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KOER SINGH AND HIS HISTORY OF THE TENTH KING1 Gurtej Singh By not succumbing to fashionable dictates of modesty,

and by providing a few autobiographical details, Koer Singh pays a tribute to his own historical sence. An important portion of his Gurbilas Patshahi Das, the first historical work of its kind, is influenced by Bhai Mani Singh's sermons and interpretation of history. He has mentioned that he started writing after his relief from service, in all probability administrative service.2 His statement that he took Sikh baptism at a letter stage and was a `Sikh only in name',3 must be regarded as a candid confession in the context of the nature of the present work as well as his life of employment. Veiled references to his earlier names, Srikant Hari and Bishan Hari,4 point out that before his conversion under the influence of Bhaia Mani Singh, his name was Bishan Chand and that he was perhaps a devout Vaishnava.5 Significantly, the earlier name is used in the earlier portion of the book, and at the end he calls himself Koer Singh Kalal. He has given 1751 AD as the date of completion of his work.6 Admission of his debt to Bhai Mani Singh, whose discourses, he generally claims to be merely summarising,7 except in relation to creation of Khalsa where he claims to be repeating them in detail,8 should not blind us to the obvious fact that this is not his only source of information. Koer Singh is himself a keen observer and perceives clearly how Bhai Mani Singh's martyrdom had become a turning point in the power relationship between the Sikhs and Moghals.9 The verbatim use of a couplet and a quartet from Sainapat's Gursobha, and the use of Bachitarnatak has already been noticed.10 His accounts of battles lean heavily on the latter and the Zafarnamah. Some of his verses in Punjabi suggest imitation of portions in Dasam Granth.11 Sarabloh Granth has obviously been used.12 Obviously, a substantial part of his work is an eyewitness account brought to him by his apparent association with the Khalsa. In particular the creation of Khalsa, the siege of Anandpur Sahib, the martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh, the account of the Guru's meeting with Bahadur Shah, and the narration of his last days at Nanded, are doubtlessly eye-witness accounts. It is evident that Koer Singh was a learned man. The choice of brajbhasha, use of about thirty metres of poetry attuned to musical modes, his capacity to handle all nine traditional moods,14 are an evidence of his formal training in composition of poetry. His knowledge of Puranic legends, basic classifications used in Indian literature, knowledge of musical instruments15 and hunting animals,16 comprehension of political situations and theory, and of diplomatic and administrative processes, are a tribute to his learning. Because of Hindu past, he is particularly at home with the numerious gods and goddesses of Hindu pantheon, and his understanding of

their intricate relationships and complex dealings with anti-gods is indeed complete. He profusely uses this information, displaying boundless resourcesfulness. He is familiar with tenets of Islam, and displays insight into its basic political theory. His poetry is intrinsically good, and his prose, of which there are a few examples, is direct, priecise and forceful. Though he professes to write for affording spiritual solace to holymen and salvation to listeners,17 and is aware that his work would be recitated at religious congreations,18 yet sewa is not his only motive for undertaking it. There is little doubt that he is familiar with the concept and value of history as well as its contemporary discipline. The very scope and approach of his work suggest that he is not a casual composer but a serious writer, conscious of the value and worth of his work. He sets out to write a complete biography of Guru Gobind Singh with attention to his earlier life as well as a graphic description of his last days. Although several of his dates are wrong, yet he is particular in mentioning them, and an equal number of them are substantially correct. His primary motive is to compile a powerful work of history which, besides being a monument to his great learning, will continue to influence Sikh society on the threshold of political power. He hopes to make his phenomenal hatred of Muslims infectious. Koer Singh clearly conceives himself as an influential writer at the turning point of history and hopes to manipulate the fast emerging power relationship to the greatest advantage of Hindus. His inordinate display of dependence on Bhai Mani Singh, is calculated to enhance his acceptability to the Sikh society at large. Consequently, even philosophically, his position is at least equivocal. He has embraced Sikhism without ardour and as a matter of policy, while remaining deeply rooted in his ancestral faith.19 It is particularly apparent from his analysis of the Khalsa Order that he clearly discerns the contradistinctions between Hinduism and Sikhism, but he is unable to belong exclusively to one or the other tradition. His prominent treatment of the myth of durgapuja by the Guru Gobind Singh is in part an expression of the dichotomy that prevailed in his soul. His sympathy for Guru Gobind Singh transcends the natural fondness of a writer for the subject of a biography. He indeed has genuine admiration for the warrior Guru, is intellectually convinced about his approach, but the pull of the past is also strong on him. His liking for the `newship' (pot navin)20 does not completely enthuse him personally, and he remains a convert of convenience. His limitless hatred of the Muslims,21 goads him to support an order most likely to bring about their political downfall. To him such an approach is likely to be of immense advantage to both, Sikhs and Hindus. The devastating effect of Muslim rule on Hindu fortunes is ever in his mind.22 Foremost amongst his other limitations is that of writing too close to the times he is describing. Particularly in the context of disturbed

conditions, many facts have simply had no time to surface. Lot of propaganda and disinformation are still in the air. But in spite of these limitations, his is a successful and useful work of political history, and as such it must be approached. Koer Singh's attitude towards miracles may be analysed, so that it may not interfere with our understanding of his treatment of history. It is an essential element of his political strategy that he accepted the Gurus, in spite of their own unequivocal denunciation of the belief, as incarnations of God. His devotion to Guru Gobind Singh as God, is deep and positively moving; belief in riddhis and siddhis follows as a natural consequence.23 `Forgive me Guru for not realising that you are God and not man', is his firm faith.24 He accepts the Guru as `Ram, Krishan and God's incarnation.25 He records atleast half a dozen miracles, adopts the stance that he believes in the miracle-working powers of the Gurus, and contrives situations in which they get exhibited. Power to work miracles is advertise by him to be conclusive proof of the Gurus' divine status. Guru Tegh Bahadur is represented as affirming that even his domestic servant possess miraculous powers26 and even Guru Gobind Ssingh is made to support a similar proposition.27 The Gurus are also represented as having performed miracles.28 But significantly, when specifically confronted with the question in relation to authentic events from the Gurus' lives, Koer Singh does not hesitate to confirm that they emphatically denied having miraculous powers. Guru Tegh Bahadur, repeatedly asked to exhibit miracles29 on pain of death, firmly upholds that only God has such powers,30 clearly denigrates miracle working as despicable pretence of equality with God, affirming that `miracle is a grossly vulgar demonstration by the excessively proud'.31 Similarly when Guru Gobind Singh accurately fires an arrow at a distance ordinarily not possible and is suspected of having worked a miracle, he promptly allays the suspicion.32 The Koer Singh's position on the subject of miracles, though complex, cannot be regarded as contradictory or untenable. To do that would be to confess inability to comprehend his, in many ways, peculiar perception. His ultimate political purpose, the overwhelming need to effectively challenge the legitimacy of Muslim rule, is dependent upon the single factor of his acceptance of the Guru as God, unbound by the laws of nature. Plausible demonstration of miraculous powers is necessary, as believers in opposing camps are to be respectively inspired and demoralised. Ultimately, to him miracles serve as heraldic devices and instruments of policy that announce change of location of sovereign power. They are not a matter of evidence or even faith with him. His depiction of events leading to the deaths of the last two Gurus has to be understood in the light of need to maintain consistency in his stance over cause of miracles. In the context of their being God, possibility of

violation of their will had to be non-existent. Consequently, v Guru Tegh Bahadur voluntarily decides to court martyrdom.33 On his own he goes to Agra and reveals himself,34 remains in prison though demonstrably fetters and bars cannot hold him,35 and finally, since no Mughal sword can fell him, he asks a follower to behead him.26 Similarly, his hero, Guru Gobind Singh is constrained to manoeuvre his own murder. He is represented as taking pains at cultivating and sufficiently motivating the would be assassin.37 The procedure was clearly a logical own theory held his mind in a vice-like grup. Exaggerated accounts of battles in which a single person annihilates millions have to be understood in terms of the omnipotent Guru exercising his absolute power over life and death. At the mundane level, the Guru's image of a liberator of the oppressed has the strongest appeal for Koer Singh Kalal. Kalal, wine-distiller, would be reckoned amongst the lowest castes under the system. Casteless character of the Sikh society is a greatly emphasised by him. One main object of the new pahul ceremony was to establish a freely inter-dining casteless brotherhood,38 sharing common aspiration to political power.39 He notes equality to be the cardinal virtue of the Khalsa Order.40 Its egalitarian character is analysed by him in detail. Lot of space is devoted by him to bringing out that people of different persuasions and caste backgrounds, adopted the Khalsa wa.41 Both Hindus and Muslims were acceptable as Khalsa, provided they abjured previous beliefs.42 He does not fail to notice that even chandals had become Sikhs.43 He points out that caste status was formally repudiated by abandoning the sacred thread on initiation.44 Hindu hill rajas refuse to join Guri's fraternity, holding, `by ceremony of amrit and the accompanying code of conduct, you have effaced the four varanas. It is unthinkable that the twelve high castes should dine with seven lowest of the low'.45 Mughal impression is also summarised by him. Bhikhan Khan reiterates, `foolish jats, oil-pressers, bhats, lobanas, chamars, banias, aroras, bhatias, tailors, carpenters, shudras and all other low castes such a wine-distillers, goldsmiths, arains, khosans and chawlas who do not know how to hold a spear comprise his army'.46 The author carefully gives the castewise breakup of the `first five beloved ones', the twenty-five who were next initiated and the fourty martyrs of Chamkaur, showing that overwhelmingly they belonged to the castes regarded as low.47 He brings out the prowess of the Guru's casteless army by insisting that in battles against the traditional high caste armies of hill rajas as well as those of Mughals, they confidently faced superior numbers, fought against heavy odds and proved themselves invincible. Koer Singh is anxious to establish the authenticity of his crucial chapter on the creation of Khalsa. Ascribing it to information gathered from Bhai Mani Singh,48 he records that he is not withholding the details,49 whereas elsewhere he asserts that he has recorded summaries. The intimate details of the first amrit ceremony, in particular, the far-reaching implications

worked out clearly and un-mistakenly, leave no doubt that the narrative owes its origin to one who thoroughly understood its different aspects with precision and penetrating inshght. An attempt to understand the life and works of Bhai Mani Singh points out that Koer Singh is making a statement of fact. Abolition of masand system, alluded to in the hukamnamas of the period, is described by him to be the very first step towards the formal launching of the Khalsa Order. He says, the Guru `first set his house in order'.50 On inquiry and inspection the mansands were found to be misappropriating funds meant for maintaining common kitchen.51 Since the time of Guru Hargobind They had not rendered accounts, and haughtily refused, when called upon to do so.52 They were found to be depraved, greedly and arrogant.53 Their oppressive behaviour and callous exploitation of especially the poor and simple Sikhs they were supposed to serve, moved the Guru.54 The institution of masands had clearly outlived its utility, and had developed into an additional impediment to the emancipation of Sikh masses and spread of Sikh ideals. The Guru adequately exposed their crimes against the Sikh sangat.55 He eventually abolished the instutition, going to the extent of physically liquidating the worst amongst the masands,56 by way of an indicator that to create a confident, proud and self-reliant individual was the ultimate aim of Sikhism. Towards the same end, the next step was the abolition of personal guruship, and Koer Singh is particularly successful in bringing out that this indeed was the true import of the new initiation ceremony. He examins the code of conduct provided to the Khalsa on the occasion to show that, that indeed was its main burden. Khalsa is to shun masands because they appropriate revernce rightly due to the Adi Granth.57 He already refers to the granth and granth and panth as Guru Granth58 and Guru Panth.59 For the final ceremony of pahul, along with the five chosen ones, Guru emerges from the tent in the style of a friend and an equal, symbolically repudiating the superior claims of guruship.60 The declaration that guruship is henceforth merged in the Khalsa Panth is emphatically and repeatedly made.61 When in confirmation the Guru requested to be initiated a sixth member in the Order of the Khalsa, the first five were embarrassed `to admit him as disciple'.62 The Guru encouraged them to believe `without doubt that a true Sikh is equal to the Guru'.63 Formal investiture of the Granth as Guru had naturally to await the end of his own term and was one of the last acts of the Guru.64 According to Koer Singh, the assumption of sovereign political power by the Khalsa in their capacity as true leaders and representatives of the masses to whom sovereignty in fact belonged, is also implicit in the ceremony of administration of amrit. Substance of his original contribution lies in the elucidation of the authentic Sikh theory of sovereignty. While doing that

he adopts a strategy designed to effectively meet both Hindu and Muslim objections to it. It is not a surprise, therefore, that he insists on consistently talking of the Khalsa in the political context. The key to the author's character, and consequently to that of his work, lies in his intense hatred of Muslims. Hopes of and prayers for their utter destruction are the most numerous one comes across (29.44, 39.5, 67.18, 68.24, 68.25, 182.43 and so on). The root cause, no doubt, is their political domination. Koer Singh is sensitive to the disabilities suffered by the HIndus on that account and the consequent harm done to their religion and culture (28, 48.9 and 10). In Guru Tegh Bahadur he sees an implaceable foe, both of Mughal intolerance and political power. He has noted that at the time of compiling his work, the Sikh movement had come within a measurable distance of political success. It is entirely to his liking to interpret the life and mission of Guru Gobind Singh as centred around the single point of resistance to Mughal domination. May be it was this understanding of the Guru's work which prompted him to get converted to Sikhism. Paramount in his mind can be discerned to be the necessity to gather support for the militant Khalsa, so seriously engaged in the task of destroying the Mughal state. At the core of Hindu opposition to the Khalsa wielding political power, was the belief that being a casteless order use of political power to it was forbidden, for it was the exclusive privilege of a specified caste,65 and this was necessary to perpetuate the caste society. Koer Singh points out that Sikh society transcends castes.66 Its character of a dedicated body of inspired individuals who relentlessly spearhead a self-rule movement,67 in the cause of amelioration of the down-trodden and the underprivileged,68 places the Khalsa above caste reckoning. He discerns the Khalsa Panth to be a `unique institution, the like of which has never been seen before'.69 He believes that it will, `outlast earth, sky, stars, moon, air and water'.70 He approves of the Khalsa theory which seeks to vest political power in the lower castes in preference to the traditional high caste.71 It is specially stated that brahmins and kshatriyas are not the legitimated inheritors of political power, and that the Khalsa, representing the people at large, is.72 The essential element of invitation to the hill rajas was to repudiate the humiliating vassalage to Mughals,Pt73Pt and to assume political power in behalf of the masses. To confront Muslims, who wielded political power, emphasis is laid on the startlingly novel theory of legitimacy. Two basic aspects of the Sikh theory of sovereignty, i.e., leigitimacy and pluralistic nature, are stressed throughout the present work. The absolute imperative to uphold pluralistic society is also implicit in the express condition to dispense even-handed justice.74

It envisages God, as ultimate repository, authorising the exercise of sovereign power on the necessary condition of upholding absolute freedom of worship. When a political executive vitiates the trust by repudiating its obligations, and consequently hinders spiritual growth, it loses legitimacy. Revolution becomes necessary to re-establish the divine purpose. But before it is undertaken, high personages like Gurus and saints must demonstrate, by courting martyrdom, that the state has indeed become antagonistic to the basic needs of even the most cultured of its citizens. Exhibiting remarkable understanding of the true nature of polity, the theory prescribes that after this has been done, the wronged masses must weld themselves into a spiritual society in order to overthrow the unjust power and to capture political power. The revolution has to be led by a highly motivated and committed leadership voluntarily subscribing to a rigid spiritual and moral code, such as the one prescribed to the Khalsa on the administration of amrit. Hukamnamas issued to all Sikhs asking them to take pahul, suggest that, the Khalsa Order was to be a broad-based society.75 Strict moral and social code provided to the Khalsa leaves no doubt that the Guru's aim was the creation of a committed cohesive force firmly wedded to upholding righteousness.76 It is significant, that `when Banda formally became a Sikh, then only weapons were entrusted to him'.77 When matters come to a head, compromise in unthinkable, Koer Singh insists that the Khalsa's aim was sovereignty and not any inferior status.78 Guru Gobind Singh would not return to Anandpur Sahib as a concession but promised to do so on the strength of his arms.79 Further pointing out the revolutionary intent of Sikhism, he records the Guru's last advice to the Khalsa, `Hear O! Sikhs! this is the tradition: I did not come to Bahadur Shah as a suppliant, since no mere mortal can be my benefactor; guarantee of your good is your own power'.80 This involves lot of suffering for those who take up the cause, but it eventually leads to felicity.81 A popular tale, current in especially the literature inspired by Bhai Mani Singh's martyrdom, has also been harnessed by Koer Singh to express the above theory. Apart from the fact that the position was to be made intelligible to a people accustomed to a particular idiom, the tale also suffices to ward off the laws of treason. It keeps pace with the level and content of contemporary political awareness. Its durability is indicative of its powerful appeal. Unless approached from this angle, it is likely to be dismissed as an evidence of Koer Singh's inability to comprehend the historical process. It simply states that Guru Nanak (as God) entrusted political authority to Babur82 when the latter offered submission. The condition was that he and his descendants must do justice to all manner of people. The trust was repudiated particularly when under Aurangzeb the state undertook to destroy Hinduism.83 Guru Tegh Bahadur then suffered martyrdom for the purpose of resuming political power.84 It is also prescribed that one and a quarter

lakh Sikhs will also be required to sacrifice their heads for the purpose.85 Koer Singh next turns to Hindu abhorrence to the wielding of weapons by the lower castes. He appears to have felt the necessity of modifications in the interests of preservation of Hindu culture. He sought to rationalise the position by another imaginary tale, namely, that of durgapuja by Guru Gobind Singh.It will be useful to recall the essential features of his story: With the object of destroying Muslim rule it was decided to obtain the blessings of goodess Durga from whom, even the principal gods of Hindu pantheon derive military might.86 Dattanand, a brahmin of Ujjain who, significantly, is not reconciled to Muslim domination, alone is reputed to be capable of conducting the ceremonies to a successful culmination.87 Eventually ten thousand brahmins from important religious centres are invited to take part in the worship.88 The ceremony which was to last four years, commences in 1685 AD on the banks of the Ganges.89 During the first three years, the Guru is not represented as having personally taken part in the worship. The venue is then shifted to Nainadevi.90 At the end of the fourth year, the devi appears and formally presents here double-edged sword, with which she had killed the invincible demon-kings Sumbh and Nisumbh, to the Guru.91 At the conclusion, the Guru, he says, expresses much gratitude to Baba Batha, the leader of Kashmiri brahmins, who is loaded with presents before departure.92 Nearly four crores of rupees are computed as expenditure for the ceremony. Amongst the subsidiary features of the myth may be noted those which are particularly helpful to Koer Singh with his peculiar mythical bent. He represents the Guru as personally deciding to hold the ceremony93 and as personally taking part in durgapuja in the last lap. The principal gods and goddesses of the brahmanical pantheon are made to worship the Guru after the devi has appeared. They also give him offerings of weapons and other items which he would later prescribe as mandatory symbols of faith for the Khalsa.94 The imaginary story is contrived simply as a message to and for the consumption of the Hindu masses. They are to believe that all the gods and goddesses of the brahmanical pantheon, including Durga, have sanctioned the use of arms to the Khalsa notiwithstanding the fact that it primarily comprises sudras and other classes normally excluded from the use of weapons and the consequent exercise of power. Khalsa was destined to succeed and in the interest of the self-preservation of Hinduism, it deserved their wholehearted support A careful reading of his gurbilas is sufficient to convince the reader that

this indeed is the underlying objective of the book. The philosophical-cum-mythical stance adopted by Koer Singh, together with the fact that he first mentions it, makes the temptation to ascribe the origin of this tale to him great indeed. But certain circumstantial evidence provided by him tends to hold out a distinct possibility of Kashmiri brahmins being the other claimants for the dubious honor. More prominent amongst those at whose request Guru Tegh Bahadur had courted martyrdom, had stayed back at the Guru's court. The attention paid to their leader Baba Batha, who was treated at par with Dattanand the master of ceremonies at the conclusion of durgapuja95 suggests that they had a prominent part in the report proceedings. Atht e specific persuasion96 of their leader several Kashmiris adopted the Khalsa way.97 One Kirpa Singh, formerly Kirparam, a prominent person amongst them, is reported to have died fighting for the Guru at Chamkaur Sahib. Before coming to Guru Tegh Bahadur, the Kashmiri brahmins appear to have made a thorough study of the Sikh ethos, in particular of its ultimate political aim to establish a pluralistic coercion-fee society derving legitimacy from the support of masses, and also of its revolutionary content. They obviously considered the Sikh movement to be the only possible bulwark against oppression. They appear to have keenly studied its militarisation, and particularly after witnessing the success of the Guru's armies at the battle fields, came to the conclusion that the only hope of India was also a practical proposition. After this it only remained for them to spread the story far and wide and togather support for the revolution. For this purpose, they perhaps called together a meeting at which all the prominent religious leaders were represented. Dattanand appears to have also been taken into confidence. Amongst the important religious centre, Kanshi, Gaya, Jagannath, Mathura, Hardwar, Gomti, Kishtwar and Badrinath,98 were represented. Reported attendance by more than ten thousand people is desired to show that no opinion-maker of any consequence was left out. Representative character, long duration, and wide attendance, all suggest carefully planned action by a body of men who commanded wide respect amongst the invitees. Venue was cautiously chosen and shift to Nainadevi was effected presumably after a broad consensus had emerged. It also afforded a closer study of the Sikh movement with its headquarters at Anandpur Sahib. Giving currency to such a story seems to suggest just an attempt at manipulation of public opinion. The much published appearance of the widely worshipped devi was used as a propaganda aid. The element of mystery was also required in the interests of durability, purity and appeal of the message among Hindus. The efficacy of the stratagem had been tested on two earlier occasions. One near parallel is the proceeding held atop Mount Abu

to legitimise the wielding of weapons by certain Rajput clans and the admit them amongst the kshatriyas as agnikulas.99 A similar seminar reported to have been held to legitimise the assumption of kingship by non-kshatriya Shivaji Marhatta, also comes to mind as the other precedent. Detailed comparison shows that this incident has served as a model to Koer Singh to contrive his story. The particular form that was given to the message, has roots in the mode of communication among the Hindus available to the age. The above, perhaps, is a rational way of looking at the story relating to durgapuja. The failure of the propaganda is to be attributed primarily to the very caste prejudices it was designed to overcome. Hill rajas refused to join the Khalsa on caste ground. They were also clear that adoption of Sikhism meant repudiation of the ancestral religion. Opinion amongst the brahmins was divided and a section led by the Kashmiris alone ardently stood by the decision,100 particularly at the instance of Baba Batha. A section refused the pahul101 and persisted in their boycott of the Guru's Khalsa. Unlike Shivaji who placated the dissenting group led by a tantrik Nischalpuri by undergoing a second coronation ceremony, the Guru appears to have made no effort whatsoever to influence the groups in any manner. An understanding of the work leaves us in no doubt that Koer Singh's Gurbilas, is primarily of political nature. Any attempt to understand him promises to be rewarding. Except for his Hindu prejusdices and beliefs, elements comprising complete code of conduct (Rahit) for the Khalsa can be easily culled from Koer Singh. VV REFERENCES AND NOTES 1. Singh, Koer, Gurbilas Patshahi Das, (1751 AD) Shamsher Singh Ashok (ed.), Punjabi University, Patiala, December 1968. It will henceforth be referred to as Gurbilas. Figures to the left of the decimal point denote the page number and to the right the number of the poetic composition referred to. 2. Pp. 208-295, his knowledge of court procedures, military and civil administration, location of important administrative and religious centres, functions of executive and judiciary (pp. 214, 261) betray his background of a government functionary. 3. Ibid., pp. 295-208. 4. Ibid., pp. 47-93, 23-68 and 99-186.

5. Ibid., pp. 17-18, significantly he considers the Gurus to be incarnations of Vaishnav gods, see p. 19. 6. Ibid., pp. 295, 214. 7. Ibid., pp. 295, 210. 8. Ibid., pp. 128, 26, and 123. 13. 9. Ibid., pp.pp. 294, 204 and 205 10. Ibid;, Pp. 4 and 5 Fauja Singh's forword. Also compare Sainapat, Sri Guru Sobha (1708 AD) Ganda Singh (ed.) Punjabi University, Patiala, June 1967, pp. 80, 519 and 520 with Gurbilas pp. 203, 140. The improbable tale of the Guru's marriage in Rajasthan is perhaps also taken by Gurbilas from Sri Gur Sobha. 11. Gurbillas cf., pp. 148, 23, 203, 148-152. 12. Ibid., p. 137 especially verses pp. 120-123. 13. Ibid., Pp. 173, 43, one such work Parchian Sewas Das (1708 AD) Bhasha Vibhag, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1978 can easily be identified, compare pp. 105-111 with pp. 262-265 of Gurbilas. 14. Gurbilas, pp. 200-1 depicts a fictitious tale which affords him an opportunity of exhibiting shingar ras. Description of nature, an essential part of traditional poetry, is not neglected see p. 257. 15. Ibid., p. 92. 16. Ibid., p. 262. 17. Ibid., pp. 19, 30, 220, 332, 229, 1, 278, 248. 18. Ibid., pp. 184, 72. 19. In spite of knowing that such repudiation is implicit in adopting the Khalsa way, see ibid., pp. 143, 33. 20. Ibid., pp. 142, 14. 21. Hatred of Muslims is an obsession with him. See ibid., pp. 29, 44, 39, 5, 67, 18, 68, 24, 25, 182 and 43.

22. Ibid., pp. 28, 48, 9 and 10. 23. Ibid., pp. 253, 23, 162, 33, 163, 36, 184 and 66. 24. Ibid., pp. 184, 70. 25. Ibid., pp. 23, 29. 26. Ibid., pp. 49, 16. 27. Ibid., pp. 184, 66. 28. Ibid., pp. 27, 20, 54, 59, 183 and 60 29. Ibid., pp. 51, 29, 52, 43, 54, 68, 57, 96 and 98. 30. Ibid., pp. 52, 46. 31. Ibid., pp. 55, 73, 52 and 46. 32. Ibid., pp. 155, 160. 33. Ibid., pp. 49, 16. 34. Ibid., p. 50. 35. Ibid., pp. 44, 45, 58 and 59. 36. Ibid., pp. 59, 117. 37. Ibid., pp. 277 and 278. 38. Ibid., pp. 136, 106 and 107. 39. Ibid., pp. 131, 55, 132, 59, 134, 91 and 92. 40. Ibid., pp. 136, 106, 137, 114, 115, 138, 134 and 125. 41. Ibid., pp., 134, 139, 143 and 34. 42. Ibid., pp. 136, 107, 143, 33, and 34. 43. Ibid., pp. 61, 135. 44. Ibid., pp. 132, 64.

45. Ibid., pp. 137, 114, 115, 117, 138 and 125. 46. Ibid., pp. 90, 85 and 86. 47. Ibid., pp. 129, 134 and 196, respectively. 48. Ibid., pp. 123, 133. 49. Ibid., pp. 129, 26. 50. `Purab nij grih sodh parkari', ibid., p. 122. There are other indications in Sikh history that abolution of masands preceded the creation of the Khalsa. To the sangat of Machhiwara, the Guru had written on March 12, 1699 that the masand system stood abolished. See Ganda Singh (ed.) `Hukamname', Punjabi University, Patiala, 1967, p. 152. 51. Gurbilas, p. 122. 52. Ibid., pp. 124, 138 and 150. 53. Ibid., pp. 125, 153. That their behavious on the occasion was totally unbecoming and rude, is supported by `Parchian Sewa Das', (1708), Bhasha Vibhag, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1978, pp. 116-121. 54. Gurbilas, p. 123. 55. Ibid., pp. 124, 150. 56. Ibid., p. 125. 57. Ibid., pp. 130, 38. 58. Ibid;, p. 130, 44. 59. Ibid., pp. 131, 48, see also pp. 138, 133, 263 and 134. 60. Ibid., p. 128, 24. 61. Ibid., pp. 131, 58, 132, 61, 138, 130, and 132. 62. Ibid., pp. 132, 60. 63. Ibid., pp. 132, 61, 130, 133. Later, while conferring with a learned doctor of Is;amic Law, the Guru symbolically affirmed the same, holding river and its waves to be the same stuff. See pp. 263, 135.

64. Ibid., pp. 284, 100. 65. The fundamental Hindu objection to the sudra wielding weapons, the ultimate instruments of political power can best be understood with reference to Arthur Coke Burnell (tr.) "The Ordinances of Manu' (1984) Edward W. Hopkins (ed.), Orient Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, May 1971, "Defence of the people" is the exclusive privelege of the Kshatriyas (p. 12) 66. Gurbilas, pp. 139, 138. 67. Ibid., pp. 131, 50, 135, 94, 139 and 133. 68. Ibid., pp. 138, 129. 69. Ibid., pp. 142, 14. 70. Ibid., pp. 152, 134. 71. Ibid., pp. 139, 1307 and 140. 72. Ibid., pp. 181, 56, also 132, 59. 73. Ibid., pp. 138, 126. 74. Ibid., pp. 57, 93. 75. Ibid., pp. 136, 109. 76. Ibid., pp. 127, 1, 132, 65. 77. Ibid., pp. 281, 66. 78. Ibid., pp. 99, 181 and 182. 79. Ibid., pp. 83, 85, 31. 80. Ibid., pp. 281, 64. 81. Ibid., pp. 196, 149 and 150. 82. Ibid., pp. 223, 30. 83. Ibid., pp. 55, 71. 84. Ibid., pp. 20, 39, 49, 16, 57, 93.

85. Ibid., pp. 282, 72. 86. Ibid., p. 103. 87. Ibid., p. 104. 88. Ibid., pp. 103 and 109. 89. Ibid., p. 108. 90. Ibid., p. 113. 91. Ibid., p. 121. 92. Ibid., pp. 133 and 136. 93. Ibid., p. 103. 94. Ibid., pp. 121, 144. 95. Ibid., pp. 133, 136, 103. 96. Ibid., pp. 134, 90. 97. Ibid., pp. 133, 75, and 134, 80 and 81. 98. Ibid., p. 103. 99. `Annals And Antiquities of Rajasthan' (1832), Vol. II, K.M.M.N. Publishers, New Delhi, 1971, pp. 356-358. Significantly the issue before the concourse of gods at Mount Abu was to regenerate the warrior race of Hindu and to incite them against the "infidel races who had spread over the land." The miraculously regenerated Kshatriyas were despatched immediately to fight the enemy. 100. Gurbilas, pp. 134 and 136. 101. Ibid., pp. 135-137. ***