This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER
ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER Rana Razzaque Abul Hashim is a very debatable personality among the politicians of the twentieth century who had participated in shaping the destiny of the Bengali Muslims of the subcontinent. He had made a great impact on the political and intellectual trends of the time. His birth anniversary this year marks the centenary and reminds us once again the contribution made by the then Bengali Muslim political leaders. Although he worked actively with the Muslim League, he was a socialist at heart but he did not believe in Marxism as it were. Neither the Muslim League nor the Communist Party of Bengal was happy with him. He was a socialist of a different brand. His political philosophy was based on the idea of Islamic Socialism, called Rabbaniyat, meaning the social order prescribed in Islam. Born of a political father and a very educated and wealthy family of Burdwan it seemed only natural for him to get involved in politics. Hashim was born on January 27, 1905, in the village of Kashiara in Burdwan district of West Bengal. It was the year of Bengal partition. Hashim’s father, Abul Kasem had been an ardent supporter of Surendranath Banerjee (1848-1925) and had taken part in the anti-partition movement. Muslim support for the Swadeshi movement in Bengal was a rare incident. He had also taken part in the Khilafat- Non-cooperation movement (1919-1922) in its early stage under the leadership of Gandhi during the Khilafat Movement (19181922). Abul Kasem never supported separatist politics. He was, however, involved in Muslim League politics but had never supported the idea of Muslim separatism. He is also known to have never accepted the domination of the Dhaka Nawab family. By the time Abul Hashim entered politics after the death of his father in 1936, his political belief was already moulded to a great extent by his father. He too, defied the authority of the Khwaja family in Bengal politics and hated the politics of separatism and communalism which pervaded the Muslim League politics. Abul Hashim’s predecessors say, grandfathers and uncles from both father’s and mother’s sides were high officials, who held a prestigious position in the society. After Abul Hashim completed his graduation in 1928 from the Raj College in Burdwan he got married and his wife also belonged to another prestigious family of Dhaka. She was related to Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, who played a significant role in Hashim’s relatively brief but very active political life between 1943 and 1947. His autobiography, In Retrospection and his other writings, such as, As I See It, The Creed of Islam, Integration of Pakistan, reveal his political, social and religious views. Abul Hashim was offered his Law degree from the Calcutta Law College in 1932 and he started practicing at the Burdwan district court. Soon after entering into politics in October, 1936 he contested the elections to the Bengal Legislative Assembly as independent candidate from Burdwan constituency and won. His father formed the Burdwan Mohammadan Association, a representative organization of the Muslims of Burdwan. Abul Hashim renamed it the Burdwan District Muslim League in 1937 and was elected its President. He joined the Muslim League after being convinced by Jinnah that the party was democratic and that there was no place for the Khwajas or the Ispahanis to dominate Muslim politics in Bengal. But he soon realized, as he admitted in his autobiography, that he was deceived by the false impression given by Jinnah. In fact, Abul Hashim started his political activity with the Muslim League hoping to free Bengal from the political maneuverings and the economic exploitations of the non-Bengali landlords and capitalists, like the Khwajas and the Ispahanis respectively. He was also critical of Fazlul Huq’s repeated change of allegiance to political parties and quick shifts in opinions. Hashim had collaborated with H. S. Suhrawardy in 1943, in transforming the Muslim League to an organized mass political party of the Muslims of Bengal but he was disappointed when he observed that Suhrawardy too, was interested in gaining higher political position than in merely organizing the party. Hashim’s total concern was
www.asiaticsociety.org.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER.html 1/11
the younger brother of Khwaja Nazimuddin. to the Daily Azad for www. 1940. He was often believed to be a communist.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER to organize the party in a more democratic and decentralized manner. It seemed that he was a separatist and a supporter of Jinnah’s “two-nation” theory but. According to him. He urged all parties and organizations to form a common forge to fight against British imperialism in order to attain freedom and to establish the right to self determination. races and languages lived side by side. in the North-East consisting of Bengal and Assam. castes. Abul Hashim’s active participation in the Muslim League began on a provincial level from 1943. and the All-India Congress Party upholding its theory of a unified India. He made very clear in his memoirs that he never believed in Jinnah’s “two-nation” theory which. cultural and religious identity.asiaticsociety. This physical disability had obviously been a hindrance to his political career. He also noticed that whoever wanted to gain any political position in the BPML or fulfill any political aspiration. He was trying to preach the theory of a multi-national state in India when Jinnah was propagating his the two-nation theory. Unfortunately. Hashim saw that the BPML was under the complete domination of the Dhaka Nawab family. His political moves for the United Independent Bengal in 1946-1947. the assertion and the attempts to establish the multi-national concept by Abul Hashim received little support. of this “unholy game of power politics. which he was not. He also believed in having joint electorates and the formation of a democratic government.html 2/11 . linguistic. with Sarat Chandra Bose and others clearly exposed him as a secular and democratic leader. “To me”. Hashim never preached India as a one country but at the same time he never incited communal difference or ill feeling. Khwaja Nazimuddin was then the Chief Minister. Baluchistan. in fact.org. He had never wanted to be a parliamentary leader. India was a multi-national geographical entity where people of different religions.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. The President of the Dhaka District Muslim League was Khwaja Shahabuddin. Although Mirza Hasan Ispahani was the treasurer there was no regular system of preparing annual budget or disbursing the bills and making payments at regular times. When Hashim took office the BPML had no organized fund or any treasury. had created a separatist tendency in Indian politics. He supported the resolution adopted at this session which contemplated the creation of independent states in which the constituent units were to be autonomous and sovereign. He was critical of the Khwajas from the beginning and kept himself out. the North-West Frontier Province and Kashmir and the other.determination of every nation. Abul Hashim emerged as a politician of a different kind with his preachings of Islamic socialism on the one hand. he wrote. Hashim supported this move hoping for complete independence in the North-Eastern region of India. Hashim observed with disgust and also with great concern that even Suhrawardy at times accepted the authority of the Khwajas to retain his political position. The resolution passed at Lahore proposed the creation of two independent sovereign states as homelands for the Muslims of India.” The Muslim League. on the other. He believed in the “multi-nation” theory. when he was elected the general secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League (BPML). he believed in the right to self. and his ardent belief in the principle of self-determination of every nation in India. Sindh. Abul Hashim played a significant role in the annual session of the All-India Muslim League held at Lahore on March 23. as he put it. was in fact “mortgaged” to the Ahsan Manzil for leadership. The multi-national concept was not new in India but at a time when separatist tendency was gaining the upper hand and was being popularized in India. he said. regionalism. according to him. at this stage of his life he was having problems with his eyesight and was gradually losing his vision. By the early 1940s. Hashim was the exponent of the idea of the “multi-nation” in India and believed in nationalism. had to work in allegiance with the Khwajas. which meant that India was a sub-continent comprising various nations each having its own racial. one in the North-West consisting of the Punjab. in the Marxist sense of the term. He saw nothing communal in the ‘Lahore Resolution’ of 1940. The Muslim League had no office in any of the districts of Bengal. “India coveys the same sense as the term Europe does”. lingualism and socialism. Nevertheless he was a political leader of the front rank and had participated in major political events and decision makings.
Hashim made extensive tours in the years 1944 and 1945 to various places like Narayanganj. his target was to free the party from financial constraints. He was interpreted as a communal person. He felt Muslim membership had to be increased in the eastern and northern Bengal where Muslim population was a majority and he made appeals to the Muslim youths in general and student leaders of Calcutta and Dhaka in particular. somewhat close.html 3/11 . particularly by The Azad. During his extensive tours. This had put him in a very controversial position. he had preached the fundamentals of Islam. It said that Muslims in the proposed state of Pakistan would not have any rights reserved for them except their rights to mould their life according to the fundamentals of Islam. the rights of the peasants would be protected. He was able to gather a large following among the younger generation. was close to Communism. elections would be held under universal adult suffrage. The manifesto was very clearly progressive in its content. he concentrated mostly in the mofussil areas. Comilla. Its socialistic overtones however. and for this. On the other hand. which. in fact.wing of the Muslim League and above all. There were also provisions for unemployment insurance.org. He had preached tolerance to other’s views and had been ideologically very close to the Communists. Dhaka. He issued bulletins and periodic circulars giving instructions to the leaders at local levels as to how to organize the party bases there. as a Communist. He had also inspired the students and the general masses to gain membership for only two annas. trade-union rights etc.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. the non-Muslims would have equal rights and would be treated generously as citizens of an independent and sovereign state. his authority to bring out such a manifesto was questioned. brought him criticisms from the right. right to education and primary education to be made free and compulsory. He was brought up in a very liberal atmosphere.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER publicity and to the Ispahanis for finance. The Morning News and The Star of India and by the Khwaja coterie. Chittagong. There would be peasant proprietorship. The pamphlet was called “Let Us Go to War” which was widely circulated. The draft manifesto emphasized the ideals of Islam and Socialism. old age pensions. Calcutta and other districts and carried on organizational work there. It was difficult for many Hindus to accept whether Hashim’s non-communal interpretation of the ‘Lahore Resolution’ was his genuine belief.asiaticsociety. He was often dubbed in the Muslim press. Abul Hashim had published a draft manifesto of the BPML on March 24. all monopolies and rent-receiving interests on land would be abolished. Hashim had advocated that all Muslims should join the Muslim League and at the same time. to organize the party disregarding personal interest or intra-party conflict. He believed in the philosophy of Rabbaniyat and this is where he differed with the www. he was alleged to be a Communist for the doctrine of Rabbaniyat or Islamic Socialism he was preaching. key industries like jute and transport would be nationalized and workers would have the right to enjoy the share of the profit. caste and class. 1945 which contained his views on what should be the ideals of the Muslim League and on the socio-economic and political objectives of Pakistan that was being demanded by the Muslims. The Hindu community could not trust him. there would be equal opportunities irrespective of creed. This had made a tremendous impact and within a year membership of the BPML rose to half a million. transformed the Muslim League into a broad-based organization like the Congress. set up party offices in the districts while simultaneously attempting to curb the authority of the Khwajas. in fact. The overwhelming victory of the Muslim League in the 1946 elections to the Legislative Assembly was largely due to these tours and the mobilization of the Muslim masses there. Faridpur. It contained his views about the “multi-nation” theory he had been propagating rather than the “twonation” theory preached by the Muslim League. As general secretary of the BPML. Hashim got himself involved in the task of organizing the Muslim League at the grass-roots level. to set up party offices at district and sub-divisional levels and to increase the membership. particularly in the two university centres of Calcutta and Dhaka. collective farming and co-operative marketing. He took up extensive programme to decentralize and democratize the party. Abul Hashim’s liaison with the Communists was. Most of his ideas brought him severe criticisms from the rightwing of the Muslim League and from the Congress.
1947. It was signed by Abul Hashim and Sarat Chandra Bose. reached to an extreme point. Sardar Patel. By early 1947. Jawaharlal Nehru and also the Hindu Mahasabha had demanded partitioning of Bengal. The right-wing of the Muslim League led by Khwaja Nazimuddin accused Hashim of being a Communist and having association with the ‘terrorists’. The United Independent Bengal scheme was accepted by many Muslim leaders because Bengal was a Muslim majority province and any election would bring a Muslim majority. that most surprisingly. As the 1946 elections approached. Muslim League opinion was also divided in this respect. now that he had become the Chief Minister. they needed Suhrawardy’s support. moved away from Hashim. Besides. Fazlul Huq and Akram Khan were up against him and even Suhrawardy did not like him any more. Abul Hashim remained absent at the opening session of the Muslim League Legislator’s Convention at Delhi (7-9 April 1946) but suggested at the persuasion of Jinnah. Jinnah supported the scheme. Maulana Akram Khan and Abul Hashim. Nonetheless. while Suhrawardy and Hashim group wanted the whole of Assam and undivided Bengal with some adjoining districts of Bihar. Suhrawardy’s move for United Independent Bengal remained controversial since earlier. the so-called “Big Five” of the Muslim League in Bengal politics in the 1940s. The terms of the agreement included provisions for joint electorate. had initiated the move at a press conference at Delhi on April 27. The Khwajas had wanted. Hashim was. Hashim had seriously and sincerely supported Suhrawardy’s scheme and proposed that there should be joint electorates and equal share of jobs in the administration.asiaticsociety. omitting the Hindu majority Burdwan division and including some portion of Purnea and the district of Bihar. to their benefit. he left for Burdwan. In fact. S. to manipulate the Muslim public opinion in Bengal and did not want a properly organized party. adult suffrage. They attempted to oust him from the leadership of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League and for this. Democratization and decentralization of the party meant loss of their authority. that the ‘Lahore Resolution’ could be amended by removing the adjective “one” and putting the indefinite article “a”. the cleavage between the right-wing and the left-wing of the Muslim League widened greatly. however. He had wanted to be the Chief Minister and therefore. ideologically Nazimuddin was strongly opposed to Communism.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER Communists but he maintained friendly relations with them. proportionate reservation of seats for the Hindus. in April. those who favoured the United Independent Bengal scheme met at the house of Sarat Chandra Bose and reached at a tentative agreement. after the riots of 1946. They feared Hashim’s attempts at organizing the party as a move to strengthen his own position and felt threatened. the Hindus could no longer trust the Muslims. he had moved the resolution at Delhi for a one Pakistan state.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. the whole of Bengal was definitely much better than a “truncated” one. The Khwaja group demanded the whole of Assam but divided Bengal. therefore. By “terrorist”. however. who was then the Chief Minister. “support where you can and oppose where you must”. was. his home town. Suhrawardy.org. Besides. Another most significant aspect of Hashim’s political thinking was the idea of creating a United Independent Bengal. Nazimuddin and his group had never wanted the Muslim League to be turned into a mass party. the left-wing supporters of the Muslim League were indicated here. the main target of their criticism.html 4/11 . This was exactly the reason why the Hindus in Bengal were unwilling to accept such a plan. K. It is also essential to mention in this context. It was the time when conflict between Khwaja Nazimuddin. because to him. 1947. the Muslims and also the scheduled caste Hindus and an equal number of www. Suhrawardy had been a good organizer as well and was basically non-communal but was desperately after political power. His attitude towards Communism. on May 20. Sarat Chandra Bose. Kiran Sankar Roy and Abul Hashim were most seriously involved in this move but there was little sincere effort from the top ranking leaders of either the Muslim League or the Congress. Abul Hashim was kept aside by the Muslim League leaders in Bengal. Hashim became politically isolated and since he was least interested in getting involved in this shrewd game of power politics. For a brief period. Hashim. H. Fazlul Huq. Hashim was further accused of preaching Communism among Muslims under the cover of Islam. Suhrawardy. nor did he interfere in parliamentary leadership. neither craved for any parliamentary post. A. to form an independent and undivided sovereign Bengal. 1946.
some of the nations would be Muslim majority.asiaticsociety. He contested the elections of 1954 as a Rabbani Party candidate from the old Dhaka constituency. to symbolize his contradictions. Suhrawardy. that “Dacca is now in Pakistan”. It seemed that he favoured the move but did not. He died in 1974. as did the Muslim League. He could not initially accept the break-up of Pakistan in 1971. He got arrested and was imprisoned for sixteen months. Badruddin Umar. was of a meteoric one. here too. nor did he want it to be a part of India. in Dhaka. formed in November. His leanings towards socialism had also made him a prominent thinker in the Communist circle. This was the dichotomy in his whole political career. multi-cultural nation and each of these linguistic and cultural regions was a nation and that. From the position of an almost unknown person he turned out to be a front-ranking politician of the Muslim League. Hashim came under severe criticisms. “a political schizophrenic”. a Hindu. After the partition of Bengal and of India on August 15.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER ministers from both the communities in the ministry. Abul Hashim’s demand for a United Independent Bengal was in accordance with the ‘Lahore Resolution’ of 1940 as he understood it. He believed that India was a multi-linguistic. Abul Hashim’s son. in fact. His firm belief in liberalism. but was badly defeated. his preaching for Islamic Socialism had made people to criticize him as a communalist. in the 1940s. he had an exceptionally friendly relation with Ayub Khan. Abul Hashim’s political position in the brief years between 1943 and 1947. To Hashim. But. on June 7. In 1960. The creation of a sovereign Bengal was a secular demand where Muslims and Hindus would enjoy equal power and opportunities. He came to Dhaka after this incident and got involved in the language movement. Later. this was the Pakistan demanded by the Bengali Muslims. Position of Gandhi for a United Independent Bengal was not clear. declared. His organizing ability and his quality as an orator placed him among the top five Muslim leaders in Bengal. He then continued to get more involved in his religious philosophy of Rabbaniyat but began to dislike the activities of his followers. he formed the Khilafat-i-Rabbani Party and kept himself outside the United Front. 1947. Although Hashim believed in the unification of Bengal and remained a secularist till the end of his life. Abul Hashim became the first director of the Islamic Academy. demanding Bengali as the official language. but remained practically inactive. The Communist Party also supported the partition of Bengal. Hashim’s view differed from both the Congress and the Muslim League. It seemed that failing to attain what he had fought for and when all his hopes had slipped away. in 1954. Abul Hashim was a member of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly as the leader of the opposition and lived in Burdwan till the year 1950. He left the party in 1956. socialism and secularism made him a very progressive-minded leader. Islamic thought and Islamic economics. he. But. 1960. when his house was burnt during a riot. 1. His belief in Rabbaniyat or Islamic Socialism also made him one of the leading scholars of Islam. commit himself. However. commented that his father was. who had started the movement. www. quite dramatically. finally he totally disassociated himself from the idea of united Pakistan and came to accept Bangladesh. relating to the principles of Islam. however. Hashim believed in a united Bengal but he neither wanted Bengal to be dominated by the Urdu-speaking (non-Bengali) West Pakistanis.html 5/11 . where serious intellectual discussions and debates were arranged. then president of Pakistan. He felt completely betrayed in his cause and seemed to be in a false position now. accepted Pakistan. in fact.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. 1947. and then joined the Muslim League.org. his dream did not materialize. the Chief Minister being a Muslim and the Home Minister. While at the same time. However. he was disillusioned. but he did not define nationality on the basis of religion.
The author had an interview with Abul Hashim’s son. Abul Hashim was married to Mahmoodah Akhtar Meher Banu Begum. Integration of Pakistan (Dhaka 1967). Gordon. p. pp. A Socio-Political History of Bengal (Dhaka 1967. 32-34. Mofidul Huq. Hashim had a dislike for the Khwajas and.html 6/11 . Abul Hashim. pp. Also see Kamruddin Ahmad. at his residence in Dhaka. Suhrawardy.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. The resolution adopted by the Muslim League at the Lahore Session. 24-25. 1940. See Mofidul Huq. that serious consequences would follow if religion was mixed up with politics. 74-75. his views and opinions on various political issues. 1995. pp. the daughter of Shah Syed Ziauddin. Abul Hashim also wrote several manifestoes and pamphlets. As I See It (Dhaka 1965). 33. he readily joined the Muslim League. that by “job hunters” Jinnah meant Khwaja Nazimuddin of Bengal. 1975). Harun-or-Rashid. this was actually the expression of gratitude and also recognition of his father’s contribution to the Bengali Muslim society and politics. F. Abul Hashim. See Abul Hashim. however. (Dhaka 1990). He had been a member of the Indian Association of Surendranath Banerjee. 121-134.10-11. Jinnah realized. He declared in his presidential address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. that his father’s popularity had won him victory at the elections. most of which have been translated into Bengali. did neither mention the word “Islam”. 1947. Hashim mentioned in his memoirs. Suhrawardy. ibid. nor the word “Pakistan” anywhere. Jinnah had coined the term “two-nation” to emphasize the cultural and religious differences which existed among the Hindu and the Muslim communities in India. in March. (4th ed. A. H. Also see Mofidul Huq. on October 29. Charitabidhan (Dictionary of Biography). an esteemed scholar of Midnapur. See Abul Hashim.org. University of Dhaka Leonard A. A. 80-81.S. pp. This statement of Jinnah was indeed belated and the “two-nation” theory had become politically very expedient to bring the partition of India. Obaidee’s daughter. Salahuddin Ahmed. Dhaka 1970. social and religious thoughts. S.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER * Associate Professor. also form the opinion that he could not have remained outside the mainstream politics of the Muslim League in Bengal. The author gives a list of Hashim’s publications. To him. Bengali Nationalism and the Emergence of Bangladesh (Dhaka 1994). New Delhi 1979). One can. while his earlier books deal with his philosophy of Islamic Socialism. the “chief and guru” of Congress politics in Bengal. however. The author notes that Abul Kasem of Burdwan was one of the few Bengali Muslims who joined Congress politics. In Retrospection (Dhaka 1974). let us organize ourselves in such a way that we can give 24 hours’ notice to the job hunters of Bengal and the Punjab”. a writer and political commentator. on August 11. pp. In Retrospection. He also wrote a book in Bengali. The Foreshadowing of Bangladesh (Dhaka 1987). just before the creation of Pakistan. Hashim thought. These books give an insight into his political. Rabbani Drishtite (In the Light of Rabbani). Department of History. Jinnah at the residence of M. had he not lost his eyesight.17-18.16. In Retrospection. Also see. Ispahani at Calcutta. pp. www. In 1937. 1876-1940 (rpt. whether Jinnah insisted him or not. Abul Hashims’s mother-inlaw was the aunt of H. Khojistah Akhter Banu was the mother of H.. (Dhaka 1985). Sikandar Hyat Khan of the Punjab and the like.162-163. Bengal: The Nationalist Movement. In Retrospection. 61-62. p. a descendent of the famous Shah Golam Ali of Hooghly district. His wife’s mother was the daughter of Maulana Obaidullah Obaidee.asiaticsociety. 18. See. Abul Hashim. The Creed of Islam (Dhaka 1950). A. Abul Hashim. In Retrospection deals mostly with his political life. There Jinnah had invited Hashim to join the Muslim League telling. “Come. pp. pp. Abul Hashim saw M. therefore. that he wanted Pakistan to be a secular state. p. Badruddin Umar. Umar mentioned that his father often used to say that his desire was to be the speaker of the Legislative Assembly.
390. Ibid. who had inspired him to preach the philosophy of Rabbaniyat. declared by Stalin as early as in 1925. who published the Daily Azad. the Hindu Mahasabha. 1995. and to some extent. that Khwaja Shahabuddin was very good at adopting Machiavellian means when needed. 23. October 29. the Communist leader in India. Mofidul Huq. the Muslim League separatists. 194-195. p. p. Suhrawardy has also supported him in the election. 37. In Retrospection. brought out from www. ibid. pp. Interview with Badruddin Umar. p. Badruddin Umar also observed that Suhrawardy was equally Machiavellian like the Khwajas and all of them were power seekers. 1943. T. There were other factors existing. It is believed that had he declared the creation of a secular state earlier. Hashim was puzzled at times to see their political maneuverings. But the communal issue in the 1940s could not be treated a matter as simple as that. Hashim’s son. 26 and Kamruddin Ahmad.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER The resolution contemplated two independent sovereign states as homelands for Muslims of India. In Retrospection. Hashim also observed in his memoirs. 30 and Kamruddin Ahmad.org. the orgy of communalism could have been avoided. 1942. Abul Hashim was elected General Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League on November 7. Hashim was actually not interested to contest because of his eye problem. by a huge majority. p. Abul Hashim. at the election for Chairmanship of the Burdwan municipality in 1942 in order to keep communal harmony in his district. the Nawab family of Dhaka. Political Ideas and Movements in India (New Delhi 1975).74. H . Ahsan Manzil was the family home of the Khwajas. also had strong connection with the Khwajas. The Communists had developed the multi-national theory asserting the right to self-determination. pp. “Muslims in certain areas do form a distinct nationality bound together by common culture. p. indoctrinated by the idea of self-determination. See Sankar Ghose.they must have the completest liberty to --. 36. Abul Hashim mentioned in his memoirs. 41. 62. A Socio-Political History of Bengal. p. Ranadive.” The Communist Party of India made this an open declaration. See appendices. Nine members for the Dhaka Nawab family were in the BPML.30-32.asiaticsociety. p. made them support the right of each nationality to secede from the Indian union. Abul Hashim. Sobhani had wanted him to preach this philosophy of Islamic socialism while he was in charge of organizing the Muslim League. In Retrospection.. A Socio-Political History of Bengal. pp. A Socio-Political History of Bengal. history and tradition. that he had supported a Congress candidate. p. see Abul Hashim. the British attitude towards the communal affair.. They had supported the Muslim League demand for separate state.168-169 and Kamruddin Ahmad. A Socio-Political History of Bengal. The Indian Communists. Abul Hashim. 61. Jinnah was basically a secularist. not highlighting the “two-nation” theory. p. In Retrospection. In consequence --. p. B.html 7/11 . named Togo Sarkar.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. Dhaka. In Retrospection. said in August.S. 38. p. Also see Kamruddin Ahmad. In Retrospection.form a separate state if and when they choose. Maulana Akram Khan. like the attitudes of the conservatives in the Congress. In Retrospection. but was practically insisted by Maulana Azad Subhani (1897-1964). The Daily Azad.
Abul Hashim.184185. Banglar Madhabitter Attabikash (Emergence of the middle-class in Bengal).bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. 295. M. 1947. pp. ibid. Harun-or-Rashid. In Retrospection. pp. A Socio-Political History of Bengal. In Retrospection. in 1945. 165. 42. which reminds one of Chairman Mao-Tse Tung’s Long March in China. In Retrospection. Mofidul Huq. pp. Muslim Politics in Bengal. pp. Also see Shila Sen. pp. Hassan Ispahani wrote to Jinnah in 1942. p. when The Morning News was brought out that. They represented the right-wing of the Muslim League in Bengal. pamphlets and manifestoes were similar to those of the Communist party.80-81. and called it a “Long-March for 45 days”. Harun-or-Rashid. H. Zaidi (ed.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER Calcutta from 1936 onwards. 48-49. Suhrawardy.). Ispahani wrote to Suhrawardy on March 6. Foreshadowing of Bangladesh. The Bengali-speaking middle-class youths had begun to dislike their domination and authority. Vol. through discussions. Abul Hashim. Kenneth McPherson. Harun-or-Rashid. The Ispahanis were the leading non-Bengali merchants in Bengal and allies of the Khwajas. Hashim’s methods of organizing the party through direct personal contact with the people. “… Fazlul Huq is a danger and Abul Hashim is most undesirable. In Retrospection. In Retrospection. Abul Hashim.. These papers conducted malicious propaganda against Abul Hashim. pp. 44. pp. p. pp. 1976). Harun-or-Rashid. bulletins. In Retrospection. Kamruddin Ahmad. Abul Hashim. Harun-or-Rashid.” See Z. pp. 166-167. See Kamruddin Ahmad. p. Abul Hashim. p. 1945. p. 166. See. 62. 176 mentioned the date of the publication of the manifesto as March 23. in fact. pp.38-39.78. The “battle royal” Hashim fought inside the Bengal Presidency League against the Khwajas led to long-term consequences. 19361948 (Karachi. “one more weapon in the armoury of the League” was added. p. Jinnah – Ispahani Correspondence. The Muslim Microcosm: Calcutta. p.166-167. 1918-1935 (Wiesbaden 1974). Maulana Akram Khan had criticized him severely. 1937-1947 (New Delhi 1976). Hashim made a tour of Bengal for 45 days. Within a period of only two years he was able to open Muslim League branches in 18 districts. Hashim also mentions here that all the top ranking leaders of the Muslim League in Bengal. ibid. Muslim Politics in Bengal. 192. 1945. mentioned the date as March 24. Foreshadowing of Bangladesh. H. Hamidul Huq Chowdhury (1901-1992) commented that the term “manifesto” was Communist and wanted to establish that Hashim’s ideas were completely influenced by Communism and that most of the proposals in the www. pp. 21. 11.html 8/11 . Abul Hashim. acted as the mouthpiece for the Muslim League.. See. 54-58. and Harun-or-Rashid. p. ibid. in 1950 (when his house was set on fire). Mofidul Huq. Also see. pp. from Calcutta. Foreshadowing of Bangladesh. 38. 42-43. It is very useful to note the extent of hatred of the Khwajas against Abul Hashim which. 150-151. like Nazimuddin.. 184. Harun-or-Rashid. had created a polarization in the Muslim League politics in Bengal. p. Foreshadowing of Bangladesh. pp.145. Hashim was imprisoned for several months by members of the Khwaja coterie. In Retrospection. in his memoirs.org. 243. Shila Sen. while Hashim. Hashim’s commitment to the peasantry and his socialist leanings were not secret and he openly preached Islamic Socialism in all his meetings. A. After he was forced to migrate to Dhaka. 171-172. he had angered back in 1943.asiaticsociety. 516-517. (Dhaka 1975).
asiaticsociety. 1 (Dhaka 1992). Dr.html 9/11 . in November. 391.. See Leonard A. Nirmal C. that Suhrawardy was never communal and never vindictive. Menon. ibid. 1995. p. Mofidul Huq. 115. Also see. “A Move for United Independent Bengal”. Harun-or-Rashid. Kamruddin Ahmad. It is interesting to note the similarity in numbers and influence of political leaders at different times and circumstances in history. Harunor-Rashid. In Retrospection. p. 1995. Abul Hashim. The Transfer of Power in India. Nalini Ranjan Sarkar. They were Tulsi Goswami. p. Harun-or-Rashid. ibid. and for not declaring total curfew and for not calling out the troops for precautions. Muslim Politics in Bengal.. who had engineered the “Great Calcutta Killing” in August. 75.177. 73. p. the left-wing of the Muslim League had very good relation with the Communists. Gordon. 71-72 and. p. The Transfer of Power in India (Princeton 1957). Ibid. The British government however.. The Foreshadowing of Bangladesh.). Ibid.184. Bidhan Chandra Roy. 1945. that it was not Suhrawardy. ibid. depending on the right to self-determination. Foreshadowing of Bangladesh. a leader of the Muslim League. 73. 73. 294-295. In fact. p. In Retrospection. In Retrospection. the district of Purnea from Bihar and the Surma valley of Assam.. p. 202. 222. p. Dhaka. pp. 54. blamed Suhrawardy for the holocaust for not enforcing Section 144 before the tension increased. 244. p. But Hashim mentioned in his memoirs. 45. p. 40. www. the Congress leader in Bengal and the Congress left-wing leaders supported the proposal but it received little support from either the Muslim League or the Congress. In Retrospection..80-81. Suhrawardy’s proposal was that. Hashim took initiative to publish the weekly Millat from Calcutta. but Nazimuddin. See V. Interview with Badruddin Umar. in the 1920s. 403. p. It acted as a mouthpiece for the progressive group of the Muslim League. “A Move for United independent Bengal” in Sirajul Islam (ed. pp. Menon. Also see In Retrospection. pp. as was alleged. p. 401. Sarat Chandra Bose. and Sarat Chandra Bose. independent and undivided in a divided India. In Retrospection. Mofidul Huq. Suhrawardy demanded a “Greater Bengal” comprising the undivided Bengal uniting adjoining districts of Manbhum and Singhbhum. See Harun-or-Rashid.org. P. p. 1946.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER manifesto were not in accordance with the Muslim League interests. Liaquat Ali Khan. p. To counter these criticisms against the manifesto and his ideas. 355. p. Shila Sen. p. Umar mentioned that most of his father’s friends were Hindus and many of them were Communists. 59. In Retrospection. pp. warned the Muslim students in Calcutta the danger of Communism to Islam and criticized Hashim for using the Muslim League platform to preach Communism. October 29. See V. Harun-or-Rashid.192. P. A Socio-Political History of Bengal. Vol. Abul Hashim. Chunder. Bengal should remain sovereign. p. History of Bangladesh.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. 1704-1971. Badruddin Umar mentioned in the interview on October 29. “The Big Five” was dubbed to refer to the five powerful leaders of the Congress in Bengal.
P. 254.. A. however. on June 4. confirmed that “the zones comprising Bengal and Assam in the North East and the Punjab. In Retrospection. pp. p. ibid. p. Evolution of Muslim Political Thought in India. Suhrawardy argued that the Bengalees have a common mother tongue and they have similar economic interests. 452-453. But Congress fear was not baseless. 1947. H. 238. XV1. 160. In Retrospection. 1. criticized him as “a snake in the grass”. July. pp. Foreshadowing of Bangladesh. 406. Hashim realized why the Hindus did not support the United Bengal scheme. Sirajul Islam (ed. In Retrospection. pp. 320-322. 411-412. considered the idea was against what the Indian National Congress had wanted and feared that a unified Bengal. Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics.). Vol. Gordon. 355-356. ibid.org. History of Bangladesh. p. See Shila Sen. pp. led by a Muslim premier. Both Nehru and Patel. A second partition of Bengal was not wanted by them. pp. To Jinnah. p. be constituted into a sovereign independent state and that an equivocal undertaking be given to implement the establishment of Pakistan without delay. 6 (New Delhi 1979). Suhrawardy and other Bengali Muslims favoured the idea of a united Bengal.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER.153-154.No . Zaidi. History of Bangladesh. pp. 414-415. Vol. Vol. Vol. p. A Socio-Political History of Bengal. ibid. Muslim Politics in Bengal. Kamruddin Ahmad. p. Socio-political History of Bengal. Das in 1923.404. Sindh and Baluchistan in the North West of India. M. 81-82. Gordon gives this www.” See. ibid. 1989). Also see. He said. London. Jinnah would also have welcomed the emergence of an independent. Jinnah. p.2. 453-454. A. In Retrospection. however. 1. After making the amendment and the resolution adopted. p. Zaidi. Menon.162. ibid. 398n. 2nd ed. 155. pp. Hashim was criticized in the press as a traitor to the cause of one Pakistan state. where the Muslims are in dominant majority. Leonard A. would definitely form closer alliances with Pakistan rather than India.html 10/11 . North West Frontier Province. Ibid.. namely Pakistan zones. 1. pp. Jinnah of Pakistan (New Delhi 1985. united Bengal but on condition that it joined neither Pakistan nor Hindustan. 88. Sirajul Islam (ed. Nazimuddin. “the Hindus of Bengal had developed a suspicion complex from 10 years of one party Muslim ministry”. The Dawn. Also see Harun-or-Rashid. p. Evolution of Muslim Political Thought in India.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER This Hashim declared in accordance with the Bengal Pact forged with C. 233..asiaticsociety. V. Kamruddin Ahmad.. Fazlul Huq.. R. Vol. Congress attitude during this time seemed communal to many. the existence of a United Independent Bengal “would be a sort of subsidiary Pakistan”.. 1978. ibid. 109-110.160. History of Bangladesh. Most Muslim League leaders like M. In Retrospection. Elsewhere ‘Dacca’ is spelt as ‘Dhaka’ only to keep consistency and to follow the present official spelling of the capital.). pp. Z. Stanley Wolpert. “Divided Bengal: Problems of Nationalism and Identity in the 1947 Partition”..
pp. Ibid. 95-96.org. Badruddin Umar had attempted to make a psychoanalytical study of his father’s mind and thought and had found him a divided self in politics. p. in an interview with the author at his residence in Dhaka.p. Being disappointed with the attitude of his followers. Leonard A.. There was another reason besides all these mentioned so far for the failure of the United Bengal idea. p. 1995. Hashim explained his philosophy of Rabbaniyat and the establishment of an Islamic Socialist state in his book. On the basis of his interview with Abul Hashim in June. October.. which was later withdrawn. 1972. 36.147 where the author mentions that the Independent or Greater Bengal idea was mainly a go-ahead signal by the Muslim League High Command. Also see. Abul Hashim. 96. 155. Charitabidhan. Leonard A. p. in 1967.bd/journals/vol 52/ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER. published from Dhaka. my life and days (Dhaka 1989). p. p. See Charitabidhan. Abul Hashim. 92-94. Mofidul Huq. he had in Dhaka. Hashim’s house in Burdwan was burnt during a riot. 95. 1972. 95-97. Ibid. pp. Interview. 94-95.. He sold his property and came to stay in Dhaka. ibid.Gordon. This was the view given by Hashim’s son.. Ibid. Gordon. Integration of Pakistan. ibid. Abul Hashim. Mofidul Huq. Hashim left the Khilafat-Rabbani Party in 1956. 89-90.22/08/2012 ABUL HASHIM AS A POLITICAL THINKER information on the basis of his interview with Abul Hashim. See Tamizuddin Khan. Mofidul Huq. pp. pp. 36 and Mofidul Huq..asiaticsociety. in June.150-155.. In 1950. pp. ibid. Badruddin Umar. pp. Gordon wrote that Hashim was sincerely dedicated to the idea of a Bengal republic and had never wanted to be in a Pakistan dominated by the West Pakistani Muslims. on October 29.html 11/11 . “Divided Bengal”. 29. www. 1995. ibid. The Test of Time.
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
We've moved you to where you read on your other device.
Get the full title to continue listening from where you left off, or restart the preview.