This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
Almanya'da Nazilerce bilim adamlarına başlatılan baskı üzerine yardım için 19 'de !"nderilmiştir#
$n!ilizce kaynak % http://newswatch.nationalgeographic.com/2012/05/22/einsteins-and-ataturk-part-ii-einsteins-letter/
&ürkçe kaynak 'e mini bel!esel : http://www.cankaya.edu.tr/duyuru/einstein.php
(u yazıda k)nuyla il!ili bil!ileri 'erdikten s)nra dışarda ayrı araştırmacının yazılanlarını 'erece*im % 1# Albert Einstein in &urkey+Arn)ld ,eisman -A# Einstein'in bu k)nudaki faaliyetleri. p!# / 0# E1iled in &urkey fr)m Nazi ,ule (i)c2emist 3# 4aur)5itz # 7erman 8ibrarians in &urkey 19 +69 4#Muller -(i)+Kimya (ilimadamı. -:ni'ersite Kütüp2ane;zmanları. p!# 16 p!# 6<
Almanya'da karşılaşılan bu baskı üzerine Einstein tarafından kendilerine &ürkiye'de çalışma izninin 'erilmesi &ürk 7ükümetinden talebedilmektedir# (unun üzerine yapılan !"rüşmeler s)nucu> etnik )larak ?a5udi yada Alman 'b# de+işik k"kenden yüzlerce kişi 19 den s)nra &ürkiye'ye kabul edilmiş 'e üni'ersitelerimizin çalışmalarında büyük katkılarda bulunmuşlardır# Kütüp5ane uzman,larından pr)fes"rlere kadar de+işik !"re' 'e dallardan insanlar bu çerçe'ede çalışmıştır# (u sıralar zaten üni'ersitede ref)rm çalışmalarını başlatmak üzere )lan Atatürk'ün p)litikaları da b"ylece ciddi bir destek !"rmüş bulunmaktadır# <ni'ersitelerimizde bir ç)k yeni b"lümler bu sayede açılabilmiştir# (u kişilerden bir kısmı sadece sa'aş sırasında de+il 19*0 ten s)nra burada kalıp yaşamaya de'am etmişlerdir# 7atta bazıları "ldüklerinde ülkemize !"mülmelerini istemiştir# (urada bulunan ailelerden yetişen !ençlerden da5a s)nra d"ndükleri Almanya'da (erlin (elediye (aşkanlı+ı !ibi "nemli !"re'lerde bulunanlar )lmuştur# Kısa bir "rnekleme ile bu !ruptan bazılarını 'e çalışmalarını aşa+ıdaki tabl)da belirtmek isteriz % Adı Alfred Kant)r)8icz Andreas &ietze Art5ur ')n 7ippel Ale4ander -üst)8 (enn) :andsber!er (run) &aut E# 6indlay 6reundlic5 Eric5 Auerbac5 Ernst -euter 7ans -eic5enbac5 7ans 2üt)rb)ck 7ilda 2eirin!er J)sep5 D!ers5eimer Kurt K)ss8i! -ic5ard ')n Mises Çalışma Alanı @işçilik 'e 7alk 3a+lı+ı 3)sy)l)Bi 6izikçi Ek)n)mik 3)sy)l)! Arke)l)Bi Mimarlık Astr)n)mi 3)sy)l)Bi He5ir Ilanlama Matematikçi,6il)z)f Arke)l)Bi Matematikçi Kptalm)l)Bi L))l)Bi Matematikçi,6il)z)f Yaşam Zamanı Diğer 199A,19;1 191*,1AA 1999,1AA 1990,19; 199A,19;9 199A,19 9 1990,19;* 1991,190E 1999,190 1991,1901 19A9,1AAA 199 ,19E 19E9,19;0 19A ,1991 199E,1AAA 199 ,190 7ar'ard'da uy!ulamalı matema,tikçi )larak de'am etmiştir Adıyla bilinen cerra5i teknikler 'ar Manyas Milli Iarkı'nı kurmuştur A(@ de -# Mises ile e'lenmiştir Einstein'ın çalışma arkadaşıdır FMimesisG eseri $stanbul'da bulundu+u sırada yazılmıştır (erlin (elediye (aşk# yapacaktır =C:A de Kuantum Mek# çalışmıştır &)plama kampından !elmiştir =C:A de &ürk)l)Bi çalışmaları 'ar MD& de çalıştı 'e &ruman "dülü aldı
Mar!arete 3# :i5)tzky Mimarlık
-ud)lf Nissen Mil5elm :"pke Milliam Ira!er
Kperat"r @)kt)r Ek)n)mist Matematikçi
199;,1991 1999,19;; 19A ,199A
(urada dikkat edilmesi !ereken "nemli bir n)kta da Einstein !ibi "nemli bilim adamlarının $n!iltere 'e A(@ !ibi yerlere !itmek yerine &ürkiye'yi seçmiş 'e bu fırsatla bize destek )lmalarıdır# (u )lay M# Kemal Atatürk'ün dünya kamu)yunda sa+ladı+ı !ü'en 'e say!ının başka bir !"ster!e, sidir# (u k)nunun Naziler açısından ikinci bir yenil!iyle s)nuçlanan başka bir b)yutu da5a 'ardır# (u pr)!ram y)l alıp işlemeye başladıktan s)nra 5ükümetimize baskı yapılarak bunların ülkeden atılmasını istemişlerdir# 7atta istenirse Almanya'dan maaşlarının da "denerek yenilerinin buraya !"nderilece+i 'aadedilmiştir# (una ra+men 5ükümetimiz bunu reddetmiştir#
Peki, bu bilim adamlarının doğal olarak zamanın en çekici ülkesi ABD'ye gitmek yerine Türkiye'ye gelmek istemelerinin nedeni nedir ? Dünyanın en nemli bilim insanlarından Albert !instein'in bize beslediği bu gü"en nasıl sağlanmı# olabilir ? Bence bunun asıl sebebi A$ !instein'in %azi &$ 'emal'in iyi bir insan, komutan "e de"let adamı olması yanında aynı zamanda iyi bir bilim adamı kimliğine de sa(i) olduğunun *arkına "armasıdır$ Bunun en nemli kanıtlarından biri +utuk'ta da geçen ,$ %$ -ells'in ./0. de 1ondra "e +e2 3ork'ta yayınlanan .044 say*alık bilim5tari( kitabı olmalıdır$ Ankara'da o günün imkansızlıkları içinde bir tara*tan iç isyanlar, bir tara*tan i#gal, bir tara*tan kurtulu# için dı# )olitikayla "e de"letin yeniden kurulu#u için gece5gündüz uğra#acaksınız$ Diğer yandan, Batılı ülkelere g re 644 yıl kadar gecikmeyle giden matbaa "e eğitimin (enüz aydınlatamadığı karanlığa rağmen çıkı) Batı'da yayınlanan en ileri bilim5tari( kita)larını izleyeceksiniz 7 8e"irisinin ya)ılmasını sağlayarak okuyu) yorumlaya5caksınız 7 Büyük +utuk'un içinde bir say*a kadar )ay alacak #ekilde anlamlandırı) değerlendireceksiniz 7 9#te %azi &$ 'emal'in :büyük; lüğünü bir #ekilde *arkeden A$ !instein'in Almanya'dan sürülmekte olan bilim adamlarını bu sebe)le Türkiye'ye y nlen5dirdiğini dü#ünüyorum$ +e mutluyuz ki, bu :büyük; lük sayesinde bizler de bu günleri g rebildik$ Batı ile aramızdaki 644 yıl *arkı büyük lçüde ka)atmamıza olanak sağlayan kita)lara olan bu ilgisini #ükranla anarken, bunu (iç kaybetmediğini %azi'nin kütü)(anesinde miras kalan binlerce kita)tan anlıyoruz$ -ells'in ilgili kitabının ba#lık "e +utuk'tan ilgili say*anın alıntılarını burada g rebiliriz <
Bakmak isterseniz :,ayatın "e 9nsanlığın Tari(i; konulu -ells kitabının aslının "e Atatürk'le ilgili diğer kita)lar adresi < Atatürk'ün Okuduklarından bir örnek : Bilim ve Tarih – H.G.Wells – 1 !1 Atatürk'ün Okudu"u #ita$lar %istesi Atatürk'ün Okudu&u 'aban(ı #ita$lar G.).Tü*ek(i Atatürk'ün Okudukları )i+ini ve Bilim , Tarih #ita$larından -rnekler
Turkey the Safe Haven Einstein the Savior, By Arnold Reisman 1 "What made Einstein the man of this century was not just his mind, it was also his soul" 2 There are so many dimensions to Al ert Einstein that over !"" oo#s have een written a out him$ This article will focus on a little #nown facet of his life$ % &urin' the dar#est years of the 2"th century Einstein (layed a role in savin' a num er of intellectuals throu'h the safe)haven (rovided y the 'overnment of Tur#ey$ *e maintained a corres(ondence with these scholars and later hel(ed (lace some of them at +S institutions$ At times he had to lend his name and re(utation to institutions he #new would not hire any ,ews as (rofessors to attain these 'oals$ *is e-(erience with *arvard was a 'ood case in (oint$ .t was not alone in ein' ,udenfrei re'ardin' its faculty$ Al ert Einstein was not only one of the 'reatest scientists of all times ut also a 'reat humanitarian and a (roud ,ew involved in many ,ewish causes$ / E-cer(t from Einstein0s address to the 1RT)1SE dinner in 2ondon on 1cto er 23, 13%" 4 Some background Amon' those 5rst 5red from their jo s y the 6a7is in 13%% was *un'arian) orn 8ran#furt (atholo) 'ist, &r$ 9hili(( Schwart7$ Schwart7 :uic#ly ;ed with his family to Swit7erland where his *is father) in)law, (rofessor S$ Tschulo#, had ta#en refu'e after the 13"4 Russian Revolution$ Tschulo# was a 'ood friend of Al ert <alche, (rofessor of (eda'o'y who had (re(ared the re(ort on the Tur#ish educational reform in 13%2$ .t seems Al ert <alche saw the dou le o((ortunity and a(() roached Schwart7$ .n <arch 13%%, Schwart7 esta lished the 6ot'emeinschaft &eutscher Wissen) schaftler im Ausland, The Emer'ency Assistance 1r'ani7ation for =erman Scientists, to hel( ,ewish and other (ersecuted =erman scholars secure em(loyment in countries (re(ared to receive such refu'ees$ !
1 Arnold Reisman received his 9h& in en'ineerin' from +>2A and is a retired (rofessor of o(erations research from >ase Western Reserve +niversity$ As an inde(endent scholar he authored Tur#ey0s <oderni7ation? Refu'ees from 6a7ism and Atat@r#0s Aision$ Washin'ton, &>? 6ew Academia 9u lishers, 2""!$ .n addition? S*1A*? Tur#ey, The +S and the +B C>harleston, S>? Boo#Sur'e 9u lishin'$ 2""3D Refu'ees and reform? Tur#ey0s re(u lican journey C>harleston, S>? Boo#Sur'e 9u lishin'$ 2""3D Am assador and a <entsch? The story of a Tur#ish &i(lomat in Aichy 8rance htt(?EEwww$thewjc$or'EsermonsEeinstein$htm Aiewed Se(tem er %, 2""F .n a (ersonal communcation dated Se(tem er 4, 2""F, <s$ Bar ara Wolf, >urator, Al ert Einstein Archives, *e rew +niversity of ,erusalem, wrote? "Althou'h . cannot (retend havin' read CallD !"" oo#s written a out Einstein, at least . dare to claim that . read the most relia le io'ra(hies G mono'ra(hies Crelia le? ased on authentic, ori'inal materialD (u lished in =erman, En'lish and 8rench, e-ce(t those which are dealin' e-clusively with AE0s scienti5c research and theories$ . do not remem er havin' found any mention of Einstein0s eHorts to (lace ,ewish intellectuals in Tur#ey circa 13%%$" <oreover, <arcia Tuc#er, >urator of the Archives of the .nstitute for Advanced Study had a similar res(onse to a similar :uestion$ 9ersonal communcation dated Se(tem er 4, 2""F$ Similar res(onse was also received from (rofessor Tuvia 8rilin', The Ben)=urion Research .nstitute, Ben)=urion +niversity of the 6e'ev, .srael, a noted historian of that (eriod and of that (art of the world, e'$ Tur#ey and the Bal#ans$ "Einstein wor#ed feverishly to rescue #in, friends, #in of friends and even stran'ers from the maw of *itler0s =ermany$ *e (ersonally vouched for do7ens, esta lishin' in their names as many I2,""" an# accounts Cre:uired y immi'ration authoritiesD as he could aHord$ When ta((ed out, he eseeched friends and collea'ues to (ut u( funds, 'uaranteein' the de(osits himself$" htt(?EEwww$momentma'$comEE-clusiveE2""FE2""F)"/E2""F"/)Einstein$html 1RT)1SE &inner, in 2ondon, 1cto er 23, 13%", Al ert Einstein Archives, *e rew +niversity of ,erusalem, &oc$ 23 "%/)1 6eumar# noted that three revolutions came to'ether to ma#e the 13%% "miracle" ha((en in Tur#ey? Russian in 13"4, Tur#ish in 132% and 6a7i in 13%%$ 8$ 6eumar#, Ju;ucht am Bos(orus? &eutsche =elehrte, 9oliti#er und B@nstler in der Emi'ration 13%%) 134% CEsca(e to Bos(orus? =erman scholars, (oliticians, and artists in e-ile 13%%)134%D C8ran#furt?
9redis(osed to =erman science and culture ecause of lon'standin' ties etween the two countries and reco'ni7in' the o((ortunity that (resented itself, Tur#ey invited 9hili(( Schwart7 F to An#ara for meetin's with re(resentatives of the 'overnment$ Schwar7 rou'ht with him a list of names from the 6ot'emeinschaft, and (rovided these names to his Tur#ish counter(arts$ K Their mission was to select individuals with the hi'hest academic credentials in disci(lines and (rofessions most needed in Tur#ey$ <inister of education Resit =ali( arrived with a com(lete list of (rofessorshi(s at the +niversity of .stan ul$ 3 .n his memoirs, 8rit7 6eumar#, one of the Lmi'rL (rofessors who went to Tur#ey, descri es the day when Schwart7 sat down with his Tur#ish counter(arts as "the day of the =erman)Tur# miracle$" .n nine hours of ne'otiations, it was (ossi le to (ut to'ether a com(lete list of names for the (rofessorshi(s of the new .stan ul +niversityMand all were mem ers of the 6ot'emeinschaftN At the end of the day, an overjoyed Schwart7 was a le to (hone to Jurich from An#ara? "6ot three, ut thirtyN" *owever, it was clear from the e'innin' that the =erman (rofes) sors were meant to stay only until their Tur#ish (u(ils, i$e$, their assistants and lecturers, could ta#e over these (ositions$ Therefore 5ve)year contracts ecame the rule$ >ourses were to e tau'ht as soon as (ossi le in Tur#ish, usin' te-t oo#s which had een translated into Tur#ish as well$" 1" Althou'h the 13%% a((ointments were ne'otiated directly y the 6ot'emeinschaft with the Tur#ish 'overnment, they all had to e (re)a((roved y the 6a7i 'overnment later, even thou'h that very 'overnment forced the dismissal from their (osts of all candidates$ The 6a7i o jective was to secure chits from Tur#ey, however, the 6a7is0 disinformation on the "Tur#ish (roject" im(lied that it was (art of Bultur (ro(a'anda a road$ 11 As indicated Einstein0s concern for ,ewish causes dates ac# to at least 132% when he ecame the honorary (resident of a worldwide ,ewish relief or'ani7ation head:uartered in 9aris$ 12 Einstein was indefati'a le in tryin' to (lace =erman scientists with ,ewish roots at America0s universities startin' in 13%2, efore the formal 6a7i ta#eover of =ermany$ *arvard, Oale, Brown, 9rinceton Cuniverity as o((osed to the inde(endent .nstitute for Advanced StudyD would hire none of them$ 1n <arch 24 13%%, while still at an address in 2e >o:)sur)mer ei 1stende, Ailla Savoyarde, Bel'ium, Al ert Einstein wrote to mathematician 8rl$ P<issQ &r$ *ilda =eirin'er$ >oncerned a out directly contactin' *ilda =eirin'er with this information since she was still in 6a7i =ermany, Einstein sent this letter to the Aienna address of &r$ Ernst =eirin'er, *ilda0s rother$ . am formulatin' a (lan to try to esta lish a univer) sity for refu'ees, i$e$, e-iled =erman ,ewish docents and students$ Oou have already seen this idea in my letter to <r$ *eller$ This (lan would only wor# if suRcient num ers of (rominent educators are willin' to try to ma#e this idea a reality$ Since . am estran'ed from =ermany, it would e diRcult for me to ma#e contact with the a((ro(riate (eo(le$ Would you and *err Pa((lied mathema) tician Richard vonQ <ises e interested in this (ro(ositionS .f so, you have the o((ortunity to ma#e contact with the a((ro(riate (eo(le so that a (ro'nosis for this (lan could e made$
Bnecht, 1334D, 1%$ 9hili( Schwart7, or'ani7er of the 6ot'emeinschaft lost his sister and her entire family in =ermany0s 'as cham ers$ 9$ Schwart7 , 6ot'emeinschaft Jur Emi'ration deutscher Wissenschaftlernach 13%% in die Tur#ei$ C<ar ur'? <etro(olis)Aerla', 1334D or'ani7er of the 6ot'emeinschaft lost his sister and her entire family in =ermany0s 'as cham ers$ 8 8or details see 2$ A$ Bur#, "An 1(en &oor? =erman Refu'ee 9rofessors in Tur#ey" in The &is(ossesed)An Anatomy of E-ile, ed$ 9eter .$ Rose CAmherst, <A? +niversity of <assachusetts 9ress, 2""4D, 2%4)24F 9 *$ <@ller, "=erman 2i rarians in E-ile in Tur#ey, 13%%)13/4$" 2i raries G >ulture, %%$%, C133KD? 23/) %"4$ 10 . id 11 2$ 8ermi, .llustrious .mmi'rants$ C>hica'o? +niversity of >hica'o 9ress, 13!KD, !F$ 12 See A$ Reisman, "What a 8reshly &iscovered Einstein 2etter Says A out Tur#ey Today" *66, htt(?EEhnn$usEarticlesE%13/!$html$ 8or a clearer ima'e of the letter see htt(?EEarmenians)1314$ lo's(ot$comE2""!E11E12/%)what)freshly)discovered)einstein$html$ 9osted 6ovem er 2F, 2""! 7
<arch 24, 13%% ? Einstein letter to *ilda =eirin'er re ? a new university to relocate =erman ,ewish (rofessors 1n <ay 2, 13%%, usin' a commercial letterhead, he re(lied to Einstein that the letter had arrived and that he had "carefully sent it to her $ When . receive a re(ly from her, . will ta#e the res(onsi ility of sendin' it on to you$ . would a((reciate it if you would send all su se:uent corres(ondence also to this address and not to Berlin$" 1%
Ernst =eirin'er0s letter to Einstein, <ay 2 13%%$ Einstein wor#ed tiresessly to (lace =eirin'er at an American university throu'hout the 13%"s$ There were many others$ .ncludin' renowned mathematician 1swald We len and astronmer *arlow Sha(ley as is evidenced y the ne-t e-hi it $
*arlow Sha(ley0s res(onse to an in:uiery from 1swald We len dated ,une 2", 13%3$ 1/
Because of 'ender ias and antisemitism they did not succeed until 13%3 at which time she was oHered a lecturershi( at Bryn <awr T a women0s colle'e$ Based on that, she was 'ranted a visa$ .n the meantime she and her dau'hter <a'da were saved y the Tur#ish 'overnment0s invitation$ 14
13 Al ert Einstein Archives 9rinceton +niversity, &ocument 6o$ 4% !1" 14 1swald Ae len 9a(ers, >ontainer %1$ <anuscri(ts &ivision, 2i rary of >on'ress$ 15 Reisman, A$ C2""FD "*ilda =eirin'er? A 9ioneer of A((lied <athematics and a Woman Ahead of *er Time Was Saved from 8ascism y Tur#ey" 8orthcomin' in Women in ,udaism? A <ultidisci(linary ,ournal on Au'ust 2K$ Availa le at htt(?EEssrn$comEa stractU33/43"
<oreover another letter dated Au'ust 4 13/" from St Andrews +niversity s(ea#s for itself? &ear <r$ Einstein, . am deli'hted in ta#in' this o((ortunity to write you$ . ho(e that after a lon' hiatus we can 5nd a common ond etween us$ . have een for one year at the old Scottish +niversity of St$ Andrews and . have erected a third o servatory here$$$$$ 6ow let0s tal# a out the reason for this letter$ . was informed y a CfemaleD friend 1! at *arvard that &r$ *er ert 2evy and his wife Cwho are currently still in BerlinD that there is a certain ho(e, to rescue &r$ 2evy out of the *ell of Berlin$ And, if . was informed correctly, your hel( was enlisted in su((ortin' this distant relative of your former son)in)law$ . have (romised my ac:uaintance to write to you and as# you as a (ersonal favor to try everythin' (ossi le to 'et &r$ 2evy out of =ermany$ . would e very than#ful, if you could (rovide a few words to let me #now, how far this endeavor has (ro'ressed$ . ho(e to receive 'ood news in this matter from you$ Sincerely, E$ 8$ 8reundlich
A Se(tem er 1F, 13%% letter from Einstein to Tur#ish 9rime <inister .smet .nonu (leaded for Tur#ey to invite "fourty e-(erienced s(ecialists and (rominent scholars$$$ to settle and (racitce in your country$" A recently discovered Se(tem er 1F, 13%% letter on the letterhead of 1SE, si'ned y Al ert Einstein to Tur#ish 9rime <inister .smet .nonu 1K The hand)written Tur#ish annotations are com(ellin'$ 13 The to( ri'ht notation shows that .nonu transferred the letter to the <aarif Ae#aleti, <inistry for 6ational Education on 1cto er 3, 13%%$ The other annotations are attri uta le to Resit =ali(, the sittin' <inister$ 1ne says? "this (ro(osal is incom(ati le with clauses Pin the e-istin' lawsQ," 2" another? "PiQt is im(ossi le to acce(t it due to (revailin' conditions," 21 indicatin' that at the outset the (ro(osal was rejected y the <inistry$ 6onetheless "Tur#ey invited more than /" and 'ave them university (osts$
16 <artha B$ Sha(ley, wife of *arvard astronomer *arlow Sha(ley$ The cou(le will e discussed later$ 17 .n Al ert Einstein0s own words that astronomer E$ 8inlay 8reundlich ""was the 5rst amon' fellow) scientists who has ta#en (ains to (ut the PrelativityQ theory to the test$" 1 ituary in The Times htt(?EEwww$aam%1/$v77$netE8reundlich$html Aiewed Se(tem er %" 2""4$ 18 There is some discre(ancy as to who ori'inally found this letter in the 8orei'n <inistry archives$ 8or a discussion of that see, Reisman, A$ C2""!D What a 8reshly &iscovered Einstein 2etter Says A out Tur#ey Today, *istory 6ews 6etwor#, 11)2")"!, htt(?EEhnn$usEarticlesE%13/!$html 19 This letter has een circulatin' within Tur#ey via the we for some time (rior to its (u lication y the *@rriyet$ This author received at least 5ve e)mails from Tur#ish friends with the letter attached startin' early 1cto er 2""!$ 20 "Te#li5n mev7uatS #anuniyeyle teli5 m@m#@n deSildir$" 21 "BunlarS u'@n#@ Veriata 'Wre #a ule im#an yo#tur$" 22 The 5rst 'rou( of invitees in 13%% num ered %"$ .t later 'rew to over 13" intellectuals and with families and staH the totaled over 1""" of saved individuals$ 8or a com(lete listin' of the individual intellectuals see Reisman, Tur#ey0s <oderni7ation? Refu'ees from 6a7ism and Atat@r#0s Aision$ CWashin'ton &>? 6ew Academia 9u lishers, 2""!D (( /F/)/FK
The +niversity Reform conducted at this time ma#es us thin# that someone at hi'her ran#, that is (resident <ustafa Bemal PAtatur#Q, (ersonally intervened in the matter$" 2% Atatur# was determined to moderni7e Tur#ey$ 2/ 9arenthetically it should e mentioned that Einstein left Bel'ium for En'land ten days efore the letter was written, and thus was not in 9aris on that day$ Accordin' to Einstein archivist B$ Wolf "it is (ossi le that durin' his stay in 9aris in summer of 13%% Einstein si'ned a num er of lanc sheets with 1SE letterhead$ <ore (ro a le C'iven the small s(ace in which the si'nature is (lacedD seems the hy(othesis that a re(resentative of 1SE met Einstein and had him si'n the letter$ .n any event, Einstein si'ned it in his ca(acity of 1SE0s *onorary 9resident, and it is not a (ersonal letter$" 24
The fact that Schwar70s success (receded the Einstein (lea is documented y the arrival of the 5rst invitees in .stan ul on 1cto er 24, 13%% as is noted elow$ New Professors of the University 6ew (rofessors invited from Euro(e to teach at the +niversity have started to arrive in .stan ul$ 9rofessor *irsch who will teach Trade 2aw at the 2aw 8aculty arrived the day efore at the university where he had tal#s with the dean and his collea'ues$ *e stated that he will reside in a Tur#ish milieu in .stan ul so that he can learn Tur#ish within three years and that he considered Tur#ey as his own country$ All the forei'n (rofessors will e at their (osts y 24th of 1cto er$ 2e ,ournal d01rient 1cto er 2", 13%%$ A recently discovered res(onse letter to Einstein reinforces the fact that Schwar70s success (receded the Einstein (lea$ .smet .nonu0s letter of res(onse to Einstein$ 6ovem er 1/, 13%%$ 2!
23 Accordin' to .stan ul +niversity0s historian of science 9rof$ 8e7a =@ner'@n C>umhuriyet, Science and Technolo'y Su((lement, 6ov$ %, 2""!, Oear? 2", 6um er? 1"2/"D Einstein0s letter of Se(tem er 1F, 13%% was (receded y the ,uly !, 13%% a'reement etween the Tur#ish 'overnment and the "6ot'emeinschaft" or'ani7ation, Cto e discussed laterD at which time contracts for %" =erman scientists had already een issued$ =@ner'@n su''ested that y his letter "(erha(s encoura'ed y this a'reement Einstein made an attem(t to send another /" to Tur#ey$" 24 Reisman, A$ C2""!D What a 8reshly &iscovered Einstein 2etter Says A out Tur#ey Today, *istory 6ews 6etwor#, 11)2") "!, htt(?EEhnn$usEarticlesE%13/!$html 25 The author than#s <s Bar ara WolH of the Einstein Archives at the *e rew +niversity of ,erusalem for her learned and hel(ful advice on this matter$ 9ersonal communication$ 26 Rifat Bali, a Tur#ish historian discovered this document in the Tur#ish State Archives durin' 6ovem er 2""!$
The .nonu letter states? &istin'uished 9rofessor, . have received your letter dated 1/ 6ovem er 13%% re:uestin' acce(tance y Tur#ey of /" (rofessors and (hysicians who cannot conduct their scienti5c and medical wor# in =ermany anymore under the laws 'overnin' =ermany now$ . have also ta#en note that these 'entlemen will acce(t wor#in' without remuneration for a year in our esta lishments under our 'overnment$ Althou'h . acce(t that your (ro(osal is very attractive, . have to tell you that . see no (ossi ility of renderin' it com(ati le with the laws and re'ulations of our country$ &istin'uished 9rofessor, as you #now, we have now more than /" (rofessors and (hysicians under contract in our em(loy$ <ost of them 5nd themselves under the same (olitical conditions while havin' similar :uali5cations and ca(acities$ These (rofessors and doctors have acce(ted to wor# here under the current laws and re'ulations in (ower$ At (resent, we are tryin' to found a very delicate or'anism with mem ers of very diHerent ori'ins, culture and lan'ua'es$ Therefore . re'ret to say that it would e im(ossi le to em(loy more (ersonnel from amon' these 'entlemen under the current conditions we 5nd ourselves in$ &istin'uished 9rofessor, . e-(ress my distress for ein' una le to ful5ll your re:uest and re:uest that you elieve in my est sentiments$" The 1/ 6ovem er 13%% .nonu letter was (receded y the followin' announcement$ University Opens Fifth of November >ourses will start on 6ovem er 4th in all faculties of the +niversity than#s to all necessary measures ein' com(leted in timely fashion$ All alterations and re(airs in the uildin' housin' the +niversity will e com(leted etween now and then$ The new Tur#ish +niversity will start its activities under com(letely new conditions$ The 8aculty of 2etters has een entirely transferred to the Jeyne( *anim Bona'i$ The 8aculty of 2aw will soon occu(y the locale of the 8aculty of 2etters$ The construction of the la oratory in the Be#ir A'a Binasi intended for the use of the 8aculty of <edicine will soon e com(leted$ The same is true for alterations of s(aces transformed into la oratories in the *os(itals of >errah 9asa, *ase#i and =ure a for the same 8aculty$
1n the face of it .nWn@0s letter a((ears to have closed the doors to Einstein0s (lea$ 8ortunately matters did not end with the (osition ta#en y .nWn@ when he wrote that letter$ Before the end of hostilities in Euro(e Tur#ey, had saved not just %" as ori'inally a'reed to y Schwar7 nor forty as indicated in the .nWn@ letter$ 2F 1ver 13" intellectuals had een saved$ <oreover they were saved initially from =ermany, from Austria after the 13%K Anschluss, and from >7echoslova#ia after the
27 See A$ Reisman, Tur#ey0s <oderni7ation 13"$ Some of the Emi'res served as conduits of communication etween collea'ues, friends, and relatives left ehind and others in the free world$ .t is a 'reat fortune from a historical (ers(ective that some of this corres(ondence was (reserved for (osterity$ See Reisman, Arnold, =erman ,ewish .ntellectuals0 &ias(ora in Tur#ey? C13%%)1344D$ The *istorian Aol$ !3 no$ % (a'es /4")/FK, 8all$
13%3 6a7i invasion of 9ra'ue$ 2K Because of Tur#ey0s in;uence at least one needed (rofessional, dentistry (rofessor Alfred Bantorowic7, was li erated from a nine month incarceration in a concentration cam( and allowed to (roceed with his family to .stan ul$ 23 There is little dou t a out the fact that Atat@r# was (ersonally involved with the emi're (rofessors$ Soon after the arrival of the 5rst (arty he was #nown to have hosted %" a rece(tionE an:uet for them in the &olma ahXe 9alace$ When the Shah of .ran visited Tur#ey for the 5rst time, %1 Atat@r# (ersonally arran'ed for Alfred Bantorowic7 to create a set of dentures for him %2 and for 1(htalmo) lo'ist ,ose(h .'ersheimer to 'ive the Shah an eye e-amination and (rescri e new lenses$ %% Even after the 13" or so intellectuals were in Tur#ey0s safe haven Einstein continued to (lace some of them at American universities of stature$ 1n &ecem er %, 13%%, he wrote a letter to &avid 2$ Edsall, &ean of the *arvard <edical School$ %/ . ta#e the li erty to write to you, ecause . feel stron'ly a need to do what . (ossi ly can to relieve the misery of those in =ermany who are suHerin' des(ite ein' innocent $ . am referrin' to 9rof$ &r$ 8riedrich &essauer, +niversity of 8ran#furt who has made a name for himself in the 5eld of e-(eri) mental (hysics a((lied to <edicine$ The man is in (rison on a trum(ed u( char'e, in reality ecause of his activity in the >enter 9arty$ . consider it our human res(onsi ility to do the utmost to save this esteemed individual$ . thin# it would hel( the man0s fate if the *itler re'ime would learn that (eo(le a road were interested in this man$ 1f course there is no ho(e that he would e released soon or (ermitted to leave the country ut it would e a loud and human 'esture on his ehalf, if one could send some letter of interest from an American university$ Einstein concluded his letter to &ean Edsall y as#in' him to write such a declaration for &essauer$ By desi'n or ha((enstance, Edsall misinter(reted the (lea %4 and res(onded y (ointin' out that there were no (ositions o(en at *arvard at that time$ +ndaunted, Einstein re(lied ".t seems that . have not (ro(erly e-(ressed my intentions$ %! . was not tal#in' a out a real invitation for 9rofessor &essauer, just a (retended one$ The idea is to show that there is an interest a road for this (erson$ The aim is to sto( the le'al (roceedin's a'ainst him which were intiated on s(urious 'rounds$ .t is #nown that these thin's often occur for (olitical reasons$" &essauer was saved y ein' included amon' the Tur#ish 'overnment0s invitees$ The su ject of Einstein and *arvard can 5ll another article$ The short of it is that *arvard0s 9resident C13%%)134%D ,ames Bryant >onant was (redis(osed to anti)semitism$ And that *arvard +niversity had a lon' standin' (olicy of discrimination a'ainst ,ews in faculty a((oinments$ %F The fact that there was no turnin' (oint in that (ractice until the end of WW.. is well documented$ %K .t is also well esta lished that durin' the years surroundin' 13%4, *arvard0s student ody and The >rimson, its (a(er, were sym(athetic to the events ta#in' (lace in 6a7i =ermany$ %3 Accordin' to historian
28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 . id 2"" . id 1!! htt(?EEvonhi((el$mrs$or'Evonhi((elElifeEAv*<emoirs3$(df Aiewed on 1cto er F, 2""4$ A$ Reisman, Tur#ey0s <oderni7ation 13" . id 1!4,1!!, and 2!" . id 14!, 14F >ourtesy Al ert Einstein Archives, *e rew +niversity of ,erusalem, &ocument /3 /F!)1 and 2$ *arvard +niversity had very stron' ties with 6a7i5ed =ermasn universities under the leadershi( of its (resident ,ames Bryant >onant$ Reisman, T+RBEO0S <1&ER6.JAT.16? Refu'ees from 6a7ism and Atat@r#0s Aision$ ($ 414, 41!$ Also, A$ Reisman, "*arvard +niversity0s Tercentenary cele rations and Al ert Einstein? 13%!$" Wor#in' 9a(er C2""FD$ >ourtesy Al ert Einstein Archives, *e rew +niversity of ,erusalem, &ocument /3 /FF$ 8or an e-tensive documentation of oth issues see A$ Reisman, Tur#ey0s <oderni7ation? Refu'ees from 6a7ism and Atat@r#0s Aision$ CWashin'ton, &>? 6ew Academia 9u lishers$ 2""!D A$ Reisman, Tur#ey0s <oderni7ation? Refu'ees from 6a7ism and Atat@r#0s Aision CWashin'ton, &>? 6ew Academia 9u lishers, 2""!D? 214)213, %12, %14, %%", %44, 4"%, $ Andrew Schlesin'er, "The real story of 6a7i0s *arvard visit" The Boston =lo e$ 6ovem er 1K, 2""/$ htt(?EEwww$ oston$comEnewsE'lo eEeditorialYo(inionEo(edEarticlesE2""/E11E1KE theYrealYstoryYofYna7isYharvardYvisitE
Ste(hen *$ 6orwood, /" *arvard +niversity 9resident ,ames Bryant >onant0s insistence on treatin' 6a7i academics as (art of the "learned world, and his reluctance to oHer faculty (ositions to (rominent ,ewish refu'ee scholars, was sha(ed in (art y his own anti)Semitic (rejudices$" .n 13%!, *arvard sent an oRcial re(resentative to cele rations at the +niversity of *eidel er' which, li#e all =erman universities at that time, had e-(elled all its ,ewish (rofessors and chan'ed its curriculum to re;ect 6a7i ideolo'y$ *arvard also cultivated friendly ties with another 6a7i =erman university in =ottin'en$ /1 When the &u9ont >or(oration sou'ht 9resident >onant0s advice a out hirin' a =erman),ewish scientist who had ;ed the 6a7is, >onant recommended a'ainst oHerin' him a jo ecause he was "very de5nitely of the ,ewish ty(eMvery heavy$" The scientist they rejected, <aBer'mann, was descri ed y the 6ew Oor# Times as "one of the leadin' or'anic chemists in the world$" /2 <uch of this was #nown to Einstein$ =ermany the way it used to e was Pa culturalQ oasis in the desert$ ) Al ert Einstein,
So it came as a sur(rise to this author to learn that *arvard0s that Al ert Einstein received an honorary S& de'ree in 13%4$ &ocumentation from (rimary sources was diRcult to 5nd$ *owever after an e-tensive search the actual certi5cate was found uried in the Einstein archives at the *e rew +niversity of ,erusalem$ The Einstein archives themselves contain no notes a out *arvard0s 13%4 commencement$ There are no co(ies in the archives of news(a(er articles of the day that re(orted this event$ The certi5cate itself has never efore een di'iti7ed nor (osted$ Accordin' to Einstein oRcial curator at the *e rew +niversity of ,erusalem, Bar ara Wolf, it was hidden in a 5le mar#ed "9rot7enec#e" C9retencesD alon' with honoraria from less well #nown institutions$ //
Einstein s Honorary S! from Harvard "erti#cate
Aiewed 6ovem er 1F, 2""!$ Also, Ste(hen *$ 6orwood, "*arvard0s 6a7i Ties" 1cto er 2! 2""4$ The &avid S$ Wyman .nstitute for *olocaust Studies$ htt(?EEwww$wymaninstitute$or'EarticlesE2""/)11)harvard$(h( $ Aiewed ,anuary 4 2""!$ 40 S$*$ 6orwood, "2e'itimatin' 6a7ism? *arvard +niversity and the *itler Re'ime, 13%%)13%F" American ,ewish *istory ? 32, 2, ,une 2""/, (($ 1K3)22% 41 htt(?EEwww$wymaninstitute$or'E ostoncont$(h( $ Aiewed on 1cto er 2F 2""4$ 42 <a- Ber'mann, Z$$formerly director of the Baiser)Wilhelm .nstitute for 2eather Research, joined the Roc#efeller .nstitute in 13%%[ he was one of many =erman scientists of the intellectual mi'ration$ A (rotL'L of Emil 8ischer, Ber'mann had develo(ed in =ermany a leadin' center for (rotein chemistry, attractin' students from around the world$ *is successful career continued in his new homeland, which he considered "the est country on the 'lo e" C8eli- *aurowit7 5le, ,uly K 13/%D$ *is research (ro'ram, which focused on the action of (roteolytic en7ymes on synthetic (e(tides and on the (ro lem of (rotein structure, aimed at e-(lainin' the iolo'ical s(eci5city of (roteins$ As determinants of s(eci5city, (roteins were then 'enerally re'arded as the active hereditary material in the chromosomes[ Ber'mann0s investi'ations were also intended to account for this 'enetic s(eci5city$ The Ber'mann 9a(ersMletters, re(orts, addresses, and lecturesM are therefore im(ortant not only for the history of iochemistry, ut also for the history of molecular 'enetics$ The corres(ondence shows Ber'mann to e a central 5'ure within the international networ# of (rotein chemists, and instrumental in hel(in' other Lmi'rL iochemists in the 13%"s$ Cem(hasis addedD htt(?EEwww$am(hilsoc$or'Eli raryE'uidesE#ayE9rimary$htm $ Aiewed on 1cto er 2F 2""4$ 43 Al ert Einstein, ,uly 13%/, 2etter to Alfred Berr$ Einstein Archive 4")!KF 44 9ersonal communication, 6ovem er 21, 2""!
The archives do not contain any co(y of the *arvard >rimson of ,une 2", 13%4, which carried the anner headline *161RARO &E=REES T1 BE AWAR&E& T*.S <1R6.6=$ The article s(eci5cally headlined "A2BERT E.6STE.6" as one of the reci(ients /4 The *arvard Alumni Bulletin of ,uly 4, 13%4 reinforced the a ove with? .n 13%4 Al ert Einstein received a new honorary doctorate, this time y the most traditional and most im(ortant university of the +SA, the *arvard +niversity in >am rid'e, <assachusetts$ .t was Thursday, ,une 2", 13%4 when he was awarded the &octor of Science in a ceremony$ The (resident of the university, ,$B$ >onant, said in a s(eech a out Einstein? "ZAcclaimed y the world as a 'reat revolutionist of theoretical (hysics, his old s(eculations, now ecome asis doctrine, will e remem ered when man#ind\s (resent trou les are lon' for'ottenZ"Cem(hasis addedD /! 6owhere in the archives is there a co(y of the ,une 13%4 >ommencement 9ro'ram$ Oet *arvard0s we sites continue to use that event as a (romotional tool$ Accordin' to <s Wolf, Einstein did not have any of his honorary de'rees han'in' on his walls e-ce(t for one$ That was from the Bernese 6aturforschende =esellschaft$ /F <s Wolf su''ested that it was there so that Einstein could tell his secretary and others "of the deceitfulness of the (eo(le who issued honori5c certi5cates$" /K Al ert Einstein0s honorary de'ree certi5cate from America0s most (resti'ious university had een tuc#ed away, never dis(layed$ 9erha(s it was too (ainful a reminder of 9resident >onant0s du(licitous, self servin' ehavior that occurred later in 13%!$ 9arenthetically it may e noted that the F"th anniversary of the ceremony at which Al ert Einstein was awarded *arvard0s honorary S&, came and went in 2""4 without much fanfare or ac#nowled'ement$ Einstein0s willin'ness to e used y *arvard in 13%4 is still somethin' of a mystery$ *owever a year later when *arvard cele rated its %""th anniversary$ Einstein was a'ain invited to (artic(ate in 'ala ceremonies$ At 5rst Einstein acce(ted, then he ac#ed out$ Why then would Einstein who #new of *arvard0s iased hirin' (ractices had sus(icions of 9resident >onant0s anti)Semitic attitudes acce(t an honorary de'ree from himS /3 9ossi ly ecause "The essence of Einstein0s (olitical (ractice seems to have een a form of (olitical (artici(ation in e-ertin' moral in;uence on (eo(le and or'ani7ations throu'h (u lic declarations and a((eals$" 4" Einstein may have een a it naive, ho(in' that "(erha(s" he could have some in;uence and aHect a chan'e at *arvard$ .f *arvard chan'ed, then the other universities would follow$ Einstein continued wor#in' in that re'ard for years thereafter$ .ma'ine, then, the disa((ointment, disillusionment, and hurt, when *arvard0s hirin' (ractices remained unchan'ed until after the war and after the monumental chan'es in America0s hi'her education an undis(uta le result of its =. Bill of Ri'hts$
45 46 47 48
htt(?EEwww$thecrimson$comEarticle$as(-SrefU/4%K13$ Aiewed on 6ovem er 13, 2""! htt(?EEwww$einstein)we site$deE7YinformationEhonours$html]harvard, Aiewed on 6ovem er 21, 2""! 9ersonal communication, 6ovem er 22, 2""! A note that *elen &u#as left$ That note is (art of her Cinformal G (rivateD corres(ondence with 1tto 6athan, a "jun'le of unordered (a(ers$" 9ersonal communication, 6ovem er 22, 2""! 49 The ,une 2", 13%4, Boston Evenin' Transcri(t carried a front (a'e article titled "Einstein and Thomas <ann *ailed at *arvard E-ercises? Two =erman E-iles 0Steal0 >ommencement$" Shown ne-t to the article was a 'rou( (hoto with Einstein and >onant center sta'e front row$ 50 *$ =oenner, "Al ert Einstein and 8riedrich &essauer? 9olitical Aiews and 9olitical 9ractice" 9hysics in 9ers(ective? 4,1 C2""%D 21)!!
Exiled in Turkey from Nazi Rule, Eminent Biochemist Felix Haurowitz Became Indiana’s Adopted Son ⊕
INTRODUCTION Felix Haurowitz is widely recognized as a major 20th century contributor to biochemistry and immunology. His lifetime contributions to knowledge have been well documented as has been most of his life story. What has been left unsaid is how this valuable intellectual was saved from Nazi racism in his native Czechoslovakia, his trials and tribulations in coming to America, and the difficulty in finding a job within a climate of pervasive anti-Semitism. To be sure, much has been written about the migration of German intellectuals to America and the UK during the 1930s. However there is precious little, especially in the English language, about the larger topic of German, Austrian, and Czech migration of intellectuals to Turkey after the Nazis took over their countries. Starting in 1933 that migration involved over 1000 individuals including families, assistants, and colleagues, representing all disciplines and professions 1. In headcounts the biochemistry contingent was small – three to six individuals depending on who is considered a biochemist; in duration of their stay in Turkey it was short –a decade or two. Its impact on the host society however, was monumental. It was also significant in terms of the people-based knowledge that was preserved, conserved if you will, and allowed to develop – in a way placed in escrow for other societies and for future generations. Haurowitz 2 lost the right to teach at the University of Prague soon after the Nazis took over Czechoslovakia in 1939. Like many of his colleagues he was caught at a crossroads and targeted in the cross fires of history. Events in his native land presented him with a Hobson’s choice—leave if you can or die! However, anti-Jewish bias in the west, in America and its European allies, was silently effective in preventing safe passage across the Atlantic during the 1930s. Recognizing the desperate situation of his colleagues, German Jewish physician Phillip Schwarz set up a Swiss-based organization to help place as many of his contemporaries as he could outside Nazi-dominated lands. One of the countries Schwarz contacted was Turkey. The expellees, though not all Jewish were the intellectuals and the professionals. Beginning in 1933, those who were chosen for what they could bring with them could look to Turkey as a safe haven. This held true until the war’s end in 1945 3. Turkey needed the brains and skills these men and women possessed and offered them contracts and accommodations. Felix Haurowitz was among the lucky ones to have been invited. His life was saved because Turkey, a country heretofore alien in every aspect to the Haurowitz family, was at that time discarding the society and culture inherited from the
This paper is based on Arnold Reisman, TURKEY'S MODERNIZATION: Refugees from Nazism and Ataturk's Vision. New Academia Publishers, Washington, DC. Library of Congress Control Number: 2006928369 ISBN 0-9777908-8-6paperback
Ottomans’ derelict and shattered empire. As Turkey (personified by Kemal Atatürk) transformed into a republic, it recognized the need to modernize the country’s society, culture, way of living, and system of higher education. At the time the Third Reich encouraged these emigrations since the process served several of its purposes, one which was to increase German influence in Turkey. Though the Reich would have preferred to send Aryan and especially Nazi professors in the early 1930s, few were willing to go. German Jews and mischlings (mixed breeds, to use the Nazi term) were considered the next best choice as many had property and relatives remaining in Germany. Also, for various self serving reasons Hitler wanted to keep Turkey neutral and to create chits he could invoke as and when necessary. And to what kind of place were these émigrés going? The system of higher education inherited by the Republic of Turkey in 1923 consisted of a few hundred Ottoman vintage (Islamic) medreses, a fledgling university called the Dar-ül Fünun, and three military academies, one of which was expanded into a civil engineering school around 1909. With secularization now enshrined in its constitution, the new government had to meet a need for modernization or westernization throughout Turkish society so a number of policies were designed to bring this about. However, there were not enough indigenous Turkish personnel of sufficient caliber to implement the new plans. Turkey found a way to solve, in part at least, its problem of modernizing the country, or at least begin the process. And with this solution, much was saved! DISCUSSION The bill Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums was passed a few weeks after Hitler came to power. As an immediate consequence of this (Reestablishment of the Civil Service) law the most productive wellspring of western science, technology, and culture had been choked off. All this started in Germany and continued into the rest of Europe, and Europe in general, never regained its status 4. By design, the new civil service law enabled speedy dismissal of hundreds of Jewish 5 and politically suspect professors from their positions at all German universities and institutes. 6 Across the North Atlantic, very restrictive immigration laws were in effect. Although an individual professor could circumvent the immigration quotas if he or she had a job offer from a major university in hand, American universities in general 7, and the Ivy League in particular, were not hiring Jews during the inter-war period. Many did not open their doors to Jewish faculty until the late 1940s. It was not until 1946, that the Philosophy department tenured the college's first Jew, Paul Weiss. By 1970, one out of every six Yale college professors was Jewish. When the shock waves of the 1960s finally shook Yale's gothic ivory towers, anti-Jewish hiring discrimination was a thing of the past. 8 According to historian Stephen H. Norwood, Harvard University President James Bryant Conant's insistence on treating Nazi academics as part of the “‘learned world,’ and his reluctance to offer faculty positions to prominent Jewish refugee scholars, was shaped in part by his own anti Semitic prejudices.” When the DuPont corporation sought his advice about hiring a German Jewish scientist who had fled the Nazis, President Conant 9 recommended against offering him a job because he was "very definitely of the Jewish type--very heavy." The scientist
they rejected, Max Bergmann 10, was described by the New York Times as “one of the leading organic chemists in the world.” 11 And, as late as 1945 Ernest E. Hopkins, President of Dartmouth College unabashedly declared “Dartmouth is a Christian college founded for the Christianization of its students.” 12 Without question all private universities suffered budgetary constraints during the 1930’s as the result of the Great Depression and all had gender bias while openly practicing age discrimination yet many of the eminent professors in Germany and Austria were advanced in age and some were women. Fast forwarding to 1942 and moving to the United States during wartime, the days when “Rosie the Riveter” posters soliciting women to enter the workforce abounded so ships could be floated and aircraft sent aloft, American universities shied away from hiring mathematicians who were women, or men who were beyond an age limit that would be considered absurd by today’s standards. As a case in point, Queens College was barely five years old and growing rapidly as part of the budding New York City university system. Seeing a possible opportunity to place one or two outstanding mathematicians, one of whom was Hilda Geiringer, the other being Max Dehn, mathematician Hermann Weyl wrote from the Institute for Advanced Study 13 at Princeton to Queens College mathematics professor, T. F. Cope, “In view of the growing shortage of well-qualified teachers of mathematics at the university level—probably soon to be aggravated by various naval and air-force training courses—I should like to draw your attention to the good services which could be rendered by European refugee mathematicians of high rank.” After describing Geiringer’s and Dehn’s qualifications, and noting the fact that both had already had over a year’s teaching experience at American colleges, Weyl felt a need to add that “there is no doubt whatsoever of the political reliability of either of them.” However, he continued, “Professor Dehn, a mathematician of great merit, one of the fathers of modern topology, is probably too old for permanent employment.” Still hopeful that the above notice which he felt obliged to include might not have been needed after all, Weyl added: “Dehn is a vigorous man in excellent health (still able to go for a four-day hike on the Olympic Peninsula, as he did last summer, carrying all provisions on his back).” To further reinforce his recommendation of Dehn, Weyl noted: “He is an inspiring teacher, and could teach all branches of mathematics, including history and philosophy of mathematics.” Weyl also pointed out that “Mrs. Geiringer is of that type of applied mathematician who could be of great service in the present emergency.” Before sending his above letter to Queens College, Herman Weyl had already posted identical pleas to a Professor Harold Hotteling at Columbia University on February 12, to Professor Griffith C. Evans at the University of California, Berkeley, on February 26, and to Professor Tibor Rado at Ohio State University on March 21. 14 In all likelihood, Weyl was aware before approaching them that these particular institutions employed Jewish faculty members. So, anti-Semitism was not an issue. The bottom line, however, is that there is no record of Queens College nor the other more established universities ever hiring either Geiringer or Dehn. Both finished their careers at America’s lesser-known institutions of higher learning, Geiringer at Wheaton College, and Dehn at Black Mountain College, a college that had no accredited degrees, taught mainly creative arts, and no longer exists. 15 Nevertheless a number of American research universities recognized a triple opportunity being presented: that of acquiring world-class talent; acquiring outside funding that would otherwise not be available to them; and being altruistic in the process. Along
these lines, another Princeton Institute mathematician of note Oswald Veblen, minced no words in his letter of April 18 1940 to a Dr. Wilbur K. Thomas at the Oberlaender Trust in Philadelphia. “As you doubtless know better than I do, Bryn Mawr [women’s college] is hard up for funds, and they are therefore trying to get some temporary support for Mrs. Geiringer.” In another attempt to raise money to create Hilda Geiringer’s meager salary, Bryn Mawr University’s president Marion Park approached the German émigré mathematicians who held good positions in American universities. She received a reply from Hermann Weyl on March 10 1941, saying sadly, “almost every one of us has to carry heavy personal obligations towards close relatives or friends whom he is trying to help to safety from concentration camps and Nazi persecution in Germany, France, Czechoslovakia, Norway, etc., or to whose sustenance he contributes.” Going back to the 1930s unlike Harvard, Brown, and Yale, the University of Chicago was much more open to absorbing intellectuals who were dismissed from German universities and could be of use, be they Jewish or not. The case of Astronomer Hans Rosenberg is a good case in point. Chicago however did not want to assume any the costs for employing highly qualified German Jewish individuals, no matter how good and needed they may have been. Nor was Chicago ready to be haven to many. According to a November 21 1933, letter from Robert Maynard Hutchins, President of the University of Chicago to Dr. Warren Weaver of the Rockefeller foundation, “should we be able to invite Dr. Rosenberg, he would be our fifth German and possibly all that we should undertake to absorb for the present.” This letter also gives us a hint as to why: “We find it very difficult to raise money for such purposes among the Jewish donors of Chicago. They were approached by the New York agencies and contributed rather liberally there and are disinclined to repeat.” 16 University of Chicago archival documentation of the processes involved to save Hans Rosenberg serves as a counterpoint to the position taken by other prestigious American universities. However, it also shows that even the University of Chicago was not ready to use “hard monies” from its own endowment and/or tuition income to recruit these high-value assets from the unfortunate and dire circumstances which they found themselves in. The correspondence leaves no doubt that Chicago wanted Rosenberg because it needed him to fill a specific void. Chicago at that point had made a trade-off between “an eminent man [whose] requirements for laboratory space and expenses make it inadvisable for us to consider him. Dr. Rosenberg, on the contrary will drop into place where he will find all the requirements for his work ready to hand.” 17, 18 The Rosenberg/Chicago scenario was replicated on the east coast as well. It appears that in 1939, through his astronomer colleague Harvard Professor Harlow Shapley, another much more eminent astronomer than Rosenberg, E. Finlay Freundlich, was negotiating an academic position at Tufts College (Boston) 19 and simultaneously a “Research Associateship” at the Harvard Observatory (Cambridge). Significantly, there was not even a question or hope of a Harvard academic appointment because of the Jewish issue. Be that as it may, even Tufts was ready to offer only a non-tenure track “lecturer” position on a twoyear contract under the condition that the salary money came from elsewhere. So a package was put together with $800 secured from the Rockefeller Foundation. “The Emergency Committee for Displaced Foreign Scholars has voted to contribute twelve hundred and fifty dollars. Mr. Henry Morgenthau Senior of New York City pledged to contribute six hundred dollars…to permit us to bring to America a distinguished academic
exile,” states a letter from Tuft’s College President, Leonard Carmichael dated February 14 1939. The letter goes on to say, “I wish that at this time it were possible for me to promise that Tufts College would take over the payment of Professor Freundlich’s salary at the conclusion of the [two-year] period mentioned above….At the moment, I am reluctant to ask the Trustees to make an absolute guarantee of a commitment so far in advance because the income from our total endowment…is being sharply restricted by current investment rates. If the [Rockefeller] Foundation finds it possible to assist in this matter, however, I can assure you that we shall be extremely grateful.” In other words, the hat was still in the hand. Although America’s public universities may not have had exclusionary faculty hiring practices written into their charters, de facto a number of them had gentlemen's agreements. They hired few Jews through the 1930s and some into the 1950s. This legacy was statistically validated by a national survey conducted by the Carnegie Commission on Higher Education in 1969. The survey involved 60,000 faculty respondents and showed that Jews in the upper-age brackets were significantly low on America’s university campuses e.g., 3.8% vs. 79.0% Protestant, and 13.7% Catholic 20. These data a-posteriori document the historical, pervasive, and indisputable, impact of those gentlemen’s agreements. No matter what statistical or quantitative measure one might use, the results show that prior to 1933, premier German universities such as Heidelberg, Breslau, Frankfurt, Munich, Göttingen, Königsberg, and even the University of Prague, Czechoslovakia, individually employed more Jewish professors than did Harvard, Yale, Brown, and Princeton combined at the time, and for over a decade beyond. Thus the contrast between Germany, Turkey, and the United States during this critical period illuminates the tangible and the intangible gains and losses of these three societies. The welcome mat for fleeing Jewish musicians elevated America’s orchestras to international pre-eminence 21 while the elite East Coast universities outright discriminated, turned a blind eye, 22 or worse yet openly collaborated with German universities that had already been Nazified. 23 Turkey as a destination was Philipp Schwarz’s success story. A Letter to the US Secretary of State from Robert F. Skinner, American Ambassador in Istanbul dated November 10, 1933 24 documents the arrival of the first party of exiled professors. The far reaching effect of the expulsion from Germany under the Hitler regime can not be actually measured as yet, but it may take on the importance of the expulsion of the Hugeuenots from France several centuries ago and at all events, is likely to turn out advantageously for countries like Turkey which are endeavoring to make intellectual progress along Western lines. According to my information 35 25 newly employed foreign professors have been taken into the University of Istanbul, of whom 30 are understood to have arrived and all of whom with the exception of one Austrian and on Swiss, are German Jews who were either expelled or who left Germany on account of the recent political troubles. Felix Haurowitz Born in Prague in 1896, Felix Haurowitz obtained his medical degree in 1922 and a doctorate of science in 1923. In 1925, he was appointed Assistant Professor at the German University in Prague. While working with several important biochemists over the next few
years, he researched hemoglobin and its derivatives. In the late 1920’s he began work on his popular Progress in Biochemistry series and starting in 1930 made immunochemistry his principal area of research. With the four-power conference resulting in the September 30, 1938, Munich Agreement giving the Czech Sudetenland to Germany and on October 5, German troops marched through the Sudetenland. Recognizing that the handwriting regarding the future of the rest of Czechoslovakia was clearly on the wall, German Physiologist Hans Winterstein, who by then was already well-established in Istanbul, wrote a letter on October 10, 1938, to Felix Haurowitz who was still well-established in Prague. “Are you at all interested in a teaching position in biochemistry at the University of Istanbul? If yes, please send a CV and a list of your publications. This is an unofficial request with no strings attached.” This inquiry was followed by over a dozen negotiation letters spanning a period of almost five months. On January 31, 1939, Haurowitz wrote to Winterstein, “Thanks for all your efforts. Of course, I am a bit nervous about initiating anything at this end without official documentation to assure me that I will be permitted to enter Istanbul officially. But I am not that impatient because it is pretty quiet here and as far as I can judge it will remain quiet.” However in the very same letter, Haurowitz goes on to say: “It is strange, though, that among my German gentile colleagues, the same denunciation and mean-spirited rage has manifested itself as was evident when the Nazis were victorious in Germany’s Vienna and the Sudetenland.” The negotiations continued. Whether he was naive or concerned about having a definite job or both, in his memoirs, 26 Haurowitz does say: [T]he Sudeten part of Czechoslovakia was abandoned to Hitler - Germany. The German University in Prague became an independent University of the German Reich and was expected to continue accepting German students from the Sudeten. I received at that time the offer of the Chair of Biochemistry at the University of Istanbul, Turkey. I hesitated to abandon my laboratory and my student co-workers. However, when I was informed that I was temporarily deprived of my privilege to teach and to examine, I decided finally to visit Istanbul and to see whether I would be able to continue doing research there. Since I found favorable conditions there, I accepted the Turkish offer. A few weeks later [March 5 1939] Hitler’s troops invaded Prague. With my wife and two children we left two weeks after by train for Istanbul. Although most of our property was seized by the Gestapo, we were allowed to take along our furniture and my library. In 1939 when the Nazis were clearly in control, Haurowitz was forced to leave Prague. He took the position of Head of Biological and Medical Chemistry in the Medical School at the University of Istanbul and devoted himself to teaching, research, and producing a Turkish textbook of biochemistry. In 1949 he re-emigrated once again, this time to the United States and spent the rest of his very productive career in Bloomington, Indiana. The vast bulk of Haurowitz’s trilingual (German, Turkish, and English) correspondence with colleagues starting in the mid-1920s and continuing through the 1960s is archived at the Lilly Library of Indiana University. Quite a bit of correspondence can also be found in the (twice Nobel Laureate) Linus Pauling archives in Pauling’s native Colorado. This correspondence documents more than Haurowitz’s scientific contributions. A human being always concerned
with the fate of others is illuminated in Haurowitz’s letters delineating his lifelong relationships with former students, the nurturing of junior colleagues, and the helping hand provided to those in need during the darkest years of the 20th century. He persevered despite his own personal trauma of dismissal from the institution to which he contributed so much for no reason other than he was born Jewish, the failure of his attempts to come to America with his family, and his nine years in Turkey. Ultimately he settled at Indiana University, in tranquil Bloomington. 27
The less documented Haurowitz story In Turkey, all of the émigrés faced many academic pressures and political dangers, palace and conference room intrigues, petty tricks and Nazi informants who reported to the German legation. None of this was helped by the émigrés' impoverishment upon arrival as they fled the war and as the known order of the world was ending. The émigrés also had to face some cold economic, political, and social facts. The Turkish universities were strapped for money. This was especially true once the war started. In a letter dated March 4, 1941, to an editor-in-chief of a major scientific journal dealing mostly with scientific matters, Professor Haurowitz complained about the inability of getting copies of journals published in Holland, even the issues which included his articles. “Turkey has no money and will not permit buying foreign publications.” The US dollar had lost a great deal of its purchasing power starting with the stock make crash. The Turkish Lira had been losing its value at an average ten-fold of the dollar’s rate. The émigré professors’ salaries were not indexed to inflation so were kept at the 1933 amounts for many years. People had to sell the possessions they brought with them from their native lands. There were other significant concerns such as the anti-Jewish riots that erupted in Eastern Thrace on June 24, 1934, and continued for almost a month before being suppressed by Turkish government action in mid-July. 28 Once established in Istanbul, Felix Haurowitz tried to bring his colleague Carl Oppenheimer from Holland to Turkish safety. Unfortunately, the only commitment Haurowitz could squeeze out of the university administration was for a one-year contract. This offer was extended to Oppenheimer who, in a letter of September 2, 1940, declined on the grounds of the brevity of the contract and the hopes that the war would soon be over at which time he would seriously consider the offer. Oppenheimer recommended a “Professor Neuberg who is in Jerusalem and who has no family and no work to consider in such a move.” He also mentioned that the other professors who were still in Germany could not be contacted and those in the United States would not leave. As for himself, he said he was “66 years old and still can work three more good years and would love to be considered for a more permanent position.” Sadly, Carl Oppenheimer did not live through the end of the following year. The Ava Helen and Linus Pauling Papers archives at Oregon State University include correspondence between twice Nobel laureate Linus Pauling and Felix Haurowitz as well as between Pauling and others regarding Haurowitz’s search for employment in the States. The totality of this correspondence represents the years: 1935-1936, 1943, 1945, 1947, 1951, 19571958, 1966, and 1974. On September 3, 1936 when Haurowitz was still in Prague, Pauling thanked him for his letter regarding work with hemoglobin and enclosed a paper by a Dr. Mirsky and himself on the structure of proteins. While in Turkey, Haurowitz applied for a position at Harvard
giving Pauling’s name as a reference. On September 25, 1941, George Chase, the Dean of the University, wrote to Pauling in behalf of Harvard’s President Conant, 29 “it would be helpful if you would send us your estimate of Professor Haurowitz’s standing and whether you have any suggestions about possibilities in this country.” To which on October 12, 1941, Pauling replied “I have been greatly interested in his work for a number of years. In my opinion he is one of the leading men in the world in the field of the chemistry of proteins. His researches are characterized by imagination and good execution. His work on hemoglobin and on problems of immunology has been especially successful. I do not know at present of any opening for Professor Haurowitz in this country.” For reasons best known to the key players of the time, Harvard did not make an offer. Though he had his son baptized at birth, Haurowitz himself never converted from Judaism. Harvard, unfortunately, observes an eighty-year restriction on access to personnel records 30, so for a while at least judgment will have to be withheld as to the reasons for the decision not to offer a position to a notable biochemist. Later, in 1949, Pauling was very instrumental in placing Haurowitz at the University of Indiana. It is worth noting that while he was looking for a position in the US, he was attentive to his responsibilities in Turkey. The Journal of Biological Chemistry published by the American Society for Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, received a submission of a paper by Felix Haurowitz, Paula Schwerin, and M. Mutahhar Yenson, all showing as their institutional affiliation the Institute of Biological and Medical Chemistry, Istanbul University on April 23 1941. The paper, Destruction of Hemin and Hemoglobin by the Action of Unsaturated Fatty Acids and Oxygen appeared in the J. Biol. Chem. 1941, 140: 353-359. 31
Haurowitz biochemistry textbook 1943
On 5 September, 1948, he informed Frau Dr. Berta Ottenstein that during July 1948, he had settled in at Indiana University and his family had joined him in Bloomington. Soon thereafter, Haurowitz began to help others in their attempts to secure jobs at American universities. In a letter dated January 20, 1950, to Andreas Tietze, a Turkoligst who was still in Istanbul, Haurowitz explained that Professor Stith Thomson, the Director of the Folklore Program and Dean of the Graduate School at Indiana University, was a good friend. He is very interested in Asian languages, but I don’t think a permanent position is possible since [Sinologist Wolfram] Eberhardt at one time
sought one and was not successful. Thomson thinks highly of Eberhardt and to my knowledge was instrumental in helping him get a position at Berkeley. Professor Voeglin is head of our Anthropology Department and by chance I also know him well. He understands a bit of Turkish and is very interested in all things Turkish. He also tried to bring Eberhardt here. If what you want is not a permanent position like Eberhardt required write then to him directly. Tell him whether you want to stay here or return to Turkey. I was going to show Dean Thomas your letter but I can’t because you refer to Voegelin in a somewhat negative way. By registered mail from Kadikoy, Istanbul, on July 4, 1948, Turkey’s library system designer and Einstein’s friend Walter Gottschalk wished Felix Haurowitz all the best in his new Bloomington, Indiana, surroundings and hoped that he already was reunited with his family. He concluded the letter by asking that Haurowitz to send two CARE packages to two close friends who are starving in Allied-occupied Germany. Following World War II, when Turkey was experiencing a major economic recession, many jobs had to be eliminated. Universities were not sacrosanct; the library system was not immune. On August 28, 1948, Gottschalk sent a hand written note from Kadiköy, Istanbul, to Haurowitz who was settling in at the University of Indiana. Among other news Gottschalk mentioned “we had to lay off a lot of people, half of the people here in Istanbul.” 32 At about the same time many of the émigré professors were aging and beginning to worry about their retirement. Unfortunately, Turkey was not forthcoming in terms of pension guarantees. This was a major impetus for the final exodus of the Germans. Financial reasons played an important role for many of those who returned [to Germany and Austria]. This was because it was not possible to reach an agreement for a retirement plan, good or bad, in spite of all the efforts of our Turkish colleagues. Those who did not have significant savings looked on their old age with trepidation. 33
Visa in hand but no job prospects and a job in hand but no visa It is one thing to find a job but have no visa. It is another to have a visa in hand but no job prospects. A copy of a letter postmarked Istanbul and dated May 28, 1943, from biochemist Haurowitz to professor Max Bergmann at the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research in NYC read “the authorities in Washington have granted me and my family the visa. Friends and relations in America ask me to come as soon as possibel [sic]. But all these people have no idea about the possibilities [job opportunities] in our branch. I suppose that you are informed about the fate of the German professors emigrated to the United States. Have they found satisfying appointments? And do you think that I could find something.” In his response dated July 8, 1943, on Institute letterhead, Bergmann offered: “As a rule every scientist from abroad, even if he is famous the world over and is a Nobel Laureate, has to start here on a small scale, that is, with a small salary and one or two collaborators, and it depends on his achievement in his new position whether he makes progress. In general, it takes several months or one-half year for the newly-arrived scientist to find a job and nobody gets a job offered to him before he has immigrated. [It] is not certain
whether you would find a job to your liking at once or not until after some time. During the last 10 years, everybody could be sure of finding a job. Now, under war conditions, it is almost impossible to predict anything.” At this point the tides of war were beginning to turn. Having accomplished the war’s major turning point by breaking the Wermacht’s siege of Stalingrad, now Volgograd, the Red Army was on the counter offensive in Russia. In the final three weeks of the fight at Stalingrad, during the month of January 1943, 90,000 German troops died of cold and starvation, 100,000 were killed in battle, and hundreds of thousands of Germans, Hungarians, and Romanians were hauled off to Russia’s POW camps. Among the POWs was General Friedrich von Paulus who had been promoted to the rank of Field Marshall in the last days of battle because no German Marshall had yet surrendered. 34 In the month of July, Russians subdued the Germans in the war’s biggest tank battle at Kursk; the allies landed in Sicily, and Mussolini was deposed. Throughout all this Haurowitz stayed on in Turkey until a job materialized for him in the US in 1949. However, in 1947 he made sure his family immigrated to the US so that his son and daughter could receive an American education. “While the daughter Alice was a freshman and taking steps to major in chemistry the wife Gina and high school son Martin had become established with relatives in New York City.” 35 Professor Haurowitz financially supported them from his Istanbul University earnings. Aversion to making risky decisions There is an exchange of correspondence (in German) during April 1946 between Haurowitz and Frau Dr. Berta Ottenstein, then living in Brookline, Massachusetts. In that letter, Haurowitz inquired regarding job opportunities at United States universities in his profession. She was very pessimistic but suggested that there might be a position at the University of Utah and urged him to come. From several letters, it is clear that Haurowitz was unwilling to give up a secure position allowing him to transfer some of his salary to the United States for the support of his family until he had secured a position there. In other correspondence to Frau Dr. Ottenstein, as well as others, he pointed out that although he was satisfied with his work in Turkey, his children had no future there. In a letter dated March 6, 1946, to his émigré colleague astronomer E. Finaly Freundlich already settled in Scotland, Haurowitz was more specific: It was the only right thing to be done for the children, [sending them to the United States] who had visited [attended] here the English High Schools. There is the question, whether I should follow them. For the moment I prefer to wait, until travelling [sic] possibilities to Prague or to the United States will improve. Our fees here have been increased rather considerably and I have the right to transfer 1/5 of my income to USA, so that it is not quite easy to leave this post without having any security about a future appointment. In other letters (February 27 1946 and March 6 1946) exchanged between the two friends, one finds sad deliberations on the prospects of both returning to their native Prague and their former positions at its University. Part of the discussion centered on the potential election outcome involving Jan Masaryk and what impact that might have on their return. History tells us that on March 10, 1948, Masaryk died under questionable circumstances.
Evidently, Haurowitz’s inability to locate in the United States for many years and his exile in Turkey battered his self-image. Alfred Frohlich, a long time colleague who had situated at the May Institute for Medical Research of the Jewish Hospital in Cincinnati, wrote Haurowitz a short note on December 30, 1946. “Hope your visit to the US will convince you how respected and honored you are here. It will only be a short time till you are reunited with your wife and children. I hope so.”
Dr Felix Haurowitz with his Turkish laboratory coworkers Circa 1940s
Over the years, Istanbul University’s Academic Senate voted to grant honorary doctorates to several of the emigre professors. Felix Haurowitz, was one of them. As the cartoon shows his Turkish students appreciated him and his good humor.
A cartoon of Winterstein, Haurowitz, and other textbook authors. 1945 Student New Year’s spoof. Istanbul University Medical School.
In his own words to Hugo Braun, 36 on November 19 1950, as if having to reconfirm his worth to himself Haurowitz wrote: “My colleagues in the US seem to value my work because the NY Academy of Medicine, which had a two day symposium about antibodies, asked me to be the honored speaker. They even paid for my traveling and hotel expenses.” In a letter dated April 28, 1950, to Hugo Braun who was already back in Munich, Haurowitz stated: “I never regretted the nine years I spent in Turkey, and I feel that the Turks conducted themselves toward us much better than some of the European professors [among us] toward the Turks.” On December 16 1953, Prof. Dr. H. Braun responded to Haurowitz: “Just received your letter and am happy that you took my suggestion to let me submit your name to the Kuratorium (curatorship) of the Paul-Ehrich-Siftung (Trust). Please send a current CV.”
Moreover, on July 3, 1954, Braun writes, “I think it is very nice of you to have your former Turkish coworker [Mutahar Yenson] working with you. Please do extend to him my heartfelt greetings and wishes. He was very decent to me while I was still in Turkey.” In 1953, Haurowitz invited his junior colleague Mutahhar Yenson to join him for yet another year of close collaboration but this time at the Bloomington laboratories of the University of Indiana. Haurowitz’s Bloomington correspondence archives leave no doubt about his dedication in maintaining relationships with former students. Among this correspondence included is a half-inch stack of correspondence with Michael Sela, an Israeli immunologist who in the mid-1950s did post-doctorate work at the National Institutes of Health in Bethesda MD. Dr. Sela collaborated with Haurowitz while overseas, in Washington DC, as well as in Bloomington and became a laureate of many international science prizes. Sela published at least 260 scientific papers, two of which at least he coauthored with Haurowitz, and was granted nineteen patents, mostly US, UK and some multiple–country. On October 16, 1957, on National Institute of Health letterhead, a young Sela wrote to Haurowitz, “I would like to ask you to add to my name on any publication, the remark ‘On leave of absence from the Weizmann Institute of Science, Rehovot, Israel.’” Decades later, he was elected to head that venerable institution and served in that capacity for a number of years. And, on August 14, 1957, also on NIH letterhead, he wrote, “I would like to thank you once again for the very interesting and stimulating month which I spent in Bloomington.” Also, on March 10 1960, Michael Sela wrote: “First of all please accept, though belatedly, my heartiest congratulations on the occasion of the Ehrich award and medal, stressing once again your contribution to science in general.” This was indeed a most eloquent way of reminding us that this great scientist, among others, was saved for all of us by a 1933 invitation from the Republic of Turkey. During the mid-1950’s, correspondence between Haurowitz and Braun indicates that each was settling down in his new surroundings, doing research, being invited to give lectures, and traveling to conferences. Haurowitz arranged to have medical journals sent to Germany still recovering from war’s devastation. And, though they each lament the fact that they are too busy, they agree that “it is better to have too much work than too little.” In a letter dated February 11, 1955, Haurowitz told his friend Braun that “there is nothing new to report. We had our daughter Liese and husband here for Christmas. He was discharged from the Army and they both are resuming studies at Wisconsin. During their military service on the west coast, they often saw the Sgalitzers 37 and report that they are doing fine.” The letter goes on to say that they saw the Army-drafted son, Martin, two weeks ago and ends with best regards to their mutual friends (from Turkey), Marchionini and Goldschmidt. In an exchange of letters on November 11, 1955, and May 17, 1956, Braun and Haurowitz both express concerns for their dear ones in light of “the unrest in Israel and Argentina.” On September 20, 1956, Haurowitz wrote to Braun, “You asked me about Frau Ottenstein in your last letter. I found out from the [ophthalmologist] Igersheimer that she went swimming with girlfriends. While her friends swam out to sea, she stayed back in the shallow waters. She was observed to suddenly keel over and fell into the water. Before any one could help her, she was dead. It was not suicide, because she had just found out that the German government would agree to provide her a pension, and she would no longer have to worry about money.”
He then changed the subject and informed Braun about his daughter Liese having had a baby and that he cannot get used to being a grandfather. On October 9, 1957, Haurowitz told Braun that the German government agreed to reinstate his pension albeit small, and that he participated in a symposium at the St Andrews University in Scotland. While there, he visited with astronomy professor Freundlich and his wife. Freundlich had decided to retire and move to Wiesbaden, Germany, where the climate was more agreeable. On the positive side, by August 6 1962, Felix Haurowitz informed his then very ill friend, Hugo Braun, of the fact that his son, Martin, whom Braun knew as a little boy, was doing a post-doc in astrophysics at Cornell and was offered an Assistant Professorship there which he had accepted. The Appendix provides extracts from memoirs provided by Haurowitz’s daughter Liese, his son Martin as well as Haurowitz himself. The reminiscences of the second generation have corroborated inputs received by this author from others. 38 They leave no doubt that the émigrés’ offspring enjoyed and thrived during their years in Turkey and each received an excellent education while there. Their terminal degrees are from Cornell and Wisconsin the more prestigious American universities. It was a wonderful life, in many ways, for a young boy growing up…because of the outdoors and the lovely climate and the sea, and everything that went with it.---Martin Harwit 39 Concluding remarks. The Biographical Memoirs of the (U.S.) National Academy of Sciences describe Felix Haurowitz as a “product of centuries of European intellectual tradition,” a member of a group of “learned scholars, dedicated scientists, [and] enlightened human beings” who “were driven by barbaric intolerance to a new land to which they contributed so much. Their impact will be enduring, and Felix Haurowitz was one of the great ones among them.” 40 The University of Indiana, has this to say about Felix Haurowitz, one of its greatest adopted sons. During his career he gained wide-spread recognition for his work on antibodies and received numerous honors which included the Paul Erhlich gold medal (West Germany), election to the German Academy of Scientists (Leopoldina), Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and member of the National Academy of Sciences. He was also awarded an honorary MD by the University of Istanbul and an honorary doctorate of science degree by Indiana University. In 1971 he was honored at the First International Congress of Immunology for distinguished services to immunology. Of his ten books he considered the Chemistry and Biology of Proteins, whose second edition was called Chemistry and Function of Proteins, to be the most important. Both were reprinted and translated into many languages including Japanese and Russian. He remained active in science up to his death in 1987. 41 Czechoslovakia’s loss was Turkey’s gain just as the Ivy League’s loss was Indiana University’s gain. There is no question that the prevailing anti-Semitic attitude elsewhere
during the late 1940’s and 50’s placed the University of Indiana at the cutting edge of America’s national research universities. Epilogue Man’s inhumanity to man in one society brought about great developmental leaps in more humane settings. Such was indeed the case in Bloomington, Indiana, and in Istanbul, Turkey, before that. The story of Felix Haurowitz in the context of the darkest years of the 20th Century will hopefully enlighten the future generations so that they “do not live alienated from their ancestry and in ignorance of the events that have given shape to their present.” 42 Appendix Memoir of Dr. Alice (Haurowitz) Sievers as a youngster in Turkey and coming of age in America. On arrival in Istanbul, the only Turkish phrase my brother and I knew was Türkçe bilmem, i.e.,(I don’t know Turkish.) We also knew little English and so Prof. Hirsch’s daughter Julima tutored us to help us stay on track at the English High Schools. My classmates were mostly the daughters of expatriates and diplomats. There was a separate academic track for my Turkish fellow students since these had to complete Turkish elementary school before enrolling in a foreign school. Regrettably, that prevented me from becoming close friends with Turkish girls and I also never achieved great fluency in Turkish. Since we lived in Nişantaş, I had only occasional contact with the children of émigré professors, most of whom lived in Bebek and went to Robert College. Our British school curriculum was impacted by wartime staffing problems. For instance, no science was taught until Mrs. Brauner (wife of Prof. Brauner) came to teach it in my senior year. My father had filled this void by slipping interesting scientific odds and ends into family conversations and had sparked my later interest in chemistry. Upon graduation, I took the University of London Matriculation Exam, which I passed with honors. This was useful later on, when I applied for acceptance at colleges. Summers were a time to enjoy swimming. We alternated between the Floria beaches, various bathing piers, and the rocks on the shores of the Princes Islands. Much of Turkey was off-limits to foreigners during the war, and so all of our family vacations were spent on Uludağ, the mountain which rose above Bursa. We explored the mountains with other families and also with some of Father’s Turkish co-workers who wanted to experience the novelty of mountain hiking. We stayed at the primitive lodge, which had a huge sleeping room filled with double-decker bunks, served three basic daily meals, and provided coldwater taps in the main hallway for washing. So we bathed in mountain streams and on our way back to Istanbul, we stopped off at a hamam in Bursa, where there were hot springs.
In Istanbul, we often spent Sundays taking long walks or getting together with friends at each others’ homes. My parents’ friends included personnel from the Czech Consulate, and the families of expatriate businessmen and fellow professors. As children, we particularly enjoyed visiting Dr. and Mrs. Fritz Arndt, whose home lay directly on the Bosporus. We swam from their pier, ate Mrs. Arndt’s great cookies, and sat in the garden to listen to discussions of academic topics, the war situation, and how to cope with the inflation which outpaced University salary increases. My parents dealt with inflation by finding a very nice English lodger, who became a good friend. They also sold off their crystal and much of my father’s large collection of orchestral and other music scores. My parents, fortunately, were able to bring all their possessions, except for money and most valuables, because we left Prague before the Nazi bureaucracy had become entrenched. Although my parents interacted socially with Turkish colleagues, we were invited along only once. The occasion was a wonderful multi-course Turkish banquet served under an arbor in the garden of Prof. and Mrs. Mazhar Uzman. Tuba, their eldest daughter, was my schoolmate, though several years ahead of me. I believe that her younger siblings also attended my brother’s and my schools. Another memorable occasion was a formal dinner at our home for my father’s Turkish colleagues. To make the event a success, Mother’s Hungarian friend helped out by wearing a maid’s uniform to serve the meal, replacing our very inexpert household help. I also recall the visit to my parents of the NobelPrize winner, Prof. Albert Szent-Györgyi who had come from Germanoccupied Hungary with his wife to visit Turkey, give a lecture, and to breathe in some fresh air. Because Turkey was a neutral country, my parents could correspond both with people living under German occupation and those in rest of the world. I only recently learned that my father kept family members in Prague in touch with others who had escaped to Britain, Palestine, or the United States. My grandmother had been prevented by the Nazis from joining us in Turkey and had later been deported to Terezin [Theresienstadt concentration camp in Bohemia and Moravia]. She could not write to us from there, and so my mother sent food packages to her by registered mail, with a return receipt requiring the recipient signature. We never knew if Grandmother was allowed to keep the food, but the signed receipts were proof that she was still alive. I still remember the sad day when a return receipt came back with a forged signature and we knew that we would never see Grandmother again. As Axis armies invaded the Balkans, Greece, and Africa, my parents feared an invasion of Turkey and prepared to escape via Anatolia to Allied-occupied territory. They deposited a trunk of our possessions with friends in Ankara and then, during that summer, we moved to a Pension on the Anatolian side of the Marmara Sea .My parents believed that the Bosporus might slow a German
advance and give us a head start in crossing Anatolia, on foot if necessary. I thought that the Pension was wonderful. It lay right on the Marmara Sea and we could swim all day long. On the down side, my father had a much longer commute to work by tram and ferry. After the war, my parents wanted my brother and me to continue our education in the United States. We could have had a very good education in Turkey, but foreigners could not obtain work permits. Since Father wished to honor his Turkish contract and had not yet found a situation in the U.S., my mother brought us children to the United States as soon as we could obtain passage. In New York, we stayed with Mother’s relatives until they found us an apartment. I enrolled in high school, took the New York State Regencts Examination, and applied to colleges recommended by Father’s colleagues. One of these was Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana, where I was admitted and given a full tuition scholarship. Since the University could not provide housing, because veterans returning from WWII had priority, my parents were relieved to learn that Thea Muller, the daughter of our family friend Dr. Kantorowicz, Professor of Dentistry at the University of Istanbul, lived In Bloomington. (Her husband, Herman J. Muller was Professor of Genetics and shortly thereafter he was awarded the Nobel Prize), [1946 in Medicine]. Thea Muller introduced me to the family of Professor Harry G. Day, a biochemist. He and Mrs. Day accepted me as a lodger and treated me as a daughter from then on. They invited my mother to visit, and Dr. Day learned from her that Father was also a biochemist and was seeking a position in the United States. After reviewing my father’s publications, Dr. Day arranged for him to lecture at Indiana University in the summer of 1947. Shortly thereafter, Father was asked to join the chemistry faculty and accepted the position, to start in 1948. I was an adult before I understood the impact my quiet father had had on his Turkish co-workers and students. I recall one episode that illustrates this. In 1958, I was at a small hospital in Lake Forest, Illinois, delivering our son, and somehow my maiden name must have appeared on my admission record. The next day, two young Turkish doctors came to my room, asked if I was related to their former professor, and expressed their great admiration for him! That this admiration must have been shared by many of his Turkish colleagues and coworkers became evident when in 1973 he was awarded an Honorary Doctorate at the University of Istanbul 43. Memoir of her younger brother Dr. Martin (Haurowitz) Harwit who became Director of the National (US) Air and Space Museum in 1987 and resigned in May 1995 under fire from Congress, the news media, and veterans groups for his handling of plans to display the Enola Gay, the B-29 bomber that dropped the first atomic bomb on Japan in 1945. 44
When we arrived in Istanbul, my parents wanted my sister and me to learn English and enrolled us in schools run by the British Council. The English High School for Boys taught all classes, science, mathematics, history, and literature in English, in the mornings. By law, every school child was to have half a day of lessons in Turkish. So we had history, literature and geography lessons in Turkish in the afternoons, and we also had French classes then. The Turkish and English history lessons did not always agree. The school had about 120 pupils. At one time, we counted thirty-two different nationalities, Greeks, Poles, Americans, Chinese, Egyptians, Germans, Maltese, British, Georgians, French—almost any country you could think of. The Turkish boys, of course, were in the majority, but probably accounted for not much more than half the pupils. My best friend, Andrew Lorant, a Hungarian only a few months older than I, whose family lived two floors below us in the same four-flat apartment building was Catholic. We always walked to and from school together from age eight to fourteen, were in all the same classes, played on the same soccer and cricket teams at school, and were known as the inseparables. Two other boys our age with whom we spent a lot of time were Rudy Grűnberg, whose family was Jewish, and his close friend Mahmut Hilmi, who I assume was Mohammedan; his father was the Egyptian consul in Istanbul. When Hilmi (we all knew each other in school by our surnames) had what probably was his tenth birthday, the four of us spent the afternoon outside his parents’ apartment building in Nişantaş, taking turns running behind his new bicycle, clutching its seat to keep it erect, until Hilmi got the hang of it, and ended the afternoon a proficient bike rider. Given the makeup of the boys, religion never was mentioned in school. In Prague, my sister and I had attended an evangelical grade school, where we had classes both in German and Czech. My parents had me baptized a Protestant at birth and, for some time after we moved to Turkey, they had us both take Bible lessons from an English priest. Father wanted us to be familiar with Christianity. Aside from this, as far as I can recall, religion was never mentioned at home. True, we always had a Christmas tree, both in Prague and later in Istanbul, exchanged presents, and sang traditional Christmas carols led by Mother, who had a good voice and liked to sing; Father, who was a gifted pianist, accompanied her. But Christmas, for us, was more of an annual occasion to enjoy being together than a religious event. As long as my parents were both alive, we regularly continued to get together for Christmas in Bloomington, Indiana, where my parents settled after coming to the US. I don’t ever remember my father using a Yiddish or Hebrew word or phrase and, to the best of my recollections, none of the other professors we visited from time to time, or their wives or children did either. So it may not be surprising that I was totally taken aback, one day when I was about fourteen,
when Father pointed out that he and Mother were Jewish. Since I was Protestant, I had assumed my parents must be, too. My father was the most honest and ethical person I have known. I never knew him to tell me anything that I could not totally trust. He also was deeply agnostic. He had been painfully aware of antisemitism long before Hitler. He always said that he would not change his religion because people would think he was doing it for personal gain. But he wanted to keep his children from having to suffer anti-Semitism. Hence my baptism. Aside from this, however, his beliefs were agnostic. A few years ago, when Secretary of State Madelaine Albright, who had also been born in Czechoslovakia, found out to her surprise that her family had been Jewish, nobody in America believed her. I did; it had happened to me. For Americans, it seems difficult to understand. But, for many Europeans, who had witnessed anti-Semitism for many decades, integration seemed a way to break these mutual hatreds. Religion seemed best when ignored. I have inherited my father’s agnosticism. Too many evils have been perpetrated in the name of a superior God, too many wars fought for a superior religion, too many people killed in the name of a superior faith. For me, religion is the source of most evils, even today. For my mother, the move to Istanbul was liberating. In Prague, the family was supposed to live an elegant life. As a faculty member, my father’s salary was low by the standards of his and Mother’s textile-factory-owning families, but he would have preferred for the family to live on his salary. My grandparents, however, may have somehow contributed to keep up the larger family’s lifestyle. My sister and I had a governess; there was a cook and also a maid. Mother did little except to get together with this staff each morning to decide on the meals they should prepare and the day’s schedule to be followed. All this changed in Istanbul. We did have a Turkish live-in maid. She probably was indispensable, since bargaining for every head of lettuce you bought on the market was an endless sport that a foreigner could not win. The maid, who knew the cost that each item should have, could help my mother at every turn in such matters. But Mother now also learned to cook, and became very good at it. To her, it was wonderful to be allowed to do things herself, and she made sure that we children also learned rudimentary practical matters. She taught me to cook simple meals, to sew on buttons, and to darn socks, which was important in wartime where nothing got thrown out. Mother used to say she didn’t want me to have to marry the first girl who came along, just because I did not know how to manage these chores myself. Later, when I went to college and graduate school in the United States and had very little money, these small skills came in more than handy, particularly when I joined cooking co-ops to save on the cost of meals.
After we came to the United States. My mother had no help at all at home, not even an occasional cleaning lady, whom other professors’ wives often had. Mother said she was far more pleased to have the house to herself, with no intrigues, nobody else to have to depend on. It was one of the features of life in the United States she loved most. After the War, I believe, Father would have been quite happy to have had an academic position in Europe, where he was far better known than in the U.S., and where he had been honored by various academies. But, after Mother arrived, she took to the U.S., and said she would never go back. She wanted the whole family—all four of us— to settle in the States, and persuaded Father to grant her that wish. She wanted to be as far away as possible from Europe and the many wars it had suffered. And then, nobody in Czechoslovakia, in her family or in Father’s, was left after the war. They had all emigrated or died—a few of old age, but most in the concentration camps, including her mother and brother, her two closest relatives. Her father had died of cancer in the late 1920s. The moves from Prague to Istanbul, and then to the U.S. profoundly changed our family. We became much closer without the intervention of servants, and also became more self-reliant. For me, perhaps the most remarkable aspect of our stay in Turkey was the incredibly dedicated interest that the foreign professors in Istanbul had for the children among them—not just their own, but all of us. Even when we were small they would talk with us. Visiting the Arndt’s at their place on the Bosporus in Kadikoy always was a treat. Prof. Arndt would recite rhymes from the German caricaturist and satirist Wilhelm Busch that he seemed to know in endless numbers. And later we would sit and listen as the adults talked about the war, the daily problems it raised, adjusting to life in Turkey, and other problems, while Mrs. Arndt served a red currant jelly she had cooked, on which she poured a cover of milk. It gave us children a feeling of being part of these adults’ community. I believe the adults, in turn, thought of us in the same way. For them, we may have represented the future for which they had made sacrifices by leaving their homelands. It is that spirit of community that I remember most fondly when I think back on our lives in Turkey. Among these academics, as I think about it, the War had brought out the very best. Some of the strength of these men and women, I like to believe, may have rubbed off on many of us children, who were too young at the time to recognize how singular this group had been. An extract from the autobiography of Felix Haurowitz, written in October 1975 on request by the Home Secretary of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States, upon Haurowitz’s being elected to the Academy’s membership: 45
My wife, myself, and our children remember the life in Istanbul as a very happy time. Istanbul is in our view the most beautiful city of the world, certainly more beautiful than Naples, San Francisco, and Rio de Janeiro, all of which I have seen. It has not only the geographical beauties of all these but also the beauties of the ancient Roman aqueduct, the Roman and Byzantine city walls and monuments and the overwhelming beauties of the great mosques. The Turkish government expected the foreign professors to modernize the antiquated didactic methods of the Ottoman Empire. The first two years, a docent of physiology or pathology translated my lecture during the class. At the end of the second year, I was able to lecture in Turkish which made teaching and particularly examining much easier. I took over from my predecessor an excellent technical assistant, Miss Paula Schwerin, with whom I published a series of papers. However, I found also a group of hard working enthusiastic Turkish co-workers. Most of them are now professors in Istanbul or at universities in other Turkish cities. Even at present (1975), that is 27 years after having left Turkey in 1948, I am still in contact with my old co-workers. They expressed to me their feelings by asking the Senate of the University in Istanbul to confer on me the honorary degree of a doctor of medicine. This very rare title was bestowed on me in 1973. The yearly budget of the Department of Biological and Medical Chemistry in the University of Istanbul was approximately $2,000. Very little could be bought with this modest budget, particularly during World War II, which began a few months after my arrival in Istanbul. We worked almost exclusively on problems of immunochemistry…. Much of my time in Istanbul was devoted to teaching elementary physiological chemistry to medical students. We had classes containing from 400 to more than 1,000 students per semester. The laboratory course had to be given in 5 or 10 parallel courses. A Turkish textbook of biochemistry that I wrote was published in several editions. Turkey had at that time approximately 25 million inhabitants and only one medical school in Istanbul. Most of the physicians stayed in the large cities. Very few of them, after having lived in Istanbul as students, were willing to return to the villages on the mainland of Anatolia with their loam huts, their lack of cultural institutions and their isolation. To secure medical help for these large parts of the country, the government awarded scholarships to the best premedical students. These scholarships covered not only dormitory space, full board, and textbooks, but also clothing, stationery, and even satisfactory pocket money. The students, after receiving the M.D. degree, were sent to those places in Anatolia which needed them most urgently, and had to serve there as many years as they had been supported by the government. They were allowed to have private practices, and some of them, used their income to return to the government the sums which they had received over the years. They were then free to move to any other place in Turkey. Many of them returned to the few large cities, Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir (Smyrna).
Nevertheless, the governmental Scholarships with the obligations to work in small towns improved considerably the health service in Anatolia. I wonder whether some similar system might not improve the health service in the small towns of the United States that have great difficulties in attracting practitioners. Although our family loved Istanbul, we knew that there would be no future for our children. They reached college age, and, in 1946, my wife and the two children moved to the United States, taking with them most of our furniture. They traveled by means of an American Liberty ship. Their passage took almost a month. I stayed in Istanbul since my contract with the university would last two more years. However, I visited my family during the summer vacation in 1947. At that time, my daughter was a student at Indiana University. She had applied to different schools, but had been accepted in Bloomington first. Owing to the large number of students who at that time returned from the military service, my daughter did not find a room in a dormitory but was accepted as a paying guest in the house of Professor Harry G. Day who turned out to be Professor of Biochemistry. When he heard that I would visit my family in 1947, he invited me to come to Bloomington and to present there a talk. After the lecture, there was a reception at which I met Professor J. H. Muller, a geneticist and Nobel laureate whose wife happened to be the daughter of one of my colleagues in the medical school in Istanbul. The next day, I was asked whether I would accept an appointment as professor of Chemistry at Indiana University and teach biochemistry. I told my colleagues that I would be glad to accept such an appointment but that I had to return to Istanbul for another year and that I had been invited by the Medical School in Basel, Switzerland, to accept appointment for the chair of Biochemistry. I had promised my Swiss colleagues that I would visit them after returning from the United States and wanted to postpone my decision to a date after my visit to Basel. The formal offer of Indiana University arrived while I was on my way from the U.S. to Basel. Once there, I was told that the medical faculty had proposed me primo et unico loco, that is, as the only candidate, but that they would have to fight for their decision because the cantonal government in Basel would prefer a Swiss citizen. This fight might take more than a year. Under these circumstances, I accepted the appointment in Bloomington. I moved there in July 1948. The University provided us with a small, prefabricated house. In 1950, we moved into an old two-story house with a large back yard. We still live in it. My family was accepted in Bloomington with deeply moving cordiality, not only by my colleagues but also by the officers of the University, by neighbors, and by almost everyone with whom we had to deal in our daily life. I do not know whether Hoosier hospitality is exceptionally high or whether it merely reflects average American hospitality. It made our assimilation to American life very easy. In the Department, I had to take over the teaching of introductory biochemistry. The students who took this course were chemistry
juniors, and seniors, pre-med students, and also juniors, or seniors, in zoology, botany, and microbiology.
Bloomgarden, L. (1960) Our New Elite Colleges, 29(2) Commentary, February Brooks, D. (2005), “Getting In: How three elite colleges protected the privileged” New York Times. November 6. Clifton, D. ed (1999) Millenium; 20th Century Day by Day. DK Publishing, NY. ISBN 07894-4640-5 Day, G.H. (1994) The Development of Chemistry at Indiana University 1829-1991. Biographical Memoirs V.64 National Academies Press. National Academy of Sciences Washington DC Harwit, M. (1996) An Exhibit Denied: Lobbying the History of Enola Gay, Copernicus. New York. Lipset, S.M. and Ladd, E.C. Jr (1971) Jewish Academics in the United States; Their Achievements, Culture and Politics. American Jewish Year Book 72: 89-128 Klingenstein, S. (1991) Jews in the American Academy 1900-1940: The Dynamics of Intellectual Assimilation. Yale University Press, New Haven. Neumark, F. (1980), Zuflucht am Bosporus: Deutsche Gelehrte, Politiker und Künstler in der Emigration 1933-1953 (Escape to Bosporus: German scholars, politicians, and artists in exile 1933-1953). Knecht, Frankfurt Putnam, F. W. (1994) FELIX HAUROWITZ March 1, 1896-December 2, 1987, Biographical Memoirs, National Academy of Sciences, V.64. Reisman, A.(2006) TURKEY'S MODERNIZATION: Refugees from Nazism and Ataturk's Vision. A forthcoming book by New Academia Publishers, Washington, DC. Schwartz P. (1995) Notgemeinschaft Zur Emigration deutscher Wissenschaftlernach 1933 in die Turkei. Metropolis-Verlag, Marburg. Shaw, S.J. (1991), The Jews of the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, Macmillan, Academic and Professional Ltd. London. Shaw, S.J. (1993), Turkey and the Holocaust, Macmillan Press, London. Staudenmaier, J.M. (1985), Technology’s Storytellers. Society for the history of technology, and MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Synnot, M.G. (1979). The Half-Open Door: Discrimination and Admissions at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, 1900-1970. Greenwood Press, Westport, London. Widman, H (1973) Exile und Bildungshilfe: Die Deutschsprachige Akademische Emigration in die Türkei nach 1933. Bern: Lang Verlag, Trans. Atatürk Reformu. Ankara: 1988. Wyman, D.S. (1984) The Abandonment of Jews: America and the Holocaust 1941-1945, Pantheon Books, New York For a full documentation of all scientists and professionals invited to Turkey see A. Reisman, Turkey's Modernization: Refugees from Nazism and Atatürk's Vision (Washington, DC: New Academia Publishers, 2006). On November 10, 2006, The Daughters of Ataturk and The Sons of Ataturk, two American NGOs dedicated to "promoting Turkish Heritage across the globe"
honored this author in recognition of the above book with their “Man of Outstanding Accomplishment Award for 2006.” 2 All Haurowitz correspondence cited in this paper is Courtesy Manuscripts Department, Lilly Library, Indiana University. 3 Op cit Ref 1. 4 The number and mix of Nobel awards is but one indicator. 5 In whole or in part. 6 Neumark, 1980, 13. 7 Historians who specialize in the question of America's response to the Holocaust are urging the Franklin D. Roosevelt Museum, to correct a panel in its exhibit that claims there was nothing President Roosevelt could have done to save many more Jews from the Holocaust. "There are numerous steps that the Roosevelt administration could have taken to save lives, such as granting refugees temporary haven in America or in Allied-controlled regions; pressuring the British to open Palestine to refugees; ordering the bombing of the gas chambers at Auschwitz or the railways leading to them; and giving broader funding and power to the U.S. War Refugee Board." “Roosevelt Museum Distorts FDR's Record on the Holocaust; Historians Protest” July 7, 2005. http://www.wymaninstitute.org/bostoncont.php 8 A Tough Decision for Yale's Jewish Students - Brief Article Black Issues in Higher Education, Feb 3, 2000 by Daniel Brook Viewed October 23, 2005 http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0DXK/is_25_16/ai_59607428 9 James Bryant Conant accepted an appointment as the President of Harvard University in 1933, a post he held until 1953. According to Barbara R. Bergmann, (Harvard PhD in Economics 1960) Paul Samuelson who had gotten his PhD at Harvard in '41(Nobel laureate 1970), and was probably their most brilliant student in living memory, had been denied a teaching post because he was a Jew, and so had gone to MIT. Subsequently, Robert Solow [Harvard Ph.D, 1951 and Nobel laureate 1987] also went to MIT, perhaps for the same reason. Franco Modigliani, [Nobel laureate 1985] who was Jewish, and had been in the country since before WWII, [arrived in August 1939] gave the Harvard graduate theory course, perhaps in 57-59 (I was his teaching assistant), and I had the impression that he had been taken on in a regular faculty position. Personal communication October 28, 2004. The record shows that Modigliani was never appointed to the regular Harvard faculty. Discriminatory practices at Harvard were not limited to economics or the social sciences. In the humanities, specifically in its English Department, in 1939 Harvard’s Committee of Eight , appointed to investigate dismissals of of two gifted junior faculty, pointed out that it was informed “that certain members of the faculty object to the appointment of Jews to the tutorial staff in the belief that that they are unacceptable to undergraduates.” Klingenstein (1991, p202). John Kennan Galbraith is quoted as commenting on his experience at Harvard that “the pre-WorldWar II campus was particularly anti-Semitic.” Synnot (1979 p xviii) and that with the end of World War II “the dike broke” and the university hired Jews in significant numbers.” Synnot (1979 p 201). 10 Max Bergmann, …..formerly director of the Kaiser-Wilhelm Institute for Leather Research, joined the Rockefeller Institute in 1933; he was one of many German
scientists of the intellectual migration. A protégé of Emil Fischer, Bergmann had developed in Germany a leading center for protein chemistry, attracting students from around the world. His successful career continued in his new homeland, which he considered "the best country on the globe" (Felix Haurowitz file, 8 July 1943). His research program, which focused on the action of proteolytic enzymes on synthetic peptides and on the problem of protein structure, aimed at explaining the biological specificity of proteins. As determinants of specificity, proteins were then generally regarded as the active hereditary material in the chromosomes; Bergmann's investigations were also intended to account for this genetic specificity. The Bergmann Papers--letters, reports, addresses, and lectures -- are therefore important not only for the history of biochemistry, but also for the history of molecular genetics. The correspondence shows Bergmann to be a central figure within the international network of protein chemists, and instrumental in helping other émigré biochemists in the 1930s. (Emphasis added) Viewed on October 27, 2005. http://www.amphilsoc.org/library/guides/kay/Primary.htm 11 “Harvard's Nazi Ties”, by Stephen H. Norwood, October 26, 2005. The David S. Wyman Institute for Holocaust Studies, Viewed October 26, 2005. http://www.wymaninstitute.org/articles/2004-11-harvard.php 12 Bloomgarden L. (1960 p152) 13 A separate and distinct institution from Princeton University, founded with Jewish money for the purposes of ingathering Nazi persecuted intellectuals. 14 Oswald Veblen Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Box 31. 15 <http://www-groups.dcs.st-and.ac.uk/~history/Mathematicians/Dehn.html>. Viewed October 22 2005. 16 Courtesy of the Special Collection Department, The University of Chicago Library. 17 Courtesy of the Special Collection Department, The University of Chicago Library. 18 Letter dated November 3 1933, to Stephen P. Duggan, Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced German Scholars. 19 The very same institution that got ophthalmologist Igersheimer, an eminent scholar, by giving him no more than an Assistant Professorship. 20 Lipset and Ladd, Jr. (1971 p.92). However following WWII the flood gates on America’s campuses were opened to Jewish students and professors alike. There were many reasons for this. One of these was the fact that the elite universities were on academic and financial decline. Irrespective, over the remainder of the 20th century “the Jews were the vanguard of a social movement that …transformed the American university system and the nature of the American elite” Brooks, D. (2005). 21 Toscanini was a vocal anti Nazi, who made his views known in Europe until the last possible minute. NBC created an orchestra for him, and he broadcast concerts regularly to great acclaim. Many of the broadcasts are still regarded as great recordings. His chosen successor (Guido Cantelli) perished in a plane crash, and the orchestra was subsequently disbanded, but Toscanini’s impact on the music scene is undeniable. Arthur Rubinstein born in Lodz, Poland, the same city as this author, escaped from Paris to Los Angeles in 1940. In August 1939, with the worsening situation in Europe, George Szell and his wife settled in New York, In 1946 he became Musical Director of Cleveland and a United States citizen. He elevated that orchestra to world class status.
To alleviate that problem the Princeton Institute for Advanced Study was established. One of the first professors hired in 1933 by the Institute was Albert Einstein. Alvin Johnson, who took over as director of the reorganized the New School, helped found the "University in Exile" to accommodate the newly displaced and exiled German scholars. The University in Exile, which was later to become the Graduate Faculty for Political and Social Science of the New School, was a haven for many and, the New School after rededicating itself to scholarly research quickly became one of the more prominent schools of social science in the United States. The New School virtually transplanted the entire Kiel Institute of economists. http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/schools/newsch.htm 23 In 1936, Harvard sent a representative to celebrations at the University of Heidelberg which, like all German universities at that time, had expelled all its Jewish professors and changed its curriculum to reflect Nazi ideology. Harvard also cultivated friendly ties with another Nazi German university, Gottingen. Viewed on October 27, 2005. http://www.wymaninstitute.org/bostoncont.php 24 Document 867.4016 JEWS/5, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland. This letter speaks for itself. It was followed on November 10, 1933 with “in regard to the difficulties of the Jews in Germany and the engagement of German Jewish professors in this country, I now enclose as of possible interest in this connection a list of the names of foreign professors appointed to the University of Istanbul, all of them, I imagine being of the Jewish race, as indeed the names themselves sufficiently indicate.” Document 867.4016 JEWS/6, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland. 25 These were followed by many others so that the total number is estimated to be close to 2000. 26 An extract from the Autobiography of Felix Haurowitz, written in October 1975 on request by the Home Secretary of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States, upon Haurowitz’s being elected to the Academy’s membership. 27 http://www.indiana.edu/~liblilly/lilly/mss/html/haurowit.html 28 Shaw (1993) pg 379 29 According to “Administrators Lent Harvard's Prestige to Nazis, Historian Says” an article in the Chronicle of Higher Education by SCOTT MCLEMEE in the 11/26/2004 issue: The administration of Harvard University welcomed officials of the German government to the university's campus during the 1930s. It also sent representatives to attend festivities at German universities undergoing "Nazification," giving the regime a much-needed aura of legitimacy. So the record shows, according to Stephen H. Norwood, a professor of history at the University of Oklahoma, who presented his findings at a conference at Boston University. "I can give example after example after example" of the Ivy League institution's "indifference to anti-Semitic violence in Germany at the time," said Mr. Norwood (Emphasis added) Viewed October 26, 2005. http://chronicle.com/weekly/v51/i14/14a01501.htm 30 By letter of November 3, 2005, Lawrence H. Summers, President of Harvard University, stated: “I appreciate your interest in Harvard’s history and I am sorry that we cannot be of
assistance to you. My colleague in the archives department stated our policy accurately with regard to releasing information.” 31 http://www.jbc.org/content/vol140/issue2/index.shtml 32 Courtesy Manuscripts Department, Lilly Library, Indiana University. 33 Neumark (1982 p153) 34 Clifton, (1999 p 546) 35 Day, (1994, 377) 36 One of the few émigré professors who returned to Germany. By 1953, he was located at the Hygienishes Institute of the University of Munich. 37 As indicated, Max Sgalitzer was the eminent researcher in radiology who was able to bring to Turkey members of his engineering and nursing staff. 38 See Reisman (2006) 39 Dr. Martin (Haurowitz) Harwit in “Desperate Hours” Documentary film, Shenandoah Films PO Box 1339. Hedgesville,WV 25427. USA. <http://www.shenandoahfilm.com> 40 See Putnam, Felix Haurowitz 41 http://www.indiana.edu/~liblilly/lilly/mss/html/haurowit.html 42 Staudenmaier, (1985). 43 Personal correspondence October 1, 2005. 44 See Harwit An Exhibit Denied 45 Supplied with permission to print by Dr. Alice (Haurowitz) Sievert, Executrix of the Felix Haurowitz estate, September 2 2005.
German Librarians in Exile in Turkey, 1933–1945 Hildegard Mu ¨ller
The present article is the revised version of a speech presented at the IFLA General Conference in Istanbul in August 1995.1 I received the ﬁrst information on this subject during my work on a paper concerning the ‘‘University Library of Heidelberg during the Third Reich,’’2 which was written in 1985. I found indications there concerning German librarians who had emigrated to Turkey and had helped to organize a Turkish library system. In the course of the years the topic occupied my thoughts every now and then, and so I tried to obtain further information.3 Turkey as a target for emigrating German scientists during the Third Reich tends to be unknown in the consciousness of the general public. The United States, France, and England were the typical emigrants’ destinations.4 But names like that of the physician Rudolf Nissen, Sauerbruch’s favorite pupil, the Orientalist Helmut Ritter, Ernst E. Hirsch, who held a post at the Berlin University after the war, the economist Dankwart Rustow, and Fritz Neumark, as well as those of Ernst Reuter, who became Berlin’s ﬁrst mayor after the war and was the father of Edzard Reuter, Daimler’s boss for many years, at least make you prick up your ears. The image of Turkey in present-day Germany is determined by the so-called ‘‘Gastarbeiter’’—foreign workers who came to the Federal Republic of Germany (in this case from Turkey) about thirty years ago and who are now living there in the second and third generations. The social implications of the migration, particularly in the second and third generations, i.e., people who were already born and brought up in Germany, are considered to be mainly negative. In addition to this, Germany is regarded as a country in which people who, for political and religious reasons are being persecuted in Turkey (for example Kurds, Alavits, etc.), will be granted asylum—with all the implication such a decision entails. It has nearly been forgotten that about sixty years ago the historical development went in exactly the opposite direction and that it was
Libraries & Culture, Vol. 33, No. 3, Summer 1998 ᭧1998 by the University of Texas Press, P.O. Box 7819, Austin, TX 78713-7819
Turkey which accorded political asylum and work to Germans in a very generous way. This is what we are going to examine in greater detail. Historical Background Germany and the Jewish Question, 1933– 1945 The national socialist policy toward the Jews is marked by three phases. The beginning of national socialism is characterized by Hitler’s seizure of power in January 1933 and by the law reinstating permanent civil service in April 1933. According to this decree every ‘‘non-Aryan’’ civil servant or one related by marriage to a ‘‘non-Aryan’’ could be made redundant. Thus began the exclusion of the Jews from all political and cultural life. At the same time the ﬁrst wave of emigration set in. With the so-called ‘‘Nuremberg laws’’ of 1935 a second phase started, which saw the movement from political to biological anti-Semitism. Systematically all civil rights were withdrawn from the Jews as well as any possibility of earning of living. The culmination of these pursuits was the ‘‘Reichskristallnacht’’ of November 1938. Jews were thrown out of any profession left to them and their shops were expropriated. Each of these measures had increased emigration, but now a real exodus set in. It was followed by the third phase of national socialist anti-Semitism: the beginning of the deportations in 1941, the increasing forced labor, and the intensiﬁed selection of the disabled led ﬁnally to the murder of the Jews in concentration camps and to the Holocaust. Turkey 1933– 1938/45 Turkey in this period was decisively molded by Kemal Ataturk.5 In the years 1919 through 1923 he had tried to create a Turkish national state. Then from 1923 to 1938 he concentrated on the erection and stabilization of an efﬁcient Turkish state, based on the model of Western ones. The notion of ‘‘Kemalismus’’ outlines best of all Ataturk’s program: a determined modernization of Turkey in the sense of Europeanization.6 With breakneck speed he forced a ‘‘revolution from above’’ on to his people, starting with the abolition of the traditional headgear, the fez and the veil, the introduction of Roman characters instead of the Arab ones, and the introduction of monogamy instead of bigamy, and ending with the introduction of a civil code according to European standards. In this connection his extensive plans for educational reform and in particular for a reform of the universities of Istanbul and Ankara must be appreciated. These led to the appointment of many German-Jewish ´ emigre `s.
L&C/German Librarians in Exile
After Ataturk’s death in 1938, his successor and friend Ismet Inonu started off by continuing this policy. It was only in 1945, after the end of the Second World War, that fundamental political changes took place in Turkey: the opening to a multiparty system and the turn toward democracy. For the German emigrants in Turkey a new phase began as well. Most of them left Turkey. Some scholars returned to Germany, but most of them were offered chairs in another country, in particular the United States. Only a few stayed on in Turkey. Emigration of German Scientists to Turkey, 1933– 1945 Concerning this topic two excellent books exist. First, Horst Widmann’s Ph.D. dissertation, written in 1973, ‘‘Exile and Educational Help: The German-speaking Academic Emigration to Turkey after 1933,’’7 which contains no end of biographical information. Second, a contemporary source, the so-called ‘‘Scurla-Report,’’8 was published in 1987 by Grothusen. Herbert Scurla, a senior executive ofﬁcer, was sent to Turkey in 1939 by the Ministry of Science and Education to take stock of activities of German university professors there. In one case history, we ﬁnd that included among Ataturk’s plans for a thorough educational reform was a plan for the reform of the universities. In July 1933 the old university of Istanbul was closed, only to be replaced the following month by a completely modern one, created on the model of West European universities. This concept was based on the ‘‘Rapport sur l’universite ´ d’Istanbul’’ that the Swiss educationalist Albert Malche ´ had presented in 1932 by order of the Turkish government.9 Other scientiﬁc institutions were either restructured or newly established, as for example the Department of Architecture of the Technical University of Istanbul and the Agricultural and Veterinarian University in Ankara as well as other institutions there. Let us now have a look at Germany. As we have already noted, Hitler’s seizure of power in January 1933 was followed in April by the law reinstating permanent civil service, according to which all ‘‘non-Aryan’’ or politically unsafe university staff members could be made redundant. But even before this emigration was in full swing in April 1933, an organization called ‘‘Notgemeinschaft deutscher Wissenschaftler im Ausland’’ was founded in Zurich. This association for mutual assistance in emergencies was meant for German scientists abroad. Its president was the political scientist Philipp Schwartz of Frankfurt, who was ﬁrst informed about Malche ´ and the planned university reforms in Turkey in May 1933. On 6 July 1933 Schwartz and Malche ´ were already able to conduct decisive negotiations with the Turkish minister of education Resit Galip
in Ankara. In the eyes of the emigrant Fritz Neumark, this date stands out as ‘‘the day of the German-Turk miracle.’’10 During nine hours of negotiations, it was possible to put together a complete list of names for the professorships of the new Istanbul University—and all were members of the ‘‘Notgemeinschaft deutscher Wissenschaftler im Ausland’’! At the end of the day an overjoyed Schwartz was able to phone to Zurich: ‘‘Not three, but thirty!’’11 However, it was clear from the beginning that the German professors were meant to stay only until their Turk pupils, i.e., their assistants and lecturers, could take over their positions. As a result ﬁve-year contracts became the rule, and courses were to be held as soon as possible in Turkish, using handbooks which had been translated into Turkish too. German Emigrants to Istanbul With the appointment of German scientists to Istanbul University in July 1933 the decisive breakthrough had been reached. The university was now, according to Scurla, ‘‘ﬁrmly in the hand of Jewish emigrants.’’12 The Gestapo tried in some cases to prevent the departure of various people; the Turkish government managed, on the other hand, to even extract imprisoned professors and safely deliver them to Istanbul. In November 1933 courses began at the new Istanbul University. The new professors were greeted individually in the big entrance hall, and immediately afterward they began their work.13 They were not divided equally among the four faculties; the majority of them were in the faculty of medicine or in the one devoted to mathematics and natural science. There were fewer in the faculty of law and the faculty of arts.14 In all faculties, however, exceptional representatives of great renown were on hand,15 so that this university could be referred to as ‘‘the best German university’’ at that time. In the next years more German emigrants followed, while others moved on, particularly to the United States. The German government tried to intervene in Turkey (for example, through Scurla) so as to prevent the continued employment or new appointment of German scientists. To this end the emigrant circles were carefully spied upon.16 Scurla considered the problem of the emigrant to be a burden on GermanTurkish relations. The Turkish government, on the other hand, rejected all interference from the German side and forbade any intervention in Turkish cultural activities. Scurla was expressively told that Turkey was not the slightest bit interested in accepting German professors who had held posts in the National Socialist Party. After 1945 and in particular after the founding of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, most of the scientists left Istanbul again.
L&C/German Librarians in Exile
German Emigrants in Ankara Many fewer scientists found their way to Ankara than they did to Istanbul. This was due mostly to the university itself, which was still in its initial stages. Only a few institutes and scientiﬁc organizations existed. Furthermore, the borderlines were not so clearly deﬁned here as they had been in Istanbul. The scientists came to Ankara through the intervention of the ofﬁcial German representative. The biggest share of emigrants was to be found in the state school of music, followed by the faculty of arts and the medical institutes.17 From a merely external point of view, the achievements of the emigrants can best be seen here; the architect Clemens Holzmeister built many impressive buildings (for example, the new Houses of Parliament) and Paul Hindemith helped Turkey build up a state school of opera and theater.
The Emigration of German Librarians to Turkey, 1933– 1945 The emigration of German librarians must be seen in the context of the emigration of German scientists as a whole. The exact number of Jewish librarians during the national socialist era is not known. In a catalogue by Werner Schochow,18 approximately 230 names are mentioned. It is easier to obtain data concerning scientiﬁc librarians than it is to ﬁnd references to employees at a lower level. According to a more recent publication by Alwin Mu ¨ller-Jerina,19 approximately 80 Jewish librarians existed. Of these about 65 percent worked in scientiﬁc libraries, about 10 percent in public libraries, and about 25 percent in libraries run by the Jewish community or a Jewish theological seminary. A Ph.D. was held by two-thirds of these librarians and by 80 percent of the faculty of arts. This shows the intellectual potential of this group. Due to the ‘‘law reinstating permanent civil service’’ of April 1933, approximately 60 percent of the Jewish librarians were forbidden to continue working and lost their jobs. By the time of the Nuremberg laws in 1935, nearly all the Jewish librarians had been forced to abandon their careers. Even as readers they were not allowed to use the libraries any more. These steps left a great gap in the number of personnel, one which could hardly be ﬁlled. Upon Hitler’s ascent to power at the beginning of 1933, very few Jewish librarians left Germany because most of them thought that they could come to terms somehow with national socialism. However, many emigrated immediately after losing their jobs, so that most of them had left Germany by 1935. Most of these emigrated to the United States
(approximately 40 percent), followed by Palestine (approximately 30 percent), Great Britain (approximately 14 percent), and various other countries. About 60 percent of the emigrants stayed in the country to which they ﬂed ﬁrst. The others had a nerve-racking and most tiring path along which they had to trudge through various countries before they found a new home. Just about half of these emigrated Jews continued working as librarians while in exile. The others worked at universities or on a freelance basis. Only about 20 percent returned to Germany after the war. Traces of these exiled German librarians can also be found in Turkey. The above-mentioned Malche ´ addressed the situation of the libraries in his report of 1932 (established by order of the Turkish government). He made suggestions about a ‘‘centralization of the library administration’’ as well as about the praising of its utility.’’20 In 1935 Helmut Ritter, Oriental scholar at the University of Istanbul, set up a ‘‘library expertise’’ in his function as president of a reform commission.21 The Austrian Dr. Joseph Stummvoll, who worked as librarian at the newly founded University for Agriculture and Veterinary Science in Ankara (Yuksek Ziraat Enstitusu), contributed an article about ‘‘the Library system in Modern Turkey.’’22 He also directed a three-month training course for librarians in Turkey.23 In general, one can say that the activities of the German-speaking professors led to the advancement of libraries in Turkey. This they achieved through public lectures, university weeks in the provinces, the expansion of old and creation of new institutes, publication of manuals in a modern style, and the establishment of scientiﬁc magazines.24 All these are requirements for scientiﬁc work in the modern style of the West. The emigration to Turkey included the following German librarians. Dr. Max Pfannenstiel (1902– 1976) Max Pfannenstiel, born in Alsace in 1902, studied geology and mineralogy. He worked ﬁrst at the University library in Freiburg, then from 1930 to 1932 at the Bavarian State Library in Munich, where he sat for his qualifying examinations. From January to July 1933, he worked once again at the University library in Freiburg. In August 1933 he lost his job due to his being cast as a ‘‘non-Aryan.’’ Although the director of his library, Josef Rest, interceded with the Ministry of Education, pointing out that Pfannenstiel was only half-Jewish (his grandfather on his mother’s side was a Jew), his redundancy came into effect on 12 October 1933.25 For the time being Pfannenstiel was without a job and tried to work scientiﬁcally. From January 1934 to March 1935, he was employed at a medical book shop. Following that he
L&C/German Librarians in Exile
received a small grant from the ‘‘Society of German Natural Scientists and Doctors’’ to concentrate on various estates. Finally in February 1935 he managed to obtain (as a Rockefeller Scholarship holder) a modest position as a librarian at the League of Nations in Geneva. The medical department of the library there was built up by him. On 19 January 1933 the Minister of Science and Education wrote to his colleague in Baden that the post of director at the library of the University of Agriculture and Veterinary Science in Ankara was vacant. Through the German embassy he had heard that Pfannenstiel was interested in this position—which was not acceptable from the German point of view. To quote from his letter: ‘‘It is not in the interest of Germany, for political-cultural reasons, that Dr. Pfannenstiel is given this job in Ankara.’’26 Scurla looked through Pfannenstiel’s personal ﬁle on behalf of the ministry.27 On 14 April 1938 the ministry in Berlin reported in an outraged tone to its counterpart in Baden that Pfannenstiel was in Ankara and demanded to know immediately who had given him the exceptional permission to leave the country.28 The ministry of Baden, in a clever move, pointed out that Pfannenstiel did not have to ask for permission, as he was no longer a civil servant of Baden.29 This can be taken as proof of the fact that German emigrants were observed very closely in Turkey and that pressure was put on appointments. In the present case all pressure was useless. On 15 April 1938 Pfannenstiel took up his post as successor of Stummvoll as head of the library of the University of Agriculture and Veterinary Science in Ankara.30 It did not take long for him to start working on the historicalgeological background of Turkey and writing articles on this subject.31 That Pfannenstiel continued to be painstakingly observed by the Gestapo is proved by the fact that he (as well as numerous other scientists) was thoroughly sounded out by Scurla during his visit to Ankara in May 1939.32 From 1940 onward Pfannenstiel worked for the Turkish Historical Society (Turk Tarik Kuruma), where he catalogued Ataturk’s library which the later had left to the Society according his will.33 Pfannenstiel never gave up his contacts with the Freiburg University Library and hoped that he might one day be able to return to a German library, thanks to a saving clause in the civil service law.34 Accordingly he put in an application on 16 June 1939, which was benevolently forwarded by the German embassy in Ankara.35 Director Rest in Freiburg commented positively on his former staff member and unconditionally supported his return. Other former colleagues reacted similarly. The only negative reply came from Professor Wilser, director of the Geological-Palaeontologic
Institute in Heidelberg and also a former colleague in Freiburg. Although Pfannenstiel was helpful and full of bright ideas, Wilser nevertheless had misgivings about this nomination because ‘‘A Jew remains a Jew!’’36 And further, Pfannenstiel was part of a decidedly Jewish set in Freiburg, which had had a hostile attitude toward national socialism. Even if Dr. Pfannenstiel tried to change himself inwardly and outwardly, he remains by blood a half Jew and does not belong to a community whose aim it is to fulﬁll the mission set to us by the Fuhrer. German civil servants are brothers-in-arms of Adolf Hitler!37 In August 1941 Pfannenstiel’s contract with the Turkish government came to an end. Due to the political and wartime situation there was no renewal. Pfannenstiel returned to Germany that year and, thanks to the saving clause mentioned above, became a civil servant—in the University library in Erlangen, however. Temporarily he worked in the library of the geological staff of the army—something which appears very surprising to us today. In 1947 he was offered a chair of geology in Freiburg and in 1954 became chancellor of this university—a late honor conferred on him after an eventful life. He died in 1976 in Freiburg. Sonja Tiedecke. It appears that Sonja Tiedecke came as a qualiﬁed librarian from Hamburg to Istanbul in 1938. She worked at the library of the faculty of medicine of Istanbul University.38 She did not return to Germany at the end of the war, but continued to work in Istanbul until 1961. She stayed there upon retiring and was known to still live there until well into the seventies.39 Dr. Walter Gottschalk (1891– 1974). Walter Gottschalk, born 1891 in Aachen, studied orientalism, philosophy, history, and the history of art in Wurzburg and Berlin. He took a Ph.D. in 1914 with a thesis on ‘‘The oath according to older Arab form.’’40 From 1916 to 1918 he participated in the First World War and held posts in Turkey, Syria, and Palestine under Liman von Sanders, among others. He took up his duties at the Prussian State Library in Berlin in 1919 as the senior librarian for language and history of the Middle East and was promoted in 1923. Gottschalk contributed greatly to the setting up of the Oriental Department in the Prussian State Library. In particular the reference library was his doing, and he set up a precise catalogue of it. He was a member of the Ibn-Saad Commission and coeditor of Ibn-Saad’s complete works. He was dismissed in 1935 due to his Jewish origins and
L&C/German Librarians in Exile
forced into retirement. He continued to work scientiﬁcally and held lectures; for example, introductions to Arabic. In February 1939 he emigrated to Belgium, where he had relatives. Gottschalk came to Turkey as an emigrant in 1941, where he was given instructions to work for Istanbul University as an expert on library matters.41 Connected with this was the supervision of all the libraries of the institutes of the university. From approximately 1949 onward, Gottschalk held a chair of library science at Istanbul University, where he also played a prominent part in the development of the Turkish library system. Gottschalk lived in Istanbul until his retirement in 1954.42 After that he returned to Germany and settled in Frankfurt. He continued to work scientiﬁcally on an honorary basis. Special merit is due him for editing the reference book Jewry, Fate, Nature and Presence, for which he was honored with the Federal Service Cross. To mark his seventy-ﬁfth birthday in 1966, he had already been made on honorary member of the Frankfurt University, partly in recognition of his ‘‘contributions to scientiﬁc books.’’43 Gottschalk died in 1974 in Frankfurt. Surrounding Field The senior librarians who emigrated to Turkey were joined by junior colleagues, bookbinders, and restorers. In particular these skilled and well-trained refugees constructed corresponding bookbinding and restoration departments, and it is to their credit that many Turkish colleagues could be trained.44 Unfortunately the source material here is exceedingly poor. Conclusion This article serves, in a narrower sense as a contribution to the history of the emigration of German scientists in the years from 1933 to 1945. Some of these emigrants turned toward Turkey, where nearly at the same time Kemal Ataturk developed his ideas of a global reform of universities on the model of European ones. The German librarians were a part of this emigration, which contributed greatly to the organization of a modern European university system in Turkey. From a mere quantitative point of view, this emigration to Turkey certainly does not rank ﬁrst, but seen from a qualitative point of view, that is, the importance it had for their country of adoption, it is surely the case that it was of primary importance. In a broader sense, however, this article seeks to contribute to the improvement of German-Turkish relations. We should consider not only
what the German scientists gave their Turkish colleagues, but we must also remember that they themselves beneﬁted from their stay. Those German professors who engaged themselves wholeheartedly in Turkey, who learned the language and found Turkish friends, became real bridges between the Orient and the West. This tradition needs special care and attention, particularly in our time, so that it can be developed further and help to remove ignorance and prejudice on both sides. Notes
1. This paper was given on the occasion of the ‘‘Workshop on Orientalist Libraries and Orientalism’’ organized by the IFLA Round Table on Library History on 17 and 18 August 1995 in Istanbul. For the translation into English, I thank Rosemary Ripperger of Mainz. 2. See Hildegard Mu ¨ller, ‘‘Die Universita ¨tsbibliothek Heidelberg im Dritten Reich,’’ in Die Universita ¨ tsbibliotheken Heidelberg, Jena und Ko ¨ ln unter dem Nationalsozialismus. Hrsg. von Ingo Toussaint (Mu ¨nchen: Saur-Verlag, 1989), 11–89. 3. Inevitably these researches could only produce fragmentary results. I would be very grateful for any further indications concerning German librarians who emigrated to Turkey. 4. See Evelyn Lacina, ‘‘Emigration 1933–1945,’’ in Sozialhistorische Darstellung der deutschsprachigen Emigration und einiger ihrer Asylla ¨ nder aufgrund ausgewha ¨ lter zeitgeno ¨ ssischer Selbstzeugnisse (Stuttgart, 1982). 5. See Bernd Rill, Kemal Ataturk mit Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten (Hamburg, 1985). 6. See Klaus-Detlev Grothusen, Die Turkei in der Zeit Kemal Atatu ¨ rks (1919/ 23–1938) und die deutsch-tu ¨ rkischen Beziehungen von 1924 bis 1928. Eine Ausstellung (Frankfurt, 1987), 9–30. 7. See Horst Widmann, Exil und Bildungshilfe. Die deutschsprachige akademische Emigration in die Tu ¨ rkei nach 1933. Mit einer Bio-Biographie der emigrierten Hochschullehrer im Anhang (Frankfurt, 1973). 8. See Klaus-Detlev Grothusen, Der Scurla-Bericht. Bericht des Oberregierungsrates Dr. Herbert Scurla von der Auslandsabteilung des Reichserziehungsministeriums in Berlin ¨ ber seine Dienstreise nach Ankara und Istanbul von 11.—25. Mai 1939:Die Ta u ¨ tigkeit deutscher Hochschullehrer an tu ¨ rkischen wissenschaftlichen Hochschulen (Frankfurt, 1987). 9. See Klaus-Detlev Grothusen, ‘‘Die deutsche wissenschaftliche Emigration in die Tu ¨rkei. Unter besonderer Berucksichtigung Hamburgs,’’ in Universita ¨t Hamburg, 1933 in Gesellschaft und Wissenschaft (Hamburg, 1984), 189–206. 10. Ibid., 194. 11. Ibid., 195. 12. Ibid., 192. 13. Very close to that hall, on historic soil so to speak, the IFLA workshop was held in 1995. 14. Klaus-Detlev Grothusen, ‘‘Die deutsche wissenschaftliche Emigration,’’ 192. Faculty of Medicine: Friedrich Dessauer, Erich Frank, Josef Igersheimer, Adolf Kantorowicz, Wilhelm Liepman, Rudolf Nissen, Philipp Schwark, Max Sgalitzer, et al. Faculty of Mathematics and Natural Science: Fritz Arndt, F. L. Breusch, Curt Kasswig, E. F. Freundlich, Alfred Heilbronn, Arthur V. Hippel, Richard v. Mises, Willy Prager, et al. Faculty of Law and Economics: Josef
L&C/German Librarians in Exile
Dobretsberger, Ernst Hirsch, Richard Honig, Gerhard Kessler, Fritz Neumark, Wilhelm Ropke, Alexander Rustow, Andreas Schwartz, Karl Strupp, et al. Department of Architecture of the Technical University: Clemens Holzmeister, Gustav Oelsner, Bruno Taut, et al. 15. See Widmann, Exil und Bildungshilfe, 76. 16. For information on the daily life of the German emigrants in Turkey, compare the two catalogues: Die deutsch-tu ¨ rkischen Beziehungen von 1924 bis 1938. Eine Ausstellung. Veranstaltet vom Tu ¨ rkischen Generalkonsulat Frankfurt/M. und der Deutschen Bibliothek (Frankfurt, 1987), and Jan Cremer and Horst Przytulla, Exil Tu ¨ rkei:Deutschsprachige Emigranten in der Turkei 1933–1945. Eine Ausstellung des YolKulturforums in Mu ¨ nchen (Mu ¨nchen, 1991). 17. See Widmann, Exil und Bildungshilfe, 134ff. 18. See Werner Schochow, ‘‘Ju ¨dische Bibliothekare aus dem deutschen Sprachraum. Eine erste Bestandsaufnahme,’’ in Antisemitismus und ju ¨ dische Geschichte. Studien zu Ehren von Herbert A. Strauss (Berlin, 1987), 515–44. 19. See Alwin Mu ¨ller-Jerina, ‘‘Judische Bibliothekare in Deutschland 1933– 1945. Ein Projektbericht,’’ in Bibliotheken wa ¨ hrend des Nationalsozialismus. Teil I, edited by Peter Vodosek and Manfred Komorawski (Wiesbaden, 1989), (Wolfenbu ¨ttler Schriften zur Geschichte des Buchwesens, Bd. 16). 20. See Widmann, Exil und Bildungshilfe, 47. 21. See Adnan Otuken, ‘‘Prof. Hellmut Ritter in Istanbul Ku ¨tuphaneleri hakkinda bir raporu,’’ Tu ¨ rk Ku ¨ tuphaneler Derugi Bulteni VI, no. 1–2 (1957). 22. See Joseph Stummvoll, ‘‘Yeni Tu ¨rkiye’de Ku ¨tuphanecilik,’’ Ayin Tarihi XXIII (November 1935). 23. See Munir D. Ahmed, ‘‘Die Ausbildung von Bibliothekaren, Dokumentaren und Archivaren im Vorderen Orient,’’ Auskunft. Mitteilungsblatt Hamburger Bibliotheken 8. JG. H. 4 (1988): 280–1. 24. See Fritz Neumark, ‘‘Ein Dank der deutschen Wissenschaft an Ataturk und sein Land,’’ in Die deutsch-tu ¨ rkischen Beziehungen von 1924 bis 1938. Eine Ausstellung (Frankfurt, 1987), 42. 25. Concerning Pfannenstiel see the article ‘‘Max Pfannenstiel—Ein Einzelschicksal,’’ in Ingo Toussaint, Die Universita ¨ tsbibliothek Freiburg im Dritten Reich 2. ver. u. erw. Auﬂ (Mu ¨nchen, 1984), 57–68. Compare the papers in the personal ﬁle of Pfannenstiel in the state archive GLA Karlsruhe 235/2378 of Karlsruhe 24.4.1993, letter from Rest to Ministry, 12.8.1933 Ministry to Rest. 26. See GLA Karlsruhe 235/2378. 19.1.1938 Reichsminister fu ¨r Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung an das Badische Ministerium fu ¨r Kultus und Unterricht. 27. Ibid., 9.2.1938 Reichsminister an Badisches Ministerium. 28. Ibid., 14.4. 1938 Reichsminister an Badisches Ministerium. 29. Ibid., 25.4.1938 Badisches Ministerium an Reichsminister. 30. See Widmann, Exil und Bildungshilfe, 160–1. 31. See Max Pfannenstiel, ‘‘Die altsteinzeitlichen Kulturen Anatoliens,’’ in Istanbuler Forschungen, vol. 15, edited by Kurt Bittel (Berlin, 1941), and ‘‘Die diluvialen Entwicklungsstadien und die Urgeschichte von Dardanellen, MarmaraMeer und Bosporus. Ein Beitrag zu den klimatisch bedingten, enstatischen Spiegelschwankungen des Mittelmeeres,’’ in Geologische Rundschau, vol. XXXIV, Heft 7/8. 32. See Klaus-Detlev Grothusen, Scurla-Bericht, 140. 33. According to Ms. Mihin Lugal of Istanbul, a Turkish librarian who worked in this library after Pfannenstiel, traces of his activities can be found to the present day (interview, August 1995).
305 34. See Toussaint, Die Universitatshibliothek Freiburg, 64. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid., 65. 37. Ibid., 66. 38. See Widmann, Exil und Bildungshilfe, 91. 39. Further research among others in libraries in Hamburg and with retired librarians, unfortunately, did not reveal any new information. 40. See Herbert A. Strauss, International Biographical Dictionary of Central European Emigre ´s 1933/1945, vol. II, part 1 (Mu ¨nchen, 1983), 406. Alexandra Habermann, Lexikon deutscher wissenschaftlicher Bibliothekare 1925–1980 (Frankfurt, 1985), 98. Werner Schochow, Geschichte der preussischen Staatsbibliothek (Berlin, 1989), 129. Thanks to Schochow for his friendly help. 41. See Widmann, Exil und Bildungshilfe, 115. He is said to have been sent through the occupied zones to Turkey in a closed train car on the express orders of Goebbels. S. Elverfeldt, Zusammenstellung der Lebensdaten und Werke von Walter Gottschalk (Aachen, 1979). Reference to this information was given by the Archiv Bibliographia Judaica in Frankfurt. 42. For the sake of completeness, let me mention that Gottschalk’s successor was Dr. Rudolf Juchhoff, who held a chair in Library Science until 1968. His assistant and interpretor was Meral Alpay, who now holds a chair in Library Science in Istanbul. 43. See Allgemeine Ju ¨dische Wochenschrift. Berliner Ausgabe vom 18.10. 1974, 7. 44. I am very grateful to Mihin Lugal for this information (interview, Istanbul, August 1995).
Diğer yayınlara buradan adlarını tıklayarak ulaşabilirsiniz Türklerin ve Büyük Bozkırın Eski Tarihi... Türklerin ve Büyük Bozkırın Eski Tarihi - Murad Adji, Moskova, 1999 kitabından çeviri ve zet!
"azarın #$$%-$& yıllarından # 'ilt olarak yeniden yazdı(ı kita)lar in*iliz'e olarak alt tara+ta veril,ektedir!
Dünyada Ortak Kültürün Kökenindeki Türk Dili... Asya dan "ayılan -rtak .ültürün . kenindeki Türk /ili /r!0aluk Berk,en DN Tarihine !öre vru"a dahil #.$ %ilyar &nsan Kazak Niyazov Kökenlidir 1nsanlı(ın dünya üzerinde yayılı,ı /2A esaslı *enetik-antro)olojik çalı3,aya dayanarak 4ro+! 5! 6ells tara+ından açıklanıyor! A+rika da do(duktan sonra zorunlu * çle *eldikleri -rtaasyada ço(al,ı3lar! #'() *ılından bir &sve+li di"lo%at ,.-a.enbrin. / &sve+ dili Türk+e ile aynı köktendir 7lkedeki ,asallar ve eski ,ezar ta3ları üzerindeki 8 ktürk yazıtlarıyla beraber çevirisini okuyunuz! 01#1 *ılından bir -atviyalı dilbili%2i !. ,huke / -atviya dili Türk+e ile aynı köktendir /il ve yeradlarında halen bulunan keli,eler ve *ra,erdeki benzerlikleri 9in*iliz'e zet: okuyunuz! 3anakkale ve Tuna4nın !e+il%ezliği Turki2 ,ubstrate in En.lish N.Kisa%ov501#6 Atatürk ;anakkale<yi *eçirt,e,i3tir a,a 1=&& Tuna<dan sonra 1=9%<te >? *e,iyle Bo(az i3*aldeydi @ tatürk4ün Okuduğu Kita"lar -istesi tatürk4ün Okudu.u *aban2ı Kita"lar !.D.Tü7ek2i
tatürk4ün Okudukları Dizini ve Bili%5Tarih Kita"larından 8rnekler tatürk4ün Okuduklarından / Bili% ve Tarih 9 :.!.;ells 5 #<0# Atatürk<ün okuduklarından 2utuk<ta *eçen 1#$$ say+alık 0!8! 6ells-19#1 Bili, ve Tarih kitabının aslıdır! Nutuk #<0' baskısındandan Eski Türk+e ilk5son say7alar
Atatürk<ün eserinden n ve arka ka)ak da,*alarının ardından ilk ve son say+a tı)kı bası, veril,ektedir!
Nutuk =. Ke%al tatürk #<0' Nutuk ekleri bel.eler ve =illi =ü2adele haritaları 2utuk M! .! Atatürk 19#& ! ! 5n! Bedii "azı'ı düzenle,esiyle, elektronik içindekilerle düzenlen,i3 4/A!
AB/ 8 rü3ü B CDn'redible Turk E Müthi3 Türk AtatürkF
BD4nin >nredible5=üthiş Türk Dedi.i tatürk ?a7er4den sonra N* Ti%es =.Ke%al @aşa *oru%u 1!1$!## tarihli haber-yoru, ve >1 ya3ında )ortresi
Os%anlı4dan Kalan =iras ve tatürk Döne%i -s,anlı<nın MirasıG ekono,ik, askeri ve to)lu,sal ç kü3ün ardından *elen Atatürk / ne,i anlatılıyor! 8n2esi ve ,onrasıyla tatürkA De%okrasi ve Nutuk Atatürk<e * re /e,okrasi irdelenerek, 19?# yılında AB/ halkına hitabının * rüntülü kaydı da veriliyor! tatürk4ün Bizzat :azırlayı" *azdığı !eo%etri Kitabı 5 #<6' Atatürk<ün tü, *erekli 9d rt*en, açıortay *ibi: teri,leri türeterek bizzat hazırladı(ı 8eo,etri kitabıdır! vru"a4nın $1 yıl 8nündeki Takiyüddin ve Os%anlıda Bili% da%ı Ol%ak Aatih<in kur,aya çalı3tı(ı 1stanbul Hasathanesi, 1%&$<te kurulu) 1%=$<de yıktırıl,ayla biten yküsü! Eski Türk l7abesi ve Orhun *azıtları -rhun "azıtları<nı tarihteki yerini .ülti*in "azıtının aslıyla beraber verilen çevirisiyle beraber okuyunuz ! Eski Türk l7abesi ve Diğer *azıtlar /i(er ta3 yazıtlardan rnekler çevirileri! TurksA Euro"e and ,te""eA =. dBi v5> Turks and ;orldA ,e2ret ,toryA =. dBi v5>> Hus Tarihçi Murad Adji, Er,enistan<dan Iatikan<a bel*elerle *izlenen Türk Tarihini anlatıyor 9in*iliz'e:!
Kutad.u Bili.4de DevletA Birey ve Eski Türklerde =e2lis Eski Türklerde :ukuk E.iti% ve Ordu
.utad*u Bili* ve dii(er bil*ilere dayanarak Türklerde devlet ve to)lu, düzeni üzerine bili,sel yazılar! Clukışla ve Kuvayı =illiye .uvva'ı Mü+tü ve di(er kahra,anlarıyla birlikte Milli Mü'adele<ye katkılarını okuyunuz!
:uns and Turks 7ro% #111 BD to #111 Belirtilen d ne,deki 0un ve Türk Tarihi D Kur.an Dulture5!oddess Divilization5=.!i%butas Hus yazar tara+ından .ur*an kültürü-uy*arlı(ı anlatılıyor
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
We've moved you to where you read on your other device.
Get the full title to continue listening from where you left off, or restart the preview.