soziale Ideologie des Geschichtsschreibers Florus (Bonn 1983). Norden II... Alonso-Nûnez. Leg. A language rich in imagery. Criniti and Granio Liciniano. In the high imperial period the rhetorical elements. 454—75. Cambridge. HLL 5. RAM 89 (1940). On Ampelius and his work cf. M. Zancan. Criniti (Leipzig 1981). 80-117. P. 12Iff. a diction close to poetry. pp. Lilliedahl. together with Cornelius Nepos. 319 Editions by M.317 Whether his periodizing of history according to "ages of life" goes back to the elder or the younger Seneca is a matter of debate. such as Suetonius had put forth about AD 120. 318 Cf. sought to impress the educated elite of the western half of the empire. J. "Lattanzio e le Storie de Seneca Padre". L. R. pp.34:1 (1993). The pretentious literary surveys. § 530. IM concepciôn historiogrâfica de Lucio Anneo Floro (Madrid 1953).330 STEFAN REBENICH which Rome had conducted from the beginnings of the city to the time of Augustus. The Ages of Rome (Amsterdam 1982)..

made the relatively simple style of the grammaticus presentable for fastidious readers. and concentrated on exempta. 327 Ruf. A. Ammianus on Warfare. § 538. H. Kampschilderungen bet Ammianus Marcellinus (Bonn 1976).HISTORICAL PROSE 331 on the one hand. like the early imperial period and late antiquity. "Ammian und die Geschichtsschreibung seiner Zeit". 44—60. Cf. § 539. pp.. § 537. show that in the circles of the pagan aristocracy also old forms of historiography were nurtured. 323 Eutropius 324 and (Rufius) Festus325 continued the tradition of the historical oudine. "Greek and Roman in Ammianus Marcellinus' History". Schlumberger. pp. Cambridge. I.1.. Marie have been working. Calboli. which were in part in competition with historiography. 1. Fugmann.322 In the fourth century the high government officials Sextus Aurelius Victor.321 on the other hand Suetonius through his biographies of the Caesars. 39-47. C. G. pp. Ammianus MarceUinus: A Study of his Historiography and Political Thought (Brussels 1975). Königszeit und frühe Republik in der Schrift "De viris ilkistnbus Romae" Quellenkritisch-historische Untersuchungen 1. 323 HLL 5. 329 born about AD 330 in On this cf. Ulmann (2 vols. He mingled excerpts with accounts of the content. and R. Austin. MusAft 1 (1972). storiografia netl'educazione antica (Pisa 1992) with further literature. Rolfe (3 vols. now Hose. A & A 19 (1973). Seyfarth. Jacob-Karau. 329-40. The Budé edition. on which so far E. 329 Editions by W. Königszeit (Frankfurt 1990). R. 322 Cf. Sabbah and M. 588.). ever more biographically structured. Lat.32? The Annales of Virius Nicomachus Flavianus. "Die Konzeption des Exkurses im Geschichtswerk des Ammianus Marcellinus". W. BHAC 1982/83 (Bonn 1985). Investigation into Ammianus' Military Knowledge (Brussels 1979). The third century may. 325 HLL 5. 324 HLL 5. pp. have possessed Livy's historical work in an abridged version of its own.1. Leipzig 1978) a n d j . C.J. is not yet complete (Paris 1968ff. L. so far as it was intended to serve for instruction and for training. MA-London 1935-39). 33-53. Cf. § 533. "Ammianus Marcellinus als spätantiker römischer Historiker". also Rhet. further N. Justin's epitome from the universal history of Pompeius Trogus probably still belongs in the third century. pp. Nicolai. N. Classen. Fontaine. Muth (Innsbruck 1983). Demandt. a senator and high official of the empire. penetrated ever more strongly into history writing. Bringmann. "Die verlorenen Annalen des Nicomachus Flavianus. now also J. 328 It was however Ammianus Marcellinus. 5ff. 305-29. E. HLL 5. G. Zeitkritik und Geschichtsbild im Werk Ammians (Bonn 1965). Ein Werk über die Geschichte der römischen Republik oder Kaiserzeit". K. IM. LCL. 326 Cf. Gallatier. Min. 321 .J. Blockley. C. in Festschrift R. A. The brevity desired by the public now became a norm for the genre: 326 brevemfiericlementia tua praecepit. 328 Cf. Eos 63 (1975). Bitter. J. Cichocka. Fest. pp.

Einige Überlegungen zur kaisazeitlichen Panegyrik und zu Ammians Charakteristik des Kaisers Julian (AAWM. the very abundance of the scenes of action already makes the annalistic principle obsolete.3 (1987). pp. Kautt-Bender. 417-35. Vielfalt und Funktion der Darstellungselemente in den Res gestae des Ammianus Marcellinus (Heidelberg 1991). who first overcame the almost three hundred year old crisis in Roman history writing. "Die Darstellung der Hunnen bei Ammianus Marcellinus (31. Ammianus and the Historia Augusta (Oxford 1968). 31:16:9. Historia 23 (1974). "The Lonely Historian Ammianus Marcellinus". Uppsala 1921). already Norden II. H. Borzsâk. L. Die Kaiserbiographie in den Res gestae des Ammianus Marcellinus.2. Tränkle. 79-89. 332 R. C. R. Samberger. pp. Drexler. Ammianstudien (Hildesheim 1974). C. In addition he avails himself of the terminology created by Sallust and Livy. the old capital of the empire and the seat of the senate. "Did Ammianus Write a Continuation of Tacitus?". M. Ammianus Marcellinus: Seven Studies in his Language and Thought (Missouri 1986). "Tacitean Influences upon Ammianus". pp. As already to some extent in Tacitus. Oberhelman. 648. La méthode d'Ammien Marcellin. Recherches sur la construction du discours historique dans les Res gestae (Paris 1978). A.332 STEFAN REBENICH Antioch. A. pp. Sabbah. His syntax and style are however influenced by his Greek mother-tongue.-G. His historical presentation combines the chronological principle with the geographical. 41-56.332 The linguistic influence of the Histories is especially perceptible at the beginning of books.1-11)". R. Official Phraseology in Ammianus Marcellinus". and thus continues the work of Tacitus. W. A. "Post depositum militiae munus. Wilshire. 1963). G. "The Provenance of the Style of Ammianus Marcellinus". BAGB (1969). D. 27. pp. from whom he also draws stylistic inspiration. J. Fontaine. "Ammien Marcellin. Eine Untersuchung zur Komposition der ammianischen Geschichtsschreibung (Berlin 1968). Helttula. pp. AAntHung 24 (1976). Flach. Ammianus Marcellinus (Darmstadt 1982). . H. "Von Tacitus zu Ammian". "Ammianus Marcellinus als römischer Geschichtsschreiber". Richter. J. Rosen. QJJCC N. pp. E. This rhetorically educated Greek chose Latin as the medium of his historical presentation. "Von Tacitus zu Ammian". Vogt. 343-77. Seager. 221-27. A & A 11 (1962). Ammianus Marcellinus als erzählender Geschichtsschreiber der Spätzeit (AAWM. 333-50. Blockley. F. the material is structured accord- H. pp.s. Marc. Momigliano. ASNP 4 (1974). Studio Ammianea (Diss. In his Res gestae. Latomus 32 (1973). S. M. p. The Roman Empire of Ammnianus (London 1989). In his use of the moods and tenses too he often goes against Latin usage. 330 Amm. 357-68. pp. Neumann. Taciteisches im Werk des Ammianus Marcellinus (Munich 1987). Historia 21 (1972). Hagendahl. as is shown for example by his frequent use of all the participles (including present and future). Ammianus as "a former soldier and a Greek"330 glorified Rome. historien romantique". Κ. Gärtner. pp. 1968). biography also influences his literary technique. ArctosSup. 21-33. Matthews. Syme.331 He begins his history with Nerva. J. ÇJ 68 (1972/73). 2 (1985). which more and more spent itself in collections of exempla and in compendia. In line with the usage of his time. 63-78. 331 Cf. H. K. 1239-1407. compiled shortly before AD 400.

Departing from the traditional history writing. he introduces into his work rather more frequent digressions. 341 14:6:3. flight and pursuit. 342 31:16:9. show themselves indebted to the old ideal of Veritas. Berlin 1975).342 The sentence was to die away unheard. Ulmann. as are dreams. but is perfectly prepared to take liberties in composition.333 Digressions and anecdotic inserts334 are not lacking. 15-33. The Clausula in Ammianus Marcellinus (New Haven 1910). "Ammians Geographica".335 Yet Ammianus does not follow the appointed rules in every respect. geographical and ethnographical. "Introductions and Conclusions to Digressions in Ammianus Marcellinus".336 he narrates in the "we-form". in contrast to classical literature. cf. and takes liberties with his word arrangement. 334 333 . 337 He avoids neither neologisms nor Greek citations338 nor unusual metaphors. 22:4:9. and outcome. conflict. 340 31:16:9. 55-63 and I. the portrayal of the battle at Strasbourg (357) in 16:12. astronomical and relating to the natural sciences. "Die Funktion der Digressionen im Werk Ammians". Richter.. already T. Harmon. 339 Cf. 341 At the end of his history he calls upon his successors: procudere linguas ad maiores moneo stilos. 602-36. here 635-36 = idem. e. Julian's last address in 25:3:15ff. in his portrayals rhetorical methods and dramatic effect are not ruled out. F. Gesammelte Schriften. 339 The Res gestae in 31 books. W. Emmett. or of individual sentences. pp. WJA 15 (1989). E. here 424-25. which at the end of the fourth century. 31:1. Jenkins. style and language. with great suggestive power and moral impetus. of which only the last 18 are extant (covering the years AD 353-378). 337 At the end of part of a sentence. 21:14:1. for the combination of fortuna and virtus as the real cause of the greatness of Rome. Eranos 85 (1987). "Theatrical Metaphors in Ammianus Marcellinus". Mommsen. 29:3:3-4. portents and prophecies.g. pp. VII (Berlin 1909). 338 Cf. pp. for example 17:4:17ff. Cf. The speeches are shaped artistically and in accordance with the ancient historiographical tradition. Hermes 16 (1881). 393-425. as well as U. 336 Cf. 335 Cf. religious. A. depended not on the quantity of syllables but on the word-accent. M.HISTORICAL PROSE 333 ing to content and for dramatic effect. 16:10:16. 25:4:17. Metaphern in den Res gestae des Ammianus Marcellinus (Diss. 16:5:11-12. The descriptions of batdes are carefully organized into preparation. pp.g. pp. 209-22 and A.3*0 At the close of the fourth century AD the pagan Ammianus still vouches. the position of the words is however conditioned by the rhythm of the sentence. MPhL 5 (1981).

Griechische Literaturgeschichte: Von Homer bis zum Hellenismus (2nd edn. they contain the fragments of 856 historians and Jacoby's commentary on 607. A. Leipzig 1913-20).. T h e abbreviations for journals mosdy follow those suggested by the Année Philologique. To a large extent they are not superseded even today. II 1 . Clausen (eds. in 9. and T. Express reference should be made to the articles on the historians in the Pauly- Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (RE). Geschichte der römischen Literatur (2 vols. These studies offer copious observations on language. Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Berlin-Leiden 1926-58). T h e articles by E. HildesheimN e w York 1982) should also be consulted. Lesky. the philological and historical commentaries are an indispensable tool. II (Universal and Contemporary History. The Cambridge History of Classical Literature (2 vols.. Of this standard collection Parts I (Genealogy. Berne-Munich 1971 [= Munich 1993]). l s t . Mythography). Griechische Literatur (HAW 7. Geschichte der römischen Literatur. A. Munich 1991).334 STEFAN REBENICH BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX Significant literature on the individual authors will be found in the relevant footnotes. W. Geschichte der römischen Literatur. E. Chronography) and III (Ethnography und Horography) have so far appeared. von Albrecht. and cite older literature in detail. T h e following older histories of literature should however be particularly singled out: W.). Hosius. Knox. Krüger. Munich 1920-25). E. W. Cambridge 1982-89): L.. Canfora. Kenney. V. M. T h e basis for any work with the ancient historians is provided—alongside the editions and commentaries—by the great collections of fragments by C. W. Schmid and W. Jacoby (FGrHist) and H.. V (Geography) . Momig- liano in Primo-nono contribute alia storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico (Rom 1955-92) and H. Munich 1914-35). I.. Die archaische Literatur (Berlin 1913). Munich 1994).4 t h edns. G. HLL 5. Peter (HRR). In addition to the Testimonia (T) = witnesses to life and work. B. and the Fragments (F). Schwartz have been collected and published under the tide Griechische Geschichtsschreiber (GG) and those by F.2 (6th edn. IV (Biography. Ueding (ed. Skuts Anhang: Die lateinische Literatur im Übergang vom Altertum zum Mittelalter (6th edn. E.. 8. Easterling. 2. 5 vols. Neu bearbeitet von W. In addition the following works are cited in an abbreviated form: FGrHist = F. numerous articles important for the theme are to be found in G. F. Leo. History of Literature and Antiquarian Literature). Geschichte der römischen Literatur bis zum Gesetzgebungswer Teuffei. Leipzig 1961). Finally. style and literary technique. Storia della letteratura greca (Bari 1986).. S. Special mention may be made of the more recent studies in literary history: P.. 2nd edn. Kroll und F. von Schanz. Munich 1929-48)..J.. Geschichte der griechischen Literatur (3rd edn. des Kaisers Justinian (HAW. I 1-5. Dihle. Reference is made only in exceptional cases to entries in encyclopaedias of antiquity and articles in literary histories. Historisches Wörterbuch der Rhetorik (Tübingen 1992ff. 7th edn. Jacoby was unable to complete Parts IIIc (Commentary). F. Strasburger in Studien zur Alten Geschichte (vol. In addition the collections of basic contributions on ancient historiography by A. Jacoby under the title Griechische Historiker (GH). M. Mit C. Norden.). Stählin. Die römische Literatur.). Jacoby. 6 / 7 t h edn. (3 vols. Müller (FHG).

Leipzig 1914). Freiburg 1994ff.). F. M. W. that ancient historiography was an integral part of forensic rhetoric. Griechische Historiker (Stuttgart 1956. Wahrheit und Kunst. and will be published by Brill (Leiden). W. Storia e storiografta sul mondo antico. The Use and Abuse of History (London 1975). History as Text: The Writing of Ancient Historiography (London 1989). Breebart. LThK3 = Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche (3rd edn. Α. PQ_8 (1929). reprint 1965). idem. The Nature of History in Ancient Greece and Rome (Berkeley 1983). B. (vol.). Peter = H. L. T. idem. Müller. pp. On Woodman's central hypothesis. except where noted. The Greek . Schwartz.J. Colson. Luce in Phoenix 43 (1989).). 1970). M. 262-64. 1. 842-56. 1915). Parts IIIc-V are now being worked on by various editors. HLL 5 = Handbuch der lateinischen Uteratur der Antike 5: R.1. Munich 1965). Hose. Literature General J. 3rd edn. Geschichtsschreibung und Plagiat im klassischen Altertum (Leipzig 1911. Clio and Antiquity. L'exemplum et le modèle de comportement dans le discours antique et médiéval (MEFRA. reprinted with bibliography by J. GG = E.). with fragments of an estimated 150 further authors. Teorie e tecnica delta storiografta classica (Bari 1974). Cameron (ed. is available (1994). Woodman. Kennedy = G. Four Studies (London 1988). Jh. Le teorie del discorso storico nel pensiero greco e la storiografta romana arcaica (Rome 1975).). Ancient History: Evidence and Models (London 1985). D. Fornara. Kennedy. 92. 1-21. and accordingly fictional literature. Greek and Roman Historians: Information and Misinformation (London 1995). 2nd edn. "Some Considerations as to the Influence of Rhetoric upon History". Omaggio a A. Geschichtsbild und Geschichtsdenken im altertum (Darmstadt 1991). Vielberg in GGA 224 (1992). ANRW 1. Peter. Römische Geisteswelt. "Excursus in Greek and Roman Historians". Griechische Geschichtsschreiber (Leipzig 1957). "Weltgeschichte als Thema der antiken Geschichtsschreibung". bis in die %eit der Renaissance (2 vols. The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World (Princeton 1972). AHN 1 (1966). Cerri.. Schwartz. History and Historiography of the Greek and Roman World (Oxford 1977). vol. pp. Klingner. Rome 1980). A. RE = Pauly-Wissowa. Alonso-Nunez (ed. Peter. pp. idem. V. Reference is made throughout to the first volume. Leipzig 1906). Norden. Essays zur lateinischen Uteratur (5th edn. and T.. H. M. pp. edited by C. Earl. GH = F. So far the first fascicle of Part IIIc. HRR . pp. The Ancient Historians (London 1970). Norden = E. Herzog (ed. Rhetoric in Classical Historiography. v. 174-77. 33-40 and T. Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart 18931980). "Prologue-form in Ancient Historiography". L. 2.2 (1972).. I. Chr. C.).. 5 vols. Chr. Paris 184173).). (Munich 1989). Jacoby.HISTORICAL PROSE 335 and VI (Unidentifiable Authors. 149-73. Cracco-Ruggini (ed. before his death in 1957. Hose = M. Canfora. H. Restauration und Erneuerung 284-374 n. Canter. Erneuerung der Vergangenheit: Die Historiker im Imperium Romanum von Florus bis Casstus Dio (Stuttgart-Leipzig 1994). Totalità e selezione nella storiografta classica (Bari 1972). Finley. Woodman = A. B. pp. Grant. Fornara. Leipzig 1898. Jacoby. 233-47. Theory und Method of History Writing). 2nd edn. Die antike Kunstprosa vom 6. C. M. Wiseman in CR 38 (1988).. cf. Klingner = F. Gentili and G. H.J. FHG = Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum (ed. PCA 14 (1917). Kroymann (Stuttgart 1967). RAC = Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum (Stuttgart 1950ff. pp.. idem.Historicorum Romanorum Reliquiae (ed. TRE = Theologische Realenzyklopädie (Berlin 1976ff. P. Momigliano (Como 1989).

). Wesdake.). Nouhaud. K. idem. Howald (Zürich 1947). Musti (ed. Greek Ν. H. H. Einführung in die griechische Geschichtsschreibung. Wolter. Klio 66 (1984). Storiografia e propaganda (Milan 1975). Sui fondamenti della storia antica (Turin 1984). I. Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung. B. La storiografia greca (Turin 1982). Roussel. I. Howald. A. II pensiero storico classico (3 vols. Festschrift A. Κ. History and Romance in GraecoOriental Literature (Oxford 1938). "Real and Conventional Persons in Greek History".J. Momigliano. Griechischer Roman und hellenistische Geschichtsschreibung (Frankfurt 1934). Leiden 1956). "Zum Verhältnis von narrativen und strukturellen Elementen in der antiken Geschichtsschreibung". The Ancient Historian and His Materials: Essays in Honour of C.336 STEFAN REBENICH Historians: Literature and History. 130-54. Austin. 54-72 = idem. New York 1952). Levick (ed. La storiografia nell'educazione antica (Pisa 1992). Koch (ed. H.). 456-59. Wehrli. F. 50-83. 14-46. Purposes of History in Greek Historiographyftomthe 4th to the 2nd Centuries BC (Studia Hellenistica. D. JHI 15 (1954). Ια storiografia greca (Rome-Bari 1979). R. G. Artes liberales: Von der antiken Bildung zur Wissenschaft des Mittelalters (Leiden-Cologne 1959). K. Storia della storiografia 10 (1986). Essays on Greek Historians and Greek History (Manchester 1969). pp. de Sanctis.. 7-56.. D. 5th edn. Die Wesensbestimmung der Geschichte durch die antike Geschichtsschreibung (Wiesbaden 1966. Nenci. R. (eds. 132-44. 1-28. K. Momigliano. in Der listenspinnende Trug des Gottes (Göttingen 1960). "II motivo dell'autopsia nella storiografia greca". Studien zu den Proömien in der griechischen und byzantinischen Geschichtsschmbung (2 Parts. pp. L. T. pp. The Greek Historians (New York 1969). Bloch. pp. The Greek Historians (London 1959). Rome 1973). Toynbee. J. Von den Anfangen bis Thukydides (Berlin 1967). H. A. Storia e storiografia antica (Bologna 1987). idem. reprint 1958). Dihle. Antike Historiographie in literaturwissenschaftlicher Sicht (Mannheim 1981). Hellenistische Wundererzählungen (Leipzig 1906). von Fritz. Meister.). I racconti di Clio: Tecniche narrative della storiografia (Pisa 1989). Finley. Vandoeuvres-Geneva 1956). The Greek Historians (Lexington 1973). E. Verdin et al. 30. The Ancient Greek Historians (London 1909. R.). Ricerche di storiografia antica. 4. Hopf (ed. 25-35. G.. pp. Deichgräber. Strasburger. M. Lendle. Louvain 1990). idem. SFIC II (1934). . F. Greek Historical Thought (2nd edn. M. pp. Hornblower (ed. Ricerche di storiografia antica greca di età romana (Pisa 1979). Clio's Cosmetics (Leicester 1979). Jacoby. Studi di storia della storiografia greca (Florence 1951). idem. I. Brown. M. Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung: Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des Hellenismus (Stuttgart-Berlin-Cologne 1990). Δεινότης: Ein antiker Stilbegriff (Diss. B. A. Müller. H. L'utilisation de l'histoire par les orateurs attiques (Paris 1982). A. Voit.. Sordi. Von Hekataios bis Zonmos (Darmstadt 1992). Reitzenstein. S. Essays in Ancient and Modem Historiography (Oxford 1977). "Geschichtliche Bildung im Rahmen der artes liberales". "Roman und Geschichtsschreibung". Η & Τ Π (1978). idem. Wiseman. Raubitschek (Saratoga. H. pp. idem. in Eumusia: Festschrift für E. M. Bury. S. Greek Historiography (Oxford 1994). Studien zur griechischen Biographie (Göttingen 1956). Theoria und Humanitas (Zürich-Munich 1972). Programm Munich 1899-1900). S. "Greek Historiography". G. pp. T. Passerini. Stevens on his Seventieth Birthday (Farnborough 1975). Munich 1934). Histoire et historiens dans l'Antiquité (Entretiens de la Fondation Hardt. Lieberich. pp. Les historiens grecs (Paris 1975).). pp. in J. SCO 3 (1953). Braun. Vom Geist antiker Geschichtsschreibung (Munich-Berlin 1944). O. Mazzarino. Α. Pearson. Β. Studies in Historiography (London 1966). E. Treu. H. "Das griechische Geschichtsbild in seiner Entwicklung zur wissenschaftlichen Historiographie". CA 1985). L. "Die Geschichtsschreibung im Lichte der antiken Theorie". "La Τρυφή nella storiografia greca". P. Nicolai. 35f. Abhandlungen zur griechischen Geschichtsschreibung (ed. 1975). 3rd edn.

Dorey (ed. Aspetti del pensiero storico latino (Turin 1978). Roman Literary Theory and Criticism (London-New York 1931). idem. A. Orationis Ratio: The Stylistic Theories and Practice of the Roman Orators. Faventia 7. Tübingen 1968). P. Laistner. The Greater Roman Historians (Berkeley 1947). 190 206.). F. Hellegouarc'h. Flach. H. P. La Penna. Römische Geschichtsschreibung (Darmstadt 1969). 2nd edn. A. Le vocabulaire latin des relations et des partis politique sous la république (Paris 1963. Die Topoi in den Proömien der römischen Geschichtswerke (Diss. "Historiographie et théorie de la rhétorique de l'antiquité au moyen âge". Europa Orientalis 5 (1986). Historians. "Le genre et le style historique à Rome: théorie et pratique". pp. Lichanski. "Les genres de l'historiographie latine". idem. "Roman Descriptions of Personal Appearance in History and Biography". 21-48. HSP 46 (1935). 15-33. E. "Die römische Auffassung von der Geschichte".. Pöschl. pp.). idem (ed. V. Herkommer. pp. E. (Leipzig 1897). REL 33 (1955). M c L . pp. Evans. Leeman. J.HISTORICAL PROSE 337 Roman J. Translated by R. Z.2 (1985). pp. Historiography and Imagination: Eight Essays on Roman Culture (Exeter 1994). Einführung in die römische Geschichtschreibung (2nd edn. D. D'Alton. D. Chausserie-Laprée. 1972). Die geschichtliche Literatur über die Kaiserzeit bis Theodosius 1. M. Amsterdam 1963). Form und Sinn: Studien zur römischen Uteratur (Frankfurt 1985). Darmstadt 1992). J. T. A. WILSON .. Peter. E. J. Gymnasium 63 (1956). Cizek. Wiseman. T. Latin Historians (London 1966). and Philosophers (2 vols. 183-208. L'expression narrative chez les historiens latins: Histoire d'un style (Paris 1969). 43-84.


INTRODUCTION This chapter will consider the relationship between rhetoric and various genres of verse writing in Greek and Latin. In general. In post-romantic criticism rhetoric and poetry have tended to be seen as diametrically opposed: poetry belongs to the domain of emotion. M. 2 See T. P O E T I C S AND R H E T O R I C : A N C I E N T AND M O D E R N DEFINITIONS The romantic rejection of rhetoric has been highly influential in modern discussions of the relationship between rhetoric and poetry. Cameron. 1902). culminating in the verse panegyrics of the later Roman empire. pp. however. L. Epideictic literature (Studies in Classical Philology. Bowie. "Greek Sophists and Greek Poetry in the Second Sophistic".CHAPTER 10 P O E T R Y AND R H E T O R I C Ruth Webb Princeton University. pp. . The Jeweled Style: Poetry and Poetics in Late Antiquity (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. the developments in epideictic oratory brought rhetoric increasingly close to poetry in its themes and verbal resources. Burgess. The interaction between rhetoric and poetry is complex and varies greatly between genres and over time. Corippus. The influence was not simply one exerted by rhetoric upon poetry.33:1 (1989). New Jersey. including the nature and aims of the educational curriculum and the rise of epideictic oratory under the Roman empire. 166-95. 1 Several factors contributed to this development. 38-65 and the remarks of E. C. poetry shows the increasing influence of rhetorical genres and rhetorical expression. Roberts. 2 II. 1989). 1976). ANRW 11. Laudes Justiniani (ed. of expression of the personal. 210-14. for the period after that covered by this survey. USA I. 3. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. whereas rhetoric is directed towards 1 See below on Claudian and. pp. A. during the period covered by this volume. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Historical Studies of Rhetoric and Rhetoricians (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 7 Similarly. Boyle (ed. 1994).340 RUTH WEBB the audience. for example. . 6 See L. in R. pp. 1866. The Classical Tradition: Literary and Historical Studies in Honor of Harry Caplan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. But ancient assessments of poetry and rhetoric reveal a very different point of view. but in fact the only means of distancing language. 1978). Williams. 6 More recent critical trends have done much to close the gap between poetics and rhetoric. In a remark attributed to Theophrastus. 5 Theophrastus frs. Change and Decline: Roman Literature in the Early Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press. F. 5 Poetry. Paris: Didot. La rhétorique de l'éloge (Paris: Études Augustiniennes. G. . pp. G. 7 See." For an analysis of 3 . Like rhetoric. "Rhetoric" and "rhetorical" are thus frequently used to connote artificiality and insincerity. pp. B. Rhetorical figures are therefore not 'additional structures' to poetic discourse . Wimmer. W.). poetry and rhetoric are both considered to be directed towards the audience (in contrast to philosophy which is directed towards its subject matter). 1990). Not surprisingly the influence of rhetoric has been seen as a major cause of "decline" in Roman poetry from the Augustan period to the Silver Age. poetry involves the formal use of language..). 1966). pp. The Imperial Muse: Ramus Essays on Roman Literature of the Empire. moreover. in A. F. repr. The panegyrical poets of late antiquity were following a long tradition and the epideictic orators of the Roman period were also in many ways heir to the earlier poets. in contrast to the true poet's authentic expression of moods and feelings. Wallach (ed. pp. H. 370-79. 1964). 1961).).J. "Rhetoric and Poetics: A Plea for the Recognition of Two Literatures". concerned with the vehicle more than with content. 1986). Conte.6 5 in Opera quae supersunt omnia (ed. the See. 266-71. such as the public praise of rulers and patrons in works originally composed for a particular audience on a particular occasion. 6 4 . . Nugent. esp. The Rhetoric of Imitation: Genre and Poetic Memory in Virgil and Other Latin Poets (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. H. Flavian Epicist to Claudian (Bendigo: Aureal Publications. S. Howell. p. 45-46: "Rhetoric has the role of 'reifying' language—of making it exist without a direct relation to things. Pernot.3 This antithesis between poetry and rhetoric underlies many influential assessments of ancient literature. 4 G. see also the comments of S. had always shared certain functions with epideictic rhetoric. 370-79. "Rhetoric and Poetry". . 4 Such judgments derive from a period at which the classical system of rhetorical education was in decline. for example. 635-37. 239. Howes (ed. "Ausonius' Late-Antique Poetics". Critical approaches based on linguistics have stressed the verbal and communicative aspects of poetry. Frankfurt: Minerva. Hudson. in L.

pp. However. 1985). Roman Erotic Elegy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. A. 8 On the question of "sincerity" in Roman love lyrics see D. or in works which aim to win over an audience such as didactic poetry. 9 F. The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Cairns. Ancient definitions of rhetoric suggest various approaches to the problem of its relationship to poetry. the character deliberately adopted by the poet as much as by the orator. or satire. On Epideictic (ed. Kennedy. winning over the audience and moving them. Veyne. Cairns' approach has generated vigorous debate. D. In this survey. 384-419. In the Orator (69) Cicero gives a slightly different version of the orator's duties. Latin Poets and Roman Life (London: Duckworth. 9 In the wake of these critical developments. pp. pp. 8 Appreciation of the role of genre in the composition of and response to poetry has also served to close the gap between poetry and rhetoric or to suggest new approaches emphasizing the common cultural and educational background to the oratory and poetry of particular periods. The Arts of Love: Five Studies in the Discourse of Roman Love Elegy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. however. pp. 48-64. A. 10 For this approach see G. Oxford: Clarendon Press. he says. Persuasive rhetoric of this type can be found in poetry in various guises: in representations of speeches in epic. Kennedy. I will be looking for points of contact between ancient rhetoric. 1981). is the one who can not only difference in function between figures in poetry and in rhetoric. T h e eloquent man. Williams. Wilson. see G.10 Already in Homer. xxxi-xxxiv and J. Aristotle's Rhetoric stresses logical argumentation as the domain of the rhetorician. characters' speeches show some consistent structural features which could be termed loosely "rhetorical" although rhetoric did not yet exist as a codified art. 1-23. Russell and N. Griffin. 1978). as defined in treatises and as practised.POETRY AND RHETORIC 341 belief in poetic "sincerity" has been modified by the idea of the poetic persona. F. 1972). G. and poetry. the broader definition of rhetoric to be found in ancient writers suggests a more extensive range of contact with poetry. 1972). 1988). 2:27:115. Figures of Thought in Roman Poetry (Berkeley: University of California Press. Aristotle is echoed by Cicero in De or. Generic Competition in Greek and Roman Poetry (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 1993). For some responses see Menander Rhetor. . who stresses persuasion as the aim of rhetoric and identifies the means as proof. a broad usage of the term "rhetoric" has grown up in literary criticism to designate the internal codes used by a work or genre. 31-49. P. It is in the "rhetorical epic" of the Roman period that the formal rhetorical training of authors such as Lucan and Statius is clearly felt.

including Gorgias. brings rhetoric still closer to poetry. p. 232. however. 12 Aristode recognized that both poetry and prose needed to use distancing effects to distinguish them from ordinary language (Rh. precisely those aspects of rhetoric which he saw as closest to poetry. 1993). 13 See Aristode. 287.). 307-11. Dupont-Roc and J. dolendum est/primum ipse tibi (102-103). noting that the poet is almost equal to the orator in the use of ornaments. 1980). Russell in D. an aesthetic concern which brings the rhetor closer to the poet. 14 His insistence. numeris astrictior paulo verborum autem licentia liberior. Russell and M. "The Growth of Literature and Criticism at Rome". in practice. mourn first yourself" si vis me flere. 1:44— 47) is paralleled in Horace's famous advice to the poet in the Ars poetica: "if you want me to cry. Classical Criticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lallot. Winterbottom (eds. 13 Quintilian's emphasis on pathos. 6:2:27-28. 1:16:70: est enim finitimus oratori poeta. 12 Cic. always fluid. had considered that pleasing or causing pain to an audience was stricdy something to be avoided in rhetoric. 14 See E. infringed this rule. A. multis vero omandi generibus socius ac paene par. Fantham. . Fantham. and commentary R. Classical Criticism. and to drama in particular. A. De or. for example. 3:3:1). Kennedy (ed. Paris: Seuil. indicating how in some areas the boundaries between poetry and epideictic were. 100. p." Aristotle. that the orator must himself feel the emotions he is trying to convey to the audience (Inst.). pp. often exemplified by Virgil in the Institutio oratoria. 1989). Quintilian (Inst. De or. in G. that certain sophists. 2:15:38) broadens the definition of rhetoric sdll further when he gives his approval to the definition "the art of speaking well": bene dicendi scientia. 15 " See E. however. important differences: the prose writer had to exercise more restraint than the poet. "Latin Criticism of the Early Empire". Cic. La Poétique (trans. Comparison with Aristode's treatment of λέξις/fem in the Poetics shows that the difference between the two was felt to reside in the degree to which poets and orators made use of the expressive resources of language. 15 Translation D.). In the De oratore Cicero states this affinity clearly. p. Classical Literary Criticism (Oxford: Oxford University Press. There were. in the Rhetoric (3:1:5). cf. Aristode notes.342 RUTH WEBB prove his case (probare) and win over his audience (fiectere) but also please them (delectare). A. He should not use long epithets. in Kennedy (ed. This was the function of delivery and style (λέξις/lexis). which result in frigidity in rhetoric (Rh. 3:2:2-3). but conceded that it was rendered necessary by the corruption of the audience.

One particular resource shared by poet and orator alike is metaphor. In Rh. Colloque sur la rhétorique (Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Joly. 17 Men.Rh. 92-111. Quintilian's Institutio oratorio makes use of a wealth of examples drawn from poetry. lyric and epic poetry. Thus Sappho is credited with the invention of the epithalamium and Homer with that of the monody and συντακτικός/ syntaktikos. in the other areas the precise nature of the relationship between poetry and rhetoric is more complex and often difficult to assess. where examples are cited from dramatic. Rhetoricians throughout antiquity recognized that poetry had preceded artistic prose and noted that prose-writers had in fact borrowed from poetry. 18 D. T h e innovations of Gorgias consisted to a great extent in adapting poetic language to the medium of prose. in R. pp. alongside Cicero. which is discussed by Aristotle in the Poetics (21-22:14561459) as well as in the Rhetoric (3:2:7-13). 434:11-18 and 430:12-28. 3:1:8) attributes the beginnings of the study and development of style in language (λέξις/lexis) to the poets. Argumentation is a characteristically rhetorical procedure and its presence in poetry can be seen as a borrowing from rhetoric.). synecdoche (8:6:21-22).POETRY AND RHETORIC 343 Some areas of potential rhetorical influence upon poetry are therefore argumentation. "Rhétorique et poésie d'après Γ'Institution oratoire'".'7 Menander's observations reflect the fact that many of the epideictic genres which developed in prose during the Hellenistic and Roman periods did have their origins in poetry. 1979). 16 T o move from the level of language to that of genre. Rhetoricians of later periods made liberal use of poetic examples in their discussions of this and other figures of speech. and metonymy (8:6:23). The treatment of poetry by ancient critics points to certain shared areas of technique: figures of speech and vivid representation in language. Menander Rhetor identifies certain types of epideictic speech as having been "invented" by Homer and the archaic poets. As Aristotle points out in the Poetics (6:22-23:1450b). Chevallier (ed. and in his discussion of the choice of words (8:2:15-20). Aristotle (Rh. 8:6:29). Μίμησις (mimesis) is key to Aristotle's definition of poetry and is by no means absent from rhetoric. 3:7 he emphasizes the need for speech to be approO. 16 . pp. 1900). the μίμησις of intellect (διάνοια/dianoia) belongs to rhetoric. Navarre. 18 He uses quotations from Virgil and Horace. 101-13. style and the arousal of the emotions. in his discussion of figures such as antonomasia (Inst. However. Essai sur la rhétorique grecque avant Aristote (Paris: Hachette.

Quint. as Quintilian and Theon (1st century BC) both remark. Aristode concentrates on the μίμησις/mimesis of action.344 RUTH WEBB priate to the character of the speaker.23 Ancient critics were aware however of the boundary which should 19 Theon. 1967). 1865). 118-19. 22 See Theon. 10:1:69) to single out Menander as a model for the orator. 256-66. 100) Aristode neglects description of objects or mental states. Criticism in Antiquity (London: Duckworth. A. But another form of μίμησις shared by poetry and rhetoric is the representation of an action. Morpurgo-Tagliabue. On ενάργεια/ energeia and its connection with vividness. Progymnasmata in Rhetores graeci (ed. or the courtesans. whether forensic or epideictic.22 The doctrines of ενάργεια/ enargeia. 20 In the Poetics. Progymnasmata. 60. see A. 23 See G. See D. "Enargeia in the Ancient Criticism of Poetry". Hellenistic poetry also contains lively portrayals of characters in action and in conversation: the bourgeois Syracusan women of Theocritus. Quint. As Russell also points out (p. 3:8:49. 21 The orator. linguistica e stilistica di Aristotele (Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. Idyll 16. This skill. 297-311 and Realism in Alexandrian Poetry: A Literature and its Audience (London: Croom Helm. L. Zanker. Spengel. This technique was developed through the elementary exercise of εκφρασις/ekphrasis (Latin desmptw). Leipzig. pp. and a useful skill for the poet. should aim to make his audience "see" his subject matter in their mind's eye. pp. pp. RhM 124 (1981). 3:11:2. 19 Horace (Ars. 3:8:51) pointed out. 8:3:63 cites Virgil as a model of enargeia. . Interest in the depiction of character is evident of course in New Comedy and is one of the qualities which led Quintilian (Inst. was developed in later periods through the exercise of προσωποποιία/ prosopopoeia (also called ηθοποιία/ethopoeia). p. pimps and schoolmaster of Herodas's Mimes. as recorded by Greek and Latin critics. as Quintilian (Inst. 1981). II. Inst. speakers had to assume as many roles as comic actors. 106-107. in Rh. essential when the orator was composing speeches to be delivered by the client. Inst. Teubner. 20 The idea of ενάργεια/enargeia (Latin evidentia) "vividness" in verbal representation took on great importance in Hellenistic and Roman rhetorical theory. pp. 1987). 156-78) also refers to the necessity of fitting speech and behaviour to character. person or place through narration or description. have served as a key to understanding the notions of realism underlying Hellenistic poetry. in which Homer and Virgil were cited alongside the historians as models. one of the more advanced of the Progymnasmata. Russell. It was essential to the art of declamadon in which. 21 The term is not found in Aristode who instead uses ένάργειa/energeia for the quality which makes metaphors appeal to the mind's eye.

Opuscula (ed. metre. p.-Dionysius of Halicarnassus complains of the undue influence of poetry in the declaimers' descriptive excesses. A. Rusell. Authors of rhetorical treatises naturally tried to claim that their precepts were valuable for future poets as well as orators: Maximus of Tyre went so far as to claim that his rhetorical teaching could provide all the skills necessary for the composition of poetry. Chr. a striking impact upon the audience. 15:2 and 9. In general see D. Norden. 886. D. 27 In addition to general considerations of this kind.24 However. 28 Several Latin poets refer to their own rhetorical studies. Or. 29 Verg. In the period under discussion rhetoric came to dominate the curriculum and represented the principal formal training in composition available in the schools. 25 Longinus. except for metre. In poetry the result should be εκπληξις/ekplexis. pp. 1990). Ausonius's collection of poems on The Professors of Bordeaux commemorates colleagues and teachers. naturally. 199-219. 27 See Isoc. (Evagoras) 9:9-11. Longinus is alone in suggesting a fundamental difference between the use of vivid appeals to the mind's eye (φαντασία/phantasia) in poetry and in rhetoric. Cat. pp. Die antike Kunstprosa vom VI. 372. H. 9:73:7-8. whereas the rhetor should direct his use of the powers of visualization towards the creation of ένάργειa/enargeia. Distinctions mentioned include. Ov. 2. pp. Leipzig: Teubner. 5. 1983). 28 Maximus of Tyre. A. 1:7g. p. H. in idem (ed. will effect persuasion. Russell. bis in die £eit der Renaissance (Leipzig: Teubner. Ps. A. 26 but also the organization of subject matter. See E. and Ovid's early training in declamation is recorded by Seneca. Greek Declamation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pernot. 25 Rhetoric and poetry were thus considered by ancient critics to have many aspects in common. On the possible 24 . which. 17-23. La Poétique. 1957). 1929). 1964).POETRY AND RHETORIC 345 be observed between the use of description in rhetoric and poetry. Radermacher. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Russell. p. for example. See also D. Antonine literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 29 Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 4:10. Usener and L. with varying degrees of enthusiasm. II. On the Sublime (ed. Cic. "Aristides and the Prose Hymn". 227. Hobein. Clarke. in combination with argumentation. a further important consideration is the cultural background of the poets. La rhétorique de l'éloge. L. 636-37 and D. Jahrhundert V. pp. Leipzig: Teubner. 1910). Philosophumenon (ed. Tr. in particular the role of rhetoric in education. the formality of which is contrasted with prose rhythm. 26 See. 1909).). making the identification of boundaries an important but vexed question. an area in which greater licence was allowed to poets. 307-11. Mart. Rhetoric in Greco-Roman Education (New York: Columbia University Press. Aristode. as epideictic orators themselves noted.

41-49. κατασκευή/ kataskeue (confirmation) and σύγκρισις/synkrisis were drawn from the tales of the Trojan War. 282-96 (ψόγοι/psogoi of Achilles and Hector). 62-63. Similarly. In Libanius's model Progymnasmata (4th century AD). pp. The effect of rhetorical training in εκφρασις/ekphrasis may be seen in the increasing tendency in late antique poets to present descriptive passages within longer works as discrete tableau or as highly developed set-pieces. 30 Aphthonius cites Hecuba after the fall of Troy and Achilles on the death of Patroclus as suitable subjects for ήθοποιία/ethopoeia. 1:593-94). suggesting that the future poet should study poetry through the lens of rhetoric. "Catulle 'rhéteur'?" in Chevallier (ed. Progymnasmata (ed. pp. such as 7:137-38 in the words of Hector (in which the hero is depicted as showing concern for his posthumous reputation and anxiety that the Greeks will not have influence of education on Catullus see M.J. pp. Foerster. in the introduction to his Progymnasmata.). 30 Libanius. 32 Certain of the Progymnasmata forms found their way into the poetic repertoire.M One additional exercise discussed by Theon in the introduction to his Progymnasmata involved paraphrasing passages from poetry in prose. 31 Libanius. as a preliminary to rhetoric and was very much at the service of rhetoric in the schools. Granarolo. pp. See note 31. 138-154 (κατασκευαί/kataskeuai on the arms of Achilles. Theon. Achilles and Thersites make special reference to their Homeric source as an element of the praise. Leipzig: Teubner. 1926). poetic texts often furnished the subject matter for the Progymnasmata with which the study of rhetoric began. the wrath of Achilles and on Locrian Ajax). Achilles and Diomedes). Leipzig: Teubner. subjects for the exercises έγκώμιον/encomium and ψόγος/psogos (blame). pp. Progymnasmata. pp. singles out the composition of ήθοποιίαι/ethopoeiae as useful to the poet and singles out Homer and Euripides as models. Odysseus. VIII (ed. Apart from providing examples of figures of speech as mentioned above./encomia on Diomedes. His εγκώμια. the habit of composing ήθοποιίαι/ethopoeiae in the schools may lie behind poetic speeches in the words of mythological characters such as Ovid's Heroides. T h e cases of εκφρασις/ekphrasis and ifionoua/ethopoeia are particularly complex since these were the exercises which were most attached to poetry in the first place. . Progymnasmata in Opera. 334—42 {συγκρίσεις/synknseu of Ajax and Achilles.346 RUTH WEBB Poetry itself was studied in the earlier stages of the curriculum. Rabe. Aphthonius. or the epigrams of the Greek Anthology. 216-51 (εγκώμια/encomia)·. Colloque sur la rhétorique. 32 Theon. H. as examples Theon identifies passages in Demosthenes and Aeschines as "paraphrases" of Homer (II. Progymnasmata. R. 1915).

The latter found a Latin imitator in Avianus. 33 The nature of the exercise may also have influenced the development of the form from a speech addressed to a specific character (as in Ovid's Heroides) to an address to an unspecified audience. Sulpicius. no. was made in the late fourth century BC by Demetrius of Phalerum.) that certain writers do not accept his work as poetry. 35 See the introduction to Babrius and Phaedrus. Cameron. could be applied by poets and orators alike. which had a long prehistory as an independent genre before becoming one of the progymnasmata. They were intended for use in speeches. introduced by the standard progymnasmata formula: "what words would χ say upon y event". p. Phaedrus even complains (4:7ff. Reiner. 34 A. 1970). 1983). The verses were probably performed at the Capitoline Games in AD 94 by the eleven-year old Q. and trans. p. In the first century AD. Statins and the Sitvae: Poets. as Aristode illustrates in Rh. Β. 266. T h e first collection of fables in Greek. Claudian: Poetry and Propaganda at the Court of Honorius (Oxford: Clarendon Press. who addressed his collection to Theodosius. 1965). 2:20:5. or μΰθος/muthos. 33 . Patrons and Epideixis in the GraecoRoman World (Liverpool: Francis Cairns. LCL. a simple narrative recounting an event illustrating a moral point. These verse fables remained close to their rhetorical origins. versified versions were composed by Phaedrus (a Greek writing in Latin) and Babrius (an Italian writing in Greek). Kaibel. G. 34 A particularly complex case is that of fable. but the rhetorical bias of the school exercises may eventually have affected their employment in poetry. Hardie. often illustrated by examples drawn from poetry. The composidon of a fable was the first exercise attempted by students beginning their studies of rhetoric and Quintilian (Inst. One verse ηθοποιία/ethopoeia with a strong link to the schools is a hexameter speech of Zeus to Helios criticizing the latter for allowing Phaethon to use his chariot. E. The skills developed by exercises such as the Progymnasmata. MA: Harvard University Press. See A. It seems likely that the habit of analyzing poetry in terms of Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta (ed. 618. 35 The cases of these Progymnasmata illustrate the complexity of the interaction between poetry and rhetoric encouraged by the rhetorical training of the schools. to be later inscribed on his tomb.POETRY AND RHETORIC 347 raised a sufficient monument to him). 1878). 75. 2:4:4) records that the grammarians were beginning to encroach on the rhetors' territory by teaching fable. Perry. Fables (ed. Berlin: G. Cambridge. Fable began as a prose form. attributed to Aesop.

37 36 . p. 288-89. "Ladn Criticism of the Early Empire". pp. 2:4:24. Epitomae (ed. 1896). in poetic models is shown in. an aspect of Virigilian epic which these characters choose to regard as rhetorical rather than purely poetic.cs or the arguments against sea-travel found in Propertius (3:7). the participants in the discussion identify as rhetorical Virgil's use of vivid imagery (4:1) and his arousal of emotion. Hubbard. Just how rhetorical traits were sought. Macrobius included a discussion of the same question in the fourth book of his Saturnalia. pp. On Propertius see M. Inst. but they do indicate one way in which poetry was read in later antiquity by future poets and orators alike. A further source of emotive power are the vivid depictions of persons and their circumstances (4:3). Annius Florus.39 Virgil's Aeneid. Classical Criticism. Criticism in Antiquity. 38 Russell. ending with the conclusion (5:1) that Virgil is no less eminent as an orator than as a poet.). 7:293-322 is singled out for analysis of its logical structure. Here.37 But much later. These speeches are made effective by the use of short sentences and changes of figures employed. 2:458-74. and found. at the turn of the fifth century.36 T h e treatise on whether Virgil was an orator or poet written in the second century AD by P. 1974). composed by an author whose own rhetorical training took place Quint. Such ancient responses cannot. Quintilian's discussion of examples of deliberative and forensic oratory in the Homeric embassy to Achilles in Iliad 9 (part of the Latin rhetorician's extensive survey of Greek and Latin poets). for example. Annius Florus has been lost except for the introduction which gives no idea of the arguments used. 10:1:47. Annaeus Florus. 115-17 and E. of course. in commonplaces such as Virgil's comparison of city and country in the Georgj. Propertius (London: Duckworth. P. pp. Dido and Priam. Juno's speech at A. 23. Quint. in Kennedy (ed. cf. particularly in speeches by characters (4:2) such as Juno. 183-87. A general influence of rhetorical training in inventio as well as elocutio has been traced in the Augustan poets. G.348 RUTH WEBB rhetorical figures and genres may also have had an effect upon the development of poetry in the Roman period. Inst. give any indication of the extent of rhetorical influence in a given author's work. Rossbach. O. Vergilius Orator an Poeta in L. 39 Verg.38 T h e interaction of poetry and rhetoric in the schools has several consequences for the development of poetic practice in the Roman period. and for our understanding of the extent of rhetorical influence in a given author's work. Leipzig: Teubner. Fantham.

Philostratus's Lives 40 . 2:69-194). finds them used more frequendy than in Homer.). tends to use indirect speech. Persuasion: Greek Rhetoric in Action (London: Roudedge. 41 Clarke. "Aspects of the Speech in Vergil and the Later Roman Epic". emphasizes the systematic manner in which Dido formulates and then rejects each alternative. pp. in contrast. 1994). uses appeals to pity and a highly plausible narration to capture the audience's attention. 114-17 and Cameron. Highet. Worthington (ed. remains firmly anchored in its narrative context. C. Russell. Bonner. 4:534-52) in which she reviews the possibilities open to her. Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World. Lipscomb. In her final words she reviews her own achievements (A. On Apollonius see P. a device which both increases the reader's impression of Sinon's persuasive arts and ensures that this speech. Toohey. Virgil's characters express themselves with a degree of formality in style and structure as in Dido's nocturnal soliloquy (A. 4:653-58) and laments her lost hopes for the future in a brief but poignant reminiscence of the topoi of funerary orations. 42 On declamation in general see S. p. G & R 18 (1949). Greek Declamation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. "Epic and Rhetoric". 14-27. "Rhetorical Influences in the Aeneid". persuading the Trojans to accept the wooden horse. DECLAMATION The school exercise which seems to have had the greatest influence upon Roman poetry. pp. III.POETRY AND RHETORIC 349 before the rise in popularity of declamation (see below). 162. For comparison with later epic poets see H. pp. G. Roman Declamation in the Late Republic and Early Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press. The Speeches in Vergil's Aeneid (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Clarke. Claudian. like the others. was declamation. Medea's soliloquy in Apollonius's Argonautica 3:772-801.w T h e proportion of direct speech in the Aeneid is high whereas Apollonius of Rhodes. Comparison with Virgil's Hellenistic model. Classical Weekly 2 (1908-1909). 24—25. 1972). M. 266. tends to play down the presence of rhetoric in Virgil. 41 T h e speech of the Greek Sinon (A. is broken up at various points by Aeneas's account of the audience's reaction. F. In the most emotive speeches such as Dido's to Aeneas in 4:305-30 and 365-87 or Juno's to Venus in 10:18-62 rhetorical questions abound. "Rhetorical Influences in the Aeneid". p. in I.42 The Elder Seneca's Controversies and Suasonae give an idea of Kennedy. 388-95. A. pp. however. 1983). The speech as reported. and on literary taste in general. 1949) and D. provides a contrast both to the later "rhetorical" epics and to its Hellenistic predecessor. the Argonautica.

Turin: G. to relieve the tedium of school exercises or to arouse interest in a case which was either far removed in time or totally fictive. . Paravia. B. 1974) 20:4-5: . if not more.350 RUTH WEBB the type of melodramatic themes pupils might be called upon to discuss. of the Sophists shows how the Greek orators of the Second Sophistic also developed this exercise into a performance art in its own right. interested in the manner of presentation and the achievement of striking effects. but the small quantity of Greek poetry surviving from this period makes it difficult to judge its impact. Seneca contrasts the unfortunate adaptation to the elegant brevity of Virgil's poetry. declamation provided a training in argumentation and in the analysis of questions according to status theory. . non Adi aut Pacuvii vetemo inquinatus. 43 Bonner. (Quint. Suas. Horace and Lucan. D. 124. 69-70. the defender of contemporary rhetoric.) Among the stylistic devices encouraged by declamation were the aphorism or sententia. in an attempt to please Maecenas. exigitur enim iam ab oratore etiam poeticam decor. p. hyperbole. It is clear. Roman Declamation. 1:427-29 into a speech concerning Agamemnon and Iphigeneia. In theory. Bo. stve sensus aliquis arguta et brevi sententia effulsit. 3:4-5 illustrates what he saw as the pitfalls of ill-considered "poetic colouring". 44 Sen. by Marcus Aper. Inst. recording how. 3:8:69 complains of the tendency among declaimers to indulge in invecdve rather than attempt persuasion. Dialogus (ed. Translation by M. pirates. 43 Although several modern studies have concentrated upon the impact of declamation upon Ovid and Silver Latin poets. Classical literary Criticism. Winterbottom in Russell and Winterbottom (eds. The contrary view is presented in Tacitus's Dialogus de oratoribus (20). This tendency brought declamation closer to epideictic than to the deliberative and judicial speeches for which suasoriae and controversiae were ostensibly a preparation. The complaints of Pseudo-Dionysius and Longinus about undue poetic influence in such speeches were noted above. involving rape. . however. dramatic apostrophes and appeals. fatricide. who identifies brilliant sententiae and "passages resplendent with out-of-the-way poetic colouring" as the hallmark of contemporary taste and extols as models Virgil.). such as the simile. ancient critics detected rather the influence of poetry in the declaimer's indulgence in description and other types of imagery. sine locus exquisito et poetico cultu enituit. Seneca also gives us a portrait of the young Ovid's rhetorical training which has provoked much discussion of the influence of declamation upon his poetry. that speakers and audiences alike were equally. adultery and torture. pp. 44 Tacitus. sed ex Horatii et Vergilii et Lucani sacrano prolatus. Arellius Fuscus worked an adaptation of Virgil's description of the moon at G.

Higham. T. "Sur un itinéraire ovidien de la 'declamation' à la 'recitatio'". 1958). P. pp./hoc fuit. 45 . pp. I. Herescu (ed. 2:2:12. 123-28. A. 8:878 that he was accused of stealing from Ovid. F. Latro (Con. 49 Sometimes these passages See Kennedy. 405. E. which allowed him to develop the depiction of ethos. 3:7 also records an anecdote about a speaker who expressed an idea so close to Met. Sabot. 217-348. 16. Con. Met. 48 The bizarre happenings which make up the subject matter are presented in vivid descriptions. As with descriptions. that Ovid disliked the argumentation of the controversiae and preferred suasoriae. Ovid rarely forgets the dramatic situation of his heroines. Seneca clearly identifies the impact of one aspect of Ovid's rhetorical training upon his poetry. 49 For a comparison of Ovid's descriptive techniques in the Metamorphoses with those of the Greek sophist Philostratus. 12:607-608 on the death of Achilles. pp. 1992). One method noted and criticized by Quintilian (Inst. Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé (1991). 1976). "Corinne et Sappho: elocutio et inventio dans les Amours et les Héroïdes d'Ovide". stating that he adapted phrases from his favourite orator. keep in mind Ov. in Con. Fantham. "Ovid and Rhetoric". De Bello Civili (ed. Viarre. unlike some later authors of rhetorical character sketches. however. p. p. in Ν. 48 See Lucan. 1964). 71-94. F. pp. A. Sen. 32-48. when inventing sententiae. in Chevallier (ed. 46 Quod Priamus gaudere senex post Hectora posset. see S. Tr. AD 18) that rhetoric is usually said to have made its impact on R o m a n poetry. poète de l'amour dans ses oeuvres de jeunesse ([Paris]: Ophrys. Arcellaschi. This was skill which he displayed in the Heroides. the process was reciprocal for Seneca also records that Publius Vinicius recommended that speakers. 47 The Metamorphoses constitute a very different kind of epic from the Aeneid: a series of episodes put together by means of a dazzling variety of narrative techniques. 4:10:21-26.POETRY AND RHETORIC 351 A. Ovidiana (Paris: Wetteren. pp.). 2:2:8).46 Seneca notes however. poète de l'amour. Ovide. L'Image et la pensée dans les "Metamorphoses" d'Ovide (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Galand-Hallyn. T h e taste for discrete episodes and constantly shifting points of view may have been encouraged by declamation. although Ovid himself recounts his rejection of a public career and identifies himself clearly as a poet. 229-35. 336-58. 45 His own education in the declamation schools is unusually well documented by Seneca. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.). 4:1:77) was the use of a sententia to effect a transition from one section to another. Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World. Colloque sur la rhétorique. pp. poems which could be described as a type of poetic ethopoeia although. Ovide. Ov. 47 See Sabot. Ovid and Declamation It is with Ovid (43 Bc-ca.

352 RUTH WEBB focus on the macabre. VIII. Leipzig: Teubner. in what may be a tongue in cheek portrayal of contemporary declaimers. describing Philomela's severed tongue still quivering as it lay on the ground (Inst. non Aiaci arma petuntur "The arms seek Ajax. He appeals to his ancestry and his father's exploits before comparing his own achievements to those of Ulysses. 3:217. Ovid depicts not just the speech. with its themes of rape and torture. ad loc. for example.) It is also the subject of epigrams in the Greek Anthology. Ad Marcum Antoninum de orationibus. II. The story of Procne and Philomela. combining justifications of his actions with emotional appeals to the memory of Achilles. for example. 53 Cf. see Libanius. M. 1:11:18. 11:3:157-58) recommended as a model for the Roman orator. provided opportunities which Ovid fully exploited.52 Ovid's Ajax begins and. Libanius wrote a model confirmatio on the theme of the judgment of the arms. including one. see also Fronto. 8 in Epistulae (ed. by the Hellenistic poet Antipater of Sidon. despite his claim that his deeds speak for themselves. during his narration he displays his own wounds as proof of his See Ovid.51 ("Ajax" was the term used by Juvenal [7:115] to designate a speaker in the law-courts. a detail taken from Horn. in Ulysses' response lines 216-17 ecce Iovis monitu deceptus imagine somnum/rex iubet incepti curam dimittere belli. Opera. 1988). 52 Greek Anthology 7:145-46. not Ajax the arms". Heidelberg: Carl Winter. 140. in which the arms themselves speak out in a dramatic prosopopoeia. recalling the tastes of the declaimers. Ulysses gives a lengthy response in which he refutes his opponent's arguments. his eyes downcast. proceeds to present his case in a carefully structured manner. The rhetorical tour de force of the Metamorphoses is the debate between Ajax and Ulysses over the arms of Achilles at the beginning of book 13 (5-381). Metamorphoses XII XIII (commentary F. 53 Nor is he averse to witty sententiae as in line 97: atque Aiax armis. p.J. P. Börner. He amplifies this comparison by speaking as if Hector were present on the battlefield: Hector adest secumque deos in proelia ducit ("Here is Hector and he brings the gods with him into battle"). a passage which Quintilian (Inst. p. 50 This episode was a favourite theme in rhetorical exercises. Upon mentioning the dead Achilles in his exordium Ovid's Ulysses makes as if to wipe the tears from his eyes. 1982). 156. 50 . 6:555-60). Van Den Hout. see. 51 The Rhetorica ad Herennium uses the suicide of Ajax to illustrate types of issue. but also the gestures. Before beginning his speech Ulysses remains still.

Ahl. Lucan (AD 39-65). claiming that she is the only other worthy recipient of the arms of Achilles. The Poet Lucan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 155. 13:380-81: aut si mihi non datis arma/huic date et ostendit signum fatale Minenae. 235-57 and S. The poet 54 Ov. magis oratoribus quam poetis imitandus ("Lucan is fiery and passionate and remarkable for the grandeur of his general reflections [sententiae]. love of paradox and the macabre and frequent use of apostrophe. Met. p. ut dicam quod sentio. in Lucain (Entretiens Hardt. . pp. in Epistulae. but. 1970). grandson of the Elder Seneca. 257-89. his speeches. Fronto goes on to contrast Lucan with Apollonius Rhodius. He chose the civil war. whose ability to convey five distinct facts in fewer lines is praised. Ad Marcum Antoninum de Orationibus. AD 100-ca. AD 166) was less favourable.54 B.POETRY AND RHETORIC 353 courage in battle and he ends with a dramatic gesture towards the statue of Minerva. hyperbolic descriptions. See F. "Lucan and the Declamation Schools". Bonner. In the next century. 56 The latter may account for Quintilian's comment on his "fiery passion". 15. 5-7. AJP 87 (1966). noting in particular the practice of reworking the same thought in different ways. a subject of epic and tragic proportions from the recent history of Rome. The rhetorical nature of Lucan's work was noted by his contemporaries. Rutz. 75. 10:1:90): Lucanus ardens et concitatus et sententiis clarissimus et. Quintilian's judgment is well known (Inst. I consider that he is more suitable for imitation by the orator than the poet"). to be frank. pp. p. was faced with the challenge of composing epic poetry in the wake of Virgil. The resulting Bellum civile or Pharsalia is generally considered a prime example of the "rhetorical epic" of the Silver Age. 55 The influence of Lucan's rhetorical training is evident in his taste for sententiae. 56 See W. 1976). the judgment of Marcus Cornelius Fronto (ca. In his analysis of the opening of the Bellum civile he complains that in the first seven lines Lucan does nothing other than paraphrase the words bella plus quam civilia ("wars worse than civil"). "Lucan und die Rhetorik". 55 Fronto. It was this quality which ensured Lucan's enormous influence in the Middle Ages. Lucan and Declamation Like Ovid. F. Vandoeuvres-Geneva: Fondation Hardt. He cites Lucan in his criticism of Seneca and his rhetorical school.

57 Lucan is not afraid to place one speech in the mouth of Cicero himself (contrary to historical fact) at 7:68-85. be justified aesthetically within the context of a poem which seeks to express the horror of civil war. Notable are the speeches which show clearly the influence of the declamation schools. Storms were one of the subjects for εκφρασις/ ekphrasis cited in the Greek Progymnasmata and. Hyperbole and Literary Novelty in Lucan's Bellum Civile". 58 Comparison with Virgil's technique in the Aeneid. see M. Their use can. as Seneca shows. in which. o cives. 6:832-35 the similarly impassioned denunciation of civil war is put into the mouth of Anchises and addressed to Aeneas. it is the Roman people in general who are asked (1:8): quis fiiror. Lucan's storm in book 5 of the Bellum civile reaches apocalyptic proportions. 1-12. "Paradox. On the classification of Lucan's speeches in general. In the introduction. underlines the extent to which Lucan elaborates his subject matter to produce the greatest possible effect. pp. Lucan's rhetorical training also prepared him for the composition of dramatic descriptions. 60 C. "Lucan and his Roman Critics". AD 96) is rich in speeches which See Lucan. form the perorations to books 7 and 8 respectively.354 RUTH WEBB addresses his audience direcdy or breaks into the narration in order to address the protagonists. quae tanta licentia ferri? (In the A. pp. 45-72. 59 Luc. Sanford. The taste for paradox (for example in the account of Marcia's remarriage to Cato Lucan insists on the absence of the normal wedding rites and the presence of signs of mourning) 59 and horror in Lucan recall the striking effects sought after by declaimers to retain the attention of their audience. 32-36. Lucan similarly makes use of emotive prosopopoeiae such as the personification of Rome which appears to Caesar before the crossing of the Rubicon (1:186-92). The Poet Lucan: Studies in Rhetorical Epic (Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 2:350-80. Morford.) Lengthy apostrophes to Thessaly and to Egypt. 60 Other examples of "rhetorical epic" revert to mythological themes. Martindale. De Bello Civili. II. lands which were scenes of disaster for Pompey's campaign. The Poet Lucan. for example. p. 15. thus remaining integral to the characterization and to the narrative. in which the characters and events of the civil war provided well-rehearsed themes. The Thebaid of Statius (ca. BICS 23 (1976). however. pp. 58 On Lucan's storms see Morford. 57 . the account of the storm in book 1 is kept firmly subordinate to the main narrative. featured frequently in declamations. AD 45-ca. 1967).

and. not by nature. as to whether they should join the fighting. Vian. but later writers used For a full analysis see W. I. 63 IV. ca. Speech and Rhetoric in Statius' Thebaid (Hildesheim: Olms-Weidmann.J. 272-74. to persuade. Certain of the lengthy speeches again recall themes familiar from the schools. particularly in the composition of descriptive passages as the comments of ancient critics suggest. that the men will save them (1:451-74). Paris: Les Belles Lettres. 61 . that Penthesilea is unlike them in that she may be a goddess. pp. An interesting example of a pair of deliberative speeches is provided by the debate among the Trojan women. The development of epic thus shows the increasing impact of rhetorical training. Posthomerica (ed. arguing from nature that women are like men. often. is the only surviving example of rhetorical epic in Greek from the period covered by this volume. such as the debate between Ajax and Odysseus in book 5. including. 62 This epic contains passages comparable to the rhetorical exercises of the schools. that they have nothing to lose and finally that it is more honourable to die than to submit to slavery (1:409-35).POETRY AND RHETORIC 355 can be classified according to rhetorical types. But poetry also contributed to the development of declamation. 62 See Quintus Smyrnaeus. the genre predates the development of a formal art of rhetoric. with a final irony. DIDACTIC POETRY Didactic poetry as a genre shares with rhetoric the need to consider its audience and. 1994). 1963). Like epic. These points are carefully refuted by the opposing side with counterclaims that the Amazons are warlike from training. p. 63 See the conclusions of Dominik. written in epic language. Dominik. The authors of rhetorical epics are therefore heir to a dual tradition represented by both earlier poetic models and contemporary rhetorical practice. at the beginning of the poem. Those in favour present the example of the Amazons. from the circumstances. xxxviii.61 The Posthomaica of Quintus Smyrnaeus (fl. in particular in declamation which rivalled poetry as a performance art in its own right. the obligatory εκφρασις/ekphrasis of a storm (14:488-589). AD 400). F. Speech and Rhetoric in Statius' Thebaid. έγκώμιο\/encomium and invective.

De rerum natura III (ed. 209. 66 Asmis. pp. 1958). V. Kenney. 38. the oldest form of the genre was the "Menippean" satire. S A T I R E AND INVECTIVE Also related to the diatribe are satire and invective.J. but Philodemus. Classen. and C. "Rhetoric and Reason in Lucredus". 68 On the diatribe see B. characterized by a mixture of prose and verse. in N. was willing to accept epideictic rhetoric as an art. . "Rhetoric and Reason in Lucretius". p. Asmis. 65 E. 1971). D. 66 Lucretius himself uses techniques which can loosely be termed "rhetorical" to move and persuade his audience. Ovidiana (Paris: Les Belles Lettres. 55 BC) is often said to use methods of argumentation which are visual rather than logical in his De rerum natural A neglect of rhetoric would be in keeping with what is known of the views of Epicurus. The polemical message of the diatribe was conveyed through examples. point by point. placing his subject matter "before the eyes" of the reader. Leiden: Brill.6* Lucredus (ca. Among the techniques he uses to ridicule common opinion are parodies of funerary speeches and their τόποι/ topoi (lines 894-908). the advice on finding a woman being parallel to inventio. p. p.). p.J. "Philodemus". and a προσωποποιia/ prosopopoeia of Nature herself (lines 933-49). addressing and questioning the reader. Kenney. Wallach. "Rhetoric and Reason in Lucretius". TAPA 99 (1968). 36. Examples survive in Petronius's Satyricon and in Seneca's Apocolocyntosis. 67 See Asmis. a type of θέσις/thesis in which a moral question is discussed and elaborated. E. AJP 104 (1983). 10:1:95).). the Ars Amatoria. has even been compared to the arrangement of rhetorical treatises. 1976) and Lucretius. Lucretius's extended argument against the fear of death in book 3 has been linked with this genre. "Nequitiae poeta". Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 218. pp. T h e structure of Ovid's irreverent didactic poem. 40. Herescu (ed. 17-19. Innes. with its 64 E. 95-ca. 77-118. answering imaginary objections and constructing his arguments carefully. "Poetry and Rhetoric in Lucretius". 67 Lucretius also makes use of the rhetorical genre of the diatribe.J.J. in Kennedy (ed. 68 T h e genre was developed by Bion of Borysthenes (325255 BC) who made full use of rhetorical devices in his discussion of ordinary ethical problems. Luaetius and the Diatribe (Mnemosyne Supplement.356 RUTH WEBB rhetorical techniques. According to Quintilian (Inst. characterization and parody. Classical Criticism. another Epicurean.

Apocolyntosis (ed. 71 See K. The 7th Satire in particular presents us with a vivid caricature of contemporary orators and of the declamation schools.74 As noted above. .72 In particular. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. even Quintilian himself. Lat 22 (1963). 74 On Juvenal's style see E. 72 E. P. Quintilian complained of the tendency of declaimers to indulge in invective rather than argumentation. Juvenal's Satires have been likened to the declaimers' suasoriae. 73 His language is given dramatic urgency by figures such as rhetorical questions.POETRY AND RHETORIC 357 parodie verse funerary oration for Claudius (12:3). "Juvenal: Satirist or Rhetorician?".69 Horace considered his Satires or Sermones to be closer to prose than to poetry. The ψόγος/psogos or vituperatio of the Progymnasmata was defined as a negative έγκώμιον/ 69 On Menippean Satire see Seneca. The Walking Muse: Horace on the Theory of Satire (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Eden. 1980). 1987). the arousal of indignatio which was one of the emotions most useful to the orator trying to stir up his audience against the opposition. He abandons the pretence of conversation to concentrate on a display of indignation directed against his contemporary society. A Commentary on the Satires of Juvenal (London: Athlone Press. ca. with a wealth of exempla. Rather. uti nos. pp. apostrophe and anaphora. pp. and in the techniques which he uses to achieve that end. p. if a man wrote. Satires and Epistles (trans. directed against women. the influence of his rhetorical training is to be found in his general aim. He writes in S. 1913). in this case there may be some influence of theories of prose style current in the early republic. 1:4:41-42 neque si qui scùbat. 1984). the 6th Satire. would you count him as a poet").71 A different approach to satire is presented in work of Juvenal (fl. Rudd. AD 110-130). 70 Such experimentation with generic boundaries is characteristic of Horace's poetry. "Juvenal and Quintilian". Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 70 Translation from Horace. Kenney. Courtney. Juvenal's Satires do not spare orators.J. 704-20. 1993). However. N. as I do. T. could be seen as an elaborate reply to the favourite rhetorical thesis whether or not to marry. 73 Anderson. 36-48. placing the poet firmly within the literary milieu of his day and providing us with a darkly humorous depiction of contemporary practice. pûtes hunc esse poetam ("Nor. and the use of vivid evocations of the scenes of contemporary society. in a style rather close to prose. Juvenalis declamans (Ghent: University of Ghent. Freudenberg. pp. De Decker./sermoni propiora. Juvenal's works do not follow entirely such categorizations. 56. J. 13-17.

Statius and the Silvae. he sets wars afoot. Levy. the έγκώμιον/encomium of the lowly Thersites) examples of which are preserved in a later rhetorical source. thou winnest them. 282-96 (ψόγοι/psogoi of Achilles and Hector). 1922). ditem spoliât: tu reddis egenti. Platnauer. 76 Martial mocks the poet's race and parentage and describes his education with ironic praise. T h e passage is introduced by the account of Caesar's visit to Alexander's tomb and lists Alexander's deeds in order to criticize his imperial ambition (and thus that of Caesar). In Rufinum. Claudian. Progymnasmata. only In Rufinum 1 follows the pattern of the psogos. he robs the rich.79 75 Libanius. comparable to the model ψόγος/psogos of the hero Achilles (or. 1:297-300. "Themes of Encomium and Invective in Claudian".358 RUTH WEBB encomium. p. who are shown debating in the Underworld at the beginning of the poem (lines 25-122). Libanius's Progymnasmata. but the poet fuses epic and rhetoric. The importance of Alexander as a heroic figure in literature makes this into an exercise in paradox. Rufinus's criminal achievements are amplified to arouse pity and indignation (e. thou restorest. London: Heinemann. pp. thou stayest his hand. A striking example of a vituperatio. using the same τόποι/topoi to criticize rather than praise. 77 Of these. thou givest back to the poor. 79 Claudian. LCL. Works (trans. accendit proelia: vincis [Rufinus] threatens slaughter. 76 Hardie. 78 Cameron. provides the comparison which culminates in two lines of antitheses addressed to the hero: iugulare minatur: tu prohibes. . pp. M.75 Mart. is the figure of Alexander the Great at the beginning of the tenth book of Lucan's Bellum civile. 77 On the background see Cameron.g. 78 Rufinus's birth and upbringing are depicted as the work of the Furies. 255-56. he overthrows. TAPA 89 (1958). Rufinus. 336-47. sons are said to have been slaughtered before their father's eyes) (lines 176-256). AD 370-404) directed against the polidcal opponents of Stilicho: the eunuch Eutropius and the rebel praetorian prefect. T h e combat with Stilicho (himself compared to the heroes of mythology). 6:64 is a relatively long poem against another poet. pp. Translation from Claudian. Claudian and H. presenting the topoi within a narrative framework. used to depict a negative exemplum. 57. possibly Statius. L. eruit: instauras. inversely. presented as a struggle between virtue and vice. T h e most elaborate and sustained invectives in Latin poetry are the works of Claudian (ca. 243-51 (εγκώμιον/encomium of Thersites) and pp.

"Aristides and the Prose Hymn". Hymn to Sarapis. έπει πάρα μυρία ειπείν) and settles for the standard scheme of ancestry.POETRY AND RHETORIC 359 Claudian thus makes use of the licence to make gods consort with humans which Isocrates and later Aelius Aristides identified as one of the advantages of the poets. 202. such as the hymn and the epithalamium. 310-250 BC). first among the immortals as Ptolemy is first among men. pp. Epic eulogies of individuals are recorded from the end of the classical period and the patronage of the Hellenistic courts encouraged large and small-scale poetic έγκώμια/encomia™ Festivals and games provided the occasion for eulogies of cities. p. Pernot. 637. an encomium for Ptolemy. p. pp. 83 The seventeenth Idyll of Theocritus (ca. "Aristeides and the Prose Hymn" and "Rhetors at the Wedding". praise of his country and enumeration of his dominions and his wealth. The marriage customs of the Ptolemies allowed the poet to conclude with a graceful comparison of Ptolemy and Arsinoe. his sister and wife. with Zeus and 80 Isoc. 21. 87. Statius and the Silvae. It appears to be at about this time that poetic eulogy of cities disappeared and that orators began to adopt genres. in contrast with orators. 104-17. 15-30 and p. praise for his generosity and piety. Statins and the Silvae. (Evagoras) 9:9. 81 Hardie. Russell. VI. Since Pindar. . 83 Hardie. T h e poet expresses his inability to choose a starting place (τί πρώτον καταλέξω. 80 T h e combination of epideictic topoi with a supernatural epic framework allows him to expand his material to great effect. which had previously been the exclusive domain of poets. Statius and the Silvae. 82 Hardie. pp. p. The poem opens with a comparison with Zeus. poets had praised the deeds and families of famous men. which lacks the metre and the verbal and narrative licence of poetry. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 205 (1979). represents a fusion of rhetorical τόπον/topoi with epic language. Aristides. P O E T R Y AND E P I D E I C T I C RHETORIC Epideictic orators always recognized the primacy of poetry in the domain of praise: Isocrates begins the Evagoras (9:9-11) with a discussion of the difficulty of writing an έγκώμιον/encomium in prose. 20-21. La rhétorique de l'éloge.82 In the first century BC prose competitions in oratory were introduced into the festivals. see Russell.

claiming that simply having famous forebears is not sufficient for Messalla. much later than the vast majority of poems which could be compared to its precepts. the comparison with the precepts for the basilikos logos. 48-19 BC) elaborates on the theme of ancestry. dates from the fourth century AD. T h e case of Theocritus's poetic έγκώμιον/encomium illustrates some of the problems involved in assessing the relationship between poetry and epideictic rhetoric. rather than of poetic tradition. In a step towards the interaction of gods and men found in later epideictic poetry.360 RUTH WEBB Hera. for example. the poedc origin of several of the genres discussed by Menander makes it difficult to identify particular features as a sign of rhetorical influence. Menander Rhetor. Idyll 17 shows many correspondances to Menander Rhetor's instructions for the basilikos logos (βασιλικός λόγος) in its themes and some of the details of the treatment—the opening aporia for example and the inclusion of mythological parallels. In the case of poets of Menander's own time. such as Claudian.84 Other poedc εγκώμια/encomia make similar use of τόποι/topoi corresponding to Menander's prescriptions. 84 . O u r principal source for the latter. pp. Generic Composition. a scene evoked in an elaborate tableau (lines 118-34). Moreover. 105-108. The ending of the panegyric returns to the traditional domain of poetry with the poet's fanciful claim that even after his own metamorphosis he will continue to sing Messalla's praise. Another anonymous verse panegyric. 85 But such studies highlight the importance of an awareness of genre in general in ancient responses to poetry and underline the common ground shared by poets and rhetors. the author imagines Jupiter listening as Mesalla becomes consul. The detailed use of Menander's schemata in the interpretation of earlier poetry is therefore highly problematic. and amplifies the account of his achievements by the introduction of a mythological comparison with Nestor and Ulysses. serves to highlight the freedom with which the panegyric poet treated For a full analysis and comparison with Menander Rhetor's prescriptions see Cairns. 85 See note 9 above. The panegyric of Messalla included in the corpus of poems ascribed to Tibullus (ca. the Laus Pisonis probably dating to the middle of the first century AD confines mythological references to comparisons illustrating the subject's valour and eloquence.

89 Newmyer. Taisne. 115-28. in La Poesia Tardoantica: tra retorica. 86 Claudian's Panegyric on the Fourth Consulate of Honorius. Garzya. Newmyer.). merely a preparation for the descriptive passages which an 86 E. a problem which Claudian resolved by depicting Honorius as impatient to put his father's precepts into practice in a brief speech which interrupts his father's words (lines 352-69). can be compared to the rhetorical έκφράσεις/ekphraseis of buildings of which Lucian's The Hall is a particularly complex example. The Silvae of Statius: Structure and Theme (Leiden: Brill. pp. Panegyric on the Fourth Consulate of Honorius (trans. 87 In accordance with the young age of the subject. See Cameron. 87 See Claudian. the section on education and upbringing is expanded and dramatized by placing a long section of advice to Honorius in the mouth of his father. the descriptive poems of Statius. T. The account of the achievements of a young boy posed a challenge. Klasse. "Retorica e realtà nella poesia tardoantica". 88 See Hardie. 89 However.POETRY AND RHETORIC 361 his material. the school exercise itself was. Liverpool: Francis Cairns. S. need not depend directly on the school progymnasmata. 254 and A. The fragment of an unknown Greek poet of the same period who claims that he is following the rules of the έγκώμιον/ encomium closely is. uses various dramatic devices to present the topoi of praise. 10-44 and A. 27. teologia e politica (Messina: Centro di Studi Umanistici. in which εκφρασις/ekphrasis was practised as a free-standing description. His Silvae contain examples of epithalamia. pp.-M. 1981). As has been pointed out. and commentary W.-Hist. 1963). propemptika and monodies as well as other poems in praise of buildings or artifacts which can be paralled in Greek epideictic rhetoric. Colloque sur la rhétorique. the descriptions of villas such as that of Manilius Vopiscus in Silv. The poet thus combines the topoi of the basilikos logos with a dramatic presentation in which the main characters are both actors and addressees. for example. 2:2. Statius and the Silvae·. Barr. Theodosius (lines 214-418). 49. 1:3 or that of Pollius Felix in Silv. p. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. p. pp. to judge from the surviving works. an exception. 1984). 1. Heitsch. 39-40. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. in Chevallier (ed. Phil. fr. 88 Sib). which use description in the service of έγκώμιον /encomium. Die griechischen Dichtelfragmente der römischen Kaiserzeil (vol. Claudian. Several of the other types of epideictic speech discussed by Menander Rhetor have their verse equivalents in the occasional poetry of Statius. The Silvae of Statius. . 1979). "Stace et la rhétorique". 1:5 on the baths of Claudius Etruscus is comparable to Lucian's (more restrained) Hippias or the Bath. 21. in principle.

as mentioned by Menander. p. containing intense expressions of grief combined with complaints against the divine powers./epitaphios with its sections of encomium. . in Dionysius of Halicamassus. suggests that Menander may himself have drawn on poetic sources. locusts and dolphins (9:189-216). 91 Ps. the more private and intensely emotional μονωδία/monodia derived. 1992). 278. But the idea of adapting topoi from human to animal subjects also recalls the paradoxical encomia of the sophists. Indeed. recommends the description of temples or statues in the Sminthiac oration.-Dionysius includes all three under the heading έπιτάφιος/epitaphios.Rh. The Silvae of the Statius. 13. the poet moves from present desolation (1-65) to the past. 2:6. Menander recognizes three types of speech concerned with death: the formal.91 Although Sib. and the mock sepulchral epigrams of the Greek Anthology.-Ovidian Consolatio ad Liviam (1st century AD). such as the examples noted above or the Ps. 90 The Silvae contain several examples of lamentation for the dead. Statius's Silvae also include a parodie epicedion (2:4) addressed to a parrot. also on a parrot). for example. 93 See Ad Liviam de Morte Drusi (ed.93 O n a lighter note. H. as in Menander Rhetor's prescriptions (435) or in the parody of the τόποι/topoi of such speeches in Lucian Lud. also originally a poetic genre. and the speech of consolation or παραμυθητικός/ paramuthetikos. is entitled Epicedion (idendfied by Ps. This poem belongs to a tradition of poetic laments for animals such as Catullus (3). was 90 Men. 5:5. exactly as Statius does in these poems. public επιτάφιοc. written as if for the tombs of partridges. on the death of Statius's own adopted son.362 RUTH WEBB orator might interweave into a full-scale speech of any sort. 220-22. T h e incomplete state of the poem leaves open the question of whether Statius would have gone on to consider the future life which the boy might have led. On Statius's tides see Newmyer. the fact that Menander's comments on the μονωδία/monodia correspond so closely to sections of earlier Latin poetic lamentation. Groningen: Egbert Forsten. II. to praise of the dead boy (66-87).-Dionysius of Halicamassus. from a lament sung by one person.-Dionysius as a poetic version of the επιτάφιος/ epitaphios) this unfinished lament corresponds to Menander's prescriptions for the μονωδία/monodia?2 It is highly personal and dramatic. as its name suggests. 92 Ps. p. On Epideictic. Opuscula. such as Lucian's Encomium of the fly. T h e έπιθαλάμιος/epithalamium. Schoonhoven. p. 19. 14. Ovid (Am.

95 Men. entitled κατευναστικός/kateunastikos by Menander and έπιθαλάμιος/ epithalamios by Ps. 269. form a framework in themselves. 98-99. Opuscula. p. although both authors retain their poetic licence. "Tradition in the Epithalamium". Certain of these elements. AJP 51 (1930). the γαμήλιος/ gamelios or έπιθαλάμιος/epithalamios. pp. Silv. such as the exhortation to produce children. and consideration of their origins. arranging their compositions along narrative lines. T h e exhortation to marry is addressed to the bride by the goddess herself and it is she who pronounces the praise of both partners. the mythological passages. 20523 and Newmyer. 104—17. we see a dialogue of the gods in which Amor describes Stella's love for Violentilla and begs Venus to arrange the marriage. includes the description of the bride (lines 113-18) and the bridegroom's achievements (lines 170-81) ending with a prayer for the birth of children (lines 266-77). 96 T h e prescriptions include praise of the couple. 98 Thus 94 Hardie. pp. is more formal. 405. seem to show knowledge of textbook treatments. However. Statius and the Silvae. The Silvae of Statius. 111-15. 96 Ps. "Rhetors at the Wedding". . 399:11-405:14. Men. p. pp. 97 The έπιθαλάμια/ epithalamia of Statius and Claudian. Statius and the Silvae. discussion of the institution of marriage richly illustrated with examples drawn from mythology. In a reminiscence of epic. II. 97 See A. pp.-Dionysius. instead of being used as exempla subordinate to the main structure of the speech.-Dionysius. On Epideictic. perhaps as early as the first century BC. description of the surroundings and exhortations to live in harmony and to bear children. 1:2 on the marriage of Lucius Arruntius Stella and Violentilla. however. achievements and appearance. evocation of the setting. 29. 98 See Hardie.Rh. pp. On Epideictic in Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 260-66.POETRY AND RHETORIC 363 adopted by orators. and expanding the brief description of divinities into elaborate tableaux or scenes in which the gods interact with the human participants. a detail which is of course no indication of rhetorical influence. was delivered at the bridal chamber. T h e treatises by Menander Rhetor and Ps. are present in Catullus's wedding songs.94 But the orators created rules which in turn influenced poetic treatments. dwelling on the nature of marriage and the origins of the couple.Rh. Ps.-Dionysius treat this genre and both distinguish two types of wedding speech: the first. L.-Dionysius. Wheeler. rather than following topical treatments or developing arguments. their families. Russell. 95 while the other.

p. The Jeweled Style. the work of Paulinus of Nola (AD 353-431) contains examples of familiar genres—epithalamium. 99 . pp. pp. 122-47. composed in Sapphic metre for the wedding of Julian of Eclanum and Titia. Gualandri. Spoleto: Centra Italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo. pp.364 RUTH WEBB Statius fuses epideictic with epic. and in place of reference to future children. pp. weaving the topoi of the wedding speech into a mythological framework. 100 Cameron. Maria." Claudian's poetry retains the repertoire of classical mythology despite the fact that the persons concerned were Christian. T h e influence of rhetorical developments can perhaps be seen in the elaborate series of ekphraseis in which Venus and her abode are presented.) Poem 17 is a propemptikon in Sapphic metre addressed to the missionary bishop Nicetas which shares topoi with its classical prede- See Cameron. Rebecca provides a biblical exemplum for the bride (while the figure of Herodias's daughter. (This severely ascetic wedding poem appears to have had no immediate followers. propemptikon and consolatio—adapted to the Christian context. 102 Poem 25. the couple are exhorted to live as brother and sister. in Testa e immagine nell'alto medioevo (Setdmane di studio. Claudian. Roberts. is made to represent all that she should avoid). I. "Aspetti dell'ekphrasis in età tardo-andca". 194. other Christian poets adapted the familiar genres to the new requirements of their religion. Claudian followed Statius's use of mythological figures as major participants in the action in his Epithalamium for the emperor Honorius's wedding to Sdlicho's daughter. The traditional exhortation to live in harmony is couched in terms of Chrisdan doctrine. T h e poem develops into a drade against vain adornment worthy of Tertullian and in sharp contrast to the sensual descriptions of other epithalamia. pp. 308-309. "Latin Prose Panegyrics".101 In Latin. in 398. 271-72. 102 See MacCormack. "The Use of Myth in Latin Epithalamia". The importance of the bride's family is emphasized by the soldiers' song in which the bride's father takes centre stage and which provides a dynasdc background to the closing wish for the couple to produce children. 41. Paulinus is also known to have composed a prose panegyric on the emperor Theodosius. 170-71. Claudian. 100 In contrast. 101 See Roberts. 328-35. Salome. 1994). evokes the pagan deities and the trappings of non-Christian wedding celebrations only in order to dismiss them as unsuitable for the present occasion.

Paulinus adapts the consolatory genre to Christian doctrine. Camina (ed. 104 103 .Rh. which serves to See Cairns. Celsus. Paulinus's poems represent an adaptation of the techniques and structures of epideictic poetry to the demands of Christianity which is comparable to the Cappadocian Fathers' use of the prose epideictic of the Greek orators of the Roman period. 115-16. origins and achievements with passages of vivid narration. Gregono Nazianzeno (Milan: Università Cattolica di Milano. recounting his miraculous escapes from persecution and further enlivened by the poet's apostrophes to the persecutors and invectives against them. 106 On Gregory Nazianzus's poetry see M. The device. In particular. Generic Composition. and interspersed with praise for the Christian God. 17:21821: invii montes pnus et cruenti/nunc tegut versus monachos latrones/pads alumnos. G. R. including a passage on the resurrection of Christ in which the sceptical questions of an imaginary objector are addressed.POETRY AND RHETORIC 365 cessors.105 In poem 31. now it expresses his place "in excelsis". Ruether. Gregory of Nazianzus: Rhetor and Philosopher (Oxford: Clarendon Press. La poena di S. Cf. are again replaced by biblical equivalents. 399. Men. often lyrical. as in the scenes of martyrdom described in the Peristephanon. making them come alive before the eyes of the audience as in the rhetoricians' definition of ekphrasis. in this case Raphael and the Angels. 104 T h e mythological escorts mentioned by Menander. de Härtel. 105 Paulinus of Nola. Paulinus of Nola's poems (15 and 16) on Saint Felix combine encomiastic topoi of ancestry. Expressions of grief are mingled with joy at the thought that the boy is now in heaven. 1894). prompting a rather startling piece of word-play on the name Celsus ("elevated" or "noble"): previously the name was simply a sign of his family and origins. addressed to a couple who have lost their young son. Paulinus also weaves praise for Nicetas's achievements into this section by contrasting the former savagery of the regions with the peace brought by Nicetas's missionary activity. Vienna: F.103 The description of the sea and the countries through which his addressee will pass is extended. Pellegrino. Prudentius's poem on the martyrdom of Hippolytus presents the events as if they were depicted in a painting. But it is the poems of Prudentius which make the most striking use of such vivid narration. pp. such as Proteus and Glaucus. Tempsky. 1969). 1932) and R. 106 Among the techniques of rhetoric used to great effect by Christian poets and orators alike is the use of vivid description or narration to paint a word-picture of events.

71-94. 108 107 . E. 257-89.). Paris: Seuil.). pp. . Bowie. Antonine literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press. Perry. H. 1965).. "Greek Sophists and Greek Poetry in the Second Sophistic". in Chevallier (ed. AJP 104 (1983). The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire (BICS Supplement. L. AJP 87 (1966). and trans. 1949). 1976). Dupont-Roc and J. 1989). BIBLIOGRAPHY Ad Liviam de morte Drusi (ed. 1926). A. La poétique (trans.33:1 (1989). MA: Harvard University Press. Ahl. . Α. 3-93. Groningen: Egbert Forsten. 1989).. Aphthonius. Euphémie de Chalcèdoine (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes. 1988). Braund. in Philostratus's Imagines and. 1990). These works also show clearly how the techniques and genres developed by poets and orators throughout the preceding centuries could be adapted to the demands of Christian writers and audiences. 1980).. pp. TCS 17 (1961). but also the products of the poet's own rhetorical training and cultural background.. Leipzig: Teubner. "Sur un itinéraire ovidien de la 'declamation' à la 'recitatio'". both directly and indirectly transmitted through Lucan's poetry.. Cambridge. and commentary R. See F. LCL. "Greek Poetry in the Antonine Age". "Rhetoric and Reason in Lucretius". 'Juvenal and Quintilian". "Lucan and the Declamation Schools".. W. 165-66 and 185-86. F. "Poetry and Poets in Asia and Achaia". 1965). Burgess. C. H. in S. 1902). in the account of the martyrdom of St Euphemia by Asterius of Amaseia (late 4th century). 53-90. 1992).. pp. Babrius and Phaedrus. B. Bonner. Palmer. 55.. 209-58. T. . pp. Asmis.108 T h e poetry of Prudentius illustrates the complex range of models available to poets of his age. Walker and A. E.). Prudentius on the Martyrs (Oxford: Clarendon Press. Rabe. Fables (ed. S.107 The influence of declamation. may be detected in the vivid depictions of violence and torture in this and other poems of the Peristephanon. 36-66. later. Cameron (eds. E. M. Beyond Anger: A Study of Juvenal's Third Book of Satires (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ANRW 11. pp. 3. Russell (ed. See A. S. "Epideictic Literature" (Studies in Classical Philology. pp. Halkin. S. pp. Lallot. F. pp. Progymnasmata (ed. Arcellaschi. 198-205. Anderson. These included earlier poets. Colloque sur la rhétorique. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Schoonhoven. M. Roman Declamation in the Late Republic and Early Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press. in D. with their various degrees of rhetorical influence. Lucan: An Introduction (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. London: Institute of Classical Studies.366 RUTH WEBB underline and to signal the vividness of the account can be paralleled in Greek prose writers of the Second Sophistic. Aristode.

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Thus Plato tends to contrast rhetoric negatively as sophistic persuasion for personal gain rather than the purer pursuit of truth and knowledge through philosophy. in its narrower meaning. Burridge King's College. ρητορική. 1 . rhetoric applies to all forms of writing or speaking. rhetoric covers all that is involved in verbal communication including composition. A. Kennedy. The debate continued through the work of Cicero and Quintilian. it applies to those works specifically intended to persuade or convince an audience. A New Histoiy of Classical Rhetoric (Princeton: Princeton University Press. has been a matter of dispute and discussion since its inception. INTRODUCTION—RHETORIC. the "art of words". This distinction lies behind much of the debate about rhetoric from ancient times to today. 1994). or art. τέχνη λόγων. of public speaking. What is clear is that rhetoric had a tremendous influence through- For fuller discussion of the genre and examples of ancient biography. 1992). while Aristotle sought to explain and define it. B I O G R A P H Y AND GENRE1 T h e definition of rhetoric. O n the other hand.CHAPTER 11 BIOGRAPHY Richard A. In its broadest sense then. 453a2). England I. London. In a society like classical Athens. while the teaching of rhetoric formed a major part of ancient education. A. form and content. 2 it is first used in Plato's Gorgias to describe the technique. Socrates and Gorgias define rhetoric more narrowly as the "work of persuasion". In its broadest sense. Burridge. law courts. formal state occasions and so forth. 2 In his Chapter 1. 1. On the other hand. As Kennedy points out. πειθούς δημιουργός (Grg. p. 3 above. Isocrates has a much broader concept of rhetoric. style. was crucial. What Are the Gospels? A Comparison with Graeco-Roman Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. see also G. where public speaking was the main mode of communication in assemblies. see R. p.

which may not necessarily have had a particular intention to persuade. BURRIDGE out the whole of the Graeco-Roman world and culture. However. However. these oudines and rules are often disregarded. all the literary conventions and expectations which would have been used by the original authors and readers. text and reader. the genre of the whole. drawing up lists of writers. Horace wrote much on literary theory in his Ars Poetica and else3 See further. both the genre of particular passages or parts of a work and also. Equally. In literary terms. Thus genre is an important place to start for any discussion of rhetoric. it is essential that both sender and receiver use the same code. which are not obviously rhetorical in the strictest sense. will list the rules for each genre and the sorts of things each example should contain. When it actually comes to literary composition however. and often arranged by genre. like biography. T h e later rhetorical handbooks are similarly concerned with genre. Kennedy's Chapter 2 above on "The Genres of Rhetoric". Modern literary criticism makes use of Roman Jakobson's communication theory that all communication requires a sender. historians and so forth. A proper understanding of genre is necessary for communication to take place. It can be applied particularly to speeches and other texts intended to persuade an audience. the broader sense of rhetoric means that we can also use it to consider the argument and style. Modern rhetorical criticism is a means of analysing texts to discover. form and content of other texts. For communication to take place successfully. more importandy. a warning note must be sounded here about the relationship of rhetorical theory and literary practice. to interpret ancient texts we need to understand rhetoric in its broadest sense. message and receiver. For example. but certainly how the text affects readers. Classical authors sometimes discuss the genre and form of their work in a prologue or preface. something of the author's original intention. In other words. if possible. . orators. particularly the later ones. while rhetorical handbooks. namely. especially how it would have been heard by the original audience.372 RICHARD A. arranged by genre—poets (and the different types within this wider category). the Alexandrian grammarians were concerned for genre. Chief among these is genre: what is the nature of the literature under consideration? Aristode's concern for classification reflects the importance of genre. this means author. such as ancient biography. 3 This is especially so for those genres.

written in the fifth century AD. Thus Pelling concludes. Thus R. . genera ipsa lectionum. "Plutarch's Adaptation of His Source Material". he says that he is writing "lives" (βίους. 1:2). its subsequent development drew on other genres and its use of rhetoric depends on the particular situation of each Life. The classical period was one of great mixing and development of genres. whereas biography is interested in people's character. Pelling. nor its writers. particularly with works at the edges of one genre and influenced by 4 R. However. therefore. quotation from p. As we show below. K. 127-40. and some Lives fit Plutarch's theory better than others". Photius. K. the very term biographia does not appear until Damascius's "Life of Isidorus". R. JHS 100 (1980). and beware of modern concepts and understandings of the genre. "A writer's programmatic statements can sometimes be a poor guide to his work. but his poems (especially the most successful ones) reveal something quite different. In Plutarch's contrast with history (ιστορία). pp. HSCP 27 (1916). 4 Similarly. πράγμα βραχύ (Alex. Alex. quae praecipue convenire intendentibus ut oratoresfiantexistemem (Inst. often revealed by "little things". 10:1:45). closer attention to Plutarch's actual practice in the Parallel Lives. quotation from p. 1-65. 31. 5 C.BIOGRAPHY 373 where. There was a lot of interplay and overlap between genres. nor was it. Furthermore. So we shall use the term "life" to reflect this ancient preference for bios or vita. It was not a major genre recognized and dealt with by Aristotle. Hack's analysis shows that "the laws of the lyric genre upheld by Horace the critic are definitely annulled by Horace the poet". covered in the list of those genres useful for those wanting to become orators according to Quintilian. Hack. This would suggest ample opportunity for rhetorical influence in persuading the audience about the subject's character one way or another. but only preserved in the ninthcentury writer. his comments are better seen as explaining why he has to omit so much material about his great subject. 5 This is further compounded by the fact that biography was not discussed in rhetorical handbooks. In the case of Alexander. pp. Plutarch gives a famous introduction to his life of Alexander in which he contrasts biography with history: history is concerned with famous actions and great events. "The Doctrine of Literary Forms". 139. We should be cautious of using the term "biography". B. reveals that some of them are very historical and some quite rhetorical. particularly in the light of the influence of encomium upon biography. 1:1-3).

we first need to outline the development of ancient lives as a genre. Geiger. diaries and travelogues are brought together in the fourth century under the influence of both On the mixing and ovedap of genres. Momigliano. sayings. ch. A. influenced by both historiography and encomium. 7 For full accounts of the development of ancient biography.7 The interest in the heroes and bards of literary antiquity combined with speeches. 69-94. Metzler. Thus rhetoric in the narrower sense of persuasion was clearly vital to encomium. 9 of his Studien zum Verständnis der römischen Literatur (Stuttgart: J. BICS 18 (1971). Kroll. therefore. see further L. R. but in different ways. at least in arrangement and style of most bioi. "I Generi Letterari e Lo Loro Leggi Scritte e Non Scritte Nelle Letterature Classiche". II. Rhetoric in its broader sense would of course influence the language and style of the work. its form and structure. pp. 1956). While the primary purpose of bioi may not have been rhetorical in the strict sense of persuasion. political polemic. Rossi. Bios as a genre was influenced by a number of genera proxima. reprint of 1924 edn. 204-24. its content and style. Leo. but its form. Rhetoric was important to both of these latter. Since bios is a flexible genre. and then see how rhetoric affected their writing. but especially history and encomium. see F. content and structure are determined by wider concerns. religious discourse. The Development of Greek Biography (Cambridge.374 RICHARD A. B. A N O V E R V I E W O F THE LITERATURE The origins of ancient Greek biography are much disputed among classicists. A. "Die Kreuzung der Gattungen". 6 . we may expect to find rhetoric affecting it. 1964. and in specific rhetorical forms and patterns in those Lives which seek to persuade the reader to take a certain view of the subject. 1928). Epochs of Greek and Roman Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press. Dihle. MA: Harvard University Press. thus rhetoric would affect every part of an encomium. Die griechischrömische Biographie nach ihm literarischen Form (Leipzig: Teubner. Stuart. E. BURRIDGE another. pp. Studien zur griechischen Biographie (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1985).). 1971). D. In this study. 6 In assessing the importance of rhetoric for ancient Lives. such as philosophical writings. we need to remember the relationship of bios to neighbouring genres. and W. it is inevitable that there will be rhetorical influence. 1901). notably the speeches often included. J. Cornelius Nepos and Ancient Political Biography (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner. This may be true of certain parts of historiography. as oratory designed to persuade the audience of the praiseworthy nature of the subject. letters.

in his Agesilaus composed ca. but also includes more historical material in its content. which exists in a fragmentary state as P. bioi are also indebted to philosophy and historiography and reveal their influence in numerous examples. contrasting his work with both poetry and philosophy (Evagoras [9] 8). the third major influence on early bioi was that of philosophical schools. 1912). However. Sotion and Satyrus. However. This interest in the lives of philosophers continued into the third century. Biographical materials such as anecdotes. The Evagoras is one of three Cyprian Orations. At Alexandria. both in terms of style and content and in the purpose to persuade the audience to take a particular view of the subject. 8 Thus Greek biography grows out of rhetoric in its narrower sense and continues to be influenced by it. He wrote bioi of other philosophers also. some of which overlaps with Xenophon's historical work. Isocrates claims to be the first to praise someone in a prose encomium. as did many others in the philosophical schools over the following decades. taken from book 6 of his βίων αναγραφή. ανδρός άρετην δια λόγων έγκωμιάζειν. the Hellenica. As an account of Agesilaus.Oxy. namely an account of Socrates to show all his faults. but it was Aristoxenus. The first to follow this path was Xenophon. such as Clearchus and Dicaearchus of Messene. 360 BC. The origins of Roman biography also lie in various other forms Oxyrhynchus PapyH. He was a teacher of rhetoric and philosophy who also acted as a speech-writer. In addition to rhetoric and historiography. who wrote what is sometimes considered the first bios proper. under whom Xenophon had served. Hunt. pp. king of Sparta. S. IX (ed. A. A S a funeral eulogy about the dead king delivered in front of his son Nicocles. The earliest surviving example of a work actually called "bios" is Satyrus's account of Euripides. annoyed at not succeeding Aristode. it is clearly a piece of rhetoric. complemented by biographical works about Philip of Macedon and Alexander.BIOGRAPHY 375 philosophical individualism and rhetoric to produce the first examples of what appear to be bioi. composed 3 7 4 . it became very influential as a model for later bioi. the development of the libraries and the need for classifying literature led to collections of lives of philosophers and writers by people like Hermippus. it both follows the rhetoric of Isocrates in its basic form and structure. 1 1 7 6 .3 6 5 BC. stories and speeches abound in the work of both Plato and Aristode. 8 . 124-82. London: Egypt Exploration Fund.

Nero and Domitian the biographical subgenre of exitus illustnum virorum. 44 BC) provided 700 epigrams to accompany portraits of famous Romans. political biography grew at Rome. Throughout the first century AD. Plutarch fuses the Greek and Roman biographical. as a result he was ordered to commit suicide. became fashionable. with Cicero producing a panegyric in his honour and Caesar a reply. inscriptions and the funeral laudation also contributed biographical material. While the initial Greek intention may have been praise or blame through rhetoric. in which Tacitus defends the way he and Agricola and others functioned under the tyrant. often produced by a trusted slave-secretary. p. Varro's Imagines (ca. are written more 9 See Kennedy's account of this in Chapter 1.9 Suetonius's Lives of the Caesars (ca. Thrasea Paetus wrote a life of Cato as a protest under Nero. such as those by Tiro for Cicero. Concern for the ancestors and for tradition and precedent was basic to the Roman mind. σύγκρισις. rhetorical. Agricola. During the middle of the first century BC. He quickly became a symbol of Republicanism. one of his Parallel Lives. AD 98) of his father-in-law. 33 above. Under the oppressions of Tiberius. historical and philosophical traditions to set famous Greeks and Romans side by side with a formal rhetorical comparison. on the other hand. This is a good example of how rhetoric affects various ancient Lives differently.376 RICHARD A. while Nicolas of Damascus wrote a Life of Augustus. . the Anti-Cato. Tacitus's concern for rhetoric can be well illustrated from his own Dialogus de oratonbus. An alternative use of writing a life for political praise can be seen in Tacitus's vita (ca. BURRIDGE of literature. also contributed to the genre. AD 120). for the Romans the motive was exemplary—to emulate the exempta maiorum. at the end of the first century AD. and in particular that of the emperors. Plutarch used these lives without their rhetorical and polemical intent as sources for his Cato Minor. Rhetorical praise and blame can be seen in the development of literature about Cato. the accounts of individuals' patient suffering and death at the hands of the tyrant. Twenty two pairs still survive today. In the Parallel lives. Cato the Younger committed suicide at Utica in 46 BC when Julius Caesar was at the gates. However. governor of Britain under Domitian. Autobiographical memoirs. Cornelius Nepos produced the first collection of lives in his De Viris Illustnbus. Biography proper starts to appear towards the end of the Republic. Augustus composed his Res Gestae. Epitaphs.

It begins with Isocrates and the use of the encomium. Chapter 17 below. and thus rhetorical influence can be seen here too. this survey has made it clear that many bioi were written to persuade an audience to take a certain view of the 10 11 See the separate chapter on the Gospels. The structure of the work with Moses' life being discussed topically as king. T h e Gospels also have much in common with ancient bioi in their depictions of Jesus. See P. as well as rhetoric. Significant writers of bioi such as Plutarch. From this rapid overview. as is demonstrated elsewhere in this volume. Philosophical biography continues into the third century with the important compendium by Diogenes Laertius of the bioi of philosophers. We should expect to find rhetoric influencing both the form and the content of their works. his ability is clear from the formal rhetorical exercises in his corpus (such as The Tyrannicide) and the warm-up orations. Philosophical and religious biography also developed through this period. it is obvious that rhetoric in the narrower sense had a large and direct effect on the development of ancient bioi. 10 The most important second-century writer was Lucia