Henri V.


Dramatic Literature of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews of Amsterdam in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries (suite)
In: Bulletin Hispanique. Tome 41, N°4, 1939. pp. 316-344.

Citer ce document / Cite this document : Besso Henri V. Dramatic Literature of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews of Amsterdam in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries (suite). In: Bulletin Hispanique. Tome 41, N°4, 1939. pp. 316-344. http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/hispa_0007-4640_1939_num_41_4_2854




Dramatic Literature in Spanish Up to a certain extent, says Cecil Roth2, the Marranos may be considered the originators of vernacular literature among the Jews. Men like Isaac Orobio de Castro, Elijah Montalto, David Abenatar Melo, Daniel Israel López Laguna and others were very capable and gifted men in the field of theology and rabbinic literature. They hâve also attempted poetry and did créate something worth of commendation. However, they hâve not as yet found a worthwhile place in Romantic poetry. It is altogether différent, however, with the men that we are going to discuss, especially Antonio Enríquez Gómez, who reminds us of the coryphoeus of Spanish poetry and leads us directly into dramatic poetry and the Spanish Théâtre. After Philip II made Madrid his officiai résidence and the capi talof the country, the Drama had reached almost the point of perfection as a national création. Just as the Spanish monarchy up to the middle of the 17th century had developped into the greatest and most splendid in Europe, and the Spanish national spirit had also been most developped, so the stage of Madrid was the living mirror of national life and was the earliest to bloom. AU thèse men : Montalván, Molina, Castro and the magnificent 1. Cf. BuU. hisp., 1937, n° 3, p. 215 ; 1938, n° 1, p. 33 ; n° 2, p. 158. 2, History of the Marranos, p. 322.



Calderón, had taken care of the national théâtre with their works. Thus Spanish dramatic literature which is so rich in spirit and fullness of création was brought back to glory and distinc tion. It is not the purpose of this study to praise the genii of the Spanish Drama and take up time with their glorious comedies. One thing at least, should not pass unmentioned, however : that the Jews, rejected and driven out, persecuted and burned, did not disappëar from the théâtre and possibly also from the stage. They and their history, their needs and their weaknesses were presented to the public for their pleasure. Just as Montalvan in his Polyphemus had the strange idea of introducing Cyclops on the stage as an allegorical représentation of Judaism1, so did Mira de Amescua, in his The Unfortunate Rachel revivify an old fable which represents Alfonso the Eighth of Gastile as having nearly sacrified his crown for the beautiful Jewess of Toledo. And who does not know the saying : « There is no monster like jealousy » (el mayor monstruo los zelos}, this gruesome drama by Calderón, which portrays the cruel jealousy of Herod, tétrach of Judea, and depicts the tragic end of his wife Marianne, who falls under a blow from her husband's hand, etc. Nebuchadnesar, Abel, Cain, Judas Maccabeus as well as Jonas of the Whale hâve appeared on the Madrid stage in Spanish co stumes as héroes and knights in the period of Philip III. Pedro Calderón de la Barca was the greatest dramatist of his country and, next to Shakespeare, the most celebrated in the world. However, the number of works which are credited to him, because his name appears on the title page, was found, after a critical survey, to hâve diminished considerably 2. 1. — Antonio Enriquez Gômez Among the comedies which the immortal Calderón himself excluded from his catalogue of dramatic compositions and which 1. This is one of the two remaining autos of Montalvan and is found in the book entitled Para Todos, 1661. 2. José Amador de los Ríos, Estudios, p. 570.


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were circulating under his name, there appear a number which hâve been written by Antonio (H)Enríquez Gómez, a poet of the seventeenth century and a prolific wiiter par excellence. Born in Segovia (Gld Castile) in the last quarter of1 of the sixteenth century — consequently some twenty years before Cal derón — Antonio Enríquez Gómez, known in the Court as En rique Enriquez de Paz, was the son of Diego Enríquez de Villanueva, a Portuguese Jew, converted in appearance to Christianity, but like ail the Marranos professing Judaism in secret. Gómez had a very exciting life and his being of Jewish descent did not prevent him from earning many honors in the army where he was Captain. In récognition of his services he was created a Knight of the Order of San Miguel 2. Ail thèse accomplishments did not prevent the Holy Inquisition from persecuting him as a Jew. In 1636, however, he escaped to France where he lived as a Christian, under the new name of Antonio Enríquez Gómez 3. He bewailed in élégies his misfortunes and the loss of his country, which he loved like a son, step-mother though she had been 1. Diogo Barbosa Machado (in his Bibliotheca Lusitana, I), seems to stand alone in the belief that Gómez was a native of Portugal. Evidently Barbosa Machado did not know Enríquez Gómez and the information wbich he imparts seems to hâve been taken from other sources. On page 297 he says : « Educóse en Castilla, y en Francia, fue Caballero de la Orden de San Miguel, consejero y mayordomo del rey cristianíssimo. Aunque en los primeros años no se aplicó a ciencia alguna por inercia de sus padres, tanto que llego a si a pasar de la adolescencia, como su inclinación y talento le incitaban a los estudios, comenzó a ser discípulo de si propio, saliendo igualmente versado en las Historias sagrada y profana. » Cf. R. Alvarez Espino, Ensayo histórico crítico del teatro español, p. 223. Another author, Domingo García Peres (Catálogo razo nado biográfico y bibliográfico de los autores portugueses que escribieron en castellano. Madrid, 1890, p. 279) says that Gómez was born neither in Portugal ñor in Segovia but was a native of Cuenca. He proves his statement by the following quotation written by Gómez in the Introduction to his Academias Morales de las Musas which reads : « lo que te podré asegurar es que el Monarcha de la poesía entre dos ríos y un monte poblado de edificios, pues, la primera vez que le vi fue en Cuenca, etc. ». I must confess, however, that a careful search in the introduction of this book (édition of 1690) has failed to detect such a passage. Ail the other authors who have written about En riquez Gómez agree that he was a native of Segovia. 2. José Amador de los Ríos, Estudios, p. 571 ; Henry Graetz, History of the Jews, V, p. 110. 3. Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, Historia de los Heterodoxos españoles. Madrid, 1881, II, p. 611-615. Both George Ticknor (History of Spanish Literature. London, 1849) and W. Atkinson (Studies in literary décadence. The Picaresque Novel, in Buletin of Spanish Studies, IV, 1927, p. 24) mistakenly suppose that Gómez' flight took place in 1638.



to him. Although blessed by fortune, Enriquez Gómez felt himself unhappy in the rude north, far from the blue mountains and mild air of Spain. Hère are some of the words which he puts in the mouth of Dantao, in one of the letters preceding his Acade miasMorales de las Musas1 : Terrible por mi mal se llamó el día, que de la amada patria te ausentaste, por gusto de tu propia fantasia. El norte riguroso que tomaste, alabó con razón, del mar saliste, y en el con justa causa me déxaste. Cuerdo en huir de la tormenta fuiste, celebro tu prudencia generosa, pues con ella los daños redemiste, Después de tu partida venturosa, el mar se alborotó de tal manera, que aún dura su borrasca lastimosa 2. It seems as though Enriquez Gómez had been so reserved in matters relating to religion, so obscure and ambiguous when talking in his works of the reasons for his émigration, that his good relations with the king of France, Louis XIII, should not be a surprise3. Whatever the case, however, there is no doubt but that Enriquez Gómez died in Amsterdam as a Jew and the Inqui sition at Seville burnt him in effigy, in 1660, along with other escaped Marranos4. In his Academias Morales de las Musas, published for the first time in Bordeaux, in 1642 5, one sees very clearly that his escape 1. Madrid, 1690, p. 414. 2. Speaking of the reasons why his works were written and published in foreign countries, Gómez gives the following explanation in the introduction to his Academias Morales (Madrid, 1690) : « Estrañarás (con razón) aver dado a la Imprenta este libro en estrangera patria, respóndate la Elegía que escriví sobre mi peregrinación, sino voluntaria, forzosa, y sino forzosa, ocasionada por algunos que inficionando la Repúb lica reciprocamente falsos, venden por antidoto el veneno a los que militan debaxo del solio. » 3. Gómez dedicated his Luis dado de Dios to Louis XIII, and El siglo Pitagórico to Monseigneur François Bassompierre, Marshall of France, in 1644. 4. « They are welcome to it » (allá me las den todas) was the answer which he gave phlegmatically to a friend when, in Amsterdam, he told him that he had seen his effigy burning on the pyre. Cf. Cecil Roth, History of the Marranos, p. 246. 5. Other éditions of this work appeared as follows : Valencia, 1647 ; Madrid, 1660 ; Madrid, 1668 ; Madrid, 1690 ; Barcelona, 1704 and Madrid, 1734.



from Spain took place in 1636, as expressed by the following Unes : En seis años de ausencia es permitido trocarse esa lumbrera luminosa, cuanto mas un compuesto dividido. In his work, as well as in his sonnets and poems, one feels the bitterness of his soûl and his pain for being separated from Spain, but there is also a hope that he might return some day. However, this désire was not materialized for, as was pointed out, he died in Amsterdam. Enríquez Gómez cultivated nearly ail kinds of literary genres. He was, in turn, a philosopher, a thinker, a lyric and dramatic poet, a theologian, a statistician, a diplomat and tutti quanti1. In the prologue to his poem, El Sansón Nazareno dated 1656 (Rouen) he mentions thus the number and the title of his works : Los libros que he sacado a luz porque lo digamos todo, son las Aca demias Morales, la Culpa del primer Peregrino, el Siglo pitagórico, la Política Angélica primera y segunda parte, Luis dado a Dios, La Torre de Babilonia, y este Poema de Sansón. Hazen nueve volumes en prosa y verso, todos escritos desde el año de quarenta, al de quarenta y nueve, a libro por año, a año por libro ; Acomódalos como quisieres. Prometo a mis amigos y aficionados, dándome Dios vida, la segunda parte de la Torre de Babilonia, Aman y Mardocheo, El Cavallero del Milagro, Iosue Poema heroico, y los triumphos inmortales en rimas : Y este último será el que más presto daré a la estampa ; Mucho pro meto para tan flacas fuerças, pero no puedo dexar de escrivir ni mis Émulos de censurar. Not all of the works mentioned above have come down to us, and it is hardly believable that they have all been printed. Howev er, that may be, no one can deny that he was one of the most outstanding writers in the Court of Felipe IV as a lyric, epic and 1. Jewish Encyclopedia, sub voce : « Gómez », VI, p. 42 ; Meyer Kayserling, Bibliotheca, p. 49 ; José Amador de los Ríos, Estudios, p. 575. In the prologue to El Sansón Nazareno édition of Rouen, 1656, Gómez says : « Si deseas verme philosofo moral lee mis Academias ; si político, la Política Angélica ; si Theologo, mi peregrino ; si Estadista, Luis Dado a Dios ; si poeta, este Poema ; si cómico, mis Comedias ; y si burlas y veras, el Siglo Pitagórico, que por el capricho a sido amado de los que le an leydo sin passion o con ella. »



dramatic poet, as well as satirist 1. In this study Gómez will be discussed as a dramatic poet only. Fruitfulness, writing mucb and writing quickly are indeed an inheritance of the Spanish dramatists, and in this respect Gómez did not get away from his nationality. Gómez says in his oftmentioned prologue (Sansón Nazareno) : En mi tiempo, (dejando aparte el Adam de la Comedia que fué Lope), hubo luzidísimos poetas. D. Antonio de Mendoza, secretario de Apio se llevó el palacio ; el doctor Juan Pérez de Montalvan entre muchas comedias que escrivió, puso en las tablas la de un castizo dos venganzas con que se vengó de sus émulos (notable ingenio fué este). D. Pedro Calderón, por las trazas se llevó el Theatro... y otros muchos que con acierto grande escrivieron comedias, las mías fueron veinte y dos, cuyos títulos pondré aquí para que se conoscan por mías, pues todas ellas o las más que se imprimen en Sevilla les dan los impresores el título que quieren y el dueño que se les antoja. Gómez did well to vendicate the paternity of his comedias, « estas hijas de mi ingenio » as he calis them, for after his departure from Spain, publishers were not afraid to edit many of his works under the ñame of Calderón and against the protests of the latter. I shall not attempt to analyze Gómez' twenty two plays, it would require too much space, and the task would be none too pleasant for anybody. I shall content myself with enumerating the titles only : El Cardenal Albornoz la y 2a parte Engañar para reynar Diego de Camas El rayo de Palestina A lo que obligan los zelos El cavallero de gracia A lo que obliga el honor Amor con vista y cordura La casa de Autria en España El trono de Salomón la y 2a parte. El Capitán Chinchilla Fernán Méndez Pinto (2 partes) Zelos no ofenden al sol Los soberbias de Nembrot Lo que passa en media noche La prudente Abigail Contra el amor no hay engaños La fuerza del heredero El sol parado2.

1. José Amador de los Ríos, Estudios, p. 574. 2. In this list which was prepared by Gómez himself the play entitled No el honor poder is missing. It is a comedy in three acts in which Alfonso X Don Sancho Rodrigo de Lara, Doña Blanca, his wife and D. Tello hâve the Bull, hispanique.

hay contra of Gastile, important 21



When we think that the majority of thèse plays had already appeared in 1642, we cannot help but admire such power of pro duction. If we take into account the estimate of his friend and correligionist, Manuel Fernández de Villarreal, the famé of Gó mez, as a dramatist, would hâve been great in Spain. « Los teatros de Madrid », says Villarreal referring to Gómez' comedias, « son el más seguro testimonio de su mérito, pues repe tidamente se vieron llenos de victores y alabanzas. » And then he ends up by these words : « Si tiene por objeto a Menandro y Plauto en lo cómico, no es inferior a Plauto, ni a Menandro x. » His comedies, however, were over-exaggerated. As Amador de los Ríos remarks2, Gómez is neither a Menandro ñor a Plauto and cannot be compared with Calderón or Rojas. Gómez' plays are of two kinds : heroic and historical. There are more of the heroic type, but what is particularly annoying and even tiresome in them are those monstruously long monol ogues and speeches. This defect is found especially in his first play Engañar para reynarz whích is also one of the worst of his comedies. Tbis play, like many others, had been attributed to Calderón by a bookdealer who, as Schmidt expressed it « was permitted not only to lie in order to rule but also to lie in order to win ». Not all the comedies of Gómez ressemble this first unsuccessful attempt, however. In spite of many faults, technique in art, he roles. Besides that, Gómez had also promised his friends and well-wishers another comedy — Aman y Mardocheo. Cf. M. Kayserling, Sephardim, p. 227. For a more or less complete catalogue of the works oï Antonio Enríquez Gómez, consult : M. Kays erling, Bibliotheca, p. 49-51 ; Narciso Diaz de Escobar, Poetas dramáticos del si glo XVII. Antonio Enríquez Gómez, in Boletín Academia de la Historia. Madrid, 1926, LXXXVIII, p. 840-844. 1. Cited by José Amador de los Ríos, Estudios, p. 589-590. 2. Estudios, p. 591. Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo (op. cit., II, 612) does not think much of Gómez as a dramatist. « No vale mucho como dramático, y eso que fue bas tante fecundo. En sus comedias no hay cosa tolerable, sino algunos retazos de versi ficación fácil y rotunda. » Schmidt, another critic of Gómez, deals too harshly with him. « Gómez », says this Germán critic, « belongs to the least dépendent of workers who bring forth something good, mediocre or bad, when art is carried on as though it were a pièce of hand labor... » Cf. Schmidt, in Jahrbucher der Literatur. Wien, 1822, XIX, p. 22, cited by M. Kayserling, Sephardim, p. 228. 3. A Dutch translation of this play appeared in 1656 under the title of Casimier of gedempte Hogmoet » by Catharina Questiers. See J. A. van Praag, La comedia, p. 72.



nevertheless, at times, reached the peak of art. The courtly feelings and virtues of the knights of his age are often imbedded in his dramas. He is a perfect Spaniard filled with the noblest feelings of nationalism. His mode of thinking is that of ail Spanish writers, the one they ail know, the typically Spanish one. Honor, love, friendship formed the characteristics of his héroes1. The Jewish blood in the veins of Antonio Enriquez Gómez is also clearly manifested by the affection and interest which he had for the Old Testament stories which make up almost half of his dramatic repertory. Among the many critics of Gomes 2 there seems to be a general understanding that the best and most perfect of his drama are : A lo que obliga el honor and Celos no ofenden al sol in which he tries to imitate the author of La vida es sueño to some extent. Even Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo who has criticized José Amad orde los Ríos for having given Gómez some récognition as a poet of merit, agrées that « sus dos mejores o menos malas comed ias» are the two above mentioned 3. It would require much time and paper to attempt to give hère an exact idea of each one of the few productions which I was able to read. However, I shall briefly acquaint the readers with the contents or the main ideas of one or two of these plays. In the first named play, Gómez traces the same thought which Calderón carried through in his El médico de su honra. The action takes place in Seville during the last years of King Alfonso the Xlth. Alfonso, in order to compénsate his brave general, Enrique de Saldaña, for his service to the empire, and in order to show his appréciation, wants to give him as his wife, Doña Elvira de Liarte, a lady-in-waiting at the court of the Queen. Enrique de Saldaña had never thought of getting married and had an aversion to the institution of marriage. However, he consents to the wish of his royal friend because his lady, according to his own admission, is a miracle of beauty and ^irtue. Doña 1. José Amador de los Ríos, Estudios, p. 592. 2. George Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, II, p. 384 ; J. Fitzmaurice- Kelly, Historia de la literatura española. Madrid, 1921, tercera edición, p. 279 ; Romulo Alva rez Espino, Ensayo histórico- crítico del teatro español, p. 223. 3. Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, op. cit., Il, p. 613.



Elvira, bowever, was deeply in love (although this was secret) with Alfonso's son, Don Pedro. Their attraction for each other is declared in long speecbes which tire both the reader and the listener — speeches in which they are suddenly interrupted by Doña María de Padina and other well known friends of young Pedro. Doña Elvira, however, after being solicited by the king, consents to marry the general whom she respects because of his bravery. With great amazement Don Pedro finds out that the wedding ceremony is to take place in the next 24 hours, and he, therefore, résolves to put ail kinds of obstacles in the way in order the prevent it. The following Unes are worth while mentioning because they indicate how Doña Elvira imparts to her lover, Don Pedro, that she bas fulfilled the wishes of the king. Doña Elvira. Casóme el rey con Enrique fue mi amor flor deslucida en almendro que nace en brazos del alva y viene muerta, naciendo.

(Act I, p. 91.)

Don Pedro. Yo soy tu esposo, mi bien Doña Elvira. Ya es tarde : no podéis serlo. Don Pedro. Quien lo impide?... Doña Elvira. Mi fortuna. (Act I, p. 91.) Don Pedro succeeds in finding a way into the house of Don Enrique a night, but the latter who had been detained at the Palace sees him. Enraged over the fact that his honor is at stake, he enteis his wife's room and finds that she is trying to hide her lover. Thereupon a discussion ensues where Don Pedro tries to prove the innocence of Doña Elvira. Don Enrique, however, more cautious begs him to leave his home quietly in order not to attract the attention of his servants : pero si obliga a callar el respeto de los tres, esta puerta viene a dar al jardín ; salid por ella : que no es bien alborotar los criados de mi casa.

(Act II, p. 101.)



D. Enrique recognizes the virtue of his wife for a while for she is anxious to live in peace with her husband and warns Don Pedro that she would communicate to the king his foolish ambitions. However, Don Pedro persists in following Doña Elvira and one day Don Enrique surprises them both, and understands that his honor is still in danger when he hears that his wife says : Arded, corazón, arded : no es cobardía ignorar, lo que ha vencido el amor, ni es flaqueza del valor, sentir, temer, y dudar : ya llegasteis a escuchar lo que sin duda ha de ser, muy cerca estáis de caer, ya sois de Elvira enemigo pues dixo hablando conmigo; que yo no os puedo valer. (Act III, p. 109.) to which the prince replies : Cesar o nada : que así he de morir o vencer, (Act III, p. 109.)

King Alfonso advises Don Enrique to take bis wife to a villa situated on Sierra Morena, near Seville. No sooner do they arrive at this place than Don Pedro présents himself again to their sight. This infuriates Don Enrique, but as a discreet person hides his rages and arranges a hunting party in order to entertain the son of the king, and at the same time to wash the stain which besmirches his honor. Hé'takes advantage of the natural excitement of the hunt and takes Elvira to the summit of a moüntain, pushes her to the abyss below thus putting an end to his pains and restoring his much desired honor. In this play, and many others, Enríquez Gómez is a typical Spaniard. He présents on one side the passionate love of Don Pedro and that of the lady-in-waiting, Elvira, on the other. Don Enrique is portrayed as a genuine knight and hero to whom the loss of honor is more terrible than death itself. La prudente Abigail belongs to a différent class of drama. Here we have to deal with Biblical material just as the title itself reveáis. It has so much oriental and strange characteriza-



tions that it makes it diñicult to represent it in a modern théâtre. Calderón used this thème in one of his autos entitled La primer flor del Carmelo. Gómez, however, in order to smootb out the harsh characteristics, injects something idyllic and fairy taie like into the play. In certain respects, although Gomez does not repre sentthe true character of the hero (David) as we know him from the Bible, we may cali this drama excellent. The speech which Abigail makes in front of David, the so-called proud field Marsh all, written in three foot trochaic measure is the triumph of the whole play1. It is a pity, however, that it suffers from great length. There are excellent portrayals of characters, especially that of Nabal, the Harpagon of the Bible, and that of Abigail, the good housewife who is taken away by David when her husband Nabal dies of envy, and thus ends the godly story of the beautiful Abigail2. Contra el amor no hay engaños is a comedy of intrigue, and Enríquez Gómez, according to Amador de los Ríos, imitâtes Tirso de Molina, when he présents his ladies with afectations « poco nobles ». Before passing to another writer, I should like to elucidate an historical point of the Spanish théâtre. It is true that in tbe play A lo que obliga el honor Gómez has followed the same idea as Calderón in his El médico de su honra, and many other dramas. The situations are similar; the plots follow the same development and the conclusion is identical. Which of the two dramatists has imitated, if not altogether copied the other? In Spite of the great ñame and the genius of Calderón, according to Amador de los Ríos, it was the latter3. Gómez had already written his 1. Capitán heroyco, de cuya prosapia Israel adquiere Descendencia sacra :

Valor, honra y fama : Una muger soy, Pastor generoso Que a tus pies postrada, de cuya cabana Piedades procura, espera Israel si decoros guarda. (Act II, p. 208, 16% edit.) 2. Y aqui la divina historia de la bella Abigail da fin, se aceto el Poeta, 3. Estudios, p. 596,



drama before Calderón since, in the fîrst place, he (Gómez) was 20 years older than Calderón, and secondly in 1642, in his Acade miasMorales Gómez says of himself tbat : hálleme con la barba tan nevada como la misma plata conquistad. Calderón was born in 1600 ; and in 1636, Gómez fled from Spain when he was feeling already the approach of oíd age. Another historical point is the controvery that has existed among certain writers concerning Enriquez Gómez and don Fer nando de Zarate. For some time it was considered that these two ñames were one and the same person Antonio Enriquez Gómez, only one dramatic poet. Adolfo de Castro1 has been the champion of this theory. However, Mesonero Romanos, Adolfo de Schack, La Barrera and others2 have disproved this belief which has been refuted with plausible arguments. D. Fernando de Zarate, in the opinion of these critics, did exist and there are plenty of facts concerning his life and writings 3. To resume the characterization of the works of Gómez. In spite of his faults he is worthy of a distinguished place in Spanish literature. If he cannot be counted among the first dramatists and Korypheans of his nation, nevertheless he deserves to take at least second rank as both Amador de los Ríos and Adolfo de Cas tro admit it in their respective studies of our author. This is something, by the way. One might mention also, that Gómez was also better as a satirist. That is exemplified in his comedy Celos no ofenden al sol. One may deduce that Gómez had an aversion toward marriage. In tact one finds scènes in his dramas which describe married life in the blackest picture and which designate marriage as the most gruesome of evils. There is no way of finding out whether the poet himself had bitter expériences in marr ied life. More biographical détails on Gómez are-lacking. We know, however, that he was married and that he had a son, Diego 1. Poetas líricos españoles del siglo XVI y XVII, p. xci {B. A. E., XLII). 2. Rómulo Alvarez Espino, Ensayo histórico- crítico del teatro español, p. 223 ; George Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, II, p. 384. 3. See Narciso Díaz de Escovar, Poetas dramáticos del siglo XVII. Antonio Enriquez Gómez, in Bol. Acad. Hist., LXXXVII, p. 840.



Enriquez Basurto, the heir of this poetical spirit. Furthermore, it is known that he died in Amsterdam (circa 1662) as a Jew for, Barrios afïîrms it, and the best proof that he gives is by putting him in the number of Jewish poets of his time1. I shall now turn my attention to the other two dramatists which I hâve indicated at the beginning of this chapter. 2. — Ishaac Cohen de Lara In 1699, tbere appeared in the city of Leyden, a play entitled Comedia famosa de Aman y Mordochay nuevamente estampada corregida y repartida por jornadas, añadida con 48 enigmas espa ñolas y 25 holandezas con otras cuiriosidades de gusto y passatiempo para este presente tiempo de Purim by Ishaac de Abraham Cohen de Lara, a Spanish and Portuguese bookdealer2. I hâve thought it proper to treat of this comedia of Lara right after the plays of Enriquez Gómez, because Meyer Kayserling3 was in doubt as to whether or not to attribute it to Gómez because of the promise made by the latter, to his friends, to produce a play with that name. That Cohen de Lara is nothing but the editor of the play is évident from the title îtself and also from the information imparted to us by certain writers4 on the liie and writings of our author. There is no way of fînding out who the real author of the Comedia is, but I will venture to guess that it Ts not by Enriquez Gómez. I base this guess on two assumptions : First, the editor (Lara), in an introduction entitled « al benévolo lector », says that this play which « hasta ahora ni aún entremez se podía llamar », wás written by « un ingenio de Amburgo según colegí de su prólogo ». Second, we know that nearly ail of Enri1. See Relación de los poetas y escritores españoles de la nación fudayca Amstelodama, edited by Kaiserling in Revue des Études juives (1889, XVIII, p. 286) where he says : « Antonio Enriquez Gómez el de Sansón, y el Romance que decanta el martirio de Don Lope de Vera. » 2. This play is one of the many found in a collection of comedias dealing particularly with biblical subjects, and dedicated by the editor to Don M. Ximenes, Baron de Belmonte. It is entitled : « Comedias nuevas de los más celebres autores. Amsterdam, a costa de D. Garcia Henriquez, 1726. » Cf. Meyer Kayserling, Ribliotheca, p. 38. 3. Sephardim, p. 152. 4. M. Kayserling- Isaac Cohen de Lara, in Jewish Encyclopedia, VII, p. 620 ; S. Wininger, Grosse Jüdische National Biographie, III, p. 591.



quez Gómez's works were published in Rouen, Bordeaux, Madrid or Barcelona and not a single one appeared in Hamburg, Germany. Furthermore, there is no indication anywhere that Anto nio Enríquez Gómez had ever visited this city of Germany. While the play has many marks of Gómez' style, we should not be overzealous in attributing this play to him until further proofs are established. Except for the few notices about IshaacfCohen de Lara given in the Jewish Encyclopedia and in Kayserling's book Sephardim, we know very little about his life. In addition to being a bookdealer and editor of the above mentioned play, Lara was also the editor of a Judeo-Spanish calendar entitled : Guía de pasageros, Amsterdam, 1704. In view of the fact that another Isaac Cohen de Lara was « Chazan » of the Spanish and Portuguese Congrégation of Amsterdam from 1719 to 1743 x, one wonders if the following description of Lara found in Barrios' work applies to our author : Luze Ishac Cohen de Lara con la luz de la modestia, del Ara por sacerdote, por Ishac de pura ofrenda 2. Lara's play is a Purim comedy and was dedicated to his friend David de Souza Brito. The delight afforded by the play is augmented by the 36 Spanish enigmas sacadas de un libro entitled las 400 respuestas preguntadas por el Almirante de Castilla, Don Fadrique Henriquez, a su cofesor and 12 others taken from a MS. as well as 25 enygmas holandesas curiosas. Finally there is a brindis and a Spanish bailad la fuga de Jaacob de Barsheva. The main characters of this play are Ahasvérus, Esther, Mordecai, Harbona, Aman, Supsay, his son, his wife Zerésh, his daughter, a distinguished Persian, a singer and others. The author présents the ill-luck of the enemy Aman and the happy successes of his adversary — the Jew Mordecai. A brief resume of this play is as follows : After the exécution 1. M. Kayserling, article Isaac Cohen de Lara, Jewish Encyclopedia, VII, p. 620 ; S. Wininger, op. cit., p. 591. 2. M. Kayserling, Une histoire de la littérature juive de Miguel Levi de Barrios, in Revue des Études juives, XXXII, p. 100.



of Vashti, the queen, Ahasvérus marries Esther, a comely maiden, the nièce and adopted daughter of Mordecai, a Benjaminite living in Susa (Shushan). Aman, a man whom the king had raised above the stations of his peers wished to hâve ail the subjects abase themselves before him. But the Jew Mordecai would not bow down except before God, and publicly refused obeisance to Aman. Aman, then, being always insulted by Mordecai, conceived a great hatred for him and for his people. He succeeded in persuading the king to issue and edict by which ail Jews were to be massacred on the 13th day of Adar and their property cohfiscated. After this success, Aman confiding to his wife Zeresh, the esteem under which he is held by the long tells of Mordecai's insults every time he sees him — for, under no conditions would the latter bow to him. Thereupon his wife suggests to her husband that he sbould erect gallo ws fifty cubits high on which with the king's permission the hated Mordecai might be strung up. And Aman did so. That night however, Ahasvérus could not sleep. It is discovered, after reading the royal archives, that nothing had been done to reward the Jew Mordecai for having frustrated the evil machinations of two of the royal chamberlains who had formed a conspiracy against the king's life. Aman is asked to bestow the highest dignities upon Mordecai. He does as the king bade him and hastens home with his head covered as in mourning to tell his wife and the company of his friends ail that had befallen him. While Zeresh, after hearing her husband's woeful taie, is prophesying even worse things to come, the king's chamberlains arrive to escort Aman to a banquet tendered by Esther to which he had been invited. At the banquet, Esther tells the king of Aman's intentions to slay her people in cold blood, and through her manoeuvering is able to obtain from her husband a decree ordering Aman's exé cution. From the table, Aman is carried to the gallows which he had prepared for Mordecai in his own courtyard. Aman's ten sons and his wife Zeresh perished also. The play closes with an account of the might and greatness of Mordecai who was installed in Aman's position, in token of



which Ahasvérus gave him his signet ring, and the singing of praise to Esther and to God in this manner : Esther después del dio ser loado lo que pienso bien serca es que este alegre dia, que dase perpetuado cada año con alegría. (Jornada III, p. 48.) or something like this, in praise of God and Mordecai : Bendito Adonai siempre Aman muera, viva Mordochay, Ester mi señora. Viva la señora bendito Adonai siempre Aman muera, viva Mordochay. (Jornada III, p, 44.) Upon analysis of some of the characters of this play we find that Esther is a model of sweetness and gentility. Aman a fearful warning to the wicked and Mordecai the typical God-fearing man, the king of virtue and of justice. Whoever the author of this play may have been, he has certainly perfected the gracioso, called el pastelero in the play, and has rendered him a vital and funda mental part of the comedia. Here and there we hear « el paste lero singing the downfall of Aman : » por cuantos días son oy de la luna atan tos diablos doy la fortuna por quantas palabras oy al aire van a tantos diablos doy a Aman. (Act I, p. 8.) The style is generally graceful, elegant and precise. The idyllic descriptions of the materials used in the construction of the gallows, and the monologue of Aman1, cursing his fate, are models of simple, easy-flowing, harmonios s and lyrical verse. 1. It is thus that Aman having been asked by the king to take Mordecai around the city in his best clothes, becomes very angry and says to his attendant Supsay : el diablo que rae tomó



The source of inspiration for this play is the Bible story elaborated by midrashic comments. The dependence on thèse sources has been such that a marked unity is seen to exist throughout ail that literature which has continued to delight Israel on the feast of Purim ever since that festival was instituted *. 3. — Daniel Levi (Miguel) de Barrios The last of the dramatic poets of the period under discussion is Miguel or Daniel Levi de Barrios. This writer who has gained for himself an honorable place among the Spanish dramatists2, is still little known. A few years ago, some Germán and Ç)utch newspapers made him a contemporary of Uriel Acosta, ahd admitted as authentic a letter, falsely attributed to Barrios, in which were discussed the destinies of Acosta as well as the future of Spinoza 3. Daniel Levi de Barrios, like his correligionist, Antonio Enriquez Gómez, was the son of a Marrano. He was born in Montilla4 in 1625 and was one of the seven sons in a family of eleven children. He led a most boisterious life. He was not quite twenty nine years of age when he went to Italy. Then he sojourned in Nice at the home of his aunt, Sara Torres. In Leghorn, Italy, where Barrios spent a longer period of time, he underwent a metamorphosis : the Marrano became a faithful con este demoniado : pues en palacio estando ia yo para le ir ablar ; me manda el mismo llamar que sin más, en yo entrando me haze el demoñoso dar...

(Act II, p. 22.) 1. Felipe Godínez, another Spanish Jewish dramatist of the 16th century and the onty dramatist publicly condemned by the Inquisition, wrote a number of biblical plays among which is found Aman y Mardoqueo, o la horca para su dueño. Cf. M. Mendes Bejarano, Histoire de la juiverie de Séville. Madrid, 1922, p. 20^. 2. Meyer Kaiserling, Bibliotheca, p. xv. 3. Daniel Levi de Barrios. A contemporary opinion of Uriel Acosta, in Jewish World. London, 1887, Nos. 732 and 733. 4. Mi gran patria Montilla, verde estrella del cielo cordobés, agrado a Marte . con las bellezas de la diosa Astarte, del fuego militar áurea centella. {Coro délas Musas, p. 196.)



adhèrent to Judaism. Just as Paul de Pina (Rehuel Jessurun), on his way to Rome, instead of entering a convent was won over to the religion of his father through the efforts of Dr. Eliau Montalto1, so Miguel de Barrios puhlicly embraced the religion of his forebears in Leghorn. He owes his « first light of the pure law » to another sister of his father, Rahel Cohen de Sosa, who lived in that city at that time 2. Barrios was not very happy in Europe. After marrying the cousin of his brother-in-law, he tried his lot in another part of the world. Together with â number of his correligionists he set sail for the West Indies3. Misfortune befell him when his wife Debora was taken away from him through death. After returning to Europe he enlisted in the Spanish army in Brussels and in 1662 came to Amsterdam where he married again. Barrios had to wage many fîghts against bad luck. The years which he spent in Brussels, as a captain in the Spanish army, were among the happiest of his life4 : his most famous poetical works (Flor de Apolo and Coro de las Musas) and his dramas date from this time. In order to live his life unhampered as a Jew, he gave up his position in-Brussels and went to Amsterdam in 1674. It is quite astonishing that his literary activity went on a decline beginning with that year. This enigma, explains Kayserling5, was due to his having attached himself to a group of Marranos who were partisans of Sabatai Zevi, the so-called Messiah, where Barrios lost his mind. Poverty compelled Barrios to use his pen again. In order to obtain the necessities of life for his wife and his two children, he was forced to write poems in honor of the rich Jews of Amst erdam, of London and of Hamburg at every happy and sorrow1. See Chapter IV, p. 75. 2. A mi tía Raquel Cohen de Sosa, Devo la primer luz de la ley pura. (Ctted by Kaiserling in his study of Barrios in Revue des Études juives, XVIII, p. 277). 3. J. A. da Silva Rosa, Geschiedenis der Portuguese Joden te Amsterdam, p. 107 ; J. Lucio d'Azevedo, Historia dos Christaos Novos Portugueses, p. 399. 4. J. A. da Silva Rosa, op. cit., p. 107. 5. M. Kayserling, Une histoire de la littérature juive de Daniel Levi de Barrios, in Revue des Études juives, XVIII, p. 277.



ful event. He remained ail his life a poor poet. In this connection I should like to take exception to Graetz's statement that he was a beggar and without shame begged of nearly every Jewish and Christian magnate who possessed a full purse1. In my opinion, Barrios deserves more sympathy than jeers. He was, notwithstanding Graetz, the Poet Lauréate of the Amsterdam Gommun ity had ample opportunity to indulge his poetical gifts. and The only survivor of ail those he loved so dearly, Barrios died in February 1701 2. He had selected a plot in the cemetery of Amsterdam, next to his wife's who had died some 15 years previously. His epitaph in the spot where he was laid to rest is marked with lines from his own pen whicb I take the liberty to repro duce hère : Daniel and Abigail Levi hâve hère become united again Love joined their soûls. A stone now joins their remains. So deeply they loved each other in life That even after death they shall be one8. Of ail the Judeo-Spanish poets who, far from their « descarrada patria » hâve cultivated with zeal the language of their native land, no one has, insofar as the literature and the history of Judaism is concerned, a greater importance than Miguel Levi de Barrios. Thanks to him we know about the origin and the development of the Hispano-Portuguese- Jewish Gommunity of Ams terdam, its académies and schools, its rabbis and physicians as well as poets4. His works are many and varied : the Flor de 1. Henry Graetz, History of the Jews, V, p. 204. Graetz is even harsher than Menendez Pelayo in his judgment of Barrios when he says that « he cannot be reckoned a poet » while other critics hâve accorded him some degree of récognition. 2. George Ticknor (History of Spanish Literature, 1849, II, p. 385) erroneously states that he died in 1699. 3. Y Daniel y Abigail Levi ajuntarse bolvieron por un amor en los almas, por una losa en las cuerpos porque tanto en la vida se quisieron, que aun después de la muerte un vivir fueron. (The above is cited by M. Kayserling, Sephardim, p. 256 ; and in his Bibliotheca, p. 16-26.) 4. See study by M. Kayserling in Revue des Études juives, 1889, XVIII, p. 77 et suiv.



Apollo, the Coro de las Musas, the Triumpho de Igovierno popular are among those which best reveal his capabilities. Lyric poetry, history, drama, religion, politics, philosophy, everything which at that time attracted human curiosity touched his avid intel ligence ; and, necessarily, perhaps because of this very same thing, he did not excel in any of thèse branches of literature. It is possible that he lacked the basis f»r a solid éducation and cul ture. Two of the most important of his works are the Relación de los poetas y escritores españoles de la nación judayca Amstelodama and Ez Chayim or Arbol de la Vidas both of which hâve been edited by Kayserling in the Revue des Études juives. After a brief biography x about tbis « unhappy child of Israel », to borrow Ticknor's words, let us proceed with the analysis of some of his plays. In Pedir favor al contrario found at the end of his Flor de Apollo 2, the love thème is prédominant. Don Marcos de Moneada, brother of Blanca, is deeply in love with Flor de Cardona, sister of Basilio. Don Marcos sends a picture of his together with a message to his sweetheart in order to excuse his absence, but Basilio who finds this out, calis his sister a traitress and an enemy. This he does out of the belief that Marcos was the man who had injured him in a fight in which he (Basilio) had been engaged previously (in an encounter) with Julio and Vicente. In order to avenge Marcos he compels his sister Flor to write an answer to Marcos' note whicb he himself dictâtes. And when Flor begs his clernency, Basilio says : Tu enemigo soy, no hermano, 1. More detailed information on the life of Barrios cannot, unfortunately, be found anywhere. With the exception of Kayserling's latest contribution [Revue des Études juives, XVIII, p. 80) the life of Barrios has not been written as yet. What Diego Bar bosa, Nicholas Antonio and others hâve said about him is very brief and unimportant, and later critics such as José Amador de los Rios and Adolfo de Castro hâve given uë^nothing new except what they hâve drawn upon the previous sources of information. However, many hâve recalled him even with but one or two lines. The very latest author who had devoted some attention to Barrios is Cecil Roth [op. cit., p. 333-335). 2. Ticknor (op. cit., II, p. 385) erroneously states that the plays of Barrios are added to the Coro de las Musas ; they are published at the end of the book Flor de apolo, Brussels, 1665.


BULLETIN HISPANIQUE Y assi en vano solicitas pedir favor al contrario.

Blanca, Marcos' sister, is enamoured of Victor de Prado and when Basilio is mentioned as her probable husband she indignantly answers : Que aún que es tan digno sugeto Don Basilio de mi amor, bicarro, cortes, señor, galán, valiente y discreto de mi estrella la influencia solo a D. Victor me inclina que a la voluntad divina no hay humana resistencia. However, Basilio, who wishes to avenge his sister's lover at all cost, persuades Flor to marry Victor, for compelling her to do so, he feels that his honor will be vindicated. The élément of jealousy is fréquent in this play. Doña Flor is jealous of Marcos and thinks he is deceiving her when she sees him embracing his sister Blanca. Marcos, however, is the true type of lover and when Flor reproaches him for his unbecoming conduct toward her, he assures her of his love by saying : cierra el labio no ofendas al amor mió, que es mi hermana la que causa tu celoso desatino. Various intricate « capa y espada » éléments, such as disguise, non-recognition, mistaken identities, assumptions, etc., enter to complicate action and to render foresight of resuit impossible. Because of these mistaken identities, Victor is led into confu sion and thinks that Blanca is Basilio's sister and that he was being ridiculed by Marcos who had promised to give him his sis ter in marriage. Marcos is the brave man, the courageous man, the person who, althought a great fighter for the cause of his honor and his love, tries to pacify ail parties, and succeeds. It is thus that the play ends in Lope's fashion of pairing off the lovers. When everyone recognizes his identity and Basilio and Marcos shake hand, the



engagements of Blanca to Victor and that of Marcos to Flor are announced. Vicente, the gracioso of this comedia, a most witty, spiritual, irreverent, blasphemous and selfîsb type to appear in any dramatic work of such concentrated proportions, ends up by saying : Solo Blanca se ha llevado el Victor de la Comedia to which Julio, a criado, adds : Otro le pido al Senado, porque tenga sin dichoso pedir favor al contrario. Like those plays of Calderón, Pedir favor al contrario seems to be a new type of « capa y espada » in which a new series of devices is added to those already existing sucb as : 1. Lovers do not recognize each other in dark. 2. Women veiled themselves in order to pass incognito to their brothers who capture them by surprise. 3. They (the women) hide in a nearby room upon appearance of their brother. 4. Resort to lies and similar devices which, as Calderón would say, are known as « lances ». While there is plenty of activity tbroughout, the plot is intricate and the play as a whole is « flojo » as would say Marcelino Menendez Pelayo. This, as well as the other two of bis greatest plays can favorably be compared with those of some of the grea test plays of the Spanish writers. Nevertheless they are of little value because of their fault of drifting away from the real purpose all tbe time. El Español de Oran, however, is among the best. A summary of this play follows : Muley, brother of the king of Argel, together with Suliman kidnap Doña Sol, a beautiful woman, on the eve of her marriage to Don Lauro, a Spanish general stationed in Oran, and carries her oíí to Argel where the king is stationed. Don Lauro, who is apprised of this sad incident, goes to the rescue and swears to avenge the Moor as evidenced by these lines : Bull, hispanique. Soy celoso Español, 22


BULLETIN HISPANIQUE ya Josué imitar intentó, pues por darte fin sangriento voy a detener al sol. Tu pagaras (moro fiero) el enojo que me has dado.

While Doña Sol and Lucrecia, her attendant who had also been kidnaped, are brought to Argel, the king, astonished by her beauty and falling in love with her at first sight, takes her away from his brother and protects her. Muley, his brother, cannot forgive the king for this foul play and, king or no king, decides to avenge him because, after all, Doña Sol had been stolen so that she could become his wife. Thereupon, he and a few of his men enter the king's palace and were about to wage war in order to regain what had been taken away from him. Don Lauro, however, frustrâtes Muley's plans. He enters the palace to save his sweetheart and, upon seeing this conspiracy, decides to side with the king and défend him. With his ability to swing the sword and like a « valeroso español » he enters the fight and succeeds in routing Muley and his followers. Before Doña Sol was brought to Argel, the king had paid his attentions to Doña Luna, a Moorish woman who was in his employ. It was natural then, that when the king turned his atten tionto Doña Sol because of her beauty and his désire to possess her, Doña Luna should become jealous and an enemy of her adversary. H ere the élément of jealousy which enters in many of the plays of Calderón and Lope, is again portrayed. A change takes place in Doña Luna's heart. Don Lauro's courage makes her lose ail her love for the king and she tries to win over : Aquel español gallardo, aquel Hector vencedor, que del ayre de su brio es mi amor Camaleón. Aguarda invicto mancebo suspende el passo veloz, que sombra de mi esperanca siguiendo tus passos voy. In the second Act, the king makes Don Lauro a minister in his kingdom as a reward for the assistance given by the latter in the war against his brother Muley. Don Lauro, however, is



very unhappy over the fact that the king is trying to win over Doña Sol and says : De qué me sirve (tirano) si ya Sol que le adorava por tu causa le ha dexado. The attentions of Doña Luna to don Lauro excite the anger of Doña Sol who has not had a chance to speak to him privately. This anger is brought to its climax when Doña Sol and Doña Luna talk together about their love affairs. And in order to excite Doña Sol, Doña Luna answers to a question put to her regard ing her love for the king, that : no pienses tal que como en ti se ha copiado, borro en mi su original. dexàndome de otro amor el carácter singular que a los ojos de Don Lauro traslada mi voluntad. The king decides to carry out his evil designs. He had set about to derive his pleasures wherever he could get them. One night he decided to invade the home of Doña Sol in order to court her. Lauro, who had been apprized of the evil intentions of the king decides that she would prevent him from entering his misstress' room no matter what happened. Lauro and Mendrugo, his ser vant, the gracioso of the play, hide themselves in an obscure cor ner while the king and bis attendant, Gazul, prepare to enter the garden leading to Doña Sol's room. Somehow, the king sees two people in the street and sends his body-guard, Gazul, to chase them in order that he might not be disturbed while he was « sleeping in the arms of his beloved ». Gazul is killed by Don Lauro when he attempts to send him off. Lauro, then, to carry out his plans to avenge the king, or at least to prevent him from getting what he was after, disguises himself as Gazul and comes near thé king. Hère a lively conversation between the king and Lauro takes place and wishing to show the king just how he (Lauro) could protect him in the event that an enemy would approach the gate of the garden, prevents him (the king) from entering the palace and a fîght is imminent between the



two. While they are arguing Lauro succeeds in having the king retreat to the place where Gazul had been killed and runs away. At this spectacle the king is very much annoyed because he believes that he has killed him thinking that he was Don Lauro. The attendants are summoned to remove the body while the king explains the mystery of the murder. His appetite however, remains still to be satis fied. The third and last act of the play shows the king again resol vedto win over Doña Sol. When they meet he declares his love for her and promises her wealth and happiness as well as the crown of his kingdom if she promises to marry him. This action of the king is judged from an entirely différent point of view than that of the average person. The honor élément is very important to Doña Sol who is very loyal and devoted to her Sweetheart Lauro. Knowing that the king's love for her was nothing but an intense désire to satisfy his passions, Doña Sol repels him with thèse words : Señor, vuestra magestad no intente atropellar mi decoro and when the king uses force to posses her, Doña Sol informs him, after regaining courage, that no matter what means he employs she would not be conquered because she is strong enough to défend her honor : Sepa que soy tan valiente en guardar mi honor, que quando vencedor se considere, del impossible mayor, es impossible vencerme porque a pesar de la ofensa con las manos, con los dientes, yo propria me haré pedacos que antes que el agrabio llegue la que se precia de honrada por que viva su honor, muere. However, the king attempts to convince Doña Sol of his true love. And in order to assure her that he did not have anything to do with Doña Luna, he promises her that he would arrange for a marriage between Don Lauro and Doña Luna. Lauro and Mendrugo overheard this conversation and Lauro,



naturally, is very much angered. Mendrugo, on the other hand, excites the anger of his master by a few witty sayings hère and there such as : Al Sol quitarte procura por que a la Luna te quedes. Muley, the king's brother, manages to get back again with a number of men determined to kill the king and to steal Doña Sol. The peace of the king is very much disturbed again, but with the help of Don Lauro all the enemies are dispersed and Muley, taken as prisoner, is jailed in a tower. Doña Luna is one of those mean characters who wish to get what they want at any price. First she plans to hâve Lauro come into her room and seduce her. Then failing in this attempt because Lauro is also very true to Doña Sol, she decides to avenge both Doña Sol and the king so that Lauro might marry her. She helps Muley to escape from prison and one night, while Doña Sol was waiting for Don Lauro who had planned to take her away clandestinely, Doña Luna leads Muley into Doña Sol's room. In the darkness of the night, Doña Sol thinks that it was Lauro who had called for her and both get away through the garden. The same éléments of non-recognition, mistaken identity and confusion are introduced in this play as was évident in Pedir favor al contrario. Doña Luna in her désire to have Lauro in her arms locks herself in Doña Sol's room knowing that Lauro was to cali for her there. Instead, the king enters and for a while, believing that they had found each other again (Doña Luna thin king that it was Lauro and the king thinking that it was Doña Sol), console themselves with passionate kisses and kind words and the king seduces Doña Luna unknowingly. But after his pas sions had been satisfied, the king gets tired and abandons her. Luna swears to avenge him (still thinking that he was Lauro) by denouncing him to the king. When Lauro really appears in the palace, sometime later, and hears that Doña Sol had been taken away by Muley, he disappears leaving Mendrugo behind. Doña Luna, believing him don Lauro, captures him and locks him up in the room saying : para consultar aora


BULLETIN HISPANIQUE con mi enojo mi venganza en vano te apartas que he de quedar con honor o no has de salir con alma.

Soon, however, after telling the incident to the king and asking that justice be done to punish her assailant, Doña Luna became aware of the mistake and the damage done her by the king himself goes unrepaired. Once again Muley attempts to enter the king's palace with a number of men. While the fight goes on, Don Lauro again sides with the king and his dexterity and courage is admired by Doña Luna who had placed herself against a certain wall from which she could see the duels. Not satisfied of the fact that he carne out victorious once more, Luna tries to kill Lauro, but fails. Doña Sol, meanwhile, défends herself from the attentions of Muley and as when she defended her honor against the king, threatens to throw herself from the balcony into the sea in order to protect herself : Pues de aquel balcón al mar sabré arrojarme animosa por que viva mi opinión y no tu esperanca loca. Muley is finally stabbed with a dagger by Doña Sol and both she and Don Lauro, injured, come before the king and implore him to reléase them. The king becomes very tender and although really hurt because Doña Sol is being taken away from him, grants them their wish by saying : lo que pedís os otorgo. Doña Luna, burning with jealousy cannot resign herself to the sight of such a scène. But the king pacifies her too : Luna, luna, no te alteres, yo sé quien gocó tus bracos, a los mios buelve. Thus the play ends with thèse two unions and with the realization of the wish that Lauro is to marry Doña Sol.



Marcelino Menendez Pelayo1 goes too far when he says that ail of the works of Barrios deserve to be forgotten. He should hâve excepted, at least, this play because it possesses, in spite of its numerous weaknesses, parts which are worthy of the talent of the author. El Español de Oran is perhaps longer than it should be but not without merit. Before I dismiss Barrios and end this essay, I should like to say a few words about his smaller comedies, which, together with the three most important ones add up to from 9-11. Most of thèse, however, are religious autos or panegyrics composed at the request of his royal friends and benefactors, for several solemn occasions. Thus, during the présence of Charles II and his wife in Brussels, a comedy was composed by Barrios entitled : Panegyrico a las Inclintas y soberanas magestades de la Gran Bretaña Carlos Segundo y Dona Catarina de Portugal2. At the marriage of his royal Highness the Kaiser Leopold to Margaretta, daughter of Philip IV of Spain, another comedy was produced by our author3. His religious plays or mosaic autos — as he calis them — were written in Amsterdam. Thèse dramas, sketched for severaL Académies were probably presented at yearly festivals with musical accompaniement 4. Contra la verdad no hay fuerza5 is an allegorical comedy divided in three parts the characters of which are : la verdad, el alvedrío, el celo, el entendimiento, la virtud, la mentira, el horror. The play is preceded by poems about the three victims of tbe Inqui sition whose ñames are found in the title. The whole work is dedicated to Señor Yshac Pensó. Overlooking Barrios' fréquent recôurse to culteranismo his style 1. Op. cit., II, p. 617-618. 2. Printed in Coro de las Musas. Brussels, 1672, p. 3-42. 3. Epithalamio III que se representó en el salón del Palacio de Brusselas por orden y disposición de la excelentísima Sra. Marquesa de Caracena para celebrar el feliz hymeneo del siempre augusto Emperador Leopoldo Ignacio y de la serenissima Infanta de España doña Margarita de Austria, in Coro de las Musas. Brussels, 1672, p. 297-328. 4. A zarzuela by de Barrios entitled Palacio de la Sabiduría is incorporated in the book Aplauzos académicos (p. 361) by Antonio Alvarez de Acuna, according to Salva (Catálogo de la biblioteca de Salva escrito por D. Pedro Salva y Millen y enriquecido con la descripción de otras muchas obras. Valencia, 1872, I, p. 368). 5. M. Kayserling, Bibliotheca, p. 17 ; Vicente Salva y Pérez, op. cit., I, p. 36S ; Anto nio Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero his paño- americano, Barcelona, 1923-1927, I, p. 180.



has the grâce and charm of the best lyric poets. Had he not been subject to the hunger of the time for quantity of works, Barrios might hâve brought a few more of his comedies up to the point of perfection of some of tbe best of the Spanish writers. Epilogue However improbable afd extraordinary that might seem, the fact is true and indisputable that the Spanish Jews hâve produced men who hâve written dramas, comedies, tragédies, etc. The genius of the Sephardim which had obtained such success in ail the genres of literature, could not help but be seduced by the charms of the tragic muse. Truly, the Spanish Jewish dramatists were in small numbers, but their works, be they written in Hebrew, Spanish or Portuguese, hâve made so great a vibration that they might be accorded a place in the Hispano-Portuguese Théâtre, and that their names might be saved from oblivion. If their dramas are not at the same height as those of Lope de Vega, Tirso de Molina, Calderón, etc., they deserve, nevertheless, to be brought to the attention of scholars for they possess qualities characteristics of the plays of the period. Among the plays of Enriquez Gómez, there are those which hâve been perpetuated by their success and which hâve had the honor to rival those of even such a genius as Calderón. We still hâve very little information on the Judeo-Spanish théâtre in general. But I hâve good h opes that with the time Sephardic scholars will be able, by searching the various archives, to enrich our knowledge of the subject and to enlarge our pers pective. This essay is only a small contribution to a vast and interesting subject. No effort has been made to clear up such points as vocabulary, grammar, technique, sources and other esthetic con sidérations which could hâve been done. Would that some day it may be possible for me to make a study worthy of the subject, Henry V. BESSO,

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