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Assignment Two Individual Research Paper P38167 Development and Urbanisation




Prepared By: Sarah Izzati Binti Abdul Monir Faculty Of Design, Technology And Environment Oxford Brookes University

P38167 - Development And Urbanisation 2 "Rural-To-Urban" Migratory Movement And The Implemented Policies In Developing Countries


by Sarah Izzati binti Abdul Monir Faculty of Technology, Design and Environment Oxford Brookes University __________________________________________________________________________________

"Cities were almost without exception seen as the agents of development - as the spatial oases from which progress would eventually, be spread; first, from the rich countries of the world to the poorer ones, and then inexorably from relatively prosperous areas to lagging regions within these poorer countries" (Hudson, 1969; Pederson, 1970; Berry, 1972). Third World urbanisation has undergone an exceptional acceleration and change over the last two decades. The root cause of rapid urbanisation is internal migration, more focusing on rural to urban migration. Millions of people each year, in less-developed countries uproot themselves from rural homes to take their chances in a new setting. The temporary or permanent movement of people from rural to urban areas , is one of the fundamental of socio-economic transformation today. It becomes a manifestation of social and spatial change and currently population movement from rural areas to urban dominating this process. Today, humankind are becoming predominantly urban, especially in the majority world. Internal migration causes the huge increase of population in cities, turning them into megacities, and this number is expected to double in 2050. Migration tends to be positively associated with development and, as development increase, migration patterns can be expected to shift in direction but are unlikely to decrease in volume (Skeldon, 2010). For rural denizens, a spell in big city is seen as opportunity to earn a good income (mostly for remittances); agreeing with Todaro's theory that migration is primarily motivated by perceived economic opportunities in the city and the idea of equilibrium approach which seen that migration occurs due the "pull" generated by better employment opportunities, wages and living condition. Meanwhile, social discrimination, social injustice, poverty, land tenure issues, depleting resources, lack of infrastructures, environmental degradation, natural disasters and food insecurity are the "push" determinant for the rural-urban migration. However, shift in demographic structure of urban population and urban bias reinforce patterns of social and economic inequality. Thus, comprehensive migration policy approach and employment strategies need to be implemented in developing countries that are now, (or in the future) facing a over-urbanisation in order to curb rural-to-urban migration; even though some governments attempts to control the migration have met only limited access. An economic balance between rural and urban, an expansion of labour-intensive industries, improvement of living standards of the rural poor, and an investment in agriculture are examples of the strategies, that will perhaps, be successful to deflect or redirect the migrants away from large cities and urban areas. __________________________________________________________________________________

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Migration: Growing Urban Populations
The origin of the modern economic world can be seen, in part, as a transition from a traditional agricultural community to a society of sustained growth in opportunities, of human and physical capital accumulation (Lucas, 2004). In the last half of the twentieth century, many Third World economies have experienced transitions from rural to urban much more rapidly than the Northern countries did. In South Korea, the fraction of the labour force in agriculture fell from 63 percent in 1963 to 22 percent in 1987. In Mexico, during 1980s the rural share of population fell from 58 percent to 26 percent, and proportion living in urban centres rose from one quarter to one third of the total of one million. Until today, two-third of the population of megacities resides in the Global South.

Figure 1: Urban/Rural Population for Less and More Developed Regions (source from Population Division, UN: World Population Prospects: The 2004 Revision and World Urbanization Prospects: The 2003 Revision)

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Figure 2: World Megacities (source from United Nation Population Division, March 2002) There is a mutual agreement among scholars that urbanisation play a positive role in socio-economic development and that attempts to slow down urbanisation are not a wise judgement. Rural-tourban migration is generally positive move for migrant, because people migrate only if expected economic benefits exceed the economic costs (Sheng, 2002). And it is alongside with current economic thinking that labour should be able to move from low-wage to high-wage areas until wage differentials equal migration costs

2.0 reason behind migration

What Is Driving Migration : Theoretical Perspectives and Approaches
Developing nations witnessed a massive migration of their rural populations into urban areas and mostly, undeniable, that most migration is related to uneven economic development in the rural areas and the opportunity of a better life in the cities. Mike Parnwell (1993) cautions, the simple existence of such imbalances does not, in itself, provide sufficient reasons for migration. The

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migrants decisions are individual choices, based on highly personalised ground and not in response to national trends. This said, few theoretical perspectives and approaches, with empirical evidence have been identified to explain the causes of the migration scenario in the Global South.

2.1 Economic Models of Migration

Neoclassical/Equilibrium Theory Nineteenth century geographer, Ernst Georg Ravenstein (1885; 1889) formulated his "laws of migration" as an inseparable part of development, and he argued that the major causes of migration were economic. This perspective, in which people are expected to move from low income to high income areas, and from densely to sparsely populated areas, that is, the general notion that migration movements tend towards a certain spatial-economic equilibrium (Castles & Miller 2003). The equilibrium approach maintains that migration is a rational individual response to wage-rate differential. The fundamental argument is that migrants have free choices and full access to information and they can consider the various labour market opportunities available to them in rural and urban sectors and choose the one that maximises their expected gain from migration. The capacity obviously depends on the specific skills a person possesses and the specific structure of labour market (Haas, 2007). Figure 3 showing a schematic framework on how varying factors affecting the migration decision. Two basic model from Todaro (1969) and Harris-Todaro (1970) model, that remained as the basis of neo-classical migration theory. In essence, the theory postulates the apparently contradictory phenomenon of accelerated rural-to-urban migration in less developed countries despite rising unemployment in the cities. Harris-Todaro model argued that, in order to understand the relationship between migration and unemployment, it is necessary to reform the simple "wage differential approach" by looking not only at prevailing income differentials as such, but rather at the rural-urban expected income differential (Todaro, 1969). Neo-classical migration theory sees rural-urban migration as an constituent part of the whole development process, workforce for urban industrial economy supplied by surplus labour in rural sector (Lewis, 1954). Assuming that it is "well-known fact of economic history that material progress usually has been associated with the gradual but continuous transfer of economic agents from rural based traditional agriculture to urban oriented modern industry" (Todaro, 1969), neo-classical theory is firmly established in "developmentalist" modernisation theory based on teleological views interpreting seeing development as a linear, universal process consisting of successive stages (Rostow, 1960).

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Complementary factors (e.g land) Government policies (e.g taxes) Social system (e.g decision unit) Rural income

Psychic returns (e.g urban amenities)


Urbanrural remittances

Returns to migration Distance

Rural-urban contacts

Education, media, etc.

Urban wage Information flows Self-employment earnings Probability of a job Urban income Expected present value of migration Perceived value of migration

Opportunity cost

Migration decision

Cost of living Cost of migration Transport cost

Psychic cost (e.g risks, social adjustment)

Figure 3: Schematic Framework for Analyzing the Rural-to-Urban Migration Decision (source from Derek Byerlee, "Rural-urban migration in Africa: Theory, policy, and research implications," International Migration Review 3 (1974):553.)

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Scholars, and some organisations critique the approach of the equilibrium theory that motivated by the idea of economic, that people are actually free to make own decisions and that migrants will automatically be able to improve their life in urban areas. This said, the dogma of neoclassical model seem to be borne out in practice. As noted by UNFPA (2007); "When migrants move to urban centres, they are making rational choices. Even if urban working and living conditions present many serious difficulties, they are perceived as preferable to rural alternatives otherwise migrants would not keep coming."

Neo-Marxian Model/Historical structural theory Neo-Marxian model of migration is a radically different interpretation of migration; countering the equilibrium theory; rejects the voluntaristic thrust and emphasises that people tend to move out because they want to, but because they have to. The model was provided as of the 1960s by the historical-structural paradigm on development, which has its intellectual roots in Marxist political economy and in world systems theory (Castles & Miller, 2003). While the neo-Marxian approach by no means denies the role played by individual agency, the emphasis is much less on personal choice than objective material constraints (Chant et al., 2009). Historical-structuralists expostulate that inequality in economic and political power, unequal access to resources and capitalist expansion are reasons that driven "forced" rural-to-urban migration. Neo-Marxist criticized neo-classical migration theory by stating that rural individuals do not make the decision based on their own will and free choice, but because they are fundamentally constrained by structural forces. People are forced to move because traditional economic structure in the rural areas have been hindered, as a result of their incorporation into the global political market. Through these processes, rural populations become increasingly deprived of their traditional livelihoods, and these uprooted populations become part of the urban proletariat to the benefit of those core areas that rely on cheap (immigrant) labour (Haas, 2008).

2.2 Push and Pull Framework

Contradict from the economic-driven model of migration, the push-and-pull framework focuses more on personal variables. It moves from a personal factors of production to consider that people have likes and dislikes in social interaction and that cultural preferences matter (Hillman and Weiss, 1999). The 'push' factors prevail at the point of origin and act to trigger migration - generated by the deterioration of environment, religious or political persecution, and mostly because lack of economic opportunity. Pull factors exist at the destination, which the urban centres, and always seen as a place to change for a better future - by providing availability of jobs, religious and political freedom, and the perception of a relatively amiable environment Rural-to-urban migration can only occur if the pushes and pulls are complementing each other; that is if the reason to migrate is remedied by equivalent pull at the attainable destination. In the context of labour migration, push factors are often characterized by the lack of job opportunities in sending

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areas or countries, and pull factors are the economic opportunities presented in receiving areas or countries (Dzvimbo, 2003).

Push factors (in area of origin) * Unsustainable use of natural resources * Habitat destruction * Pollution * Climate change * Spread of invasive species and disease * Genetic loss * Species loss * Habitat loss and fragmentation * Loss of ecological connectivity * Disruption of ecological and evolutionary processes


Pull factors (in area of destination)


Indirect threat or opportunity Direct threat Stress on biodiversity target Target

Figure 4: Basic diagram showing push-and-pull factors causing migration (source from People on the Move: Reducing the Impacts of Human Migration on Biodiversity, World Wildlife Fund 2011)

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Figure 5: Simplified diagram on push-and-pull factors on migration (source from BBC Geography, Why Do People Migrate, 2011)

3.0 mobility patterns and trends of migration

The distribution of populations reflects patterns in rural-to-urban migration. Recognising that migration needs to be conceived of as dynamic, developmental process, in which decisions made by migrants at the given moment affect the course and selectivity of migration in later period (Durand and Massey, 1992). The initial stages of migration are characterised by the movement of loan individuals, in which age, gender, education and socio-economic have commonly been recognized as key dimensions of 'selectivity'.

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3.1 Age Structural Transitions

The base of generalisation in demography regarding differential migration that adolescents and young adult predominate among volume migrant. Usually among the migrants, there is a concentration of the belonging to the age groups 15-24 and rarely over 30. Chant (2009) narrowed down four main reasons given for this skew towards youth migration: 1) Young migrants are freer to take risks on account of being single and being dependent on themselves. Young migrants are less likely than their older counterparts to have economic and property stakes in their home community. Young migrants stand a better chance of getting jobs in towns and cities, especially if they have a better education in their village. Most of the young migrants are single, therefore, it is easier to obtain urban lodging, as the cost of accommodation in the cities is high. Young labours are likely to stay in with their employers, or becoming an additional member in the homes of relatives already established in urban areas.




Most of the migration reasons is to improve their family economy, but research in Africa and Southeast Asia has indicated that young males moving from their rural homes for a few years as an initiation into manhood. In northern Thailand, men acquire social esteem by spending away from the village before they settle down to marry (Singhanetrarenard & Prabhudhanitisarn, 1992).

3.2 Gender Perspective in Migration

In the late twentieth century, gender has come to occupy a place on development in most places of Third World countries. Statistics on total internal movement generally underestimate the scale overall and fail to disaggregate by sex. However, there is some evidence of increasing internal migration generally, and particularly increasing internal migration by women (Deshingkar, 2005). Logically speaking, migrants labour are usually were adult males who move in to the cities to improve the quality of life of their family, whilst the wives are staying in the village, with their folks, taking care of the households. But recently the pattern has change whereas now, more women are migrating for work independently of husbands , especially in Asia, because of increased demand for female labour in some service and industries, and mixture of motivations and coercions: seeking economic betterment for self or family; migrating to escape gender discrimination or to conform to or challenge gender norms; being trafficked; and moving to escape conflict (Jolly, 2005). Female domination in recent rural to urban move and evidences showed that almost 100 million of the world's migrant are women. This seems to be due to the changes in agrarian structure and rural economy particularly increased in landless households, declined in share cropping and rise in small land holding (Chant et al., 2009). But for many, migration can involve loss of means of holding abusive employers accountable or demanding redress for violations of their rights (UNIFEM, 2011).

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In certain part of the world, focusing in South Asia, North Africa and Middle East, single women are often not allowed to migrate by parents, unless they are married and following the working husband to the city. This explains the tendency for rural-urban migration to be male dominated in these regions.

Figure 6: Female migration distribution by regions (in millions) (source from United Nation Population Division 2010)

3.3 Educational and Socio-Economic Selectivity

Many studies have found that migrants (especially young people) who had higher literacy rate and had been to school are most likely to score jobs in the urban areas. Formal and informal education benefit young migrants as a strategy to move on, and developing new life skills needed to survive in new and unfamiliar contexts. Another factor, is that education undoubtedly facilitates peoples access to work in urban environments where a certificate of primary education (if not secondary education) is normally required for formal employment (Chant et al., 2009). Research also shown that the average migrant tends to have higher socio-economic status than nonmigrants. Higher-income individuals are not only likely to be more educated, but having a greater early exposure to information and media, and mostly comprehend with the benefit and risk taken to pursuit a better chance of life. The idea of education is not limited primarily to schooling only, as migrants also gained informal knowledge and experienced a practical-based lifestyle within their village neighbourhood.

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4.0 policy development and practises in developing countries

Third World governments have taken a progressive attitude towards rural-urban migrations; after having seen a considerable impact on urban population growth. But since rural migrants are the major source of cheap labour to upkeep the urban industrial expansion, some governments are not very keen on the idea of controlling urban population growth. Besides, easing populations pressures in rural areas will help to balance uneven regional development. However, over-urbanisation will eventually lead to political instability and urban poverty, as Robert McNamara (1975), former President of World Bank, once warned; "If cities do not begin to deal more constructively with poverty, poverty may begin to deal more destructively with cities" (McNamara, World Bank, 1975). Todaro (2009) concluded in his book, Economic Development, a summary of seven key elements that came into consensus of most economists on the shape of a comprehensive migration and employment strategy: Creating an appropriate rural-urban economic balance - Integrated development in the rural sectors, the spread of small scale industries, reorientation of economic activity and social investments toward the rural areas. Expansion of small-scale, labour intensive industries - Investment and incentives from governments towards urban informal economy and indirectly, through income redistribution to the rural poor. Eliminating factor price distortions - Eliminate various capital subsidies and curtailing the growth of urban wages through market-based pricing. Choosing appropriate labour-intensives technologies of production - By inhibiting the success of any long-run program of employment creation in both urban industry and rural agriculture and reducing dependency on Global North technology. Modifying the linkage between education and employment Government (who often the largest employers) to base the hiring practises and their wage structures on other criteria rather than education level. Reducing population growth - Reduction in absolute poverty and gender inequality, along with the expanded provision of family-planning and rural health services. Decentralizing authority to cities and neighbourhoods - To improve urban policies and the quality of public services.

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In sub-Saharan regions, the current policies do not concern about overpopulation problem in the city areas. Adebusoye (2006) considers that in most African governments there is as yet insufficient awareness of the poverty reduction effects of internal migration. Sudden influx of migrants are seen as burden to urban services, as urban authorities facing constraint in providing housing, education, health, and various welfare provisions to the urban crowd. The focus of African governments has been on underdevelopment, poverty, socio-economic instability, population pressure on limited natural resources, and conflict as drivers of migrations (Deshingkar, 2008). The government main goal is to reduce migration and limit the urban slums, unfortunately these tend either to be very expensive or such systems have been abject failures, due to corruption or simply being ignored by the migrants. One of the forerunner in mitigating overflowing of migrants to the urban areas is China. The governments has announced several measures aimed to improve conditions of farmer-workers currently working in cities, and labour migration agreements has tested between provinces of origin and destination. China has been using Hukou system since 1952 and remained unchanged in nature today. The Hukou system provides the state with means and information that could be used for securing social and political order and other related objectives and forbids rural migrant workers from claiming state benefits in urban areas as long as they remain registered in their place of origin. Basically, everyone who is registered by a village society is classified as a farmer and belongs to the rural population and vice versa. The main function of Hukou system if household registration is to hinder farers from migrating to the city and to prevent "urban explosion" - including the spreading of slums, squatter settlements and upbringing of social conflict.

Figure 7: Urban population in China, 1978 and 2002 (source from China Statistical Yearbook, 2003, Table 13-3 (p. 413) and Table 4-1 (p. 97)

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summing up

Migration needs to be seen as a diasporas of labours to places where it can gain the highest returns. Developing countries that facing urbanisation having a less slanted population distribution towards large cities. Many urban cities lack the capacity and resources to manage urban needs in a way that improves the quality of life of the urban residents. The significance of remittances sent by migrants to their families should not underestimated, in fact, it is giving an impact to the households livelihood in developing countries. Connection through labour replacement, chain migration, investments financed by remittances, insurance provided to the community and its resultant changes in technologies adopted, and the multifold effects of remittance spending, all help to raise living standards and quality of life even for those who do not migrate out. Whether the relatively poor or the relatively well- off gain more from the migrationremittance option is mixed: this should not be surprising (Lucas, 2007). A number of economists rise up a fairly uniform agreement that migration contribute as form of poverty reduction. However, looking up in more broad scales, the resultant poverty reduction has often proved substantial. Even though the Third World governments already developed some policies towards curbing the influx of migrants, but truthfully, it is not the vital strategies. Instead, Third World government should develop adequate infrastructure and services in the urban areas (and the rural areas too). Governments need to improve the investment climate in improving the living qualities of the migrants and introduce employment-generating activities to reduce the unemployment of the young migrants in the city centres.

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Quisumbing, A. R., and McNiven, S., 2005. Migration and the Rural-Urban Continuum: Evidence from the Rural Philippines. Discussion Paper BRIEFS, Food Consumption and Nutrition Division of the International Food Policy Research Institute. Discussion Paper 197.

Allen, T., and Thomas, A., 2000. Poverty And Development Into The 21st Century. Revised First Edition. Oxford. The Open University. Castles, S., and Miller, M. J., 2003. The Age of Migration. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and London: MacMillan Pres ltd. Chant, S., and Mcllwaine, C., 2009. Geographies of Development in the 21st Century. Glos. Edward Elgar. Kalra, V. S., 2000. From textile Mills to Taxi Ranks: Experience of Migration, Labour and Social Change. Hants. Ashgate. Potter, R.B., Binns, T., Elliot, J. A., and Smith, D., 2008. Geographies of Development: An Introduction to Development Studies. Third Edition. Essex. Pearson. Smith, D. D., 2000. Third World Cities. Second Edition. New York. Routledge. Todaro, M. P., and Smith, S. C., 2009. Economic Development. Tenth Edition. Essex. Addison-Wesley.

conference report
Sheng, Y. K., 2003. Fifth Asian and Pacific Population Conference: Selected Papers (Asian Population Studies Series No. 158). Bangkok, 2002. United Nation Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pasific (UNESCAP).

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course material/lecture note
Solis, D., 2009. Urbanisation and Rural-Urban Migration: Theory and Policy. AEB 4906: Economic Development [online via internal VLE], University of Miami. Available at Accessed 16th December 2011.

Dissertation/ research paper

Adebusoye, P. M., 2006. Geographic Labour Mobility in Sub-Saharan Africa. International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Working Paper No. 1 on Globalization, Growth and Poverty, March, Ottawa [online] Available at Accessed 1st December 2011. Chan, K. W., and Zhang, L., 1996. The Hukou System and Rural-Urban Migration in China: Processes and Changes. University of Washington. Kuborsi, A., 1992. The Economics of Migration and Remittances Under Globalization. University Hamilton Ontario Canada. Riyadh, B. J., 1998. Rural-Urban Migration : On The Harris-Todaro Model. Centre univesitaire de Vannes. Skeldon, R., 2010. The Current Global Economic Crisis and Migration: Policies and Practice in Origin and Destination. Working Paper T-52. University of Sussex.

electronic resources
Avasarkar, A., 2011. Comprehensive Essay on Differential Migration. [online] Available at Accessed 16th December 2011. BBC Bitesize, 2011. Migratio Trends: Why Do People Migrate ? [online] Available at Accessed 10th December 2011. China Profile, 2011. Analyses: Tables, Figures and Maps. [online] Available at Accessed 16th December 2011.

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Muniz, O., Li, W., and Schleicher, 2010. Migration Conceptual Network. [online] Available at Jan10_print.html. Accessed 16th December 2011. United Nations Development Fund For Women, 2011. The Weakest Voices: Women Migrating in a Globalized World. [online] Available at html. Accessed 18th December 2011.

Chant, S., 1994. Gender and Migration In Developing Countries. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 84, No. 1, pp. 137-139. Chant, S., 1998. Households, Gender And Rural-Urban Migration: Reflections On Linkages And Considerations For Policy. Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 5-21. Clark, D., 1998. Interdependent Urbanization in an Urban World: An Historical Overview. The Geographical Journal, Vol. 164, No. 1, pp. 85-95. King, R., Skeldon, R., and Vullnetari, J., 2008. Internal and International Migration: Bridging the Theoretical Divide. Working Paper No 52. Sussex Centre for Migration Research, University of Sussex. Lucas, R. E., 2004. Life Earnings and Rural-Urban Migration. Journal of Political Economy, University of Chicago, Vol. 112, No. 1, Pt. 2. Lucas, R. E., 2007. Migration And Rural Development. Journal of Agricultural and Development Economics, Vol. 4, No. 1, 2007, pp. 99-122. Rogers, A., and Williamson, J. G., 1982. Migration, Urbanization, and Third World Development: An Overview. Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 30, No. 3, Third World Migration and Urbanization: A Symposium, pp. 463-482. Roberts, B. R., 1989. Urbanisation, Migration and Development. Sociological Forum, Vol. 4, No. 4, Special Issue: Comparative National Development: Theory and Facts for the 1990s, pp. 665-691. Rye, J. F., 2006. Leaving the Countryside: An Analysis of Rural-to-Urban Migration and Long-Term Capital Accumulation. Acta Sociologica, Vol. 49, No. 1, pp. 47-65. Stark, O., and Levhari, D., 1982. On Migration and Risk In LDCs. Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Oct., 1982), pp. 191-196.

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Stark, O., 1984. Rural-to-Urban Migration in LDCs: A Relative Deprivation Approach. Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 32, No. 3 , pp. 475-486.

Mohanty, M., 2009. Rural Urban Migration. Just Change: Critical Thinking On Global Issues [online]. Available at Accessed 16th December 2011.

organisation reports
Deshingkar, P., and Natali, C., 2008. Internal Migration. International Organisation for Migration. Dzvimbo, K. P., 2003. The International Migration of Skilled Human Capital from Developing Countries. Accra. World Bank. Jolly, S., and Reeves, H., 2005. Gender and Migration: Overview Report. BRIDGE.