Page 1

The Evolution of Citizenship Economic and Institutional Determinants ∗
Page 2

ABSTRACT We investigate the evolution of the legal institution of citizenship from a political economy perspective. We first present a median voter model of citizenship laws determination. Next we test the implications of the model on a new dataset on citizenship laws across countries of the world. We show that citizenship laws have responded endogenously to economic and institutional determinants. When facing increasing immigration, countries with a jus soli tradition tend to restrict their legislation, while jus sanguinis countries resist innovation. The welfare burden proves not to be an obstacle for jus soli legislation, while demographic stagnation encourages it. A high degree of democracy promotes the adoption of jus soli elements, while the instability of state borders determined by decolonization impedes it. Religion and ethnic diversity have no residual impact. .Key Words: citizenship laws, international migration, legal origins, democracy, borders. 1
Page 3

1. Introduction Each country of the world has established a complex system of rules that govern the attribution of citizenship. As a consequence of the increasing pressure of international migration, citizenship laws have moved to center stage on policy agendas, since citizenship laws not only affect the design of immigration policy, but also interact with the workings of labor markets, affect welfare programs, and influence demographic trends. Citizenship is the legal institution that designates full membership in a state and the associated rights and duties. It provides benefits such as the right to vote, better employment opportunities, and the ability to travel without restrictions, legal protection in case of criminal charges, and the possibility to obtain a visa for a relative. There are also costs to citizenship, such as the military draft, renunciation of the original citizenship, and the pecuniary and non-pecuniary costs that may be required for naturalization and for recognition at the age of majority. Examples are language and culture tests, waiting periods, and a commitment to avoid activities leading to disqualification. There are several ways to acquire citizenship: at birth, by naturalization, by marriage.

The regulation of citizenship at birth, which determines citizenship acquisition by second- generation immigrants, is rooted in the well-defined bodies of common and civil law. The former traditionally applies the jus soli principle, according to which citizenship is attributed by birthplace: this implies that the child of an immigrant is a citizen, as long as he is born in the country of immigration. The latter applies the jus sanguinis principle, which attributes citizenship by descent, so that a child inherits citizenship from his parents, independently of where he is born. Despite being rooted in these principles, during the 20th century - and especially after World War II - in many countries citizenship laws have gone through a process of continuous adaptation, in conjunction with the decolonization phase, the collapse of the socialist system, and the mounting pressure of international migration. In this paper we investigate the determinants and evolution of citizenship laws in the postwar period from a political economy perspective. To pursue this goal, we assemble a new dataset which codifies citizenship laws across the countries of the world, with a specific focus on the provisions that regulate the access to citizenship at birth. The dataset is then used to study the dynamic adaptation of these laws, by relating the observed patterns to a
Page 4

number of potential determinants, including economic factors as well as other political and cultural factors which have been found relevant in related research on institutions. Modern sociopolitical theories have advanced several hypotheses concerning the determinants of citizenship laws dynamics, on the basis of case studies and nonquantitative cross country comparisons. The legal tradition established in a given country is generally believed to exert a persistent impact on current legislation. The relevance of migration has also been investigated. In particular, pressure from a large stock of migrants is perceived as a factor that shapes a country's attitude toward citizenship policy. On the one hand, it could push toward a legislation that allows automatic citizenship granting for all newborn. On the other, migration could also drive toward restrictions of the same principle in countries where it was originally applied. According to some sociopolitical theories, the combination of these forces tends to induce convergence toward a mix of jus soli and sanguinis provisions for countries coming from different legal traditions (Weil 2001). For the case of Europe, Baubock et al. (2006) instead stress the presence of divergent trends, towards liberalization in some countries and toward restriction of access to citizenship in others. The influence of other economic forces is also recognized. Since citizenship rights determine the ability to enjoy welfare benefits, the shaping of nationality laws has been linked with the nature of the welfare state, with a large government representing a potential obstacle to the retention of jus soli (Joppke 1998). This argument, however, has to be weighted against the potential gain coming from the acquisition of relatively young new citizens for countries with expensive

pension systems and in the midst of a demographic crisis. Political factors have also been found relevant. The presence of a consolidated democracy is expected to lead to the adoption of jus soli, viewed as a more equal treatment of aliens. Stabilization of state borders should reduce the pressure to preserve a national identity through jus sanguinis. Finally, an additional factor that has been the subject of debate is the influence of national character and culture. The theory advanced by Brubaker (1992) focuses on France and Germany as two antagonistic kinds of nationhood, the former more assimilationists, and the latter more ethnocentric, which also differ in their definitions of citizenship. In this paper we formalize the above hypotheses within a simple median voter model which can guide our empirical investigation by generating testable implications and by offering an interpretation of the resulting evidence.
Page 5

The model is based on the assumption that the laws regulating citizenship acquisition can be viewed as the outcome of the decision problem faced by a native median voter, in a context where citizenship confers the right to vote over policy variables. In making this decision, the native median voter takes into account the associated benefits and costs, which depend on the share of migrants over population and the other factors suggested by the literature. The model indicates that the share of migrants has a potentially ambiguous impact on the decision to grant citizenship and voting rights to migrants, since it increases the loss, for the native median voter, of letting migrants vote, but it also increases the cost associated with their exclusion. Moreover, the natives' decision is positively influenced by a relatively high income level of the migrants, a small welfare state, a relatively old native population, a high level of democracy, a stable national border, and an inclusive national culture. We test the above empirical implications and find that in the postwar period citizenship laws have responded endogenously and systematically, through a slow but steady process of adaptation, to economic and institutional factors. Overall, our results suggest that migration pushes national legislations in the direction of jus sanguinis, not jus soli. In particular, when we take into account the legal tradition established in the matter of citizenship, we find that countries with a jus soli origin react to increasing migration by adding jus sanguinis elements. On the other hand, in jus sanguinis countries the impact of migration has been negligible. Therefore, the evidence does not support the hypothesis of convergence toward a mixed regime, since migration tends to induce restrictions, but not extensions. Other economic factors also matter. While the welfare burden proves not to be an obstacle for a jus soli legislation, demographic stagnation encourages the adoption of mixed and jus soli regimes.

Turning to institutional factors, we find that a high degree of democracy is significantly associated with a jus soli legislation while border instability, in particular following the decolonization phase, decreases its likelihood. Cultural characteristics captured by religion and ethic fractionalization are not found to play a significant role. The rest of the paper is organized as follows: Section 2 introduces the related literature. Section 3 reviews the historical and legal background for the issues we address. Section 4 presents our model of citizenship laws determination. Section 5 describes our dataset on citizenship laws around the world 4

Page 6

Section 6 investigates empirically the determinants of current citizenship laws and presents our main results, together with a set of robustness checks. Section 7 develops an alternative empirical strategy that highlights the determinants of change in citizenship laws. Section 8 concludes and indicates directions for future research. The Data Appendix collects information about the data employed. 2. Related Literature Our work is related with several branches of the economic literature. First of all, this paper adds to research on international migration and migration policy. Timmer and Williamson (1998), Hatton and Williamson (2006) and Bertocchi and Strozzi (2008) empirically analyze immigration policies enacted at the end of the 19th century during the mass migration era, while O'Rourke and Sinnott (2006) and Mayda (2006) estimate voters' attitudes toward immigration in the postwar period. The political economy of migration has been modeled, among others, by Benhabib (1996), Gradstein and Schiff (2006), and DeVoretz (2006). More specifically, the role of citizenship policy has been discussed by DeVoretz and Pivnenko (2006), who investigate the economic costs and benefits derived from citizenship, by Pritchett (2006), who evaluates citizenship policy within a broader discussion on labor mobility and

and Swagel (2002) and Dolmas and Huffman (2004). our work is also related to Razin. our work contributes to the research program which has focused on the historical determinants of institutions. . Acemoglu. The basic premise of this research line is the recognition that laws in different countries are adopted or transplanted from a few legal traditions and that the resulting legislative bodies reflect both the influence of the legal origin and the subsequent revision specific to individual countries. with contributions by Acemoglu and Robinson (2000). but with a focus on the conflict between rich and poor. (1998). Engerman and Sokoloff (2002) highlight the relevance of wealth inequality and political factors in accounting for how fundamental economic 5 Page 7 institutions developed over time. However. More broadly. This paper also relates to the comparative legal approach initiated by La Porta et al. while Bertocchi (2007) concentrates on the conflict between men and women. (2008) specifically analyze the evolution of an index of formalism of legal procedure. Balas et al. the issue of franchise extension has recently received considerable attention within the literature. Johnson. We add to this stream by focusing on the determinants of the dynamic adaptation of nationality rules. Sadka. who evaluate the determinants of the decision to naturalize. Bertocchi and Spagat (2001). who compare the impact of migration on the welfare state with or without voting rights for the migrants. and Robinson (2001) contribute to the understanding of how institutions evolve by using historical variables as instruments for contemporary measures of the quality of institutions.immigration policies.. On the other hand. and by Chiswick and Miller (2008). they do not examine the determinants of these alternative regimes. Since our theory emphasizes that citizenship rights imply the right to vote.

In 18th century Europe jus soli was the dominant criterion. and thus state borders. Continental modern citizenship law was subsequently built on these premises. following feudal traditions which linked human beings to the lord who held the land where they were born. . By the end of the 19th century. that are typically adjusted to the business cycle and to the current government orientation. contrary to other migration policy measures such as quotas and visa requirements. During the 19th century the jus sanguinis principle was adopted throughout Europe and then transplanted to its colonies. the process of nation-state formation and the associated codification effort were completed in Continental Europe. On the other hand. Citizenship Laws in Historical Perspective Citizenship policy can be viewed as part of broader migration policy. By imitation. However. 3. citizenship laws reforms tend to be the outcome of long-term processes of adaptation often involving constitutional amendments. both because country size in this literature is the same as population size and is potentially influenced by migration and by the legal status of immigrants.Finally. At the same time. starting with the United States where it was later encoded in 6 Page 8 the Constitution. the British preserved their jus soli tradition and spread it through their own colonies. Japan also adopted jus sanguinis in this phase. is also relevant to our approach. recent work by Alesina and Spolaore (1997) and Bolton and Roland (1997) on the optimal determination of the size of nations. The French Revolution broke with this heritage and with the 1804 civil code reintroduced the ancient Roman custom of jus sanguinis. and also because borders play an important role on the determination of citizenship rules.

with its colonies. The United States Jus soli was encoded in the US Constitution through the 1868 Fourteenth Amendment. However. by that stage. with the specific purpose to protect the birthrights of black slaves. Below are some specific cases. with jus soli being the norm in common law countries. and jus sanguinis regulating citizenship law in most civil law countries. most countries of the world had established specific provisions regarding citizenship acquisition within a relatively well-developed legal system. while civil law France. drawing mostly from Joppke (1998). For instance. 1 In particular. 2 Australia Current citizenship law in Australia differs considerably from that of the United . had by then already moved toward a mixed regime. despite important exceptions. and with a general positive attitude toward economic liberalism. civil law Latin America had embraced jus soli early on. Consistently with its history as a country of immigrants. the US approach is still remarkably consistent with its original attitude in all its aspects. Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer (2000. Debate about possible restrictions did arise recently. Therefore.the revolutionary phase was over in those countries that had been the subject of the earlier colonization era. ranging from immigration policy to naturalization requirements. the next century witnessed a continuous process of transformation of citizenship laws across the world. but never led to actual change. 2001) and Brubaker (1992). jus soli came under attack in the 1980s regarding its applicability to the children of illegal immigrants. A relatively young and thin welfare state contributes to the fiscal sustainability of jus soli in this country. and 19th century colonization had extended the process of transplantation of legal tradition to the rest of the world.

despite the common origin as countries of immigration. At independence. Latin America In the face of a civil law tradition which had been transplanted by the European powers. for instance. is a related. Therefore. Jus soli was encoded in the Constitution of Brazil in 1824. if compared to residency.1 In his analysis of Mexican immigration. most of the incipient states chose jus soli as a way to break with the colonial political order and to prevent the metropoles from making legitimate claims on citizens born in the new countries. In the postwar period. Jus soli had also been introduced in Australia by the colonists. Jus soli survived until 1986. Huntington (2004) has criticized current nationality regulations on the grounds that they represent a “devaluation of citizenship”. while afterwards a person born in Australia must have at least one parent who is either an Australian citizen or a permanent resident in order to acquire citizenship. this area has followed a rather peculiar pattern. of Venezuela in 1830. citizenship is relatively thin. in the sense that it confers few additional benefits if compared with residency. of Argentina in 1853. Mexico represents a special case where jus soli was also . 2 The relative thickness of the concept itself of citizenship. from the perspective of poor countries. 7 Page 9 States. the country went through numerous legislative and administrative reforms. Jus soli is still the prevalent rule in the area. even if it is no longer attracting immigrants. Pritchett (2006) discusses the possible advantages of guest-worker programs which do not contemplate citizenship. most of Latin America was already a jus soli country before the 19th century immigration waves began. potentially relevant consideration: in the US.

where jus sanguinis was first introduced with the 1804 Civil Code and maintained 8 Page 10 for the entire course of the 19th century. only to come back to stay with a Constitutional Amendment in 1937. even though military consideration introduced early on elements of jus soli. K. up to World War II. Following a postwar wave of colonial immigration. Redefinitions of national citizenship have been effectively employed. qualifies for British citizenship only if at least one parents is a British citizen or resident. raised concern regarding assimilation. as a form of selective immigration policy. Citizenship issues and the rights of immigrants became the object . In order to secure immigrants' children born in France to the draft. The revolutionary experience was particularly important for France. since all subjects of the British Empire had equal access to British citizenship simply by establishing residence in the UK. The 1948 Nationality Act created the status of Citizen of the United Kingdom and Colonies for people with a close connection to the UK and its colonies. this open-door policy was progressively restricted. The United Kingdom British nationality law has been deeply affected by the imperial experience. but was then abandoned in 1836. France The emergence of the nation-state in Continental Europe was the main factor that shaped citizenship law in this area. since the 1980s. large-scale immigration.adopted in the 1814 insurgent Constitution. the concept of nationality in the UK was. The 1984 British Nationality Act restricts jus soli by establishing that a child born in the U. making the experience of this country a unique one. particularly extensive. After World War II. in 1889 double jus soli became automatic. even though special status is still attributed to citizens of the British Commonwealth. especially from North Africa. Because of its colonial history.

was finally approved in . Achieving border stability was a decisive factor in pushing Germany toward the longdelayed adoption of jus soli elements. however. Prior to that. nor declined it. following an intense political struggle. Germany found itself in the paradoxical situation of having to live with a large population of disenfranchised foreigners born on its soil at home. In 1993 Chirac introduced a restrictive revision to the legislation. which had established strong sanguinis ties with German overseas emigrants.of heated debate in French politics. A major overhaul of the legislation. which turned naturalization from the discretionary exception into the rule. With the foundation of the GDR and the consolidation of the Eastern Block. Brubaker (2002) has influentially argued that the different path followed by these countries has been shaped by their cultural difference. A first step in this direction was the new Foreigner Law in 1990. which paved the way for the achievement of stable national borders. the massive guest-worker immigration of the postwar period. the original Wilhelminian citizenship law of 1913. had started to put under strong pressure. with the automatic assignment of citizenship at age 18 to those immigrants' children born in France who had neither requested. With the Left regaining political power in 1997. and Germany to its ethnic identity. Germany The single most relevant event in the history of German citizenship law is certainly the fall of the Berlin wall. mostly from Turkey but also from Southern Europe. with France sticking to its tradition of assimilationist nation. these restrictions were considerably revised. and at the same time with millions of ethnic Germans living behind the Iron Curtain. that required a formal citizenship request from second-generation immigrants. The case of France is frequently compared with Germany. but to no avail.

many former British and Portuguese colonies rejected the jus soli tradition and switched to an often strongly ethnically-tinged version of jus sanguinis. The latter aspect may have played a role in shaping the evolution of citizenship policies in several other European countries and especially the Scandinavian ones. Jus soli is now the norm in Germany (under the mild requirement that one parent has lived in the country for eight years). The vast majority of the African colonies that were subject to civil law countries practicing jus sanguinis stuck to this principle after independence.1999. and the thick nature of the 9 Page 11 German welfare state. access to citizenship by second and third generation is facilitated. In particular. which recently adapted their legislation to the globalization of international migration and its increasing impact on Europe. In the evaluation of the German experience. in the vast majority of European countries. but had recently to adapt to the quickly changing conditions. where jus sanguinis was functional to the large past emigration flows. Greece and Luxembourg. Decolonization Postwar decolonization had a major impact on citizenship rules applied around the world. restricted forms of double jus soli are de facto applied. other factors that may have delayed the introduction of jus soli are. As documented by Weil (2001). the strong ethnic character of German national identity. On the other hand. and not only through the indirect impact on the metropolitan countries we previously examined. For instance. with the exceptions of Austria. especially for high-immigration Sweden. in the entire EU. as mentioned in the introduction. by now. .

and was compounded with deep ethnic division. The area had been sealed toward international migration but. Latvia and Lithuania in 1940. the associated exclusive notion of ethnic and tribal identity caused enormous problems in countries where colonial rule had left shaky democratic institutions. To these days. large Russian-speaking. In situations where instability was pushed to an extreme degree by the young age and the arbitrary borders of these countries. jus sanguinis tended to prevail as a way to control more easily the formation of national entities. 10 Page 12 The disintegration of the USSR Another major wave of citizenship law codification followed the disintegration of the USSR. During the following decades millions of Russians were encouraged to settle in Latvia and Estonia (less so in Lithuania) in order to Russify them. To these days. In 1981 Mobutu signed a new law on nationality requiring an ancestral connection to the population residing in the territory as far back as 1885. The 1964 Congolese Constitution. The Soviet Union had occupied Estonia. recognized citizenship only for persons whose parents were members of one of the tribes established within the territory by 1908. stateless. At the same time. ethnic conflict lies at the roots of a chronic manipulation of citizenship rules in favor of one ethnic group over others.Sierra Leone's 1961 Constitution established that citizenship is transmitted only by descent and only to children whose father and a grandfather were Sierra Leoneans of AfricanNegro descent. however. as for all empires. there had been considerable migration within. Marginalization and de facto statelessness of significant strata of the population is the unavoidable outcome of these policies. sizeable minorities . in an effort to exclude Rwandan immigrants.

The issue for these states was how to balance a need to reconstitute their national identity around an ethnic model. spread around the former regions of the USSR. showed a more open approach. these recommendations were indeed fulfilled in the more recent legislation of the Baltics. The Model This section develops a simple theoretical model which formalizes the hypotheses that a widely interdisciplinary literature has advanced with respect to the determinants of citizenship laws. while most other countries of the area still persist with discriminatory policies. By contrast. the salient fact in shaping current citizenship policy is the perception that many of its citizens are outside its borders. Estonian and Latvian laws were sharply criticized by international organizations on the grounds of human rights. After independence. in a context where citizenship confers the right to vote . the new citizenship laws of these three states reflected this heritage with an emphasis on jus sanguinis as the basis for acquiring citizenship. We can view the laws regulating citizenship acquisition as the outcome of the decision problem faced by a median voter. The hostile attitude toward ethnic Russians was especially strong in Latvia. Again. The aim of the model is also to generate testable implications that can guide our interpretation of the empirical evidence. for the case of the Russian Federation. this perception as a country of emigrants pushes toward the persistence of jus sanguinis as the main principle. while Lithuania. and a commitment to democratic values with respect to the rights of minorities.are still present. which was less affected by Soviet immigration policy. even though small concessions to jus soli have been made. In the anticipation of EU integration. 4.

respectively. economic and social goals. Second. where M + N = P and M < N. y N >y>y M . A native voter. while in practice citizenship acquisition implies a larger set of rights. is driven by the benefits and costs associated with this decision. namely. where y N and y M denote average income for natives and migrants. namely. to migrants. in our oneperiod framework the distinction between different ways to acquire citizenship becomes irrelevant. our focus on the right to vote as the main benefit of citizenship is easily justified. A few warnings are in order. when considering the decision to grant citizenship. beside the right to vote. a redistributive tax scheme which finances a public good.over policy variables. since political rights can be viewed as an instrument through which migrants could achieve broader political. therefore the model's predictions can be applied to the laws concerning both citizenship at birth and naturalization. the same approach could be extended to consider alternative agenda. before we present the model's details. and also implies some duties. and y = N P y . even if the model concentrates on voting on a specific policy. Finally. Migrants are poorer than natives since they are relatively unskilled. We consider an economy where a population of mass P consists of natives with mass N and migrants with mass M. and 11 Page 13 thus the right to vote. First.

Both groups pay taxes. according to a proportional income tax rate τ. namely. The tax rate is set through a political choice under majority voting. c i .N + M P y M is the economy-wide average income. We also assume that income distribution is skewed to the right for each group. and thus for the economy as a whole. Each enfranchised individual casts a vote on the tax rate. as in Meltzer and Richard (1981). Tax revenues are used by the government to finance the public good according to the following balanced budget constraint: g = τy − τ 2 2 y (2) where the second term captures tax collection costs. Both natives and migrants derive utility from consumption of a private good. according to u i =c i + λg (1) where λ is a positive preference parameter. median income is lower than average income both for natives and migrants. such that 0 < τ < 1. Assume initially 12 Page 14 . g. and a public good.

according to k=K+h M P (3) where K reflects the degree of cultural inclusiveness and h > 0. This cost increases with the share of migrants over population. for instance. reflecting the possibility that their disenfranchisement can lead to social unrest and even violence. The cost is also affected by factors that determine the degree of inclusiveness of a country's culture. The cost enters the individual budget constraint as follows: c i ≤ (1 − τ)y i −k (4) where y i denotes individual income.that only natives are citizens and are therefore allowed to vote. by a jus soli tradition. Assume also that society bears a cost k for the exclusion of migrants from citizenship. The expression for the indirect utility function of a native voter with income y N i is given by v N i = (1 − τ)y N i − k + λ(τ − τ 2 2 . as captured. k could enter directly the utility function. Equivalently.

according to which the equilibrium tax rate is the preferred tax rate of the native median voter with income y N ∗ .which implies that the tax rate is going to be positive only if y N∗ y < λ. To be noticed is that under our assumptions about income distribution it is not necessarily the case that y N∗ y < 1. since migrants also pay taxes. which is given by . We can therefore apply the median voter theorem.)y (5) which is single-peaked with respect to the tax rate. according to τ N ∗ =1− 1 λ y N ∗ y (6) The level of the tax rate increases with the intensity of the preference for public goods and with inequality. which is measured by the ratio of native median income over the economywide average income. The native median voter could avoid the cost k by granting citizenship to the migrants and thus accepting the tax rate that would prevail under universal enfranchisement.

Since y N ∗ >y ∗ . It follows that the native median voter decides to grant citizenship to migrants if and only if . If migrants vote. the latter is certainly positive.τ ∗ =1− 1 λ y ∗ y (7) 13 Page 15 where y ∗ is the economy-wide median income. The difference between τ N ∗ and τ ∗ increases with the income gap between natives and migrants and with the share of migrants over population. In particular. he has to pay more taxes but k is avoided. The native median voter faces a simple set of costs and benefits when considering the decision to grant citizenship. but can enjoy a smaller tax. it follows that τ N ∗ <τ ∗ . he has to face the cost k. namely. the tax rate chosen by the native median voter is lower than the tax that applies under universal suffrage. If migrants cannot vote. given our assumptions on income distribution.

we can think of its dynamic implications in terms of a sequence . while the cost increases with the degree of inclusiveness K of the country's culture. Even if the model is static. Both the disenfranchisement cost and the fiscal gain associated with the no-franchise status quo increase in the share of migrants over the population. Besides.(1 − τ N ∗ )y N ∗ − k + λ(τ N ∗ − τ N ∗ 2 2 )y ≤ (1 − τ ∗ )y N ∗ + λ(τ ∗ − τ ∗2 2 )y (8) where following (5) we find on the left hand side his indirect utility function when migrants cannot vote and on the right hand side his indirect utility function when migrants can vote. the fiscal gain also increases with the income gap between natives and migrants.

following a sequence of stationary decisions.of repeated decisions. the economy is shocked by an increase of the migrants share. due to a large inflow. since it is the share of migrants over population that matters. The predictions so far obtained from the model indicate that a decision to extend citizenship and the associated voting rights is facilitated by a smaller income gap between natives and migrants and by a larger degree of inclusiveness of a country's culture. since a higher share increases 14 Page 16 both the cost and the fiscal gain of disenfranchisement. it can also encompass restriction. migrants who are already in the country and have thus become citizens are simply to be considered as natives themselves. generating a trade off. Together with the ethnic natives. While the present formulation of the model is designed to establish conditions for extension of citizenship rights to migrants. or equivalently a particularly generous naturalization policy. it follows that jus sanguinis countries will be more reluctant to change. If we interpret a jus sanguinis tradition as a low degree of inclusiveness and thus a low cost of exclusion. If. the median voter will respond taking into considerations all the channels involved and this may result in an adaptation of the regulation. Finally. . When the status quo is a jus soli regulation. the effect of an increase in the share of migrants is potentially ambiguous. The net effect will depend on which factor is stronger. they will decide whether or not restricting the current regulation taking into account the incoming waves of immigrants and following the simple logic previously illustrated. To be noticed is that a given stock of migrants has a stronger impact on countries with a relatively small native population.

thus amplifying the tax cost which follows the decision to allow migrants to vote. The testable implication is that the decision to grant citizenship is positively influenced by the domestic level of democracy.The basic model can be extended to consider several other potentially relevant factors. the level of democracy can influence the outcome since it implies a constraint on the political rights of the natives themselves. and thus the population share of migrants. demographic aspects could be considered by assuming that the migrants' younger average age implies a larger ability to contribute to the welfare state. Thus a relatively large government size. we should therefore expect a negative impact of the size of government on the degree of inclusiveness of citizenship laws. which is higher for a migrant. Empirically. While our one-period model cannot explicitly reflect these aspects. which can be modelled with an income franchise requirement. at any given level of income. 15 Page 17 . the associated tax rate will be higher than otherwise. First. If only rich natives are allowed to vote. border instability could be captured in a version of the model where the size of the native population. as captured by λ. Second. could make an open citizenship policy more costly. Fourth. is subject to uncertainty. by increasing the tax differential. Third. we can interpret our tax as a life-long contribution. This should facilitate the decision to grant them citizenship and implies that countries with a relatively old native population should be particularly sensitive to these considerations and thus display a more open attitude. the impact of the size of government on citizenship laws can be captured by assuming that different countries exhibit different preference parameters toward government.

we expect the natives' decision to be positively influenced by an inclusive national culture. even though there were nearly no reforms in citizenship laws during the first half of the century.1. The principal source for the information we codify is a directory published by the Investigations Service of the United States Office of Personnel Management in 2001. a relatively old native population. for the native median voter. Moreover. and a large native population. a small welfare state. Citizenship at Birth We attribute to each country an appropriate code for citizenship laws in 2001. and the survey in Weil (2001). of letting migrants vote. 5. the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (2003). The Data: Citizenship Laws of the World We compile a dataset of citizenship laws across the countries of the world for the postwar period. 5. the share of migrants has a potentially ambiguous impact on the natives' decision to extend citizenship and voting right to migrants. but we also collect information about naturalization requirements. the main problem is to establish who can be considered as a native. Under standard risk aversion behavior. a high level of democracy. a stable national border. We take 1948 as the starting point. 1975 and at the beginning of the postwar period. which provides synopses of the citizenship laws currently practiced in 190 countries. since it increases the tax disadvantage. so that . The sources for this directory were Embassies. a relatively high income level of the migrants. when the national border is unstable. to introduce a random component in the model should affect the voting decision by reducing the tax rate. The principal focus of our codification is citizenship acquisition at birth.Indeed. the Library of Congress. but it also increases the cost associated with their exclusion. We supplement this information with additional one from the CIA World Factbook (2002). To summarize. and the Department of State.

we divide countries into three groups: countries subject to jus sanguinis without any jus soli element (Group 1). In our classification we focus on the presence of jus soli elements in a country's legislation. countries that apply a mixed regime (Group 2). 1975 and 2001. A mixed regime includes elements of both jus soli and jus sanguinis. 4 Our dataset includes those 162 countries for which we were able to collect information on both original . at least relative to the subsequent developments that are the focus of the present investigation.most of the legislation in place in 1948 had actually been developed much earlier. we divide the postwar period into two subperiods of equal length. 16 Page 18 the analysis of legal origins in La Porta et al. For 1948. By coding citizenship laws in the intermediate year 1975. common law tradition. despite the occurrence of major historical events such as World War I. we treat the specific legal provisions regulating access to citizenship in 1948 as predetermined. and countries subject to full jus soli (Group 3). we include the postwar decolonization phase with the exemption of the Middle East. Indeed. rather than emigrants. This approach is justified by our primary interest in the potential impact of citizenship laws on immigrants. (1998). 3 As in 3 By treating 1948 as the initial year. which gained independence from the British and French administration in the 1943-1948 period. the subsequent half century did not see further evolution. while the 19th century witnessed a first wave of adaptation of citizenship legislation from the civil vs.

and current citizenship laws, and for which migration data were available for the postwar period. 5 INSERT TABLE 1 The differential patterns of evolution that citizenship laws generate in 1948, 1975 and 2001 are summarized by the transition matrices in Table 1, which reveals considerable variations both across countries and over time. The table shows that in 1948 jus soli was the rule in about 47% (namely, 76 out of 162) of the countries, while jus sanguinis dominated in 41% (namely, 67 out of 162), and the mixed regime was adopted in the remaining 12% (19 countries). Among the countries that were under jus soli in 1948, we find the United States, Canada, all the Oceanian countries, most of Latin America, within Africa and Asia the British and Portuguese colonies, within Europe the UK, Ireland and Portugal. On the other hand, in 1948 jus sanguinis predominated in most of Europe, including its Eastern part. As explained in Section 3, France was unique in its early choice of a mixed regime. Since we 4 For details on our classification criteria see the Data Appendix, part A. 5 For details on migration data see the Data Appendix, part C. 17
Page 19

treat colonial territories as subject to the metropolitan countries' regime until independence, the group applying the mixed regime in 1948 includes France and its colonies. By 1975, 31% (namely, 50 out of 162) of the countries had jus soli, 62% (101) jus sanguinis, and 7% (11) a mixed regime. The main event justifying this evolution is decolonization, with many former colonies switching to jus sanguinis, from jus soli when the UK and Portugal

were the metropolitan country, and from the mixed regime in the case of France (see Section 3). As of 2001, 24% (namely, 39 out of 162) of the countries apply jus soli, 54% (88) jus sanguinis, and 22% (35) a mixed regime. It has mostly been the adaptation of the legislation of many European countries, relaxing pure jus sanguinis in favor of a mixed regime, that explains the pattern observed for the second subperiod. Among the countries that still adhere to the jus soli principle in 2001 are the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and Ireland (which - however - recently introduced restrictions to jus soli with a June 2004 referendum). The United Kingdom and Australia, on the contrary, no longer adhere to it and now adopt a mixed regime. Overall, jus sanguinis is currently the most common regime, with 69% of the countries in Africa, 83% in Asia, and 41% (down from 88%) in Europe. The growing group where a mix of provisions is applied is particularly well-represented in Europe, with 56% of the European countries including the formerly jus soli United Kingdom. On the other hand, jus soli predominates in the Americas, with 89% of the countries in Latin America, and the entire North America (namely, the U. S. and Canada). Table 1 reveals three different patterns of transitional dynamics: stability, switch, and convergence. Stable countries lie along the diagonal. Looking at the 1948 to 2001 transition, we see that a large fraction (28%, namely, 46 out of 162) have started and ended as jus sanguinis. In other words, it is 69% (namely, 46 out of 67) of the originally jus sanguinis countries that have remained so. By contrast, 22% (36 out of 162) are steadily jus soli countries: this means that only 47% (36 out of 76) of the originally jus soli countries have not changed their policies. Off diagonal, there is a sizeable proportion of countries (19%, or 31 out of 162) that have switched from jus soli to sanguinis, by completely eliminating

birthplace as a criterion: most of them - as mentioned - are former African colonies of the UK and Portugal, which made this radical choice at independence. Looking at the two 18
Page 20

subperiods, we see most of these switches occur between 1948 and 1975. Finally, there is evidence of a process of convergence to a soli/sanguinis mix, which affects 18% of the countries (29 out of 162, of which 20 converge from jus sanguinis by adding jus soli elements, while 9 converge from jus soli by restricting it) and intensifies between 1975 and 2001. INSERT TABLE 2 In Table 2 we present further information on citizenship laws evolution by reporting changes in citizenship laws, organized by original laws. Over the 1948-2001 period, 74 countries (46%) have gone through a change in the laws. Of these, 51 have changed toward jus sanguinis and 23 toward jus soli, while 45 changes have occurred in the first subperiod and 33 in the second. 6 In particular, in the first subperiod, the majority of the countries that went through a change (29, or 64%) were originally jus soli. As mentioned, this pattern is determined largely by the behavior of former colonies. In the second subperiod, the majority of the countries that went through a change (20, or 61%) were originally jus sanguinis, most of which adopting a more open legislation. The above discussion suggests a relevant role of border stability. To investigate this issue, we introduce a set of dummies capturing a country's history of border changes. In particular, we distinguish across three different causes of border instability: decolonization, Berlin wall, other border changes. 7 If we compare the transitional dynamics of the full sample with those

of the subsample of countries that did not go through a border change, we count for the latter a much smaller proportion of switches from jus soli to jus sanguinis. This pattern confirms the relevance of border changes, especially those due to decolonization. INSERT TABLE 3 Summary statistics for our citizenship laws dataset are reported in Table 3. The correlation between 1948 and 2001 citizenship laws is 0.42, which points to some persistence, as confirmed by the even higher correlation between 1948 and 1975 (0.60) and 1975 and 2001 laws (0.81). 6 A few countries went through more than one change. 7 The Data Appendix, part B describes how the three border change dummies are constructed. 19
Page 21

5.2. Citizenship by Naturalization and the Citizenship Policy Index Naturalization policies are also relevant to the issues at hand. Indeed, to facilitate naturalization for immigrant parents may represent a substitute mechanism to attribute citizenship to children born in jus sanguinis countries. Besides, the general attitude revealed by a country's regulation of citizenship at birth may be reflected in its naturalization laws, with jus soli countries traditionally making naturalization much easier, at least for resident aliens. Within jus sanguinis countries, naturalization requirements again tend to be correlated with the revisions introduced for citizenship at birth. Basic rules for naturalization may include a period of residence, renunciation of other citizenship, familiarity with the language and customs of the country, and the availability of adequate means of support. We code naturalization only for 2001, on the basis of the available information on 142 of our 162 countries. We classify countries on the basis of the number of years of residence

since it is heavily dependent on family law. even though data on naturalization are only available for the year 2001 and for a subset of countries. We then combine the information we collected on citizenship at birth and naturalization within a single measure. The corrected Cronbach's alpha of the indicator is 0. 6 to 14 years. Alternative ways to define naturalization classes yielded similar conclusions.37. 9 Table 3 reports summary statistics for naturalization and the citizenship policy index. 10 For European countries only. 10 8 We do not consider naturalization by marriage. 4 years or fewer). which can be considered a relatively open attitude. 5 years. We construct an index of citizenship policy defined on the 0-1 interval.54. by constructing four classes (more than 14 years. (2006) collect statistics on acquisition of nationality.required for naturalization. To construct the index. but we do not use this variable due to limited information. we treat citizenship laws in 2001 as an ordinal variable. which can be explained by the fact that the correlation between citizenship laws and naturalization is only 0. by associating jus soli elements with lower number of years of residence required for naturalization. 44%) require five years of residence. the British Council has compiled an index of civic citizenship and inclusion (see British Council Brussels 2005). 8 In our dataset 62 countries (namely. 20 Page 22 . while Baubock et al. while 46% require more time and only 10% are more open. 9 Dual citizenship provisions constitute another potentially relevant aspect of citizenship policy.

and jus sanguinis with minimal inclusiveness.1. while we cannot gauge the impact of the income gap between natives and migrants due to lack of data. we also consider religion and ethnic diversity. the size of government. The dependent variable is citizenship laws. in order to investigate the determinants of citizenship laws evolution in the postwar period. which is categorical and can take three values: 1 if the country has a jus sanguinis regime. and 3 if the country has a jus soli regime. In fact. The Determinants of Citizenship Laws 6. 2 if the country has a mixed regime. an ordering by increasing inclusiveness toward immigrants. We also control for countries with a particularly small population size. and the age structure of the population. Among regressors. we employ measures of migration. Further discussion on this point is postponed to the sub-section on robustness. Empirical Specification In bringing our theoretical model to the data. with jus soli being associated with maximal. or else may not have any effect at all (and vice versa). in principle those regressors that affect the probability of being a jus soli country may not always have the opposite effect on the probability of being a jus sanguinis country. Border stability is measured through our border changes dummies. Moreover. we select the following variables.6. . We use a multinomial logit specification to achieve maximum generality. this choice does not impose any ex ante ordering among the three regimes. We interpret the presence of a jus soli tradition as an indicator of the degree of inclusiveness of national culture. The empirical investigation is performed using a panel sample which includes information on two cross sections of 162 countries: the first cross section refers to the 1950-1975 subperiod. for example. To control for other cultural characteristics.

M it S . M it is migration stock as a percentage of the population in country i at the beginning of period t.the second cross section to the 1976-2000 subperiod... the multinomial logit model we run has the following form: L it = a + bM it + cS it + dM it S it + eT t +Z 0 it f+ it . a is a constant term. S it is a dummy for the presence of jus sanguinis in country i at the beginning of each subperiod.. 11 In specification (9). In the full specification we present.162 and t = 1. (9) with i = 1. L it represents citizenship laws in country i at the end of period t..2 (where t = 1 refers to the 1950-1975 period and t = 2 refers 21 Page 23 to the 1976-2000 period).

immigration and legal tradition. This follows the specification of our multinomial logit estimates. consistent with the model previously outlined. proxies for cultural characteristics such as religious affiliation and ethnolinguistic fractionalization. The Data Appendix collects information on the definitions and sources of all variables we is the interaction between the previous two variables. and it is an error term. Z it is a vector of additional explanatory variables. Migration (M . the share of young in the population. 12 The set of explanatory variables Z it can be divided into two groups. regarding the potential role of the above mentioned factors. Southern European and small countries. Table 4 presents their summary statistics. namely. where we take jus sanguinis as the reference category. we will organize our comments in terms of the effects of each of our regressors on the probability of adopting either a mixed or a jus soli regime instead of jus sanguinis. T t is a period dummy. INSERT TABLE 4 We can now suggest a number of specific hypotheses. Throughout the following. starting with the variables we consider focal to our analysis. Within this group we consider the border changes dummies and dummies for Latin American. and a measure of democracy. The first group includes dummies capturing the country's geopolitical position. The second group of explanatory variables includes the size of government as a share of GDP.

For the first subperiod. since it is unlikely that stocks evaluated at the beginning of the period can be affected by subsequent changes in citizenship laws. we avoid any potential endogeneity problem of migration with respect to citizenship laws. M i1 is migration stock in country i in 1960 and M i2 is migration stock in country i in 1980. 12 In particular. 22 Page 24 1960. the available data refer to the stock in 11 We also run multinomial logit models for two types of more parsimonious specifications. T 1 = 0 and T 2 = 1. respectively. L i1 and L i2 are citizenship laws in country i in 1975 and ) is measured by the stock of migrants in percent of the population at the beginning of each subperiod. By entering the migrant stock near the beginning of each period. 14 A positive coefficient . 13 while for the second they refer to the stock in 1980. for comparison purposes. S i1 = 1 if country i has jus sanguinis in 1948 and S i2 = 1 if country i has jus sanguinis in in 1975.

and similarly for the jus soli regime. the coefficients of the interaction could also turn out to be negative since. Turning to our geopolitical dummies. the natives' reaction could be a conservative one. in the presence of a large stock of migrants. its coefficients would indicate that those jus sanguinis countries facing high migration tend to add jus soli elements. thus suggesting a particularly significant role of this initial legislation. To assess the total impact of migration for jus sanguinis countries we also need to take into account the interaction's coefficients. is the legal tradition in the matter of citizenship. as suggested by some of the political theories introduced in Section 1. We measure it with a dummy for countries that apply jus sanguinis at the beginning of each subperiod (S it ).for the mixed regime would indicated that high migration pushes toward it rather than toward jus sanguinis. We introduce the Latin America dummy to capture the peculiarity of this continent's experience. On the other hand. In particular. most of Latin America 13 . We select this dummy because jus sanguinis is the most persistent of the three regimes. a positive coefficient for the mixed regime would suggest convergence toward the intermediate group. A crucial control in our regressions. as previously discussed. if border stability really counts as a prerequisite for the introduction of automatic birthrights for the immigrants. we should expect negative signs for the coefficients for our border change dummies. A negative value of the dummy's coefficient for a mixed and jus soli regime would imply that jus sanguinis countries are less likely to end up in the mixed and jus soli groups. thus confirming persistence of the original laws. The interaction between the jus sanguinis dummy and migration should reveal additional information: if positive. As explained in Section 3.

we should expect negative signs for this dummy's coefficients.Earlier data are not available. The potential endogeneity of migration is further addressed in sub-sub-section 6. we would find that countries with a higher share of young in . it should exhibit a positive coefficient for this kind of legislation. For Southern Europe. if young immigrants could offer a solution to domestic demographic imbalances.3. part C. see the Data Appendix. with a disproportionately small impact on their legislation. 14 Even taking into account the anticipation of future changes of citizenship laws in making migration decisions. so its current position is not determined by postwar developments and in particular by its postwar migration experience.1. where alternative measures of migration are introduced. more expensive and more redistributive structure would represent an obstacle to automatic citizenship granting to the children of relatively poor immigrants. On the other hand. the endogeneity of our migration measure is ruled out by the fact that such changes had been extremely rare during the first half of the 20th century. The size of government is meant to proxy for the nature of the welfare state: if a thicker. Finally. 23 Page 25 adopted jus soli long before our sample period. If indeed the behavior of Latin America differs significantly from the rest of the sample in being associated with a higher probability of adopting jus soli. since migration data reveal that countries with a small population tend to have large and erratic figures. we should expect a positive coefficient for the mixed regime since these countries have been experiencing quickly increasing migration during the second subperiod. we would found negative coefficients. with most of the revision to the legislation toward mixed regimes occurring in the past 15 years or so.

total population would be less prone to adopt jus soli elements. Citizenship laws are also significantly 24 Page 26 correlated with migration.43). and ethnolinguistic fractionalization. these stylized facts are in line with previous research and economic intuition.35). the dependent variable. thus displaying negative coefficients.52). INSERT TABLE 5 Pairwise correlations among our dependent and independent variables are presented in Table 5. while its correlation with the civil law dummy is much lower (-0.measured by the political rights variable . is highly correlated with the initial citizenship laws as identified by the jus sanguinis dummy (-0. Pairwise correlations between all our independent variables are not reported for brevity and can be summarized as follows. we include the share of Catholics in total population and an index of ethnolinguistic fractionalization. beside legal tradition. The Latin America dummy is positively associated with the Catholic share (0. Current citizenship laws. The share of young in population is positively associated with migration stocks (0. The dummy reflecting jus sanguinis as the initial law is negatively correlated with decolonization (-0. In an effort to capture additional dimensions of cultural differences. Political rights tend to be low in countries with high ethnolinguistic fractionalization (-0. the small country dummy. political rights.should exert a positive effect on the probability of a jus soli legislation even though even in a democratic country hostility toward the assimilation of outsiders may persist for a protracted period of time. the Catholic share.15).64). .36). The establishment of a consolidated democracy . Overall.31) and Latin America (-0.

plus the period dummy.2. In particular. which includes the dummies. namely. while both coefficients are positive for the period dummy. The period . Jus sanguinis is the reference category for all the results shown. and that in the second subperiod the probability of applying a mixed or jus soli legislation increases.It is also clear that several of our independent variables are closely interrelated and that it may be difficult to disentangle their specific effect on the evolution of citizenship laws. Finally. migration and jus sanguinis as initial citizenship law. Results The results of our multinomial logits are presented in Table 6. the jus sanguinis origin still exerts a negative impact on the probability of applying a mixed or jus soli regime. relative to jus sanguinis. This means that high migration and a jus sanguinis origin decrease the probability of applying a mixed or a jus soli legislation rather than jus sanguinis. Hence. Multinomial logit (a) is the core specification. 6. The table reports three different specifications. the results reported in the table indicate the impact of the explanatory variable on the probability of choosing either the mixed or the jus soli regimes. we find that the core variables are all significant. In specification (b). which adds to (b) the other potentially relevant economic and institutional regressors. while migration 25 Page 27 only remains significantly negative for the probability of applying a mixed regime. INSERT TABLE 6 Starting with the core specification (a). migration and jus sanguinis display negative coefficients for both the mixed regime and jus soli. Multinomial logit (b) is an expanded specification. which includes only the core variables. which adds to (a) the dummies we discussed above. multinomial logit (c) is our full specification.

15 The interaction term between migration and jus sanguinis origin is significant and positive for both the mixed regime and jus soli.dummy is significantly positive only for the probability of a mixed regime. if one evaluates the coefficients of migration and of the interaction together. the total effect of migration becomes negligible. the decolonization dummy displays two negative coefficients. the impact of migration. The size of government has a positive and significant coefficient for the probability of applying a jus soli regime. while the share of young in the population exerts a negative impact. namely. confirming that Southern European countries have a higher probability of becoming mixed. As expected. The small country dummy is not significant in this specification. However. uncovering a tendency for countries with a jus sanguinis origin which are exposed to high migration to add jus soli elements. while a high degree of democracy . The share of Catholics and ethnolinguistic fractionalization are both insignificant. a jus sanguinis origin and the period dummy are confirmed. Latin America has a positive coefficient for jus soli. having gone through a decolonization border change negatively affects the probability of applying either a mixed or jus soli regime. in the full specification (c). Finally. In this extended version the coefficient for decolonization loses significance. the strength of this tendency is questioned by the fact that. in support of the hypothesis that countries with a relatively old population are more likely to choose mixed and jus soli regimes. The role of the Latin America and Southern Europe dummies is confirmed. since these countries have a higher probability of applying this regime. South Europe has a positive coefficient for the mixed regime. while the small country dummy now reveals a negative impact on the probability of applying a mixed regime.

inspection of the marginal coefficients in Table 7 confirms that migration increases the probability of jus sanguinis and decreases that of a mixed regime and that the interaction between jus sanguinis and migration is negative. .7%.5% increase due to direct effect of migration. Besides.positively affects the probability of applying either a mixed or jus soli regime. we verified that our results are not driven by outliers. an increase in migration of one percentage point for a jus sanguinis country decreases the probability of being jus sanguinis by about 2. having gone through a decolonization border change decreases the probability of being jus soli by about 14%. to be evaluated together with the 2. 17 The estimated marginal effects are calculated by holding all the independent variables at their mean 26 Page 28 decolonization reveals that this regressor retains a significantly negative impact on the probability of jus soli.3%. the marginal effect of 15 For both multinomial logit (a) and (b) we obtain the same results using a balanced sample composed by the 224 countries which constitute the reference sample for the estimation of our full specification. In particular. The marginal effects also allow to quantify the impact of our regressors. 16 For the full specification (c). and decreases the probability of having a mixed regime by 2. while an increase in migration of one percentage point increases the probability of being a jus sanguinis country by about 2. consistently with the positive coefficients for jus soli and a mixed regime in Table 6. 16 For all three specifications. 17 Moreover.5%.

18 The correlation between Berlin wall and socialist is 0. A dummy for socialist countries could instead work as an alternative to our Berlin wall border change dummy. In fact they fail to add any further significance to the previous results. and that other factors such as government size. In levels. as well as the Berlin wall and the other border changes dummies. Quantitative and qualitative development indicators such as income per capita and inequality could reveal if a richer. .We also consider additional covariates that have often been found significant in related research on the determinants of institutions. both per capita GDP and the Gini index of inequality tend to be associated with migration. our results indicate that migration. Moreover. 19 INSERT TABLE 7 Overall. For dichotomous independent variables the marginal effect is the change from 0 to 1 holding all other variables at their means. due to the fact that all countries identified by them do not exhibit enough variability with respect to the dependent variable. 18 However. more equal country is more prone to adopting jus soli elements.48. However. the original laws and our geopolitical dummies exert a significant impact on current citizenship laws. and also with democracy and fractionalization. so they are unlikely to add independent explanatory power to a regression. demographics and democracy also contribute to their determination. a dummy for oil countries could account for the fact that most of them have been experiencing huge immigration which has had no impact on their still very restrictive legislation (often based on Islamic family law). we cannot include in the regressions the socialist and oil dummies.

Overall. this could be explained by the fact many of the countries with extended welfare systems may favor immigration because of their demographic crisis. countries affected by Berlin wall have always applied jus sanguinis. 27 Page 29 particular. However. Indeed. Therefore. the legal tradition interacts with the way countries react to migration in a complex way. In addition. demo- . there is evidence of a tendency toward adding jus soli provisions so that. as predicted by the model. countries with a jus soli origin react to increasing migration by adding jus sanguinis elements. on balance. not jus soli. the evidence does not the hypothesis of convergence toward a mix of provisions suggested by some political theories (see Section 1). The presence of countervailing forces highlighted by the model is therefore confirmed by our findings. the welfare burden proves not to be an obstacle for a jus soli legislation. this correlation covers a more complex pattern which can be revealed once the interaction between migration and the legal tradition in the matter of citizenship is considered. even though the process of transplantation can prove discontinuous in the case of former colonies. because liberal countries tend to restrict while restrictive countries tend to resist innovation. Contrary to the model's implications. our results suggest that migration pushes national legislations in the direction of jus sanguinis. However. On the one hand. for countries with a jus sanguinis origin which have experienced more immigration. we show that the legal tradition tends to affect the current legislation persistently. in jus sanguinis countries the impact of migration turns out to be negligible.19 For example. On the other hand.

the evidence confirms that a higher degree of democracy is associated with more jus soli elements. This could suggest that migration flows are endogenous with respect to citizenship laws. 28 Page 30 6. our migration measure was chosen to minimize a potential endogeneity bias. while cultural traits captured by religious affiliation and ethnolinguistic fractionalization appears to be irrelevant.1. relative open socialdemocracies. 6. First. in particular as far as the impact of migration is concerned. Moreover. As outlined above.graphic stagnation encourages the adoption of mixed and jus soli regimes.3. 21 In the Table Appendix.3. Robustness In this section we present a number of alternatives to our benchmark regressions to investigate whether they are robust to different specifications. our empirical findings match the theoretical insights coming from the model. . 20 the coefficients for migration turns out to be insignificant in all three specifications. samples and estimation techniques. Finally. In sum. we replace our measure of migration with a range of alternative measures. When we replace our migrations stocks with average migration flows (computed with reference to each subperiod). Further tests involve alternative measures of migration stocks. and provide a deeper understanding of the forces shaping citizenship laws. Alternative Specifications We experiment our multinomial logit specifications with alternative covariates. the impact we observe for the size of government could be explained by the fact that it proxies for European-style.

the simultaneous determination of citizenship laws and migration does represent a concern when we enter within-the-period data on migration instead of beginning-of-period data.Table A. one could conclude that our detailed codification of the original citizenship laws does not add much to what we can already learn from a country’s broader legal tradition. 21 Namely. as possible alternatives. respectively. 22 We also experiment with a specification entering the migrant stock in 1960 for both subperiods.45. the influence of the legal tradition can also be analyzed through a dummy capturing the presence of a civil law tradition. Since in the postwar period migration has been highly regulated by policy in most receiving countries. respectively. column (2)). To sum up. for the first and the second subperiod we select the years 1970 and 1990. 22 Since jus sanguinis and jus soli are in principle closely linked to the civil and common systems of laws. column (1) presents the full specification with the 1960-70 and 1980-90 average migration stock. respectively. and the 1960-70 and 1980-90 averages. Some differences emerge in the coefficients for migration and its interaction with jus sanguinis.1. 24 When we replace the jus sanguinis with the civil law dummy (see Table A. Results from this instrumented specification are similar to those presented in Table 6. 23 If the coefficients of the two alternative dummies were the same. the latter turns out to be substantially less significant and reduces the 20 Migration stocks and flows show a correlation of 0. and citizenship laws could be viewed as part of migration policy. our beginning-of-period migration stocks prove to be the most adequate measures of the role of migration. . with the latter losing significance.1.

24 The correlation between the two dummies is 0. we assume that jus sanguinis corresponds to minimal and jus soli to maximal inclusiveness. When we replace the Southern Europe dummy with migration flows. These results are reported in Table A. In particular.3. We also run ordered logit regressions where current citizenship laws are explicitly treated as an ordinal variable.2 and A. The correlation between civil law and jus sanguinis is 0.35.2. since it is the quickly increasing second-subperiod immigration which determines the peculiar behavior of this region. we find that its coefficient is insignificant. 25 but both alternatives are associated with insignificant coefficients. and with the subSaharan Africa dummy. which we assume here to be ordered by increasing inclusiveness.3. Our previous conclusions .23 The dummy is equal to 1 if a country belongs to the civil law tradition and to 0 if a country belongs to common law. We also replace our decolonization dummy with a dummy for British or Portuguese colonies (identifying those countries that were characterized by a jus soli legislation during the colonial period). Alternative Estimation Techniques Alternative estimation techniques broadly confirm the same results from Table 6.35. 6. namley. suggesting that civil law is a much weaker predictor of current citizenship laws than the original citizenship laws. an (unreported) alternative multinomial probit model delivers the same qualitative results. 29 Page 31 significance of most other regressors. possibly because flows are multicollinear with respect to stocks and endogenous with respect to the dependent variable.

26 6. For the same cross section. 27 Here the dependent variable is citizenship laws in 2001.30) and for sub-Saharan Africa (0. the test provides evidence that the parallel regression assumption has been violated. Our multinomial logit specification is hence superior to an ordered logit specification. 28 The same applies to alternative variants with a cross section over each subperiod.are confirmed. 26 For all specifications. 29 while ordinary least squares regressions with our citizenship policy index in 2001 and an indexed version of . Alternative Sample Criteria We also run multinomial logit regressions on a cross-sectional sample composed by country averages over the 1950-2000 period. 30 Page 32 with the initial laws. an alternative ordered logit regression also achieves much weaker results than in the panel.3. namely. with migration and a jus sanguinis origin exerting a negative impact on the application of jus soli. in particular for migration and for its interaction 25 Decolonization shows a significant correlation with the dummies for British or Portuguese colony (0. In all cases. 1950-1975 and 1976-2000.3.31). The test is an approximate likelihood-ratio test of proportionality of odds across response categories. while migration stock refers to 1960 and jus sanguinis in 1948 is the initial law. we run a test for the parallel regression assumption. 27 The results for this cross section reveal a much lower level of significance for several covariates.

30 These results may be due to the fact that a single cross section of countries includes less information than our panel.2001 citizenship laws as alternative dependent variables both show an insignificant coefficient for migration (see Table A. Z it contains all the variables previ- . 0 if no change occurs.4). and 1 if the country changes its laws toward jus soli. For our panel. While specification (9) focuses on current citizenship laws as the dependent variable. we developed an alternative specification which is designed to capture more specifically the determinants of a change in the laws. we run a multinomial logit model of the following form for its full specification: V it = α + βM it + γT t +Z 0 it δ+η it . (10) where α is a constant term and η it is an error term. An Alternative Approach: The Determinants of Change in Citizenship Laws In this section we study citizenship laws evolution using an alternative approach which is able to provide additional insights.1. 7. Empirical Specification In the alternative specification. the dependent variable is categorical and can take three values: -1 if the country changes its laws toward jus sanguinis. 7.

the results reported in the table indicate the impact of the explanatory variable on the probability of choosing either restriction toward jus sanguinis (first column) or expansion toward jus soli (second column). 30 The same qualitative results arise in an unreported regression with naturalization in 2001 as dependent variable. 7.2. 29 We apply to the above results the Cook's distance method. changes in citizenship laws. and with average migration flows. The size of government's negative coefficient . with similar results. The period dummy indicates that the second subperiod witnesses an increase in the probability to expand. namely. its interaction with migration. to show that they are not driven by outliers. and the Latin America dummy.ously described. Decolonization and Southern Europe exert a positive impact on change in both directions. Hence. Migration has a positive impact on the probability to restrict and a non significant impact on the probability to expand. showing that migration is again negative correlated with the dependent variable. Results Regression results for the multinomial logit model are presented in Table 8. 31 Page 33 the independent variables are presented in Table 5. jus sanguinis as the initial citizenship law. and 28 We also experiment with migration stocks in 1970 and 1980. except for those which present zero-cell problems. more significantly so for restriction for the case of decolonization. where the reference category is no change. while the opposite holds for Southern Europe. Pairwise correlations among our new dependent variable.

The Gini index once again fails to add any significance. 32 Page 34 impact on expansion. Ethnic diversity emerges as a significant factor of change toward jus sanguinis. it emerges as a factor that facilitates change toward sanguinis. the implications of Table 9 are in line with those of Table 7. which reports the marginal effects for the multinomial logit specification. these results are complementary to those of Section 6 since they highlight which . Alternative measures of migration confirm an irrelevant impact on change in the laws. we perform a full set of robustness checks for (10). the alternative dummy is again significant. while again a relatively young population provokes resistance to extension. in Table 9. in Table 7 decolonization exerts a significantly negative impact on the probability of having a jus soli legislation. which is consistent with the fact that. When we replace our decolonization dummy with the dummy for British or Portuguese colonies. while per capita GDP reveals a significant 31 The estimated marginal effects are calculated as explained in footnote 17. meaning that relatively old countries are more likely to liberalize their legislation. due to the removal of the Latin America dummy which comprises several former Portuguese colonies. INSERT TABLE 8 Table 9 reports the marginal coefficients for the regressions in Table 8 and confirms the restrictive impact of migration emerging from Table 8. For instance.for restriction confirms that this factor actually prevents it. 31 Moreover. INSERT TABLE 9 As for specification (9). Overall. The subSaharan Africa dummy is not significant when entered instead of decolonization.

reflecting discontinuities for the transplanting process of legal institutions. Countries with larger welfare systems. Moreover. we found that indeed citizenship laws have responded endogenously and systematically to a number of economic and institutional factors. The model predicts that migration has a potentially ambiguous impact on the legislation and that this impact is also affected by cultural factors including a country's degree of inclusiveness. Border instability emerges as a decisive factor in shaping citizenship laws. 8. while in jus sanguinis countries the impact of migration has been negligible. In bringing the model to the data. for each possible direction of change. jus soli countries have reacted to increasing migration through restriction. the legal tradition has affected the way countries have responded to migration. Our investigation reveals that migration has had an overall negative impact on liberalization of the legislation and the adoption of jus soli elements. the evidence does not support the hypothesis of convergence toward a mixed regime that includes both jus soli and jus sanguinis elements. . Therefore. on the basis of a new dataset we compiled. migration is confirmed as a factor that favors change toward restriction. particularly in connection with the decolonization phase.factors have induced the observed evolution of the legislation. older population and more extended political rights tend to be associated with more diffused elements of jus soli. In particular. as reflected by the original citizenship legislation. In particular. Conclusion We studied the theoretical and empirical determinants of the legal institution of citizenship in the postwar period. We developed a simple median voter model where citizenship rights are granted by natives to migrants on the basis of the associated benefits and costs.

Citizenship laws are still changing. between the public and the private sphere of influence. regardless of the child's actual country of birth. but also by other institutions such as the internal system of political rights and the international system of relations as reflected by state borders. citizenship laws can be viewed as a link.such as commercial law. we also establish that different institutions are interrelated.have already been investigated. a clear implication of our investigation is that institutions should not be 33 Page 35 presumed to be exogenous. This represents another challenge for further research on the process of formation of legal rules and on the impact of institutions on economic outcomes. By showing that citizenship laws are shaped not only by the broader legal origins.More generally. The endogeneity of institutions to economic factors represents a challenge for research aimed at demonstrating that institutions are crucial determinants of economic performances. Data Appendix A. and where citizenship is not granted due to birth within the country. and government activities . by using projections of international migration patterns in combination with the available predictions about the future course of democratization and border changes. and women's rights. The Citizenship-at-birth Classification Group 1 (jus sanguinis countries): We include countries where citizenship is passed on to a child based upon at least one of the parents being a citizen of that country. within a legal system. Further research will study the future evolution of citizenship policy. Finally. Many issues that fall within the former . rules of inheritance. countries may differ on some . such as family law. labor regulation. since they do adapt both to economic and non-economic factors. Our methodology can be extended to the study of other evolving bodies of the law. In the application of jus sanguinis.

For example. and coexist with varying degrees of jus sanguinis. Group 2 (countries with a mixed regime): We include those countries where elements of jus soli are recognized. albeit in a restrictive form. Most of these factors depend on the interaction between local family law and citizenship law. and the requirement that parents must be citizens other than by descent. regardless of the parents' citizenship or status. . A common exception to the general principle of jus sanguinis is automatic citizenship attribution to children of unknown parents. for example on the father's vs.factors. Group 3 (jus soli countries): We include those countries where citizenship is automatically granted due to birth within the country. residence requirements for parents. our classification does not emphasize how narrowly 34 Page 36 jus sanguinis can be specifically applied to emigrants. the requirement of citizenship for one or both parents. the relevance of the marital status of the parents. that justifies the inclusion of a country within Group 2. the age of maturity) subject to either residence requirements or application. Since we focus on the presence of jus soli elements in a country's legislation. Examples of restrictions are generational requirements limiting the principle of citizenship by descent to the first or second generations of individuals born and residing abroad. a frequent provision that limits jus soli is double jus soli (namely. mother's right to transmit citizenship by descent. the existence of a provision that birth in the country matters for naturalization. we interpret as an element of jus soli. for a child born in a country were jus sanguinis prevails. Moreover. Another is the ability. automatic citizenship for the children of those immigrants who were also born in the country). to acquire citizenship at some later point (for example.

Even if we set 1948 as the initial date for our citizenship laws analysis. Clearly. for border changes we include a few earlier events occurred in the 1943-1948 period that fit within the phase of post-colonial independence.Normally countries that apply jus soli combine it with jus sanguinis provisions for the children of their citizens born outside of their territory (although limitations to the ability to transmit citizenship acquired in this manner to the next generation usually apply through. the State Transformation of Germany in 1990. West Germany in 1945. The Border Change Dummies We construct three border change dummies (namely. State Demise. B. West Germany in 1990. and Russia in 1992). State Disintegration. and State Creation. for example. namely. and Other Border Changes) based on data collected from Polity IV (2002). In particular. We refer to Bertocchi and Strozzi (2009) for further detail on the data set on citizenship laws. Decolonization. plus a few additional observations not linked to these two waves. State Transformation. residence requirements). We . East Germany in 1990. and the USSR in 1991. The countries affected by State Creation are the most numerous.and therefore state borders . They include the new countries gaining independence . Berlin Wall. there is substantial overlap among the observations recorded in the Polity IV dataset. East Germany in 1945. the new countries formed in Europe after the fall of the Berlin wall. Examples of the events contained in the Polity IV 35 Page 37 (2002) dataset are the State Disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991. from the Polity IV variable CHANGE we record information on four types of events capable of affecting state the postwar decolonization phase. the State Demise of Germany in 1945.

and other border changes (identifying countries which went through other types of boundary changes. because it concerns two countries which are in our sample. To be noticed is that the way our variables are coded reflects stability of borders. Berlin wall (identifying countries which went through a post-1989 Berlin wall border change). 1990 and 2000. For instance. including refugees. The data refer 36 Page 38 to incoming international migrants less outgoing international migrants. we construct our three border change dummies for each period under consideration: Decolonization (identifying countries which went through a post-colonial redefinition of their borders). Net migration flows: International net migration rate. the absence of border changes. the State Transformation of East and West Germany in 1945. and the unification of Vietnam). we treat as another single event. we count as a single event. Likewise. Additional information. more than the direction of a change in terms of a country's size. 1970. occurring again to Germany. was obtained from the CIA (2002). C.000 total . On the other hand. but also the State Demise of Germany in the same year. Migration stock is the number of people born in a country other than that in which they live. of which examples are the split between Pakistan and Bangladesh. Definitions and Sources of Other Covariates Migration stock: International migration stock (% population). per 1. when necessary. On this basis. 1980. occurring to Germany. the separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan counts for two events. namely. the State Transformation of Germany in 1990 and the State Demise of East and West Germany in the same year.adapt these data to our needs by matching them to the 162 countries appearing in our citizenship laws dataset. The data are taken from United Nations (2003) and are available for 1960.

among the French. (1999). (1999). (1999). taken from Penn World Tables (2002). The data are taken from United Nations (2005). without distinguishing. GDP per capita: Logarithm of real GDP per capita at current international prices. Small country: Dummy for countries with a population size of less than one million over all available years between 1960 and 1995. Southern Europe and subSaharan Africa. taken from La Porta et al. British or Portuguese colony: Dummy for countries that were British or Portuguese colonies any time after 1918. while La Porta et al. Bahrain. (1999) introduce a separate class for socialist-law countries. The classification is from UN (2002). with projections until 2050. Socialist: Dummy for socialist countries. We retain only the two main families of common and civil law. INSERT TABLE APPENDIX References 37 . and Scandinavian versions. Oil: Dummy for oil countries (OPEC countries plus Oman. since they do not present any significant difference for the issue of citizenship. taken from Easterly and Levine (1997). Share of young: Share of young between age 15 and 34 (% population). taken from Deininger and Squire (1996). Information is from La Porta et al. and Brunei). The data are available over five year intervals from 1950. Gini index: Gini index of inequality. German. Catholic share: Percentage of Catholics in 1980. taken from Freedom House (1996). as in Easterly and Kraay (2000). Qatar.population. Southern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa: Dummies for countries belonging to Latin America. Angola. Moreover. we assign them to their own class of common or civil law as it prevailed before the communist period. taken from Penn World Tables (2002). Civil law: The source is the legal origin classification in La Porta et al. Political rights: Political rights index. The source is the United Nations (2005). Ethnolinguistic fractionalization: Composite index of ethnolinguistic fractionalization. The source is the Correlates of War 2 Project (2004). within the broader civil law tradition. Latin America. Government consumption: Government share of GDP in current prices.

Daron. Thomas A. Aron. Bertocchi. Discussion Paper no. Rainer. Simon Johnson. 13809. Daron. Mass.. 6396. 2000. Balas. 2001. and Michael Spagat. Baubock. Robinson. 38 Page 40 . Aleinikoff. and James A. Cambridge. and James A. Acquisition and Loss of Nationality.Page 39 Acemoglu. The Politics of Co-optation. Klusmeyer (edited by). Alesina. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. From Migrants to Citizens: Membership in a Changing World. Robinson. Thomas A. Inequality and Growth in Historical Perspective. Benhabib. and Douglas B. Acemoglu. 2006. The Enfranchisement of Women and the Welfare State. On the Number and Size of Nations. Graziella. and Andrei Shleifer. Quarterly Journal of Economics 112:1027-1056.. Citizenship Today: Global Perspectives and Practices. and Douglas B. 1997. Kees Groenendijk. London. 2008. Rafael La Porta. The Divergence of Legal Procedures. Centre for Economic Policy Research. Why Did the West Extend the Franchise? Democracy. Working Paper no. Graziella. and Enrico Spolaore. On the Political Economy of Migration. 2001. 2007. Eva Ersbøll. 2001. 1996. and Harald Waldrauch (edited by). Jess. European Economic Review 40:1737-1744. The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation. American Economic Review 91:1369-1401. Klusmeyer (edited by). Aleinikoff. National Bureau of Economic Research. 2000. Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes. Alberto. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Journal of Comparative Economics 29:591-607. Quarterly Journal of Economics 115:1167-99. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Bertocchi.

and Gerard Roland. and Chiara Strozzi. The World Factbook 2002. Discussion Paper no. Small Problems? Income. 1997. 3596. 2004. Correlates of War 2 Project.unimore. 39 Page 41 Easterly. 1996. Graziella. 2005. Washington: CIA Chiswick. http://www. and Volatility in Small States. The Economic Causes and Consequences of Canadian Citizenship. and Ross Levine. 2002. International Economic Review 45:1129-1168. Central Intelligence Agency. European Civic Citizenship and Inclusion Index. On the Political Economy of Migration and Income Redistribution. Public Choice 137:81-102. DeVoretz. Immigration Policy: Methods of Economic Assessment. Small States. 2004. Don J. International Migration and the Role of Institutions.asp.Bertocchi.. Brussels: British Council Brussels. 2009. A New Data Set Measuring Income Inequality. 1992. Bertocchi. Miller. Department of Political Science. DeVoretz. William. Easterly. Citizenship in the United States: The Roles of Immigrant Characteristics and Country of Origin. and Aart Kraay. Klaus. 2006. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. The Breakup of Nations: A Political Economy Analysis. Huffman. The Pennsylvania State University. Barry R. 2008. British Council Brussels. 2000. IZA. Bolton. and Sergiy Pivnenko. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Don J. The World Bank Economic Review 10:565-91. International Migration Review 40:390-418. 2008. Brubaker. Bonn.recent. Rogers. Graziella. Patrick. 1997. and Gregory W. and Paul W.. Jim. 2006. and Lyn Squire. Africa's Growth Tragedy: Policies and Ethnic . Growth. Quarterly Journal of Economics 112:1057-1090. Deininger. William. and Chiara Strozzi. World Development 28:2013-2027. The Citizenship Laws Dataset. Journal of Immigration and Integration 6:435-468.

Langhammer. The Quality of Government. 1999. Vishny. Cambridge. Who is Against Immigration? A Cross-country Investigation of Individual Attitudes towards Immigration. Andrei Shleifer. The Political Economy of Social Exclusion with Implications for Immigration Policy. Inequality. Economics and Organization 15:222279. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Samuel P. Pp. 1998. and Robert W. Hatton. Joppke. Huntington. and Jeffrey G. Christian (edited by). Penn World Table Version 6.. Engerman.Divisions.1. Stanley L. Heidelberg: Springer. 1-34 in Labor Mobility and the World Economy. Williamson. Political Rights and Civil Liberties. 1996. and Kenneth L. Freedom in the World. Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes. 2004. and Maurice Schiff. Andrei Shleifer. 2006. La Porta. New York: Simon & Schuster. Negative Selection and Policy. 1998. Factor Endowment. Rafael. Who Are We: The Challenges to America's National Identity.. 2006. Review of Economics and Statistics 88:510- . Gradstein. 2002. Alan. and Paths of Development Among New World Economies. Journal of Population Economics 19:32744. Journal of Law. Quarterly Journal of Economics 112:1203-1250. Journal of Political Economy 106:1113-1155. and Robert W. 2002. La Porta. Vishny. New York: Freedom House. and Bettina Aten. Robert Summers. edited by Federico Foders and Rolf J. Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes. 9259. Mark. Mass. Timothy J. 2006. Rafael. Center for International Comparisons at the University of Pennsylvania (CICUP). National Bureau of Economic Research. Anna Maria. Law and Finance. October. Heston. Freedom House. International Migration in the Long Run: Positive Selection. Sokoloff. Working Paper no. 40 Page 42 Mayda. Challenge to the Nation-State: Immigration in Western Europe and the United States.

United Nations. Country of Origin and Legal Information. Tax Burden and Migration: A Political Economy Theory and Evidence.. Kevin H. 2002. United Nations. European Journal of Political Economy 22:838-861. Geneva: United Nations. and Douglas B. Polity IV. Journal of Public Economics 85:167-190.17-35 in Citizenship Today: Global Perspectives and Practices. Policy Interaction. 2006. 42 Page 44 Table 1 C . Lant. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions. Assaf. University of Maryland. Thomas A. Timmer. edited by Aleinikoff. Williamson. and Scott F. 41 Page 43 Weil. 2002. Alan H. High Commissioner for Refugees. Razin. and Globalization Backlash. NewYork: United Nations. 2003. 1800-2002. 2003. Ashley S. Citizenship Laws of the World. Klusmeyer. Immigration Policy Prior to the Thirties: Labor Markets. O'Rourke. Washington: The Brookings Institution Press. 2002. 2006. World Population Prospects: Population Estimates and Projections. and Richard Sinnott. Meltzer. United Nations. 2005. Investigations Service. Let Their People Come: Breaking the Deadlock in International Labor Mobility. and Jeffrey G. Efraim Sadka. 1981. A Rational Theory of the Size of Government.. Pritchett. 2001. Population and Development Review 24:739-771.530. United States Office of Personnel Management. New York: United Nations. Richard. Journal of Political Economy 89:914-27. United Nations. Patrick. Pp. 1998. New York: United Nations. Access to Citizenship: A Comparison of Twenty-Five Nationality Laws.. The Determinants of Individual Attitudes towards Immigration. and Phillip Swagel. Center for International Development and Conflict Management. Common Database. 2001. Trends in Total Migrant Stock: The 2003 Revision.

ITIZENSHIP L AWS E VOLUTION :T RANSITION M ATRICES Citizenship laws in 2001 Jus sanguinis regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Total Citizenship laws in 1948: Jus sanguinis regime 46 20 1 67 Mixed regime 11 6 2 19 Jus soli regime 31 9 36 76 Total 88 35 39 162 Citizenship laws in 1975 Jus sanguinis regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Total Citizenship laws in 1948: .

Jus sanguinis regime 63 3 1 67 Mixed regime 10 7 2 19 Jus soli regime 28 1 47 76 Total 101 11 50 162 Citizenship laws in 2001 Jus sanguinis regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Total Citizenship laws in 1975: Jus sanguinis regime 81 20 0 101 Mixed regime 2 9 0 11 Jus soli regime 5 6 39 50 .

Total 88 35 39 162 Page 45 Table 2 C HANGES IN C ITIZENSHIP L AWS Changes in citizenship laws (1948 to 2001) No change Toward jus sanguinis Toward jus soli Total Citizenship laws in 1948: Jus sanguinis regime 46 0 21 67 Mixed regime 6 11 2 19 Jus soli regime 36 40 0 76 Total 88 51 23 162 Changes in citizenship laws (1948 to 1975) No change .

Toward jus sanguinis Toward jus soli Total Citizenship laws in 1948: Jus sanguinis regime 63 0 4 67 Mixed regime 7 10 2 19 Jus soli regime 47 29 0 76 Total 117 39 6 162 Changes in citizenship laws (1975 to 2001) No change Toward jus sanguinis Toward jus soli Total Citizenship laws in 1975: Jus sanguinis regime 81 0 20 101 Mixed regime 9 2 0 11 Jus soli regime 39 11 .

916 1 3 .0 50 Total 129 13 20 162 Page 46 Table 3 C ITIZENSHIP L AWS D ATA S ET :S UMMARY S TATISTICS Variable Observations Mean Standard deviation Minimum Maximum Citizenship laws in 2001 162 1.835 1 3 Citizenship laws in 1975 162 1.685 .698 .

Citizenship laws in 1948 162 2.488 -1 1 Changes in cit.043 .415 .204 .299 0 1 Page 47 Table 4 S UMMARY .458 .451 -1 1 Changes in cit.941 1 3 Changes in cit. laws (1948 to 2001) 162 -.655 -1 1 Naturalization in 2001 142 2.056 .173 . laws (1975 to 2001) 162 -.920 1 4 Citizenship policy index in 2001 142 . laws (1948 to 1975) 162 .

519 .691 .470 0 1 Migration stock 300 5.S TATISTICS Variable Observations Mean Standard deviation Minimum Maximum Current citizenship laws 324 1.646 9.673 Net migration flows 318 -.080 .011 70.875 1 3 Changes in citizenship laws 324 -.116 .500 0 1 Civil legal origin 324 .673 .713 . law 324 .485 -1 1 Jus sanguinis as initial cit.

173 .160 .204 0 1 Small country 324 .022 .379 0 1 Southern Europe 324 .8.35 Decolonization 324 .434 0 1 Berlin wall 324 .223 0 1 Other border changes 324 .043 .368 0 1 Sub-Saharan Africa 324 .95 63.551 -47.250 .146 0 1 Latin America 324 .052 .

442 0 1 British or Portuguese colony 324 .040 1 7 Catholic share 324 31.349 ..281 0 1 Political rights 276 3.086 .535 35.173 .265 .572 0 97.379 0 1 Oil 324 .333 .3 Ethnolinguistic fractionalization 272 .299 0 .472 0 1 Socialist 324 .890 Government consumption .730 2.

47 27. The reference period is 19502000.060 Gini index 155 40.263 19.979 10. Page 49 Table 5 P AIRWISE C ORRELATIONS A .01 53.492 72.233 Share of young 324 34. The sample includes two cross sections of 162 countries.495 63.617 11.488 1.249 4.966 20.180 N OTE .425 9.36 Page 48 Log GDP per capita 263 7. For details about the construction of the variables see the text.54 3. The first cross section refers to the 1950-1975 subperiod while the second cross section refers to the 1976-2000 subperiod.342 2.

12* .05 .02 Latin America .42** Berlin wall -.09 -.14* -.MONG D EPENDENT AND I NDEPENDENT V ARIABLES Citizenship laws Changes in citizenship laws Migration stock -.60** .64** . law -.33** Decolonization -.04 Southern Europe -.24** Other border changes -.10 + Small country .06 Jus sanguinis as initial cit.11 + -.07 -.48** Civil legal origin -.12* Net migration flows -.15** .08 .12* -.

29** .25** .14* Oil -. The sample includes two cross sections of 162 countries. .10 + -.13* -.22** -.26** Socialist -.02 -.20** Government consumption -.19** British or Portuguese colony .39** .10 + Ethnolinguistic fractionalization -.18** Catholic share .06 Political rights .05 .Sub-Saharan Africa -. The reference period is 1950-2000.03 .03 -.34** Gini index .24** Page 50 N OTE .12* -.20** Log GDP per capita .06 Share of young -.

** p < . For details about the construction of the variables see the text.05. * p < .The first cross section refers to the 1950-1975 subperiod while the second cross section refers to the 1976-2000 subperiod.01. + p < .055** . Page 51 Table 6 T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ULTINOMIAL L OGIT E STIMATES Specification (a) Specification (b) Specification (c) Mixed regime Jus soli regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Migration stock -.10.051 + -.

887** 1.41) (-.409* -.044** -6.048** -2.211 (4.045 (-1.296 + -2.43) (-4.712** -6.523 (-1.167* -.568** -7.99) (-4.-. as init.79) (-1.117** -4.38) Period 1.193** 1.24) (-4.054 + -.30) (-1.385** .81) (-1. law -2.211** -.39) (-5.90) (-5.09) (-1.61) (-2.86) (-2.59** (-4.272 2.53) Jus sang.27) Decolonization -1.28) (3.47) (2.55) . cit.87) (-3.032 -.02) (2.084 -1.65) (.28) (-.

153 1.866** -.063** (1.69) (-1.14) (1.69) (.68) .035 .495** (-.804 .64) Jus san. X migration stock .87) Latin America -.03) (-.73) (-.Southern Europe 1.70) (3.81) (1.523 (-1.07) (2.566 + .621 4.93) Small country -.084 + (1.23) (.799 2.88) (.224* -.75) Government consumption .234 + 1.415 -2.187 (2.51) (2.156 + .

626* -.75) (-2.02) Political rights .426* (2.277 (.73) (2.024 1.023 1.05) (2.012 .193 + -.03) (2.353* 3.46) (. fractionalization .48) (-.548** .397* (-1.43) (1.70) Ethno.716 11.84) (2.09) N 300 300 300 300 .02) (1.Share of young -.092** .46) Constant -1.01 (1.165* (-2.43) Page 52 Catholic share .

45 .81 . Jus sanguinis is the reference category.4 .58 .24 Maximum Likelihood R 2 .71 . clustered at country level.68 McFadden's R 2 .46 .57 McFadden's Adjusted R 2 . The reference period is 1950-2000.83 Adjusted Count R 2 .32 .77 -155.32 . Robust z statistics in brackets.55 .94 -95. .53 .44 Cragg & Uhler's R 2 .224 224 Log likelihood -195.29 .64 N OTE .68 .79 Count R 2 .

001 (2.7) .05.49) (-2. * P < . law .681** (18.01.025* -.193* -.875** -.34) Jus sanguinis as initial cit.10. Page 53 Table 7 T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ARGINAL E FFECTS (M ULTINOMIAL L OGIT .F ULL S PECIFICATION ) Jus sanguinis regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Migration stock . ** P < .023* -.09) (-.+ P < .

15) (-2.85) (5.114 (.51) Latin America -.194** .(-2.44) Decolonization .95) (2.51) (1.92) Period -.016 -.611** -.088 -.77) Southern Europe -.027* .034 (-1.80) (.86) (-.121 (-1.123 .291 .16) (.86) Jus sanguinis X migration stock -.13) (-1.303 + .139 + (.03) (.336** -.59) (-3.56) (-7.170 .75) Small country .805** (-4.203** .

50) .069** .107** .96) Political rights -.98) (.002 .56) (-.037 + (-3.76) (2.92) Government consumption -.14) (.50) Ethno.15) Catholic share -.043* (2. fractionalization -.006 (-2.001 Page 54 (-1.028 ..061** -.021 .29) (1.50) (.124 -.152 (-.36) (1.001 .01) Share of young .18) (-2.007* (-1.65) (-1.018 -.004 .010* .16) (.

05. Robust z statistics in brackets. The reference period is 1950-2000. clustered at country level.039 + . Page 55 Table 8 T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C HANGE IN C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ULTINOMINAL L OGIT E STIMATES Toward jus sanguinis Toward jus soli Migration stock .01.10.90) N 224 224 224 N OTE . * P < . The above marginal effects refer to the multinomial logit estimates of our full specification (specification (c) in Table 6). + P < .(2.61) (1. ** P < .

68) Southern Europe 2.82) (1.593 (.652 1.05 + .94) (3.12) Period .50) (.12) Share of young .341 -.-.90) (.493** (.006 (1.44) Small country -.032 (1.001 (.898** 2.155** (1.60) Government consumption -.65) (1.82) Catholic share -.02 -.006 .95) (1.70) .15) (2.73) Decolonization 2.736 + (.2 + 2.058 + (2.

81 Adjusted Count R 2 .96) (2.16 .45 Count R 2 .508 (2.3 McFadden's Adjusted R 2 .23) (1.15 Cragg & Uhler's R 2 .84) (1.364 9.08) Constant -4.104 .234 (.33 McFadden's R 2 .12) Ethnolinguistic fractionalization 1.(.04) N 224 224 Log likelihood -107.58 Maximum Likelihood R 2 .771* Page 56 (.981* 2.52) Political rights .

26) .003 -.01) (-1. * P < .003* -. + P < .000 (2. No change in citizenship laws is the reference category. Robust z statistics in brackets.01.10.N OTE .05. The reference period is 1950-2000. Page 57 Table 9 T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C HANGE IN C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ARGINAL E FFECTS (M ULTINOMIAL L OGIT ) Toward jus sanguinis No change Toward jus soli Migration stock . clustered at country level. ** P < .

28) Share of young .(-.415* .003 .004* .016** (.116 (1.038 -.06) Small country -.044 -.013 -.10) (-2.00) (-2.16) Southern Europe .27) (1.58) (-1.069 (2.442* .19) Period .02) (1.102 .022 .53) (.29) .001 (-2.058* (.374* -.42) (1.65) Government consumption -.299 -.05) Decolonization .31) (2.33) (1.015 (-.003 .74) (-.

1 .12) N 224 224 224 Page 58 N OTE .05. ** P < .(1. clustered at country level.75) (-1.007 -.223* .89) Political rights . Robust z statistics in brackets.10) (1.10.18) (-2. The above marginal effects refer to the multinomial logit estimates in Table 8.015 .74) Catholic share -.145* -.000 .12) (-2.000 (-.71) (.19) Ethnolinguistic fractionalization .077 + (2.01. + P < .007 (. Page 59 Table Appendix Table A.60) (.000 .39) (1. * P < . The reference period is 1950-2000.

A LTERNATIVE C OVARIATES Specification (a) Specification (b) Mixed regime Jus soli regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Migration stock -.36) Average migration stock -.81) (-.152* -.052 (-2.533** -7.344** .056 -.12) (-1.T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ULTINOMIAL L OGIT E STIMATES .013 (-.62) Jus sanguinis as initial citizenship law -4.

12) Civil legal origin .21) (-1.218 1.046 5.22) (.33) (2.649 (2.(-5.667 4.54) (1.64) (.31) Decolonization -.509 + -.941 -1.397** .742 + (1.76) (1.525 1.68) (.317** -.16) (-1.140 -1.834** -.84) (-1.01) Southern Europe 1.260 1.062 .88) Period 2.79) (-.003 (-.09) (-4.436** .908 .595 (1.42) Latin America -.

(-.197 + -.89) (1.068** (1.59) Share of young -.110 (.503 + .25) (2.10) Government consumption .128 (-1.019 -. X average migration stock .09) (2.03) (3.73) (-.55) (2.140 + .65) (.65) (1.063** .23) (-1.90) (.043 .64) Small country -2.61) Civil legal origin X migration stock .560 -1.036 .67) (-1.894 + 1.29) Jus san.402* .040 Page 60 (1.

011 .273* -3.74) Political rights .46) (-1.527 (1.85) (1.096 -.035 1.831 11.11) .563* .38) Ethnolinguistic fractionalization -.08) (2.012 .247* (-1.006 .56) Constant 3.029 1.52) (.75) (.539** .78) (-2.276 (2.290 1.58) (1.950 + (-.567 4.98) Catholic share .03) (1.436* .81) (1.16) (-1.017 (1.-.78) (2.03) (.52) (2.

01) N 224 224 224 224 Log likelihood -95. The reference period is 1950-2000.83 .28 Cragg & Uhler's R 2 . + P < .01.41 McFadden's Adjusted R 2 .55 McFadden's R 2 .04) (1.57 .78 .10. * P < . . Robust z statistics in brackets.(-1.01 Maximum Likelihood R 2 .48 N OTE .74 -132.44 .64 Count R 2 . clustered at country level.75 Adjusted Count R 2 . Jus sanguinis is the reference category.68 .64 . ** P < .05.

Page 61 .

Sign up to vote on this title
UsefulNot useful