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241�From Kennedy 's Myth to Johnson 's Dream��.

"69 To this end Moynihan urged the


president�to avoid confrontations with black extremists and instead invest his�
liberal editorialists, activists, and academics responded in hor- J�ror, calling
the memo "shameful," "outrageous" and "cmel" on its�face. The reaction was
instmctive. Liberals had so thoroughly imbibed the assumptions�of the God-state
that to suggest the state�could, never mind should, tum its back on the chosen
people#for j�who could be more anointed than the poor black victims of slavery
J�and segregation?#was tantamount to saying that God had ceased�being God. When it
comes to the state, neglect could not be benign,�only malign. The state is love.�A
more practical irony of the transformation of American liberalism is that it
had�fallen into the pre-fascist logic of the Bismarckian�welfare state. Bismarck
had pioneered the concept of liberalism�without liberty. In exchange for lavish
trinkets from an all-powerful�state. Bismarck bousht off the forces of democratic
revolution.�Reform without democracy empowered the bureaucratic state
while�keeping the public satisfied. Blacks in particular married their interests
to the�state and its righteous representatives. thp n^mr^rfltip�y. Blacks and the
Democrats meet each othftr sprvipR for service,�and so ingrained is this
relationship that many liberal black intellectuals consider�opposition to the
Democratic Party to be, quite liter- j�ally, a form of racism. Liberais also
entered a Bismarckian bargain ^�with the courts. Facing mounting disappointments
in the democratic�arena, liberals made peace with top-down liberalism from
activist�judges. Today liberalism depends almost entirely on "enlightened"�judges
who use Wilson's living Constitution to defy popular will in�the name of
progress.�JFK Jr. was being depicted as "a kind of a secular messiah who would,
had he lived,�[have] rescued civilization from all its terrible
problems."71�Today, to deny JFK's status as the martyr to what might have been�is
to deny the hope of liberalism itself. For more than a generation,�liberal
politics in America has been Dremi.sed on the politics of a�ghost. The Jack
Kennedy whom liberals remember never existed.�But the Kennedy myth represents not
a man but a moment#a moment when liberals hoped�to bring about the kingdom of
heaven on�earth. The times were not as propitious as liberals remember#after�^hat;
matters is that the people believe the myth and therefore pursue it.
Liberals�believed for a "brief shining moment" that�they could bring about their
kingdom ofheaven, their Camelot. Ever�since, they have yeamed to re-create that
moment. Looked at from�at. Looked at from�outside, the myth appears to be little
more than power worship. i-�ui�A more practical irony of the transformation of
American liberalism is that it had fallen into the pre-fascist logic of the
Bismarckian�welfare state. Bismarck had pioneered the concept of
liberalism�without liberty. In exchange for lavish trinkets from an all-
powerful�state, Bismarck bought off the forces of democratic revolution.�Reform
without democracy empowered the bureaucratic state while�keeping the public
satisfied. Blacks in particular married their interests to the state and its
righteous representatives, the Democratic�Party. Blacks and the Democrats meet
each other service for service,�and so ingrained is this relationship that many
liberal black intellectuals consider opposition to the Democratic Party to be,
quite literally, a form of racism. Liberals also entered a
Bismarckian�bargain�with the courts. Facing mounting disappointments in the
democratic�arena, liberals made peace with top-down liberalism from
activist�judges. Today liberalism depends almost entirely on "enlightened"�judges
who use Wilson's living Constitution to defy popular will in�the name of
progress.�All of this is traceable back to the Kennedy assassination, in�which a
deranged communist martyred a progressive icon. In 1983,�Today, to deny JFK's
status as the martyr to what might have been�is to deny the hope of liberalism
itself. For more than a generation,�liberal politics in America has been premised
on the politics of a�gnost. The Jack Kennedy whom liberals remember never
existed.�But the Kennedy myth represents not a man but a moment#a moment when
liberals hoped to bring about the kingdom of heaven�on�earth. The times were not
as propitious as liberals remember#after�all it was only Kennedy's death, not his
life, that tmly rallied�Americans around "Kennedyism" in huge numbers. But that's
not�the point. What matters is that the people believe the myth and therefore
pursue it. Liberals believed for a "brief shining moment" that�they could bring
about their kingdom of heaven, their Camelot. Ever�since, they have yeamed to re-
create that moment. Looked at from�from within, it is gospel. Meanwhile, it's
telling that Democrats wish�to preserve the substance of the Great Society while
maintaining the�mythology of Camelot. Every Democrat says he wants to be
JFK�7�Liberal Racism:�The Eugenic Ghost�in the Fascist Machine�HERE IS N0 issue on
which modem liberals consider themselves more thoroughly enlightened than that of
race. And�there is no contentious topic where they are quicker to insist that dis-