Richmond Naval Air Station, 1942-1961

David Macfie*

On September 15, 1942 a small cadre of service personnel assembled about the administration building of a partially constructed Naval Air Station in a remote wooded area of South Dade County. Its commission became official as a representative of Rear Admiral James L. Kauffman, U.S.N., Commandant of Seventh Naval District and Commander of Gulf Sea Frontiers, read the letter of the Secretary of Navy directing establishment of the base. Captain Charles Maguire read the orders placing him in command, made a brief address, and directed the raising of the colors. With this brief exercise in naval ritual, a colorful, inanimate character in Dade County history came into existence. Its 30 year legacy was destined to include the world's largest blimp base, a university campus and research center, CIA headquarters, and a cageless zoological park. Richmond Naval Air Station's establishment marked the completion of a chain of Lighter Than Air (LTA) bases functioning in a supportive capacity along convoy lines of the entire Atlantic Seaboard. Sister bases of Richmond included the Glynco Naval Air Station near Brunswick, Georgia, and the main training center at Lakehurst Naval Air Station, New Jersey. The Department of the Navy later enlarged NAS Richmond's sphere of operation to encompass the Caribbean region, the Gulf of Mexico and South America. The 2107 acre site, named for the small sawmill community of Richmond, which it displaced, lies 19 miles southwest of the central business district of Miami and several miles west of the Miami-Key West Highway (U.S. 1). In addition to its strategic location on the southern end of the continent and proximity to the Atlantic Ocean, the primary reasons for the site's selection, the excellent year-round flying
*David Macfie, 23, is a Senior at Florida International University, Miami, Florida, majoring in English. He is a native Miamian.

Richmond Naval Air Station 39 weather and flat contours of the surrounding landscape of NAS Richmond enhanced its reputation as the Country Club of Lighter Than Air Bases.1 Though officially commissioned in September, 1942, construction actually began on the $60,126 site on April 20, 1942, under the direction of the Smith, Jacob & Langston Construction Company of Jacksonville. Net cost as specified in the cost-plus contract for construction of base facilities was $11,896,187, but climbed to slightly over $13,000,000 with the addition of contracts for Public Works projects. Weekly payroll at the height of activity during this period exceeded $125,000. 2 Planners conceived Richmond NAS, like so many other bases, as a fully independent, self-sufficient entity; a city within a city. Among the facilities, fully functional on the date of commission, were the mess hall, officers' and enlisted men's quarters, recreational and administration building, firehouse, incinerator, main gate house, observation tower, storage and maintenance facilities and a three-well water system. Construction crews completed the sewage treatment plant several months later. A 30-bed dispensary, fully staffed and equipped, opened October 1. On the date of commission, the base was staffed by eight Naval officers, seven enlisted Navy men and the 71 enlisted marines who were to function as security personnel during the Navy's three-year tenure there. By the end of the month, seven more officers had joined the staff in time for Captain Maguire's first personnel inspection. Although the basic operational directions set forth in a PreCommissioning Directive Memo on April 7, 1942 would not be altered during the war, specific operational objectives were in a state of seemingly perpetual flux. Although originally conceived as the home base for a six-unit squadron of blimps, as well as a center for all phases of maintenance including overhaul of air frames and engines, the Bureau of Aeronautics announced the projected maintenance operation would not include overhaul of air frames and engines. In October, 1942, however, the Board reversed its earlier decision and approved the construction of an additional hangar for the overhaul operations. On October 14, 1942, the first LTA airship landed at Richmond, initiating the formation of Airship Squadron 21. Another airship arrived two weeks later and the squadron was officially commissioned under Commander Gerald D. Zurmuehlen. Use of the base for HTA (Heavier Than Air) craft began on December 8, 1942, with the landing of a PBY (Patrol Bomber Reconnaissance) from NAS Banana River. These craft continually used base facilities for the duration of the war. As a recreational diversion in mid-December, the Base Athletic

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Officer formed a basketball team for competition within the Seventh Naval District. The first practice held in the Redlands High School Gym was well attended by officers, enlisted men and marines. The following year, the program expanded with construction of a field house adjacent to the athletic field and installation of a boxing ring and a rowing machine. Since there was no swimming pool, the Base Athletic Department furnished transportation to Matheson Hammock. Early in 1943, a group of 17 Negro enlisted men, many of whom held musician's ratings, reported for duty along with Band Master H. W. Williams. According to official Navy documents, the band organized by Williams became very well known throughout the district. By March, 1943, Richmond NAS embodied three separate commands, including Fleet Airship Group Two, Airship Squadron 21, and the station itself. Work on the large helium tanks with a combined capacity of 480,000 cu. ft. at 60 PSI had been completed, and an LTA school, staffed by Squadron 21 officers and station personnel, readied itself for the first contingent of trainees. Work crews completed perhaps the most significant phase of the construction during March. Blimp Hangar No. 1, the first of three such hangars, took its place as the largest existing wooden structure in the world. : Built of Oregon Douglas fir, a wood compatible with the humid, subtropical south Florida climate, the hangars rose from the landing mat some 16.5 stories and measured over 1,000 feet in length. A railroad track ran the length of each of the 270-foot wide structures to aid in the maneuverability of the obstinately cumbersome blimps. With the seven airships of Squadron 21, Richmond NAS quickly became the most active of the Navy's airship stations. Airships from Richmond flew both day and night missions, with many ships averaging only 2 hours on the ground for refueling and maintenance for every 24 hours in the air. According to a civilian employee of the base, German submarines downed an airship over the Caribbean, but available Navy documents do not confirm the incident. On July 17, 1943, the airship K-30 experienced engine failure and the crew was forced to effect an emergency landing in a wooded area six miles east of the base. No serious injuries were reported. A similar incident involving a PBY occurred when ground crews, probably exhausted from the long shifts, neglected to fuel the plane scheduled for takeoff. It passed just beyond the boundaries of the base and had to make an emergency landing near what is now the intersection of Coral Reef Drive and S.W. 117 Avenue. 4 The quality and speed of construction of the Richmond base, as

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well as the incorporation of the latest tactical, technical and operational innovations, made the base somewhat of a showcase, of which the Navy made perpetual use. A pleasant diversion, enthusiastically received by any dignitary prominent enough to be offered it, included a short blimp ride and tour of the base. Among the visitors in August, 1943, was a party of more than 500 Mexicans headed by Airforce General Gustavo Salinas, but only the general enjoyed a blimp ride. The base command also extended a similar welcome to an important Brazilian aeronautics official. Princes Amir Feisal and Mair Kahlid of Saudi Arabia and their royal entourages made what would be the most colorfully unusual visit paid Richmond NAS by visiting dignitaries during the war. The princes, splendidly bedecked in native costume and accompanied by two heavily armed bodyguards, conducted an inspection of base facilities and, not surprisingly, completed their visit with a blimp ride. During the NAS's first year of operation a major obstacle in the attainment of the original goal of self-sufficiency had been lack of helium processing and purification facilities. By August, 1943, three compressors had been installed for this purpose and had an operative rating. That month, a Helium Plant Operators School opened for the purpose of training officers and enlisted men in the use of portable helium processing equipment. Personnel trained at the Richmond school worked primarily at airship bases outside the limits of the Continental United States. Near the end of August, Captain Maguire received orders transferring him to the Navy Department in Washington, D.C. Captain Maurice Bradley of Airship Fleet Two assumed temporary command until the arrival of Captain Frank Worden, who would command the base until its deactivation in 1946. In January, 1944, as workers completed the last of the structural facilities included in the original conception of the base (including three hangars), base officers welcomed more trainees who filled the Helium Operators Training School to capacity. In accordance with the Navy Manpower Survey, the commanding officer formally promulgated the "mission" of NAS Richmond. New objectives alluded to by the captain established the base as one of three serving the 55 to 60 airships in the Gulf-Caribbean region, and as a major point of supply for LTA material. The following month saw the establishment of the WAVES barracks when workmen received a contract authorizing the removal of the contractor's building from the southeast corner of the landing mat to a site adjacent to the Mess Hall and Recreational Building. Workmen

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followed all recommendations set out by the Women's Reserve bulletin for conversion, making the most complete set of barracks on the base. A small contingent of WAVES, consisting of 12 enlisted WAVES and one officer, reported for duty the next month. Though the Richmond NAS was, in one sense, a showcase to foreign emissaries, it catered to domestic curiosity as well. In October, 1944, a Richmond contingent played an integral role in the observance of Navy Day in Miami. A blimp, platoons of WAVES and marines, and an exhibition of carrier pigeons participated in the commemorative activities. One of the problems inherent in structural design in the Caribbean area is the probable incidence of hurricanes. As an extension of research conducted at the University of St. Louis in 1938 regarding the purported relationship between microseisms (minute oscillations representing movement of the earth's crust) and varying degrees of atmospheric pressure, NAS Richmond became one member of a triangular network of seismographic stations. Prior studies established a marked correlation between microseisms and hurricanes in the area of Puerto Rico. A public works contract for $9,467 initiated the construction of six subterranean instrument vaults for the studies. Although the course of the conflict in the Atlantic theatre had reached a point of eminent predictability by the spring of 1945, escalation of base activities is perhaps indicative of the Navy's permanent regard for the base. An intensive training program for nocturnal torpedo bomber teams had reached the height of its operational capacity in the spring. Also, in March, 1945, the House Naval Affairs Committee opted for Navy Housing projects for Richmond NAS. The original conception of the project included 40 low cost housing units and 10 trailer units (later expanded to 30 units). The first of the trailer units (part of 200-unit allotment for Florida) arrived in early May. NAS Richmond also received consideration as the site of a missile center. The Committee's post inspection recommendations for the project, however, are not available. From the initial inception in 1942, during the frantic though meticulous construction period and throughout subsequent phases of expansion, engineers and contractors at Richmond continually made concessions to the reality of tropical hurricanes. Each structural unit comprising the totality of Richmond, particularly the hangars, was conceived and maintained with this as the primal force to be reckoned with. Hangars, theoretically capable of retaining structural integrity in the face of winds exceeding 100 mph, lost their skylights to preceptive structural revisions. The intricate automatic sprinkling system served, no doubt, as a striking example of technical overkill.5

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During the second week of September, 1945, 1,500 base personnel braced themselves for the probable land contact of a storm moving northerly through the Caribbean, the third such storm since 1942. As the possibility of deviation in the storm's course grew increasingly remote, officials of the Opa Locka airfield in North Dade and private aircraft owners fervently sought refuge for their equipment. Civilian planes stored in the hangars numbered 153, including 40 from Chapman Field and 12 owned by the Embry Riddle Co. of Miami. Sixty-one torpedo bombers arrived on September 14 from Opa Locka, bringing the total of military aircraft stored within the hangars to 313. All HTA craft, both civilian and military, competed for space with the 25 k-type blimps (11 dismantled) moored inside the purportedly hurricane-proof structure. Space for 150 private and military automobiles soon vanished.6 On September 14, the violent periphery of the storm passed over the South Florida coast as personnel made the last frantic efforts to secure the base. Sustained wind velocity reached 94 mph at 5:00 PM., ripping the tarpaper from the roofs of the hangars. Steadfastly true to Navy regulations in the face of all collective opinion to the contrary, Captain Worden ordered all "hatches" tightly battened. "Without an opening on the lee side of the hangars to equalize the tremendous pressure exerted by the storm, the structure could theoretically burst," the Captain was warned. At 5:30 the roof of Hangar # 1 blew off, only to be followed by the automatic drenching by the sprinkler system a minute later. No sign of fire had been observed. Fifteen minutes later, however, Hangar #1 was ablaze, as were its sister hangars. Base personnel made a laudable but vain attempt to squelch flames fanned by 126 mph gusts. A civilian witness to the catastrophe who lived just beyond the west gate of the base later reported, "A long, tapering sheet of flame reached from the hangars for more than a quarter mile to my house, so hot I couldn't hold my hand against the windowpane I was peeping out." Debris blown from the hangars by the wind and explosions lay scattered blocks from the site of the blaze. Employees of University of Miami facilities at the base in the 50's recall the charred skeleton of a blimp gondola resting peacefully just outside the main entrance of the base. The two mobile pumpers of the base fire department and the individual hangar pumps dependent on the storm-damaged water system of the base functioned only at partial capacity. Blocked and flooded roads prevented fire equipment and medical aid from arriving until 9:40 PM., in time to administer a token dousing to thousand-foot piles of smoldering wreckage. Where hours before had stood the largest wooden structures in the world, worth an estimated $30,000,000, lay piles of debris. The fire was categorically claimed to be the worst within the Continental United

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States in 1945 and unequivocally asserted to be one of the most cataclysmic blazes in the nation's history. Officials declared the hangars and equipment stored within them a total loss. The K-type Navy blimps valued at $250,000 each and the $125,000 loss incurred by the Embry Riddle Co. amounted to $7,000,000 of the total loss. While initial estimates of injuries ranged as high as 100, the official account later lists 50, all of them minor.7 Investigators found the body of Fire Chief Harry Shulze, the only fatality of the disaster, amid the wreckage of some small trucks where timbers had fallen on him." Naturally, witnesses and investigators advanced a variety of seemingly plausible explanations for the disaster. According to some, static electricity ignited the fires, though officials dismissed this theory as untenable. Dade County Patrolman R. E. Ivo attributed the cause of the blaze to an explosion that occurred as a strong gust broke the mooring ties of a small private plane on the runway, hurling it into the side of one of the hangars. Navy and Fire Department officials summarily dismissed this theory as a viable cause. The hurricane's obvious intensification of the severity of the blaze banished hopes for the discovery of an officially acknowledged cause. E W. Wiggins, operations manager for Embry Riddle, succinctly phrased the most popular theory for Miami Herald reporters the following day. "As the structures collapsed from the 126 mph winds," said Wiggins, "sparks from falling debris and severed powerlines ignited the gasoline from ruptured fuel tanks." 9 Thus ended the active strategic and tactical role played by Richmond NAS in the Navy's elaborate defense system. Despite the emphatic exhortations of Naval Affairs Committee member Sen. C. O. Andrews for the refurbishing and preservation of the base in light of its strategic importance, the systematic clean-up and deactivation of the base began at once. The damage to the base created by a sequence of events as unusual as those of the September 15 hurricane and fire could be expected to manifest itself in an unusual way. As the structures exploded, burned and were blown about by the winds, the tons of nails that affixed tarpaper to roofs and wooden support struts to their main members littered almost the entire base. So immediate were the problems caused by this, that large make-shift electromagnets mounted on Navy trucks slowly scoured the roads and runways to make travel through the base possible. As late as 1958, University personnel had to rake these rusty remnants from the roadways after a hard rain. 10 As the Navy's intentions regarding the relegation of NAS Richmond to the status of deactivated surplus property became apparent, administrative officials of the small but ebullient University of Miami

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began to ponder the feasibility of a satellite campus at Richmond. The expected flood of discharged servicemen seeking higher education and the Navy's expected termination of the Miami International Air Depot, then housing male students, made the decision to seek transfer on the base to the University an extremely judicious one.1 A committee appointed by university president Dr. Bowman F Ashe began preliminary negotiations for the base before its official deactivation in February, 1946. The negotiations continued through the summer and concluded on October 4, 1946, when Dr. Ashe formally accepted NAS Richmond. Terms of the 50-year lease placed not only the base, but responsibility of base maintenance under university control. The degree of necessary maintenance would, for several years following the transfer, be a point of contention between university and Navy officials. The wellconstructed runways were in excellent repair at the time of transfer, and Navy planes landed occasionally, often bringing the Naval inspector, who insisted the grass adjacent to the runways be mowed regularly. The university quite naturally demurred, such a requirement falling well outside the budget.1 2 Classes on the new satellite campus opened November 1, under the direction of Dean Elmer V. Hjort, who was succeeded by his associate Dr. J. Ralph Murray when Dr. Hjort's health failed. The campus offered a wide variety of freshman level courses, and complete housing and recreational facilities for 1,100 first-year students. Male students occupied the enlisted men's barracks, women occupying the more affable bachelor officers' quarters.' 3 Facilities at the campus had been wellmaintained during the Navy's tenure and were fully adequate to fill the needs placed upon them. The water and sewage systems, laundry facilities, incinerator and dispensary remained in operation throughout the two years the university used the "South" Campus for freshmen classes. The cafeteria continued service as did the snack bar in the Recreation Hall, which boasted a hardwood floor gymnasium and a four-lane bowling alley. Freshmen attended most classes on the South Campus, but regularly scheduled transportation to and from the main campus existed in the form of a fleet of surplus Navy buses. Despite the rather unique nature of Richmond as a university campus, students disliked it from the beginning, considering it too remote and inaccessible.' 4 Many of the students came from northern families in urban communities and found university life in the midst of an undeveloped farming area antithetic. Students at the remote campus of course discovered a variety of ways to amuse themselves. One of the more unusual diversions was that of a female student who found inciner-

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ation of the closets of her classmates to be an intensely thrilling pastime. University firemen extinguished more than half a dozen such fires before officials apprehended the girl." 5 During this period, the university established a series of research programs on the base which would soon encompass a wide spectrum of scientific disciplines. These programs constituted the first real research undertaken by the university. In response to a directive from university president Dr. Ashe, John Lynch and Dr. Arthur Stahl selected 350 acres in the southeast corner of the base and, after the termination of freshmen classes, the dispensary for what was to be the most extensive and versatile of the research programs undertaken: Tropical Food Research. In addition to the 350-acre experimental farm and laboratory, the program, at the height of activity, included two large greenhouses, two slat sheds, each over 150 feet in length, and a miniature, though fully functional commercial fruit and vegetable packaging facility. Dr. F Gray Butcher directed an entomology research program as.a corollary to work conducted by the Tropical Food Research team. Project directors established the farm for the study of the horticulture of tropical and subtropical fruits and to supply samples to the Tropical Food Laboratory for analysis and commercial processing. Project personnel grew and bred most varieties of common subtropical fruits such as mangoes, avocados and all varieties of citrus incluing shattuck, a primitive grapefruit, and rough lemon, a preferred root stock. Researchers also maintained a small grove of lychee trees for study. The propagation of barbados cherries, however, resulted in perhaps the most successful experiment undertaken at the farm in both a scientific and commercial respect. The barbados cherry is a small, moderately sweet fruit with a much higher vitamin C content than oranges. Researchers kept complete records on the growth and breeding of each of the 500 to 1,000 barbados seedlings planted, eventually culminating in the development of the Florida Sweet, the most common commercial variety of barbados cherry. Guavas received extensive attention, ultimately directed toward the development of a type of guava suitable for eating as picked from the tree. Success, however, eluded those efforts. In the mid-fifties the farm assumed an autonomous position of sorts, its efforts directed solely at tropical and subtropical horticulture. The staffs of both farm and laboratory, however, maintained an informal cooperative research arrangement. One of the most significant bits of applied research and development came as a result of a collaborative effort between the university staff and local lime growers. The project concluded with the production

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of the first commercially feasible frozen limeade concentrate. Growers supplied limes for research in the Tropical Food Laboratory and converted the laundry building into a juice processing plant. Once underway, university personnel acted in a supervisory capacity to ensure proper quality control. By this time, a complete soil analysis laboratory had begun to assist the farm and food laboratory and a complete machine shop worked to produce the specialized equipment needed for agricultural experimentation now supervised by farm manager Roy Nelson. Extensive as the work conducted on the farm grew to be, however, the Tropical Food Laboratory did not limit its activities strictly to specimens grown on the farm. Though established simultaneously, the farm took several years to mature to a point where it became an important source of supply to laboratory work. Activities independent of the farm included the study of packaging, handling and preservation of tropical foods, resulting in development of numerous recipes and formulas, such as those for orange jelly. An enticing variety of tropical fruit wines grew from some of the laboratory work, including citrus wine. Few were ever commercially successful. The corollation between this work and the consistently pleasant disposition of South Campus staff suggests that these efforts held some promise. The Tropical Food Laboratory made a major contribution to the budding field of Food Technology with the development of frozen, fully-cooked portion-packed foods. This work involved courtesy agreements between the university, DuPont and Alcoa, who sent the most recently developed samples of plastic and aluminum packaging material for research. The development of mylar plastic, a transparent, heat resistant material, proved to be a boon for the project. The laboratory also had to its credit the development of several highly-specialized pieces of miniature research equipment. A complete high-vacuum, lowtemperature juice concentrator, which enabled the original research on frozen pineapple juice, and the only laboratory size homogenizer in the South are among them. As in any large research program, not all the directions followed can be even remotely considered to lead to success. Several experiments with the preservation of ripe tomatoes proved disappointing, as did an experiment involving ripe bananas dipped in a wax-like preservative solution. Another project invovling the use of calamondin juice as a substitute for bitters had a similar fate. The type of refrigeration that researchers used so extensively was consistent with many of the projects in its unique form and applications.

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Laboratory personnel, working in what had been the base dispensary, found the surplus mortuary boxes to be ideal for storage of samples and specimens. Student research assistants found them an ideal place to lie peacefully in repose for the "amusement" of unwary visitors inspecting laboratory facilities. In 1961 the university eliminated the work of the Tropical Food Laboratory and that of the experimental farm rather suddenly, a fate shared by all South Campus research programs not externally funded and self-sufficient. The laboratory and experimental farm remained intact for one year, the university hoping industrial interests would provide the funds needed for reactivation. The work conducted at the farm and Tropical Food Laboratory in no way overshadowed the other research programs being conducted simultaneously at the South Campus. In addition to the entomology research of Dr. E Gray Butcher, private entomological research conducted on the upper floor of the administration building intrigued many university personnel. The project's director, known to university staff as the "Mad Russian," experimented with the electronic decimation of insects at a distance. Biomedical research became an important item in the university's research budget. The cancer research team of Dr. Wilhemina Dunning and Dr. Maymie Curtis, the first scientists to produce cancer cells in embryonic chicks, handled their experiments in what had been the base brig. These experiments successfully produced cancer in vitro (laboratory conditions under glass). Dr. Dunning is currently involved in cancer research at the University of Miami Medical School. The South Campus also served as the home of two independent polio research projects in the early 1950's. Dr. Donald Butz's program concerned itself with different types of blood as they reacted with the polio virus. His frequent requests for blood samples from campus personnel earned him the affectionately intended nickname of Vampire. At the same time, Dr. Murray Sanders became involved with therapeutic research, shocking nerves deadened by polio back to sensitivity through the use of toxic reptile and insect venom. When the school terminated all polio research programs with the discovery of the Salk vaccine, Dr. Sanders and his staff were faced with the problem of disposal of the large assortment of venom samples accumulated, including minute vials of black widow spider venom. The staff finally burned the dangerous specimens. 16 One facet of Dr. Sanders' work unintentionally provided South

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Campus personnel with a comic though costly display of animal ingenuity. A shipment of 28 rhesus monkeys for Dr. Sanders' research invaded the campus when one of the prodigious primates opened the cages containing them. George Macfie, a research professor, recalls an instance when it seemed that all the monkeys staged an organized raid on the Tropical Food Laboratory, no doubt in search of food. Nine of them were seated on the roof and hood of his car when he left one afternoon. In their search for food, however, the monkeys wreaked havoc on the Experimental Farm, their practice being to taste one fruit, discard it and taste another. Campus personnel eventually caught most of the marauding monkeys. The Industrial Research program, begun in 1950 and directed by Dr. W. O. Walker, and the Housing Research Laboraory, begun in the same year and directed until 1955 by Dr. H. Horton Shelton, take their places at the opposite extremity of the university's spectrum of research. Concerned primarily with the chemistry of the interior of a sealed refrigeration system, Dr. Walker's research found numerous sponsors in manufacturers of refrigeration components. Aaron Sakhnovsky, formerly of Dr. Walker's laboratory, assumed the directorship of the Housing Research Laboratory from Dr. Shelton in 1955. Also externally funded, this laboratory conducted tests of windows required by the Dade County Building Codes. The laboratory's scope later enlarged to include tests for wall systems of multi-story buildings.1 Though the University of Miami assumed control of Richmond NAS in the 1946 lease, the government maintained a portion of the tract for military purposes. Token military presence had been maintained since 1946 through the rather inconspicuous Naval Observatory. The Air Force 644 Radar Unit established a tracking station at Richmond in 1957-58, I 1 which was modified in April, 1960 for SAGE, low altitude radar. Air Force technicians made these modifications to guard against low altitude, mid-air collisions and to track missiles from Eglin Air 1 Force Base." Two months later, the House Armed Services Committee in Washington approved a plan to apportion 474 acres of Richmond among the four branches of the service.20 During the years following 1961, the various tenants of the base maintained its unusual and controversial character. It hosted the largest CIA nerve center outside the agency's headquarters in Langley, Virginia under the name Zenith Technological Services. 2 It received consideration as a private airport, 22 automobile test track and race track,s" and highway patrol headquarters. 24 Upon revocation of the lease from the

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University of Miami in 1970, Dade County acquired the property from the General Services Administration for use as a cageless zoological park.25

NOTES
1. Interview with Mrs. Gaye Tripp, Secretary and Cashier for Smith, Jacobs and Langston Co., U.S. Navy and University of Miami. 2. Tripp interview. 3. Naval Historical Foundation, Washington, D.C. Excerpt from Study: The Continental Bases 1947 p. 256. 4. Tripp interview. 5. Naval Historical Foundation. Chronology of Base 1942-1945. 6. Miami Herald, September 15, 1945. 7 Miami Herald, September 16, 1945. 8. Smiley, Nixon, Knights of the Fourth Estate, E. A. Seemann Pub. Inc. Miami, 1974 pgs. 212-216. 9. Miami Daily News, September 16, 1945. 10. Interview with George B. Macfie, former Assistant Professor of Food Technology, University of Miami. 11. Interview with Eugene Cohen, University of Miami Administrator. 12. Cohen interview. 13. Tebeau, Charlton W., The University of Miami: A Golden Anniversary History -1926-1976, Coral Gables, Fla., University of Miami Press, 1976, p. 120. 14. Ibid p. 121. 15. Tripp interview. 16. Macfie interview. 17. Interview with Aaron Sakhnovsky, Director of Housing Research, University of Miami. 18. Tripp interview. 19. Miami Herald, April 3, 1960. 20. Miami Herald, June 10, 1960. 21. Miami Herald, March 9, 1975. 22. Miami Herald, February 6, 1973. 23. Miami Herald, April 13, 1971. 24. Miami Herald, August 28, 1971. 25. Miami Herald, March 9, 1975.