This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
The Evolution of Citizenship Economic and Institutional Determinants ∗
ABSTRACT We investigate the evolution of the legal institution of citizenship from a political economy perspective. We first present a median voter model of citizenship laws determination. Next we test the implications of the model on a new dataset on citizenship laws across countries of the world. We show that citizenship laws have responded endogenously to economic and institutional determinants. When facing increasing immigration, countries with a jus soli tradition tend to restrict their legislation, while jus sanguinis countries resist innovation. The welfare burden proves not to be an obstacle for jus soli legislation, while demographic stagnation encourages it. A high degree of democracy promotes the adoption of jus soli elements, while the instability of state borders determined by decolonization impedes it. Religion and ethnic diversity have no residual impact. .Key Words: citizenship laws, international migration, legal origins, democracy, borders. 1
1. Introduction Each country of the world has established a complex system of rules that govern the attribution of citizenship. As a consequence of the increasing pressure of international migration, citizenship laws have moved to center stage on policy agendas, since citizenship laws not only affect the design of immigration policy, but also interact with the workings of labor markets, affect welfare programs, and influence demographic trends. Citizenship is the legal institution that designates full membership in a state and the associated rights and duties. It provides benefits such as the right to vote, better employment opportunities, and the ability to travel without restrictions, legal protection in case of criminal charges, and the possibility to obtain a visa for a relative. There are also costs to citizenship, such as the military draft, renunciation of the original citizenship, and the pecuniary and non-pecuniary costs that may be required for naturalization and for recognition at the age of majority. Examples are language and culture tests, waiting periods, and a commitment to avoid activities leading to disqualification. There are several ways to acquire citizenship: at birth, by naturalization, by marriage.
The regulation of citizenship at birth, which determines citizenship acquisition by second- generation immigrants, is rooted in the well-defined bodies of common and civil law. The former traditionally applies the jus soli principle, according to which citizenship is attributed by birthplace: this implies that the child of an immigrant is a citizen, as long as he is born in the country of immigration. The latter applies the jus sanguinis principle, which attributes citizenship by descent, so that a child inherits citizenship from his parents, independently of where he is born. Despite being rooted in these principles, during the 20th century - and especially after World War II - in many countries citizenship laws have gone through a process of continuous adaptation, in conjunction with the decolonization phase, the collapse of the socialist system, and the mounting pressure of international migration. In this paper we investigate the determinants and evolution of citizenship laws in the postwar period from a political economy perspective. To pursue this goal, we assemble a new dataset which codifies citizenship laws across the countries of the world, with a specific focus on the provisions that regulate the access to citizenship at birth. The dataset is then used to study the dynamic adaptation of these laws, by relating the observed patterns to a
number of potential determinants, including economic factors as well as other political and cultural factors which have been found relevant in related research on institutions. Modern sociopolitical theories have advanced several hypotheses concerning the determinants of citizenship laws dynamics, on the basis of case studies and nonquantitative cross country comparisons. The legal tradition established in a given country is generally believed to exert a persistent impact on current legislation. The relevance of migration has also been investigated. In particular, pressure from a large stock of migrants is perceived as a factor that shapes a country's attitude toward citizenship policy. On the one hand, it could push toward a legislation that allows automatic citizenship granting for all newborn. On the other, migration could also drive toward restrictions of the same principle in countries where it was originally applied. According to some sociopolitical theories, the combination of these forces tends to induce convergence toward a mix of jus soli and sanguinis provisions for countries coming from different legal traditions (Weil 2001). For the case of Europe, Baubock et al. (2006) instead stress the presence of divergent trends, towards liberalization in some countries and toward restriction of access to citizenship in others. The influence of other economic forces is also recognized. Since citizenship rights determine the ability to enjoy welfare benefits, the shaping of nationality laws has been linked with the nature of the welfare state, with a large government representing a potential obstacle to the retention of jus soli (Joppke 1998). This argument, however, has to be weighted against the potential gain coming from the acquisition of relatively young new citizens for countries with expensive
pension systems and in the midst of a demographic crisis. Political factors have also been found relevant. The presence of a consolidated democracy is expected to lead to the adoption of jus soli, viewed as a more equal treatment of aliens. Stabilization of state borders should reduce the pressure to preserve a national identity through jus sanguinis. Finally, an additional factor that has been the subject of debate is the influence of national character and culture. The theory advanced by Brubaker (1992) focuses on France and Germany as two antagonistic kinds of nationhood, the former more assimilationists, and the latter more ethnocentric, which also differ in their definitions of citizenship. In this paper we formalize the above hypotheses within a simple median voter model which can guide our empirical investigation by generating testable implications and by offering an interpretation of the resulting evidence.
The model is based on the assumption that the laws regulating citizenship acquisition can be viewed as the outcome of the decision problem faced by a native median voter, in a context where citizenship confers the right to vote over policy variables. In making this decision, the native median voter takes into account the associated benefits and costs, which depend on the share of migrants over population and the other factors suggested by the literature. The model indicates that the share of migrants has a potentially ambiguous impact on the decision to grant citizenship and voting rights to migrants, since it increases the loss, for the native median voter, of letting migrants vote, but it also increases the cost associated with their exclusion. Moreover, the natives' decision is positively influenced by a relatively high income level of the migrants, a small welfare state, a relatively old native population, a high level of democracy, a stable national border, and an inclusive national culture. We test the above empirical implications and find that in the postwar period citizenship laws have responded endogenously and systematically, through a slow but steady process of adaptation, to economic and institutional factors. Overall, our results suggest that migration pushes national legislations in the direction of jus sanguinis, not jus soli. In particular, when we take into account the legal tradition established in the matter of citizenship, we find that countries with a jus soli origin react to increasing migration by adding jus sanguinis elements. On the other hand, in jus sanguinis countries the impact of migration has been negligible. Therefore, the evidence does not support the hypothesis of convergence toward a mixed regime, since migration tends to induce restrictions, but not extensions. Other economic factors also matter. While the welfare burden proves not to be an obstacle for a jus soli legislation, demographic stagnation encourages the adoption of mixed and jus soli regimes.
Turning to institutional factors, we find that a high degree of democracy is significantly associated with a jus soli legislation while border instability, in particular following the decolonization phase, decreases its likelihood. Cultural characteristics captured by religion and ethic fractionalization are not found to play a significant role. The rest of the paper is organized as follows: Section 2 introduces the related literature. Section 3 reviews the historical and legal background for the issues we address. Section 4 presents our model of citizenship laws determination. Section 5 describes our dataset on citizenship laws around the world 4
Section 6 investigates empirically the determinants of current citizenship laws and presents our main results, together with a set of robustness checks. Section 7 develops an alternative empirical strategy that highlights the determinants of change in citizenship laws. Section 8 concludes and indicates directions for future research. The Data Appendix collects information about the data employed. 2. Related Literature Our work is related with several branches of the economic literature. First of all, this paper adds to research on international migration and migration policy. Timmer and Williamson (1998), Hatton and Williamson (2006) and Bertocchi and Strozzi (2008) empirically analyze immigration policies enacted at the end of the 19th century during the mass migration era, while O'Rourke and Sinnott (2006) and Mayda (2006) estimate voters' attitudes toward immigration in the postwar period. The political economy of migration has been modeled, among others, by Benhabib (1996), Gradstein and Schiff (2006), and DeVoretz (2006). More specifically, the role of citizenship policy has been discussed by DeVoretz and Pivnenko (2006), who investigate the economic costs and benefits derived from citizenship, by Pritchett (2006), who evaluates citizenship policy within a broader discussion on labor mobility and
. Since our theory emphasizes that citizenship rights imply the right to vote. our work contributes to the research program which has focused on the historical determinants of institutions. The basic premise of this research line is the recognition that laws in different countries are adopted or transplanted from a few legal traditions and that the resulting legislative bodies reflect both the influence of the legal origin and the subsequent revision specific to individual countries. who evaluate the determinants of the decision to naturalize. However. On the other hand. and Swagel (2002) and Dolmas and Huffman (2004). and by Chiswick and Miller (2008). they do not examine the determinants of these alternative regimes.immigration policies. We add to this stream by focusing on the determinants of the dynamic adaptation of nationality rules. (1998). Engerman and Sokoloff (2002) highlight the relevance of wealth inequality and political factors in accounting for how fundamental economic 5 Page 7 institutions developed over time.. our work is also related to Razin. Bertocchi and Spagat (2001). (2008) specifically analyze the evolution of an index of formalism of legal procedure. This paper also relates to the comparative legal approach initiated by La Porta et al. while Bertocchi (2007) concentrates on the conflict between men and women. Balas et al. and Robinson (2001) contribute to the understanding of how institutions evolve by using historical variables as instruments for contemporary measures of the quality of institutions. who compare the impact of migration on the welfare state with or without voting rights for the migrants. More broadly. Acemoglu. Sadka. with contributions by Acemoglu and Robinson (2000). the issue of franchise extension has recently received considerable attention within the literature. but with a focus on the conflict between rich and poor. Johnson.
On the other hand. contrary to other migration policy measures such as quotas and visa requirements. By the end of the 19th century. At the same time. the process of nation-state formation and the associated codification effort were completed in Continental Europe. During the 19th century the jus sanguinis principle was adopted throughout Europe and then transplanted to its colonies. following feudal traditions which linked human beings to the lord who held the land where they were born. citizenship laws reforms tend to be the outcome of long-term processes of adaptation often involving constitutional amendments. the British preserved their jus soli tradition and spread it through their own colonies. . Continental modern citizenship law was subsequently built on these premises. The French Revolution broke with this heritage and with the 1804 civil code reintroduced the ancient Roman custom of jus sanguinis. recent work by Alesina and Spolaore (1997) and Bolton and Roland (1997) on the optimal determination of the size of nations. and also because borders play an important role on the determination of citizenship rules. starting with the United States where it was later encoded in 6 Page 8 the Constitution. both because country size in this literature is the same as population size and is potentially influenced by migration and by the legal status of immigrants. that are typically adjusted to the business cycle and to the current government orientation. Citizenship Laws in Historical Perspective Citizenship policy can be viewed as part of broader migration policy. and thus state borders. 3. In 18th century Europe jus soli was the dominant criterion. However. By imitation.Finally. Japan also adopted jus sanguinis in this phase. is also relevant to our approach.
drawing mostly from Joppke (1998). by that stage. civil law Latin America had embraced jus soli early on. Debate about possible restrictions did arise recently. while civil law France.the revolutionary phase was over in those countries that had been the subject of the earlier colonization era. the US approach is still remarkably consistent with its original attitude in all its aspects. Below are some specific cases. However. with its colonies. 2001) and Brubaker (1992). with the specific purpose to protect the birthrights of black slaves. Therefore. and jus sanguinis regulating citizenship law in most civil law countries. ranging from immigration policy to naturalization requirements. Consistently with its history as a country of immigrants. with jus soli being the norm in common law countries. 2 Australia Current citizenship law in Australia differs considerably from that of the United . but never led to actual change. Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer (2000. A relatively young and thin welfare state contributes to the fiscal sustainability of jus soli in this country. had by then already moved toward a mixed regime. 1 In particular. For instance. the next century witnessed a continuous process of transformation of citizenship laws across the world. The United States Jus soli was encoded in the US Constitution through the 1868 Fourteenth Amendment. and 19th century colonization had extended the process of transplantation of legal tradition to the rest of the world. despite important exceptions. most countries of the world had established specific provisions regarding citizenship acquisition within a relatively well-developed legal system. jus soli came under attack in the 1980s regarding its applicability to the children of illegal immigrants. and with a general positive attitude toward economic liberalism.
of Venezuela in 1830. Jus soli was encoded in the Constitution of Brazil in 1824. if compared to residency. Pritchett (2006) discusses the possible advantages of guest-worker programs which do not contemplate citizenship. the country went through numerous legislative and administrative reforms. most of Latin America was already a jus soli country before the 19th century immigration waves began. potentially relevant consideration: in the US. despite the common origin as countries of immigration. is a related. this area has followed a rather peculiar pattern. even if it is no longer attracting immigrants. most of the incipient states chose jus soli as a way to break with the colonial political order and to prevent the metropoles from making legitimate claims on citizens born in the new countries. 2 The relative thickness of the concept itself of citizenship. for instance.1 In his analysis of Mexican immigration. In the postwar period. of Argentina in 1853. while afterwards a person born in Australia must have at least one parent who is either an Australian citizen or a permanent resident in order to acquire citizenship. Jus soli survived until 1986. citizenship is relatively thin. At independence. Latin America In the face of a civil law tradition which had been transplanted by the European powers. Huntington (2004) has criticized current nationality regulations on the grounds that they represent a “devaluation of citizenship”. Jus soli is still the prevalent rule in the area. 7 Page 9 States. in the sense that it confers few additional benefits if compared with residency. Mexico represents a special case where jus soli was also . Therefore. from the perspective of poor countries. Jus soli had also been introduced in Australia by the colonists.
up to World War II. as a form of selective immigration policy. since all subjects of the British Empire had equal access to British citizenship simply by establishing residence in the UK. K.adopted in the 1814 insurgent Constitution. After World War II. France The emergence of the nation-state in Continental Europe was the main factor that shaped citizenship law in this area. even though military consideration introduced early on elements of jus soli. in 1889 double jus soli became automatic. particularly extensive. Because of its colonial history. Following a postwar wave of colonial immigration. The revolutionary experience was particularly important for France. In order to secure immigrants' children born in France to the draft. large-scale immigration. even though special status is still attributed to citizens of the British Commonwealth. qualifies for British citizenship only if at least one parents is a British citizen or resident. where jus sanguinis was first introduced with the 1804 Civil Code and maintained 8 Page 10 for the entire course of the 19th century. Redefinitions of national citizenship have been effectively employed. this open-door policy was progressively restricted. since the 1980s. The 1948 Nationality Act created the status of Citizen of the United Kingdom and Colonies for people with a close connection to the UK and its colonies. The United Kingdom British nationality law has been deeply affected by the imperial experience. making the experience of this country a unique one. The 1984 British Nationality Act restricts jus soli by establishing that a child born in the U. raised concern regarding assimilation. only to come back to stay with a Constitutional Amendment in 1937. the concept of nationality in the UK was. but was then abandoned in 1836. Citizenship issues and the rights of immigrants became the object . especially from North Africa.
which paved the way for the achievement of stable national borders. was finally approved in . Germany The single most relevant event in the history of German citizenship law is certainly the fall of the Berlin wall. The case of France is frequently compared with Germany. and at the same time with millions of ethnic Germans living behind the Iron Curtain. mostly from Turkey but also from Southern Europe. that required a formal citizenship request from second-generation immigrants. Achieving border stability was a decisive factor in pushing Germany toward the longdelayed adoption of jus soli elements. which had established strong sanguinis ties with German overseas emigrants. Germany found itself in the paradoxical situation of having to live with a large population of disenfranchised foreigners born on its soil at home. following an intense political struggle. With the foundation of the GDR and the consolidation of the Eastern Block. In 1993 Chirac introduced a restrictive revision to the legislation. with France sticking to its tradition of assimilationist nation. A first step in this direction was the new Foreigner Law in 1990. nor declined it. which turned naturalization from the discretionary exception into the rule. the massive guest-worker immigration of the postwar period. A major overhaul of the legislation. these restrictions were considerably revised.of heated debate in French politics. Prior to that. with the automatic assignment of citizenship at age 18 to those immigrants' children born in France who had neither requested. the original Wilhelminian citizenship law of 1913. With the Left regaining political power in 1997. Brubaker (2002) has influentially argued that the different path followed by these countries has been shaped by their cultural difference. however. and Germany to its ethnic identity. had started to put under strong pressure. but to no avail.
as mentioned in the introduction. Greece and Luxembourg. The latter aspect may have played a role in shaping the evolution of citizenship policies in several other European countries and especially the Scandinavian ones. with the exceptions of Austria. On the other hand. in the entire EU. which recently adapted their legislation to the globalization of international migration and its increasing impact on Europe. by now. other factors that may have delayed the introduction of jus soli are. . Decolonization Postwar decolonization had a major impact on citizenship rules applied around the world.1999. especially for high-immigration Sweden. access to citizenship by second and third generation is facilitated. For instance. Jus soli is now the norm in Germany (under the mild requirement that one parent has lived in the country for eight years). the strong ethnic character of German national identity. but had recently to adapt to the quickly changing conditions. The vast majority of the African colonies that were subject to civil law countries practicing jus sanguinis stuck to this principle after independence. restricted forms of double jus soli are de facto applied. many former British and Portuguese colonies rejected the jus soli tradition and switched to an often strongly ethnically-tinged version of jus sanguinis. where jus sanguinis was functional to the large past emigration flows. As documented by Weil (2001). and not only through the indirect impact on the metropolitan countries we previously examined. In particular. in the vast majority of European countries. In the evaluation of the German experience. and the thick nature of the 9 Page 11 German welfare state.
large Russian-speaking. recognized citizenship only for persons whose parents were members of one of the tribes established within the territory by 1908. In 1981 Mobutu signed a new law on nationality requiring an ancestral connection to the population residing in the territory as far back as 1885. To these days. however. Marginalization and de facto statelessness of significant strata of the population is the unavoidable outcome of these policies. The 1964 Congolese Constitution.Sierra Leone's 1961 Constitution established that citizenship is transmitted only by descent and only to children whose father and a grandfather were Sierra Leoneans of AfricanNegro descent. stateless. The area had been sealed toward international migration but. sizeable minorities . jus sanguinis tended to prevail as a way to control more easily the formation of national entities. To these days. 10 Page 12 The disintegration of the USSR Another major wave of citizenship law codification followed the disintegration of the USSR. During the following decades millions of Russians were encouraged to settle in Latvia and Estonia (less so in Lithuania) in order to Russify them. in an effort to exclude Rwandan immigrants. The Soviet Union had occupied Estonia. there had been considerable migration within. Latvia and Lithuania in 1940. and was compounded with deep ethnic division. In situations where instability was pushed to an extreme degree by the young age and the arbitrary borders of these countries. ethnic conflict lies at the roots of a chronic manipulation of citizenship rules in favor of one ethnic group over others. the associated exclusive notion of ethnic and tribal identity caused enormous problems in countries where colonial rule had left shaky democratic institutions. as for all empires. At the same time.
which was less affected by Soviet immigration policy. for the case of the Russian Federation. the new citizenship laws of these three states reflected this heritage with an emphasis on jus sanguinis as the basis for acquiring citizenship. Estonian and Latvian laws were sharply criticized by international organizations on the grounds of human rights.are still present. while most other countries of the area still persist with discriminatory policies. 4. After independence. The Model This section develops a simple theoretical model which formalizes the hypotheses that a widely interdisciplinary literature has advanced with respect to the determinants of citizenship laws. this perception as a country of emigrants pushes toward the persistence of jus sanguinis as the main principle. In the anticipation of EU integration. spread around the former regions of the USSR. We can view the laws regulating citizenship acquisition as the outcome of the decision problem faced by a median voter. By contrast. Again. in a context where citizenship confers the right to vote . and a commitment to democratic values with respect to the rights of minorities. these recommendations were indeed fulfilled in the more recent legislation of the Baltics. while Lithuania. even though small concessions to jus soli have been made. The hostile attitude toward ethnic Russians was especially strong in Latvia. showed a more open approach. The issue for these states was how to balance a need to reconstitute their national identity around an ethnic model. The aim of the model is also to generate testable implications that can guide our interpretation of the empirical evidence. the salient fact in shaping current citizenship policy is the perception that many of its citizens are outside its borders.
and y = N P y . Finally. Migrants are poorer than natives since they are relatively unskilled. namely. where y N and y M denote average income for natives and migrants. a redistributive tax scheme which finances a public good. even if the model concentrates on voting on a specific policy. namely. is driven by the benefits and costs associated with this decision. in our oneperiod framework the distinction between different ways to acquire citizenship becomes irrelevant. before we present the model's details. and also implies some duties. when considering the decision to grant citizenship. We consider an economy where a population of mass P consists of natives with mass N and migrants with mass M. therefore the model's predictions can be applied to the laws concerning both citizenship at birth and naturalization. A native voter. and 11 Page 13 thus the right to vote. A few warnings are in order.over policy variables. since political rights can be viewed as an instrument through which migrants could achieve broader political. our focus on the right to vote as the main benefit of citizenship is easily justified. Second. First. while in practice citizenship acquisition implies a larger set of rights. y N >y>y M . where M + N = P and M < N. respectively. the same approach could be extended to consider alternative agenda. economic and social goals. to migrants. beside the right to vote.
c i .N + M P y M is the economy-wide average income. namely. Assume initially 12 Page 14 . g. median income is lower than average income both for natives and migrants. such that 0 < τ < 1. We also assume that income distribution is skewed to the right for each group. according to u i =c i + λg (1) where λ is a positive preference parameter. Tax revenues are used by the government to finance the public good according to the following balanced budget constraint: g = τy − τ 2 2 y (2) where the second term captures tax collection costs. and thus for the economy as a whole. Both natives and migrants derive utility from consumption of a private good. and a public good. The tax rate is set through a political choice under majority voting. Both groups pay taxes. according to a proportional income tax rate τ. Each enfranchised individual casts a vote on the tax rate. as in Meltzer and Richard (1981).
The cost is also affected by factors that determine the degree of inclusiveness of a country's culture. for instance. The expression for the indirect utility function of a native voter with income y N i is given by v N i = (1 − τ)y N i − k + λ(τ − τ 2 2 . reflecting the possibility that their disenfranchisement can lead to social unrest and even violence.that only natives are citizens and are therefore allowed to vote. The cost enters the individual budget constraint as follows: c i ≤ (1 − τ)y i −k (4) where y i denotes individual income. Assume also that society bears a cost k for the exclusion of migrants from citizenship. as captured. k could enter directly the utility function. Equivalently. by a jus soli tradition. This cost increases with the share of migrants over population. according to k=K+h M P (3) where K reflects the degree of cultural inclusiveness and h > 0.
since migrants also pay taxes.)y (5) which is single-peaked with respect to the tax rate. The native median voter could avoid the cost k by granting citizenship to the migrants and thus accepting the tax rate that would prevail under universal enfranchisement. To be noticed is that under our assumptions about income distribution it is not necessarily the case that y N∗ y < 1. which is given by . according to which the equilibrium tax rate is the preferred tax rate of the native median voter with income y N ∗ .which implies that the tax rate is going to be positive only if y N∗ y < λ. We can therefore apply the median voter theorem. according to τ N ∗ =1− 1 λ y N ∗ y (6) The level of the tax rate increases with the intensity of the preference for public goods and with inequality. which is measured by the ratio of native median income over the economywide average income.
he has to pay more taxes but k is avoided. The difference between τ N ∗ and τ ∗ increases with the income gap between natives and migrants and with the share of migrants over population. the latter is certainly positive. the tax rate chosen by the native median voter is lower than the tax that applies under universal suffrage. The native median voter faces a simple set of costs and benefits when considering the decision to grant citizenship. If migrants vote. If migrants cannot vote. he has to face the cost k. Since y N ∗ >y ∗ . it follows that τ N ∗ <τ ∗ . It follows that the native median voter decides to grant citizenship to migrants if and only if . In particular. namely. but can enjoy a smaller tax.τ ∗ =1− 1 λ y ∗ y (7) 13 Page 15 where y ∗ is the economy-wide median income. given our assumptions on income distribution.
Even if the model is static. the fiscal gain also increases with the income gap between natives and migrants. Both the disenfranchisement cost and the fiscal gain associated with the no-franchise status quo increase in the share of migrants over the population. while the cost increases with the degree of inclusiveness K of the country's culture. Besides.(1 − τ N ∗ )y N ∗ − k + λ(τ N ∗ − τ N ∗ 2 2 )y ≤ (1 − τ ∗ )y N ∗ + λ(τ ∗ − τ ∗2 2 )y (8) where following (5) we find on the left hand side his indirect utility function when migrants cannot vote and on the right hand side his indirect utility function when migrants can vote. we can think of its dynamic implications in terms of a sequence .
While the present formulation of the model is designed to establish conditions for extension of citizenship rights to migrants. it follows that jus sanguinis countries will be more reluctant to change. The net effect will depend on which factor is stronger. the median voter will respond taking into considerations all the channels involved and this may result in an adaptation of the regulation. they will decide whether or not restricting the current regulation taking into account the incoming waves of immigrants and following the simple logic previously illustrated. or equivalently a particularly generous naturalization policy. If we interpret a jus sanguinis tradition as a low degree of inclusiveness and thus a low cost of exclusion. it can also encompass restriction. If. the effect of an increase in the share of migrants is potentially ambiguous. When the status quo is a jus soli regulation. following a sequence of stationary decisions. since a higher share increases 14 Page 16 both the cost and the fiscal gain of disenfranchisement. generating a trade off. To be noticed is that a given stock of migrants has a stronger impact on countries with a relatively small native population. . Together with the ethnic natives. Finally.of repeated decisions. migrants who are already in the country and have thus become citizens are simply to be considered as natives themselves. The predictions so far obtained from the model indicate that a decision to extend citizenship and the associated voting rights is facilitated by a smaller income gap between natives and migrants and by a larger degree of inclusiveness of a country's culture. since it is the share of migrants over population that matters. the economy is shocked by an increase of the migrants share. due to a large inflow.
the impact of the size of government on citizenship laws can be captured by assuming that different countries exhibit different preference parameters toward government. border instability could be captured in a version of the model where the size of the native population. is subject to uncertainty. we should therefore expect a negative impact of the size of government on the degree of inclusiveness of citizenship laws. Thus a relatively large government size. Third. thus amplifying the tax cost which follows the decision to allow migrants to vote. First.The basic model can be extended to consider several other potentially relevant factors. If only rich natives are allowed to vote. could make an open citizenship policy more costly. as captured by λ. 15 Page 17 . Empirically. The testable implication is that the decision to grant citizenship is positively influenced by the domestic level of democracy. While our one-period model cannot explicitly reflect these aspects. demographic aspects could be considered by assuming that the migrants' younger average age implies a larger ability to contribute to the welfare state. This should facilitate the decision to grant them citizenship and implies that countries with a relatively old native population should be particularly sensitive to these considerations and thus display a more open attitude. we can interpret our tax as a life-long contribution. the level of democracy can influence the outcome since it implies a constraint on the political rights of the natives themselves. and thus the population share of migrants. Fourth. the associated tax rate will be higher than otherwise. which is higher for a migrant. by increasing the tax differential. at any given level of income. Second. which can be modelled with an income franchise requirement.
The principal focus of our codification is citizenship acquisition at birth. which provides synopses of the citizenship laws currently practiced in 190 countries. The Data: Citizenship Laws of the World We compile a dataset of citizenship laws across the countries of the world for the postwar period. we expect the natives' decision to be positively influenced by an inclusive national culture. the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (2003). but we also collect information about naturalization requirements. the share of migrants has a potentially ambiguous impact on the natives' decision to extend citizenship and voting right to migrants. and the survey in Weil (2001). to introduce a random component in the model should affect the voting decision by reducing the tax rate. Moreover. for the native median voter. the main problem is to establish who can be considered as a native.Indeed. a relatively high income level of the migrants. the Library of Congress. a high level of democracy. but it also increases the cost associated with their exclusion. a relatively old native population. and the Department of State. 1975 and at the beginning of the postwar period. Citizenship at Birth We attribute to each country an appropriate code for citizenship laws in 2001. 5. The sources for this directory were Embassies. a small welfare state. To summarize.1. and a large native population. even though there were nearly no reforms in citizenship laws during the first half of the century. 5. We supplement this information with additional one from the CIA World Factbook (2002). since it increases the tax disadvantage. when the national border is unstable. Under standard risk aversion behavior. We take 1948 as the starting point. a stable national border. The principal source for the information we codify is a directory published by the Investigations Service of the United States Office of Personnel Management in 2001. so that . of letting migrants vote.
and countries subject to full jus soli (Group 3). (1998). while the 19th century witnessed a first wave of adaptation of citizenship legislation from the civil vs. For 1948. we treat the specific legal provisions regulating access to citizenship in 1948 as predetermined. at least relative to the subsequent developments that are the focus of the present investigation. 4 Our dataset includes those 162 countries for which we were able to collect information on both original . In our classification we focus on the presence of jus soli elements in a country's legislation. despite the occurrence of major historical events such as World War I. 3 As in 3 By treating 1948 as the initial year. By coding citizenship laws in the intermediate year 1975. 1975 and 2001. rather than emigrants. A mixed regime includes elements of both jus soli and jus sanguinis. which gained independence from the British and French administration in the 1943-1948 period. we divide countries into three groups: countries subject to jus sanguinis without any jus soli element (Group 1). countries that apply a mixed regime (Group 2). Indeed. common law tradition. the subsequent half century did not see further evolution.most of the legislation in place in 1948 had actually been developed much earlier. This approach is justified by our primary interest in the potential impact of citizenship laws on immigrants. we divide the postwar period into two subperiods of equal length. we include the postwar decolonization phase with the exemption of the Middle East. 16 Page 18 the analysis of legal origins in La Porta et al.
and current citizenship laws, and for which migration data were available for the postwar period. 5 INSERT TABLE 1 The differential patterns of evolution that citizenship laws generate in 1948, 1975 and 2001 are summarized by the transition matrices in Table 1, which reveals considerable variations both across countries and over time. The table shows that in 1948 jus soli was the rule in about 47% (namely, 76 out of 162) of the countries, while jus sanguinis dominated in 41% (namely, 67 out of 162), and the mixed regime was adopted in the remaining 12% (19 countries). Among the countries that were under jus soli in 1948, we find the United States, Canada, all the Oceanian countries, most of Latin America, within Africa and Asia the British and Portuguese colonies, within Europe the UK, Ireland and Portugal. On the other hand, in 1948 jus sanguinis predominated in most of Europe, including its Eastern part. As explained in Section 3, France was unique in its early choice of a mixed regime. Since we 4 For details on our classification criteria see the Data Appendix, part A. 5 For details on migration data see the Data Appendix, part C. 17
treat colonial territories as subject to the metropolitan countries' regime until independence, the group applying the mixed regime in 1948 includes France and its colonies. By 1975, 31% (namely, 50 out of 162) of the countries had jus soli, 62% (101) jus sanguinis, and 7% (11) a mixed regime. The main event justifying this evolution is decolonization, with many former colonies switching to jus sanguinis, from jus soli when the UK and Portugal
were the metropolitan country, and from the mixed regime in the case of France (see Section 3). As of 2001, 24% (namely, 39 out of 162) of the countries apply jus soli, 54% (88) jus sanguinis, and 22% (35) a mixed regime. It has mostly been the adaptation of the legislation of many European countries, relaxing pure jus sanguinis in favor of a mixed regime, that explains the pattern observed for the second subperiod. Among the countries that still adhere to the jus soli principle in 2001 are the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and Ireland (which - however - recently introduced restrictions to jus soli with a June 2004 referendum). The United Kingdom and Australia, on the contrary, no longer adhere to it and now adopt a mixed regime. Overall, jus sanguinis is currently the most common regime, with 69% of the countries in Africa, 83% in Asia, and 41% (down from 88%) in Europe. The growing group where a mix of provisions is applied is particularly well-represented in Europe, with 56% of the European countries including the formerly jus soli United Kingdom. On the other hand, jus soli predominates in the Americas, with 89% of the countries in Latin America, and the entire North America (namely, the U. S. and Canada). Table 1 reveals three different patterns of transitional dynamics: stability, switch, and convergence. Stable countries lie along the diagonal. Looking at the 1948 to 2001 transition, we see that a large fraction (28%, namely, 46 out of 162) have started and ended as jus sanguinis. In other words, it is 69% (namely, 46 out of 67) of the originally jus sanguinis countries that have remained so. By contrast, 22% (36 out of 162) are steadily jus soli countries: this means that only 47% (36 out of 76) of the originally jus soli countries have not changed their policies. Off diagonal, there is a sizeable proportion of countries (19%, or 31 out of 162) that have switched from jus soli to sanguinis, by completely eliminating
birthplace as a criterion: most of them - as mentioned - are former African colonies of the UK and Portugal, which made this radical choice at independence. Looking at the two 18
subperiods, we see most of these switches occur between 1948 and 1975. Finally, there is evidence of a process of convergence to a soli/sanguinis mix, which affects 18% of the countries (29 out of 162, of which 20 converge from jus sanguinis by adding jus soli elements, while 9 converge from jus soli by restricting it) and intensifies between 1975 and 2001. INSERT TABLE 2 In Table 2 we present further information on citizenship laws evolution by reporting changes in citizenship laws, organized by original laws. Over the 1948-2001 period, 74 countries (46%) have gone through a change in the laws. Of these, 51 have changed toward jus sanguinis and 23 toward jus soli, while 45 changes have occurred in the first subperiod and 33 in the second. 6 In particular, in the first subperiod, the majority of the countries that went through a change (29, or 64%) were originally jus soli. As mentioned, this pattern is determined largely by the behavior of former colonies. In the second subperiod, the majority of the countries that went through a change (20, or 61%) were originally jus sanguinis, most of which adopting a more open legislation. The above discussion suggests a relevant role of border stability. To investigate this issue, we introduce a set of dummies capturing a country's history of border changes. In particular, we distinguish across three different causes of border instability: decolonization, Berlin wall, other border changes. 7 If we compare the transitional dynamics of the full sample with those
of the subsample of countries that did not go through a border change, we count for the latter a much smaller proportion of switches from jus soli to jus sanguinis. This pattern confirms the relevance of border changes, especially those due to decolonization. INSERT TABLE 3 Summary statistics for our citizenship laws dataset are reported in Table 3. The correlation between 1948 and 2001 citizenship laws is 0.42, which points to some persistence, as confirmed by the even higher correlation between 1948 and 1975 (0.60) and 1975 and 2001 laws (0.81). 6 A few countries went through more than one change. 7 The Data Appendix, part B describes how the three border change dummies are constructed. 19
5.2. Citizenship by Naturalization and the Citizenship Policy Index Naturalization policies are also relevant to the issues at hand. Indeed, to facilitate naturalization for immigrant parents may represent a substitute mechanism to attribute citizenship to children born in jus sanguinis countries. Besides, the general attitude revealed by a country's regulation of citizenship at birth may be reflected in its naturalization laws, with jus soli countries traditionally making naturalization much easier, at least for resident aliens. Within jus sanguinis countries, naturalization requirements again tend to be correlated with the revisions introduced for citizenship at birth. Basic rules for naturalization may include a period of residence, renunciation of other citizenship, familiarity with the language and customs of the country, and the availability of adequate means of support. We code naturalization only for 2001, on the basis of the available information on 142 of our 162 countries. We classify countries on the basis of the number of years of residence
9 Table 3 reports summary statistics for naturalization and the citizenship policy index. by constructing four classes (more than 14 years. 10 For European countries only. 10 8 We do not consider naturalization by marriage. To construct the index. 4 years or fewer). Alternative ways to define naturalization classes yielded similar conclusions. 9 Dual citizenship provisions constitute another potentially relevant aspect of citizenship policy. which can be explained by the fact that the correlation between citizenship laws and naturalization is only 0. even though data on naturalization are only available for the year 2001 and for a subset of countries. 8 In our dataset 62 countries (namely. The corrected Cronbach's alpha of the indicator is 0. We then combine the information we collected on citizenship at birth and naturalization within a single measure. but we do not use this variable due to limited information.54. since it is heavily dependent on family law. the British Council has compiled an index of civic citizenship and inclusion (see British Council Brussels 2005). 5 years. 6 to 14 years. by associating jus soli elements with lower number of years of residence required for naturalization. (2006) collect statistics on acquisition of nationality. while Baubock et al. which can be considered a relatively open attitude.37. we treat citizenship laws in 2001 as an ordinal variable. 44%) require five years of residence.required for naturalization. 20 Page 22 . while 46% require more time and only 10% are more open. We construct an index of citizenship policy defined on the 0-1 interval.
and the age structure of the population. in order to investigate the determinants of citizenship laws evolution in the postwar period. . the size of government. or else may not have any effect at all (and vice versa). The Determinants of Citizenship Laws 6. Empirical Specification In bringing our theoretical model to the data.1. Further discussion on this point is postponed to the sub-section on robustness.6. this choice does not impose any ex ante ordering among the three regimes. To control for other cultural characteristics. and 3 if the country has a jus soli regime. Among regressors. Moreover. The empirical investigation is performed using a panel sample which includes information on two cross sections of 162 countries: the first cross section refers to the 1950-1975 subperiod. in principle those regressors that affect the probability of being a jus soli country may not always have the opposite effect on the probability of being a jus sanguinis country. 2 if the country has a mixed regime. we employ measures of migration. In fact. an ordering by increasing inclusiveness toward immigrants. The dependent variable is citizenship laws. We also control for countries with a particularly small population size. for example. Border stability is measured through our border changes dummies. we select the following variables. We use a multinomial logit specification to achieve maximum generality. We interpret the presence of a jus soli tradition as an indicator of the degree of inclusiveness of national culture. which is categorical and can take three values: 1 if the country has a jus sanguinis regime. while we cannot gauge the impact of the income gap between natives and migrants due to lack of data. with jus soli being associated with maximal. we also consider religion and ethnic diversity. and jus sanguinis with minimal inclusiveness.
a is a constant term.the second cross section to the 1976-2000 subperiod.162 and t = 1. M it S .2 (where t = 1 refers to the 1950-1975 period and t = 2 refers 21 Page 23 to the 1976-2000 period)... L it represents citizenship laws in country i at the end of period t. 11 In specification (9). In the full specification we present.. (9) with i = 1.. S it is a dummy for the presence of jus sanguinis in country i at the beginning of each subperiod. M it is migration stock as a percentage of the population in country i at the beginning of period t. the multinomial logit model we run has the following form: L it = a + bM it + cS it + dM it S it + eT t +Z 0 it f+ it .
Migration (M . and it is an error term. Throughout the following. consistent with the model previously outlined. regarding the potential role of the above mentioned factors.it is the interaction between the previous two variables. INSERT TABLE 4 We can now suggest a number of specific hypotheses. Table 4 presents their summary statistics. Within this group we consider the border changes dummies and dummies for Latin American. proxies for cultural characteristics such as religious affiliation and ethnolinguistic fractionalization. namely. Southern European and small countries. the share of young in the population. T t is a period dummy. The second group of explanatory variables includes the size of government as a share of GDP. immigration and legal tradition. The Data Appendix collects information on the definitions and sources of all variables we employed. Z it is a vector of additional explanatory variables. where we take jus sanguinis as the reference category. we will organize our comments in terms of the effects of each of our regressors on the probability of adopting either a mixed or a jus soli regime instead of jus sanguinis. The first group includes dummies capturing the country's geopolitical position. and a measure of democracy. starting with the variables we consider focal to our analysis. 12 The set of explanatory variables Z it can be divided into two groups. This follows the specification of our multinomial logit estimates.
13 while for the second they refer to the stock in 1980. S i1 = 1 if country i has jus sanguinis in 1948 and S i2 = 1 if country i has jus sanguinis in in 1975. 14 A positive coefficient . we avoid any potential endogeneity problem of migration with respect to citizenship laws. L i1 and L i2 are citizenship laws in country i in 1975 and 2001. since it is unlikely that stocks evaluated at the beginning of the period can be affected by subsequent changes in citizenship laws. T 1 = 0 and T 2 = 1. 22 Page 24 1960. the available data refer to the stock in 11 We also run multinomial logit models for two types of more parsimonious specifications. 12 In particular. respectively. for comparison purposes.it ) is measured by the stock of migrants in percent of the population at the beginning of each subperiod. For the first subperiod. By entering the migrant stock near the beginning of each period. M i1 is migration stock in country i in 1960 and M i2 is migration stock in country i in 1980.
To assess the total impact of migration for jus sanguinis countries we also need to take into account the interaction's coefficients. The interaction between the jus sanguinis dummy and migration should reveal additional information: if positive. as previously discussed. most of Latin America 13 . We select this dummy because jus sanguinis is the most persistent of the three regimes. thus suggesting a particularly significant role of this initial legislation. and similarly for the jus soli regime. We measure it with a dummy for countries that apply jus sanguinis at the beginning of each subperiod (S it ). As explained in Section 3. a positive coefficient for the mixed regime would suggest convergence toward the intermediate group. thus confirming persistence of the original laws. the coefficients of the interaction could also turn out to be negative since. Turning to our geopolitical dummies. we should expect negative signs for the coefficients for our border change dummies. in the presence of a large stock of migrants. is the legal tradition in the matter of citizenship. A negative value of the dummy's coefficient for a mixed and jus soli regime would imply that jus sanguinis countries are less likely to end up in the mixed and jus soli groups. its coefficients would indicate that those jus sanguinis countries facing high migration tend to add jus soli elements. We introduce the Latin America dummy to capture the peculiarity of this continent's experience. On the other hand. A crucial control in our regressions. as suggested by some of the political theories introduced in Section 1.for the mixed regime would indicated that high migration pushes toward it rather than toward jus sanguinis. In particular. the natives' reaction could be a conservative one. if border stability really counts as a prerequisite for the introduction of automatic birthrights for the immigrants.
with most of the revision to the legislation toward mixed regimes occurring in the past 15 years or so. For Southern Europe. so its current position is not determined by postwar developments and in particular by its postwar migration experience. see the Data Appendix. where alternative measures of migration are introduced. Finally. The potential endogeneity of migration is further addressed in sub-sub-section 6. more expensive and more redistributive structure would represent an obstacle to automatic citizenship granting to the children of relatively poor immigrants. part C. if young immigrants could offer a solution to domestic demographic imbalances. we would found negative coefficients. we should expect negative signs for this dummy's coefficients. If indeed the behavior of Latin America differs significantly from the rest of the sample in being associated with a higher probability of adopting jus soli. 14 Even taking into account the anticipation of future changes of citizenship laws in making migration decisions.Earlier data are not available.3. 23 Page 25 adopted jus soli long before our sample period. with a disproportionately small impact on their legislation. it should exhibit a positive coefficient for this kind of legislation. The size of government is meant to proxy for the nature of the welfare state: if a thicker. the endogeneity of our migration measure is ruled out by the fact that such changes had been extremely rare during the first half of the 20th century. On the other hand.1. we would find that countries with a higher share of young in . we should expect a positive coefficient for the mixed regime since these countries have been experiencing quickly increasing migration during the second subperiod. since migration data reveal that countries with a small population tend to have large and erratic figures.
. thus displaying negative coefficients.36). and ethnolinguistic fractionalization. INSERT TABLE 5 Pairwise correlations among our dependent and independent variables are presented in Table 5. while its correlation with the civil law dummy is much lower (-0. In an effort to capture additional dimensions of cultural differences. The Latin America dummy is positively associated with the Catholic share (0. we include the share of Catholics in total population and an index of ethnolinguistic fractionalization.should exert a positive effect on the probability of a jus soli legislation even though even in a democratic country hostility toward the assimilation of outsiders may persist for a protracted period of time. The dummy reflecting jus sanguinis as the initial law is negatively correlated with decolonization (-0. the small country dummy. beside legal tradition. Pairwise correlations between all our independent variables are not reported for brevity and can be summarized as follows. political rights.64).measured by the political rights variable . these stylized facts are in line with previous research and economic intuition. The share of young in population is positively associated with migration stocks (0. Current citizenship laws.52).43).35). Citizenship laws are also significantly 24 Page 26 correlated with migration. Political rights tend to be low in countries with high ethnolinguistic fractionalization (-0. the Catholic share. The establishment of a consolidated democracy .total population would be less prone to adopt jus soli elements. the dependent variable.15).31) and Latin America (-0. Overall. is highly correlated with the initial citizenship laws as identified by the jus sanguinis dummy (-0.
the jus sanguinis origin still exerts a negative impact on the probability of applying a mixed or jus soli regime. relative to jus sanguinis. Results The results of our multinomial logits are presented in Table 6. This means that high migration and a jus sanguinis origin decrease the probability of applying a mixed or a jus soli legislation rather than jus sanguinis. the results reported in the table indicate the impact of the explanatory variable on the probability of choosing either the mixed or the jus soli regimes. In particular. The table reports three different specifications. we find that the core variables are all significant. In specification (b). migration and jus sanguinis display negative coefficients for both the mixed regime and jus soli. Jus sanguinis is the reference category for all the results shown. multinomial logit (c) is our full specification. Hence. Multinomial logit (a) is the core specification. Finally. which adds to (b) the other potentially relevant economic and institutional regressors. 6. which includes the dummies. plus the period dummy. and that in the second subperiod the probability of applying a mixed or jus soli legislation increases. which adds to (a) the dummies we discussed above. INSERT TABLE 6 Starting with the core specification (a). which includes only the core variables.2. namely. while both coefficients are positive for the period dummy. The period . Multinomial logit (b) is an expanded specification. migration and jus sanguinis as initial citizenship law.It is also clear that several of our independent variables are closely interrelated and that it may be difficult to disentangle their specific effect on the evolution of citizenship laws. while migration 25 Page 27 only remains significantly negative for the probability of applying a mixed regime.
the total effect of migration becomes negligible. namely. while the share of young in the population exerts a negative impact. while a high degree of democracy . The small country dummy is not significant in this specification. since these countries have a higher probability of applying this regime. if one evaluates the coefficients of migration and of the interaction together. The size of government has a positive and significant coefficient for the probability of applying a jus soli regime. In this extended version the coefficient for decolonization loses significance. The role of the Latin America and Southern Europe dummies is confirmed. in the full specification (c). the impact of migration. a jus sanguinis origin and the period dummy are confirmed. the decolonization dummy displays two negative coefficients. uncovering a tendency for countries with a jus sanguinis origin which are exposed to high migration to add jus soli elements. South Europe has a positive coefficient for the mixed regime. 15 The interaction term between migration and jus sanguinis origin is significant and positive for both the mixed regime and jus soli. in support of the hypothesis that countries with a relatively old population are more likely to choose mixed and jus soli regimes.dummy is significantly positive only for the probability of a mixed regime. Latin America has a positive coefficient for jus soli. confirming that Southern European countries have a higher probability of becoming mixed. Finally. However. As expected. having gone through a decolonization border change negatively affects the probability of applying either a mixed or jus soli regime. The share of Catholics and ethnolinguistic fractionalization are both insignificant. while the small country dummy now reveals a negative impact on the probability of applying a mixed regime. the strength of this tendency is questioned by the fact that.
5% increase due to direct effect of migration. Besides. the marginal effect of 15 For both multinomial logit (a) and (b) we obtain the same results using a balanced sample composed by the 224 countries which constitute the reference sample for the estimation of our full specification.positively affects the probability of applying either a mixed or jus soli regime. 16 For the full specification (c). while an increase in migration of one percentage point increases the probability of being a jus sanguinis country by about 2. . having gone through a decolonization border change decreases the probability of being jus soli by about 14%.5%. The marginal effects also allow to quantify the impact of our regressors. an increase in migration of one percentage point for a jus sanguinis country decreases the probability of being jus sanguinis by about 2. 17 Moreover. and decreases the probability of having a mixed regime by 2. In particular. 17 The estimated marginal effects are calculated by holding all the independent variables at their mean 26 Page 28 decolonization reveals that this regressor retains a significantly negative impact on the probability of jus soli. 16 For all three specifications. consistently with the positive coefficients for jus soli and a mixed regime in Table 6. we verified that our results are not driven by outliers.7%. inspection of the marginal coefficients in Table 7 confirms that migration increases the probability of jus sanguinis and decreases that of a mixed regime and that the interaction between jus sanguinis and migration is negative. to be evaluated together with the 2.3%.
Quantitative and qualitative development indicators such as income per capita and inequality could reveal if a richer. due to the fact that all countries identified by them do not exhibit enough variability with respect to the dependent variable. the original laws and our geopolitical dummies exert a significant impact on current citizenship laws. a dummy for oil countries could account for the fact that most of them have been experiencing huge immigration which has had no impact on their still very restrictive legislation (often based on Islamic family law). we cannot include in the regressions the socialist and oil dummies. and also with democracy and fractionalization. our results indicate that migration. Moreover. 19 INSERT TABLE 7 Overall. However. both per capita GDP and the Gini index of inequality tend to be associated with migration. demographics and democracy also contribute to their determination. 18 The correlation between Berlin wall and socialist is 0. so they are unlikely to add independent explanatory power to a regression. A dummy for socialist countries could instead work as an alternative to our Berlin wall border change dummy.48. For dichotomous independent variables the marginal effect is the change from 0 to 1 holding all other variables at their means. 18 However.We also consider additional covariates that have often been found significant in related research on the determinants of institutions. more equal country is more prone to adopting jus soli elements. In fact they fail to add any further significance to the previous results. . and that other factors such as government size. as well as the Berlin wall and the other border changes dummies. In levels.
Therefore. the welfare burden proves not to be an obstacle for a jus soli legislation. the evidence does not the hypothesis of convergence toward a mix of provisions suggested by some political theories (see Section 1). The presence of countervailing forces highlighted by the model is therefore confirmed by our findings.19 For example. However. Indeed. on balance. the legal tradition interacts with the way countries react to migration in a complex way. we show that the legal tradition tends to affect the current legislation persistently. for countries with a jus sanguinis origin which have experienced more immigration. On the one hand. 27 Page 29 particular. as predicted by the model. even though the process of transplantation can prove discontinuous in the case of former colonies. In addition. However. this correlation covers a more complex pattern which can be revealed once the interaction between migration and the legal tradition in the matter of citizenship is considered. our results suggest that migration pushes national legislations in the direction of jus sanguinis. because liberal countries tend to restrict while restrictive countries tend to resist innovation. in jus sanguinis countries the impact of migration turns out to be negligible. this could be explained by the fact many of the countries with extended welfare systems may favor immigration because of their demographic crisis. not jus soli. On the other hand. Overall. countries with a jus soli origin react to increasing migration by adding jus sanguinis elements. countries affected by Berlin wall have always applied jus sanguinis. demo- . Contrary to the model's implications. there is evidence of a tendency toward adding jus soli provisions so that.
Alternative Specifications We experiment our multinomial logit specifications with alternative covariates. This could suggest that migration flows are endogenous with respect to citizenship laws. our empirical findings match the theoretical insights coming from the model. Finally. 6.3. Further tests involve alternative measures of migration stocks. As outlined above. 20 the coefficients for migration turns out to be insignificant in all three specifications. while cultural traits captured by religious affiliation and ethnolinguistic fractionalization appears to be irrelevant.1. our migration measure was chosen to minimize a potential endogeneity bias. we replace our measure of migration with a range of alternative measures. In sum.graphic stagnation encourages the adoption of mixed and jus soli regimes. and provide a deeper understanding of the forces shaping citizenship laws. 28 Page 30 6. When we replace our migrations stocks with average migration flows (computed with reference to each subperiod). Robustness In this section we present a number of alternatives to our benchmark regressions to investigate whether they are robust to different specifications. First. Moreover. the evidence confirms that a higher degree of democracy is associated with more jus soli elements.3. 21 In the Table Appendix. in particular as far as the impact of migration is concerned. . the impact we observe for the size of government could be explained by the fact that it proxies for European-style. samples and estimation techniques. relative open socialdemocracies.
for the first and the second subperiod we select the years 1970 and 1990. Results from this instrumented specification are similar to those presented in Table 6.1. 21 Namely. To sum up. 22 We also experiment with a specification entering the migrant stock in 1960 for both subperiods. respectively. column (2)). respectively. as possible alternatives. Some differences emerge in the coefficients for migration and its interaction with jus sanguinis. the influence of the legal tradition can also be analyzed through a dummy capturing the presence of a civil law tradition.1.45. . 24 When we replace the jus sanguinis with the civil law dummy (see Table A. respectively. one could conclude that our detailed codification of the original citizenship laws does not add much to what we can already learn from a country’s broader legal tradition. our beginning-of-period migration stocks prove to be the most adequate measures of the role of migration. 22 Since jus sanguinis and jus soli are in principle closely linked to the civil and common systems of laws. the latter turns out to be substantially less significant and reduces the 20 Migration stocks and flows show a correlation of 0. with the latter losing significance. Since in the postwar period migration has been highly regulated by policy in most receiving countries. 23 If the coefficients of the two alternative dummies were the same. and citizenship laws could be viewed as part of migration policy.Table A. and the 1960-70 and 1980-90 averages. the simultaneous determination of citizenship laws and migration does represent a concern when we enter within-the-period data on migration instead of beginning-of-period data. column (1) presents the full specification with the 1960-70 and 1980-90 average migration stock.
Our previous conclusions . Alternative Estimation Techniques Alternative estimation techniques broadly confirm the same results from Table 6. an (unreported) alternative multinomial probit model delivers the same qualitative results. We also run ordered logit regressions where current citizenship laws are explicitly treated as an ordinal variable. possibly because flows are multicollinear with respect to stocks and endogenous with respect to the dependent variable. 24 The correlation between the two dummies is 0. 6.35.2 and A.3. In particular. which we assume here to be ordered by increasing inclusiveness. When we replace the Southern Europe dummy with migration flows. We also replace our decolonization dummy with a dummy for British or Portuguese colonies (identifying those countries that were characterized by a jus soli legislation during the colonial period). These results are reported in Table A.23 The dummy is equal to 1 if a country belongs to the civil law tradition and to 0 if a country belongs to common law. since it is the quickly increasing second-subperiod immigration which determines the peculiar behavior of this region. The correlation between civil law and jus sanguinis is 0. 25 but both alternatives are associated with insignificant coefficients.2. we find that its coefficient is insignificant.35. 29 Page 31 significance of most other regressors. and with the subSaharan Africa dummy.3. suggesting that civil law is a much weaker predictor of current citizenship laws than the original citizenship laws. namley. we assume that jus sanguinis corresponds to minimal and jus soli to maximal inclusiveness.
in particular for migration and for its interaction 25 Decolonization shows a significant correlation with the dummies for British or Portuguese colony (0. 30 Page 32 with the initial laws. 1950-1975 and 1976-2000. 26 For all specifications. Alternative Sample Criteria We also run multinomial logit regressions on a cross-sectional sample composed by country averages over the 1950-2000 period. 26 6.31).30) and for sub-Saharan Africa (0. The test is an approximate likelihood-ratio test of proportionality of odds across response categories. while migration stock refers to 1960 and jus sanguinis in 1948 is the initial law. the test provides evidence that the parallel regression assumption has been violated. 28 The same applies to alternative variants with a cross section over each subperiod. 27 The results for this cross section reveal a much lower level of significance for several covariates.3. 29 while ordinary least squares regressions with our citizenship policy index in 2001 and an indexed version of . with migration and a jus sanguinis origin exerting a negative impact on the application of jus soli. 27 Here the dependent variable is citizenship laws in 2001.3. an alternative ordered logit regression also achieves much weaker results than in the panel. namely. In all cases. For the same cross section. Our multinomial logit specification is hence superior to an ordered logit specification. we run a test for the parallel regression assumption.are confirmed.
the dependent variable is categorical and can take three values: -1 if the country changes its laws toward jus sanguinis. While specification (9) focuses on current citizenship laws as the dependent variable. and 1 if the country changes its laws toward jus soli. 0 if no change occurs. 7.4). 7. 30 These results may be due to the fact that a single cross section of countries includes less information than our panel.2001 citizenship laws as alternative dependent variables both show an insignificant coefficient for migration (see Table A. we developed an alternative specification which is designed to capture more specifically the determinants of a change in the laws. For our panel. An Alternative Approach: The Determinants of Change in Citizenship Laws In this section we study citizenship laws evolution using an alternative approach which is able to provide additional insights. we run a multinomial logit model of the following form for its full specification: V it = α + βM it + γT t +Z 0 it δ+η it .1. Empirical Specification In the alternative specification. (10) where α is a constant term and η it is an error term. Z it contains all the variables previ- .
The period dummy indicates that the second subperiod witnesses an increase in the probability to expand. Hence. Decolonization and Southern Europe exert a positive impact on change in both directions. 30 The same qualitative results arise in an unreported regression with naturalization in 2001 as dependent variable. Migration has a positive impact on the probability to restrict and a non significant impact on the probability to expand. changes in citizenship laws. where the reference category is no change. 7. its interaction with migration.ously described. to show that they are not driven by outliers.2. more significantly so for restriction for the case of decolonization. and with average migration flows. namely. jus sanguinis as the initial citizenship law. 31 Page 33 the independent variables are presented in Table 5. and the Latin America dummy. Results Regression results for the multinomial logit model are presented in Table 8. showing that migration is again negative correlated with the dependent variable. with similar results. the results reported in the table indicate the impact of the explanatory variable on the probability of choosing either restriction toward jus sanguinis (first column) or expansion toward jus soli (second column). except for those which present zero-cell problems. Pairwise correlations among our new dependent variable. The size of government's negative coefficient . while the opposite holds for Southern Europe. and 28 We also experiment with migration stocks in 1970 and 1980. 29 We apply to the above results the Cook's distance method.
the implications of Table 9 are in line with those of Table 7. The subSaharan Africa dummy is not significant when entered instead of decolonization.for restriction confirms that this factor actually prevents it. in Table 7 decolonization exerts a significantly negative impact on the probability of having a jus soli legislation. we perform a full set of robustness checks for (10). which reports the marginal effects for the multinomial logit specification. 31 Moreover. For instance. these results are complementary to those of Section 6 since they highlight which . meaning that relatively old countries are more likely to liberalize their legislation. INSERT TABLE 9 As for specification (9). due to the removal of the Latin America dummy which comprises several former Portuguese colonies. while per capita GDP reveals a significant 31 The estimated marginal effects are calculated as explained in footnote 17. When we replace our decolonization dummy with the dummy for British or Portuguese colonies. the alternative dummy is again significant. Overall. Alternative measures of migration confirm an irrelevant impact on change in the laws. INSERT TABLE 8 Table 9 reports the marginal coefficients for the regressions in Table 8 and confirms the restrictive impact of migration emerging from Table 8. it emerges as a factor that facilitates change toward sanguinis. which is consistent with the fact that. The Gini index once again fails to add any significance. while again a relatively young population provokes resistance to extension. 32 Page 34 impact on expansion. in Table 9. Ethnic diversity emerges as a significant factor of change toward jus sanguinis.
on the basis of a new dataset we compiled. In bringing the model to the data. In particular. as reflected by the original citizenship legislation. older population and more extended political rights tend to be associated with more diffused elements of jus soli. In particular. Moreover. while in jus sanguinis countries the impact of migration has been negligible. particularly in connection with the decolonization phase. Conclusion We studied the theoretical and empirical determinants of the legal institution of citizenship in the postwar period. we found that indeed citizenship laws have responded endogenously and systematically to a number of economic and institutional factors. for each possible direction of change. migration is confirmed as a factor that favors change toward restriction.factors have induced the observed evolution of the legislation. Border instability emerges as a decisive factor in shaping citizenship laws. Therefore. reflecting discontinuities for the transplanting process of legal institutions. We developed a simple median voter model where citizenship rights are granted by natives to migrants on the basis of the associated benefits and costs. 8. Countries with larger welfare systems. the legal tradition has affected the way countries have responded to migration. The model predicts that migration has a potentially ambiguous impact on the legislation and that this impact is also affected by cultural factors including a country's degree of inclusiveness. jus soli countries have reacted to increasing migration through restriction. . the evidence does not support the hypothesis of convergence toward a mixed regime that includes both jus soli and jus sanguinis elements. Our investigation reveals that migration has had an overall negative impact on liberalization of the legislation and the adoption of jus soli elements.
countries may differ on some . Further research will study the future evolution of citizenship policy. The Citizenship-at-birth Classification Group 1 (jus sanguinis countries): We include countries where citizenship is passed on to a child based upon at least one of the parents being a citizen of that country.have already been investigated. Our methodology can be extended to the study of other evolving bodies of the law. Many issues that fall within the former . Data Appendix A. Finally. This represents another challenge for further research on the process of formation of legal rules and on the impact of institutions on economic outcomes. such as family law. and women's rights. regardless of the child's actual country of birth. and government activities . within a legal system. labor regulation. but also by other institutions such as the internal system of political rights and the international system of relations as reflected by state borders. since they do adapt both to economic and non-economic factors.such as commercial law. rules of inheritance. we also establish that different institutions are interrelated. citizenship laws can be viewed as a link.More generally. and where citizenship is not granted due to birth within the country. by using projections of international migration patterns in combination with the available predictions about the future course of democratization and border changes. Citizenship laws are still changing. a clear implication of our investigation is that institutions should not be 33 Page 35 presumed to be exogenous. between the public and the private sphere of influence. The endogeneity of institutions to economic factors represents a challenge for research aimed at demonstrating that institutions are crucial determinants of economic performances. By showing that citizenship laws are shaped not only by the broader legal origins. In the application of jus sanguinis.
Group 3 (jus soli countries): We include those countries where citizenship is automatically granted due to birth within the country.factors. to acquire citizenship at some later point (for example. the existence of a provision that birth in the country matters for naturalization. For example. mother's right to transmit citizenship by descent. Moreover. that justifies the inclusion of a country within Group 2. Group 2 (countries with a mixed regime): We include those countries where elements of jus soli are recognized. Another is the ability. we interpret as an element of jus soli. . A common exception to the general principle of jus sanguinis is automatic citizenship attribution to children of unknown parents. automatic citizenship for the children of those immigrants who were also born in the country). residence requirements for parents. albeit in a restrictive form. and coexist with varying degrees of jus sanguinis. a frequent provision that limits jus soli is double jus soli (namely. Examples of restrictions are generational requirements limiting the principle of citizenship by descent to the first or second generations of individuals born and residing abroad. for example on the father's vs. the age of maturity) subject to either residence requirements or application. and the requirement that parents must be citizens other than by descent. for a child born in a country were jus sanguinis prevails. our classification does not emphasize how narrowly 34 Page 36 jus sanguinis can be specifically applied to emigrants. regardless of the parents' citizenship or status. Most of these factors depend on the interaction between local family law and citizenship law. the relevance of the marital status of the parents. Since we focus on the presence of jus soli elements in a country's legislation. the requirement of citizenship for one or both parents.
Normally countries that apply jus soli combine it with jus sanguinis provisions for the children of their citizens born outside of their territory (although limitations to the ability to transmit citizenship acquired in this manner to the next generation usually apply through. residence requirements). The countries affected by State Creation are the most numerous. and State Creation. the new countries formed in Europe after the fall of the Berlin wall. B. State Transformation. plus a few additional observations not linked to these two waves. the State Transformation of Germany in 1990. The Border Change Dummies We construct three border change dummies (namely. In particular. Decolonization. They include the new countries gaining independence . We refer to Bertocchi and Strozzi (2009) for further detail on the data set on citizenship laws. and Russia in 1992). West Germany in 1990. the State Demise of Germany in 1945. namely. State Demise. State Disintegration. for border changes we include a few earlier events occurred in the 1943-1948 period that fit within the phase of post-colonial independence. and the USSR in 1991. there is substantial overlap among the observations recorded in the Polity IV dataset. Even if we set 1948 as the initial date for our citizenship laws analysis. East Germany in 1990. West Germany in 1945. We . Clearly. and Other Border Changes) based on data collected from Polity IV (2002). East Germany in 1945. Berlin Wall. for example. Examples of the events contained in the Polity IV 35 Page 37 (2002) dataset are the State Disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.and therefore state borders . from the Polity IV variable CHANGE we record information on four types of events capable of affecting state borders.in the postwar decolonization phase.
the State Transformation of Germany in 1990 and the State Demise of East and West Germany in the same year. Definitions and Sources of Other Covariates Migration stock: International migration stock (% population). Net migration flows: International net migration rate. The data are taken from United Nations (2003) and are available for 1960. because it concerns two countries which are in our sample.000 total .adapt these data to our needs by matching them to the 162 countries appearing in our citizenship laws dataset. but also the State Demise of Germany in the same year. we count as a single event. the separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan counts for two events. occurring again to Germany. we construct our three border change dummies for each period under consideration: Decolonization (identifying countries which went through a post-colonial redefinition of their borders). the absence of border changes. more than the direction of a change in terms of a country's size. On this basis. was obtained from the CIA (2002). To be noticed is that the way our variables are coded reflects stability of borders. and other border changes (identifying countries which went through other types of boundary changes. 1970. including refugees. On the other hand. of which examples are the split between Pakistan and Bangladesh. Likewise. For instance. Migration stock is the number of people born in a country other than that in which they live. 1990 and 2000. C. Additional information. the State Transformation of East and West Germany in 1945. Berlin wall (identifying countries which went through a post-1989 Berlin wall border change). namely. The data refer 36 Page 38 to incoming international migrants less outgoing international migrants. we treat as another single event. occurring to Germany. per 1. when necessary. 1980. and the unification of Vietnam).
The data are available over five year intervals from 1950. British or Portuguese colony: Dummy for countries that were British or Portuguese colonies any time after 1918. Southern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa: Dummies for countries belonging to Latin America. Political rights: Political rights index. and Brunei). Share of young: Share of young between age 15 and 34 (% population). German. Moreover. The data are taken from United Nations (2005). while La Porta et al. The source is the Correlates of War 2 Project (2004). Angola. taken from Easterly and Levine (1997). Ethnolinguistic fractionalization: Composite index of ethnolinguistic fractionalization. (1999). Southern Europe and subSaharan Africa. Government consumption: Government share of GDP in current prices. Qatar. taken from Freedom House (1996). and Scandinavian versions. taken from La Porta et al. (1999). The source is the United Nations (2005). with projections until 2050. Bahrain. (1999). Socialist: Dummy for socialist countries. taken from Penn World Tables (2002). Catholic share: Percentage of Catholics in 1980. within the broader civil law tradition. INSERT TABLE APPENDIX References 37 . GDP per capita: Logarithm of real GDP per capita at current international prices. we assign them to their own class of common or civil law as it prevailed before the communist period. (1999) introduce a separate class for socialist-law countries. Small country: Dummy for countries with a population size of less than one million over all available years between 1960 and 1995. Latin America. Civil law: The source is the legal origin classification in La Porta et al.population. Gini index: Gini index of inequality. Information is from La Porta et al. since they do not present any significant difference for the issue of citizenship. as in Easterly and Kraay (2000). We retain only the two main families of common and civil law. taken from Deininger and Squire (1996). without distinguishing. Oil: Dummy for oil countries (OPEC countries plus Oman. taken from Penn World Tables (2002). among the French. The classification is from UN (2002).
On the Number and Size of Nations. Centre for Economic Policy Research. Working Paper no. and Andrei Shleifer. 2006. Mass. On the Political Economy of Migration. Alberto. Journal of Comparative Economics 29:591-607. Robinson. Aleinikoff. Rainer. Alesina. American Economic Review 91:1369-1401. and James A. Eva Ersbøll. Why Did the West Extend the Franchise? Democracy. 2008. 1996. Quarterly Journal of Economics 115:1167-99. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Citizenship Today: Global Perspectives and Practices. 2001. 2000. European Economic Review 40:1737-1744. Robinson.. Thomas A. Cambridge. Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes. 2007. The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation. London. 2000. Klusmeyer (edited by). Bertocchi. 13809. Benhabib. 38 Page 40 . Bertocchi. National Bureau of Economic Research. and Michael Spagat. Discussion Paper no. The Politics of Co-optation. Jess. Aleinikoff. and Douglas B. Kees Groenendijk. Daron.Page 39 Acemoglu. Balas. Graziella. Quarterly Journal of Economics 112:1027-1056. Acemoglu.. Daron. 6396. Inequality and Growth in Historical Perspective. Thomas A. Graziella. Klusmeyer (edited by). and Douglas B. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. 2001. The Enfranchisement of Women and the Welfare State. 1997. Baubock. Acquisition and Loss of Nationality. 2001. and James A. Aron. and Enrico Spolaore. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Simon Johnson. From Migrants to Citizens: Membership in a Changing World. and Harald Waldrauch (edited by). Rafael La Porta. The Divergence of Legal Procedures.
Bonn. Dolmas. 2009. 1992. Brubaker. Miller. DeVoretz. Growth. Citizenship in the United States: The Roles of Immigrant Characteristics and Country of Origin. Brussels: British Council Brussels. Barry R. William. 1997. 2004. On the Political Economy of Migration and Income Redistribution. and Lyn Squire. British Council Brussels. Washington: CIA Chiswick. World Development 28:2013-2027. 39 Page 41 Easterly. Don J. 1996. and Chiara Strozzi. 2006. The World Bank Economic Review 10:565-91. and Volatility in Small States. Small States. The Citizenship Laws Dataset.. William. The Economic Causes and Consequences of Canadian Citizenship. 2004. Africa's Growth Tragedy: Policies and Ethnic . Quarterly Journal of Economics 112:1057-1090.. Easterly. Deininger. 2006. 1997. and Aart Kraay. IZA. Graziella. International Migration and the Role of Institutions. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. DeVoretz. http://www. Graziella. Don J. Huffman. European Civic Citizenship and Inclusion Index. Correlates of War 2 Project. 2000. 2002. The Breakup of Nations: A Political Economy Analysis. Rogers. The World Factbook 2002. Discussion Paper no. The Pennsylvania State University. and Gregory W. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. and Gerard Roland. Bertocchi. International Migration Review 40:390-418. 2005. Immigration Policy: Methods of Economic Assessment.it/data. 3596. and Paul W.unimore. Central Intelligence Agency. Department of Political Science. Patrick. and Chiara Strozzi.Bertocchi. Klaus. Jim.asp. Public Choice 137:81-102. 2008. Bolton. 2008.recent. and Ross Levine. International Economic Review 45:1129-1168. and Sergiy Pivnenko. A New Data Set Measuring Income Inequality. Small Problems? Income. Journal of Immigration and Integration 6:435-468.
and Maurice Schiff. Stanley L. Freedom House. and Paths of Development Among New World Economies. 1999. Center for International Comparisons at the University of Pennsylvania (CICUP). Robert Summers. Huntington.. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Factor Endowment. Heidelberg: Springer. Negative Selection and Policy. Journal of Population Economics 19:32744. 9259. Andrei Shleifer. Williamson. Quarterly Journal of Economics 112:1203-1250. 1996. Vishny.. 1998. New York: Simon & Schuster. Sokoloff. Political Rights and Civil Liberties. Rafael. Gradstein. 2002. 40 Page 42 Mayda. Alan. Freedom in the World. Andrei Shleifer. Heston. Journal of Law. New York: Freedom House. Cambridge. Engerman. Mass. 2002. Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes. 2006. 2006. and Kenneth L. and Robert W. Economics and Organization 15:222279. Vishny. Anna Maria. Langhammer. and Robert W. October. Who Are We: The Challenges to America's National Identity. Penn World Table Version 6. Christian (edited by). Inequality. Review of Economics and Statistics 88:510- . 2006. Timothy J. Mark. Samuel P. Law and Finance. The Quality of Government. National Bureau of Economic Research. Challenge to the Nation-State: Immigration in Western Europe and the United States. Hatton. 2004. 1-34 in Labor Mobility and the World Economy. International Migration in the Long Run: Positive Selection.1.Divisions. and Jeffrey G. La Porta. and Bettina Aten. Rafael. La Porta. Working Paper no. Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes. Who is Against Immigration? A Cross-country Investigation of Individual Attitudes towards Immigration. 1998. Journal of Political Economy 106:1113-1155. edited by Federico Foders and Rolf J. Pp. The Political Economy of Social Exclusion with Implications for Immigration Policy. Joppke.
2006. United Nations. Kevin H. Alan H. 2002. Center for International Development and Conflict Management. Citizenship Laws of the World. Common Database. and Phillip Swagel. Let Their People Come: Breaking the Deadlock in International Labor Mobility. Washington: The Brookings Institution Press. Geneva: United Nations. United Nations. Tax Burden and Migration: A Political Economy Theory and Evidence. 1981. Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions. Timmer. The Determinants of Individual Attitudes towards Immigration. 1998. 2002.. 41 Page 43 Weil. Access to Citizenship: A Comparison of Twenty-Five Nationality Laws. Ashley S. Patrick. High Commissioner for Refugees.. Razin. Polity IV.. Williamson. edited by Aleinikoff. New York: United Nations. Country of Origin and Legal Information. Klusmeyer. 2001. 42 Page 44 Table 1 C . 2001. United Nations.17-35 in Citizenship Today: Global Perspectives and Practices. Population and Development Review 24:739-771. Investigations Service. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. United Nations. Policy Interaction. Journal of Public Economics 85:167-190. United States Office of Personnel Management. and Globalization Backlash. 2002. 2006. World Population Prospects: Population Estimates and Projections. Pritchett. 2003. European Journal of Political Economy 22:838-861. Thomas A. O'Rourke. Immigration Policy Prior to the Thirties: Labor Markets. Journal of Political Economy 89:914-27. and Richard Sinnott. and Douglas B. Efraim Sadka. and Scott F. University of Maryland.530. Assaf. Trends in Total Migrant Stock: The 2003 Revision. 2003. A Rational Theory of the Size of Government. Meltzer. New York: United Nations. 1800-2002. 2005. Richard. NewYork: United Nations. and Jeffrey G. Lant. Pp.
ITIZENSHIP L AWS E VOLUTION :T RANSITION M ATRICES Citizenship laws in 2001 Jus sanguinis regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Total Citizenship laws in 1948: Jus sanguinis regime 46 20 1 67 Mixed regime 11 6 2 19 Jus soli regime 31 9 36 76 Total 88 35 39 162 Citizenship laws in 1975 Jus sanguinis regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Total Citizenship laws in 1948: .
Jus sanguinis regime 63 3 1 67 Mixed regime 10 7 2 19 Jus soli regime 28 1 47 76 Total 101 11 50 162 Citizenship laws in 2001 Jus sanguinis regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Total Citizenship laws in 1975: Jus sanguinis regime 81 20 0 101 Mixed regime 2 9 0 11 Jus soli regime 5 6 39 50 .
Total 88 35 39 162 Page 45 Table 2 C HANGES IN C ITIZENSHIP L AWS Changes in citizenship laws (1948 to 2001) No change Toward jus sanguinis Toward jus soli Total Citizenship laws in 1948: Jus sanguinis regime 46 0 21 67 Mixed regime 6 11 2 19 Jus soli regime 36 40 0 76 Total 88 51 23 162 Changes in citizenship laws (1948 to 1975) No change .
Toward jus sanguinis Toward jus soli Total Citizenship laws in 1948: Jus sanguinis regime 63 0 4 67 Mixed regime 7 10 2 19 Jus soli regime 47 29 0 76 Total 117 39 6 162 Changes in citizenship laws (1975 to 2001) No change Toward jus sanguinis Toward jus soli Total Citizenship laws in 1975: Jus sanguinis regime 81 0 20 101 Mixed regime 9 2 0 11 Jus soli regime 39 11 .
698 .0 50 Total 129 13 20 162 Page 46 Table 3 C ITIZENSHIP L AWS D ATA S ET :S UMMARY S TATISTICS Variable Observations Mean Standard deviation Minimum Maximum Citizenship laws in 2001 162 1.685 .835 1 3 Citizenship laws in 1975 162 1.916 1 3 .
655 -1 1 Naturalization in 2001 142 2.173 .299 0 1 Page 47 Table 4 S UMMARY .458 . laws (1975 to 2001) 162 -.043 .451 -1 1 Changes in cit.920 1 4 Citizenship policy index in 2001 142 .941 1 3 Changes in cit. laws (1948 to 1975) 162 .488 -1 1 Changes in cit. laws (1948 to 2001) 162 -.204 .Citizenship laws in 1948 162 2.415 .056 .
116 . law 324 .713 .646 9.080 .470 0 1 Migration stock 300 5.S TATISTICS Variable Observations Mean Standard deviation Minimum Maximum Current citizenship laws 324 1.673 Net migration flows 318 -.500 0 1 Civil legal origin 324 .691 .519 .485 -1 1 Jus sanguinis as initial cit.011 70.875 1 3 Changes in citizenship laws 324 -.673 .
379 0 1 Southern Europe 324 .223 0 1 Other border changes 324 .35 Decolonization 324 .95 63.8.022 .250 .160 .368 0 1 Sub-Saharan Africa 324 .551 -47.052 .204 0 1 Small country 324 .043 .434 0 1 Berlin wall 324 .146 0 1 Latin America 324 .173 .
890 Government consumption .173 .535 35.299 0 .281 0 1 Political rights 276 3.349 .572 0 97.379 0 1 Oil 324 .3 Ethnolinguistic fractionalization 272 .333 .730 2..086 .442 0 1 British or Portuguese colony 324 .040 1 7 Catholic share 324 31.472 0 1 Socialist 324 .265 .
For details about the construction of the variables see the text.979 10.36 Page 48 Log GDP per capita 263 7.54 3.617 11.060 Gini index 155 40.966 20.249 4.488 1.47 27.263 19.01 53.492 72. The sample includes two cross sections of 162 countries.233 Share of young 324 34. The reference period is 19502000.495 63.425 9. Page 49 Table 5 P AIRWISE C ORRELATIONS A . The first cross section refers to the 1950-1975 subperiod while the second cross section refers to the 1976-2000 subperiod.180 N OTE .342 2.
33** Decolonization -.60** .04 Southern Europe -.07 -.02 Latin America .10 + Small country .24** Other border changes -.12* Net migration flows -.11 + -.64** .48** Civil legal origin -.15** .12* -.05 .09 -. law -.14* -.42** Berlin wall -.06 Jus sanguinis as initial cit.MONG D EPENDENT AND I NDEPENDENT V ARIABLES Citizenship laws Changes in citizenship laws Migration stock -.12* .08 .
03 -.22** -.Sub-Saharan Africa -.02 -.06 Share of young -.39** . The sample includes two cross sections of 162 countries. The reference period is 1950-2000.20** Log GDP per capita . .06 Political rights .26** Socialist -.14* Oil -.10 + Ethnolinguistic fractionalization -.18** Catholic share .10 + -.12* -.20** Government consumption -.25** .29** .05 .34** Gini index .13* -.19** British or Portuguese colony .03 .24** Page 50 N OTE .
For details about the construction of the variables see the text.10. Page 51 Table 6 T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ULTINOMIAL L OGIT E STIMATES Specification (a) Specification (b) Specification (c) Mixed regime Jus soli regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Migration stock -. ** p < . + p < .The first cross section refers to the 1950-1975 subperiod while the second cross section refers to the 1976-2000 subperiod.05.055** . * p < .01.051 + -.
61) (-2.032 -.38) Period 1.30) (-1.39) (-5.193** 1.-.81) (-1.99) (-4.65) (.28) (-.117** -4.86) (-2.568** -7.47) (2. cit.41) (-.59** (-4.79) (-1.296 + -2.211** -.211 (4. as init.272 2.09) (-1.55) .167* -.045 (-1.28) (3.044** -6.90) (-5.24) (-4.53) Jus sang.409* -.054 + -.712** -6.048** -2.385** . law -2.43) (-4.02) (2.887** 1.87) (-3.084 -1.523 (-1.27) Decolonization -1.
866** -.153 1.93) Small country -.234 + 1.51) (2.063** (1.084 + (1.495** (-.69) (.523 (-1.03) (-.87) Latin America -.23) (.73) (-.07) (2.64) Jus san.69) (-1.14) (1.156 + .621 4.Southern Europe 1.75) Government consumption .415 -2.035 .88) (.224* -.799 2.804 .70) (3.68) .81) (1.187 (2.566 + . X migration stock .
426* (2.548** .70) Ethno.02) (1.092** .012 .397* (-1.353* 3.48) (-.05) (2.716 11.75) (-2.626* -. fractionalization .02) Political rights .84) (2.46) Constant -1.193 + -.43) Page 52 Catholic share .43) (1.024 1.023 1.03) (2.Share of young -.73) (2.46) (.01 (1.277 (.165* (-2.09) N 300 300 300 300 .
.79 Count R 2 .32 .53 .94 -95.45 .224 224 Log likelihood -195.58 .4 .57 McFadden's Adjusted R 2 .68 .24 Maximum Likelihood R 2 .29 .77 -155.83 Adjusted Count R 2 .55 . Jus sanguinis is the reference category.64 N OTE .44 Cragg & Uhler's R 2 . clustered at country level.46 .68 McFadden's R 2 .71 . The reference period is 1950-2000.32 .81 . Robust z statistics in brackets.
05.01.001 (2.025* -.193* -.34) Jus sanguinis as initial cit.49) (-2.+ P < . ** P < .10.681** (18.875** -. law .023* -.7) . Page 53 Table 7 T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ARGINAL E FFECTS (M ULTINOMIAL L OGIT .09) (-.F ULL S PECIFICATION ) Jus sanguinis regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Migration stock . * P < .
336** -.805** (-4.13) (-1.95) (2.303 + .51) Latin America -.56) (-7.027* .170 .194** .86) (-.611** -.86) Jus sanguinis X migration stock -.85) (5.16) (.123 .51) (1.114 (.92) Period -.44) Decolonization .291 .203** .016 -.15) (-2.75) Small country .139 + (.59) (-3.034 (-1.80) (.121 (-1.77) Southern Europe -.088 -.(-2.03) (.
007* (-1.96) Political rights -.152 (-.001 .021 .15) Catholic share -.56) (-..002 .001 Page 54 (-1. fractionalization -.069** .018 -.01) Share of young .18) (-2.061** -.010* .037 + (-3.006 (-2.028 .107** .92) Government consumption -.50) .004 .50) (.76) (2.98) (.16) (.043* (2.14) (.36) (1.50) Ethno.29) (1.65) (-1.124 -.
The reference period is 1950-2000.05.039 + . * P < . + P < . The above marginal effects refer to the multinomial logit estimates of our full specification (specification (c) in Table 6).(2.90) N 224 224 224 N OTE .61) (1. ** P < .01. clustered at country level.10. Page 55 Table 8 T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C HANGE IN C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ULTINOMINAL L OGIT E STIMATES Toward jus sanguinis Toward jus soli Migration stock . Robust z statistics in brackets.
60) Government consumption -.032 (1.006 .50) (.12) Share of young .736 + (.898** 2.2 + 2.006 (1.155** (1.73) Decolonization 2.12) Period .90) (.-.44) Small country -.493** (.95) (1.02 -.05 + .65) (1.82) (1.94) (3.001 (.341 -.593 (.82) Catholic share -.70) .15) (2.058 + (2.652 1.68) Southern Europe 2.
(.234 (.08) Constant -4.16 .58 Maximum Likelihood R 2 .508 (2.96) (2.45 Count R 2 .52) Political rights .771* Page 56 (.364 9.15 Cragg & Uhler's R 2 .33 McFadden's R 2 .81 Adjusted Count R 2 .04) N 224 224 Log likelihood -107.104 .981* 2.3 McFadden's Adjusted R 2 .84) (1.12) Ethnolinguistic fractionalization 1.23) (1.
* P < . Robust z statistics in brackets.N OTE . + P < . ** P < . No change in citizenship laws is the reference category. The reference period is 1950-2000.01.000 (2.003* -.05. clustered at country level.01) (-1.26) .003 -.10. Page 57 Table 9 T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C HANGE IN C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ARGINAL E FFECTS (M ULTINOMIAL L OGIT ) Toward jus sanguinis No change Toward jus soli Migration stock .
001 (-2.31) (2.16) Southern Europe .022 .013 -.06) Small country -.74) (-.016** (.28) Share of young .58) (-1.004* .33) (1.015 (-.05) Decolonization .058* (.069 (2.038 -.374* -.415* .00) (-2.02) (1.(-.442* .10) (-2.299 -.116 (1.53) (.42) (1.27) (1.044 -.65) Government consumption -.102 .003 .19) Period .29) .003 .
007 (.75) (-1. Page 59 Table Appendix Table A.89) Political rights .10.74) Catholic share -.10) (1. + P < .12) N 224 224 224 Page 58 N OTE .015 .01. The above marginal effects refer to the multinomial logit estimates in Table 8.39) (1.000 .12) (-2.19) Ethnolinguistic fractionalization .1 . * P < .007 -. clustered at country level.145* -.000 (-. Robust z statistics in brackets.60) (.05. The reference period is 1950-2000.(1. ** P < .71) (.223* .077 + (2.18) (-2.000 .
62) Jus sanguinis as initial citizenship law -4.T HE D ETERMINANTS OF C ITIZENSHIP L AWS :M ULTINOMIAL L OGIT E STIMATES .344** .12) (-1.533** -7.81) (-.013 (-.A LTERNATIVE C OVARIATES Specification (a) Specification (b) Mixed regime Jus soli regime Mixed regime Jus soli regime Migration stock -.056 -.052 (-2.36) Average migration stock -.152* -.
260 1.317** -.218 1.79) (-.31) Decolonization -.908 .09) (-4.062 .33) (2.12) Civil legal origin .84) (-1.649 (2.436** .941 -1.397** .01) Southern Europe 1.(-5.16) (-1.76) (1.509 + -.64) (.88) Period 2.667 4.834** -.68) (.42) Latin America -.54) (1.21) (-1.525 1.595 (1.742 + (1.003 (-.140 -1.046 5.22) (.
894 + 1.560 -1.197 + -.65) (.040 Page 60 (1.140 + .068** (1.10) Government consumption .90) (.019 -.55) (2.65) (1.043 .64) Small country -2.61) Civil legal origin X migration stock .036 .59) Share of young -.73) (-.128 (-1.25) (2.03) (3.29) Jus san.(-.67) (-1.23) (-1. X average migration stock .063** .402* .09) (2.110 (.89) (1.503 + .
011 .78) (2.74) Political rights .56) Constant 3.539** .58) (1.81) (1.831 11.012 .85) (1.75) (.006 .563* .436* .98) Catholic share .527 (1.276 (2.46) (-1.247* (-1.38) Ethnolinguistic fractionalization -.16) (-1.017 (1.52) (2.11) .035 1.52) (.03) (.096 -.029 1.950 + (-.567 4.78) (-2.08) (2.03) (1.273* -3.-.290 1.
55 McFadden's R 2 .74 -132. Jus sanguinis is the reference category.83 .57 . + P < .01) N 224 224 224 224 Log likelihood -95.10.05.01 Maximum Likelihood R 2 . The reference period is 1950-2000.28 Cragg & Uhler's R 2 .48 N OTE .64 . .41 McFadden's Adjusted R 2 .04) (1. Robust z statistics in brackets. * P < . clustered at country level.68 . ** P < .44 .75 Adjusted Count R 2 .01.78 .(-1.64 Count R 2 .
Page 61 .
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
We've moved you to where you read on your other device.
Get the full title to continue reading from where you left off, or restart the preview.