Professional Documents
Culture Documents
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .81
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
: mda sor mo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Another Hungarian looting Chinas treasures? Sir Aurel Stein, Lajos Ligeti
and a case of mistaken identity Imre GALAMBOS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
2010.031-13
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9 9 1 9
? Pelliot tibetain 1120
1 232.5
Stong khud kud khud pa
khud pa chen po Bacot et al.1940-46: 43 grand tresorier
Dotson2009: 108, n.245 khud skud pa to
smear
khud pa 2007: 111 Pelliot tibetain 1120
stong kud pa stong
kud khud
M.Tagh.0197
stong kud
16
mda pye [dang +-5]. Takeuchi1997-98: No.10
17
...spreu loi lo thang dang / dus gcig du bul ba la / men tri yug dgu dang mda dgu / / phra ras yug
brgya nyi shu rtsa phyedang bzhi / / sboms yug bzhi brgya rtsa bzhi / ras khyi sha can zheng mtho gang
srubs lhag dom gang /... Pelliot tibetain 1128
IDP
Cf. Iwaoforthcoming. men tri
2005: 59-60
187
?gtso15 1
234.5 18
Pelliot tibetain 1120, 8-10
15 1 234.5
2007
15 1
1 = 15
Pelliot chinois 2583 1 = 15
1 = 15
1 15
7
Pelliot chinois 3432
7
10.5 1 30cm
2 60cm
rgya stong sar stong sde gcig la / / rkya nyis brgya sum cu rtsa phyed dang gsum chis pa la phab
pa / / sha cu gtso ras dar kar thub pa mda bco lnga pa yug du phyin pa bzang rab yug [gny]is brgya sum
cu rtsa phyed dang lnga / / ...
18
188
80-81
1 1 7
30cm
mda tshad ma
19
2000: 27, 44
14 Bu ston
ring thung gi tshad mda gang tsam mam / mda la tshad bzhag pai dngos po /.
20
. mda tshad 7 5
Cf. Ruegg1966: 73. 8a4-5.
19
189
1997: 24
68cm 24cm 1997: 28
69cm 24cm
72cm 21cm
Steinkellner
1994: 123 69 cm x 22 cm
45.5cm x 8.5cm 69cm
60cm 70cm
?
9
21
Lalou1954,
1957
75cm x 25cm
70cm x 20cm
75cm x 25cm
21
1961: 277-27919851988
190
75cm
75cm
6.875cm 1 = 10.9090...
10 12
6.875cm
= 6.875cm
165cm
1 = 10 =
7.5cm 1 = 12 = 6.25cm
6.25cm 7.5cm
1.
mdasor mo
2.
3. 75cm 6.25cm
7.5cm
4. 1 yug = 15
5.
. mda tshad ma
191
[ 1979]
, . , .
[ 1990]
,
. In: ,
, , : 46-70.
[ 2007]
,rkya
. 113 : 118-103.
[ 1988]
, In: ,
, , : 190-198.
[ 1990]
,.
In: , ,
, : 402-419
[ 1997]
, .
41/42 : 23-32.
[ 1916-25]
, , 2 .
, . = [Mvy]
[]
[ 1985]
[ 2005]
,. In:
, , , : 100-124. : in:
, :
, (2001 ): 635-652.
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. 104 : 124-106.
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[ 1986-90]
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192
[ 1985]
, . In: ,
6: , , : 379-393.
[ 1961]
, . 31 : 199-292.
[ 2002]
, yojana.
6
II
,
, : 1-51.
[ 2000]
,. , .
[ 2005]
, 8-9
38 .
, .
[Bacot et al. 1940-46] Bacot, J., Thomas, F. W. and Toussaint, Ch., Documents de
Touen-houang relatifs a` lhistoire du Tibet. Librairie orientaliste
Paul Geuthner, Paris.
[Dotson 2009]
[Hou 1981]
[Lalou 1954]
[Lalou 1957]
Lalou, M., Les plus anciens rouleau tibetains trouves a` Touenhouang. Rocznik Orientalistyczny Tom. 21: 149-152.
[Mvy]
[ 1916-25]
[Ruegg 1966]
Ruegg, D. S., The Life of BU STON RIN PO CHE: with the Tibetan
Text of the Bu ston rNam thar. Is.M.E.O., Rome.
193
[Steinkellner 1994] Steinkellner, E., A Report on the Kanjur of Ta pho. East and
West, vol.44-1: 115-136.
[Takeuchi 1995]
[Takeuchi 1997-98] Takeuchi Tsuguhito, Old Tibetan Manuscripts from East Turkestan
in the Stein Collection of the British Library. 2 vols + Supplement,
The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for Unesco, Tokyo.
194
2010.03195-207
196
before the public by attacking our Expedition. They had been successful
in the case of Doctor Hedin a year earlier and obtained much face for
themselves. Later they and the official offshoot called the Commission
for the Preservation of Ancient Objects caused enormous trouble for the
Citron-Haardt Trans-Asia Expedition, and drove the distinguished British
archaeologist, Sir Aurel Stein, out of Chinese Turkestan.6
Stein, of course, was well aware of these difficulties, and thought it prudent to visit
Nanjing in person in April-May 1930 to secure a travel passport for his new expedition.7
His notebook and diary written during this time show that both he and the diplomats
aiding him exerted considerable efforts to come up with a scenario that would ensure
the success of the expedition. Following a meeting over dinner at the British Consulate,
he wrote that Sir Miles Lampson (the British Minister), Sir Frederick Whyte (advisor
to the Chinese Government) and Eric Teichman (Secretary at the British Legation) all
agreed that the submission to the National Council of Cultural Association in his case
was undesirable.8 Two days later, during a visit to the US Consulate, the British
Ambassador Nelson Johnson gave the same advice: N. J. knows of Chapman Andrews
acceptance of National Councils conditions but does not think it advisable in my case.9
On May 10, Stein finally received his passport that permitted him to trace ancient
vestiges and artistic remains.10 Three days later he left China on board of the Japanese
ocean liner Hakone Maru in order to return to India and make preparations for the
expedition. As the ship was leaving the Chinese continent, he enthusiastically related his
successful application for a permit to his long-time friend, the Hungarian art historian
Zoltn Felvinczy-Takcs (1880-1964):11
... I am glad to inform you, at this time only confidentially, regarding the
aim and results of my visit to China. The truth is that I was trying to obtain from the Central Chinese Government official permission for another
Central Asian exploration, for which Harvard University, with the assis6
197
tance of some friends in Boston, and the British Museum had rather generously provided the financial means. The ardent support of the British
Embassy and the friendly help of the American Ambassador yielded positive results, although it was quite difficult to avoid those obstructing conditions with which the nationalistic movement called Young China tries
to burden nowdays any foreign scientific endeavor. But I still cannot be
certain how I shall be treated by the Turkestan government, which since
the revolution has been in rather loose contact with the (changing) Central
administrations. Although fortunately that region is still governed by old
type Mandarins and I have enough old friends who, as I am informed, still
remember me with goodwill...12
Thus it is clear that Stein was very optimistic with respect to his upcoming trip, even
though he acknowledged that he could run into some difficulties in Xinjiang. In the
meantime, however, proponents of the preservation of antiquities movement did not
remain idle, either. On May 31, only two weeks after Steins departure, Academia Sinica
issued a public letter calling for the prevention of Steins new expedition to Xinjiang. It
began with a condemning summary of the British explorers past activities in China:
The Hungarian Stein has already visited Xinjiang and other regions three
times in the past, and has stolen and carried off many antiquities, such as
the Dunhuang manuscripts, the Xichui bamboo slips, Buddhist statues and
murals. He had had no prior permission from Chinese authorities and has
inflicted serious damage on Chinese historical material...13
The reference to Steins Hungarian nationality in the letter is an obvious misunderstanding which clearly shows that the authors were not government officials. All official
communication related to Steins upcoming trip had been conducted through British
diplomatic channels where the country of his birth had very little significance. He had
been a British subject since 1904 and had always traveled as such.
As a result of the letter from Academia Sinica, the Nanjing government sent out a
directive to local administrations in North-Western China, calling for vigilance with respect to Steins archaeological activities in the region. The Commission for the Preservation of Ancient Objects was also successful in pushing through a new Law for the
12
Ferenc Hopp Museum of East Asian Art. A 1994/1. The letter is dated May 16, 1930, Aboard the
Hakone Maru, near Hong Kong.
13
Zhongguo dier lishi danganguan 1994: 679-680. This part of the letter is also quoted for reference
in the Jehol Governments telegram (Ibid.: 684), although with a few typos, including the toponym Xichui
written erroneously as . A draft of the letter from Academia Sinica is also held in the Xinjiang
Archives, and a photograph of this has been published among the archival material related to Steins 4th
expedition (Zhongguo Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu danganguan 2007: 5).
198
199
An archival letter written by LIGETI in Peking in June 1931 before returning home
illustrates the dire financial difficulties he was having while in China. This is a letter
addressed to his former professor, the linguist Jnos Melich (1872-1964), and it is a
desperate cry for help as the young LIGETI, despite having been promised so, has not
been provided with the means for his return trip. The small stipend he had received from
the Hungarian Academy of Sciences only covered his modest living expenses and he did
not have enough money to return home. Although he had initially contacted Professor
Zoltn Gombocz (1877-1935), he received no reply (possibly because the professor was
out of the country) and in this letter was asking the help of Professor Melich:
I have completed my three-year period of studies among the Mongols of
Northern Manchuria. My return home, however, is hindered by unexpected
difficulties. As you may remember, his Excellency the Minister was kind
enough to grant a monthly stipend of five hundred pengo for the duration
of my three-year research. I was not, however, granted travel expenses.
The various promises all turned out to be illusory when the time came. My
situation became all that more difficult because I could not travel through
Siberia. In the first year the Hungarian Academy of Sciences kindly relieved the large deficit caused by my travel expenses, supporting my research in Mongolia with a one-time grant of two thousand pengo. At the
end of last August, anticipating the impossibility of my returning home using the means at my disposal, I submitted a petition to the Ministry requesting a travel grant in the amount of two thousand pengo, as the minimal sum
on which I could travel from Northern Manchuria to Peking, from there to
Shanghai, then by ship to Marseille and then by train to Budapest all using the lowest available fare. Although I have spent three months in Hailar
in Northern Manchuria, I received no reply to my petition. Without waiting
further, in order to complete the remaining part of my schedule, I continued my travels. At the end of April I received the Ministrys resolution
(dated December 31) that I had been awarded one thousand pengo for my
return trip. Following this, I applied for a visa at the Russian Consulate
at Harbin but after lengthy back-and-forth communication my application
was denied...18
The letter continues by asking the professor to take some action because otherwise he
would simply not be able to return home. In his published accounts LIGETI does not
discuss the financial difficulties related to returning home from China and thus this letter
is an interesting piece of evidence that suplements our knowledge about his trip. But
18
Manuscript Collection of the National Szchenyi Library (Levelestr, LIGETI Lajos MELICH
Jnoshoz, Peking, June 4, 1931).
200
it is clear that under such circumstances the young scholar had no chance to engage
in a large-scale acquisition of manuscripts and antiquities. Instead, he either salvaged
discarded manuscripts or copied texts by himself.
The telegram of the Jehol Government identifies LIGETI by name, using the Chinese
transliteration Li Gedi . This was, of course, different from the form Li Gaiti
, how his name became known in China in later years. The telegram is dated
September 9, 193019 and bears the title Report of the Government of Jehol province
regarding the coping of Buddhist scriptures by the Hungarian national Stein (September
9). The document is signed by Tang Yulin (1871-1937), the Governor of Jehol.
The beginning explains that the investigation was launched in response to the directive
calling for caution with regard to Steins activities. It also quotes part of Academia
Sinicas letter in which the explorer is referred to as a Hungarian subject.
Consequently, a Hungarian scholar turning up at the Youshun lamasery at
Chaoyang around the same time with the aim of copying Buddhist scriptures immediately attracted the attention of the Jehol Government. It initiated an investigation
which was carried out by Li Zhongxiang of the First Police Precinct, according
to the instructions of Tian Yufeng , County Police Chief. Li reported back the following: There is a Hungarian national residing at the Youshun monastery at the county
seat. The examination of his passport revealed that his name is Li Gedi. Being asked
about his background, he related that he came here to make copies of Tibetan Buddhist
scriptures and will return once finished with this task.20 To this report the Police Chief
added a comment that Li Gedi has a different name [from Stein] but is of the same
nationality. However, no further assumptions were made beyond this observation.
While the Chinese archives afford no further insights regarding the mysterious Hungarian working at the Youshun temple, there is a wealth of information about this period
in LIGETIs own recollections. He wrote two longer accounts of his journey, one an academic report published in 1933 in French,21 the other a popular narrative that came out
a year later in Hungarian.22 In the French report he gives a general description of his
visit to the Youshun monastery:23
I passed through Beizefu, a Chinese center in terms of its administrative
and commercial makeup, and after three days of travelling on May 20 arrived at Chaoyang. Today, this city is completely Chinese but in the past it
19
Interestingly, just about this time a short review of LIGETIs trip appeared in the Letters to the Editor
column of The Times, in which Dr. Louis LIGETI is commended on having obtained a wealth of
valuable information (Research in Mongola, The Times, September 13, 1930: 6).
20
Zhongguo dier lishi danganguan 1994: 684.
21
LIGETI 1933.
22
LIGETI 1934.
23
I uniformly render the Chinese words and proper nouns in L IGETIs descriptions into pinyin, even if
in the original they appear in their French or Hungarian spelling.
201
was known by its Mongolian name as urban suburan, or the city of the
Three St
upas.
Jigs-med
nam-mkha talks at length of this city in connection with the history of Buddhism in Mongolia. (Huth did not recognize its Tibetan name
mChod
rten gsum, The Three St
upas.) Of the three towers only two remain today, the third having been completely demolished in the civil war
of the Republic. In fact, the city of the Three st
upas played a particularly
important role in the history of the Lamaist Church. To these glorious times
dates the large and rich Youshunsi lamasery which has fortunately survived
the past twenty years without much damage. Still, one of its buildings was
transformed into a Chinese school, and a small wing of the former residence
of the lamas into a military office. I remained at the Youshunsi lamasery
until July 30, and then returned in a diluvian rain to Beipiao, the terminal
station on the branch of the Peking-Mukden line, from where I took the
train to Peking.24
This short description shows that LIGETI was at the lamasery for over two months, from
May 20 until July 30. In contrast with this terse scholarly narrative, L IGETIs popular
account devotes three whole chapters to his life at the Youshun monastery (Figure 1) and
thus provides a much more detailed description of the circumstances of his stay there.
With his distinctive sense of humor he describes his encounters with the very people
whose report is now kept in the republican archives. He identifies the Police Chief Tian
Yufeng by name, erroneously calling him Tian Fengyu.25
I ensconced myself in the monastery and, as far as it was possible, made
myself comfortable in Deva Chenpos rather uncomfortable dwelling, eager to begin working. As a measure of foresight I gave strict instructions to
little Song, Deva Chenpo, and to Dambinima, the shabi, to resolutely deny
my being home if anyone came to call on me. I had enough experience with
nosy visits that were utterly pointless and only kept me from working for
extended periods of time. My austere precaution worked out quite well, if
only for a short while. One day, a number of policemen of various ranks
came over in an attempt to see me. It would not have been a good idea to
turn them away, and it seemed that Deva Chenpo shared the same opinion,
as he led them straight in one after the other. Whispering in my ear, he
at once let me know what great dignitaries were visiting me and that, for
24
202
Figure 1: The main gates of the great monastery at Chaoyang (Ligeti, p. 418).
both his and the monasterys sake, I should give them a friendly reception.
These visits have certainly raised my status in the eyes of the monasterys
residents, and from there on the lamas all greeted me with frequent bows.
To be sure, this reverence was not without reason, as the monastery was in
desperate need of police goodwill but more of this will be said later.
The procession was opened by a police officer. He saluted me in a military
manner and declared that he was visiting me on behalf of Tian Fengyu, the
Chief of Police, and should I feel the need they would be happy to place
two guards in front of Deva Chenpos door for my safety. As much as I was
touched by their kindness and consideration, I anxiously protested against
measures of this kind. I had absolutely no need for two good-for-nothing
soldiers lurking around me all day, not leaving me a minute of peace. Not
to speak of their salaries and rations which I would have been expected to
provide. I had managed to get by in far more dangerous places without Chinese soldiers guarding my doorstep, and I was confident that I would also
manage here. After all, I was in a monastery located in the heart of a large
city.
Thus I politely conveyed my gratitude to chief Tian Fengyu, and as a token
of my appreciation immediately sent him my business card, along with a
small gift.
203
Tian Fengyu called on me the very same day. The lamas bowed their heads
to him and led him to me with full reverence. Tian Fengyu immediately
called lama Chen and turned to him in anger:
How dare you accommodate Li xiansheng in a dirty hole like this?
Lama Chen was lost for words, anxious to come up with an answer; while
inside he surely blamed me for the new troubles with the police, as if they
did not have enough of these already. I came to his rescue by saying that
he had actually wanted to give me a much better room but I insisted on taking this one on account of Deva Chenpo being a famous astrologist. Deva
Chenpos eyes glistened with gratitude. Lama Chen was also appeased and
even Tian Fengyus anger dissipated, although he no doubt thought that
foreigners were crazy to choose of their own accord to live in such filth.26
204
often showed up at his door with pieces of antique porcelain to inquire about their age
and potential prices abroad. This, LIGETI says, was primarily because Governor Tang
was a great collector and Tian Fengyu knew from experience how useful it was to be
passionately interested in the same things as the provincial governor.27 The depiction
of the Governor is even more sarcastic:
Tang Yulin himself was illiterate and, of course, his fondness for collecting
Chinese antiquities did not stem from an innate artistic disposition but from
the fact that he could trade, through his men in Peking, the treasures he had
gathered by means of extortion and looting, for shiny American dollars.28
While such condemning words may appear unwarranted with regard to a provincial
governor, they echo Hedins account of a meeting with the same Governor Tang, whom
the Swedish explorer described as an incapable and unscrupulous person notorious
for being involved in the business of selling off stolen artefacts to Japanese dealers:
He was of medium stature, powerfully built and had coarse features. His
behavior lacked all culture. The temples of Jehol from the time of the great
Manchu Emperors had probably been robbed of most of their treasures of
ecclesiastical art by his predecessors, but a few things had not yet been
stolen and sold to Japanese agents or curio dealers from Peking. During
our stay at Jehol we daily saw loaded lorries which at the command of Tang
Yulin, it was said, removed idols and other objects from the temples, to
Mukden.29
We can see that Governor Tangs passion for temple treasures was not a secret in Jehol
and he felt no need to hide his dealings from others. Of course, the provincial governors looting of antiquities by the truckload in full knowledge of the entire populace
appears absurd in view of the efforts of the Society for the Preservation of Antiquities
during this period. Even more ironic is that Governor Tang was the official in charge of
investigating whether the young LIGETI had any illicit designs on treasures that might
have been considered by the Society as part of Chinas cultural heritage.
Lajos LIGETI spent three years in Inner Mongolia during the time that coincided
with an unprecedented antagonism towards foreign-led expeditions on Chinese soil. He
himself traveled alone and conducted no archaeological excavations, thus remaining
outside the field of vision of the preservation of antiquities movement. Unknowingly to
himself, he had been briefly investigated after his arrival in Chaoyang on the suspicion
27
Ibid.: 450.
Ibid.
29
HEDIN 1940: 46-47.
28
205
that he was in fact Sir Aurel Stein, plotting to rob China of yet another substantial piece
of its cultural legacy. This suspicion was in part the result of official directives recently
dispatched to local governments calling for vigilance with regard to Steins activities
in Chinese Central Asia. Added to this were LIGETIs Hungarian nationality and his
interest in Buddhist scriptures, the two of which were enough to suggest that he was the
notorious Hungarian-born explorer Stein. It is hard to believe that anyone who met the
28 years old LIGETI personally could have mistaken him for someone 40 years senior
to him. The two scholars were a generation apart: LIGETI was a student of Steins great
rival, Paul Pelliot, and in 1930 he was only beginning his career, whereas by this time
Stein was a celebrated explorer who had already completed his finest expeditions.
References
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the exploration of the Central Asiatic Expeditions in Mongolia and China, 19211930. New York: The American Museum of Natural History.
BRYSAC, Shareen. 2004. Sir Aurel Steins fourth, American expedition. In Helen
WANG, ed., Sir Aurel Stein, Proceedings of the British Museum study day, 23
March 2002. British Museum occasional papers. London: British Museum: 1722.
HEDIN, Sven. 1940. Chiang Kai-Shek, Marshal of China. New York: The John Day
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. 1943. History of the expedition in Asia, 1927-1935. Stockholm: Elanders
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206
207
208
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21 GE
B0 Murtuq,
Murtuk
Ruins
2. Anlage
Murtuk
230
Ruins
4.3.3
Murtuk
Ruins
22 Murtuk
Ruins M.B.I 22
23
Murtuk
Ruins M. C. I
23
2 Murtuk
M.B
0
B M.C
22:
Ruins
Murtuk
Ruins M.B.I
M.C. Ruined
Shrine
C0 11
11
231
23:
Murtuk
4.3.4
24: a
42 590 19.6300 N, 89 300 56.8600 E
24 21 a
21 GraveGE
232
M.A.M.D.b
4.4 Yut
ogh Caves
Lamjin
Yut
ogh
1.
2.
3.
3 Innermost
Asia
vol.3
12
Yut
ogh
4.4.1
25:
12
Yut gh
Innermost
20 vol.3, PL.26.
233
Asia
3.3km
25 Innermost
Asia Yutogh
Lamjin 3.3km
Yut
ogh GE
4.4.2
2004
4 27
Cave
26:
27:
below Yut gh
Cave
Innermost
below Yut
ogh'
`Cave
Half a mile farther down the gorge, also on the right bank, lies a
group of small caves, badly injured by the decay of the loose conglomerate into which they are cut, and also by vandal hands. About
234
Buddhist
small
`Buddhist
Yut
ogh'
800m
caves
26
(800
) 28 Innermost
Asia, vol.3
GE 800
28: Buddhist
0
00
89 54 54.01 E
42 510 06.8900 N,
3 2
235
Cemeteries
near Mas
ar of Yetti-kiz-khojam, Yutogh
Innnermost
Innermost
(p.71)
Yetti-kiz-kh
ojam
4
27 Schi-pang
13 Shipang
Shipang
28
2005
14
13
12Tafel 71, h.
5 p.40 8p.45
14
236
sassik-bulak
kazma
sassik-bulak
15
Bedaulat's town B
esh-kawak Bedaulat's
townB
esh-kawak
16 Oi-tam,
ruined fort
15
16
29:
Schi-pang
16 PL.XXX.
9
p.48
237
30:
Shipang
Schi-pang
20
4 1.
2. 3.
4.
238
5.1
4.3 Murtuk
Ruins
Murtuq
Anlage
Murtuq
17
Murtuk Ruins
Murtuk
Ruins
2. Anlage
2.
Murtuq Murtuk
3 Murtuq Murtuk
Murtuq
Murtuk
Ruins
Bezeklik
Murtuk
temple ruins
Murtuq
Murtuk
Bezeklik
Ruins
29
A MurtuqB BezeklikC
MurtukDEF
Yut
ogh 4.4 3
30 A Yut
oghB
C D Cemeteries
near Maz
ar
of Yetti-kiz-kh
ojam, YutoghEFG
17
239
Innermost
Asia
31:
32:
5.3 5.4
5.2
Murtuk
M.A. M.D.
240
Yut
ogh
Yut
ogh Yutogh
Yut
ogh
Murtuk
Ruins
5.3
Murtuk
Ruined
Shrine
Ruins M.C.
21
1.
2.
3.
4.
1. 2. 3.
1.3.
4.
241
17
A 2. B,C,D,E,F 3.
Murtuk
Ruins
2. 21 M.A.
M.B. a
b 3. 21 cd 4. Yut
ogh 3.
4.
5.4
4.2 Chikkan-kol
`Tschyqqan
Kl'
2018 33
7
`Hhlengruppe bei iqqan-Kl'
19
6
Tschyqqan
Kl
20
18
12 p.11. Tafel. 51, Statuettenkpfe und aus Ungebranntem Ton oder Stein, a, b, c, d,
Tafel 70,
19
Chotscho, i, k.
21
1) 2)
33:
Tschyqqan Kl
21
243
6.
Earth
20
100
20
4
pp.55-712007
2
1214
B(2) 20002002 2004
3
1977
4CORONA
8pp.37-782000
244
5 (2004 10 14 11 1
)
29 pp.1-412005
6Google Earth
2007
pp.155-1622007
7
:17202018
1720 (A)()2008
91999
10
1988-31-84
11International
Dunhuang Project,
Coq, A.,
rin, 1912
15Kitamoto,
Proceedings of the 22nd International Symposium on Digital Documentation, Interpretation & Presentation of Cultural Heritage (CIPA 2009), 2009
16Oldenburg, S. F., Russkaia Turkestanskaia Ekspeditsiia, 1909-1910 goda,
St.Petersburg,1914
17Stein,
Stein's Explorations in
3,
M. A.,
245
2010 3 31
606-8265 47
Phone 075-753-6993 Fax 075-753-6999
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