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Joost Schokkenbroek Irene Maldini
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Placement Supervisor (VU): Yara Cavalcanti
Project Management and Internships| Master Design Cultures. VU University Amsterdam | Faculty of Arts, Department of Arts and Culture| De Boelelaan 1150 | Room 9A‐22 | 1081 HV Amsterdam | www.designcultures.nl | + 31‐6‐2122 533
Placement assignment: Study the tea services that are part of the museum collections to identify the different typologies of objects associated to variations in cultural tea practices, the tea and porcelain trade, the maritime world, the development of the consumer culture and industrialization in Europe. It is stated that through the identification of these object typologies, which are conditioned by the subjects already mentioned, one can have an overview of the importance of maritime history and trade reflected in a daily practice as tea drinking.
INDEX 1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………..p. 1 2. Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………….p.2 3. Findings 3.1 Typology 1………………………………………………………………………………………....p. 3 3.1.1 Introduction of tea in Europe………………………………………………..p. 4 3.1.2 Porcelain trade……………………………………………………………….…….p. 7 3.1.3 Porcelain display……………………………………………………………..…p. 11 3.1.4 Cups and saucers manipulation………………………………………..…p. 13 3.1.5 Conclusions of this typology……………………………………………..…p. 14 3.2 Typology 2……………………………………………………………………………………….p. 15 3.2.1 Conspicuous consumption and the industrious revolution…..p. 16 3.2.2 European industry………………………………………………………..……p. 17 3.2.3 Etiquette and manners………………………………………………….……p. 19 3.2.4 Conclusions of this typology………………………………….……………p. 21 3.3 Typology 3………………………………………………………………………..……….…….p. 22 3.3.1 Industrialization and design………………………………………….……p. 23 3.3.2 Searching for functionality……………………………..…………………p. 24 3.3.3 The maritime passenger transport…………………..…………………p. 26 3.3.4 Conclusions of this typology…………………..………..…………………p. 29 4. Contextualizing the museum pieces…………………………..……………………………….….p. 30 5. Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………………………….……p. 33 Appendix 1: Relevant cups and saucers for this research in the collection of Het Scheepvaartmuseum……………………………………………………………p. 34 Appendix 2: Visits report…………………………………………………………………………………p. 43 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………………………p. 49
1. Introduction The aim of this report is to document the main findings of a research developed during an internship in Het Scheepvaartmuseum. The scope of the internship was to explore some of the objects in the museum collection through the point of view of Design History. According to John A. Walker “the purpose of [Design History] is to explain design as a social and historical phenomenon”.1 As a discipline which origin is to be found in History of Art, Design History today “is no longer primarily a history of objects and their designers, but is becoming more a history of the translations, transcriptions, transactions, transpositions and transformations that constitute the relationships among things, people and ideas”.2 Developing a study from this point of view, the particular value of everyday utilitarian objects is evidentiated. Approaching some of the objects in the museum collection through Design History allows us to link objects and their utilitarian value with contemporary social dynamics and principles. The objects in the museum collection that were analyzed through this perspective are tea cups and saucers belonging to Dutch ship companies dating from the second half of the 19th and first half of the 20th century.3 The corporative ceramics are a starting point to understand firstly how different typologies of tea cups were shaped and established along European history and secondly which is the relationship of these typologies with the maritime world.4 The choice of this group of objects has therefore a double motivation. On one hand, tea services are utilitarian objects that embed strong cultural meaning. On the other, the history of tea and porcelain is closely linked with Maritime History and intercultural encounters. Connecting the drives already mentioned, this report will a) identify the different typologies of European tea cups and saucers along history; b) relate their utilitarian requirements to the social, cultural and economic contexts; and c) acknowledge the importance of maritime trade in their development and consolidation. As a consequence, this study will serve as a framework to contextualize the corporative cups and saucers in the museum and relate them to objects in other museums collections.
1 Walker and Attfield 1989, p.1. 2 Fallan 2010, p. viii. 3 See appendix 1 (Relevant cups and saucers for this research in the collection of Het Scheepvaartmuseum). 4 The objects of study were chosen with the internship mentors at the beginning of this internship.
2. Methodology It has to be mentioned that this research is developed in the context of a 128‐hours internship during two and a half months.5 Therefore, the time for research had to be organized pursuing either width or depth. Being this an excellent opportunity to carry on a truly interdisciplinary study, and to cover a broad historical period during which clear different object typologies could be identified, the first option was taken. As a result, almost the whole period of tea consuming in Europe is considered, from the 17th to the 20th century. The methods for data collection have been mainly literature review, complemented by a few museum visits and interviews to this and other museum curators. The literature review includes texts from History of Art, Maritime History, Social History, Economic History, Archeology and Design History.6 The inputs from each of these areas, however, are integrated in the research findings, which have been organized according to the objects typologies and the requirements embedded in them. When defining the different typologies, shape has been the main focus of this analysis, rather than materials, techniques or decorations. However, frequently object’s characteristics are related one to each other and therefore they are occasionally included in this report. At the same time, it is opportune to mention that particular cups and saucers are highlighted here only as examples of a more generalized argument. The aim of this research is not to analyze special objects but to identify how stereotypes were created and established, which were some of the cultural, social, and economic elements that shaped them, and how maritime trade influenced the whole context.7 Through this net of relationships, the objects belonging to the museum collection are contextualized and can be easily related to other objects in the category. Pursuing practical applications of the research findings, this report ends with a suggestion for a related exhibition (including items from this and other collections), giving an overview of the importance of maritime history and trade reflected in a daily practice as tea drinking.
5 40 hours for the internship report are added to this 128, completing a 168 hours (6 credits) internship. 6 See bibliography. 7 Walker & Attfield mention among other characteristics of design historians “…design historians are
concerned not so much with single objects as with groups of objects arranged in types and series and in the relations between those objects and the people who make, use and profit from them”. Source: Walker & Attfield1989, p.59. By categorizing a wide range of cups and saucers in typologies (or types of objects) in order to identify common elements and relate them to their context, this research is following the authors’ posture.
3. Findings 3.1 Typology 1 Name: Chine de Commande Key words: Novelty and Trade Icon: Description Cup: Small with no handle, slightly conical, with ringed base, thin walls. Proportions of height and diameter are variable, but they tend to be equal. Completely stackable. Saucer: Curve and deep with no relief in the bottom. Completely stackable. Period: 17th and 18th centuries Production: Mainly porcelain made in China, but sometimes in Japan or Europe (using different techniques). Comments: At the beginning of this period sizes inside the typology are varied. Later they are regulated and thus more uniform. Centralized trade through the VOC and production in Canton allows identifying some of the popular sizes. However, when tea cups and saucers start being produced in Europe proportions slowly change.
Introduction of tea in Europe
Tea was introduced in Europe by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the 17th century. The first merchant shipment arrived in 1637 but tea remained a rare good, together with other exotic Asian products, for several decades. 8 Its demand grew steadily and it finally dominated the whole 18th‐century overseas trade with China.9 At the beginning of the 18th century it was an aristocratic drink, and even when it was not spread in the middle and lower class yet, domestic demand of tea exceeded the shipments to the Netherlands in 1723.10 Consequently, imports from 1720 to 1790 rose at a rate of 3.9% per year.11 Tea was shipped from China to the Netherlands and then sold to several European locations.
Jan Josef Horemands the Elder (1682‐1759). A Dutch bourgeois interior with ladies taking tea. Image source: Sheaf & Kilburn 1988, pp.111, 112
8 De Vries 2008, p.156. 9 Sheaf & Kilburn 1988, p. 88. 10 Parmentier 1996, pp. 9,11. 11 De Vries 2008, p. 156.
England came to be a major destiny for the new drink. During most of the 18th century, when the English company was not participating in the Asian tea trade, strong taxes were applied on imports from the Netherlands, but the popularity of the drink was spreading quickly and tea started to be smuggled from the continent. In 1780 only one third of the tea consumed in England was imported.12 In 1784 English tax was lowed from 100% to 12.5% and the English company took the monopoly while smuggling declined.13 While both green and black tea where popular in China, black tea dominated the trade to Europe. Green tea was more difficult to keep fresh and easier to adulterate, so both companies and consumers had a preference for the fermented variation.14 A sweetened version of the beverage became popular in Europe, where it spread together with coffee and chocolate. The new hot drinks, increasingly consumed along the 18th century, changed the daily diet in many countries. In the Netherlands, they were combined with bread to form an economic breakfast that replaced porridge, pancakes and beer and reorganized the daily meal system, from a two‐meal to a three meal regime.15 They also brought the habit of eating sweets.16 Each of these three hot drinks followed a different path, coming from different corners of the world, at that moment recently connected. Chocolate was the first of the three drinks to be introduced, brought by the Spaniards from Mesoamerica at the beginning of the 16th century.17 Cacao beans where used there as currency and chocolate was drunk cold or hot, unsweetened and mixed with strong species. Sephardic Jews diffused the Spanish methods of chocolate making across Europe; their habit was to drink it hot, sweetened with sugar cane and vanilla. 18 Tea was first brought by the Dutch from China, as said previously, in the first half of the 17th century. At the same time Venetians were introducing coffee, original from Ethiopia, and later traded to Europe from Levant.19 The comparative penetration for these beverages was different in each location; there were variations in prices related to the relationships of each nation with its colonies and the tax policies associated to them.20 However, as time passed and these commercial and political links changed, so did their popularization.
12 Jörg, 1982, p. 39. 13 Jörg 1982, p. 40. 14 Parmentier 1996, p. 103; Pettigrew 2001, p. 47. 15 De Vries 2008, p. 32. 16 Laan 2003, p. 191. 17 Ukers 1948, p. 39. 18 Clarence‐Smith 2000, pp. 22, 66, 94. 19 Ellis 2004, p. 128, Ukers 1948, p. 39. 20 De Vries 2008, pp.156‐160.
Jacob Spon, engraving from 1685 treatise on the three new beverages: coffee from Turkey, tea from China and Chocolate from America. Image source: Ellis 2004, p.179.
The first commercial shipment of coffee arrived to the Netherlands from Mocha in 1640 and the first coffee house in Amsterdam opened in 1650.21 Coffee houses were spaces of masculine business and debates.22 Although tea was often offered in the same place, it spread more steadily through the domestic sphere as a feminine practice. It served as an excuse to socialize and became an increasingly cheap way to receive people. 23 As a result, the cultural associations of both remained distinct. The domestic atmosphere of tea and its success in substituting alcoholic drinks was supported by medical advice, highlighting its benefits to ‘lips, throat, stomach and brain’. 24
21 Ukers 1948, p. 56, Ellis 2004, p. 76. 22 Ellis 2004, p 30. 23 Pettigrew 2001, pp.15‐25. 24 Piso & Bontekoe 1937.
Tea trade financial significance was considerably bigger than its complementary porcelain trade profit. However, the last has been disproportionately important in the development of the customs of western society.25 The popularization of the drink in Europe created a growing demand for the objects associated to its consumption and practices, and the VOC took advantage of it.26 Porcelain was brought both as ballast and as commercial goods.27 The VOC traded Chinese and Japanese porcelain to Europe, the Middle East and other locations in Asia and thus influenced the material culture in a various locations, but shipments from China to the Netherlands were particularly important.28 They have been subject of careful and deep studies and therefore we have vast data to understand their characteristics.29 In the period before 1712 ‘China ware’ could reach 20% of the total shipment from China.30 Around 42.5 million pieces were handled at the company sales between 1730 and 1789.31 Porcelain trade was complementary to tea trade, not only because of their shared demand, but also for convenient shipment settings.32 In the configuration of the return shipments, relatively heavy goods with possible profit in the trade were needed. Porcelain was not only heavy but also created a solid base for tea without affecting its smell or humidity, contributing to a good conservation of the herb until arrival. It of course had the disadvantage of being fragile, and this fact influenced the kinds of porcelain pieces that were traded and became accessible to the European consumers. The porcelain trade was primarily determined by economic factors, if a lost was made on an article then it had to be removed from the trade.33
Stowage List of the Company’s ship Ouder Amstel, 1760. Image source: Jörg 1982, p. 52
25 Sheaf & Kilburn 1988, pp. 88. 26 Jörg 1982, p. 77. 27 Jörg 1986, p. 31. 28 Jörg1982, p. 91.
29 The studies of C.J.A. Jörg are remarkable in this sense.
30 Jörg 1982, p. 93. 31 Jörg 1982, p. 149. 32 Jörg 1982, p. 52‐33. 33 Jörg 1982, p. 101.
The bases on which the VOC supercargoes did their buying of porcelain in the Chinese factories were the ‘Requirements for the Return Shipments’, lists of the porcelain types and amounts wanted in the Netherlands based on their success in the previous season. The deciding factor was the prices the various types and models could reach at the auctions that followed the shipment arrivals.34 Until 1735 the supercargoes went around the porcelain shops immediately after their arrival in China, in order to obtain what they needed. It was impossible for them to follow entirely the requirements and they simply took what they could. From the 1740s until 1795 the placing of orders was a normal part of porcelain buying.35 The requirements were documented by drawings and explicit lists stating dimensions and kinds of decoration. Some attempts were made with three‐dimensional models ordered to Delft potters, but they were not capable of using similar techniques and thus the models were of reduced efficacy.36 The documents were developed to be handed in the Chinese factories, determining the production that would be shipped the following year. However, often the orders were not successfully completed, and therefore simpler pieces were preferred. The main problem was modeling forms that the potters were not used to do, as decoration was easier and faster to apply.37
Original drawings of the VOC requirements in1758. Left: Coffee, tea and caudle cups and saucers. Right: Milk jugs and chocolate cups. Image source: Jörg 1982, pp. 113, 115.
34 35 36
Jörg 1982, p. 94. Jörg 1982, p. 113. Jörg 1982, p. 97.
37 Jörg 1982, p. 98.
In this context, tea and coffee cups and saucers were one of the most important traded pieces of the company; they didn’t need strict requirements and were sold in great numbers in Europe.38 Five to six percent of the porcelain arrived broken on average.39 Big porcelain pieces and objects with elaborated shapes where dismissed because of their fragility.40 ‘Couple ware’ (cheap porcelain that fitted easily inside one another, such as tea and coffee cups and saucers), was more resistant and could be arranged in big quantities using less space.41 A supercargo record book dating from 1726 registered: ‘They [the supercargoes] have noted that the majority consists of dinner plates, bowls and tea sets, large consignments of which have been shipped to Europe where they did not make much of a profit. They thus concluded that it was better to buy plates, tea cups and saucers, plus a certain number of chocolate cups, as these are most in demand in Europe and sell for the best price’.42
Tea cups and saucers could fit one inside the other and therefore were suitable to be brought in large amounts. Image source: The Hatcher porcelain cargoes, Colin Sheaf & Richard Kilburn, 1988, p.103.
38 Jörg 1982, p. 186. 39 Jörg 1982, p. 128. 40 Jörg 1982, p. 130. 41 Jörg 1982, p. 128. 42 Parmentier 1996, pp. 108‐109.
The introduction of coffee was not with their objects as happened with tea, so tea objects were used.43 While tea and coffee cups and saucers differed only in sizes, chocolate cups were ordered using differentiated shapes, straight sides and a handle.44 For these particular cups, considerably higher prizes were asked. Having fragile handles and not suitable shapes for stackability, chocolate cups remained a more expensive item. A comparative study of the average purchase prices for porcelain in Holland shows that while blue and white decorated tea cups and saucers varied from 6 to 9 guilder cents, chocolate cups with the same decoration could cost from 13 to 19 along the 18th century.45 Chocolate, in contrast to the other two drinks, had remained a product for the elite, and that is a reason to be associated to more sophisticated and expensive objects.46 Coffee and tea cups with a handle became fashionable only after 1760, when the developing European industries and consumption culture started to push Chinese industry in search of differentiation.47
43 Laan 2003, p. 172. 44 Jörg 1982, pp. 105‐115. 45 Jörg 1982, p. 121. 46 De Vries 2008, p. 152. 47 Jörg 1986, p. 67, Jörg 1982, p. 125.
3.1.3 Porcelain display The suddenly massive availability of Chinese porcelain and its unique material characteristics led to the so called China fever from the 17th to the 18th century in North‐ West Europe. Porcelain was collected not only for its utility but mainly as an ornament. The ownership of fine porcelain ‘evoked the glories of mercantile expansion, demonstrating how the foreign had been brought at home, transformed, possessed’ and therefore showed the family status related to its participation in this achievement. 48 In the Netherlands, porcelain was initially set on a finely carved wooden rack or in a small glass fronted cupboard on the wall, mention of which is already to be found in an inventory of 1615. The collections were also placed on top of cupboards or attached to the wall. In the second half of the 17th century, the ‘China closets’ became fashionable as purely decorative pieces.49 Among the wealthy European families tea ware was separated from the rest of kitchenware, kept and displayed where it was consumed, often in a closet in the drawing room. Some rich families would redesign their houses, setting a tea room between the drawing and the dinning room (Chinese decorated) for women to have tea far from men drinking alcohol in the dinning room 50
An illustration of a decorative wall with porcelain in Amsterdam, 1712. Image source: Schmidberger et al. 1990, p. 64.
48 Kowaleski‐Wallace 1995, p. 159. 49 Jörg 1982, p. 148. 50 Pettigrew 2001, pp. 15, 50.
The practice of porcelain display spread to other sectors of the society. Between 1738 and 1762 the amount of pieces in the services increased considerably in the Netherlands, although most of them were exclusively decorative. Archeological findings show that the average of cups and saucers ownership during the third quarter of the 18th century in Maassluis, near Delft, was 177 per household, and among the middle class 100. 51 At the end of the 18th century the number of cups and saucers went down. The connotations of these objects changed and their appreciation as individual pieces, with utilitarian value, increased. This shift can be seen through the motives of Dutch paintings. At first porcelain was used to give a touch of luxury in still‐life canvases, but at the end of the 18th century it was mostly depicted in use.52
‘Best’ Kitchen in Petronella Ortman Dolls’ House, Netherlands, 1690‐1710. Rijksmuseum, inv. No BK‐NM‐1010. Image Source: Van Campen & Hartkamp‐Jonxis, p. 22.
51 Laan 2003, p. 188. 52 Parmentier 1996, p. 123, Jörg 1982, p. 149.
3.1.4 Cups and saucers manipulation
Image Source: Laan 2003, p.117.
Both cups and saucers were directly manipulated during tea drinking.53 The absence of a handle on the cup made it necessary to contuniously hold the saucer avoiding burning one’s fingers. Manipulation was easier and safer due to the saucer’s rounded and deep shape. Saucers were also used independently, to drink directly from them. The habit of drinking from the saucer had the objective of accelerating the drink cooling, so tea was served from the pot to the cup, then poured into the saucer if it was too hot, and finally drunk from the saucer.54 They tended to be larger than today, with the capacity to hold as much tea as the cup.55 During the second half of the 18th century, the habit of drinking from the saucer became a working class practice that was not approved by more elegant members of the society, and at the end slowly disappeared. 19th‐century texts on the function of the saucer in England expressed that ‘its first use was believed to be merely to cool the tea, and when it was fashionable to drink from the cup, at a later time, the use of the saucer was understood to be confined to saving the slops and thence forward the cup alone was to have the honour of being raised to the lips’56 As one was satisfied with the amount of tea already drunk and didn’t want to be served again, the custom was to turn
53 Laan 2003, p. 117. 54 Akveld & Jacobs 2002, p. 34. 55 Pettigrew 2001, p. 83. 56 Pettigrew 2001, p. 142, 143.
the cup over the saucer to leave it clear to the hostess, who would be restrained to serve it.57 3.1.5 Conclusions of this typology
The first typology (Chine de Commande) was first restricted to space optimizing in the shipments from Asia, later its example was followed by European potters. The practice of porcelain and ceramics display raised their value as collectable pieces, independently of their functional features and the nature of each object. The quantity of pieces collected was more important than the object’s characteristics. Considering the difference of prices derived from the shipments’ requirements, consumers would rather buy two or three handleless cups than a handled one.
57 Akveld & Jacobs 2002, p. 34.
3.2 Typology 2 Name: European Key words: Differentiation and Manners Icon: Description Cup: Bigger than the previous typology. Diameter is in general bigger than height. Shapes are diverse and sometimes complex. A single handle is added in one of the sides, as a result they loose their stackability. Saucer: Flatter with a relief in the bottom to position the cup. Period: Mid 18th century until today. Production: Production is not centralized and therefore it is not possible to identify paradigmatic dimensions. As techniques differ, walls also do, but they tend to become wider. Comments: A great diversity of shapes and techniques are included in this typology. Indeed, variety one of its main characteristics.
Conspicuous consumption and the industrious revolution
The continuous exposure of 17th and 18th‐century Dutch society to the exotic and varied goods brought by their merchant ships led to radical social and productive transformations, not only in the region but in Western Europe as a whole, from the end of the 18th century. Jan de Vries states that ‘the industrious revolution was a household‐level change with important demand‐side features that preceded the industrial revolution, a supply‐side phenomenon’.58 Such was the great influence of the maritime trade; exotic luxuries from the four corners of the world had transformed the domestic space, giving the opportunity to achieve a new form of private comfort.59 The exposure to urban life and access to imported goods arouse the desire of having and encouraged the development of a new concept of luxury. Ancient luxury was quite arbitrary, modern luxury was systematical, one that can exist only in an ‘orderly, well‐governed society, where it advances economic prosperity’. The appreciation of consumption activated the motivations to increase income and therefore to increase production. 60 This household‐level change and the evolution of the house into a home had direct relationship with the popularization of the hot drinks. Meals were taken in the private sphere and had become elaborated leisure events, providing more opportunities for domestic gatherings during the day.61 Tea drinking was emblematic in this transformation. ‘Tea became one of those consumer goods that people connected with a change of lifestyle. They linked it with a mass consumer market in non‐essentials, with leisure time sociability in the home, and with women. (…)Perhaps the 18 th artifacts that reveal the most about changes in the domestic environment are those associated with tea drinking’.62 In this context porcelain was of particular significance, having been paradigmatic in the appropriation of the exotic it turned naturally to be a symbol of new luxury through refinement and fashion. Women were trying to impress the invited people with the newest objects for the tea ceremony.63 Tea cups and saucers, which had experienced slight changes during the period of porcelain collection, were now subject to unprecedented and quick transformations due to the consumers’ desires. Shapes and decorations where modified within shorter periods, giving the possibility of possessing ‘the new’. Consequently, purchasing as many pieces of porcelain as possible was not any more the case; consumers would rather acquire particular pieces demonstrating not only their capability to have but also their criteria to choose. The application of a single handle in the side of tea cups added and element of variation and differentiation to the basic object structure, expanding its possibilities to satisfy changing esthetical preferences.
58 De Vries 1994. 59 De Vries 2008, p. 55. 60 De Vries 2008, pp. 65, 66. 61 Shammas 1980, p. 13. 62 Shammas 1980, p. 14,15. 63 Laan 2003, p. 191.
Porcelain trade from Asia started to decline in the second half of the 18th century. A VOC general report from 1779 acknowledged that porcelain factories in Canton were ‘more and more dying out’, being among the main reasons taxes, lack of working people, wood and clay. The European drawings and taste, too much subject to change, were also pointed as major causes.64 The quality of Chinese porcelain had dropped while the European production rose and the VOC curtailed its assortment from 1787. 65 The technological developments in European ceramic and porcelain industry had been encouraged by desire of having and search for renewal. This demand‐side transformation was naturally followed by manufacturers’ efforts to supply it. Chinese factories had the technical knowledge, but it was difficult for them to follow European whims due to the complicated logistics of the trade. Imitating the hard paste of Chinese porcelain in Europe required years of effort, and it was finally achieved by the researchers established in the Meissen porcelain workshops near Dresden with the support of royal patronage. This enterprise was followed by many others, almost all business producing luxury products.66 European porcelains were higher in quality and prize than the product that had inspired them; they supplied only the highest sectors of society. Meanwhile, other initiatives had developed within the European ceramic sector aiming at wider portions of the population. Delftware was a successful response to the new market opportunities set by Chinese porcelain during the 17th century. When the Dutch ceramic manufacturers were reaching their peaks of production, the English began developing a fine‐earthenware industry exploring a latent demand for products ‘with the right mix of price and quality just under the standards set by Chinese porcelain’. These developments led to the appearance after 1730 of creamware, ‘fine lead‐glaze earthenware that approximated the attractive features of porcelain’.67 A major event in this transformation was the establishment of Josiah Wedgewood’s factory in England. Its technically successful production of creamware, accompanied with innovations in marketing and sales, productively exploited the dynamics of conspicuous consumption towards the industrial revolution. ‘It was in the potteries where the process of industrialization began. This established the techniques, working practices and the organization in certain firms which gradually set the pattern for the industry as a whole’.68
64 Jörg 1982, p.124. 65 Jörg 1982, pp.122, 125. 66 De Vries 2008, pp. 131, 132. 67 Ibid.
68 Hannah, 1986, p. 8.
Photograph of Wedgwood’s Etruria manufactory as it appeared in 1898. Image source: Hannah 1986, p. 8.
The creation of matching tea and coffee sets was also a significant in the ceramic market. As a result, the search for novelty involved not only having a new object but a whole set, including a wide range of pieces. European potteries and porcelain manufactures started making them in 1790.69 A complete set would include cups without handles for tea and cups with handles for coffee.70 Coffee cups gained handles slightly before tea cups. Handles served, although for not‐so‐long period, as a source of differentiation, establishing the need for a special set intended for each beverage. 71
Porcelain coffee and tea service from Boijmans Van Beuningen museum collection Netherlands, 1784‐1814. A3059a‐v
69 Pettigrew 2001, p. 140. 70 Pettigrew 2001, p. 81. 71 During this research several mixed services with these characteristics (tea cups in Chinese typology and
coffee cups in European typology) have been observed. The porcelain service from the Boijmans Van Beuningen collection in the image is an example.
3.2.3 Tea and coffee substituted to a great extend the habit of drinking alcohol and therefore became a symbol of temperance, of control over one’s body and behavior. Different sets of social rules normalized drinkers’ conduct during tea gatherings in search of refinement and good manners. Practices of tea drinking, receiving guests in the domestic space, and the use or porcelain and ceramics were accompanied by a transformation in meals as social gatherings’ implications. The individual use of utensils for eating and drinking developed together with the accumulation of ceramics in larger quantities.72 ‘Porcelain tableware in particular allowed users to negotiate the tensions between the two impulses to delimit individual space and to interact socially with others’.73 ‘To a great extent politeness was achieved through commerce, and achieved by men and women of property directly and indirectly involved with the expansion of foreign trade’.74 ‘Acquiring refined artifacts represented the material substance of polite and civilized living, but this was not convincing unless accompanied by personal refinement’. ‘The new ceramic goods and the practices associated with them encouraged controlled and delicate management of the body. 75 The high fragility and price of porcelain demanded careful manipulation, challenging the person’s skills to move and behave. To handle tea gatherings with elegance was very important for social status. Etiquette rules allowed understanding how aware and capable people were in managing established manners. At the same time sizes of tea pots and cups started to grow in mid 18th century as tea prizes went down and became common in wider sectors of society.76 Big utensils were more difficult to use and therefore some practices transformed. Urns became popular as substitutes of tea pots after 1770. They kept water hot on or near the table and where easy to manipulate gently.77 Other practices involving full contact with objects were slowly transformed to more gentle and delicate habits as the 19th century came closer. The custom of turning the cup upside down to indicate that the drinker didn’t want to be served again was later substituted by putting the tea spoon inside the cup.78 Saucers were not manipulated directly any more, not only they were not used to drink from approximately 1760, they also stayed more Etiquette and manners
Harvey 2008, p. 206.
73 Harvey 2008, p. 208. 74 Richards 1999, p. 94. 75 Richards 1999, p. 97. 76 Pettigrew 2001, p. 140, Harvey 2008, p. 212. 77 Pettigrew 2001, p. 61. 78 Pettigrew 2001, p. 84.
often on the table as sometimes only the cup was raised.79 Consequently, saucers became flatter while cups gained a single handle, a delicate handle that would help to manipulate bigger cups with elegance using only the point of the fingers.
This cartoon, published in 1825 depicts the English custom of leaving the spoon inside the cup to show that the drinker did not require a refill. The unfortunate Frenchman, ignorant of this, had drunk too much tea. Image source: Pettigrew 2001, p. 84.
79 Jörg 1982, p. 186.
3.2.4 Conclusions of this typology
The European typology was determined by the development of polite manners associated to tea drinking and the search for novelty in conspicuous consumption. European industry developed based on a strong rise in the demand of new objects, inherited from the exotic goods brought from the colonies. A more flexible transportation covering shorter distances allowed complex shapes and cups lost their stackability.
3.3 Typology 3 Name: Modernist Key words: Standardization and Function Icon:
Description: Cup: Keeps the handle but suffers radical shape changes in search of stackability, straighter lines and geometrical shapes. Saucer: Becomes even flatter, sometimes with several reliefs to be used with several cups. Period: Mid 20th century until today. Production: Resistant cups and saucers industrially produced around the world. Walls become thicker, objects become heavier. Comments: Most of the services in this typology are meant to be for hotel or restaurant purposes. However the typology expanded and influenced the domestic atmosphere.
Industrialization and design
In her book ‘Ceramics, 20th century design’ Frances Hannah identifies two major consequences of pottery industrialization: the emergence of the designer (in charge of creation, but not involved directly in the production) and major changes in the ceramics shapes due to mechanization of the productive processes. 80 During the 19th century the already mentioned consumer demand and the industry need for production increasing to sustain the new technology, led to diversification. Factories encouraged the consumers to acquire different sets for different occasions and a series of eclectic styles were applied, representing the ‘stability of families with their roots and the power of choice from the different colonies’.81 At the end of the 19th century a group of British theorist reacts against the eclecticism of contemporary industrial production and calls for truth in the creation of shapes and treatment of materials. Along the first quarter of the 20th century there is an intense search for the ‘new form’, giving birth to Art Nouveau and subsequently to the ‘clean’ lines of modernism. Art Nouveau emerged as a reaction to historical eclecticism. Nature, as a universal and atemporal aimed to substitute the past and exoticness as visual resources.82 However, inspiration from nature was not aligned with the effectiveness needed for mass production and it was later dismissed by designers rejecting superficial decoration. A new, not only formal, but philosophical ideal spread in the first half of the 20th century. Standardization for mass production and universal forms, independent from traditional models, are the principles of the new century in the design scene. Rationalization of sizes and shapes and best working practices aimed to ‘encourage mass production with larger runs at a cheaper cost’. 83 Production effectiveness led to a reduction of lines and concentration on fewer shapes. There was a belief that an optimal, universal shape that satisfied the needs of industry and public could be achieved through design processes.
Image source: Hannah 1986, p. 70.
80 Hannah 1986, p. 12. 81 Hannah 1986, p. 18. 82 Hannah 1986, p. 24. 83 Hannah 1986, p. 38.
3.3.2 Searching for functionality Function was meant to substitute style as a source of inspiration in giving form to artifacts. The pure form was expected to come naturally from the object utility, instead of being something added. In his book ‘20th century ceramics’ edited in 1936, Gordon Forsyth highlights the growing importance of function in design using a tea cup as an example. The author designs and produces a cup and saucer ‘specially made to fill all the bad qualities’, and a contrasting example of a ‘well‐designed cup’. Among the bad qualities the cups is pointed to be difficulty to drink out of, with an edge easily chipped and an uncomfortable and difficult‐to‐clean handle. The saucer has also a fragile edge and doesn’t hold the cup properly in the centre. In contrast, the simple ‘well‐designed’ cup fits in the hand.84 The similarity of this bad cup with a Dutch creamware piece (1859‐1885) from the Boijmans van Beuningen collection gives us an insight on the major shift in shapes appreciation during that period. Left: Dutch creamware from Boijmans 1859‐1885. Inv. Num: V 1307 f Right (up): Cup and saucer specially Right (down): Well designed cup. Images source: Forsyth, Gordon ‘20th Century ceramics’ 1936, pp. 10‐11. Modernism was more a professional position spreading among designers than something really valued by consumers; their shift in the ‘new form’ appreciation took time to develop.85 Ceramics, and more specifically tea services, were objects strongly linked with tradition and consumer culture, style remained being a major issue. Even among modernists there was a belief that ‘the nature of the material and its methods could not be entirely brought within the sphere of industrial production’ and therefore the innovative
build to fill all the bad qualities. Van Beuningen museum collection.
84 Forsyth 1936, pp.10‐11. 85 Hannah 1986, p. 60.
design principles reached the sector later.86 The already mentioned factors led to diversification of ceramics, where hotel ware producers started rationalizing shapes and diminishing style variation while domestic wares continued being varied in style.87 Hotel ware was arranged in large quantities and demanded the stackability that the Chine de Commande typology had lost. Searching for this feature in the context of functionality was one of the major transformations that gave birth to the modernist tea cup typology. Swedish potteries where pioneers in exploring modernism within the sector. ‘In Stockholm living space was very small compared with other countries’. ‘The designing of multi‐purpose shapes and stacking pieces at a reasonable price was as much the result of commercial sense as ideology’.88 From the 1930s utility lines started being produced in Sweden, but it was not until the 1950s and 1960s that the public appreciation changed in North America and the rest of Europe. A paradigmatic example of modernist utility ceramics is Hans Roericht’s TC100 hotel ware from 1959, developed for his thesis project at the HfG School of design in Ulm, Germany.
TC100 Hotel ware, Hans Roericht 1959.
86 Hannah 1986, p. 55. 87 Hannah 1986, p. 41. 88 Hannah 1986, p. 59.
3.3.3 The maritime passenger transport The industrial revolution implied radical shifts in goods’ manufacture, but also in goods’ transport. The development of steam power has been considered a symbol of industry mechanization, but its consequences in maritime transport were as significant as its inland counterparts. ‘After centuries of slow change in ship technology, the shift from wind to steam power during the 19th century was one of the greatest revolutions in the story of shipping (…) [It] was followed by almost a century of gradual changes in cargo ship propulsion, instrumentation and cargo handling equipment; and by incremental increases in the speed and size of ships’.89 These technological changes encouraged the development of a new maritime trade in Europe and the Netherlands during the second half of the 19th century, the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 made the already faster merchant trips easier and several Dutch ship companies started to establish. An overview of the different organizations operating from that period shows the importance of those major events in the development of intercontinental maritime trade: 1) Nederlandsche Amerikaansche Stoomvaart Maatschappij (NASM). Holland‐ Amerika Lijn (HAL): Operating from 1873 to 1980. 2) Koninklijke Nederlandse Stoomboot‐Maatschappij (KNSM). Koninklijke West‐ Indische Maildienst (KWIM): Operating from 1856 to 1981. 3) Koninklijke Hollandsche Lloyd (KHL). Zuid Amerika Lijn (ZAL): Operating from 1899 to 1981. 4) Van Nievelt Goudriaan & Co (NIGOCO). Rotterdam Zuid Amerika Lijn (RZAL): Operating from 1905 to 1991. 5) Oranjelijn (OL). Anthony Verder n.v. (AV): Operating from 1937 to 1970. 6) Stoomvaart Maatschappij Nederland (SMN): Operating from 1870 to 1970. 7) (Koninklijke) Rotterdamsche Lloyd (KRL): Operating from 1883 to 1970. 8) Koninklijke Paketvaart Maatschappij (KPM): Operating from 1888 to 1970. 9) (Koninklijke) Java‐China Paketvaart Lijnen (KJCPL). Royal Interocean Lines (RIL). Java‐China‐Japan Lijn (JCPL): Operating from 1902 to 1977. 10) Vereenigde Nederlandsche Scheepvaart Maatschappij (VNS). Holland West Afrika Lijn (HWAL). Operating from 1920 to 1970.90 As it can be seen in the companies’ names, their main destinies were Asia and the Americas. In general, they would start working with cargo boats but taking also some
Gardiner 1999, p. 6. Reuchlin 2009, pp.15‐17.
passengers. The passenger transport grew during that period, and the purpose of their trips also changed. ‘At the beginning, in the 19th century, passengers were people working for the government and their families, going or coming back from the colonies, and soldiers. From the 1920s the first ‘tourists’ (rich people going for leisure) started to join them. In 1930 tourism and shipping become more important, the passenger liners at that moment are huge, we call them floating castles, everything is so immensely rich and well decorated. During the period of the war everything dissolves in a way, and then from the 1950s onwards there is an effort to start again, but then there is a strong competition: the airplanes’.91
Tijnegara and Tijsadane, belonging to the KJCPL during the 1930s. Image source: de Boer 1994.
91 Jacobs 2012, see appendix 2, p. 47.
In fact, all these companies fell during a restricted time period, even more restricted than their emergence. The popularization of aerial transport was a main cause for their ending between 1970 and 1990. Taking this in consideration, it is surprising that most of the tea services in both maritime museums (Amsterdam and Rotterdam) collections have such a strong modernist influence. Modernism was belatedly applied in ceramics as it has been said in the previous chapter; however, it seems to have been rapidly appropriated by ship companies after that.92 Lack of space, continuous movement, and breaking risks seam to be major causes for this early appropriation. In some way, the same determinants suffered by the Chine de Commande typology during the 17th and 18th centuries. Modernism as a symbol of progress and internationalization was aligned with some of the companies’ values. Having said that, this point deserves deeper study considering a more accurate object dating and analysis of the ceramic models used in the different passenger classes of the Dutch companies.
Interiors of the Tijsadane (KJCPL), first and third class. Image source: de Boer 1994, p. 45.
92 For an individual analysis of modernism appropriation among the cups and saucers in the museum
collection see the next section: Contextualizing the museum pieces.
3.3.4 Conclusions of this typology
Searching for functionality and the universal shapes of modernism transformed the European typology into rectilinear and strong models, absent of ‘superfluous’ decoration, which could be better organized in large numbers. The features of Modernism provided the moving environment with restricted space in passenger ships with appropriate and useful objects embedding concepts of speed and internationalism. Consequently, the great majority of the museum’s corporative cups are included in this typology.
4. Contextualizing the museum pieces. Most of the corporative cups and saucers in the collection of Het Scheepvaartmuseum belong to the modernist typology. This fact is somehow surprising considering the active period of the Dutch maritime passenger transport (from mid 19th to mid 20th century) and the time were modernist transformations reached the ceramic industry and creators (mid 20th century). Modernism was appropriated at different extents by the various shipping companies and ceramics factories serving them. In the following section, the shapes of several cups will be individually analyzed to highlight particular elements linked to this transformation.93
The similarity between this cup and Gordon Forsyth’s ‘well designed cup’, which fits in the hand, indicates the starting point of functionalism. Although there are not particular functional features and its lines are curve, the cup dismisses superfluous decoration and leaves space to simplicity.
In this cup’s handle the ornamental relief is based on a functional feature. The thumb finds a more comfortable base in the handle top. The cup curves become softer than in the previous example.
93 To see all the relevant objects in the museum relevant for this research go to appendix 1.
A higher handle with a horizontal base is used in this cup to allow stackability. A utilitarian decision not so compromising for the traditional curve shapes.
An absolutely modernist cup. Stackability is reached by a radical transformation in shape. The cylindrical walls and relief at the bottom allow putting one cup over the other safely. It is difficult to discern whether the rectilinear forms are a cause or a consequence to this feature: form and function are interdependent.
This cup adds a utilitarian element to the previous observations. The curve in the bottom part of the handle improves the contact of the hand with the object, giving support to a second finger. Maritime museum Rotterdam: It is relevant to mention interesting corporative cups in the Maritime Museum Rotterdam.94 The cup in the left aims to conserve the traditional shapes of the European typology, however, a small intervention in the bottom part of the handle allows stackability. The service in the left takes stackability to the furthest point. Two cylinders compose the shape of each cup, as a result cups can be put one inside the other rather than one on the other. This service in particularly similar to Hans Roericht’s TC100, introduced in the previous chapter.
94 To see the complete report of the visit to the Maritime Museum in Rotterdam go to appendix 2.
5. Conclusions European tea cups and saucers can be seen as material reflections of the Dutch trade with Asia during the 17th and 18th centuries and its consequences along history. Through the classification of the object typologies, which are conditioned by the historical contexts identified throughout this study, one can have an overview of the importance of maritime history and trade reflected in a daily practice as tea drinking. From a general point of view design history, or specifically the stories behind daily objects, are a useful resource to combine the knowledge of different disciplines to see history materialized in the quotidian (an accessible and communicative approach for general public). Suggestions for a related exhibition The collections of the visited museums include complementary pieces suitable for a diachronic perspective of European‐consumed tea cups and saucers from their emergence until today. If we consider that ‘one can have an overview of the importance of maritime history and trade reflected in a daily practice as tea drinking’, it may be relevant to mention opportunities for developing a related exhibition. The subject of tea culture allows the visitor to link objects with the stories behind them, and brings together a socializing and hosting environment. Being these two elements evidently present in the activities organized by the museum, an exhibition related to tea and its relation to the maritime world seems suitable to be implemented. Opportunities for continuing this line of research The synchronic analysis in point 4 made possible to glimpse a somehow early appropriation on modernist typologies and elements in the corporative services. A deeper study of modernism establishment in the shipping companies would be relevant to elaborate deeper on the importance of maritime trade in objects configuration, this time during a more recent period. The investigation of the following hypothesis could be a starting point of a related research: At the beginning of the 20th century, the ship companies were early appropriators of modernist ideas due to its fast and contemporary expansion, lack of space and relationship with a new internationalism. Ship companies have been often related to conservative and traditional values and this hypothesis explore a different position from the point of view of design.
APPENDIX 1: Relevant cups and saucers for this research in the collection of Het Scheepvaartmuseum.
Date: 1925 (md)
Dimensions: Cup Ø 8.3 cm h 5.5 cm Saucer Ø 16 cm h 2.3 cm
Inv. Num: Company: Date: 1960‐70 (abm) Dimensions: Cup Ø 9.3 cm h 5.5 cm Saucer Ø 14 cm h 2.4 cm
1995.1926 Vinke &Co.
Company: Date: 1965 (md, abm)
Dimensions: Cup Ø 9.2 cm h 5.7 cm Saucer Ø 13.7 cm h 2 cm
S.6483(2039) KHL. S.6483(2031)
Company: Date: 1957 (md, abm)
Dimensions: Cup Ø 8 cm h 6 cm Saucer Ø 14 cm h 2.7 cm
S.6483(2041) KHL S.6483(2077)
Inv. Num: 2007.0393
Company: Date: KNSM ?
Dimensions: Cup Ø 9.7 cm h 4.5 cm Saucer Ø 14.5 cm h 2.2 cm
Inv. Num: 1992.0277
Company: Date: SMN 1962 (abm)
Dimensions: Cup Ø 8.5 cm h 5.5 cm Saucer Ø 14 cm h 1.8 cm
Inv. Num: 1995.5919
Company: Date: SMN
1937‐1943 (abm) Cup Ø 8.8 cm h 5.9 cm Saucer Ø 13.8 cm h 1.9 cm
Inv. Num: 1997.3152
Company: Date: SMN
1950‐1975 (abm) Cup Ø 8.2 cm h Saucer Ø 14.3 cm h 2.3 cm
Inv. Num: 1997.3070
Company: Date: HAWL
1925‐1960 (abm) Cup Ø 9.5 cm h 5.3 Saucer Ø 15 cm h 2 cm
APPENDIX 2: Visits report 1.1 Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen. Rotterdam. Contact with: Alexandra Van Dongen Function in the museum: Curator of pre industrial design Date: 19th January 2012 Some relevant objects in the museum collection
Fig 1. Netherlands. Porcelain coffee and tea service. Fig 2. Dutch creamware. 1859‐1885. V 1307 f 1784‐1814. A 3059 a‐v
Fig 3. China. Porcelain tea service. 1740‐45 A 4026 a‐l
Fig 4. Dutch porcelain. 1750‐1800. A 3039
1. 2 The museum collection
Being a museum of Applied Arts, the collection of the Boijmans Van Beuningen differs considerably from the one of Het Scheepvaartmuseum. There is an area of the museum that has been built exclusively to host the ceramic collection donated by a private collector. In that section one can find early ceramics, objects from a great variety of techniques, origins and periods. Other pottery (Fig. 1 and 3 for example) is displayed in other areas of the museum, contextualized with contemporary objects. The museum has among its paintings and engravings a variety of still lifes and depictions of daily scenes from different periods, what makes the Boijmans a good source of combined data. In fact, one of the most interesting features of the museum is the multimedia resource alma (alma.boijmans.nl), which presents paintings and engravings associated to objects included in their own collection. This resource provides an example to be followed, not only as a multimedia feature but as a way of display. The display of objects contextualized by social practices through paintings and engravings adds value to both pieces and creates a particular link with the public. 1.3 Summary of the interview to Alexandra Van Dongen Subject: The Dutch ceramic industry and influence from the East. How the import of Chinese porcelain influenced the local industry? The first introduction of Chinese porcelain happened in 1602, in the city of Middelburg, in Zeeland, when a ship that was involved in war kidnapped a kraak ship from the Portuguese. They took over the cargo and sold it in Middelburg and that was the first moment that a bog assortment of porcelain entered the Netherlands. From there on, the trade of porcelain was made mainly by the VOC. At first this porcelain entered in the rich people houses as a kind of decoration, especially in the beginning, not for functional use. After some decades this started to change and a certain assortment of especially tea cups and later on coffee cups are in use in the households. Especially in Delft this oriental porcelain started to play a heavy competition with the local earthenware industry. In that moment there was an industry of tin glazed ceramics that was strongly influenced by Italian majolica and that was already in production in the Netherlands in 16th century. The Netherlands had received many Italian immigrants (among them craftsmen) during the 15th and 16th centuries, and this technique had spread here. After the introduction of the oriental porcelain, the majolica producers started to copy Chinese decorations on top of their own traditional forms, but slowly they started imitating the Chinese forms, especially in the technical sense. They wanted to produce very thin plates and high quality decoration. The older tradition of majolica slowly died down because of the porcelain production. Besides the more representative dinner wares you had the more common kinds of ceramics in the Netherlands, which are earthen ware or slip‐glazed earthenware. These were the services for the common people, cheaper products, some imported from Germany and France.
The Italian majolica, the red ware and slip ware were also displayed in the houses. Mostly over the fire place, not so much over the cupboards, this started later with the porcelain. In the 18th century after the “discovery” of the porcelain in Dresden (August III was a porcelain collector and stimulated a few inventors in Germany to figure out the recipe of porcelain) many other places in Europe, including the Netherlands, started the production of porcelain dinner ware.
2.1 Maritiem Museum Rotterdam
Contact with: Irene Jacobs Function in the museum: Curator of Maritime history. Date: 19th January 2012 Some relevant objects in the museum collection
Fig 5 and 6.
Koninklijke Stoomvaartmaatschappij Zeeland. Coffee and tea service. M4023, M 4032 , M4033, etc.
Fig 7. NASM. Tea cups and saucer. Fig 8. NASM. Tea cup and saucer. M5463, M5456, etc. M2996, M6365. Made in Maastricht Made in Germany and Holland.
2.2 The museum collection The variety of corporative tea services in both maritime museums (Rotterdam and Amsterdam) is similar. However, each museum has different pieces, what makes both collections somehow complementary. Among the companies represented by Rotterdam’s services we can find Smit & Co, Nedlloyd and the Koninklijke Stoomvaartmaatschappij Zeeland, this collection is particularly varied in tea cups and saucers from the NASM. Another interesting detail to remark is that large services are available. There are services for more than ten people in modernist geometric typologies from different companies, which allow a design analysis in terms of stackability, transport safety and efficiency of space used. 2. 3 Summary of the interview to Irene Jacobs. Subject: Dutch Maritime trade and transport. Which are the factors that made the shipping companies studied start operating at the end of the 19th century? There are two big things happening in the 19th century: the invention of steam and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. You can see in the Dutch history that the first company was founded in 1867, so one year after. Dutch companies were not very quick, the English were faster and more progressive, but from 1870 more and more companies were established. Which were their main routes and traded goods? Asia and the Americas. All of them started as cargo boats, but taking also passengers. The exclusively passenger boats started in the beginning of the 20 th century but even then passenger liners took goods. Which kind of people was travelling in that period? At the beginning, in the 19th century, passengers were people working for the government and their families going or coming back from the colonies, and soldiers. From the 1920s the first ‘tourists’ (rich people going for leisure) started to join them. In 1930 tourism and shipping become more important, the passenger liners at that moment are huge, we call them floating castles, everything is so immensely rich and well decorated. During the period of the war everything dissolves in a way, and then from the 1950s onwards there is an effort to start again, but then there is a strong competition: the airplanes. How long where their trips? At the end of the 19th century a trip to Indonesia would take three to four weeks. Later on, when it became interesting to tourists to come as well, they started making stops in different harbors and trips became longer. It is a lot faster than in the 17th century, when it took them about 9 months.
How important were the Dutch companies in this activity? The Netherlands was one more country in this activity, Germany, England, France, and the US also had these kinds of companies. How was life on board for the different passenger classes? Before the Second World War there was a huge difference between the first and second class. It was divided more in first class and immigrants, a kind of third or forth class. Only in the forties/fifties there are real first, second and third class. First class was like the best hotel you can get, every class had their own spaces and areas of the ships, dinning rooms with different decoration and kind of service. In the third class there was people trying to go from one place to the other in the cheapest possible way. Were there Dutch tea clippers in the 19th century? There were some, but not that many because the English and American tea clippers where controlling the tea market during the 19th century, bringing it not exclusively from China but from Sri Lanka, Ceylon, India.
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