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I

our not In thelasttwenty although always yearsour knowledge, and Irish of sixteenth- seventeenth-centuryhistory understanding, Withthecontours increased. has immeasurably expertly mapped, to the of triad land havebeenemboldened review classical scholars relations. fresh This confidence andAnglo-Irish ownership, religion to in efforts setIreland's has also encouraged experience a larger, such as a widerGaeliccommunity, the framework, comparative or a North world. Atlantic The British Isles,occasionally Europe of and choice some for measures comparison the by quest appropriate another have interest: the in creation and colonial ofthe analogy bred first the of hallmarks "colonial Old identity", among Catholic English the newcomers. Boththeprocess and and thenamong Protestant have characteristics sometimes been seenas directly thedefining which to features in colonial societappear other comparable similar restson preconceptions whatit is we are about ies. This insight a look.Indeedwe may need exact and merit closer eventually more definitions and even a better routeto, our elusive consistent of, quarry. AidanClarkefirst the as introduced idea of colonial identity, muchelse,to thehistorian Ireland's of he has contributed scanty In a sketchedcolonial conceptual repertoire. 1978he deftly identity the for Old English. concluded "ifthecommon that bondofthe He the of was and was group descent, principle unity cohesion provided of which erased regional the conveniently bya variety Catholicism of variations thepast".In addition, the traced way having gleefully Tridentine Catholicism cracked inwhich fault-linesIrish of openthe that he of Catholic society, suggested "thereligion theOld English was a fully characteristic setthem which from differentiating apart TheirEnglishness their theIrishas wellas from English. the and to their Catholicism rather diverged than converged create identity it to threaten with disintegration".I
XI Studies (Belfast, 1978), 57, 71. pp.
T. W. Moody (ed.), Nationality thePursuit NationalIndependence: and Historical of

hunting

in the current shorthand "colonial identity"

which

' Aidan Clarke,"ColonialIdentity EarlySeventeenth-Century in in Ireland",

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Another Nicholas his productive pioneer, Canny, expedited hunt theProtestant forcolonial newcomers. early As as identity among the of 1973 hadsurveyed ideology English he colonizationIreland. in a he account thesocial mental of and Then,in 1982, published vivid of famous of worlds "that interest Ireland", in improver theEnglish thefirst ofCork.Morerecently, earl stalked Protestant the having of group's he the distinctive Anglo-Irish, hasannounced capture this of reflections left has me Close identity.2 reading Canny's frequent that withthe impression he had been searching for concurrently and but understood mentality identity, I havenotentirely ideology, and howhe sees thedifferences linksbetween these three topics. I to beforetry elicit definitionsanddemarcations of, However, precise individual mentalities ideology, I colonial and between, identity, innocuous "colonial". must adjective seemingly pauseoverthat somesmart on writers early skirmishes, Unfortunately, despite Ireland notagreethat"colony" do mostusefully defines modern The be Ireland's can character. term obviously usedinvaried ways: as as in as a metaphor, a prescription, an aspiration, a strictly a about as technical statement classical sense, wellas inmaking more or and racial and constitutional political economic, dependence about In as has cultural subjection. so far "colony" entered general usage a it more as something than loosedescriptive metaphor,owesmost of nationalist and theobserfusion Catholic to a bizarre teleology on of vations MarxandEngels mid-nineteenth-century and Ireland, the and Karl Bottigheimer, mostsuccinct rigorous is pejorative. that while of may admitting thesquabble seem problem, analyst this offers paradox the that, taxonomic", during although "frivolously was brought into centuries "Ireland and thesixteenth seventeenth of a of should with conformity theconcept what kingdom therealm to of reduction colonial alsotheyears most were be, [they] palpable status".3
2 FromIrelandto America", N. P. Canny,"The IdeologyofEnglishColonization: Earl: A Studyofthe William MaryQuart.,xxx (1973); N. P. Canny,The Upstart and Social and Mental Worldof RichardBoyle,FirstEarl of Cork (Cambridge,1982); of Formation Ireland: The Emergence the Anglo-Irish", in N. P. Canny,"Identity in 1500in N. P. Canny and A. Pagden (eds.), ColonialIdentity theAtlantic World, 1800 (Princeton,1987). "Kingdom and Colony: Ireland in the WestwardEnterprise, 3 K. Bottigheimer, N. 1536-1660",in K. R. Andrews, P. Cannyand P. E. H. Hair (eds.), TheWestward and in the 1480-1650 Activities Ireland, Atlantic America, (Liverpool, Enterprise: English of "A of 1978), pp. 46, 60. See also the remarks T. Bartlett, New History Ireland", no. Past and Present, 116 (Aug. 1987), pp. 211-13;and ofC. Bradyand R. Gillespie The to in their introduction Nativesand Newcomers: MakingofIrishColonial Society, 1534-1641(Dublin, 1986), pp. 17, 21.

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AMONG IRISH PROTESTANTS

41

over is if This difficulty definition serious we acceptthatthe and the of strategy helpsto isolate elucidate problems comparative we like Irishhistory, since,at leastat theoutset, needto compare when investigate we if with like.It alsomatters because, we identity thatIreland functioned a colony all vital as in accepttoo readily or we as theoutrespects, maydiscount irrelevant unrepresentative of Irish Catholics Protestants thought or who look behaviour those and if to left andacted Indeed, we arealert thespores bythe differently. that disagreement we believe this among twentieth-century past, may the of mirrors discordant historians opinions thosewho livedin Ireland. Thosewhodid notregard themselves seventeenth-century that dukeofOrmonde as colonists whocansuppose thefirst or (and earlsofTyrconnel Orrery preferred insist and thefirst to that did) were of a subjects thesovereign ofIreland, kingdom they loyal king ruledoveras one of three thekingof England. powerfully A by view reinforced a series statutes 1541, of after by promoted ofhistory, this Constitutional continued to opinion. upheld predominant theory it until1720.4 as theseventeenth adHowever, proclaim century and until vanced, theory practice diverged ominously, by 1698the of staunch publicdefence Irishsovereignty William by Molyneux can be interpreted a despairing as which itself in hastened protest andtightened servitude. theearly the the By eighteenth century only stance tothedisgruntled Protestants that a querulous left Irish was of colonial nationalism.5 The assumption, or silent declared, Ireland functionally that was an English location theAtlantic in has colony, led toitsfirm world, of countries werecolonies. One although coursenot all Atlantic withthiscomparison themoresubtle is of problem picture some North American as settlementsprovincial with and early continuing and strong ties.Moreover has beensuggested the it that English insistence American on to exceptionalism belongs a more primitive era with historiographicaland is bestjettisoned, together thearguat Held in Ireland,21 vols. (Dublin, 4 TheStatutes Large,Passed in theParliaments 1765-86),i, pp. 176-7,sig. [Zzz5v] - Zzz6, pp. 302-4,432-4,443, ii, pp. 226-9, iii, pp. 241-3; W. C. Costin and J. S. Watson (eds.), The Law and Working the of Constitution 1660-1914,2 vols. (London, 1961), i, pp. 128-9; I. Victory, ... "The Politics and Act", in G. O'Brien (ed.), Parliament, Making of the 1720 Declaratory People (Dublin, 1989). Act of 1699", IrishEcon. 5 P. H. Kelly, "The Irish Woollen ExportProhibition and Social Hist., vii (1980); W. Molyneux,The Case ofIreland's BeingBoundbyActs in of Parliament EnglandStated(Dublin, 1698); J. G. Simms,ColonialNationalism, 1698-1776 "ColonialNationalism Ireland,1692-1725: in From (Cork,1976);I. Victory, CommonLaw to NaturalRight" (Univ. of Dublin Ph.D. thesis,1985).

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ment posteriori thefact American a from of that independence the matters as anincubator.6those colonial If who only preceding period of follow write "colonial" on these then epochs Irish history pointers, of Ireland into maybe dissolved a collection nottoodistant English intowhich Ulster's experience, strangely provinces, inconspicuous of then in general accounts seventeenth-century identities, might be integrated.7 and even Remoteness backwardness, whenmixedwithracial, do in seventeenth and differences,not the century religious economic denote colonial situations. too, invariably Worrying andagainlittle between language measures the and are investigated, theaffinities in turned men, disorderly groups England themasterless against areas- and those of and and vagrants inhabitants upland pastoral weresubjected. Someat leastof the to whichtheIrishCatholics were seen unique as requiring or not as discerned Ireland in problems responses.8 uniquely savage to is of The question the appropriate terminologyunlikely be to that Ireland was be It resolved. would perverse deny insome ways to like and treated behaved a colony. Equallyit wouldbe myopic We as status oneoftheStuarts' Ireland's kingdoms. should ignore at voices to alsolisten those spoke oneandthe contemporary which to and "boneofyour of sametime being bone",loyal English Irish, of and as and king England totheEnglish ofIreland, ofIreland part Here nomenclature the "British Empire"or as "WestBritain".'
New 6 D. G. Allan, "Both Englands", in Seventeenth-Century England(Colonial Soc. ofMassachusetts, Boston,1984), pp. 55, 56, 61, 74; T. H. Breen,"An Empire of xxv of Goods: The Anglicization ColonialAmerica,1690-1776", Brit.Studies, Jl. Cultures", High Styleand Vernacular (1986), pp. 497-9; R. L. Bushman,"American America in J. P. Greeneand J. R. Pole (eds.), ColonialBritish 1984), p. (Baltimore, Scotlandand Provinces: 348 and passim;J. Clive and B. Bailyn,"England'sCultural Over: and Coming America",William MaryQuart.,xi (1954), pp. 212-13;D. Cressy, between and Communication Englandand New Englandin theSeventeenth Migration (Cambridge,1986), pp. 292-3. Century showswhatis UlsterProtestant of one seventeenth-century 7 Skilledresuscitation and his IrishManuand R. Gillespie,"An UlsterSettler possible: B. Cunningham and scripts",Eigse, xxi (1986); R. Gillespie(ed.), Settlement Survivalon an Ulster 1667-1711(Belfast, Estate:TheBrownlow 1988),introduction. Leasebook, 2 au vie de la foreitfrangaise xvie siecle, vols. (Paris, 1961), ii, pp. s M. Deveze, La 1651-1660 1979),pp. 67, 145, 171; Scotland, (Edinburgh, 236-7;F. Dow, Cromwellian 1580-1642(Oxford,1986), pp. 291-5; D. J. R. Kent, The EnglishVillageConstable, 1525and Pietyin an EnglishVillage:Terling, Levine and K. Wrightson, Poverty 1700 (New York, 1979), chs. 5 and 7; K. V. Thomas, Man and theNaturalWorld ed. of (London, 1983), pp. 41-50; A Collection theState PapersofJohnThurloe, T. Birch,7 vols. (London, 1742), ii, p. 256. LismoreMS. 31, item44*; British Lib., London House, Derbyshire, 9 Chatsworth earl Brit.Lib.), Add. MSS. 4816, fo. 30; 38153,fos.23-4; A. Annesley, of (hereafter
(cont.on p. 43)

CRISES OF IDENTITY AMONG IRISH PROTESTANTS

43

(n.9cont.) Written theEarl of to froma Personof Honourin theCountry Anglesey,A Letter 2 Castlehaven (London, 1681),p. 4; R. Cox, Hibernia Anglicana, parts (London, 1689in R. Stated, 90), i, sig. A3-A3V; Lawrence,TheInterest Ireland itsTradeand Wealth of 2 parts(Dublin, 1682),ii, p. 51; ThePresent StateofIreland(London, 1673),sig. A2vThe Touchet,earlofCastlehaven, Memoirs A3, p. 79; James (London, 1681),p. 4; P. Folded (London, 1662), p. 11. W[alsh], The IrishColours "New Historyof Ireland", pp. 211-14; D. Particularly helpfulare: Bartlett, o0 Attitudes: of Hayton,"Anglo-Irish ChangingPerceptions National Identity among the Protestant in Ascendancy Ireland,ca. 1690-1750",Studiesin Eighteenth-Century xvii (1987); D. Hayton,"From Barbarianto Burlesque:EnglishImages of Culture, the Irish,c. 1660-1750",IrishEcon. and Social Hist., xv (1988). " S. G. Ellis, "NationalistHistoriography the Englishand Gaelic Worldsin and theLate Middle Ages", IrishHist. Studies, (1986), pp. 1-18;S. G. Ellis, ThePale xxv and the in Far North: Government Society TwoEarlyTudor and Borderlands (O'Donnell Ireland:Crown, and Conflict lecture, Galway,1988); S. G. Ellis, Tudor Community the 1470-1603(London, 1985). ofCultures, 12 Petworth House, West Sussex, Orrery Papers,generalser., 15, "miscellaneous accounts".All manuscripts thiscollection also be citedwiththereference in will which theyacquired, and stillbear, duringtheirstayin the National Libraryof Ireland, Dublin (hereafter N.L.I.) - in thiscase, MS. 13191. See also Cressy,Coming Over, "The EnglishPresencein Early Seventeenthpp. 144-76;M. MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster",in Bradyand Gillespie(eds.), Nativesand Newcomers, 173-4; Century pp. E. MacLysaght, IrishLifein theSeventeenth 3rd Century, edn. (Shannon,1969), pp. Mr. Bulkeley thePirate(London, 1936), p. 51. A passage and 262-71; B. D. Roberts, on the long routebetweenCork and Pembroke could be had for3s., rising withthe of to labourer Munster in quality accommodation 7s. 6d. or 16s. In the 1670sa skilled could expectto earn Is. 8d. or Is. 6d. daily: Petworth, Orrery Papers, 17 (N.L.I., MS. 13193). For shipwrecks and otherhazards: T. Carte,A History theLife of of 3 James,First Duke of Ormonde, vols. (London, 1735-6), i, p. 7; Cox, Hibernia Anglicana,ii, sig. d[1]; HistoricalManuscriptsCommission(hereafter H.M.C.), MSS., ii, pp. 23, 36-7; H.M.C., Portland Egmont MSS., i, pp. 685-7; J. Milton, ed. "Lycidas", in ThePoeticalWorks Milton, H. C. Beeching (Oxford,1904), ofyohn p. 38; "Mrs ElizabethFreke: Her Diary, 1671-1714", CorkHist. and Archaeol. Jl. Soc., 2nd ser., xvi (1910), pp. 154-5,xvii(1911), pp. 7-8, 10, 48, 51, xix (1913), pp. 87, 141.

scholars realize. as selfmatters, somesensitive Seventeenth-century too as should be dismissed readily self-deceptions."1 not perceptions choice between organizing The stark the of or concepts kingdom has beenrejected a few whoinstead utilize notion the of by colony Thisframework much what of Ireland a marcher as region.1" explains in Nor tried government todo, especially thesixteenth century. can we we entirely overlook while wrangle constitutions over geography if and political and economic else systems. Propinquity nothing related and England. Travelbetween twoislands the Ireland was The sea journey, it quick,cheapand regular. although couldbe and hazardous, not excitethe terrors, did create the frustrating the which passage North the bondsor require planning to America it lead to the making wills of necessitated; did not in prospect whiletheroutine or thassalophobia.12 contacts between Moreover,

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Ireland theNorth and Atlantic littoral strengthened,should were we notbe distracted from thereby Ireland's world, placeinthe European towhich belonged tradition, it and culture, by history, religion trade. it was of Ireland, hasbeenargued, on theperiphery Europe was (as and in as as England) wasbecoming peripheralqualitativewell merely Yet ocean which linked Ireland these with physical ways. the spacious and challenging worldsshouldnot be expected Atlantic simulto the of and taneously impede movement men,commodities ideas and of between Ireland therest Europe. Irishhistory needsto be seenbothin contrast and as partof to this for, European experience, as I shallshow, washowsomeProtin estants Ireland to their A sought understand predicament. conof sciousness Europe them define to both andcollective self helped identities. is also illuminatingtheinteraction Ireland It if of and is compared with similar situations: Castile's England superficially in troubles ruling two Sicilies,Catalonia the and Portugal; the methods which in recently French by centrifugal impulses acquired were or the mastered; with Bohemia, oneterritory provinces slowly to heelalmost comprehensively as as England to brought aspired treat a landowning ofonereligion substiclass was There, Ireland.13 tuted another; for localprivileges curtailed; thorough were and rea refashioning ofideasand occurred, ligious change accompanied by culture. comparisons Ireland Bohemia not, The of material and are as hasbeen exact.14 the Nevertheless example out, pertinently pointed remains useful because the of motors behind changes the the in latter. II Ferdinand andhisadvisers thestruggle terms authority, saw in of and the whooversaw whoinand religion cosmography; English habited Ireland events there another in thesame as act regarded which already beenplayed Central in drama had with such Europe direresults. Bohemia's historian twoobservations has polymathic
"On theEdge ofEurope", Times Suppl., 5 July1985,p. 742; Lit. "3T. C. Barnard, to N. P. Canny,FromReformation Restoration: Ireland,1534-1660 (Dublin, 1987),p. 223; D. Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland,1660-1800(Dublin, 1987), p. 1; R. F. Ireland(London, 1988), p. 79. Foster,Modern Planters and Apartheid EarlyModern Ireland", in "4N. P. Canny, "Protestants, Irish Hist.Studies, (1986), pp. 108-10.InsteadCannyproposed inventive xxv comparisonsof his own, as between Irelandand theSpanishNetherlands which,he believes, saw "the effective elimination Catholicism".If for of in the latersixteenth century we a different emerges "Spanish Netherlands" read UnitedProvinces, rather picture fromA. C. Duke and R. L. Jones, "Towards a ReformedPolity in Holland, lxxxix(1976), p. 373; A. C. Duke, "The voor 1572-1578", Tijdschrift Geshiedenis, Face ofCalvinism theNetherlands, in in Ambivalent 1561-1618", M. Prestwich (ed.), 1541-1715(Oxford,1985), pp. 126-9. International Calvinism,

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45

Irishhistory. reminds that He us worth as pondering we approach in of where issues the all ourselves must squarely a climate "we place with and touched modified and were tinged religion, themselves day it, not in the sensethatmenof actionwereweddedto another which this it world debased one,butbecause wasthrough religious of matters belief and that categories such men saw the deepest he in involvement". Furthermore warns against taking refuge the in distinctiveness ofwhat happened theCzechlandsin the1620s.15 In Ireland, toowould I the rather explore processes which by groups ofCatholics ofProtestants and for fumbled anunderstanding oftheir ownplace,responsibilities anxieties connected and as inextricably influenced the and and of with, profoundly by, shifts shocks European in clashes configurations: ofdynastic history itsseventeenth-century and political and and confronsystems, intellectual confessional tations. wasbyreference these It to affairs theleaders that of larger Irish who left of and strove society, those have traces their thoughts, to on beendislocated frightening had and impose meaning what usually lives. II to of individual menReturning theinterlocking questions ideology, I talities collective and that identities,havealready suggested these issues conseparate, though intertwining havebecome confusingly the to has flated. the Ideology, easiest disentangle, generated most tothe voluminous of sources. literature, directly proportional bulk the of A small others and historical, repertoireideas,some philosophical backed sometimes direct of anthropological, scrutiny theisland, by and rule 1541.As soldiers and English after accompanied justified as and addressed issues, the projectorswellas administrators theorists more and were But practical mercenary arguments heard. themain lineswererapidly down,so that thelater laid sixteenth by century these werea common stock be ransacked harassed to ideologies by officials. material, This thanks itsintrinsic to much interest, occupies in recent on early modern Ireland. value,while Its space writing is unlimited, the and nature the of limitations needs considerable,not tobe clearly remembered.cantell much It us about how beleaguered ferocious commanders dotty and clerks, viceroys, weary projectors
"The Significancethe of White Mountain the for Culture the of 5 R. J.W. Evans, CzechLands",Bull.Inst.Hist.Research, (1971),pp. 37,44; R. J.W. Evans, xliv
The MakingoftheHabsburg (Oxford,1979), pp. 69-70, 196-7. Monarchy

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sawandexplained tasks Ireland; cumulatively in their and itcreated of with of which, varying powerful images Ireland degrees accuracy, Even the difficulties. so,the between depicted real relationship policy of and these memoranda backwards and tracts, many them posted the filed of forwards across IrishSea orimmediately among bundles closetto be sniffed by eager other out papersin the statesman's terriers four hundred after remains An historical years, shadowy. thoseopinions which between entered the distinction, elementary or domain being when circulated in they public by published, which to been read are widely ortohave represented manuscript known have within Irish and attitudes which from communities, those powerful werepushedaside as unhelpful or themoment their of penning would seemadvisable. toooften, these effusions have Yet, crackpot, each as beengiven as equalweight, oneconsidered useful thenext in reconstructing Irishcolonial England's enterprise.16 to of as The relevance these of writings thehistory policy, distinct demonstrated. from history ideas, yet beprecisely the of has to Efforts In theface common-sense of todo so havedetonated disagreements. further variants these of aboutthevalueofdisinterring scepticism his hasshifted ground. proposes He that hackneyed opinions, Canny "while did did serve provide to theories notdetermine action, they in modern Ireland with sense a theseveral groups early competing which contributedthedevelopment to of ofwell-being purpose and ofstate Thus is more identification". thepatient sifting papers group if individually, atleast accretion, then rewarded than because, not by of a for constitutestatement an English sources these ideology Irereveal minds ideas.IndeedCanny and and land'sconquest directly at whenhe hinted his dual use forthe documents had already as thesewritings a wayof overcoming described qualmsin "the into mind and "an consciences", as furnishing insight the aggressors' is Less of theEnglish colonist".17 persuasive theuse ofthesame, for treatises, compiled Englishmen theenby unpublished mainly tocharacterize and ofEnglish politicians administrators, lightenment in views first Protestant Irish Many reported Canny his by identity. his of formation to of reappear document account the survey ideology
thismaterial, made no extravagant claims "6D. B. Quinn, the pioneerin utilizing theories "onlymarginal had for it. for He concluded, example,that classically inspired of in in and occasionalpractical importance the laterdevelopment colonialplanning on Influences English seventeenth century England": D. B. Quinn,"Renaissance early Colonization",Trans.Roy. Hist. Soc., 5thser., xxvi (1976), pp. 90-1. Plantersand Apartheid",p. 114; Canny, "Ideology of "7Canny, "Protestants, EnglishColonization",pp. 575-6, 598. My emphasis.

CRISES OF IDENTITY AMONG IRISH PROTESTANTS

47

as exampleis Canny'suse ofWilliamPetty "the bestwitness"to "Irish 18A recent Protestant" self-confidence: P. Canny,Kingdom Colony: N. and Irelandin the Atlantic World himas no such thing are (Baltimore,1988), pp. 108-9. Reasons forregarding set out in: T. C. Barnard, "Sir William Pettyas KerryIronmaster", Proc. Roy. IrishAcad., lxxxii,C (1982), pp. 1-32; T. C. Barnard,"Sir WilliamPetty,Irish et and Landowner",in H. Lloyd-Jones al. (eds.), History Imagination (London, 1981). material will be foundin T. C. Barnard,"Miles Symner and theNew 19 Relevant Ireland",JI. Roy. Soc. Antiquaries Ireland,ci Learningin Seventeenth-Century of IrishLandowner";Canny,Upstart "Sir WilliamPetty, Earl; Gillespie (1972); Barnard, and (ed.), Settlement Survival; C. S. King, A GreatArchbishop Dublin (London, of inIreland, 1600-1720 1906); R. Loeber,A Biographical Dictionary ofArchitects (London, Earl ofOrrery 1981); K. M. Lynch,Roger Boyle,First (Knoxville,1965); E. C. Nelson, "Sir Arthur Rawdon(1662-1695)",Proc.Belfast Natural Hist.Soc., 2nd ser.,x (1982); J. G. Simms, WilliamMolyneux Dublin (Dublin, 1982); H. R. Trevor-Roper, of of in "JamesUssher,Archbishop Armagh", H. R. Trevor-Roper, Catholics, Anglicans and Puritans(London, 1987).

he of "Anglo-Irish Protestant and identity": glidessilently often between and as colonist, Protestant,ifthe English Anglo-Irish Irish terms synonyms.'8 are relies on kind source, itslinks of No historian for exclusively this of with fabrication forms Irish the and Protestant consciousness are too fragile bearanyheavy to load ofargument. thematter But of is material available, itsmerits dangers, be faced, and and what must or sinceit mayskew, thwart distort to attempted approaches Irish Put what Protestant attitudes. simply, survive, in perhaps embarrassare communications between Whitehall Duband ingabundance, the linCastle, through them historians reconstructed the have and what their in Dublinsaidthey andwhat had English planned governors or had not accomplished. Here theliterature justification of and of extenuationrich:therawmaterial ideology. second is A kindof material a different of Families it, supplementsandoffers angle vision. whoseancestors owned landin Ireland, in usually hugequantities, andwhoalsoretained acquired or estates in time and extriEnglish cated themselves Ireland, from which us much tell preserved papers abouttheir forbears' involvements. these Irish But collections have survived their because owners Anglo-Irish seventeenth-century were in a precise strong and sense.In contrast, families the which lacked or lostanystrong links with rest theBritish arepoorly the of Isles so stratum Protestant in documented, thatall but theuppermost is hidden. often seeproblems the communities Too we from perspectiveoftheAnglo-Irish, oftheIrish not Protestants. everknow, haveto content we Discouraged whatwe cannot by ourselves whathas beenpainstakingly with recovered abouta few, and can individuals, askwhat be deduced undoubtedly exceptional aboutcollective IrishProtestant mentalities identities.19 and What

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is of and on emerges thevariousness response outlook, contingent events and and unknown locale,education, temperament, public which would we and Themes unknowable presumptions reactions. of to relateto (he making a common Protestant identity expect which any Even but classification. surface, inways defy easy certainly of should and a cursory experiences attitudes aggregationindividual view.Bythemid-seventeenth if a caution against simple us century, was and to notbefore, Protestant Irish society splintered disunited a and could which evenshared not and religion privileges hide, degree so. wouldremain to neverthelesspossible identify be a collective Itmay convincingly forces external common allandpowerful to consciousness locating by tendencies. to the fissiparous Religion, enough overcome otherwise of a brand Calvinism tailored seventeenth centurytough bytheearly bind the of totheneeds thesettlers, So might together newcomers.20 of with religious creed linked this toomight awareness history, an of in the and understanding pastin terms patterns prefigured the out Bibleandoftheacting ofdivine education, providence. Through or a senseof and propaganda,shared preaching historical religious be to their aimsand Ireland might transmittedtheIrish position, in histories Ireland of Secular Protestants. published theseventeenth this DaviesandEdmund assisted process. Two,bySirJohn century out havebeensingled as particularly influential.21 Others, Spenser, like and if republished, frequently important, more equally notmore allowed little andKing,23 (oddly) of those Temple, are Cox Ware,22 attitudes.24 Irish in part forming Protestants'
in A. Ford, TheProtestant 1985). Reformation Ireland,1590-1641(Frankfurt, Subdued Irelandwas NeverEntirely of J. Davies, A Discoverie theTrueCauseswhy in withofficial approval,in (London, 1612). This was reprinted Dublin, evidently of and was appendedto the 1705 translation 1664 and 1666, as Historical Relations, and Sir JamesWare, TheAntiquities History Ireland,in whichit was describedas of StateofIrelandhad "rare and admirable".Edmund Spenser'sA ViewofthePresent issued in Dublin by Sir JamesWare to greet been includedas one of threehistories arrivalin 1633. It was not reprinted Strafford's duringthecentury. 22 JamesWare, De Hibernia& antiquitatibus eius, disquisitiones (London, 1654): with of in in republished 1658,and issuedin translation other hisworks 1705.Although editionrapidlysold out. in Latin, the first 23 Cox, Hibernia of Anglicana;WilliamKing, The State of theProtestants Ireland successof the under Late KingJames'sGovernment (London, 1691). For therunaway to a within year- see [CharlesLeslie], An Answer a the latter fourimpressions in The Book Intitled, State oftheProtestants Ireland(London, 1692), p. 2. Lecky,as of influence Temple: "New History of the reminds appreciated enduring Bartlett us, Ireland", pp. 214-15. 24 All these works,except Davies's, and in some instances more thanone copy, schoolin Cork about 1720: a guide at of were in the library the GreenCoat charity
20 21

(cont.onp. 49)

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Shared such at in experience, as study Trinity College Dublin, of or and council, collabormembership theIrishparliament privy in or ation national, county urban government, alsohavehelped may leaders their IrishProtestant and submerge personal parochial preof But remained fortioccupations. theforces individualism strong, fiedby themultiplicitysocialand geographical of in backgrounds in and and of FurtherEngland Scotland, then Ireland, thesettlers. more Protestants beenenticed bymany had over baits some came to land others fight, rather to and terms, simply leaseorfarm oneasy fewer staff church, the to law and government departments, courts did their with university andthey notregard relationships Ireland in uniform ways.Someintended a temporary a first only stay, step of it would return them which, washoped, up theladder preferment to England; others realized they that weremarooned madethe and bestoftheir newhomes. when extended it Loyalty, beyond family andneighbours, as likely focus thelocality,wider to was on a social or religious or or as network, a profession institution,on Protestant Ireland. Before 1641moves towards shared a senseofProtestant identity occurred and unevenly wereriddled and with contradichesitantly of tions.The events 1641and the subsequent Confederate Wars a stimulatedprecocious KarlBottigheimer, Bartlett, Tom growth. AlanFordandRaymond havehinted theimportance at of Gillespie these on theintellectual psychological and disruptive years planes.25 on Yet their and and impact individual collective consciousness, them theprocesses identity on of to has still be through formation, assessed systematically. III Whathappened andafter in the of mur1641, numbers Protestants dered thebarbarism theatrocities, attracted sceptical and of have the And in the gaze of historians.26 indeed, theseventeenth century,

least to what was available and thoughtby Protestant benefactors be suitably to [H. improving: Maule], Pietas Corcagiensis (Cork, 1721), pp. 38-47. 25 "New History Ireland", pp. 214-17; K. Bottigheimer, of "The Failure Bartlett, oftheReformation Ireland:unequestion posse",Ji. Eccles.Hist., xxxvi(1985), in bien p. 202; Ford,Protestant Reformation, 276; R. Gillespie,"The End ofan Era: Ulster p. and the Outbreakof the 1641 Uprising",in Bradyand Gillespie(eds.), Nativesand Newcomers, 191, 212-13. pp. 26 A. Clarke, "The 1641 Depositions", in P. Fox (ed.), Treasures theLibrary, of Dublin(Dublin, 1986),pp. 111-22;W. D. Love, "CivilWar in Ireland: Trinity College Appearancesin Three Centuriesof HistoricalWriting",EmoryUniv. Quart., xxii
(cont.on p. 50)

(n. 24 cont.)

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of was these However, veracity theluridreports questioned. early the to ofthe and attempts impugn authenticity figures details, coming as theydid mainly from Catholic writers,27 (but notexclusively) belief thepublished that Protestant histories, merely strengthened that most as himself had were, Temple Temple, notably ofSirJohn of It maybe that scaleand the averred, "unquestionable truth".2s of violence if shock the were matched notexceeded the by overthrow inIreland the1590s, weshould in ofEnglish settlements and rememthen berhowthescarsinflicted conditioned Protestant attitudes in In whatever violence theearly seventeenth was century.29addition, newcomers 1641 could hardly in offered the Protestant to have casualandcalculated, meted totheIrish out the surpassed brutality, of and in thepreceding century in thelaststages theConfederate weredistinguished these from the1641massacres Wars.However, and thethorough effective methods which other by they by episodes the and of Furthermore manufacture spread the werepublicized. for and and impact several generations, myth, itsenduring dismal Yet also insome be reconstructed. wemust be careful can, measure, or which most too that massacres, thebook nottoassume readily the before public's the andsuccessfully them attention, kept sensationally in readand understood one were Irish Rebellion, always Temple's either chasten viewed could Thesehappenings, retrospectively, way. or cheer. of almost Protestant Irish destroyed theupheavals the by society, to The rebellion skilland resilience recover. very 1640s,required couldassistthe it whichhad brought to the vergeof extinction But of thediscipline a common purpose. in recovery imposing by the of the the panicwhichfollowed uprisings disunity the Irish variedand initially showedmostvividly. Protestants Experience interest. the In dissolved any senseof a sharedIrishProtestant howbesttoprecommanders decided different theatres, provincial whichever wouldgive aid serve themselves, quarter soliciting from
sitions",IrishHist. Studies,xxi (1978), pp. 144-67. Settlement Sale of Ireland and of the Earl of Clarendon's 27 F. N., A Narrative TheCatholique 3rd Apology, (Louvain, 1668), p. 26; R. Palmer,earl of Castlemaine, edn. (n.p., 1674), pp. 53-7; W. Petty,The PoliticalAnatomy Ireland(London, of Stated(London, 1695), sig. [iv]v, pp. 1691), p. 18; H. Reilly,Ireland'sCase Briefly and Committed on 37-46,59-60; R. S., A Collection SomeoftheMurthers Massacres of 1641 (London, 1662), pp. 3-12; Walsh, theIrishin Irelandsincethe23 d of October IrishColours Folded, pp. 3-4. 2 28 Sir John Temple, The IrishRebellion, parts(London, 1646), i, sig. [a3v]. up 29H. Morgan,"Writing EarlyModernIreland",Hist.Jl., xxxi(1988), p. 707.

"The of and M. Rising 1641, theDepo(1966),pp. 57-72; Perceval-Maxwell, Ulster

(n. 26 cont.)

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AMONG IRISH PROTESTANTS

51

it:in Ulster from Covenanted the in I Charles at Scots; Dublinfrom in sometimes from Westminster the Oxford; Munster parliament, sometimes from king.The assessment localneedschanged the of in to situation within constantly, partly response thefluid military but with evolving and Ireland, alsoinaccordance the political military in affairs England, because relief Protestant the of Ireland theend in on each province, whatever depended outside help. And, within choice was madewas also opposed.30 Published accounts theOctober of 1641uprising itsaftermath and as wereintended appalled but elicited, they to, sympathy, secured little effective aid. wenton. As military The workof propaganda commissioners collected and appointed theDublingovernment by collated evidence from more of eyewitnesses, material, apparently the An unimpeachable authenticity, amplified earlier pamphlets. Irish Protestant the was and clergyman, deanofKilmore, thekey worker, of for of he, by virtue beingbotha commissioner thegathering information in Ireland theagent theindigent Protestant and of Irish in linked Irish the with clergy London, enterprise itsintended target. The deanablyconstructed a record to Catholic damaging theentire as to community, well as an IrishProtestant martyrologystand itsEnglish Foxe'sActs Monuments.31 and But alongside counterpart, first these weresubsumed Temple's in efforts, although important, of history 1646. Rebellion to and Irish Temple's belonged a historical intellectual context. Master theRollsandan Irish of Temple, councillor, privy had assisted collecting processing details Protestant in and the of and He the sufferings Catholic depredations. hadalsoopposed truce with Confederate the Catholics concluded Ormonde, master his by in Dublin,andwasimprisoned hispains.Oncefree backin for and to to ProtEngland, Templelooked theEnglish parliament deliver
and Letters Ulick [Bourke],Earl of Clanricarde soFor Connacht,The Memoirs of Book of theEarl of Clanricarde, W. J. Lowe (Irish ed. (London, 1757); The Letter see Commission, Dublin, 1983); forLeinster, Carte,LifeofOrmonde, Manuscripts i, Curtain Drawn in a ShortDiscourse passim; [Adam Meredith],Ormonds Concerning Ireland(London, 1646); forMunster, Bottigheimer, K. and IrishLand English Money (Oxford,1971), pp. 86-114; H.M.C., Egmont MSS., i, passim;J. A. Murphy,"The Politicsof theMunster Protestants, 1641-49", CorkHist. andArchaeol. Soc., lxxvi Ji. (1971), pp. 1-20;J. A. Murphy,"Inchiquin'sChangeofReligion",Jl.CorkHist.and Archaeol. Soc., lxxii(1967); forUlster,E. M. Furgol,"The ReligiousAspectsof the Scottish Armies,1639-51"(Univ. of OxfordD.Phil. thesis,1982), pp. Covenanting Covenanters Irish Confederates and 17-20, 207-11, 320-35; D. Stevenson,Scottish (Belfast,1981). 31 H. Jones, Remonstrance DiversRemarkeable A the of PassagesConcerning Church and Kingdome Ireland(London, 1642). of

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toparliament's lord new lieutenand estant Ireland, more specifically of the LordLisle,sonandheir itslastviceroy, earlofLeicester. ant, and of BothLeicester Lisle werefriends patrons Temple.By and in now victorious England, would that it 1646 washoped parliament, at sendLisletoIreland theheadofa formidable Itwastobuild army. and to spellout whathad behindthisforce, up the momentum his and happened nowneededto be done,thatTempledesigned 32 book. Yet and the results. soonpassed, without expected The occasion With continued reverberate. its blendof to the book'smessages of its circumstantial itsprofessed detail, objectivity, parade method the it so and evidence and because accorded wellwith preconand aboutIreland theIrish encouraged more by ephemeral ceptions from the accounts since 1641and, no doubt,by wordof mouth - itexertedstrong baleful and influence. Moreover earlier a refugees left warsin Ireland of deposits prejudice by previous sedimentary when God'stime come" is and "that advised were disturbed. Temple "sucha wallofseparation couldbe punished, therebels [should be] as and the setup betwixt Irish British, itshallnotbe intheir power he was No moment". more However, was remedy proposed. specific While admitted he of about causes therebellion. the more expansive on of and animosities hatred" thepart the "ancient existed that there these the1630s the towards Protestant Irish feelings interlopers, by oftheir affections". were conglutination by being supplanted "a firm to the had In thenewplantations Irish beenallowed dwell "promiscand led and theBritish", this toacculturation seeming among uously "with those all bonds standards of assimilation theIrishto English Trade and alliance consanguinity". thrioffriendship, andligatures thiscloudless thetornado ved. Then from Temple, sprang. sky asserted itwas"an that ofthe theunexpectedness rising, insistent on Irish the and in Gaelic and defection general universal revolt", which he the Behind actors detected involved". "weretotally Old English and too He theCatholic clergy. expatiated on thereligious national
32 Bottigheimer, EnglishMoneyand IrishLand, pp. 100-4, 108-10; H.M.C., De "The Life of Sir William L'Isle and DudleyMSS., vi, pp. 429, 431; Lady Giffard, of Temple", in G. C. Moore Smith(ed.), TheEarlyEssaysand Romances Sir William in Bt. Diplomat theLow Temple, (Oxford,1930), p. 4; K. H. D. Haley,An English Dublin Countries from Temple, TheCopieofa Letter (Oxford,1986), pp. 3-7; Sir John in Ireland,Dated March 29. 1642 (London, 1642); D. Underdown,Pride's Purge (Oxford, 1971), pp. 48, 82.

to rise up .

.

out and rootthem[the Protestants] in a . to destroy

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53

The rebels aimed, he contended, hatredevidentin the attacks.33 fromIreland; to destroy"all recordsand to drive the Protestants to of monuments the Englishgovernment"; outlawthe use of the Irishplace-names; and even to original Englishlanguage;to restore eradicate"everyEnglishbeast, or any of the breed of them".34 In he that commonwith earlierpamphleteers, demonstrated the war of was religiousin inspiration, by punctuated incidents ritualized the violenceagainst objectsvenerated Protestants. was certain He by the to use that Irishsought reinstate exclusive ofCatholic the worship he that oncetherebels Protestantism. and toproscribe Finally warned had succeeded in Ireland theywould assistCharles I to the same in objectives England.35 in he IfTemple proposedlittle detailforthefuture, drewtwoclear events"to lessons. God, he believed,had allowedtheseharrowing sinsto givethem humbleHis own people in thisland, and fortheir up to the powerof theircruel enemies". Those sins, so numerous be and so provokingin the 1630s, must hereafter shunned,or would afflict Protestant the else freshinstancesof divinedisfavour At he communities. the same time,however, derivedcomfort from fortunes werereviving recent Protestant because "God hath history. most wonderfully wroughtfor the deliveranceof the poor small remnant His people, which were shut up and designedto the of thattheIrishProtestants wereindeedGod's Confidence slaughter". shakenby 1641, was returning.36 people, severely The inaccuracyof Temple's accountdoes not concernme. My
sig. [a3]v,b[1]v- b2, pp. 14-16,40, 78. Ibid., i, pp. 83-5, ii, p. 41. This is theoriginof Lawrence'sremark, quoted by Canny in "IdentityFormation",p. 199. Dr. Joneshad also accused the rebelsof the harbouring wish that"not an Englishbeast or any of thatbreedmustbe leftin the kingdom":Jones,Remonstrance, 7. The persistence the charge,and the of p. whichlaybehindit,wouldbe worth behaviour S. "The Houghers", study. J.Connolly, and L. P. Curtis,"Stoppingthe Hunt", in C. H. E. Philpin(ed.), Nationalism and in A PopularProtest Ireland(Cambridge,1987),pp. 139-62,393; R. Lambert, Sermon Preach'dto theProtestants Ireland, Now Residing London... on October in XXIII. of 1708 (London, 1708), p. 13; D. B. Quinn, The Elizabethans and theIrish(Ithaca, Preached Christ's-Church, in Dublin: On the 1966), pp. 79, 169; H. Rider,A Sermon 23d ofOctober. A 1695 (Dublin, 1695), p. 2; E. Smythe, Sermon Preach'din Christthe 1703 (Dublin, 1703),p. 9; R. Tenison, Church, Dublin,onSaturday 23d ofOctober A Sermon Preach'dto theProtestants Irelandin theCityofLondon... Octob.23. of 1690 (London, 1691),p. 21. Rebellion, pp. 61-2, 85-6,ii, pp. 40, 46. For suggestive i, parallels 13 Temple, Irish with the ritualizedviolence, see P. Benedict,Rouen during Wars of Religion the "The Anatomy a ReligiousRiot in of (Cambridge,1981), pp. 57-69; M. Greengrass, Toulouse in May 1562", Jl. Eccles. Hist., xxxiv(1983), pp. 389-90. 36 Temple, IrishRebellion, pp. 53-4. ii, i, 33 Temple, IrishRebellion,
31

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is interest in whyhe wrote he did and whyhe was believed as so andfor long. so wasclearly influenced readily Temple's interpretation towards Ormonde hisfriendship Lisleand and with byhishostility Leicester. The latter connection leads us intowhatis known of The intellectual Rebellion, genealogy. Irish Temple's following literary andrhetorical was out a conventions, decked with scholarly apparwhomTemplecitedwas atus.Among longlistof authorities the du Plessis-Mornay, Huguenot the theorist. significancethis The of noticed Jonathan has Scott, allowed by acknowledgement, Temple in circle. The ethos thisgroup, to be placedfirmly theSidney of to with owed much personal encounters Catholic Calvinist, militantly of a narrow from massacre St. Bartholomew's the ferocity: escape in and Provinces sincethe1570s, Eve, battling Ireland theUnited in and now thelatest outbreak Ireland.37 Templeknewthatthe in weremerely ofa facedby theProtestants Ireland part dangers threat. was he alonein seeing Nor their indeeduniversal, larger, for and effect in terms. reason thelasting corrosive One plight these the of and to ofthebookwasitsability counter sense isolation even IrishProtestants. thewayhad been ofabandonment Also, among of not for reception hisexplanations only by prepared thefavourable but The theearlier tracts the1640s, byhisfather. elder of Temple, the of in SirWilliam, after sharing hazards SirPhilip Sidney France a in as found billet Dublin provost Trinity. of andthe LowCountries, so the was Thiswasa post power, more as the of college ata formative and perfervid Calvinist antiSirWilliam rigorism Temple's stage. his of zeal Catholic influenced sons,a whole generation IrishProtin and on offices church state, who estants went tooccupy and, high and tone on their through impact thecurriculum theological ofthe of successive generations graduates.38 university, after we a to aheadfor moment Ireland 1660, cansense Running The cast thelongshadow byTemple's history. Dublingovernment, and not Ormonde anxious to headed arch-enemy againbyTemple's at lookedaskance Temple.It couldnotprevent old inflame sores, the to over Dublin him but, office, thanks itshold printingresuming of The it could stop the reprinting The IrishRebellion.39 press,
Sidneyand theEnglish 37 Ibid., i, sig. [a3]v,pp. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9; J. Scott,Algernon 1623-1677(Cambridge,1988), pp. 51-2,83-8,96, 100, 152,205. Republic, in "Life of Sir WilliamTemple", pp. 3-4; Haley, English Diplomat the 38 Giffard, An Low Countries, 3-4; J. P. Mahaffy, Epochin IrishHistory (London, 1903), ch. pp. The Dublin,1591-1660 (London, 1892), 4; W. Urwick, EarlyHistory Trinity of College, pp. 21-3. workis M. Pollard,"Control overtheDublin pressthefundamental 39For control Irish the ofthePressin Irelandthrough King's Printer's Booklore, Patent,1600-1800", iv (1980).

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55

were in the authorities less successful stifling Londonpresses, off and in in of which abstracts theatrocities, then 1674,twice rolled of 1679andagainin 1698,neweditions Temple's tale.40 cautionary that Charles whocomplained it"already The 1674 II, enraged reprint the harm increasing present betwixt the hasdonemuch by animosity needeth much with ones.Surethere old not and pains English Irish all addresses the of government that tomake remember which the men menforget".41 king's The eirenic hath as yetbeenabletomake not the viewfoundfewechoeswithin IrishProtestant communities. from 1650swas so alarmed the Indeedone outspoken survivor by thesigns theerrors the1630sbeing of that of repeated in 1682he Rebellion "a bookworth chaining as the to Irish praised Temple's over to church desk,andreading oncea year every by family, every that that the of prevent stupidity is overpowering minds toomany The as Protestants". Dublin and Londongovernments, we have the but, as seen,dissented, try they they might, couldnotsuppress memories bythebookororaltraditions. left of Something theforce ofcollective within Protestant no doubtin Catholic) (and memory in communities revealed themention old wrongs is of which are but so wornoutofmemory, that agedin thesucceeding the "not of wouldbe discoursing their former to generations sufferingstheir children younger and which continued andjealousy a fear neighbours in theminds theEnglish Ireland]".42 of [in of was The gravamen Temple's forward Irish into message carried Protestant consciousness simply hisbook, more not but in by easily theliturgy theestablished of of Church Ireland. the Throughout 1650sProtestant for thanks deliverance channelled those were into sameanniversaries in celebrated England. 1655, example, In for we learnthat5 November been commemorated Dublinwith had in than "moresolemnity hathbeen usual thesemanyyearspast". and werefollowed "thenoiseofgreat Prayers sermons by artillery one'sdoor, the andtheblazeofbonfires before to great content every
of BloodyMassacrein Ireland(London, 1678); An Abstract the of 40 An Abstract the BloodyMassacresThere(London, 1667); R. S., Collection Some of theMurthers; of Tudorand StuartProclamations, R. Steele, 2 vols. (Oxford,1910), ii, no. 707 ed. (Ireland). Written His Excellency Arthur by 41 Brit.Lib., StoweMS. 206, fos.240, 312; Letters of Capel,Earl ofEssex,LordLieutenant Ireland,in theYear1675 (Dublin, 1770),p. 2. 42 Lawrence, Interest Irelandin itsTradeand Wealth Stated,i, p. 2, ii, p. 84. For of A see Preach'din Christ's-Church, popularoral traditions, also R. Lambert, Sermon Dublin ... October, 23d. 1717 (Dublin, 1717), p. 20; J. Vesey,A Sermon Preach'dto Protestants Ireland, andaboutthe in the of of City London... Octob.23. 1689(London,

1689), 29. p.

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oftheProtestants, theshame theCatholics".43 and of the However, Irish oncetheir had church beenre-established1660, in Protestants, created their festival remembrance thanksgivof and quickly special the the ingon 23 October, daywhen Catholic to seizeDublin plot Castle beenfoiled when massacres reckoned have had and the were to the of of observance, first a trio regular begun.This anniversary's similar occasions swift in Protestant awareness sequence, heightened and defined in of Protestant and from, identity terms difference inevitable conflict Catholicism." with, In 1661,23 October was used by an episcopalian in preacher the in Dublintoremember 154,000 victims Ulster tofulminate and which the tenets "teachand warrant them be to against Catholics' andcruel us". Thisminister to warned "they that perfidious, bloody doctrine byourdestruction: if cannot their Catholic but propagate will theProtestants Romemust butifRomestand, Rome stand, fall; stillbe contriving fall".45 our Once Ormonde ruledin Dublin,he the of sentiments. the But day banned publication such inflammatory In diatribes. 1673, to anti-Catholic continued be marked bitter by in the countryside, another incumbent whoseown lifehad been day by keptthe"solemn of dramatically disrupted the1641rising from intended for deliverance thegeneral public thanksgiving signal As of in massacre the of whole body ProtestantsIreland". thestatute the of of he "setoutthehorridness theplot, greatness commanded, and in timely their ofrebellion God'sgreat sin mercy discovery". in was the Withinfortnight same a parson back hischurch celebrating and of the "wherein traitorous bloody 5 November, practices the was in The day papists thislatter werediscovered". minister well of for holyexercises, within dayshe pleasedwiththeeffect these had and learned theDublingovernment banished that popish clergy and to their Catholic schoolmasters required gentlemen surrender to Protwhich attributedhisandhisfellow he welcome arms; steps to and 5 November continued be 23 October estants' prayers.46
Lismore MS. 29, diary of Lord Cork, 4 Nov. 1657; Mercurius 43Chatsworth, ed. no. politicus, 285, 22-29 Nov. 1655, p. 5782; Tudorand StuartProclamations, 5 to in I's Steele,ii, no. 582 (Ireland).A proposal James reign commemorateNovember in Irelandwas defeated:Carte,LifeofOrmonde, p. 22. i, includedin XXIII (n.p., 1708),first tobe UsedOctober 44 A FormofDivineService no. in theIrishprayerbook 1665;Mercurius Hibernicus, 5, 10-17Feb. 1662/3, 38pp. at 40; Statutes Large ... in Ireland,ii, pp. 237-8 (14 & 15 Chas. II, c. 1). 45 W[illiam] at ... Sermon Preached Christ-Church 23 A L[ightburn], Thanksgiving 1661 (Dublin, 1661), sig. A2-[A3]', pp. 17-18. October Co. whoDied at Mitchelstown, Cork, Spratt, of theRev. Devereux 4 Autobiography 1688 (London, 1886), pp. 21-2. For thebans, issuedon 27 Oct., 8 Nov. 1673and 27
(cont.on p. 57)

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57

bonfires other and and for occasions prayers, sermons, public popular attimes perceived of anti-Catholic demonstrations, danger. especially after Protestant such officially encouraged 1690, Through activities, and were identities shaped toughened.47 and late the short gloomy autumn allowed open exThese days ofProtestant andprejudices fears which government the pression In 1676 relic would havepreferredmuzzle. November another to seized chance thunderthe the to at lord from Ireland the the of 1640s This was of lieutenant. preacher Dr. Henry Jones, bishop Meath; hehadbeen dean ferreted more thirty before than the who out years andcatalogued gruesome ofthe the details the for massacres, trailers more record. hadnot rested hisand once Jones Temple's exhaustive memorials printed. passion the Protestant were His for Irish Temple's him cause the whom aligned behind Cromwellians, he assisted by more and His inventorying murders tortures. fresh enquiries kept and alive Protestant and soldiers' the anger outrage, increased English in mission. belief their retributive as the Jones's importance spokesman a powerful ofIrish for Protestants-was when group recognized Ireland's official historian vice-chancellor and hewasappointed of he Nor 1660. wasrestored He Trinity. could be hustled after away a and to hisbishopric within year advanced thesenior of to see Meath. was preacher rose admonish distinguished This the who to his in 1676. congregation Hisintention,briskly he was toexpose the explained, threefold: of insidious "the religionthe of Catholicism, new dangers Tridentine Irish" "quite and another from oftheir to forefathers"; thing that make standard the of and Antichrist; to equation thePopewith his of "And the can bloody remind auditors 1641. butcheries of poor in Protestantsthecruel Irish Ireland in this be he by forgotten?", asked He wasincensed the that Irish Catholics denied rhetorically.48 the to on contrary they that themselves massacres, "daring aver the
ed. Apr. 1674, see Tudorand StuartProclamations, Steele, ii, nos. 844, 845, 850 (Ireland). 47 Bowood House, Wiltshire, PettyPapers, 18, pp. 121-2;Brit. Lib., Lansdowne MS. 1153A,fo. 70'; CalendaroftheOrrery (IrishManuPapers,ed. E. MacLysaght Commission, Dublin, 1941),p. 340; H.M.C., Ormonde MSS., ii, p. 376, new. scripts "Irish Evangelicalism, ser.,viii,pp. 346, 351, 354; J. Liechty, Trinity CollegeDublin and theMissionoftheChurchof Irelandat theEnd of theEighteenth (St. Century" Patrick's Ph.D. thesis,1987), pp. 196-239.My conclusions about College,Maynooth the uses of the 23 Octoberand 5 Novemberwill appear shortly. at Preached Christ-Church Novemb. 1676(Dublin, 12 Dublin, ofAntiChrist 48ASermon in 1676), sig. A2-A3v, pp. 22-3. It was reprinted London in 1679.
(n. 46 cont.)

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werethesufferers".49 abouttheCatholics' Jones's Bishop warnings newboldness seemed a within couple years, of when, amply proven thePopishPlotwas uncovered. Now thebishopreturned his to favourite the end for metier, managing Irish ofthe enquiries Shaftesand the which wouldbring bury, procuring evidence Archbishop Oliver Plunket Tyburn.50o to Modernhistorians havegenerally hurried overin embarrassed of silence utterances menlikeTempleand Jones, the sincethey resonate with Biblical the and favoured later language parallels by and fundamentalistssuggest unwelcome as But,much continuities.51 we maywishthattheyhad preached written and in differently, which emollient breathed phrases compassion, didnot.Instead they we needto gaugehowsubstantial element opinion an of they repand whether between 1646and 1676thepredomiresented, indeed nantIrishProtestant had attitudes moderated, and Jones leaving as ideological dinosaurs stranded a lesscredulous in Temple age.

IV
1641andtheConfederate both and a Wars, immediately over longer the legendcirculated Jones and Temple,reperiod, through by fashioned individual IrishProtestant outlooks collective and conOf the of had sciousness. course memories what happened before the had But proximitythe of more recent 1630s notbeenobliterated. the and and sense and events, thestrong well-diffused oftheir religious these a resonance which cosmic drowned that gave years meaning, from earlier rebellions. Anangry in over us dispute 1655 government enables tosee policy theeffects theblackpropaganda, theextent which of and to Irish wishor be able to escapefrom stultifying Protestants its might in This conducted print, be madeto can consequences. controversy,
49 Brit. Lib., Add. MS. 4816, fo. 19; LansdowneMS. 1153A,fo. 66; H. Jones, A at FuneralofJames Sermon the D.D., LateArch-Bishop Margetson, ofArmagh (London, Sermon Preach'd. .. the23d ofOctober 1703, pp. 13-14; 1679), pp. 32, 42; Smythe, The W. Stoughton, Greatest Evil Good,ortheGreatest (London, 1717), p. 23; Vesey, Preach'd... Octob.23. 1689,p. 16; E. Wetenhall, "The Christian Sermon Law ofthe Sword", in Hexapla Jacobaea (Dublin, 1686), p. 31. Oxford BodleianLib.), CarteMS. 39, fos. 142, 146, (hereafter 50 BodleianLibrary, Earl ofShaftesbury (Oxford,1968), 154, 164, 166,210, 213; K. H. D. Haley, TheFirst a of but p. 587. Jonesplannedto write history theIrishrebellion, it was suppressed: T. C. Barnard,Cromwellian Ireland(Oxford,1975), p. 295. The Religion and PoliticsofPaisleyism 51 Steve Bruce, God Save Ulster: (Oxford, 1986), chs. 1 and 9, and the sermonof 15 Dec. 1985 quoted at pp. 268-70.

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clues the and attitudes yield valuable about individual collective up ofIrish and ideas action. is, It Protestants, howprecisely affected one selected Canny support to his moreover, ofthree episodes by view bythemid-seventeenth England's policies that Irish century in were stuck well-worn ruts.52 Theargument1655 in arose the over plan consign ofthe to some Catholics Connacht Clare.53 disputant, to and One Colonel Richard backed government the the Vincent Lawrence, scheme; other, its modification. Canny, To Lawrence Gookin, urged dramatic a tradition"negative of as the of exemplifies thinking", advocate "a ofapartheid Ireland theabandonment for and ofany rigid policy further to reform Irish".54 effort the Lawrence used1641 also to Irish Catholic and Irish Protestant sinfulness. prove treachery Jones's andTemple's of in 1630s peaceful prosperas and image Ireland the intended emphasize settlers' to the hadturned a into ous, success, Frankenstein's toterrorizeauthors. hostile monster its To observers likeLawrence proved thenewcomers been it that had polluted by their contacts the with Irish and Catholics could longer trusted no be with share theplanned settlement. in new account any Temple's offeredplausible a answer thequestion to which puzzled English radicals: most Irish Protestants aligned the had with royalists. why showed the that Protestant hadbeen settlers Temple native", "going and while 1641 the risings prevented embracing had them Catholicism or toomany thesocial cultural of and mores theIrish, of their for had flaunted somany them when of had potential depravity been chosen the with This royalism, causeentangled Catholic intrigue. unfavourable hadbeen confirmed in 1649 when Irish interpretation Protestants Confederate and Catholics joined Stuart had a alliance For it engineered Ormonde. Lawrence was neither nor by easy desirable separate Catholic Irish to Irish from Protestant offences.55 we in "rushed 1655 counter to and Gookin, aretold, Lawrence, to defend earlier the and plantations inwhich natives and planters the newcomers been had A self-interested of intermingled". spokesman
52 Formation",pp. 198-9. Canny,"Identity of remains byS. R. Gardiner, that "The Transplan53The bestdiscussion theproject tationto Connaught",Eng. Hist. Rev., xiv (1899), based in part on documents in destroyed 1922. Extradetailis providedin R. C. Simington (ed.), The Transplantation Connacht, to 1654-58,(Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1970). Formation",pp. 198-9. 54Canny,"Identity 55 Gookinaccused Lawrenceof asserting that"the old Protestants as bad, nay are worsethantheIrish": V. Gookin,TheAuthor Case of Transplanting Irishinto and the Vindicated Connaught fromthe Unjust Aspersions Col. RichardLaurence of (London, 1655), p. 36.

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thepre-war he "in with settlers, wrote strict conformity whatthenew English authorshad always been saying". Gookin "made specific reference Sir JohnDavies", and thistempts to Cannyto statethat favouredby Gookin".56Opinions on "Davies was the authority between Ireland,we are asked to believe,werenowrigidly polarized thehardSpenserian lineand thefaintly milder of strategy Davies. If Gookin was simplythe mouthpiecefor the familiar palliativesof Davies he neednotdetain here.The authorities us mentioned actually by Gookin(if we can put thatmatter quicklybehindus since their use was ornamental notintegral hisargument) and to included Davies, Plato, Seneca, Livy, Sir Thomas More and Spenser, Campion,57 the readercan catchechoes Joannes Inevitably attentive Rosinus.58 ofwhathad previously beenwritten aboutIreland,although whether thesewere consciousor unconscious or borrowings, independently discoveredinsights, shall neverknow. But whatis remarkable we about Gookin's tracts,and Lawrence's too, is not the weightof of inherited ideas, but the novelties approach.These becomemore ifwe can recreate circumstances the whichgenerated comprehensible if the writings, we are alertto nuancesand changes,and if we can in set the two controversialists theirsocial, politicaland religious milieus.Treatedin thisway, theycan lead us intotheprocessesby in withtheintractable whichProtestant minds,grappling problems the aftermath war, evolved. of in 1655withTheGreatCase Gookinopenedthehostilities January a matter whichas a secondin inIreland Discussed, ofTransplantation land on the south-west coast of County settler generation owning as interested. Cork he was understandably Gookin,regarded a taland ented figure otherMunsterProtestants perhapsby Oliver by in to had been nominated Barebone'sParliament 1653.59 Cromwell, of Therehis uneaseabouttheeffects England'sIrishpoliciescrystalin set lized. The policies,first out in 1642, were amplified August
56 Canny,"Identity Hill Formation", 200-1. In contrast Christopher attributed pp. to Gookin a wish to revive"Spenserianpolicies", which he believedwas "wildly J. EnglishRadicals and Ireland",in optimistic": E. C. Hill, "Seventeenth-Century Historical XV (Belfast, P. J. Corish(ed.), Radicals,Rebelsand Establishments: Studies 1985), p. 44. of of 5 His history Ireland had been publishedby JamesWare in Two Histories Ireland(Dublin, 1633), to which Spenser'sView of thePresent State ofIrelandhad been appended. at of preacher Naumbergand author thefrequently reprinted 8 Sixteenth-century . .. libri ex Romanarum (Basle, 1583). antiquitatum decem, variisscriptoribus collecti ed. CommonThurloe, Birch,v, pp. 646-9; A. H. Woolrych, S StatePapersofJohn wealthtoProtectorate (Oxford,1982), pp. 179-81,418-9.

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61

overthefateof such Irishinsur1652, but bothacts passed silently not in the categories singledout forexecutionor exile. The gents two omission was rectified theEnglishcouncilofstate, daysbefore by whichdecreedthatall implicated in Barebone'sParliament opened, to thewarssince 1641mustbe transplanted Connacht May 1654. by in These instructions weregivenclearerlegal force September 1653 for whenparliament passed its own act of settlement Ireland,a bill which Gookin recalledwas "not long by themdebated,forit was neverso much as once read".60 now passed to theDublin government to a Detailed planning and committee there,staffed mainly Englisharmyofficers by (including the Lawrence),but also by two prominent pre-1641settlers, earl of Cork's son, Lord Broghill,and Dr. Henry Jones.The matterof muchof 1654.61 Realists remained open throughout transplantation if of sensedthemagnitude notimpracticability thescheme,buttheir were no matchforits unswerving hesitations the supporters, army officers religious and radicals,and it was thesemenwho guidedthe feeble Lord Deputy Fleetwood. In November 1654 the projected and was transplantation confirmed a new deadlinewas setforMarch 1655. Dissentients had two alternatives. They could workon Fleetin wood and his godlyconfreres the hope of altering theirresolve, but, as we shall see, the minds of the latterseemed ossifiedand to unlikely change. Gookin chose the other course, offered a new and elected by was expected,and parliament.The firstProtectorate parliament to indeedwas invited Cromwell, reconsider perhapsvarythe and by of terms theIrishsettlement. Gookin'sexpertise thematters in which led mosttouchedtheMunsterProtestants to his nomination the by Lord Cork,for ofhispocketboroughs. one province's leadingsettler, the 1654 electionsin Irelandexcitedcompetition. Generally Army officers disapproved Cromwell's who of of assumption personal power and theProtectorate's constitution seats;so toodid thosewho sought wishedto influence Irishpolicy.Colonel Lawrenceworkedhardto have critics Cromwellreturned. of some Irish Squabbles prevented members their notGookin.62 places,though taking Expecting parlia60 Gardiner, to and Author Case "Transplantation Connaught", 708-9; Gookin, pp. the of Transplanting IrishintoConnaught Vindicated, 19. p. 61 TheClarke 4 Papers,ed. C. H. Firth, vols. (Camden Soc., new ser.,xliv,liv,lxi, 2 lxii, 1899), iii, p. 207; R. T. Dunlop, Ireland underthe Commonwealth, vols. to (Manchester,1913), ii, pp. 369-70; Gardiner, "Transplantation Connaught",pp. 718-19, 723. LismoreMS. 29, diaryofLord Cork,25 July, and 15 Aug. 1654; 14 62 Chatsworth, The Writings Speeches OliverCromwell, W. C. Abbott, vols. (Cambridge, and ed. 4 of Mass., 1937-47),iii, p. 442; T. C. Barnard,"Plantersand Policies in Cromwellian (cont.onp. 62)

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no. 61 (Nov. 1973), pp. 36-7; T. C. Barnard,"Lord Ireland", Past and Present, VincentGookinand theCork Electionsof 1659", Eng. Hist. Rev., lxxxviii Broghill, ed. Burton, J.T. Rutt,4 vols. (London, 1828), (1973), pp. 355, 357; DiaryofThomas vii, i, p. xlvii; Commons' MSS., i, pp. 546, Journal, pp. 373, 397; H.M.C., Egmont 548-9, 550-1, 553. on thetitle-page. also Gookin,Author Case ofTransplanting See and the 63 As stated IrishintoConnaught Vindicated, 6, 54. pp. TheInterest Englandin the IrishTransplantation, of 64 Ibid., pp. 3, 59; R. Lawrence, and Stated(London, 1655), title-page p. 5; Mercurius 25 politicus, Jan.- 2 Feb. 1655, 14-21Mar. Account, p. 5136; ibid.,29 Mar. - 5 Apr. 1655,pp. 5234, 5236-41;Perfect 1655, p. 1748; ibid., 21-28 Mar. 1655, p. 1756; Perfect Diurnall,26 Mar. - 2 Apr. 1655, p. 4252. 65 Lawrence, Interest England, ed. Cromwell, of pp. 10-11,16. Cf. Writings Oliver of ed. Abbott,ii, pp. 196-205;Actsand Ordinances theInterregnum, C. H. Firthand of R. S. Rait, 3 vols. (London, 1911), ii, p. 598.

(n. 62 cont.)

ment soon to turnto Irish affairs, preparedto acclimatize he his to a more optimistic view of Ireland and its established colleagues Protestant Catholicinhabitants. wroteTheGreatCase, to be and He "tenderedto everyM.P.".63 More clamant matters shouldered Irishaffairs thebackground, into as so often, theparliament dissolved and was before Irelandcouldbe discussed. Gookin'spamphlet was leftto standalone. In it Gookin had rationally reviewedthe arguments and and methodically for of the Irish,and decidedagainst transplantation all theguilty against muddled policy.His forthright exposureofthemistaken premisses, and statute-drafting behind the policy outragedits supthinking Fleetwood whinged about "a very strangescandalous porters. book . . . whichdothveryfalsely unworthily and aspersethosethat did and now do servethe statehere". The government machine, assistedby soldiersand fervent was crankedinto life.A sectaries, assassination Gookinas "the teagish pilloried campaignof character forward opinionsin return pay fromthe his for person", putting Irish.The champions theharsher of also explained practical the policy reasonsand ideological behindtransplantation, in a first imperatives and on published petition then, orabout9 March1655,in Lawrence's notorious apologia for"apartheid".64 rebutted charge the that he either as a supporter Lawrence,in fact, or thepolicyitself aimedto imposea seventeenth-century equivalent ofapartheid. he three Ireland'sfourprovinces of Certainly expected to be reservedforProtestant but settlement, withinthemhe was 20 preparedto permitthe Irish to constitute per cent of the total as and thepreamble the to population.He distinguished, Cromwell 1652 act had done, betweenthedangerous leadersof IrishCatholic landowners military and commanders who society the clergy, and thepeasantry.65 Lawrence weretraditional for targets toughness,

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AMONG IRISH PROTESTANTS

63

of the interpreted statutes 1652 and 1653 and the supplementary from disordersquite differently Gookin,and it was thistechnical whichprovokedthe disover interpretation, ostensibly agreement, provisoswereambiguousand pute. Gookinarguedthatthe official Therewas, forexamas wereLawrence'sstatements. contradictory, betweenthe leniencywhich Lawrence insisted the disparity ple, of and thefigure 20 of the would benefit majority theIrishCatholics ofCatholics centas themaximum outsideConnacht. proportion per not in precise Lawrence, as Gookin well knew, saw the situation but the termsdefined legal acts and instruments through highly by offered Temple and Jones, providential colouredperspectives by by a and schema,and through haze ofanti-Catholic history apocalyptic he in and perhapsanti-Irish prejudicesimbibedlong before arrived an Gookin despised Lawrenceforwhat he represented, Ireland.66 outlookwhich pervadedthe upper ranksof the army,the Dublin himself. Therewere,indeed, and administration eventhelorddeputy the to attitude good grounds regardLawrenceas typifying dominant in Irishpolicy-making between1651 and 1655. of Lawrence, when he arrivedin 1649 as marshal-general the a was already Baptist.He had also published two Cromwellian army, in tracts whichhe tracedthe ever busy Antichrist the intolerant to as him and Presbyterian ordainedAnglicanclergy, well as detecting in his traditional formin the CatholicChurch. He reveredFoxe's Book ofMartyrs and, after surveying England'sReformation history, the Spanish Inquisitionand the Frenchreligiouswars, concluded thatthe Catholicclergyhad caused the bloodshedin Englandand Ireland.67Once in Ireland Lawrence was first exhilarated the as wererouted, and thendejectedas theEnglish Catholicsand royalists was tieddownbystubborn warfare. army guerilla Plagueand disease into the Englishsoldiery, as theirmostprominent claiming spread Lord DeputyIreton.Demoralizedcommanders casualty prayedand at councilsof war. All concludedthatGod had a reasonfor argued thuschastising His choseninstrument, Englisharmy,but they the
"withsuch persons,who interpreted 66Lawrencewas said to disdainco-operation orders. . accordingto the letter,and not accordingto the inwardand mystical of of meaning":W. Petty,TheHistory theSurvey Ireland,ed. T. A. Larcom(Dublin, the and Case of Transplanting Irish intoConnaught 1851), p. 269; Gookin,Author Vindicated, 25-9; Lawrence,Interest England,pp. 11-12, 17-18,23-4. of pp. 67 C. H. Firthand G. Davies, A Regimental 2 of History Cromwell's Army, vols. (Oxford,1940),i, pp. 356-9;R. Lawrence,TheAntichristian (London, 1647); Presbyter R. Lawrence,The Wolf (London, 1647); M. Tolmie, The Triumph the Stript of Saints (Cambridge,1977), pp. 159, 189.

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the divinewrath.Some advised firm differed how best to deflect of blaspunishment the soldiers' own faults,such "as swearing, exaction,and crueltytowards plundering, phemy, drunkenness, For the people in protection". others answerlayin how bestto treat the Irish: "what our carriageand dealingsshould have been, and the of whatwe shouldhave it be, towards generality thepeople,and in of our enemieshere,whether respect justice(forinnocent blood) or ofmoderation mercy and towards any". Most officers agreedthat be the Irish should "at length made sensibleof the greatweightof innocent blood whereof principals and particiso much crying (as the distinction pants) they generallystand guilty". Nevertheless and parliament ifpossibleto be was proposedalreadyby Cromwell observed,that"the wrathof God may be appeased towardsthem, nation".Theirconversion themand their to and notutterly destroy was Protestantism also to be actively promoted.68 werethefierce What,ofcourse,provedso hardto reconcile urges to avenge the 1641 massacres,to expiate the blood guilt of the the rebelsand, at the same time,to benefit bulk of thepopulation. was hampered theimprecise instrucoften by promised, Generosity, resistance the of tionsissued after1652, by the persistent military lurches thesoldiers as lockedthemselves and bytheideological Irish, discord.Propagandists, headed by fastin politicaland theological of atrocities. Indeed thebusy Dr. Jones,collectedfurther examples in was a selective newinventory sentto theEnglishparliament 1652, members before discussedthedetailsof was read thereimmediately its and the Irish settlement clearlyhelped determine provisions.69 Radicals like Lawrence, dismayedby slow progressin Ireland, the timeto timecriticized army's roundedon thosewho from power, conductand approach. Gookin seemed simplythe latestin a sucall cessionof critics, of whomhad been seen off.70 in whichcirculated thecounties officers around from The petition to 1655was theimmediate Dublin in February counterblast Gookin's it GreatCase. Soon publishedin theEnglishprints, appliedtheOld of in Testamentparallelsto the condition the Protestants Ireland,
68 A Declaration General IrelandConcerning and Proclamation theLordDeputy of of Hand ofGod in theVisitation thePlague (London, 1650), pp. 8-10. thePresent of Cruell Massacres... (London, 1652); 69 AnAbstract SomeFew ofthose Barbarous, of the Commons' i, vii, Journal, p. 133; Dunlop, Irelandunder Commonwealth,pp. 17980. 70 BodleianLib., MS. Dep. c. 174,NalsonMS. xxi,fos. Cromwellian 251-3;Barnard, MSS., i, pp. vii, Ireland,p. 18; Commons' Journal, pp. 260, 261; H.M.C., Portland 671-2; B. Worden,The RumpParliament (Cambridge,1974), p. 309.

CRISES OF IDENTITY AMONG IRISH PROTESTANTS

65

of Catholics Connacht. in Further the andurged segregationtheIrish the in in the to blood itreiterated duty avenge Protestant spilt 1641, in nation from the those which order "free English this to judgements This forceful statement fall reminded mayotherwise on them".7" Gookin his adversaries' of derived themainfrom in the approach, as an Bible,"as much accomplished pattern few ageshaveproduced of thelike",andfrom version recent history the Irish popularized by and Lawrence offered similar his Jones Temple.72Soonafterwards views. showed the He that harsh transplantation hademerged project in from prayer the and adminisofficers, meetings conferenceswhich and He Christians" trators, private clergy "other participated. inwouldaffect theCatholic and sisted thescheme that only 6lites was consistent theRump'sactof 1652.He defended with the entirely scheme practical ideological and levels.He endorsed at Temple's that mixed had enfeebled diagnosis thepre-war plantations fatally theProtestant interest offered Catholics and the their chance. To achieve objective durable of the Protestant theremedy settlements, was simple: remove Catholic to the leaders. repeated He Temple's of aboutthe suddenness the uprising, extent the and allegations of violence, the and part itof"the in barbarism the whole Irish nation
of itself and commonalty . . all . consisting nobility, gentry, clergy

in as to out quarrel, root andwholly engaged onenation this extirpate all English He Protestants". refuted Gookin's that suggestions the scheme impracticable would and fresh was rebellions. provoke Finally headmitted transplantation that contained element retribution, an of and approved it.73 Lawrence hiscronies lambasted and had Gookin an enemy as not of but and to state, Gookin, only thearmy oftheEnglish unwilling be calleda covert and to the to royalist reluctant concede field an who and the from convenopponent so often so flagrantly departed tions logical of went intoprint second a on debate, time, about12 and the May 1655. In TheAuthor Case of TransplantingIrishinto "a of to Vindicated, historical Connaught report fact",he sought rescue vilified his and Lawrence. itwould Yet be reputation toworst a Pyrrhic unless persuaded government he the tocountermand victory itsorders thefull-scale for and looked transplantation, this unlikely
to Saints Dismission Rest: A SermonPreachedat the 72 J. Owen, The Labouring FuneralofHenry Ireton LordDeputyofIreland(London, 1652), sig. A2v. Interest England,pp. 9, 12, 15,26-7;Temple, IrishRebellion, of i, 73 Lawrence,

toConnaught", 723-6. Gardiner, repr. "Transplantation pp. p. 16.

in 29 politicus, 71 Publishedoriginally Mercurius

Mar. - 5 Apr. 1655, pp. 5236-8;

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as external events hardened and Fleetwood's, perhaps Cromwell's, in resolve proceed. straw thewind thereturn May1655 to A was in to Ireland SirJohn of with clearmarks theProtector's of Temple, in With as favour.74 Temple wellas Dr. Jones Dublin,itwouldbe in difficultignore topical to the lessons their accounts. Moreominous were of sudden reminders howthesufferings Irish ofthe Protestants with to dovetailed theinternational threats Protestantism. A connectedseries crises warned of had Cromwell hiscompanions and that stillenvironed peopleof God, and led to the numerous enemies to toreform reprobates.75 redoubled effortscontrol ultimately and the In Irelandone particular event enabled like officers Lawrence to into effort bounceFleetwood a concentrated to achieve transplanwent under order which out seen Fleetwood's tation, inthe"savage" of in tales 1655.Fromthevalleys Piedmont chilling signature July ofthekilling torturingProtestants echoed revived and of and eerily which saidtohaveactivated was thetalesof 1641.The samespirit theIrish andwhich nowseenbymany the was as defining Catholics, in ofthe had Fleetwood the characteristic Irish, appeared Europe. and toseethe andlinks, were to officers, scarcely quick parallels surprised of Catholics exiled from homeland their be toldthat regiment Irish a inDublin in massacres. a correspondent As hadhelped the reported, to we the thenewswas "less strange us when heard that insatiable blood.Ifourtransplantation on,they Irish a handinthat had gonot of chance giveus thedregs that todrink".76 to cup may Fleetwood it This panic,which so swept alongwith and which confirmed Lawrence's couldnotlast.The warnings, opportunely of about inconveniencestransplantation which Gookin spoken, had and thedropin taxrevenue therisein agrarian violence, notably
ed. and Speeches OliverCromwell, Abbott, pp. 722-3; "Commoniii, of 74 Writings Analecta xv wealth StateAccounts Ireland, 1650-56", Hibernica, (1944),p. 269;
the CalendarofStatePapers,Domestic, 1655, p. 235; Dunlop, Irelandunder Commonwealth,ii, p. 514.

1649-60 T. The (London, Republic, 1983),pp. 48-51;Dow, 75 Barnard, English in B. "Cromwell theSinofAchan", and Cromwellian Scotland, 118-22; Worden, pp. 1985),p. 135.
76

and theChurches D. Beales and G. F. A. Best (eds.), History, (Cambridge, Society

to Connaught", 1655);Gardiner, "Transplantation Day ofSolemn Fasting (London,
Diurnall,4-11 June1655,p. 4421; Petty, History the of Survey, pp. pp. 732-3;Perfect in Account theLate Commotions theValleys Piedmont 66-7; A Shortand Faithfull of of and ed. Proclamations, Steele,ii, no. 574 (Ireland); (London, 1655),p. 4; Tudor Stuart

A Declaration His Highness ... of

the Inviting PeopleofEnglandand Walesto a

A G. Stoppa, Collection A3, Papers 1655), sig.*2', pp. 23,27,37,40;State (London, Intervention "Cromwell's ed. 468; R. Vigne, iii, Thurloe, Birch, pp. 466-7, of John Proc.Huguenot ofLondon, (1983),pp. 10-25. of Soc. on Behalf theVaudois", xxiv

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67

and into felt.77 fitted the wereimmediately Security, how Ireland in of neededto be reassessed thelight a likely Protectoral system, the reason tide ebbing starting was and warwith Spain.Foranother In 1655theProtector's Lawrence. July to runagainst son, younger the in landed Dublin.He hadcometocommand army, and Henry, Fleetwood defacto as ruler Ireland. of within month replaced a had a had when drive the Cromwell beeninDublinonly few days Henry Fromthismoment the was to remove Irishto Connacht relaxed."7 embittered eclipsed, and to Gookin's rose.Lawrence, star schemed Cromwell to havethemalleable and undermine Fleetwood Henry but recalled. strategy His a failed, he couldnotresist firing second salvoat Gookin. tract shifts. Lawrence's of1656revealed unexpected Sentimentally Cromwell todesert godly not the he begged nowbeing cause, Henry into the transformed "thegoodoldcause",andreminded young man of"your father's andsuccessful andyour brother glorious beginnings, Ireton's obtained of and of finishings thework war, painful dearly with brother Fleetwood's andhopeful wise in your proceedings the workof settlement". phraseology thinking little Such and cut ice so Lawrence the with couched rest thebookin of Cromwell, Henry on different terms. Goneis theemphasis retribution blood and very tootheBiblical also banished theirascible is examples; guilt;gone Lawrence of Instead to defence thesoldiery. tried arguefrom the of security, samerational and public welfare which grounds profit Moresurprisingly proposals thenew Gookin considered. had for his He settlement alsoaltered. still tocorral Irish had the leaders hoped the while enlarged reserved Protestant an Pale for beyond Shannon, between rivers the be would created Barrow Boyne. and But planters theremainder thecountry of would transformed an extensive be into where Protestant the cordon sanitaire would Catholic proprietors have and Thesemixed settlements serve same tenants labourers. would the as onesin Ulster and Munster, purposes thoseearlier praised by but derided Lawrence. Lawrence Gookin, previously by Although still to the from Irish, 1656his the danger sought contain military by to new was substantial settlers, a matter with priority howbest attract whichhe had already been involved 1651whenhe governed in
V. Gookin,TheGreatCase ofTransplantationIreland in Discussed (London, 1655), 77 15-22Mar. 1655, p. 5197; ibid.,29 Mar. - 5 Apr. pp. 15-18,21; Mercurius politicus, at 1655, p. 5241; SwedishDiplomats Cromwell's Court,1655-1656,ed. M. Roberts

4th (Camden Society, ser.,xxxvi, 1988), 154. p. 19-26 Mercurius 1655,p. 5485, with politicus, July ibid., 26 July 2 78 Compare Aug. 1655,p. 5502.

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he the and Chameleon-like,hadeschewed exhortatory Waterford.79 of officer hadreverted a more and to admonitory language thegodly his to traditional theprojector issuing prospectus lureunwary type, the would assist innegotiating him to Thisagility investors Ireland. we whatLawrence tellsus Restoration. Meanwhile, maywonder had As identities. I shallshow,Lawrence aboutIrishProtestant to from on embarked thejourney stranger Anglo-Irishman, English of that and ifnottoIrish Protestant, ona process mental adjustment it. went with V of into leadsus moreobviously a variety IrishProtestant Gookin he adopted optimistic an In histworemarkable pamphlets thought. if that He predicted theCatholic and constructive Irish, approach. to wouldclingmoretenaciously their in concentrated Connacht, and socialorganization, moreover, distinctive and religion to their or thief tory. intention The would andimpoverished, turn desperate a stableand flourishing behindtransplantation, Ireland, English of that He wouldbe frustrated. insisted theleaders theConfederate behind or abroad, either killed fled been had Catholics already leaving to is whose laborious creatures, design only live".These simple "poor now and into tricked rebellion their by priests chiefs, deserved people, "evilpast"than about their less officials should worry about mercy; to efforts the lamented hitherto "thegoodtocome".Gookin meagre to in was "as them, ifourbusiness Ireland only amongst evangelize thanks He and setup ourowninterests notChrist's". believed that, of and an tomore conditions, intensive programmesocial propitious and "We may couldnowsucceed. reform them, overspread religious the take and them ourselves, so byan oneness away incorporate into
. and of foundation difference fear together . . we haveopportunities untothem".80 better ofcommunicating things

and of irked suchpiousexpressions racial Forthose superiority by as Gookin dismiss andwhowould Protestant self-confidence, simply itisworth ofEnglish albeit colonization, another, apologist eloquent,
with in Interest theWellPlanting Ireland Great English of England's 79 R. L[awrence], of Approved and People,Discussed(Dublin, 1656), sig. A2v,pp. 21-44; Propositions Laurence... (London, 1650/ Granted the of by Deputy-General IrelandtoCol. Richard ed. 1); State PapersofJohnThurloe, Birch,iv, p. 276. in soGookin, Great Case of Transplantation IrelandDiscussed,pp. 3-10, 12-14; the and Vindicated, 13pp. Gookin,Author Case ofTransplanting IrishintoConnaught 15, 41.

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69

in novel elements hiswritings. courageously He two isolating other, behaved the whenitsmembers denounced army brutally. Having in after in "the disciplined the praised army Ireland, that England best he that contained soldiers inthe some world", admitted itnevertheless of rest". feared the He swerved the from integritythe that Irish "that was to as mocked "an Irish teige", unlikely receive justice, peasant, that and andacknowledged the"violence oppression some the of by is inflicted them incredible". on he soldiers himself Personally prided and on opposing "that by "arbitrary power" on living theprinciple I thoughtwasboundnotto fear manwith sword".81 I a a If Gookin derived from and upheldan idea of justice religion conviction madehiswritings classical another crackle with history, had for Gookin worked his contempt Lawrence. assiduously during to the of visits England safeguard interests hisfellow to settlers. Yet his tracts weremore thanapologias reworked arguments that tired aboutIrelandand the Irish.He had a strong senseof historical which of the the change, thedifferences distinguished 1630sfrom andofthevisible hidden and ofthecivil wars 1650s, impact through which hadlived andinwhich hadseenhishome he he destroyed and hisestate as wellas himself As sequestrated being imprisoned. he sawit: "thetables justturned; English what Irish are the are the were,rich,high,powerful, theIrishwhattheEnglish &c., were, never so great strength Ireland had &c. a in few, The English poor, since conquest it,theIrish the of so never small". Given scaleof the therecent in reduction theCatholic share landfrom of 60 nearly per centto about20 percent, opinion solidfoundations.82 his had Inthis situation predominance new of been Gookin, having brought in County Corkamong IrishCatholics, thestereotype up rejected offered Temple repeated and the by uncritically Lawrence: Cathby olicIrish, of tothe level brute beasts thereby and, degraded depersoncouldbetreated Gookin went alized, Unfashionably, appropriately.83 outofhisway praise skills the to the of Irish: farmers, "more as being exact than English thehusbandry the in to in proper thecountry", and in linen woollen and and cloth; as dressing hemp flax, weaving and and in carpenters masons, being"morehandy ready building
and Author Case ofTransplanting IrishintoConnaught the 81Gookin, Vindicated, pp. in 11-12, 15-16; Gookin,GreatCase of Transplantation IrelandDiscussed, 24. p. 82 in Gookin,GreatCase of Transplantation IrelandDiscussed, pp. 19-20; Gookin, Author and Case of Transplanting IrishintoConnaught the Vindicated, 40-1; J. G. pp. in Simms,The Williamite Confiscation Ireland,1690-1703(London, 1956), pp. 195-6. and Case of Transplanting Irish intoConnaught the Vindicated, 83Gookin,Author p. 39; Temple, IrishRebellion, p. 135. i,

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in more the of and houses, much prudent supplying defects ordinary thanEnglish artificers". may,natWe instruments materials and of as Gookin special pleading, although hewasatthis urally, suspect he with some Free his time authority.84 rebuilding ownhouse spoke of is from any imputation self-interestthe Christian compassion his time are and again,irradiates case. "The Irish beggars, which, himself heelsas prisoners large".Gookin at why explained he had the of written he did: "I spokeonlyfrom bowels mantowards as to of blinded and charity a Christian miserable Christians".85 men, the in settlementthe1650s toIreland's Gookin's prevailed, approach ones he than reasons rather thehumanitarian which butfor practical too his ask Now hadproffered. we must ifhe wassuigeneris; views morethanhimself. family His to anything idiosyncratic represent and and seemsto havebeenconventionally robustly Calvinist, in inDr. Henry wefind that Gookin too,more Jones) unexpectedly, (as Irish.Withhis to theCatholic creedneednotexclude generosity it cant to a he father shared capacity cutthrough andtocombat when the in it was spotted highplaces.In 1633Gookin had treated pere on Ireland. detected He a to newlorddeputy hisgloomy thoughts cheered Old English, on hatred thepartof theCatholic by deep the YearsWar,towards "evangelical in victories theThirty Catholic the Furthermore Protestants, of truth" the newcomers. sparsely to their for own Catholic were scattered, obliged their safety placate with which he a even neighbours, intermarrying them, compromise that announced "I haveandever The rejected. elderGookin stiffly as from Irish, willnotso much suffer the and willstand a distance at his The son probably shared to mychildren learnthelanguage". the viewaboutspeaking father's Irish,butin other respects great the warn against us should in differencesoutlook visiting sinsofthe Irish and against on father the children caricaturing Protestant and static.86 as thought simple
in GreatCase of Transplantation IrelandDiscussed, 17; Calendarof p. 4 Gookin, State Papers,Domestic, 1655, p. 590; CalendarofState Papers,Ireland,1647-60,p.

an undonepeople ...

The Irishgo to Connacht withchainsat their

to 803;Gardiner, p. "TransplantionConnaught", 734n. 76.
85 86

41.

the and Vindicated, p. Gookin,Author Case of Transplanting IrishintoConnaught Brit.Lib., LansdowneMS. 821, fo. 246; Calendar StatePapers,Ireland,1647of

the and Author Case of Transplanting IrishintoConnaught Vindicated, 41; Gookin, p. in GreatCase of Transplantation IrelandDiscussed, 20; M. MacCarthy-Morrogh, p. ed. Plantation TheMunster (Oxford,1986),p. 201; StatePapersofohn Thurloe, Birch,

1612-87 Daniel F. Gookin, 1912), 55;Gookin, (Chicago, p. 60,pp. 181-6; W. Gookin,

v, p. 646.

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is of we WhenGookin setin hisownsociety Munster, see better transcended preoccupations the of howhearticulated sometimes and In his contemporaries. theearlyseventeenth a century mosaicof over province. Protestant settlement beenrandomly had sprinkled the those LordCork's of A few dazzled notably estates. tesserae But and werethelackof as characteristicCork'sruthlessness energy as in and feeble ownership occupation, continuityProtestant entreprendrive and thetenacity indigenous of customs which to eurial some Even newcomers easily were assimilated. after reconquest the the of 1650seconomic socialchange slowand patchy. was and Protestant werefewand hardto keep;theabsenteeism thelargest of tenants as created landowners and problems wellas chances; theturnover within landowning wasconstant considerable. the and elite Gookin, of to successful densely and concenthen, belonged a world locally butwhich, tothelarge Protestant trated numbers settlement, owing before of Catholic landowners tenants and 1641,was marked by between two the confessions."7 other enforced Like Munscoexistence terProtestants had backedan English he whichused the policy for of surviving rebellion a pretext more as thorough dispossessionthe whenthat Catholic but was proprietors, he actedquickly objective withvengeance whichblurred distinction confused the between landed and landless. its income and (both sizeand sources), Background, upbringing the values divided Munster and differences Protestants, these expresin sed themselves personal rivalries political religious and and disIn asserted the Gookin that Munster Protestants agreements. politics hadbeeninspired a consistent of reverence by principle, "profound to for andsubmission thepower thetime over ruling them".88 being and the Thus he explained justified sudden of changes tackin the 1640s and 1650s.Suchan account covered both unashamed the and reluctant but of those unyielding collaborators, itignored principles whohad undeviatingly withparliament theking.All atsided or from to the onwards, categorize tempts, Gookin's neatly Protestants' outlook behaviour and the and of ignore ambiguous subtle responses
87 D. Dickson, "An Economic of History theCorkRegionin theEighteenth ch. and Century" (Univ.ofDublinPh.D. thesis, 1977), 1; D. Dickson, "Property in SocialStructure Eighteenth-Century in Munster", L. M. Cullenand F. Furet

rurale (eds.), Irlandeet FranceXVIIe-XXe siecles: pourune histoire (Paris, comparke

Seasonable AdvicetoProtestants: SomeMeansofReviving Strengthening and Containing theProtestant 2nd edn. (Cork, 1745). Interest, 88 State Papers ed. ofJohnThurloe, Birch,v, p. 647.

Munster chs. 133; MacCarthy-Morrogh, 1980),pp. 129-30, Plantation, 7 and 8;

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so many. 1659clashes personality,interest over of In of and public urbanand electoral in Cork. policy, produced squabbles County Gookin himself the in, joined pitting against localheadoftheProtestant interest quixotically he had fought as as Lawrence the and sectaries.89 wasa society, because vulnerable Here still English edgy to overthrow, as great range socialandeconomic a of with circumand and as stances ofreligion politics anyEnglish county.90 of in Anygroupportrait Gookin'scontemporaries the county of reduces toimpressionsindividual, individualistic, itself and quickly we echoes Gookin's of sitters. Fromthem catch but optimism, also flat Ifthe Protestants contradictions. Cork a natural leader possessed itwasthesecond ofCork.However, took loftier than earl he a view his father abouttheneed to meddlein every detailof local and andletthefamily's national mantle over more the affairs, public slip of shoulders his younger Lord Cork, brother, Broghill. capable the most of early having fought Irish insurgents in the1640s, spent faithful theking.In 1651he returned to thedecadein England, to life but a retired of retrenchment, his inherited Ireland, planning drewhim intocounty and into inexorably pre-eminence society with new order. Cork's the Cromwellian character, dealings glimpsed in the remarks his diary, followed ocbut usually through laconic convention. he the of rejected casionally Predictably decried excesses a localantinomian theindulgent and official attitude towards him. withhis fellow Yet laterhe disagreed thata magistrate's ruling be In troublesome Quakershould imprisoned. 1658,whiledining now he with the Cromwell, a closefriend, protested against Henry nation fetch to "wickedness many this of of out poorIrish people of them intotheBarbadoes", extracted and a their bedsand sell[ing] of promise redress.91 whenin July 1655he attended the also showed Cork'soutlook in of and for sermon Corkcity theplight theVaudois prayers fast LordCork, like and towards relief. their Protestants, gave generously felt and too others hisfamily, of keenly their sufferings knew well
"LordBroghill, Vincent Gookin theCork and Elections 1659", of pp. 9 Barnard, 352-65. in will discussed T. C. Barnard, "The Political, fully 90 Thesematters be more c. in Culture theCorkSettlers, 1650-1700", P. O'Flanagan of Material Mental and
and Society (ed.), Cork: History (forthcoming). of MS. 24 Lismore 29, diary LordCork, Dec. 1652,18Jan.1657/ 9' Chatsworth,

the ii, 60", IrishHist. Studies,iii (1943); Dunlop, Irelandunder Commonwealth, pp.

from to 1658.Cf.J.W. Blake,"Transportation Ireland America, 16538, 14 July

Tudor Stuart and ed. Steele, no.588(Ireland). Proclamations, ii, 341,354,384,399-400;

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theparallels with Protestants' the tribulationsIreland. father in His several French in hademployed Protestantshishousehold, had and senthis younger sons to study underHuguenots Genevaand in The this and Saumur.92 secondearl maintained tradition, at this moment Lismore Castlesheltered Pierre Moulintheyounger, du whoserved hischaplain hissons'tutor. Moulin not as and Du was there chance, Cork's did betoken by charity notnecessarily although endorsement all partsof his chaplain's of Du opinions. Moulin's and to were adverroyalism devotion episcopacy more passionately tisedthanCork'ssimilar morecautious but allegiances.93 The risk generalizing Protestant in about attitudes theexamfrom ofLordCork not much hewasatthe is so that ple very ofMunster top but he his Ireland gradually and society that wasloosening tieswith from into nobleman an English metamorphosing Anglo-Irish peer withIrishas well as English in estates.94 Already the 1650sthe effective of Boyle interest been had assumed Broghill. captaincy the by reflections Ireland on theinterregnum not have Broghill's during survived. Insteadhis attitudes in his actions; until1652 appear first the Catholics then and soldiering, against Confederate against their alliesheadedby Ormonde. after 1660do his royalist Only a rebarbative complex. Obsesscopious outpourings displaymind, yet ivefear theCatholics, of as ledbyLouisXIV, specifiinternationally and in him.Ormonde callyin Ireland locally Munster, galvanized and others the of had questioned genuineness Orrery's Broghill (as become 1660)apprehensions, chided in and himformisusing his in himself trumpet men's the of His"talent making animosities"." torians havealso doubted rational the for antigrounds obsessive Catholicism as Orrery's, depicted as a cloakforother such and it
Abroad,1604-1667 (London, 1952),pp. 407-8.
92 Chatsworth, Lismore 29,diary LordCork, July MS. of 5 1655;Canny, Upstart Earl Travellers Earl,pp. 97,98-9;Lynch, ofOrrery, 11,21; J.W. Stoye, pp. English

"The Huguenot and of in Goldie, Experience theProblem Toleration Restoration in et and England", C. E. J.Caldicottal. (eds.),The Huguenots Ireland (DunLaoghaire, 1987),pp. 188-95. 94N.L.I., MS. 7177, of R. letters G. Roche, 1672-8; Cox,"Regnum Corcagiense", ed. R. Day,JI.Cork Hist.and Archaeol. 2ndser., (1902), 70-1;Dickson, viii Soc., pp. "Economic of History theCorkRegion", 60, 73-5;TheCorrespondence pp. ofHenry EarlofClarendon, S. W. Singer, vols.(London, ed. 2 Hyde, i, 1828), p. 584. c. Victoria Albert and Lib., MS. Eng.hist. 266,fos.15-16; 95 Bodleian Museum, Forster Ormonde London, Collection, MSS., i, fo.34; H.M.C., Ormonde MSS., new Irish Colours ser.,iv,pp. 300-1; Walsh, Folded, 12. p.

P. du Moulin, Of Peace and ContentmentMinde (London, 1657), sig. A3-3'; M. of

Lismore 29,diary LordCork, Sept.1653, Dec. 1654, of MS. 10 24 9 Chatsworth, MS. 30, item Barnard, 14, 15 June 1656;Lismore 42; Cromwellian Ireland, 151; p.

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worries. the of Anglo-Irish like Certainly enlarged land-holdingsthe on rested a system penalties of which nowusedCatholicism Orrery as thesimple test. Catholicism be also,itis conceded, feared might for political its in ambitions Louis of implications, manifestthe newly XIV. Such connotations, to were undoubtedly alarming Orrery, from and frameworks which inseparable theintellectual theological them. relentless His rested supported anti-popery on hisconviction the that faith partoftheoutworks Antichrist, of was indissolubly linked with and superstitious worship treacherous political creeds.96 like and was than indefatian Orrery, Dr. Jones Lawrence, more of His gablehammer theCatholics. inconvenient opinions impeded hiscareer, were deeply tobe moderated. but too held Their tap-roots of back church ofDublin stretched intotheCalvinism theIrish and where hadbriefly he studied. fed University, Theywere bythesoil of Geneva, wherehe had livedfora yearand by theProtestant he of where andhisbrother beengiven had the stronghold Saumur, in his of du Plessis-Mornay's run library. Obviously considering too not formation muchshould be madeofadolescent intellectual cast do the evenifthey prefigure whole ofhislater phases, thinking. to the brew after couldbe expected dilute toxic Saumur, all, ingested with and inGeneva. hislibrary, crammed Protestant Tridentine But his and in interest Catholic dogma, suggested continuing informed these matters.97 on Charles Whatis ViewslikeOrrery's II. grated theinsouciant fellow exiles with Irish Catholic theking Ormonde, and more, many more their and admired consistent principled loyalty than gentlemen, ofthesupple Protestants. the conditional Orrery, backing apparently and Old that this, many English sensing conceded inconduct culture were"ofgoodbreeding, goodmien, goodwitsand goodhumour, with to which incompatible fidelity was from trust their by religion, In he the to the king English ofIreland. contrast Gookin, took grimly Irish between English Catholic the view conflict and determinist that
The earl Colours R. (London, 1662). Displayed (London, 1662); Boyle, ofOrrery, Irish fos. ser., Lib.,Add.MS. 19832, 43,45; Petworth, Orrery general Papers, 97 Brit. Earl R. earl i, (London, 1744), p. 10,v, p. 654;Lynch, ofOrrery, 14-21; Boyle, pp. A ofOrrery, Treatise the ofWar(London, 1677), 26; H. R. Trevor-Roper, p. of Art
des 14 (N.L.I., MS. 13190); A. Barnes,Jean Leclercet la rdpublique lettres (Paris, Robert Boyle,ed. T. Birch,5 vols. of 1938), pp. 23, 45-6; The Works theHonourable Letter Printed Subscribed PeterWalsh and to An Lately by Orrery, Answer a Scandalous

for and fit theeye and .

. .

of service theprince",butweredisabled

earl R. ser., Orrery Papers, general 13(N.L.I., MS. 13189); Boyle, of 96Petworth,

and the Religion, Reformation Social Change(London, 1967), pp. 208-10.

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AMONG IRISH PROTESTANTS

75

and of was inevitable, givenconquest,racialdifferences the effects "the late unparalleledmassacres". He pointedly contradicted the of when he regretted prediction anotherIrish Protestant optimistic that"I cannothope to liveso longas to heariamcuncti una sumus gens [now we are made one people] playedby the Irish harp".98 These clashed dangerously withtraditional sentiments Stuartpromises of and justice to Irish Catholic loyalistsembodied most generosity in of influentially theposthumous, purported autobiography Charles as I, EikonBasilike.Gookinin 1655had beenattacked a closet royalist because any suggestions clemency of could be tracedback precisely to this work.99 warnthatProtestant Irelandwas on Orrery mightmonotonously the brink of extinction, but he acted as if it would survive. In his of he its fashioning modelborough Charleville, denounced former name" of Rathgoggan, boastedthathe admitted "heathenish and as In tenants old Protestants". 1663,toldof themurder of only"good he reacted ifitportended newrising a pregnant as a Englishwoman, on the scale of 1641, and asked thatthe priestsof the suspected parishesbe rounded up and forcedto unmaskthe criminals.He confessed that"I knowthisis notlegal,but ifsomething equivalent be notspeedily of willbe destroyed done,thewholeplantation Ireland a His without rebellion".100 messages,oftenunwelcomein Restoration Ireland, could not be ignored,since theysprangfromdeep anxietiessharednot only by Temple, Jonesand Lawrence,but by manyof his local dependents. OtherCork landowners wereless forthright, compromised less by involvement theusurpers, morecompletely with or absorbedin their families property. related and The of families Southwell Perceval, and forexample,kepttheirdistancealike from Cromwellian the regime and from Boyles,and preferred linkthemselves the to with Ormonde. PercevaladmiredGookin's efforts behalfof the MunsterProton estants,consultedhim (as did Lord Cork), and sighedthankfully when the threatof removalto Connachtwas liftedfromhis own
to Answer a ScandalousLetter, 10, 11, 23, 28-9, 34, 43-4, 58-63,65pp. 98Orrery, Irish ColoursDisplayed,pp. 3-4, 6-7, 11-12; E. Spenser,A View of the 6; Orrery, Present StateofIreland,in Two Histories Ireland,ed. J. Ware (Dublin, 1633), with of separatepagination, 14. sig. Catholique 99EikonBasilike,ed. P. A. Knachel(Ithaca, 1966),ch. 12; Castlemaine, Answer a ScandalousLetter, 38; Reilly,Ireland'sCase to p. Apology, 58; Orrery, p. Stated,p. 33; P. W[alsh], A Prospect theState ofIreland(London, 1682), Briefly of sig. [A2]". A State Letters ... RogerBoyle,FirstEarl ofOrrery, T. ed. 00oo Collection the of of Milward,2 vols. (London, 1742), i, pp. 74, 87-8.

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tenants.Otherwise, on however,he busied himself his estatesand his kin.'"' among Self-interested settlers might approveGookin'scampaign,but so toodid thehumane.Cork'sleading Protestant Dr. clergyman, Worth, a the Gookin,publicized merits living fewmilesalongthecoastfrom of mixed plantations when in 1656 he reported how the locals had united to rescue the victimsof a shipwreck.Providence,Worth not believed,had made thevesselfounder "on such partsof Ireland as could not,or would notfavour them,butin thispart",wherethe now assisted"not to getplunder, but Irish,who had neverrebelled, the showed topreserve men".102Two other settlers second-generation of Valentine educatedat Lord Greatorex, something Gookin'sspirit. Cork's school at Lismore,servedas clerkof thepeace and registrar for of oftransplantation Cork.The savagery thewarshad so distressed of himwithitsevidenceof "themadnessand wickedness theworld" into useful that he wished only to die. Instead he threwhimself on and indeed unusual service,and pridedhimself his justiceand compassiontowardsthe Catholic Irish.'03Robert Phaire, a Cork incumbent's son and a soldierin Munsterduringthe 1640s, comto the halbadiersat Charles I's trial and then returned manded radicalism complemented a was Cork. Unabashedpolitical by govern the whichtookhimfrom QuakerstotheMuggletonodyssey spiritual and but Phaire'spolitics sectarianism, nevertheians.Gookin detested in localCatholics less laudedhis courageand integrity treating justly; praise repeatedby the Catholicsthemselves.104Phaire's opinions, did not debar him fromcounty unusual among local landowners, Like theyoungWilliamPenn in the 1660s,he had a recogsociety.
Cork University 01' papers 1626-61,itemsof 26 Library,U. 55, Kinsale manorial Brit.Lib., Add. MS. 46937,items June,15 July1654,29 Aug. 1655,21 Feb. 1658/9; MSS., i, pp. 603-6; 98, 102, 104, 106, 108, partlycalendaredin H.M.C., Egmont Kent Archives 1-4, Maidstone,U. 1713/C. Dering-Southwell Office, correspondence; c. of Barnard,"Political,Materialand MentalCulture theCorkSettlers, 1650-1700". 102 ClarkePapers,ed. Firth,iii, pp. 77-80. Greatraks Account Mr Valentine (London, 1666), pp. 15-37. of 103 A Brief Lismore MS. 29, diary of Lord Cork, 14 Jan. 1654/5;Trinity 104 Chatsworth, T.C.D.), MS. 825, fos. 60, 275; Brit. Lib., Add. MS. College, Dublin (hereafter Cromwellian Ireland, 46937, item95; BodleianLib., CarteMS. 66, fo. 215; Barnard, of pp. 109-10,274; The CouncilBook of theCorporation ... Cork,ed. R. Caulfield the ii, 1879), pp. 1164, 1165; Dunlop, Irelandunder Commonwealth, p. (Guildford, ii, Army, pp. 654-6; Gookin, 295; Firthand Davies, Regimental History Cromwell's of the and Author Case of Transplanting IrishintoConnaught Vindicated, 16; H.M.C., p. p. MSS., i, p. 523; R. S., Collection theMurthers, 25; W. H. Welply, of Egmont "Colonel RobertPhaire, 'Regicide'", Notesand Queries,12thser., xii (1923), pp. 123-5, 143-6, 164-7, 186-7,376.

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nized from not eccentric sometimes and standing which even unpopularviewscouldtopple him.'05 VI The easewith which Gookin other and Cork settlers moved between their and worlds DublinandLondon of reminds county theofficial us of the problem and so farskirted: how to see posed earlier the to and attitudes. beyond Anglo-Irish theIrishProtestants their Lawrence an offers unexpected into world. Surprisingly glimpse that When diedin 1684, he still the although a devout Baptist, Cromwelliansoldier become Dublinmerchant, founder an Irish had a and of Protestant with links with He dynasty at bestvestigial England.106 hadsought obtained patronage Ormonde, "christian and the of that whose linen works Dublinhemanaged. 1682 near In he nobleman", a compendium Ireland, extraordinary on an compiled portmanteau with and some nimble bulging notions prejudices. Despite trimming topleasetheOrmonde he still to adhered theconceptual vision clan, ofthirty earlier. henaively that havenot "I years Although protested theleastgallor prejudice I against papists papists: havemany qua intimate andkind friends events since them", acquaintances amongst 1641showed howactively Catholics were civilsociety undermining and Protestantism. reflection convinced Lawrence the that Longer 1641massacres toa pattern shown theSt. Bartholofirst in belonged mew's killings recently Eve and in As Plot.'07 he repeated thePopish scrutinized Protestant and especially he detected Ireland, Dublin, thesamesinfulness which in and Templehad reported the1630s,
Lismore 29,diary LordCork, June MS. of 2 8 3 Chatsworth, 1655, May1658, 105 McGill Univ.Library, OslerMSS., Petty letters Jan.1658/9; Montreal, 1666-68, p. letters 15 59; Petty 1668-71, 6, 62;Petworth, pp. Orrery Papers, (N.L.I., MS. 13191); 28(N.L.I., MS. 13223/9); C. Barnard, Anglo-Irish T. "An Industrial Proc. Venture", L. and Acad.,lxxv, C (1985),pp. 134,136-7; Irwin, "Politics, Roy.Irish Religion Cork Hist.andArchaeol. lxxxv Economy: intheSeventeenth Century", Cork Soc., Jl. Robert "Colonel (1980),p. 18; Welply, Phaire", 164-7. pp. to of Family (Dublin,1892).I ammost grateful Mr. Kevin Herlihy Trinity College, Dublinfor his of rare work with me. sharing rediscoverythis MS. 35, fo.861; Carte 107 MS. 36,fos.330,503,521,523, Bodleian Lib., Carte MS. 37,fo.553;Carte MS. 45,fo.437;Carte MS. 49,fo.643;Carte 609;Carte MS. MS. 66, fos.303,317,323;Carte MS. 144,fos.126-7; Carte 50, fo.38; Carte MS. MS. 160,fos.36-7;Carte MS. 243,fos.14-15; 144,fo.40; Carte Petworth, Orrery 13 Univ. BR 28 Papers, (N.L.I., MS. 13189/1); Southampton Library, 7A/1, June H.M.C., Ormonde pp. 300-1; MSS., newser.,iii,pp. 332-7, 346-51; pp. 38-40, iv, 186;v, pp. 434,450-1; pp. 14,27, 70-1. vii,
and 23 Oct. 1676; CalendarofState Papers,Domestic, 1671-2,p. 250; ibid., 1675-6,
'"

A Memoir Mistress AnnFowkes(nee Geale) . .. withsome Recollections her of of

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unless wouldsoon"provoke jealous a God ... to which, checked, sendnewdesolating As judgments us".108 Lawrence upon furiously itemized excess fornication, profanity, swearing, gaming, adultery, in dressand drunkenness, madetheconnection as so many he Protestants before (andindeed someCatholic had him as reformers didon thecontinent) between and moral economic regeneration. Thesesinsinvited God'swrath, distinctions erased between Catholic and Protestant, moreimmediately but wasted unbalanced wealth, Ireland's and the trade impoverished country.109 far a to Lawrence, from adopting bleakly "negative" approach devoted muchofhislife there devising supervising to and Ireland, for schemes its(andhisown)enrichment. by Appalled thenumbers ofpauper in children Dublin,he mused on of publicly theproblem The as poverty. poorposedintellectual wellas practical problems, which Irish be Protestants reluctant address were to them. may why Thewayinwhich lived distressingly was reminiscent beggars sturdy ofhowthemassoftheCatholic Irish weresaidto behave. English newcodesofconduct work, and should settlement, introducing by ofwidows, haveleft manageable andthe only groups orphans elderly tobe helped. visibilityProtestant The of indicted settlers' the beggars an efforts presaged ominous and elision thedistinct of worlds of Protestant Catholic. and Lawrence better enresponded urging by of laws more forcement thevagrancy andbycreating work.'10 downthrough IrishProtestant Lawrence's viewspercolated his in descendants. Formed the1640s depending and on heavily Temple, inmany with those Jones Orrery of and they overlapped assumptions and jarred the morerelaxed of Charles and II against approach This Ormonde. dissonance Irish Restoration their gave politics dynamism. fears revanche the1670s in Mounting ofa Catholic explained thepublication a second of work somewhat selected, unexpectedly,
108

TheRelief the & of Poore(Dublin, 1656);J.V. Belcamp,Consilium votum ordinanda pro ac stabilienda Hibernia(London, 1651), p. 13; R. Gillespie,Colonial Ulster (Cork, Preachedat theFuneralof the... Earl of 1985), pp. 187-8; T. Morris,A Sermon at 1850 (Dublin, 1987), pp. 64-85; Statutes Large ... Ireland,ii, pp. 145-50.

110 Bodleian Lib., CarteMS. 36, fos.454, 523-4;T.C.D., MS. 1688/1, Bishop Cromwellian Barnard, sermons, 307-8; Ireland, 74-6;H. Barrow, pp. pp. Dopping's

and Orderin EnglishTowns,1500-1700(London, 1972).

The P. 8; J.H. Elliott, Count-DukeOlivares (NewHaven, of 1986), 88-94; Slack, pp. in and in and 1597-1666", P. Clark P. Slack "Poverty Politics Salisbury, (eds.),Crisis

Lawrence,Interest Ireland,i, sig. tt". of chs. 2-5; P. Clark,TheEnglish Alehouse (London, 1983),pp. 166'09Ibid., preface,

Attitudes Towards J. (London, 1681), 33,35-6; O'Carroll, pp. Orrery "Contemporary in the Homeless Mask: 1700Poor,1725-77", D. Dickson (ed.),The Gorgeous Dublin,

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identities themiddle the in of Anglo-Irish by Cannyto illustrate of andwas,welearn, "little short a direct of from plagiarism passages Davies and Sir John Spenser, Temple"."' Wereit onlythis,the curiousmight whyit was necessary slip undigested ask to and extracts before reading the at moment. unacknowledged public this AsI haveshown, government nowkeen censor: format the was to the andanonymity in part are efforts evadecensorship. to allows Canny that Present stressed fundamental The State the of changes the1650s and1660s, seesthis but as that author showing was simply proof "this himself be in theintellectual to tradition the Elizabethan of [sic] authors whom hadalluded".Certainlywasnotnewto show to he it how Ireland couldbe made"one of thechiefest members the of British the alsocontained numerous and Empire".112However, book notable novelties. Moreover purpose, its was ignored Canny, by It official tolerance specifically and the topical. warned against against "New Rules"which, allowing Catholics into boroughs, back the by to threatened sink flagships Protestant the of Ireland.113 Archbishop a doughty respectable and of the Ussher, opponent tolerating Irish much invoked the1670s, in broods part the over of book.114 Catholics, also the to for, Temple linked newandoldscares inaddition having his history he battled the Irishprivy in councilagainst pirated, conciliation."' far discarded as Older,intolerant views, from being hardened. newandcrowded A ofthreats the outmoded, sequence of and II, PopishPlot,theaccession James thedragonnades the exodus Huguenots of from France ofwhom werewelcomed (some in Ireland) revived atavistic fears. in and Early the1680s elderly veterans raked over 1640s, the them theforefront to gouty returning ofattention. Behind whohadorhadnot accusations about done what the Charles policies and to II's during warslay a bid to reverse discredit greatest the from survivor the1640s, still Ormonde, master
"' Canny, Formation", 201. p. "Identity 112 Present State ofIreland,sig.A2'-A3, pp. 79,248-54. thestir For caused the by book:Bowood, 19, Petty Papers, p. 150;Castlemaine, Catholique Apology, 53,55, pp. 56, 58-9. "' Harvard Univ.Library, 218 22 F, Archbishop MS. to 17 Boyle Orrery, Feb. Brit. fos. Stowe MSS. 200,fos. 43-5,127v1671/2; Lib.,Add.MS. 28085, 17-19; 31v, andAlbert 22 Museum, MSS., fos.32,34; Petworth, Orrery Orrery Papers, (N.L.I., 29 MS. 13217); (N.L.I., MS. 13224/12). and Museum, MSS., fo.32. Orrery "5 Victoria Albert
8, 158v,193, 351, 353, 355; StoweMSS. 202, fos. 224, 225, 242, 245, 261; Victoria
114Present State of Ireland, pp. 54-65; Ford, Protestant Reformation, 262-6; pp. at Jones,Sermon theFuneralofJamesMargetson, 32. p.

The StateofIrelandappearedanonymously 1673 in century. Present

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ofIrish affairs alltooplausibly as a Catholic and cast fifth-columnist. In the 1680smemories 1641wereinescapable."6 contrast of In to and encouraged the earlier crisis,thisnew one unfolded slowly that would recur. 1680s, thetime at The premonitions themassacres the andinretrospect, correct favourite of proved reading Irish history between irreconcilable The as aninevitable confessions. very struggle of Cox and BishopWilliam popularaccounts Sir Richard King their this Temple's interpretpointed out.Through writings quickly ation updated carried was and forward theeighteenth into century. VII of In in werereminded their Protestants Ireland history. itsmost the and it as common recensions taught samelessons theliturgy church. nomatter unambiguously how of established But sermons the themessages wereconveyed, werevariously Trithey interpreted. of alarmor doubtcould result.Diversity response umphalism, and The matched reflected religious fragmentation. Church growing of Ireland, was challenged theincreasingly divided, by internally in and confident by Presbyterians, especially Ulster, elsewhere other an smallin membership, sects which, possessed acuteand though distinctive tenacious senseoftheir identities."117 of thattheProtestants seventeenth-century To conclude lamely in and to Ireland weretoodiversified outlook behaviour allowconof is about sense identityunduly negative. vincing generalization their whether who other of Thetechniques those study societies, metropoliso offer forward, longas we do not or tan,provincial colonial, ways anachronisms. which uncomfortable are force Irish categories the into
116 Brit.Lib., Add. MS. 4816; Sloane MS. 1008; BodleianLib., CarteMS. 39, fos. of 443-57; Anglesey,Letter froma Personof Honour; E. Borlase, The History the on Execrable IrishRebellion (London, 1680); E. Borlase,BriefReflections theEarl of Castlehaven's Memoirs(London, 1682); Castlehaven,Memoirs;H.M.C., Ormonde Betwixt MSS., new ser., iv, pp. 529, 573; A TrueAccount theWhole of Proceedings and and Ormond Anglesey beingwritten Orrery Dr. by (London, 1682). The histories nor published. Joneswere neither completed "7 W. H. Crawford, "Drapers and Bleachersin theEarlyUlsterLinen Industry", en in L. M. Cullen and P. Butel (eds.), Njgoce et industrie Franceet en Irlandeaux XVIIIe etXIXe sizcles (Paris, 1980), pp. 116-17;D. Dickson, "The CorkMerchant in in Century", Cullenand Butel(eds.), Njgoceetindustrie, Community theEighteenth pp. 46-9; D. Dickson, "Huguenotsin the Urban Economyin Eighteenth-Century and Dublin and Cork", in Caldicott(ed.), Huguenots Ireland,pp. 330-1; I. Grubb, at The Quakersin Ireland(London, 1927); R. P. Hylton,"The HuguenotSettlement and in Portarlington", Caldicott(ed.), Huguenots Ireland;R. P. Hylton,"Dublin's and Triumph,1662-1701", Proc. HuTrials, Development HuguenotCommunities: Political Soc. ofLondon,xxiv (1985); Petty, Anatomy, 8, 16, 97. pp. guenot

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Those settlers described above imagined their worlds Ireland in as and sometimes a neglected exploited sometimes a proud as colony, or or as kingdom a thriving province, sometimes a special English of commonwealth. perceptions Such quarter theChristian usually arosefrom occasionally abovetheir and rose in experience Ireland. Moreexact into office-holdeducation, travel, investigations culture, and of networks, ing, landownership, kinship religion systems belief, delineate forms Protestant the of better Adventurous if may identity. tentative of values connectionsdisplayed and as explorationscultural in building, traditions hospitality entertaining, of and furnishdiet, and that ing,gardening antiquarianism strongly suggest Protestant Ireland a province England. was of Discordant behaviour distincand tivevalues,amounting to stem perhaps Irishexceptionalism, less from andreligion from specific race than the and economic, physical The importance thefunctional of distinction between Anglothe Irish the and Irish anditseffects outlook, further on need Protestants, Divisions Protestant communities most were within pursuit. clearly The economic. Anglo-Irish be wealthier, because their but of might intermittent orprolonged absences provided marvellous chances they ofenrichment Protestants exclusively Ireland."'Alllandfor tied to owners shared interest protecting newly an in their but acquired, still This concern from them the precarious predominance. separated whom Catholics had supplanted, alsofrom lesslucky and the they Protestant Yet size the population. the oftheir possessions, location whether scattered Ireland on bothsidesoftheIrishSea or over or confined one barony and eventhedateswhenthey been to had order. Tenure office of further obtained, the split landowning complicated Protestant the interest. After the when machine collect to 1660, new taxesgrewand whenthearmy and militia more expanded, Protestants involved. only fortunate heldlucrative were Not the who or postsat Whitehall in Dublin,but the numerous magistrates, sheriffs, bailiffs, seneschals, recorders, pursuivants, apparitors, grand andpetty common and customers, jurors, weigh-masters, sergeants mace-bearers drewapartfrom or unencumbered not neighbours
are discussed Barnard, Material Mental and by "Political, " Thesetopics further Culture theCorkSettlers, 1650-1700"; T. C. Barnard, of c. and Diet "Gardening, and'Improvement' inLater x Seventeenth-Century Ireland", Garden Hist., (1990). l1. "' Dickson, "Economic of History theCorkRegion", 60-1,73-4,82-7,104, pp. A. "Absenteeism Eighteenth-Century in Ire105,110,114-21; P .W. Malcomson,

social environments.118

land", IrishEcon. and Social Hist., i (1974), pp. 15-35;A. P. W. Malcolmson,The Pursuit theHeiress(Antrim, of 1982).

82

PAST AND PRESENT

NUMBER 127

with work. Office trusted the its from distinguishedholders Catholics, from Protestant nonconformists from poorof bothconand the and fessions. conferred It and extra In power status brought cash.120 commands afloat squireens the particular military puffed andkept up in wake the andcadets whobobbed of grandees. Moreover along the fortified martial their commissions the values which characterized the of communities.121 reaches thesettler upper with and Landandoffice, strained finally broke together religion, to Whereas England was in it Protestant allegiance the Stuarts. for and Catholics dissenters II scarcely practicable James tosubstitute forAnglicans, Irelandit was easilydone and had thefurther in from of the the attraction freeing government upholding Protestant contrived Yet artificially ascendancy. evenin thefaceof minority's could unite of threatened self-interest not the theoffensivethe1680s, Their them balance to not Protestants. triangular relationship obliged and but the of government, todecide simply claims locality central in or the to and whether court obey rulers Dublin inLondon. Many, within between complementary and the moved aswehave seen, easily DublinCastle, Whitehall Westminster. and of worlds their district, who most themselves ButitwastheAnglo-Irish might readily uproot or resume in England. life from Ireland and,from panic preference, of while ForIrishProtestants, temporary totheports western flight often be possible, Ireland more was or relations Britain totheir might of world.122 This notthemental) limit their thephysical (though
120 Brit.Lib., Add. MS. 19833,fos.3-11; Calendar StatePapers, 1660-2, Ireland, of Bookofa Kerry pp. 524-8;ibid.,1666-9,pp. 68-78,728-31;D. Dickson,"The Account and Hist. Soc., vi (1973); R. Lascelles,Liber Archaeol. Revenue Official", Kerry Ji. 2 munerum Hiberniae, vols. (London, 1824-30);[W. Mercer],TheModerate publicorum Cavalieror theSoldier's of Description Ireland(n.p., 1675), p. 17; M. Mulcahy,Ceann StateofIreland,p. Sdile: A ShortHistory Kinsale(Cork, 1966), pp. 14-15;Present of 205; D. Townshend,"Notes on the Council Book of Clonakilty", CorkHist. and Jl. Archaeol. Soc., 2nd ser., i (1895), pp. 352-3; ii (1896), pp. 134-5. 121 Barnard,"Political,Mentaland Material c. Cultureof theCork Settlers, 16501700"; J. C. Beckett,"The IrishArmedForces, 1660-1685",in J. Bossyand P. J. to (Belfast,1976); K. Ferguson,"The Jupp(eds.), EssaysPresented MichaelRoberts 1660to theActofUnion" (Univ. ofDublin Ph.D. thesis,1981); in Army Irelandfrom and the Military Problemsof Restoration L. Irwin,"The Earl of Orrery Munster", StateofIreland, Political IrishSword,xiii(1977); Petty, Anatomy, 42, 44-7;Present pp. pp. 218-21. 122 FarmarMSS, private book ofWilliamHovell 1683-7; collection, Dublin, letter fo. Muniment Room,MS. 1248/1, 227; Brit.Lib., Add. T.C.D., MS. 847; Guildford and on Proposal Sending backthe MS. 5853,fos. 14-14';Animadversions the for Nobility Back the for of Gentry Ireland(London, 1690); R. Bulkeley,The Proposal Sending to and Gentry Ireland(London, 1690); [R. Cox], Aphorisms Relating the of Nobility of Kingdom Ireland(London, 1689); R. Cox, An Essay on theConversion theIrish of and (Dublin, 1698); TheDeclaration theProtestant of of of Nobility Gentry theProvince

(cont.onp. 83)

CRISES OF IDENTITY AMONG IRISH PROTESTANTS

83

as when difference, explored, helptoexplain may why, Protestants with reacted suchpuzzling varirecurrent crises, they contemplated which integral theidentities the is variousness to of ousness:that in Protestants Ireland. College, Oxford Hertford T. C. Barnard

Munster A Accountthe and (London, 1689); FullandTrue of Damages Murders (London, Free 1689);[E. Wetenhall], Thoughtsthe of PenalLaws([London], Wetenhall, 1688); Hexapla Jacobaea.

(n. 122 cont.)

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