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Slavery in the Modern World

Slavery in the Modern World

Junius P. Rodriguez, Editor

Copyright 2011 by ABC-CLIO, LLC All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rodriguez, Junius P. Slavery in the modern world : a history of political, social, and economic oppression / Junius P. Rodriguez. p. ; cm. Includes index. ISBN 978-1-85109-783-8 (hardcopy : alk. paper) · ISBN 978-1-85109-788-3 (ebook) 1. Slavery·History·20th century. 2. Slavery·History·21st century. I. Title. HT867.R63 2011 306.3'620904·dc23 2011019834 ISBN: 978-1-85109-783-8 EISBN: 978-1-85109-788-3 15 14 13 12 11 1 2 3 4 5

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VOLUME 1 List of Entries ESSAYS Slavery and Abolition in the 20th Century Suzanne Miers Coercion and Migration Annie Fukushima Enslavement Claudia San Miguel Organized Crime and Enslavement Marylee Reynolds Sweatshop Labor Judith Ann Warner ENTRIES, A–N VOLUME 2 List of Entries ENTRIES, O–W DOCUMENTS Index

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vii 435 595 829


List of Entries

„A School For Iqbal‰ Campaign ÂAbd Abolition of Slavery Act Abolitionism Abolitionism, British Abolitionism and Prostitution AboriginesÊ Protection Society Action pour le Changement Addams, Jane Adoption of Children Ordinance Law Afghanistan African Network for the Prevention and Protection against Child Abuse and Neglect (ANPPCAN) African Squadrons Agnivesh, Swami Ahmad, Muhammad Ahmed, Zafaryab Al-Diein Massacre Alexander II Alien Tort Claims Act All Pakistan Brick Kiln Owners Association (APBKA) American Anti-Slavery Group (AASG) Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society (ASAPS)

Anti-Slavery Award Anti-Slavery International Anti-Slavery Society Antislavery and Labor Movements Arana, Julio César Asia Monitor Resource Center (AMRC) Asian Migrant Center (AMC) Asian-American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI) Asociacion De Trabajadora Autónomas „22 De Junio‰ de El ORO Australia Baker, Samuel White Barya Beria, Lavrenty Pavlovich Berlin Conference Bhagwati, P. N. Bhatta Mazdoor Mohaz (BMM) Bok, Francis Piol Bol Bonded Labor Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF) Brazil

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List of Entries

Bride-Price Broad Meadows Middle School Brussels Act Burma Burma Peace Foundation Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative Buxton, Thomas Fowell Cadet, Jean-Robert Cambodia Campaign for Migrant Domestic WorkersÊ Rights Cane Harvesters Cardoso, Fernando Henrique Cariye Casement, Sir Roger Cash Crops Caste Central Asia Charcoal Chattel Slavery Child Labor Child Labor Coalition Child Prostitution Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) Child Soldiers Children Chulalongkorn (Rama V), King Coalition against Trafficking In Women (CATW) Company Codes of Conduct Concubines Convention against the Worst Forms Of Child Labour

Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Women and Children Convention of Saint Germain-en-Laye Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Convention on the Rights of the Child Convict Leasing Côte dÊIvoire Cotton, Samuel L. Cox, Caroline COYOTE Czech Republic Debt Slavery Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women Declaration on the Rights of the Child Decree Respecting Domestic Slavery in German East Africa Devadasi Doe v. Unocal Domestic Workers Dominican Republic Douglass, Frederick Dred Scott v. Sandford Economic Globalization ECPAT El Monte, California, Sweatshop Case Emancipation Proclamation The Enlightenment False Adoption Fanon, Frantz

List of Entries

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Female Genital Mutilation Fernando Pó, São Tomé, and Príncipe Fishing Platforms Forced Prostitution Foreign Aid France Free the Slaves Freedom Network (USA) Gabon Garrison, William Lloyd Garvey, Marcus Germany Green Revolution Gulag (Main Administration of Camps) Haile Selassie I Haiti Hak Sun, Kim Haratine Hardenburg, Walter Ernest Hassaniya-Berbers Huerta, Dolores Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) Human Rights Day Human Trafficking for Labor Purposes Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation Ibn Saud, Abdul Aziz Illegal Migration Incest India Indian-Mestizo Captives

Indonesia Industrial Revolution Inheritability of Slavery International Agreement for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) International Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Women and Children International Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Women of Full Age International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights International Day for the Abolition of Slavery International Day for the Remembrance of the Slave Trade and Its Abolition International Labour Organization (ILO) International Needs International Organization for Migration International Program on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) Jim Crow Laws Just War Theory and Slavery Khan, Ehsan Ullah Koran and Antislavery



List of Entries

Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan Kosoko, Oba Land Reform Latin America, Antislavery and Abolition in Lavigerie, Charles-Martial-Allemand League of Nations League of Nations Covenant Leopold II Lim, Janet Lincoln, Abraham Macías Nguema, Francisco Mauritania Mexico Migrant Workers Model Business Principles Morel, Edmund Dene Movement to Abolish Prostitution and Pornography (MAPP) Mui Tsai Muscat and Oman, Abolition of Slavery in NAACP Resolution to Combat Modern-Day Slavery National Child Labor Committee (NCLC) National Islamic Front (NIF) Nazi Germany and Prostitution Nazi Slavery Nevinson, Henry Woodd Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs)

North Africa, Abolition in NUPI Omona, George Organized Crime and Slavery Oxfam International Palermo Protocol Pandit, Vidyullata Pandit, Vivek Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) Peonage Peruvian Amazon Company (PAC) Peshgi The Philippines Plessy v. Ferguson Pornography and Children Prison Labor Prisoners of War Prostitution Protection Project Reemergence of Slavery during Era of World War II Rehabilitation Programs Reparations Restavek Rezende Figueira, Ricardo Sauckel, Fritz Saudi Arabia, Abolition in Serfdom Servile Marriage Sex Workers Union of Cambodia Sexual Abuse Sharecropping

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Shoishab Shramajeevi Sanghatana Slavery Convention of 1926 Social Reintegration of Former Slaves SOS Esclaves (Mauritania) South Asian Coalition on Child Servitude (SACCS) Spain State Law and Order Committee (SLORC) State Regulations on the Reform through Labor Sudan and South Sudan Sudan Peace Act Sudan PeopleÊs Liberation Movement/ Army Sudrat Srisang Survival International Sweatshop Watch Thailand Thirteenth Amendment Tippu Tip Trafficking Transnational Institute (TNI) Trokosi Tubman, Harriet Turabi, Hassan alUkraine Underground Railroad Undocumented Aliens

UNIFEM: WomenÊs Human Rights Programme United Nations Ad Hoc Committee on Slavery United Nations and Antislavery United Nations International ChildrenÊs Emergency Fund (UNICEF) United Nations Protocol United Nations Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery United Nations Trafficking Protocol United States Universal Declaration of Human Rights Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act (VTVPA) of 2000 Vidhayak Sansad Violence against Sex Workers Wao-Afrique White Slave Traffic Act White Slavery Wilberforce, William World Anti-Slavery Convention World Bank World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children World Muslim Congress, Sixth World Trade Organization


Slavery and Abolition in the 20th Century
Suzanne Miers

By the beginning of the 20th century, chattel slavery was no longer legal in most of the world outside of the Arabian Peninsula and Ethiopia. A chattel slave was a possession, who could be bought, sold, or transferred at the will of his or her owner. Such slaves owned nothing and had no control over their lives or families. Their subjection was complete, lifelong, and hereditary. This type of slavery had existed since ancient times and was widespread and legal in much of the world until the late 19th century. Although by definition chattel slaves were simply commodities, their worldly status and lifestyles varied considerably. Many were agricultural laborers or domestic servants, often harshly treated, but some were respected retainers, trusted soldiers, and even, particularly in the Muslim world, high officials of state. The most fortunate of the women were beloved concubines or even the powerful mothers of rulers. Some of the males were eunuchs, particularly valued by rulers as soldiers and officials because they could not father rival dynasties. They also served in harems and tended mosques. Chattel slavery came under growing attack in the Western world during the 18th century and was gradually eliminated in many European possessions, the United States of America, Latin America, and various other areas in the 19th century. The last Western country to outlaw it was Brazil in 1888. The abolitionist movement had a number of roots. The most vocal protagonists were evangelical Christians who thought slavery was a sin. Moreover, the various missionary societies who worked among slave-owning peoples thought it impeded the spread of Christianity. Philosophers and activists regarded it as incompatible with human rights. Economists believed it was less profitable than wage labor. The working classes, particularly in 20th-century Great Britain and the United States, increasingly saw it as a threat to free wage labor. In the early 20th century, chattel slavery was still legal in Arabia, then mainly under Ottoman rule, and in the small enclaves claimed, but not ruled, by the British, notably the Aden Protectorate and the sheikhdoms on the Persian Gulf. It was widely practiced in much of Africa, particularly in the more remote areas barely



Slavery and Abolition in the 20th Century

occupied by the European colonial powers, such as Niger and Mauritania and parts of Assam and Burma. It was also legal in some independent states such as Thailand (Siam) and Nepal. It was practiced in parts of the Philippines and Baluchistan. Remnants of it were also found in Korea. In Ethiopia, it was legal and widespread, slave raiding was endemic in some areas, and slave trading was a fact of life. As long as there was a demand for slaves, slave raids, the slave trade, and the export of slaves, particularly from Africa, continued. They were gradually reduced as the colonial powers gained control of the coastal areas during the late 19th and early 20th centuries and later occupied most of the interior. However, a small-scale slave traffic across the Red Sea and Indian Ocean continued as an illegal smuggling trade from the East African coast, parts of India, Baluchistan, Southeast Asia, and even China. Muslim pilgrims on their way to Mecca from all over the world, traveling overland or by sea, were also often enslaved on their way to or in Arabia itself. On the African continent, in the early 20th century, slave raids were slowly eliminated, and slave trading was gradually reduced to a small smuggling trade as new areas were brought under European control. They continued in remote areas, such as Mauritania and the Sahara fringe, on a diminishing scale throughout the colonial era. Small-scale trading, particularly in children, was also endemic in much of Africa. During the period of conquest, it was as much in the interests of the colonial rulers to keep slaves in place and working as it was in the interests of their owners. Each colonial power dealt with the question in its own way. Their aim was to end or modify slavery slowly so as not to disrupt the existing economies by provoking resistance on the part of the owners or wholesale flight by the slaves. The British, whose empire was the most extensive, outlawed slavery in very small areas designated as colonies. The greater parts of their territories were designated “protectorates,” in which slavery was not initially under attack. They introduced a system worked out in India in the 19th century, simply announcing that slavery no longer had any legal status. Slaves could stay with or leave their owners as they wished. The theory was that slavery would gradually die out with minimal disruption as, on the one hand, the supply of new slaves was cut off, and on the other, job opportunities or access to land became available to former slaves, and economic development allowed masters to hire free labor or turn to other forms of investment. Other powers developed their own policies for ostensibly ending slavery, but often tacitly allowing it to continue or finding means of using slaves for their own projects. The Portuguese declared slavery illegal, but in practice it simply continued under another name and in another form. The Belgians virtually ignored it. The French, however, outlawed it in West Africa after failing to stop the wholesale exodus of slaves from one area in 1905–1906. In time, as European control increased, the end of raids and wars curtailed the supply of slaves. Moreover, large

Slavery and Abolition in the 20th Century



numbers of followers ceased to be the main requisite for power and prestige, and where poll or hut taxes were imposed on owners, slaves became an expense and not a source of wealth. In Africa, however, many slaves, having little alternative, simply stayed with their erstwhile owners. Where possible they renegotiated their terms of service. Some became sharecroppers. Others performed various services for their owners, or paid them part of any wages they earned. In many areas, such services eventually became largely symbolic, but social discrimination continued right through the century, particularly when it came to questions of marriage, inheritance, rights to land, and religious ceremonies. In the 1920s, particularly in the Arabian Peninsula and in Ethiopia, slavery was both legal and widely practiced. Arabia was the main importer of slaves. Their fate varied. They might be servants of poor Bedouins, pearl divers, dockers, camel drivers, domestic servants, concubines, or eunuchs. Many were illegally imported from eastern Africa, Baluchistan, India, Southeast Asia, and even China. Ethiopia was a ready source of supply as raiding continued on the frontiers, and slaves were seized by unpaid soldiers and officials or sent as tribute to the rulers. Pilgrims on their way to or from Mecca were enslaved despite the fact that Islamic law forbade the enslavement of Muslims. In areas where the colonial rulers had ended the legal status of slavery, they had a desperate need for labor to develop their new territories. Hence, they used various means of coercion to force indigenous peoples into the labor force. These devices became known as “new forms of slavery.” Some of the worst cases were in Africa. Thus, in King Leopold’s Congo Independent State, French Equatorial Africa, and Portuguese Africa, concessionaire companies were given exclusive rights to certain products such as rubber or other forest products in a particular area. Some also had administrative powers. The result was that unscrupulous employees, determined to meet targets, simply forced the inhabitants to collect these products, taking no account of the Africans’ own agricultural cycle and often committing atrocities. Africans were killed, mutilated, beaten, or fined, and their wives and children were held as hostages until arbitrary quotas were met. The colonial powers also conscripted Africans as forced labor, often performed far from home with great loss of life, due to ill-treatment and undernourishment, but also because of exposure to new disease environments and unfamiliar foods. Thousands died during World War I in the British East African Carrier Corps. Between 1921 and 1934, 14,000 to 20,000 conscripts died building the French Congo railway. The Portuguese ran a virtual slave trade in so-called contract workers to their islands of São Tomé and Principe, and on the mainland, Africans were forced to work for Portuguese companies or other European enterprises for six months of the year for a pittance. In settler colonies, large areas were alienated for European settlers, and Africans were only allowed to live in increasingly inadequate and underdeveloped reserves, forcing the men



Slavery and Abolition in the 20th Century

and some women to work for low wages in the colonial economy. Wages could be kept at a minimum because families produced their own food in the reserves. Africans were also driven onto European estates as squatters, forced to work for the landowners in return for the right to grow some crops but without security of tenure. Another device was to make people grow export crops such as cotton on their own land, in often unsuitable soils. In other parts of the world, notably Latin America and the southern United States, former slaves became sharecroppers and peons—and formed a poverty-stricken underclass. Some indigenous peoples, as in Putumayo, were virtually enslaved by rubber-producing companies. In the Indian subcontinent, whole families fell into debt bondage. This was virtual slavery as the debts could never be repaid and were sometime hereditary. All of these abuses were attacked in the metropoles, by various groups of abolitionists vying for funds for their causes. Prominent among them were missionary societies, who believed that these practices impeded the spread of Christianity and who called on church groups to denounce slavery. A minority were activists, such as Edmund Dene Morel, who founded the Congo Reform Association and believed that human rights included recognizing indigenous peoples’ rights to their land and their right to live by their own creeds and customs. The most prominent organization was the British Anti-Slavery Society, which in 1909 amalgamated with the Aborigines’ Protection Society, to form the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society (ASAPS). The purpose of the society was to use peaceful means to protect colonial peoples from both chattel slavery and various forms of “new slavery.” In spite of its tiny budget and small membership, this society, called Anti-Slavery International from 1990, was, and remained, the acknowledged world leader of the antislavery movement. The main abolitionist struggles of the early 20th century were fought out in the metropoles by these groups, who tried to muster public support against governments anxious to make their colonial possessions pay and businessmen determined to make profits. At the end of World War I, the victorious allies decided that the slave trade and slave raids had virtually ended. They abrogated the Brussels Act (1890), which they wished to end for other reasons. However, Article 23 of the Covenant of the League of Nations bound members to secure “fair and humane” conditions for labor in all countries with which they had commercial dealings. Former German and Ottoman territories were shared out among the victorious colonial powers as mandates to be ruled in the interest of their populations until they were ready for self-government. In the mandates, slavery was to be ended as soon as social conditions allowed it. In 1919, the Convention of Saint Germain-en-Laye replaced the Brussels Act and bound signatories to suppress slavery in all its forms. These were vague commitments without time limits. There the matter would probably have rested had not news arrived of widespread slave raiding and slave trading in Ethiopia. This was quickly followed by evidence of an active slave traffic across the Red

Slavery and Abolition in the 20th Century



Sea, particularly to the new kingdom of Hejaz, founded when the Ottoman Empire was broken up at the end of the war. Finding the British government unwilling to take action, the secretary of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, John Harris, waged an active press campaign and persuaded the delegate from New Zealand to raise the question at the League of Nations. Dramatic proof that the slave trade was active was furnished by the capture in 1922 of a slaver carrying victims from Ethiopia to Arabia. The result of this humanitarian campaign was that, in spite of the opposition of the colonial powers, the league appointed a Temporary Slavery Commission in 1924 to inquire into slavery in all its forms. This had been the aim of the antislavery society from its formation in 1839. It enabled the commission, which was composed of seven independent members, including former colonial governors and officials and a representative of the International Labor Organization (ILO), to discuss questions not previously considered forms of slavery. The colonial powers did what they could to hamstring the commission, restricting its sources and limiting its range of inquiries, particularly in the case of forced labor, which was, as has been seen, widely practiced in all their territories in various forms. In its report, however, this commission extended the definition of slavery to include pawning (the pledging of a person as collateral for debt), forced marriage, child marriage, the transfer or adoption of children to exploit them, debt bondage and peonage, serfdom, forced crop growing, and, most controversial of all, forced labor. The British member, Lord Lugard, forced the hand of his government by sending it a draft convention against slavery. The British felt bound to negotiate a treaty based on this report, but they watered it down to protect their own interests before presenting it to the League of Nations. The result, after much haggling by the colonial powers, each trying to defend their own practices, was the Slavery Convention of 1926, which was still in force at the beginning of the 21st century. This convention defined slavery as “the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the powers attaching to the right of ownership were exercised.” It thus went far beyond the chattel slavery hitherto under attack, but it was vague and the various forms of ownership identified by the commission were not listed in the convention. Moreover, signatories were merely bound to secure the “progressive” disappearance of the various forms of servitude under attack, and no time limit was set. Forced labor was always to be paid for and performed near home and was only to be used “exceptionally” and for “public purposes.” These purposes were not defined, nor were the terms of service. Finally, signatories were only bound to end it “progressively and as soon as possible.” The convention was weakened by the fact that no monitoring system or means of enforcement was established. The league, it was held, could not interfere in the internal affairs of states. Clauses against the maritime slave trade proposed by the British were rejected. Instead, the powers with territories in areas where the slave



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trade was still active agreed to sign a further agreement against it, but this was never done. Moreover, signatories of the convention could exclude any of their territories to which they did not want to apply it. The British, for instance, excluded the Indian princely states as well as unadministered tracts in India and Burma. The French excluded Tunisia and Morocco. There was also no means of forcing countries like Saudi Arabia, where slavery was rife, to sign the convention. Although the convention had these serious weaknesses, it was the first international legal document to establish a moral position condemning slavery, the slave trade, and a range of practices previously not considered forms of slavery. It thus marked the beginning of the international attack on them. One of the most significant results was that the forced labor question was taken up by the ILO, which negotiated the Forced Labor Convention of 1930. Although chattel slavery had now been condemned in an international instrument, it only died out slowly. ASAPS continued to press for its abolition worldwide and was joined by various other nongovernmental organizations, as well as dedicated individuals. It was they who called public attention to the continuing plight of certain chattel slaves, shaming governments into action. Thus, the first serious steps against slavery in the Sudan, for instance, were taken by the British only in the late 1920s. Attitudes changed slowly, however, and ending the legal status of slavery was only the first step. Slaves anxious to leave their owners had to assess their chances, in the case of men, of finding other means of livelihood. For women it was even more difficult unless they could find a male protector. Some women, particularly in rural areas, were still under their masters’ control in Sudan 30 years later. In Ethiopia horrendous reports were still being received of slaving on the frontiers right up to the Italian occupation in the mid-1930s. In Sierra Leone, although slaves were told they were free and officials were forbidden to recognize slavery in the late 1920s, in practice little changed. Many former slaves, now called cousins, continued to work for their former owners without pay in return for access to land, lodging, and food as late as 1956. In French-ruled Mauritania, women and children in particular were retained as slaves despite the outlawing of slavery. Similarly, slavery continued in Niger through the 20th century. In the 1930s, as the result of continuing humanitarian pressure, a second slavery committee was formed by the League of Nations, the main result of which was the establishment of a permanent committee, the Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery, which met from 1935 to 1938. Due to its British member, this committee continued the attack begun by the first committee on the various practices that it had designated as slavery. These included particularly the Chinese practice of “adopting” children, mainly little girls who were called mui tsai (“little sister” in Cantonese). Ostensibly adopted, usually because their parents could not afford to keep them, many ended up as unpaid ill-treated domestic drudges. Unknown numbers were brought to the island of Hong Kong and other British possessions

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in Southeast Asia, as well as to French and Dutch territories. The committee also discussed other forms of child labor, as well as debt bondage, peonage, serfdom, pawning, and slavery in the Muslim world. In 1935, in the midst of the committee’s proceedings, the Italians conquered Ethiopia using the suppression of slavery as one excuse for their unprovoked attack. The advisory committee collected a great deal of information, and by the outbreak of World War II, some progress had been made by the colonial powers, particularly the United Kingdom and France, who demanded reports from colonial governors and in some cases, reviewed and reenacted some of their antislavery laws. The Italians claimed to have outlawed slavery in Ethiopia. The committee, however, died of attrition as the result of events leading to World War II. The 1920s and, more particularly, the 1930s were notable for the emergence of new forms of servitude. From the early 1920s, the Russians were using political and other prisoners as forced labor in gulags. Victims were worked, often to death, in horrendous circumstances, producing gold, timber, and other export goods, and building dams and roads. Capitalist firms in the Western world feared they would be undercut and Western trade unions believed that free labor was threatened. The basic facts were known by the 1930s, but these gulags were not discussed by the League of Nations committees. They fell into the realm of forced labor. In any case, the Soviet Union was not a member of the League of Nations, and thus beyond the reach of its committees. Moreover, the full development of the gulags occurred only during and after World War II. In the 1930s, Nazi Germany instituted concentration camps in which Jews and Gypsies, together with political prisoners and other persons considered undesirable, were worked to death. Inmates incapable of work were killed on arrival. During the war itself, the Germans expanded these camps and also forced thousands of workers from all over occupied Europe to work as virtual slaves, producing arms and other goods for the German war effort. The concentration camps were not discussed by the league slavery committees, although much was known about them by 1938. Germany had by then withdrawn from the league. The recruitment of foreign slave laborers only took place during the war after the committee had ceased to meet. After the end of the war in 1945, many of the prewar concerns discussed by the Advisory Committee on Slavery no longer existed. Slavery had been outlawed in Ethiopia in 1943, as the result of the British expulsion of the Italians and the restoration of the emperor. In 1946, the French ended the use of forced labor. In the 1950s, the communist conquest of China cut off the supply of new mui tsai, which Britain had already done much to suppress in its own colonies. Chattel slavery, however, remained legal in Saudi Arabia, Oman, and the British satellites on the Persian Gulf. It also continued illegally in Mauritania and Niger and other areas on the Sahara fringe. Forced labor in various forms still continued in, for instance, Portuguese African possessions, where labor laws required people to work in the

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colonial economy for half the year, for a pittance. Moreover, debt bondage remained widespread, particularly on the Indian subcontinent. As early as 1946, the ASAPS now led by Charles Greenidge, began agitating for the appointment of a United Nations permanent committee against slavery on the lines of the last League of Nations committee. The charter of the United Nations, issued in 1945, stated that one of its aims was to promote respect for the observance of human rights and to ensure fundamental freedoms for all without respect to race, sex, language, or religion. Slavery was not specifically mentioned, but its eradication was clearly implied. However, like the league, the United Nations was hamstrung by the same inability to enforce its treaties or interfere in the internal affairs of member states. It was also deeply divided on what constituted human rights. It was dominated on the one hand by the United States and its democratic allies and on the other by the Soviet Union, which now led the much expanded communist world. Their concepts of freedom were different. The United States and its allies stressed political rights; freedom of expression, information, and religion; freedom from arbitrary arrest; the right to a fair trial; and other components of the rule of law. The communist world stressed economic and social rights, equal opportunity, and the right to education. It condemned racial discrimination. This was a weak point for the United States because of its treatment of non-whites, and for the colonial empires, which discriminated against their indigenous subjects. The slavery question became a pawn in the struggle for the hearts and minds of the so-called nonaligned states, former colonies such as India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Ghana, and many others, which, as they became independent, took their places at the United Nations. The Anti-Slavery Society persuaded the Belgian delegate to raise the issue of slavery at the United Nations. There was a fatal division between the socialist Eastern bloc and the democratic Western bloc as to what constituted slavery. The Russians thought of it as the chattel slavery of old and the various other practices condemned by the league committees. The British, anxious to divert attention from the chattel slavery in their South Arabian protectorate and their satellites on the Persian Gulf, claimed that it included forced labor, peonage, and mui tsai, which still continued in China. In 1949, the United States proposed an inquiry into forced labor everywhere. A UN committee was finally established to deal with slavery only. Forced labor was once more the province of the ILO. This ad hoc committee was appointed in 1949 to “survey the field of slavery and other institutions or customs resembling slavery” (Economic and Social Council, Resolution 238[IX], July 20, 1949). Its four members met in 1950 and included Greenidge, the secretary of the AntiSlavery Society. It had more leeway than the league committees had to solicit and collect information. However, it broke up early and in disorder, largely because it was attacked by Peru, Colombia, and Chile for discussing peonage.

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However, it had important results. The United Nations took over the 1926 Slavery Convention, and Greenidge presented the British government with a new convention to include the practices defined as slavery in the report of the Temporary Slavery Commission but not formally incorporated in the 1926 treaty. These were debt bondage, serfdom, forced marriage, and the adoption of children for their exploitation. He also suggested treating the maritime slave trade as piracy. The British felt bound to present a watered-down version of this to the United Nations, and the result after much wrangling was the negotiation of the Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery (1956). This convention had an unexpected result. It ended all of Britain’s treaty rights to search shipping on the high seas, a practice now resented by rising powers such as Iran and Pakistan, and that had barely been used by the scaled-down British navy after World War II. A step forward was the condemnation in the convention of peonage, debt bondage, forced marriage, and adoption for exploitation. This was followed by the negotiation by the ILO of the Abolition of Forced Labor Convention of 1957, which outlawed forced labor for economic advantage, political repression, and labor discipline—a clear attack on the gulags. These were being dismantled in the Soviet Union after the death of Joseph Stalin, but were being introduced in China and other communist powers to suppress dissent and to produce goods for export. The long struggle for the supplementary convention focused attention on Arabia, which became the center of the antislavery struggle for the next few years. There was still no means of forcing states to sign or carry out the two antislavery treaties. The British, however, began to pressure the sheikhs in Qatar and the Trucial Coast to end slavery. As oil revenues mounted, Qatar did so in 1952, paying compensation to slave owners. Britain also formed a special force ostensibly to suppress the trade on land in the Trucial States and Oman, and to drive out the Saudis from the Buraimi Oasis, where they were accused of slave dealing. The next few years were a period of turmoil in the Middle East, as Gamal Abdel Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal and launched a campaign of revolutionary socialism aimed at ousting colonialism from the Arab world together with all the feudal rulers. The development of the oil industry enabled fugitive slaves to find jobs and opened up new avenues of investment for their owners. Much publicity was given in the Western press to the enslavement of pilgrims to Saudi Arabia coming from as far away as West Africa. In 1962 pressure on the Saudi rulers mounted as Egypt sent a force to support a military coup in Yemen, where the new government declared an end to slavery. Soon after, Saudi Arabia declared slavery abolished and offered compensation to owners. This led to the announcement by the Trucial sheikhs, under British pressure, that slavery had long been illegal in their territories. In the Aden Protectorate, the British, faced with rebellion, left in 1967 without having officially ended slavery, but their left-wing successors soon outlawed it. Finally, in 1970

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a British-supported coup in Oman led to its abolition by the new sultan. Chattel slavery was now illegal everywhere. This, however, does not mean that it had ended everywhere. Evidence of its persistence in Mauritania surfaced in the 1980s, and new laws against it were issued by Niger in 2005. Moreover, many ties between former slaves and their former owners or their descendants were still active at the end of the century, even among members of both groups who had immigrated to France. If slavery was now illegal everywhere, the demand for cheap and subservient labor was growing rapidly with globalization, and the last years of the 20th century saw an enormous increase in the “new” forms of slavery now called “slavery-like practices.” The abolitionists, led by the Anti-Slavery Society, focused full attention on them and encouraged the formation of local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to attack them. After a long struggle led by the society and a series of UN-commissioned reports, the United Nations finally formed a working group on slavery, later called the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery. It consisted of five members of the Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and the Protection of Minorities. Its first meeting was in 1975, and with one exception it met annually until the end of the century. It consisted of one member from each of the five areas into which the United Nations divided the world— the Western democracies, the Eastern (originally communist) bloc, Africa, Latin America, and Asia. This committee had no powers of investigation and no way of enforcing its resolutions. In its early years, it was divided by the Cold War and by the issue of apartheid in South Africa. Only after these issues were settled was it able to conduct its meetings with less desire to score political points against adversaries and more willingness to listen to the cases brought to its notice by NGOs, international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), UN organizations such as UNESCO, UNICEF, UNDP, and others, including Interpol. The work of this virtually powerless committee, together with that of the much more effective ILO, publicized the many and varied forms of servitude that existed at the end of the 20th century. Many of them were as old as or older than slavery. Some, such as forced prostitution, had been considered by various committees of the League of Nations. By the end of the 20th century, however, they were all brought to the Working Group, which changed its name to bring it into line with its work. It thus became the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery. A separate group was formed to deal with the exploitation of indigenous peoples. By 1975 chattel slavery and the slave trade were only practiced in a few remote areas. Many more people were affected by contemporary forms of slavery. As the colonial empires disintegrated, some states became richer as they developed their resources, while others sank into greater poverty. As globalization intensified, so labor began to be organized in different ways and flowed under different guises in

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ever-increasing numbers from poor areas to richer or developing areas, often, but not always, in foreign countries. These changes had begun earlier, but were intensified in the last quarter of the century by attempts at globalization, by the growth of the arms and drugs trades, and the ever-rising organized crime, assisted by the Internet and the ease of laundering money. One of the most widespread abuses considered a contemporary form of slavery was debt bondage. This possibly predates slavery itself. It was widespread among the rural population of the Indian subcontinent, but also took root in factories and other industries, and by the end of the century was a worldwide problem. People borrowed money for a variety of reasons—for the use of land, to buy tools, to pay for medical treatment, to pay their fares to get to a promised but nonexistent job— only to find themselves bound by debts they could never repay. In some cases, notably in South Asia and Latin America, the debt was hereditary. In others, it was continually being extended. Thus, Chinese triads smuggled illegal aliens into Great Britain, and then demanded more money from the workers under threat of harming not just the workers, but also their families in China. By the year 2000, victims might find themselves working anywhere in the world on farms and in restaurants, gold mines, garment factories, brick factories, and so on. Some were imported as servants by diplomats and kept locked up, isolated in homes, unable to speak the local language, and with their passports taken from them. Many were the easy victims of brutal treatment. Forced prostitution was another form of contemporary slavery, flourishing at the end of the 20th century. Unknown numbers of girls and some boys were tricked or lured into being trafficked to various countries, or forced to work on the streets or in brothels in their own countries. By the late 1990s, an estimated 40,000 to 50,000 women and children were believed to be trafficked annually to the United States alone, many of them victims of poverty from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The traffic was worldwide, and the propagators of this form of slavery did not hesitate to use force. Victims who resisted faced mutilation or death. All faced the threat of contracting HIV-AIDS or other infections, in which case they might be simply thrown out on the streets. Children in particular were victims of contemporary forms of slavery. Child labor was the subject of special UN reports in the 1980s and 1990s. Children are cheap and defenseless, and hence easily exploited. The problem was worldwide but worse in poorer countries. In Thailand in the 1980s, poverty-stricken parents in the north sold their children to work in sweatshops in Bangkok in appalling conditions. In India, parents in debt bondage sent their children to toil long hours in carpet factories where they were often tied to looms, sometimes to the point of being crippled. Others were deliberately mutilated in order to send them out to beg in the streets. In Pakistan, entire families worked in brick factories. In El Salvador, children were forced by poverty-stricken parents to wade in swamps for 14 hours a

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day searching for mollusks, smoking cigars to keep away the mosquitoes, and taking amphetamines to keep awake. In West Africa, boys in search of jobs ended up as prisoners working as slave labor on cocoa plantations. Most dangerous was the use of children in armed combat. Boys between 12 and 17 were forcibly recruited as soldiers, usually in rebel armies. Others joined as a survival strategy. In some cases, such as Sierra Leone, they were forced to mutilate civilians. Renamo, a Mozambican insurgent group since rechristened as a political party, made them kill their parents and then recruited them to fight. The Lord’s Resistance Army in Sudan kidnapped schoolchildren, forcing the boys to serve as soldiers and the girls as sex slaves. Most pitiable were the children of both sexes, but mainly girls, forced into sexual slavery. In India, thousands were trafficked around the country to meet the growing demand for young virgins. Many were Indian or Nepalese, but some came from China, Russia, or Latin America. Sex tourism involving children was a growing industry in the last decades of the 20th century. Tour agencies advertised sex tours as package deals involving a range of deviant practices. Men fearful of contracting AIDS were demanding younger and younger children. In 1989, Interpol reported to the Working Group that there was a growing demand for child pornography, encouraged by the development of the Internet. In 1988, the Working Group was told by a Thai NGO that some 10,000 babies a year were kidnapped or bought for adoption in Malaysia. Similarly, children were kidnapped or bought in South America and Romania for adoption in Europe or North America. In China, baby girls could be bought from orphanages for $20,000 or more. In the early 1990s, the Anti-Slavery Society, now called Anti-Slavery International, turned its attention to servile marriage—marriage in which women did not have the same rights to property, or to their children, or to divorce as men, and in which men might have more then one wife. In many countries children were betrothed without the right of refusal. In some countries widows were inherited by their husband’s kinsmen. Although in the latter case the intention was to provide the widow with a male protector, it could also condemn her to an unhappy marriage. Some children were also dedicated to a deity, often to expiate the sin of some relative. They became, in effect, the wives or servants of the priest—a hereditary situation from which they could not escape. Forced labor was another form of contemporary slavery reported to the Working Group. Sometimes it was, as in the past, practiced by governments like the government of Myanmar, which forced dissident peoples to work in harsh and often dangerous conditions. China sentenced dissidents to gulags, where many were used to produce goods for export or as cheap labor for agriculture or domestic construction. Some forms of forced labor were to be found in the private sector. In 1999,

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for instance, some 40,000 young Asian women were found on the American island of Saipan, imprisoned in compounds, threatened with violence, and forced to work 12 hours a day, seven days a week, producing goods for well-known U.S. firms. Migrant laborers are particularly vulnerable to forced labor, and some have been found working as virtual prisoners on farms and in garment factories in the United States, and in sweatshops in Europe. It remains here to discuss what steps had been taken by the end of the 20th century to stop these abuses, which were well-known as they were reported to the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, and to the ILO, and were exposed by the media. In theory, much had been gained. Reports had been commissioned and conventions negotiated on a whole range of questions, including slavery, forced labor, and debt bondage. There followed conventions for the suppression of the traffic in persons and the exploitation of prostitution, and the convention on consent to marriage, the minimum age for marriage, and the registration of marriages. There was also a declaration on the elimination of discrimination against women. To protect children, a convention was passed on the rights of the child, followed by an ILO convention against the worst forms of child labor. There was also a declaration to protect women and children in emergencies and armed conflict. Added to these were treaties against trafficking and a convention to protect migrant workers and their families. Thus, by the end of the century, a whole range of conventions and agreements were in existence to protect the most vulnerable from abuse. The remnants of chattel slavery were under attack in Mauritania and Niger. Public opinion was being mobilized, not just in the developed world, but also in the areas from which most victims came or where they lived. The Working Group, which had gathered so much information, was still not able to do more than advise on action, but the problems were now becoming known all over the world, and attempts were being made to alert potential victims to the dangers they might face. Moreover, NGOs proliferated and did their best to make abuses known, and often took action themselves to combat them, sometimes at the risk of members’ own lives. However, the basic problem that generated so many vulnerable workers remained untouched—the huge gap between rich and poor countries that drew thousands of potential victims into the hands of international criminal networks. Moreover, the numerous treaties, conventions, and declarations could only be enforced by governments, and many of them were too poor or too corrupt to take the steps needed to end particular abuses. Added to these difficulties was the proliferation of small wars, which dislocated economies and flung thousands of economic refugees on the market. Similarly, the disintegration of the Soviet Union sent unknown numbers of poverty-stricken people into one form or another of contemporary slavery. At

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the heart of the problem was the weakness of the United Nations and the lack of a concerted and determined attempt to carry out its many conventions. Further Readings
Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Miers, Suzanne. Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press, 2003. United Nations. Reports of the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery.

Coercion and Migration
Annie Fukushima

The concern expressed in popular media such as radio talk shows and television news programs like Lou Dobbs Tonight about illegal immigration can be misleading. It often overlooks the jeopardy that migrants face dealing with smugglers or traffickers who may enslave them. Despite the danger, many undocumented migrants come to look for work or to join their families, hoping to become permanent immigrants. The necessity for migrants who would be denied a visa to enter without legal authorization propagates a host of criminal industries. Human smugglers and traffickers are international criminals, and it is not surprising that as intensified border enforcement increases the stakes for both migrants and smugglers, incidences of coercion and predation have increased. Women and children are trafficked both into the United States and internationally for the purpose of forced prostitution and enslavement. Of necessity, this is a process involving trickery and coercion. The United States has responded by passing legislation and directing efforts toward international cooperation. This legislation may work on paper, but efforts to stop this massive problem are only showing limited results.

A History of Race, Gender, and Global Inequality in Migration
The process of globalization has minimized the impact of the distances between communities across the world. While global migration is not new, the speed at which it is occurring and the shifting dynamics are. Why do people migrate? Their reasons may include finding a job, reunifying family, marriage, and the fulfillment of demand for labor by migrants. Nevertheless, in some cases, migrants lose control and are maneuvered into criminal activities or enslavement under conditions of coercion by smugglers or traffickers. Those who are categorized as undocumented immigrants are welcomed as cheap and dispensable labor, but are refused permanent legal resident status. This relegation to a marginalized status makes modern

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migrants from countries considered the global South (developing nations), particularly women and children, vulnerable to criminals. In the 20th and 21st centuries, the gender dynamics of global migration have shifted. Since 1970, the migration of women has increased on a global scale in a phenomenon referred to as the feminization of migration. While women have yet to earn equal hourly wages in most countries, including the United States, women now constitute 50 percent of the world’s migrants. Women migrants are impacted by the creation of binary categories that have developed to label migration as either coerced (trafficked) or voluntary (smuggled). Such simple polarizations of migration are insufficient to describe the effect gender experience has on the migration process and the vulnerability of women to human trafficking aimed at producing modern-day slaves. The U.S. West Coast has a deeply embedded migratory relationship with Latin America that generates racialized (raced) perceptions of human trafficking and smuggling. Americans stereotype Mexico and Latin America as regions involved in smuggling and assume the United States has no criminal involvement. Gendered and raced experiences, however, present a complex picture of interlinkage between countries of the global North (industrialized nations) and the global South.

Human Smuggling and the U.S.-Mexico Border
Undocumented migrants cross U.S. national borders without a border-crossing identification card. These cards are issued by U.S. consulates to visitors for tourism or business, temporary workers, and refugees. These cards are denied to individuals who cannot establish sufficient financial means or pass a security check required of entrants from countries designated as harboring terrorists. The United States has the largest and most diverse flow of undocumented workers among the developing nations. Undocumented Mexicans, Central Americans, and other Latin American workers are employed in agriculture, manufacturing, and the service sector, including jobs ranging from maids to waiters. This is a historical process that began as early as the 1940s, when the United States implemented the Bracero Program to legally bring migrant workers into the United States. Today, although many foreign born are admitted as legal immigrants, a substantial group enters as undocumented migrants, often assisted by smugglers, who may stay for a period of time and return to the country of origin or remain permanently as unauthorized immigrants. Although a person who is smuggled enters the United States illegally, they face an additional risk of human trafficking. A migrant who may want to enter voluntarily but is coerced for forced prostitution or enslaved labor has been trafficked by organized crime. Since 9/11, the protection of the U.S. border has been the focus of U.S. national security. In 2006, the U.S. government funded $12 million for Operation

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Stonegarden, a continuation of a 2005 pilot program with the goal of increasing the patrol of U.S. borders along Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas. This initiative is reminiscent of those in the 1990s: Operation Hold-the-Line (El Paso, 1993), Operation Gatekeeper (California, 1994), and Operation Safeguard (Arizona, 1995). The goal of the U.S. Border Patrol is to combat human smuggling and human trafficking. However, even as U.S. borders are tightened, immigrants continue to enter the United States from Latin America looking for employment opportunities. In 2006, the number of legal immigrants entering the United States was 1.3 million. This number is estimated to be closer to 1.8 million if those who enter as undocumented are included. All estimates of undocumented entry are problematic, as the undocumented have reasons not to cooperate with U.S. Census and Current Population Survey counts, although many do. U.S immigrants are racially and ethnically diverse, but the mass media focuses attention on antismuggling initiatives aimed toward Latin Americans at the southern U.S. border. In San Diego, California, major crackdowns on human smuggling rings have periodically occurred. San Diego is an important corridor or entry point for human-smuggling networks. The smuggling corridor stretches from Otay Mesa to east of Tessa. News stories on incidents like the San Diego crackdowns will become typical and delineate how the government handles immigrant workers arriving at U.S. borders. Employers in particular labor industries (such as the agriculture and service sectors) cautiously welcome immigrants, but the tightening of U.S. borders and the arrest of migrant laborers and smugglers effectively reject them.

Human Smuggling
It is often presumed that those who are smuggled across national boundaries do so freely; they are not coerced, forced, or deceived because they have entered into contracts or have paid for the service. Those who are smuggled are grouped with other voluntary migrants who may migrate to pursue economic opportunities (economic migration), for personal enrichment, or to be reunified with families. Human smuggling is the facilitation, transportation, attempted transportation, or illegal entry of a person(s) across an international border through deception, such as the use of fraudulent documents or simple passage without identification. Definitions of smuggling in U.S. policy suggest that the person being smuggled is cooperating with the smuggler. These definitions do not mention actual or implied coercion, and consider that the illegal entry of one person is being facilitated by another (or more than one). The use of the term “cooperation” in this definition, however, is highly contested when it comes to differentiating smuggling from human trafficking. Although the U.S. public focuses on the smuggling of Mexican and, to a lesser extent, Central American and Latin American undocumented immigrants, this is

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just a partial picture. Smuggling cannot be understood in a vacuum because it is a complex transnational phenomenon. It is not just a U.S. reality, but also rather a global reality. Human smuggling is not limited to the United States despite the United States having the largest number of unauthorized people. Other countries that are major destinations include Western Europe, Germany, Canada, and Australia—industrialized, capitalist nations, otherwise known as the First World or the global North. Human smuggling is the process of bringing in unauthorized entrants, and, according to the U.S. Immigration and Nationalization Act, Section 274(a)(1), (2), it is a felony for the smuggler and a civil offense for a migrant’s first entry. The methods of smuggling include self smuggling, smuggling by professional organizations and networks, and smuggling by independent entrepreneurs known as coyotes in the case of Latin American emigration or snakeheads in the case of Asian emigration. This criminal activity is very profitable. In the first decade of the 21st century, a Chinese migrant might pay from $25,000 to $30,000 to attempt unauthorized entry to the United States. The smuggling fee itself places international migrants into a coercive situation because of the length of time it takes for a person and relatives from a developing country to pay off such a debt. If payment is delayed, relatives in the country of origin may be threatened. Human smuggling involves high risk for both smugglers and migrants. A coyote—also known as a pollero—is a person paid to smuggle a migrant from Mexico, Central America (including the countries El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras), or Latin America across the U.S.-Mexico border. Coyotes are despised by some on both sides of the border for profiting from migrants. As the borders become increasingly militarized, dependency on smugglers increases, and smugglers are able to coerce ever larger payments from undocumented immigrants. Coercion becomes intensified when smugglers connected to drug traffickers ask immigrants to carry in marijuana or other drugs as a part of their fee. Coercion has increased because urban border enforcement by fortification increasingly pushes migrants to cross in areas more remote and oftentimes more dangerous. Environmental factors such as summer heat exposure in the Arizona desert can cause medical problems and even death. In some cases, smugglers abandon medically incapacitated members of a group who can only hope that the U.S. Border Patrol will find them before dehydration, heat stroke, and starvation occur. Undocumented Asian smuggling has historically utilized maritime routes and has received less media attention. Maritime smuggling has been associated with rape of women migrants, malnourishment, and unhealthy conditions of concealment. Snakeheads smuggling Chinese into the United States are reported to have stopped using maritime routes through Seattle, Washington. The new route is by air. One positive, indirect consequence of this change is a reduction of exposure to harm due to the short duration of attempted entry. In 2004, the United Nations

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Convention signed the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Air, and Sea Protocol at its Vienna meeting to control human smuggling, trafficking, and transnational organized crime. Global smuggling networks include a wide variety of source countries and routes, including the often-neglected Canadian border. Cases of human smuggling through Canada from Asia and Eastern Europe were highlighted during a 2006 indictment in Detroit, Michigan, which revealed the fact that undocumented migrants sometimes rode inside or held onto the sides of freight trains traveling through rail tunnels or were smuggled in ferries, car trunks, the cargo trailers of semitrucks, and, in some cases, small boats. The acceptance of such risk is at least partially coerced by prohibiting the voluntary movement of people across borders. Regardless of how much is paid and where migrants are from, the end result is the same: Migrants who are smuggled into a country only reach their destination if they survive the process. In 2000, more than 100 Chinese were found hiding in several ships in U.S. and Canadian ports, including three who arrived dead in a cargo ship called Cape May; they died of malnutrition and dehydration. Migrants contracting with human smugglers must deal with fear, including the risk of death.

Forced Migration
Forced migration often involves a degree of coercion, and it refers to refugees and displaced individuals fleeing ethnic cleansing, political conflict, famine, and other traumatic situations. Forced migration is most often a situation of political coercion, but it is sometimes due to traumatic necessity.

Slavery and Forced Migration
Historic examples of forced migration include the transatlantic slave trade, the forced movement and confinement or death of Jews during the Holocaust, the exodus of Palestinians when the British divided their Arab territories, and the fleeing of Vietnamese refugees during the fall of Saigon. This population displacement is often characterized as the result of nation-state action, although forced movement can be caused by a failure to accept a change in nation-state government and/or territory. Displaced people around the globe are diverse, but share the characteristic that they have been impacted by economic and political turmoil in their home countries. A displaced person is often a refugee or asylum seeker.

Refugees are, by definition, coerced individuals who are most often forced by nation-state conflict to flee. This forced migration is especially severe when entire

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groups flee ethnic persecution. The legal concept of a refugee was created in 1951, when a refugee convention formulated by the United Nations Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Status of Refugees and Stateless Persons under the General Assembly Resolution 429 (V) was adopted. Individuals protected under the category of refugee flee their countries because of persecution or conflict. Their primary international oversight organization is the United Nations High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR), which was developed in conjunction with the UN protocol to protect, assist, and provide monetary support for refugees. In 2005, UNHCR estimated that 8.7 million refugees existed, with the highest concentration of refugees in Asia (40 percent), followed by Africa (32 percent), Europe (20 percent), North America (6 percent), Oceania (1 percent), and Latin America and the Caribbean (0.4 percent). New source countries for mass refugee outflows during 2005 included Togo (39,000), Sudan (34,000), the Democratic Republic of Congo (16,000), Somalia (14,000), the Central African Republic (11,000), and Iraq (11,000). Central American Refugees Mexican, Central American, and Latin American migration has been treated as freely motivated, in contrast to the Asian and African regions. This has created controversy, because the United States was involved in covert warfare during Central American political conflicts of the 1980s and chose to treat displaced individuals and families as economic migrants rather than refugees. Immigrant advocates in the United States took up these migrants’ cause by documenting the existence of death squads and other political persecution during the Central American civil wars and the U.S. efforts to undermine the procommunist government of Nicaragua. As a result, there have been several periods of legalization of Central Americans in the United States after judicial decisions were reached. Currently, Latin America is not considered a major region producing forced migration.

Human Smuggling and Trafficking of Women
Human rights advocates are concerned with human-smuggling networks that use trickery, physical coercion, and emotional degradation in order to exploit migrants economically or to force them into slavery. Research on women in coerced migration continues to gain strength and influence. Examining how coerced migration is experienced differently by men and women illustrates the complexity of global trafficking. Human trafficking is an example of gendered coercion because its chief victims are women and girls rather than men. In contrast to human smuggling, where an individual enters into a contract or pays, the traffickers exploit migrants by violating the terms of the travel and job agreement and placing the migrant under a long-term condition of coerced behavior and loss of freedom. One example is

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prostitution of migrant women, a common experience that spans communities and nations. There is a blurry line between human smuggling and human trafficking, as delineated in the Jaime Aguilar-Hernandez case. After being caught in Stockton, California, Jaime Aguilar-Hernandez, a coyote that smuggled people from Mexico to the United States, was convicted of four counts of alien smuggling and sentenced in November 2006 to 36 months of prison time. The case was acquitted to make a more serious charge, after it was discovered that Aguilar-Hernandez forcibly prostituted a woman he smuggled from Guatemala. This particular case was prosecuted based on the collaborative efforts of two dozen Sacramento organizations that formed the Rescue and Restore Victims of Human Trafficking Coalition with the help of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

History of Peonage and Enslavement Law
Although U.S. slavery was abolished in 1865 with the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment, the U.S. Department of Justice has estimated that more than 50,000 people, primarily women and children, are annually trafficked to the United States. Historically, the U.S. abolition movement acted against the enslavement of Africans brought across the Atlantic Ocean. Although slavery was abolished, the problem continued as debt peonage (a situation in which a person, often a freed African slave or a Mexican American or Mexican) worked for subsistence because they could never pay off debts related to crop-land leases or family survival. As a result, antipeonage laws were put into place, and cases of enslavement in the United States can still be tried under these early 20th-century laws. In the early 20th century, trafficking of white women into prostitution became an issue. In 1910, the Mann Act (also referred to as the White Slave Traffic Act) was implemented in order to respond to the increase in trafficking of women from Europe by French procurers into prostitution. It prohibited the interstate and international transportation of women for “immoral purposes.” Ninety years later in 2000, another law was implemented—the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act (VTVPA).

Protecting Domestic Violence and Trafficking Survivors
Anti-human trafficking initiatives in the United States to protect women and girls are interconnected with the domestic violence movement. The first U.S. policy on domestic violence was developed at the state level during the temperance movement of the mid-19th century. By 1850, 19 states had passed laws allowing women to divorce their husbands on the grounds that they were abusive. These laws were embedded in the temperance movement, which connected alcohol with domestic violence as a dual social problem. Initially created to abolish alcohol use, women

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used the temperance movement to generate legislation for equal rights, economic independence, divorce, and protection against physical abuse. By the 1960s there was a shift in domestic violence initiatives with the formation of groups such as the National Organization for Women. But it was not until 1994 that the United States would pass a comprehensive bill to address violence against women—the Violence against Women Act (VAWA). Perhaps because of its focus on the mistreatment of women, in 2000 the VTVPA was attached to the reauthorization of the 1994 VAWA. This policy is in line with U.S. initiatives to prosecute human traffickers, prevent human trafficking, and protect survivors.

Trafficking for Prostitution and Enslavement
The VTVPA defines human trafficking as follows: (1) movement of an individual across international boundaries after which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, including when the person induced to perform such an act is under 18; or (2) the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services, through the use of force, fraud, or coercion, for the purpose of subjecting that person to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery. The theme that exploitation occurs through force, fraud, or coercion is central to the VTVPA definition. U.S. policy automatically considers minors under 18 who are in the sex industry to be sex trafficked, but requires adults to establish a case for sex trafficking. The International Labor Organization (ILO) estimates that annually 1.2 million people are globally trafficked across and within national borders. The U.S. Department of State estimates that 600,000–800,000 women, men, and children are trafficked across international boundaries each year, and 80 percent of those trafficked are women and girls. In 2004, interviews with 191 U.S. agencies indicated that forced labor is prevalent in five sectors of the U.S. economy: prostitution and sex services (46 percent), domestic service (27 percent), agriculture (10 percent), sweatshop factories (5 percent) and restaurant and hotel work (4 percent). The U.S. Department of Justice estimates that 50,000 people are trafficked into the United States each year. Of those, one-third comes from Latin America. What is important to note in these trends in order to understand the gendered dynamics of human trafficking is that the most trafficking occurs in the sex industry, especially prostitution.

Gender and Human Trafficking
To understand human trafficking, knowledge of the conditions that create it is needed. Human trafficking is not limited to women, but it is an experience that differs based on gender. The increasing numbers of women and girls who are sex

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trafficked reflect on the status of women, especially racial-ethnic women, and perceptions of rape and sex abuse in both source and destination countries. For example, both Mexico and the United States have traditionally been patriarchal societies controlled by men. The concept of borrowing patriarchies indicates that the gendered violence of one country is easily exported to a country with a similar tradition. Coerced prostitution is basically serial rape of nonconsenting and traumatized women and girls. Global interlinkages foster sex trafficking, and patriarchal tradition ensures customers for a high-profit business in which the workers are enslaved and, if they become ill, discarded as disposable people. Worldwide, one in three females experience rape. In Mexico, a man that rapes a minor may avoid prosecution if he marries the victim. Furthermore, the Mexican Supreme Court had ruled that violently forcing a spouse to engage in sexual relations was not rape but the “undue exercise of a right.” It was not until 2005 that the Mexican Supreme Court outlawed marital rape and made it subject to punishment. In the United States, according to the U.S. Department of Justice, a woman is raped every two minutes. This does not include child sex abuse. Only 16 percent of rape victims report their rapes to the police, which means an even smaller percentage lead to convictions. Because of the similarities between the two countries and because rape is predominately a crime against women that reflects their history of lower social status, it is a gendered violence that is transferable through patriarchal borrowing. National responses to human trafficking reflect the trend toward recognition of rights for women and girls, but a part of the problem is that law enforcement responses to these gendered crimes are still insufficient. Human smuggling and human trafficking are part of a larger global process of migration that is defined by national/local responses. In order to understand the increase in international crimes against women and girls, one must understand the interdependence that has developed between countries and the widening inequalities between these countries. Women and girls from poor countries are exploited in richer countries. Yet instead of looking at these coercive gendered transactions, the examination of human trafficking and smuggling has led only to a well-funded policy platform to achieve tightened border controls. The relation of smuggling and trafficking to crimes against women and girls remains a distant concern as compared to the outcry to end illegal immigration.

Trafficking and the Sex Industry
Sex trafficking is a $32 billion enterprise. The global sex industry is housed in go-go bars, pickup trucks, nightclubs, massage parlors, saunas, truck stops, restaurants, coffee shops, barbershops, straightforward brothels (which provide no other service), escort agencies, and on the street. Simply put, the commercial sex takes

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place whenever a person, most often female but sometimes a young boy or older male, sells their sex in exchange for monetary benefits. The Coalition against Trafficking in Women (CATW) found that the rise in sex trafficking globally and in the United States is due to the following: (1) genderbased social and economic inequality in all areas of the world; (2) male demand for sex and prostitution; (3) macroeconomic policies that lead to a push of certain countries to export laborers (an example given is the Philippines, but this is also inclusive of Latin America, especially since the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994; and (4) the expansion of transnational sex industries connected to the globalization of capital and information technology or armed conflict and military occupation. Transnational sex trafficking networks are controlled by supply and demand. They would not exist without the demand from countries of destination. Recruitment is easy; victims are falsely promised legal jobs. Sex trafficking requires the industry to already exist in the source country and for demand to exceed supply, necessitating coerced substitution of foreign women. The systemic operation of prostitution in the First World service sector exists because of leniency as well as cultural normalization in both sending and receiving countries. To examine the idea of leniency, one needs only to refer to reports in the media of politicians and celebrities who patronize the elite prostitution services.

Combating Sex Trafficking National Antitrafficking Legislation
In 2000, the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act (VTVPA) established the precedent to prosecute human traffickers and protect survivors. The term survivor is gender neutral, and the legislation covers involuntary servitude, peonage, and slavery. This act demonstrates an international commitment by the United States to end the exploitation of individuals subject to human trafficking. This act has led to the collection of statistics on trafficking and provides a framework for attacking the problem.

International Cooperation
The Office to Control and Monitor Trafficking in Persons is an international unit located within the Department of State. The effort to end trafficking is supported in the sending countries, often through public education programs that target at-risk women. International raids within receiving countries have identified traffickers and released survivors. International sex trafficking victims are often repatriated to their home countries, and assistance is given for their reintegration.

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Global Law Enforcement Statistics
The 2003 Trafficking Victims Reauthorization Act (TVRA) requires foreign governments to provide the Department of State with the following data: (1) trafficking investigations conducted; (2) number of prosecutions and convictions; and (3) sentences imposed on traffickers. Collection of this data qualifies a country as in compliance with minimum standards for stopping trafficking. This data indicated that in 2003: (1) 24 countries passed new or amended legislation on trafficking; (2) 7,992 prosecutions were undertaken; and (3) 2,815 convictions occurred. In 2004, data indicated: (1) 39 new or amended legislative acts were passed; (2) 6,885 prosecutions were undertaken; and (3) 3,025 convictions occurred. In 2005, there were: (1) 41 new or amended legislative acts; (2) 6,618 prosecutions; and (3) 4,766 convictions. The data indicate a trend toward an increased international conviction rate.

International Cooperation with Mexico
This middle-level developing country is a source, a transit zone, and a destination country for trafficking. Source regions include Central America, South America, the Caribbean, Eastern Europe, Africa, and Asia. Within Mexico, women and children from poor rural regions are brought to cities and tourist destinations to be exploited through job-offer fraud or physical violence. Along the U.S. border and in Mexican tourism areas, child sex tourism is a problem. Women are brought into Mexico or trafficked into the United States for prostitution by organized criminal networks. U.S.-Mexico border enforcement officers often treat human smuggling and trafficking similarly and Mexican corruption impedes investigations. In Mexico both prostitution and pimping are legal, but forced prostitution is not. The Mexican government is on the Tier 2 Watch List because it does not comply with minimum standards for eliminating trafficking, including providing data on prosecution, protection, and prevention. The Mexico Senate passed antitrafficking legislation, but the Chamber of Deputies has not yet voted. Lack of traffickingspecific legislation has prevented data collection. A Preventive Federal Police (PFP) unit with 140 agents investigates and collects data. In the first eight months of 2005, Mexico prosecuted 1,336 cases and levied 531 sentences. It is not clear how many of these cases were trafficking related, and only two convictions are known to be for this crime. The Mexican authorities have identified 126 trafficking gangs. Mexico has organized public awareness campaigns, prioritizing cities connected to trafficking. Mexico prohibits slavery, forced prostitution, corruption of minors, and trafficking-related crimes. Mexico and the United States have cooperated in prosecution through both extradition to Mexico and surrender to the United States of trafficking suspects. Mexican law enforcement corruption is a major problem,

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and a journalist was arrested in Puebla in 2005 for investigating traffickers; she was promptly released. There is inadequate victim protection in Mexico, although nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are cooperating in training and building new facilities. The Mexican government social welfare agencies operate shelters for domestic violence and trafficking victims. In 2005, 207 children were rescued and protected. In 2005, 4 trafficking victims were permitted to reside in Mexico in return for cooperating in trafficking investigations. Mexico illustrates the difficulties in combating trafficking of women to the United States, but it also demonstrates that progress has been made on initiatives connected to TVRA. Elimination of trafficking depends on establishing international cooperation.

Bilateral Safety Corridor Coalition (BSCC)
The BSCC is an example of an international nongovernmental organization (INGO) formed to combat smuggling and trafficking connected to coerced labor. Human trafficking and smuggling are interconnected because they depend on the same migration networks. The BSCC was formed to address how the same routes used for human smuggling are used by human traffickers. The BSCC formed in 1993 when a case manager, Marisa Ugarte, noticed a trend toward trafficking young Mexican girls into southern California prostitution managed by pimps in Tijuana, Mexico. The BSCC is a coalition of 60 organizations in the United States and Mexico.

Victim Assistance in the United States
Individuals testifying against traffickers and associated criminal activities are eligible to apply for visas, benefits, and services under any federal or state agency, similar to having the status of a refugee. The Department of Health and Human Services, the Department of Labor, the Legal Services Corporation, and other federal agencies are required to provide benefits and services without regard to the immigration status of victims. Under current U.S. policy, any person who receives financial support from the U.S. government due to her or his standing as a trafficked survivor is funded by Refugee Cash Assistance.

Problems in Antitrafficking Enforcement and Prosecution
Despite passage of legislation, ending trafficking is interconnected with ending smuggling. Both are targeted for control by border enforcement, but control of sex trafficking may require a differentiated law-enforcement strategy. For example, tightly organized associations based on a familial hierarchy, like Los Leones, in

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which the father is the head, have developed international trafficking routes from Mexico and other Latin American countries. Case scenarios for the trafficked survivor include being lured in with false promises by a trafficker and then being kidnapped and exploited. Coyotes are aware of the vulnerability of migrants, whose undocumented status will lead families not to report victimization ranging from rape to forced prostitution. This has led to a trend in which coyotes and pimps form trafficking coalitions. For example, women and girls are trafficked from the Mexico-California border to northern San Diego County, where they are placed in apartments controlled by women pimps hired by traffickers. Brothels have been identified in communities as far north as Canada. Trafficked girls are sold to migrant farm workers, U.S. tourists, and U.S. military personnel. Ending this exploitation of women and girls cannot rely only on border enforcement because the sex industry is active in the interior. Traditionally, the United States had devoted more funding to controlling the U.S.-Mexico border than enforcing labor-law violations in the interior. Special law-enforcement task forces are needed to investigate the international connections and trafficking in women in the U.S. sex industry. Statistics are needed on the percentage of prostitution arrests that are connected to enslavement, and an effort is needed to encourage the survivors to testify under the VTVPA.

Invisibility of the Problem
The U.S. public’s awareness of human trafficking from Latin America and its networks is made virtually invisible by the media attention given to undocumented migration and U.S.-Mexico border enforcement efforts. The number of social services in California whose mission is to focus specifically on the trafficking of Latinas and Latinos and who provide culturally specific services (Spanish language included) is limited to one agency, the Bilateral Safety Corridor Coalition. Most survivors continue to be routed through domestic-violence agencies such as the San Francisco La Casa De Las Madres, the first agency in the Bay Area of California to provide social services to combat domestic violence.

Aid and Prosecution
The U.S. government passed legislation to counter human trafficking, but states have found this policy limited in its outcomes; human trafficking continues to occur in large numbers. Despite the 50,000 people that are annually trafficked into the United States, the government only provides 5,000 T visas for trafficked persons. Three years after the VTVPA was passed, only 23 visas were issued. To date, 32 states have passed state policies to compensate for the limitations in the VTVPA.

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In 2005, California passed a bill, AB 22, that allows for victim restitution, victim-caseworker privilege, the establishment of a task force (California Alliance to Combat Trafficking and Slavery Task Force), and reimbursement for services provided in aiding trafficking survivors. However, similar to its predecessor, the VTVPA, AB 22 lacks implementation; prosecutions for human trafficking in California through the recent policy were nonexistent. A coordinated federal, state, and community effort needs to be developed to aid survivors in return for their testimony. In general, aiding one case of human trafficking requires the collaboration or collective work between 20 different agencies for a successful human-trafficking prosecution. These services include, but are not limited to: victim advocacy and coordination of services; housing; group counseling; case management; investigation of the crime; gynecological care; medical treatment and lab tests; management of funds through the Office of Refugee Resettlement; Health and Human Services; legal work in the home country to assist families, provide them with shelter, and protect them from traffickers; FBI investigations; INS provision of legal documents; legal advisers; case monitoring; psychological evaluation; criminal attorney; immigration attorney; U.S. attorney; services for youth if the survivor is also a youth; and trauma counseling.

Problems in International Law Enforcement Cooperation
Despite current U.S. antirape policies that criminalize sex abuse and assault, rape, and violence, international enforcement is another issue. A significant obstacle to stopping transnational organized crime is the lack of communication and cooperation between national law enforcement authorities.

Other Issues
Survivors of human trafficking are oftentimes assumed to be smuggled and therefore retrafficked. Current suggestions on how to respond have included an increase in victim protection and services. The ongoing psychological trauma that survivors of human trafficking experience even after the experience ends, suggests the need for continued support even after a case closes.

Violence against individuals is often gendered. The abuse of a woman or girl by a smuggler who puts her into coerced prostitution is matched by the development of international sex trafficking organizations. Prostitution is essentially an industry based on primarily male demand for women and girls. Smuggling and trafficking of women and girls for prostitution are steps along a continuum of gendered violence.

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Integral to the debate surrounding human smuggling and trafficking is the question of whether or not these two processes are entirely separate. In reality, they cannot be completely separated. The debate surrounding human smuggling and human trafficking requires a conceptualization of whether or not the illicit and the licit (legal) can be easily disaggregated. Is migration, in general, always coerced? While the connection between forced migration of refugees and state action is clear, what about the economic factors that may lead to coerced migration? In part, such questions are central to understanding smuggling and trafficking. It is clear that global and internal nation-state inequalities fuel the political conflicts that create refugees and that the global North–global South division feeds the one-way smuggling and trafficking of women and girls coerced into prostitution or other forms of enslavement. These issues are further complicated by other intersecting issues of power dynamics due to race, gender, and class difference. Although the migrant who is smuggled is always vulnerable to exploitation due to their status as undocumented and illegal, the difference in gender exacerbates potential for exploitation in specific arenas in which there is a gender and age demand. Twenty-first-century migrants face an experience defined by a continuum of force and consent. Even among consenting migrants, many compromises are made because their human right to cross borders is not recognized. When the United States socially constructs the illegality of foreign nationals, it increases the risk of coercion, which leads to such crimes as sex trafficking. Although the United States and other countries are beginning international cooperation to end such crimes as forced prostitution and trafficking, only the initial groundwork is in place. This international social problem has not been substantially addressed. Further Readings
Adamson, Fiona. “Crossing Borders: International Migration and National Security.” International Security 31, no. 1 (2006): 165–199. Associated Press Worldstream. “U.S. and Canada Arrest 17 in Alleged Human Smuggling Ring,” February 15, 2006. rld/20060215075131%sec=apworld. Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. Berestein, Leslie. “Crackdown on Smuggling Results in 5,000 Arrests,” San Diego UnionTribune, April 25, 2007, Local B5. Bindman, Leslie. “An International Perspective on Slavery in the Sex Industry.” In Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition, ed. Kamala Kempadoo and Jo Doezema. New York: Routledge, 1998. Chuang, Janie. “Beyond a Snapshot: Preventing Human Trafficking in the Global Economy.” Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 13, no. 1 (2006): 137–163.

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Department of Justice. Fact Sheet: “Accomplishments in the Fight to Prevent Trafficking in Persons.” Gallagher, Anne. “Human Rights and the New UN Protocols on Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling: A Preliminary Analysis.” Human Rights Quarterly 23, no. 4 (2001): 975–1004. George Mason University Sexual Assault Services. “Worldwide Sexual Assault.” http:// Haynes, Dina Francesca. “Used, Abused, Arrested and Deported: Extending Immigration Benefits to Protect the Victims of Trafficking and to Secure the Prosecution of Traffickers.” Human Rights Quarterly 26, no. 2 (2004): 221–272. Hughes, Donna M. “The Demand for Victims of Sex Trafficking.” University of Rhode Island. Kim, Myung Oak. “2 Held in Jeffco in Human Smuggling Case,” Rocky Mountain News, September 26, 2007. “Korean, Malaysian Airlines Are Accused of Human Smuggling.” Filipino Reporter 28, no. 35 (2000): 16. Kyle, David, and Rey Koslowski, eds. Global Human Smuggling: Comparative Perspectives. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Leyva, Yolanda Chavez. “Militarized Borders Worsen Human Smuggling,” Philadelphia Tribune, January 16, 2004, 7A. Magagnini, Steven. “Coalition Formed to Rescue Victims of Human Trafficking,” Daily News Transcript, June 2, 2007, A006. Martinez, Susana S. “Coyotes, Comadres, y Colegas: Theorizing the Personal in Ruth Behar’s Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza’s Story.” Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 5, no. 2 (2005): 149–175. Moran, Greg. “Human Trafficking Laws Used against Smugglers, Escondido Incident Involved Extortion.” San Diego Union-Tribune, June 26, 2007, B3. Ngai, Mae M. Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004. Office to Control and Monitor Trafficking in Persons, U.S. Department of State. Trafficking in Persons Report 2006. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2006. http:// Pais, Arthur J. “Human Smugglers Come Up for Sentencing.” India Abroad (New York edition) 37, no. 21: A10. Polaris Project. “U.S. Policy Alert on Human Trafficking: Summary of U.S. Policy Activity.” Polaris Project. polarisproject/programs_p3/Policy_Alert_7_13_07.pdf+Polaris+Project+Policy+Alert &hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=1&gl=us. Raymond, Janice G., and Donna M. Hughes. “Sex Trafficking of Women in the United States: International and Domestic Trends.” Coalition against Trafficking in Women. Sassen, Saskia. Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mobility of People and Money. New York: New Press, 1998.

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Shigekane, Rachel. “Rehabilitation and Community Integration of Trafficking Survivors in the United States.” Human Rights Quarterly 29, no. 1 (2007): 112–136. Ugarte, Marisa B., Laura Zarate, and Melissa Farley. “Prostitution and Trafficking of Women and Children from Mexico to the United States.” Journal of Trauma Practice 2, nos. 3/4 (2003): 33–74. U.S. Department of Justice. “Fact Sheet: Distinctions between Human Smuggling and Human Trafficking.” Human Smuggling and Trafficking Center. crt/crim/smuggling_trafficking_facts.pdf. United Nations Information Service. “Landmark United Nations Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants Enters into Force.” Vienna: United Nations Information Service. United Nations Population Fund. “Selling Hope and Stealing Dreams: Trafficking in Women and the Exploitation of Domestic Workers.” State of World Population 2006: A Passage to Hope: Women and International Migration. New York: United Nations Population Fund, 2006. Vedia, Eduardo Molinay. “Mexico: Supreme Court Legitimises Rape of Spouses, Critics Say.” InterPress Third World News Agency, June 16, 1997. Vu, Carol N. “INS Delegation Visits China to Begin Talks about Human Smuggling: ‘Snakeheads’ No Longer Using Maritime Routes.” Northwest Asian Weekly (Seattle) 19, no. 34 (2000): 1.

Claudia San Miguel

Human trafficking, or trafficking in persons, has been defined as the new modernday form of slavery and is perhaps one of the most profitable transnational crimes next to the sale of drugs and arms. This transnational crime has been subject to international and national attention. Publicity and human rights advocacy have helped pave the way for the creation of international and national laws to stop the sale and enslavement of persons. However, some controversy exists over the extent of the protection these laws provide, especially the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (VTVPA), a law drafted and implemented by the United States. Because a significant number of persons who are trafficked become vulnerable victims of this crime due to grim economic circumstances in their native countries, controversy also exists over the extent to which victims contribute to their own victimization and whether the United States should provide any legal protection for these victims. Opposing views focus on the extent to which the law should protect victims (such as prostitutes, sex workers, and agricultural workers) who might have initially consented to being transported across national or international borders in order to find employment and then became enslaved.

What Is Human Trafficking?
Trafficking in persons has a broad definition. The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons (the Palermo Protocol), which is the leading and most recent (2003) international legislation to stop the sale and enslavement of persons, defines human trafficking in persons as The action of: recruiting, transporting, transferring, harboring, or receiving persons By means of: the threat or use of force, coercion, abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or vulnerability, or giving payments or benefits to a person in control of the victim


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For the purpose of: exploitation, which includes exploiting the prostitution of others, sexual exploitation, forced labor, slavery or similar practices, and the removal of organs. Using the international definition as a foundation, the U.S. Congress adopted the VTVPA, which is the leading U.S. law against trafficking. The law categorizes human trafficking into two primary components: sex trafficking and labor trafficking. Both types of trafficking are defined as involving the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person. Sex trafficking is for the purpose of initiating a commercial sex act by force, fraud, or coercion and the law particularly focuses on when the sex-trafficked individual is under 18 years old, specifying even greater penalties. Labor trafficking concerns using force, fraud, or coercion to subject a person to labor under conditions of involuntary servitude, peonage (debt bondage, often to work off a smuggling fee), or slavery. Human trafficking can also be understood within the context of the methods and/or activities of the trafficker(s)—those who actively engage in the sale and enslavement of persons. The trafficker usually recruits persons, either adults or children, to be sold into slavery. Recruitment generally involves some form of deception or fraud such as lying about finding and/or providing legitimate employment for persons. Recruitment can also involve the abduction of persons. The trafficker then needs to make the transaction or the sale of the person in exchange for money or another service. This usually involves transporting a person to a specific destination. Finally, the receipt or transfer of the person to the paying customer or client must be made. The threat or use of force or any other means of coercion is present throughout the components or phases of the sale. Additionally, once the transfer to the paying customer is made, the trafficked person is further exploited by being forced to work as a prostitute, agricultural worker, domestic servant, or any other work against her or his will. Although the definition of human trafficking does not necessarily need to involve the sale, transportation, or transfer of a person across international borders, victims of this crime are usually sold on an international scale, thus the need to classify human trafficking as a transnational crime.

Although the sale of drugs and arms are two of the most profitable transnational crimes since the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, human trafficking has become well known in the first decade of the 21st century. Indeed, the television miniseries Human Trafficking on Lifetime and starring Mira Sorvino has certainly brought attention to this global issue, as has the public fight of singer Ricky Martin to combat this crime. Today, it is estimated that 21 million people are victims of human trafficking. In the United States alone, government estimates indicate that

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between 600,000 and 800,000 individuals are victims of trafficking each year. One of the reasons for the existence of this problem is that the sale of human beings is highly profitable. In fact, it is estimated to be the third most profitable international crime next to the sale of weapons and drugs. The profits of the global human trafficking enterprise are estimated at $7 billion to $10 billion a year. Other reasons for its prevalence may be the belief (of the traffickers) that there is a relatively low risk of being apprehended and punished. Law enforcement preoccupation with stopping the sale of weapons and drugs leaves criminals with the impression that human trafficking laws will not be enforced and that their chances of being arrested and incarcerated are minimal at best. This false sense of security also drives the willingness of traffickers to continue their economic venture. Human trafficking results in a form of slave labor or involuntary servitude. It is a venture that thrives on the exploitation of humans for financial or economic reasons. In fact, one could argue that human trafficking is a more profitable business than other transnational crimes, such as arms trafficking or drug smuggling because humans can be sold over and over again. Thus, unlike drugs and arms, which are usually sold to only one customer for a one-time profit, humans can be resold to different customers and sold numerous times for an exponential amount of profit. Typically, victims of human trafficking are sold and enslaved to perform a variety of jobs, the most common of which involves working in some capacity in the sex industry as prostitutes or exotic entertainers. This is the case for most women and children. Children are often trafficking victims of sex tourism operations. Sex tourism or child-sex tourism occurs when people of one country, usually because of strict enforcement of human trafficking laws, travel to a foreign location for sexual gratification. The travel is undertaken with the knowledge that the government of the visiting county does not have the capability or is unwilling to enforce trafficking laws or prostitution laws. Mexico and Latin America have been locations where child-sex tourism has been thriving. Children are also used as camel jockeys (camel riders in races) in some countries or forced to work as domestic servants or in sweatshops. In most cases, victims of human trafficking are forced to perform a multitude of jobs because the traffickers insist that they must pay an impending debt—money ostensibly used by the trafficker to purchase fraudulent travel documents or pay for any travel expenses. Essentially, the traffickers create a situation of debt bondage where the victims must perform some type of service to earn their freedom. However, freedom is rarely a reality because the trafficker is constantly adding to the debt. Overinflated living expenses, medical expenses, and other expenses, including the trafficker’s commission, keep the victim from earning her or his freedom. There are some who wonder why victims do not attempt to escape their captors and why they choose to remain enslaved. The answer is actually quite simple.


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Victims do not choose to remain enslaved, and they do not attempt to escape for fear of harm to themselves or their families. Victims are continuously warned that if they try to flee or call the authorities, death will be imminent and harm could also come to family members. The psychological abuse of constantly fearing for one’s life or the lives of loved ones is enough to cripple any attempts to escape. Psychological manipulation at the hands of the traffickers is not the only factor that keeps victims from escaping. Most victims fear they will be arrested since most are in a country without legal documents and authorization. What makes matters worse is that travel visas, even if fraudulent, are taken from the victim as soon as they reach their place of destination. Fear of arrest for violating immigration laws keeps victims from contacting authorities. Physical abuse is also a factor that keeps victims from escaping. In addition, constant supervision by their captors makes it virtually impossible to attempt an escape.

Current Efforts to End Human Trafficking
The international community has been tackling the problem of human trafficking since the early 1900s, when a 1904 international treaty banned trafficking in white women for prostitution—the so-called white slave trade. In the mid-20th century, further international treaties were created to address this problem. For instance, in 1949 the United Nations, of which the United States is a member, signed an international treaty to suppress the sale of humans. In 2000, 148 countries were signatories to an international treaty to prevent, suppress, and punish those who traffic in persons. This international treaty, known as the Palermo Protocol because it was signed by the various nations in Palermo, Italy, makes it a crime to recruit, transfer, harbor, or purchase a person for the purpose of any type of exploitation. It also makes the sale of human organs a crime. The Palermo Protocol considers a victim’s consent irrelevant, meaning that any person who is abducted, deceived, forced, or suffers other forms of coercion or initially agrees to be transported across borders shall be treated as a victim if she or he suffers any form of exploitation. The victims shall receive help to return to their country or city of origin and shall receive any medical, legal, or psychological assistance needed.

Countries Who Comply with International Law
According to the U.S. Department of State, there are numerous countries that have made significant strides in adopting legislation to prevent human trafficking and strides in prosecuting traffickers and protecting victims of this crime. In fact, the Department of State acknowledged the efforts of 26 counties that have taken significant steps to prevent the sale and enslavement of human beings. Some of the most notable countries include Australia, the United Kingdom, and Sweden. Australia

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has adopted important legislation to prevent the sale and enslavement of human beings. It has successfully prosecuted cases of human trafficking and provides a holistic protection package for victims. Together with Child Wise, a nongovernmental organization, it has sponsored regional education campaigns to prevent child-sex tourism. The United Kingdom is another country that has been conscientious about preventing human trafficking. In 2006, the United Kingdom conducted 343 trafficking investigations and prosecuted eight cases of trafficking for sexual exploitation and one case of forced labor. It convicted a total of 22 traffickers and handed out prison sentences ranging from 5 to 21 years. In addition, Sweden investigated, prosecuted, and convicted a comparable number of traffickers. It also instituted training programs for judges and law enforcement officials to help them understand the gravity of human trafficking.

Critique of Current Efforts to End Human Trafficking
The Palermo Protocol’s significance cannot be understated. It is, after all, an international agreement to prevent, suppress, and punish those who traffic and enslave human beings. Despite its outward significance, some of the 148 countries have yet to finalize or execute the international law in their respective countries. Mexico, for instance, was a signatory of the Palermo Protocol but has yet to actualize any meaningful steps to prevent, suppress, and punish traffickers. Mexico is not alone; there are other countries that have not fully adhered to their promise to end human trafficking. Arguably, some countries that have been unable to fully comply with the mandates of the international treaty, including Mexico, have been unable to do so because of internal turmoil, such as economic instability in the country. Although the United States was a signatory to the Palermo Protocol, in 2000 it passed its own law against human trafficking. The Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act (VTVPA) is a comprehensive law that addresses the problem of human trafficking. It is a federal law that consolidates the protections of the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolishes slavery, and the various immigration and organized crime laws (racketeering laws) that are frequently violated when traffickers, particularly those with organized crime connections, illegally transport victims into the United States. The VTVPA takes a three-level approach to combating trafficking. At the first level, it seeks to prevent the occurrence of the crime by working with the international community to identify those who traffic in persons. This requires the creation of law enforcement task forces, usually composed of FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) agents or ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) agents as well as agents performing similar tasks abroad, to locate human trafficking rings. More importantly, the United States attempts to prevent human trafficking by educating women, who are especially victimized by sex trafficking, in countries where they


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are most vulnerable to this crime about the dangers of human trafficking and by providing governments facing economic instability monies to help the most vulnerable in society find legitimate employment. Second, the law seeks to punish those who traffic and enslave human beings. Under the Peonage Abolition Act of 1867, it is a crime to force or coerce any person (man, woman, or child) to work as a slave. Today, the VTVPA, adding to its predecessor laws, specifically makes it a crime to provide or obtain a person, whether through deception or threat of harm, for the forced labor of services regardless of whether such work is to be fulfilled in the sex industry, agricultural fields, homes, sweatshops, or another environment. The trafficker and/or the customer could face up to 20 years in prison if convicted. However, if the victim is a child (under the age of 18), or the victim dies, is kidnapped, or endures severe sexual abuse, the trafficker and/or customer could face life imprisonment. The VTVPA also makes it a crime for any U.S. citizen to travel to another country for the purposes of engaging in illicit sexual conduct (sex tourism). For this latter offense, a person could face up to 30 years in prison. The third component of the VTVPA is protection of the victim. If a victim of human trafficking is identified in the United States, she or he is placed in a secure shelter and generally provided with medical, psychological, legal, and employment aid. Victims may also be granted temporary visas to stay in the United States and even permanent-resident visas for themselves and their families. The VTVPA is not without its critics. For instance, with respect to prevention, the United States only provides monies to countries it deems to have made sufficient strides to prevent and suppress human trafficking. Each year, the Department of State publishes a document titled the Trafficking in Persons Report that contains findings on the U.S. government’s investigation of foreign efforts to combat trafficking. Only countries that have previously received and/or are currently receiving financial aid from the United States are subjected to this investigation. Countries that do not receive a passing grade, according to the mandates outlined by the Department of State, will no longer receive aid. Thus, countries that are not doing enough to combat trafficking will not receive assistance from the United States. This can be problematic for such countries, however, especially when their inability to launch a concerted effort to fight trafficking is not intentional but hindered by internal strife or political or economic instability. A failure to provide financial aid to countries that do not receive the so-called passing grade will make it harder to prevent and suppress human trafficking and will possibly make this global crime flourish even more. In terms of prosecuting and punishing those who traffic human beings, the United States has also received criticism. In order to prosecute traffickers, the VTVPA requires victims to prove that they have endured harm at the hand of their captors. Victims must be able to show that they were forced, or coerced, to work as slaves. For those victims who initially agreed to be transported across international borders

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or who agreed to work in the sex industry, the law makes it difficult to prosecute cases in which consent was initially given. Perhaps the most criticized aspect of the VTVPA is its attempt to protect victims of trafficking. As mentioned, victims have the burden of proving that they were actual victims of this crime and that they were forced to perform labor against their will. If the victim is seeking to stay in the United States for fear of retaliation in the country of origin, she or he must (1) agree to fully cooperate with the government in its effort to prosecute the traffickers, and (2) agree to undergo an evaluation to determine if in fact she or he is a victim of severe forms of trafficking. The United States defines severe forms of trafficking as (1) any trafficking in which sex is induced by force, fraud, or coercion or in which the person induced to perform such act is under that age of 18, or (2) any form of service in which the use of force, fraud, or coercion was used for the purpose of subjecting a person to involuntary servitude, debt bondage, or slavery. Force may be induced through physical abuse or psychological manipulation. Thus, in order to stay in the United States, even temporarily, the victim must agree to fully cooperate with federal prosecutors in any criminal case against the perpetrators and must undergo an evaluation, called a certification process, before any temporary visa is issued. The certification is conducted by the Department of Health and Human Services and is meant to ensure that the trafficking was indeed of a severe form. Moreover, benefits for victims, such as medical, legal, employment, housing, and psychological assistance, are dependent on the outcome of the certification process.

Trafficking in persons is not a new phenomenon, even though much recent attention has helped shed light on this global problem. The enslavement and exploitation of human beings has an extensive history dating to the earliest civilizations. Ancient Greece for example, was heavily dependent on slave labor for a variety of work including domestic tasks within the home. However, the sale of humans became a transnational economic enterprise in the 15th century, when the Portuguese actively engaged in a highly profitable trade that shipped slaves from Africa to Europe. In the Americas, it is estimated that the sale of 300,000 humans to plantation owners occurred in the 15th and 16th centuries. By the 18th century, the trade of human beings for weapons and molasses, the latter of which was one of the most valuable products of the Americas, was an economic enterprise with only minimal opposition. In the 19th century, both sides of the Atlantic tried to eradicate slavery. For example, the United States passed the Thirteenth Amendment to abolish slavery after the Civil War. Despite these efforts, the practice of exploiting others for economic gain continued. Before the 1900s, historical records indicate that women and children were sold across international borders, primarily for sexual exploitation.


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The sale, transfer, and exploitation of humans continued during the early 20th century despite a concerted international effort to end such practices. By 1904, the problem had worsened so much that an international convention was held to address the problem. Countries such as Brazil, Denmark, India, Italy, Norway, Sweden, and Switzerland signed one of the first international treaties to suppress the trade of human beings. Although this treaty was one of the first international initiatives to address trafficking in humans, it was only intended to suppress the trade of white women. It was not until 1921 that the League of Nations included initiatives to protect non-white women from being sold into slavery. In the following few decades, other international treaties were passed, but all lacked a definite law enforcement plan to combat human trafficking. Today, trafficking of humans is believed to occur on every continent. Due to the clandestine nature of such enterprises, it is difficult to estimate the total number of victims that fall prey to the deceptive and fraudulent practices of traffickers. However, government and nongovernment experts believe that the majority of victims are women; their average age is 20, and they are trafficked primarily for sexual exploitation. Most of these victims are trafficked from countries such as Belarus, Moldova, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine. The primary source countries for the United States are Thailand, China, Mexico, Russia, the Ukraine, and the Czech Republic. Because human trafficking is a lucrative business requiring an elaborate scheme to deceive not only the victim but also law enforcement and other government authorities, it appears that criminal syndicates, including both small and large operations, sell and trade humans in large numbers.

Factors Giving Rise to Human Trafficking
Although lax law enforcement and the high profitability of trafficking persons are certainly factors that contribute to the prevalence of this crime, globalization has also increased the sale and enslavement of human beings. Globalization is generally defined in economic terms. It is described as a process of increased interaction, connectivity, and communication around the world and is achieved mainly through deregulation of trading opportunities. However, advances in communication, such as the Internet, and the ease of travel are also factors that contribute to globalization. Because of globalization, or more specifically the ability to trade goods among varying nations around the world, together with the ability to communicate or travel around the world with more ease, crimes are able to be committed on a larger, international scale. Ironically, just as globalization has made it possible to trade legitimate goods and items across oceans, it has also helped the trade of illicit items such as drugs, weapons, and humans. One other possibility for the increased trade of drugs, weapons, and humans is economic marginalization—an effect of globalization. Economic marginalization

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is created when there are economic differences among countries. For instance, some countries reap the benefits of free markets and free trade while others suffer as a result of free trade. Thus, certain countries get richer while some get poorer. For those who live in countries that suffer as a result of globalization, or more specifically from extreme poverty, criminal activity becomes one of only very few options to make a living. After considering the high profit margin for international criminal ventures, individuals may choose to enter the illegal trade of goods. Extreme poverty also means that some people, particularly women and children, become targets of exploitation and are easily deceived into underground markets such as the sale of humans. Economic marginalization or economic disparity has greatly contributed to what sociologists refer to as the feminization of poverty. The feminization of poverty is the result of the dire economic circumstances that most women face, especially in developing countries, when there are a finite number of jobs available. Thus, women become suitable targets for deceptive employment ventures or, at times, become desperate victims willing to take a chance on such purported job opportunities in order to survive. For example, a woman may be deceived into believing that she will take a job as a “club hostess” and wind up enslaved as a prostitute. Apart from economic disparity, another factor that is said to affect human trafficking is political instability. Although globalization has contributed to the rise of transnational crime, so too has political instability. In the early 1990s, the collapse of the Soviet Union following the end of the Cold War stimulated a rise in regional conflict. Although the conflicts were localized in nature, monies needed to support political ideologies as well as the weapons needed to fight the opposition were obtained through transnational crime. The warfare also diverted government attention away from social protection programs, and many citizens, especially women and children, became easy targets for those wishing to engage in the trade of human beings. The collapse of the Soviet Union together with globalization led to a decline in border enforcement that resulted in increased free trade, including the transportation of trafficked victims. Free-trade agreements between nations, such as NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement), also helped the movement of people, including those who fall prey to human trafficking. In some West African countries, such as Nigeria and Togo, culture plays an unfortunate role in human trafficking, particularly the trafficking of children. It is not uncommon in these countries for parents to voluntarily consent to send their children to live in the homes of relatives, family members, or third persons, in order to provide them with an opportunity to attend school and/or learn a trade. Because of economic desperation, parents willingly agree to this cultural and historical practice. In some situations, parents facing extreme economic frustration agree to sell their children for a small amount of money. Unfortunately, some of these children become victims of labor exploitation, especially as domestic servants or slaves.


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Although these global factors are important to understanding human trafficking, they only serve to explain the supply side of the criminal enterprise. Because of globalization, political instability, and economic uncertainty, citizens who inhabit countries that do not benefit from the legitimate opportunities of a free-market society become vulnerable to human trafficking. Indeed, most victims of human trafficking originate in countries that suffer from instability. However, as with any business venture, there must be a customer willing to purchase a commodity. Thus, the demand side of human trafficking creates a quite ironic situation. Countries that profit from globalization have the financial ability to support this transnational crime. It should come as no surprise that the United States ranks very high as a destination country for victims of human trafficking. Thus, there is certainly a demand or steady flow of customers to facilitate this crime in the United States.

Is There a Difference between Human Trafficking and Human Smuggling?
Human trafficking and human smuggling are terms that are sometimes confused and used interchangeably. Arguably, both involve the movement of people from one locale to another, and such movement of people is generally guided by the prospect of economic gain or the prospect of legitimate employment. Often, both trafficked and smuggled individuals consent to leave their country of origin and both are at risk of being exploited. However, human trafficking, as opposed to smuggling, is different in terms of the means used to move people from one location to another and with respect to the outcome of such movement. It has been said that human trafficking is the dark side of migration. It is essentially coerced or involuntary migration. Thus, the means used to move people from one place to another usually involve force, deception, coercion, or abduction. Another critical difference between human trafficking and human smuggling is the outcome. Victims of human trafficking are moved across borders to be enslaved and exploited. They could be forced to engage in prostitution or work in a variety of occupations, such as domestic service or garment making in sweatshops, against their will. Essentially, human trafficking is human smuggling plus force, deception, coercion, or abduction. It is not human smuggling per se because of the extreme exploitation and enslavement.

Methods Used by Traffickers
There are many methods that traffickers use to either gain the initial willing participation or consent of a victim or to forcibly garner such willingness. For example, preying on a victim’s vulnerability, particularly the need to find legitimate employment, traffickers most often place ads in newspapers detailing opportunities to

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work abroad or in another city as either domestic servants (maids), housekeepers, garment workers, models, or a variety of other types of employment. At first appearance, the ads appear genuine—they convey that help is wanted. Even after a person answers the help-wanted ad, no signs of trouble may be present. In fact, the deception may be so fine-tuned that a person does not know of her or his fate until she or he reaches their destination abroad. Vulnerability is an important determinant of human trafficking. Vulnerability may be brought about through extreme poverty, a desire for a better life, or the need to escape a country suffering from political strife. Regardless of which factor contributes to a victim’s vulnerability, traffickers prey on this feeling of helplessness and use it to gain initial compliance. Initial compliance may also be garnered another way. Traffickers often know their soon-to-be victims because a familial or other relationship may exist. Thus, the trafficker, or at least the recruiter, may be a family member, a friend, or an acquaintance of the victim or victim’s family. Once potential victims have been recruited and the promise for a better life has been accepted by such victims, transportation becomes another important step in the human trafficking operation. The process of convincing victims to travel away from their hometowns often involves illegal behavior on the part of the victim. Because of the dire need to find employment, victims often contribute to the illegal enterprise by lying to government authorities about the true nature of their travel and stay in another country. They may for example, lie to authorities to obtain a business or tourist visa as well as a student, fiancée, or entertainer visa. Victims may even agree to accept fraudulent travel documents or visas in order to obtain employment abroad. Although deception and fraud tend to be the most often used methods to convince victims to leave their hometown for employment, the threat of force, and/or abduction are also methods that are used. The movement of persons to a predetermined destination is an essential component of the human trafficking operation. However, the final component is exploitation and enslavement. This final component is achieved after traffickers confiscate victims’ passports, thus preventing a likely escape when victims are no longer free to leave their traffickers’ sight. It is also achieved when victims are forced to labor against their will.

Should Consent Matter?
One of the most debatable points in defining situations of human trafficking is whether or not consent should be a factor in determining who should be labeled a victim as opposed to a willing participant in the migratory scheme to move or transport humans across international borders. There seems to be hesitation to treat those who initially consented to leave their countries of origin, especially those who knowingly and willingly consented to work in the sex industry, as victims. This


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hesitation also intensifies when individuals agree to the falsification of travel documents and when they aid others to help them enter a country illegally. There are those in society who may wrestle with this issue, perhaps because of a moral dilemma over prostitution, and this diffusion of victimization has an extensive history within the law enforcement community. Internationally and nationally, law enforcement officials, including immigration officers, often view and treat trafficked persons as willing accomplices to a migratory scheme. Thus, trafficked victims are apprehended and charged with crimes for violating immigration laws. Even after the passage of international and national laws against human trafficking, law enforcement officials are quick to treat trafficked persons as unauthorized entrants and therefore accomplices in their migratory scheme before treating such persons as victims in need of protection. Prostitution, which is one of the most common forms of trafficking, has been and is considered a victimless crime by many in the law enforcement field although many academicians argue otherwise. It is therefore not surprising that law enforcement officials view trafficked persons, especially those in the sex industry, as willing participants and hesitate to label them as victims. The same diffusion of victimization occurs for agricultural workers, some of whom may agree or consent to pay for their unauthorized yet aided migration into a country in which they are not a permanent resident. The law enforcement community, particularly immigration officials, considers illegal migrants to be violators of immigration law. Because they knowingly and willingly consent to violate immigration laws and even pay a smuggler to help them enter a foreign county, immigration officials consider such migrants as accomplices and not victims. It is only after a lengthy investigation that officials come to realize that even those who may have initially consented to be smuggled into a country illegally can eventually be forced into debt bondage or forced to work against their will. The Palermo Protocol as well as U.S. law make consent irrelevant to whether a person should be considered a victim of human trafficking. Accordingly, if a person consents to be smuggled into a country in which she or he is not a legal or permanent resident and, upon reaching the destination of choice is forced to work or labor against her or his will, the initial consensual decision becomes irrelevant. Any smuggled migrant becomes a victim of human trafficking when she or he is forced into employment against her or his will.

Trafficking in humans has become one of the most profitable transnational crimes. Its profitability is highly dependent on a steady flow of vulnerable and exploitable persons and a steady flow of customers willing to purchase this commodity. Similar to other economic ventures, human trafficking thrives from the supply of victims

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and the demand for them. Human trafficking is thus significantly affected by global factors, such as economic and political instability, both of which are effects of globalization. Although globalization has certainly helped make the sale of humans a transnational enterprise, human trafficking has an extensive history. Human trafficking flourished despite early and mid-20th century international treaties and laws to eradicate this problem and the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in the United States during the 19th century. Today, trafficking in persons has once again captured the attention of the world and has become a high law enforcement priority for the United States. Perhaps it has been prioritized, since the United States is a prime destination country for victims of trafficking. However, the United States, which has a federal law against trafficking, has received criticism about its protection of victims. There are some who believe that the government revictimizes those who have already suffered from being trafficked by making them undergo a certification process and requiring them to prove their innocence. Further Readings
Aronowitz, Alexis. “Smuggling and Trafficking Human Beings: The Phenomenon, the Markets That Drive It and the Organizations That Promote It.” European Journal of Policy and Research 9, no. 2 (2001): 163–195. Bales, Kevin. Understanding Global Slavery. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2005. Farr, Kathryn. Sex Trafficking: The Global Market in Women and Children. New York: Worth Publishers, 2005. Kandathil, Rosy. “Global Sex Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000: Legislative Responses to the Problem of Modern Slavery.” Michigan Journal of Gender and Law 12 (2005): 87–129. Shelley, Louise. “Post-Communist Transitions and the Illegal Movement of People: Chinese Smuggling and Russian Trafficking in Women.” Cosmopolitan Crossings: Slavic Contacts and East-West Connections 14, no. 2 (2000): 71–85. Sullivan, Barbara. “Feminism and New International Law.” International Feminist Journal of Politics 5, no. 1 (2003): 67–91.

Organized Crime and Enslavement
Marylee Reynolds

The extent and nature of immigrant involvement in organized crime in contemporary American society is a point of contention. Experts are concerned that immigrant involvement in organized crime is becoming increasingly transnational due to globalization, information technology, and the increased mobility of people, goods, and services across national borders. Transnational crimes such as international drug smuggling and arms sales, financial fraud, identity theft, human trafficking, smuggling of migrants, global money laundering, Internet crime, and the corruption of multinational corporations have become a serious threat. This has impacted not only the social, economic, political, and cultural development of American society, but also societies worldwide. The traditional underworld activities of domestic organized crime groups are being supplemented by the activities of transnational organized crime groups. As a result, there is an ever-growing need for domestic and international police agencies to cooperate in an effort to control transnational crime groups. At issue is whether traditional methods of law enforcement can successfully prevent and control transnational organized crime, or if radical changes are needed to combat this domestic and global threat.

The Concept of Organized Crime
Defining and understanding the concept of organized crime is no easy task. There is no consensus among government officials, academic researchers, or the law enforcement community as to what activities or groups constitute organized crime, how it is structured, or its principle attributes or characteristics. Debate also centers on whether organized crime should be described solely by its activities or by the groups that are involved in the activities. Another difficulty lies not in the term crime but in the term organized. Society’s members can easily determine if a crime

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has been committed, and there are federal and state criminal codes that define crimes and their punishments. However, there is no consensus by society’s members as to when a criminal group is organized. Regardless, crime commissions, federal law enforcement agencies, and academic researchers investigating or studying organized crime have attempted to define it. The following definition of organized crime is based on a consensus of writers over the course of the past 35 years: “Organized crime is a continuing criminal enterprise that rationally works to profit from illicit activities that are often in great public demand. Its continuing existence is maintained through the use of force, threats, monopoly control, and/or the corruption of public officials” (Albanese 2004, 4). The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) uses the terms criminal enterprise and organized crime synonymously. A criminal enterprise is “a group of individuals with an identified hierarchy, or comparable structure, engaged in significant criminal activity” (FBI, Organized Crime-Glossary). However, various federal criminal statutes specifically define the elements of an enterprise that need to be proven in order to charge individuals or groups of individuals under those statutes. According to the FBI, organized crime is defined as “any group having some manner of a formalized structure whose primary objective is to obtain money through illegal activities. Such groups maintain their position through the use of actual or threatened violence, corrupt public officials, graft, or extortion, and generally have a significant impact on the people in their locales, region, or the country as a whole” (FBI, Organized Crime-Glossary). Traditional arguments about how to define and describe organized crime are becoming increasingly complex in the 21st century. Globalization, information technology, and the declining importance of nation-states and national sovereignty have changed organized crime in significant ways. Definitions and descriptions of organized crime must reflect these changes. There is no agreed upon definition of transnational organized crime. The vast number of transnational organized groups and their variation in size, structure, geographical location, culture, language, and activities makes them extremely difficult to define and understand. In 2000, in an effort to better facilitate the prevention and combating of transnational organized crime, an ad hoc committee of United Nations member states signed a document titled the “United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime.” Convention members agreed upon the following definition of transnational organized crime: “a structured group of three or more persons, existing for a period of time and acting in concert with the aim of committing one or more serious crimes or offences established in accordance with this Convention, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit” (United Nations 2000). The document further specifies that an offense is transnational if it fits into one of several categories; it is committed in

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more than one state; it is committed in one state but a substantial part of its preparation, planning, direction or control takes place in another state; it is committed in one state but involves an organized criminal group that engages in criminal activities in more than one state; or, it is committed in one state but has substantial effects in another state.

Early Immigrants and Organized Crime
Eighteenth-Century Political Machines
The roots of organized crime can be traced to the street gangs that formed in urban areas of the United States during the late 1800s and early 1900s. Irish, Italian, Jewish, and Polish immigrants settled primarily in cities in the East and West, including New York and Chicago. Immigrants that settled in these urban communities were fleeing desperate economic conditions, political conditions, and religious persecution in their native countries, or were recruited for employment in this country. They found employment in the most dangerous and tedious jobs and were poorly paid. They resided in slum areas reserved for their own ethnic groups. Their cultures, customs, and religious beliefs were attacked, and they were discriminated against by native-born Americans. Yet, the one thing that native-born Americans coveted from the immigrants was their vote. Thus, political bosses, who exercised power on behalf of immigrant patrons, developed political machines. Immigrants who arrived in the United States needed jobs, and the center of the New York political machine, Tammany Hall, had municipal jobs to hand out to construction workers, street cleaners, police and firemen, and other service jobs. These jobs were available to immigrants as long as they provided patronage to the Irish political boss. Irish immigrants looked to politics for personal gains obtained through their allegiance to the political boss. The relationship between the Irish political boss and his constituents recently made film history in the box office hit The Gangs of New York (2002). Immigrants in Chicago, like New York, also looked to the political machine for personal gain. In Chicago, organized crime can be traced back to the actions of Michael Cassius McDonald during the 1870s. For example, during the 1873 mayoral election, McDonald brought several criminal interest groups that specialized in gambling, liquor, and brothels together into one political organization. McDonald’s leadership united politicians and criminals to form the first known political machine. This political machine established more organizational connections between criminals, but the expression organized crime did not become a part of contemporary parlance until the 1920s and the Prohibition era. It was during this time that academics and newspaper editors began to use this term as a new label for an old phenomenon.

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Despite the historical fact that the Irish were the first organized criminals in both Chicago and New York, public, government, and media attention has focused predominantly on Italian American organized crime and the Mafia since the late 1800s. This was primarily due to an incident in New Orleans in 1890 and significant events during Prohibition. David C. Hennessy, superintendent of the New Orleans police, was murdered on October 15, 1890. Prior to his murder, he had targeted crime in the Italian community, and because of this, many citizens believed that Hennessy was killed by Sicilians. As a result, hundreds of Italians were arrested for the crime. In the end, only nine Italians actually faced trial, and none of the nine defendants was found guilty of any wrongdoing. The American public was outraged at Police Chief Hennessy’s death, and New Orleans residents exacted their own personal revenge when a mob stormed the prison, grabbed 11 Italian prisoners, and lynched them. After this incident, the name Mafia was used more frequently to identify Italian American criminals.

The Eighteenth Amendment and the Prohibition Enforcement Act (Volstead Act) went into effect on January 16, 1920. The passage of the Eighteenth Amendment was the culmination of earlier efforts by the antisaloon and antiliquor forces. The legislation prohibited the manufacture, sale, transportation, and import or export of intoxicating liquors. Along with the abolition and nativism movements, the temperance movement emerged back in the 1840s and 1850s. Reformers, responding to the immigrant, urban poor in their midst, believed that temperance legislation would somehow assert the dominance of native-born American Protestant morality. Immigrants were mainly urban, Catholic, and poor. This contrasted sharply with the reformers who were mainly rural, Protestant, and middle class. For immigrants, Prohibition presented a vast number of opportunities to become involved in the illicit liquor trade. Immigrant youth who resided in the urban slums of major U.S. cities were easily recruited into organized gangsterism. Chicago during the 1920s had several well-established bootlegging gangs that were largely, but not entirely, based on ethnicity. Although the leadership of Chicago’s gangland during the 1920s was primarily Italian, Jewish, and Irish, these chieftains were primarily American born or raised. For example, Alphonse Capone’s gang consisted of Italians, Jews, and Irishmen, and Capone was born in Brooklyn, New York. Capone’s gang emerged as the most feared and deadly organization during the bootlegging wars of the 1920s. In sum, Prohibition allowed organized criminals in New York and Chicago to expand beyond those cities “Little Italy” and become nationalized. The wealth Italians accumulated during Prohibition allowed them to venture out into legal and

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illegal markets during and after Prohibition, and propelled them to positions of power and dominance in the underworlds of Chicago and New York. When Prohibition was repealed in 1933, immigrants, especially Italians, were more widely stereotyped as criminals. In New York, the aftermath of the Castellammarese war of 1931 established the “Commission,” and the five Italian American crime families that are still identified with organized crime today—Gambino, Genovese, Lucchese, Bonanno, and Columbo. The “war” was a struggle for Italian domination of organized crime in New York between the Salvatore Maranzano group (old-timers who fled from Benito Mussolini’s persecution of mafiosi in Italy) and the Joseph Masseria group (more Americanized gangsters). In the end, Maranzano was killed and Lucky Luciano emerged as a leader in the Masseria crime family. From the late 1800s, until approximately the mid-1980s, organized crime was synonymous with Italians in the minds of most Americans. After all, most of the media and government attention that organized crime received during this period was directed at Italian Americans and the Mafia. During the 1980s, however, while governmental prosecutions and convictions weakened the five New York crime families, the government also began to recognize that recent immigrants to the United States—Asians, Russians, Jamaicans, and Colombians—were changing the face of organized crime. In the mid-1980s, former New York City mayor Rudolph Giuliani was the U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York, and the chief crusader against Italian American organized crime. As an Italian American, Giuliani was offended by how the Mafia tarnished the image of his fellow law-abiding Italian Americans, and he vowed to bring down the mob. His weapon of choice was the little-used Racketeering Influenced Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO statute) drafted in 1970 by the Notre Dame law professor G. Robert Blakely. According to Giuliani, he was reading the book A Man of Honor, written by then mob boss Joseph Bonanno. Giuliani decided that if Bonanno could write about the Commission, then the government could prosecute it, and they did. As a result of the Commission trial in 1986, it was confirmed that the Mafia exists and has members, and that there is a Commission—in other words, an entity that solves disputes and approves of new members. The trial was also significant because it involved the bosses of the five New York City families. As a result of the trial, many of these bosses and their underlings received lengthy prison sentences. The weakening, but certainly not the eradication, of Mafia groups in the 1980s, coupled with the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, the fall of communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and the advent of globalization, have enabled criminal organizations to strengthen their operations and expand them worldwide. Clearly the most important development in organized crime in the 21st century is the occurrence of transnational organized crime.

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Russian and Eurasian Organized Crime
The terms “Russian organized crime” and “Eurasian organized crime” are used interchangeably. Russian organized crime is also referred to as the Red Mafia, Mafiya, or Russian Mob. Eurasian organized crime is broader and comprises criminal groups that not only operate in Russia, but also operate or have headquarters in former Soviet bloc countries. Such countries include Poland, Hungary, Georgia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, and the Ukraine. Eurasian organized crime has become prominent in the West since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. The collapse of the Soviet economy caused widespread economic upheaval, and businessmen, including many who aligned themselves with organized criminals, vied for control of their nation’s natural resources. Those who were successful sold these resources, such as oil, overseas and invested their profits in offshore bank accounts. Many of these criminals used their proceeds to purchase real estate and businesses in the United States and other Western countries. Eurasian criminals, despite the level of violence they are willing to use to control schemes and settle grievances, are not thugs. Many are highly educated and hold advanced degrees in law and engineering in their home countries. Many were former KGB operatives and are knowledgeable in black market operations. While traditional organized crime groups are often organized hierarchically, Eurasian organized crime is less structured than traditional groups. The scope and nature of Eurasian organized criminal activity is vast and commercial. It includes extortion (for the most part targeting other Eurasians), money laundering, tax and insurance scams, visa violations, falsification of identification papers, stock swindles, computer crime, contract murder, auto theft, narcotics trafficking, burglary, prostitution, and involuntary servitude. They also collaborate with traditional organized crime groups to perpetuate schemes.

Beyond Our Borders: Transnational Organized Crime
Technological advances, globalization, and open borders have enabled multinational corporations to prosper. These same forces have allowed criminal organizations worldwide to prosper as well. Transnational crime groups are not subject to the same domestic and host country laws and regulations that legitimate businesses are, and, therefore, these groups may actually have benefited more from globalization than legitimate businesses. Bruce Ohr, chief of the Organized Crime and Racketeering Section, Criminal Division of the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), speaking in Fuchu, Tokyo, Japan, discussed the effects of globalization on transnational organized crime. Ohr noted four reasons for the rise of transnational organized crime: (1) the increasing ease

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of transnational communications, (2) the growth of international commerce and international banking transactions, (3) the fall of communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and (4) the international traffic in illegal commodities, principally narcotics and undocumented immigrants, to wealthier nations like the United States. The Internet allows criminals to perpetuate fraudulent business schemes and stock market manipulations, run illegal gambling operations, and dispense child pornography around the globe. The growth in international commerce and banking transactions presents ample opportunity for fraud and theft and allows international money launderers to easily hide their illegal income. The political and economic upheavals in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe has resulted in violent competition for control of resources, spawning new crimes in the area of the former Soviet Union and money laundering and other crimes worldwide. Organized criminals, already proficient at domestic trafficking in drugs and humans, have found it easy to expand their operations globally. Certain countries are more susceptible to transnational organized crime than others. Transnational organized crime tends to develop in nations where governments are weak, police are ineffective, and citizens have limited economic opportunities. For instance, lacking economic opportunities in their home countries, many citizens seek work abroad and fall victim to human smuggling and trafficking rings. In order to earn substantially more money than agriculture provides, farmers turn to drug cultivation, heightening the international drug trade. International regions that are vulnerable to transnational organized crime include, but are not limited to, sub-Saharan Africa, the former Soviet Union, Latin America, and the Caribbean. It is difficult to ascertain the extent and nature of transnational organized crime, because it is concealed. However, the U.S. government does complete an International Crime Threat Assessment that gauges various global criminal activities. Based on an assessment report drafted in 2000 by an interagency working group led by the National Security Council (NSC), and other more recent reports, the largest international crime threats, in terms of their potential impact, are (1) smuggling of nuclear materials and technology, (2) drug trafficking, (3) trafficking in persons for forced prostitution or coerced labor, (4) intellectual property crimes, and (5) money laundering.

Weapons of Mass Destruction
It is feared that organized criminals will assist terrorists or nation states in acquiring weapons of mass destruction (WMD). The most threatening possibility is that terrorists will develop and use a nuclear bomb. The security of nuclear material in the former Soviet Union has been criticized as lax. In October 2003, officials in international intelligence and law enforcement discovered that Pakistani nuclear

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scientist A. Q. Khan was selling nuclear technology to North Korea, Libya, and other unknown parties.

Drug Trafficking
It is estimated that 17,000 Americans die per year because of drug use. Illicit drugs are estimated to impose about $160 billion in social and economic costs and $67 billion in direct costs to the United States annually. Trafficking in cocaine and heroin are most profitable for transnational groups. Source countries of these drugs are in Latin America, Asia, and Europe. Much of the cocaine and heroin supply in the United States comes from Colombia, and much of the heroin supply worldwide comes from Southwest Asia’s Golden Crescent (Afghanistan and Pakistan) and Southeast Asia’s Golden Triangle (Myanmar, Laos, and Thailand).

Terrorist organizations are increasingly turning to drugs for financing. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) identifies the following four activities as narco-terrorism when these groups are involved: (1) cultivating plants for production of illegal drugs, (2) manufacturing illegal drugs, (3) distributing controlled substances, and (4) taking and laundering money from illegal drug distribution. In the post–September 11 era, the United States has exerted immense pressure on nations to prevent charities from funding terrorists. In order to replace this revenue and the financial support from nations that are now unable or unwilling to support them, terrorist groups have turned to criminal activities to finance their operations. One of the primary activities that terrorists engage in is international drug trafficking, although they are also involved in numerous other activities in order to earn, move, and store money.

Terrorism-Related Crime
Some prominent examples of terrorist groups engaged in drug trafficking include the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC), al-Qaeda, and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. For instance, when al-Qaeda was based out of Afghanistan, it was supported by the Taliban regime, which earned a substantial part of its revenue through taxes on opium production and trafficking. More than 70 percent of the world’s opium supply comes from Afghanistan, and Osama bin Laden reportedly advocated opium production as one way to weaken the West. Activities often depend on regional preferences, but terrorists are involved in such crimes as contraband cigarettes, counterfeiting, fraud, kidnapping, and lowlevel criminality. In some cases, organized crime groups and terrorist groups form

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alliances and engage in criminal activities for mutual profit. Partnerships between organized crime and terrorist groups could intensify threats to U.S. security.

Human Trafficking
Trafficking in persons, often would-be immigrants, for sexual exploitation or forced labor is one of organized crime’s biggest moneymakers; the FBI estimates that $9.5 billion in annual revenue is generated from this enterprise. People are trafficked into the United States mainly from Southeast Asia and the former Soviet Union. Human smuggling is distinct from human trafficking. In human smuggling, migrants pay a fee to cross international borders. The fear is that human smugglers will assist terrorists in entering the United States and other countries.

Intellectual Property Crime
Copyright violations corrupt international trade and cause legitimate businesses to lose revenue. In 2006, it was estimated that counterfeiting costs U.S. business hundreds of billions of dollars per year. China is estimated to produce massive amounts of pirated goods such as DVDs. Last, one of the easiest ways to hide illegal financial gains from organized criminal activities is by investing profits in legitimate financial institutions, preferably in jurisdictions with lax financial regulations and law enforcement.

Eurasian Organized Crime Schemes
Fraudulent health care and immigration schemes are common Eurasian organized crime activities. Medical providers move phony accident victims from specialist to specialist. Each participating medical provider submits fraudulent bills to health care providers. Providers of adult day care centers, drug treatment facilities, and medical diagnostic centers have also participated in these schemes. Another form of fraud is to submit false paperwork to authorities that issue visas claiming business sponsorship. Upon arrival, the sponsored individuals join criminal enterprises instead of legitimate business endeavors. Eurasian organized criminals also dispense vast amounts of child pornography over the Internet. Financial fraud and money laundering schemes that originate in Russia are especially difficult to investigate. They require intelligence sharing and cooperation from Russian authorities and many other countries. It is almost impossible to get a clear understanding of the criminal activities linked to this money because often the only part of the crime that takes place in Western jurisdictions is the movement of millions, sometimes billions, of dollars, through Western bank accounts. Failing to successfully track and investigate money that is moved out of Russia means that

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Eurasian organized crime will spread to other sectors of the economy and political life of Western countries.

Need for Interagency and International Cooperation
The very nature of transnational crime demands an interorganizational response from law enforcement. Local law enforcement agencies simply do not have the resources or training to adequately respond to these crimes alone. Transnational crime is especially difficult for state and local law enforcement to identify and respond to due to its diverse, highly mobile, and adaptable nature. Nevertheless, local law enforcement patrols city streets and towns daily, has insight into the native born and immigrant communities they serve, has developed strong and close relationships in those communities, and can offer vital street level intelligence to federal agencies investigating transnational crimes. In short, although local law enforcement is not trained to address transnational organized crime, it is certainly positioned to take on this new function. It is essential for state and local law enforcement agencies to work closely with federal agencies in order to respond to transnational crimes as well as to prevent and deter them. Likewise, it is important for federal agencies to cooperate in targeting transnational crime. Within the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) are several agencies that coordinate efforts in order to investigate and prosecute transnational crimes. It is also vital for all levels of law enforcement to utilize the assistance of international agencies and organizations to identify and respond to transnational crimes. To that end, the DOJ and DHS have led several efforts to promote international investigation cooperation. For example, through the FBI’s Legal Attaché Program, FBI agents are stationed in more than 50 countries, and they train foreign law enforcement personnel. In return, they receive foreign cooperation in gathering evidence related to transnational crimes. Perhaps the best example of international law enforcement cooperation is the International Police Organization, Interpol, of which the United States is a member. Interpol investigates transnational crime and promotes cooperation among global law enforcement agencies. In each member country a National Central Bureau acts as a point of contact and coordination with the General Secretariat in Lyon, France. The DOJ and the DHS jointly control the U.S. National Central Bureau, which coordinates federal, state, and local law enforcement efforts. Moreover, governments are unable to deal with transnational crime through an exclusive focus on law enforcement or through traditional methods. Nontraditional agencies and approaches include regulatory policies and programs, financial transaction reporting, taxation policies and programs, civil sanctions, foreign policy approaches, and the use of security intelligence agencies.

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Barriers to Cooperation
While interagency and international cooperation are essential to combat transnational crimes, there are several reasons why it does not always occur. Because the United States has traditionally focused their anti-organized crime efforts on the American Mafia, they have been unprepared by the sudden rise in transnational organized crime activities. It has not been a common practice in the United States for organized crime investigators and prosecutors to obtain evidence from other countries and to conduct joint investigations with law enforcement officials in other countries. Also, not enough time has been spent on learning about transnational crime groups—their activities, organizations, and ways of conducting business. Some experts believe that Interpol should be given enforcement power, but it is difficult to effectively share information and enforce laws over such a wide spectrum of countries. Research on Asian transnational organized crime and the United States found that a number of law enforcement officials in Taiwan and China were dissatisfied with Interpol and with cooperation from U.S. law enforcement. Interpol was regarded as ineffective, and, with respect to U.S. cooperation, officials felt that their requests for assistance and information were ignored. They also criticized the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty System as involving too much red tape. The DEA has noted that China is an important player in the Asian drug scene and the key to heroin trafficking. The DEA stated that what is needed is more joint investigative training and exchanges of intelligence information between the United States and China. Some experts are of the opinion that agencies are not giving sufficient attention to international crime, given the recent focus on terrorism post–September 11. A more coordinated crime and terror policy is needed. It has been argued that terrorists would be more hesitant to associate themselves with criminal organizations if they believed that such an association would increase their risk of capture. Perhaps they would commit less serious offenses if they were not allied with criminal organizations. Enhanced cooperation between intelligence and law enforcement agencies at all levels, including state and local police departments is necessary. Unfortunately, state and local police agencies are ill equipped to identify and respond to transnational organized crime. The most pressing problems include lack of resources and training, communication problems, and the problem of ineffective collaborations.

Transnational organized crime is a growing social problem, but it is not a modern phenomenon—it has always existed. What is new about transnational organized crime is the breadth and extent of activity, and the increasing impact it is having on

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the United States. Globalization of the economy, information technology, and rises in the number and the range of immigrants have impacted transnational organized crime. These trends are likely to continue. Traditional organized crime groups have been joined by a wide array of violent criminal groups that conduct their business according to their own rules. Reminiscent of Italian criminals residing in immigrant communities in the late 1800s, these newer groups are likely to victimize those with similar linguistic, cultural, and ethnic backgrounds as themselves. In this post–September 11 world, the United States must do what it can to keep its businesses and citizens safe from domestic and international threats. Domestic and international intelligence sharing and cooperation among all levels of law enforcement, as well as assistance from private institutions and organizations, is vital in order to combat organized crime. Institutions like Interpol and the United Nations will likely play a more prominent role in combating transnational organized crime in the future. Globalization and high technology has a dark side, called transnational organized crime. Further Readings
Abadinsky, Howard. Organized Crime. Belmont, CA: Thompson Higher Education, 2007. Albanese, Jay S. Organized Crime in Our Times. Cincinnati: Anderson Publishing, 2004. Boyce, Joseph N., Dean Brelis, and Jeanne McDowell. “Hitting the Mafia.” Time, September 29, 1986, 14–22. Caliber Associates. State and Local Enforcement Response to Transnational Crime. Washington, DC: U.S Department of Justice, 2005. grants/209521.pdf. Federal Bureau of Investigation. Organized Crime-Glossary. orgcrime/glossary.htm. Finckenauer, James O., and Ko-lin Chin. Asian Transnational Organized Crime and Its Impact on the United States. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2007. Hardouin, Patrick, and Reiner Weichhardt. “Terrorist Fund Raising through Criminal Activities.” Journal of Money Laundering Control 9, no. 3 (2006): 303–308. Lyman, Michael D., and Gary W. Potter. Organized Crime. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, 2007. Ohr, Bruce G. “Effective Methods to Combat Transnational Organized Crime in Criminal Justice Processes.” UNAFEI, paper presentation, 116th International Training Course, Fuchu, Tokyo, Japan, December 2007. no58/58-05.pdf. Reynolds, Marylee. From Gangs to Gangsters: How American Sociology Organized Crime, 1918–1994. Guilderland, NY: Harrow and Heston, 1995. State of New Jersey Commission of Investigation. The Changing Face of Organized Crime in New Jersey: A Status Report. Trenton, NJ: State of New Jersey Commission of Investigation, 2004.

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United Nations. United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2000. Wagley, John R. Transnational Organized Crime: Principal Threats and U.S. Responses. Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, 2006. natsec/RL3335.pdf.

Sweatshop Labor
Judith Ann Warner

Sweatshop labor is a global issue connected to international trade and the subcontracting of business by corporations in the United States. A sweatshop underpays its workers and can expose them to hazardous working conditions, opening and then disappearing to avoid official scrutiny. The United States has experienced a long cycle of exporting labor-intensive work abroad to bring higher profits to multinational corporations. The apparel industry is an example of such a downgraded business. Garments, however, are still being made in the United States, often by immigrant subcontractors who run sweatshops connected to major retailers. As a result of the re-emergence of labor law violations in the United States, the antisweatshop movement developed and has pressed for legislation to regulate work, particularly in the fabrication of apparel and shoes, both here and abroad. A major issue is how much transparency multinational corporations will allow consumers regarding their business practices. It has even been argued that sweatshops are a good thing for the most impoverished countries, and that the antisweatshop movement prevents them from integrating into global markets. Deciding on what is a reasonable wage depends on what is considered a reasonable profit— something that business does not want to debate. In the meantime, U.S. immigrants and workers abroad are bringing back the sweatshop.

A sweatshop employs workers at low, even subminimum, wages, with few benefits and no job security. At the work site, there is often limited light, unsanitary conditions, and other hazards. National labor laws make it illegal to pay workers subminimum wages, force them to work past 40 hours without overtime, and


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coerce extremely long workweeks. Employers who do not maintain proper working conditions, including the management of hazards and sanitation, violate occupational safety and health standards.

There have been two historical periods in which sweatshops have flourished—the late 19th and early 20th century, and the late 20th and early 21st century. During the second wave of immigration (1880–1924), immigrant workers, including children, endured appalling working conditions to receive a substandard wage. Criticism of these sweatshops preceded the infamous 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York City, in which 148 garment workers died in the building or jumped to their deaths. Immediate legal reform led to changed working conditions, an end to child labor, and increased unionization. The new business cycle of 1990s sweatshops was due to the closing of factories during economic restructuring. Deindustrialization moved manufacturing to less developed countries with bargain worker rates far below the U.S. minimum wage. In the face of a resurgence of immigration, urban factories did not disappear, but reemerged as sweatshops and so-called industrial homework. Since the 1970s, when deindustrialization began, global cities, the preeminent U.S. centers of commerce, became the command centers for a globalizing economy. Both New York City and Los Angeles emerged as central in the international economy. At the same time, immigrants and native-born businesspeople reorganized certain types of manufacturing in global cities, downgrading labor practices to sweatshop standards that had been made illegal during the second decade of the 20th century. These firms became new immigrant sweatshops and kept alive certain types of assembly work, such as in the garment industry. Nevertheless, this trend was not limited to the United States, and occurred in Europe and Japan as well.

Economic Restructuring and Globalization
The United States lost labor-intensive manufacturing during economic restructuring, including the fabrication of apparel, toys, and shoes and electronic assembly. Free-trade policies allowed manufacturers to seek laborers, often female workers, in developing countries. This was accomplished through subcontracting. The globalization of labor competition between developed and developing nations created an incentive to move production abroad. The profits for both the subcontractors and the overseas workers were miniscule, but brand name products realized higher profits than ever for industry owners and stockholders. Despite the potential for wealth accumulation, the specific products of labor-intensive industries were often subject

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to unstable demand. For example, the garment industry is subject to fluctuation in consumer taste due to fashion, and many industries simply reduce production in times of economic downturn.

Garment Industry
Despite deindustrialization, the garment industry reverted to sweatshops in New York City and Los Angeles. These cities contained immigrant enclaves, communities of immigrants with shared national origin, and immigrant entrepreneurs organized conationals who were from nations with a much lower wage expectation to work in industries such as apparel. Three specific trends caused apparel factories to revert to illegal practices. First, both cheaper labor overseas and automated factories in the Sunbelt (southern and southwestern states) provided stiff price competition. Second, unionized factories closed due to higher wages and benefits. Third, immigrant women in need of an income began working in sweatshops and doing work at home. Later, even the Sunbelt lost jobs to overseas apparel factories. When there are countries with a minimum wage as low as 50 cents an hour, it is hard to keep this work in the United States. Mechanized factories relocated overseas, while less mechanized and immigrant-operated smaller firms employing women stayed in the United States. It is easy for garment sweatshops to evade labor law, because they can easily move if discovered or to evade detection. The apparel industry is particularly spatially mobile because (1) it requires minimal investment; (2) sewing and associated activities are easily taught to less educated and low-skill workers; and (3) high-skill garment production work can be outsourced. Brand name manufacturers were able to use subcontractors who broke up the production process into component assembly operations—like Henry Ford’s automobile assembly line. Several semiskilled workers can do particular tasks repetitively and compensate for a skilled worker capable of making an entire garment, and they can do it faster and more cheaply. New York City and Los Angeles provided an abundant low-wage immigrant labor supply. The U.S. Department of Labor estimated that, as of the late 1990s, more than half of U.S. apparel factories paid subminimum wages and no overtime pay. Sixty percent of firms in New York City and Los Angeles violated labor law. Subcontracting firms were able to do this because they used the so-called nimble fingers of immigrant women. As in developing countries, women are thought to have greater dexterity and an attention to fine detail, which men do not have. Furthermore, women work for a lower wage than men. Another gender-related factor is that many immigrant women grew up in patriarchal societies and are viewed as secondary earners for households. They accept fluctuating employment because their wages supplement a breadwinner or are pooled in a larger household. These wives and

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mothers face gender discrimination, lack of support for educational advancement, and a status of being economically dependent on their husbands. Apparel work is one of their limited choices. The apparel industry was able to cut loose from unionization, like many industrial firms. In New York City, where the International Ladies Garment Workers’ Union (ILGWU) survives as the Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE), even the membership of more than 20,000 Chinese women garment workers gives little bargaining power to improve their wages. In New York’s Chinatown, immigrant entrepreneurs operate a low-skill job machine. The union representatives are organized from the top to the bottom and the everyday workers have little say in protesting labor law violations. Nevertheless, UNITE did organize protests in 1982 and again in the 1990s to protest nonunion labor.

Consumers and Negative Publicity
Americans have been very sensitive to the job loss produced by neoliberal economics and such international policies as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Although attention was paid to loss of heavy manufacturing, such as the auto industry from the Rust Belt, the public became aware of the deterioration of working conditions in labor-intensive apparel manufacturing through a series of highly publicized incidents. A major scandal occurred in 1991, when 72 Thai and Filipino immigrants were discovered working in involuntary servitude at an apartment complex in El Monte, California. They were told that they needed to pay off huge smuggling fees, and that some of their money was being sent as remittances to relatives. They were held in a compound surrounded by barbed wire, in unsanitary conditions. When they were freed, it brought attention to the emerging issue of enslavement. In New York City, Empress Fashion withheld $60,000 from workers who, after waiting five months, approached the ILGWU but received no help. The New York attorney general prosecuted the case and got the business owners to plead guilty without providing the wages. One owner was given a two- to six-month misdemeanor jail sentence, while the other was penalized with 50 hours of community service. Television celebrity Kathy Lee Gifford was one of the first labor law violators to be outed in the media. Although her apparel line was sold at Wal-Mart, it was manufactured in overseas sweatshops. This demonstrated that celebrity names and claims that stores sell U.S.-made goods are not a guarantee that a garment, toy, or other good was not made in an overseas sweatshop. One example of corporate evasion occurred in the 1990s, when clothing was subcontracted to compradors (subcontractors) in the U.S. territory of the Malvinas in the South Pacific. This

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Wal-Mart clothing line was technically eligible to be given the “Made in the USA” label because the clothes were manufactured in a U.S. territory.

Labor Laws
In the 1990s, the Fair Labor Association was sponsored by the White House Apparel Industry Partnership to check on labor practices in the multibillion dollar clothing industry, both in the United States and internationally. Nike, Reebok, and L. L. Bean joined in an effort to end worker enslavement, child labor, physical or verbal abuse at work, and to cap the workweek at 60 hours. In New York’s Chinatown, the law now limits work to no more than 40 regular hours plus 8 with overtime pay. Despite this law, Chinese members of UNITE were reported to have worked 60-hour weeks without overtime compensation. Nationally, the U.S. Department of Labor works to enforce labor law with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), formerly a part of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS)). In New York, sociological research has identified three problems with labor law enforcement. First, undocumented immigrant workers are often deported before they can testify about legal violations. Second, fear of deportation keeps immigrant workers quiet, and the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 removed any motive for testifying because it requires deportation. Finally, neither the federal government nor the New York State government hires enough labor inspectors to check for violations. After the creation of the Fair Labor Association, the New York State Apparel Industry Task Force consisted of only five inspectors. When a violation is reported, the employer is often sent to an educational seminar on labor rights rather than being required to pay a fine.

Antisweatshop Movement
Increasingly, anticorporate protests have focused on corporate actions abroad. College logo clothing is big business at campus bookstores. The Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) and United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) have protested human rights and labor law violations connected to this billion dollar industry. These consumer groups are found to be more influential than the Fair Labor Association. They are not controlled or influenced by multinational corporations and can freely protest abuse.

Transparency in Business Conduct
To maintain ethical business practice under the scrutiny of the state and nation, it is necessary to have a concept of joint moral and legal accountability for both

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subcontractors and corporations. In other words, the corporation should show a legal awareness of the subcontractor’s operating methods. This corporate oversight of subcontracting is known as transparency. It is vital to have legal and moral accountability to end worker exploitation. The antisweatshop movement is comprised of university students, consumers, corporate shareholders, and multinational employees. Specific not-for-profit organizations involved in this movement include USAS, Sweatfree Communities,, and the National Mobilization Against Sweatshops. Governor Gray Davis and the California state legislature passed a series of bills in 2000 that authorized $73 million in back pay to workers whose wages were withheld and increased the monitoring and enforcement of U.S. labor laws. Manufacturers, subcontractors, and retailers were given mutual legal responsibility to guarantee that workers are paid at minimum wage or higher with overtime pay under the California Sweatshop Reform Bill. Retailers such as Sears, The Gap, and other clothing stores protested that they should be exempt, and threatened to remove their businesses from California.

Global Antisweatshop Movement
The antisweatshop movement in the United States succeeded in at least lowering the profile of companies using sweat methods. As a result, the movement now concentrates on worker exploitation overseas. For example, the Xin Yie Plastics factory in China manufactures Barbie dolls sold in the United States at a 233 percent markup. Its workers are paid 53 cents an hour for 14-hour days. Speedo, another U.S. brand name, is sold at Toys-R-Us. Overseas, Speedo contractors have severe production quotas, shifts longer than 23 hours, and miserable worker living conditions, and are paid below minimum wage. Even Victoria’s Secret lingerie, by outsourcing, utilizes factories in Jordan with guest workers who temporarily come to the country. These workers must sew a bikini in 3.3 minutes for 4 cents, which the store then sells for $14. As a result, the current debate concerns the exploitation of overseas workers and the expansion of the antisweatshop movement to activities abroad. There are business pundits who believe that shifting labor-intensive industries to extremely poor developing countries is a positive form of economic development. They see today’s overseas workers as the seed of a middle class, despite the extremely low wages and in-country profits of sweatshops. Probusiness advocates have spoken out against the antisweatshop movement practice of embarrassing multinational corporations that outsource work to employers that make their employees work in abysmal conditions. They believe that this will cause multinational corporations to avoid investing in the poorest world regions, because these are liable to have the worst labor abuses.

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Africa is desperately in need of foreign investment, but it offers many barriers to investment, including bureaucratic complexity, governmental instability, and corruption. The inexperience of its workers combines with a need for electricity and port expansion. The antisweatshop movement has been criticized for outing multinational corporations subcontracting in countries with abusive labor practices and/or poor production standards. Nike and other companies targeted for using cheap international labor tend not to start labor-intensive factories in the most impoverished countries. Media scrutiny causes U.S.-based companies to contract to mid-level countries like Indonesia and Malaysia rather than extremely poor African countries. In China, which has produced its share of embarrassments, such as prison labor, toxic toys, and dog or cat food that kills pets, the most patronized province is Guangdong, China’s most prosperous. Those who lose out are the world’s most impoverished people. In response to antisweatshop campaigns that call for a “living wage,” it is argued that this will remove the possibility of profit after investment. In addition, in countries with better wages, it is considered that corrupt managers force workers to pay bribes to get the jobs. As a result, it has been suggested that there should be a campaign to bring sweatshops to the poorest countries. USAS promotes the Designated Suppliers Program (DSP) on 28 college campuses to maintain multinationally contracted jobs in Africa and impoverished countries. Union organizing is occurring in Nairobi, Kenya, Bangladesh, and other countries, and USAS wants to prevent multinational corporations from chasing ever-cheaper labor. Continual outsourcing to maximize world labor competition undermines the economic stability needed to generate a middle class. USAS gives the example of BJ&B, a Nike-affiliated factory that unionized and, consequently, lost work to nonunion factories. A DSP at schools selling college logo items is an attempt to stop so-called cut and run. The DSP attempts to make Nike, Adidas, and other multinationals pay a living wage to overseas workers. Workers from impoverished countries want more than jobs—they want a voice, dignity, and reasonable pay that would turn their factories into sustainable workplaces to promote longterm economic growth.

Pending U.S. Legislation
In 2007, the Decent Working Conditions and Fair Competition Act (H.R. 1992) was introduced in the House of Representatives by Byron Dorgan (D–North Dakota), Lindsey Graham (R–South Carolina), and Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio). This act aims to protect U.S. businesses from international competition by revising the Tariff Act of 1930, which prohibited importing goods made by convicts. It would make importing, exporting, trading, advertising, or selling sweatshop goods illegal. Many

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countries produce consumer goods in violation of their own or International Labor Organization (ILO) law. This act names the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) as the enforcement arm for dealing with complaints about foreign factory exploitation of workers. It permits civil actions in U.S. district courts against sellers of sweatshop goods, and prohibits the armed forces and federal agencies from signing contracts for sweatshop goods. Violations would carry a $10,000 civil penalty, and other fines or penalties imposed by the Department of Homeland Security FTC Customs and Border Protection, which would identify goods and enforce penalties. This bill would give U.S. companies the right to sue competitors selling sweatshop goods in U.S. courts.

The use of overseas labor for a majority of production in industries such as apparel has depressed wages and working conditions in the remaining U.S. apparel factories and other labor-intensive industries, a situation exploited by contractors utilizing immigrant labor. Since U.S.-based multinational corporations are involved in producing for U.S. consumers, attempts at establishing a subsistence wage and humane working conditions have targeted the inspection of overseas subcontracting firms, as well as trying to enforce U.S. labor law. Consumer boycotts of brand labels known to utilize sweatshop labor is a practice meant to bring positive global change in working conditions both internationally and in the United States. Nevertheless, some argue that any industry, even sweatshops, in the poorest countries is better than nothing. These types of arguments imply disengagement among the world’s workers internationally, both in global impoverished regions and between impoverished and wealthier regions. Americans will have to decide what they are willing to pay for goods in order to stabilize world pricing; this would include taking a look at the extent of multinational profits. Until the ability to follow the money from the elite to the hands of the workers is thoroughly examined, or transparent, businesses will complain and the antisweatshop movement will continue both in the United States and abroad. Further Readings
Conacich, E., and R. P. Applebaum. Behind the Label: Inequality in the Los Angeles Garment Industry. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. Foo, L. J., and J. A. Su. “Let the Sweatshops Reform Law Work: Garment Workers Have a Right to Minimum Wages and Overtime. Don’t Allow Big Business to Circumvent That.” Los Angeles Times, April 7, 2000, B9. Houghteling, C. “Sweat and Tears.” Harvard International Review 21, no. 4 (1999): 10–12. Howard, A. “Labor, History and Sweatshops in the New Global Economy.” In No Sweat: Fashion, Free Trade and the Rights of Garment Workers, ed. A. Ross. London: Verso, 1997.

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Korfhage, A. “Christmas—A Time to Zap Sweatshops.” Topeka Capital-Journal Online, December 14, 2007. Kristoff, N. D. “Op-Ed: Debating on Sweatshops,” New York Times, June 10, 2006b, http:// Kristoff, N. D. “Op-Ed: In Praise of the Maligned Sweatshop.” New York Times, June 6, 2006a, Kwong, P. Forbidden Workers: Illegal Chinese Immigrants and American Labor. New York: New Press, 1997. LaFeber, W. Michael Jordan and the New Global Capitalism. New York: Norton, 1999. Lee, F. R. “Working Overtime to Vanquish Sweatshops.” New York Times, December 12, 1999, Section 14, CY, 1:1. Lin, J. Reconstructing Chinatown: Ethnic Enclave, Global Change. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998. Ross, A., ed. No Sweat: Fashion, Free Trade and the Rights of Garment Workers. London: Verso, 1997. Sassen, S. The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991. Sassen, S. The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Schoenberger, K. Levi’s Children: Coming to Terms with Human Rights in the Global Marketplace. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2000. Stein, L. The Triangle Fire. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001. Su, J. “El Monte Thai Garment Workers: Slave Sweatshops.” In No Sweat: Fashion, Free Trade and the Rights of Garment Workers, ed. A. Ross. London: Verso, 1997. 143–149. Waldinger, R. Still the Promised City? African Americans and New Immigrants in PostIndustrial New York. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996. Warner, J. “Sweatshops.” In Immigration in America Today: An Encyclopedia, ed. J. Loucky, J. Armstrong, and L. Estrada. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2006. 320–324. Washington Watch. H.R. 1992, The Decent Working Conditions and Fair Competition Act. White, H. “Disturbing Trends in Global Production.” USA Today 128, no. 2660 (2000): 26–28. Zhou, M. Chinatown: The Socioeconomic Potential of an Urban Enclave. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.

Entries, A–N

“A School For Iqbal” Campaign
“A School for Iqbal” was a grassroots campaign organized by middleschool students in Massachusetts to raise $50,000 so that a school could be built in Muridke, Pakistan. The project was designed to honor the memory and the powerful legacy of Iqbal Masih, a 12-year-old child who became an outspoken critic of the system of bonded labor that had stolen half of his life in the carpet mills of Pakistan. Masih was murdered in his village while riding his bicycle on April 16, 1995. Masih had traveled to the United States in December 1994 to accept the Reebok Foundation’s Youth in Action Award and a prize of $25,000 in appreciation of the work that he had done to expose the problems associated with child servitude that persisted at the end of the 20th century. During his visit to Boston, Masih had an opportunity on December 2 to visit the Broad Meadows Middle School in Quincy, Massachusetts, where he spoke to seventh-grade students in Ron Adams’s classroom. The American youth who heard Masih’s story were spellbound by the powerful testimony that he shared with them. When they learned of his death only four months after his visit to their

school, the students decided that they had to do something to honor their fallen friend and do their part to combat child servitude. Since Masih’s father had allegedly received $12 in compensation from the owners of the Pakistani carpet mill where he voluntarily enslaved his own child as a bonded laborer, the students at Broad Meadows Middle School decided that a $12 donation would be a symbolic fitting tribute by those who wanted to honor Iqbal Masih’s memory. Sadly, the fee also represented a dollar for each year of his young life. Although the project started locally in Quincy, news about the fund-raising campaign quickly spread throughout the greater-Boston area and eventually the nation. Television and newspaper articles carried the story about building a school in Iqbal Masih’s memory and donations began to arrive from across the United States. The story of Masih’s experience even inspired the television documentary The Global Sweatshop that aired on public television and educated millions about the plight of enslaved children in the contemporary world. High-powered friends—politicians, Hollywood celebrities, sports figures, and musicians—began to lend their support and their voices to the “A School

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Iqbal Masih sits against a backdrop of carpets. Iqbal spent his early life as a bonded laborer in a carpet mill in Pakistan. (AP/ Wide World Photos)

for Iqbal” project. In addition, Al Shanker, the president of the American Federation of Teachers, wrote an editorial supporting the fund-raising project and urging schools across the United States to join the effort. Patricia Kluge, the former wife of New York billionaire John Kluge, announced that she would guarantee that the fund-raising goal of the students in Quincy would be met. Building a school was an appropriate action to honor a heroic child who spoke to the world about the horrors of bonded labor. Antislavery advocates agree that education is the most powerful tool available to combat the scourge of child servitude. Educated children have a greater degree of protection, and they can be taught their rights so that

efforts to enslave them would likely be less successful. In addition, special schools and training are needed to help reassimilate the formerly enslaved as they try to readjust to a world of freedom and try to rediscover their stolen childhoods. This is a difficult task, but it is necessary to heal the wounded body and spirit of the victims of child slavery. In less than one year the student-based grassroots project raised $100,000 to construct a school in Pakistan. The students who organized the campaign investigated the best means to pursue their goal in Pakistan. They selected a nongovernmental organization called Sudhaar to ally with them in creating a school in Kasur, Pakistan, where former victims of child servitude are today educated and protected. The success of the campaign demonstrated that people of good will and of financial means could be motivated, once educated, to help eradicate the problem of child servitude from the contemporary world. The creation of one school certainly does not end the peril of bonded labor for many of the world’s children, but this success story does indicate that alternatives to enslaving children can exist if people are moved to action. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Bonded Labour Liberation Front; Broad Meadows Middle School.

Further Readings
“A School for Iqbal.” NEA Today 14, no. 4 (1995): 23.

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Fairs, Marcus. “A Bullet Cannot Kill a Dream.” Current Magazine (May/June 1998): 24–25. Nifong, Christina. “Students Honor a Friend’s Memory with a New School.” Christian Science Monitor, June 22, 1995.

The Arabic word ‘abd (plural ‘abeed or ‘abid) is an indistinct term meaning slave, serf, bondsman, or servant. It is derived from the root ‘abada, which means, in various forms, to serve, worship, adore, venerate, subjugate, or enslave. It appears in the Arabic name Abdullah (slave of God), and in several other male names that are linked to 1 of the 99 names for God, for example, Abdel Rahman (Slave of the Compassionate), Abdel Rahim (Slave of the Merciful), and Abdel Aziz (Slave of the High). As such, the term represents an expression of parental devotion in Islam. Yet, in some places where the Arab world intersects with sub-Saharan Africa, ‘abd has clear historical and contemporary connotations of forced labor, humiliating abuse, and racial distinction. In Sudan, northern Arabic-speaking Muslims use ‘abeed as a derogatory term to refer to the nonMuslim black Africans who live in the southern region of the country. Since the 1960s, this ethnic and religious division has provoked two extended periods of civil war and numerous human rights violations, including the reemergence of slavery.

In Mauritania, ‘abd has also traditionally been used to denote black slaves by the Arab, Berber-descended Beydanes, also known as the Moors. Although Mauritania has officially but ineffectively abolished slavery several times, successive regimes have tried to convey the impression that slavery has ended and the term ‘abd has been dropped from official use. Instead, approximately one-third of the population is referred to as Haratines or Black Moors. This group remains economically, politically, and culturally tied to its former masters. In urban areas along the Atlantic coast and in southern Mauritania, such euphemisms as pupils, domestics, les Bleus (blues), and les Sudanais (Sudanese—which is derived from the Arabic word aswad, meaning “black”) are used to describe unpaid forced laborers. Beyond the cities, particularly in the east, the use of ‘abd with its traditional racial connotations remains common. Given the broad nature and meaning of the term ‘abd, supporters of successive Sudanese and Mauritanian regimes have argued that slaves in their countries are really servants. Yet, despite these semantic arguments, the United Nations, several governments, and many human rights organizations have condemned both countries for allowing slavery, as defined in international law, to continue. Randall Fegley

See also: Haratine; Mauritania; Sudan and South Sudan.

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Further Readings
Cotton, Samuel. Silent Terror: A Journey into Contemporary African Slavery. New York: Harlem River Press, 1998. Cowan, J. M., ed. The Hans Wehr Dictionary of Modern Arabic. Urbana, IL: Spoken Language Services, 1994. Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn. “A Critical Anthropological Review of Race in the Nile Valley.” In Race and Identity in the Nile Valley, ed. Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban and Kharyssa Rhodes. Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press, 2004. Human Rights Watch. Mauritania’s Campaign of Terror. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994.

Abolition of Slavery Act (1833)
Slavery throughout the British Empire was permanently abolished on July 31, 1833, when Parliament enacted the Abolition Act of 1833. The culmination of decades of struggle by British abolitionists and rebellious slaves, passage of the act helped transform the sugar plantation economy in the British Caribbean and was a key step in the abolition of slavery elsewhere in the Americas. In 1831, the newly elected Whig government conceded to abolitionist pressure by freeing slaves who belonged to the Crown, but in April 1831, a motion put forth by Thomas Fowell Buxton, the abolitionist Parliament leader, to consider general emancipation was stymied by governmental indifference. The movement toward emancipation was accelerated by the Jamaican slave

revolt of December 1831, the so-called “Baptist War” or “Christmas Rebellion,” and its bloody suppression by Jamaica’s planter-dominated government. Some Caribbean planters used the revolt as an excuse to press for a halt to the abolitionist campaign, but British antislavery forces responded instead by blaming the revolt on planter exploitation, and pressing for immediate emancipation. The Whigs’ Great Reform Bill of 1832, which made the House of Commons more representative of the middle class and the new industrial towns, also decreased the Parliamentary power of the West Indies planter lobby. In the general election following the bill’s passage, antislavery campaigners vigorously pressed the abolitionist cause, distributing pamphlets and placards, and breaking up proslavery meetings. Newly formed constituency groups required Parliamentary candidates to pledge to oppose slavery. The new Parliament, meeting in 1833, received antislavery petitions that contained more than a million and a half signatures. The Whig government, although viewing emancipation as necessary and desirable, wanted to safeguard the economic interests of the planters as much as possible. The government-written King’s Speech at the opening of Parliament on February 15, 1833, contained no reference to emancipation. Outraged by the omission, Buxton informed Whig leaders that he intended to bring forward another emancipation bill, but the government persuaded him

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to withdraw his proposal by promising to bring in its own measure. However, in March 1833, Buxton again threatened to introduce an antislavery motion in order to further prod the government. The new colonial secretary, Edward George Geoffrey Smith Stanley, published a moderate plan for emancipation in the London Times on May 11, 1833. Three days later, Parliament began to debate the question. The government attempted to balance between the popular consensus for abolition and the planters’ demands. They proposed to provide the planters with a loan of £15 million as compensation for their lost property in slaves. According to the government’s proposal, the newly freed slaves would be required to work for their former owners as “apprentices” for 12 years, for three-fourths of their working hours. Slaves under the age of six would be immediately freed. The apprenticeship system, supported by the planters, had two main purposes—to ensure continuing social control over blacks and to keep a steady labor force on the sugar plantations. The plan was unacceptable to most Parliamentary abolitionists, who viewed it as a continuation of slavery under another name. Negotiations produced a compromise. The period of apprenticeship was reduced to four years for domestic slaves and six for fieldworkers, and the apprenticeships were to be overseen by salaried magistrates sent from Britain rather than local justices of the peace, usually drawn from the planter class. In exchange for these

modifications, compensation for planters was increased to 20 million pounds and was converted from a loan to an outright grant. Although some abolitionists were appalled by apprenticeships and compensation for the planters, the Parliamentary leadership agreed to these provisions and passed the bill. After it received minor amendments in the House of Lords, the bill passed the Commons, July 31, 1833. Actual emancipation would take effect at midnight on July 31, 1834. Although it was still necessary to obtain the consent of local legislatures in those colonies that possessed them, this was secured by making the promised payment of compensation contingent on the local legislature’s passing an emancipation act. Despite the fears of many planters, emancipation itself was effected without violence. Due to the establishment of the apprenticeship system, British Caribbean slaves did not become completely free. In practice, many of the new magistrates assigned to supervise the apprenticeships proved to be more sympathetic to the planters than to the freed slaves. After much pressure by British abolitionists, the remaining apprenticeships were abolished in 1838, and ex-slaves became free laborers. In many areas, they became poor but independent peasants, and were replaced as plantation laborers by people from India who worked under harsh contracts. William Earl Burns
See also: Abolitionism, British; Buxton, Thomas Fowell.

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Further Readings
Craton, Michael. Sinews of Empire: A Short History of British Slavery. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1974. Kriegel, Abraham. “A Converging of Ethics: Saints and Whigs in British Antislavery.” Journal of British Studies 26 (1987): 423–450. Newbould, Ian. Whiggery and Reform, 1830–1841: The Politics of Government. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990. Temperley, Howard. British Antislavery, 1833–1870. New York: Longman, 1972.

The intent and effort to eradicate slavery in the transatlantic world first developed during the late 18th and early 19th centuries in both Great Britain and the United States. In 1688, a small Quaker sect in Germantown, Pennsylvania, called to end slavery. They were ignored, as was the Mid-Atlantic States’ petition to the new U.S. Congress in 1794. Prior to the American Revolution, slaves existed in the northern colonies, but before 1827 more than three-quarters of the antislavery societies in the United States were located in the South. Early religious leaders declared that slavery should be abolished, and southerners James G. Birney, Cassius M. Clay, and John Rankin, all proposed gradual abolition. But as the Industrial Revolution created socially, morally, and economically disparate objectives, the southern emancipation effort ebbed. In the North organizing increased in the 1830s,

as men like William Lloyd Garrison, Henry Ward Beecher, and Wendell Phillips, called for immediate cessation to slavery. Ironically, the efforts of early abolitionists to discuss slavery met a palpable political avoidance of slavery. Indeed, violent mobs agitated during meetings and destroyed printing presses; tragically, one murdered an Illinois editor, Elijah Lovejoy. Many reasons existed for such a backlash. Economic issues underpinned the agricultural South, which depended upon slave labor for harvesting its crops and the financial investment of the North. Also, contending with waves of newly arriving immigrants, northerners were wary of the competition for jobs, including a flood of black workers from the South if slavery was abolished. From the beginning, abolitionists like Garrison and Phillips used their presses and their voices to argue against slavery. Inspired, various state antislavery societies and the American Anti-Slavery Society (1833) drew attention to the peculiar problem of slavery and the apparent willingness of the American people to tolerate millions of humans being treated as lesser beings. Fueled by the dual fires of the Industrial Revolution and the evangelism of the Second Great Awakening, the abolition movement gained strength and volume. Religious and temperance leaders and suffragists fused with abolitionists. Although, as the variety of participants indicated, not everyone agreed on the ways in which to abolish slavery. Some, like Garrison, believed


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“moral suasion” could convince the South to end slavery. Others believed that nothing short of bloodshed would change America’s dangerous pact with slaveholders and purveyors. Reflecting this, in 1829, David Walker, a free black in Boston, published his Appeal, which called for slaves to rise up against their owners. Accordingly, in 1831, the fervently religious slave Nat Turner led a failed revolt in Virginia, which resulted in a renewed southern fear that the black population would rise up in violence against them, and strident efforts to contain slaves were undertaken. Southern ministers, politicians, and editors waxed poetic on a slaveholding society. But in the North, evangelical and abolitionist leaders took their case to the public too, through orations, newspapers, and literature. In December 1833, in Philadelphia, 60 male and female delegates, both black and white, formed the American Anti-Slavery Society, calling for an immediate end to slavery through nonviolent means. By 1835, there were hundreds of branches in northern states and high participation by women, including southern aristocrat Angelina Grimké. But violence often checked the advance of the abolitionists. By the mid-1840s, fissures tore at the movement, and black abolitionists, both free and former and/or fugitive slaves, began to rise in prominence. Charles Remond, Henry Highland Garnet, Frederick Douglass, Sojourner Truth, and Harriet Tubman led the way for reformers and radicals alike to take part in the fight for freedom for the southern

black population. Unfortunately, black abolitionists were often treated as second class in their own efforts to end slavery. The movement changed the social landscape. While abolitionism splintered Christian churches in the United States, resulting in the emergence of divided communions within the Methodists (1844) and Baptists (1845). Oberlin and Knox colleges began as the first racially integrated schools of higher education. Theories and approaches also fractured the movement. For instance, Douglass and Garrison disagreed as to whether the Preamble to the U.S. Constitution made it a proslavery document. Douglass ultimately decided the Preamble strongly was antislavery. Further, Douglass called for blacks to

The American Anti-Slavery Society convened in 1833 and drew up a manifesto denouncing slavery. (Library of Congress)

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be given the right to vote, and even supported the notion that the violent overthrow of the slave system was tolerable. Northerners and westerners resented federal intrusion inherent in the Fugitive Slave Act (1850), which stated that any slave was to be returned to its owner, and many states refused to assist. The poetry of Quaker John Greenleaf Whittier, the powerful novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin by Harriet Beecher Stowe, and other publications incited mobs. And the Underground Railroad, a system organized and run primarily by blacks, designed to smuggle slaves northward to Canada, found few southern allies. Abolitionists encouraged Americans to sever their economic ties to the South, to political parties that allowed slavery, to churches that condoned it, and questioned whether the U.S. Constitution needed to be amended. In response, single issue political parties such as the Liberty Party (1840) and the Free Soil Party (1848) argued there should be no slaves in the District of Columbia, and no expansion of slavery into existing states or newly acquired territories. These parties were not rooted in the idea of racial equality, but its members were unwilling to uphold political and economic systems wherein slavery would be allowed to endanger free labor. The Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) further inflamed the passions of the North, and helped lead to the formation of the Republican Party. At the Republican Convention of 1860, the Chicago “bargain” centered its platform

on protection of free laborers and the abolishment of slavery, paving the path to victory for Abraham Lincoln and the inevitable road toward the U.S. Civil War. Many abolition leaders delighted when Lincoln’s inauguration was met by southern secession of slaveholding states. After four long, bloody years of war, abolition of slavery was achieved in 1865 with the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment. But it would not be until passage of the Fifteenth Amendment (1870) that the abolitionist movement would rest. Sally Hilgendorff
See also: Garrison, William Lloyd; Lincoln, Abraham; Underground Railroad.

Further Readings
McKivigan, John R. Abolitionism and American Religion. New York: Garland, 1999. Quarles, Benjamin. Black Abolitionists. New York: Oxford University Press, 1969. Taylor, Clare. British and American Abolitionists: An Episode in Transatlantic Understanding. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1974. Stewart, James Brewer. Holy Warriors: The Abolitionists and American Slavery. New York: Hill and Wang, 1996.

Abolitionism, British
The role of the United Kingdom in the abolition of both the slave trade and slavery during the 19th century was extensive. From the late 18th century, Britain

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progressively turned against slave trading and then against the very practice of slavery itself. A change in opinion by the British people transformed Britain from being the biggest Atlantic slave trader into actively pursuing a multifaceted antislavery policing operation within the Atlantic Basin. This involved a plethora of instruments, including international anti–slave trading treaties, diplomatic pressure, leading by example, and military intervention. By the late 19th century, both the slave trade and the practice of slavery had not only been suppressed in the Atlantic but also banned in all advanced countries. By 1807, the British had already exported approximately 3,120,000 people into bondage. Merchants from the wealthy ports of Liverpool and Bristol operated an extensive chain of slave installations along Africa’s Atlantic coast, where goods were taken and exchanged for slaves, which were then shipped across the notorious Middle Passage to the Americas. The trade was extremely lucrative; for some traders, profits could reach in excess of 100 percent. One of the principal uses for slaves was in the labor-intensive sugar trade—in the Caribbean and in Louisiana in southern North America—that enabled Britain to dominate the sugar trade. By 1805, the nation was accounting for approximately 55 percent of world sugar production, a figure that was still rising. The economic incentives for the continuance of slavery were enormous, but these were further reinforced by various social incentives. As slave trading could generate rapid

wealth, it was also a path to respectability in the class-ridden society of the late 18th century. However, hostility toward slavery had been growing in Britain within certain humanitarian and religious circles since the mid-18th century. These groups believed the trade corrupted all aspects of social and economic life within the British Empire and beyond. By the 1770s, the antislavery movement had gained momentum and was further reinforced by the decision of Lord Mansfield in the Somerset case of 1772, which decreed that any slave who set foot within the United Kingdom was immediately a free citizen. Real progress commenced, however, when two leading antislavery campaigners, Zachary Macaulay and William Wilberforce, started to mobilize grassroots movements to end the trade in slaves. Along with other abolitionists, such as Granville Sharpe, they came to be known as the Clapham Sect and operated with evangelical fervor. Pressured by their work, the Houses of Parliament passed An Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade in 1807. From this moment, slave trading was illegal throughout the British Empire. Nevertheless, the abolitionists were still not content. By 1814, 806 antislavery petitions, signed by 750,000 people, were sent to Parliament. This next thrust formed part of the antislavery movement, and the Anti-Slavery Society was founded in 1823 to campaign for the outlawing of slavery itself. In 1833, this was finally achieved with the passing of the Slavery Abolition Act, although a period

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of apprenticeship was introduced for slaves between 1834 and 1838. Neither the slave trade nor slavery would be eliminated by two mere acts passed by the British government. Those engaged in the trade would need to be actively pursued. As Adam Hochschild has pointed out, “The Atlantic slave trade depended on the fact that most of the societies of Africa— chiefdoms, kingdoms large and small, even groups of nomads—had their own systems of slavery” (p. 16). Further, many European nations and Middle Eastern merchants were engaged in the trade. It was truly systemic, and most of those societies showed few signs of abolishing either the slave trade or the practice of slavery. The abolitionists believed that slavery had to be proactively stopped and wanted to use all the available instruments of the British state to achieve their goal. As Lord Castlereagh, then foreign secretary, wrote of the abolitionist movement in 1814: “The whole nation is bent upon this project. I believe that there is hardly a village which has not met and petitioned upon it. Both houses of Parliament are pledged to press it and ministers must make it the basis of their policy” (Johnson, p. 328). The British had been in pursuit of slave traders since the 1807 act. In order to stamp out the trade, the Royal Navy’s power was used in an attempt to sweep the African and American seas of slave ships. This resulted in the dispatch of the British West Africa Squadron, a pioneer of gunboat diplomacy, to arrest recalcitrant traders

engaging in the slave trade from ports within British territory. This was how the operation started, but the British found it increasingly difficult. At first they used their dominance—especially after the defeat of France in 1815—to entice and pressure other European nations into signing treaties that enabled the mutual searching of suspected slave ships in international waters. Such treaties were not very successful, however, as many nations turned a blind eye to the trade in practice. Some even attempted to cash in on the trade that Britain sought to end. British sugar production had fallen by 25 percent in the 35 years since 1807 and would account for only 15 percent of the world total by 1850 (a drop of 40 percent since 1807), whereas sugar production increased in rival (slave-based) economies by 210 percent. There was now an economic as well as a moral stimulus for the enforcement of the ban. Britain could not allow its economic competitors to benefit from a trade it had itself abandoned. The British, therefore, became considerably more aggressive. The Houses of Parliament authorized the unilateral searching of intransigent nations’ ships, with or without their consent. It was decreed that slave traders were to be treated like pirates, meaning that they could face the death penalty. The slave traders were also to be rooted out at the source. Slave installations in Africa were bombarded and burned and local chiefs were forced into signing treaties that demanded that they prevent, or arrest, traders operating within their kingdoms. In 1850 the prime minister,

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Lord Palmerston, went further still and sent Her Majesty’s gunboats into an undeclared war against Brazil, which eventually forced the Brazilian government into banning the trade altogether. Lord Palmerston then turned his attention toward the similar trade operating between Africa and the Middle East. In all, the British intercepted 1,635 slave ships, liberated more than 150,000 slaves at sea, and had reduced the trade by approximately 80 percent by the middle of the 19th century. The suppressing of the slave trade has been estimated as costing the British almost 2 percent of their economic output over 60 years; furthermore, at the height of the operation, about one-third of the Royal Navy’s military assets were involved. With the Union’s victory in the U.S. Civil War and unrelenting British pressure elsewhere, the slave trade between Africa and the Americas would eventually cease as a sizable organized practice, which would lead to considerable economic restructuring on either side of the Atlantic. Further, the Royal Navy’s mapping and exploration of the African coast during the antislavery operations helped to pave the way for the opening of Africa to European penetration during the New Imperialism in the latter 19th century. James Rogers
See also: Abolitionism; Wilberforce, William.

New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. Hochschild, Adam. Bury the Chains: The British Struggle to Abolish Slavery. London: Macmillan, 2005. Hyam, Ronald. Britain’s Imperial Century, 1815–1914. Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1993. Johnson, Paul. The Birth of the Modern: World Society 1815–1830. London: Phoenix Giant, 1991. Kaufmann, Chaim, and Robert Pape. “Explaining Costly International Moral Action: Britain’s Sixty-year Campaign against the Atlantic Slave Trade.” International Organization 53, no. 4 (1999): 631–668. Morris, Jan. Heaven’s Command: An Imperial Progress. London: Faber and Faber, 1998.

Abolitionism and Prostitution
“Abolitionism” is a term that refers to a particular ideological and legal approach to prostitution. The approach has its roots in 19th-century feminism and is still a potent force in contemporary politics around prostitution. Abolitionism was a term borrowed from the campaigns against the slave trade. However, abolitionism, when used in relation to prostitution, did not refer to the abolition of prostitution, but rather to certain laws enacted in England and Wales in the 1860s. These laws were known as the Contagious Diseases Acts. Under these acts, any woman who was suspected of prostitution could be detained by the police and forced to

Further Readings
Eltis, David. Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade.

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undergo an internal examination. The Contagious Diseases Acts were an example of the approach to prostitution known as “regulationism,” a medically inspired system that was intended to control the spread of venereal disease, particularly syphilis, by registering and medically examining prostitutes. Harnessing rational scientific arguments to moral disapproval, regulationists argued that state regulation was the only way to control venereal disease. “Innocent” women and girls needed protection from immorality; however, once fallen, it was society that needed protecting from the immoral woman. The best way to protect society, argued regulationists, was to register and medically control prostitutes. France was the European pioneer of regulationist systems. Thus, abolitionism arose as a movement against the state regulation of prostitution. The leader of the abolitionist movement was Josephine Butler, a passionate public speaker and prolific writer. Butler and other abolitionists argued that men were responsible for prostitution, placing the blame for prostitution squarely on the shoulders of unbridled male lust. No women could be said to truly consent to prostitution. The feminist abolitionist campaigners were able to construct a broad coalition of social groups, including workingmen’s organizations and religious organizations. They were also joined by the burgeoning social purity movement, whose notions of sexual chastity were more repressive and wider than the original Butlerite agenda.

When the Contagious Diseases Acts were repealed in 1886, Butler and her followers turned their attention to the fight against white slavery. In the abolitionist vision, prostitution and white slavery would come to an end if laws targeted those who made money from prostitutes, rather than the prostitute herself. Eventually, the abolitionist campaign was eclipsed by the campaign for social purity, as the emotive issue of white slavery succeeded in whipping up public concern to a fever pitch. In other European countries and the United States as well, feminists initiated or became involved in the drive to abolish prostitution and white slavery. As in England, these campaigns were increasingly dominated by repressive moralists, as alliances were forged with religious and social purity organizations. The purity reformers’ relationship with the prostitute herself was ambiguous: Although professing sympathy for the lost innocents sacrificed by white slavers, they severely judged girls and women whose immodest behavior led them into a life of shame. Most purity reformers espoused an approach to prostitution that has been termed “prohibitionist.” Particularly in the United States, purity reformers had much success with getting prohibitionist systems in place. Prohibitionist systems of regulating prostitution make the act of prostitution itself illegal, and thus prostitutes themselves are subject to arrest. All these approaches to prostitution— regulation, abolition, and prohibition—

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are in place in various legal systems today. Most existing systems contain elements of all three approaches. Those legal systems that follow most closely an abolitionist approach aim to end prostitution through penalizing those who are perceived to profit from it, such as brothel owners or those who offer advertising space to prostitution businesses. This list has grown to include sex workers’ clients in countries such as Sweden. Although prostitution itself is not a crime under abolitionist systems, in practice it is sex workers who are often targeted by abolitionist laws. For example, abolitionist laws prevent prostitutes from working together (lest one be arrested for pimping), block prostitutes’ attempts at union-forming (considered as unlawful “promotion of prostitution”), and bar them from legal redress in cases of violations of their labor, civil, and human rights. Abolitionism is still a powerful philosophy among contemporary feminists, both in the West and in the developing world. The strongest advocate for abolitionism internationally is the Coalition against Trafficking in Women (CATW). Like their foremothers, contemporary neoabolitionist feminists deny that prostitution can be considered a true choice or legitimate enaction of the will. Because all prostitution is inherently violence against women, they argue, no true consent is possible. Therefore, for neoabolitionists feminists, all prostitutes are victims. Male prostitution and transgender sex workers do not figure high on the neoabolitionist feminist agenda, as they

do not fit into the neoabolitionist analysis of prostitution as a system of male sexual violence perpetrated against women. The sex workers’ rights movement of the early 21st century faced intense opposition from neoabolitionist feminists. In particular, neoabolitionist feminists opposed the idea, promoted by sex workers’ rights advocates, of prostitution and other forms of sex work as labor. Neoabolitionist feminists reject the term “sex work,” preferring the term “prostituted women.” Sex workers’ rights groups demand recognition of their human and civil rights, including through application of labor laws to their workplaces. Neoabolitionist feminists argue for the criminalization of third parties, such as brothel owners and clients. They do not support the criminalization of sex workers themselves, but advocate for their rescue and rehabilitation. Confusingly, both of these positions are variously referred to as decriminalization. Like their 19th-century foremothers, contemporary abolitionist feminists have an ambiguous relationship to prostitutes and other sex workers themselves. On the one hand, prostituted women who agree with the feminist abolitionist analysis of their situation are accepted and supported. For example, the group WHISPER (Women Hurt in Systems of Prostitution Engaged in Revolt), composed of former prostitutes who campaign for the eradication of prostitution, has a good working relationship with CATW. On the other, there are the vocal and often politically

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active sex workers around the world who campaign for acceptance of sex work as legitimate work. These male, female, and transgender sex workers present a conundrum for neoabolitionists. The inability to comprehend a selfchosen sex worker identity means that neoabolitionist feminists perceive sex workers’ rights advocates as being in league with pimps and traffickers. Neoabolitionist feminists argue that the notion of sex workers’ rights is simply a front for the big business of the sex industry and have accused prominent sex workers’ rights advocates of being in the pay of sex industry bosses. Like the 19th-century feminist abolitionists, contemporary abolitionist feminists have been able to strengthen their political presence through coalition-building around the renewed international concern with the issue of trafficking in women. Many of these coalition partners are unlikely supporters of feminist causes and include conservative religious groups and antiabortion activists. Through these coalitions, neoabolitionist feminists have been able to influence international law and national government policies. In keeping with the abolitionist legacy, today’s feminist abolitionists campaign against the purchase of sexual services by men, or what they term “demand.” In Sweden, this has resulted in the criminalization of customers of sex workers, a national policy that Swedish sex worker organizations claim forces them to work under clandestine and dangerous conditions.

In response to global concerns around trafficking, feminist abolitionists support practices of forced rescue of sex workers from brothels, particularly in the developing world. These rescues have been vigorously opposed by local sex worker organizations, because the victims are usually arrested, deported, and/or placed in jail-like rehabilitation centers. In the United States in particular, the abolitionist position has had much influence on foreign and domestic policy. For example, the U.S. Leadership against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act of 2003 prohibits the disbursal of U.S. development funding to organizations that support the idea of prostitution as work. International sex worker organizations, such as the Network of Sex Work Projects (NSWP), claim that this policy has great potential for harm, as HIV is one of the greatest threats to the health of sex workers in the developing world. Jo Doezema
See also: Abolitionism; Abolitionism, British.

Further Readings
Barry, Kathleen. The Prostitution of Sexuality: The Global Exploitation of Women. New York: New York University Press, 1995. Coalition against Trafficking in Women (CATW) website: Crago, Anna Louise. “Unholy Alliance.” Ditmore, Melissa. “New U.S. Funding Policies on Trafficking Affect Sex Work and

Aborigines’ Protection Society HIV-Prevention Efforts World Wide.” SIECUS Report 33 (2005): 26–29. Doezema, Jo. “Ouch! Western Feminists’ ‘Wounded Attachment’ to the ThirdWorld Prostitute.” Feminist Review 67 (2001): 16–38. Empower Foundation. Report by Empower Chiang Mai on the human rights violations women are subjected to when “rescued” by antitrafficking groups. Network of Sex Work Projects. www. Shapiro, Nina. “The New Abolitionists.” Seattle Weekly, August 24–31, 2004. Walkowitz, Judith. Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class, and the State. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1980.

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Aborigines’ Protection Society
The Aborigines’ Protection Society was an abolitionist organization that was established in Great Britain in 1837 after Parliament had enacted the Abolition Act (1833) that emancipated all slaves throughout the British Empire, effective August 1, 1834. The creation of the Society reflects not only the hope that the form of chattel slavery that had persisted in the transatlantic world was effectively abolished but also the lingering anxiety that other forms of nonfree labor persisted in the world. The term “aborigine” was used in the Society’s name much like the term “indigenous” might be used in contemporary language. The Aborigines’ Protection Society was concerned with the plight of peoples worldwide who were still

victimized by slavelike labor practices in Africa, Asia, the Pacific islands, and elsewhere. British abolitionist Thomas Fowell Buxton urged the creation of the Aborigines’ Protection Society as a needed agent of reform to remedy “the enormous wrongs inflicted on Aborigines by European colonization.” The society maintained a campaign of public advocacy by publishing tracts, pamphlets, and the journal The Aborigines’ Friend, or Colonial Intelligencer. The society counted among its members important politicians, clergy, and businesspeople, most of whom lived in the United Kingdom. In a fashion similar to earlier antislavery campaigns, members of the Aborigines’ Protection Society conducted research into reputed abuses that indigenous peoples worldwide were forced to endure. The society regularly petitioned Parliament in the hope that British diplomatic pressure could be put to bear upon those societies that were reportedly tolerating human rights abuses among colonized peoples. It was hoped that such political action would stimulate the necessary moral suasion in others to remedy the concerns. By the late 19th century, prominent British radical liberals like James Bryce and Herbert Spencer were active members of the Aborigines’ Protection Society, and the group began to take a more activist stance on pressing matters of colonial policy. Members also began to critique in strong terms the actions that other European powers

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Further Readings
Bourne, H. R. Fox. The Aborigines’ Protection Society: Chapters in Its History. London: P. S. King & Son, 1899. Grant, Kevin. A Civilized Savagery: Britain and the New Slaveries in Africa, 1884–1926. New York and London: Routledge, 2005. Nworah, Kenneth D. “The Aborigines’ Protection Society, 1889–1909: A Pressure-Group in Colonial Policy.” Canadian Journal of African Studies 5, no. 1 (1971.): 79–91.

Action pour le Changement
The political party Action pour le Changement, or Action for Change, has been a strident voice in Mauritania in opposition to the system of slavery that the party maintains still exists within the African nation. Although international human rights organizations like Amnesty International have looked favorably upon the group and praised its efforts to bring abolitionism to the lands of the western Sahara, the government of Mauritania has consistently viewed the organization as a domestic threat. On January 3, 2002, the government of Mauritania officially banned Action for Change and the party no longer exists today. The leaders of Mauritania cited Action for Change for allegedly inciting racism and violence within Mauritanian society by alleging that slavery persisted and that the government was beholden to protecting the interest of the modern-day slave traders in spite of the nation’s legal prohibition against slavery. Human rights advocates and

British radical and philosopher Herbert Spencer was an active member in the Aborigines’ Protection Society. (Library of Congress)

were taking with respect to indigenous peoples who lived within their colonial possessions. During the 1890s abolitionists in Britain expanded their mission to include advocacy against the ill treatment of indigenous peoples when reports of horrid atrocities in the Belgian Congo began to surface. As a result of this new focus, the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society merged with the Aborigines’ Protection Society in 1909. The Anti-Slavery and Aborigine’s Protection Society published The Anti-Slavery Reporter and Aborigines’ Friend to report on its ongoing abolitionist efforts. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Leopold II.

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many former Mauritanians now living in exile maintain that Action for Change was speaking accurately about the problems that persist regarding slavery in Mauritania. Action for Change was a small political party, one of many in the political landscape of Mauritania, but it tried to forge alliances and establish a coalition with other groups by appealing to ethnic solidarity among the nation’s different populations. In particular, the members of Action for Change tried to unite the Black Moors of Mauritania to stand in opposition to the government’s alleged complicity with the perpetuation of slavery. Mauritanian President Maaouya Ould Sid’Ahmed Taya alleged in a speech on January 10, 1997, that those who alleged the practice of slavery in Mauritania were enemies of the state who only wanted to tarnish the nation’s reputation. The government of Mauritania did not want the claims of contemporary slavery to endanger the nation’s effort to acquire billions of dollars in international debt relief, something that was finally acquired in 2002. Many within the government feared that too much emphasis on human rights violations might threaten the success of the significant monetary negotiations that were under way when Action for Change was banned. An official campaign of repression against Action for Change was under way in Mauritania for several years before the party was finally banned. Boubacar Ould Messaoud, the leader of the party, and two associates were arrested at their homes in January 1998

and imprisoned for 13 months. The human rights advocates were convicted for violating an obscure 1973 law that prohibited action within the county by unauthorized associations. Despite worldwide protests by human rights advocates who charged that Mauritania’s actions contradicted the spirit of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), of which it was a signatory power, the Mauritanian government persisted in its actions and enforced the sentence upon Messaoud and his colleagues. Perhaps emboldened by its success in jailing and harassing the leaders of Action for Change, the government enacted the 2002 ban against the group in the hope that its efforts would finally cease. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Mauritania; SOS Esclaves (Mauritania).

Further Readings
Cotton, Samuel. Silent Terror: A Journey into Contemporary African Slavery. New York: Harlem River Press, 1998. Khatchadourian, Raffi. “Beyond Survival: Freed from Slavery and Terror, Mauritanians Fight for Those Left Behind.” Village Voice, February 20–26, 2002. Ruf, Urs Peter. Ending Slavery: Hierarchy, Dependency and Gender in Central Mauritania. Bielefeld, Germany: Transcript Verlag, 1999.

Addams, Jane (1860–1935)
Jane Addams was a noted American social worker and humanitarian. She

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founded the Hull House social welfare center in Chicago, cofounded the American Civil Liberties Union, and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1931. She became a member of the National Child Labor Committee when it was formed in 1904. After the Beveridge bill failed to gain national support, she was partly responsible for the development of a new strategy in the battle against child labor. Addams was convinced that in order for the regulation of working children to be accepted, the population at large would have to be made aware of the conditions under which children worked. This conviction resulted in the proposal that the Bureau of Labor should be asked to undertake a complete

review of the working conditions of women and children. President Theodore Roosevelt adopted this policy when the Beveridge bill failed, but it was not until 1907 that Congress authorized and made funds available for the study to be carried out. Addams was attacked for her views on child labor by the National Civic Federation, a business-oriented group that had the support of the National Association of Manufacturers. She was labeled a “radical” and linked to socialism. In 1912, Addams was approached to head the United States Children’s Bureau, but she did not accept the position. She remained in the National Child Labour Committee and argued for the view that federal legislation was needed to combat child labor. Sandy Hobbs
See also: National Child Labour Committee.

Further Readings
Knight, Louise W. Citizen: Jane Addams and the Struggle for Democracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005. Knight, Louise W. Jane Addams: Spirit in Action. New York: W. W. Norton, 2010.

Adoption of Children Ordinance Law (1941)
The Adoption of Children Ordinance Law (1941) was adopted in Ceylon (modern-day Sri Lanka) during the final generation of British colonial rule. The ordinance was meant to halt some of the most egregious violations of human rights that had become associated with adoption practices in the island colony.

A humanitarian and social worker, Jane Addams cofounded the American Civil Liberties Union and received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1931 for her efforts. (Library of Congress)

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Like much of the rest of southern Asia, Ceylon had a long history of tolerating the practice of bonded labor, and the custom was well rooted in the island’s tradition and culture. In many cases, child laborers were employed to work off supposedly accumulated debts that a family might owe to a landlord. Since this practice was considered repulsive to British colonial functionaries who had pledged themselves to ending slavery-like practices in the regions where they had administrative oversight, it became necessary for those using bonded laborers to rely on subterfuge and trickery as a means of hiding their real intentions. Bonded laborers were said to be the equivalent of foster children who were taken in by benevolent households that merely expected them to labor as the family’s other children might labor. Various types of false adoptions were performed in which forged papers indicated that bonded laborers were indeed the “children” of the adults for whom they labored. Although bonded labor was the most common type of service expected by the children, they were also often subjected to physical, psychological, and sexual abuse at the hands of their alleged foster parents. The Adoption of Children Ordinance Law was designed to ensure that adoptions were legally monitored and binding agreements that would only be carried out in the best interest of the child. Special provisions were introduced to criminalize false adoption practices and the abuse of the foster child provisions. The measure

required that colonial officials were expected to conduct regular inspections of those households that had adopted children to make sure that the children were not being forced to labor as slaves. Article Four of the new measure called for the creation of an official record or registry to be kept of all adoptions registered in Ceylon, but this process was never put into effect. Despite the best efforts of reform-minded legislators, there was a weak enforcement mechanism associated with the legislation. The ordinance was further weakened by variations of opinion stemming from the different religious communities that populated Ceylon. Among the island’s Muslim population, the ordinance was not seen as having a binding effect, since civil law was considered to be lesser in importance than Sharia (religious) law that directed all customs and practices of the Muslim community (ummah). The issue suggested the difficulty of writing and adopting legislation that was culturally sensitive and universally acceptable within a multiethnic society. In 1992, some 50 years after the ordinance was promulgated, the government of Sri Lanka revised it. The changes introduced dealt not only with domestic adoptions within the country, but also focused upon the growing threat of human trafficking— especially in children—between and among nations. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: False Adoption.

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Further Readings
Askeland, Lori. Children and Youth in Adoption, Orphanages, and Foster Care: A Historical Handbook and Guide. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2006. Bainham, Andrew. Children and Their Families: Contact, Rights, and Welfare. Portland, OR: Hart Publishing, 2003. Freundlich, Madelyn. The Role of Race, Culture, and National Origin in Adoption. Washington, DC: Child Welfare League of America, 2000.

The Islamic Republic of Afghanistan is a landlocked mountainous country in Central Asia (249,984 square miles/647,500 square kilometers, 2010 est. pop., 28.4 million). Climate is continental, with extremely hot summers and chilly winters. Considerable parts of the country remain dry and desiccated. It is a seismic zone, especially the northeast of Hindu Kush mountain range. The country’s natural resources include precious and semiprecious stones, gold, silver, copper, zinc, and iron ore in southeastern areas, and potentially significant petroleum and natural gas reserves in the north. It also disposes of coal, chromite, talc, barites, sulfur, lead, and salt. As a consequence of enduring civil war, these significant mineral and energy resources remain largely untapped. Ethnoreligiously, culturally, linguistically, and geographically, Afghanistan is closely linked with most of its neighbors—Pakistan (in the south and

east), Iran (west), the former Soviet republics Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan in the north, and China in the east. Its name in the most widely spread language, Pashtun, means simply “the land of the Afghans”. Under - the name Avagana, country was first mentioned in the sixth century, and later in the prominent Persian geography book Hudud-al-Alam (AD 982). In the ninth century, following the Arab advance, Islam was firmly established in this region, replacing the Zoroastrism and Buddhism. Emperor Babur of the Mughals (16th century) used the name, referring to the territories south of Kabul, inhabited by Pashtuns (called by him also “Afghans”). In fact, Afghanistan is a complex mixture of various ethnic groups. Beginning from the ancient times, it has ever been a focal point of trade and migration, and thus a subject of many claims from intruders coming from both nearby and far away—from Persian kings, through Alexander the Great, Mongols, Arabs, Ottomans, to the British colonial empire, and most recently, the Soviet Union, the United States, and members of NATO. Demonstrating the dominance of the Afghans/Pashtuns, in the mid-18th century Ahmad Shah Durrani managed to create a large state under the name of Afghanistan with its capital at Qandahar. It proved that once diverse localities with distinctive designations, even mutually lacking any common identity of race or language, can shape a fixed political unit, a country. In general,


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however, until the 19th century, the name was still confined almost exclusively for the traditional lands of the Pashtuns, while the kingdom as a whole was identified as the Kingdom of Kabul, as mentioned in the British official texts of that period. Other parts of the country occasionally emerged as independent kingdoms, such as the Kingdom of Balkh in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. As the name for the entire kingdom, it was mentioned in 1857 and became the official name when the country was recognized by the world community in 1919, following the third AngloAfghan war, and in the nation’s fundamental law in 1923. King Amanulah Khan strived for backing and aid from two foremost revolutionary rulers of that period—Vladimir Lenin in communist Soviet Russia, and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the semisecular republican “young Turkey.” The highest level of stability in Afghanistan was reached between 1933 and 1973, when it was quite calm place under the rule of King Zahir Shah. -h’s absence from the counDuring Sha try, his brother-in-law Sardar Daoud Khan instigated a bloodless takeover, which put an end to the fragile balance within and around the country. With an accelerating Soviet influence and presence, five years later Daoud Khan and his entire family were executed when the self-proclaimed communist People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan took over the government launching the Great Saur Revolution. Years to come converted Afghanistan into a

combat zone of a vicious civil war and foreign interventions. At Christmas 1979, a Moscow-backed coup d’état, intended to conclude internal quarrels in the ruling party, led to a further escalation of the Soviet troops’ deployment and a large-scale war. A Soviet attempt to impose a Marxist atheist regime generated a massive exodus; more than 5 million Afghans found refuge in camps and shelters in neighboring Pakistan (more than 3 million), Iran (over a million), and in Europe and the United States. Mujahideen resistance gained force as a result of training and supplies by the United States, Pakistan, and other foreign governments, making Afghanistan a dreadful place to live, and completely destroying public life. Confronted with increasing international pressure and internal disapproval with the loss of more than 15,000 Soviet soldiers, the Soviets pulled out in 1989, after 10 years of desperate fighting. The last of the line of dummy presidents, Najibullah, former head of the secret services, endured three years more until being overthrown in 1992 by the radical Islamist Talibans, captured despite hiding in an UN compound, and hanged. The Taliban grew as a politico-religious force, and ultimately captured Kabul in 1996, seizing, by the end of 2000, 95 percent of the country. Their main rival, the Afghan Northern Alliance, kept the northeast corner of Badakhshan Province. The Taliban sought to impose a strict interpretation of Islamic sharia and were later implicated as supporters of terrorists, most notably by giving

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refuge to Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda network. During the Taliban’s seven-year rule, drastic constraints on society were forced, and much of the freedoms and basic human rights were curbed. Women were denied access to education, jobs outside of home, and property. The Taliban regime was toppled by U.S. troops, who intervened in 2001 as a part of the antiterrorist Operation Enduring Freedom. In December 2001, the UN Security Council authorized establishment of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), composed of NATO troops. ISAF has been involved in upholding the government of President Hamid Karzai and setting up control across the scattered territory. In 2005, the United States and Afghanistan signed a strategic partnership agreement that committed both countries to a lasting friendship and cooperation. Meanwhile, about $30 billion was provided by the international community for the reconstruction of the country. Stephan E. Nikolov Further Readings
Banting, Erinn. Afghanistan. The People. New York: Crabtree Publishing, 2003. Clements, Frank. Conflict in Afghanistan: A Historical Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2003. Hopkins, B. D. The Making of Modern Afghanistan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. Vogelsang, Willem. The Afghans. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2002.

African Network for the Prevention and Protection against Child Abuse and Neglect (ANPPCAN)
The African Network for Prevention and Protection against Child Abuse and Neglect (ANPPCAN) is a PanAfrican organization whose main concern is the status of children, especially those in need of protection from various forms of maltreatment. ANPPCAN was established after the First African Conference on Child Abuse and Neglect, a Pan-African assembly held in 1986 in Enugu, Nigeria. Since then, ANPPCAN’s chapters have expanded into 20 African countries. In 1990, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union (AU), awarded ANPPCAN observer status. The African Commission on Human and People’s Rights granted similar recognition shortly afterward. Its headquarters are in Nairobi, Kenya, where ANPPCAN is registered as an international nongovernmental organization (NGO). According to ANPPCAN’s Constitution, any African individual or organization dealing with children’s rights and welfare is eligible to become a member of an ANPPCAN chapter in the country of residence. Any non-African individual or organization may become a member of ANPPCAN, pending the approval of the General Council. The current member states are Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mauritius, Niger,

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Nigeria, Senegal, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Togo, Tanzania, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. ANPPCAN intends to realize its objectives by: providing a forum for the exchange of scientific information on the problems affecting children in Africa; carrying out advocacy for children’s rights; encouraging and assisting the creation of national organizations in African countries concerned with the promotion and defense of children’s rights; conducting periodic situation analysis on the state and nature of child abuse and neglect in Africa and publishing the results; advising and assisting African governments and the African Union to take action and other means to improve the material and legal conditions of children in Africa; offering advice and assistance to organizations working in the field of child rights and abuse prevention; and generating resources for research and action. ANPPCAN’s main target groups are child laborers, street children, abandoned and neglected children, physically and sexually abused children, children in situations of armed conflicts and war, displaced children (internally and externally), disabled children, children in slum settlements, and orphaned children. To meet the protection needs of these children and all those whose rights are likely to be violated, ANPPCAN provides a wide range of services, including education and training, direct services, research and information, networking, advocacy, and consultancy. It continues to provide the

same services while upholding its philosophy of empowering communities, including the children, to address the issue of child abuse and neglect. Giulia Pietrangeli Further Reading
ANPPCAN website: http://www.anppcan .org.

African Squadrons
African Squadrons were naval patrols organized by the British whose main duty was to intercept slave ships. Although the English had been the major slave traders in the 18th century, the British Parliament passed a bill in 1807 by virtue of which the slave trade was considered illegal. This bill had been finally adopted thanks to the efforts of Thomas Clarkson and William Wilberforce and the support of the British prime minister, Lord Grenville. In the United States, the issue of slavery had already been present at the framing of the Constitution in 1787, but the only measure concerning slavery taken at the time was a section of the document barring Congress from abolishing the African slave trade for a 20-year period. At the end of those 20 years, Congress passed the Slave Importation Act (1807), which, on the one hand, censored the international exportation of slaves, but on the other did not affect the U.S. internal or coastal slave trade. The centrality of cotton production in

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the southern states and the huge demand for Cuban sugar and coffee were partly responsible for the measures adopted by the U.S. Congress in 1807. The British organized squadrons— for example, the British West Africa Squadron—to implement the law and to ensure that there were no British ships trading in slaves along the African coast. Soon these squadrons demanded the right to board and inspect ships of neutral and enemy lands, such as the United States and France. The United States did not want the British to investigate their ships. The Royal Navy practice of impressment, by which it seized U.S. vessels indiscriminately, caused tensions between the two nations. Ships of other slaver nations, such as Portugal and Spain, began throwing the human cargo overboard when chased by the Royal Navy in order to avoid capture, both to lighten the weight of their ships and disguise their purpose. In 1819, the U.S. Congress passed the Slave Trade Act, by which President James Monroe allowed warships to play an active role in detecting and suppressing the trade in human beings. The Slave Trade Act also created Liberia as a West African country in which newly freed slaves could resettle. Monroe required U.S. ships to detect and take into custody any ship with the U.S. flag that was involved in the slave trade. The first five U.S. navy vessels sent to Africa to fulfill their squadron duty were the Cyane, Hornet, John Adams, Alligator, and Shark. The conditions under which the squadrons had to work were terrible in

terms of temperature and sanitary conditions. Surgeons in the ships could only treat the symptoms of many mosquito-induced fevers and illnesses. The two-year period assigned to an African Squadron was a painful test for any member of the crew. The American African Squadron was far less successful than the British squadrons. During the 19th century about 7,750 slaving voyages were attempted, but only 21 percent of the ships were captured by the African Squadrons. In the first 70 years of the 19th century, approximately 200,000 Africans were shipped, of which 10 percent were rescued by these naval patrols. Laura Gimeno-Pahissa
See also: Abolitionism, British.

Further Readings
Blackburn, Robin. The Making of New World Slavery. New York: Verso, 1997. Eltis, David. The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Kolchin, Peter. American Slavery. New York: Penguin, 1993. Lovejoy, Paul. Transformations in Slavery. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Thomas, Hugh. The Slave Trade. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997.

Agnivesh, Swami (1939–)
Swami Agnivesh, whose original name is Vepa Shyam Rao, was born in an orthodox Hindu family on September 21, 1939. He was the grandson of the diwan

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(chief minister) of the princely state of Shakti, today located in Chhatisgarh, India. He practiced law for a short period in Calcutta, and in his early twenties he became a successful professor of business and law. In 1968 he became a full-time worker of the Arya Samaj and became Swami Agnivesh, a sanyasi who gave up all worldly possessions. The Arya Sabha, established on the principles of Arya Samaj, was cofounded by him to work for practical order in the world. Vedic Samajbad (Vedic Socialism), a book published in 1974, elaborates on the constitution of Arya Sabha with special emphasis on its call for “social spirituality” and its rejection of the lopsided materialism of both capitalism and communism. During a period of political emergency in the 1970s, Swami Agnivesh was jailed for 14 months, and he subsequently became the education minister in Haryana in 1977, after having been elected to the assembly. In due course, he resigned the political position since he wanted to devote entirely his energy and time to social justice movements. He founded the Bandhu Mukti Morcha (Bonded Labour Liberation Front) in 1981. This organization facilitated the creation of several trade unions such as All India Brick Kiln Workers, the Stone Quarry Workers, and the Construction Workers and released more than 172,000 Indian workers from bonded labor. During this time he became equally concerned with the growing problem of child labor in India. In appreciation of his efforts, Agnivesh has

thrice been elected chairperson of the United Nations Trust Fund on Contemporary Forms of Slavery. In addition to his work to eradicate contemporary forms of slavery, he has also been involved in many other social justice movements in India. Parliament enacted the Sati Prevention Act following an 18-day padhyatra (march on foot) from Delhi to Deorala in Rajsthan that he led in 1987 to protest against sati (the immolation of widows on their husband’s funeral pyres). In order to secure the entry of untouchables into Hindu temples, he led a movement in 1988–1989 against this discrimination. To protest against and defuse communal violence that had caused the killing of 45 Muslim youths in 1989, he led a multireligious march from Delhi to Meerat with Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer. He was involved in several popular movements such as Narmada Bachao Andolan, women’s movements against alcohol in Andhra Pradesh and Haryana aimed at protecting the environment and also winning total prohibition in the concerned states. Concerned about escalating religious fundamentalism in India, Swami Agnivesh launched a multireligious forum called Religions for Social Justice, which, in 1999, led 55 religious leaders to the place where an Australian Christian missionary had been burned to death with his two sons by Hindu religious fanatics in Orissa. Swami Agnivesh has not only limited his social justice efforts to the Indian subcontinent, but he has taken an active role in contemporary global issues. He launched a people’s movement

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in 1997 against, the Western cultural invasion and the neocolonialism of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and World Bank. Fighting against economic globalization, he led a march in 2001 from Mumbai to Gujrat. Having been deeply disturbed by the massacre in Gujrat in 2002, he organized a group of 72 eminent religious and social leaders who spent five days in the violence-affected areas denouncing the Hindu fundamentalist organizations and other sectors who were responsible for the riot. Patit Paban Mishra
See also: Bonded Labour Liberation Front; India; World Bank; World Trade Organization.

Further Reading
Agnivesh, Swami. “A Spiritual Vision for the Dialogue of Religion.” Development 46, no. 4 (2003): 35–38.

Ahmad, Muhammad (1844–1885)
Muhammad Ahmad was a Muslim religious leader (known as a faqir) in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in the late 19th century. He declared himself to be the Mahdi in 1881, raised an army for the jihad, and led a successful war of liberation from the Ottoman-Egyptian military occupation and against British colonialism. Muhammad Ahmad was born into an Arabized Nubian family from Dongola. The family had moved to Khartoum to

enjoy better economic prospects and where Muhammad’s brothers, like their father, entered the boat-building business. Not interested in that enterprise, Muhammad instead focused on religious studies gaining influence from his great-grandfather who had been a respected sharif during his lifetime. Muhammad learned the Koran, studied fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) subsequently under the guidance of Sheikh Muhammad Kheir, and became influenced by the Sufi teaching. He built a mosque and started to teach the Koran at Aba Island in Western Sudan after his family moved there from Khartoum in 1871. He gained local repute as an excellent speaker and mystic, and his teaching emphasized the virtues of prayer and simplicity as laid down in the Koran. With a popular following, his religious zeal eventually turned to denunciation of tax collectors as a token of his rebellious attitude against the Ottoman-Egyptian rulers. To avoid possible arrest, Muhammad Ahmad, the Mahdi, made a long march to Kurdufan with his followers, the Ansar. Along the way he gained the support of many tribal leaders and regional slave traders who were seeking an opportunity to return to power. In the process of his adventure, the Mahdi subsequently formed a government in Sudan. The Mahdiyah (Mahdist regime) imposed traditional Islamic laws and stood opposed to accentuated tribalism at the expense of religious unity. The Mahdi modified Islam’s five pillars to support the dogma that loyalty to him was essential to true belief.

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To emphasize this point, he added the declaration “and Muhammad Ahmad is the Mahdi of Allah and the representative of His Prophet” to the daily recitation of the shahada. In addition to this, service in the jihad that he had initiated replaced the hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) as a duty incumbent on the faithful, and the tax paid to the state became the substitute for zakat (almsgiving) that was expected of all Muslims. These reforms were justified by the Mahdi as responses to instructions conveyed to him by Allah in visions. Muhammad Ahmad died of typhus on June 22, 1885, just six months after the capture of Khartoum. After his death the rivalry among three deputies who succeeded him led to a long period of disarray that continued until 1891, when Abdallahi ibn Muhammad emerged as the unchallenged leader. Abdallahi, referred to as the Khalifa (successor), was committed to the Mahdi’s vision of extending the Mahadiyah through jihad, but in 1899 the Khalifa was defeated at the Battle of Umm Diwaykarat and killed. By the time the British once again took control of Sudan, the Mahdiyah had destroyed the Sudanese economy, and about half the population died due to famine, disease, persecution, and warfare. Patit Paban Mishra
See also: Sudan and South Sudan.

General Gordon.” Journal of Military History 70, no. 3 (2006): 848–849. Rees, Simon. “The ‘Mad Mahdi’ Established a Pure Islamic State and Became the Western World’s Original ‘Most Wanted’ Extremist.” Military History 19, no. 2 (2002): 20–22. Trench, C. Chenevix. “Gordon’s Staff Officer.” History Today 25, no. 3 (1975): 153–164. Warburg, Gabriel. “Mahdism and Islamism in Sudan.” International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 2 (1995): 219–237.

Ahmed, Zafaryab (1954–)
Zafaryab Ahmed, described by the human rights organization Amnesty International as the “Prisoner of Conscience,” was born in 1954 in Lahore, Pakistan, the capital of the Punjab region. Ahmed is an activist, researcher, and journalist who became well known for his reporting about the social problems of bonded labor in Pakistan and his writing about the plight of enslaved children. In his youth, he participated in Pakistan’s student protest movement during the 1960s and 1970s. He graduated from Punjab University, Lahore, with a bachelor’s degree in political science and later earned a masters degree in international relations and international politics at the same institution. He also studied sociology and earned a second masters degree at the University of Manchester in England. After completing his education, Ahmed returned home to teach at Aitchison College in Lahore and the University of Agriculture in Faisalabad.

Further Readings
Dunn, John P., and Bruce Vandervort “The Mahdi of the Sudan and the Death of

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Ahmed began writing articles for a number of publications in Pakistan. During the 1980s, he began a series of reports on the use of child labor in the carpet industry, and soon became an active participant in campaigns against child labor in Pakistan, particularly in the carpet industry. Through these efforts, he became associated with Ehsan Ullah Khan, who had founded the Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF) in 1988, a grassroots organization established to organize and educate bonded laborers throughout Pakistan. Ahmed became a researcher, advocate, and writer for the BLLF in Lahore. In the mid-1990s, he met Iqbal Masih, a 13-year-old former child bonded laborer in the carpet industry who escaped and had become a bonded labor advocate on behalf of the BLLF before he was shot to death in April 1995. At the time of Masih’s murder, Ahmed was in charge of the BLLF’s office when Ehsan Ullah Khan was traveling outside of Pakistan. Ahmed attempted to write a story about child labor in Pakistan in general and about Masih’s life and his murder in particular. He also hoped to develop a movie about the incident, and to that end, he met with the Academy Award-winning Italian director Giuseppe Tornatore, to discuss the possibility of such a project. In addition to this contact, Ahmed also campaigned for an independent investigation of the murder of Iqbal Masih. His unauthorized contact with the film producer and public relations campaigns apparently made him guilty in

the eyes of Pakistani government. In June 1995, the Pakistani government arrested Zafaryab Ahmed and charged him with “destabilizing the state,” and he was further charged with treason and sedition and accused of “exploiting the death of Iqbal Masih.” Accordingly, he was to be imprisoned for two months in Lahore, where he potentially faced death by hanging for his efforts in defending human rights in Pakistan. His alleged crime was to attempt to end the country’s bonded labor system that enslaved children and adult workers in the carpet industry. The Pakistani government perceived these efforts as acts of treason and sedition. After serving six weeks in prison, Ahmed was granted bail and released, although the charges against him remained pending. During this time his passport and personal documents were sequestered since he was forbidden to leave the country, and he remained under a system of parole that required him to visit the courts at least once a month. Having become a key figure in human rights struggles worldwide, Ahmed was awarded the First Oak Institute Fellowship at Colby College in Maine in early 1998. The Pakistani government initially refused to allow him to travel to the United States to accept the international human rights fellowship. After six months of international efforts at negotiating on his behalf, the Pakistani government agreed to give him a 90-day permit to visit and accept the fellowship at Colby College, with the condition that he must return to Pakistan.

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In 2000, Zafaryab was granted political asylum in the United States, and he became a doctoral student in the Department of Sociology at State University of New York at Binghamton. Ahmed describes himself as a person who is wanted in the land of his birth and is viewed as a suspect in his adopted land. Bayram Unal
See also: Child Labor; Khan, Ehsan Ullah.

Further Reading
Human Rights Watch. Contemporary Forms of Slavery in Pakistan. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995. Located at stan.htm.

Al-Diein Massacre (1987)
On March 27–28, 1987, more than 1,000 Dinka men, women, and children were murdered in Diein (estimated population 60,000), the principal town in the eastern district of southern Darfur province in Sudan. The majority of Diein’s residents consisted of the Rizeigat ethnic group, with the Dinka numbering nearly 17,000, and the Fur, Zaghawa, and other ethnic minorities comprising the remainder of the population. Connected by rail and road, Diein was a major trading center for grain and cattle in Darfur. As the headquarters of the Eastern District Council, it also served as an important administrative center at the time of the massacre.

An independent investigation into the massacre was conducted in May 1987 by Dr. Suleyman Ali Baldo and Dr. Ushari Ahmed Mahmud, who found evidence that the actions of the predominantly Arab Rizeigat mob against the Dinka residents were premeditated. The report also noted that Sudan’s governmental policies in the region contributed to the massacre by exacerbating historic interethnic tensions between Rizeigats and Dinkas and by providing both material and logistical support to Rizeigat militias. This allowed the militias to attack Dinka villages with impunity and encouraged the emergence of chattel slavery for political ends. The massacre began after 7:00 p.m. evening prayers at the Christian church on Friday, March 27. An armed mob of about 50 Arab Rizeigat men attacked 32 Dinka Christians with spears, knives, sticks, and a gun. Although no one died from this initial attack, as the Dinkas fled, the mob, increased in size, began to attack and burn neighboring Dinka homes. An area in the southeastern part of town known as Hillat Fog had the largest concentration of Dinka residents, and it became the prime target of the attackers who burned Dinka homes and then obstructed police and firefighters from responding. Five to seven Dinkas were killed, and several Dinka residents fled to the police station while others fled to the multiethnic town of Hillat Sikka Hadid. By the next morning, Saturday, March 28, a decision was made to move the Dinkas from Hillat Sikka Hadid to the police station and then onto rail cars

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for transport to Nyala. The Dinka chiefs were informed of the decision and then agreed with this course of action. The Dinka were moved to eight rail cars. When the rail cars filled to capacity, several hundred more Dinkas took refuge in the police compound while others remained under trees at the railway station. As news spread of the attempt to move the Dinkas from Diein, the mob began attacking Dinkas. More than 200 Dinkas in open wooden rail cars were burned to death by attackers who then lit combustible materials and threw them into the police compound where more than 500 persons had taken refuge. All perished in the ensuing blaze. The massacre had ended by 6:00 p.m. The Sudanese government’s strategy to undermine Dinka support for the Southern People’s Liberation Army by arming the Rizeigat and Misseiriya groups had begun in the mid-1980s. Attacking Dinka villages south of Bahr alArab-Kiir River and stealing cattle and women and children for chattel slavery continued to intensify up to the time of the massacre and afterward. On January 17, 1986, more than 700 women and children had been kidnapped and taken as slaves. A pattern emerged in these attacks on the Dinka as militiamen on horses, camels, and donkeys attacked villages with spears, swords, and Klashnikov rifles. They burnt houses, set fire to grain in the storehouses, stole cattle, murdered, and kidnapped. Following the attacks, the men divided into small groups with their booty of women and children. The women were led away on

foot, tied with a rope around their necks attached to a horse. The investigation found it likely that several hundred women and children had been enslaved as a consequence of the massacre. Investigators found a direct connection between the massacre at al-Diein, the government’s arming of Rizeigat Arab militias, and the emergence of chattel slavery. The government fueled interethnic rivalries by cultivating intense racist attitudes among the majority Rizeigat Arab ethnic group and allowing slavery to dehumanize the Dinka even further. The report also recorded other instances of raids and enslavement of women and children through the period under investigation in 1987. The government’s strategy of using Arab militias for armed attacks and encouraging the practice of chattel slavery indicated the emergence of a policy of genocide. Mahmud and Baldo’s report played an important role in notifying the United Nations, the international press, and nongovernmental organizations about the revival of state-sponsored slavery in Sudan. John Eibner
See also: Sudan and South Sudan.

Further Reading
Mahmud, Ushari Ahmed, and Suleyman Ali Baldo. Human Rights Violations in the Sudan, 1987: Al Diein Massacre, Slavery in the Sudan. Khartoum: Khartoum University Press, 1987.

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Alexander II (1818–1881)
Alexander II, who reigned as emperor of Russia (1855–1881), is known as the greatest reforming monarch in Russian history. He abolished serfdom, instituted trial by jury, separated the judiciary from the executive, reformed the military by extending the obligation to serve to all classes, and reorganized local government to incorporate indirect representation. In international affairs, Alexander II’s reign witnessed dramatic Russian territorial expansion in Asia, a significant increase in Russian influence in the Balkans, and a worsening strategic situation— largely because of the unification of Germany—in Europe.

Alexander II was the Emperor of Russia from 1855 to 1881. Among the many reforms he made during his reign, he succeeded in abolishing serfdom. (Library of Congress)

Alexander II’s father, Nicholas I, was perhaps the most temperamentally and ideologically conservative emperor since Mikhail in the 17th century. The son received a conservative education, but the circumstances of his becoming Russian ruler, specifically the Russian defeat in the Crimean War (1853–1856), militated in favor of significant changes in Nicholas’s pattern of administration. When Alexander announced the end of the Crimean War, he foreshadowed reform of Russian society. Russian intellectuals and statesmen generally agreed that serfdom and the social and economic structures it entailed likely would drag the Russian state and military increasingly far behind the more liberal western European powers. It seems that the serfs, agricultural workers legally bound to the land on which they lived, constituted 80 percent of Russia’s population, about 52 million people, at the time of the Great Reforms. Besides the institution’s economic effects, elimination of serfdom was made more attractive by the tendency of the serfs over several centuries to rise violently against their masters. One historian estimates that there were as many as 550 19th-century peasant risings in Russia. Many different social groups, from Slavophiles to westernizers, favored emancipation. In contrast to the situation regarding slavery in the United States, the Russian institution found virtually no direct defenders on the eve of its abolition. Alexander proclaimed his belief that steps toward abolition should be taken at

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the time of his coronation. Eventually, even landlords agreed that it was desirable. Alexander signed his State Council’s proposal for abolition on March 3, 1861. In the deliberations on the matter, Alexander had repeatedly sided with advocates of the most liberal proposals against entrenched landowner and master interests. It seems that Alexander’s influence explains passage of reform through a hostile State Council. Notably, the imperial family’s peasants were also freed by the reform. This is not to say that former Russian serfs obtained civil equality from the reform. Far from it. They still had to pay a poll tax, stay tied to their communes, and had to submit to customary law. Besides, the reform had markedly different effects on various groups of serfs. Thus, farming serfs received land, while those employed in households did not. Even those serfs who received land were not given the soil, but had to pay the state for the bonds issued to their masters in exchange for it; alternatively, they might take only onefourth of the land to which they would otherwise have been entitled and pay nothing. Land in most of Russia went not to individual peasants, but to local communes that were responsible for allocating the land. In sum, the peasants took far less land from the reform than was left to their few former masters, and they had to pay for it, but since payment proved impracticable, the government abolished the obligation in 1905. The legal reform mirrored changes to English law of the 17th century. Where procedure had formerly been

complicated and secretive, it now became more public, 23 forms of proceeding yielded to 2, and equality before the law became the rule. Courts were standardized, with the Senate as supreme court (with some significant exceptions). Similar reforms marked the ecclesiastical realm, where Uniates in Russia’s Polish provinces were forcibly converted to Orthodoxy. Besides these changes, Alexander II’s reign also saw establishment of a uniform currency, easing of censorship (especially in zemstvos and courts), and publication of an annual government budget. In the long term, these changes helped to reduce the status of Russia’s small noble class and to elevate the peasantry. They also spurred the empire’s economic development as they had been intended to do. Besides these developments, Alexander’s reign also coincided with the flowering of the Golden Age of Russian literature in the form of the work of Gogol, Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, and others. Finally, political radicalism of the most extreme terrorist kind gained numerous adherents in Alexander’s day, and after several failed efforts, they succeeded in assassinating him on March 13, 1881. He was succeeded by his son, Alexander III, whose reign was marked by reaction. Kevin R. C. Gutzman
See also: Serfdom.

Further Readings
Blum, Jerome. Lord and Peasant in Russia from the Ninth to the Nineteenth Century. New York: Atheneum, 1966.

Alien Tort Claims Act Field, Daniel. The End of Serfdom. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976. Hellie, Richard. Enserfment and Military Change in Muscovy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971. Kolchin, Peter. Unfree Labor: American Slavery and Russian Serfdom. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987.

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Alien Tort Claims Act
Initially crafted as an obscure clause in Section 9 of the Judiciary Act of 1789, the original congressional measure that established the federal judiciary system for the United States, the so-called Alien Tort Claims Act has been utilized in the late 20th and early 21st centuries to challenge foreign governments and multinational corporations that are accused of violating human rights. Foreign nationals living in the United States have experienced a measure of success in the courts by pursuing litigation under the aegis of the Alien Tort Claims Act since the early-1980s, and as a result, the measure has become an unconventional weapon in the arsenal of human rights advocates who have found little satisfaction in redressing grievances through other means such as international law. The Judiciary Act of 1789 specifically identifies the U.S. federal circuit courts as the appropriate venue for litigation involving “all causes where an alien sues for a tort only in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.” Over the years the

courts have come to interpret that such cases can be brought by a foreign national (alien) who believes that a tort or crime has been committed against him in a foreign land and that such offense was in direct violation of U.S. law or an international treaty to which the United States was a signatory power. The Alien Tort Claims Act has been used in this fashion to challenge human rights violations that stem from corrupt military dictatorships ranging from Paraguay to the former Yugoslavia. It has also been used to challenge the action of multinational corporations that have been affiliated with a variety of offenses that transgress international compacts like the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). Federal courts first determined in the case of Doe v. Unocal (1997) that corporations, like individuals, could be held accountable under the language of the Alien Tort Claims Act, but in June 2004 the U.S. Supreme Court determined in the case of Sosa v. AlvarezMachain that only the most egregious violations of human rights can be pursued under the act against corporations. The success experienced by some plaintiffs who have found redress through the courts do provide a degree of hope to human rights advocates. Some believe that the stigma of negative publicity that corporations experience because of these cases, along with the costly and time-consuming efforts at continuous litigation of them, may foster a new sense of corporate behavior that is more life-affirming. For foreign governments and their agents, the fear

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of having assets in the United States frozen and then redistributed to settle judgments is a potent weapon, but it is no guarantee of good behavior that will respect human rights as defined by the laws of nations. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Doe v. Unocal.

Further Reading
Steinhardt, Ralph G., and Anthony D’Amato, eds. The Alien Tort Claims Act: An Analytical Anthology. Ardsley, NY: Transnational Publishers, 1999.

All Pakistan Brick Kiln Owners Association (APBKA)
The All Pakistan Bhatta Khisht Association (APBKA), also known as All Pakistan Brick Kiln Owners Association, was formed in the late1950s in Lahore, Punjab. The founder of the APBKA was Mian Muhammad Shafi, a member of the West Pakistan Assembly and a close friend of the president of Pakistan, Field Marshal Ayoub Khan, a dictator and military ruler. The APBKA was established to guard the brick kiln owners’ interests and garner the most benefits from the state’s main priorities. As an association defending the bonded labor system, the APBKA aimed at the following under the cover of business: (1) to get full control of slave laborer’s (bonded laborer’s) lives, and limit their freedom of movement; (2) to make the

debt bondage system (Peshgi) strengthened and unchallengeable; (3) to have a basic right to trade the bonded brickkiln workers from one kiln to another and from one area to another area; also to punish them in a harsh physical way, even in some cases to kill bonded workers who refused to comply to the order of slave masters; (4) to secure the debt bondage (Peshgi) money and to sell one or more members of a family to some other owner in a far-flung area (mostly children and young girls used to be sold in this way); (5) to fix the weekly wages for slave workers and to fix the percentage of deduction from laborers weekly so-called wages as debt repayment; (6) to fix the amount of Peshgi money for slave workers for the future; (7) to fix the number of bricks the slave laborers should make for free for the owners per thousand bricks of production; (8) to set up a minimum wage for production per thousand of bricks; and (9) to fix the percentage of the Jamadari’s (middleman’s) commission from the laborer’s weekly income. APBKA was also an organization dealing with the complaints of owners if someone became too lenient or less cruel with workers. The association ensured that the perchi (receipt) system worked orderly. Every owner used to issue the perchi for payment of Peshgi money on which it used to be mentioned that anyone who paid this bondage money was allowed to keep the laborer at his kiln and used for work. No owner was allowed to keep the slaves without clearing the slavery debts, including

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enormous fines. In addition, APBKA used to publish two times a year a wall poster for the members containing its decisions and instructions to operate the bondage system smoothly. APBKA also applied pressure upon the concerned sectors to get cheap coal from mine owners, thus impacting another sector where bonded labor was a factor of production. APBKA planned to organize the market to sell bricks at higher prices, perhaps 400 times more than the real cost, thus demonstrating the tremendous profits that brick kilns could generate. APBKA was most commonly a part of the ruling class, and it kept strong links with the bureaucracy, military governments, and political parties. APBKA in 1988 pleaded a slavery case in front of the supreme court, while the Bhatta Mazdor Mahaz (Brickkiln Workers Front) stood against slavery and supported human rights. The supreme court gave its decision in favor of the bonded laborers. APBKA did not accept the supreme court’s decision, and in 1993 they filed a case in High Shariat Court challenging the legality of the Bonded Labour System Abolition Act (1992). In that lawsuit, the organization pleaded that the action of the supreme court was contrary to Islamic ideology. In 2005, the Shariat Court rejected their eight applications and declared that both the Bonded Labour System Abolition Act and the decision of supreme court were in accordance with Islamic ideology. In March 2006, APBKA staged an illegal strike and

is still trying to keep the slavery and bonded labor system alive. Bayram Unal and Ann-Carin Landström
See also: Bhatta Mazdoor Mohaz (BMM); Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF); Peshgi.

Further Readings
Anti-Slavery International. Contemporary Forms of Slavery Related to and Generated by Discrimination: Forced and Bonded Labor in India, Nepal and Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 2003. Anti-Slavery International. This Menace of Bonded Labor: Debt Bondage in Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 1996. Human Rights Watch. Pakistan: Contemporary Forms of Slavery. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995. Karim, Farhad. Contemporary Forms of Slavery in Pakistan. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995.

American Anti-Slavery Group (AASG)
The American Anti-Slavery Group (AASG), a human rights organization that publicizes the plight of black slaves in Mauritania and Sudan, was founded on March 20, 1993, in Washington, D.C., by Charles Jacobs, a U.S. management consultant; Mohamed Nacir Athie, an exiled Mauritanian diplomat; and David Chand, a black Christian from southern Sudan. Jacobs first learned about modern-day African

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slavery from an acquaintance who informed him that one could purchase a slave in Mauritania for $15. Soon after the AASG was founded, Jacobs contacted several African American civil rights organizations about this grave human rights situation, but his efforts initially elicited little interest. Finally, in 1995, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus strongly condemned the sale of African slaves in Mauritania and the Sudan. The primary focus of the AASG is the plight of black slaves in Africa. According to Jacobs, his organization believes that “freedom in North and West Africa should be valued no less than freedom in South Africa . . . does freedom count for more in Johannesburg than in Nouakchott and Khartoum?” (U.S. House, 1996). The organization has vigorously publicized the issue, and its work has been reported in the New York Times and the Washington Post as well as on the public broadcasting show Tony Brown’s Journal and the NBC television news magazine Dateline. In May 1995, the AASG helped to convene at Columbia University in New York City what was probably the first abolitionist conference in the United States in more than a century. Almost 200 people attended, including members from the southern Sudan, the Committee for Human Rights in Mauritania, and the New York chapter of the National Conference of Black Social Workers. After the conference,

several activists formed other groups in New York, Chicago, Detroit, and other cities. Samuel Cotton, a New York journalist, wrote a series of articles from February 28 to March 19, 1995, about the enslavement of black Africans in Arab-dominated countries for the now-defunct, Brooklyn-based, African American weekly the City Sun. These articles led the African American media to increase its coverage of the topic and thus generate more interest in the work of the AASG. Akbar Muhammad, of the Nation of Islam, soon attacked Cotton and the AASG, claiming the articles sought to demean Arabs and the Nation of Islam’s activities on behalf of the Arab-dominated government of the Sudan. In March 1996, Louis Farrakhan issued a challenge at a news conference in Washington, DC: “Where is the proof of black slaves?” Two journalists, Gregory Kane and Gilbert Lewthwaite, found the proof and wrote a major investigative series for the Baltimore Sun (June 16–18, 1996) about the sale of African children by Arab slave traders in the southern Sudan. The U.S. House of Representatives Committee on International Relations held hearings on slavery in Mauritania and Sudan in March 1996, and representatives of AASG and other organizations testified. The work of organizations like AASG continues as long as reports of contemporary slavery continue to circulate. It is to be hoped that the work of AASG and other similar organizations will hasten the day when

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nations will be more forthcoming and slavery can be abolished. Donald Altschiller
See also: ‘Abd; Sudan and South Sudan.

Further Reading
U.S. House of Representatives Committee on International Relations. Slavery in Mauritania and Sudan. Joint Hearings, March 13, 1996. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1996.

Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society (ASAPS)
The Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society (ASAPS) formed on June 24, 1909, out of the amalgamation of two groups, the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) and the Aborigines’ Protection Society (APS). Both groups had been formed in the 19th century in the aftermath of the antislavery movement in Great Britain and had served as watchdog groups for aboriginal peoples and former slaves in the British colonies and foreign territories following the Emancipation Act of 1833. The respective financial weaknesses of both organizations, reinforced by overlapping memberships and a plethora of deaths, led to unification. In keeping with its legacy, the newly formed ASAPS worked to protect and promote the rights of aboriginal peoples in European colonial territories. This meant a focus on two main pillars of the defunct human rights

organizations: antislavery and trusteeship, or the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples. As a human rights organization, ASAPS maintained an advantageous metropolitan base that offered easy access to Parliament and the national press in England. A strong network of auxiliary organizations strengthened the society’s global contacts. To inform the public more effectively and petition the home government, ASAPS published numerous pamphlets and distributed memorials on certain topics. The old journals of the defunct BFASS, The Anti-Slavery Reporter, and APS, The Aborigines Friend, were amalgamated to become the Anti-Slavery Reporter and Aborigines Friend. Upon consolidation of the two groups, Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (1837–1915), son of the famous abolitionist and namesake, became the first president of the newly formed ASAPS. His nephew, Travers Buxton, became the society’s first corresponding secretary with Sir John Hobbis Harris (1874–1940) serving as the organizing secretary. The headquarters remained at Denison House on Vauxhall Bridge Road in London. With the amalgamation the society continued with its traditional mandate against slavery and bonded labor. In 1909, it immediately became involved in an emerging scandal over debt bondage in Peru. From the 1920s onward, with John Harris at the helm, the newly formed ASAPS played an important role in terms of lobbying for a number of important international

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conventions against slavery and forced labor. With the end of World War I in 1918, the society saw the newly formed League of Nations as a forum or mechanism for abolishing slavery and forced labor. For example, the lobbying pressure of ASAPS would eventually help push the League of Nations to enact the Anti-Slavery Convention of 1926. By the 1920s, ASAPS had been pressuring the British government for new laws against slavery, but the government would not acquiesce to the society’s demands. This pushed ASAPS to lobby the League of Nations for a more strident judicial statement on the issue of slavery. With the help of several influential league delegates, such as Sir Arthur Steele Maitland of New Zealand, H. A. Grimshaw of the International Labour Office (ILO), and Frederick J. D. Lugard, a member of the Permanent Mandates Commission, the society peppered the league assembly with pamphlets and speeches by sympathetic league delegates. The society also provided documentation about abuses. Eventually, the League of Nations formed the Temporary Slavery Commission in 1924 to look into the question of slavery. Lugard was the British delegate on the commission. By 1926, the Slavery Commission had hammered out the elements of a new Slavery Convention that was signed on September 25, 1926. Although the new Slavery Convention left the process of abolition up to the individual countries and was similarly vague concerning the

definition of slavery, its passage was, in part, a reflection of ASAPS’s efforts. Similarly, by 1925, Harris and ASAPS were also naively pushing for a vague charter on African labor that would encourage upward mobility through their ally Grimshaw of the International Labour Office. By 1926, the ILO had established a committee of six experts, including Lord Lugard, to look into the issue of forced labor, indentures, and the color bar. The committee met in three sessions between 1927 and 1929. In October 1927 the governing body of the ILO decided to put forced labor on the agenda for the upcoming International Labour Conference in June 1929 in Geneva. Out of this came the Forced Labour Convention of 1930. It called for “each member of the International Labour organization . . . to suppress the use of forced or compulsory labor in all its forms within the shortest possible period.” After five years, the convention called for periodic reports on the working of the convention from signatory countries. Although the convention allowed certain exemptions to the use of forced labor, it nonetheless represented another humanitarian success for ASAPS in its campaign against bonded labor. Buoyed by the passage of the Slavery Convention, ASAPS continued its vociferous attack on slavery. In 1933, the society sent a deputation to Ethiopia to press for the abolition of slavery. Although they were received by Emperor Haile Selassie II, the abolition of slavery did not occur there until 1942.

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The death of John Harris in 1940 marked the beginning of another period of change for ASAPS, as many of the initial members of the amalgamated society from 1909 either died or retired. By 1946, members like C. W. Greenidge and Commander Thomas Fox Pitt would assume leadership roles in the organization. The formation of the United Nations in 1945 spurred the society toward the international arena as it again lobbied for international conventions against slavery and bonded labor. In 1956, the society lobbied for the Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery. In 1975, it pushed the UN for the creation of the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery. In 1990, the Society changed its name to Anti-Slavery International, sometimes known as Anti-Slavery. Its main areas of work currently include forced and bonded labor, the worst forms of child labor, trafficking of human beings, and traditional or “chattel” slavery. Opolot Okia
See also: Aborigines’ Protection Society; Anti-Slavery International; International Labour Organization; League of Nations.

Swaisland, Charles. “Aborigines Protection Society, 1837–1909.” In After Slavery: Emancipation and Its Discontents, ed. Howard Temperley. London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2000.

Anti-Slavery Award
Anti-Slavery International (ASI), a London-based human rights organization, began awarding its prestigious Anti-Slavery Award in the early 1990s to call attention to exemplary organizations and individuals that have made a difference in combating contemporary slavery worldwide. As the world’s oldest human rights organization, ASI believes that the attention drawn by its annual recognition ceremony will help to focus attention on antislavery efforts and encourage others to join the movement. Previous recipients of the Anti-Slavery Award include: 2009—SOS Esclaves (SOS Slaves) was recognized for its fight against slavery in Mauritania for more than 14 years. 2007—Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW) was recognized for its struggle against exploitation in U.S. agriculture. 2006—James Aguer, the chair of the Dinka Committee, was recognized for his dedicated work against slavery in Sudan. 2005—Cecilia Flores-Oebanda, the president and executive director of the Visayan Forum Foundation,

Further Readings
Bourne, H. R. Fox. The Aborigines Protection Society: Chapters in Its History. London: P. S. King & Sons, 1899.

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2002—Backward Society Education (BASE) was recognized for its outstanding work against bonded labor in Nepal, where the organization fights against the poverty, bonded labor, and exploitation of western Nepal’s indigenous Tharu minority. 2001—Association for Community Development (ACD) was recognized for its outstanding work against human trafficking in Bangladesh.
Farm workers haul buckets of tomatoes in Immokalee, Florida. The Coalition of Immokalee Workers received Anti-Slavery International’s Anti-Slavery Award for its efforts to end the exploitation of farm workers. (AP/ Wide World Photos)

was recognized for her outstanding and innovative work in the Philippines and surrounding region, particularly in the area of child domestic work. 2004—Niger-based organization Timidria was recognized for its pioneering work against slavery in Niger. It spearheaded the antislavery movement in Niger, raising awareness of the issue, and helping former slaves to integrate into society. 2003—Vera Lesko, the founding director of the Hearth of Vlora Women, was recognized for her courageous and dedicated work against the trafficking of women and girls into sexual exploitation in Albania.

2000—George Omona, the project coordinator for the Gulu Support the Children Organization (GUSCO), was recognized for his outstanding work with children affected by armed conflict, especially those abducted by the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda. 1999—Husband and wife team of Vivek and Vidyullata Pandit were recognized for their two decades of service as human rights activists who worked against bonded labor in India’s Maharashtra state. 1998—Professor Cheïkh Saad Bouh Kamara, the founder and head of the Association Mauritanienne des Droits de l’Homme, was recognized for his efforts to protect human rights and fight slavery in Mauritania. 1997—Brazilian activist Pureza Lopes Loiola was recognized for her efforts to fight slavery in Brazil’s rural estates.

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1996—Regional Indigenous Organisation of Atalaya (OIRA) was recognized for its work in freeing thousands of Ashaninka, an indigenous people from Peru’s Amazon basin, from bonded labor. 1995—Harry Wu was recognized for his courageous campaign against the system of forced labor that was used in Chinese prison camps (laogai). 1994—Father Edwin Paraison was recognized for his efforts to highlight the plight of Haitian cane cutters enslaved on the sugar plantations in the Dominican Republic and in freeing Haitian children working there. 1993—End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism (ECPAT) campaign was recognized for its worldwide campaign to halt the rise in the commercial sexual abuse of children. 1992—Father Ricardo Rezende Figueira was recognized for his work with the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) in Brazil. The organization worked to end the abuse of poor, landless Brazilians who had been forced to work as slave laborers on many large estates in the Amazonia region. 1991—Swami Agnivesh accepted the award on behalf of the Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF), an organization that was recognized for its success in freeing and rehabilitating thousands of bonded

laborers and in helping to raise the profile of this issue both in India and internationally. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Anti-Slavery International (ASI).

Further Readings
Anti-Slavery Award: http://www.antislav Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery and the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.

Anti-Slavery International
With a variety of name changes, AntiSlavery International, a British human rights organization, has been involved in efforts to abolish slavery in the British colonies and throughout the world for more than two centuries. Its present mission is stated as the elimination of modern slavery by means of research, dissemination of information, and campaigning. Through its publication of Anti-Slavery Reporter and books about slavery as well as its worldwide media and Internet network, the charitable organization exposes case histories and monitors and challenges all forms of modern slavery, including forced, bonded, and child labor; the trafficking of human beings; and chattel slavery. By reporting on these abuses of human rights, the organization sets in motion public campaigns to pressure governments for change and redress. Anti-Slavery International began its mission in 1787 when the Committee

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for the Abolition of the Slave Trade was formed. Backed by the British Prime Minister William Pitt and led by member of Parliament William Wilberforce, the committee included several prominent Quakers as well as Thomas Clarkson and Granville Sharp, who were committed to abolishing the transatlantic slave trade. In an unprecedented successful public campaign, the committee instigated numerous petitions to Parliament calling for the end to the slave trade; and, for various reasons including this pressure, in 1807 the slave trade was abolished. In that year, the committee became known as the African Institution and accepted the role of semiofficial watchdog to prevent violations of the law. Despite Britain’s attempts to create a consensus among nations with respect to ending the transatlantic slave trade, the condition of existing slaves remained as onerous as ever. In 1823, the African Institution was reformed as the Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery (better known as the Anti-Slavery Society). Initially led by Wilberforce, its objective was to abolish the institution of slavery itself, but, in the meantime, pressure was applied to improve the condition of colonial slaves, but parliamentary measures to ameliorate slave conditions made little difference. A radical breakaway group, the Agency Committee, which came into existence in 1831, demanded the immediate and unconditional emancipation of slaves in the British colonies. At this time, there were 1,300 local abolition committees in Britain and more

than 5,000 petitions were submitted to Parliament. On July 31, 1833, the Bill for the Total Abolition of Colonial Slavery was passed, to take effect on August 1, 1834. Although most British colonies grasped the opportunity to force former slaves into apprenticeships for a further four years, children under six years of age were freed at once. After the abolition of slavery in the British Empire, activism to ensure the eradication of slavery elsewhere continued. The Agency Committee became the British and Foreign AntiSlavery Society (BFASS) in 1839, and continued to monitor the exploitation of slave laborers in the Americas. In the 1850s, the organization also began to focus on slavery in East Africa and the Muslim world and on other slavelike practices worldwide. In 1909, the BFASS merged with the Aborigines’ Protection Society to become the AntiSlavery and Aborigines Protection Society, which oversaw some notable successes in preventing the exploitation of indigenous people. The group was a major force in the establishment of the League of Nations, which was dedicated to securing national and international respect for human rights. The Anti-Slavery Society, by different names, has overseen several important international agreements in the 20th century, including the Slavery Convention of 1926 that bound its signatories to criminalize all forms of slavery, which ultimately came to include debt bondage, serfdom, forced marriage, and the exploitation of children. Recently, among many other activities to prohibit

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human trafficking and abuse, AntiSlavery International has been involved in the campaign to End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism (ECPAT). In addition to running the British branch of ECPAT (established in 1994) from its own offices, Anti-Slavery International has successfully campaigned for a change in British law that permits people to be prosecuted in Britain for the sexual abuse of children overseas. Susan B. Iwanisziw
See also: Abolition of Slavery Act (1833); Anti-Slavery Society; Concubines; League of Nations; Servile Marriage; Slavery Convention of 1926; Wilberforce, William.

Further Readings
Anker, Christien van den, ed. The Political Economy of New Slavery. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Kaye, Mike. 1807–2007: Over 200 Years of Campaigning against Slavery. London: Anti-Slavery International, 2005. Klingberg, Frank J. The Anti-Slavery Movement in England: A Study in English Humanitarianism. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1968.

Anti-Slavery Society
The Anti-Slavery Society was an abolition organization created in 1909 as a result of the merger of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) and the Aborigines’ Protection Society (APS). One of its first campaigns aimed to end mui tsai, a system under which girls from poor families in Hong Kong and Singapore were sold as servants to

rich families. Its campaign influenced the passing of the Female Domestic Service Ordinance in 1923, which outlawed the system and also forbade the employment of any children under 10 years old. The society thereafter labored to persuade the League of Nations to hold an inquiry into slavery. This action prompted the league to appoint the Temporary Slavery Commission (TSC) in 1924. Its mandate was to assess the nature and volume of slavery and of the slave trade worldwide, recommend that a treaty be negotiated to abolish slavery in all its forms, including debt bondage, forced marriage, and child labor, and propose ways to facilitate the shift from slave or forced labor to free wage labor or independent production. The TSC’s report led to the Slavery Convention of 1926, the first international treaty against slavery and the slave trade, which bound the signatories to end all forms of slavery mentioned in the TSC’s report. Because of its role in putting slavery firmly on the agenda of the League of Nations, the society’s reputation rose considerably. In 1931, for instance, it was consulted by Emperor Haile Selassie on ways to abolish slavery in Ethiopia, and in 1932 it discussed policy with the British foreign secretary. After World War II, the Anti-Slavery Society embarked on a campaign to encourage the United Nations to set up a permanent advisory committee on slavery. Its efforts led in 1949 to the establishment of an ad hoc committee on slavery, which published its report in 1951. The committee’s

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recommendation that the UN take over the 1926 Slavery Convention was accepted, but not its suggestion that a permanent slavery committee be established. As a result of opposition from the colonial powers and also some former colonies, it took until 1975 before the society had achieved its aim. In that year, the UN set up a slavery committee as a Working Group of the Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and the Protection of Minorities. In the late 1970s, the Anti-Slavery Society focused on protecting indigenous peoples and addressing ongoing problems with debt bondage, the link between human rights and development aid, and child labor. In 1990, it changed its name to Anti-Slavery International, which today is the only charity in the United Kingdom to work exclusively on slavery and related abuses. Henrice Altink
See also: Abolitionism, British; Anti-Slavery International.

Further Readings Miers, Suzanne. Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press, 2003.

Antislavery and Labor Movements
In both Great Britain and the United States, the attitude of labor reformers

toward the abolition of slavery represented a missed opportunity. It might have seemed natural for those seeking to elevate the condition of white working people to focus on alleviating the degradation of enslaved Africans in both the United States and the Caribbean, on the grounds that eliminating slavery would help to decrease some of the stigma associated with manual labor. In fact, many abolitionists explicitly made this connection, arguing that slaveholders were in league with Northern factory owners to promote the chattelization of white workers. In actuality, because the vast majority of abolitionists had a different interpretation than labor reformers about the value of competition in the labor market, they found themselves on opposite sides of this issue, with labor reformers calling their own condition “white slavery” or “wage slavery” and calling for it, rather than chattel slavery, to be the main focus of reformist attentions. With some notable exceptions, British and American abolitionist leaders were largely drawn from the middle rather than the working classes, and tended to share certain views. Most abolitionists agreed that the meaning of freedom was “self-ownership,” rather than a level economic playing field. They accepted labor-market competition and claimed that poverty spurred workers on to virtues like sobriety and thrift. Moreover, poverty seemed to them an intractable problem that admitted no easy solution, while slavery was clearly a man-made and more easily

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abolished institution, and thus should have priority. While some abolitionists, impelled by Christian humanitarianism, may have felt that Northern employers should pay a reasonable level of wages, their commitment to freedom of contract led them to oppose labor’s central vehicle for achieving higher wages—labor unions. Abolitionist political economy was notoriously underdeveloped. In response, labor reformers on both sides of the Atlantic played the race card in the 19th century by creating an imagined community of whiteness. This imagined community of whiteness was strengthened in the United States by the affiliation of labor reformers with the antebellum Democratic Party, which was proslavery and very comfortable with racial inequality. Labor songs and poetry pointed out the hypocrisy of emancipationists, who focused their largesse on black people while white factory children starved and worked themselves to death. This argument was aided by the coincidence in the early 1830s of the English campaign to extirpate slavery in its West Indian colonies with labor reformers’ battle for a 10-hour day for children working in factories. Thus, in Britain, Tory radical Richard Oastler railed against factory masters who reserved their only compassion for black workers whom they had never seen. Referring to work in factories as “wage slavery” emphasized the additional injustice implicated in ignoring workers in the abolitionists’ own racial community. Later, Chartists broke

up abolitionist meetings in an attempt to reinforce their belief that real slavery was the exclusion of white working men from the suffrage. In the United States, New England journeyman and labor leader Seth Luther and New York labor legislator Mike Walsh compared the plight of the Northern workingmen unfavorably to that of the slaves; Walsh’s newspaper, The Subterranean, was filled with racial slurs. Catholic writer Orestes Brownson used the analogy between factory work and slavery to damn the entire wage labor system. Some artisans did sign antislavery petitions, but their decision to do so was not supported by the discourse of labor reform. One of the only labor movements in which any credence was given to abolitionism was the land reform movement. Gerrit Smith, a well-known abolitionist, not only supported the movement to gain homesteads for white workers, but also supplied a number of black workers with free homesteads on his own land in upstate New York. George Henry Evans, the leader of the National Reform Association and the editor of the longest-running antebellum labor newspaper, the Working Man’s Advocate, had long been an opponent of slavery, going so far as to support the Haitian Revolution and Nat Turner’s rebellion. Others in the land reform movement, including antirent leader Thomas Devyr and labor unionist John Commerford, were more strident Democrats, but Evans’s role as the editor of the main land-reforming newspaper meant that movement was able to offer some support for an end to slavery.

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The ideological basis of land reform also caused it to harmonize with antislavery. Land reformers promised to alleviate the overcrowding in the labor market. Readily available and affordable land would be a safety valve, alleviating the fear that if the labor market were swamped with freed blacks, the price of labor would plummet. Despite this potential underlying sympathy between abolition and land reform, abolitionists sparred with Evans in their newspapers throughout the late 1840s. Each side tried to convince the other to make its cause a greater priority. The land reform movement was not the only point of contact between the antislavery movement and labor reform. White working men seeking sympathy for their position could also look to abolitionists like John Collins, who combined abolitionism with communitarianism; Nathaniel P. Rogers, editor of the Herald of Freedom, who called for a rethinking of all coercive labor systems; and William Goodell, another antimaterialist abolitionist. By the 1850s and 1860s, even abolitionists like Harriet Beecher Stowe were using the labor movement’s own racial beliefs and arguments to try to engage Northern working men, by pointing out the light skin color of many enslaved blacks, the result of many generations of amalgamation with slaveholders. If wage slavery was wrong because it fell upon white men, then surely chattel slavery was wrong when it fell upon people who were nearly white. Despite these overtures, and the fact that abolitionists and labor reformers were

both seeking to secure for the laborer the value of his labor, abolitionists and labor reformers remained mostly estranged from each other throughout the antebellum period. Jamie Bronstein

Further Readings
Bolt, Christine, and Seymour Drescher, eds. Anti-Slavery, Religion, and Reform: Essays in Memory of Roger Anstey. Hamden, CT: Archon Press, 1980. Bronstein, Jamie L. Land Reform and Working-Class Experience in Britain and the United States, 1800–1862. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999. Glickstein, Jonathan. “The Chattelization of Northern Whites: An Evolving Abolitionist Warning.” American NineteenthCentury History 4 (2003): 25–58. Huston, James L. “Abolitionists, Political Economists, and Capitalism.” Journal of the Early Republic 20 (2000): 488–521. Perry, Lewis, and Michael Fellman, eds. Antislavery Reconsidered. Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1979. Roediger, David. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. New York: Verso, 1999.

Arana, Julio César (1864–1952)
Julio César Arana was a Peruvian rubber baron and entrepreneur, especially famous for the atrocities committed on the native population of the Putumayo River in Colombia under his management of the Peruvian Amazon Company (PAC).

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Arana started at the age of 14 as a Panama-hat maker and dealer, a trade that allowed him to journey all along the frontier of the Department of Loreto in northeastern Peru, just at the very moment when the Amazon rubber boom was gathering momentum. After a frustrated attempt to enlist during the war with Chile, Arana traveled to Cajamarca (in the Andean highlands) to learn business administration and bookkeeping, skills that would become instrumental to his meteoric rise as the wealthiest (and more ruthless) rubber trader of South America in the subsequent two decades. In 1881, Arana settled in Yurimaguas and rapidly became involved in the flowering industry, later moving with his wife to Iquitos (capital of Loreto) in 1899. He started a commercial partnership with Colombians Benjamín Larrañaga and Juan B. Vega, both already known in the region for their infamous methods of extracting native Indian labor. Their procedure centered in a practice regionally known as endeude (indebtedness) in which usually cheap items and manufactured goods would be “advanced” as payment to a group of Indians who would promise to deliver the equivalent price in rubber. Besides pricing these trade goods at sometimes more than 400 percent of their original cost, the measure scales at the local gathering stations where rubber was collected would usually be altered to the advantage of the company. Therefore, the initially willing tribes would soon discover that the original item they had “bought” in advance would cost them the entire produce of

their life, and that their future and previous forced debts would be carried down to their descendants. Terror would be systematically used by white foremen to secure the necessary production of rubber, thus establishing an economic rationale similar to actual slavery. By improving the same methods and labor practices, Arana quickly ousted his former associates and proceeded to establish in 1903 his own firm under the name of J. C. Arana Hermanos with its main office in Manaos, Brazil, the center of continental rubber transactions. His managerial skills combined with the meticulous use of violence in the region, tripled the Putumayo rubber output from 201 metric tons of latex in 1903 to 627 metric tons in 1907, when he established the Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company (soon to be renamed as PAC) in London. In Peru, Arana was successively nominated as president of the municipal Chamber of Commerce and mayor of Iquitos, but in 1910, the denunciations made by Walter E. Hardenburg on the Putumayo atrocities, followed by the outcome of British consul Roger Casement’s report, led to a progressive downfall in Arana’s international credibility. Arana’s problems coincided with British economic interests in undermining the price of Amazonian rubber on behalf of its own plantations in Asia. After World War I (1914–1918), PAC was closed down on financial grounds, but Arana remained involved in the rubber business until his retirement from public life in 1930. A conservative estimate indicates that at least 60,000 Indians belonging to

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eight ethnic groups died under Arana’s administration, either by labor abuse, deliberate assassination, or sickness contracted under the slavery system. At least 7,000 additional Indians were brutally displaced from their original territory and relocated to the Peruvian rubber country. Although considered a criminal in Colombia, Great Britain, and the United States, Arana is still viewed as a frontier hero by Loretans, a self-made man, a developer, and an illustrious citizen who, paradoxically, is remembered for his proposal of instituting a plan to protect Indian property during his long term as senator in Lima. Carlos Guillermo Páramo Bonilla Further Readings
Collier, Richard. The River That God Forgot: The Story of the Amazon Rubber Boom. New York: Dutton, 1968. Stanfield, Michael Edward. Red Rubber, Bleeding Trees: Violence, Slavery, and Empire in Northwest Amazonia, 1850– 1933. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998. Taussig, Michael. Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man: A Study in Terror and Healing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987.

Asia Monitor Resource Center (AMRC)
The Asia Monitor Resource Center (AMRC) is a Hong Kong-based independent nongovernmental organization that exists to promote the rights

of free laborers across the Asian continent. The work of AMRC is premised upon the notion that the human rights of laborers will be best served if they are stakeholders in recognizing, preserving, and defending those rights. To that end, AMRC works to facilitate the creation of free trade unions that will provide a voice to workers and help them to defend their rights against those who might attempt to exploit them. AMRC works to ensure that the essential rights of laborers that have been agreed upon through international covenants of the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the United Nations should be honored within the nations of Asia. It encourages workers to form labor associations in order to encourage group solidarity among laborers, and it urges Asian governments to recognize such groups so that companies will be obliged to bargain collectively with them, thereby guaranteeing that the most basic rights of workers are ensured. AMRC has achieved success within some Asian labor markets, but its efforts have been constrained within some of the more authoritarian states. Some governments resist efforts by AMRC because they believe that the group’s efforts are a subterfuge for more insidious goals of political and economic liberalization—coded language for regime change. These states view the efforts to promote formation of free trade unions as a policy reminiscent of earlier Cold War campaigns to destabilize communist states by

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promoting Western-influenced notions of laborer’s rights. Besides coping with the lack of cooperation from authoritarian states, AMRC must also counter opposition from workers who oppose the collectivization of labor within societies that are culturally attuned toward strict regimentation and a lack of emphasis upon the autonomous liberty of the individual. In addition, cultural variations with respect to the legitimacy of child labor or the definition of what constitutes unfair labor practices often varies greatly between and among nations. To this end, AMRC sponsors educational campaigns to familiarize laborers with the most basic rights that are promised to them through various international covenants and encourages the workers to strive to achieve these rights. AMRC also works directly with corporations to encourage them to adopt company codes of conduct that recognize and honor the rights of laborers. They have achieved some success with multinational corporations in this regard, and it is hoped that such efforts to model good behavior in Asia will encourage local partners, suppliers, and subcontractors to commit themselves to similar benchmark standards. AMRC publishes Asian Labour Update, a quarterly report that provides information about ongoing efforts to support the creation of vigorous independent labor organizations throughout the Asian region. AMRC works as a research and resource institution for other labor and trade unions, nongovernmental organizations, and human

rights groups that operate in Asia. The center also publishes occasional papers and reports that document particular case studies and other issues of labor policy in Asia. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Company Codes of Conduct; International Labour Organization (ILO).

Further Readings
Porges, J. Codes of Conduct. Hong Kong: Asia Monitor Resource Center, 1998. Yamamoto, Y., and K. G. Ashizawa. Corporate-NGO Partnership in Asia Pacific. Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 1999. Yimprasert, J., and C. Candland. Can Corporate Codes of Conduct Promote Labor Standards? Evidence from the Thai Footwear and Apparel Industries. Hong Kong: Asia Monitor Resource Center and Hong Kong Christian Industrial Committee, 2000.

Asian Migrant Center (AMC)
International boundaries have become increasingly porous in the modern age of economic globalization as labor has often streamed—both legally and illegally— into market sectors where need seems to be the greatest. The continent of Asia has experienced dramatic transformation in this regard as economic development has prompted a significant movement of migrant laborers to those regions where labor needs seemingly are in high demand. The Asian Migrant Center (AMC), a Hong Kong-based research and

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advocacy institute, was established in 1989 to monitor the growing trend in transnational labor migration that emerged in the 1980s when the modern global economy began to take shape. Concerned policy analysts began to recognize, almost immediately, that distinct elements of human trafficking networks began to emerge in the wake of expanding markets as desperate laborers sought to find the means by which they might partake in the so-called Asian economic miracle. Many who hoped to find a better life found themselves victimized by an insidious network of traffickers who prey upon the hopes of an impoverished workforce. The AMC annually publishes the Asian Migrant Yearbook to document the changing labor demographics of the Asian workforce and to report upon changes in labor law and enforcement that have been achieved largely through its advocacy efforts. These yearbooks also provide detailed statistical analysis and maps to document the plight of migrants in 16 Asian countries. The AMC works as a resource center and a clearinghouse for many other human rights-based nongovernmental organizations that work to counter the efforts of regional labor traffickers in Asia and facilitate the social reintegration of former migrants who are liberated through such efforts. The AMC has also worked to lessen the necessity of potential migrants to move by working to cultivate economic development within existing sectors of the poor and marginalized so that they can find work locally, thereby enhancing

their economic well being and self dignity. In seeking to find and develop such labor alternatives to migration, the AMC works with groups that serve migrant needs to cultivate potential niche markets and help obtain microfinancing to fund such experimental projects. The goal of these efforts is to provide economic security for individuals at home so that they are not lured into the world of human trafficking where they might be victimized even further. The work of advocacy organizations such as the AMC is made increasingly difficult by the diversity of economic and political interests found upon the Asian continent, ranging from democratic societies to authoritarian regimes. Although international covenants exist that protect the rights and interests of laborers and migrants, universal application of these policies does not exist, and some nations show little regard for protecting the rights of migrant laborers who are exploited within their borders. The AMC’s efforts have also attempted to raise political awareness among migrants about their rights in an effort to enhance human dignity among the often marginalized population. Results of these efforts have been uneven as authoritarian regimes have scoffed at such attempts, but political awareness and activism among some migrant groups has been enhanced through these campaigns. Junius P. Rodriguez

See also: Human Trafficking for Labor Purposes; Migrant Workers; Undocumented Aliens.

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Further Readings
McCuen, Gary E. Modern Slavery and the Global Economy. Hudson, WI: McCuen Publications, 1998. Townsend, Peter, and David Gordon. World Poverty: New Policies to Defeat an Old Enemy. Bristol: Policy Press, 2002.

Asian-American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI)
The Asian-American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI) was founded by the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) in 1968, and closed down in 1995. It first operated in Vietnam. Shortly afterward, the AAFLI extended its location to include the Philippines and other Asian and Pacific countries. By the early 1990s, it was operating in 31 countries in Asia, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Like the other three regional institutes (AALC, AIFLD, FTUI) created by the same labor federation, the AAFLI was a product of the alliance formed by the AFL-CIO, the U.S. government, and the American bourgeoisie against communism and leftwing liberation struggles around the world during the Cold War era. Thus, the AAFLI functioned as a device by which the AFL-CIO vigorously tried to boost U.S. foreign policy and business interests in the Asia-Pacific and Middle East regions. Using funds from the U.S. government, the AAFLI organized education and training programs for the rank and file as well as union leaders, conducted

development projects, provided technical assistance, and supported visitor exchanges. Assisting allied unions to develop political-action capacities was another focus of the AAFLI. All these activities were designed to generate a compliant labor force and free trade unions whose functions would run parallel to U.S. foreign policy needs. The role of the AAFLI in Turkey in the years following the military coup in September 1980 is an illuminating example in this context. Although the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) suspended the affiliation of the AAFLI-backed Confederation of Trade Unions of Turkey (TURK-IS) because of its eager support for the military government, the AAFLI signed a new technical aid agreement with TURK-IS and continued to educate workers as well as leaders of the allied unions. Morris Paladino, the executive director of the AAFLI at that time (later revealed as the principal CIA agent by CIA operative Philip Agee), visited Turkey and at a press conference on October 28, 1982, commented that, “Turkey is not the only country that imposes restrictions on trade union rights. There are such restrictions in some other Asian countries as well. These restrictions must be tolerated.” There were also AAFLI operations in the Philippines, where it provided massive funding to help the Ferdinand Marcos government in its battle against the forces challenging his dictatorship. Between 1983 and 1989, the AFL-CIO gave the Marcos-created

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Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) nearly $6 million to use against the progressive labor organization Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU). This fund was larger than those given to any other labor movement in the world at that time. With the support of the AAFLI, the TUCP allied itself with the dictatorship, the employers, and even right-wing death squads in order to prevent the rise of a radical left-wing trade union movement. These operations continued through the 1980s. The AAFLI also bribed a TUCP leader serving in the Philippines Senate to get him to vote for retention of U.S. military bases when that issue was before their congress. By the time the Cold War ended, the AAFLI had accomplished its assigned mission. The AFL-CIO’s new leadership closed down the AAFLI and the other three regional institutes, and established the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (ACILS) in their place. Fatih Gungor
See also: International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU).

Asociacion De Trabajadora Autónomas “22 De Junio” de El ORO
The Ecuadorian association of sex workers (Asociacion de Trabajadora Autónomas “22 de Junio” de El ORO) is one of the oldest organized groups of sex workers in Latin America, founded on June 22, 1982. The spark to organize was ignited by a physician working in the health department where the women went to receive their mandatory checkups. In this period, it was still novel for women working as prostitutes to have confidence in an organization of this type. “How can a whore lead other whores?” was the way many women thought of the association in the early days. Throughout the years, the association has worked to improve the conditions of the women working in the brothels (and more recently, also with street workers). It has taken actions to improve hygiene by demonstratively throwing away all the dirty mattresses in the brothels after the owners paid no heed to its requests. In 1988, a strike was organized to protest the announced price increases for renting the rooms. The members of the association locked themselves in one of the brothels for a week to reach this goal. The organization grew rapidly because of the economic crisis that Ecuador was experiencing. In 2000, it organized the first general strike, which included a list of demands ranging from better security and improved hygiene to stable rent prices. In the more than 25 years of its existence, the activities of the association have expanded. Not only does it continue

Further Readings
Gungor, Fatih. TURK-IS’s International Relations [in Turkish]. Unpublished MA thesis. Ankara: Ankara University Social Sciences Graduate School, 1994. Scipes, Kim. “Labor Imperialism Redux?: The AFL-CIO’s Foreign Policy Since 1995.” Monthly Review 57, no. 1 (2005). Shorrock, Tim. “Labor’s Cold War.” The Nation (May 19, 2003): 276.


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to provide services for individual sex workers, set up special funds, and give Christmas baskets on the holiday, but also it has grown to be an organization with the objective of changing public opinion and guaranteeing the rights of sex workers as professionals. It has published books, taken to the streets— something that is not extremely common because many sex workers try to protect their anonymity—collaborated on theatrical works, published a magazine, and organized photo exhibitions to reach this goal. It was influential in creating the program La Sala, a drop-in center for sex workers to increase their empowerment and to promote good sexual health. Since the late 1990s, the association has begun to receive financing from international women’s funds such as Mama Cash in the Netherlands and the Global Fund for Women in the United States, both of which have as one of their priorities the support for sex workers’ organizations and their activities. The association is one of the few sex workers’ organizations that is integrated into a local feminist network, working side by side with feminists and mutually supporting each other’s activities. Often feminist and sex worker organizations do not see eye to eye, because they have differing ideological backgrounds. The former are commonly feminist abolitionists claiming sex work to be a form of sexual slavery, and the latter are advocates for sex workers’ rights. This often causes more tensions than collaboration. However, in this case, the organizations in El ORO share a common perspective. One joint initiative in 2003 was a seminar

organized in Quito. With the upcoming parliamentary debates over a new prostitution law, the seminar sought to change political thought in this regard from a mentality that has been called a-legal—not legal, not illegal, tolerated and controlled—to one that comes from a sex worker/human rights perspective. Lorraine Nencel
See also: Prostitution.

Further Readings
Asociacion de Trabajadora Autónomas “22 de Junio” de El ORO en Fundación Quimera. “Trabajadoras del sexo. Memorias Vivas.” 2002. Manzo Rodas, R., M. Briones Velasteguí, and T. Cordero Velásquez. “Nosotras, Las Señoras Alegres.” Quito: Abrapalabra Ediciones, 1991.

Prior to the loss of its 13 North American colonies (in what became the United States), the United Kingdom transported many convicts sentenced to penal servitude to North America where, as part of their sentences, they worked for farmers or plantation owners, who paid a fee to the Crown. After the American Revolution (1775– 1783), convicts sentenced to penal servitude were transported to the Australian colonies (except the Province of South Australia). The convicts constituted a servile labor force that was used for public works, but their labor was also assigned to settlers, who were encouraged to employ convicts. After

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completing their sentences, they were freed. On August 1, 1834, the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833 took effect throughout the British Empire. Slavery and slavery-like institutions had never been recognized in Australia. Despite this, early white sealers who visited the region captured and kept indigenous women as domestic and sex slaves. After white settlement, the indigenous peoples of Australia were driven off their ancestral lands. Many were herded unto missions or native reservations. Others eked out a meager existence in shanty towns erected on the fringes of rural towns. The remainder lived on cattle or sheep ranches close to their ancestral lands (of which they had been dispossessed), where the younger men worked. They were paid less than white workers, but often they were paid only in rations (flour, tea, and sugar). Some women worked as domestic servants. Indigenous children— particularly female children—worked as domestic servants for white settlers but were rarely paid. Some worked as pearl divers, which was a dangerous occupation. Initially, there were no written contracts, and the pearl divers were often exploited and not paid. Subsequent legislation required written contracts of indenture for the season, but as the pearl divers could rarely read them, they were vulnerable to exploitation. From 1847 to 1904, nearly 58,000 islanders from islands in the South Pacific (mostly from New Hebrides—now Vanuatu—and the Solomon Islands, and later some from New Guinea)

were taken to work on the sugar and cotton plantations, the sheep and cattle stations, pearl diving, and as domestic servants in Queensland and New South Wales—two of the Australian colonies—as well as on the plantations in Fiji and Samoa. The recruitment practices were often brutal. Many were kidnapped by force or deception. This was known “blackbirding” (the term once used by slavers in West Africa) and the victims were known as “kanakas” (meaning “man” or “person”). In theory, they entered into a contract of indenture to work for a term of three years. Although some entered into these contracts willingly, there can be no doubt that others did not freely consent. Employment conditions were exploitative and the laborers were generally abused and reduced to near-slave status. Many worked under the whip in the cotton fields and cane fields of Queensland. Often they were not paid their proper wages or not paid at all. Some recruiters were charged with slave trading, but none was convicted. However, in a notorious incident, a mad Irish doctor succeeded in persuading the crew of a vessel to take control and embark upon blackbirding, marooning white passengers and subsequently killing a number of the kidnapped islanders in the ship’s hold. Several of the crew were convicted of murder. Queensland enacted the Polynesian Labourers Act in 1868 to regulate the treatment of these laborers and the licensing of recruiters. Because the Queensland legislature lacked


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extraterritorial jurisdiction, it could not prevent the activities of kidnappers outside its borders in the South Pacific. To overcome this limit on extraterritorial jurisdiction, British legislation of the 1870s—particularly the Pacific Islanders Protection Act of 1872 and the Pacific Islanders Protection Act of 1875 (the Kidnapping Acts)—provided for agents on British recruiting vessels, stricter licensing procedures, and the patrol of British islands. These measures reduced the incidence of blackbirding by British subjects. Due to the continuing heavy demand for labor in Queensland, however, the practice continued to flourish. The kidnapping of South Pacific islanders died out only in 1904 as a result of the Pacific Island Labourers’ Act of 1901 of the newly created Australian federal legislature (when the Australian colonies came together in a federation), which prohibited recruitment after 1904. It also required the deportation of South Pacific laborers by 1906, other than those who had married in Australia; those who have lived in Australia for a continuous period of 20 years; or those who owned freehold property in Australia. As a consequence, some 3,600 persons were deported. During the earlier part of the 20th century, when girls and young women in England and from central and eastern Europe were trafficked to Australia in the white slave trade—as part of the first modern international wave of trafficking for prostitution—with false promises of working in domestic service, only to end up in brothels. This problem reappeared in the 1990s, with

instances of young women from eastern Europe and Southeast Asia being trafficked to Australia for prostitution, with some from Southeast Asia being held in bonded labor. From time to time nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) such as the International Council of Women expressed concern that young women and girls in indigenous communities in remote rural areas were being forced into marriages by their families or by tribal elders. In some traditional communities, a girl’s marriage partner was settled by her parents before she had attained puberty and without her consent. Traditional customs in some other communities permitted the inheritance of a widow by her deceased husband’s brother. These NGOs claimed that Australian law was not being enforced against these traditional practices. Paul Bravender-Coyle
See also: White Slavery.

Further Readings
Elder, Bruce. Blood on the Wattle: Massacres and Maltreatment of Australian Aborigines since 1788. Sydney: New Holland, 1988. Gillen, Mollie. “The Botany Bay Decision, 1786: Convicts, Not Empire.” English Historical Review 97, no. 385 (1982): 740–766. Greenwood, Gordon. Australia: A Social and Political History. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1968. Havemann, Paul, ed. Indigenous People’s Rights in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

Baker, Samuel White (1821–1893)
A celebrated Victorian explorer, hunter, and adventurer, Samuel White Baker led a controversial antislavery expedition to the southern Sudan and Uganda in 1870–1873. Samuel Baker came from a wealthy English family that prospered in the sugar business in the West Indies and Mauritius, former slave colonies. He was an exceptionally strong man with great endurance and formidable skill as a big-game hunter. Baker spent much time in his early years seeking a meaningful purpose to his life; he successfully managed plantations in Sri Lanka but grew bored with business and estate routine. On a shooting trip in the Balkans in 1859 he fell in love with young, beautiful Florence Szasz (later Lady Baker), his companion on all later expeditions and an intrepid adventurer in her own right. Baker allegedly purchased her after a slave auction to save her from a Turkish harem, a notable irony considering his later fame as an anti-slave trade crusader. Inspired by the quest for the sources of the Nile River, the Bakers went to Egypt in March 1861 and spent over a year exploring the Sudan-Ethiopia borderlands. In December 1862 they

sailed from Khartoum at the head of a personally funded and well-supplied expedition, landing two months later at Gondokoro on the upper Nile. The explorers John Speke and James Grant arrived soon after, claiming to have found the source of the White Nile at Lake Victoria. The Bakers followed up Speke’s reports of another large lake, and in March 1864 claimed discovery of the Luta N’zige, which they renamed Lake Albert. After many hardships, they returned to Britain where Samuel Baker’s narrative of the expedition became a bestseller; knighted in 1866, he was lionized as a preeminent explorer and authority on Africa. Baker’s writings provided evidence of the impact of slaving in the southern Sudan, but he was mistaken about a deeply rooted slave trade integral to the region’s economy. While slavery had a long history in the Sudan, slave labor became central only after the advent of Turko-Egyptian rule from 1821, and particularly after 1839, when successful Egyptian navigation of the swamps of the Sudd opened the south to traders from Khartoum. Pioneering European traders (later supplanted by Turks and Arabized northern Sudanese) sought feathers, beeswax, cattle and especially ivory. Largely a by-product of the ivory trade,

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Samuel White Baker was an English explorer who lead a violent and controversial mission that liberated slaves in southern Sudan and Uganda. (Hulton Archive/Getty Images)

slaves remained a secondary commodity for decades though the percentage increased as elephants became scarce. Captive labor helped expand commercial agriculture in the north, and traders sold many others in Egypt and the Ottoman Empire. Sir Samuel Baker returned to Egypt in 1869 for the opening of the Suez Canal. There he met Ismail, khedive (viceroy) of Egypt, nominally an Ottoman province but effectively independent. Ismail had grandiose plans to modernize Egypt and expand its power in Africa; a prime focus of these efforts was the southern Sudan, seen as a potential source of wealth beyond ivory and slaves. Ismail invited Baker to command a major expedition to the south, including an annual salary of £10,000 for four years and an

unlimited expense account. At the time it was the most lavishly equipped expedition ever sent into the African interior, but with over 1,500 armed men, artillery and several river steamers, it was a military operation rather than exploration. The terms of commission empowered Baker to eradicate the slave trade; establish military posts, orderly government, and personal security; and open the region to legitimate commerce (that is, without slave raiding) and economic development. Leaving Khartoum on February 8, 1870, the Bakers’ flotilla failed to pass through the Sudd; a second attempt succeeded later that year, and at Gondokoro they set up a base, named Ismailia in honor of the khedive, in April 1871. While in this region they stopped a number of trading vessels, freeing several hundred slaves but also confiscating ivory, which was a legal commodity. Despite a firman (permit) appointing Baker pasha or governor of Egypt’s new Equatoria province, both officials and traders resented Baker’s mission because it disrupted established commerce. South of Ismailia, Baker’s force, reduced to a few hundred by disease, desertion, and garrisons founded en route, left the White Nile and marched overland into what is now Uganda. Incessant demands for food, water, building materials and especially porters alienated both local peoples and northerners residing in Equatoria. His resort to force to secure supplies and achieve his goals ensured hostile receptions in most villages, and his dwindling but still potent army provoked many attacks on the journey.

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In early 1872, the Bakers reached the major Ugandan kingdom of Bunyoro, which was to be a focus of plans to develop commercial cotton growing and a steamer service on Lake Albert and serve as springboard to control most of Uganda. But Kabarega, the ruler of Bunyoro, was wary of Baker’s firearms and naturally resisted Baker’s “authority” to annex his kingdom and liberate slaves. Diplomatic misunderstandings, conflicts over access to supplies and porters, and eventual open warfare marked their sojourn in Bunyoro. The expedition had to fight its way out, burning Kabarega’s capital Masindi to cover the withdrawal; arriving at Fatiko and then Ismailia, they learned that these garrisons were also in dire straits. Reports of these difficulties and rumors of the Bakers’ demise had reached Egypt and even Britain, so it was quite a surprise when Baker reached Khartoum in June 1873 and telegraphed news to the world that the expedition had achieved all substantive goals. The Bakers again returned home to much acclaim, but this time it was not universal; numerous critics, including members of the AntiSlavery Society, deplored the disorder and violence that accompanied these efforts. It was Samuel and Florence Baker’s last African adventure. It is not easy now to assess Samuel Baker and his expedition’s achievements in central Africa. Was he the acclaimed paragon of Victorian masculinity, whose iron will overcame all obstacles in the service of humanity? Or was he a self-righteous pioneer of imperialism whose efforts left Equatoria and Bunyoro in turmoil and presaged

the methods of the scramble for Africa? Both views have merit, but perhaps the best perspective is that of the societies affected by the expedition. The Banyoro were pleased that he returned captives taken from them, but less happy that he freed some of those they held in turn, more than 1,000 by Baker’s own account. The Acholi of northern Uganda still retain oral histories praising his assistance in resisting Arab razzias, but the Bari of Gondokoro have bitter memories of his soldiers’ depredations. Certainly the immediate effects of Baker’s expedition were negligible: a few forts and steamers with munitions left for later governors of Equatoria, and perhaps 1,500–2,000 slaves freed. But the destruction, turmoil and ill feeling left in their wake offset these positive results, and surely did not meet the official goal of good governance. The ambiguous nature of his achievements becomes apparent, considering the postemancipation status of the liberated captives, an intrinsic dilemma commonly endured by freedmen and women. Little provision was made for the ex-slaves of Bunyoro, and the fate of the women and children intercepted farther downriver from Gondokoro/Ismailia was still more problematic. Baker described their finding husbands and homes among the soldiers and porters, and asserted that they chose them freely. But armies in 19th-century Africa routinely paid their soldiers with slaves, especially women, as the booty of war. Behind the optimistic account of liberation is a more likely tale of one form of servitude exchanged for another.

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Possibly Baker’s most enduring legacy is one that he would not want to claim for himself. In North America and Western Europe most citizens can assume that their governments guarantee security of life and property. But since independence in 1956, the Khartoum government has been the primary guarantor of insecurity, and indeed since the 1980s has abetted a brutal slave trade, targeting much of the region the Bakers traversed. Despite freeing large numbers of slaves, Samuel Baker did more than anyone to inaugurate the use of violence as an instrument of Sudanese government policy. This pattern continues to blight Sudan’s current and future prospects. Thomas Pyke Johnson
See also: Abolitionism; Abolitionism, British.

Further Readings
Baker, Samuel W. Ismailia. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1875. Collins, Robert O. “Samuel White Baker: Prospero in Purgatory.” In Africa and Its Explorers, ed. R. Rotberg. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970. Gray, Richard. A History of the Southern Sudan, 1839–1889. London: Oxford University Press, 1961. Shipman, Pat. To the Heart of the Nile. New York: William Morrow, 2004.

In Ethiopia, two terms designating ethnic groups came to be used almost interchangeably with each other and with the word “slave”—Barya and

Shanqilla. These terms also referred to Negroid characteristics among the Amharic and Tigrinya. Although Barya originally referred to a specific ethnic group often used as a source for slaves, appearing in inscriptions from the reign of the Aksumite King Ezana in as early as the fourth century, it later became a generic term for slave, without reference to any particular group. Its usage was so common that in certain historical periods it was used in such glorifying appellations as Yä Sellasé Barya (Slave of the Trinity) and Yä Maryam Barya (Slave of Mary). Alone, however, the term Barya connotes subjugation and racial inferiority with antislavery laws and social taboo granting it the intensity of a curse. The term is juxtaposed against a chewa, which designates a free human being of education and culture. Racial differences between chewa and Barya are culturally highlighted in terms of skin color. The Barya are considered black (t’equr) regardless of their actual color, while non-Barya perceive themselves as red (qey), in a dichotomy fortified by a system of mythological stories that was conceived to perpetuate the Barya’s “otherness.” Most prominent among these are the Noah stories both in the Kebra Nagast (the Ethiopian national epic) and in the Old Testament (Genesis 21–23). Ham, one of Noah’s three sons, witnessed his father’s nakedness when he was drunk and, unlike his brothers Shem and Jephet, did not cover him. According to these mythologies, Noah gave Shem and Jephet his blessing, and cursed Ham with slavery.

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The black skin color of the Barya signifies their descent from the tribe of Ham, their assumed separate origin fastidiously maintained in the collective memory, while the chewa are identified with the tribe of Shem. Mixed offspring and their progeny continue to be perceived as Barya as long as the collective memory, particularly deep in Ethiopia, can be perpetuated. These genealogical distinctions served over the generations as a divinely approved explanation legitimizing master-slave relations and racial hierarchies. Hagar Salamon
See also: ‘Abd.

Further Readings
McCann, James. “Children of the House: Slavery and Its Suppression in Lasta, Northern Ethiopia, 1915–1935.” In The End of Slavery in Africa, ed. Susan Miers and Richard Roberts. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988. Pankhurst, Richard. “The History of Bareya, Sanqella and Other Ethiopian Slaves from the Borderlands of the Sudan.” Sudan Notes and Records 58 (1977): 1–43. Salamon, Hagar. “Slavery among the ‘Beta Israel’ in Ethiopia: Religious Dimensions of Inter-group Perceptions.” Slavery and Abolition 15 (1994): 72–88.

Beria, Lavrenty Pavlovich (1899–1953)
Lavrenty Pavlovich Beria oversaw the vast system of forced labor camps in the Soviet Union as head of the NKVD

(Peoples Commissariat of Internal Affairs) from November 1938 to January 1946.The NKVD served as the Soviet Union’s police force for political security. Among its other duties, it ran the gulag (Main Administration of Camps) with its expansive network of corrective labor camps, corrective labor colonies, and special settlements. It also administered a parallel structure of internment camps for prisoners of war and foreign civilian internees that was known as GUPVI (Main Administration for the Affairs of Prisoners of War and Internees). These two camp systems employed millions of forced laborers during Beria’s tenure as head of the NKVD. In particular, Beria oversaw the expansion and transformation of the special settlement regime into a system that would not only socially isolate certain ethnic groups but would also economically integrate them into regions far from their homelands. Beria organized the deportation of over 3 million people to remote locations in the Soviet Union during the 1940s. More than 2 million of these people came from eight nationalities that were deported in their entirety—the Russian Germans, Karachais, Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingush, Balkars, Crimean Tatars, and Meskhetian Turks. Confined to internal exile in Siberia, Kazakhstan, Central Asia, and the Urals, these deportees received the legal status of special settlers. As such, they could not leave their assigned settlements without written permission from special NKVD commandants. They also lacked the

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freedom to choose their employment. The Stalin regime used them as a captive labor force to develop the agriculture, fisheries, industry, mining, and forestry of sparsely inhabited regions of the Soviet Union. During World War II (1939–1945), the Stalin regime mobilized nearly 400,000 of these and earlier deportees belonging to suspect nationalities and placed them into forced labor battalions. This system of forced labor garnered the name labor army (trudarmiia) from the Soviet citizens conscripted into it. Beria’s NKVD sent 220,000 of these men and women to work in gulag camps under conditions similar to those of convicts. The remaining 180,000 worked for civilian commissariats under NKVD supervision and lived in NKVD-guarded barracks. The ethnic composition of these forced laborers consisted of more than 315,000 Russian Germans, 14,000 Russian Koreans, 15,000 Kalmyks, and 5,000 Crimean Tatars, as well as Russian Finns, Russian Greeks, and others. They built factories, erected dams, laid railways, felled timber, mined coal, extracted oil, and manufactured munitions in Siberia, Kazakhstan, and the Urals during the 1940s. The mass induction of Russian Germans and other stigmatized nationalities into forced labor brigades mitigated the loss of labor from the reduction of gulag prisoners during the World War II, due to releases into the Red Army and increased mortality. Labor army conscripts also suffered a high rate of excess mortality during this time due to

malnutrition, disease, exposure, and other causes. More than 100,000 Russian Germans may have perished as a result of their service in the labor army. J. Otto Pohl
See also: Central Asia; Gulag.

Further Readings
Knight, Amy. Beria: Stalin’s First Lieutenant. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993. Pohl, J. Otto. Ethnic Cleansing in the USSR, 1937–1949. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1999. Pohl, J. Otto. The Stalinist Penal System. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1997. Polian, Pavel. Against Their Will: The History and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR. Budapest, Hungary: Central European Press, 2004.

Berlin Conference (1884–1885)
An international conference called by its host, the German Prince Otto von Bismarck, convened in Berlin from November 15, 1884, through February 27, 1885. At the European negotiating table, where the African continental prize pieces would be awarded, were delegates from more than a dozen parties, including Germany (the conference host), Britain, France, Portugal—each a major contestant— Russia, Austria-Hungary, Denmark, Sweden, Belgium, Norway, and Holland. Present as well were two morethan-interested onlookers—the United

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States and Leopold II’s International Association of the Congo. Each representative had particular designs—with respect to both territory and trade—on and for the map of Africa that was to be outlined at the conference. The 36 articles of the resulting General Act of the Conference of Berlin, signed on February 26, 1885, were divided, albeit unequally, into six chapters. Chapter 1 was concerned with “freedom of trade in the Basin of the Congo”; chapter 2, the shortest (article 9), dealt expeditiously with the slave trade; chapter 3 related to the question of neutrality in the region; chapters 4 and 5, by far the longest (articles 13–33), adjudicated questions of navigation rights for the Congo and Niger Rivers; and finally, chapter 6 laid out the conditions to be observed by the signatories for the “new occupations on the coasts of the African continent.” Freedom of trade and navigation thus took primacy of place in the document drafted in Berlin to divide and distribute to European predators Africa’s continental resources, along the lines of the “three Cs” that the early British explorer David Livingstone had identified for European imperial aspirations and ambitions: Christianity, civilization, and commerce. Trade and territory would be well instantiated at the continental corners by business concerns and their designates. The work of the Suez Canal Company at the northeastern tip of the continent, begun by Frenchman Ferdinand de Lesseps but ultimately financed through the shares bought by British Prime Minister Benjamin

Otto von Bismarck hosted the Berlin Conference from November 15, 1884, through February 27, 1885. At the conference, rival European nations came together to establish trade and territory guidelines in Africa. (PerryCastaneda Library)

Disraeli, had been completed in 1869. On the western coast, Sir George Goldie (1946–1925), a British colonial administrator in West Africa, would soon take advantage of the treaty’s terms, and his Royal Niger Company was chartered by Britain in 1886. Just a few years later, in 1889, mining magnate Cecil John Rhodes (1853–1902) made sure that his British South Africa Company would be granted its own charter. But it was the Belgium King Leopold II’s concessions in the Congo Free State that challenged—and abused—the treaty’s international terms on trade and territory and provoked both commercial

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objections and humanitarian encomiums in the early 20th century. The Berlin Conference brought rival European diplomats to the table to make orderly treaty determinations, but it was occasioned by—and laid the grounds for—what has become known as the rather more disorderly “scramble for Africa.” More than a century later, the lines drawn across Africa at the Berlin Conference remain much the same, defining the territorial boundaries of postcolonial African states, and a new scramble for the resources of a decolonized Africa has been undertaken by international monetary and aid agencies alike. Barbara Harlow
See also: Leopold II.

Further Reading
Pakenham, Thomas. The Scramble for Africa: White Man’s Conquest of the Dark Continent from 1876 to 1912. New York: Avon Books, 1991.

Bhagwati, P. N. (1921–)
Prafullachandra Natwarlal Bhagwati, the former chief justice of the supreme court of India, has devoted his boundless energy to the work of the United Nations and other international human rights bodies that stimulate, criticize, and inspire the champions of human rights around the world. He currently serves as vice-chairman of the United Nations’ Human Rights Committee and is a past chairman of the board of the Center for the Independence

of Judges and Lawyers in Geneva, Switzerland. Affectionately called “Chief ” by many of his colleagues at the national and international levels, Justice Bhagwati has become one of the leading international jurists who has helped to fight against contemporary forms of slavery and other human rights abuses. In 1988, the Principles on the Domestic Application of International Human Rights Norms were formulated at Bangalore, where Bhagwati was instrumental and its impact has been enormous. Through this effort he provided a new and creative way by which the growing body of international human rights jurisprudence could be harmonized with the domestic law of the judges’ own jurisdiction. Most recently, on behalf of Mary Robinson, then UN high commissioner for human rights, he undertook a mission to Australia from May 24 to June 2, 2002. He submitted his report as the regional adviser for Asia and the Pacific of the UN high commissioner for human rights with regard to the treatment of asylum-seekers who were in detention in Australia, with a specific focus on the Woomera Immigration Reception and Processing Center (IRPC) in southern Australia. Bhagwati observed the human rights situation of persons in immigration detention in Australia and considered it a matter of serious concern. Although the Australian government had undertaken many positive efforts to improve the conditions in the detention centers, nevertheless, the approach to illegal migration from a

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human rights perspective was questioned, prescribing the desirability of a more humane approach. Detention of children, including unaccompanied minors was clearly in itself of violation of their rights under the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). In addition to this, children were deprived of adequate educational opportunities appropriate to their age and were kept in conditions not conducive to their healthy growth. Bhagwati was shocked by what he saw and heard in Woomera IRPC. He met men, women, and children who had been detained for several months, some of them even for one or two years, without committing any offense but due to their only fault, that they had left their native home and sought to find refuge or a better life on the Australian soil. Meeting the detainees, he was depressed with a feeling that he was facing a great human tragedy. Justice Bhagwati’s initiative and effort in directing the Australian government through his report, as well as his personal contact seeking government cooperation for the avoidance of the human tragedy, drew universal appreciation and approbation to him for his commendable job against the abuses of human rights. Bhagwati, a man with sharp intelligence, incisive voice, boundless energy, and intellectual curiosity, deserves international acclamation and is a source of inspiration for young lawyers and judges and for human rights activists. Patit Paban Mishra

Further Reading
Bhagwati, Justice P. N. Court, Constitution, and Human Rights. New Delhi: Universal Book Traders, 1995.

Bhatta Mazdoor Mohaz (BMM)
The Bhatta Mazdoor Mohaz (BMM), which is known as the Brick Kiln Worker´s Front today, was formed on September 18, 1967, in Lahore, Pakistan, by Ehsan Ullah Khan and continued up to September 18, 1988. BMM is the first organization founded to raise a voice against the oppression of bonded labor in the brick-kiln industry. It is known for organizing the first protest against bonded labor in South Asia. BMM strives to educate workers and fights for the freedom of laborers to organize in trade associations, supports the rights outlined in International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions, and works to educate children freed from bonded labor. BMM is one of the founding members of the South Asian Coalition against Child Servitude (SACCS) and is recognized by the ILO. The establishment of the BMM was followed by an incident that happened one evening of September 1967. Ehsan Ullah Khan had met with an elderly man standing on roadside in a miserable condition at Shahra-e-Quaid-iAzam, Lahore. The old, Christian man, whose name was Baba Kullan, was a brick kiln worker and had two daughters, One of whom, age 11, had been taken away by the brick kiln owner, Abdul Rehman, and the other daughter,

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age 13, had been abducted by the jamadar (agent of the owner-organizing peshgi system). Kullan was able to escape secretly from the brick kiln located in Lahore. The owner had purchased him from Sindh province for 80,000 rupees ($1.30), which was the amount shown as Peshgi against his name. Ehsan Ullah Khan was highly influenced by Baba Kullan’s story and promised to help him. Then Khan went to his college and got help from other students to organize a march, defending the rights of the old man and his daughters. After their successful organization, the police ordered the abductors to free the girls and that was done immediately. This was the first success in the history of Pakistan to free bonded laborers and the news spread gradually. Then, hundreds of bonded men, women, and children, recognized that they all needed help. Under the influence of their inhuman conditions and bounded work relations, Khan decided to organize people around BMM. The struggle for freedom to all workers and for the right to education continued up to September 18, 1988, when the supreme court of Pakistan delivered its historic decision against the bonded labor system. The main objects of BMM against the practice of bonded labor were based on the following six priorities: (1) annihilation of ethnic, religious, social, sexual, and caste discriminations; (2) full and complete freedom for the bonded laborers, forced laborers, and child laborers; (3) abolition of the bonded labor system and jamadari system (middlemen for peshgi

system); (4) elimination of the peshgi system and writing off the past peshgies; (5) to achieve human rights for all workers; and (6) to struggle against slavery through education To achieve these goals, BMM adopted legal and peaceful means of struggle and avoided any kind of violence throughout its struggle against slavery. BMM filed thousands of habeas corpus writs in high courts. Over the years, more than 30,000 bonded laborers were freed through action of the courts. However, due to lack of legal protection, it was very difficult for the bonded laborers to be protected in all circumstances. The BMM stood for bonded laborers, while the All Pakistan Brick Kiln Owners Association (APBKA) supported the slavery system and pleaded to make the peshgi system legal. The BMM provided the basic groundwork for the struggle against the bonded labor system in Pakistan, and on a global level, fought for the elimination of child labor and the abolition of the bonded labor system, and reached these goals. The Pakistan Supreme Court after long years of struggle accepted the abolishment of the bonded labor system on September 18, 1988. An estimated 20 million bonded laborers benefited from this decision; most of them left the brick kiln industry and migrated to other parts of Pakistan. This was the historic outstanding success of the BMM, which broke all barriers, traditions, and fears among the slaves. The victims got the power, and, as a result, they began to celebrate

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September 18 every year and raise the slogan “Ham Azad Hain” (“We Are Free”). Bayram Unal and Ann-Carin Landström
See also: All Pakistan Brick Kiln Owners Association (APBKA); Bonded Labour Liberation Front; Khan, Ehsan Ullah; Pesghi.

Further Readings
Anti-Slavery International. Contemporary Forms of Slavery Related to and Generated by Discrimination: Forced and Bonded Labor in India, Nepal and Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 2003. Anti-Slavery International. This Menace of Bonded Labor: Debt Bondage in Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 1996. Human Rights Watch. Pakistan: Contemporary Forms of Slavery. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995. Karim, Farhad. Contemporary Forms of Slavery in Pakistan. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995.

Bok, Francis Piol Bol (1979–)
At the beginning of the 21st century, ex-slave Francis Bok drew the Western world’s attention to the exceptionally brutal form of slavery that emerged during the civil war in his native Sudan. A member of the cattle-herding Dinka people, southern Sudan’s largest ethnic group, Bok came from the village of Gourion near the Lol River in the Aweil district of the Bahr el Ghazal

region of southwestern Sudan. In May 1986, at the age of seven, he was captured by Arab raiders in the market town of Nyamlell, strapped to a donkey, and taken north as a slave. Fed only scraps from his master’s table, he tended goats and cattle and was forced to learn Arabic and adopt Islam. After two failed attempts to flee from captivity, he escaped at age 17 and made his way to the Sudanese capital Khartoum and eventually to Cairo, Egypt, where in September 1998, he successfully applied to enter the United States as a political refugee. In August 1999 he was resettled in Fargo, North Dakota. Eventually, he moved to Iowa and finally to Boston, Massachusetts. Contacted by Charles Jacobs and John Eibner of the Boston-based American Anti-Slavery Group (AASG), Bok became an impassioned advocate for the abolition of slavery. On September 18, 2000, he became the first escaped slave to testify before the Foreign Relations Committee of the U.S. Senate. The most famous of a number of exSudanese slaves who fled to the West, he met with Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, national security adviser Condoleezza Rice, and President George W. Bush. An energetic campaigner, Bok has appeared at benefit concerts and was a torchbearer for the 2002 Winter Olympics. As an associate of the AASG, he has spoken on his experiences throughout North America and has been frequently featured in the press and electronic media. The story of his enslavement in Sudan, escape, and resettlement in the United States was

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recorded in his narrative Escape from Slavery (2003). At about the same time, another escaped slave, Mende Nazer, published her account of slavery in the Nuba Mountain region of central Sudan. Such narratives proved that war slavery in Sudan had gone beyond the traditional forms of interethnic hostage-taking that have characterized the region. Appearing in an era when most Americans and Europeans considered slavery to be only a historical issue, Bok and Nazer rank with Olaudah Equiano, Harriet Tubman, and other ex-slave activists of a more distant past who similarly inspired antislavery movements by writing of their experiences. Randall Fegley
See also: American Anti-Slavery Group; Sudan and South Sudan; Sudan Peace Act.

Further Readings
Bok, Francis. Escape from Slavery. New York: St. Martin’s, 2003. Human Rights Watch. Children of Sudan: Slaves, Street Children and Child Soldiers. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995. Nazer, Mende. Slave: My True Story. New York: Public Affairs, 2003.

Bonded Labor
Capitalism is acknowledged both by its supporters and its detractors to be a system dominated by free wage labor. This latter phrase is used in a number

of senses to distinguish the modern era from previous social structures where labor relations were not free but were structured by political or legal obligations. During the feudal era in Europe, for example, an individual was obliged by political and military pressure to work without pay on a lord’s land at certain periods of the year. In the modern era, the wage laborer is free from such requirements. Wage laborers are free to work for whomever they choose (provided they have jobs available), and can move to another job. Employers are free to hire whomever they choose. Employer and employee enter into a specific labor contract with each other. It may be noted, of course, that the worker’s freedom is limited in practice in many ways, most obviously by the need to have an income in order to survive. Although the dominant social relationship in the modern world is that centered around free wage labor as described above, there still exist examples of bonded or unfree labor. Unfree labor, in contrast to free labor, is work that is forced or structured by political, familial, or legal strictures requiring the worker to labor for a specific employer. The freedom to change employers or conditions of employment has been altered or removed to a significant degree. A number of forms of unfree labor have existed and continue to exist in the present era. The most obvious example of unfree labor is slavery. The transportation, selling, and owning of African

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men, women, and children was crucial to the early development of the West Indies and southern states of the United States. The income derived from the slave trade was important in the development of capitalist industry in England and a number of other European countries. Yet the formal abolition of slavery in Britain and the United States did not stop this practice. Slavery continues in many parts of the world today, and many children find themselves enslaved and required to work for their “owner.” The children are either forcibly removed from their families or sold by their families to alleviate their poverty. Debt-bonded labor, or tied labor, also has a very long history. Indeed, before the transatlantic slave trade fully took off, the demand for labor for the plantations in the West Indies was fulfilled by debt-bonded indentured workers. This means that people were transported from Britain, for example, to work on the plantations. However, they were expected to pay for their transportation and their initial living costs. As they did not have the necessary capital, they would enter into agreements with the plantation owners. They would be indentured for seven years and would work on the plantation until they had paid back their transportation and living costs. Bonded labor continues across the globe today. Young children are indentured to landowners, factory owners, craftsmen, hotel owners, and others. To pay off a family debt, or to pay for their transportation to the city from

their rural homes, or to pay for their living expenses, children are tied to employers for a specified number of years, until it is deemed that the debt has been paid off. Very often, especially when the child is young, the employer will claim that the costs of supporting the child are greater than the labor he receives, so the debt becomes greater, reducing the prospect of its being paid off, at least in the near future. Domestic labor, in contrast to the above two examples, is viewed as a much less repressive form of unfree labor. In most families children perform some forms of unpaid domestic labor. In rural and peasant economies such work is clearly arduous and extensive due to families’ poverty-level existence. Sandy Hobbs
See also: Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF); Domestic Workers; India.

Further Readings
Anti-Slavery International. “This Menace of Bonded Labour”: Debt Bondage in Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 1996. Rodgers, Gerry, and Standing, Guy. Child Work, Poverty, and Underdevelopment. Geneva: International Labour Office, 1981.

Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF)
The Bonded Labour Liberation Front of Pakistan (BLLF) was formed on

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Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF)

October 21, 1988, by Ehsan Ullah Khan. The BLLF is one of the organizations that contributed to the founding of the South Asian Coalition on Child Servitude (SACCS) and is a coworking organization with the Coalition against Child Labour in Pakistan (CACL). The organization also works together with trade unions and other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Pakistan. Some 21 years earlier, on September 18, 1967, Ehsan Ullah Khan founded the Bhatta Mazdoor Mahaz Pakistan (Brick Kiln Workers Front, BMM) to raise a voice against the oppression of bonded labor in the brick-kiln industry. It was the first time in South Asia that protests against bonded labor had been organized. At that time, the work of BMM focused on the abolishment of the debt bondage (peshgi system), the presence of middlemen (jamadari system), and the slavery system (thekedari system). The BMM was only associated with the brick-kiln industry. After an application from BMM members to the chief justice of Pakistan’s Supreme Court was ended affirmatively, the existence of the bonded labor system in the brick-kiln industries was recognized officially. News of this verdict spread all over the country, and all workers from different industries took it as a victory against bonded labor. This victory created awareness and zeal among bonded workers from other fields like agricultural workers, carpet workers, shoemakers, fishermen, rag pickers, parents of camel jockeys, and others. In order to struggle against the bonded labor system in wider scope,

BLLF was established as an umbrella organization in 1988. Since then, BLLF has raised its voice against the bonded labor system on both national and international levels and initiated a hectic campaign for the abolition of the system through legislation. Most of BLLF’s works are related to the struggles for freedom and liberation of bonded workers, especially bonded children and women workers. The BLLF is dedicated to providing legal aid to the bonded workers against torture and repression by owners, feudal lords, and industrialists. The legal aid provided by BLLF has created awareness on health and safety issues and provided health care, especially for mothers and their children. Furthermore, fighting against the discrimination in the society against women, minorities, children, and other disadvantaged groups in society is an ongoing effort. Over all, the main objective of BLLF Pakistan is to struggle for human rights, with special emphasis on the rights of children and women and on their educational rights. BLLF started its school, an Apnaschool system, in the 1980s and made it spread all over the country through its program Struggle against Slavery through Education. The issue of slave/ bonded child labor and child labor itself was highlighted through the BLLF’s actions. The first official survey about child labor in Pakistan was conducted in 1996, and a survey about bonded labor was conducted in 2001. Through the years, BLLF has freed thousands

Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF)

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A young camel jockey crawls from the race track after falling from his camel. The Bonded Labour Liberation Front struggles to keep children out of dangerous arrangements such as camel jockeying. (AP/Wide World Photos)

of children from slavery and educated more than 10,000 children. Due to BLLF-centered pressures, the Pakistani Parliament passed a law against child labor in 1991, and the Bonded Labour System Abolition Act was approved unanimously by the Parliament in 1992. After long years of struggle, the BLLF achieved tremendous success in two provinces—in Punjab and Sindh—where compulsory primary education has been introduced. In Frontier Province, the legislation is under consideration, while the fourth province, Baluchistan, is waiting for a change. The government also stopped the corporal punishment in two provinces, Punjab and Sindh. In addition,

the Sindh government also provided a 100 rupees ($1.70) stipend per year for every child in school. This is an important act in terms of the state’s recognizable approach toward issues. In this way BLLF’s work has given protection, identification, and developed a legal system for the bonded laborers and child laborers. The BLLF has helped in the creation of a positive consciousness among those who were once victims. The BLLF has faced many difficulties and threats from the government and the ruling classes during the years, but the struggle toward progress is proceeding. Its founder is living in exile in Sweden, and the journalist Zafaryab

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Ahmad, who wrote in support of BLLF policies, was living in exile in the United States until his death in 2006. Bayram Unal
See also: Bonded Labor; Khan, Ehsan Ullah.

Further Readings
Anti-Slavery International. Contemporary Forms of Slavery Related to and Generated by Discrimination: Forced and Bonded Labor in India, Nepal, and Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 2003. Anti-Slavery International. This Menace of Bonded Labor: Debt Bondage in Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 1996. Human Rights Watch. Pakistan: Contemporary Forms of Slavery. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995. Karim, Farhad. Contemporary Forms of Slavery in Pakistan. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995.

and patriarchal social relations, and made Brazil perhaps the world’s premier slave society in total numbers and productivity. Slavery there passed through several stages, perhaps best demarcated by the predominant labor sources: native Brazilians, Africans and their descendants, and now its most impoverished, vulnerable citizens.

Indians Enslaved
From the early 16th century, European settlers targeted Brazilian Indians as a source of cheap labor. Indigenous societies practiced some forms of slavery before and after 1500, but it was not a major economic factor. Striking manifestations occurred among Tupinamba Indians adjacent to the coasts, who used war captives in rituals of human sacrifice and cannibalism. Such practices appear memorably in contemporary travelogues and modern cinema (How Tasty Was My Little Frenchman, 1971), but numerous Indians became chattel for the Portuguese. At contact the indigenous population was significant—estimates range from 2 million to 6 million, probably more like 4 million to 5 million. This was a labor force of great potential, but it was not to last. After an initial period of barter for dyes and brazilwood, the Portuguese realized that without precious minerals colonial Brazil’s prime prospects lay in export agriculture, especially sugarcane. Plantations first took root in northeastern Brazil and eventually in much of the country. By the early1600s, Portuguese and Indian allies

Whether using the labor of Indians, Africans, or its own citizens today, Brazil has been a major slave society for the greater part of five centuries. Slavery was a core institution in Brazil’s past, fundamental to economic and political development. From colony to nation, abundant natural resources encouraged the generation of wealth by exploiting labor. Brazil is a classic region of plentiful land and scarce population, where shortage of workers prompted the growth of unfree labor relations. European chattel slavery adapted to the tropics, along with markedly hierarchical


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were penetrating the interior in search of gold, silver, feathers, and captives. These expeditions—bandeiras, from the flags of their captains—notably those from Sao Paulo state, extended Portuguese influence deep into South America, ultimately bolstering claims to half the continent. From the late 16th century, the engenhos (literally sugar mills but also sugar plantations generally) of Pernambuco and Bahia in the northeast had made Brazil the world’s leading producer. Much of this productivity relied on enslaved Indians, but the cumulative impact of raiding, harsh labor regimes, social dislocation, religious conversion and particularly epidemic disease devastated indigenous societies. For centuries, their numbers declined despite prolonged and heroic resistance, reaching a likely population nadir of about 100,000 in the 1970s, though there has been partial recovery since then. Portugal’s King Sebastiao outlawed Indian slavery in 1570, but irreparable damage continued. Later abolitions of Indian chattel slavery in 1755 and 1831 clearly signaled ongoing enslavement, and indeed it persists today, with some vulnerable Amazonian Indians still held in servitude.

Africans Enslaved
The plantation ( fazenda) complex, a form of industrial agriculture employing capital investment, sophisticated technology and marketing, and large quantities of slaves, developed in the Mediterranean and Portugal’s Atlantic islands. It transferred well to tropical

Brazil, but catastrophic Indian mortality required other sources of labor. These were found in Africa, where captives were readily available to slavers. This trade was impressive in sheer numbers alone. Over 40 percent of Brazilians have African ancestry, more than in any country outside Africa. From 1525 to 1851, a minimum of 3.5 million (possibly over 5 million) slaves reached Brazil, more than any other country; significant mortality before, during, and after the Atlantic crossing magnified the negative impacts. Slaves numbered 1.93 million in 1817–1818, half the population of 3,818,000. These captives grew sugar and cacao in the northeast; rice, cotton, and rubber in Amazonia; and by the mid-1800s made southern Brazil the world’s leading coffee exporter. They were not mere agricultural laborers; Africans from Upper Guinea contributed crucial expertise in rice growing, healing, and other endeavors. Gold and diamond discoveries in 18th-century Minas Gerais saw slaves working as miners, while servants and artisans proliferated in houses and streets of cities like Salvador and Rio de Janeiro. Slavery shaped all economic and social spheres, the hallmark of a slave society. High manumission rates encouraged by the Catholic Church, and miscegenation resulting in a large mulatto population, promoted a view of Brazilian slavery as milder there than elsewhere. Some scholars, particularly Gilberto Freyre, asserted that without overt prejudice, Brazil is a “racial democracy.” While accurately grasping the influence of the plantation, household,

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and patriarchal family structure, Freyre downplayed the coercion inherent in slavery, especially rape in interracial sexual relations. Strong primary evidence indicates that oppressive work conditions, inadequate food, clothing, and health care, and brutal punishments made Brazil among the harshest of all slave systems. Slaves responded with a multitude of survival strategies. They resisted subtly by reducing output and labor bargaining, and openly by running away and rebelling. Brazil had a large number of quilombos (maroon or runaway settlements, twin siblings of slave societies), most famously Palmares with about 30,000 people, which existed in Pernambuco from 1630 to 1695. Slaves also coped by asserting a measure of cultural autonomy, which incidentally enriched Brazilian religion (Candomble, Umbanda), dance and martial arts (samba, capoiera), foodways and social relations. Following independence in 1822, slavery expanded with the national economy, but structural changes eventually led to its demise. International pressure and successive treaties imposed by Great Britain outlawed Brazil’s Atlantic slave trade by 1831, though one result was a peculiarly Brazilian phenomenon. Leys para ingles ver (“laws for the English to see,” statutes passed for appearance’s sake but not enforced) masked illegal trade until 1851, when African imports were finally suppressed. Cutting off the supply of captives ultimately doomed an institution whose population never reproduced itself naturally. But for four

decades, a substantial domestic trade, with coasting voyages and forced marches overland, transferred 300,000 people southward to booming coffee fazendas in Minas and especially Sao Paulo. The Law of Free Birth signed in 1871 by Princess Isabel (regent for the abolitionist Emperor Pedro II) mandated that children of slaves would be born free. Voluntary manumissions soared in provinces no longer needing slaves, and increasing European (and later Japanese) immigration provided cheaper alternative labor. The final blow came in 1886–1887. Tens of thousands courageously abandoned Sao Paulo fazendas for abolitionistdominated cities, a harrowing exodus similar to mass slave flights during the U.S. Civil War and in 1905–1906 in French West Africa. The self-liberated themselves had effectively abolished slavery when Isabel, regent again, signed the Ley Aurea (“Golden Law”) on May 13, 1888. But no provisions were made for the welfare and education of freedpeople, and their descendants remained mostly poor and disadvantaged.

Citizens Enslaved
Brazil has tragically not been free of slavery since formal abolition. Instead of African imports, its poorest citizens (and some aliens such as Bolivian migrants)—of all geographic origins and appearances—are the current victims. Often lured to the remote countryside, notably east-central Amazonia, by promises of work and removed from


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neighborhood and kin protection, they are trapped by distance, debt, and violence in appalling circumstances that are difficult to escape. As in the past, profits associated with economic globalization enable abuses. Ranchers raising beef for Northern Hemisphere markets; charcoal produced to manufacture iron; timber companies destroying rain forest; and the burgeoning biofuel industry—all have incentives to reduce labor costs. Female prostitution and child labor services these industries from nearby towns. Reflecting historic inequalities, powerful landowners whose word is law in their domains still enjoy a culture of impunity despite legal prohibitions. (In this respect Freyre’s insights on patriarchy are quite acute.) Fortunately, the tide may be turning against bondage in Brazil. In the 1990s the government created special commissions and police units for this purpose, though lax enforcement hampered their effectiveness. Successive administrations acknowledged the existence of “conditions analogous to slavery” (a phrase used in absence of legal chattel slavery) including admission before the United Nations Human Rights Commission in 2004—declarations of symbolic as well as practical significance. At least 25,000 people are admittedly held in bondage, though the number is much greater due to underreporting and reprisals against informants. From 2003 to 2011, the Workers’ Party government of President Luiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva made antislavery a priority, with dramatic, well-publicized police

raids liberating captives. Lula thus became the first Brazilian head of state since Pedro and Isabel to act decisively against unfree labor. Upon her election in 2010, the incoming president, Dilma Rousseff, pledged to continue her predecessor’s policies. Slavery in Brazil is often, as elsewhere, derided as an unprogressive, archaic institution. Throughout the country’s history, however, it has been central to the most dynamic economic sectors: first sugar, then mining, cotton, rice, cacao, coffee, rubber, and now ranching, timber, soybeans, and manufacturing. Extreme labor exploitation remains economically rational, a fact reinforced by enduring social hierarchy and economic inequality. Spurred by world opinion, the current government seems committed to eradicating enslavement. But deeply entrenched structural factors facilitating slavery will require constant vigilance to finally uproot it. A luta continua (“the struggle continues”). Thomas Pyke Johnson Further Readings
Burberi, Martina. Contemporary Forms of Enslavement. Slavery in Brazil, 2006. cado_/brasil/documentos/contemporary_ forms_of_enslavement_slavery.pdf Conrad, Robert E., ed. Children of God’s Fire: A Documentary History of Black Slavery in Brazil. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983. Freyre, Gilberto. The Mansions and the Shanties [Sobrados e Mucambos]. Trans. Samuel Putnam. New York: Knopf, 1963.

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Mattoso, Katia M. de Q. To Be a Slave in Brazil. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986.

Bride-price, bride wealth, or dowry, as part of marriage, is a cultural practice that has survived to this day in marriage customs worldwide. The custom consists of paying or offering goods or gifts to the parents and family of the bride during preparations for and after the marriage. In the Old Testament, different terms are used to describe aspects of the practice. For example, there was the mattan, “gifts to the members of the family” (Genesis 24:22, 53 and Genesis 34:12), compared to mohar, “dowry” or bride-price. The custom seems to have evolved from gift-giving to outright wife-purchasing (see Ruth 4:10 and Hosea 3:2), but no one knows when this transformation happened. The dowry, or bride-price, held a prime place in Hebrew marriages. It took several forms and sealed the betrothal made between bride and groom as the groom presented gifts to the bride. The dowry was generally based on the wealth and standing of the bride (see 1 Samuel 18:23–25). It consisted of money, jewelry, or other valuable items, or services rendered, as in the case of Jacob (see Genesis 29:18). Deeds of valor were also acceptable as a dowry (see Joshua 15:16 and Judges 1:12). Occasionally, a bride received a dowry from her father, sometimes in the form of land (Judges 1:15). In later

Jewish history, a written marriage contract definitely arranged for the nature and size of the dowry. Although there was frequently much negotiation and bargaining involved as to size of the dowry, the bride had no voice in these negotiations. In Islam. the Koran sanctions the payment of a dowry or bride-price to the bride. Known as mahr, it is a prerequisite for marriage, and is to be paid by the groom to his bride. Islam also requires that the dowry be equitable, with the husband and wife mutually making any adjustments to the dowry. Specifically in Middle Eastern cultures, the practice of dowry continues to this day in both Muslim and Christian marriages. The man, or his family, must pay a bride-price or mahr to the bride or her family. This price can be extremely high. It is common for a middle-class family to demand of the groom the equivalent of several years’ salary as the price of marriage to their daughter. In Syria, for example, despite recent government intervention, the practice of bride-price has continued in both rural and urban areas. The payment of the bride-price involves considerable expenditures and often requires financial cooperation from a number of kinfolk. Families sometimes agree to postpone payment of the full bride-price until after the wedding, stipulating that the full amount must be paid in the event of divorce, a practice that provides some protection for the bride if the couple is eventually incompatible. According to some reports, brideprice and weddings can cost anywhere


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from $1,000 to $40,000. The exact sum of money and the terms of payment are part of the premarital negotiations. In countries where much of the population is classified as poor, exorbitant bride-prices make it increasingly difficult for people to get married. Usually, there is a direct connection between the bride-price and the economic or financial status of the families involved, but the amount tends to be less if the two families have close blood ties. For these reasons, among others, most rural and urban families often want their children to marry closely related kin, like first or second cousins. In sub-Saharan Africa, bride-price has several names—lobola in the southern parts of the continent; mahari in East Africa, or wine-carrying in West Africa. As a marriage custom, it is widespread. The prospective husband is expected to proffer a certain amount of money and goods, including livestock, before a marriage is approved. Bride-price or dowry once was seen as a symbol of sincerity and good faith that united the families of both bride and groom, but, in an increasingly consumer-based society, the bride-price has come to be seen as a stepping stone to wealth by the family of the bride. This is because the demands of the bride’s family, especially if she is highly educated, become simply too expensive and unaffordable for the groom. In some cases, bride-price is regarded as a means to enrich a bride’s family, or a license to treat a woman as a “purchased” good. According to the United Nations, preteen girls in the Arsi region of Ethiopia are often abducted

for marriage. An arbitration process that involves local courts and village elders ensues, and the girls’ families are paid off with some kind of dowry—usually about $50, plus some livestock. With annual incomes of only around $100, desperately poor rural families always need money. The bride-price thus becomes a source of income for the girls’ families. Although the legal age for marriage in Ethiopia is 18, clearly the bride-price reduces the woman to a commercial object who is traded for equal material or cash value. For example, among the Zulu the bride was traditionally chosen mostly for her fertility, but also for her dowry and beauty. An infertile woman also commanded a low bride-price because she was considered to be inferior. Marriage practices in Japanese culture offer a somewhat different perspective on the bride-price. Japanese women enjoyed a measure of control over their dowry and bride price. Women from wealthier families sometimes brought land, money, and other valuables into their marriages, and local customs required only small dowries. The brideprice typically consisted of items of clothing wrapped in a bundle—in a larger piece of cloth. Social historian Harald Fuess, in a comprehensive study of five centuries of Japanese gender relations, states that “popular customs of divorce strongly affirmed the right of the divorced wife to receive her dowry back.” This return was designed to be “a facilitator of remarriage” (Fuess, p. 82). Historically, dowry was meant to be the symbolic exchange of money, goods, and/or gifts between the families

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Broad Meadows Middle School

of a nubile woman and her betrothed. Its main purpose was to cement and reinforce the ties of kinship and community between the families of the marrying couple. Over time however, dowry became bride-price. All over the world, especially in non-Western societies, it has become both an entrenched practice and a social institution often justified in the name of tradition. Brideprice is susceptible, and capable, of reducing the entire practice of marriage to a simple commercial transaction in which the woman becomes nothing but a commodity to be exchanged for money, land, and other items of barter. Cast in the context of modern slavery, bride-price becomes a fundamentally unacceptable practice because it consists in treating half of the human race—women—as a commodity and property to be traded like any other. It is discriminatory because, wherever bride-price is practiced or accepted, women are too often being purchased or traded like chattel. ‘BioDun J. Ogundayo
See also: Servile Marriage.

Broad Meadows Middle School
Broad Meadows Middle School, located in Quincy, Massachusetts, and its students are the founders of “A School for Iqbal,” a program that established a school in Pakistan for victims of child debt bondage, and of “Operation Day’s Work,” a program by which youth raise money to support organizations that aid at-risk children around the world. Iqbal Masih was only four years old when his father sold him into slavery in a carpet factory in Pakistan for less than $12. Masih worked over 12-hour days, chained to his loom, and was fed very little. His owner beat him more times than he could count. In 1992, after suffering six years of enslavement, Masih learned of a freedom day celebration sponsored by the Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF), which he attended, and at which he was inspired to escape from slavery. He appealed to a lawyer and informed his owner that he would no longer labor for him. Masih, seeking to raise international attention to the problem of child slavery began a speaking tour. As a result of his strong stance and activism against child labor, he was awarded the 1994 Reebok Human Rights Youth in Action Award. On his speaking tour in the United States, Masih visited Broad Meadows Middle School. Shortly after his visit, Masih was murdered in Muritke, Pakistan, on April 16, 1995, at the age of 13. The students at Broad Meadows Middle School were so moved by Masih’s work and death, that they sought

Further Readings
Adams, Bert N., and Jan Trost, eds. Handbook of World Families. London: SAGE Publications, 2004. Ahmed, Leila. Women and Gender in Islam. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993. Fuess, Harald. Divorce in Japan: Family, Gender, and the State, 1600–2000. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004.

Brussels Act

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a way to continue his mission. They began a grassroots campaign, at first calling carpet shops to discourage the purchase of carpets produced by slave labor, and lobbying their local members of Congress. They mobilized the local community and raised funds to support their projects. E-mail messages were sent out to middle schools all over the country, and donations began to arrive quickly. Soon their concerns reached higher authorities, including U.S. Senator Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts, and celebrities like musicians Michael Stipe and Peter Gabriel, who also donated to their cause. In one year, they had raised $100,000. They established an endowment with the money that funded the establishment of a school. After an intense review process, a student committee decided to give the money to Sudhar, a Pakistani nongovernmental organization, to build the school in Kasur, Pakistan. The school now educates 250 children from ages 4 to 12 who have been victimized by child labor abuse. The fund also provides loans for families so that they can buy their children back from those who have enslaved them in debt bondage. Once the school in Pakistan was funded and running, the Broad Meadows Middle School students continued their mission to eradicate child slavery and to educate those who were victimized by it. During the summer of 2005, students raised money to educate at-risk girls in Vietnam, through a combination of school funding and providing microcredit for their families. This comes as

part of Broad Meadows’s founding of “Operation Day’s Work,” which challenges students to work for a day, to raise money that can be sent to an organization that the students have chosen to help during the year. Through this program, students in Quincy continue to respond to the global needs of children. Laura Murphy
See also: “A School for Iqbal”; Bonded Labor; Bonded Labour Liberation Front (BLLF); Debt Slavery.

Further Readings
“A School for Iqbal Fund” Online. http:// fund.html. Accessed October 10, 2005. Fairs, Marcus. “A Bullet Cannot Kill a Dream.” Current Magazine (May/June 1998): 24–25. Terry, John, and Donna Woonteiler. “The Kids Online March against Child Labor.” New Designs for Youth Development Magazine 14, no. 3 (Fall 1998).

Brussels Act (1890)
During the 19th century, there were several international initiatives to abolish slavery. After British activists led a long campaign against slavery, the Brussels Act of July 2, 1890, was signed by 18 nations and committed the European powers to prohibit the slave trade and to end the arms trade in their colonies. Previously, England in 1833, the United States in 1865, and Brazil in 1888 had obliged themselves to proceed against slavery and slave trade.

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Brussels Act and speedy means of transport for the present means of portage by men. 4. Establishment of steamboats on the inland navigable waters and on the lakes, supported by fortified posts established on the banks. 5. Establishment of telegraphic lines assuring the communication of the posts and stations with the coast and with the administrative centres. 6. Organization of expeditions and flying columns to keep up the communication of the stations with each other and with the coast, to support repressive action, and to assure the security of roadways. 7. Restriction of the importation of firearms, at least of modern pattern, and of ammunition, throughout the entire extent of the territories infected by the slave trade” (Article I). For the supervision a rigid supervisory system should be implemented: A strict supervision shall be organized by the local authorities at the ports and in the countries adjacent to the coast, with the view of preventing the sale and shipment of slaves brought from the interior, as well as the formation and departure for the interior of bands of man hunters and slave dealers. (Article XVII)

The Berlin Conference (1884–1885) had primarily concerned itself with establishing a free trade area in Central Africa, but its General Act also contained an article against the slave trade: “Seeing that trading in slaves is forbidden in conformity with the principles of international law, . . . and seeing also that the operations, which, by sea or land, furnish slaves to trade, ought likewise to be regarded as forbidden, the Powers which do or shall exercise sovereign rights or influence in the territories forming the Conventional Basin of the Congo declare that these territories may not serve as a market or means of transit for the trade in slaves“ (General Act, Article IX). Great Britain initiated a second conference at Brussels. With the Brussels Act (1890) the signatory states agreed in the following means for counteracting the slave trade in the interior of Africa:
1. Progressive organization of the administrative, judicial, religious and military services in the African territories placed under the sovereignty or protectorate of civilized nations. 2. The gradual establishment in the interior, by the responsible Power in each territory, of strongly occupied stations, in such a way as to make their protective or repressive action effectively felt in the territories devastated by manhunts. 3. The construction of roads, and, in particular, of railways, connecting the advanced stations with the coast, and permitting easy access to the inland waters, and to the upper reaches of streams and rivers which are broken by rapids and cataracts, so as to substitute economical

The Brussels Act (1890) as well as the Berlin Declaration of 1885 formed the foundation for the regulation of slavery by the League of Nations. Jurgen Nautz
See also: Berlin Conference (1884–1885).

Further Reading
Miers, Suzanne. Britain and the Ending of the Slave Trade. London: Longman, 1975.


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Burma is a country in mainland Southeast Asia that is bordered by Bangladesh and India to the west, China to the northeast, and Laos and Thailand to the east. It has lengthy coastlines along both the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea. It has a total land area of nearly 658,000 square kilometers and a population of approximately 43 million people. The people are poor and becoming poorer, with an estimated annual purchasing power of approximately US$1,700 per capita. The capital city, until the end of 2005, was Rangoon (also known as Yangon), although it now appears to have been moved to the old capital of Pyinmana by the secretive military government, but full governmental or diplomatic functions have yet to be established there. The government refers to the country as the Union of Myanmar (Pyidaungzu Myanma Naingngandaw). Burma had a long history of independence and established powerful states based at cities such as Pagan, Pegu, and Ava. The many ethnic minorities in the country contribute to a diverse population, and some have established powerful states in their own right—most notably, the Tai Shan people. Others, including the Karen and the Kachin, have sought merely an independent space of their own. Successive waves of migration across the territory of Burma, together with forcible relocations in the event of warfare and civil disorder, have led to different ethnic groups having been spread

across the country, and relations between different groups have not always been harmonious. Burma was colonized by the British during a gradual process of conquest that lasted from 1824 to 1886 and then ruled until its independence was finally gained in 1948. Subsequent democratically elected governments have been supplanted by military coups on the basis that only the military could guarantee civil order. Under General Ne Win, the army governed in the name of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), which was subsequently replaced by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). At the beginning of 2006, the ruler was General Soe Win, although there appeared to be something of a power struggle in the country still unfolding. Democratic elections were permitted in 1990 and led to a crushing victory for the National League of Democracy, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The military government rejected the result and, against the background of significant international pressure, including a U.S.-led boycott, held on to power and forced the legitimate prime minister into house arrest, where she remains. The SPDC is one of the most repressive and violent regimes in the world today, and the suffering of the Burmese people, and in particular the ethnic groups who have sought independence, has been great. Slavery has been endemic in many parts of Burma throughout recorded history. The British colonial government was not able to establish control

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over the entire country, and some tribes remained in what was called the “unadministered” area. In many of these areas, both slavery and human sacrifice were practiced. British officials had insufficient interest or power to do anything about the situation, and it was not until 1930 when the League of Nations created a Slavery Commission that the British were required to take measures to curtail these activities. These areas were mostly in Upper Burma, and, although many distinctive tribes lived there, they tended to follow similar patterns of social development. Slavery was one such institution that was developed, although the nature of the treatment that slaves could experience varied greatly. Some were accepted into extended family households and treated with respect, while others were required to undertake hazardous and difficult work under very poor conditions. The majority of slaves were born into the condition, although numbers were supplemented by those unfortunates who were captured during warfare and a system of semivoluntary debt bondage. Some estimated the proportion of slaves in Burmese society to be as high as 40 percent, although most estimates were much lower. Additional slaves were sacrificed in animist religious ceremonies, which were aimed at propitiating spirits to permit generous harvests. This led to additional trade in slaves and some raiding of communities with the aim of capturing sacrificial slaves. British authorities mounted several campaigns to suppress human sacrifice and to liberate slaves, in neighboring Assam as well as Burma since

that region also had similar practices. These campaigns were reasonably successful but it is unlikely that all such activities were stopped—there are reports of Chinese communist cadres at the end of World War II being treated as human sacrifices when they had attempted to recruit Burmese on the border between the two countries. Contemporary slavery has been revived on a large scale under military government. Tatmadaw (Burmese military) officers are given authority and power over Burmese people but are rarely given money or other resources to keep their troops provisioned. In order to maintain discipline, officers order their troops to plunder goods from villagers and require forced labor from others. Officers can raise money by organizing illicit logging operations or mining of precious stones, and they require civilians to undertake the dangerous tasks. Further, campaigns against ethnic minorities require operations in often difficult forested and mountainous terrain, and civilians are forced into providing portage for the military. Many thousands of Burmese cross the border into Thailand as illegal migrants to search for wage labor. A significant proportion of these people are forced into semislave labor, including prostitution. It is likely that Burmese cross or are forced to cross other borders for the same purposes but their activities are unrecorded. John Walsh
See also: Burma Peace Foundation; Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative.

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Further Readings
“Drugs and Slavery in Myanmar.” The Economist, June 24, 2000, 47–48. Means, Gordon P. “Human Sacrifice and Slavery in the ‘Unadministered’ Areas of Upper Burma During the Colonial Era.” SOJOURN: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 15, no. 2 (October 2000): 184–222. Myint-U, Thant. The Making of Modern Burma. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. South, Ashley. Mon Nationalism and Civil War in Burma: The Golden Sheldrake. New York: Routledge, 2005.

annotated and analyzed the material produced by governments, the United Nations system, expatriate Burmese groups, national solidarity groups, academics, think tanks, journalists, and local and international human rights organizations, and since 1990 it has systematically provided that material to the international community. Claudio O. Delang
See also: Burma; Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative.

Further Reading

Burma Peace Foundation
The Burma Peace Foundation (BPF) is an independent organization formed in England in 1987 that works to end the political and ethnic conflicts in Burma. The principal work of the BPF is to supply regularly and update the information that international actors need to end the political and ethnic conflict and improve the human rights situation in Burma, and ensure that this information reaches the people who can use it. From 1991 to 1995 the BPF was based in New York, from 1996 to 2005 in Geneva, and from 2005 it planned to spend six months each in Thailand and Geneva. BPF’s chairman until his death in 2004 was Sayadaw U Rewata Dhamma, a senior Burmese Buddhist monk who was active in the fields of human rights and negotiations. Its secretary since its foundation has been David Arnott. Since 1987, the Burma Peace Foundation has collected, collated, classified,

Online Burma/Myanmar Library website:

Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative
The Burma Project was established by the Open Society Institute (OSI) in 1994. Its primary role is that of administering, initiating, and funding programs with the twin aims of aiding Burma’s transition from a closed to an open society, and disseminating information about the country both within and beyond its borders. In particular, within Burma, the project supports education and training programs for the Burmese people with the purpose of enabling them to assume leadership roles in a future democratic Burma. It also promotes initiatives that are committed to capacity-building of individuals and civil-society organizations, and the improvement of the political standing of marginalized ethnic or social groups. The project’s recent activities have

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ranged from funding computer courses in two refugee camps in northern Thailand, to providing support for Burmese refugees who are engaged in developing Internet and technology resources such as CD-ROMs aimed at educating users in Burma about globalization and promoting the transition from authoritarian rule. Outside of Burma, information dissemination is a core activity, as it attempts to draw attention to the living conditions of the Burmese population, encouraging the international community to do its part to push for democratic change in the country. In the late 1990s, prompted by the fall of Indonesia’s President Suharto in 1998 and the events that followed, the Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative (as it was renamed) expanded into the rest of Southeast Asia, starting with Indonesia. The work of the Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative in Indonesia, like Burma, is dedicated to its democratic transition. The Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative’s work in Indonesia is largely concentrated on supporting the Tifa Foundation, a local organization working on developing a more open society through a focus on local government, human rights, media and legal changes, and capacity-building. Examples of programs include the monitoring of presidential elections, the development of anticorruption projects, and aiding Muslim women’s groups to advocate for a change in gender perspectives within Islam. The Tifa Foundation is also working toward a more equitable redistribution of power in the

decentralizing government by encouraging democratic participation at the regional level, in order to guard against local- and state-level officials and elites from monopolizing the power. Beyond the main target countries of Burma and Indonesia, the Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative also funds localized efforts that promote human rights and foster civil society and democratic development. To date, the Burma Project/Southeast Asia Initiative has supported programs in Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, and Indonesia. Claudio O. Delang
See also: Burma; Indonesia.

Further Readings
Akimoto, Yuki. Opportunities and Pitfalls: Preparing for Burma’s Economic Transition. New York: Open Society Institute, 2000. Troester, Rod. “Using the Internet for Peace in Isolated Burma.” Peace Review 13, no. 3 (2001): 389–394.

Buxton, Thomas Fowell (1786–1845)
Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, first baronet, was a member of Parliament for Weymouth between 1818 and 1837 and a prominent social reformer. Born in Castle Hedingham, Essex, England, Buxton attended Trinity College of the University of Dublin in Dublin, Ireland, where he gained notoriety for his elocution at the Historical Society, the

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college debating club. He also distinguished himself academically as well as becoming more involved in religion. After leaving the university, Buxton returned to England, married, and began to work at a brewery in London, rising to the position of partner from 1808 to 1816. Despite his professional endeavors, he continued to hone his debating skills at a local oratory club and began to harbor ideas about running for Parliament. During this time period, Buxton also made the acquaintance of several individuals who were already prominent in the Quaker philanthropic circles, like William Allen. As a result of Allen’s friendship and encouragement, Buxton became more involved with charitable causes that affected the poor in his district. In 1813, Buxton was struck down by a serious illness that almost took his life. Afterward, he became more keenly religious and began to support more earnestly philanthropic organizations like the Society for the Reformation of Prison Discipline and the Bible Society. As a result of his growing interest in prison reform, Buxton published An Inquiry Whether Crime Be Produced or Prevented by Our Present System of Prison Discipline (1817). The growing fame attached with the publication o the book buoyed Buxton into politics. In 1818 he stood as a candidate for member of Parliament (MP) for Weymouth. As an MP, Buxton worked for several causes that included prison reform, repeal of capital punishment, and better treatment of the Khoi-San people

in South Africa. However, his most indelible humanitarian exploit would be his work for the abrogation of slavery in the British territories and the slave trade. With the end of the slave trade in 1807, British humanitarian attention turned to the problematic cause of former slaves in the British West Indies and the aboriginal inhabitants of British dependencies. In the wake of the end of the slave trade, the burden of native protection still fell on the shoulders of the humanitarian lobby, but the impetus was now for gradual abolition of slavery itself. Growing out of the tradition of the older Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, by the 1820s, abolitionist groups in Great Britain began to form around the issue of gradual abolition or at least amelioration of the condition of slaves in British territories. In 1823, Buxton, William Wilberforce, Thomas Clarkson, Samuel Hoare, and many other luminaries of the anti– slave trade campaigns formed the Society for the Mitigation and Gradual Abolition of Slavery throughout the British Dominions. The main goal of this antislavery society was to work for the protection of slaves from maltreatment and toward the gradual abolition of slavery. The society attempted to meet this goal through petitioning MPs, utilizing the press, and other forms of public pressure. Although Wilberforce was one of the guiding forces in the organization, the leadership mantle eventually passed to Buxton. Initially, the society pressed for amelioration or gradual abolition, but the

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society changed its stance and eventually began to agitate for immediate abolition. In 1831, a new reform-minded Whig government came into power and the pace for abolition quickened. The culmination of the society’s activities was the Emancipation Act of August 29, 1833. Largely the work of Buxton, the decree actually went into effect on August 1, 1834, and did not actually free slaves but established an apprenticeship period of 12 years for the former West Indies slaves. Although the decree freed children under age six automatically, slaves had to remain with their masters and still suffered corporal punishment under the apprenticeship period. Despite these impediments to actual freedom, the decree was the crowning glory of humanitarian efforts against slavery and the slave trade and represented the apogee of the movement. A second decree four years later in 1838 eventually freed the slaves forthwith. Buxton’s involvement with the Anti-Slavery Society meshed with his so-called “New Africa” policy that involved using commerce and Christianity to end slavery in Africa. With this aim in mind, he formed the African Civilization Society and also published The African Slave Trade and Its Remedy (1839) espousing his beliefs. Practically, Buxton proposed using a treaty system with African leaders and establishing British settlements in Africa for the purposes of commerce and cultivation of the land. The fruition of his grand vision was a failed expedition up the Niger River in 1841, ostensibly

to promote “civilization” and gather scientific information. The expedition started off satisfactorily with the acquisition of land for a model farm, but problems soon began when many of the crew began to come down with malaria before arriving at the farm. The deprivations caused by disease eventually led to the demise of the expedition. The failure of the expedition impacted Buxton personally, but he still worked to salvage the scheme by obtaining government approval for another visit to the model farm. By 1842, however, Buxton was in declining health, and he eventually died on February 19, 1845. After his death, as a testimonial to his enduring legacy as a social reformer and abolitionist, a statue of Buxton was erected alongside one of William Wilberforce in Westminster Abbey. Opolot Okia
See also: Abolition of Slavery Act (1833); Abolitionism, British; Wilberforce, William.

Further Readings
Barclay, Oliver. Thomas Fowell Buxton and the Liberation of Slaves. New York: Sessions, 2001. Davis, David Brion. The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770– 1823. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984. Temperley, Howard. British Antislavery, 1833–1870. London: Longman, 1972. Temperley, Howard. White Dreams, Black Africa. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991.

Cadet, Jean-Robert (1955–)
Jean-Robert Cadet was born in Haiti, the son of a wealthy white businessman and a black mother who died when Cadet was only four. His father sent the young Cadet to a former mistress to become a restavek, a child slave. Restavek is a Haitian term that means “staying with,” a term that disguises the reality of slavery. Under his master’s control, Cadet was forced to perform a range of menial tasks; if he made any mistake, he was beaten severely. Unfortunately, this incident of slavery is not unique—there are more than 250,000 restavek child slaves in Haiti. For the most part, these are children of the very poor who are given to well-off families in the hope that they will be given an education and a chance at a better life. Once handed over, most of the children lose all contact with their families and, like the slaves of the past, are sometimes given new names. In many ways, the restavek children are treated worse than the slaves of the past since they cost nothing and their supply is inexhaustible. They receive very little food or food of poor quality. Their health is usually poor and their growth stunted. Girl restaveks are worse off because they are sometimes forced to have sex with the teenage sons of their

owners. If they become pregnant, they are thrown into the street. At maturity, most restavek children are thrown out and have to make a living any way they can—shining shoes, gardening, or as prostitutes. As a restavek, Cadet served the family but was not part of it. He slept under the kitchen table or on the back porch. Though a small child, he received no affection or care from his owner. His sole possessions were a tin cup, an aluminum plate, a spoon, and the rags he was given to wear. In the stress and abuse of his situation, Cadet became a regular bed wetter, which only increased the punishments he was given. Cadet’s only friend, another restavek child named Rene, stole two dollars and bought food that he then shared with Cadet. When he was caught, he was whipped severely and then forced to kneel on hot rocks so that he would confess with whom he shared the food. When he did not implicate Cadet, he was sent to the police station for a beating; he returned terribly injured and then disappeared. Cadet’s salvation was the occasional chances he had to attend a charity school. Showing a native intelligence, he learned to read and write quickly, even in the small amount of time he had managed to keep up with schoolwork.

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His life changed dramatically at the age of 14, when he was taken to the United States to continue serving his owner there. Upon arrival in the United States, his owner discovered that minors had to attend school, so Cadet was sent to junior high even though he spoke no English. Before and after school, he was still a full-time servant and cleaner. By the age of 16, he was required to work at cleaning jobs before and after school. Finally, he was thrown out, but with the help of the school guidance counselor, Cadet attained welfare benefits and was able to finish high school. After graduation, he joined the army, and while he was there he became a U.S. citizen. In the army and afterward, as he pursued a college degree, he had to confront the racism of the United States. When he received his bachelor’s degree, he confronted the woman who had enslaved him, showing her his degree and what he had made of his life. This confrontation was the first of many steps in the recovery of his confidence and self-esteem. With more study, he became a teacher and met the woman he would marry. But the psychological burden of his childhood in slavery still had a damaging impact on his life and relationships. In 1993, he began to write a letter to his newborn son explaining his past. This letter turned into the book Restavec: From Haitian Slave Child to Middle-Class American; the book deeply moved many readers, generating several television reports about slavery in Haiti. In 2000, he left his job as a teacher to

devote himself full-time to the cause of restavek slave children. Kevin Bales
See also: Haiti; Restavek.

Further Reading
Cadet, Jean-Robert. Restavec: From Haitian Slave Child to Middle-Class American. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998.

Cambodia is a country in mainland Southeast Asia. It is largely tropical rain forest, interspersed with mountains and the great lake Tonle Sap. Much of the country is drained by the Mekong River, which passes through the capital of Phnom Penh and then enters Vietnamese territory in the delta region to the south. Cambodia is bordered by Vietnam to the east, Laos to the north, and Thailand to the west. The territory of the country extends to just over 180,000 square kilometers and its population is close to 15 million. Cambodia is a poor country and its people survive on an average annual income of just $320. Early Cambodia was dominated by maritime states involved in international trade with India and the Arab states to the west and China and Japan to the east. Land states were created with the arrival of Mon Khmerspeaking migrants who created the states that eventually built Angkor Wat and its


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companion temple complexes. The sophisticated Khmer Empire eventually became depleted of energy and Angkor was sacked and abandoned. Cambodia entered a long period of semi-anarchy in which no king or warlord was able to secure sufficient power to enforce peace. When French colonialists arrived in the 19th century, they did not find it difficult to annex the country. Cambodians participated in the anticolonial war after the end of World War II and attained independence in 1953. A variety of different governments served over the next decade, mostly dominated by members of the royal family and characterized by personal infighting. The Cambodian Communist Party—known as the Khmer Rouge— took control of the country after U.S. forces departed from Vietnam. The Khmer Rouge, under the leadership of Pol Pot, embarked on a program of enormous and disastrous social change that included the deaths of more than a million people through overwork, torture, starvation, or murder. The Khmer Rouge were eventually driven from power in 1979 by a Vietnamese invasion. Cambodia is now controlled by a fragile parliamentary democracy under the firm hand of Hun Sen. The Chinese diplomat Chou Ta-kuan (Zhou Daguan) visited Angkor on a mission during 1296–1297 and described slavery in Khmer society as being limited to “wild people” from the upland regions away from the cultivated and irrigated rice-growing land. A family of high standing might have more than

100 such slaves and would control every aspect of their lives. Similar to Lao traditions, the upland people were considered as inherently of lower status than lowlander people, and masters must, for example, refrain from sexual relations with the slaves for fear of defilement. Earlier inscriptions describe slaves as also including Thais, Chinese, and other ethnic groups. These would most likely have been people captured as a result of war, either because they were opposing troops or because they lived in villages that were partly the inspiration for warfare. The low density of population throughout mainland Southeast Asia has always been a significant hindrance to economic development, and kings were regularly inspired to warfare with the motivation of capturing more labor. In addition, the Khmer state was sustained by corvée labor that required all men to provide labor for the king or a member of the aristocracy for some weeks or months per year. They would be put to work building the religious monuments that legitimized the reign of the godkings or some other form of civil engineering or military service. Corvée labor had various negative impacts on family lives, although there is very little direct evidence of this from premodern times. After the French seized Cambodia and the remainder of Indochina, from 1877, they made efforts to end the slavery of the Cambodian people. This had the effect not only of placating wary domestic French opinion but also destroyed the traditional Cambodian economy. Since all levels of the elite were supported

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by corvée labor and rice taxation, freeing people from providing labor meant that elites no longer were able to command the resources and power they had become accustomed to deploying. The revolt that the proclamation inspired led to tightening of French control of the country, but the condition of those whose labor was now devoted to building the French empire did not improve very much. Modern-day Cambodia faces several problems with respect to human trafficking, particularly with the abduction and sale of women into the sex industry. Government capacity to end this trade is very limited, and cross-border networks operate seemingly quite freely outside the vicinity of large urban areas. Child labor is also considered to be widespread, and its use has grown together with the growth of sweatshop facilities stimulated by the low level of economic development achieved by the country. The U.S. State Department claims that the Cambodian government has taken insufficient action to try to reduce people trafficking and notes that labor exploitation in Thailand is widespread, involving construction and other dangerous manual work for men and sex work for women and also children. It is not clear to what extent these crossborder networks consist of people who have voluntarily chosen to participate. At the beginning of 2006, there were indications that the Cambodian government was taking steps to silence opposition and suppress dissent. Its actions have not been consistent with

the systematic attempt to end forced labor. John Walsh
See also: Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation.

Further Readings
Briggs, Lawrence Palmer. The Ancient Khmer Empire. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1951. Chandler, David. A History of Cambodia. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1998. Chou-Ta-Kuan. The Customs of Cambodia. Bangkok: Siam Society, 1993, Mabbett, Ian, and David Chandler. The Khmers. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1995. U.S. State Department. Trafficking in Persons Report. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2005.

Campaign for Migrant Domestic Workers’ Rights
Organized in Washington, D.C., in September 1997, the Campaign for Migrant Domestic Workers’ Rights was formed by a coalition of concerned individuals and agencies that recognized the vulnerable position held by many migrant domestic workers in the United States. The campaign has provided direct aid to at-risk migrant domestic workers, and it has also lobbied Congress for policy changes that protect the rights of these easily exploited workers. Since the 18th century much of the domestic work in North America and Europe has been performed by immigrant laborers. Today, migrant

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domestic workers are mainly admitted as temporary workers under different visa classes in the United States, under the Live-in Care Giver Program in Canada, and through the various guest worker schemes that exist in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. A number of domestic workers have also entered these countries illegally. More than half of migrant domestic workers employed worldwide are women from poor countries in the Caribbean, Latin America, Africa, and Asia. The status of migrant domestic workers in the receiving states and the nature of their employment make them vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. This includes violation of contractual agreements, rape, sexual harassment, physical abuse, confiscation of travel documents, rigid work schedules, wrongful dismissal, prohibitions on making social contacts or changing employers, and other cases. The deplorable plight of migrant domestic workers, generally unprotected by labor laws in the host countries, has resulted in concerted action from different human rights groups to campaign for their rights in accordance with such international agreements as the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and their Families (1990), the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966). In the United States, the Campaign for Migrant Domestic Workers’ Rights

was organized in September 1997 in Washington, D.C. by a coalition of more than 25 organizations consisting of activists, including lawyers, union leaders, feminists, and religious, ethnic and human rights organizations united through the Institute for Policy Studies. In addition to providing direct services to migrant domestic workers, the campaign also advocates for policy changes to protect those admitted under special visas (the G-5 and A-3) employed in the private homes of diplomats and officials of international agencies as well as those with B-1 visas who are employed by other foreign nationals and U.S. citizens with permanent residency abroad. Similar campaigns have been organized in other parts of the country such as the Domestic Workers Rights Partnership, Committee against Anti-Asian Violence, Women Worker’s Project, Andolan, Worker’s Awaaz in New York, the Coalition against Slavery and Trafficking, and the Korean Immigrant Workers Advocates in California. In 2003, the Campaign for Migrant Domestic Workers Rights changed its name to Break the Chain Campaign to encompass a larger agenda of trafficking and slavery. A national campaign called Freedom Network (USA) to Empower Enslaved and Trafficked Persons has been instituted to ensure the legal, health, and social rights of migrant workers. In Canada, the Toronto-based domestic worker’s organization, INTERCEDE (International Coalition to End Domestic’s Exploitation) has been working, together with various church,

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immigrant, and women’s groups, to lobby for the protection of rights of migrant domestic workers since the 1970s. The Association for the Defense of the Rights of Domestic Workers advocates for changes in legislation related to domestic service. For more than 15 years, the Philippine Women Centre (PWC) of British Columbia works with Filipino domestic workers through its community-based research and activities. As a member of the broader network of Filipinos, the National Alliance of Philippine Women in Canada, PWC continues to work for changes in the laws and the promotion of the rights and welfare of Filipino caregivers who represent more than 70 percent of domestic workers in Canada today. In other parts of the world, many cause-oriented groups have responded to the plight of migrant domestic workers and rallied governments to secure their rights. In Europe, a network of self-organized migrant domestic workers organizations, trade unionists, scholars from 10 countries (Belgium, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, France, Greece, Ireland, and the United Kingdom) formed RESPECT (Rights, Equality, Solidarity, Power, Europe, Cooperation Today) in 1998. The network members such as Kalayaan (“Freedom”) and the United Worker’s Association (formerly Waling Waling) in London have been at the forefront in the campaign for the rights of migrant domestic workers to their regularization and independent immigration status since the 1980s. These

groups vigorously campaigned for the endorsement of the Charter of Rights for Migrant Domestic Workers. In Asia, where a majority of migrant domestic workers originate, there has been heightened organizing and campaigning to protect and promote their rights at the local, national, and international levels. The Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA) was established in 1994 and now comprises 23 member organizations in the region. MFA was instrumental in achieving a number of policy reforms both in the receiving and sending states. Migrant domestic workers have also organized themselves in their host countries, such as the Filipino Migrant Workers Union, the Indonesian Migrant Workers Union, and the Asian Domestics Workers Union in Hong Kong. The flow of migrant domestic workers to many parts of the world remains unabated with the rise of globalization and the continued demand for their services. As the numbers of migrant domestic workers grow, there is a foreseen need for continued vigilance to protect their rights and welfare wherever they may be. Glenda Tibe Bonifacio
See also: Domestic Workers; Freedom Network (USA); Migrant Workers.

Further Readings
Alcid, M. L. “The Multilevel Approach to Promoting Asian Migrant Worker’s Rights: The MFA Experience.” International Migration 42, no. 5 (2004): 169–176.

Cane Harvesters Anderson, B. “Different Roots in Common Ground: Transnationalism and Migrant Domestic Workers in London.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 27, no. 4 (2001): 673–683. Bakan, A. B., and D. Stasiulis, eds. Not One of the Family: Foreign Domestic Workers in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997. Barber, M. Immigrant Domestic Servants in Canada. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 1991. Chang, C. Disposable Domestics: Immigrant Women in the Global Economy. Cambridge: South End Press, 2000. Van Raaphorst, D. Union Maids Not Wanted: Organizing Domestic Workers 1870–1940. New York: Praeger, 1988. Zarembka, J. “America’s Dirty Work: Migrant Maids and Modern-Day Slavery.” In Global Woman: Nannies, Maids and Sex Workers in the New Economy, ed. Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Russell Hochschild. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003.

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Cane Harvesters
In the second half of the 20th century, rural poverty and official prodding convinced many young Haitian males to migrate to foreign countries (mostly the Dominican Republic) where they were employed as cane cutters. Horrendous working conditions on cane plantations and questionable deals between Haitian and Dominican officials, however, have prompted many critics to call life on Dominican plantations (or batey) a thinly disguised form of slavery. Haiti, formerly the French colony of Saint Domingue (1697–1804), was the world’s leading exporter of sugar and

coffee in the 1780s. Tropical foodstuffs were produced with African slaves, who revolted in 1791 and obtained their emancipation in 1793. Most peasants switched to subsistence agriculture and small-scale coffee production by the 1820s, and Haiti was never again a significant sugar exporter. U.S. sugar companies became very active in the Caribbean region in the early 20th century. Imports of sugar from Cuba and the Dominican Republic, in particular, increased markedly during the U.S. occupations of Cuba (1898–1902, 1906–1909, 1912) and of the Dominican Republic (1916–1924) and during the boom in sugar prices caused by World War I (1914–1918). The resulting labor shortage, acute during the cane harvest (zafra, NovemberJuly) was solved by importing workers from other Caribbean islands, including Haiti. The Haitian community in the Dominican Republic grew to 20,000 (1920), then 100,000 (1930). Dominicans tend to mistrust Haitians, partly due to their darker skin and partly due to past Haitian invasions of the Dominican Republic (1801, 1821, 1849, 1850, 1855). When sugar prices plummeted during the Great Depression, Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo decided to expel the Haitian minority and ordered the massacre of an estimated 25,000 Haitians in 1937. The need for Haitian cane cutters grew acute when the price of sugar recovered during and after World War II. Under a 1952 contract with Trujillo, Haitian President Paul Magloire agreed to send 16,500 Haitians to the

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Dominican Republic. Starting in 1966, Haitian dictator François Duvalier (1957–1971), then his son Jean-Claude (1971–1986), signed contracts to send 15,000 to 20,000 cane cutters annually for payments ranging from $1 million to $2 million. The workers were to be used by the Dominican Sugar Economic Council (CEA), while the Duvaliers pocketed the money in exchange for recruiting the workers. Aside from the fact that the Duvaliers were in effect selling their people, the fate of Haitians on Dominican plantations was eerily similar to that of their slave ancestors. Haitians usually left willingly, but most were illiterate and understood little of the contract under

Haitian dictator François Duvalier, seen here during his inauguration, contracted to send thousands of Haitians to the Dominican Republic to work in the cane fields and pocketed the money. (AP/Wide World Photos)

which they would be exploited. Duvalierist propaganda promised generous wages in the Dominican Republic, which were made even more appealing by the dearth of economic opportunities in Haiti itself. To force Haitians to work until the end of the zafra, Haitians were deprived of their identity papers once they arrived in the Dominican Republic, part of their salary was put aside, and the local police chased runaway workers. Working conditions were uniformly bad, as workers suffered from machete cuts, diseases related to malnutrition, and unsanitary barracks. Because of a widespread belief that cutting cane was beneath Dominicans, 90 percent of the cane cutters, or braseros, were Haitian (Dominicans served as capataz, or foreman, and as technicians and administrators). Cutters imported annually from Haiti were known by the derisive term kongos, while those who had settled permanently in the Dominican Republic were known as viejos. The latter were occasionally rounded up by Dominican police and forced to work when imported labor proved insufficient. The cane cutters received a salary, albeit one barely sufficient to cover their most basic needs. They had to buy their food from a company store (bodega). They were paid based on the tonnage they cut, so unemployment or injury forced them into indebted servitude. The pesador in charge of weighing the cane routinely falsified records to diminish the cutters’ share. Various arbitrary deductions from the cutters’

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paycheck and the need to pay bribes to various officials meant that Haitians rarely brought back more than $40 from a nine-month stay abroad. International awareness of the plight of cutters began with a 1979 report by Anti-Slavery International of London. Internal protests against Bébé Doc’s regime, resulting in his downfall (1986), included riots that disrupted the 1986 recruiting campaign. Calls for boycotting the Dominican sugar and tourism industries continued into the 1990s, particularly as Jean-Bertrand Aristide denounced Dominicans as slave traders during his first tenure as president of Haiti (February-September 1991). Low sugar prices, U.S. protectionist measures, and the competition from alternative sweetening products also sparked an economic crisis in the Dominican sugar industry. Spurred by international criticism and the declining need for foreign labor, Balaguer expelled about 14,000 cane cutters in June 1991. No annual contracts have been signed since Bébé Doc’s departure in 1986, but Haitians continue to be employed on Haitian plantations. The cutters are now either illegal migrants who come an ba fil (literally by “slipping under the wire” at the border) or members of the Haitian minority in the Dominican Republic who are enrolled (willingly or not) for the zafra. Philippe R. Girard
See also: Anti-Slavery International; Dominican Republic; Haiti.

Further Readings
Abbott, Elizabeth. Haiti: The Duvaliers and Their Legacy. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991. Diederich, Bernard, and Al Burt. Papa Doc: Haiti and Its Dictator. Maplewood, NJ: Waterfront Press, 1991. Lemoine, Maurice. Bitter Sugar: Slaves Today in the Caribbean. London: Banner Press, 1985. Wucker, Michèle. Why the Cocks Fight: Dominicans, Haitians, and the Struggle for Hispaniola. New York: Hill and Wang, 1999.

Cardoso, Fernando Henrique (1931–)
President of the Federative Republic of Brazil for two successive terms (in office from January 1, 1995, to January 1, 2003), winning both elections by an absolute majority. As a sociologist trained at the University of São Paulo, he emerged since the late 1960s as one of the most influential analysts of large-scale social change, international development, dependency, democracy, and state reform. Building on his successful intellectual and academic career, Cardoso became deeply involved in Brazil’s struggle for democracy to overcome the authoritarian military regime that had ruled from 1964 to 1985. Having been exiled from 1964 to 1968, in 1969, when he returned, his political and civil rights were canceled, including a ban on teaching. As a founding member of the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), he was elected senator in 1982, served

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as minister of foreign relations in 1992–1993, and minister of finance in 1993–1994, when he implemented an economic stabilization plan to end decades of chronic hyperinflation in Brazil. His successful efforts led to his becoming the first democratically reelected president in the nation’s history. After his two terms as Brazil’s president, Cardoso was seen as the most public sociologist in the world, a global figure who is currently advising the United Nations on how to incorporate global civil society into international deliberations. In contrast to the elitist tendencies of Brazilian political culture of the past, Cardoso sought to increase the participation of social movements and nongovernmental organizations in policy discussions. Throughout his administration, he created new channels for voices from the environmental, the Indian, the black, the women’s, and the landless people’s movements in national debates. He even invited activists into his presidential office. And as even his critics admit, these voices clearly influenced Cardoso’s policies: During his presidency, Brazil made significant steps in reducing racial inequality, protecting indigenous people’s rights, and distributing land to formerly landless peasants, as well as virtually eliminating child labor, and greatly expanding medical care. As a former professor of political science and later as professor emeritus at the University of São Paulo, he served at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, at the Collège de France and at the University of Paris-Nanterre.

He taught at Cambridge University as Simon Bolivar professor, and at Stanford University and the University of California at Berkeley. A member of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton, he received Honoris Causa degrees from many renown universities in the United States, Germany, Russia, Israel, Great Britain, Venezuela, Chile, Portugal, Spain, France, Italy, Slovakia, and Japan. He is also a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences from which he received many honors. More recently, Fernando Henrique Cardoso was chairman of the Club of Madrid and cochairman of the InterAmerican Dialogue, a member of the board of trustees of the Rockefeller Foundation in New York and of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton University. He is also professor at large at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island, and holder of the Cultures of the South chair at the Library of Congress in Washington D.C. He presided over the United Nations Panel of Eminent Personalities on the relationship between this organization and civil society and coordinated the working group in charge of reviewing the Ibero-American summitry process. Stephan E. Nikolov
See also: Brazil.

Further Readings
Amman, Edward, and Werner Baer. “The Illusion of Stability: The Brazilian Economy Under Cardoso.” World

Cariye Development 28 (October 2000): 1805– 1819. Fleischer, David. “The Cardoso Government’s Reform Agenda: A View from the National Congress, 1995–1998.” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 40 (1998): 119–136. Goertzel, Ted. Fernando Henrique Cardoso: Reinventing Democracy in Brazil. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999. Purcell, Susan Kaufman, and Riordan Roett, eds. Brazil Under Cardoso. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1997.

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Cariye is the term used for female slaves in Islamic law that endured in the Ottoman Empire until the end of the 19th century. There has been no distinction made historically between the usage of the term cariye and that of slave in legal or judicial contexts. Generally, the capture of women in war as a treasure, but not as a warrior, was understood as the only possible source of concubinage. Warriors who were captured at the end of a conflict could be traded as slaves. In similar fashion, in order to identify a woman as cariye, she either had to be captured as treasure at the end of a war, or be born the child of a concubine. Being a cariye for a woman was not an automatic process and depended on certain terms and conditions. Not all women captured in war as a treasure became cariye nor could a woman decide to be a cariye by herself. Decisions about one’s concubinage were based upon three required conditions: the existence of a rightful war, the head

of state’s decision about one’s concubinage, and Mukabele-i bi’l-misl (retaliation, paying back evil with evil). The existence of a rightful war fought only for the purpose of defense gave the winners the chance of acquiring cariye either as treasure or as a commodity. Additionally, any negative or positive decisions by the head of the state regarding the concubinage of any women had to based on certain justifications. Not all captured women were necessarily treated as cariye; some might have been emancipated without any terms and conditions, while others were emancipated through purchase by paying out a fidye (an amount of money to be distributed to the poor as an equivalent of unfinished, or imperfectly done, religious practices, and emancipation of a slave), or they might have been exchanged as a commodity without being given the status of cariye. The process of concubinage was regulated mostly by the rule of Mukabele-i bi’lmisl under the head of state. Cariyes were divided into two major categories: those who possessed wife status and those who held servant status. The cariyes in the first group were bound to their owners’ command and services without having any marriage agreement. The owners of this group of cariyes were allowed to have sexual relations only with their cariyes provided that they obeyed Islamic law. On the contrary, cariyes were only allowed to have sexual relations with their owners. These relations with cariyes, who were not married to either a free or slave man, were only considered legitimate

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in three forms: if the owner emancipated his cariye before marrying her, thus ending her status as a cariye with the right of heritage; if the owner married his cariye without emancipating her she remained a slave with a right of heritage and of having her child emancipated from slavery at birth; or if the owner lived with his cariye without having any marriage agreement she had neither rights of heritage nor of having her child emancipated by birth. Only if a cariye became pregnant by her owner and he died, would she and her child become emancipated without any further dues after her owner’s death. The relationship between cariye and her owner was subject to certain restrictions. For example, the owner could not have sexual relations with cariye before official confirmation of her status as a cariye was determined. Furthermore, the owner could not have sexual relations with two sister-cariyes or with previously emancipated cariyes. Cariyes who held servant status could get married with someone, either free or slave, while serving the owner, but this requires the owner’s permission. If these cariyes married someone else, the owner could not have sexual relations with them under any conditions. These women remained as cariyes and had full responsibilities to their owners since they were bound by business relations. In addition, cariyes with servant status were occasionally used in factories and workshops as temporary laborers (four months maximum). Authorities in the Ottoman Empire occasionally purchased the married cariyes

and emancipated them in order to prevent their families from being separated. The emancipation of cariyes was also a common practice in the Ottoman Empire, provided that the owners voluntarily decided to free them after the end of the seventh year of concubinage. Cariye essentially differed from other women in society with regard to her right of inheritance. She could not have the inheritance rights that a wife held. Since a cariye was not counted as a wife, the number of cariyes the owner had did not affect the number of wives he could have. Furthermore, the duration of iddet (number of days before she could remarry after divorce or death of a spouse) for cariyes was twice as long as that of wives. Lastly, the wearing of veils was not mandatory for cariyes, as it was for other women. Mustafa Ziya Bagriaçik ˜
See also: Concubines.

Further Reading
Erdem, Y. H. Slavery in the Ottoman Empire and Its Demise, 1800–1909. New York: St. Martin’s, 1996.

Casement, Sir Roger (1864–1916)
Pioneer of the modern secular human rights advocate, Sir Roger Casement exposed labor atrocities in the rubber industry in the Congo and Peru in the early 20th century. Born near Dublin in 1864, Roger David Casement came from an Anglican family long established in Northern

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Roger Casement exposed the severe mistreatment of African and South American workers in the rubber industry during the late 1800s and early 1900s. (Library of Congress)

Ireland. He grew up steeped in two differing traditions: the imperialist Anglo-Irish ascendancy that his family exemplified, and the patriotic Irish nationalism of the North’s rebel heritage. After finishing school in 1881, Casement was engaged by a shipping company with regular service to Africa. For three years he worked for Elder Dempster in Liverpool (an English port that flourished during the transatlantic slave trade era). This connection led in 1884 to his initial employment in the Congo Free State, founded by King Leopold II of the Belgians. Over the next few years Casement worked for various employers in the Congo, including briefly at a mission station, always earning high praise for

his abilities and character. During this period he often witnessed the results of the economic activities sponsored by Leopold. He especially noticed the negative effects of forced labor— slavery in all but name—in the booming rubber-collection industry, which supplied the rising global demand for bicycle and automobile tires, clothing, electrical wiring, and other products. Casement entered British government service in Nigeria in 1892, first as a surveyor and later as a customs official. In 1895, he joined the Foreign Office and served in Mozambique, but returned to the Congo three years later as consul in the Congo Free State. After a short stint in southern Africa during the South African War he returned to the Congo as consul in 1900. In this capacity he traveled frequently in the interior, and was shocked by the severe depopulation and ecological damage resulting from rubber extraction; this destruction contrasted sharply with his memories of the thriving communities he had visited in the 1880s. In 1903, he traveled up the Congo River to investigate reports of atrocities committed against Africans to force them to collect greater quantities of wild rubber. The crimes included kidnapping, murder, rape, food requisitions, burning of villages, and mutilation of workers who failed to meet their rubber quota. Several months were spent in this endeavor, interviewing victims and eyewitnesses and visiting the scenes of abuses. When he published his official report in 1904, it sparked a furious controversy in the

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press, Parliament, and diplomatic circles. King Leopold and his supporters denied any wrongdoing, as they had for nearly a decade, but when a 1905 Belgian government Commission of Inquiry into the Congo reached substantially the same conclusions, Casement’s work was vindicated. For this humanitarian achievement Casement received the honor of Companion of St. Michael and St. George from the British Crown, but nevertheless resigned from consular service in 1905–1906. During this time, his Irish nationalist views became more pronounced, and latent anti-imperialism grew into active anti-British sentiment. He nevertheless rejoined the Foreign Office in 1906 and held a series of consular posts in Brazil. These years saw an Amazonian rubber boom like the Congo’s—including almost identical abuses of Indian workers, as well as British subjects who were labor migrants from Barbados. The target of the most lurid publicity was the Peruvian Amazon Company (PAC), registered on the London Stock Exchange and operating in the Putumayo River region disputed between Peru and Colombia. As accusations of labor atrocities mounted, Casement joined an investigative commission organized by the PAC, whose purpose presumably was to exonerate the company. But in voyages up the Amazon and Putumayo rivers in 1910 and 1911, Casement convincingly documented the full extent of PAC brutality toward both indigenous Indians and Barbadians. The publication of his report caused another

firestorm of controversy, leading to a parliamentary inquiry into the business practices of British members of the PAC board of directors. In June 1911 he was knighted for his humanitarian activism in the Congo and Putumayo. In 1913, Casement retired from the Foreign Office on a pension, but his last years were hardly anticlimactic. By then he was deeply involved in the Irish struggle for home rule, granted in 1912 but postponed when World War I broke out. He secretly traveled to Germany to enlist support for Irish independence, and sought to recruit Irish prisoners of war to fight against England; both these initiatives failed. When Casement returned to Ireland in a futile attempt to stop the Easter Rising of April 1916, he was arrested and taken to England, then tried and convicted of treason. Due to his knighthood and humanitarian achievements, influential Britons and Americans sought clemency for him. To prevent this, the British government circulated copies of his alleged diaries among his sympathizers. These diaries, containing numerous graphic descriptions of homosexual encounters, have never been conclusively proved to be either forged or authentic, but they successfully undermined support for a reprieve, and Casement was hanged in August 1916. Was Sir Roger Casement an effective antislavery activist? Did his interventions reduce suffering, save lives, and improve working conditions? The results unfortunately were mixed. His Congo report, along with the Belgian Commission of Inquiry, led to the

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Congo’s transfer to direct Belgian control in 1908, and reports of abuses declined. The worst excesses were halted, but rubber production was still coerced in the Belgian Congo, through punitive taxation instead of brute force. Significantly, the wild-rubber industry collapsed at about this time, due to overharvesting of vines by collectors and domesticated rubber cultivation, especially on Southeast Asian plantations. The aftermath was similar in the Putumayo region. His work with the Putumayo Commission and further Peruvian investigations caused an international outcry, but the main culprits employed by the Peruvian Amazon Company escaped prosecution. Amazonian rubber profits likewise plummeted due to competition from plantation rubber, though labor exploitation seems to have continued well into the 1930s. But Casement undoubtedly protected some lives on both continents, notably the Barbadians who had been badly treated in the Putumayo and compelled to commit atrocities themselves. Perhaps Casement’s enduring legacy lies in the strategies he employed in his official position to publicize forced labor practices. As a secular antislavery activist, he was not part of humanitarian church networks, and did not have access to the pulpits from which the abolitionists opposed slavery in the previous century. His consular status prohibited him from publicly urging the British government to adopt specific policies. But he was highly effective behind the scenes as part of the Congo Reform Association and later in

the Putumayo scandal: lobbying ministers, members of Parliament and other opinion makers; raising funds; enlisting influential allies; and disseminating data from his investigations. Just as important, Casement consistently exceeded a consul’s formal responsibility to protect Britons and British interests. He certainly performed this duty in rescuing scores of Barbadians in the Putumayo, but his efforts on behalf of Congolese and Amazonian workers created a new precedent. His impassioned view of Ireland as an occupied nation undoubtedly helped him identify with the oppressed elsewhere. He was in effect a self-appointed consul for humanity, whose compassionate efforts extended to exploited peoples wherever he found them. He was stripped of his knighthood after conviction for treason, but for humanitarians around the world, he forever remains Sir Roger Casement. Thomas Pyke Johnson
See also: Morel, Edmund Dene; Peruvian Amazon Company (PAC).

Further Readings
Hochschild, Adam. King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1998. Inglis, Brian. Roger Casement. New York: Harcourt, 1973. Mitchell, Angus. Casement. London: Haus Publishing, 2003. Mitchell, Angus, ed. The Amazon Journal of Roger Casement. London: Anaconda Editions, 1997.

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Sawyer, Roger. Casement, The Flawed Hero. Boston: Routledge, 1984. Stanfield, Michael Edward. Red Rubber, Bleeding Trees: Violence, Slavery, and Empire in Northwest Amazonia, 1850– 1933. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998.

Cash Crops
Slavery and other forms of cheap, unfree labor have greatly enhanced the profits derived from past and present production of cash crops. Cash crops are agricultural products grown for the market, though there is some overlap with subsistence crops produced for use by farmers themselves. They may be broadly categorized by their economic function. These include raw materials for industry and manufacturing (cotton, indigo, jute, palm oil, peanuts, rubber, sisal); staple foods (bananas, cassava, maize, millet, potatoes, rice, soybeans, wheat); and luxury foods, additives, or drugs (beets, cannabis, cinnamon, cloves, cocaine, cocoa, coffee, grapes/ wine, kola, nutmeg, opium, khat, palm kernels, sugarcane, tea, tobacco). This list is incomplete and somewhat arbitrary; some crops belong in more than one category, while others have shifted over time due to economic, technological and social changes. Not all of these crops have been produced by slave labor, but many have. While crops can generate cash when cultivated by smallholders (such as cocoa grown by peasant families), as in the rapid growth of cash farming from ca.1850– 1950, economies of scale often ensure

that large holdings devoted primarily to single crops are more profitable for a few landowners. This latifundiary monoculture takes various forms, but is known best as plantation agriculture. Growing, processing, and transporting cash crops is often labor intensive, so profits depend upon an inexpensive and controllable workforce. The link between slavery and cash-cropping is thus economically rational and has existed since antiquity. The grain-producing provinces of ancient Rome (Sicily, Egypt, Morocco) relied on slaves, many of who were captured in Roman frontier wars. Rome itself, the greatest metropolis of its time, depended utterly upon successive provincial breadbaskets for its food supply. In Asia and the pre-Columbian Americas corvée and other unfree labor produced the agricultural surpluses that maintained empires and their burgeoning cities. From about 700 CE an “Islamic exchange” linked the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean trading networks and introduced major cash crops frequently grown by slaves. Muslims introduced sugarcane to Spain. The Crusaders brought new commodities to Europe and established the first European-owned sugar estates, though these latifundia also had many free workers. Plantations spread to the Atlantic Ocean islands during the 15th century, but sugar remained a costly luxury. After 1500, the monumental changes associated with direct trade with Asia and the discovery of the Western Hemisphere created the conditions and global markets for greatly expanded

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cash-cropping. Early Brazilian and Caribbean plantations used Amerindian slaves, but massive population decline forced planters to look elsewhere. Africa seemed to have a surplus of workers from wars and raiding, and its rulers willingly sold them to European merchants. A racially based international slave trade drained the continent of its most productive people; significant numbers crossed the Indian Ocean, Red Sea, and Sahara Desert (an estimated 5,510,000 from 1600 to 1900), but the majority traversed the Atlantic (about 11,313,000 from 1450 to 1900). Europe trafficked in Amerindians and transported indentured servants who were treated like chattel, but by the 18th century Africa was the main source of this human commodity. Many Americans assume that most survivors of the Atlantic crossing came to the southern states, but they were a small minority of enslaved Africans in the Western Hemisphere, though they outnumbered European immigrants to the United States until the mid-19th century. Much larger numbers landed in the Caribbean, Spanish America, and especially Brazil. The image of slaves mainly cultivating cotton in the Old South is likewise misleading; it replaced tobacco as the main southern staple only in the 1800s. It was crucial to the British and U.S. textile industries, but the Civil War’s disruption of exports greatly stimulated other countries’ cotton growing. The primary crop, both for its impact on Africans and their successors and the world economy, has undoubtedly been sugarcane.

Although partly supplanted by European beet sugar in the 19th century, sugarcane was the first tropical crop to generate massive wealth around the world. Cutting cane is backbreaking work that requires complex industrial organization to maximize profits. As long as replacements were available in Africa, it was sound business practice to work slaves to death and buy others rather than invest in their wellbeing. Cultivation transformed many Caribbean islands and large swaths of northeast Brazil (and later Natal, Queensland, Mauritius, Fiji, and other locales) into vast cane fields with an insatiable appetite for labor. Some canegrowing regions were so monocultural that necessities such as food had to be imported from elsewhere, inducing further specialization and a geographical division of labor. South Carolina and later Burma became major rice exporters feeding cane cutters in British Caribbean and Indian Ocean territories. Sugar linked metropoles and prize colonies: Portugal with Brazil, Spain with Hispaniola and Cuba, and France with St. Domingue until the 1791–1804 Haitian Revolution destroyed slavery there. With the most widespread empire supported by a vast merchant fleet and the Royal Navy, Great Britain probably profited most from sugar. Sugarcane’s role in financing British industry remains controversial, but cash crops played a major role in the Industrial Revolution. Cotton, rubber, and other crops provided raw materials for manufactured goods, and peanuts and palm

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trees supplied essential machine lubricants. Early phases of industrialization caused much misery for workers but eventually contributed to rising populations and incomes that created vast markets for tropical produce. Sugar, coffee, tea, cocoa, tobacco, and other former luxuries thus became staples of modern consumer society. Slave resistance and Euro-American campaigns of the 19th century abolished the international slave trade and ultimately freed millions on several continents. Closing the Atlantic slave trade created a surplus of captives within Africa, whose labor helped make the continent a major cash crop producer. In tapping new sources for cheap labor, especially India and China, new forms of unfree labor replaced chattel slavery. Indentured labor migration helped extend cash farming to new regions, and formal European control in Africa and Southeast Asia also established vast new acreages of plantations relying on both forced and wage labor, though rising yields relied more on peasant smallholders responding to market incentives or tax demands. Harsh travel and work conditions for indentured workers have been called “a new system of slavery,” but overall these new labor regimes offered some improvement over slave status. Legislation and international cooperation have abolished chattel slavery as a labor source for cash crops, but enslavement still exists and even flourishes in regions where enforcement mechanisms are weak. In the late 1980s, some farmers in the U.S. South were convicted

of forcibly holding tobacco and cotton workers. Haitian sugar cutters in the Dominican Republic and Florida may be slaves in all but name, and cocoa growers in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire commonly use child slaves. Around the world deceptive recruiting practices and debt bondage effectively trap poor workers on large estates, toiling for little or no wages with scant prospect of relief. Describing a plantation complex in terms of rise and final fall is premature; terminating the legal status of slavery may merely drive unfree labor underground and prompt employers to devise innovative forms of exploitation. Thomas Pyke Johnson
See also: Cane Harvesters; Haiti.

Further Readings
Curtin, Philip D. The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1998. Galloway, J. H. The Sugar Cane Industry. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Northrup, David. Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834–1922. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Palcy, Euzhan, dir. Sugar Cane Alley [La Rue Cases-Negres]. New York: New Yorker Video, 1984. Walvin, James. Fruits of Empire. New York: New York University Press. 1997.

Caste has an enduring presence in scholarship, but meanings or interpretations


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of it have not been consensual, uncontroversial, or unified. Different theories—religious/mystical, biological, and sociohistorical—have been proposed to explain the origins and evolution of caste, and some common ground about meanings and origins have emerged. Etymologically, caste is derived from the Latin castus, meaning pure and pious, from which was derived the Portuguese casta, meaning race, pure stock, or lineage. Castes are believed to have originated about 2,500 to 3,000 years ago, and they refer to a particular form of social stratification associated with Hinduism. Caste may have developed from a combination of military, political, and social subordination, occupational specialization, and ethnic strife around rituals and taboos about physical contact. All these factors proved to be convenient for the collection of taxes and tributes and the further elaboration of taboos by a powerful priesthood (Brahman). Although the caste system may have diffuse origins, its retention and reproduction is thought to be based, in the first instance, on noneconomic criteria, like a religious cosmology grounded in beliefs about a hierarchy of ritual purity. It is in and through this hierarchy that economic inequalities are reproduced as the hierarchy is ascribed to different groups. Some commentators have noted, though, that it is not clear whether casta was originally a general term for class, or another category, or whether it was associated with conceptions of purity, but the Latin and Portuguese origins of the terms have retained

their influence on current definitions. If degrees of purity and cleanliness did underpin its primary meaning and use, its effect on social, political, and economic organization has been pervasive. Throughout many facets of society, the capacity of the caste system as a mechanism of socialization and social control cannot be underestimated. The social organization of the caste system includes endogamous marriage, rules about interpersonal conduct such as personal contact, occupational affiliation, and ritual practices in each caste. Rituals of purification representing the caste system mirror social order while ritual transgressions of the caste system represent symbolic violence to this order. It is an order that does not leave much scope for deviations from caste ascriptions since deviance may incur a range of social and economic sanctions. The original classification of varna or caste groups were Brahmin (priests), Kshatriya (warriors and landlords), Vaishya (farmers and traders), and Sudra (servile peasants). Later, Harijans (untouchables) were added to the bottom rung, symbolic of their outsider, ritually impure, status. Given the social, economic, and political rigidity of the caste system, it has a powerful ideological inertia that is perpetuated through the actions and inactions of individuals who cannot escape from it in any single life span. It is also buttressed by a belief in dharma and karma. Dharma refers to the natural and social order of things, which must not be unsettled by violation of rules. It is only through proper behavior, that merit is received

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and following rebirth that one may be born into a higher caste. For those who violate normative standards, karma, or rebirth into a lower caste, is the consequence. Diligent adherents to dharma are eventually liberated from samsara, and the burden of eternal recurrence of life and death can be ended. The caste system is a classification system that is imbued in morality. Especially for untouchables, it has profound consequences for encouraging speculation about one’s identity in the past and for reconstituting oneself in the present life to realize a higher self in the future. No classification system, including caste, is immutable or exhaustive.

Earlier interpretations of dharma and karma suggested that people could not enter the caste system or attain mobility in any current life. Caste stratification, however, has evolved and differentiated into many regionally based, individual castes and subcastes of about 3,000 jatis (“breeds and species”) that permit variable degrees of collective mobility. These refer to local associations of lineage groups that share many of the same restrictions as the original caste system. Jatis are further subdivided into subcastes and they may exercise control over culture, law, and ritual in a village council ( panchayat). The apparent inflexibility of the caste

Cobbler Suva Lal, a member of the Dalit caste (sometimes called “untouchables”), repairs shoes at his makeshift stand in New Dehli in 1997. The Dalits are the lowest level of the Hindu caste system. (AP/Wide World Photos)


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system is also disproved by changes in patterns of occupational segregation that have adjusted to changing economic requirements. Since India became independent in 1947, caste divisions stopped receiving official state backing, but the civil importance of caste remains highly consequential for those who benefit from it and those who suffer because of it. Scholars have toyed with caste beyond its Hindu origins in terms of its applicability to non-Hindu societies. Comparative analysis, though, is fraught with conceptual and empirical difficulties. No stratification system outside of India matches the Hindu caste system so completely that, for example, racial inequalities in the United States can be deemed to be the same. Similarly, it would be unacceptable to stretch and dilute the concept of Hindu caste so much that it loses all coherence and meaning, but these difficulties have not deterred commentators from working with caste to engender fresh understandings and applications. These include the application of caste and class to understand the relations between black and white people in 1930s southern states of the United States, racial apartheid in South Africa, and consideration of the Prussian Junkers as a caste. Others have argued that class and exploitation are Eurocentric concerns that are not to be found in India. Although commentators have attempted to forge connections between caste and other forms of inequality, the general inclination of most scholars has been to treat caste and class as

relatively mutually exclusive forms of stratification. This may account, in part, for the relative absence of discussion about similarities and differences between caste and modern slavery, since slavery has been perceived by commentators to be based primarily on economic exploitation. The framing of caste or jati as based on noneconomic criteria (purity and impurity) and slavery as based on economic exploitation (though not all kinds of slavery have been based on economic exploitation) do not lend either to simple comparison, which is also confounded by variations of time and place. Despite these primary differences, there do appear to be superficial similarities between secondary features of caste and slavery. The untouchable caste is sustained and reproduced through occupational degradation, economic marginalization, and dependency. Many kinds of slavery, too, have entailed restrictions on personal liberty and debt bondage. Like slaves, untouchables have been subjected to violence and threats of violence, few birth rights, and little honor. Whatever similarities and differences exist between caste/jatis and modern slavery, both have been supported by moral imputations of inferiority and racist ideologies. Rampaul Chamba
See also: Jim Crow Laws.

Further Readings
Dollard, John. Caste and Class in a Southern Town. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

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Dumont, Louis. Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its Implications. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1970. Gupta, Dipankar, ed. Social Stratification. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Manning, Patrick. Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slave Trades. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Meillaissoux, Claude. “Are There Castes in India?” Economy and Society 2, no. 1 (1973): 89–111.

Central Asia
The territory of Central Asia refers to the five former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan. These nations received their current borders as administrative territories of the Soviet Union in October 1924, and from 1936 to 1991 they held the status of Soviet Socialist Republics. The area came under Russian rule during the course of the 19th century and became incorporated into the new Bolshevik-led state in the early 1920s. Bordering China, Russia, Iran, and Afghanistan, the region is slightly less than half the size of the continental United States or around 1.5 million square miles. By the time Russia conquered Central Asia’s largest city, Tashkent, in 1865, chattel slavery had already effectively ended in the region. Both the czarist and later Soviet governments, however, would continue the Central Asian practice of using forced labor to build irrigation canals. The czarist government oversaw the construction

of the Emperor Nikolai I Canal in 1898 and the Romanovskii Canal in 1913 using unpaid labor conscripted from the local population. The Soviet government built a series of canals in 1939 and 1940 in this manner, the largest of which was the Great Ferghana Canal in 1939. More than 180,000 Uzbeks and Tajiks worked for 45 days to dig this 168-mile canal. The use of forced labor by the state in Central Asia thus continued into the 20th century despite regime changes. The Soviet Union also introduced new forms of forced labor into Central Asia. Most notably, it constructed systems of punitive labor for prisoners and internal exiles. In the early 1930s the Soviet regime established two main complexes of corrective labor camps (ITLs) in Central Asia under gulag (Main Administration of Camps) authority. These camps housed both criminals and political prisoners from the entire Soviet Union. In Karaganda, Kazakhstan, the Karlag system included agricultural camps and coal mining camps, while the Sazlag system in Chirchik, Uzbekistan, operated cotton plantations. In October 1934, Karlag had 24,800 prisoners and Sazlag 20,100. During and after World War II, the use of prison labor in Kazakhstan expanded considerably. By 1942, the gulag camps in Kazakhstan housed more than 60,000 prisoners. In the postwar years, the Karaganda complex became a major destination for political prisoners. In December 1953, the Karaganda camps contained 56,423 prisoners convicted of violating Article

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58 (counterrevolutionary crimes). This figure represents over 14 percent of all Article 58 prisoners in the entire Soviet Union at the time. The vast majority of these prisoners came from outside Central Asia. Starting in 1930, the Joseph Stalin regime began to deport people to restricted areas of internal exile under gulag administration known as special settlements. The Soviet security organs had responsibility for their labor arrangements, and the exiles had no choice in work assignments. By January 1932 there were 180,708 special settlers in Kazakhstan and 10,471 in other parts of Central Asia. Most of them worked in agriculture, but the security organs leased many out to work in Kazakh coal mines and heavy industry. These laborers occupied a legal and socioeconomic position similar to that of state serfs under the pre-1861 czarist regime. During World War II, the Stalin regime deported nearly 1.2 million people to special settlements in Central Asia. In the fall of 1941, they deported 385,785 Russian Germans from the Volga and elsewhere to Kazakhstan. During the year between November 1943 and November 1944, the Soviet government deported more than 800,000 Karachais, Chechens, Ingush, Balkars, Crimean Tatars, Meskhetian Turks, and others to Central Asia. The regime employed most of these deportees in agriculture growing grain and raising livestock. Others grew sugar beets, cotton, or vegetables. As time progressed, the regime employed

a significant minority in enterprises such as mining, construction and manufacturing. From 1954 to 1956, the Soviet government abolished the special settlement regime and allowed the exiles to choose their residency and occupation within Central Asia. In 1957, it allowed all but the Russian Germans, Crimean Tatars, and Meskhetian Turks to return to their homelands. Since the 1960s the most widespread use of forced labor in Central Asia has been the compulsory mobilization of schoolchildren to assist with the cotton harvest. This practice continues on a large scale, despite pronouncements from the governments of the region outlawing the practice. There is currently no effective enforcement of these bans, and economic and political pressures continue to provide strong incentives for local authorities to violate them flagrantly. In recent years, Central Asian governments have come under increased international criticism for their lax implementation of child labor laws. J. Otto Pohl
See also: Gulag; Ukraine.

Further Readings
Allworth, Edward, ed. Central Asia: 130 Years of Russian Dominance, A Historical Overview. Durham, NC: Duke University Press 1994. Pohl, J. Otto. Ethnic Cleansing in the USSR, 1937–1949. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1999. Pohl, J. Otto. The Stalinist Penal System. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1997.

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Polian, Pavel. Against Their Will: The History and Geography of Forced Migrations in the USSR. Budapest, Hungary: Central European Press, 2004.

The making of charcoal is one of the most basic proto-industrial labors that takes place in many parts of the developing world. Quite often the practice is most commonly found in those areas where tropical rain forest vegetation is being cleared as new lands are brought under cultivation. The practice has long been associated with swidden (slash and burn) cultivation practices, but the expanding pace of economic globalization has exacerbated the need for charcoal in those regions where it can be readily produced. For some impoverished persons, charcoal making is one of the few extractive labors that they can perform that provides them with some type of income. The questions of who owns the resources and who is entitled to the profits of the land are some of the issues that have helped introduce slavery into the business of charcoal making. As timber and brush are cleared and burned, landowners try to extract as much profit as they can eke from their holdings by producing and selling charcoal from the vast burn piles that dot the deforested landscape. In many cases, the laborers who are forced to perform this difficult task, commonly in an arduous work environment, are indigenous populations of tribal peoples who become the effective slaves of the landowners.

Far beyond the reach of the law and the courts, rich landowners often became emboldened by their ability to do as they please with the indigenous workers they force to work in the charcoal industry. By the nature of the business, charcoal production is quite difficult. The oppressive heat of the tropics is made even more burdensome by the constant burning of additional brush piles. Hard labor of this type is further complicated by the necessity of commonly having to perform it with smoke-filled lungs. It was not uncommon to find children forced to work in such conditions. In addition to this, those who extracted the charcoal from the burn piles were often expected to carry heavy loads across great distances. Having to perform these tasks round the clock, without pay, and under the threat of physical harm from armed landowners made the task especially onerous. Some landowners also employed varieties of contract slavery in order to find a sufficient workforce to labor in the charcoal pits. Occasionally, labor recruiters (gatos) in Brazil would visit slum neighborhoods in Minas Gerais to find workers who were willing to travel to the interior to labor in the charcoal industry. Once the unsuspecting laborers were taken far from their homes, they were subjected to much abuse and forced to work without pay. The recognition that modern slavery was being used in the manufacture of charcoal first surfaced in Brazil in the late1980s as the depletion of vast portions of the Amazonian rain forest and

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the subsequent production of charcoal resulted in the forced labor of many of the region’s indigenous people. Local human rights organizations such as the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) and the Indianist Missionary Council (CIMI) began to conduct investigations to determine the accuracy of reports of slavery and measure the extent to which the practice was occurring in Brazil. In a report titled Conflicts in Rural Areas—Brazil 1994, the CPT verified the extent to which enslavement had been imposed upon indigenous people in the Amazon basin and called upon the Brazilian government to take positive action to remedy the situation. In many respects, the reliance upon slave labor in the Amazon was a reaction to the powerful economic forces of a globalized economy. The slavemade charcoal from the Amazon region was being used extensively within the steel mills found in Brazil’s industrial cities like São Paulo. The Brazilian steel mills were known worldwide for producing rolled steel—a highly sought industrial resource that was used extensively by auto manufacturers worldwide. Although it was an indirect association, automobiles that were rolling off the assembly lines in Detroit and other manufacturing centers were produced in some part due to the presence of slave labor at the most basic level of the manufacturing process. Faced with incontrovertible evidence that contemporary slavery was practiced within its borders and recognizing the severe economic impact that

boycotts against Brazilian steel might bring, the government of Brazil took action to combat the use of slave labor in the nation’s charcoal production. New legislation was enacted and Brazilian authorities vigorously utilized the laws and the courts to end the practice. By the end of the 1990s it could be said that Brazil had eliminated the practice of using slave labor in its charcoal production areas. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Brazil; Pastoral Land Commission (CPT).

Further Reading
Sutton, Alison. Slavery in Brazil: A Link in the Chain of Modernization. London: Anti-Slavery International. 1994.

Chattel Slavery
Chattel slavery is the owning of human beings as personal property. It is the most extreme form of unfree labor and is commonly known simply as slavery. The owner of a chattel slave not only controls the slave’s labor, but owns the laborer as well. Other types of unfree labor include convict labor, debt bondage, serfdom, wage slavery, white slavery (involuntary prostitution), and state slavery. Yet while many of these other forms of compulsory labor continue to thrive, chattel slavery as a legal form of human bondage gradually disappeared over the 19th and 20th centuries. “Chattel” is a legal term that refers to any article of personal movable property

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(chattel personal) or immovable property (chattel real) apart from a freehold. The word “chattel” is from Middle English chatel or movable property. The origin of the word is Latin capitale, meaning principal, property, or goods. By 1500, one form of the word, catel, developed a separate meaning that referred directly to livestock and during the 17th century acquired its modern spelling, cattle. The term “chattel slavery” is derived from chattelism, a 19thcentury word usually used in reference to American slavery. Chattel slavery transcended civilizations and emerged in ancient times when victorious states or soldiers sold captives or prisoners of war into personal servitude either by private sale or through public markets. Such persons were deracinated in that their ties to family and culture were broken and they became (theoretically at least) extensions of a master’s will. Typically, under chattel slavery children inherited their mothers’ servile status. Chattel slaves performed all types of service, including in mines, on plantations, as domestics, as concubines, and as administrators. As human chattel and unlike inanimate objects or livestock, slaves could withhold their cooperation in order to negotiate concessions from masters, for example, time off from work. Such action might provoke violence or concessions, but either way demonstrated resistance that exposed the fiction that a slaveholder controlled human beings as any other form of property. Over time, conflict and negotiation could lead to

cultural creations by the enslaved, for example in music, religious practice, and storytelling. Where accommodation between masters and slaves collapsed, violence often ensued in the form of individual assaults (commonly by masters, occasionally by slaves) or slave revolts. Chattel slavery usually required legislation to guarantee the validity of sales, inheritance rights, and near absolute authority of owners. Enforcement mechanisms included enabling legal authorities to apprehend and return runaways. Often slaveholding communities used identifiers, such as branding, clothing, and tattoos, to mark servile status as usually the physical appearance of slaves differed little if at all from the rest of the population. Racial slavery, determined largely by the skin color of those enslaved in and transported out of sub-Saharan Africa, reduced the difficulty of identification. The legal authority of a slaveholder was rarely if ever absolute. Even in the strictest slave societies some limitations existed, especially regarding the application of fatal punishment. While death that occurred accidentally from corporal punishment was typically conceded as legitimate, the execution of a slave usually required judicial acknowledgment that a capital crime occurred. Laws often restricted a slaveholder’s right to manumit slaves for fear that too many freedmen might inspire opposition to and undermine institutional slavery. Law or custom often allowed slaves opportunities to purchase their own

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freedom by earning money when not working directly for their owners. Chattel slaves might also obtain their freedom through manumission for faithful service, revolution, or abolition. Chattel slavery declined globally with the emergence of abolitionist and revolutionary movements in the 18th and 19th centuries. The Haitian revolution, Great Britain’s ban on the African slave trade and its abolition of colonial slavery, successful independence movements against Spanish rule in Latin America, and the U.S. Civil War, helped end chattel slavery in the Americas. European colonialism and pressure in Africa and Asia gradually reduced chattel slavery on those continents, though often replaced it with other forms of compulsory labor. Today, chattel slavery as a legal institution virtually no longer exists. The practice of such slavery reemerged in Sudan with the civil wars that followed independence (1956) and the enslavement of some southern nonIslamic black Sudanese by some northern Islamic Arabs. In Mauritania, the enslavement of some blacks by members of its Arab-Berber population has persisted for over a millennium, beginning with the trans-Saharan slave trade through French colonial rule and independence (1960) to the present. The governments of both nations allow chattel slavery to survive customarily by not enforcing laws abolishing the practice. Dan R. Frost
See also: Serfdom.

Further Readings
Davis, David Brion. Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall of Slavery in the New World. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Finley, Moses I. Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology: Expanded Edition. Ed. Brent D. Shaw. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 1998. Lewis, Bernard. Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990. Wiedemann, Thomas. Greek and Roman Slavery. London and New York: Routledge, 1981, 1997.

Child Labor
Child labor is an elusive problem in the international human rights arena, because despite the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, the term “child labor” does not have a clear definition upon which all nations can agree. Even if it was the case that all child labor defined as illegal by individual countries was eliminated, each country still would have its own minimum age requirement for work, which vary anywhere from 10 to 16 years old. No international standard would be achieved. There is no feasible and permanent solution to the problem of child labor readily apparent due to the complexity of its causes. It is difficult to say with absolute conviction, for example, that child labor should simply be abolished immediately, when the children’s consequent unemployment would probably result in hundreds of thousands of deaths from starvation, at a conservative

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estimate. There are various factors that play important roles in the promotion and perpetuation of this social issue. The consensus among most international organizations is that schooling is one of the main factors, and that promotion of education requires a greater emphasis if child labor is to be eradicated. The argument is that as long as poor children are free not to attend school, they will continue to enter the workforce; therefore free and mandatory elementary schooling is seen as a top priority by many groups. Unfortunately, the poverty that drives children to work does not disappear when they are forced to attend school, and so educational reforms also need to be accompanied by economic reforms so

that there will exist greater support systems for families and adequate wages for workers. It is generally agreed that labor markets all over the world exploit children for reasons that include, among others, the following: children are more easily controlled and less demanding than adults, they have very few legal rights, and they can normally be hired, fired, and abused without consequence. Some children work merely to survive their poverty-stricken circumstances, others find themselves working in order to pay off their parents’ debts (that is, bonded labor), while still others are kidnapped and forced to work. The types of jobs often assigned to children include cleaning and packing

A young girl works at a brick kiln at Liuwu Village in Yuncheng in China’s Shanxi province in 2007. Many of the jobs assigned to children can be hazardous to their health and safety. (AP/Wide World Photos)

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food, weaving carpets, sewing and embroidering garments, assembling shoes, carrying molten glass, curing leather, polishing gems, processing sisal, selling and trading food on the streets, washing cars, working at kiosks, fetching water, serving as domestic helpers, and mining gold, diamonds, chrome, emeralds, coal, cassiterite (tin ore), iron, and silver, to name only some of the jobs. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), children are the worst paid of all laborers and they work the longest hours. To address the issue of child labor properly, the ILO argues that countries first need to develop their own national policies to counter the exploitation of children. This is the point at which the reforms must begin if efforts to improve living and working conditions are to be successful on a large and meaningful scale. There is a division among children’s rights advocates over the best strategy for eliminating child labor. Some believe in outright abolition, and argue that most (if not all) offending nations have the financial resources to improve their educational and economic situation, but simply lack the political will to effect these changes. Others argue that the problem cannot be fixed overnight and needs to be approached in a more gradual and sensitive manner so as not to affect the children adversely and so that the solution will be long-lasting. Michael McGowan
See also: Bonded Labor; Children; Convention against the Worst Forms of Child Labour (1999).

Further Readings
Allsebrook, Annie, and Anthony Swift. Broken Promise. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1989. Alston, Philip, ed. The Best Interests of the Child: Reconciling Culture and Human Rights. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Anti-Slavery International. Child Domestic Workers: A Handbook for Research and Action. London: Anti-Slavery Society, 1997. Black, Maggie. In the Twilight Zone: Child Workers in the Hotel, Tourism, and Catering Industry. Geneva: International Labour Office, 1995. Cholewinski, Ryszard I. Migrant Workers in International Human Rights Law: Their Protection in Countries of Employment. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Fyfe, Alec. All Work and No Play: Child Labor Today. London: Trade Unions Congress, 1985. Holland, Patricia. What Is a Child?: Popular Images of Childhood. London: Virago, 1992.

Child Labor Coalition
The Child Labor Coalition (CLC) is an association of North American human rights activists and member organizations that hope to eradicate the problem of child labor in the modern world by educating consumers about the products that they buy through telling them how they are produced. The CLC is headquartered in Washington, D.C., and is an affiliate organization of the National Consumer’s League. The work of the CLC has been ongoing since 1989 through public policy

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advocacy, research, and educational outreach activities. U.S. consumers were shocked to discover in the 1980s that many of the products that they purchased were produced by the hands of child laborers. Sensational stories by investigative reporters revealed that popular brands of tennis shoes, soccer balls, and certain lines of brand-name clothing were produced in so-called sweatshops in various parts of the developing world. Children working in these locations often received little or no compensation for their labor, and the conditions found within the sweatshops seldom met the health and safety standards that were considered tolerable. Many American consumers felt a sense of revulsion that they were inadvertently supporting the perpetuation of child labor in such sweatshops through their purchases. The CLC came together as various human rights organizations and nongovernmental organizations began to launch antisweatshop boycotts aimed at discouraging American consumers from purchasing products made by child laborers. Although boycotts and petitions might seem to be effective tactics, they did not always affect the root causes that made child labor a viable option for the sweatshop operators. Coalition members became concerned that attention should be focused upon the associated social ills of child labor when public sector policy decisions were determined. Accordingly, the CLC began to research what needed to be done in terms of promoting educational opportunity, health, safety,

and personal well-being for the children who had been exploited within the sweatshop sector. The CLC also serves as a clearinghouse for information and current findings on child labor abuses worldwide. Coalition members include a network of organizations and agencies that combat various forms of labor exploitation and work to achieve the rehabilitation of children, many of whom had their childhood stolen at the hands of sweatshop operators. Publications in the form of pamphlets and newsletters appear irregularly, and the CLC maintains a website that provides valuable suggestions as to how consumers can help to battle the exploitation associated with the use of child labor. In recent years the CLC has also focused its attention on the appearance of sweatshop operations within the United States that exploit children. Lurid details, like those associated with the infamous El Monte, California, sweatshop operation that was discovered in 1995, have made many Americans realize that child labor exploitation is not simply an isolated occurrence that happens in the developing world, but it is a practice that can often go virtually undetected within the United States. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Child Labor.

Further Readings
Bales, Kevin. New Slavery: A Reference Handbook. Santa Barbara, CA: ABCCLIO, 2000.

Child Prostitution Bigelow, Bill. “The Human Lives Behind the Labels: The Global Sweatshop, Nike, and the Race to the Bottom.” Phi Delta Kappan 79, no. 2 (1997): 112–119. Hobbs, Sandy, Jim McKechnie, and Michael Lavalette. Child Labor: A World History Companion. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1999.

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Child Prostitution
Child prostitution generally refers to youth under the age of 18 exchanging sex for money or other financial advantage. The focus in recent years has largely been on children in Asia, particularly Thailand and the Philippines, and especially on those who sell sex to Western sex tourists. However, child prostitution has also been a prominent social issue in other social and historical contexts, for example, in Victorian England in the 1880s, where it was linked to fears over white slavery and trafficking. Although there is debate over the definition, extent, and nature of the issue of child prostitution, the dangers to children who work as prostitutes are many. The body of a child is often too small to have intercourse with an adult man, and early sexual activity can be physically damaging. The risks of sexually transmitted diseases are high, and children’s relative powerlessness means negotiating condom use is difficult. There are few long-term studies on the effects on mental health of working as a child prostitute, but certainly in the West, child prostitutes are often extremely vulnerable and have already been sexually abused.

The term “child prostitution” itself is much debated, with some commentators claiming that when a child is under age, there can be no consent or agency. Some campaigning groups, therefore, prefer terms such as “the commercial sexual exploitation of children” or “prostituted children.” Others use “child sex worker” or “child prostitute” to suggest that children are not simply the passive victims that other terms imply. There is also some debate about defining child prostitution by age. Many groups take the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child as their starting point and claim that all people under 18 are children and that all prostitutes under 18 are child prostitutes. This is problematic, however, in cases where national age of consent legislation is lower, and, in some instances, child prostitution might be better defined as that involving young people under the age of 15 or 16. Another pertinent distinction is sometimes made between pubertal and postpubertal children. However, all these definitions are problematic, and it is impossible to talk about child prostitution in general without an adequate discussion of the social and cultural constructions of ideas surrounding childhood, of sexuality, and of attitudes toward paid sex, in the specific context under discussion. Recent focus on child prostitution has linked it to concerns over child trafficking and sex tourism, so that child prostitution is sometimes seen only as an issue of Western men buying sex from children in poorer countries. Yet

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there are many manifestations of the problem and these should be analyzed differently. First, there is that which involves trafficked children, kidnapped against their will, and taken forcibly into brothels. There is some evidence of Burmese and Chinese girls in Thailand, Nepalese girls in India, Vietnamese girls in Cambodia, and Eastern European girls being trafficked into Western Europe entering into prostitution this way. Second, there is a form of prostitution that involves children sold or debt-bonded by their parents. In this scenario, children are procured by middlemen or women who offer their parents cash advances for their children’s services, and the children are set to work in brothels where the money they receive from customers is set off against their advance wages, and they have to work until they have paid back the money owed on them. Although parents are usually said to be tricked into allowing their children to go away and told that they will be working in restaurants and hotels, some families know what their children will be doing. A third category involves children who live with their parents and work on a part-time basis. In the context of the developing world, these children often have foreign clients and earn considerably more than their local counterparts. There is evidence of this happening in Thailand and in Sri Lanka. There is also another group of children who live or work on the streets and who exchange sex for food, shelter, or money, which is often referred to as “survival sex.” In the case of most Western countries,

young prostitutes (usually referred to as juvenile rather than child prostitutes) belong in this category. Many have a history of abuse and have run away from home or care homes and are living on the street. Finally, there are also other instances of religiously sanctioned child prostitution, such as the devadasi cults of India, where young women are ritually married to a deity and are expected to have sex with higher-caste members of the community. To what extent this involves children is debatable, and some deny that this is a form of prostitution at all, with girls learning to sing and dance, not to exchange sex. The variety of children’s experiences means that it is difficult to generalize about child prostitutes or privileging one model over others. The causes of child prostitution are very different, depending on cultural context, and, as noted, ideas about a child, sexuality, and what constitutes prostitution are heavily contested. One characteristic, however, that does seem to divide child prostitutes in the nonindustrialized world with those in the West is the relationship between the children and their families. Most of the evidence on juvenile prostitution in the West points to family breakdown and an abusive relationship as factors in prostitution and the limited, and usually nonexistent, contact between children working as prostitutes and their parents or caregivers. In Asia, however, many more prostitutes are working as a way of supporting their families, and they send money home regularly. They tend

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to remain in much closer contact with their families, often returning to their home villages when they have paid off the debt in their brothel or when they have earned enough money to support themselves in later life. Not all child prostitutes are girls. Outside the West, there is very little information on boy child prostitutes, other than in Sri Lanka, where boys work as prostitutes rather than their sisters because parents protect their daughters’ sexual purity but do not see a boy’s worth in terms of sexual experience. It is also sometimes assumed that because child sex is such a taboo in the West, it must be the most expensive and forbidden form of prostitution. This is not necessarily the case, however, and children may also be at the bottom end of the market, unsure of the price of their sexuality, and, especially those children who are engaged in survival sex, may sell themselves cheaply for their next meal or cigarette. Furthermore, in some instances, child prostitution is a by-product of more generalized trafficking in women (in the case of underage women from Eastern Europe brought into the West, or from Burma into Thailand), and in other cases, it is children per se who are targeted. The links between adult and child prostitution are not clearly understood, although there is a premium within prostitution on youth and attractiveness, and, therefore, there is an inevitable overlap between the lower end of “adult” prostitution and the “higher” age range of child prostitution. The most helpful way to analyze child

prostitution is to see child prostitutes as caught up in multiple sets of power relations—in hierarchies of age, gender, ethnicity, and social status. Almost inevitably, child prostitutes, in whatever context, will have clients who have more social status than they do, and the children will be at a disadvantage. This powerlessness renders them most susceptible to harm and exploitation. Child prostitution is explicitly forbidden by international law. Article 34 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child states categorically that “the State shall protect children from sexual exploitation and abuse, including prostitution and involvement in pornography.” Obtaining detailed information about the children who work as prostitutes, their clients, their lifestyles, or their earning patterns is extremely difficult. Much of the information that is available is based on conjecture or extrapolation from small samples, so there are no definitive numbers. It is unknown how many child prostitutes there are in the world (estimates for one single country range from 20,000 to 1 million in Thailand and between 3,000 and 100,000 in the Philippines). There is limited information on working conditions or how long they stay in prostitution. It is also difficult to know how many children work with local clients in the indigenous market and how many work primarily with Westerners. Much of the information on child prostitutes comes from media reports and campaigning groups, which tend to focus on the most sensational and extreme side of the market—the

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kidnapping and trafficking of very young children and the involvement of Westerners. The most significant of the campaigning groups against child prostitution, and the one that forced the issue into media prominence in the 1990s, is ECPAT (End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism). It was formed in 1992 in response to the problem of Western men coming to Southeast Asia and exploiting children, particularly in Sri Lanka, Thailand, Taiwan, and the Philippines. ECPAT has been extremely successful in raising the profile of the problem of child prostitution in Asia and now campaigns against commercial child sexual exploitation throughout the world, a change reflected in its new name, End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography, and Trafficking in Children for Sexual Purposes. Its work has led to changes in national and international law, particularly in the area of extraterritoriality, whereby men from a Western nation can be prosecuted in their home countries for sexual crimes against children abroad (previously they had to be extradited back to the country where the crimes took place). Led by Australia, which has passed a law allowing the imprisonment of its citizens for up to 17 years if they are found guilty of sexual offenses, Norway, Germany, France, Belgium, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and Sweden (among others) have passed similar laws, and a handful of men have been prosecuted under this legislation. If little is known about child prostitutes, even less is known about their

clients, although some authors have distinguished between situational and preferential abusers. Preferential abusers are habitual pedophiles; they have an interest in either boys or girls of a specific age and/or size, and, whether they are in their home countries or abroad, will be sexually attracted to children of that age. Situational abusers are a more complex category. They may well not have a sexual preference for underage prostitutes but will have sex with a child in specific circumstances, believing, for example, that sexual attitudes are different abroad or that it is impossible to tell the relative ages of young women in other countries. Many studies on tourist behavior show that tourists act in ways abroad that they never would in their home countries, and those who have looked specifically at sexual behavior have shown that men who have sex with a child are more likely to do it away from home. Another much-repeated claim is that demand for child prostitutes is increasing because children are seen as less likely to be infected with HIV/AIDS. Another variation on this claim is that men from certain cultural backgrounds believe that having sex with a virgin will cure them of AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases. It has been variously claimed that Chinese men will go to Thailand to have sex with a virgin for this purpose and that both Arabs and men in South Africa believe that sex with a virgin will cure them of AIDS. Such a belief is found both in Victorian England and in modern

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accounts of child prostitution. Such claims are difficult to evaluate, as research on actual sexual behavior is notoriously unreliable, and there are very few ethnographic studies of men’s use of child prostitutes. Heather Montgomery
See also: Prostitution.

Further Readings
Ennew, Judith. The Sexual Exploitation of Children. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1986. Ennew, Judith, Kusum Gopal, Janet Heeran, and Heather Montgomery. Children and Prostitution: How Can We Measure and Monitor the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children? Literature Review and Annotated Bibliography. Oslo: Childwatch International, 1996. childhouse/childwatch/cwi/projects/ indicators/prostitution/. O’Connell-Davidson, Julia. Children in the Global Sex Trade. Cambridge, MA: Polity Press, 2005.

Child Rights Information Network (CRIN)
The Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) was established in 1995 through the efforts of experts from child rights organizations around the world. The coordinating unit of CRIN is based in London. Some of its influential member organizations, including Defense for Children International; International Secretariat; International Center for Childhood and the Family; International Save the Children Alliance;

NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child; Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights; Save the Children Sweden; Save the Children UK; UNICEF; Innocent Research Center; UNICEF Geneva Regional Office; and UNICEF New York Office, first decided to organize a meeting for the possibility of having a network to accumulate and distribute the information gathered through the reporting process of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991. This group became known as the Facilitating Group. From 1991 to 1995, an informal secretariat conducted work on behalf of a “child rights information network.” Save the Children Sweden and Defense for Children International (DCI) formed the secretariat and DCI in Geneva hosted the secretariat. These two organizations have been highly influential moving CRIN from concept to reality. These organizations worked hard in all preparations, fund-raising, and administration, as well securing the support from key actors. These efforts helped establish CRIN in July 1995. In January 1995, the Facilitating Group, consisting of 60 participants, met in an organization undertaken by Save the Children UK and appointed a coordinator, Becky Purbrick, to develop a network proposal. CRIN is working as a global information network, mostly disseminating information about the Convention on the Rights of the Child and child rights among nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), UN agencies, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs),

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educational institutions, and other child rights experts. CRIN is supported by and receives funding mostly from Save the Children Sweden, Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, World Vision, Save the Children UK, UNICEF, Plan International, and the International Save the Children Alliance. CRIN is one of the largest information networks working with more than 1,400 organizations in over 130 countries. Approximately 85 percent of these members are NGOs. Most of them, almost 70 percent, are located in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In addition to these members worldwide, CRIN has the mission of providing information to 2,500 organizations and individuals throughout its e-mail list. The organization defines its goals as highly strategic for the establishment of a global child rights community. For that goal, CRIN is involved with key NGOs and different audiences worldwide. The first objective is to service the information needs of organizations and individuals working for children’s rights. The second is to support and promote the implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). Lastly, CRIN is a well-organized network in gathering, handling, producing, and disseminating child rights information through training, capacity building, and the development of electronic and nonelectronic networking tools. In its short history, CRIN conducted work on behalf of a “child rights information network” in 1991, published a

directory of research on the convention, and developed a full text database on information on the convention in 1995, and launched a working paper series with the publication of The United Nations Special Session on Children: Time for Action (2002) and many newsletters worldwide. Bayram Unal
See also: United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF).

Further Reading
Child Rights Information Network: http://

Child Soldiers
The practice of forcefully conscripting children to serve as soldiers is one of the most nefarious forms of slavery in the contemporary world. The custom has been used in various world settings throughout history, but in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, it was an all too common occurrence in conflicts in Iran, Burma, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Uganda. Due to the combination of changing demographics resulting from HIV/AIDS, recurring civil strife, and a burgeoning population of youth, human rights activists recognize that the use of child soldiers in East Africa is on the rise and its incidence there will likely increase. Conscripted children perform a variety of tasks within the military units with which they serve. On one of the

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most basic levels, the children can serve as human shields who provide special protection or leverage for rebel forces who believe that rivals will not attack their positions because of the fear of collateral damage to the children. Although some of the enslaved children are employed as personal servants who cook and clean and do odd tasks for officers or for the entire unit, most of the children are trained in the art of warfare and made to carry out missions of special savagery. Young girls are not spared from the danger of enslavement by marauding forces as many are taken and forced into prostitution to satisfy the whims of soldiers. For these unfortunate girls, the likelihood of pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases, and alienation from their families marginalizes them even further within their community and often marks them as social outcasts. The type of enslavement that is used in fashioning soldiers out of children often involves the use of psychological and social trauma in order to desensitize the child into an amoral automaton who will carry out the bidding of overlords, even if it involves atrocious action. In order to facilitate this transformation, child soldiers are sometimes forced to rape or kill relatives or fellow members of their tribe in order to prove their manhood. In addition to this, the mere presence of children, most of whom still have a formative conscience, in horrific scenes of battle and bloodshed can do immeasurable harm. Yet beyond the trauma associated with exposure to

warfare and all of its savagery rests the grim reality that many of the child soldiers are terribly maimed and many are killed. Although the practice seems abhorrent, its use is more frequent than most would care to admit. During the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, Iranian forces were running short on military hardware so they turned to children to remedy the problem. In that conflict it was not uncommon for waves of school-aged children to be pressed into service to walk across contested ground as human minesweepers before the Iranian military and its muchvalued vehicles would cross the area. In the extended bloodletting that was Sierra Leone’s civil war in the 1990s, child soldiers sometimes carried out the most brazen attacks against their ethnic rivals. In modern Uganda, forces of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) regularly force children into service as soldiers in a decade-long guerilla war. An estimated 8,000 children, some as young as six years of age have been forced into service as soldiers and forced to fight and kill in the name of the LRA. Experiences such as these make it extremely difficult for the rehabilitation and social reintegration of enslaved child soldiers to occur. Seething resentment within kin, tribal, or sectarian communities often makes it virtually impossible for these children to become reassociated and reacquainted within their natal villages, and church and nongovernmental organizations have established

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Children Wessells, Michael G. Child Soldiers: From Violence to Protection. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006.

specialized transitional centers in some theaters of conflict where the enslavement of children is a regular practice. The use of child soldiers is recognized internationally as an egregious violation of the rights of the child, and nations have laws in place prohibiting the use of young children in a military capacity, but these laws are commonly violated by rebel forces that show little regard for the force of law or for human rights in general. The practice also violates some of the most basic tenets enunciated within the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the Child (1959) and Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Convention of the Rights of the Child (1989); Declaration on the Rights of the Child (1959); Omona, George.

Children, along with women, migrants, and indigenous peoples, constitute the vast majority of the estimated 27 million persons who are victims of modern slavery in the early 21st century. Although it is impossible to cite precise figures, children may comprise as much as twothirds of the population associated with various forms of unfree labor in the modern world. As the world’s population continues to rise beyond the 6 billion mark, sadly the number of child slaves will likely rise as well. Some parents who are the victims of hereditary debt have chosen to loan or pawn their own children as laborers in order to work off some of their accumulated arrears. These unfortunate children—often considered bonded laborers—constitute the bulk of modern-day unfree laborers and constitute a significant portion of the labor force in several nations. Although the parents claim that this is a legitimate power that stems from parental rights, the international human rights community looks upon this practice as a form of slavery. Distinguishing the often fine demarcation between child labor and child slavery is not always easy. Many children work at the urging of their parents or guardians in order to enhance the economic welfare of the family. In many cases where a family’s sustainability

Further Readings
Briggs, Jimmie. Innocents Lost: When Child Soldiers Go to War. New York: Basic Books, 2005. Cohn, Ilene, and Guy S. Goodwin-Gill. Child Soldiers: The Role of Children in Armed Conflict. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Fleischman, Janet, and Lois Whitman. Easy Prey: Child Soldiers in Liberia. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994. Rone, Jemera. Children in Sudan: Slaves, Street Children, and Child Soldiers. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995. Rosen, David M. Armies of the Young: Child Soldiers in War and Terrorism. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005.


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is in question, the small pittance that might be gained from the employment of a child is highly valued. It is unfortunate that in many circumstances the legitimate use of child labor often transitions into a system of bonded labor or even outright slavery. As some of the most easily marginalized individuals in society, and lacking a real agency in their own affairs, children are often an easy mark for those who seek to profit from modern-day slavery. The ability to use fear, intimidation, and psychological terror rather effectively on children makes it relatively easy for the purveyors of the modern flesh trade to ply upon children and keep their deeds hidden among the shadows of contemporary life. In some settings, contemporary slave traders and their recruiters have resorted to utilizing false adoptions as a means of hiding the true nature of their efforts. The vast number of children in many of the world’s developing nations in which they sometimes constitute 45 to 50 percent of a nation’s population often puts them at risk to those who hope to acquire workers for nefarious purposes. In addition, the presence of large numbers of orphans and street children in many societies—often the result of HIV/AIDS, war, famine, or genocide—creates an even greater atrisk population of children who may be taken or absorbed into the hands of human traffickers. The use of child soldiers who have been forcefully conscripted by warring militias is another of the tragic consequences that often befall children in the modern world.

Children who have escaped from bondage as slave laborers have reported harsh conditions that were part of their daily regimen. Beatings and malnutrition are commonly reported as well as the physical constraints associated with working excessively long hours in workplaces that are poorly ventilated and cramped. When 10-year-old Iqbal Masih escaped from a carpet factory in Pakistan in 1992, he claimed that he and the other children enslaved there had been chained to the looms at which they labored. In many parts of the world, children are ensnared and enslaved in the sex trade, often being employed as prostitutes or exploited in the pornography industry. This type of degradation can often break an individual in body and in spirit, but the associated risks of acquiring sexually transmitted diseases or becoming addicted to narcotics are other tragic consequences that are all too familiar to many of the children who fall victim to the sex trade. The United Nations and other transnational organizations have long made the protection of children one of their highest priorities. Articles 25 and 26 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) speak to the rights of children, and the United Nations later adopted its Declaration on the Rights of the Child (1959) and Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) to clarify its position even further. In addition, many international aid organizations and nongovernmental organizations work exclusively to protect the rights of the world’s children.

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Chulalongkorn (Rama V), King

Education has proven to be the most effective means of protecting children by alerting them of their rights and making them aware of agencies and organizations that exist to protect them. In addition, special schools have been established to aid former child slaves in their efforts to reassimilate into society after having been liberated from the bondage associated with contemporary slavery and human trafficking. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Child Labor; Child Prostitution; Child Soldiers; False Adoption.

Further Readings
Black, Maggie. Child Domestic Workers: A Handbook for Research and Action. London: Anti-Slavery International, 1997. Hobbs, Sandy, Jim McKechnie, and Michael Lavalette. Child Labor: A World History Companion. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1999. Kuklin, Susan. Iqbal Masih and the Crusaders against Child Slavery. New York: Henry Holt, 1998. Lee-Wright, Peter. Child Slaves. London: Earthscan Publications, 1990.

the formation of various patron-client or superior-subordinate relationships that existed at all levels of society. In the first Thai kingdom, Sukhothai, society resembled a large family under the paternal rule of its king. Until the 20th century, Thai kingdoms were patrimonial states in which the king possessed all land and controlled manpower. The control of manpower was operated through the Sakdina (dignity marks) system, which was firstly established in Ayutthaya in the 15th century and codified in the Three Seals Code under King Rama I (1782–1809). Every member of the society was assigned a number of Sakdina ranging from 5 for a slave to 100,000 for the second highest official. Only the king stood outside the system, because his

Chulalongkorn (Rama V), King (1853–1910)
From early times until the late 19th century, Thai social and political institutions consistently dealt with a prominent demographic variable—the shortage of manpower. The peculiar circumstances of a small population scattered over a large territory led to

Chulalongkorn, also know as Rama V, is credited with founding the modern Thai state. (Library of Congress)

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power was believed to be divine and therefore unlimited and unmeasurable. A crucial distinction was made between those with 400 or more Sakdina and those with less who were subject to corvée (forced labor obligations). Officials with high Sakdina number and members of the nobility were called nai. Freemen were called phrai, but if their Sakdina number was below 400 they still owed corvée. Generally, phrai were registered with a nai in some form of patron-client relationship. Slaves were called that. Chulalongkorn (Rama V), who reigned from 1868 to 1910, has often been credited with the founding of the modern Thai state. When Thailand was seriously threatened by Western colonial powers, his diplomatic policies averted colonial domination and his domestic reforms brought about the modernization of his kingdom. Chulalongkorn had received a thorough education from European tutors. During the regency that preceded his coming of age, the young king visited Java and India, where he was able to witness European colonial administration. At his coronation in 1873, he announced the abolition of the ancient practice of prostrating oneself before the monarch, which he regarded as unsuitable for a modern nation. Key contributions of Chulalongkorn’s reforms included education, the religious order, the legal system, state finances, politics and administration, and the expansion of the communication system. In 1878, a modern secular school was set up in the palace as an

example of the kind of education the king wanted. In fact, Chulalongkorn opened the country for Western education, although at his time it still had a strong elitist character. The Buddhist Sangha, which made a main contribution to the realization of compulsory education, was restructured with a modern administrative system by the Sangha Act in 1902. Freedom of the press and religion were guaranteed by law to encourage the development of periodicals and book printing. In 1897, Chulalongkorn began to overhaul the entire legal code to satisfy Western ideas of justice, which the West demanded before the old unequal treaties could be renegotiated. King Chulalongkorn wanted to make the people less subservient, thus the institution of slavery, which had previously held up to one-third of the population in bondage, was gradually phased out (1895–1905). Slavery, as part of the Sakdina system, had many faces. European observers had remarked that it seldom meant the mistreating of slaves. There were many reasons to become a slave, if someone was not born into slavery. People sold themselves to pay back their debts or fines for offenses against traditional law. Others, who were phrai under a nai who mistreated them, sometimes escaped by selling themselves as that to another nai. To be a slave also could mean social security. Therefore, many slaves were afraid to be left entirely on their own and to have to earn their own living after slavery was abolished.

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Coalition against Trafficking In Women (CATW) London: University of Queensland Press, 1983. Tips, Walter E. J. Gustave Rolin-Jaequemyns and the Making of Modern Siam. Bangkok/Cheney: White Lotus, 1996. Wyatt, David Kent. Thailand: A Short History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003.

On advice of his European legal advisers Robert J. Kirkpatrick and Émile Jottrand, King Chulalongkorn in 1898 had adopted two important measures to abolish slavery gradually. The first was that all subjects who had been born in the years after his ascent to the throne in 1868 could no longer be slaves. The second was that the work of slaves had to be paid for in repayment of the capital of their debts. The Slave Act R.E. 124, which was implemented by King Chulalongkorn in 1905, marked the official end of slavery. The slave trade was considered to be a crime. The abolition of slavery, through which the nobility had been able to control vast resources of manpower, helped to weaken the political power of the nobility and to reform the administrational system. The Sakdina system gradually was replaced with a governmentregulated system of taxation and a military draft. The introduction of salaries for public officials further eliminated the need for the Sakdina. Jana Igunma
See also: Thailand.

Coalition against Trafficking In Women (CATW)
In 1988, a grassroots movement of New York City feminist activists against pornography and prostitution, funded by Laura Lederer, organized what was probably the first international conference on the sex trafficking of women. Leading activists in the fight against the sexual exploitation of women participated and spoke, including Kathleen Barry and Diana Russell from the United States, Yayori Matsui from Japan, Jyotsna Chatterji from India, Agnete Strom from Norway, Aurora Javate de Dios from the Philippines, Rosa Dominga-Trapasso from Peru, Sheila Jeffries from the United Kingdom, Rudo Gaidzanwa, Zimbabwe’s leading women’s rights scholar, and numerous survivors. CATW’s philosophy from the beginning was that trafficking encompasses any activity involving the buying and selling of female bodies, including pornography. CATW is organized as an umbrella structure for the networking of regional nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), human rights groups, and individuals. In 1989, it was granted category II consultative status with the United Nations Economic and

Further Readings
Engel, David M. Law and Kingship in Thailand during the Reign of King Chulalongkorn. Michigan Papers on South and Southeast Asia No. 9. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1975. Riggs, F. W. Thailand: The Modernization of a Bureaucratic Polity. Honolulu: East-West Center Press, 1966. Terwiel, Barend Jan. A History of Modern Thailand, 1767–1942. St. Lucia/

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Social Council, which allows CATW to contribute significantly to the work of the UN by offering its views at sessions of commissions, committees, and working groups both orally and in writing. In addition, CATW research, documents, and expert testimony are used frequently by national congresses and parliaments when considering pending legislation. CATW members also actively participate in international and national treaty negotiations. They work to educate the public and change laws. CATW’s philosophy is that all prostitution constitutes exploitation, regardless whether it is consensual or not, and that pornography is sexual exploitation. It includes as forms of prostitution escort agencies, sex tourism, and mailorder brides. CATW takes a human rights perspective on the issue by arguing that prostitution and pornography deny women dignity, equality, and autonomy. These forms of sexual exploitation diminish their victims’ physical and mental well-being. CATW identifies six main reasons of how prostitution and pornography exploit women. First, women and children often must sell their bodies because they are victims of poverty and failed government development policies; many are displaced as refugees or forced to immigrate; and some are often prepared to be receptive to prostitution as a solution to their problems because of childhood sexual abuse. Second, prostitution negatively impacts the lives of all women because of the projected image that women exist solely for the sexual pleasure of men.

Third, sexual exploitation, hidden as eroticism, damages efforts to achieve gender equality. Fourth, prostitution and pornography are part of the system of institutional racism as most sexually exploited women are minorities or from developing countries. Fifth, globally, the average age of females entering prostitution is 14, therefore when the prostitute turns 18, one cannot say that she willingly chooses to become one. Sixth, the sex industry deliberately and systematically exploits women into pornography and prostitution, thereby trampling on their human rights. CATW supports the position that prostitution should be decriminalized for the prostitute and criminalized for those people who are responsible for the prostitution and who buy the prostitutes. CATW also promotes the necessity to improve the lives of women and children through education and employment as the most effective means of preventing women and children from entering prostitution. Since the early 1990s, CATW has vigorously fought the sex industry and the pro-prostitution NGOs worldwide. One sample project supported by the organization is the provision of shelters and economic and medical assistance for Nigerian and Albanian prostitutes in Italy. The global nature of the problem is evident as CATW has led the fight against the trafficking of Malian girls as brides to Saudi Arabia, while also targeting sex tourism in Mexico and the recruitment of child prostitutes. Similarly, the organization is educating the public in the Republic of Georgia about

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Company Codes of Conduct Industry: Study Design, Ethics, and Methodology.” Journal of Sex Research 42, no. 4 (2005): 306–316. Feingold, David A. “Human Trafficking.” Foreign Policy 150 (2005): 26–32. Pickup, Francine. “More Words but No Action? Forced Migration and Trafficking of Women.” Gender & Development 6, no. 1 (1998): 44–51. Raymond, Janice J. “The New U.N. Trafficking Protocol.” Women’s Studies International Forum 25, no. 5 (2002): 491–503. Wolfe, Leslie R. “Fighting the War on Trafficking of Women and Girls: The Role of State Legislatures.” Georgetown Journal of Gender and the Law 6, no. 2 (2005): 179–192.

the dangers of women migrating for employment as they often find themselves caught in a prostitution ring. CATW has worked with legislators to fight the creeping normalization of prostitution and has provided education programs for journalists and legislators explaining the link between prostitution and trafficking. To this end, the organization helps draft reports, laws, and treaties. It also trains NGOs how to document cases properly, so that they can be used to prove human rights violations. With a small army of committed activists who speak at conferences, write articles, testify at hearings and forums, lead seminars, and monitor the implementation of laws, CATW continues its mission to educate. It has also developed pedagogical tools specifically designed to educate men and boys in the reality of the lives of prostitutes and the causes of prostitution. CATW also operates a long-established e-mail distribution list that links activists around the world. Globally, CATW also promotes the Swedish legislative model in terms of how to grapple with prostitution. This legal model interdicts the buying of sexual services by treating prostitution as male violence against women. Loni Bramson
See also: Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation; Prostitution.

Company Codes of Conduct
Company codes of conduct are standards created in part or in full by corporations to regulate, monitor, and redirect their business behavior to ensure that basic labor and human rights are not violated. Company codes of conduct represent a growing trend in ethical business initiatives among corporations setting standards for corporate responsibility. A company code of conduct is a voluntary instrument binding business partners of or suppliers to companies to specific standards of behavior. The content of company codes of conduct differs in terms of scope, coverage, and implementation. Codes commonly refer to a commitment to a reasonable working environment, and compliance to local labor laws. Some codes of conduct include more than

Further Readings
Cwikel, Julie, and Elizabeth Hoban. “Contentious Issues in Research on Trafficked Women Working in the Sex

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minimal, locally relevant standards such as wages, working hours, and discrimination or harassment. Transnational retail companies or brands of clothing, toys, sporting goods, and, more recently, food and beverages, have mentioned prohibiting suppliers from using illegal child labor and forced labor, involuntary servitude, or other contemporary forms of slavery. Company codes of conduct appeared first in the 1970s as developing countries receiving foreign direct investment became increasingly critical of the activities of transnational corporations (TNCs). The first comprehensive international effort to establish company codes of conduct was the 1974 United Nations Draft Code of Conduct on Transnational Corporations. Since the early 1990s, there has been rapid growth of voluntary company codes of conduct. This has occurred in the historical shift of governments retreating from regulating TNCs and rising corporate self-regulation of labor, human rights, and environmental issues. Company codes of conduct have become in recent years the focus of intense public scrutiny and debate. By most accounts, companies adopt codes of conduct largely in response to bad publicity as a result of practices in their supply chains. Most notable were the responses to public awareness in the 1990s of U.S.-based clothing, toy, and sport accessories companies using sweatshops and child labor in developing countries. Levi Strauss was one of the first companies to establish a code of conduct, in 1992 after its contractors

in developing countries were accused of treating their workers as indentured slaves. Later, clothing brands The Gap in 1995 and talk show host Kathie Lee Gifford in 1996 were the targets of high-profile campaigns exposing company use of sweatshops and child labor. The main conflicts surrounding codes of conduct are their inconsistency in standards and the lack of compliance and monitoring of those standards. Codes lack consistency because different company codes have varying standards for similar terms. The broad variance between codes is a cause for much debate about the ability to monitor and implement standards. Most available research findings on company codes of conduct indicate that codes are honored more frequently in the breach than in compliance (Jenkins et al., 2002, p. 4). Companies are generally resistant to outside monitoring and seek to conduct their own methods of “independent” labor standards monitoring. Yet, the largest companies or best-known brands are reputed to implement their own codes only when public pressure becomes too intense to ignore (Sethi, 2003, p. 83). Another notable area of criticism has been about the actual standards of worker rights set by company codes of conduct. Codes are criticized for the exclusion of workers as stakeholders from both the drafting of company codes of conduct and from the process of monitoring compliance and making the process accountable and transparent. Codes are also criticized for being a substitute for workers’ organizations

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and the right to collective bargaining, and may be implemented with efforts to prevent workers from joining trade unions. Furthermore, critics point to the failure of company codes of conduct to address the specific human rights protections of women and female workers who make up a majority of the workforce in the lowest levels of global production (Jenkins et al., 2002). Some critics see company codes of conduct as a mere public relations tactic to avoid or curb genuine accountability for corporate behavior (Jenkinset al., 2002). Accordingly, critics argue that voluntary company codes of conduct should be used in conjunction with a wider, multilevel corporate social responsibility plan from international development assistance, changes in legal jurisdiction, new rules of company disclosure, and action by independent nongovernmental organizations (Jenkins et al., 2002). There are, however, examples of company codes of conduct that raise the standards for transparency and public accountability to ensure human rights of workers in supply chains. Mattel, the world’s largest toy maker, agreed to a code of conduct in 1997 that covers forced labor and other human rights standards. At the time, it was the only company in the world to make a commitment to have its code compliance monitored by an independent outside group with complete authority to select plants for monitoring and to make full reports of findings to the public without prior censorship by the company (Sethi, 2003, p. 239).

Most recently, a U.S. farm workers’ rights organization, the Coalition of Immokalee Workers set a precedent in codes of conduct for U.S. food companies. In 2005 the CIW persuaded Taco Bell and parent company Yum! Brands, the largest restaurant company in the world, to institute a supplemental policy statement for Florida tomato growers after the CIW highlighted forced labor among other forms of worker exploitation in the supplies of Florida tomatoes that went into food products primarily sold in Taco Bell restaurants. The code creates transparency in the supply chain of tomatoes to Taco Bell. This code of conduct raises standards in that the tomato workers themselves negotiated the terms and are the monitoring agents through the CIW. The code also legally binds Taco Bell to terminate business relations with any noncompliant tomato suppliers, whereas most company codes of conduct are not legally enforceable. The code therefore creates a market incentive for tomato growers to comply with labor laws and corporate standards where previously there were no market consequences for the growers who profited illegally from enslaved workers. Steven Lize
See also: Child Labor, Sweatshop Watch.

Further Readings
Jenkins, Rhys, et al. Corporate Responsibility and Labour Rights: Codes of Conduct in the Global Economy. London: Earthscan, 2002.

Concubines Sethi, S. Prakash. Setting Global Standards: Guidelines for Creating Codes of Conduct in Multinational Corporations. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2003.

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Concubines are women who are maintained, without the benefit of legal marriage, as the sexual and domestic partners of relatively rich or powerful men. In many Eastern cultures concubinage has been a traditional and socially acceptable adjunct to marriage, and in Western cultures it has usually been covert, used when men could not marry legally or their lawful wives proved infertile or uncongenial. A woman’s induction into concubinage rather than into marriage usually stems from her inferior social condition, and the relationship frequently crosses social, religious, or racial lines, especially in slave cultures. Practiced worldwide in patriarchal cultures throughout history, concubinage, which persists to a far more limited extent in modern times, adheres to three basic cultural patterns: Asian, Islamic, and European colonial. In cultures of the Far East, including China, concubinage was widespread until the 20th century. The status of concubines was recognized in official government documents that set down women’s rights and obligations. Although generally socially inferior to wives, some concubines were freeborn: For example, the emperor of the Chinese Qing Dynasty was provided with Manchu concubines from prominent families. For Asian men of lesser rank,

concubines may have been freeborn or slave, but were usually of Chinese descent. Female slaves could be acquired by deeds of sale, and resold perhaps several times, before their ultimate disposition as concubines, prostitutes, or common slaves. A concubine’s experience could range from being a miserable servant to pampered favorite, and history is replete with examples of concubines who managed, by their wit and will, to usurp the privileges of legitimate wives and install their own children as heirs to patriarchal fortunes. In Islamic cultures, which legally permit the marriage of a man to four wives, concubinage was openly acknowledged, but generally restricted exclusively to powerful or royal men, who hid both their wives and concubines from public view in seraglios (or harems). Western literature is laden with pejorative descriptions of Islamic sexual excess; indeed, certain African and Ottoman rulers maintained hundreds if not thousands of concubines. In such cases, these women may well have served important domestic and political functions within the palace. Since the conditions governing concubinage varied from culture to culture, the women involved might have been slave or free, low or high ranking, or culturally/racially different from or similar to the men. Female prisoners of war were frequently made concubines to African and Ottoman rulers, while ambitious free families and palace slave families often donated daughters as concubines, and Circassian and Georgian women were traditionally trafficked

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along established trade routes specifically to fill eastern seraglios, a custom that lapsed only in the 1890s. A major difference of Islamic concubinage with respect to Asian or European colonial concubinage was the potential of sons born of concubines to inherit kingship and power from their fathers. In monogamous, Western Christian cultures, keeping concubines was akin to keeping mistresses. Even long-term affairs were conducted covertly because they were considered immoral and, moreover, they deprived the children born of such circumstances of any inheritance rights. Same-race concubinage, especially that which crossed class lines, was commonplace. A more pernicious form lay in the cross-racial concubinage that arose in European colonies, especially in the New World, partly in response to the shortage of European women available for marriage. At least two unconcealed forms of concubinage existed in the colonial era. In the northern fur country, French trappers and traders often took freeborn or enslaved Native American women as their sexual and domestic partners in unions that became known as “country marriages”; in Dutch Suriname, European colonials and sojourners often took slave women as their partners in the “Surinam marriage,” which sometimes brought material and social benefits, including manumission, to these women and their mixed-race children. Most slaves in the Americas, even after baptism, were not permitted to marry. This custom, coupled with

antimiscegenation statutes to punish the marriage or sexual union of whites with Africans or Native Americans, which first arose in the 17th-century English colonies of Virginia and Maryland (and later spread through much of the United States), made sure that interracial sexuality remained socially unacceptable. When the women involved in New World concubinage were slaves, the relationships forged were frequently exploitative, providing little or no benefit to the women and few avenues of escape. Female resistance to concubinage had always been limited to persuasion, suicide, or flight until recent antislavery and domestic ordinances began to provide legal shelter from sexual oppression. Insofar as slavery has been legally abolished throughout the world since the 1970s, and ancient patriarchal traditions have lapsed under pressure from modern governmental or social reforms, enforced concubinage has fallen into disrepute. Concubinage continues to exist in certain regions: in Kano, Nigeria, the emir retains a few slave concubines according to tradition, and, in South Africa, Maputo women from Mozambique are known to have been sold as concubines to local miners. Young women now trafficked in Europe, Africa, and the Far East are earmarked for prostitution rather than concubinage, but, while many governments and organizations investigate, track, and condemn resurgences of contemporary slavery, many modern female victims

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are as lost to domestic/sexual bondage as concubines who lived many centuries before them. Susan B. Iwanisziw
See also: Anti-Slavery International; Cariye; International Agreement for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic (1904); International Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Women and Children (1921); International Convention of the Traffic in Women of Full Age (1933); Servile Marriage.

Further Readings
Iwanisziw, Susan B. “American SlaveConcubines and the Labor of Assimilation: The Examples of John Gabriel Stedman’s Joanna and Toussaint Charbonneau’s Sacagawea.” TOPIC: The Washington and Jefferson College Review 55 (November 2007): 37–54. Jaschok, Maria. Concubines and Bondservants: The Social History of a Chinese Custom. London: Zed Books, 1988. Nast, Heidi J. Concubines and Power: Five Hundred Years in a Northern Nigerian Palace. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005. Rothman, Joshua D. Notorious in the Neighborhood: Sex and Families Across the Color Line in Virginia 1787–1861. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003.

Convention against the Worst Forms Of Child Labour (1999)
The Convention against the Worst Forms of Child Labour (1999), passed

by the International Labour Organization in Geneva, Switzerland, and ratified by 156 countries, prohibits trafficking, enslavement, debt bondage, or compulsory labor of any kind for people under the age of 18. It also seeks to criminalize all forms of child prostitution and pornography, employment of children in organized crime or drug trafficking, and all other work that might harm the health, well-being, or morality of a child. The document suggests that all offenders be prosecuted according to local law. Each member state that ratified the convention is called upon to monitor violations and to implement strategies and laws to eradicate these forms of labor in their own countries. The convention recognized that child labor is a symptom of larger problems of poverty and lack of education that persist in the modern world. To address these issues, the convention requires that states provide for awareness education programs to help prevent children, especially girls, from becoming victims. Further, the document calls upon nations to provide free rehabilitation, including basic education and even vocational training, for child survivors of labor abuse. It also suggests that governments provide universal education, training for at-risk populations, jobs and vocational training programs for parents of working children, and poverty alleviation programs. The convention was unanimously adopted by the 182 delegates at the conference and ratified more quickly than

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Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons Labor Bureau of International Labor Affairs, 2002. “Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention.” (C182) Convention Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. Geneva: International Labour Organization, 1999.

any other convention in the history of the International Labour Organization, indicating widespread agreement with the tenets of the document. U.S. President Bill Clinton was applauded by some nongovernment organizations for ratifying such a policy and for making progress on child labor issues a condition of certain U.S. international trade relationships. The convention clearly was focused on the very worst forms of child labor. As a result, it does not address the international concern over child labor in general, and it fails to seek its complete abolition. Critics of the convention claim that it is actually a step backward from previous policies (including ILO C138) that called for the elimination of all forms of child labor. They also argue that the convention only prohibits the kinds of child labor that have already been criminalized in most of the signatory countries, thereby avoiding any significant steps toward the abolition of child labor in all its forms. Laura Murphy
See also: Child Labor; International Labour Organization (ILO).

Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Women and Children (1949)
The Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Women and Children, UN Resolution 317 (IV), declared the trafficking of humans a violation of dignity and human rights. The convention was approved by the United Nations General Assembly on December 2, 1949, and was signed by 14 countries in July 1951, with 74 countries eventually acceding over the next 50 years. Its purpose was to expand on the international policies that had been written in the first half of the 20th century regarding the trafficking of women and children, and in particular, those policies prohibiting white slavery, or the trafficking of women for purposes of prostitution. The first article of the convention punishes those who procure, entice, or lead away any other person for purposes of prostitution, even if that person consents. It prohibits the establishment of

Further Readings
Basu, Kaushik. “Child Labor: Cause, Consequence, and Cure, with Remarks on International Labor Standards.” Journal of Economic Literature 37 (September 1999): 1083–1119. U.S. Department of Labor. “Advancing the Campaign against Child Labor: Addressing the Worst Forms of Child Labor.” Washington DC: U.S. Department of

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brothels and punishes those people who manage or finance them or rent space for that purpose. Provisions permit violators to be extradited for prosecution for these offenses. Further, the convention required signing nations to create educational programs that aim to prevent prostitution as well as programs for the rehabilitation and maintenance of victims of human trafficking. Persons convicted of prostitution who have been trafficked across international borders are to be questioned as to their identity, according to the convention, and as to how and by whom they were transported. Officials are required to report this information to the victims’ countries of origin so that they can seek out the traffickers. Nations are also required to repatriate any victims who wish to return to their home country, provided they do not have a spouse or family member able to afford the transportation costs. Under this convention the concern with trafficking in persons was tied inextricably to prostitution, and, as a result, the two concerns were generally addressed together in international policy making. This limitation in the definition of human trafficking made it difficult to regulate interstate trafficking that did not involve some aspect of the sex trade. Critics of the convention argued that the policies focused on eliminating prostitution rather than on eliminating forced trafficking. The language indicating that prostitution was to be punished—even in the case of consenting participants—criminalized the sale

of sex by women who chose it as their profession. Thus, critics argued, the convention denied women the right to their bodies and further marginalized women who participated in the sex trade whether through their own will or against it. Modifications to the definition of human trafficking that allowed for a more complete description of the modern day slave trade and focused more precisely on sex trafficking rather than prostitution were made in the Trafficking Protocol of the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime in November 2000. December 2 of each year marks the International Day for the Abolition of Slavery, which memorializes the date of the ratification of the 1949 convention. Laura Murphy
See also: Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation; International Day for the Abolition of Slavery; Prostitution; United Nations Trafficking Protocol; White Slavery.

Further Readings
Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others, Approved by General Assembly, Resolution 317 (IV), 1949. In United Nations, Treaty Series 96 (December 1949): 271. Saunders, Penelope. “Working on the Inside: Migration, Sex Work and Trafficking in Persons.” Legal Link 11, no. 2 (2000): 44–49. Weissbrodt, David, and Anti-Slavery International. “Abolishing Slavery and its Contemporary Forms.” New York and Geneva: Office of the United Nations

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Convention of Saint Germain-en-Laye High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2002.

Convention of Saint Germain-en-Laye (1919)
The Convention of Saint Germain-enLaye revised the Brussels Act (1890) and reaffirmed the European commitment to end slavery and the slave trade. Upon adoption of the Convention of Saint-Germain (1919), the signatory states promised to secure the complete suppression of slavery in all its forms, including forced labor, pseudoadoption, forced concubinage, debt slavery, and all forms of slave trade. The preamble to the convention states: “Whereas the General Act of the African Conference, signed . . . on 26 February 1885, was primarily intended to demonstrate the agreement of the Powers with regard to the general principles which should guide their commercial and civilizing action . . .; and whereas by the Brussels Declaration of . . . 1890, it was found necessary to modify for a provisional period of fifteen years the system of free imports established for twenty years by Article 4 of the said Act, and since that date no agreement has been entered into, notwithstanding the provisions of the said Act and Declaration; . . . wishing to ensure by arrangements suitable to modern requirements the application of the general principles of civilization established by the Acts of Berlin and Brussels.” The signatory states “undertake to maintain between their respective nationals and those of States, Members of the League

of Nations, which may adhere to the present Convention a complete commercial equality in the territories under their authority within the area defined by Article I of the General Act of Berlin of 26 February 1885” (Article 1). Jurgen Nautz
See also: Brussels Act (1890); League of Nations.

Further Readings
Convention of Saint Germain-en-Laye (full text) in Charles I. Bevens, ed. Treaties and Other International Agreements of the United States of America (Washington DC: Department of State Publication, 1969), II, 261–268. Hamilton, Keith and Patrick Salmon, eds. Slavery, Diplomacy and Empire: Britain and the Suppression of the Slave Trade, 1807–1975 (Portland OR: Sussex Academic Press, 2009)

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted in 1979 by the United Nations General Assembly. It is often described as the international bill of rights for women. Consisting of a preamble and 30 articles, it defines what constitutes discrimination against women and sets up an agenda for national action to end such discrimination. The text of CEDAW was prepared by working groups within the Commission

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on the Status of Women (CSW) in 1976 and extensive deliberations by a working group of the Third Committee of the General Assembly from 1977 to 1979. The work within the commission was encouraged by the World Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Objectives of the International Women’s Year, adopted by the World Conference of the International Women’s Year held in Mexico City in 1975, which called for a convention on the elimination of discrimination against women, with effective procedures for its implementation. Work was also encouraged by the General Assembly, which had urged the Commission on the Status of Women to finish its work by 1976, so that the convention would be completed in time for the 1980 Copenhagen mid-decade review conference (World Conference on the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development, and Peace). Although suggestions were made to delay completion of the text for another year, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women was adopted by the General Assembly in 1979 by a unanimous vote of 130 to none, with 10 abstentions. In Resolution 180 (XXXIV), in which the General Assembly adopted the convention, the General Assembly expressed the hope that the convention would come into force at an early date and requested the secretary general to present the text of the convention to the middecade World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women. At the special ceremony that took place at the Copenhagen Conference

on July 17, 1980, 64 states signed the convention and 2 states submitted their instruments of ratification. On September 3, 1981, 30 days after the twentieth member state had ratified it, the convention entered into force—faster than any previous human rights convention had done—thus bringing to a climax Un efforts to codify comprehensively international legal standards for women. As of March 18, 2005, 180 countries—over 90 percent of the members of the United Nations—were party to the convention. The convention defines discrimination against women as “any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field.” By accepting the convention, states commit themselves to undertake a series of measures to end discrimination against women in all forms, including to incorporate the principle of equality of men and women in their legal system, abolish all discriminatory laws and adopt appropriate ones prohibiting discrimination against women, to establish tribunals and other public institutions to ensure the effective protection of women against discrimination, and to ensure elimination of all acts of discrimination against women by persons, organizations or enterprises.

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The convention provides the basis for realizing equality between women and men through ensuring women’s equal access to, and equal opportunities in, political and public life— including the right to vote and to stand for election—as well as education, health, and employment. States parties agree to take all appropriate measures, including legislation and temporary special measures, so that women can enjoy all their human rights and fundamental freedoms. The convention is the only human rights treaty that affirms the reproductive rights of women and targets culture and tradition as influential forces shaping gender roles and family relations. It affirms women’s rights to acquire, change, or retain their nationality and the nationality of their children. States parties also agree to take appropriate measures against all forms of traffic in women and exploitation of women. Countries that have ratified or acceded to the convention are legally bound to put its provisions into practice. They are also committed to submit national reports, at least every four years, on measures they have taken to comply with their treaty obligations. Giulia Pietrangeli

Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989)
The Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) is the first legally binding international instrument to incorporate the full range of human rights—civil, cultural, economic, political, and social rights. In 1989, world leaders decided that children needed a special convention just for them, because people under 18 years often need special care and protection that adults do not. The leaders also wanted to make sure that the world recognized that children also have human rights. Built on a variety of legal systems and cultural traditions, the convention is a universally agreed set of nonnegotiable standards and obligations. These basic standards set minimum entitlements and freedoms that should be respected by governments. They are founded on the respect for the dignity and worth of each individual, regardless of race, color, gender, language, religion, opinions, origins, wealth, birth status, or ability, and therefore apply to every human being everywhere. With these rights comes the obligation on both governments and individuals not to infringe on the parallel rights of others. These standards are both interdependent and indivisible; we cannot ensure some rights without—or at the expense of—other rights. The convention sets out these rights in 54 articles and 2 optional protocols. It spells out the basic human rights that children everywhere have: the right to

Further Reading
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW): womenwatch/daw/cedaw/.

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survival; to develop to the fullest; to protection from harmful influences, abuse, and exploitation; and to participate fully in family, cultural, and social life. The four core principles of the convention are nondiscrimination; devotion to the best interests of the child; the right to life, survival, and development; and respect for the views of the child. Every right spelled out in the convention is inherent to the human dignity and harmonious development of every child. The convention protects children’s rights by setting standards in health care; education; and legal, civil, and social services. In addition to laying the foundational principles from which all rights must be achieved, the convention calls for the provision of specific resources, skills, and contributions necessary to ensure the survival and development of children to their maximum capability. The articles also require the creation of means to protect children from neglect, exploitation, and abuse. The convention stresses that all children have the same rights. All rights are interconnected and of equal importance. It also refers to the responsibility of children to respect the rights of others, especially their parents. On the same token, the convention expressly recognizes that parents have the most important role in the bringing up children. The text encourages parents to deal with rights issues with their children “in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child” (Article 5).

The two optional protocols were adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2000 to increase the protection of children from involvement in armed conflicts and from sexual exploitation. The optional protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict establishes 18 as the minimum age for compulsory recruitment and requires states to do everything they can to prevent individuals under the age of 18 from taking a direct part in hostilities. The optional protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography draws special attention to the criminalization of these serious violations of children’s rights and emphasizes the importance of fostering increased public awareness and international cooperation in efforts to combat them. The optional protocols must always be interpreted in light of the original treaty as a whole, in this case guided by the principles of nondiscrimination, best interests of the child, and child participation. These protocols are “optional” because they are not automatically binding on states that have already ratified the original treaty. The obligations in the protocol are additional and may be more demanding than those in the original convention, and so states must independently choose whether or not to be bound by a protocol. Accordingly, an optional protocol has its own ratification mechanism independent of the treaty it complements. Generally, only states that have already agreed to be bound by an original treaty may ratify

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its optional protocols. The optional protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child do however permit non-states parties to ratify or accede to them. For example, the United States, which has signed but not ratified the convention, has ratified both of the optional protocols. States must ratify each of the protocols following the same procedure required when ratifying the convention. In ratifying the convention or an optional protocol, a state accepts an obligation to respect, protect, promote, and fulfill the enumerated rights— including by adopting or changing laws and policies that implement the provisions of the convention or protocol. Governments that ratify the convention or one of its optional protocols are obliged to develop and undertake all actions and policies in the light of the best interests of the child. They must also report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, the body of experts charged with monitoring states’ implementation of the convention and optional protocols. These reports outline the situation of children in the country and explain the measures taken by the state to realize their rights. In its reviews of states’ reports, the committee urges all levels of government to use the convention as a guide in policy making and implementation. By agreeing to undertake the obligations of the convention (by ratifying or acceding to it), national governments commit themselves to protecting and ensuring children’s rights, and they have agreed to hold themselves accountable for this commitment before the international community.

Currently, the convention counts 140 signatories and 193 parties (the list of parties is available at http://www2. Giulia Pietrangeli
See also: Child Labor; Child Soldiers; Children; Pornography and Children; Prostitution.

Further Reading
Lee-Wright, Peter. Child Slaves. London: Earthscan Publications, 1990.

Convict Leasing
The convict lease system was a dominant form of legal punishment and racial control in the U.S. South from the last quarter of the 19th century to the early 20th century. Along with sharecropping, convict leasing fortified white domination by resurrecting the spirit of chattel slavery to generate capital for southern governments struggling to rebuild after the Civil War. State and county governments forced black convicts to work under deplorable conditions for private individuals and corporations during their incarceration without receiving compensation. In turn, these private entities paid money to the state for the use of their inmates. Although white convicts were incarcerated and at times leased out, inmate populations in the South were overwhelmingly African American. In 1875, North Carolina had 569 African Americans and 78 whites sentenced to prisons; in 1879, the State Prison of

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Nashville, Tennessee, had 372 whites and 781 African Americans; in 1888, the prison at Baton Rouge, Louisiana, held 221 African Americans and 85 whites. A staggering 90 percent of the 13,000 inmates who passed through Florida’s state prisons from the time the convict system started in the late 1880s until it ended in the early 19th century were African American. This was perfectly legal under the Thirteenth Amendment, which outlawed “involuntary servitude,” except as punishment for a crime. In effect, the amendment said only criminals could be enslaved and southern states began the process of regaining their former slaves by turning them into criminals. The system’s exploitation of black labor was essential to a web of legal, political, and economic strategies devised to keep African Americans impoverished and subordinated to whites after the U.S. Civil War. In the 1870s, southern states passed laws to build up the pool of convicts to be leased out. Misdemeanors such as vagrancy, loitering, disturbing the peace, hog stealing, and petty theft were reclassified as felonies to empower white judges and juries to impose excessive sentences on convicted African Americans. The exponential growth in the population in southern prisons witnesses the effectiveness of these laws in expanding the supply of convicts. Between 1874 and 1877, Mississippi’s prisoner population increased from 272 to 1,072; in the same period, Georgia’s inmates increased from 500 to 1,500. In Alabama, prison populations went from 374 in

1869 to 1,878 in 1903 and to 2,453 by 1919. The high rate of African Americans incarcerated was validated for white citizens by a rhetoric that devised a cause-and-effect relationship between their “criminality” and their innate character. White ideologues and those with a vested interest in sustaining the system justified its perceived excesses by resurrecting well-worn proslavery arguments that blacks were inherently degenerates who were prone to stealing and unwilling to work unless compelled. Such discourses assuaged the general public’s distaste for the horrific treatment of prisoners documented in exposés written in the 1880s and 1890s by painting African American freedmen as a drain on the economy and a menace to the community. Despite reports of the abhorrent conditions in southern prisons, states imposed few restrictions on the number of hours and the kind of labor convicts were forced to perform. Planters, railroad and timber companies, coal mines, and foundries hired convicts from state and county governments for a cheap fee and kept their overhead costs down by providing convicts the bare minimum of food, medical treatment, clothing, and shelter. Harsh living and working conditions resulted in outbreaks of deadly diseases such as malaria, pneumonia, typhoid, and syphilis among convicts. In addition to starvation and illness, convicts endured brutal forms of corporal punishment that included sweating in wooden boxes, watering, and stringing

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prisoners up by their thumbs with strong cords attached to wooden crosspieces and nailed to uprights posts. In some respects the leasing system was worse than slavery; as chains and shackles were used on slaves only for discipline, they were standard equipment for black convicts. Harsh punishments kept prisoners in line, but they also cowed free African Americans who might challenge white authority in an effort to assert their postslavery rights. Over the life of the practice, convict leasing changed in response to dynamic political and economic conditions. While the early years were characterized by a drive for profit and efficiency at all costs, later years saw the introduction of work incentives to prisoners such as free Sundays, commutations, and parole and probation systems. The incentives only partially placated reformers agitating vigorously for rehabilitation programs and better living and working conditions for convicts. Convict leasing was eventually abandoned in the second decade of the 20th century. Earlier studies of convict leasing attribute its demise to the effort of reformers, whose charges of inhumane treatment prompted an upsurge in public indignation over the cruelties of the system. More recent studies also attribute the system’s downfall to economic market pressures that increased the price of lease contracts, making the profit margin lower for the practice. Nevertheless, for most of the 20th century, southern penal systems continued

forced convict labor in the form of chain gangs and prison farms in southern penal systems. Cynthia King
See also: Sharecropping.

Further Readings
Cohen, William. At Freedom Edge: Black Mobility and the Southern White Quest for Racial Control, 1865–1915. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1991. Lichtenstein, Alex. Twice the Work of Free Labor: Political Economy of Convict Labor in the New South. New York: Verso, 1996. Mancini, Matthew J. One Dies, Get Another: Convict Leasing in the American South, 1866–1928. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1996. Miller, Vivien, M. L. “Reinventing the Penitentiary: Punishment in Florida, 1868–1923.” American Nineteenth Century History 1 (Spring 2000): 82–86. Novak, Daniel A. The Wheel of Servitude: Black Forced Labor After Slavery. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1978. Shelden, Randall G. Controlling the Dangerous Classes: A Critical Introduction to the History of Criminal Justice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2001. Wharton, Vernon L. The Negro in Mississippi, 1865–1890. New York: Harper and Row, 1965.

Côte d’Ivoire
The so-called chocolate slavery debate was sparked by media revelations of child trafficking and the use of West African slave labor on Ivorian

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farms producing commodities (especially cocoa) for export. At its height, the debate involved multinational corporations, investigative journalists, consumer organizations, advocacy groups, and politicians both in Africa and the United States. It focused fairly narrowly on two key issues, namely, extent (the magnitude of enslavement on Ivorian farms in terms of both actual numbers and the percentage of slave labor) and responsibility (corporate and political as well as moral and legal). The debate’s most tangible outcome remains the Harkin-Engel Protocol of 2001, an industry-led agreement to help eliminate the worst forms of child labor in the growing and processing of cocoa beans via a formal system of monitoring, reporting, public certification, and partnership. This helps to redirect scholarly attention to related questions of enduring significance since the conceptual or definitional question, first of all, is inseparable from the magnitude issue. What exactly is modern slavery, and how do we know it when we see it? The answer depends on how slavery is conceived and not simply on numerical evidence of abuse. For some, such as former Ivorian Agriculture Minister Alfonse Douaty, the term slavery “conjures up images of chains and whips,” but a wide range of academic sources suggest taking chains (as a signifier of forced removal) out of the equation and defining slavery per se as unpaid forced labor. The constituent element of modern slavery is control without legal ownership. The global illegality of slavery, the feature that underpins its modern

version, ensures that numbers will always be contested, however comprehensive the investigations since slavery can be redefined as something else, such as indentured servitude. It can also be hidden behind fraudulent labor contracts or false claims to kinship relations between adults and child laborers, but this means that even if figures for Côte d’Ivoire are less than exact, they are as likely to be underestimated as overestimated. Conventional wisdom, in other words, is probably highly conservative. It is in references to trafficked children from Mali that something akin to conventional wisdom exists. Several government and media sources place at 15,000 the number of such children forced to work without payment on Ivorian farms. Other reports by academics, human rights activists, and investigative journalists offer further examples of migrant children in Côte d’Ivoire being overworked, unpaid, prevented from leaving, and beaten after attempts to escape. Illegality brings other actors into the master-slave relationship. Secrecy and denial in the face of human rights investigations are one obvious manifestation of this. The other side of the coin, however, is liberation and repatriation of slaves by government officials. Law enforcement is important to state actors wishing to send a strong political message that slavery will not be tolerated. Its added value is in providing an additional source of evidence that modern slavery exists. The oral testimonies of emancipated child slaves illustrate the variety

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of means by which West African children have been kept in conditions of slavery. They are geographically lost and financially destitute in a condition where permission to leave is withheld by adults and fraudulent labor contracts have been signed. Additionally, escape has been precluded by means ranging from nocturnal incarceration to physical threats, grievous bodily harm, and actual death. Such obvious human rights abuses have understandably raised questions about effective elimination. Moral condemnation is only complimented, however, by analytical questions about cause. If modern slavery exists as a political problem long after its formal abolition then why does it exist, not just globally, but in Côte d’Ivoire in particular? The roots of that question lie in peripheral capitalism, in the historic development of the Ivorian economy and the country’s insertion within a global capitalist market. The answer, essentially, is cocoa prices within a wider context of uneven development and unequal exchange. Agricultural production in colonial Côte d’Ivoire was rooted in the development of indigenous plantations. Continuities in postindependence development inhere in the country’s continued dependence on foreign labor, on the one hand, and growth based on exports of such primary commodities as coffee, cocoa, bananas, and wood, on the other. Discontinuities are due to a combination of state-led development policy and International Monetary

Fund–led economic liberalization. Postindependence price incentives to encourage cultivation served to boost cocoa output from hundreds of thousands of small remote holdings, thereby increasing the dependence of these farms’ livelihoods on cocoa. Studies suggest that the economic liberalization strategies of the 1990s (especially measures such as price decontrol and trade reform) have not only exacerbated national poverty; they have also disadvantaged those same small farmers while profiting larger producers and those closer to cities. Rural livelihoods depend on both the quantity and the price of their produce. In the first decade of the 21st century, high retail prices of tropical commodities (such as coffee and cocoa) and low farm-gate prices for those same commodities were opposite sides of the same uneven development coin. In this context, studies suggest that Ivorian farmers turned to two main methods of lowering their labor costs, namely increased reliance on unpaid family labor and/or increased reliance on slaves. When prices have risen, as they have done since the record low of 2000, the use of slave labor has apparently declined. Media coverage of the child slavery issue in Côte d’Ivoire has refocused attention on questions of magnitude and collective responsibility. Even as exact numbers remain contested and the longterm effects of concrete measures (such as the Harkin-Engel Protocol) remain to be seen, larger questions are begged

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by this case about the ongoing relationship between unfree labor and capitalist development. Kate Manzo
See also: Child Labor.

Further Readings
Amin, S. Neo-Colonialism in West Africa. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973. Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Bass, L. E. Child Labor in Sub-Saharan Africa. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2004. Frenkiel, O. “Children of the Etireno” The Guardian, section G2 (October 4, 2001): 6–7. Manzo, Kate. “Modern Slavery, Global Capitalism and Deproletarianisation in West Africa.” Review of African Political Economy 32, no. 4 (2005): 521–534. Naiman, R., and N. Watkins. “A Survey of the Impacts of IMF Structural Adjustment in Africa: Growth, Social Spending, and Debt Relief.” Preamble Centre (April 1999): 1–21. Tiffen, P. “A Chocolate-Coated Case for Alternative International Business Models.” Development in Practice 12, nos. 3 and 4 (2002): 383–397.

Cotton, Samuel L. (1947–2003)
Samuel Leslie Cotton became an antislavery activist in the mid-1990s when he was asked by the editor of the African-American newspaper, the City Sun,

to investigate allegations of modern-day slavery in West Africa. Earlier, in their 1994 New York Times article “Bought and Sold,” Dr. Charles Jacobs and Mohamed Athie of the Anti-American Slavery Group (AASG) claimed that thousands of blacks were still held captive as chattel slaves by Beydanes (Arab Berbers) in Mauritania. After some research, Cotton wrote a set of four articles in 1995, starting with “Arab Masters–Black Slaves,” which introduced his readers to the contemporary slave trade in Africa. He continued to provide additional information in “Demographics and the ModernDay Slave Trade,” and in “Sorrow and Shame,” he questioned the lack of concern and tried to understand how it continued to persist in Mauritania despite a presidential decree that abolished slavery in 1981. As an African American, he was particularly critical in his last article, “The Slavery Issue,” about the black leadership and their failure to address this issue. While he was still a doctoral student at Columbia University, Cotton traveled to West Africa to conduct additional research at the end of 1995. He spent three weeks in refugee camps in Senegal and Mauritania and returned to the United States with footage he would later use for a documentary film on the Arab slave trade in Mauritania. His experience moved him to create the Coalition against Slavery in Mauritania and Sudan (CASMAS), where he actively worked with other associations in the United States and Africa

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to campaign against slavery, promote human rights in Africa, and educate the public. Cotton took every opportunity to discuss slavery in Mauritania and Sudan. He appeared on several TV programs such as the Tony Brown’s Journal and NBC’s Dateline. His articles were published in numerous magazines and newspapers around the country from Vibe to the New York Times. As a result, Cotton’s research attracted a great deal of attention. He was harshly criticized by such groups as the Nation of Islam (NOI), which accused him of attacking Islam and Muslim countries. U.S. legislators dealing with Africa and human rights issues also took notice, and Cotton was asked to testify before Congress in March 1996. He used personal slave testimonies, with the hope of persuading the United States to work harder to combat modern day slavery in Mauritania and hold them accountable for enforcing antislavery legislation in the country. Other human rights activists and the academic community recognized Cotton’s work in the contemporary abolitionist movement, and he received two prestigious honors. In 1997, the Petra Foundation awarded him with a human rights fellowship, and Columbia University’s School of Social Work presented him with the first Wilma and Albert Musher International Fellowship for his efforts in promoting international social welfare. Cotton began teaching U.S. social welfare policy at Columbia University in 1998. His seminal book, Silent Terror: a Journey into Contemporary

African Slavery, was published in the same year and chronicled his expedition to Mauritania and Senegal. He provided detailed accounts of slavery in the region and passionately called for others to join the antislavery movement. In his epilogue, he made a special appeal to other “New World Africans” and to the black leadership in the United States to stand up and fight against the slavery of their brothers and sisters in Africa. His powerful accounts even inspired the artist Sekou Sundiata and musician Craig Harris to join forces to create the play Udu, about a modern day slave in Mauritania. After the publication of his book, Cotton participated in the Call for Freedom National Abolitionist Conference hosted by the Simon Wiesenthal Center and the American Anti-Slavery Group. The Middle East Forum also invited him to discuss slavery in the Middle East. A few years later in 2002, Cotton received his doctorate from Columbia University’s School of Social Work. He was often invited to lecture on modern day slavery and recent events such as the crisis in Sudan at universities around the country. He continued to do so until a few months before his untimely death, when, tragically, Dr. Samuel Cotton died from a brain tumor in December 2003. To honor his life’s work, his daughter, Denise, and the American Anti-Slavery Group organized the Sudan Mobilization Conference in October 2005 at Columbia Law School. The American Anti-Slavery Group later established the Samuel Cotton Memorial Fund to inspire future

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activists to continue his work to abolish slavery. Leslie Fadiga-Stewart
See also: American Anti-Slavery Group (AASG); Mauritania; Sudan and South Sudan.

Further Readings
Cotton, Samuel. Silent Terror: A Journey into Contemporary African Slavery. New York: Harlem River Press, 1998. Jacobs, Charles, and Mohamed Athie. “Bought and sold.” New York Times, Op-Ed, July 13, 1994. Jok, Jok Madut. War and Slavery in Sudan. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001. U.S. State Department, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. “Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (Mauritania).” 2006. g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006.

Cox, Caroline (1937–)
Baroness Caroline Cox achieved prominence in the modern antislavery movement as a member of Christian Solidarity International’s (CSI) campaign against slavery in Sudan. She traveled with CSI to northern Bahr El Ghazal, Sudan, in the spring of 1995, when the Swiss-based organization began its investigation into the revival of Sudanese slavery. Until late 1997, Baroness Cox traveled repeatedly with CSI to Sudan for fact-finding and slave redemption purposes. During these years, media appearances, interventions in the British Parliament and

at the United Nations, and testimony before U.S. congressional committees gave her high visibility. Baroness Cox’s unequivocal condemnation of the government of Sudan’s ideological and material support for the revival of slave raids against black African communities provoked the wrath of Khartoum’s Islamist ruling elite. Her celebrity status grew as a result of Khartoum’s personalized public relations campaign against her. In the United States, the Lyndon LaRouche– linked Schiller Institute played a leading role in the attempt to vilify her, while the London-based lobbyist David Hoile and his European Sudanese Public Affairs Council (ESPAC) fulfilled a similar function in Europe. In September 1997, Cox, together with CSI’s UK affiliate, left CSI to set up a rival international network of Christian human rights organizations, operating under the name Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW). After her separation from CSI, Cox made several independent slave redemption visits to Sudan. In January 2001, following the making of a BBC documentary The Dangerous Adventures of Baroness Cox, her spokesperson in London announced she would no longer travel to southern Sudan, citing unspecified threats to her security. Caroline Cox’s professional life began as a nurse. Following her marriage and the birth of three children, Cox studied sociology and economics part-time at the University of London. In 1971, she began lecturing at the turbulent Marxist-dominated Polytechnic

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of North London. As a moderate member of the Labour Party, Cox found herself victimized by hard-line Marxist students and staff members. Teaming up with like-minded staff members John Marks and Keith Jacka, Cox coauthored The Rape of Reason: The Corruption of the Polytechnic of North London (1975). Publication of the book thrust Cox into the center of a national ideological debate on the future of Great Britain on the eve of Margaret Thatcher’s premiership. While embroiled in controversy at the Polytechnic, Cox came to the attention of the insurance magnate and confidant of Thatcher, Malcolm Pearson (since 1990, Lord Pearson of Rannoch). Pearson became Cox’s principal patron, paving the way for her entry into Britain’s Thatcherite intellectual elite. In 1983, she received a life peerage, and took the Conservative whip. She served for five months in 1985 as a junior minister before returning to the backbenches. In 2004, she lost the Conservative whip after she and Lord Pearson openly urged voters to support the anti–European Union United Kingdom Independence Party. Baroness Cox’s active interest in human rights issues are rooted in communist Eastern Europe. In 1983, she was invited to serve as a patron of the Medical Aid for Poland Fund. Through her medical deliveries to Poland, she became personally familiar with a totalitarian system and with the popular resistance to it. Her sympathies were decidedly on the side of the democratic opponents of communism. She assisted

in the establishment of the Jagiellonian Trust, which provided support to civil society groups concerned with the promotion of freedom of thought, expression, and religion. At the end of the 1980s, Baroness Cox traveled to Moscow with Lord Pearson—a friend of the dissident novelist Alexander Solzhenitsyn—to give encouragement to dissident groups. As the Soviet Union collapsed, Cox focused her human rights interests on the plight of psychiatrically abused Russian orphans and on the besieged Armenian community of Nagorno Karabakh. Two major reports emerged from this phase of her human right work: Trajectories of Despair: Misdiagnosis and Maltreatment of Soviet Orphans (1991), and Ethnic Cleansing in Progress: War in Nagorno Karabakh (1993) coauthored with John Eibner. In the 1990s, Baroness Cox also began a sustained campaign on behalf of the oppressed Karen minority of Burma. In September 2004, Baroness Cox and Lord Pearson launched a new charity in London called Humanitarian Aid Relief Trust (HART), the aim of which is to provide aid to victims in “forgotten” countries. Meanwhile, she continues to pursue her longstanding interest in educational standards as codirector of the Educational Research Trust. An official biography, Baroness Cox: A Voice for the Voiceless by Andrew Boyd, was published in 1998. John Eibner
See also: Sudan and South Sudan.


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Further Readings
Boyd, Andrew. Baroness Cox: A Voice for the Voiceless. London: Lion Publishing, 1998. Cox, Caroline. “The Baroness Cox of Queensbury.” Nursing Ethics 10, no. 4 (2003): 441–445. Zoba, Wendy Murray. “Through Bombs and Bullets: Baroness Caroline Cox Offers Aid and Advocacy to Persecuted Christians.” Christianity Today 4, no. 10 (1997): 50–52.

COYOTE (Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics) was founded by Margo St. James in the San Francisco Bay Area in 1973. In the past 30 years, COYOTE’s main goal has been to decriminalize

prostitution. It has worked toward this goal by demystifying prostitution, including placing sex work in the context of legitimate work, amenable to labor and occupational safety and health standards. It is COYOTE’s position that the decision to do sex work is an economic decision, like other employment decisions, and to deny individuals the right to do sex work is to deny them their civil and economic rights. When AIDS entered the discussion, COYOTE approached the issue as one of occupational safety and health and working conditions. Since its inception, COYOTE has provided a myriad of services for sex workers. These services include, but are not limited to, crisis counseling,

Margo St. James (center), pictured here with Jane Fonda (left) and Dr. Jennifer James (right), while serving as panelists at the 2nd Annual Hookers Convention in San Francisco on June 22, 1975. St. James founded COYOTE (Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics) in 1973. (AP/Wide World Photos)

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peer support, support groups, legal and social service referrals, and harm-reduction trainings. Additionally, many COYOTE members have provided training to agencies that interact with sex workers, testified at hearings, and served on committees that influence the ways in which local governments treat and interact with sex workers, locally, nationally, and internationally. Over the years, COYOTE has been affiliated with and/or helped create such organizations as the National Task Force on Prostitution in 1979, the International Committee for Prostitutes’ Rights in 1985, the World Whores’ Congress in 1985 and 1986, the California Prostitutes Education Project in 1987, the St. James Infirmary in 1999, and the U.S. chapter of the Sex Workers Outreach Project (SWOP-USA) in 2004. COYOTE now has two chapters, one in San Francisco and the other in Los Angeles. Alexandra Lutnick
See also: Prostitution; Sexual Abuse.

Further Reading
Delacoste, Frederique, and Priscilla Alexander, eds. Sex Work: Writings by Women in the Sex Industry. San Francisco: Cleis Press, 1998.

Czech Republic
The Czech Republic is located in Central Europe, bordering Germany, Austria, Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, with which once they formed the single

country, Czechoslovakia. It is simultaneously a source, transit, and destination country for women trafficked for sexual exploitation from the former Soviet Union (in particular, Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova), the Balkans, and Asia into the Czech Republic and onward to Western Europe, and to a lesser extent, the United States, Japan, and Mexico. Small numbers of Czech men are trafficked to the United States and small numbers of men from the former Soviet Union are trafficked to the Czech Republic for forced labor. Foreign and Czech women, especially Roma (Gypsy), are also trafficked within the country. Despite its efforts, the Czech Republic has failed to comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. In 2003, the government approved the National Strategy of Combating Trafficking in Human Beings for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation. Convictions and sentences increased. Still, existing trafficking legislation might be further enforced to give stronger penalties to convicted traffickers. Additionally, the government should also expand the victim assistance and provide the necessary funds. The government of the Czech Republic specifically criminalizes the trafficking of individuals for the purpose of sexual exploitation, and the cabinet has recently approved for submission to Parliament criminal code amendments to criminalize other forms of trafficking, such as trafficking for forced labor, with the harshest sentence being 12 years. Currently, Czech authorities

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prosecute forced labor cases under human-smuggling provisions. According to a Czech police official, the majority of prostitutes in the Czech Republic are foreign nationals. That is why the Czech government cooperates extensively with other Central and Eastern European governments in investigating and prosecuting trafficking cases. For example, Czech experts participated in seven cooperative international investigations in 2003, and efforts with Austria, Germany, and Spain resulted in trafficking convictions. The government provided funding to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to help victims find shelter and health-care assistance. These NGOs provided shelter and care to 30 victims and counseling to 350 victims in 2003. The pilot program for the victim assistance is currently funded by the United Nations, but following the trial period, the Czech government plans to fund it. The Foreign Ministry issued an instructional manual on trafficking and trained consular officers in cooperation with NGOs. The Czech Republic helped sponsor traffickingrelated projects in such countries as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, and Moldova. It approved in 2003 its National Strategy of Combating Trafficking in Human Beings for the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation, and in January 2004 signed a bilateral agreement with the neighbor Slovak Republic on joint border control that allows for greater

exchange of information on cross-border crime, including trafficking. Many Slovak young women, often of Roma background, come to the western part of the Czech Republic to work as prostitutes. They often become pregnant, deliver babies, and leave them in maternity hospitals. The Czech Republic has also instituted a new visa foil with increased security features. The problem with trafficking in human beings and the sex trade is surely something that the Czech Republic will be battling in the future as well. Stephan E. Nikolov
See also: Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation.

Further Readings
Altink, Sietske. Stolen Lives: Trading Women into Sex and Slavery. New York: Harrington Park Press, 1995. Ferber, Marianne A., and Phyllis Hutton Raabe. “Women in the Czech Republic: Feminism, Czech Style.” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 16, no. 3 (2003): 407–430. Williams, Phil, ed. Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex. Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1888. Wolchik, Sharon L. 1994. “Women’s Issues in Czechoslovakia in the Communist and Post-Communist Periods.” In Women and Politics Worldwide, ed. Barbara J. Nelson and Najma Chowdhury. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994.

Debt Slavery
One of the most common forms of slavery found throughout the world in both ancient and modern times is debt slavery, also commonly referred to as debt bondage or patron-client relationships. Although the context of debt bondage varies considerably from society to society, debt slaves are normally peasants or commoners who had become indebted to a wealthy aristocrat or financial backer either by borrowing money in advance, failure to repay a debt, or through an alleged offense. The client and usually his immediate family (wife and children) are usually bound or obliged to provide labor to the patron until the debt is repaid. Debt slavery is often considered as a milder version of chattel slavery, because in theory, one’s freedom can always be redeemed through repayment of the debt. How easy it is to obtain freedom is another story, since these relationships usually have ingrained rules that favor the patron and often serve to perpetuate the system. As is often the case throughout Southeast Asia, while work is continuously demanded from a client, the labor might not always qualify toward repayment of the debt. The most obvious overlap between debt slavery and Western conceptions of slavery is that the client’s bonds of obligation to his patron are considered to be property with a definite monetary value and, as such, are transferable between men. Since debts are rarely paid, these bonds of obligation usually fall to a son, and in the case of the patron, are inherited. Prior to the early modern era, debt bondage relations were the dominant political and economic system throughout much of the world, finding its various forms in the feudal and serfdom systems in Europe, the caste system and feudal agricultural relationships on the Indian sub-continent, and the wet rice agriculture and trade-oriented kingdoms (and later the colonial plantation systems) of Southeast Asia. With the expansion of European colonialism, traditional systems of debt bondage intensified, usually coexisting with new harsher forms of chattel or true slavery, often stimulated by European colonialism and the demand for plantation labor. Following the abolition of slavery in the 19th century, more subtle forms of debt bondage were used as a method of colonial labor recruitment for plantations in Africa, the Caribbean, and in Southeast Asia. Today, debt bondage relations are presently expanding in more covert forms through a combination of


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mass migration from poverty and the global demand for sources of cheap, expendable domestic labor and forced prostitution. Although always based on elements of power, hierarchy, and subordination, each case of debt bondage must always be examined in the particular context in which it occurs, and should not always be attributed the negative connotations ascribed to Western chattel slavery. For example, among the interior Malay communities in Jambi Sumatra, the interior economy is still dominated by traditional relations of debt bondage. In each village, there are usually one or two financial backer/traders who will advance capital or supplies to the common villager until a field or plantation is harvested, forest products are obtained, rubber is tapped, or logs are taken from the forest. The time expected for repayment (in full) is never an issue, but in order to maintain the longevity of the relationship, as well as maintain a constant flow of trade in the future, the patron will always allow a portion of the debt to remain unpaid. Although the relationship is businessoriented and involves certain aspects of power and subordination, it is also intimate and paternal. If the client ever falls short of necessary supplies, he can always ask his patron for help, rebinding himself to the patron once again and continuing the relationship. A variant of this form of debt bondage is also found between specific Malay patrons (waris/jenang) and the Orang Rimba, animist hunter-gatherers

who live in the surrounding rain forests, and who have traditionally been the main suppliers of nonwood forest products in the region. The Orang Rimba are born into a relationship with a waris, which permanently obliges them to exchange their forest products at very low rates, for village goods such as salt, sugar, metal tools, and cloth. Along the Makekal River of Bukit Duabelas, these relationships are reinforced by elaborate mythologies of common ancestry, bounded by ancient oaths, and are believed to be reinforced by supernatural sanctions and the curse of the ancestors. The Orang Rimba believe that if they were to exchange their forest products with anyone else, then great misfortune and harm would fall upon them. Although the relationship may seem unfair and exploitative, it has allowed the Orang Rimba a safe avenue to include themselves in a rather dangerous outside political economy, maintain a constant supply of outside goods (salt, sugar, metal tools, and cloth), and obtain status and titles that influence their own internal politics. In addition, the system has provided the Orang Rimba the protection of their waris from the rampant slave raids that are conducted upon interior animist communities, a by-product of European colonialism and its growing need for cheap plantation labor. With the transformation of the regional economy from the trade in forest products to logging, which conflicts with their traditional subsistence pursuits, these relations, and their associated ideologies, while still in use,

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are increasingly being put under much stress. Steven Sager Further Readings
Endicott, Kirk. “The Effects of Slave Raiding on the Aborigines of the Malay Peninsula.” In Slavery, Bondage and Dependency in Southeast Asia, ed. Anthony Reid. London: University of Queensland Press, 1983. Nieboer, Herman J. Slavery as an Industrial System: Ethnological Researches. The Hague: Nijhoff, 1910. Reid, Anthony. “Introduction: Slavery and Bondage in Southeast Asian History.” In Slavery, Bondage and Dependency in Southeast Asia, ed. Anthony Reid. London: University of Queensland Press, 1983. Watson, James L. Asian and African Systems of Slavery. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980.

Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (1967)
The Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2263 (XXII) on November 7, 1967. It can be considered as one of the early documents to address women’s rights within the UN system. The preamble of the Declaration refers to basic documents and instruments, including the UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights (1948)

and other specialized agencies through which the General Assembly accentuates such different principles as equal rights of women and men; the principle of nondiscrimination; elimination of all forms of discrimination; promotion of equal rights for men and women; the importance of women for family and society; the contribution of women to social, political, and cultural life; as well as the requirement of participation of women “in all fields” for “development of a country, the welfare of world, and the cause of peace.” Beside these, the declaration condemns trafficking of women, which could be considered one of the most concrete forms of discriminatory practices and an important threat to women’s freedom. The declaration contains 11 articles. Article 1 states that discrimination against women and nonequal treatment is “fundamentally unjust and constitutes an offence against human dignity.” In Article 2 it is declared that certain measurements shall be taken to provide legal protection for equal rights and to abolish discriminatory legal regulations as well as customs and practices. This declaration like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) is not a treaty and was adopted as a resolution having no force of law (Buergenthal, 1988). However, it urges states to take necessary measures that provide the principle of equality of rights to be embodied in their constitutions or to be guaranteed by the laws. Also, the General Assembly declares that “[t]he international instruments of the United

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Nations and the specialized agencies relating to the elimination of discrimination against women shall be ratified or acceded to and fully implemented as soon as practicable.” In addition to this, regarding sociological variables affecting the position of women in a society, the declaration requires that customary and other practices based on the idea of the inferiority of women shall be abolished and the public shall be educated by taking all appropriate measures. The declaration lists and describes political, economic, social, and cultural rights: the right to vote in all elections and in all public referenda; the right to be eligible to all publicly elected bodies; the right to hold public office and to exercise all public functions; the right of women to education at all levels, including education in universities, vocational, technical, and professional schools as well as programs of continuing education; the right to work, to have free choice of profession and employment and to professional and vocational advancement; the right to equal remuneration with men; and the right to have family allowances on equal terms with men. In relation to the position of women in such cases like marriage or maternity, some positive measures shall be taken to ensure women’s effective right to work, like the guarantee of returning to former employment, paid maternity leave, and the necessary social services, including child care services. The declaration does not employ the term “positive discrimination,” but it has some articles that can be interpreted in this way. In

Article 10, it is stated that some peculiar measures shall be taken “to protect women in certain types of work, for reasons inherent in their physical nature.” The declaration also aims to regulate the position of women in the field of civil law as well as in marriage. In relation to acquiring, changing, or retaining nationality, women have equal rights with men, including changes related with marriage. Stressing the importance of family for society, the declaration deals with women’s right to property, including property acquired during marriage; the right to equal legal capacity with men; the same rights as men with respect to the law on the movement of individuals; equal right with men before, during, and after the marriage, like free choice of a spouse; entering into marriage with free and full consent; and equal rights and duties as parents in the matters related to their children. The declaration urges states to prohibit child marriage and the betrothal before puberty and to specify a minimum wage for marriage and also to make official marriage compulsory. Trafficking of women and the exploitation and prostitution of women shall be combated by taking necessary measures at all levels. Concerning penal codes, all discriminatory provisions against women shall be repealed. At the end, the declaration reminds us of the principle of equality of rights of women and men and urges governments, nongovernmental organizations, and individuals to promote the

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implementation of the principles specified in the declaration. Tugba Asrak Hasdemir
See also: Prostitution; Servile Marriage.

Further Readings
Buergenthal, Thomas. International Human Rights. St. Paul, MN: West Publishing, 1988. United Nations. Human Rights Questions and Answers. New York: United Nations Department of Public Information, 1987. United Nations General Assembly. The Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. New York: United Nations Department of Public Information, 1967.

Declaration on the Rights of the Child (1959)
The special rights of the child were first enunciated in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), which provided in Article 25(2) that “Motherhood and Childhood are entitled to special care and assistance.” The Declaration on the Rights of the Child intended to expand and amplify that theme. The document is a nonbinding resolution of the UN General Assembly. It should not be confused with the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) that was adopted by the UN General Assembly on the 30th anniversary of this declaration, on November 20, 1989. The declaration is divided into 10 principles and is introduced by a

preamble. It set a certain number of rights for the children, no matter their race, color sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, where they were born. or to whom they were born. It established the right to grow up and to develop physically and spiritually in a healthy and normal way, free and with dignity; the right to have a name and to be a member of a country; the right to receive special care and protection, good food, housing and medical services; the right to receive special care if handicapped in any way; the right to love and understanding, preferably from parents and family, but also from the government where these cannot help; the right to go to school for free, to play, and to have an equal chance to develop and learn; the right to be the first ones to receive protection and relief; the right to be protected against cruel acts or exploitation (they shall not be obliged to do work that hinders their development both physically and mentally); and the right of not working before a minimum age and never when that would hinder their health and their moral and physical development. The declaration also set special responsibilities for the parents for children’s education and guidance. Giulia Pietrangeli
See also: Child Labor; Child Soldiers; Children; Pornography and Children; Prostitution.

Further Reading
Lee-Wright, Peter. Child Slaves. London: Earthscan Publications, 1990.

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Decree Respecting Domestic Slavery in German East Africa (1901)
Colonial officials in German East Africa issued the Decree Respecting Domestic Slavery in German East Africa (1901) in order to placate concerns among the indigenous population of the region. This measure indicated that although the European colonial powers wished to end the type of chattel slavery that existed in Africa, they were not willing to change the indigenous beliefs of the region that supported the existence of domestic slavery. The measure was not an ideal solution, but it was the best possible solution that colonial administrators believed they could achieve at the time. The decree, which was issued by the Imperial Chancellor, Count Bernhard von Bulow, stipulated specific guidelines by which indigenous tribes would be permitted to maintain the practice of domestic slavery in spite of European efforts to introduce abolitionism to the African continent. Article II of the decree specified that, “Every domestic slave is empowered to bring about a termination of his slavery by paying a ransom.” The inclusion of this principle may have been the best effort that colonial administrators believed they could muster in restricting a practice that had long cultural antecedents among the peoples of East Africa. Those persons violating terms of the decree could be punished by a fine of up to 500 rupees or incarceration of up to three months.

Critics of the decree charged that it provided an opportunity for chattel slavery to persist in German East Africa since that type of slavery could be camouflaged under the protective security of domestic slavery, which was effectively being legalized and regulated by colonial administrators. To the critics, it was clear that slavery was simply slavery, and any efforts to parse the semantics of what was legal and what was illegal would only confuse matters and protect the interests of slave traders and slaveholders. The government of Germany, along with most other European powers, had participated in the Berlin West Africa Conference (1884–1885) and signed the Berlin Act (1885) at the conclusion of that diplomatic gathering. Although the European powers did not adopt a unified plan to abolish slavery in colonial Africa, each of the signatory powers pledged to work toward the end of the slave trade in the respective colonial spheres where they had direct influence. In spite of colonial administrators’ arguments to the contrary, it appeared that the Decree Respecting Domestic Slavery in German East Africa either abrogated—or certainly weakened—the pledge that Germany had made in the Berlin Act. As a result of the decree, the custom of domestic slavery in German East Africa persisted into the 20th century. Although the German colonial possessions were distributed as mandates to other European powers in the years following World War I (1914–1918), vestiges of the practice of domestic slavery


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still existed during the era of decolonization when Tanzania became an independent republic. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Domestic Workers.

Slave Trades. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

The word devadasi means “a female slave of God” in Sanskrit and continues to be used unchanged in many of the vernacular languages of the India. Devadasis are temple prostitutes married off to the god in the temple. This complex institution of temple or sacred prostitution occurs predominantly in south India, more specifically in the Telugu- and Kannada-speaking regions. Dedicated at birth or when quite young, the more talented among the devadasis have been selected for the

Further Readings
Alpers, E. A. Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa. London: Heinemann, 1975. Beachey, R. W. The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1976. Beachey, R. W., ed. A Collection of Documents on the Slave Trade of East Africa. London: Rex Collings, 1976. Manning, Patrick. Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African

Two young sisters sit together on a road near Saundatti, India in 1997. The girls are to be initiated as devadasis. (AP/Wide World Photos)

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rigorous training of the Bharata Natyam dance that originated as a temple dance, or classical music, both performed as a form of worship. Some of the best dancers to this day are descendants of devadasi families. These women “served” the god through their dance, music, or other temple services that included “serving” the temple patrons and as such enjoyed a certain degree of freedom denied to ordinary women and a position of importance within the temple hierarchy. But the system was abused, and, gradually over the years, the devadasis degenerated into exploited prostitutes, their earnings confiscated by the temple authorities. It is claimed that this institution existed in ancient India, but there are no clear early sources, so it must be assumed that there were rare cases until the Middle Ages. The increasing references to temple prostitutes coincide with the rise in temple building from the eighth century onward all over India. The temple was the center of economic and social life at the time. If donated by the king, it would exist in the capital and be intimately connected to the court; if built with money donated by the guilds, it would be associated with the wealthy section of a city. The temples in rural areas would naturally be connected to powerful landowners. Temples attracted donations and contributions of gold, land, and devadasis, as these donations assured merit to the donor in the afterlife. There exist many inscriptions and charters of the medieval south commemorating donations to temples that refer specially

to devadasis. For instance, a general of Vikramaditya VI Chalukya, named Mahadeva, is recorded as founding a temple in memory of his late mother, with quarters for the most beautiful temple prostitutes in the country. Devadasis even until the colonial period were integral to the Hindu religious and cultural life. Singing and dancing in the temple were important parts of worship, and these women were thus seen as performing a significant religious and social function. Devadasis were also perceived to be auspicious, as they were conceived to be nityasumangalis, eternally married women who could never be widowed, and as such, they were a necessary presence at all domestic festive celebrations. This role of the devadasis has to be seen in conjunction with the Hindu perception of the widow as the harbinger of inauspiciousness. Over the years, temple prostitution, as with most things in India, was deeply enmeshed in the caste system. There are some reports of upper-caste women being dedicated to the temple during the medieval and colonial periods, but such cases are now rare, and it is increasingly women from the artisan lower-caste groups or women from the untouchable castes who are dedicated to temple prostitution. This controlling of the sexuality of the lower-caste women has been seen as a powerful means of structuring the lives of the laboring communities. Paradoxically, while the caste Hindus consider any physical contact with the untouchables polluting, touching the devadasi is beyond this restriction because she has


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been dedicated to the god, and the upper-caste men are free to enjoy her. The devadasis are known by many names, such as sule, sani, matthamma, basavi, jogati, jogini, and kalavant. These names are also indicative of the region the practice stems from and the deity they are dedicated to, as perhaps the caste of the devadasis. Girls are dedicated quite young, even before puberty, to the deity. The deities are several in number, from male gods to female goddesses. The initiation rites vary from the simple to elaborate; each category of devadasis has its own kind of initiation ceremony. One involves just the tying of a necklace of beads in the temple. In another kind of ceremony, the head is anointed with the oil from the lamp burning in front of the god. A third kind of ceremony is an elaborate marriage to the god in the manner of the caste Hindus. Traditionally, not all devadasis were trained in the arts. Most of them were expected to clean the temple precincts and assist the priest in the rituals. The devadasi system is a complex and intricate web of caste, region, and practice. The kalavants, for instance, hail from the Goa region of India. They are primarily temple artists, both dancers and singers. The kalavants fled to the neighboring Mumbai during the last century, where a few became students of great music masters to perfect their art. A few fell into prostitution and others became mistresses of the rich. But through a reform movement in this region, most of the erstwhile kalavants are today well educated and well placed,

although they complain about the upper castes. Not all categories of devadasis are in this happy position, however. Women belonging to the socially underprivileged classes continue to face sexual exploitation under the devadasi system, according to a National Human Rights Commission report published in 2004. The report found that the system is still alive in many parts of the country. The devadasi system was first made punishable under the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment Act, 1927, of Mysore, a princely state then. This was followed by a blanket ban on the system by the British raj in the 1930s. The Karnataka government promulgated the Karnataka Devadasi Prohibition Act of 1982 to tackle the system, which is rife in this region. Activists, however, declare that the movement has only gone underground after it was declared illegal. Priests continue to convince mothers to marry their daughters to the temple deities covertly. Activists also claim to have evidence that several girls are sold off to the brothels after a few years of living as devadasis. Rohini Mokashi-Punekar
See also: Forced Prostitution; Prostitution.

Further Reading
Basham, A. L. The Wonder That Was India. 3rd ed. Calcutta: Rupa & Co., 1981. Kersenboom-Story, Saskia. Nityasumangali: Devadasi Tradition in South India. New Delhi: Motilal Banarisidass, 1987. Vijaisri, Priyadarshini. Recasting the Devadasi: Patterns of Sacred Prostitution in Colonial

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South India. New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2004. Zelliot, Eleanor, and Rohini MokashiPunekar. Untouchable Saints: An Indian Phenomenon. New Delhi: Manohar, 2005.

Doe v. Unocal
The First Congress of the United States adopted the Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA) in 1789. The statute asserts that, “[t]he district courts shall have original jurisdiction of any civil action by an alien [non-U.S. citizen] for a tort [a harm or wrong] only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.” ATCA is not a human rights law per se, but it allows civil suits to be brought forward for violations of the law of nations. The law of nations is the law of international relations, embracing nations and individuals, such as those who invoke their human rights or commit war crimes. Although it was used in the 18th and early 19th century to deal primarily with piracy on international waters, the statute has been invoked since 1980 to hold accountable rogue agents of states, or private individuals (for example, Radnovan Karadzic for war crimes during civil war in the former Yugoslavia) for violations of international law committed outside the United States. In 1997, 12 peasants from Burma sued the California-based energy corporation Unocal for its alleged complicity in human rights abuses committed by

the Burmese military, Unocal’s partner in a natural gas pipeline joint venture. The plaintiffs alleged that the Burmese military had supplied the venture with slave labor, and that the slaves were often subjected to abuses such as rape and even murder. What was novel about this suit was that the U.S. federal court concluded that corporations (as opposed to individuals) could be held legally responsible under ATCA for violations of international human rights norms that the corporations or their partners commit outside the United States. It held that U.S. courts have jurisdiction over such claims. This suit brought together ATCA, a law that is almost as old as the Republic, with more modern conceptions of corporate personhood, as well as the recent influence of international law on the U.S. courts. In the summer of 2004, the U.S. Supreme Court held in another ATCA case, Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, that only a human rights violation of the highest and most agreed upon magnitude, known as jus cogens violations, qualify for consideration under ATCA. Jus cogens norms are the highest class among human rights principles recognized by the international community of states as a whole as norms from which no derogation is permitted, such as slavery, torture, genocide, and war crimes. This institutionalization of jus cogens presupposes that some laws are inherent and inalienable, reflecting that there are ultimately fundamental moral choices.

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In March 2005, after several failed attempts to have the case dismissed, and facing evidence that jus cogens violations may have occurred in the building of the pipeline, Unocal settled Doe v. Unocal and agreed to pay damages of $32 million. The judicial struggle of the Doe v. Unocal case represents a stunning achievement for not only the Burmese peasants subjected to human rights abuses, but also the broader Free Burma movement activists who conceived this struggle to hold corporations accountable for their actions outside the United States. The case, and others like it, poses a threat to the reputation of corporations that seek to profit directly from slavery, and forces corporations to build into their calculus the costs of litigation and liability for violating certain human rights. Since Doe v. Unocal was first filed, victims working with lawyers and social movement organizations (including human, environmental, labor, women’s, and indigenous rights movements) have filed more than a dozen similar suits under ATCA against major U.S. corporations. As these cases work their way through the federal courts, it is becoming apparent that the courts will provide a venue for Alien Tort Claims against corporations based on only jus cogens human rights abuses. Thus, only plaintiffs who can prove the most egregious abuses will prevail in these suits. John G. Dale
See also: Alien Tort Claims Act; Burma.

Further Readings
Dale, John G. Transnational Legal Action: Global Business, Human Rights, and the Free Burma Movement. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006. Steinhardt, Ralph G., and Anthony D’Amato, eds. The Alien Tort Claims Act: An Analytical Anthology. Ardsley, NY: Transnational Publishers, 1999.

Domestic Workers
It is difficult to find a commonly accepted general definition of the term “domestic work.” In general, it is considered an extension of women’s reproductive work and involves one or more of the following tasks simultaneously: managing, undertaking, and servicing processes. These groups of house-related labors include: cleaning and cooking, as essential to the house maintenance; caring for infants and the elderly, as indispensable to the reproduction of human life; and serving the various members of the household. Domestic workers are the employees who are hired by individuals or families to provide these essential services in an employer’s home. The majority of domestic workers today are women and they constitute a large portion of the migrant worker population. In an age of economic globalization, their numbers have significantly increased as more middle-class women are now employed in work outside the home and new consumption patterns have evolved that have created more leisure time. Domestic work has historically been associated with industrial societies, but

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there have always been regional differences. Generally the growth of domestic work in a society has been one of the consequences that industrialization has produced. This results from two simultaneous forces as industrialization produces a growing middle class that increasingly employs domestic servants while also producing a surplus of unskilled female laborers. At the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, the first domestic workers tended to be middle-aged servants and this practice continued until the second half of the 19th century. Statistics from the early industrial era indicate that 6.5 percent of the population of France consisted of servants, while the comparable figures were 11.5 percent for Belgium, 1.4 percent for Spain, and 2.2 percent for Italy. But by the late 19th century, the number of domestic workers dramatically increased due to the mechanization of agriculture and other technological innovations. In Great Britain, an estimated 2 million domestic servants were working in the homes of new middleclass families, and 40 percent of all women employed in Britain were identified as being domestic workers. The servant-type form of domestic work remained in force until the late 19th century in Europe and the Americas, and until the 20th century in Asia. It became less common to find livein domestic servants working in most middle-class households. The modern era has witnessed an increase in the use of domestic workers, especially in households where both spouses are employed outside the home. As many

nations have reduced their support of public social services, many families have had to look for private hiring for their housework, especially to cope with child care and elderly care. In this new modern family dynamic, a hired substitute for taking over the wife’s domestic role is often required even though the wife remains in charge of all house-related responsibilities. Thus, domestic work turns out to be a relationship among the same gender. In other words, patriarchal gendered relationships between men and women are transferred to the relations between female employers and female domestic workers. The burden on the middleclass working mothers is reduced at the expense of increasing the burdens placed upon the domestic workers. By the beginning of the 21st century, domestic work became more of a racially defined occupation in many parts of the world. In an age of globalization, due to a shortage of real economic opportunities outside the home for many women, many have chosen to migrate to the Persian Gulf countries and the Middle East, Europe, Canada, the United States, and Australia, where they seek work as a modern domestic servant. Once again, the live-in form of domestic work has reappeared, since it provides a place to live free of charge for domestic workers, especially for migrant domestic workers. However, this form of work has become fraught with many abuses. Domestic work is structurally linked to slavery since domestic workers are not treated as people independent of

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their employers. In addition, houserelated work is often designed so that the physically hardest tasks are given to the domestic workers and these jobs demand an almost unlimited number of working hours. Many domestic workers, especially migrant workers, have been refused permission to communicate with their families or have time to spend with their relatives, even on their days off. There is also a basic power dynamic that exists in the relationship between the migrant domestic worker and her employer, in terms of the legal status of the domestic workers. The illegal presence of many of the domestic workers makes them even more vulnerable to mistreatment. Domestic workers, regardless of their legal status, generally face long and unregulated working hours. They are usually paid less than minimum wage, and, in some cases, they are not paid any wages. Many of them are forced to work overtime and are refused days off. Some employers are likely to reduce the salary or sometimes refuse to pay their full payments at the end of the work agreement. Furthermore, many domestic workers all over the world today face poor living conditions and a lack of food and privacy. These practices resemble the forms of slavery because they restrict the personal liberty of individuals by forcing them to labor for individuals who often expect to exercise total control of the domestic worker. Bayram Unal
See also: Child Labor; Migrant Workers.

Further Readings
Anderson, Bridget. Doing the Dirty Work? The Global Politics of Domestic Labour. London: Zed Books, 2000. Bakan, A. B., and D. K. Stasiulis. “Making the Match: Domestic Placement Agencies and the Racialization of Women’s Household Work.” Signs 20 (1995): 303–335.

Dominican Republic
The Dominican Republic is located in the Caribbean on the eastern two-thirds of Hispaniola, an island that was colonized by the Spanish in 1492. During the Spanish colonial period, the Dominican Republic was known as Santo Domingo. Colonial slavery ended in 1822 during the Haitian occupation (1822–1844). Santo Domingo gained independence from Spain in 1865. Unfree labor in the Dominican Republic was rooted in the rapid expansion of sugar production during the U.S. occupation (1916–1924) and continues into the present. Unfree labor within the Dominican Republic is largely relegated to the forced labor of Haitian workers on sugar estates. Sugar became a significant agricultural product in the 1870s and centralized sugar mills were established. Sugar production was drastically expanded by U.S. investors during the U.S. occupation, which resulted in a large demand for a cheap labor force. Haitians best met this demand because of proximity and the dire economic situation of the Haitian peasantry. U.S. occupation of Haiti

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(1915–1934) facilitated the migration process. Gradually the number of Haitians entering the Dominican Republic increased each year, reaching 50,000 by 1935 (Gavigan, 1999). General Rafael Trujillo, Dominican dictator from 1930 to 1961, took over most of the Dominican sugar industry in the 1950s, which continues to be largely state-owned today. In 1952, Trujillo initiated a contract system with Haiti that paid the Haitian government a fee for every seasonal worker provided to Dominican sugar factories. Similar contracts were in place for most of the period 1952–1964. The state established contracts with Haiti for laborers from 1966 to 1986. Since then, the council has recruited laborers directly. Approximately 30,000 Haitians cross the border legally and illegally to work each harvest season. Around 500,000 additional undocumented Haitian workers reside permanently in the Dominican Republic (OAS, 1999). Force plays a key role in recruitment and treatment of Haitian cane workers. Some Haitians go to the Dominican Republic aware of the deplorable work circumstances, out of economic necessity. Some workers are deceived about benefits and rights by Dominican recruiters; others are kidnapped or arrested and forcibly brought to the sugar factories by military and police who are often paid fees by the factories. Recruits are transported to the factories under military guard. Once at the factories, the workers are housed in bateyes (worker housing), which are usually in abysmal condition. Most bateyes are

overcrowded and lack electricity, sewage, and access to medical treatment. Human rights investigators have found consistent patterns of labor and human rights abuses among Haitians employed seasonally and year-round at Dominican sugar estates. The factories employ their own police forces to prevent Haitians from leaving the plantations. Workers are frequently forced to work on stipulated days off, and beyond standard work hours, even when ill. Open repression is frequent. Payment of wages is typically sporadic and sometimes made in vouchers, causing the workers to rely on the exploitive credit system of company stores. A multifaceted system of arbitrary pay reductions and corruption further reduces wages. Cane cutters are paid a fee per ton of cut sugar. The weighing system is often exploited to the detriment of the worker. Extortion and physical abuse are common. Racism and antiHaitianism are central to these continual abuses. Haitian agricultural, service, and construction workers are subject to arbitrary arrest, detention, and individual and mass deportations. Workers are often detained on paydays and frequently deported before they are paid. Deportees are not allowed to inform their families of their situation, they are not allowed to collect their possessions, they are often beaten, and they receive minimal or no food while they await deportation in grossly overpopulated detention centers. Detainees’ personal belongings, including identification documents, are often confiscated.

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Approximately 90 percent of Haitian seasonal migrants are men, but there are also many women and children under 15 years of age. The latter have no customary or legal rights. Nearly 5 percent of Haitian cane cutters are women. Women also engage in other forms of informal work such as laundry, cooking, and prostitution. Forced child labor is widespread on sugar estates, although it has declined measurably since 1995. In an attempt to regulate the work relationships between agricultural estate managers and agricultural workers, the Dominican Republic mandated the use of labor contracts by presidential decree in 1990. This has done little to affect the situation because it fails to include Haitian permanent residents and because Haitian workers do not have effective means to enforce the contracts. Cane cutter labor unions were legalized in 1992, but organizers are not permitted to meet with large groups of workers and protests are often suppressed by the military and police. Protesters are imprisoned and sometimes killed. Recent immigration legislation codifies improvements to the conditions of seasonal Haitian cane workers, specifically transportation to and from the sugar estates; payment in cash; housing for workers and their families; access to benefits of the Dominican social security system for the duration of employment; and compliance with Dominican labor standards. However, the bill fails to require individual contracts; provides no penalties for failure of employers to comply with the regulations;

and entails no mechanism for supervision or enforcement. Further, it fails to address the situation of Haitian permanent residents in the Dominican Republic and the growing number of Haitian migrant workers who work on coffee, corn, and rice farms and in construction. Therefore, the bill provides no real protection or leverage for Haitian workers. The small improvements that have been made in the living conditions of Haitian workers are largely the results of endeavors of nongovernmental organizations and labor unions, not the Dominican government. Lori Lee
See also: Cane Harvesters; Haiti; Restavek.

Further Readings
Gavigan, Patrick. Beyond the Bateyes. New York: National Coalition for Haitian Rights, 1999. Martinez, Samuel. Peripheral Migrants: Haitians and Dominican Republic Sugar Plantations. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1995. Organization of American States. Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the Dominican Republic. Washington, D.C.: Organization of American States, 1999. Plant, Robert. Sugar and Modern Slavery. London: Zed Books, 1987.

Douglass, Frederick (1817–1895)
Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey was born a slave in February 1817 on the Eastern Shore of Maryland.

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Douglass’ father likely was the white master, Aaron Anthony. His maternal grandfather, Isaac Bailey was a free man. The fourth of seven children, Frederick’s mother had to relinquish him to his grandmother while his mother worked 12 miles away. When Frederick was six or seven, he moved to the Lloyds’ great house at Wye Plantation. Although life was hard, he shared a friendship with Lloyd’s son, Daniel, and Anthony’s daughter, Lucretia, who was married to Thomas Auld. At age eight, Frederick began living with Auld’s brother. Hugh, and his family in Baltimore, Maryland. Believing slavery to be a crime, Hugh’s wife, Sophia Auld, taught Frederick to read. Early on, Frederick realized that if a slave reading was a threat, he needed to learn how to read and write. He worked hard both for the Aulds and in Auld Shipyard, carefully seeking ways to increase his reading and his knowledge. Though he mistrusted religion, he befriended a preacher, from whom he borrowed books. He also saved money to buy The Columbian Orator, memorized it, and learned about abolitionism by reading the Baltimore American. At age 15, he was sent to St. Michaels, Maryland, where he briefly taught at a Sabbath school for slaves; but a furious Thomas Auld hired him out to tenant farmer Edward Covey, who nearly broke Frederick’s spirit. Finally, Frederick decided to resist and Covey never abused him again. In 1836, a botched attempt to escape landed him in jail for two days, after which Frederick was

returned to Baltimore, where he resumed working at a shipyard. Further, he began teaching blacks to read at the East Baltimore Mental Improvement Society. There he met Anna Murray. Although he was 19 and she was free and 24, they decided to smuggle Frederick northward and to marry. On September 3, 1838, disguised as a sailor with borrowed papers, Frederick left work, took trains and a ferry to New York City, arriving early the next day. With help from David Ruggles, secretary of the antislavery New York Vigilance Committee, on September 15, 1838, “Frederick Johnson” married Anna. They moved to New Bedford, Massachusetts, where he changed his surname to Douglass. It was not long before he met abolitionists William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips. Relocating to Lynn, Massachusetts, Frederick became more active in antislavery issues. Increasingly on speaking tours away from his wife and growing family, Frederick experienced firsthand the juxtaposition between the beliefs and actual condescending behavior of white abolitionists. Adding injury to insult, he suffered a beating while in Indiana and realized that all northerners would not be as receptive to the abolitionist cause. In May 1845 he published Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. Having named his slaveholder, concerns for his safety led him to Great Britain. In 1846, his British friends paid $700 to purchase his freedom. Abolitionists argued the controversial decision, many believing that buying his freedom

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condoned the buying and selling of a human as property. Nevertheless, Douglass freely returned to Massachusetts in April 1847, eager to edit a weekly newspaper. Instead, Garrison and Phillips convinced him to write a weekly column in the Standard and to resume the lecture circuit. Ironically, new acquaintances in the abolitionist and suffrage movements would cultivate a philosophy opposed to Garrison’s camp. By November 1847, Douglass moved his family to Rochester, New York, a significant stop on the Underground Railroad. Advocating that African Americans must be their own leaders, he began editing his own newspaper, The North Star. Then, in July 1848, Douglass attended the Women’s Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, New York. Increasingly believing the preamble to the U.S. Constitution made it an antislavery document, he took up the cause of the Liberty Party and Gerritt Smith. In 1851 he began editing the pro-Liberty Frederick Douglass’ Paper and delivered his famous “What Is the Slave to the Fourth of July?” address in Rochester. By December 1852, Douglass was completely estranged from the Garrisonians, who believed the U.S. Constitution to be a proslavery document. Publishing continued with his novella The Heroic Slave (1853) and My Bondage and My Freedom (1855) and his Douglass’ Monthly (1858). After John Brown’s 1859 raid on Harpers Ferry, Virginia, ended tragically, Douglass felt compelled to leave the country, as

he had met many times with and likely had raised money for John Brown. Briefly in Canada and Great Britain, Douglass returned home in April 1860. When the U.S. Civil War erupted, Douglass aided in recruiting black troops; in 1863, he pressured Abraham Lincoln to allow them to fight in combat for the Union. After the war, he served as vice president of the Equal Rights Association. In 1870, Douglass moved to Washington, D.C. As editor of the weekly New National Era, Douglass agitated for black civil rights. His notoriety led to many federal appointments, as secretary of a U.S. commission to the Dominican Republic (1871), president of the Freedman’s Savings Bank (1874), and U.S. marshal of the District of Columbia (1877). In 1872, Douglass was listed as a candidate for vice president with Victoria Woodhull on the National Radical Reformer’s Party’s presidential ticket, a nomination he never accepted. In 1881, Douglass became recorder of deeds for the District of Columbia and published the Life and Times of Frederick Douglass; in August, his wife, died. In January 1884, he caused quite a scandal when he married Helen Pitts, a much younger white woman. While touring Europe and Africa with Helen, Douglass accepted appointment as U.S. ambassador to Haiti (1887). Two years later, he resigned when the United States tried to annex a Haitian port to establish a naval base. Throughout, he supported both civil and women’s rights movements. On February 20, 1895, Douglass died at

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the age of seventy-eight at his home in Washington, D.C. Sally Hilgendorff
See also: Garrison, William Lloyd; Underground Railroad.

Further Readings
Blight, David W. Frederick Douglass’ Civil War: Keeping Faith in Jubilee. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989. Douglass, Frederick. Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave. Written by Himself, ed. John W. Blassingame, John R. McKivigan, and Peter P. Hinks. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001. Originally published 1845. Foner, Philip S. Frederick Douglass: A Biography. New York: Citadel, 1964. Quarles, Benjamin. Frederick Douglass. New York: Atheneum Books, 1968.

Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857)
Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857) was a significant case in the history of slavery in the United States that helped hasten the Civil War. Coming as it did in the wake of President James Buchanan’s inauguration in March 1857, it was seen by some as a partisan attempt by a Democratic U.S. Supreme Court to foreclose the most likely political solution to the problem of slavery’s extension into the territory acquired by the United States in the Mexican War. In declaring that slavery could not constitutionally be barred from any U.S. territory and that

no black person could constitutionally become a citizen of the United States, Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney and his Court hoped to demolish the new Republican Party; instead, they hastened the attempted dissolution of the Union. Dred Scott was a Missouri slave whose master had taken him into free territory. His claim was that having lived into free territory, he had ceased to be a slave. In his opinion for the Court, Chief Justice Taney said that Congress had no power to exclude slavery from any territory of the United States; until a territory became a state, slave owners from the South had to be allowed to take slavery there just as any other citizen could take any other kind of property. Turning to the question of Scott’s right to bring his suit in federal court (which, arguably, should have been the first—and only—question the Court decided), Taney said that he did not. Irrespective of the question whether Scott had been freed by his sojourn in free territory, he was a black man. According to Taney, when the Constitution was framed, the prevailing belief of white Americans was that blacks had no rights that a white person need respect, so they had been excluded from the community created by the adoption of the U.S. Constitution. Taney, who had freed his own slaves, disavowed any hostility to blacks, but he insisted that his function as a judge was to implement the law as understood at the time of its adoption; if the founders had intended to exclude blacks from

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Dred Scott, a slave brought by his master to free territory, took his case to the Supreme Court and fueled the debate over slavery. (Library of Congress)

their community, they must always be excluded. Whatever Scott’s theoretical status in free territory, the Court said, he lived in Missouri at the time he availed himself of the courts’ process. Since Missouri law held him a slave, the U.S. Supreme Court would consider him a slave. Dissenting justices noted some of the flaws in Taney’s reading of history. For example, black people had been state citizens at the time of ratification, so it was hard to infer that the ratifiers of the Constitution had intended to keep them outside the community of citizens. Yet, the dissenters were only two. Critics of the Court noted that it seemed the Democrats who dominated that institution were using the Court to further

their partisan goal of declaring the Republican Party’s central organizing principle—exclusion of slavery from the federal territories—to be unconstitutional. Buchanan’s narrow victory over his Republican rival, John C. Frémont, in 1856, conspiracy theorists said at the time, was not to be repeated. We now know that both Taney and Buchanan had indeed been endeavoring mightily to construct a Democratic majority in Dred Scott precisely for these party purposes; the president-elect and the chief justice may have salved their consciences with the argument that maintenance of a national Democratic Party majority was the best way of ensuring that the United States did not dissolve into two or more regional confederacies. It did not work. Rather, the Dred Scott decision, intensified the national debate over slavery and served to hasten Republican victory in 1860 and the Civil War that followed. Kevin R. C. Gutzman
See also: Abolitionism.

Further Readings
Finkelman, Paul. “The Dred Scott Case, Slavery and the Politics of Law.” Hamline Law Review 20 (Fall 1996): 1–42. Mendelson, Wallace. “Dred Scott’s Case— Reconsidered.” Minnesota Law Review 38 (1953): 16–28. Schwartz, Harold. “The Controversial Dred Scott Decision.” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 54 (April 1960): 262–273.

Economic Globalization
Economic globalization refers to the processes through which economic activities and markets around the world are rapidly reorganizing into a single capitalist economy that spans the world and transcends national borders. Several processes constitute economic globalization. The production of goods and services are reorganizing across national borders in increasingly complex ways. Transnational corporations (TNCs) coordinate worldwide production chains and multinational trade and investment. At the same time, the nation-state plays a less meaningful role as a central economic organizing point with declining regulative power over production, trade, and capital accumulation. The explosive growth in computer technology, electronic communications, and rapid transportation facilitate transnational production and rapid exchange of information and capital. Furthermore, the rapidly accelerating international exchange of capital and transnational reorganization of production occur alongside the dispersion of capitalist cultural practices that propel consumer patterns that are increasingly similar throughout the world, allowing TNCs to expand into new markets.

Economic globalization is a contested concept that scholars analyze and theorize from a variety of perspectives. There are three dominant perspectives: classical-market, liberal, and worldsystems or critical (Marxist). The classical-market perspective on economic globalization represents the view of traditional economists, business strategists, and entrepreneurs. This approach views globalizing capitalism as the result of market forces. Businesses must expand in pursuit of profit and trade must be more efficient to maximize profit. This perspective is optimistic and portrays economic globalization as a positive process, despite such underlying paradoxes as market discontinuities and social disparities. The liberal perspective is more critical of economic globalization, although it maintains many of the assumptions of the classical-market perspective about market relations and the global expansion capitalism. Scholars of the liberal perspective analyze the impact of global restructuring and transnational dispersion of production, trade and international financial investments on social organization and political relations, not just the market. The liberal perspective considers the power relations among and between the various actors, including corporations, governments,

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civil society, workers, and others social groups. Proponents of world-systems theory argue that a capitalist world-economy began in the 16th century in Western Europe, which today operates across the entire globe. World-systems theory draws from Karl Marx’s theory of capitalism to argue that the capitalist world economy operates via the unequal social relationships between owners of production mechanisms (capital) and the direct producers (labor) of goods. The sale of goods or services for higher than their production costs creates surplus value for capitalist entrepreneurs. Surplus value in the form of goods, services, information, and raw capital, is distributed globally through the exchange process of the world market. The capitalist structure of the world economy permits an unequal exchange of goods and services to maximize the profits of capitalist entrepreneurs in the most capital-rich and technologically developed centers of the world. These centers are called core zones, and conversely, the less-developed, least wealthy regions are called periphery zones, where most production tends to occur. The regions in between are considered semiperiphery zones (Wallerstein, 1979). A similar critical approach to understanding economic globalization, the global systems theory, posits that economic, political, and culturalideological practices across state borders transform the world according to global capitalism. The drive for profit is the central imperative of capitalism. The pursuit of

profit drives enterprises to seek out new sources of cheap labor, land, natural resources, and markets. According to the critical perspective, which draws on Marxist economic theory, profit (surplus value) derives from the exploitation of human labor by a class of people who own property, the production systems, and retain wealth. Global capitalist expansion transforms human labor and natural resources into commodities that produce surplus value. The critical perspective further argues that capitalism expanded through European colonialism and imperialism, which subjugated peoples of Latin America, Africa, and Asia. All perspectives generally agree that transnational corporations are the driving force of economic globalization. A transnational corporation is “a firm which has the power to co-ordinate and control operations in more than one country, even if it does not own them” (Dicken, 1998, 177). The largest TNCs are based in the United States, Western Europe, and Japan. Since the 1970s, corporations have expanded their international trade and foreign investment, growing in financial size and geographic reach to operate beyond domestic and international boundaries as a result of failing to find adequately profitable investment sources in their home countries. Increasingly, the incomes of the largest TNCs come from countries outside of their national base. The largest TNCs have annual sales far greater than the gross national product of most national governments. Consequently, the largest global companies

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have more economic power at their disposal than the majority of the countries in the world. International investment intensified with the development of computer technology and sophisticated communication systems, while multinational trade accelerated with continuously improving transportation systems. The ease with which corporations can do business on a worldwide scale has accelerated global capital mobility. This has in turn allowed for the decentralization of the global production system away from national economies and the concentration of transnational corporate ownership and control of global production and distribution chains. Economic globalization also entails a fundamental change in the relations between governments (or nation-states) and TNCs. Governments and the states they govern have declining power over TNCs. Governments are relinquishing their authority to regulate TNCs in their home countries and internationally. Global firms strive to maximize profitability and reduce long-term production costs by seeking the least expensive sources of production and eliminating barriers to capital accumulation. Flexibility, outsourcing, and subcontracting characterize the global production system. TNCs increasingly control the global production system while owning less of the means of production. Corporations reduce their risks and costs by subcontracting or outsourcing manufacturing and services. Accordingly, global production entails

maximizing the use of low-wage, disenfranchised labor. The social change brought by economic globalization has been disruptive for peoples in many societies, especially those in developing countries. The restructuring of subsistence farming to cash-crop agribusiness has forced small-land owning peasants off their land and into the wage workforce. Similarly, artisans and small-scale industrialists lose their livelihoods and must find paid work in the factories subcontracted to transnational corporations. Factory closings in capital rich countries and transfers of production jobs to lower-wage domestic or foreign locations are also an effect of the global restructuring of production. Transnational migration accelerates as the unemployed and dispossessed assimilate into the transnational wage workforce supplying flexible, costefficient labor for global production system. Modern slavery (as human trafficking, debt bondage, contract peonage, and such) is a result of the global production system. Slavery adds surplus value through indirect cost savings passed through production chains. Contemporary slaves are exploited in the least-regulated points of production, typically where raw labor is employed at the bottom of a chain of subcontracted services. Such sectors lack monitoring and law enforcement, or official corruption permits hyperexploitation. Contemporary slave labor is found predominantly in agriculture (such as cotton, cocoa, and sugar),

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manufacturing (such as garments, carpets, and bricks), mining, construction, domestic work, and the sex industry. Steven Lize
See also: Domestic Servants; Human Trafficking for Labor Purposes; Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation; Sharecropping; World Trade Organization.

Further Readings
Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Dicken, Peter. Global Shift: Transforming the World Economy, 3rd ed. New York: Guilford Press, 1998. Dunning, John H. Global Capitalism at Bay? New York: Routledge, 2001. Sassen, Saskia. The Global City, 2nd ed. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. Sklair, Leslie. Globalization and Its Alternatives, 3rd ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Wallerstein, Immanuel. The Capitalist World Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979.

ECPAT is an international network of organizations and individuals working together to eliminate the commercial sexual exploitation of children. It is the main global umbrella organization focusing on that particular form of modern slavery. The acronym initially meant “End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism”; it now stands for “End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography,

and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes.” The organization was set up in 1991 in Bangkok, Thailand, where the secretariat of ECPAT International is still located. ECPAT now has a global span: it is represented in more than 60 countries in both the developed and the developing world. Each national branch has its own scope and structure; for example, ECPAT UK, a registered charity since 2004, started as a coalition of nine UK organizations working on children’s issues (Anti-Slavery International, Barnardo’s, Jubilee Campaign, NSPCC, Save the Children UK, The Body Shop Foundation, The Children’s Society, UNICEF UK, and World Vision UK), whereas ECPAT Thailand is coordinated around a prevention project consisting of six implementing partners working at the community level in north Thailand. Two key dates in ECPAT history are 1996, when the First World Congress against the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children took place in Stockholm, Sweden, and 2001, with the Second World Congress in Yokohama, Japan. An Agenda for Action has now been adopted by 161 countries whose national governments have committed to act in order to safeguard children against commercial sexual exploitation, especially in tourism contexts. The agenda covers five areas: coordination and cooperation (not only at local/national levels, but also internationally), prevention (especially through education and communication), protection (especially through

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the implementation of laws to criminalize the acts of the nationals of the countries of origin), child participation (involving children in the programs and the decision making processes), as well as recovery and reintegration (to adopt a nonpunitive approach to the children victims of commercial sexual exploitation, and also to provide them with social, medical, and psychological support). Overall, national governments seem to have taken their commitment seriously, especially with regard to legislation. Mediatized cases of sexual exploitation of children (child prostitution, child pornography) have contributed to public support for the cause. On its website, ECPAT International describes its mission as “to encourage the world community to ensure that children everywhere enjoy their fundamental rights free from all forms of commercial sexual exploitation.” Concretely, ECPAT works toward that aim in several ways: advocacy, campaigning, and awareness raising; training; networking; capacity building; research and dissemination of information through international monitoring and sharing good practices. ECPAT complements the work of many other organizations it liaises with, from UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund) to the World Tourism Organization. In 1998 ECPAT was awarded the Rafto Prize from the Rafto Foundation for Human Rights. Loykie Loïc Lominé

See also: Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Women and Children; Convention on the Rights of the Child; United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund.

Further Readings
Code of Conduct for the Protection of Children from Sexual Exploitation in Travel and Tourism, available from http:// ECPAT International: http://www.ecpat .net.

El Monte, California, Sweatshop Case
The El Monte, California, sweatshop raid of August 2, 1995, awakened the American public to the existence of modern day slavery in the United States. On that day, federal, state, and local law enforcement officials freed 72 workers who had been subject to forced labor. Although sporadic examples of slavery had continued throughout the 20th century, this case was the largest single example of industrial slave labor in modern America. Publicity surrounding the case brought attention to the continued existence of slavery in the United States and the minimal criminal penalties imposed upon those who were convicted. The illegal sewing operation was located in a seven-unit apartment complex in El Monte, a suburb of Los Angeles. This large contract sewing shop was a family-owned business run by the matriarch Suni Manasurangkun.

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The business, which she had begun as early as 1988, was a sophisticated operation that produced clothing under contract for major labels and nationally prominent retailers. The operators ran two front shops in the Los Angeles garment district to provide a theoretical source of production when representatives from retailers and manufacturers had come to inspect facilities and their merchandise. The Manasurangkun family solicited experienced garment workers for their operation in Thailand. Recruiters lured mostly young female workers to El Monte with promises of clean factory work for high wages. Workers signed indenture agreements committing them to repay 120,000 baht (about $5,000 in 1997 dollars) to cover transportation costs. The workers understood that they had made a commitment for a three-year stint and would be returned to Thailand at the end of the term. They were brought through Los Angeles International Airport using fraudulent passports. On arrival in Los Angeles, the sweatshop operators confiscated the doctored passports and put them to work. The Thai workers were held captive in a two-story apartment building that was enclosed by a security gate, razor wire, and guards. The workers slept up to nine in a room. The fear and disorientation of being held in a strange land, the guard force, and threats of physical harm to them and their families in Thailand, discouraged the workers from escaping. The workers usually sewed 16 hours a day, seven days a week. They sewed

on modern machines in what had previously been the garages, dining rooms, and living rooms of the apartments. A typical schedule was: wake at 6:00 a.m., begin work at 7:00 a.m., lunch around noon, dinner around 6:00 p.m., and end the day’s work around midnight. The workers received wages averaging 69 cents an hour. From these meager earnings. the sweatshop operators deducted money to repay the contracted debt. Workers also had to buy, at inflated prices, food and personal supplies from a company store located in one of the units. In 1995 state investigators from the California Department of Industrial Relations, acting on a tip from the boyfriend of an escaped worker, staked out the apartment complex and gathered enough information to obtain a search warrant for illegal work within the home. In a coordinated multiagency raid, the authorities arrested eight of the clandestine garment shop operators and took the 72 Thai workers into Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) custody. After nine days in detention, the INS released the workers and granted them temporary permission to remain in the United States as material witnesses in the case against the sweatshop operators. Later, they were allowed to apply for permanent residency. In February 1996, the eight operators of the El Monte sweatshop pled guilty in federal court to conspiracy, involuntary servitude (slavery), and smuggling and harboring of illegal immigrants. The sentences ranged from

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two to seven years and a $250,000 fine. During the raid, officers seized documents that showed that a number of manufacturers and retailers were directly contracting with the El Monte sweatshop. By 1999, 11 companies— Mervyn’s, Montgomery Ward, Tomato, Bum International, L. F. Sportswear, Millers Outpost, Balmara, Beniko, F-40 California, Ms. Tops, and Topson Downs—agreed to pay more than $3.7 million dollars in back wages to the 150 workers who had labored in the El Monte sweatshop and its front operation. These companies made no admission of wrongdoing. The El Monte shop was one of the most egregious examples of sweatshop labor in the 20th century. However, many of its practices, such as indenturing workers, using undocumented labor, threats of violence, and violating wage and hour laws are not uncommon practices. Outrage over the meager sentences in the El Monte case led to the passage of the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000, which increased the sentences for slavery and made prosecution easier. Harry R. Rubenstein and Peter Liebhold
See also: Sweatshop Watch.

Liebhold, Peter, and Harry R. Rubenstein. Between a Rock and a Hard Place: A History of American Sweatshops, 1820– Present. Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center and Simon Wiesenthal Center Museum of Tolerance, 1999. Ross, Robert J. S. Slaves to Fashion: Poverty and Abuse in the New Sweatshops. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004. Schoenberger, Karl. Levi’s Children: Coming to Terms with Human Rights in the Global Market Place. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2000.

Emancipation Proclamation (1863)
The Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, declared free all slaves in territory still controlled by the Confederate States of America. Its political effect was to transform the Union’s war to subjugate the Confederacy into a war to free the slaves. The identification of the war effort with the antislavery cause ultimately led to the end of slavery throughout the United States. When Abraham Lincoln was elected president in November 1860, he insisted that his intentions in no way extended to the elimination of slavery from the states where it already existed. Careful observers knew that Lincoln had drawn a connection in 1858 between keeping slavery out of the western territories— the Republican Party’s stated aim— and the ultimate extinction of slavery in the rest of the country, but Lincoln’s point was that he did not mean to take

Further Readings
Bender, Daniel, and Richard Greenwald, eds. Sweatshop USA: The American Sweatshop in Historical and Global Perspective. New York: Routledge, 2003.

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any measures directly against slavery in the southern states. By the time Lincoln was inaugurated president in March 1861, seven states had already seceded from the Union and formed the Confederate States of America. Soon, the Confederate forces’ firing on Fort Sumter in the harbor at Charleston, South Carolina, started the military conflict. Although some abolitionists wanted to let the South go in peace, others urged Lincoln to announce that he would free the slaves. Lincoln hedged. He said that he would be happy to have the seceded states return to the Union on whatever terms regarding slavery; his aim was simply to restore Union authority in the Confederate states. Meanwhile, many black people in the Confederacy took matters into their own hands. Where they had the chance, they fled to Union lines, and some attempted to join Union armies. They made clear that so far as they were concerned, the Union effort was an antislavery effort. In the end, Lincoln decided that slavery lay at the root of the Confederate war effort and that the contributions of black fighting men were essential to Union victory. Shortly after the Union victory in the Battle of Antietam, he issued his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, 1862. Seceding states, he said, had 100 days to submit to Union authority, or else their slaves would be forever freed. Lincoln followed up with his January 1, 1863, Emancipation Proclamation. First, he claimed to be acting “by

virtue of the power vested in [him] as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion . . . and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion.” Lincoln believed the reference to the war was legally necessary to justify the measure, because his proposal certainly did not fall within the president’s quotidian powers. Nowhere in the U.S. Constitution was the president given power to abolish types of property of which he disapproved or thought dangerous; only the special circumstances of the Civil War justified him in abolishing it. Calling attention to the context of his action was also politically necessary. After all, Lincoln was the first Republican president, and political opponents of his party had long claimed that the Republican Party was a “black” party and that it was intent on abolition. Here, characteristically, Lincoln shifted responsibility: This is southerners’ fault, he said implicitly; if they had not declared and fought to defend their independence, he would not have faced an imperative to free their slaves. The Emancipation Proclamation enumerated the states and regions of states to which it applied: those still controlled by the Confederate authorities. Again, this portion of the document seemed constitutionally necessary to Lincoln because he only claimed authority to free slaves under the mantle of military necessity; where the rebellion had been defeated, the necessity had ceased to exist. Ironically, that meant that slavery still remained legal

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in slave areas already under Union control. Thus, no one was freed instantly by the Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln called upon slaves not to use violence except in self-defense and to work for “reasonable wages” where given the opportunity. He further stated that people freed by the proclamation would be accepted into Union military service, which resulted in the use of more than 180,000 African American troops before the end of the Civil War. In the document’s conclusion, Lincoln called down “the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God,” as he wanted both domestic and foreign opinion, so essential to the Union’s successful prosecution of the war, to endorse his action. Kevin R. C. Gutzman
See also: Lincoln, Abraham.

Further Readings
Franklin, John Hope. The Emancipation Proclamation. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1963. Guelzo, Allen C. Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation: The End of Slavery in America. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004.

The Enlightenment
The Enlightenment, an 18th-century European and American intellectual and cultural movement toward greater secularism and empiricism, produced both supporters and opponents of slavery. Its principal impact on the debate

may have been to promote humanitarian antislavery arguments and secular, nonbiblical proslavery arguments. Like their 18th-century contemporaries, the thinkers and proponents of Enlightenment beliefs—the philosophes—employed a broader definition of slavery than that of chattel slavery. It was routine to refer to all who lived under despotic regimes as slaves. Slavery in this general sense was the condition of most people, both in the 18th century and throughout history, and most philosophes believed that it would continue to be so. Most philosophes expressed at least a verbal opposition to chattel slavery. Attacks on the misery of slaves and the hypocrisy and cruelty of those who exploited them or defended the practice of slavery were common in Enlightenment rhetoric at least from the Persian Letters (1721) of the French lawyer and philosophe Montesquieu. Philosophes combined denunciation of slavery’s cruelty with the assertion that it violated the natural and inalienable rights that slaves, like all people, possessed the same rights that would be asserted in classic Enlightenment-influenced political documents, such as the American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man. However, the philosophes of Europe never campaigned against slavery as vigorously as they did against evils that struck them as closer to home, such as religious intolerance or judicial torture. The American philosophe Benjamin Franklin, toward the end of his life, was an exception.

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Although philosophes frequently attacked the treatment of Africans in the Atlantic slave trade, denunciation of slavery was not always correlated with egalitarian ideas about race. The leading Enlightenment philosopher David Hume, while opposing slavery, held extreme views on black intellectual inferiority, comparing blacks who had acquired proficiency in European intellectual disciplines to trained parrots. Enlightenment thinkers did avoid biblical justifications for slavery or belief in black inferiority in favor of “scientific racism.” Despite his proclaimed dislike of the institution of slavery, the slave owner Thomas Jefferson’s assertion of black racial inferiority in Notes on Virginia (1785) rested wholly on secular, scientific arguments of the Enlightenment rather than appeals to biblical authority. Hume and other late 18th-century philosophes (particularly in Scotland) also laid greater emphasis on the pragmatic argument against slavery, claim-

ing that it was economically harmful and that slave societies would not be as wealthy or productive as ones based on free labor. Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations (1776), considered the founding text of classical economics, argued that slavery was a bad bargain for masters, as free labor was ultimately cheaper since it required less supervision. William Earl Burns
See also: Abolitionism.

Further Readings
Gay, Peter. The Enlightenment: An Interpretation. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969. Griswold, Charles L. Adam Smith and the Virtues of Enlightenment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Hannaford, Ivan. Race: The History of an Idea in the West. Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1996. Schiebinger, Londa. Nature’s Body: Gender in the Making of Modern Science. Boston: Beacon Press, 1993.

False Adoption
False adoption is the use of a legal adoption process or falsified adoption papers to smuggle women and children from country to country, most commonly for the purposes of sex slavery, drug trafficking, domestic labor, or organ transplantation. There are no official numbers of how many people are involved every year, yet it is currently known that false adoption is highly gendered, among which young girls are the primary targets of trafficking rings. False adoption has been recognized as a violation of human rights as early as 1924, although various forms of “liminal” adoption, in which the “adoptee” was attached to a free family with something less than the full rights and protections, had been a permanent fixture of global slavery in the ancient, medieval, and early modern worlds. The League of Nations Temporary Slavery Commission of 1924 listed “adoption of children, of either sex, with a view to their virtual enslavement, or the ultimate disposal of their persons” as one of many extant forms of modern slavery. Over recent decades, slave trafficking rings using an increasing variety of methods of false adoption have grown with the expansion and ease of mobility among countries.

Children trafficked by falsified adoption are commonly bought, hired, kidnapped, or deceived by traffickers, most often with the consent of family or neighbors. Trends have shown that individuals are commonly smuggled from developing nations into rich countries and then dispersed or disposed as needed. Young women are typically promised high-paying or secure jobs as waitresses, dancers, and assistants for the elderly. Children might be guaranteed a place at a school to further their education. Adoptees are often given false certificates and travel papers in order to accompany a trafficker and other trafficking victims across borders. Upon arrival at final destination, individuals are commonly beaten, raped, or isolated in order to fashion a subservient worker. The commercial sex trade has been reported to be the third largest industry in the world, and many young girls and boys are fictively adopted for sexual exploitation every year. Working in strip clubs, massage parlors, brothels, private homes, or as street prostitutes, these individuals are generally forced to work off a “debt,” or the money the traffickers paid for purchase and travel expenses, as well as paying for shelter and food. False adoption to provide domestic laborers can follow a similar path with

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the enslaved individual usually working in private homes. In many cases, couples have traveled abroad, promising parents a better life for a child and extensive education in order to attain rights of adoption. In this manner, children are uprooted from families and brought to a foreign country, where they are subject to regular beatings, seclusion, or rape in order for their overseer to maintain dominance over them. In recent decades, there have been increasing accounts of young children, typically infants, abducted or bought from their mothers and sold to eager adoptive parents in Western nations. Trends have revealed that adoptive parents are most commonly seeking blonde-haired, blue-eyed babies, and will pay upward of $30,000 to obtain one of these children. These traffickers might provide fake passport and birth certificate documents for the adopting couples, who are most likely to be from the United States, Israel, or Great Britain. Although there are many international adoption agencies set up to provide help for these types of adoptions, the process can take anywhere from 2 to 10 years, therefore pushing couples who are desperate for a child to take actions into their own hands. Numerous international adoptions, both legal and illegal, have also been used for the purposes of transplant surgery. Unusual increases in the number of couples adopting disabled and physically defective children, have alerted agencies worldwide to the problem of selling organs and other body parts to a specific family or on black markets.

As a result of these horrifying findings, some countries around the world have succeeded in tightening policies for foreign adoptions and created a series of interview systems in order to ensure the safety of future adopted children. Although there are inadequate records of false adoption, it is believed that many of these women and children are easily victimized because of the lack of birth records or other documentation of their existence. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child has recently been discussing new protocol and protections for children worldwide, augmenting the rights and safeguards endorsed in the treaty of 1989. Stephanie Lasalle and William H. Foster
See also: Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation.

Further Reading
Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.

Fanon, Frantz (1925–1961)
Frantz Fanon was born in Fortde-France, the capital of Martinique, in 1925 to a relatively prosperous, middleclass black family. In a normal French colonial pattern, Fanon grew up speaking and thinking of himself as French. He did, however, take classes in secondary school from the négritude poet Aimé Césaire, who called on Antillians

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to rediscover their African roots. Disillusioned with the racism and repression of the pro-Nazi Vichy regime in Martinique, the 17-year-old Fanon left his homeland in early 1943 with the intention of joining the forces of the Free French, whose liberation he considered inextricably bound up with his own and that of Martinique. With the sudden end of the Vichy regime in Martinique a short time later, Fanon was repatriated but later left for Europe to participate in the effort to liberate the “motherland,” toward which he felt a deep loyalty at the time. He arrived in the Moroccan port of Casablanca for basic training in 1944. While stationed in North Africa and subsequently in France, where he would be decorated for distinguished conduct, Fanon made the depressing discovery that the French army, which he had hoped would save Europe and the world from fascism and racism, was itself hierarchically structured along racial and ethnic lines, privileging Europeans above North Africans. After Germany’s capitulation in 1945, the 20-year-old Fanon returned to Martinique, where he finished his secondary school education and, after some discussion with local authorities, was ultimately awarded a grant available to war veterans for the pursuit of higher education. The following year, Fanon began his medical studies in Lyon, France. It is likely that his growing awareness of racism in France influenced his decision to specialize in psychiatry. In 1952, he published his first book, Peau noire, masques blancs (trans. 1967,

Ideologist of the anticolonial and Black Power movements, Frantz Fanon used his education in psychiatry to reveal the lasting impact of racism on the psyche. (Algerian Ministry of Information)

Black Skin, White Masks), in which he drew from his psychiatric training to demonstrate the impact of racism and colonialism on the black psyche. In Peau noire, masques blancs, Fanon argues that color and race are not essences, but rather it is the “white gaze” that he encounters on the streets Having completed his psychiatric training, Fanon decided to move in 1953 to the Algerian town of Blida, where his expertise was more urgently needed. A year later, the Algerian Revolution began. This war, which would become the most brutal war of decolonization in France’s history, became the driving force of Fanon’s life and

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writing. Although Fanon considered joining the armed struggle in the mountains, he decided that he would be more useful to the Front de Liberación Nationale (FLN) at the psychiatric hospital in Blida, where he could safely harbor wounded fighters and treat their psychological ailments. Upon being discovered by the French police, Fanon went into exile in Tunis at the end of 1956 and emerged as the national spokesman for the FLN. He was an ongoing contributor to El Moudjahid, the FLN newspaper that sought to secure the support of the international left. After the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria (GPRA), based in Tunis, Fanon became part of its diplomatic corps. In 1957, he became the GPRA’s ambassador to Ghana and began promoting the cause of Algerian independence in such other black African countries as Guinea, Ivory Coast, Congo, and Mali. In 1959, Fanon published L’An, V de la Révolution algérienne (trans. 1965, A Dying Colonialism), a collection of essays on topics related to the revolution. This work was seized by the police three months after its publication. In 1960, Fanon was diagnosed with leukemia. During a brief period of remission in 1961, he was able to complete his greatest work, Les Damnés de la terre (trans. 1965, The Wretched of the Earth), which would be a central text of the Black Power movements in the United States and the Caribbean. Fanon died of leukemia in 1961, when he was only 36 years old. A

number of his essays were posthumously collected and published in 1964 as Pour la révolution Africaine (trans. 1976, Toward the African Revolution). Fanon’s ideas inspired the Black Power movement in the United States and have left a lasting impression on important African and Caribbean anticolonial writers, novelists, and activists. Maria de Jesus Cordero Further Readings
Bulhan, Hussein Abdilahi. Frantz Fanon and the Psychology of Oppression. New York: Plenum Press, 1985. Geismar, Peter. Fanon. New York: Dial Press, 1971. Gordon, Lewis R., Denean Sharpley-Whiting, and Renee White. Fanon: A Critical Reader. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1996. Macey, David. Frantz Fanon: A Life. New York: Picador, 2001. Onwuanibe, Richard C. A Critique of Revolutionary Humanism: Frantz Fanon. St. Louis: W. H. Green, 1983.

Female Genital Mutilation
Female genital mutilation or clitoridectomy refers to the partial or full removal of the clitoris. While it sometimes goes by the name of female circumcision, this is a misnomer, and technically refers to the practice of removing the clitoral hood. While clitoridectomies were performed by doctors during the late 19th and early 20th centuries to control masturbation and other signs of “excessive” sexuality in women, the practice

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is most associated with Arab, Muslim, and North African countries. Today, clitoridectomies and infibulation, in which the clitoris and labia minora are removed and the labia majora is sewn together, are commonly performed on young girls around the world. West Africa, North Africa, East Africa, and the Arab Peninsula are the areas in which it is most commonly practiced, although it is also found in any country with large immigrant populations from these areas, such as France and the United States. Among the Muslim populations in Somalia, Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia, and Mali, as many as 95 percent of all women are reported to have undergone the procedure, and in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Iraq, it is also common. It is more commonly practiced in Sunni Muslim cultures than in Shia communities; Shia Muslims often remove instead a piece of the clitoral hood. In total, the World Health Organization estimates that 100 million women have undergone genital mutilation procedures, while Amnesty International estimates that 130 million women have been operated on, more than 2 million each year. Girls are typically operated on during their early childhoods, and always prior to the onset of puberty. By removing the clitoris, the mothers and grandmothers who typically perform the surgeries ensure that their daughters can experience no sexual pleasure; this is done to ensure that they will be virgins upon marriage and will remain

faithful to their husbands after marriage. A girl who has had her clitoris removed is considered to be a good candidate for marriage, whereas one who has not is often considered unmarriageable, or at the very least, she will not fetch a very high bride-price. In many Arab and Muslim cultures, women are said to be sexually dangerous, and female genital mutilation is a way to control their sexuality. Because a woman’s behavior can bring shame or honor on her family and her husband’s family, by ensuring that she does not stray there is no danger of her shaming her family. In addition, a woman who does not stray in marriage will only bear children who are legitimate heirs to her husband’s lineage, which is also critical in the patrilineal societies in which clitoridectomy is practiced. Finally, the clitoris is seen as a masculine organ in some cultures so a girl with a clitoris is seen as masculine, not to mention dirty. In Africa, the practice is often associated with traditional initiation rites, and sometimes occurs at the same time that boys’ circumcision rituals do, and in some non-Muslim cultures, such as among the Masai, it is not intended to control female sexuality, but simply to mark a girl as a woman, although the result is the same. The surgery itself is performed typically outside of a hospital and by women who are not medical practitioners. Tools include scissors, knives, or pieces of glass, and sterilization is not practiced, nor is anesthesia used. Because of the conditions, the practice,

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which is quite painful, commonly results in infections, excessive bleeding, scarring, and sometimes death, and long-term problems include urinary and reproductive difficulties, including, ironically, sterility. The most common result, however, is the intended one, which is the elimination of a woman’s main organ of sexual pleasure, and thus is opposed by feminists as a human rights violation. While Western and non-Western feminists as well as health and human rights organizations are opposed to female genital mutilation, women continue to perform the procedure on their daughters and granddaughters. For them, there are a great many benefits. When women’s only opportunity in life, for example, is tied to getting married, then a procedure that ensures marriageability and increases the odds of finding a higher status husband will certainly be a powerful force. Also, in countries where adultery by a woman is punishable by death, or, at the very least, where a woman who strays from her marriage is ostracized forever, then ensuring chastity by any means is certainly an important concern. A promiscuous girl in these cultures is often a girl who is risking her life. In African countries without as great a focus on a girl’s sexuality, clitoridectomies are performed as part of a rite of passage that makes a girl a woman, raising her status and demonstrating her maturity, submissiveness, and ability to withstand pain (which will be needed in childbirth). It is also often seen as an important community ritual in which

the girl receives moral instruction from her elders and is bonded to the generations before her who have undergone the procedure. Advocates also note that girls who undergo the procedure will have a stronger bond with their husbands since there will be no risk of her cheating on him, that he will treat her better knowing that she will not stray, and that she will love him even more because her love will not be based on sexual passion. Female genital mutilation is prohibited throughout the West, and some African countries prohibit it as well, such as the Central African Republic, the Ivory Coast, Ghana, Guinea, Senegal, Tanzania, and many countries, such as Indonesia and Egypt, have been attempting to eradicate it through education. Others are trying to ensure that the procedure is only done in a hospital. Thanks to outreach work by health officials and to the United Nations’ condemnation of the practice, many countries have seen a drop in the practice. In 2006, the United States saw its first criminal case against female genital mutilation go to court, when an Ethiopian immigrant was charged and convicted with cutting off his 5-yearold daughter’s clitoris with a pair of scissors. There are well over 100,000 girls living in the United States whose parents come from countries that practice female genital mutilation, so this will no doubt not be the last case. Some African and Arab feminists who oppose female genital mutilation also oppose Western attempts to abolish it, and instead are working to

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educate women and to create alternative initiation rituals for girls. Women’s health organizations in Kenya, for example, have come up with a ritual called Ntanira Na Mugambo, which means circumcision by words, as a replacement for traditional rituals. Another issue that would need to be addressed is to change the economic circumstances that only allow a woman economic and social mobility through marriage. In the West, a small number of modern body modification practitioners choose to have their clitorises removed in order to negate their sexuality. Some women elect to have their clitorises removed, and others remove the clitoral hood and often the labia as well, resulting in just a vaginal and urethral opening. Margo DeMello Further Reading
Adams, K. E. “What’s ‘Normal’: Female Genital Mutilation, Psychology, and Body Image.” Journal of the American Medical Women’s Association 59 (2004): 168–170. Althaus, Frances A. “Female Circumcision: Rite of Passage or Violation of Rights?” International Family Planning Perspectives 23, no. 3 (1997): 130–133. Salecl, Renata. “Cut in the Body: From Clitoridectomy to Body Art.” In S. Ahmed and J. Stacey, eds. Thinking through the Skin. New York: Routledge, 2001.

Fernando Pó, São Tomé, and Príncipe
Located in the Atlantic Ocean off equatorial Africa, the islands of Fernando

Pó, São Tomé, and Príncipe have had associations with slavery and slave trading for five centuries. In the 1470s, Portuguese seafarers sailing around Africa discovered four islands in the Gulf of Guinea. Tiny and uninhabited, the southernmost, Annobón, served as a foothold. Two larger, also uninhabited, islands, São Tomé and Príncipe, were located to the northeast. Finally, a still larger island lay north of these. Forested and populated by the Bubi people, it was dubbed “Formosa” (“Beautiful”), later officially named Fernando Pó. These islands form the southern half of a volcanic chain that includes Mount Cameroon and the Adamawa Range. Although their rich soils and sloping mountains allow remarkably varied cultivation, they have a disease-prone climate with oppressive humidity and frequent rains. Quick to note the islands’ economic and strategic potential, the Portuguese introduced coffee to Fernando Pó, sugar to São Tomé, and slaving throughout the region. Lisbon’s attention focused on São Tomé, from which the Portuguese dispatched 4,000 to 5,000 slaves per year throughout the 16th century. However, the 17th and 18th centuries were years of decline, when São Tomé served little purpose beyond provisioning slave ships that were bound for Brazil. The Treaty of San Ildefonso (1777) gave Fernando Pó, Annobón, and a section of west African coast to Spain in return for an extension of Portuguese Brazil’s boundaries. Madrid took little interest in Africa since Spain’s slaving operations were

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tiny. After the abolition of slave trading north of the equator in 1817, few saw a purpose for Fernando Pó. The Spanish leased it to Great Britain as a naval base for antislavery patrols, and the headquarters of the Mixed Commission for the Suppression of the Slave Traffic was transferred from Freetown, Sierra Leone, to Fernando Pó in 1827. Slaves rescued by the Royal Navy were settled on the island. They were joined by freed Angolan slaves from São Tomé, Crioulos (Portuguese African mulattos), and immigrants from Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Nigeria. Collectively, these peoples became the Fernandinos, a tightly knit entrepreneurial group that eventually formed much of the island’s elite. Noting similarities between Fernando Pó’s climate and soil and that of the West Indies, ex-slave William Pratt sent off to the Caribbean for cacao seeds that proved highly successful. Soon Fernando Pó, and later São Tomé and Príncipe, became latifundiary monocultures based on cacao. Refusing to sell Fernando Pó to Britain, which used the island to establish control over Nigeria, the Spanish government reasserted its control in the mid-19th century. At the Berlin West Africa Conference (1884–1885), Madrid claimed 800,000 square kilometers of the coast, but gained only the 26,000 square-kilometer enclave of Río Muni. Dramatic increases in world cocoa demand in the late-19th century brought Catalan planters to Fernando Pó, reputedly to produce the world’s best cacao. Spanish plantation companies amalgamated small farms into

some 50 plantations totaling 50,000 hectares by paying the Bubi to shift to less favorable land. However, labor was a limiting factor. Even if the status of the Bubis and Fernandinos had not eliminated them from the labor pool, their numbers were insufficient to run the plantations. Furthermore, the Fang people who dominated Río Muni proved difficult to assimilate. The Spanish and, to a lesser extent, the Portuguese, who had faced similar problems, began recruiting Kru laborers from Liberia. On São Tomé and Príncipe, the Portuguese preferred using imported labor from their colonies, particularly Cape Verde, but also Angola, Mozambique, and even Macao. Reports of exploitative practices on São Tomé had already resulted in a British-inspired cocoa boycott at the beginning of the 20th century. New malpractices soon emerged as Liberian recruiters took commissions for each man hired, often stealing wages that were held in trust. A 1923 Liberian law banning such practices was overturned after legislators were bribed. Following Liberia’s 1927 presidential election, the defeated candidate, Thomas J. Faulkner, fled to the United States and accused his government of election irregularities and of condoning the forcible recruitment of laborers. He claimed that work on the islands was tantamount to slavery. Liberian President C. B. D. King denied the accusations and asked the League of Nations to send an investigative commission, which consisted of a former Liberian president, an African American, and a

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Scot. Their report in 1930 stated that, “a large proportion of the contract laborers . . . have been recruited under conditions of criminal compulsion scarcely distinguishable from slave raiding and slave trading.” King resigned and Liberian labor recruitment ended. The Spanish turned to British-ruled Nigeria, whose crowded Eastern Region had manpower that was accustomed to migration. Anglo-Spanish labor agreements proved better initially, but wages and living conditions were hardly improved over the next 35 years. Nevertheless, Nigerian contract workers soon outnumbered all others on Fernando Pó. With Spain’s admission to the United Nations in 1955, respectability became necessary, if Madrid was to live down its fascist past and retrieve Gibraltar from Britain. Following a brief campaign of repression against mainly Fang activists, Spain’s Franco regime granted independence to Equatorial Guinea, a federation of Fernando Pó, Annobón, and Río Muni, in late 1968. Paradoxically, Fernando Pó, one of the first places in Africa to see European penetration, was paired with Río Muni, the continent’s last area to be fully mapped. The economies and societies of the islands and mainland differed profoundly. The Fang outnumbered all other groups combined. A hastily promoted Fang civil servant, Francisco Macías Nguema was elected president, but in March 1969, Macías seized dictatorial powers and liquidated most of his opponents. The Spaniards left the new country en masse and the cacao plantations fell idle. After

Macías stopped paying the wages of the Nigerian laborers, the Nigerian government refused to renew labor agreements with Equatorial Guinea and its military evacuated some 40,000 contract laborers. This endangered the cacao crops that were due to be picked early that summer. Ultimately, Macías’ solution was slavery. His Compulsory Labor Act (1972) required young men to do a year’s unpaid work. Later, 60,000 “national workers,” including all unmarried women, were to be recruited. After only about 700 people volunteered, he decreed that all citizens over age 15 were to render compulsory manual labor. Over 2,000 people from each of Río Muni’s 10 districts were arrested and transported to Fernando Pó as unpaid laborers. Penalties for bad work and laziness included beatings, rape, withholding rations, and execution. Macías’ paranoia became allembracing. Intellectuals, businessmen, and the Catholic Church were all victimized. Tens of thousands were murdered and approximately one-third of the population fled into exile. After having some of his own relatives executed, Macías was overthrown by his nephew, Lt. Col. Teodoro Obiang Nguema M’ba N’Zogo, on August 3, 1979. With the subsequent discovery of offshore oil, cocoa ceased to be significant. Though less murderous, Obiang’s regime had a 26-year record of corruption, torture, and election fraud. Throughout a half century of dictatorial rule, first under António de Oliveira Salazar, then Marcello Caetano, Portugal had refused to free its colonies.

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In April 1974, Portuguese colonialism ended suddenly when the Caetano government was overthrown. Led by Manuel Pinto da Costa, the Movimento de Libertação de São Tomé e Príncipe (MLSTP) led the former Portuguese islands on a pro-Soviet, Marxist path. With the demise of the Soviet bloc, São Tomé and Príncipe have sought to establish a diversified capitalist economy. Randall Fegley
See also: Francisco. Liberia; Macías Nguema,

Further Readings
Fegley, Randall. Equatorial Guinea: An African Tragedy. Bern: Peter Lang, 1989. Hodges, Tony, and M. D. D. Newitt. São Tomé and Príncipe: From Plantation Colony to Microstate. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1988. Liniger-Goumaz, Max. Small Is Not Always Beautiful: The Story of Equatorial Guinea. London: Hurst, 1988. Sundiata, I. K. From Slaving to Neoslavery. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1996.

Fishing Platforms
One of the most notorious child labor practices in the contemporary world that has been equated with a form of slavery is the exploitation of children as laborers on fishing platforms off the islands of Sumatra and Java in the nation of Indonesia. Estimates suggest that anywhere from 2,000 to 19,000 children may be forced to labor for long hours in an extremely hazardous environment.

Human rights groups from around the world have condemned the practice and called upon the government of Indonesia to take positive action to outlaw the practice and prosecute employers who take advantage of children in such a callous fashion. There are perhaps as many as 1,500 fishing platforms, called jermals, that are located in the coastal waters off Sumatra and Java. These rickety platforms, which are constructed of wooden planks with bamboo supports, dot the coastal landscape; some of them are small, but others are as large as to contain 30,000 square feet of work area. On average, an estimated 10 children per platform are employed to operate the nets and generate huge profits for the lucrative Indonesian commercial fishing industry. Although the children do receive wages—estimated to be about 30 cents per day—the harsh conditions, long hours, and virtual kidnapping that are involved make the labor of children on the fishing platforms a contemporary slavelike practice. Children from interior villages are generally lured by recruiters to work on the jermals, and poor parents often encourage their own children to accept the offers as a means of earning a meager income and to help keep the family from destitution. Sometimes the recruiters simply round up homeless street children and take them to the platforms where they are put to work. Once the children are delivered to the platforms where they must labor, they are held as virtual hostages, often forced to work 10 to 12 hours per day in order

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to operate the nets incessantly as they harvest the profits from the sea. There are tremendous dangers that are inherent in these labors as children working on the unstable platforms sometimes find themselves ensnared in ropes and nets, resulting in their falling into the sea. In addition, the nets sometimes ensnare dangerous sea snakes that are poisonous, and without adult supervision or access to rudimentary medical care, many of the child workers die painful deaths as toxins take their lives. The children are also exposed to the elements, and the risks of typhoons or possible tsunamis make their labor and their survival quite precarious. Although Indonesian law bans the use of child laborers under the age of 18, there is ample anecdotal evidence to suggest that these laws are not enforced with respect to the fishing platforms. An investigation conducted by the international human rights organization Anti-Slavery International documented the use of young children in this dangerous activity, and childrights activists have called upon political leaders in Indonesia to end the practice. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: Anti-Slavery International; Child Labor; Indonesia.

Sofian A. “Gone Fishing.” Inside Indonesia 52 (October–December 1997). http:// gone-fishing-3009841.

Forced Prostitution
The distinction between “free” and “forced” prostitution, developed in feminist literature, has significantly influenced the “othering” of the prostitute in the developing world and, especially, the Asian prostitute. This distinction is a futile and unjustifiable one, yet these categories have influenced local and national legislation and attitudes, including prostitutes’ own constructions of self and identity. Stereotypes of Asian prostitutes are received as “truth” through repetition, a lack of serious research, and the negation of Asian workers’ own voices. The distorted realities created by the imposition of stereotypes and labels serve only to disempower Asian prostitutes, despite the rhetoric of feminists and AIDS programs, which ranges from the need to save these victims to the need for peer education and community development. Although there is considerable debate about prostitution within feminism, the work discussed here comes from the abolitionist end of the spectrum, influenced by such authors as Andrea Dworkin (1987), Catharine MacKinnon (1987), and Kathleen Barry (1979). MacKinnon’s thesis is that all sex is prostitution, and all prostitution and pornography is a violation of women’s human rights, since female

Further Readings
Bangun, Tantyo, and Jonathan Sprague. “Indonesia’s Child Laborers.” World Press Review 46, no. 10 (1999): 40. Higgs, David. “Indonesia.” Life 21, no. 13 (1998): 28–29.

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sexuality is entirely constructed as the object of male desire. A. Jolin (1994, p. 70) summarizes the effect of the sexual double standard as the “desire of men to ensure promiscuity for themselves and chastity for women,” which requires “setting aside” a group of women as prostitutes. The prostitute herself is not considered as a speaking subject, and the argument would fail if she were (the existence of male and transgender sex workers, and female clients, is ignored). The feminist abolitionist position can be traced back to 1875 and Josephine Butler’s International Abolitionist Association. Feminists theorize the patriarchal organization of society as meaning that clients must be men, an assumption that can be seen to be fundamentally flawed. Although it is evident that men are generally economically dominant, inequalities between countries and classes and increasing mobility sometimes place women in a position where they can afford to pay for sex, and in these situations, they often do. An example is the phenomenon of gigolos or tour guides in Indonesia. Young men are moving to tourist destinations, originally Bali’s Kuta Beach but now many other places as well, to pick up Western and Japanese women. The work is casually arranged but the men receive at least boarding and lodging, and at most, marriage and emigration. They form close-knit and hierarchical groups, monitoring the access of newcomers. If there is no inherent gender element to prostitution, then the argument that eliminating patriarchy would stop prostitution cannot hold.

As feminist arguments intend to demonstrate that patriarchy and male power are oppressing all women, they would be weakened if female prostitutes were constructed as deviant, manipulative, and self-motivated. Preferably, they are constructed as passive (silent) victims, a construction that is easier to maintain if the prostitute is “othered” by nationality or class. The prostitutes’ own voices must be negated: Those who insist that they choose the profession are coerced, either by evil (but shadowy) figures such as traffickers, or, in the absence of any other excuse, by poverty. For instance, according to Images Asia (1995, p. 4), the choice of Burmese prostitutes in Thailand is “not truly voluntary” because of their poor backgrounds. The organization WHISPER (Women Hurt in Systems of Prostitution Engaged in Revolt) also sees women’s choices as illusory. The concept that workers are forced by poverty is seen as untenable, because it could be applied to anyone who works for money to pay their way and/ or support dependents. No other workers are expected to justify their occupation or to feel so guilty about it: “If you leave out slavery at one end and being a film star at the other, most of us don’t choose our occupation. Work is a necessity” (Overs, 1994, p. 120). If there is forced prostitution, it is a form of aggravated assault; however, in conditions of urban poverty, prostitution is often vital to community survival strategies. This does not mean that it is predominantly an occupation of the poorest of the poor, or that the

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poorest women are all prostitutes, but in general, there is a class-driven imperative whereby occupational choices tend to increase with economic status and privilege. The argument of some prostitute activists, “A blow job is better than no job” (St. James, 1987, p. 21) can be dangerous. It can support the concept of poverty as force, with further implications that, for instance, prostitutes will practice unsafe sex for more money, prostitution is more acceptable for lower-class women than middle-class women, and that prostitutes would have to give up their own sexuality. It can be argued that most prostitutes make an informed decision, weighing a larger income against the local context of values, stigma, and so on (Murray, 1991, p. 125). Sukanya Hantrakul has argued that in Thailand “the evidence of widespread involuntary forced prostitution in the country and abroad is slim. More and more prostitutes . . . have shown their strong determination in stepping into the profession” (Manderson, 1992, p. 467). D. Porter has shown that poverty is not the crucial factor for Burmese migrants, because “most travelers, and especially those who cross the Thai border, do not come from the poorest ethnic groups but from Shan, lowland villages” (1997, p. 13). Most of the border crossers are men: the reality of any bus, pickup truck, or motorcycle load is that men occupy most seats, and while some women do sex work, they are highly mobile. Studies in the West have found sex workers to come from

all classes, including a high proportion of students (Perkins, 1991; Fysh, 1995), often moving in and out of the profession; most establishments have a high turnover of workers. Both in the West and in Asia, workers enter the industry through relatives and friends (such as a village returnee with many new possessions) and may then save to become owners and recruiters themselves. The sex workers’ stake in the industry and its reproduction disproves the victimization argument. Many Westerners supported the feminist lobby and understood the free/ forced dichotomy as meaning that the lobby was not abolitionist or antiprostitution per se, which is problematic because the blurred definitions of force (including poverty) are used to override workers’ choices. If forced prostitution is understood to include all workers needing money, then it is not clear who is left in the “free” category. The free/forced prostitution dualism (linked to structure/agency and empowerment/ victimization) can be seen to disguise unsupportable and reactionary moral prejudices, including racism. The same criteria are not applied to Western prostitutes, and neither are East European workers usually constructed as eroticized, passive victims, even though they are currently traveling to various parts of the world to work, often illegally under apparently unfavorable conditions. Western prostitutes have become increasingly vocal and have even invaded academia on its own terms to challenge the antiporn lobby, while lower-class

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Forced Prostitution Industry, ed. Frederique Delacoste and Priscilla Alexander. San Francisco: Cleis Press, 1987. Barry, Kathleen. Female Sexual Slavery. New York: New York University Press, 1979. Bell, Shannon. Reading, Writing and Rewriting the Prostitute Body. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994. Doezema, Jo. “Forced to Choose: Beyond the Voluntary v. Forced Prostitution Dichotomy.” In Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition, ed. Kamala Kempadoo and Jo Doezema, 34–50. New York: Routledge, 1998. Dworkin, Andrea. Intercourse. New York: Free Press, 1987. Fysh, Geoffrey. “Sex Work, HIV and Money.” MA thesis, Nepean University, Western Sydney, Australia, 1995. Hicks, R. “Women in Tourism: A Case Study of Bukit Lawang.” Honors thesis, Murdoch University, Perth, Australia, 1994. Images Asia. “Burmese Women Sex Workers in Thailand.” Oral Presentation for NGO Forum on Women, Beijing, China, August 30–September 8, 1995. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Images Asia, 1995. Jennaway M. “Strangers, Sex and the State in Paradise: The Engineering of Balinese Tourism and Its Economy of Pleasure.” Oral presentation for the State, Sexuality and Reproduction in Asia and the Pacific Conference, Australian National University, Canberra, July 1993. Jolin, A. “On the Backs of Working Prostitutes: Feminist Theory and Prostitution Policy.” Crime & Delinquency 40, no. 1 (January 1994): 69–83. MacKinnon, Catherine. Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987.

Asian women are still imagined (and eroticized) as passive and subservient. Having lost ground at home, the antiporn movement found a new lease of life with Asian prostitute victims, and in the absence of more accurate information, Western sex worker activists were also inclined to see Asian workers as victims. Abolitionists have blatantly exploited a stereotype of sex tourism, child prostitution, and trafficking to encourage popular outrage about the supposed wholesale exploitation of Asian prostitutes and from there to mount an attack on all prostitution. The idea of Asian sex workers as silent victims of Western patriarchy is being challenged. Recent research has focused on the local client base, and Asian sex workers themselves are becoming more involved in research, AIDS projects, and the international sex worker rights movement. However, there is a danger that Asian workers remain alienated even within the sex industry as a whole because of a prevailing view that they are being forced. With greater acceptance of a range of sexual practices, and more outspoken prostitutes, the whore/madonna dichotomy is losing its relevance in the West, but the boundaries of social acceptability have moved rather than disappeared. Alison Murray
See also Abolitionism; Prostitution.

Further Readings
Alexander, Priscilla. “Prostitution: Still a Difficult Issue for Feminists.” In Sex Work: Writings by Women in the Sex

Foreign Aid Manderson, L. “Public Sex Performances in Patpong and Explorations of the Edges of Imagination.” Journal of Sex Research 29, no. 4 (1992): 451–476. Murray, Alison. “Debt Bondage and Trafficking: Don’t Believe the Hype.” In Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition, ed. Kamala Kempadoo and Jo Doezema, 51–64. New York: Routledge, 1998. Murray, Alison. No Money No Honey: A Study of Street Traders and Prostitutes in Jakarta. Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1991. Murray, Alison. Pink Fits: Sex, Subcultures and Discourses in the Asia-Pacific. Clayton, Australia: Monash Asia Institute, Monash University Press, 2001. Overs, Cheryl. “Sex Work, HIV and the State: An Interview with Nel Druce.” Feminist Review 48 (1994): 114–121. Perkins, Roberta, ed. Sex Work and Sex Workers in Australia. Sydney, Australia: University of New South Wales Press, 1991, 133–139. Porter, D. “A Plague on the Borders: HIV, Development and Traveling Identities in the Golden Triangle.” In Sites of Desire, Economies of Pleasure: Sexualities in Asia and the Pacific, ed. L. Manderson and M. Jolly. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. Sloan, L. “Golden Handcuffs: Voices of Women Who Work in the Sex Trade Industry.” Oral Presentation at Representing Sexualities Conference, Sydney University, Sydney, Australia, December 8–10, 1995. St. James, Margo. “The Reclamation of Whores.” In Good Girls/Bad Girls: Feminists and Sex Trade Workers Face to Face, ed. Laurie Bell. Seattle: Seal Press, 1987.

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Foreign Aid
Foreign aid has historically been associated with economic transfers that take place between and among nations, most commonly in the form of loans, debt forgiveness, or other special considerations. These arrangements generally take place between governments that sign memoranda of understanding to seal their agreements, but in the post– World War II era, other transnational agencies like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have also been quite influential in providing economic assistance to nations in the developing world. Although foreign aid can represent an economic transfer between any nations, most commonly the phrase applies to exchanges between Western industrial nations (the creditor nations) and the poorer states of the developing world (the debtor nations) that increasingly become beholden to wealth that can be procured through foreign aid. The creditor nations have historically maintained that there are no strings attached to their distribution of aid, but such declarations seem to belie custom, tradition, and practice. Critics of foreign aid have maintained that the system represents a form of neocolonialism in which creditor nations can maintain rigid economic control over debtor states without having to cope with the messy appearances of the old colonialism. A modern school of thought in international affairs has arisen from this perspective as some maintain that a type of dependency

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theory emerges from the tacit understanding and special relationships that emerge from the complex network of economic aid between and among nation-states. Perhaps the first effort to tie economic aid to antislavery efforts was promulgated by the government of Great Britain in the early 19th century as it sought to encourage other European powers to outlaw the transatlantic slave trade and deem slave trading a form of piracy. British efforts to sway European opinion often included the promise of economic benefits and most-favored-nation trading status to those countries that acceded to the antislavery demands. Still, in spite of such promises, nations such as Portugal and Spain resisted the steady persuasion by British diplomats for many years. Notwithstanding the accusation of neocolonialism, foreign aid during the first half of the 20th century seemed somewhat benign with no clear quid pro quo exchanges associated with the promise of economic assistance. This policy changed rather dramatically in the post–World War II era as the exigencies of the Cold War created a bipolar arrangement between the Western powers and the Soviet Union and its allies. For the Western powers, a pledge of anticommunism was necessary from nations that sought favorable economic promises of assistance. For a brief moment in the 1970s there was a change in policy regarding the most appropriate means of distributing financial assistance. Upon the adoption of the Helsinki Accords (1975), many of the world’s creditor nations began to

consider the human rights record of nations being considered for foreign aid. Although many anticommunist regimes had previously garnered substantial aid without having to maintain a sterling record on human rights, the new openness ushered in at Helsinki made it increasingly difficult for these states to remain in good standing in the eyes of Western powers and financial institutions. The human rights record of a nation faded from importance among key lenders in the 1980s. Instead, a new sense of missionary zeal for spreading democracy and free-market capitalism emerged as the chief motives of international economic aid. In addition, the belief emerged that most of the world’s debtor nations had not been careful stewards of the assistance that they had received in the past. Creditor nations formulated a series of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs), the adoption of which was made requisite to those nations seeking additional foreign aid. The SAPs were designed with financial austerity in mind so that debtor nations would show real progress in funding their debts. In an effort to maintain the high percentage of gross domestic product that was required to fund interest on outstanding debt, most nations who unwillingly adopted SAPs found themselves having to trim funding from other parts of their national budgets. In most case it was funding for social services that was cut as nations invested less in education, health care, and environmental concerns in order to meet the demands of fiscal austerity that were being imposed by the creditor nations.


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Contemporary forms of slavery flourish most in those settings where the social service sector of the national government is either weak or nonexistent. It is not coincidental that a tremendous increase in the volume of modern-day slavery occurred simultaneous to the abrogation on the part of many governments in the developing world to providing basic social services to their people. Women and children, always the most marginalized in society, suffered as a result, and many fell victim to new manifestations of slave trading that emerged in recent decades. A trend began to emerge in the late1990s and in the early years of the 21st century to encourage creditor nations to offer debt forgiveness to many of the world’s leading debtor states of the developing world. This proposal met with substantial resistance, but it attracted international grassroots support from many who believed that this might be the last best hope of eradicating poverty and all of its associated evils in the developing world. The Irish rock-star Bono of the band U-2 emerged as one of the leading spokespersons for this new campaign of debt forgiveness, and he used his celebrity to attract world leaders to the cause. In 2005 the leaders of the G-8 nations, meeting at their annual summit, agreed to adopt debt forgiveness as a new strategy of economic aid. Junius P. Rodriguez
See also: World Bank.

Justice in the Age of Globalization. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005.

France first abolished slavery during the French Revolution by decree on February 4, 1794. Napoleon Bonaparte reinstated slavery in French colonies in 1802. It was again outlawed by Victor Schoelcher’s Decree of Abolition on April 27, 1848. The removal of slavery from French juridical codes created a paradoxical situation in which, because slavery no longer legally existed, no legal provisions addressed its practice. Unfortunately, the vectors of globalization continue to make coerced labor more prevalent, profitable, and practical. A “new slavery” has emerged to take advantage of economic opportunities, relative immiseration, corrupt governments, and callous democracies. More than 3,000 domestic slaves currently work in France. Speaking at the French National Assembly on January 24, 2002, Lionel Lucaq regretted the need to “speak of slavery in a country such as ours at the beginning of the third millennium.” Although illegal (New Penal Code, article 2212–1) and a violation of numerous international conventions, no specific French penal law(s) address its violation by citizens or residents on French territory. The TaubiraDelannon Law of February 18, 2001, introduced language into France’s new penal code making slavery is “crime against humanity” but failing to address infractions—a necessary prerequisite

Further Reading
Goldman, Michael. Imperial Nature: The World Bank and Struggles for Social

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for addressing individual instances of slavery in the French legal system. The French National Assembly passed additional legislation, proposed by Christine Lazerches, outlawing all forms of slavery and establishing judicial remedies on January 24, 2002. Docked as the Law against Contemporary Slavery, it addresses “all situations designed for placing persons in a vulnerable condition through physical and/or moral constraint, notably through the confiscation of official documents, with the intention of extracting labor services not freely contracted and under circumstances contrary to human dignity.” This legislation has not, however, been passed by the Senate. Related legislation passed on March 18, 2003 (Law #2003–239) addressed slavery insofar as it relates to prostitution. Pending the Senate’s passage of the Law against Contemporary Slavery, the French legal system does not currently address the complexity of modern slavery. Not only has modern slavery become largely covert, but the very efforts to understand it often obscure it. One tendency has been to locate the phenomenon in someone else’s backyard. The evidence, however, conclusively shows that the abuse of domestic service is widely distributed across a broad spectrum of socioeconomic, educational, cultural, and ethnic backgrounds. Little then has changed since Ousmane Sembene’s film La Noire de . . . (Black Girl) won the 1967 Prix at the Cannes Film Festival for its depiction of the despair, abuse, neglect, and final suicide a young Senegalese

house servant/nanny in France. Until recently, most slaves worked as domestic servants. This is currently challenged by the dramatic influx of central European and Chinese prostitutes. Ninety-eight percent of domestic slaves in France are female: 70 percent women and 30 percent girls. They come from more than 40 different developing nations experiencing severe economic, religious, and economic difficulties. In West Africa, for example, traffickers make the rounds of remote villages to buy or kidnap children and recruit young women from unsuspecting families. Hopeful parents sometimes entrust their children to intermediaries who then transfer them to “host families.” The majority of domestic slaves in France arrive while legal minors—around the average age of 12 (all of the Committee against Modern Slavery’s victims came between the ages of 7 and 15). Employers select young, tractable, defenseless girls who pass through French immigration listed as a relative and, being too young to work, do not need a carte de séjour (work papers). They are “let go” when they reach the age of legal adulthood in their respective countries (usually at 21). A second, older group of women (between the ages of 20 and 60, and averaging around 29) come voluntarily but through the manipulations of false labor contracts that are frequently signed under duress. Lured by deceit and broken promises, they abandon their homes in the hopes of securing education, professional training, decent salaries, and a better lives.


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Held as virtual prisoners, domestic slaves work relentlessly—as much as 18 hours a day, seven days a week, without vacation time. Compensation is either nonexistent or derisory. Their labor is sometimes farmed out and they may also be bartered or sold off. The confiscation of their passports and identification cards make them dependent on their employers. Contact with members of their families and the outside world is forbidden; they may be severely beaten if they are caught trying. Victims are partially or completely sequestered. Their mail, if any, is discarded. Those allowed to venture outside can only do so with permission and for specific purposes. The victims of domestic slavery suffer outrageous physical abuse. They report being bitten, stabbed, punched, and dragged by their hair. Slaves are frequently denied food; refrigerators are locked and food is accounted for. They are often forced to eat table scraps. Sleep deprivation is sometimes used to make the victims more docile and tractable. One woman was forced to sleep with a bell around her neck. They typically do not enjoy private living quarters. Many report having to sleep on the floor without bedding. One out of four is raped. Appropriate sanitary conditions are often withheld. The most basic medical care is routinely withheld. There have been cases in which only toilet water was provided for personal hygiene. Some have lost teeth as a result of malnutrition and the evident lack of dental care. Psychological abuse and deprivation cause the deepest and most enduring

scars. Victims are verbally abused, repeatedly insulted, and threatened with continued violence. Psychological disorders frequently persist after their “liberation.” Suffering from post-traumatic stress disorders and low self-esteem, victims do not know who to trust and remain shut in on themselves. Because released slaves cannot legally work immediately upon their release, they experience great difficulties adjusting to forced inactivity. France remains one of the few European Union nations without positive legislation to coordinate the legal, administrative, and welfare assistance for the victims of modern slavery. The work of helping the victims is, by default, primarily left to benevolent humanitarian organizations. The Committee against Modern Slavery (CCEM); Slavery Tolerance Zero (ETZ); and an umbrella association consisting of 23 leading humanitarian agencies called First Article (Article Premier) compete for assistance from a variety of ministerial bodies, governmental agencies, and private donations. These agencies ensure that victims receive protection from further physical harm; emergency shelter and long-term housing; medical and mental health care; economic assistance, pro bono legal services; literacy, vocational training, and job placement; temporary resident status clearance; and, if desired, transportation to their country of origin. Given the inadequacy of legal remedies, agencies that assist victims of domestic slavery often employ labor laws to secure police intervention and press illegal labor charges: unlawful sequestration (NCP article 224–1);

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Free the Slaves Ashagrie, K. “Statistics on Child Labor: A Brief Report.” International Labour Organization, Geneva. Bulletin des statistiques du travail 3 (1993). Beziat, Marc. “Mission d’Enquette au Bénin du 9 septembre au 5 octobre 1999.” Paris: General Secretary of CCEM. 1999. Cabral, Georgina Vaz. “Action national comparée de lutte contre l’esclavage moderne: la cas particulier de l’esclavage domestique.” Daphné Initiative JAH/98/ DAF/215 (1998). Colombe, Léa. “Pendant cinq ans, j’ai été esclave à Paris.” Femme Actuelle 791 (November): 22–28. Connor, M. “Esclavage domestique.” Commission sur l’égalité des chances pour les femmes et les hommes, Assemblée Parlemantaire, Conseil de l’Europe. AS/ Ega 2 (2001): 4. Cottin, Myriam, ed. “Décret d’abolition.” Reprinted in D’une abolition, l’autre. Marseille: Agone, 1998. Diène, Doudou. “Traite des Nègres: l’aveau,” Jeune Afrique Economique 3 (May 16, 1999). Gazier, Michèle. Bonne à tout dire. Télérama 40 (February 1999). “Slavery in the Year 2000.” Trade Union World (Brussels) 11 (2000). Stalker, Peter. Workers without Frontiers. Geneva: International Labour Organization, 2000.

nonremuneration for labor services (NCP article 225–13); infractions of human dignity in housing and the workplace (NCP article 225–14); and illegal/ undocumented labor practices (NCP article 324–9). Upon registering a formal complaint, victims are now provided temporary visas designed to allow them to remain in the country long enough to participate in the legal process (Article 76 of the Law Concerning Internal Security of March 18, 2003). This arrangement makes the adoption of national policies difficult, limits the amount and flow of funding, makes enforcement unpredictable, and provides uneven treatment for victims. The period between 1999 and 2001 witnessed the hypermediatization of slavery in contemporary France. There was perhaps no better example than the highly publicized and debated case of Henriette Akofa. Bright and photogenic, she authored a best-selling account of her four years as a domestic slave—A Modern Slave (Une Esclave moderne). This case riveted national attention in such a way as to allow the French—with Akofa’s complicity—to believe that they had adequately and righteously addressed the problem. Ironically, Akofa’s story became emblematic of humanitarian rescue operations and the successful assimilation of a young African woman into French society. Philip Whalen Further Readings
Akofa, Henriette. Une Esclave moderne. Paris: Editions Michel Lafon, ICFTU, 2000.

Free the Slaves
Free the Slaves is the main U.S. organization working to end slavery around the globe. Founded in 2000, Free the Slaves collaborates with other antislavery organizations through funding and networking, raises public

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awareness of contemporary slavery, promotes slave-free trade, aids policy makers in enforcing and drafting new legislation to prevent slavery, and continues research to understand forms of slavery and devise ways to eliminate it. The strategy this organization uses to target slavery is based upon the idea that adequate access to basic needs reduces vulnerability of poor people to enslavement. Also employing more direct methods, Free the Slaves operates according to the principles that: • All people have the right to be free from any form of slavery, and to assert that right. All people who are or have been enslaved should have the opportunity to realize their full potential and seeking to: Create an inclusive and diverse movement, respecting the dignity and views of all people involved in eradicating slavery Base all our strategies on accurate research Support sustainable solutions, preventing adverse repercussions for those we aim to assist Attain guidance and ideas from agencies around the world that are carrying out local and regional antislavery programs.

enslaved children and workers as well as helps freed slaves to begin their lives outside of slavery. Kevin Bales
See also: Anti-Slavery International; Freedom Network (USA).

Further Reading
Free the Slaves: http://www.freetheslaves .net.

Freedom Network (USA)
Freedom Network (USA) came together as a coalition shortly after the U.S. Congress passed the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (VTVPA). The network has grown into a national coalition of 25 organizations whose mission is to work for full access to justice for persons trafficked in the United States, including the right to compensation and restitution from the traffickers. The trafficking work of Freedom Network (USA) members predates the enactment of VTVPA. Its members served trafficked persons for several years and also worked closely with congressional members and testified at congressional hearings in order to bring about the passage of the new legislation in 2000. Since enactment of the act, Freedom Network (USA) members have closely monitored implementation of the VTVPA and submitted comments to the U.S. Department of Justice on proposed implementing regulations.

• •

Working in the firm belief that slavery can be eradicated in this lifetime, Free the Slaves supports other organizations that investigate slavery and carry out rescue missions to free

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Freedom Network

Freedom Network (USA) works to provide victims with access to linguistically-appropriate and culturally sensitive, victim-centered services including mental health, medical, legal, educational, vocational, and other social services. Member organizations provide direct services; engage in policy and advocacy work; develop task forces and networks between domestic and international nongovernmental organizations, law enforcement and other governmental agencies; coordinate with law enforcement and Department of Justice officials to prosecute traffickers, including corporations and subcontractors; conduct research; and provide public education on trafficking issues. Collectively, Freedom Network (USA) member organizations have served over 500 victims trafficked to the United States from nearly 60 different countries. Members assists persons who have been recruited, transported, and/or harbored for forced labor, slavery, debt bondage, or servitude in agricultural work, child labor, child pornography, domestic work, entertainment, garment manufacturing, prostitution, food service industries, other factory work, and servile marriages. Its clients have ranged from toddlers to workers of advanced age. Member organizations provide services in more than 40 languages and dialects. Case management services include rescue and removal from situations of slavery, assistance in finding housing, jobs, education, obtaining refugee benefits, medical care, mental health care

and counseling, trauma counseling, life skills training, transportation, and support groups for trafficking victims. All members support the self-empowerment of trafficked persons, and some members organize former victims to engage in public speaking and educating others about trafficking. Members work on a daily basis with government agencies such as the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), Department of Justice, Office of Refugee Resettlement, Health and Human Services Department’s Office for Victims of Crime, State Department’s Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, local U.S. attorneys’ offices, victim-witness coordinators, police and sheriffs’ departments, and federal and state labor authorities. Members also work with foreign embassies and consulates and have developed task forces with law enforcement on trafficking in persons in Los Angeles, New York and San Francisco. Members directly serve trafficked persons in the United States, but Freedom Network (USA) is part of a larger global struggle for the human rights of trafficked persons. Many members are engaged in international advocacy, training, and victim assistance. Nongovernmental organizations and government agencies in other countries frequently contact members for information and assistance. Freedom Network (USA) members have a significant record of participation in training other nongovernmental organizations and law enforcement and

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government agencies on trafficking in persons. Topics have included providing victims with assistance, T and U visas, cultural and linguistic issues in victim assistance, and working with victims of sex trafficking and domestic violence. Members also have a significant record of primary research for academic journals, consultation on research for government publications, and public education publications. Members have also spoken at the United Nations Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, the Asian Regional Initiative against Trafficking, and, most recently, at the Vatican’s conference in Rome on 21st century Slavery. Members have also written training guides such as “A Guide to Benefits for Asylees and Victims of Trafficking,” “The Annotated

Guide to the Complete U.S. Trafficking Protocol,” “Training Manual for the Prevention of Adolescent Trafficking,” and “Sex Trafficking in the U.S.: International and Domestic Trends.” Freedom Network (USA) member organizations have been featured as experts on trafficking in major media such as NBC Dateline, National Public Radio Marketplace, Lehrer Newshour, Time Magazine, USA Today, New Yorker Magazine, New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Miami Herald, and BBC World News. Julu Thukral
See also: Free the Slaves.

Further Reading
Freedom Network (USA) website: http://

Once a minor source of slave exports, the West Central African nation of Gabon is currently a major destination for slave imports, mostly children from West Africa. Slavery has had a long history in Gabon, and not all of it lies in the past. While many details of precolonial labor relations remain unclear, kingdoms and clan-based societies in what is now modern Gabon enjoyed a range of rights in persons (wives, junior kin, concubines, pawns). Rulers and elders also sometimes used unfree labor in ways that resembled European concepts of slavery. The incidence and evidence of slavery increased after Portuguese mariners arrived in 1473, redirecting or expanding on the coasting trade that flourished before and after Europeans established themselves. From the 16th through the 18th centuries Loango, Cabinda, and other Atlantic ports became important slave-trading entrepôts of the Loango kingdom of the Vili people. Several of these ports are now in modern CongoBrazzaville, but the Gabonese hinterland was a major source of slaves. African traders acquired slaves primarily by raiding in the interior, but also through purchase or punishment for crimes. Slaves usually passed

through several middlemen en route to the coast; most were exported in exchange for textiles, firearms and other manufactured goods, but owners retained some for domestic use. From the mid-1700s, Cape Lopez and the Gabon Estuary became more important in exporting slaves. Gabon ranked as a minor source of slaves because ivory, timber, and other forest products dominated regional trade, but slaving still had a profound impact on Gabonese communities. Statistics for slave exports are estimates, incomplete or even misleading, but they indicate the general scope of the trade. The Loango coast exported nearly 1 million slaves from 1660 to 1793, with an average annual peak of 6,000 from 1755 to 1793. From ca.1800, the main export zone was the Gabon Estuary (exporting 2,000–3,000 annually around 1850), mostly in Spanish, Portuguese, and Brazilian ships. Some exports continued even after French officials and missionaries established an antislavery presence from the 1840s. In the 1850s and 1860s, the French recruited “free” labor for their Caribbean colonies, embarking about 1,200 migrants. Their working and travel conditions differed little from slavery, and none of them ever returned. These imprecise totals are lower than for other parts of Africa,

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but slave raiding disrupted inland areas, heightened stratification and unequal access to trade goods, induced relocation of settlements closer to coastal entrepôts, and increased struggles to control women and other dependents of trading clans. The coastward migration of women was especially striking; highly valued within the continent as wives, concubines, and agricultural laborers, very few moved east into the interior. Expanding French administration led to some enduring historical mythmaking. Libreville, Gabon’s capital and largest city, claims a founding myth as a settlement for freed slaves. This has a certain factual basis: In 1846 the French liberated captives from the Spanish slave ship Elizia, eventually dumping several dozen of them on the site of Libreville in August 1849. Despite the similarity in name to Freetown and Liberia in West Africa, they were settled not from humanitarian motives, but to provide cheap labor for the fledgling colony, and no other recaptives found homes there. As in much of 19th-century Africa, the transition from slave trading to legitimate commerce saw more captives retained for productive labor within Gabon. This provoked dramatic conflicts over the control of slaves and clan dependents. Women and junior males seized economic opportunities provided by new trade patterns, the growth of wage labor, and mission schooling. It became more difficult for clan leaders and entrepreneurial big men to rely on

the labor of such dependents, but they did not cede their rights in persons without a fight. Elders regularly demanded the return of slaves and wives seeking protection from the French, who increasingly declined to hand over runaways. Efforts to control dependents led to a spectacular series of “leopardmen” killings around Libreville from 1860 to 1879, and southern Gabon saw further outbreaks from ca.1904 until the mid-1920s. While some facts remain obscure, notably indigenous beliefs in humans’ ability to either control real leopards or transform themselves into feline predators, women and slaves accounted for the vast majority of victims of these ritual murders and mutilations. The frequency with which other slaves were accused of these crimes suggests the trauma of elders’ waning control over former dependents, as well as the socioeconomic dislocation caused by colonial demands for taxes, labor, and food. France, like other European colonial powers, officially adhered to abolitionism in justifying its vast African empire. But forced labor practices throughout Africa permitted gross abuses of workers, especially in the early decades, when new colonies needed cheap labor for building roads, railways, mines, and administrative centers. Though Gabon largely relied on natural waterways to transport timber (the mainstay of the colonial economy), forced labor had destructive effects in all Central African territories, and France officially abolished coercion only in 1946. Timber


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exports remained important following independence in 1960. While the postcolonial economy diversified with manganese and especially petroleum exports, this merely deepened Gabonese dependence on revenues generated by selling raw materials abroad. Still, Gabon has the most prosperous economy in Central Africa and a large number of foreign migrants, with most “guest workers” employed in the oil and logging sectors. The high disposable incomes of some Gabonese paradoxically heightens the current demand for slaves, especially children. Interestingly, child slaves are not usually found in the productive oil, timber, or mining sectors, but are used as house servants, farm labor, or prostitutes. Most of them come from poorer countries in West Africa, particularly Benin and Togo. Cash-starved families exchange children for money from labor brokers; some recruiters mislead parents with promises to educate youths, but the real purpose of this labor trade is an open secret. Perhaps 200,000 children are sold yearly; while some return home with their earnings, many others are never seen again and endure years of harsh working conditions. As in the past, girls are in high demand and commonly suffer sexual and well as economic abuse. This illicit slave trade has drawn the attention of the International Labour Organization along with other nongovernmental organizations. One notorious case of human trafficking highlights the ongoing exploi-

tation of children and other vulnerable workers. In late March 2001, the Nigerian-registered ship Etireno sailed from Benin carrying between 139 and 250 passengers bound for Gabon. Turned away from Libreville, then Douala in Cameroon, the Etireno eventually returned to Cotonou. Officials found a mere 43 children and adolescents aboard, raising concerns over the fate of any others on board. Perhaps the total was small, or maybe the vessel disembarked a portion at other destinations; the issue remains controversial. But the existence of a modern-day slave ship, and the chilling possibility that the crew threw human cargo overboard to avoid detection, are alarming reminders that the slave trade still flourishes in West Africa with Gabon as a major importer. Apart from its relative wealth, Gabon is no better or worse than other nations participating in this modern slavery. There will always be exploitation of laborers, but pressure from Gabonese human-rights advocates and the international community offers some hope for a better future. Ultimately, the solution will not be found in any one country, but in equitable and broad-based economic development throughout the continent. Thomas Pyke Johnson Further Readings
Anti-Slavery. “The Trafficking of Children Between Benin and Gabon.” 1999.

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documents/gabon_child_trafficking .htm. Bucher, Henry. “Liberty and Labor: The Origins of Libreville Reconsidered.” In Paths toward the Past, ed. R. Harms et al. Atlanta: African Studies Association Press, 1994. Gray, Christopher J. Colonial Rule and Crisis in Equatorial Africa: Southern Gabon, ca.1850–1940. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2002. Johnson, Trevor. “African ‘Slave Ship’ Highlights Spread of Child Slavery.” World Socialist Web site, 2001. http:// slav-a19_prn. M’Bokolo, Elikia. “Comparisons and Contrasts in Equatorial Africa.” In History of Central Africa: The Contemporary Years Since 1960, ed. D. Birmingham and P. Martin. London and New York: Longman, 1998. Rich, Jeremy. “ ‘Leopard Men,’ Slaves and Social Conflict in Libreville (Gabon), c. 1860–1879.” International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 3 (2001): 619–638.

antislavery editorials roused the anger of the local slaveholding elite, and in January 1830, he was jailed for libeling a slave trader. His plight caught the attention of philanthropist Arthur Tappan, who bailed him out of jail and provided partial financial support for Garrison to start a new antislavery paper, the Liberator, on January 1, 1831. In the Liberator, Garrison abandoned the gradualist approach of most earlier opponents of slavery and embraced the new doctrine of abolitionism. Denying that slavery was a social and an economic problem of such great complexity that it might take years to abolish, Garrison said slavery was a matter of personal morality that could

Garrison, William Lloyd (1805–1879)
William Lloyd Garrison was the most significant U.S. champion of immediate abolitionism. Born into poverty and abandoned by his father at the age of three, Garrison had a lifelong empathy with the disadvantaged and oppressed. He was apprenticed to a printer at 13 and worked at various reform newspapers in New England until 1829, when he became coeditor of the newspaper Genius of Universal Emancipation in Baltimore, Maryland. Garrison’s fervid

William Lloyd Garrison was one of the most important U.S. abolitionists of the mid-1800s. (National Archives)

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be remedied on an individual basis instantly. Slavery wrongfully denied blacks certain rights, and slaveholders should be asked to free their slaves immediately in the same way that they would be asked to immediately stop any other immoral action. Slaveholders should not be financially compensated for abandoning sin. The effort to colonize manumitted slaves in Africa reflected white prejudice and should be abandoned. Garrison proposed that blacks be given the same civil and political rights as white citizens of the United States. The Liberator spoke to a generation of antislavery activists who were unhappy with the moral compromises involved in the old gradualist approach to emancipation. Soon after the Liberator began publication, abolitionism burst onto the scene with a suddenness that shocked Americans and alarmed slaveholders. Garrison played the leading role in galvanizing and organizing the new immediatists. Garrison’s pamphlet “Thoughts on African Colonization” (1832) rallied antislavery forces against the American Colonization Society; he also helped found the New England Anti-Slavery Society in 1832 and the American Anti-Slavery Society (AAS) in 1833. Garrison endorsed several other controversial reforms that affected the antislavery movement. Embracing the doctrine of nonresistance, Garrison rejected the use of violence and coercive force and argued that many human relationships were, like slavery, based on violent coercion. Garrison believed that

the power of religious denominations to compel adherence to creeds was a kind of slavery, and by the late 1830s, he rejected organized religion. Garrison also believed that government was an example of coercive force. Rejecting the moral authority of governments, Garrison argued that Christians needed no law but the higher law of God, and he refused on principle to vote. Understanding that most abolitionists would not follow his nonresistant principles, Garrison continued to speak out in the Liberator on political issues, telling others how to exercise the franchise if they believed in voting. Nevertheless, Garrison argued that it was tactically wrong for abolitionists to concentrate their reform activities on the political world. The role of the abolitionist was not to organize political parties, but to practice moral suasion, holding forth the standard of right and exhorting others to follow it. Garrison applied his beliefs about human equality to gender relationships and encouraged the efforts of abolitionist women such as Sarah and Angelina Grimké to carve out a public role for themselves in the abolitionist movement. Such actions shocked the conventional morality of the 19th century and helped split the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1840. Members of the society argued about whether women should be able to vote and hold office within the AAS and whether abolitionists should organize a political party to accomplish their goals. Ultimately, Garrison himself became an issue. Some abolitionists believed

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potential supporters were driven off by his positions on nonresistance and women’s rights and by his increasingly unorthodox religious ideas and harsh denunciations of opponents. When Garrisonian abolitionists emerged with a majority from the society’s convention in 1840, Garrison’s opponents, led by Arthur and Lewis Tappan and James G. Birney, left the AAS and formed a rival organization, the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. Although other abolitionists worked in the 1840s and 1850s to end slavery through political parties and religious organizations, Garrison played the roles of prophet and agitator. He remained a lonely voice crying out for truth and justice as he saw it and urging others to follow him. In 1843, Garrison proclaimed the U.S. Constitution a “Covenant with Death, an Agreement with Hell” (Liberator, March 17, 1843). Arguing that the Constitution protected slavery, Garrison urged northerners to secede from the Union. Believing that slavery could not survive without the support of the federal government, Garrison believed that the disruption of the Union would strike a deathblow to slavery. Although often remembered today as a divisive figure with a contentious personality, Garrison had a much different image among his closest followers, for whom he served as a kind of father figure. “Father Garrison,” as he was affectionately known, acted as trusted adviser, peacemaker, and encourager for his followers, creating an almost familial closeness among them. Seeking to

overcome the family insecurity of his youth, Garrison also became a doting father to his own children and an affectionate husband to his wife, Helen Benson. Living his reform principles at home, Garrison drew his family into the world of social reform, and his children who survived to adulthood—George, William, Wendell, Fanny, and Frank— would continue to play important roles in such diverse causes as women’s suffrage, international peace, anti-imperialism, tax reform, and civil rights into the early 20th century. The outbreak of the U.S. Civil War caused a change in Garrison’s views and public standing. Heartened by the North’s stand against the South, Garrison believed northerners had been converted to antislavery, and he supported the effort to preserve the Union. Abraham Lincoln’s decision to issue the Emancipation Proclamation prompted Garrison to violate his no-voting principle by casting a ballot for Lincoln’s reelection in 1864. During the war, Garrison was transformed in the public’s mind from crank to hero. At the end of the fighting, he was the government’s guest of honor at the ceremony raising the U.S. flag over Fort Sumter. Believing his abolitionist work was largely done, Garrison ceased publication of the Liberator and resigned from the AAS in 1865. This decision estranged Garrison from his longtime friend and collaborator Wendell Phillips, who argued that the AAS must continue its activities in order to secure equal rights and economic security for former slaves. Until his death, Garrison

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continued to lecture occasionally and to write essays for the New York Independent newspaper on various social reforms, including the rights of freed people. Harold D. Tallant
See also: Abolitionism.

Further Readings
Alonso, Harriet Hyman. Growing up Abolitionist: The Story of the Garrison Children. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2002. Kraditor, Aileen S. Means and Ends in American Abolitionism: Garrison and His Critics on Strategy and Tactics, 1834–1850. New York: Pantheon Books, 1969. Mayer, Henry. All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. Merrill, Walter M. Against Wind and Tide: A Biography of William Lloyd Garrison. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963. Stewart, James Brewer. William Lloyd Garrison and the Challenge of Emancipation. Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson, 1992. Thomas, John L. The Liberator: William Lloyd Garrison. Boston: Little, Brown, 1963.

of persons of African descent from around the world to rescue the continent of Africa from colonialism and slavery. Garvey was born in Saint Ann’s Bay, Jamaica, on August 17, 1887. He was the youngest of 11 children. His father possessed a large personal library, and as a result, Garvey became a prolific reader. After attending school for several years, he dropped out at age 14 and found a job as a printer. He became active in a local union, and was elected vice president of a printer’s union in 1907. He organized a number of labor strikes. He also started his first newspaper, The Watchman. Around 1910 he traveled through South America and Central America.

Garvey, Marcus (1887–1940)
Marcus Garvey was the founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), one of the largest mass movements in African American history. He believed that it was the duty

Marcus Garvey founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association. (Library of Congress)

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As a result of his travels he came to the conclusion that blacks around the world were the victims of discrimination. He helped workers in Costa Rica form unions, and he contributed to the founding of newspapers in Panama and Costa Rica that championed the rights of workers. The government of Costa Rica deported him back to Jamaica because of his activism. In 1911, Garvey traveled to England where he studied at Birbeck College. It was here that he was exposed to the ideas of African American educator Booker T. Washington, especially by reading Washington’s autobiography Up From Slavery, which championed the notion that blacks should help themselves. He returned to Jamaica and, in 1914, founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), and its associated administrative organization the African Communities League. The motto of UNIA was “One God, One Aim, One Destiny.” In March 1916 Garvey traveled to the United States. He spent a year traveling throughout the United States. Through his travels he learned about the racial discrimination that blacks faced, including the inability to vote, lynching, and segregation. Based on his experiences, Garvey came to believe that whites would never regard African Americans as equals. Consequently, he began to call for separation of the races and argued that blacks should migrate to Africa to live. He negotiated with the government of Liberia to obtain land upon which blacks from around the world could move and live.

Garvey also emphasized racial pride by encouraging blacks to honor and celebrate their African heritage. In June 1917, he organized the first branch of UNIA in the United States, and he began publication of the newspaper Negro World, which he used as a vehicle to promote his ideas. The newspaper eventually grew to a circulation of approximately 200,000. He ultimately moved the headquarters of UNIA from Jamaica to Harlem in New York City. UNIA became very popular in the United States and had more than 700 offices in 38 states. Worldwide, it had more than 1,100 offices in 40 countries with approximately 2 million members by 1920. Garvey began to recruit blacks to join an army that he hoped would push colonial whites off the African continent. He especially appealed to black veterans of World War I to join his army. In 1919, Garvey established the Black Star Line, consisting of two steamships. This was to be a shipping company that would encourage trade between African nations and the United States, and also be used to transport African Americans to Africa. He also founded the Negro Factories Corporation and sold stock in the company to African Americans. The corporation ultimately owned three grocery stores, two restaurants, a printing firm, a laundry, and several buildings and trucks in New York City. At an international UNIA convention in 1920, the delegates elected Garvey as the provisional president of Africa. After making only a few trips to Africa, the Black Star Line went bankrupt. Several of Garvey’s business


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partners were found to be embezzling money from the shipping company. Due to his involvement in the company, Garvey was arrested and convicted in 1925 of using the U.S. mail to defraud potential investors. He served half of a five-year prison sentence before President Calvin Coolidge commuted his sentence and ordered Garvey’s deportation. In 1928, Garvey lectured widely in Western Europe and Canada. He returned to Jamaica and established a new political party and a newspaper. Although he ran for a seat in the Jamaican legislature in 1929, he lost the election. In the early 1930s, Garvey founded another newspaper and also published a magazine. He relocated to England in 1935 and officially moved the headquarters of UNIA to London. It was there that Garvey wrote the book The Tragedy of White Injustice (1927). He continued to hold annual UNIA conventions and lectured frequently on black civil rights. Garvey died in London on June 10, 1940. Gene C. Gerard
See also: Abolitionism.

Graves, John L. “The Social Ideas of Marcus Garvey.” Journal of Negro Education 31 (Winter 1962): 65–74. Harrison, Paul C. “The Black Star Line: The De-Mystification of Marcus Garvey.” African American Review 31, no. 4 (1997): 713–716. Moses, Wilson. Black Messiahs and Uncle Toms. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1982.

The Federal Republic of Germany is located in Central Europe, bordering the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, and France in the west; Switzerland and Austria in the south; the Czech Republic and Poland in the east; Denmark in the north, and the Baltic Sea (northeast). Germany was on the losing side in World War I (1914–1918), and its adversaries from the Triple Entente imposed heavy restrictions especially in the military and heavy industry fields, as well as reparations to be paid. After the futile Weimar Republic failed to produce durable democratic rule, militant nationalist Nazis led by Adolf Hitler established an authoritarian dictatorship. They triggered strong military buildup, and strong expansion, aiming at vast territorial enlargement of the so-called Third Reich. These moves were based upon the ideology of the Germans as a “supreme,” Aryan nation. This meant exclusion and extermination of the “imperfect” ones, such as Jews, Slavs, Roma/Gypsy, as well as homosexuals. From the mid-1930s on a large scale, first in Germany itself, then from the occupied territories all over

Further Readings
Boxill, Bernard. Blacks & Social Justice. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1992. Cronon, David. Black Moses; The Story of Marcus Garvey. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969. Garvey, Amy-Jacques. The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. Dover, MA: Majority Press, 1986. Garvey, Marcus. Marcus Garvey; Life and Lessons. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987.

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Europe, large groups of Jews and the other target groups has been relocated to the so-called concentration camps. All property of the detained was confiscated. Those fit for heavy works were used as cheap labor—only in exchange for low quality and a frugal meal, and ghastly living conditions. Minors, ailing, elder people, as well those who suffered from the heavy regime, were sent to the gas chambers—a dreadful device for massive killing through suffocating and contamination. Lives have been cheap—each deceased could be easily replaced by new human shipments from the occupied countries. Some large German industrial concerns, especially those in the defense, automotive industries, and other war suppliers, benefited from this contemporary form of slave labor. Huge groups of captured soldiers and civilians from Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus were also transported to mainland Germany and Austria for road works, other heavy labor, and as farm workers. Many were used to prepare secret sites for armament factories and test ranges to be shot after finishing the works. Since Soviet Russia was not among the Geneva treaties signatories, its POWs were not treated accordingly. At the Wannsee Conference (named after a lake in southwestern Berlin, where it was held on January 20, 1942), senior civilian government officials, SS officers, and business representatives, the Nazi plan called “Final Solution of the Jewish Question” was adopted. It aimed at complete extermination of the Jewish population in Europe, later know as the Holocaust. A similar fate

also anticipated Roma/Gypsies and Eastern Slavs, who were expected to be killed or resettled mainly beyond the Ural, and to serve as physical workers and servants to the German masters. Defeated, Germany, as well as its capital, Berlin, were divided into four occupation zones, run by the Allied powers (U.S., U.K., France, and the Soviet Union). After the Soviet Union refused any cooperation with former Western allies, and imposed communist regime in its zone, in 1949 there emerged two German states—the Federal Republic of Germany, comprising the three Western Allies’ zones, and the German Democratic Republic, or Eastern Germany. In order to prevent the mass migration from East Germany to West Germany, including residents of other Soviet bloc countries, in 1961, initially around East Berlin and on all internal (German-German) border lines, a sophisticated border facility was built. It was known as Berlin Wall. However, with the sweeping collapse of the communist regimes, it became obsolete in 1989. After the German reunification on October 3, 1990, its capital and largest city is again Berlin. Since then, Germany has spent considerable funds to bring East German productivity and wages up to West German standards. Germany has an affluent and technologically powerful economy—the fifth largest in the world. It is also Europe’s second most populous nation. From the 1950s on, it has attracted thousands of gästarbeitern (literally, guest workers) mostly from Turkey and former Yugoslavia, but also from Portugal, Spain,


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northern Africa, Middle East, and elsewhere. They filled many low-paying jobs that were avoided by the Germans—in the fields of public cleaning, fast food facilities, the construction industry, and so on. Many of them succeeded to integrate themselves within the German society, with second and third generations already speaking fluent German and opting at better professional positions. These foreign laborers contributed greatly for the postwar German “economic miracle.” When their help was no longer needed, some programs were implemented to incline those workers to return to their countries, offering them certain compensation. Many, however, preferred to stay in Germany, thus creating relatively huge compactly populated areas, with non-German, especially Muslim, inhabitants, in Berlin, Hamburg, Frankfurt, and other large cities. Germany became even more attractive, especially for the poor eastern neighbors, after the disappearance of severe division of Europe, and the lifting of the main obstacles for travel that were restricting former communist bloc countries. Currently, Germany has become one of the slowest-growing economies in the euro zone. Its aging population and high unemployment has pushed social security expenses to a level exceeding contributions from workers. Structural rigidities in the labor market—including strict regulations on laying off workers and the setting of wages on a national basis—have made unemployment a chronic problem. Nevertheless, the high living standard of Germany and especially its western

part attracts poor people from close and distant Eastern European, African, and Asian countries. It is both a transit and destination country for persons, primarily women, trafficked mainly from Central Europe and Eastern Europe for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Russia alone accounted for one-quarter of the 1,235 identified victims reported in 2003, the latest year for which statistics are available. For the first time, Germany’s statistics also included victims who were German nationals, who numbered 127. In the very last U.S. State Department Report (2006), Germany was charged with lack of adequate policy to prevent influx of prostitutes, mainly from Eastern Europe. For the 2010 Soccer World Cup championship, officials expected up to 40,000 illegal prostitutes to enter the country. Prostitution in Germany is legal, and 400,000 registered prostitutes pay taxes and are socially and medically secured. Authorities do not tolerate coercive prostitution, but are apparently not able to cope with temporary import of illegal street workers. Efforts to improve the legal situation of prostitutes have been criticized as inadequate by prostitutes’ organizations such as HYDRA, which lobby for full normality of the occupation. Stephan E. Nikolov
See also: Nazi Slavery.

Further Readings
Abadan-Unat, Nermin, ed. Turkish Workers in Europe, 1960–1975: A SocioEconomic Reappraisal. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976.

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Alba, Richard, Peter Schmidt, and Martina Wasmer, eds. Germans or Foreigners? Attitudes toward Ethnic Minorities in Post-Reunification Germany. New York: Palgrave, 2003. Bauböck, Rainer. Transnational Citizenship: Membership and Rights in International Migration. Brookfield, VT: E. Elgar, 1994. Martin, Philip L. The Unfinished Story: Turkish Labour Migration to Western Europe, with Special Reference to the Federal Republic of Germany. Geneva: International Labour Organization, 1991. Soysal, Yasemin N. Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994.

Green Revolution
Historians term the increase in crop yields in the developing world between 1960 and 2000 the Green Revolution. As early as 1917, scientists bred hybrid corn. Further efforts yielded corn, rice, and wheat with sturdy stalks to prevent lodging and with resistance to pathogens and insects. Agronomists coupled these crops with fertilizers, insecticides, herbicides, and irrigation to double yields on test plots. The prospect of extending these gains to farmers worldwide led the Rockefeller Foundation and the Mexican Ministry of Agriculture in 1943 to fund what would in 1966 become the International Center for Wheat and Maize Improvement (known by its Mexican acronym CIMMYT) in Mexico. In 1960, the Rockefeller Foundation founded the International Rice Research Institute in

the Philippines and in 1967 the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture in Nigeria. The achievements of the Green Revolution were not uniform. Between 1961 and 2000 the yield per acre of grains, root crops, tubers, and legumes increased 2.8 percent in East Asia, 2.5 percent in sub-Saharan Africa, 2.4 percent in Mexico, Central America, South America, and the Caribbean (Latin America), and 2.3 percent in the Near East and North Africa. These data refute the perception that the Green Revolution bypassed sub-Saharan Africa. Rather, sub-Saharan Africa lagged behind East Asia, Latin America, the Near East, and North Africa in yield gains until 1980. Thereafter, sub-Saharan Africa surpassed the rest of the developing world in yield gains. Humanitarian ideals underlay the Green Revolution. American agronomist Norman Borlaug and other leaders of the Green Revolution saw in the new crop varieties and agrochemicals an opportunity to alleviate hunger and poverty. The Green Revolution furthered this aim by boosting the food surplus, thereby pricing food within the means of the poor. Between 1970 and 1990 the percentage of malnourished people declined everywhere in the developing world except in sub-Saharan Africa. During these years, the poverty rate fell from 60 to 20 percent in Indonesia and by small amounts in India and Pakistan. Between 1973 and 1983, the consumption of calories and protein rose faster among the poor than among the affluent in North Arcot, India.

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Despite these achievements, the Green Revolution ended neither poverty nor class divisions in the developing world. The Green Revolution offered the technical means to increase crop yields but not the political resolve to end social polarization. Absent countervailing policies, the Green Revolution has not ended inequality. On the contrary, critics contend that the Green Revolution has sharpened the divide between rich and poor, since only those with money or access to credit could afford seeds, agrochemicals, and irrigation. These were the farmers who captured the yield gains of the Green Revolution. The rest lost ground; not only did they fail to share in these gains but they sold their crops at the low prices that prevailed amid the food surpluses made possible by the Green Revolution. Those without title to land—the tenant, the sharecropper, and the laborer— fared the worst. By increasing farm productivity, the Green Revolution drove up the value of land, pricing it beyond the means of many tenants and sharecroppers. During the 1970s, the ratio of rent-to-wages doubled in India. At the same time, the mechanization that attended the Green Revolution diminished the demand for labor. Caught between an increase in rent and a decrease in the demand for labor, the peasant fell from the bottom rung of the ladder. Between 1965 and 1975 the number of landless laborers rose from 5.7 to 10.2 million in India. Between 1967 and 1972 the number of tenants fell by nearly four-fifths in Ethiopia.

Between 1970 and 1975 evicted tenants and sharecroppers swelled the ranks of the landless by 300,000 in Brazil. A 1981 study by the University of Delhi estimated that mechanical combines reduced the need for labor by 95 percent. Before the Green Revolution, rice in Bangladesh was milled by a foot-operated pestle and mortar as women traditionally did this work and the income from it kept divorcees and widows from destitution. By the 1980s, 40 percent of rice was machine-milled. Farm operators built on average 700 new mills per year, thus eliminating between 100,000 and 140,000 jobs. Without jobs, the rural poor streamed into overcrowded cities. To the degree that the Green Revolution leveraged science to increase crop yields, it was a success. To the extent that the Green Revolution was an experiment in social engineering, it demonstrated the inability of science to cure social pathologies. Christopher Cumo
See also: Sharecropping.

Further Readings
Conway, Gordon. The Doubly Green Revolution: Food for All in the Twenty-First Century. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997. Evenson, R. E., and D. Gollin. “Assessing the Impact of the Green Revolution, 1960–2000.” Science 300 (May 2, 2003): 758–762. Shiva, Vandana. The Violence of the Green Revolution: Third World Agriculture, Ecology and Politics. London and New Jersey: Zed Books, 1991.

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Gulag (Main Administration of Camps)
The Soviet government authorized the creation of Corrective Labor Camps (ITLs) by the OGPU (Unified State Political Administration, the Soviet security police) on April 7, 1930. This resolution led to the formation of a network of labor camps under the direction of a section of the OGPU called Gulag (Main Administration of Camps). Originally reserved for 10,000 “socially dangerous” prisoners, Gulag rapidly expanded to oversee the incarceration of millions of prisoners. By January 1, 1931, the Gulag camps held more than 212,000 inmates. Under the armed watch of OGPU guards, these prisoners worked in construction, felling timber, and fishing. Prisoner labor under Gulag jurisdiction came to play an important role in certain sectors of the Soviet economy during the 1930s and 1940s. Gulag began its first major construction project in September 1931, the White Sea–Baltic Canal. Gulag allocated 140,000 prisoners to this task. The canal took 20 months to build and reached completion on May 1, 1933. It measured 227 km (136.2 miles) long and cut through the Karelian Isthmus. Immediately following the completion of this project, Gulag began a second large canal joining Moscow and the Volga River. By 1935, Gulag oversaw more than 196,000 prisoners assigned to build this canal. They finished the 127 km (76.2 mile) canal on July 15, 1937. Other large construction projects undertaken by Gulag included the Baikal Amur Mainline railway with a work

force of over 260,000 camp inmates by 1940. Gulag accounted for more than 20 percent of all construction in the Soviet Union by 1951. The forced labor provided by Gulag built many of the large infrastructure projects of the Soviet Union, such as canals and railways during the 1930s and 1940s. In addition to construction projects, Gulag also oversaw forestry, mining, factory, and agricultural operations. In the 1930s, prisoners became an important source of labor for developing extractive industries in remote areas of the Soviet Union. Gulag-run camps mined coal in Ukhta, Vorkuta, and Karaganda, gold in Kolyma, and nickel in Norilisk. By 1941, Gulag accounted for 12 percent of lumber, 54 percent of nickel, 75 percent of molybdenum, 35 percent of tungsten, 40 percent of chrome, 40 percent of cobalt, 75 percent of tin, and 60 percent of gold produced in the Soviet Union. A decade later, prisoner labor produced 90 percent of Soviet gold and nearly all of its platinum and diamonds. Nonferrous metals became heavily dependent upon Gulag-supplied labor. In July 1934 the Soviet government reorganized the Soviet security services and Gulag. The Stalin regime transferred all OGPU personnel and responsibilities to the NKVD (Peoples Commissariat of Internal Affairs). It also placed the penal institutions known as ITKs (Corrective Labor Colonies) under the newly reorganized NKVD. Previously, they had been under the authority of the various republican ministries of justice. By January 1, 1935, Gulag supervised 725,483 prisoners in camps and 240,259 in colonies for

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a total of 965,742 inmates. As a general rule, more serious offenders, including political prisoners, served their sentences in camps. Inmates in camps thus tended to serve longer and harsher sentences. The core mission of both institutions, however, revolved around exploiting prisoner labor. During 1934, Gulag also greatly tightened the security of the camps. The Gulag leadership militarized the camp guards and provided them with proper training and armaments. Escapes from camps declined from 16.36 percent in 1934 to 9.3 percent in 1935. By 1939, escapes from camps had been reduced to fewer than 1 percent of prisoners. The militarization of the camp guards succeeded in reducing an extraordinarily high escape rate to virtually nil. Gulag guarded 1,500,524 inmates in camps and 429,205 in colonies by January 1, 1941. The Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, caused a number of changes in this system. First, Gulag ceased to release political prisoners after they had completed their sentences. By December 1, 1941, they had prevented the release of 26,000 inmates up for release and forced another 60,000 to remain as “free laborers.” Second, Gulag lost a number of facilities to the rapid German advance. In response, the NKVD shot a large number of political prisoners, haphazardly released many common criminals, and transferred 750,000 remaining prisoners to camps and colonies east of the Ural Mountains. This transfer caused severe overcrowding. Finally, the Soviet authorities released hundreds of thousands of ordinary prisoners to fight

against Nazi Germany. In total, Gulag freed 975,000 inmates to fight in the Soviet army during World War II. As a result of these policies, the percentage of political prisoners in the camps increased from 28.7 percent in 1941 to 59.2 percent in 1946. The Stalin regime viewed common criminals as capable of redeeming themselves by fighting in defense of the Soviet Union. Political prisoners received no such consideration. Severe shortages of food and other necessities made living conditions extremely difficult for the remaining prisoners. The Gulag leadership reduced food rations during this time by nearly 30 percent. They also increased the work norms of the already exhausted and famished prisoners. As a result, inmate mortality in the camps and colonies skyrocketed. Between 1941 and 1945, the NKVD recorded 1,005,000 prisoner deaths. This represents more than 60 percent of the 1,606,748 documented fatalities in camps and colonies between 1930 and 1956. In 1942, one-fourth of all camp and colony prisoners perished, and in 1943 one-fifth of them died. These figures do not include deaths in transit or those released by Gulag to die at the expense of somebody else. The total number of deaths to result from incarceration in Gulag camps and colonies may exceed 3 million. After World War II, the prisoner population of the Soviet Union grew dramatically then shrank significantly in the mid-1950s. From 1945 to 1951, camp and colony inmates increased by 42 percent to 2,528,146. Following the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953, the Soviet

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A men’s labor camp at Nizhny Seimchan in Siberia in the mid-1950s. After Stalin’s death in 1953 the government released most prisoners. (Peter Reddaway Collection, MS Russ 78 (2235)/ Houghton Library, Harvard University)

government released most of its prisoners. A March 27, 1953, decree provided amnesty for 1,201,738 inmates. In subsequent years, further releases ensued, and by 1959, fewer than a million remained incarcerated, of which only 11,207 were political prisoners. On January 25, 1960, the Soviet government officially abolished the Gulag. J. Otto Pohl
See also: Beria, Laventy Pavlovich; Central Asia.

Further Readings
Applebaum, Anne. Gulag: A History. New York: Doubleday, 2003. Gregory, Paul R., and Valery Lazarev, eds. The Economics of Forced Labor: The Soviet Gulag. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2003. Khlevniuk, Oleg. History of the Gulag: From Collectivization to the Great Terror. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004. Pohl, J. Otto. The Stalinist Penal System. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1997.

Haile Selassie I (1892–1975)
Even before being crowned as Negus (king) in 1930, Haile Selassie, as one of the regents of Ethiopia, began early in his political career to take steps that he thought would lead to the modernization of Ethiopia (according to Western models) in the administrative, educational, health, and social services fields. Nevertheless, he received a rude awakening in 1919, when his country applied for membership into the League of Nations but was turned down due to the practice of slavery. By 1923, working closely with Empress Zauditu, he was successful in getting Ethiopia admitted into the league supposedly for having abolished the slave trade. With his long-held objective of bequeathing Ethiopia a legacy of pride and national purpose, he instituted a number of reforms, one of whose aims was eventually to emancipate existing slaves and their children. Yet the reforms were not necessarily implemented at the time, and, therefore, it would be false to claim that Ethiopia had abolished slavery by 1924. On the contrary, slavery continued to be legal in Ethiopia even after the signing of the International Slavery Convention of 1926. The signing of this convention, as well as the instituting of slave

regulations, had been designed mainly to remove any pretext that European powers could use to compromise Ethiopia’s sovereignty. After all, the European “civilizing” mission in Africa, that is, its claim of ending slavery, had been the justification for seizing territories in Africa. In 1931, Haile Selassie, by then the emperor of Ethiopia, had invited the London-based Anti-Slavery Society to send a delegation to Ethiopia for advice and consultation purposes. This was yet another move motivated by the Ethiopian desire to maintain its independence. British advice in 1932 did not lead to much, except for eliciting a promise from Selassie to end slavery within a couple of decades. In the meantime, slavery, as well as slave raiding and trading continued unabated, with the southwestern provinces being the main sources for slaves destined for local or foreign markets in Arabia. Selassie went on to establish a new Slavery Department with an Englishman as his adviser. Despite Selassie’s promise to end slavery, little progress was made until the eve of the Italian invasion. By then, however, it was too little too late as the Italian aggression against Ethiopia in 1935–1936 was carried out as usual, under the pretext or propaganda of ending slavery. The Italians claimed to

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Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie’s efforts to end slavery were largely an attempt to forestall foreign intervention, and his later modernization plan allowed slavery to continue in the form of forced labor and peasant exploitation. (Library of Congress)

have liberated slaves, especially in the Oromo-Sidamo areas, and their occupation (despite its brutal consequences) led many tenants to escape the Ethiopian system of serfdom under which they had labored for quite some time. After the defeat of the Italians by the Allied Forces in 1941 and the restoration of Selassie to the Ethiopian throne, it was no longer possible to continue with the old slavery and serfdom. Accordingly, Haile Selassie issued a proclamation on August 27, 1942, abolishing slavery. The proclamation spelled out alternative punishments, including severe penalties and even possible death, for anyone convicted of transporting or

trading in slaves. This finally brought to an end Ethiopia’s ongoing saga to end slavery by finally denying it legal status. This apparently had been Selassie’s desire all along. Selassie was committed to bringing about modernization in Ethiopia by instituting some administrative reforms, including introducing a central government with a council of ministers and a central parliament with some powers. He also reformed the taxation system to look less like a form of tribute, which had been the case in the past. Outside the continent, Selassie was without doubt the most widely known African leader, to the point of being revered as some kind of god by the Rastafarians. Within Africa he was widely respected and was one of the founders of the Organization for African Unity (OAU). He did, however, face serious problems that plagued his rule and in the end led to his downfall. He had not completely succeeded in removing the vestiges of the old feudal order that had allowed slavery to thrive in his country in the first place. In fact, there were some uncanny feudal resemblances of his Ethiopia to medieval Europe in terms of the powers of the Church, severe and exemplary punishments for offenders, and the lack of decent health services and facilities. His government was very much hierarchically organized with Selassie as the monarch at the top and slaves (until slavery was ended though forced labor and other forms of peasant exploitation or sharecropping continued) at the bottom. Despite his land reforms, including those


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of 1964 and 1972, the royal family, the nobility, and the Church (the three “estates”) continued to own much of the land in Ethiopia with some changes here and there. The new land reforms that he announced in 1972 were not implemented until the armed forces took over power in 1974. He died in mysterious circumstances while in detention, although his death was officially announced in 1975. Abdin Chande Further Readings
Marcus, Harold. Haile Selassie I: The Formative Years, 1892–1936. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987. Miers, Suzanne, and Martin Klein, eds. Slavery and Colonial Rule in Africa. London: Frank Cass, 1999.

Haiti is located in the Caribbean on the western one-third of the island of Hispaniola. It is bounded by the Caribbean Sea, the Atlantic Ocean, and the Dominican Republic, which is located on the eastern two-thirds of the same island. Hispaniola was colonized by the Spanish in 1492. In 1697, Spain ceded the western third of the island to France. During the French colonial period, Haiti was known as Saint-Domingue. A slave revolt ended colonial slavery by force in Haiti in 1804. Forty percent of Haiti’s population is under 15 years of age, and this age group is the most vulnerable to modern enslavement.

Modern slavery currently exists in Haiti in the form of domestic enslavement of Haitian children by other Haitians, a practice initiated by the affluent after independence in 1804. These children are known as restaveks (from the French, meaning “stay with”) or domestiques. Restaveks are usually between 5 and 14 years of age. UNICEF estimates that there are 250,000 to 300,000 restaveks in Haiti today. The enslaved children come from poor, rural families. Their parents are approached by agents or families who promise a better life and education for the child if he/she comes to live with a wealthier host family and works as a domestic servant. Once the children arrive at the homes of their host families, they are used as domestic slaves and rarely get the opportunity to go to school. They are not paid for their services. They usually sleep on mats or cardboard on the floor and eat once a day, a meal that usually consists of leftover scraps from the family meal. The children lose contact with their families and have no means of leaving their situation. They are usually forbidden to leave the house. Restaveks are expected to perform all sorts of domestic chores, including laundry, caring for children, cooking, collecting water, cleaning the house, and emptying chamber pots. Physical and verbal abuse is frequent. A type of cowhide whip is manufactured particularly for punishing restaveks. The Haitian police are complicit in the violence and can be called to administer beatings to restaveks who steal from their masters.

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Sixty to eighty-five percent of restaveks are female and they often suffer sexual exploitation. If they become pregnant, they are kicked out of the home. Most restaveks are forced out of the home before they reach age 15, because Haitian law requires that children be paid for work at that age. On the streets, their career options are usually limited to service jobs, such as gardener, porter or sex worker. Within Haiti, this form of child slavery is socially condoned. The pervasive restavek system is embedded in acute poverty, sharp class distinctions, and Haitian views about children. In recent decades, the most affluent have distanced themselves from the restavek system by employing paid domestics in their stead. However, lower and middle class families continue to take in restaveks. Some Haitians bring their restaveks with them when they move to the United States. The Haitian government has officially recognized child domestic labor as a problem since 1984. A labor code regulating the situation of child domestic labor was issued that year, but it had serious shortcomings. In 1994, Haiti ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. In April 2003 a law was passed to prohibit child domestic labor. The new law has limited value, because it fails to provide penalties for engaging children in domestic labor and fails to specify which judicial authority is responsible for enforcement. On a local level, some progress has been made in the support and rescue of

restavek children. Most of this has been accomplished through international organizations and religious groups. A few shelters for restaveks have been opened in recent years, both to provide food, medical support, and education and to aid in rescue. Boniface Alexandre, the interim president of Haiti, has publicly denounced the restavek tradition and has called on the interim government to do more to address the problem. Despite these various legal reforms and public denunciation, little progress has been made in changing the restavek system. Modern slavery also existed during the U.S. occupation of Haiti (1915– 1934) in the form of corvée (road law) labor. U.S. administrators exploited an obsolete corvée law, drafted in 1864, that required peasants to work on public roads or pay a road tax. This law was originally used to conscript citizens to build roads within their communities for less than three days per year. The U.S. Marines and the Gendarmerie manipulated this law to round up workers and take them forcibly from their homes to work, under force and excessive violence, on road projects to connect major cities in order to ease military control and police operations. The unpaid workers were sometimes roped together in gangs. The gangs were always kept under military guard and were frequently subject to brutality. The corvée was initiated in August 1916 and continued under military sanction through October 1918. Corvée labor was unacceptable to the Haitian people, who perceived it for what it was—a form

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of enslavement. The corvée sparked a Cacos revolt that diminished in 1919 when U.S. soldiers assassinated Charlemagne Péraulte, a leader of the rebellion. More than 3,000 Haitians were killed in military operations against the Cacos. The victims were not restricted to the Cacos; indiscriminate killings were broadly acknowledged. Although the corvée was officially abolished in October 1918, other forms of coerced labor for public projects persisted until the end of the U.S. occupation, particularly in the North of Haiti under command of Colonel Clark H. Wells. A U.S. Senate inquiry later determined that Wells permitted the continuance of the corvée and the brutal treatment and murder of corvée laborers. He also gave orders to eliminate Caco prisoners and kill suspected Cacos rather than bring them in for imprisonment. Wells was never tried by military or criminal court for any of these crimes. Lori Lee
See also: Cadet, Jean-Robert; Cane Harvesters; Restavek.

U.S. State Department. Trafficking in Persons Report. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2005.

Hak Sun, Kim (1924–1997)
Kim Hak Sun was the first Korean woman to testify publicly about her life as a “comfort woman” (a euphemism that has become the standard phrase for the thousands of women used to serve Japanese soldiers sexually) during World War II. Following nearly half a century of silence, Kim made her story public and later became a litigant in a landmark class-action lawsuit against Japan, seeking an official apology from the government, monetary compensation, an investigation of their cases, revision of textbooks to reflect their plight, and a memorial. Prior to the revelations of her ordeal as a comfort woman, little was known about the Japanese Imperial Army’s practice of abducting young girls and forcing them into prostitution. Abducted by Japanese soldiers at the age of 17, Kim was forcibly transported to northeast China where she was compelled to become a comfort woman for a Japanese military unit stationed near Beijing. Obligated to share a house with five other Korean women, Kim was required to have sex with 20 to 40 Japanese soldiers a day. After a short period of time, Kim was relocated to another comfort station in northeast China. While at this new comfort station, Kim managed to escape with the aid of a sympathetic Korean man who eventually became her husband.

Further Readings
Cadet, Jean-Robert. Restavec: From Haitian Slave-Child to Middle-Class American, An Autobiography. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998. Delorme, Jacky. Haiti’s Tarnished Children. Belgium: International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 2004. Renda, Mary. Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism, 1915–1940. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001.

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Kim and her husband had a daughter and son in China before they returned to Korea at the end of World War II. Shortly following their arrival in Korea, their daughter died of cholera. and following the end of the Korean War, Kim’s husband died in an automobile accident. A few years later, her son died of an apparent heart attack. Coping with the loss of her entire family, Kim’s life spiraled out of control as she began drinking and became destitute. In 1981, after years of alcohol and drug abuse, Kim found work as a house cleaner. After Japan’s public denial of the existence of comfort women, the Korean Council for Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan was established in November 1990 in South Korea. The members of the council demanded that the Japanese government reveal the truth regarding comfort women, make a formal apology, and pay reparations. In August 1991, Kim Hak Sun broke nearly half a century of silence and made her story public. Her bravery in stepping forward encouraged other comfort women to come forward with their experiences. With the support of nongovernmental organizations, lawyers, and researchers, Kim and three other surviving Korean victims filed a lawsuit against the Japanese government in December 1991. The effect of Kim’s testimony was immeasurable. By the end of 1992, former comfort women from North Korea and South Korea, the Philippines, China, Taiwan, Indonesia, and the Netherlands began to reveal their stories openly. After presenting her

testimony before the Korean Council for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan, Kim became a public figure in South Korea and made several guest appearances at conferences in South Korea and abroad chronicling her life as a comfort woman and detailing the abuse that she and other women had suffered. Kim also became an outspoken advocate of the need to teach about comfort women in history textbooks. Up to her death, Kim continued to press the Japanese government to issue a formal apology. Kim died on December 16, 1997, at Ehwa Women’s University in Seoul, South Korea. She was 73 years old. Keith A. Leitich
See also: Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan.

Further Readings
Howard, Keith, ed. True Stories of the Korean Comfort Women: Testimonies. London, New York: Cassell, 1995. Kim-Gibson, Dai Sil. Silence Broken: Korean Comfort Women. Parkersburg, IA: Mid-Prairie Books, 1999. Soh, Chunghee Sarah. “Centering the Korean ‘Comfort Women’ Survivors.” Critical Asian Studies 33, no. 4 (2001): 603–608. Soh, Chunghee Sarah. “The Korean ‘Comfort Women’: Movement for Redress.” Asian Survey 36, no. 12 (1996): 1226–1240.

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living in several West African countries particularly in Mauritania and Morocco. There is no consensus on the origins of the word since its meaning varies from country to country. While some argue it is derived from the Arabic word for “freedom” or “agricultural laborer,” others believe it is the Berber word used to describe darker-skinned persons. In Morocco, the Haratine are considered a separate ethnic group from the Berbers and Arabs. Overall, they make up around 40 percent of the population but there are some reports of populations as high as 80 percent in some villages. The defining characteristic for the Haratine is their darker skin color. Unfortunately, this feature has relegated the Haratine to a lower social status compared to other ethnic groups. They continue to face social discrimination and, until recently, were prevented from participating in politics or exercising their civil rights. Traditionally, the Haratine do not own land and worked as agricultural laborers on farms owned by Berbers or Arabs. Later, they became sharecroppers but were often poorly compensated or were treated inhumanely. As a consequence, some Haratine migrated to nearby North African countries or to Europe to find other employment opportunities in the 1960s. Their remittances are an important source of capital, because it has allowed a growing number of Haratine to purchase land in Morocco. This new wealth has also translated into an increased, albeit limited, amount of local political power as Haratine political candidates emerged in the 1980s.

In Mauritania, the Haratine are known as “freed slaves” or “assimilated blacks.” They are believed to be descendants of African slaves (‘abd), originating from such countries as Senegal and Mali, who were captured by Arabs and forced into chattel slavery. Although the Haratine are emancipated, some Beydane have maintained their master-slave relationships with their former slaves through a combination of religious manipulation, the Haratine’s lack of education, and their economic dependence. The Haratine in Mauritania are also considered a separate ethnic group and comprise anywhere between 30 to 40 percent of the population. Racially, they are regarded as blacks because they are darker skinned and are often referred to or describe themselves as “Black Moors” or “Black Arabs.” These terms are used to distinguish the Haratine community from the Beydane, known as “White Moors,” who are Mauritanians of ArabBerber descent. Like the Beydane, the Haratine speak primarily Hassaniya or Arabic, and the idea of a shared Moorish culture is often used to differentiate the Haratine from other blacks from other Sub-Saharan African countries living in Mauritania. This cultural division was tested during a border dispute between Senegal and Mauritania from 1989 to1991. It escalated into a violent ethnic conflict between black African farmers from Senegal and the nomadic Beydane from Mauritania in the countryside and quickly spread to the urban areas. There were several reports that some Beydane asked their slaves and

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the Haratine to kill blacks, mostly Senegalese, in Nouakchott and other southern cities along the border. The French were the first to abolish slavery in Mauritania, in 1905; however, their emancipation was not enforced. Slavery continues to exist despite a presidential decree in 1981 that was intended to outlaw slavery in the country. As a result, most Haratine managed to escape from slavery, because they were freed by their masters, required to purchase their freedom, or fled to safety. Despite their status as freed slaves, the Haratine in Mauritania continue to face racial and social discrimination because of their skin color and perceived lower status. This has led to the emergence of

political organizations such as El Hor (“the Free”) and SOS Esclaves led by Messaoud Ould Boulkheir and Boubacar Messaoud, respectively. These Haratine organizations are working to improve the status of the Haratine community and enforce antislavery laws in Mauritania. Unfortunately, the Mauritanian government has refused to recognize these organizations and they operate largely outside of the country. Haratines such as Messaoud Ould Boulkheir have brought these issues facing their community to the national agenda. As the leader of the opposition party, Action for Change (AC), Ould Boulkheir became the first presidential candidate from the Haratine community in 2003. Although, his party

Mauritanian Messaoud Ould Boulkheir is an important Haratine political leader and the founder of the emancipation organization El-Hor. (AFP/Getty Images)

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was later banned, he reemerged as the leader of the People’s Progressive Alliance (APP) and campaigned for the presidency again in the 2007 election. Leslie Fadiga-Stewart
See also: ‘Abd; American Anti-Slavery Group (AASG); Cotton, Samuel L.; Mauritania; SOS Esclaves (Mauritania).

Further Readings
Amnesty International. Mauritania: A Future Free from Slavery? Amnesty International, 2002: library/pdf/AFR380032002ENGLISH/ $File/AFR3800302.pdf. Cotton, Samuel. Silent Terror: A Journey into Contemporary African Slavery. New York: Harlem River Press, 1998. Ilahiane, Hsain. “The Social Mobility of the Haratine and the Re-working of Bourdieu’s Habitus on the Saharan Frontier, Morocco.” American Anthropologist 103 (2001): 380–394. Parker, Ron. “The Senegal-Mauritania Conflict of 1989: A Fragile Equilibrium.” Journal of Modern African Studies 29 (1991): 155–171.

Hardenburg, Walter Ernest (1886–1942)
Walter Ernest Hardenburg was a U.S. engineer, adventurer, and antislavery activist, who is chiefly remembered for his denunciation of the atrocities committed by the Peruvian Amazon Company in the Putumayo region. The son of an agricultural merchant, Hardenburg was raised in Youngsville, New York, among a closely knit community of the Methodist faith. After

graduating from high school in 1903, he had brief service in the U.S. Navy and later sought fortune as a handyman in Panama, during the first years of the canal construction. From there he immigrated to Colombia posing as a qualified engineer (which apparently he wasn’t) and found employment as a surveyor of rail works in the State of Cauca. Due to the political instability and low wages after the “thousand-day” civil war, Hardenburg decided to try for a position in the administrative staff of the Madeira-Mamoré railroad project in Brazil. Thus, in October 1907 he started from Buenaventura toward the Amazon region, accompanied by his friend W. B. Perkins. Their plan was to reach Brazil by early February and earning some money on the way by selling merchandise to Indian and white settlers. Business, though, turned to failure, and by January 1908, both travelers had barely reached the Colombian Putumayo, in the frontier with Peru, then a district embedded in the economics of the rubber boom. They made the acquaintance of Colombian entrepreneur David Serrano, based at La Reserva station on the banks of the Caraparaná River, with whom they agreed to become business partners. However, these plans were frustrated on January 11, 1908, when an armed detachment of the Peruvian Amazon Company (PAC) detained Hardenburg and Perkins at Argelia station, and ransacked La Reserva, taking Serrano and his family as hostages. During the following weeks, Hardenburg

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claimed to witness all sorts of crimes and tortures inflicted on the Indian rubber gatherers, subjugated under PAC’s regime of terror and the system of endeude, or perpetual indebtedness. After threatening to sue the Peruvian company, Hardenburg and Perkins were released in Iquitos, Peru, on February 1. Although Perkins left almost immediately for the United States, Hardenburg stayed in Iquitos (the regional center of PAC transactions), working as an English teacher and gathering documentary information on the company’s crimes, especially pursuing the public denouncements made by Benjamín Saldaña Rocca, a local socialist journalist who previously had to escape to Lima. While in Iquitos, Hardenburg interviewed Julio César Arana, PAC’s founder and general manager, who denied all charges and offered instead to compensate Hardenburg for the loss of his luggage in the Putumayo. Convinced that Arana was secretly seeking to silence him, Hardenburg left for Manaos on June 1909, and a month later was arriving in London, where he sought the assistance of Reverend John Harris, the celebrated organizational secretary of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society. Harris introduced Hardenburg to the staff of Truth magazine, a publication that officially (and lucratively) took up the cause of Putumayo slavery, starting in September 1909 with the publication of the headline “The Devil’s Paradise: A British Owned Congo,” due to the participation of numerous prominent British shareholders in PAC.

Hardenburg’s denunciations eventually took the form of a book in 1912, but, more importantly, led to the creation of a parliamentary special committee to investigate the Putumayo atrocities, many of which were allegedly perpetrated by Barbadian (and hence, British) overseers. The fundamental and horrific evidence that confirmed Hardenburg was soon to be produced by the report prepared by British Consul Roger Casement. Meanwhile, Hardenburg married and left for Canada. Although he briefly returned to London to testify before the select committee, his further involvement in the Putumayo investigations was basically marginal and referential. In later life, Hardenburg became a socialist activist in the Canadian provinces. Carlos Guillermo Páramo Bonilla
See also: Peruvian Amazon Company.

Further Readings
Collier, Richard. The River That God Forgot: The Story of the Amazon Rubber Boom. London: Collins, 1968. Hardenburg, Walter E. Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise. Travels in the Peruvian Amazon Region and an Account of the Atrocities Committed upon the Indians Therein. London: T. F. Unwin, 1912. Paternoster, G. Sidney. The Lords of the Devil’s Paradise. London: S. Paul, 1913. Select Committee on the Putumayo. Correspondence Respecting the Treatment of British Colonial Subjects and Native

Hassaniya-Berbers Indians Employed in the Collection of Rubber in the Putumayo District. Presented to Both Houses of Parliament of His Majesty. London, 1912. Stanfield, Michael Edward. Red Rubber, Bleeding Trees: Violence, Slavery, and Empire in Northwest Amazonia, 1850– 1933. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998. Taussig, Michael T. Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man: A Study in Terror and Healing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986.

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Arab expansion into the western part of North Africa began a slow but steady process of Arab-Islamic infiltration and influence that began in the eighth century in the area today known as Mauritania. The primary impetus for this expansion (beyond the conquest drive of a religious empire) had more to do with ecological disasters, especially in South Arabia (Yemen), which forced people to migrate northward and eventually westward across Egypt to North Africa. The influx of these nomadic peoples exerted pressure on the region’s indigenous Berbers who moved farther south (a trend that probably had begun much earlier), thereby forcing Africans (Soninke) to do the same. This was the situation as the African empire/ kingdom of Ghana arose in southern Mauritania (and parts of modern-day Mali), which experienced some level of conflict with the Saharan Berbers. The destructive wars of the Almoravid dynasty’s Berber Islamic reform movement to some extent weakened, but did

not destroy, the former trans-Saharan trading links. The Banu Hilal influx to North Africa that resulted from an 11th century drought in Yemen was felt in northern Mauritania in the 14th century, when Arab-Berber struggles for control of the region occurred. The Arab chronicler Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) mentioned the extent of their destruction, which he likened to that of locusts. Coincidentally, this was also the period when the Mali empire was expanding across West Africa to include areas where the Berbers lived. Although the Berbers had successfully resisted the process of Arabization, they were eventually infiltrated by Yemeni groups, especially the Banu Hassan, who would become dominant in Mauritania by the 17th century. As Berbers were maneuvering for territorial control, Africans were pushed farther south toward the Senegal River basin. When the final Berber attempt at resistance (1644–1674) against Yemeni invaders failed, the Berbers were forced to turn to Islamic scholarly pursuits in order to assert their dominance, at least in the religious sphere. The process of Arab-Berber integration became so intense or sustained that eventually the Berbers became both Islamized and Arabized. In the new social and political configuration that emerged, Africans slaves occupied the bottom of the resulting social pyramid. Collectively, all people who ended up speaking Berber-influenced Hassaniya Arabic (derived from the name of Banu Hassan) and who lived in the northern part of the country became

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known as Maures or “Moors” (hence the name of the country, Mauritania). These included Arab/Berbers and their former African slaves (Haratin) who had been assimilated to the Maure culture. The Maures came to be distinguished from their neighbors to the south who included Pulaar-speakers (Fulani cattle breeders), Soninke (the indigenous people of Mauritania who had been associated with the empire of Ghana), Wolof (the dominant ethnic group in Senegal), and Bambara. The Sahelian drought of the late 20th century forced many Arab/Berber nomadic and seminomadic camel herders of the north to migrate to the south where sedentary African farmers and cattle breeders live. This set the stage for sometimes bloody ethnic conflict between northerners, the Maures who dominated the government, and southerners who felt discriminated against by the northerners. This repeats the pattern of northern Arab/Berber population pressures that have led to African groups being displaced from their homes or territories. Thus, Mauritania has failed to serve as a geographical bridge linking North Africa to West Africa, a region historically traversed by the massive trans-Saharan trade of the past in which salt and other northern products were exchanged for gold. On the contrary, the interaction between the nomadic Arab/Berber herders of northern Mauritania (speakers of Hassaniya Arabic) and the sedentary African farmers of the lower Senegal River basin has been charged with tensions over competition for scarce resources,

especially the valuable agricultural land in the south during the period of desertification in the north, and issues of justice, equity in education and civil service employment, and fair treatment. In the modern era, whenever the name of Mauritania is mentioned, it is often in the context of discussing contemporary slavery. This is because the country has a significant number of African ex-slaves known as Harratin (derived from the Arabic word for freedom) who live in the northern part of the country and share in the Maure identity. This is in addition to the presence of African slaves from the south known as Abid. Both the Harratin and the Abid have strong cultural and other attachments to their former or present masters respectively. Abdin Chande
See also: ‘Abd; Mauritania.

Further Readings
Abun-Nasr, Jamil. A History of the Maghrib. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975. Garteiny, Alfred. Historical Dictionary of Mauritania. African Historical Dictionaries, No. 31. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1981. Norris, Harry T. “The Legacy of Banu Hassan.” Maghreb Review 2, no. 2 (1977): 21–25.

Huerta, Dolores (1930–)
The activist, feminist, public speaker, and civil rights leader Dolores Huerta is best known as a farm workers’ advocate

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and spokesperson, and as a cofounder of the United Farm Workers of America (now part of the AFL-CIO). Huerta was born in Dawson, New Mexico. Her father was a union organizer, miner, and field-worker, who eventually became a member of the New Mexico state legislature. Although her parents divorced when Huerta was a child, after the divorce her mother moved Huerta and her four siblings to Stockton, California, where she opened a restaurant and hotel. Huerta credits her mother for instilling in her a passion for social justice, commitment to the rights of farm workers, and her feminism. Huerta received a degree in teaching

United Farm Workers cofounder Dolores Huerta attends a dedication of the Cesar Chavez Monument on the San Jose State University campus in California in 2008. (AP/ Wide World Photos)

at the University of the Pacific’s Delta Community College, taught school, then decided she could do more good “by organizing farm workers than by trying to teach their hungry children.” After leaving elementary school teaching, she founded the local chapter of the Community Service Organization in 1955 and the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) in 1960, lobbying for the passage of legislation to help farm workers gain such rights as the ability to vote in Spanish. Huerta is best known for cofounding the National Farm Workers’ Association (NFWA), predecessor to the United Farm Workers, with Cesar Chavez, and leading the Delano grape strike in the late 1960s, in which AWOC and NFWA boycotted grape growers in California. The UFW and AWOC became the United Farm Workers’ Organizing Committee (UFWOC), and in 1966 Huerta negotiated the first collective bargaining agreement of its kind in the United States. The 1968–1970 boycott is viewed as one of the “largest and most successful boycotts in U.S. history.” Huerta is largely responsible for the creation of Aid for Dependent Families, obtaining disability insurance for California farm workers, handling workers’ grievance filings, and negotiating the first health and benefit plans for farm workers. In the 1970s, she continued to lobby for the rights and protections of farm workers, speaking out against the use of pesticides, leading national consumer and farm workers’ boycotts, obtaining unemployment benefits for farm workers, and campaigning for

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national political candidates. She was arrested more than 20 times during nonviolent protests and was beaten brutally by a police officer during a protest in 1988. Huerta was instrumental in the passage of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, granting farm workers the right to organize collectively and negotiate for better wages and working conditions and the passage of the Immigration Act of 1985. Huerta has been divorced twice, raising 7 of her 11 children as a single mother. With longtime partner Richard Chavez, she had 4 more children. Her children often attended protests and joined their mother as she traveled. She also has 15 grandchildren. Huerta still travels nationally, promoting the rights of farm workers and women. Emily C. Martin-Hondros Further Readings
Baer, Barbara, and Glenna Matthews. “The Women of the Boycott.” Nation 218, no. 8 (1974): 232–238. “Birth of a Union.” CQ Researcher 14, no. 35 (2004): 843–844. “Dolores Huerta at Seventy-Five: Still Empowering Communities.” Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy 18, no. 1 (2005–2006): 13–18. Herrera, Lu. “For the Sake of Good.” Hispanic 16, no. 5 (2003): 28–29.

Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP)
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) was formed in 1986 by sisters Hina Jilani and Asma

Jahangir and a small group of fellow lawyers and human and women’s rights activists. In the ensuing two decades, the HRCP has worked for human rights and democratic development, becoming Pakistan’s largest nongovernmental organization (NGO). The HRCP investigates reports of human rights violations, publicizes individual cases and systemic violations through national and international media, holds human rights seminars and workshops, organizes and mobilizes activists, lobbies parliament, provides legal assistance to victims of human rights abuses, organizes protest rallies (in violation of Pakistan’s law prohibiting public political activity), and publishes annual reports, monthly and quarterly newsletters, as well as special investigative reports regarding human rights issues in southern Asia. Since its inception, the HRCP has been a strong advocate for women’s rights, drawing attention to the persistence of honor killing and the forced labor of women. Pakistani women continue to be victims of trafficking for the purposes of forced domestic labor and sexual slavery, as well as swara, the trading of women and girls to settle debts or interfamily conflicts. (Amnesty International considers swara to be a form of slavery.) The HRCP continues to raise awareness of these outlawed practices, generating publicity and providing legal aid for individual victims. Since the mid-1990s, the HRCP has struggled to curb the proliferation of bonded labor in Pakistan’s

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brick-making, carpet manufacture, and mining industries. Some of the world’s worst manifestations of bonded labor occur in Pakistan’s Sindh province, where some agricultural laborers (hari) have been bonded to landowners for generations, private jails are used to punish workers, and bonded hari who have managed to pay their peshgi or have escaped are frequently returned to the landlord with the collusion of local officials. Compounding the inherent class discrimination with ethnic and religious discrimination, Pakistan’s Hindu minority and members of minor tribes are disproportionately ensnared in the Sindhi bonded labor system. In addition to investigating and publicizing this practice, the HRCP established the Special Task Force on Sindh to address this issue and has promoted reform legislation including the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act of 1992. Under this law, the Special Task Force on Sindh has filed cases against landlords, resulting in the release of 15,000 bonded Sindhi laborers. However, as Sindhi landlords reasserted their influence over local government, efforts to further curb bonded labor have stalled. The HRCP in 2002 claimed that more than a million Sindhi peasants continued to endure bonded labor; the organization and other NGOs maintain that millions more Pakistanis are so enslaved. For their efforts, the HRCP’s activists and leaders have suffered intimidation and violence at the hands of private individuals and Islamic extremists opposed to their agitation for women’s rights.

Both Hina Jilani and Asma Jahangir have endured death threats, destruction of their personal property, and attacks on their families. In addition, local officials have periodically halted publication of the HRCP’s quarterly newsletter, and both sisters were inexplicably charged as accessories to murder in 1999, following the honor killing of one of their clients. Meanwhile, the Pakistani government has increased its intimidation of the HRCP, detaining HRCP leaders and activists, keeping Jilani and Jahangir under constant surveillance since 1996, waging a media campaign against Jahangi and the HRCP, and refusing to temper Islamic extremists’ harassment of the organization. Michael Mundt
See also: Bonded Labor; Peshgi.

Further Readings
Anti-Slavery International. Contemporary Forms of Slavery Related to and Generated by Discrimination: Forced and Bonded Labor in India, Nepal and Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 2003. Anti-Slavery International. This Menace of Bonded Labor: Debt Bondage in Pakistan. London: Anti-Slavery International, 1996. Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Human Rights Watch. Pakistan: Contemporary Forms of Slavery. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995. Karim, Farhad. Contemporary Forms of Slavery in Pakistan. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1995.

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U.S. Department of State. “Pakistan: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2003.” Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, 2004. http://www. htm. Accessed May 17, 2006.

Human Rights Day
December 10 is observed annually as Human Rights Day, commemorating the date in 1948 when the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Human rights are universal and everyone possesses fundamental economic, cultural, social, political, and civil rights. Article 23 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states: (1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favorable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment; (2) Everyone, without any discrimination has the right to equal pay for equal work; (3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favorable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection; and (4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests. Today, a variety of human rights violations are reflected from the word “slavery.” The state of children, child prostitution, child pornography, the exploitation of child labor, the use of children in the arm conflicts, debt bondage, the traffic in persons or in the sale of

human organs, certain practices under apartheid and colonial regimes are also considered in the context of human rights violations, in addition to traditional chattel slavery and the slave trade. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) all explain protection against abuses of human rights in general and through slavery in particular. Yet, in spite of these international agreements, human rights violations persist. Legislation for ending legal strikes by public sector workers and the threatening of federal government in the provinces of Newfoundland and British Columbia in 2004, contradicts human rights. Workers are still denied equal pay for equal work and many face workplace discrimination on the basis of race, disability, age, and gender. Human rights abuses are occurring in our society every day and interestingly some are also state sanctioned. People are facing inadequate health care, education, housing, and employment opportunities and are forced to endure it. It is also a common event to refer to the death sentences for many active trade union leaders around the world, and it signifies no limitation for human rights abuses. The United Nations has identified Sudan’s strife-torn Darfur region as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis and one among the many human rights

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tragedies plaguing the world. About 1.45 million people are internally displaced in Darfur, and another 200,000 are living as refugees in neighboring Chad in accordance with United Nations official sources. In 2004, Louise Arbour, a former Canadian Supreme Court justice, was appointed to the position of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, but unfortunately Canada is not an exception to many countries around the world witnessing human rights violations and atrocities. International covenants, national legislation, and enforcement procedures no doubt are the positive steps for the protection of human rights globally, but official actions alone cannot stamp out slavery in its various forms. Attitudes and customs that are often deep-rooted have to be changed through public awareness that broadens mental outlook, influencing belief structure and changing the attitude patterns toward the issue and class of people facilitating the protection of human rights. December 10 as Human Rights Day is a step toward introspection against abuses of human rights, and there is no disagreement on it. Patit Paban Mishra
See also: Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Human Trafficking for Labor Purposes
Human trafficking for labor purposes or labor trafficking is a relatively new term for a concept of modern slavery that has origins in the European abolition of the transatlantic slave trade at the end of the 19th century. Labor trafficking refers to slavery-like practices called by other names from the early 20th century. Elements of labor trafficking include coerced labor, debt bondage, sexual servitude, and slavery-like practices according to the 2000 United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Labor trafficking is a growing global problem linked to the expanding world economy, international migration flows, and the demand for cheap labor. Labor trafficking primarily involves exploitation of migrants in contemporary forms of bondage through indebtedness. Most prominently, persons are trafficked across borders or internally, then forced to work in agriculture, textile sweatshops, mines, domestic service, factories, construction, food processing and services, and exotic dancing and sexual entertainment among other licit and illicit industries. Coercive practices involve debts incurred for work-related expenses (including transportation, rent, equipment, recruitment fees and/or permits), restriction on workers to quit work or leave the workplace, and confiscation of identity documents. Fraud often

Further Reading
Schifter, Richard. Human Rights Day, 1989. Washington, DC: U.S. State Department, 1990.

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occurs in the form of nonpayment of promised wages. Violence or the threat of violence is often used to enforce worker compliance. Violence can be psychological, in the form of threats and confiscation of identity documents, and physical, including beatings, sexual assault, and even murder of captive workers. The emergence of contemporary labor trafficking coincides with colonial development in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The indentured labor system marked one of the new forms of coerced labor. With the abolition of chattel slavery, many European colonies faced a labor crisis and decline in production. To meet the crisis, the Europeans recruited indentured workers from other colonies and sometimes within Europe. In theory, indentures came voluntarily and signed contracts for a limited period, after which workers were to be repatriated or free to buy land and settle in the colony. In practice, recruiters kidnapped, coerced, and deceived workers, few of whom understood the conditions of their transport, the nature of their work or the limits on their personal freedom. Managers wielded arbitrary authority and enforced harsh and violent discipline, often through the use of whips and stocks. Many indentures suffered or died on the overcrowded transport ships or due to the oppressive working and living conditions. Managers often forced workers to remain indentured after their contracts expired and many never returned home.

Labor trafficking in the late 19th century and most of the 20th century was a function of colonialism. However, contemporary labor trafficking is influenced by economic globalization. From the middle of the 19th century to about the 1970s, labor trafficking was characterized by abduction, kidnapping, and coerced recruitment. Human trafficking for labor purposes was tied to colonialist expansion and domestic practices in colonized countries. In contrast, contemporary labor trafficking is more characterized by voluntary migration and willing recruitment with coercion and denial of freedom in the final destination. Moreover, where labor trafficking in the late colonial period was perpetrated by the state or companies under colonial government charge, contemporary labor trafficking is perpetrated by organized criminal groups or individual employers taking advantage of weak or nonexistent protections in the labor market. Although contemporary labor trafficking has a long history, the international community did not agree on a definition until the end of the 20th century. The definition of trafficking in the 1949 UN Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Women and Children become less relevant as it forbade only human trafficking for sexual purposes, while the international community was becoming aware that people were trafficked for labor and other purposes (Miers, 2003, p. 432).

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Contemporary labor trafficking often involves voluntary migrants, sometimes illegally smuggled, sometimes legally with foreign employment documents. Migrant workers become trafficked when at some stage in their movement they become coerced, forced, or deceived about the work or employment arrangement. A person may make an agreement with a recruiting or transport agent on an apparently voluntary basis. However, the consent of a person to migrate illegally becomes irrelevant when coercion, fraud, or other means included in the definition of human trafficking have been used to compel forced labor from the person. The expansion of international trade and offshore investment by wealthier countries, the ease of transport between nations, and the rapid spread of information worldwide has propelled increased international migration. While people in many nations have benefited from this process of globalization, others have suffered economic crisis, decline of living standards, and loss of livelihood. Consequently, the movement of people across borders in search of work has increased. The difficulty of legally migrating and accessing foreign work has increased the opportunities for criminal activities relating to migration, particularly trafficking. The existence of contemporary labor trafficking has always been in relation to global capital expansion and the imbalance in labor markets between countries resulting in the demand for foreign

work to fill domestic labor and production needs. The International Labour Organization posits that the contemporary rise in international labor trafficking may be attributed to imbalances between labor supply and the availability of legal work in a place where the jobseeker is legally entitled to reside (ILO, 2001, p. 53). In this supposition lies the connection of migration to labor trafficking. Workers not satisfied with employment or lack thereof in their home country are pulled by the need for workers in more industrialized or capital-rich countries. Trafficking for labor purposes becomes a more lucrative crime where labor is in high demand while legal work opportunities are more limited and legal means of migration are restricted. Steven Lize
See also: Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Women and Children; Economic Globalization; Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation; International Labour Organization; International Organization for Migration; Organized Crime and Slavery.

Further Readings
Bales, Kevin. Disposable People. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Free the Slaves and Berkeley Human Rights Center. Hidden Slaves. Washington, DC: Free the Slaves and Human Rights Center, 2004. Lee, Maggy. Human Trafficking. Portland, OR: Willan Publishing, 2007.

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International Labour Organization. Stopping Forced Labour. Geneva: International Labour Office, 2001. Miers, Suzanne. Slavery in the Twentieth Century. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2003.

Human Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation
In 2000, the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime defined trafficking as “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs.” Human trafficking is a global phenomenon that engenders tremendous profits. Women and children are the majority of the victims. Because this is an illegal activity, accurate statistics are difficult to obtain, but international organizations conservatively estimate that each year millions of women and children are trafficked for purposes of sexual exploitation. Trafficking is a human rights violation that strips its victims of their dignity. This criminal activity also

poses immediate public health problems for society that include substance abuse, unwanted pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases, and psychological trauma. Governments are also saddled with numerous other serious problems due to trafficking being closely linked to organized crime syndicates. Two main causes of human trafficking are poverty and unemployment, but other factors include destitution, corruption, and social crises. War, persecution, and social violence also play roles in its spread. Further, increasingly restrictive migration policies in receiving countries and deteriorating economies in sending countries often cause women and their families to be deceived by the lure of good jobs. They believe the promises of the traffickers only to find themselves in a slavelike situation due to the vulnerability of their situation. They are often confined under guard, kept in debt, stripped of their documents, and threatened. Victims often find themselves in an environment where they do not understand the language, they fear deportation, and they have little or no money. In addition, their captors threaten their families back home with violence if their debts are not fully repaid. The women are raped and beaten until they agree to prostitute themselves. Trafficked individuals, especially in transit and receiving countries, are in need of governmental aid and protection, but it is rarely available. Traffickers succeed for several main reasons. One is that there is still little global cooperation or coordination to

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combat what is a transnational criminal phenomenon. Another reason is because the sex industry creates a demand for prostitutes with increasing governmental support. In 1998 the International Labour Organization recommended that Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand accept that prostitution plays such an important role in their national economies that its revenues should be incorporated into their gross domestic products (GDPs). In addition, governments have not been able take effective measures to eliminate trafficking or impose

sufficiently stiff sentences to deter traffickers. There also remains a lack of awareness by the populations of the sending countries of the dangers involved in believing the promises of legal, high-paying jobs. Globalization has made the movement of people and capital much easier and faster. Traffickers have become expert at reading local, regional, and international politics and therefore at taking advantage of the disruption caused by economic, political, and social dislocation. Finally, the trend to legalize prostitution has created an ideological barrier that

Members of a rescue unit evacuate the body of a Colombian woman who died of dehydration near the Israeli town of Eilat in September 13, 2006. She is believed to be a victim of a human trafficking organization operating on the border between Egypt and Israel. (AP/Wide World Photos)

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leans toward ignoring the problems of trafficking for sexual exploitation. Whereas governments remain poorly organized in their efforts to combat human trafficking, traffickers have successfully developed extensive networks. Sometimes family members and friends of the victims are involved in the process of entrapping them. Travel arrangements are easily made. Aspects of the transit can be furnished by small, independent operators. This is especially true in border regions when crossings are made in trucks, cars, or boats, but trafficking could not have developed into a global industry without sophisticated, large criminal smuggling rings with extensive networks of contacts for the false documents, hidden lodgings, surreptitious transportation, and knowledge of how to deceive border police. Some businesses that have been used to cover for traffickers are employment agencies, modeling agencies, travel agencies, beauty contests, language schools, shipping companies, and matchmaking agencies. Today the Internet also plays an important role in trafficking for sexual exploitation. Newsgroups and chat rooms,

which are rarely regulated, allow traffickers to organize their activities. Because of issues related to free speech and the right to privacy, governments have not been able to generate the collective will necessary to rein in cyber abuse. The Internet also permits a higher level of anonymity among those who buy and sell women and children. Loni Bramson
See also: Illegal Migration; Organized Crime and Slavery; Prostitution.

Further Readings
Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery and the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Cwikel, Julie, and Elizabeth Hoban. “Contentious Issues in Research on Trafficked Women Working in the Sex Industry: Study Design, Ethics, and Methodology.” Journal of Sex Research 42, no. 4 (2005): 306–316. Miers, Suzanne. Slavery in the Twentieth Century. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2003. Pickup, Francine. “More Words but No Action? Forced Migration and Trafficking of Women.” Gender & Development 6, no. 1 (1998): 44–51.

Ibn Saud, Abdul Aziz (1880–1953)
The creation of modern Saudi Arabia is associated with the al-Saud family whose most ambitious member was Abdul Aziz ibn Saud (1880–1953). He battled his way to power in the Najd and Riyadh (central Arabia) by 1905– 1906 and along the way displaced the Ottoman power in al-Huffuf in eastern Arabia by 1913. This was after the Ottoman Empire had already recognized him as its client and the imam in Najd. He relied heavily on the support of the Ikhwan brotherhood (consisting of nomadic Wahhabi reformers) to push forward with his military advances. In the early 1920s he waged a war to unify Najd and Hijaz by removing the Hashimite family from power in the Holy Lands to form the modern kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1925. In 1929, Ibn Saud dealt with his fanatical Ikhwan allies who wanted to attack other Muslims, including Hashimites, by militarily suppressing them and disbanding them as a fighting unit. The Ikhwan were too eager to force “puritanical” reform on other Muslims whether they were in Saudi Arabia or Iraq. This left an unresolved tension or conflict between the more strict conservative Wahhabi reformers

and their more pragmatic opponents in the administration of Ibn Saud. Ibn Saud’s new kingdom had inherited old institutions or practices such as slavery, which was openly practiced, especially in Western Arabia. In the Treaty of Jiddah of May 1927 the British had recognized Ibn Saud as an independent ruler in return for his cooperation against slave trade, but since the kingdom had not signed the 1926 League of Nations convention on slavery, nothing much had changed. In 1936, a Saudi Arabian royal decree entitled “Instructions Concerning Traffic in Slaves” was ostensibly issued for the purpose of reducing slave imports, regulating the sale of slaves, and ensuring that they were well fed and taken care of. An Office of the Inspector of Slave Affairs was established in the Ministry of Interior to monitor the implementation of the regulations. Despite these measures, the commitment of the Saudi monarchy was not toward ending slavery, which, after all, was still legal, but only toward reforming it. Not surprisingly, therefore, illicit slave imports continued. Ibn Saud’s imposition of peace and order in the country allowed pilgrimages to the holy sites in Mecca to resume with protection provided to pilgrims. Yet, one thing had not changed;

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King Abdul Aziz ibn Saud (seated, center) is credited with the creation of modern Saudi Arabia. (Library of Congress)

slave imports, while declining, continued, and the king began charging customs duties on them. Slaves were being sold, not openly, but in informal markets. The royal family itself owned many slaves, and Ibn Saud saw slavery as acceptable especially since existing slaves were generally well treated. The discovery of oil in Saudi Arabia in the early 1930s did not foster a social revolution or progressive thinking

that would have convinced or encouraged Ibn Saud to end slavery as soon as possible. Rather, the institution was being slowly undermined by economic changes (for example, slave soldiers and slave camel drivers were no longer needed in an age of motorized vehicles). Although slave markets had been curtailed by the late 1950s, slavery had not been ended by the time Ibn Saud died in 1953. That would come in 1962,

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when his son, Prince Faisal, abolished slavery in Saudi Arabia. Abdin Chane
See also: Saudi Arabia, Abolition in.

Further Readings
Hutson, Alaine. “Enslavement and Manumission in Saudi Arabia, 1926–38.” Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 11, no. 1 (2002): 49–70. Miers, Suzanne. Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. New York: Altamira Press, 2003.

Illegal Migration
The term “migrant worker” refers to a person who is to be engaged, is engaged, or has been engaged in a remunerated activity in a place where he or she is not a national. The legal or illegal nature of this enterprise comes from the particular circumstances of the migrant’s residence and work capacity with respect to the regulative framework of the host nation. Illegal migration consists of those people who enter a country without the proper consent of national authorities, people who remain in a country after their visas or work permits have expired, people who are moved by migrant smugglers or human trafficking agencies, and those who abuse the asylum system. Furthermore, those individuals who travel to other countries as a result of fake marriages or adoptions may also be included in this group. The term “illegality” is

a key concept in the exploitation of migrant workers due to its negative implications. The term connotes criminality, although migrants are only illegal in their residence because they are not considered a valid presence by authorities. The history of illegal flows of labor likely went hand in hand with the inevitable and ceaseless demand of employers toward decreasing the cost of production by diminishing the social value of laborers. It is impossible to give the exact number of illegal migrants, but it can only be guessed. Many researchers believe that the number of illegal migrants may well exceed the number of legal migrants in the world today. It is likely that the growth of low-wage and part-time jobs facilitates the employment of illegal immigrants, since higher labor costs usually force employers to look for not only new forms of supply but also cheaper and more vulnerable labor sources in order to achieve low-cost labor. Women, children, and illegal migrant workers are among the most common labor sources that are used in that manner. Since the Industrial Revolution, searching for new but cheaper sources of low-cost production has taken two major forms. Employers, mostly guided by states, have either exported the production process to locations where cheaper labor sources are found or imported low-cost laborers to replace or supplement their more expensive labor force. Therefore, within the capitalist world economy, labor immigration has always performed the

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historical function of providing a regular and unlimited labor supply so that the capitalist system can maintain its rates of profit. The capitalist mode of production requires not only cheap labor but, ideally, the cheapest one. Therefore, illegal immigration has evidently increased throughout the capitalist world economy, not only in the developing or lessdeveloped countries but also in highly developed countries. The flows of large number of illegal immigrants will continue as long as the economic globalization of the world economy creates a space for illegal migration to be able to feed the informal need of labor utilization. The informal economy forces the workers to deal with flexible production without any regulative framework, such as social security, health insurance, and minimum wage and working conditions policies. Thus, illegality is highly preferred by many employers, since all the added costs, including recruitment of labor, social welfare, social security, and other taxes, can easily be bypassed. The greater exploitation of immigrant workers, especially those of illegal workers, has nothing to do with their obedience. It is all about their objective vulnerability, and it is a direct result of having crossed national territories without document or of being illegal after certain periods of their initial arrival. It is their legal status and the legal relationship with the state and law that creates their objective position of weakness vis-à-vis their employers. As more migrant workers acquire their rights under international human

rights agreements, they instantly come to resemble the native labor force with full working rights. Therefore, they turn out to be useless for flexible and lowcost production. It is for this reason that the key interest of employers is to import immigrants in the most legally tenuous position. Thus, illegal immigrants become the most vulnerable workers. Their legal status deprives them of most basic civil rights and prevents their effective organization for making demands. Their illegality formally confronts them with the enforcement apparatus of the receiving state. Their status as a violator of legal codes prevents them from challenging the work terms and conditions and claiming or taking advantage of any benefit. The rate of exploitation of illegal migrant workers is indubitably associated with their conditions as a legally defenseless group. Therefore, illegal migrants turn out to be modern slaves, defined by the International Labour Organization as someone “forced to work under physical or mental threat, and where the owner or employer controls the person completely.” Bayram Unal
See also: Child Labor.

Further Readings
Baldwin-Edwards, Martin, and Joaquín Arango. Immigrants and the Informal Economy in Southern Europe. London: Frank Cass, 1999. Williams, Phil. Illegal Immigration and Commercial Sex: The New Slave Trade. London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1999.


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Of all the forms of sexual abuse, incest is one of the most soul destroying. Incest is sexual relations between relatives. Each culture has a different definition of who is a relative and what comprises sexual relations; therefore, the exact definition of incest changes depending on the culture. Incest can be nonexploitative and nonabusive if the sex act takes place between peers and is wanted. Usually, though, it is an abusive and exploitative encounter that traumatizes the victim regardless of how distant the relationship is or even if there is only an attempt at sexual contact. Due to the shame and trauma created by incestuous abuse, to a large extent, incest remains a taboo subject for those who live it. Victims can be female or male, although mostly female. Abusers are usually men, but can also be women. The abuse almost always starts in childhood. Since victims often cannot talk about incestuous abuse, eliminating it is virtually impossible even though in most cultures it is either a criminal act or culturally forbidden. In the United States many women are still silenced about their experience with incest, though it began to loose its taboo status after the publication of such books as Sandra Butler’s Conspiracy of Silence (1978), Louise Armstrong’s Kiss Daddy Goodnight (1978), and Florence Rush’s The Best Kept Secret (1980). These publications, among others, helped to create an environment that opened the way for scholarly research on incest, and a flood of

popular books and articles by victims have since resulted. Publicity about incest from the victim’s point of view spread from the United States to other parts of the world in the 1980s. Since incest happens within a family, and because the victim is often pressured not to reveal it, accurate statistics concerning its frequency are rare. Incest is seldom officially reported, and even when it is, the abuser is almost never convicted or seriously punished. A usual goal is to rehabilitate the offender and reestablish the family unit. Researcher Diana E. H. Russell conducted a rigorous random sample survey study in San Francisco, which found that 16 percent of the women identified themselves as having experienced at least one instance of incestuous abuse. Of these, 4.5 percent of the women had been forced to have sexual relations with their father before the age of 18 (father-daughter incest was usually the most traumatic kind). Of the 16 percent, three-fourths of the incest cases took place before the victim had reached the age of 14. The incidence level of incest is important because of the impact that it has on the lives of the victims, the other members of the family, and the people who are close to the victims later in their lives. Incest is an atrocity that for many remains a secret throughout their lives. It is therefore self-integrated as a psychological trauma. Further, the pain and trauma usually experienced by the victim is long-term, even if the abuse only occurred once. Therefore, incest is a serious public health problem. In

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addition, it has been shown that incestuous abuse socializes the victims to becoming more susceptible to other forms of sexual abuse as they grow older. Incest has also been closely linked to substance abuse, eating disorders, posttraumatic stress disorder, running away from home, prostitution, suicide, destructive anger, confusion about one’s sexuality, mental illness, and self-mutilation, among other serious problems. There are also the tragedies of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. The incestuous experience leads large numbers of victims to believe that there is something inherently wrong with them; they have very low self-esteem. Additionally, incest occurs in families of all socioeconomic levels, educational backgrounds, and religious, racial, and ethnic groups. One reason for the serious impact of incest on the victims’ lives is that they often blame themselves for allowing the incest to happen. This is because, as children, they consented to the sexual relations, even when they did not want it to take place. As children, they were not sufficiently mature to understand that in the family hierarchy they were expected to defer and obey authority. Because of the imbalanced power differential, in reality, there could not have been consent. Further, resistance is often not an option because of the difference in size, the abuser uses force. Other times, the incest occurs while the child is asleep. Threats such as taking away a loved one or economic necessities can be used. In addition, the

children often do not understand what is happening. Children can also be disarmed by fear, the need for attention, or powerlessness. Some children, though, are able to engage in resistance strategies. The more distant the relationship, the more often children feel capable of verbally and physically resisting. Some try to run away. Others attempt to resist verbally by screaming, protesting, or asking the perpetrator to stop. Nevertheless, research shows that telling someone else about the incest is not an evident option for children. This can be because they are afraid of punishment, being hurt, or rejection; they do not want the abuser to be punished; they do not think they will be believed; they think they will be blamed; and they are too ashamed to verbalize what happened to them. Loni Bramson
See also: Sexual Abuse.

Further Reading
Russell, Diana E. H. The Secret Trauma: Incest in the Lives of Girls and Women. New York: Basic Books, 1986.

The Republic of India is the largest democracy and second most populated country in the world today. Geographically, the borders of India touch those of many other countries. It stretches from the Arabian Sea in the west to the Bay of Bengal in the east and borders Pakistan to the northwest; China,


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Nepal, and Bhutan to the north; Bangladesh to the northeast; and Myanmar (Burma) to the east. The capital of India is New Delhi, and Mumbai (Bombay) is its largest city. India covers an area of 1.2 million square miles (excluding Kashmir). Although acceleration in economic growth has made India among the 10 fastest growing developing countries, the country’s per capita income remains low and 26 percent of the population live below the income poverty line. Hindi, English, and 17 other major languages are spoken, and its main religions are Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, Christianity, Buddhism, and Jainism. India has a population of approximately 1.1 billion people. An estimated 400 million are children up to 18 years of age. The American AntiSlavery Group states that of the 15 million people who are enslaved within India, many are children. Although India may boast to be the largest democracy, international human rights reports state that the country can claim little virtue in being host to more slaves than all other countries in the world combined. Slavery is historically and geographically variable and it resists concise definition. It may be defined as social practices that legitimate a relationship in which people are at the disposal of another person or group. Slavery as a particular kind or form of exploitative behavior runs through premodern and modern societies, but it is the content of the exploitative relationship that gives slavery its diversity and complexity. No single definition of slavery is thus able to embrace such a diverse

range of exploitative practices. Rather, it becomes possible to extend orthodox practices and distinctions between helots, debt bondage, and chattel slavery, to a range of other exploitative practices. India is not unique when it comes to describing practices as slavery. Other developing countries, including the Middle East, have widespread social and economic inequalities and questionable citizenship and human rights records, many of which have been described as slavery. It is difficult to assess whether slavery in India has received as much scholarly or public attention as slavery in the Americas or Africa. There may be several reasons, but one is the visibility of the caste system as the predominant form of social stratification. The scaffolding erected by the caste system has provided the primary lens through which commentators have made sense of a variety of social, economic, and political inequalities. There may be sound analytical and empirical reasons for why inequalities reflecting slavery should be examined independently from those of the caste system. It would be remarkable, however, to assume that there are no commonalities between the inequalities inherent within the caste system and those that are characteristic of slavery since both are based on symbolic degradation, physical segregation, and economic servitude. In India, a range of economic, sexual, and human rights exploitations have appeared under the rubric of slavery that include the internal and external trafficking of women, children, and men

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for the expropriation of sex and labor, and there is bonded labor in carpet factories. Bangladeshi women and children are trafficked to India, or through India to Pakistan and the Middle East for sex, domestic servitude, and forced labor, while Nepalese women have received a similar fate. Many people are victims of forced or indentured labor. Studies suggest that many women in the commercial sex industry were initially victims of sexual servitude and sex trade trafficking. These have been compounded by sex tourists from other Western countries. The Anti-Slavery Society reports practices of hierodulic prostitution that refers to religiously sanctioned prostitution. Parents dedicate their daughters to a Hindu deity for a range of possible reasons, usually as a sacrifice to appease gods, or they are purchased (prostituted) by wealthy worshipers and offered to gods. There has been an apparent revival of these practices in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. Practices of child abuse and prostitution animate and give sustenance to the durability of institutionalized slavery. Slavery is also given shape by legislative boundaries and other mechanisms of social control created to deal with exploitative practices. The perceived causes and consequences of slavery are given recognition and gravitas by governments, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and other activists. Indian governments have expressed considerable disdain with modern slavery as activists, and NGOs have expressed disdain with

governmental incompetence. Government strategists and activists do not always see eye to eye in the context of a multiple and shifting context of national and international human rights organizations and claims to authority. Practices of slavery, the social control of slavery, and human rights discourse emerge and evolve together in a dynamic contestation over meanings, actions, and politics. Some improvements have been acknowledged by NGOs since the arrival of the new Indian government in June 2004. The secretary for women and child development has been empowered to develop and implement antitrafficking policies. Fast-track courts have ensured greater convictions in Tamil Nadu and New Delhi. In March 2005, an order was implemented by the home minister of Maharashtra state to close dance bars used for prostitution and trafficking. In Mumbai, a staterun home for underage trafficking has improved its collaboration with U.S. government-funded NGOs. This has improved levels of care provided for trafficking victims. The updated 2001 Juvenile Justice Act, provides criminal penalties for sexual offenses committed against minors, including the prostitution of children. It also ensures strong protections for child victims of trafficking through the oversight of child welfare committees in each state and mandatory care provided in stateapproved protection homes. The Immoral Trafficking and Prosecution Act (ITPA) criminalizes the selling, procuring, and exploitation of any person


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for commercial sex and for profiting from prostitution. India’s National Human Rights Commission, in late 2004, produced a report of the trafficking situation in India. It included recommendations for the government to take in preventing future trafficking. A study of sex tourism in Goa was also undertaken by the Human Rights Commission. The National Commission for Women joined with the Maharashtra State Commission for Women in holding a workshop on sex tourism in that state. Reports from NGOs and human rights organizations have claimed that government administrations have not done enough to eliminate trafficking. For instance, India has been placed on a Tier 2 Watch List for two successive years for failing to provide evidence of increased efforts to address trafficking of people, inadequate progress in forming a well-coordinated national law enforcement response to interstate and transnational trafficking crimes, and poor governmental response to law enforcement collusion with traffickers. In contrast to laws against sexual exploitation, Indian laws for addressing forced labor, child labor, and domestic servitude, remain inadequate for a number of reasons. Fast-track courts remain inadequate: Prosecutions may take up to eight years, during which evidence may be lost and witnesses fade way, and acquittals become the norm. Government-provided shelters for victims of trafficking remain insufficient as do formal referral systems—through

which police regularly refer victims of trafficking to qualified NGO service providers. Inadequate penalties are attached to these offenses. Although the Child Labour Act (1986) and Abolition of Bonded Labour Act (1976) have aided the emancipation and rehabilitation of children in forced labor, they only carry a maximum of three years in prison. This may be a poor deterrent for recidivism of this severity. Furthermore, the enforcement of these acts is undermined by overburdened and poorly trained local magistrates. Local magistrates’ additional responsibility of collecting state taxes from the very businesses that employ bonded labor do not sit well with their pragmatic task of law enforcement. Indeed, the ethos of law enforcement is further undermined by officials’ acceptance of bribes and their pretense of not knowing. Collusion with trafficking is not a deterrent. There are a number of NGOs or intermediary organizations that challenge these inadequacies and endorse antislavery sentiments and changes. They include Global March against Child Labour, South Asian Coalition on Child Servitude, and Human Rights Watch. Rampaul Chamba
See also: Anti-Slavery International; Bonded labor; Convention against the Worst Forms of Child Labour (1999); Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW); Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Women and Children (1949).

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Further Readings
Bales, Kevin. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. Patnaik, Utsa., ed. Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India. Madras: Sangam Books, 1985. Pinto, Jeanette. Slavery in Portuguese India: 1510–1842. Bombay: Himalaya Publishing House, 1992. Saradamoni, K. Emergence of a Slave Caste: Pulayas of Kerala. New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1980.

Indian-Mestizo Captives
Unknown to many, brutal forms of human slavery thrived for more than three centuries in what is today the U.S. Southwest. Indian-Mestizo servitude resonated with many of the same deleterious affects as black slavery, including harsh transactions, a lack of bodily integrity, and extraordinary deprivations of liberty, all of which scarred the lives of captives. Emerging in the late 16th century, the Indian-Mestizo slave trade lingered in unconventional forms like dependent term labor arrangements until well into the 20th century. In places like New Mexico, the trade became deeply rooted in cultural borderland customs. New Mexicans, indigenous traffickers, and sometimes even captives themselves acted in ways that defined Indian-Mestizo servitude. Voracious reciprocities characterized the trade as both New Mexicans and Indians took captives from one another, but powerful evidence suggests that New

Mexicans were much more aggressive and successful in their slave raiding activities. Indian-Mestiza women and children were most often the target of putative raids launched frequently by New Mexican militias. Captive-taking, reciprocal abductions, and the desire to accrue borderland capital in human beings continually fueled Indian-Mestizo servitude. Indian-Mestizo captives were frequently kept as domestic servants by wealthy New Mexicans, but captives were also traded along with livestock, textiles, and tools as part of borderland commerce. Captives were often held in isolated and sometimes rapidly changing circumstances. For example, individuals might be abducted via a raid in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains and kept by slave traffickers as personal servants. Held captive, these slaves might later be sold or traded for sheep or other livestock in adjoining pastoral areas. These same captives might then be trafficked through a maze of shifting borderland markets, perhaps changing hands several times before ending up in a New Mexican household or as a surrogate member of an Indian clan. Early studies on Indian-Mestizo servitude characterized the trade as exploitative, but recent scholarship has argued that Indian-Mestizo servitude evolved over time into a kin-based institution. Some scholars contend that filial rhetoric was frequently used to demarcate real, fictive, and dependent familial ties between masters and servants. For some captives, kinship structures like marriage, adoption, or godparentship

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(compadrazgo) mediated some of the harsher aspects of captivity. These kinbased structures might have eroded some of the hard distinctions between masters and servants as servants became integrated into custodial households. Still dependent and subordinate, some captive kin nonetheless became prized as cultural interpreters often brokering tense relations between Hispanic and Indian communities. Like paternalism on plantations in the U.S. South, kin-based servitude involved mutual obligations between owner and slave. Servants were expected to be obedient and dutiful whereas masters were supposed to educate and Christianize Indian-Mestizo servants. On large land grants, like the Maxwell Land Grant, paternalism played an integral role in Lucien B. Maxwell’s control of his estate. Maxwell ruled his grant via quasi-familial relationships that included the ownership of Indian slaves and the management of peon-servants, but there were boundaries to Maxwell’s paternalism as financial considerations also played an important role in his management of the grant. But servitude on the Maxwell Grant may have been atypical of the overall captive experience in New Mexico. Recent scholarship argues that Indian-Mestizo captivity was intended to expand borderland communities through the incorporation of abductees into households via internal kinbased structures. Thus, unlike black servitude’s racism and labor exploitation, the Indian-Mestizo slave trade

may have also been relied on to develop borderland settlements as well as energize natal exchange markets. Clearly, however, both kinds of paternalism could quickly slip into violence and intimidation should servant’s commit unwelcomed social transgressions. Even paternalism within the slave trade might have been utilized by some masters as pretext to obscure what was essentially captivity driven by racism and class exploitation. In some instances, kinship may have played only a nominal role in what was ostensibly chattelbased servitude. In 1868, the federal government tried to extend universal emancipation into the Southwest and abolish the New Mexican slave trade. To this end, the government implemented civilian interdiction teams to locate and liberate Indian-Mestizo captives. Given the paradoxical nature of the trade’s custodial settings, federal investigations into captivities may have been particularly vexing. Once federal officers had informed captives of their liberty rights some of them left, while others stayed. That some captives remained in their custodial households might suggest genuine filial ties between masters and servants. It may well have been that captives became emotionally and materially tied to masters because they had been incorporated into households through kin-based structures like marriage, adoption, and godparentship. But captives might also have been reluctant to leave because they had been abducted as children and no longer had strong familial bonds to their biocultural clans.

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Indonesia University of North Carolina Press, 2002. Gutierrez, Ramon. When Jesus Came the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500–1846. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991. Montoya, Maria. Translating Property: The Maxwell Land Grant and the Conflict over Land in the American West, 1840–1900. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.

Thus, they did not feel compelled to reunite with native families. Further, servants might have been reluctant to flee captivity because to them kinship was fictive and these servants feared the wrath of their masters should they flee. Finally, the awareness that their captivity could unpredictably shift between intimacy and violence might have also created such emotional vertigo for captives that they chose to remain in captivity rather than face the uncertainties of the harsh New Mexican frontier. These circumstances made the government’s job in rooting out this kind of slavery very difficult. Federal officers would have been required to sort out factual circumstances associated with these captivities. Since motives and intentions between masters and servants might have become emotionally muddled due to kinship conventions, this could have made such investigations extraordinarily tedious and painstaking. Ultimately, the level of precision needed to scrutinize incidents of captivity accurately might have progressively weakened because of a lack of manpower, resources, and altruistic resolve by federal officers. Surviving evidence suggests that some officers might have even used their positions as federal liberators to further their own financial interests. Robert F. Castro Further Readings
Brooks, James F. Captives and Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands. Chapel Hill:

There was a remarkable variety in the forms of bondage and slavery that existed in the southeast Asian region, including the country now known as Indonesia, where slavery existed from quite early times. This disparity results from the demographic situation in the region, particularly the need to control labor of which there was a severe shortage, coupled with the relative abundance of land to which an enslaved person might flee, determined the types and the nature of subordination that could exist. This made it difficult to practice the form of slavery that existed, for instance, in the West Indies, where plantation slavery was the norm rather than the exception. This also accounts for why slave rebellions were a relatively rare occurrence in Indonesia, although there were a few shipboard revolts that took place when slaves were being moved, and there was a Javanese slave uprising in Patani in 1616. This has led scholars to recognize the absence of a clearly demarcated boundary between free and unfree; instead, there


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is a continuum from what approximates chattel slavery at one extreme to debt bondage at the other extreme. Thus, there were degrees of enslavement from very little (those who worked for a few days only for their master) to very much (those who worked most of the time). Where did the slaves originate and how were they acquired? As would be expected, it was often the more organized or centralized kingdoms/states that captured slaves from the weaker, decentralized marginal societies or groups that could not defend themselves very well. Some slaves ended up in the major commercialized urban centers such as Batavia (now Jakarta), which had slave ordinances where the demarcation lines between slavery and other forms of bondage was not so distinct and upward mobility was possible. Geography also played a role in determining the pattern of enslavement, as it was often the people from the lowland kingdoms who enslaved the divided, often peripheral peoples of the highland areas. This, for instance, was the case in Celebes (south Sulawesi), where the more organized and trade-minded Bugis raided the highland Toraja for captives. Yet, it should not be assumed that the highlanders themselves did not keep slaves; in fact, a few of their headmen, Pong Maramba and Pong Tiku, were well known for their heavy involvement in the slave trade. Generally, the slaves in this area were attached to a highland family for generations and were unlike recent slaves

(commoditized entities) sold to complete strangers. Although the character of southeast Asian (or Indian Ocean) slavery might seem mild in comparison to its counterpart in the Atlantic world, one cannot ignore the coerced labor systems that developed later—in particular the cultivation system on Java and southeast Sumatra in Indonesia. This was the period of not only the Dutch presence in southeast Asia (Indonesia in particular) but also of Dutch participation in both the Atlantic and Indian Ocean slave trades in the 17th and 18th centuries. It has been estimated that in the late 17th century the Dutch East India Company (VOC) owned several thousand slaves (we know also that some people from this region were sent as slaves to Dutch Suriname and to the Cape Colony of South Africa). Slavery had widespread acceptance among Dutch officials, and a majority of Calvinist ministers both in the Dutch Republic and abroad justified it based on biblical authority (Genesis 9:25–27—the so-called “Curse of Ham” ideology). Dutch officials referred to the milder treatment of slaves by Europeans, the servile nature of Asians, and the strong possibility that once freed slaves would gravitate toward Islam as reasons to retain slaves in their lowly status. Furthermore, it is quite revealing that the VOC was far more concerned about protecting its spice trade from smugglers than it was about people being “stolen” (a euphemism for enslavement) in the areas where the company exercised jurisdiction. In fact, between 1650 and 1675

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the Dutch concluded “slave-clause” agreements with some local chiefs near Sumatra, Timur, New Guinea, and Sulawesi to provide them with protection and military assistance in exchange for their provision of slaves and other commodities as tribute. When the people of the Banda archipelago south of the Malukus continued to sell nutmeg and mace to British traders despite being told not to, the Dutch took severe punitive measures that included relocating many of the people of the island. The island was then repopulated with VOC indentured workers and slaves to work in the nutmeg groves. The cultivation system that was implemented in Java from the 1830s onwards was one of the worst and most exploitative colonial schemes to have been introduced by Europeans. Through coercive means that were only slightly different from those of the slave plantations that sought to maximize the profits of the slave masters, it forced the local people to grow export crops such as coffee, sugar, indigo, tea, cinnamon, pepper, tobacco, cotton, and silk for the purpose of strengthening the Netherlands weak financial position in the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars and a civil war with Belgium. It is estimated that between one-fifth and onethird of the Netherlands state revenues between the 1830s and 1860 were made up of profits derived from this system that imposed a heavy burden on helpless villagers. It left farmers with little time to grow rice, their main staple food crop, and famines and epidemics broke out in the 1840s.

By the 19th century, especially the second half, the emancipation movement had gained sufficient momentum, making the trade in humans unacceptable. Slavery itself was abolished by the Dutch in the first decade of the 20th century. Although the Toraja, for instance, welcomed the Dutch, some, especially those who had benefited from slave trade, and the nobility, for whom possession of slaves was proof of status, refused to accept colonial authority. The modern state of Indonesia is a 19th-century creation formed when its boundaries were defined and the process of exploitative economic and political integration started. It is against this background that we should understand the severe Dutch response to Tana Toraja nobility, many of whom were either jailed or killed for daring to challenge their authority. This was part of the process of pacification by which colonial authorities forced local people to submit to their authority, pay taxes, grow certain specified cash crops, relocate if necessary, and work on certain public projects through a system of coerced labor. This was one of the ironies of the situation; ending slavery only to replace it with other coercive means of advancing capitalist interests. Abdin Chande

Further Readings
Kelly, David, and Anthony Reid. Asian Freedoms: The Idea of Freedom in the East and Southeast Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

Industrial Revolution Reid, Anthony, ed. Slavery, Bondage and Dependency in Southeast Asia. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983.

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Industrial Revolution
The Industrial Revolution was a series of economic and technological changes, originally and principally in Great Britain in the late 18th century and followed by the northeastern United States, which led to a greatly expanded and transformed economy. Its relation to the slave economies of the British colonies and the U.S. South is complex, and many aspects are still debated by historians. The direct contribution of capital generated by the slave economy to the British Industrial Revolution was limited as few slave trade and colonial fortunes went directly into manufactures. The considerable number of British Caribbean planters who relocated to Britain itself tended to spend their fortunes on country houses and entering politics rather than investing in capitalist industrial development. The initial surge of British industrialism was in textiles, particularly cotton—so-called light industry that made Britain the unquestioned global center of cotton textile manufacture. The quantity of raw cotton imported into the British Isles went from 11 million pounds in 1785 to 588 million pounds in 1850, with the output of cloth going from 40 million to 2.025 million square yards. The growing demand for cotton reshaped and revitalized the slave economy of the U.S. South,

which had been declining in the late 18th century. Transportation improvements, most importantly, the railroad and the steamship, also contributed to the creation of a transatlantic market in cotton and other commodities. As slave-grown cotton became the economic mainstay of the U.S. South, slavery was perceived by white southerners as an essential institution, and those few white southerners who opposed it were viewed as traitors to the region. The perceived importance of slave-grown cotton to British industry was one of the chief reasons for the confidence with which the southern landowning class led their states in secession from the Union–they were confident that British dependency on cotton would force their intervention in the U.S. Civil War. Whatever the economic impact of the Industrial Revolution on slavery, the political and cultural changes it wrought were inimical to it. The rise of domestic industry and the wealth it generated marginalized the economic and political power of the “West India interest” in Britain itself, a necessary precondition for the passage of the Abolition Act of 1833 that abolished slavery throughout the British Empire. The Industrial Revolution in Britain and the northeastern United States—two leading areas of abolitionist organization— was based on an ideology of free labor, a concept to which masters and workers alike subscribed. Propagandists of industrial capitalism vaunted the superior economic efficiency of free labor over slavery, while reactionary opponents of industrialism, like Thomas

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Carlyle, unfavorably compared the position of the free laborer, for whom the employer had no responsibility beyond the payment wages, to the West Indian or American slave. British manufacturers, in opposition to both domestic agricultural interests and Caribbean sugar planters, tended to support free trade, which meant that the West Indians were distracted from their struggles to maintain slavery by the need to maintain protected access to home markets for their sugar. In the United States, regional divisions were exacerbated by the realization that the North in the 19th century was developing industrially at a far faster rate than the South, which remained comparatively backward economically. Conscious of their dependence on the North, both as a source of manufactured goods, and (along with Britain) as a market for raw cotton, southern planters and intellectuals called for an industrial revolution in the South, with the building of textile mills and the expansion of railroads and transportation infrastructure. Other white southerners took the opposite perspective, proclaiming the superior virtue of the agrarian and rural society of the South over the urban and industrial North, and favorably contrasting the security of the southern slave with the condition of the northern “free” industrial worker. The call for a southern industrial revolution was largely in vain, however, and the U.S. South continued to lag behind the North— a major reason for southern defeat in

the U.S. Civil War and the abolition of southern slavery. William Earl Burns
See also: Abolition of Slavery Act (1833); Abolitionism; United States.

Further Readings
Cochran, Thomas C. Frontiers of Change: Early Industrialism in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1981. Drescher, Seymour. Capitalism and Antislavery: British Mobilization in Comparative Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Mokyr, Joel, ed. The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1998. Teich, Mikulas, and Roy Porter, eds. The Industrial Revolution in National Context: Europe and the USA. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

Inheritability of Slavery
The inheritability of slavery is a common feature found in many different forms of slavery, from the milder versions of debt bondage to the harsher chattel slavery. Historian James Watson provides a useful classification for placing this aspect of slavery in the traditional systems of Africa and Southeast Asia, in what he terms “open” and “closed” slave systems. According to Watson, open systems are geared toward acquiring labor through the capture or purchase of slaves, yet gradually assimilating them into the dominant

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group. Examples of open systems are found throughout Africa, and in several past mercantile- and trade-based kingdoms in Southeast Asia, places where land was usually abundant, and labor was scarce. In contrast, closed systems of slavery are primarily geared toward retaining the labor of slaves by reinforcing their distinctiveness from the dominant population. The aim of closed systems is a static one, to keep the slave class in its dependent position over many generations, preventing its assimilation into the larger society, and in this sense are the main systems in which the inheritability of slavery occurs. Closed forms of slavery were common in more complex agricultural or aristocratic societies, which usually had larger populations and different levels of class. For example, the religions Islam and Christianity had their own unique influences on systems of slavery, the former enslaving only those who were nonMuslim and (as in the open system) absorbing slaves who had converted into the general population, while the latter, which rapidly spread around the globe through European colonialism, tended to emphasize a closed system of slavery, stressing racial difference in order to maintain a distinct slave class that could be inherited from generation to generation. In reality, there seemed to be a remarkable degree of variation and overlap in these systems, particularly among some of the more traditional and out of the way places. One of the traditional closed slavery systems is found in the upstream region

of Jambi Sumatra, where slaving still occurs between the Islamic Malay villagers of Tanah Garo and the Orang Rimba, the animist peoples of the surrounding rain forests. According to local tradition, the Malay in Tanah Garo believe they have the customary right to manage the surrounding forests and all its contents, including the labor power of the Orang Rimba. However, unlike the other resources found in the forest, which tend to be categorized according to communal rights of use, the Orang Rimba are considered an individual’s private property of considerable value, which can be owned, bought, sold, traded, or inherited by a specific class of individuals in the village, known as the waris. Although the relationship is much more complex than this brief account implies, the economic basis of the relationship concerns the valuable trade in forest products. And while the Orang Rimba rarely meet with their patron outside of these exchanges, they are born into a bonded economic relationship with this waris, to whom they are obliged to provide these forests products, throughout their lifetime. Although the Orang Rimba may be transferred among waris, they never have the opportunity to choose their patron, nor the rate of the exchange that occurs. As with homes, land, and rubber holdings, the Malay waris consider Orang Rimba families heavy or immovable inheritance (harta yang berat) and, reflecting their bilateral kinship system and uxirolocal postmarital residence patterns, can be inherited by both

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sons (who marry within the village), but more likely handed to and owned by daughters, and managed by their husbands (who may or not be a waris). Orang Rimba are not owned individually, but by the family unit (bubung), which depending on the family size can consist from three to seven individuals. Although ownership of the bubung is linked to the male head of the family (who performs the majority of the labor and is dealt with in trade relations), following postmarital residence patterns, the value and the composition of the bubung is determined by the number of female children in the family, who following postmarital residence patterns, will eventually bring to the family the labor power of an in-marrying husband. In this sense, depending on marriage and divorce, men are fluid in these relationships, and after marriage will leave the relationship of their former patron and enter into a relationship with the waris of their wife and father-in-law. Aside from this, there are no hard and set rules for which children and how many bubung are handed down by the waris as inheritance. Although elder siblings generally have precedence over younger siblings, it is ultimately up to the parents which child receives bubung, or if a particular child even has the desire or the ability to manage these relations with his Orang Rimba. Although the waris are aware of the similarities that this system shares with slavery and are cautious to discuss the topic with outsiders, how many bubung one possesses remains a prominent marker of wealth and status

in this small Malay village. In contrast to national programs that encourage mobile animist peoples to settle in a village outside the village and enter Islam, the waris respect the Orang Rimba’s right to live by the religion and culture of their ance