Still in the minor leagues: A comparison of women’s sports coverage in female- and male-edited newspaper sports sections

Tracy Everbach
This study compares coverage of women’s sports in major metropolitan daily newspapers that serve the same market. In 2006, the two markets, Dallas-Fort Worth and Seattle, each had a newspaper with a sports section led by a female editor and a sports section headed by a male editor. A content analysis of two weeks of sports coverage revealed coverage in the female-edited newspapers did not differ significantly from those with male editors. All the sports sections were heavily dominated by men’s sports content. This indicates that female editors’ influence did not produce a significant increase in women’s sports coverage.

A

woman snowboarder soars through a blue sky with long, blond hair flying behind her. The huge image of Hannah Teter, gold medalist at the 2006 Winter Olympics, consumed one-third of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer sports section front on February 14, 2006. But on most days, prominent images of women are hard to find in American sports pages. Despite women’s advances in the journalism and athletic worlds, the sports pages remain newspapers’ most male-dominated sections in both content and staff composition. In June 2006, the Associated Press Sports Editors, the premier organization for United States newspaper sports section editors, reported 95 percent of sports editors were male. Ninety percent of them were white males (Lapchick, Brenden and Wright, 2006). Despite the homogeneity of sports staff members, the percentage of female sportswriters, editors and other sports section employees increased since the 1990s from six percent to 13 percent. Few women have advanced to management positions (Etling, original publication date unknown). In 2006, only 15 women in the United States headed newspaper sports departments, composing slightly less than five percent of sports editors (Lapchick, et al., 2006). This study provides a rare opportunity for comparing women’s sports coverage. In 2006, two large metropolitan daily newspapers in two separate U.S. media markets had sports editors of opposite sexes. This research compares sports sections headed by female sports editors with sports sections led by male editors. It asks the research question: Tracy Everbach is a professor at the University of North Texas Department of Journalism and Mayborn Institute of Graduate Studies. This manuscript won an honorable mention at the Southwest Symposium of the Southwest Education Council for Journalism and Mass Communication in October 2007.
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RQ: How do newspaper sports sections headed by female editors differ in women’s sports coverage from those led by male editors? Review of the literature The lack of female managers and employees in newspaper sports departments may account for a dearth of sports coverage about women. Previous research shows a vast male dominance of sports coverage. For example, a 2005 report by the Project for Excellence in Journalism examined 2,100 stories from various newspapers and found only three percent focused on women’s sports teams and five percent featured individual women. The results spurred the authors to conclude: “It appears individual women as well as female teams are still relatively marginal in the world of newspaper sports reporting” (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2005, p. 8). Some feminists, journalists and scholars maintain that if more women held leadership positions at newspapers, they would produce more content about women (Nicholson, 2007; Shoemaker and Reese, 1996). Some speculate that increased media coverage of women’s athletics would create more interest, and therefore more acceptance and popularity (Hardin, 2005). Another argument is that female sports journalists would cover more women’s sports than male sports journalists (Theberge and Cronk, 1994). However, in a study of a newspaper with an all-female management team, the sports section overwhelmingly featured news about men and male sports (a male editor headed the section). The same newspaper, The Sarasota (Fla.) HeraldTribune, also had no female sportswriters. One of the top editors at the newspaper reported the sports section remained separate from the rest of the newspaper with little influence from the female management team (Everbach, 2005). Another study found that in coverage of the 2004 Olympics, female sports journalists actually quoted higher numbers of male sources than male sports journalists did (Denham and Cook, 2006). In a 2005 study, Hardin and Shain concluded that increasing numbers of female journalists will not increase women’s sports coverage. While a majority of female sports journalists thought women’s sports should receive more coverage, they did not think they could make a difference. Hardin and Shain also found that women who worked in sports media accepted the patriarchal values of their departments and became discouraged from long-term careers. Most women sportswriters stay in their careers fewer than 10 years (Etling, 2002). A 1998 survey of 50 Associated Press Sports Editors-affiliated newspapers showed the majority did not have women older than 40 on staff (Etling, 2002). Still, the Hardin and Shain study showed most women working in sports journalism were satisfied with their jobs, despite facing gender discrimination and sometimes, harassment. Most women who left sports media jobs did so because of demands on their personal lives and/or lack of career advancement opportunities. A 2003 study showed similar results: Women who worked in newspaper sports sections were satisfied with their work, but dissatisfied with their opportunities for advancement (Smucker, Whisenant and Pedersen, 2003). A 1995 survey of Association of Women in Sports Media members revealed women sports depart56
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ment employees thought their female peers did not receive equal opportunities to male employees. However, three-quarters said they were satisfied with their jobs (Miller and Miller, 1995). Another 2005 study showed that most female sports journalists reported they enjoyed their work although they faced discrimination and unequal treatment from male journalists (Miloch, Pedersen, Smucker and Whisenant, 2005). Coverage based on male standards. Hardin asked in 2005 whether newspaper sports editors and other mostly male gatekeepers were shaping coverage based on their own values or on reader interest. She found that editors paid little attention to readers and assumed their own judgment, “driven, at least in part, by personal beliefs and hegemonic ideology about women’s sports,” was superior to that of the audience (Hardin, 2005, p. 72). Nationally, women make up 29 percent of sports section readers but most editors were unaware that many women read their sections, Hardin found. Therefore, by ignoring coverage of women’s sports, editors could be ignoring the interests of established readers as well as potential readers. Conventional news judgment dictates that women’s athletics are not as newsworthy as men’s athletics. Research by Creedon and Becker in the late 1980s and early 1990s showed “audiences perceive women’s sports as inferior and less exciting” (Creedon, 1994, p. 13). Journalism news values assume men’s sports are the norm and women’s sports are atypical. For example, in coverage of high school and college sports played by both sexes, many newspapers cover men’s and boys’ sports as if they were the “main” athletic events and women’s and girls’ sports as secondary. Because men make most of the decisions on newsworthiness, women’s and girls’ sports often are trivialized, relegated to back pages and briefs (Cramer, 1994). As a 1986 study of a newspaper sports department showed, men receive more sports coverage than women in part because institutional standards allow more media access and coverage to male athletes (Thebarge and Cronk, 1994). The news process also contributes to the marginalization of women’s sports. For example, the reporter beat system often excludes women’s athletics; much of sports coverage involves agate, the small-type results and statistics that consume sports newspaper pages and leave little room for stories considered outside the norm. Few women work in sports departments (Cramer, 1994; Thebarge and Cronk, 1994). Sportswriters usually aim to land the most prestigious beats, which at most newspapers are men’s professional football, basketball and baseball (and sometimes hockey). Covering women’s sports is far down the line in terms of career advancement (Cramer, 1994). Reporters also follow each other in terms of what to cover. The reporter “pack mentality” (Shoemaker and Reese, 1996) dictates that men’s sports are more important than women’s sports. Increased participation has not equaled more coverage. Women’s sports participation has increased in the three decades since Title IX, the 1972 federal law that prohibited sex discrimination in federally funded, school or university based sports programs, provided girls and women more opportunities to play (U.S. Department of Labor, 2007). The Women’s Sports Foundation (2007) reports girls ages six to 17 currently compose 44 percent of all organized sports team members. Girls and women make up more than 41 percent of high school athletes
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and 43 percent of college athletes. Women compose a majority of health and fitness club members and more than half of all tennis players, bowlers, inline skaters and hikers. Prominent professional women’s sports include the Women’s National Basketball Association, Ladies Professional Golf Association, at least two national women’s professional football leagues, tennis and soccer (Creedon and Smith, 2007). Some women have broken barriers in men’s sports, such as golfer Annika Sorenstam, who competed in the opening round of the 2003 PGA Tour’s Colonial Invitational tournament, and auto racer Danica Patrick, who competes in the mostly male IndyCar series (Longman, 2003). The attendance at women’s sporting events does not come close to the millions of spectators who attend men’s professional games. The average attendance of one National Football League game in 2005-2006 was 67,593; Major League Baseball game 27,677; National Basketball Association 17,050; National Hockey League 16,533 (Plunkett Research, Ltd., 2007). In contrast, attendance for WNBA games in 2005 averaged about 8,000 per game (Miller, 2006). However, some individual women’s sporting events draw large crowds. For example, the U.S. Women’s Open golf tournament regularly draws more than 100,000 spectators over a four-day event (U.S. Women’s Open, 2007). The Wimbledon women’s tennis championship and Olympic women’s figure skating also draw hundreds of thousands of spectators over several days of competition. However, these are individual sporting events rather than team sports. The U.S. sports industry generated $390 billion in 2006 (Plunkett Research, Ltd., 2007). Women’s sports earn a small portion of annual sports industry revenues on the professional and collegiate level (Salter, 1996). The bottom line is of utmost significance, as Creedon and Smith note: “It’s all about the money” (p. 156). They and other scholars contend that coverage of women’s sports will not increase without major reforms because sports is a business and women’s sports do not haul in cash for media organizations (Chambers, Steiner and Fleming, 2004; Creedon and Smith, 2007). One possible exception is the Olympic Games, during which women’s sports often receive significant coverage. The international competition is more commercial than any other forum for women’s sports (Thebarge and Cronk, 1994). In fact, one study showed that in the 1984 Olympics, women received about 40 percent of the games’ coverage in the Los Angeles Times and New York Times (Guttmann, 1991). Women’s sports are competing for coverage in a society that overwhelmingly values men’s sports. Women are underrepresented and marginalized in newspaper sports sections, leading to their “symbolic annihilation” in print and online (Creedon and Smith, 2007). Sports editors and writers often assume women do not read sports sections and readers are not interested in women’s sports, so they ignore or trivialize coverage. Female sports editors could bring a feminist standpoint to coverage of women’s sports and influence the types of and numbers of stories about women (Donovan, 1992). But female editors also could repeat the inculcated news values dictating men’s sports are more important.

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Methodology This study compared two female-edited U.S. newspaper sports sections in large media markets with two male-edited newspapers of similar size in the same markets. Sports sections from 2006 were analyzed. Of the four newspapers, two were in the Dallas-Fort Worth area and two were in Seattle: The Fort Worth Star-Telegram, sports editor Celeste Williams, and The Dallas Morning News, sports editor Bob Yates. The Seattle Times, sports section headed by Cathy Henkel, and the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, sports editor Ron Matthews; The Dallas Morning News’ circulation is 411,919 daily and 563,079 Sunday (PR Newswire, 2007) while the Fort Worth Star-Telegram’s is 237,318 daily and 332,861 Sunday (The McClatchy Company, 2007). The Seattle Post Intelligencer’s circulation is 128,012 daily and The Seattle Times’ is 219,722 (Puget Sound Business Journal, 2007). The Seattle newspapers have a joint operating agreement and publish only one newspaper on Sunday, circulation 423,635 (Puget Sound Business Journal, 2007). The content for the Sunday newspaper is supplied by the Times under a joint operating agreement. Therefore, Sunday papers were not used in the Seattle newspaper comparison. A randomly constructed, or composite, week and a specifically chosen week were obtained for each newspaper sports section. The composite week represented an average week in the newspaper’s publishing cycle. The chosen week was February 12-18, 2006, during the 2006 Winter Olympic Games in Torino, Italy. In previous studies, the Olympic Games have featured a higher percentage of coverage about women’s sports than other athletic events (Guttmann, 1991). The randomly chosen dates for the composite week were Sunday, October 29, 2006; Monday, March 27, 2006; Tuesday, August 1, 2006; Wednesday, January 18, 2006; Thursday, January 26, 2006; Friday, June 16, 2006; and Saturday, June 24, 2006. Conducting a content analysis on sports sections is somewhat different from other newspaper sections because of the large amount of agate (small type that displays results, box scores and statistics) and a tendency by sports journalists to publish more snippets of information such as briefs, notes and roundups. Because of this, the content was divided into two categories. Category I consisted of longer pieces, including game stories, features, profiles and other non-opinion articles; columns or opinion articles; and notes or roundups about one event, game, individual or team. Category II consisted of shorter items, including briefs, roundups and notes about different events or athletes. Stories were analyzed on whether the main topic was women’s sports. In Category I, each story about women’s sports received one credit. Stories that combined information about both men’s and women’s sports, or sports in which women and men participate together; e.g., pairs figure skating, curling, marathon running, received a half credit. A few stories were about neither women’s nor men’s sports; e.g. horse racing, hunting, fishing, and were counted among stories not about women’s sports. In Category II, each brief or note about women’s sports received one credit.
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TABLE 1 Percentages of Text About Women’s Sports by Newspaper Composite week Stories about women’s sports The Dallas Morning News (Male sports editor) Fort Worth Star-Telegram (Female sports editor) Seattle Post-Intelligencer (Male sports editor) The Seattle Times (Female sports editor)
9 percent 12.7 percent 12.9 percent 18.4 percent

Olympic Games week Stories about women’s sports
24 percent 25.2 percent 28.8 percent 30 percent

Items about sports featuring both men and women received a half credit. In tallying the totals, both the main sports sections as well as special sports sections were analyzed. Special sections, which appeared only in the Dallas-Fort Worth papers, included the Star-Telegram’s Olympic Games section and the Morning News’ NBA Finals and college football sections. The results were totaled and percentages of women’s sports content calculated. A chi square test determined whether results were statistically significant. An analysis of the types of stories and visual images involving women also was conducted. This analysis determined types of coverage women’s sports received in each newspaper. The text and photos in each newspaper sports section were examined to determine patterns and themes tied to concepts identified in the literature review. Results All four newspapers, including those with female sports editors, carried a low percentage of women’s sports stories. During the composite week, 9 percent of stories or briefs in The Dallas Morning News were about women. In the Fort Worth Star-Telegram 12.7 percent of the stories or briefs concerned women. In the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 12.9 percent of the stories in the composite week were about women and in The Seattle Times, 18.4 percent of the composite week TABLE 2 Dallas-Fort Worth Newspaper Text During Randomly Constructed Week Stories not about women’s sports Paper with male editor The Dallas Morning News Paper with female editor Fort Worth Star-Telegram TOTAL P value=.1302 60
Southwestern Mass Communication Journal Spring 2008 295.5 297.5 593

Stories about women’s sports
29.5 43.5 73

TOTAL
325 341 666

TABLE 3 Dallas-Fort Worth Newspaper Text During Olympic Games Week Stories not about women’s sports Paper with male editor The Dallas Morning News Paper with female editor Fort Worth Star-Telegram TOTAL P value=.6476 stories focused on women (Table 1). Although the results appear to indicate the female-edited newspapers ran slightly higher percentages of text about women, Chi square tests showed none of these numbers was statistically significant (Tables 2 and 3). For the Olympic Games week, a much higher percentage of text in all the papers focused on women’s sports than in the composite week. Twenty-four percent of the stories or briefs in The Dallas Morning News were about women, while 25.2 percent of the stories in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram focused on women’s sports. In the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 28.8 percent of Olympics stories were about women and in The Seattle Times, 30 percent of Olympics stories focused on women (Table 1). Again, Chi square tests showed the differences between female- and male-edited sports sections were not statistically significant (Tables 4 and 5). Analysis of text and visual images. The majority of text about women in all four newspaper sports sections consisted of one- or two-sentence briefs and other short items. Few complete stories concerned women’s sports. Women were even scarcer on the front pages of the sports sections. During the composite weeks, sports section front-page stories about women were either nonexistent or could be counted on one hand. In The Dallas Morning News, no stories about women’s sports appeared on the sports section cover during the composite week. One visual image, a small photo next to the sports section masthead on January 18, featured a woman: tennis player Lindsay Davenport serving a ball as she defeated Karolina Sprem in the TABLE 4 Seattle Newspaper Text During Randomly Constructed Week Stories not about women’s sports Paper with male editor Seattle Post-Intelligencer Paper with female editor The Seattle Times TOTAL P value=.0897
A Comparison of Women’s Sports Coverage in Female and Male Edited Newspaper Sections 189 250.5 439.5 290.5 427.5 718

Stories about women’s sports
91.5 144.5 236

TOTAL
382 572 954

Stories about women’s sports
28 56.5 84.5

TOTAL
217 307 524

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TABLE 5 Seattle Newspaper Text During Olympic Games Week Stories not about women’s sports Paper with male editor Seattle Post-Intelligencer Paper with female editor The Seattle Times TOTAL P value=.1529 second round of the Australian Open. In the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, the sports section cover also featured no stories about women during the composite week. Two small images of women appeared on the section front: a January 18 photo of tennis player Davenport (but a different photo than the Morning News ran) and a January 26 photo of tennis player Justine Henin-Hardenne, who advanced to the Australian Open finals. The Seattle newspapers featured more text and images about women than Dallas-Fort Worth papers during the composite week. The Post-Intelligencer ran three cover stories about women or women’s sports. Two focused on Seattle’s WNBA team, the Storm: a June 24 game story about the team’s victory over San Antonio and an August 1 summary of the team’s season. The third, on June 24, was a centerpiece column about a woman who clocks horse races at a local track. Visual images of women on the P-I sports cover included a small shot of HeninHardenne wielding a backhand shot in the Australian Open. Three photos of women appeared on the P-I June 24 section front: a large image of Joanie Hutchison, the racetrack clocker; a Storm game shot of players Barbara Turner, Shaunzinski Gortman and Janell Burse reacting to a referee’s call; and an image of runner Marion Jones, who won the 100-meter race at the national track championship. Only one Seattle Times section front story featured women’s sports during the composite week, a June 24 Storm game recount. Visual images of women on the Times sports section front included a June 24 shot of Storm forward Lauren Jackson shooting against San Antonio Silver Stars defender Katie Feenstra and, on the same day, two cutout images of female athletes: Marion Jones and Storm player Iziane Castro Marquez. During the Olympic Games week, all four newspapers featured more stories and visuals about women on sports section covers. The Dallas Morning News’ SportsDay featured four stories about women’s sports during the week. Two were section front columns by Cathy Harasta about skater Michelle Kwan, although they focused on Kwan’s poor performance because of an injury. Two section front stories covered women’s snowboarding, one about gold medalist Hannah Teter and another about Lindsey Jacobellis’ hot dog move that caused her to fall and lose the gold medal. Visual images on the Morning News sports cover included a photo of Kwan tumbling; Teter riding her snowboard; eighth-place finisher Lindsey Kildow, a skier, frowning; and Jacobellis wiping out while opponent Tanja 62
Southwestern Mass Communication Journal Spring 2008 183.5 319 502.5

Stories about women’s sports
60.5 136 196.5

TOTAL
244 455 699

Frieden of Switzerland celebrated. Harasta’s column mug shot also appeared twice on the section front. The Fort Worth Star-Telegram ran special Olympic Games sections during the week. The regular sports section carried one cover profile on a female athlete. The centerpiece featured a gigantic photograph of North Crowley High School’s Brittainey Raven, identified as one of Texas’ all-time leading girls’ basketball scorers. On the special Olympic Games section covers, briefs composed most of the women’s sports coverage. Four stories focused on women’s sports: a column about Kwan’s poor performance, a column about figure skater Sasha Cohen’s potential, a piece on Teter’s gold medal, and a column about Jacobellis’ snowboarding loss. Visual images included a head shot of Kwan looking serious; a smaller Kwan headshot after she pulled out; a dominant photograph of Teter snowboarding; a small headshot of Cohen, dubbing her “America’s next figure skating instant sweetheart;” a small headshot of Jacobellis; and a centerpiece shot of Frieden defeating Jacobellis. During the Olympic Games week, the Seattle Post-Intelligencer ran six women’s sports stories on its sports section front as well as one about both men’s and women’s ice skating. The latter was a column about the United States team’s failures after Kwan dropped out and speed skater Apolo Anton Ohno was disqualified from a race. The other stories included an analysis of Kwan’s effects on Olympics television coverage, a piece on Teter’s snowboarding win, a column lamenting Kwan’s Olympic performance, and a follow-up to skier Kildow’s disastrous performance. Three women’s sports stories ran on the cover in one day, February 18. They were a piece about Sweden defeating the U.S. in the women’s hockey championship, a column supporting girls who competed against boys in the Washington state wrestling championship, and a story on a high school girls basketball team that violated state rules. Visual images in the P-I during the Olympic week included a head shot of Kwan; a centerpiece photo of Teter on her snowboard; a small shot of two high school girl basketball players, one on the team accused of rule violations; and a three-photograph sequence of Jacobellis crashing. The Seattle Times also ran six women’s sports stories on its sports section front during the Olympic Games week. A seventh story focused on pairs figure skating. The six stories were: a column about Kwan, a story about Teter’s gold medal and snowboarder Gretchen Bleiler’s silver, a piece on Kildow’s crash, a feature on a female high school wrestler competing against boys in the state championship, a column about Sweden’s defeat of the U.S. women’s hockey team, and a mention of Jacobellis’ fall. Visual images of women on the Times sports section cover included a centerpiece photo of Kwan; a centerpiece action shot of Teter; a smaller shot of U.S. hockey forward Krissy Wendell; a headshot of Kildow; a photo of high school wrestler Whitney Conder after winning a match; a photo of male ice skater Johnny Weir watching scores with two female coaches; a centerpiece action shot of a Swedish hockey player celebrating after beating the U.S.; and a four-photograph sequence of Jacobellis biting the dust. Discussion In the cases of these newspapers, the sports sections headed by female editors
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covered women’s sports essentially the same way as those with male editors; that is, not very much. Women rarely appeared on the sports section fronts of any of the four papers. Most text about women consisted of short items, briefs or mentions in sports roundups. Although the sex of editors did not appear to make a difference in coverage, the paper’s home location did influence content. The Seattle newspapers covered more sports news involving women than the Dallas-Fort Worth papers. A factor in the Seattle coverage was its WNBA team, the Storm. Dallas-Fort Worth has no WNBA team. However, during the Olympic week, both Seattle papers carried more women’s sports stories than the Dallas-Fort Worth papers. The regional differences could indicate a response by the sports staff to audience demands and/or a difference in area perceptions of sports news. All four newspapers had much more coverage of women during the Olympics than the composite week, bolstering the findings of previous studies. The Olympic Games generally are the area of sports where women receive most coverage, probably because the competitors are amateurs. Overall, male professional sports, including NFL football, NBA basketball and Major League baseball, dominate newspaper sports coverage. Women’s athletics usually are covered as an afterthought: a brief or high school sports story thrown in a roundup on the back pages of the newspaper, or a small photo on the cover teasing to a story inside. Female athletes rarely graced the section fronts of any of the papers. Even during the Olympics, male athletes dominated the section fronts. Even when women appeared on sports section fronts, they were not always recognizable as women. For example, some of the Olympic snowboarders wore protective helmets and other gear and only could be identified as women by photo cutlines. Other female athletes were featured in a negative light, such as Kwan, who was shown near tears after dropping out of the competition; Jacobellis, who ruined her chance at the gold; and Kildow, who wiped out on the ski slopes. However, some of these portrayals can be attributed to American female athletes’ less-than-winning Olympic performances. If the women had performed better at the Torino games, they might have received more favorable newspaper coverage. Conclusion and recommendations Instead of bringing a distinctly female standpoint to the sports sections they edited, the female editors at these newspapers appeared to reflect the prevailing norms and values established by male sports journalists. These values dictate that men’s sports are more important and interesting than women’s sports. Therefore stories about and visual images of male athletes monopolize sports sections. This study indicates that no matter which sex is in charge of a sports section, women’s sports still take a backseat to men’s in American newspapers. In the cases of these newspapers, male-dominated news values appear strongly ingrained in sportswriters, editors, designers and photographers. The findings represent a lost opportunity. Especially in times of declining newspaper circulation, ignoring readers or potential readers is an unwise strategy. The Internet has great potential for newspapers to attract readers and build audiences interested in women’s sports. Because the Internet offers more space 64
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than the printed newspaper and the ability to target content to specific interests, newspaper Web sites could reach larger, more diverse audiences through women’s sports coverage. Though the speculation that female editors could change content did not bear out in this study beyond slight percentage differences, it should be noted the female sports editors were working with primarily male staffs. A critical mass of female sportswriters and editors could inspire more coverage of women. However, it does not appear likely that the percentage of women working in newspaper sports sections will increase greatly anytime soon. The number of female sports section editors remains minuscule and the percentage of female sports employees remains low. A culture shift could propel women’s sports into the major leagues. But unless that unlikely change occurs, women’s sports will continue to languish in the minors, no matter the sex of the sports editor. References Bergin, M. (2006, August 1). Just like old times as Storm routs Stars. Seattle PostIntelligencer, p. D1. Bergin, M. (2006, August 1). Hit the road? Storm happy to. Seattle Post-Intelligencer, p. D1. Bishop, G. (2006, February 14). Atop the mountain. Seattle Times, p. D1. Bishop, G. (2006, February 16). Kildow returns to scene of crash. Seattle Times, p. D1. Bishop, G. (2006, February 18). ‘Snowboating’ costs her gold. Seattle Times, p. D1. Blount, R. (2006, February 18). Swedes perform own miracle on ice, deny U.S. women shot at hockey gold. Seattle Post-Intelligencer, p. D1. Chambers, D., Steiner, L. & Fleming, C. (2004). Women and Journalism. London and New York: Routledge, 2004. Cramer, J.A. (1994). Conversations with women sports journalists. In P.J. Creedon (Ed.), Women, Media and Sport: Challenging Gender Values. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Creedon, P.J. (Ed.). (1994). Women, Media and Sport: Challenging Gender Values. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Creedon, P. J. & Cramer, J. (Eds.). (2007). Women in Mass Communication (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Creedon, P.J. & Smith, R.M. (2007). Women journalists in toyland and in the locker room: It’s all about the money. In P. J. Creedon and J. Cramer (Eds.), Women in Mass Communication (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Dahlberg, T. (2006, February 14). Kwan’s withdrawal, U.S. failures chill NBC. Seattle Post-Intelligencer, p. D1. Denham, B.E. & Cook, A.L. (2006, spring). Byline gender and news source selections: Coverage of the 2004 summer Olympics. Journal of Sports Media 1(1), 1-17. Donovan, J. (1992). Feminist Theory: The Intellectual Traditions of American Feminism. New York: Continuum. Etling, L. Original publication date unknown. Missing in Management. Women’s
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