Albert Einstein

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Main article
Albert Einstein 1 1 26 26 32 60 60 68 91 91 95 95 104 104 148 156 156 158 161 161 164 164

Annus Mirabilis and special relativity
Annus Mirabilis papers History of special relativity

Light and general relativity
History of general relativity Relativity priority dispute

Unified field theory
Classical unified field theories

Collaboration and conflict
Bohr–Einstein debates

Manhattan Project Albert Einstein's political views

List of things named after Albert Einstein Einstein's awards and honors

Effect on popular culture
Albert Einstein in popular culture

Scientific publications
List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Article Sources and Contributors Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 220 224

Article Licenses
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Main article
Albert Einstein
Albert Einstein

Albert Einstein in 1921 Born 14 March 1879 Ulm, Kingdom of Württemberg, German Empire 18 April 1955 (aged 76) Princeton, New Jersey, United States Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Austria, Belgium, United Kingdom, United States • • • • • • Württemberg/Germany (1879–1896) Stateless (1896–1901) Switzerland (1901–1955) Austria (1911–1912) Germany (1914–1933) United States (1940–1955)


Residence Citizenship

Fields Institutions

Physics • • • • • • • • • • Swiss Patent Office (Bern) University of Zurich Charles University in Prague ETH Zurich Prussian Academy of Sciences Kaiser Wilhelm Institute University of Leiden Institute for Advanced Study ETH Zurich University of Zurich

Alma mater

Doctoral advisor

Alfred Kleiner

Other academic advisors Heinrich Friedrich Weber

Albert Einstein

Notable students

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Ernst G. Straus Nathan Rosen Leó Szilárd [1] Raziuddin Siddiqui General relativity and special relativity Photoelectric effect Mass-energy equivalence Theory of Brownian Motion Einstein field equations Bose–Einstein statistics Bose-Einstein condensate Bose–Einstein correlations Unified Field Theory EPR paradox Nobel Prize in Physics (1921) Matteucci Medal (1921) Copley Medal (1925) Max Planck Medal (1929) Time Person of the Century (1999)

Known for

Notable awards


Mileva Marić (1903–1919) Elsa Löwenthal (1919–1936) Signature

Albert Einstein (  /ˈælbərtˈaɪnstaɪn/; German: [ˈalbɐt ˈaɪnʃtaɪn] ( listen); 14 March 1879 – 18 April 1955) was a German-born theoretical physicist who developed the general theory of relativity, effecting a revolution in physics. For this achievement, Einstein is often regarded as the father of modern physics[2][3] and the most influential physicist of the 20th century. While best known for his mass–energy equivalence formula E = mc2 (which has been dubbed "the world's most famous equation"),[4] he received the 1921 Nobel Prize in Physics "for his services to theoretical physics, and especially for his discovery of the law of the photoelectric effect".[5] The latter was pivotal in establishing quantum theory within physics. Near the beginning of his career, Einstein thought that Newtonian mechanics was no longer enough to reconcile the laws of classical mechanics with the laws of the electromagnetic field. This led to the development of his special theory of relativity. He realized, however, that the principle of relativity could also be extended to gravitational fields, and with his subsequent theory of gravitation in 1916, he published a paper on the general theory of relativity. He continued to deal with problems of statistical mechanics and quantum theory, which led to his explanations of particle theory and the motion of molecules. He also investigated the thermal properties of light which laid the foundation of the photon theory of light. In 1917, Einstein applied the general theory of relativity to model the structure of the universe as a whole.[6] He was visiting the United States when Adolf Hitler came to power in 1933, and did not go back to Germany, where he had been a professor at the Berlin Academy of Sciences. He settled in the U.S., becoming a citizen in 1940.[7] On the eve of World War II, he helped alert President Franklin D. Roosevelt that Germany might be developing an atomic weapon, and recommended that the U.S. begin similar research; this eventually led to what would become the Manhattan Project. Einstein was in support of defending the Allied forces, but largely denounced using the new discovery of nuclear fission as a weapon. Later, with the British philosopher Bertrand Russell, Einstein signed the Russell–Einstein Manifesto, which highlighted the danger of nuclear weapons. Einstein was affiliated with the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey, until his death in 1955. Einstein published more than 300 scientific papers along with over 150 non-scientific works.[6][8] His great intellectual achievements and originality have made the word "Einstein" synonymous with genius.[9]

Albert Einstein


Early life and education
Albert Einstein was born in Ulm, in the Kingdom of Württemberg in the German Empire on 14 March 1879.[10] His father was Hermann Einstein, a salesman and engineer. His mother was Pauline Einstein (née Koch). In 1880, the family moved to Munich, where his father and his uncle founded Elektrotechnische Fabrik J. Einstein & Cie, a company that manufactured electrical equipment based on direct current.[10] The Einsteins were non-observant Jews. Albert attended a Catholic elementary school from the age of five for three years. Later, at the age of eight, Einstein was transferred to the Luitpold Gymnasium where he received advanced primary and secondary school education until he left Germany seven years later.[11] Although it has been thought that Einstein had early speech difficulties, this is disputed by the Albert Einstein Archives, and he excelled at the first school that he attended.[12] He was right handed;[12][13] there appears to be no evidence for the widespread popular belief[14] that he was left handed. His father once showed him a pocket compass; Einstein realized that there must be something causing the needle to move, despite the apparent "empty space".[15] As he grew, Einstein built models and mechanical devices for fun and began to show a talent for mathematics.[10] When Einstein was ten years old, Max Talmud (later changed to Max Talmey), a poor Jewish medical student from Poland, was introduced to the Einstein family by his brother, and during weekly visits over the next five years, he gave the boy popular books on science, mathematical texts and philosophical writings. These included Immanuel Kant's Critique of Pure Reason, and Euclid's Elements (which Einstein called the "holy little geometry book").[16][17][18] In 1894, his father's company failed: direct current (DC) lost the War of Currents to alternating current (AC). In search of business, the Einstein family moved to Albert Einstein in 1893 (age 14) Italy, first to Milan and then, a few months later, to Pavia. When the family moved to Pavia, Einstein stayed in Munich to finish his studies at the Luitpold Gymnasium. His father intended for him to pursue electrical engineering, but Einstein clashed with authorities and resented the school's regimen and teaching method. He later wrote that the spirit of learning and creative thought were lost in strict rote learning. At the end of December 1894, he travelled to Italy to join his family in Pavia, convincing the school to let him go by using a doctor's note.[19] It was during his time in Italy that he wrote a short essay with the title "On the Investigation of the State of the Ether in a Magnetic Field."[20][21] In late summer 1895, at the age of sixteen, Einstein sat the entrance examinations for the Swiss Federal Polytechnic in Zurich (later the Eidgenössische Polytechnische Schule). He failed to reach the required standard in several subjects, but obtained exceptional grades in physics and mathematics.[22] On the advice of the Principal of the Polytechnic, he attended the Aargau Cantonal

Einstein at the age of three in 1882

Albert Einstein


School in Aarau, Switzerland, in 1895-96 to complete his secondary schooling. While lodging with the family of Professor Jost Winteler, he fell in love with Winteler's daughter, Marie. (His sister Maja later married the Wintelers' son, Paul.)[23] In January 1896, with his father's approval, he renounced his citizenship in the German Kingdom of Württemberg to avoid military service.[24] (He acquired Swiss citizenship five years later, in February 1901.)[25] In September 1896, he passed the Swiss Matura with mostly good grades (including a top grade of 6 in physics and mathematical subjects, on a scale of 1-6),[26] and, though only seventeen, enrolled in the four-year mathematics and physics teaching diploma program at the ETH Zurich. Marie Winteler moved to Olsberg, Switzerland for a teaching post.

Einstein's matriculation certificate at the age of 17, showing his final grades from the Aargau Kantonsschule (on a scale of 1-6).

Einstein's future wife, Mileva Marić, also enrolled at the Polytechnic that same year, the only woman among the six students in the mathematics and physics section of the teaching diploma course. Over the next few years, Einstein and Marić's friendship developed into romance, and they read books together on extra-curricular physics in which Einstein was taking an increasing interest. In 1900, Einstein was awarded the Zurich Polytechnic teaching diploma, but Marić failed the examination with a poor grade in the mathematics component, theory of functions.[27] There have been claims that Marić collaborated with Einstein on his celebrated 1905 papers,[28][29] but historians of physics who have studied the issue find no evidence that she made any substantive contributions.[30][31][32][33]

Marriages and children
In early 1902, Einstein and Marić had a daughter they named Lieserl in their correspondence, who was born in Novi Sad where Marić's parents lived.[34] Her full name is not known, and her fate is uncertain after 1903.[35] Einstein and Marić married in January 1903. In May 1904, the couple's first son, Hans Albert Einstein, was born in Bern, Switzerland. Their second son, Eduard, was born in Zurich in July 1910. In 1914, Einstein moved to Berlin, while his wife remained in Zurich with their sons. They divorced on 14 February 1919, having lived apart for five years. Einstein married Elsa Löwenthal (née Einstein) on 2 June 1919, after having had a relationship with her since 1912. She was his first cousin maternally and his second cousin paternally. In 1933, they emigrated to the United States. In 1935, Elsa Einstein was diagnosed with heart and kidney problems and died in December 1936.[36]

Albert Einstein


Patent office
After graduating, Einstein spent almost two frustrating years searching for a teaching post, but a former classmate's father helped him secure a job in Bern, at the Federal Office for Intellectual Property, the patent office, as an assistant examiner.[37] He evaluated patent applications for electromagnetic devices. In 1903, Einstein's position at the Swiss Patent Office became permanent, although he was passed over for promotion until he "fully mastered machine technology".[38] Much of his work at the patent office related to questions about transmission of electric signals and electrical-mechanical synchronization of time, two technical problems that show up conspicuously in the thought experiments that eventually led Einstein to his radical conclusions about the nature of light and the fundamental connection between space and time.[39] With a few friends he met in Bern, Einstein started a small discussion group, self-mockingly named "The Olympia Academy", which met regularly to discuss science and philosophy. Their readings included the works of Henri Poincaré, Ernst Mach, and David Hume, which influenced his scientific and philosophical outlook.
Left to right: Conrad Habicht, Maurice Solovine and Einstein, who founded the Olympia Academy

Academic career
During 1901, the paper "Folgerungen aus den Kapillarität Erscheinungen" ("Conclusions from the Capillarity Phenomena") was published in the prestigious Annalen der Physik.[40] On 30 April 1905, Einstein completed his thesis, with Alfred Kleiner, Professor of Experimental Physics, serving as pro-forma advisor. Einstein was awarded a PhD by the University of Zurich. His dissertation was entitled "A New Determination of Molecular Dimensions".[41][42] That same year, which has been called Einstein's annus mirabilis (miracle year), he published four groundbreaking papers, on the photoelectric effect, Brownian motion, special relativity, and the equivalence of mass and energy, which were to bring him to the notice of the academic world. By 1908, he was recognized as a leading scientist, and he was appointed lecturer at the University of Bern. The following year, he quit the patent office and the lectureship to take the position of physics docent [43] at the University of Zurich. He became a full professor at Einstein's official 1921 portrait after receiving the Karl-Ferdinand University in Prague in 1911. In 1914, he returned to Nobel Prize in Physics. Germany after being appointed director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Physics (1914–1932)[44] and a professor at the Humboldt University of Berlin, with a special clause in his contract that freed him from most teaching obligations. He became a member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences. In 1916, Einstein was appointed president of the German Physical Society (1916–1918).[45][46] During 1911, he had calculated that, based on his new theory of general relativity, light from another star would be bent by the Sun's gravity. That prediction was claimed confirmed by observations made by a British expedition led by Sir Arthur Eddington during the solar eclipse of 29 May 1919. International media reports of this made Einstein world famous. On 7 November 1919, the leading British newspaper The Times printed a banner headline that read: "Revolution in Science – New Theory of the Universe – Newtonian Ideas Overthrown".[47] Much later, questions were raised whether the measurements had been accurate enough to support Einstein's theory. In 1980 historians

Albert Einstein John Earman and Clark Glymour published an analysis suggesting that Eddington had suppressed unfavorable results.[48] The two reviewers found possible flaws in Eddington's selection of data, but their doubts, although widely quoted and, indeed, now with a "mythical" status almost equivalent to the status of the original observations, have not been confirmed.[49][50] Eddington's selection from the data seems valid and his team indeed made astronomical measurements verifying the theory.[51] In 1921, Einstein was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for his explanation of the photoelectric effect, as relativity was considered still somewhat controversial. He also received the Copley Medal from the Royal Society in 1925.


Travels abroad
Einstein visited New York City for the first time on 2 April 1921, where he received an official welcome by the Mayor, followed by three weeks of lectures and receptions. He went on to deliver several lectures at Columbia University and Princeton University, and in Washington he accompanied representatives of the National Academy of Science on a visit to the White House. On his return to Europe he was the guest of the British statesman and philosopher Viscount Haldane in London, where he met several renowned scientific, intellectual and political figures, and delivered a lecture at King's College.[52] In 1922, he traveled throughout Asia and later to Palestine, as part of a six-month excursion and speaking tour. His travels included Singapore, Ceylon, and Japan, where he gave a series of lectures to thousands of Japanese. His first lecture in Tokyo lasted four hours, after which he met the emperor and empress at the Imperial Palace where thousands came to watch. Einstein later gave his impressions of the Japanese in a letter to his sons:[53]:307 "Of all the people I have met, I like the Japanese most, as they are modest, intelligent, considerate, and have a feel for art."[53]:308 On his return voyage, he also visited Palestine for 12 days in what would become his only visit to that region. "He was greeted with great British pomp, as if he were a head of state rather than a theoretical physicist", writes Isaacson. This included a cannon salute upon his arrival at the residence of the British high commissioner, Sir Herbert Samuel. During one reception given to him, the building was "stormed by throngs who wanted to hear him". In Einstein's talk to the audience, he expressed his happiness over the event: I consider this the greatest day of my life. Before, I have always found something to regret in the Jewish soul, and that is the forgetfulness of its own people. Today, I have been made happy by the sight of the Jewish people learning to recognize themselves and to make themselves recognized as a force in the world.[54]:308

Albert Einstein


Emigration to U.S. in 1933
In February 1933 while on a visit to the United States, Einstein decided not to return to Germany due to the rise to power of the Nazis under Germany's new chancellor.[55][56] He visited American universities in early 1933 where he undertook his third two-month visiting professorship at the California Institute of Technology in Pasadena. He and his wife Elsa returned by ship to Belgium at the end of March. During the voyage they were informed that their cottage was raided by the Nazis and his personal sailboat had been confiscated. Upon landing in Antwerp on 28 March, he immediately went to the German consulate where he turned in his passport and formally renounced his German citizenship.[54] In early April, he learned that the new German government had passed laws barring Jews from holding any official positions, including teaching at universities.[54] A month later, Einstein's works were among those targeted by Nazi book burnings, and Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels proclaimed, "Jewish intellectualism is [54] dead." Einstein also learned that his name was on a list of assassination targets, with a "$5,000 bounty on his head."[54] One German magazine included him in a list of enemies of the German regime with the phrase, "not yet hanged".[54]
Cartoon of Einstein, who has shed his "Pacifism" wings, standing next to a pillar labeled "World Peace." He is rolling up his sleeves and holding a sword labeled "Preparedness" (circa 1933).

He resided in Belgium for some months, before temporarily living in England.[57][58] In a letter to his friend, physicist Max Born, who also emigrated from Germany and lived in England, Einstein wrote, ". . . I must confess that the degree of their brutality and cowardice came as something of a surprise."[54] In October 1933 he returned to the U.S. and took up a position at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton, New Jersey, that required his presence for six months each year.[59][60] He was still undecided on his future (he had offers from European universities, including Oxford), but in 1935 he arrived at the decision to remain permanently in the United States and apply for citizenship.[61][62] His affiliation with the Institute for Advance Studies would last until his death in 1955.[63] He was one of the four first selected (two of the others being John von Neumann and Kurt Gödel) at the new Institute, where he soon developed a close friendship with Gödel. The two would take long walks together discussing their work. His last assistant was Bruria Kaufman, who later became a renowned physicist. During this period, Einstein tried to develop a unified field theory and to refute the accepted interpretation of quantum physics, both unsuccessfully. Other scientists also fled to America. Among them were Nobel laureates and professors of theoretical physics. With so many other Jewish scientists now forced by circumstances to live in America, often working side by side, Einstein wrote to a friend, "For me the most beautiful thing is to be in contact with a few fine Jews—a few millennia of a civilized past do mean something after all." In another letter he writes, "In my whole life I have never felt so Jewish as now."[54]

Albert Einstein World War II and the Manhattan Project In 1939, a group of Hungarian scientists that included emigre physicist Leó Szilárd attempted to alert Washington of ongoing Nazi atomic bomb research. The group's warnings were discounted.[64] Einstein and Szilárd, along with other refugees such as Edward Teller and Eugene Wigner, "regarded it as their responsibility to alert Americans to the possibility that German scientists might win the race to build an atomic bomb, and to warn that Hitler would be more than willing to resort to such a weapon."[53]:630[65] In the summer of 1939, a few months before the beginning of World War II in Europe, Einstein was persuaded to lend his prestige by writing a letter with Szilárd to President Franklin D. Roosevelt to alert him of the possibility. The letter also recommended that the U.S. government pay attention to and become directly involved in uranium research and associated chain reaction research.
Photograph of Albert Einstein (1947) The letter is believed to be "arguably the key stimulus for the U.S. adoption of serious investigations into nuclear weapons on the eve of the U.S. entry into World War II".[66] President Roosevelt could not take the risk of allowing Hitler to possess atomic bombs first. As a result of Einstein's letter and his meetings with Roosevelt, the U.S. entered the "race" to develop the bomb, drawing on its "immense material, financial, and scientific resources" to initiate the Manhattan Project. It became the only country to successfully develop an atomic bomb during World War II.


For Einstein, "war was a disease . . . [and] he called for resistance to war." But in 1933, after Hitler assumed full power in Germany, "he renounced pacifism altogether . . . In fact, he urged the Western powers to prepare themselves against another German onslaught."[67]:110 In 1954, a year before his death, Einstein said to his old friend, Linus Pauling, "I made one great mistake in my life — when I signed the letter to President Roosevelt recommending that atom bombs be made; but there was some justification — the danger that the Germans would make them..."[68] U.S. citizenship Einstein became an American citizen in 1940. Not long after settling into his career at Princeton, he expressed his appreciation of the "meritocracy" in American culture when compared to Europe. According to Isaacson, he recognized the "right of individuals to say and think what they pleased", without social barriers, and as result, the individual was "encouraged" to be more creative, a trait he valued from his own early education. Einstein writes: What makes the new arrival devoted to this country is the democratic trait among the people. No one humbles himself before another person or class. . . American youth has the good fortune not to have its outlook troubled by

Einstein accepting U.S. citizenship, 1940

outworn traditions.[54]:432 As a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) at Princeton who campaigned for the civil rights of African Americans, Einstein corresponded with civil rights activist W. E. B. Du Bois, and in 1946 Einstein called racism America's "worst disease".[69] He later stated, "Race prejudice has unfortunately become an American tradition which is uncritically handed down from one generation to the next. The

Albert Einstein only remedies are enlightenment and education".[70] After the death of Israel's first president, Chaim Weizmann, in November 1952, Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion offered Einstein the position of President of Israel, a mostly ceremonial post.[71] The offer was presented by Israel's ambassador in Washington, Abba Eban, who explained that the offer "embodies the deepest respect which the Jewish people can repose in any of its sons".[53]:522 However, Einstein declined, and wrote in his response that he was "deeply moved", and "at once saddened and ashamed" that he could not accept it: All my life I have dealt with objective matters, hence I lack both the natural aptitude and the experience to deal properly with people and to exercise official function. I am the more distressed over these circumstances because my relationship with the Jewish people became my strongest human tie once I achieved complete clarity about our precarious position among the nations of the world.[53]:522[71][72]


On 17 April 1955, Albert Einstein experienced internal bleeding caused by the rupture of an abdominal aortic aneurysm, which had previously been reinforced surgically by Dr. Rudolph Nissen in 1948.[73] He took the draft of a speech he was preparing for a television appearance commemorating the State of Israel's seventh anniversary with him to the hospital, but he did not live long enough to complete it.[74] Einstein refused surgery, saying: "I want to go when I want. It is tasteless to prolong life artificially. I have done my share, it is time to go. I will do it elegantly."[75] He died in Princeton Hospital early the next morning at the age of 76, having continued to work until near the end.

The New York World-Telegram announces Einstein's death on 18 April 1955.

During the autopsy, the pathologist of Princeton Hospital, Thomas Stoltz Harvey, removed Einstein's brain for preservation without the permission of his family, in the hope that the neuroscience of the future would be able to discover what made Einstein so intelligent.[76] Einstein's remains were cremated and his ashes were scattered at an undisclosed location.[77][78] In his lecture at Einstein's memorial, nuclear physicist Robert Oppenheimer summarized his impression of him as a person: "He was almost wholly without sophistication and wholly without worldliness . . . There was always with him a wonderful purity at once childlike and profoundly stubborn."[67]

Scientific career

Albert Einstein Throughout his life, Einstein published hundreds of books and articles.[8][10] In addition to the work he did by himself he also collaborated with other scientists on additional projects including the Bose–Einstein statistics, the Einstein refrigerator and others.[79]


1905 - Annus Mirabilis papers
The Annus Mirabilis papers are four articles pertaining to the photoelectric effect (which gave rise to quantum theory), Brownian motion, the special theory of relativity, and E = mc2 that Albert Einstein published in the Annalen der Physik scientific journal in 1905. These four works contributed substantially to the foundation of modern physics and changed views on space, time, and matter. The four papers are:

Albert Einstein in 1904

The photoelectric effect. Incoming photons on the left strike a metal plate (bottom), and eject electrons, depicted as flying off to the right.

Title (translated) On a Heuristic Viewpoint Concerning the Production and Transformation of Light

Area of focus Photoelectric effect

Received 18 March

Published 9 June

Significance Resolved an unsolved puzzle by suggesting that energy is [80] exchanged only in discrete amounts (quanta). This idea was [81] pivotal to the early development of quantum theory. Explained empirical evidence for the atomic theory, supporting the application of statistical physics.

On the Motion of Small Particles Brownian Suspended in a Stationary Liquid, motion as Required by the Molecular Kinetic Theory of Heat On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies Special relativity

11 May

18 July

30 June

26 Reconciled Maxwell's equations for electricity and magnetism with September the laws of mechanics by introducing major changes to mechanics close to the speed of light, resulting from analysis based on empirical evidence that the speed of light is independent of the [82] motion of the observer. Discredited the concept of a [83] "luminiferous ether." Equivalence of matter and energy, E = mc2 (and by implication, the ability of gravity to "bend" light), the existence of "rest energy", and the basis of nuclear energy.

Does the Inertia of a Body Depend Upon Its Energy Content?

Matter–energy equivalence

27 21 September November

Albert Einstein


Thermodynamic fluctuations and statistical physics
Albert Einstein's first paper[84] submitted in 1900 to Annalen der Physik was on capillary attraction. It was published in 1901 with the title "Folgerungen aus den Kapillarität Erscheinungen," which translates as "Conclusions from the capillarity phenomena". Two papers he published in 1902–1903 (thermodynamics) attempted to interpret atomic phenomena from a statistical point of view. These papers were the foundation for the 1905 paper on Brownian motion, which showed that Brownian movement can be construed as firm evidence that molecules exist. His research in 1903 and 1904 was mainly concerned with the effect of finite atomic size on diffusion phenomena.[84]

General principles
He articulated the principle of relativity. This was understood by Hermann Minkowski to be a generalization of rotational invariance from space to space-time. Other principles postulated by Einstein and later vindicated are the principle of equivalence and the principle of adiabatic invariance of the quantum number.

Theory of relativity and E = mc²
Einstein's "Zur Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper" ("On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies") was received on 30 June 1905 and published 26 September of that same year. It reconciles Maxwell's equations for electricity and magnetism with the laws of mechanics, by introducing major changes to mechanics close to the speed of light. This later became known as Einstein's special theory of relativity. Consequences of this include the time-space frame of a moving body appearing to slow down and contract (in the direction of motion) when measured in the frame of the observer. This paper also argued that the idea of a luminiferous aether – one of the leading theoretical entities in physics at the time – was superfluous.[85] In his paper on mass–energy equivalence Einstein produced E = mc2 from his special relativity equations.[86] Einstein's 1905 work on relativity remained controversial for many years, but was accepted by leading physicists, starting with Max Planck.[87][88]

Photons and energy quanta
In a 1905 paper,[89] Einstein postulated that light itself consists of localized particles (quanta). Einstein's light quanta were nearly universally rejected by all physicists, including Max Planck and Niels Bohr. This idea only became universally accepted in 1919, with Robert Millikan's detailed experiments on the photoelectric effect, and with the measurement of Compton scattering. Einstein concluded that each wave of frequency f is associated with a collection of photons with energy hf each, where h is Planck's constant. He does not say much more, because he is not sure how the particles are related to the wave. But he does suggest that this idea would explain certain experimental results, notably the photoelectric effect.[90]

Quantized atomic vibrations
In 1907 Einstein proposed a model of matter where each atom in a lattice structure is an independent harmonic oscillator. In the Einstein model, each atom oscillates independently – a series of equally spaced quantized states for each oscillator. Einstein was aware that getting the frequency of the actual oscillations would be different, but he nevertheless proposed this theory because it was a particularly clear demonstration that quantum mechanics could solve the specific heat problem in classical mechanics. Peter Debye refined this model.[91]

Albert Einstein


Adiabatic principle and action-angle variables
Throughout the 1910s, quantum mechanics expanded in scope to cover many different systems. After Ernest Rutherford discovered the nucleus and proposed that electrons orbit like planets, Niels Bohr was able to show that the same quantum mechanical postulates introduced by Planck and developed by Einstein would explain the discrete motion of electrons in atoms, and the periodic table of the elements. Einstein contributed to these developments by linking them with the 1898 arguments Wilhelm Wien had made. Wien had shown that the hypothesis of adiabatic invariance of a thermal equilibrium state allows all the blackbody curves at different temperature to be derived from one another by a simple shifting process. Einstein noted in 1911 that the same adiabatic principle shows that the quantity which is quantized in any mechanical motion must be an adiabatic invariant. Arnold Sommerfeld identified this adiabatic invariant as the action variable of classical mechanics. The law that the action variable is quantized was a basic principle of the quantum theory as it was known between 1900 and 1925.

Wave–particle duality
Although the patent office promoted Einstein to Technical Examiner Second Class in 1906, he had not given up on academia. In 1908, he became a privatdozent at the University of Bern.[92] In "über die Entwicklung unserer Anschauungen über das Wesen und die Konstitution der Strahlung" ("The Development of Our Views on the Composition and Essence of Radiation"), on the quantization of light, and in an earlier 1909 paper, Einstein showed that Max Planck's energy quanta must have well-defined momenta and act in some respects as independent, point-like particles. This paper introduced the photon concept (although the name photon was introduced later by Gilbert N. Lewis in 1926) and inspired the notion of wave–particle duality in quantum mechanics.

Theory of critical opalescence
Einstein returned to the problem of thermodynamic fluctuations, giving a treatment of the density variations in a fluid at its critical point. Ordinarily the density fluctuations are controlled by the second derivative of the free energy with respect to the density. At the critical Einstein during his visit to the United States point, this derivative is zero, leading to large fluctuations. The effect of density fluctuations is that light of all wavelengths is scattered, making the fluid look milky white. Einstein relates this to Raleigh scattering, which is what happens when the fluctuation size is much smaller than the wavelength, and which explains why the sky is blue.[93] Einstein quantitatively derived critical opalescence from a treatment of density fluctuations, and demonstrated how both the effect and Rayleigh scattering originate from the atomistic constitution of matter.

Albert Einstein


Zero-point energy
Einstein's physical intuition led him to note that Planck's oscillator energies had an incorrect zero point. He modified Planck's hypothesis by stating that the lowest energy state of an oscillator is equal to 1⁄2hf, to half the energy spacing between levels. This argument, which was made in 1913 in collaboration with Otto Stern, was based on the thermodynamics of a diatomic molecule which can split apart into two free atoms.

General relativity and the Equivalence Principle
General relativity (GR) is a theory of gravitation that was developed by Albert Einstein between 1907 and 1915. According to general relativity, the observed gravitational attraction between masses results from the warping of space and time by those masses. General relativity has developed into an essential tool in modern astrophysics. It provides the foundation for the current understanding of black holes, regions of space where gravitational attraction is so strong that not even light can escape. As Albert Einstein later said, the reason for the development of general relativity was that the preference of inertial motions within special relativity was unsatisfactory, while a theory which from the outset prefers no state of motion (even accelerated ones) should appear more satisfactory.[94] So in 1908 he Eddington's photograph of a solar published an article on acceleration under special relativity. In that article, he eclipse. argued that free fall is really inertial motion, and that for a freefalling observer the rules of special relativity must apply. This argument is called the Equivalence principle. In the same article, Einstein also predicted the phenomenon of gravitational time dilation. In 1911, Einstein published another article expanding on the 1907 article, in which additional effects such as the deflection of light by massive bodies were predicted.

Hole argument and Entwurf theory
While developing general relativity, Einstein became confused about the gauge invariance in the theory. He formulated an argument that led him to conclude that a general relativistic field theory is impossible. He gave up looking for fully generally covariant tensor equations, and searched for equations that would be invariant under general linear transformations only. In June 1913 the Entwurf ("draft") theory was the result of these investigations. As its name suggests, it was a sketch of a theory, with the equations of motion supplemented by additional gauge fixing conditions. Simultaneously less elegant and more difficult than general relativity, after more than two years of intensive work Einstein abandoned the theory in November 1915 after realizing that the hole argument was mistaken.[95]

Albert Einstein


In 1917, Einstein applied the General theory of relativity to model the structure of the universe as a whole. He wanted the universe to be eternal and unchanging, but this type of universe is not consistent with relativity. To fix this, Einstein modified the general theory by introducing a new notion, the cosmological constant. With a positive cosmological constant, the universe could be an eternal static sphere.[96] Einstein believed a spherical static universe is philosophically preferred, because it would obey Mach's principle. He had shown that general relativity incorporates Mach's principle to a certain extent in frame dragging by gravitomagnetic fields, but he knew that Mach's idea would not work if space goes on forever. In a closed universe, he believed that Mach's principle would hold. Mach's principle has generated much controversy over the years.

Modern quantum theory
Einstein was displeased with quantum theory and mechanics, despite its acceptance by other physicists, stating "God doesn't play with dice." As Einstein passed away at the age of 76 he still would not accept quantum theory.[97] In 1917, at the height of his work on relativity, Einstein published an article in Einstein in his office at the Physikalische Zeitschrift that proposed the possibility of stimulated emission, the University of Berlin. physical process that makes possible the maser and the laser.[98] This article showed that the statistics of absorption and emission of light would only be consistent with Planck's distribution law if the emission of light into a mode with n photons would be enhanced statistically compared to the emission of light into an empty mode. This paper was enormously influential in the later development of quantum mechanics, because it was the first paper to show that the statistics of atomic transitions had simple laws. Einstein discovered Louis de Broglie's work, and supported his ideas, which were received skeptically at first. In another major paper from this era, Einstein gave a wave equation for de Broglie waves, which Einstein suggested was the Hamilton–Jacobi equation of mechanics. This paper would inspire Schrödinger's work of 1926.

Bose–Einstein statistics
In 1924, Einstein received a description of a statistical model from Indian physicist Satyendra Nath Bose, based on a counting method that assumed that light could be understood as a gas of indistinguishable particles. Einstein noted that Bose's statistics applied to some atoms as well as to the proposed light particles, and submitted his translation of Bose's paper to the Zeitschrift für Physik. Einstein also published his own articles describing the model and its implications, among them the Bose–Einstein condensate phenomenon that some particulates should appear at very low temperatures.[99] It was not until 1995 that the first such condensate was produced experimentally by Eric Allin Cornell and Carl Wieman using ultra-cooling equipment built at the NIST–JILA laboratory at the University of Colorado at Boulder.[100] Bose–Einstein statistics are now used to describe the behaviors of any assembly of bosons. Einstein's sketches for this project may be seen in the Einstein Archive in the library of the Leiden University.[]

Albert Einstein


Energy momentum pseudotensor
General relativity includes a dynamical spacetime, so it is difficult to see how to identify the conserved energy and momentum. Noether's theorem allows these quantities to be determined from a Lagrangian with translation invariance, but general covariance makes translation invariance into something of a gauge symmetry. The energy and momentum derived within general relativity by Noether's presecriptions do not make a real tensor for this reason. Einstein argued that this is true for fundamental reasons, because the gravitational field could be made to vanish by a choice of coordinates. He maintained that the non-covariant energy momentum pseudotensor was in fact the best description of the energy momentum distribution in a gravitational field. This approach has been echoed by Lev Landau and Evgeny Lifshitz, and others, and has become standard. The use of non-covariant objects like pseudotensors was heavily criticized in 1917 by Erwin Schrödinger and others.

Unified field theory
Following his research on general relativity, Einstein entered into a series of attempts to generalize his geometric theory of gravitation to include electromagnetism as another aspect of a single entity. In 1950, he described his "unified field theory" in a Scientific American article entitled "On the Generalized Theory of Gravitation".[101] Although he continued to be lauded for his work, Einstein became increasingly isolated in his research, and his efforts were ultimately unsuccessful. In his pursuit of a unification of the fundamental forces, Einstein ignored some mainstream developments in physics, most notably the strong and weak nuclear forces, which were not well understood until many years after his death. Mainstream physics, in turn, largely ignored Einstein's approaches to unification. Einstein's dream of unifying other laws of physics with gravity motivates modern quests for a theory of everything and in particular string theory, where geometrical fields emerge in a unified quantum-mechanical setting.

Einstein collaborated with others to produce a model of a wormhole. His motivation was to model elementary particles with charge as a solution of gravitational field equations, in line with the program outlined in the paper "Do Gravitational Fields play an Important Role in the Constitution of the Elementary Particles?". These solutions cut and pasted Schwarzschild black holes to make a bridge between two patches. If one end of a wormhole was positively charged, the other end would be negatively charged. These properties led Einstein to believe that pairs of particles and antiparticles could be described in this way.

Einstein–Cartan theory
In order to incorporate spinning point particles into general relativity, the affine connection needed to be generalized to include an antisymmetric part, called the torsion. This modification was made by Einstein and Cartan in the 1920s.

Equations of motion
The theory of general relativity has a fundamental law  – the Einstein equations which describe how space curves, the geodesic equation which describes how particles move may be derived from the Einstein equations. Since the equations of general relativity are non-linear, a lump of energy made out of pure gravitational fields, like a black hole, would move on a trajectory which is determined by the Einstein equations themselves, not by a new law. So Einstein proposed that the path of a singular solution, like a black hole, would be determined to be a geodesic from general relativity itself. This was established by Einstein, Infeld, and Hoffmann for pointlike objects without angular momentum, and by Roy Kerr for spinning objects.

Albert Einstein


Other investigations
Einstein conducted other investigations that were unsuccessful and abandoned. These pertain to force, superconductivity, gravitational waves, and other research. Please see the main article for details.

Collaboration with other scientists
In addition to longtime collaborators Leopold Infeld, Nathan Rosen, Peter Bergmann and others, Einstein also had some one-shot collaborations with various scientists. Einstein–de Haas experiment Einstein and De Haas demonstrated that magnetization is due to the motion of electrons, nowadays known to be the spin. In order to show this, they reversed the magnetization in an iron bar suspended on a torsion pendulum. They confirmed that this leads the bar to rotate, The 1927 Solvay Conference in Brussels, a gathering of the world's top physicists. Einstein in because the electron's angular momentum changes as the the center. magnetization changes. This experiment needed to be sensitive, because the angular momentum associated with electrons is small, but it definitively established that electron motion of some kind is responsible for magnetization. Schrödinger gas model Einstein suggested to Erwin Schrödinger that he might be able to reproduce the statistics of a Bose–Einstein gas by considering a box. Then to each possible quantum motion of a particle in a box associate an independent harmonic oscillator. Quantizing these oscillators, each level will have an integer occupation number, which will be the number of particles in it. This formulation is a form of second quantization, but it predates modern quantum mechanics. Erwin Schrödinger applied this to derive the thermodynamic properties of a semiclassical ideal gas. Schrödinger urged Einstein to add his name as co-author, although Einstein declined the invitation.[102] Einstein refrigerator In 1926, Einstein and his former student Leó Szilárd co-invented (and in 1930, patented) the Einstein refrigerator. This absorption refrigerator was then revolutionary for having no moving parts and using only heat as an input.[103] On 11 November 1930, U.S. Patent 1,781,541 [104] was awarded to Albert Einstein and Leó Szilárd for the refrigerator. Their invention was not immediately put into commercial production, as the most promising of their patents were quickly bought up by the Swedish company Electrolux to protect its refrigeration technology from competition.[105]

Albert Einstein


Bohr versus Einstein
The Bohr–Einstein debates were a series of public disputes about quantum mechanics between Albert Einstein and Niels Bohr who were two of its founders. Their debates are remembered because of their importance to the philosophy of science.[106][107][108]

Einstein–Podolsky–Rosen paradox
In 1935, Einstein returned to the question of quantum mechanics. He considered how a measurement on one of two entangled particles would affect the other. He noted, along with his collaborators, that by performing different measurements on the distant particle, either of position or momentum, different properties of the entangled partner could be discovered without disturbing it in any way. He then used a hypothesis of local realism to conclude that the other particle had these properties already determined. The principle he proposed is that if it is possible to determine what the answer to a position or momentum measurement would be, without in any way disturbing the particle, then the particle actually has values of position or momentum.

Einstein and Niels Bohr, 1925

This principle distilled the essence of Einstein's objection to quantum mechanics. As a physical principle, it was shown to be incorrect when the Aspect experiment of 1982 confirmed Bell's theorem, which had been promulgated in 1964.

Political and religious views
Albert Einstein's political view was in favor of socialism;[109][110] his political views emerged publicly in the middle of the 20th century due to his fame and reputation for genius. Einstein offered to and was called on to give judgments and opinions on matters often unrelated to theoretical physics or mathematics.[111] Einstein's views about religious belief have been collected from interviews and original writings. These views covered Judaism, theological determinism, agnosticism, and humanism. He also wrote much about ethical culture, opting for Spinoza's god over belief in a personal god.[112]

Love of music

Einstein developed an appreciation of music at an early age. His mother played the piano reasonably well and wanted her son to learn the violin, not only to instill in him a love of music but also to help him assimilate German culture. According to conductor Leon Botstein, Einstein is said to have begun playing when he was five, but did not enjoy it at that age.[113] When he turned thirteen, however, he discovered the violin sonatas of Mozart. "Einstein fell in love" with Mozart's music, notes Botstein, and learned to play music more willingly. According to Einstein, he taught himself to play by

Albert Einstein, seen here with his wife Elsa Einstein and Zionist leaders, including future President of Israel Chaim Weizmann, his wife Dr. Vera Weizmann, Menahem Ussishkin, and Ben-Zion Mossinson on arrival in New York City in 1921.

Albert Einstein "ever practicing systematically," adding that "Love is a better teacher than a sense of duty."[113] At age seventeen, he was heard by a school examiner in Aarau as he played Beethoven's violin sonatas, the examiner stating afterward that his playing was "remarkable and revealing of 'great insight.'" What struck the examiner, writes Botstein, was that Einstein "displayed a deep love of the music, a quality that was and remains in short supply. Music possessed an unusual meaning for this student."[113] Botstein notes that music assumed a pivotal and permanent role in Einstein's life from that period on. Although the idea of becoming a professional himself was not on his mind at any time, among those with whom Einstein played chamber music were a few professionals, and he performed for private audiences and friends. Chamber music also became a regular part of his social life while living in Bern, Zurich, and Berlin, where he played with Max Planck and his son, among others. In 1931, while engaged in research at California Institute of Technology, he visited the Zoellner family conservatory in Los Angeles and played some of Beethoven and Mozart's works with members of the Zoellner Quartet, recently retired from two decades of acclaimed touring all across the United States; Einstein later presented the family patriarch with an autographed photograph as a memento.[114][115] Near the end of his life, when the young Juilliard Quartet visited him in Princeton, he played his violin with them; although they slowed the tempo to accommodate his lesser technical abilities, Botstein notes the quartet was "impressed by Einstein's level of coordination and intonation."[113]


Non-scientific legacy
While travelling, Einstein wrote daily to his wife Elsa and adopted stepdaughters Margot and Ilse. The letters were included in the papers bequeathed to The Hebrew University. Margot Einstein permitted the personal letters to be made available to the public, but requested that it not be done until twenty years after her death (she died in 1986[116]). Barbara Wolff, of The Hebrew University's Albert Einstein Archives, told the BBC that there are about 3,500 pages of private correspondence written between 1912 and 1955.[117] Einstein bequeathed the royalties from use of his image to The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Corbis, successor to The Roger Richman Agency, licenses the use of his name and associated imagery, as agent for the university.[118]

In popular culture
In the period before World War II, Einstein was so well known in America that he would be stopped on the street by people wanting him to explain "that theory". He finally figured out a way to handle the incessant inquiries. He told his inquirers "Pardon me, sorry! Always I am mistaken for Professor Einstein."[119] Einstein has been the subject of or inspiration for many novels, films, plays, and works of music.[120] He is a favorite model for depictions of mad scientists and absent-minded professors; his expressive face and distinctive hairstyle have been widely copied and exaggerated. Time magazine's Frederic Golden wrote that Einstein was "a cartoonist's dream come true".[121]

Awards and honors
Einstein received numerous awards and honors, including the Nobel Prize in Physics.

The following publications by Albert Einstein are referenced in this article. A more complete list of his publications may be found at List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein. • Einstein, Albert (1901), "Folgerungen aus den Capillaritätserscheinungen (Conclusions Drawn from the Phenomena of Capillarity)", Annalen der Physik 4 (3): 513, Bibcode 1901AnP...309..513E, doi:10.1002/andp.19013090306

Albert Einstein • Einstein, Albert (1905a), "Über einen die Erzeugung und Verwandlung des Lichtes betreffenden heuristischen Gesichtspunkt (On a Heuristic Viewpoint Concerning the Production and Transformation of Light)" [122], Annalen der Physik 17 (6): 132–148, Bibcode 1905AnP...322..132E, doi:10.1002/andp.19053220607 This annus mirabilis paper on the photoelectric effect was received by Annalen der Physik 18 March. • Einstein, Albert (1905b), A new determination of molecular dimensions. This PhD thesis was completed 30 April and submitted 20 July. • Einstein, Albert (1905c), "On the Motion – Required by the Molecular Kinetic Theory of Heat – of Small Particles Suspended in a Stationary Liquid", Annalen der Physik 17 (8): 549–560, Bibcode 1905AnP...322..549E, doi:10.1002/andp.19053220806. This annus mirabilis paper on Brownian motion was received 11 May. • Einstein, Albert (1905d), "On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies", Annalen der Physik 17 (10): 891–921, Bibcode 1905AnP...322..891E, doi:10.1002/andp.19053221004. This annus mirabilis paper on special relativity was received 30 June. • Einstein, Albert (1905e), "Does the Inertia of a Body Depend Upon Its Energy Content?", Annalen der Physik 18 (13): 639–641, Bibcode 1905AnP...323..639E, doi:10.1002/andp.19053231314. This annus mirabilis paper on mass-energy equivalence was received 27 September. • Einstein, Albert (1915), "Die Feldgleichungen der Gravitation (The Field Equations of Gravitation)", Königlich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften: 844–847 • Einstein, Albert (1917a), "Kosmologische Betrachtungen zur allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie (Cosmological Considerations in the General Theory of Relativity)", Königlich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften • Einstein, Albert (1917b), "Zur Quantentheorie der Strahlung (On the Quantum Mechanics of Radiation)", Physikalische Zeitschrift 18: 121–128, Bibcode 1917PhyZ...18..121E • Einstein, Albert (11 July 1923), "Fundamental Ideas and Problems of the Theory of Relativity" [123], Nobel Lectures, Physics 1901–1921, Amsterdam: Elsevier Publishing Company, archived [124] from the original on 10 February 2007, retrieved 25 March 2007 • Einstein, Albert (1924), "Quantentheorie des einatomigen idealen Gases (Quantum theory of monatomic ideal gases)", Sitzungsberichte der Preussichen Akademie der Wissenschaften Physikalisch-Mathematische Klasse: 261–267. First of a series of papers on this topic. • Einstein, Albert (1926), "Die Ursache der Mäanderbildung der Flussläufe und des sogenannten Baerschen Gesetzes", Die Naturwissenschaften 14 (11): 223–224, Bibcode 1926NW.....14..223E, doi:10.1007/BF01510300. On Baer's law and meanders in the courses of rivers. • Einstein, Albert; Podolsky, Boris; Rosen, Nathan (15 May 1935), "Can Quantum-Mechanical Description of Physical Reality Be Considered Complete?", Physical Review 47 (10): 777–780, Bibcode 1935PhRv...47..777E, doi:10.1103/PhysRev.47.777 • Einstein, Albert (1940), "On Science and Religion", Nature (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic) 146 (3706): 605, Bibcode 1940Natur.146..605E, doi:10.1038/146605a0, ISBN 0-7073-0453-9 • Einstein, Albert et al. (4 December 1948), "To the editors" [125], New York Times (Melville, NY: AIP, American Inst. of Physics), ISBN 0-7354-0359-7 • Einstein, Albert (May 1949), "Why Socialism?" [126], Monthly Review, archived [127] from the original on 11 January 2006, retrieved 16 January 2006 • Einstein, Albert (1950), "On the Generalized Theory of Gravitation", Scientific American CLXXXII (4): 13–17 • Einstein, Albert (1954), Ideas and Opinions, New York: Random House, ISBN 0-517-00393-7 • Einstein, Albert (1969) (in German), Albert Einstein, Hedwig und Max Born: Briefwechsel 1916–1955, Munich: Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, ISBN 3-88682-005-X • Einstein, Albert (1979), Autobiographical Notes, Paul Arthur Schilpp (Centennial ed.), Chicago: Open Court, ISBN 0-87548-352-6. The chasing a light beam thought experiment is described on pages 48–51. • Collected Papers: Stachel, John, Martin J. Klein, a. J. Kox, Michel Janssen, R. Schulmann, Diana Komos Buchwald and others (Eds.) (1987–2006), The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Vol. 1–10 [128], Princeton


Albert Einstein University Press Further information about the volumes published so far can be found on the webpages of the Einstein Papers Project [129] and on the Princeton University Press Einstein Page [130]


[1] "Mohammad Raziuddin Siddiqui" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20040601194117/ http:/ / www. ias. ac. in/ currsci/ apr25/ articles32. htm). 2 January 1998. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. ias. ac. in/ currsci/ apr25/ articles32. htm) on 1 June 2004. . Retrieved 3 April 2011. [2] Zahar, Élie (2001), Poincaré's Philosophy. From Conventionalism to Phenomenology, Carus Publishing Company, Chapter 2, p.41 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=jJl2JAqvoSAC& pg=PA41), ISBN 0-8126-9435-X. [3] Whittaker, E. (1955). "Albert Einstein. 1879-1955". Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 1: 37–67. doi:10.1098/rsbm.1955.0005. JSTOR 769242. [4] David Bodanis, E = mc2: A Biography of the World's Most Famous Equation (New York: Walker, 2000). [5] "The Nobel Prize in Physics 1921" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5bLXMl1V0). Nobel Foundation. Archived from the original (http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 1921/ ) on 5 October 2008. . Retrieved 6 March 2007. [6] "Scientific Background on the Nobel Prize in Physics 2011. The accelerating universe." (page 2) (http:/ / www. nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 2011/ advanced-physicsprize2011. pdf) [7] Hans-Josef, Küpper (2000). "Various things about Albert Einstein" (http:/ / www. einstein-website. de/ z_information/ variousthings. html). . Retrieved 18 July 2009. [8] Paul Arthur Schilpp, editor (1951), Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist, Volume II, New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers (Harper Torchbook edition), pp. 730–746His non-scientific works include: About Zionism: Speeches and Lectures by Professor Albert Einstein (1930), "Why War?" (1933, co-authored by Sigmund Freud), The World As I See It (1934), Out of My Later Years (1950), and a book on science for the general reader, The Evolution of Physics (1938, co-authored by Leopold Infeld). [9] WordNet for Einstein (http:/ / wordnetweb. princeton. edu/ perl/ webwn?s=Einstein). [10] "Albert Einstein – Biography" (http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 1921/ einstein-bio. html). Nobel Foundation. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070306133522/ http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 1921/ einstein-bio. html) from the original on 6 March 2007. . Retrieved 7 March 2007. [11] John J. Stachel (2002), Einstein from "B" to "Z" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=OAsQ_hFjhrAC& pg=PA59), Springer, pp. 59–61, ISBN 978-0-8176-4143-6, , retrieved 20 February 2011 [12] "The Legend of the Dull-Witted Child Who Grew Up to Be a Genius" (http:/ / www. albert-einstein. org/ article_handicap. html). Albert Einstein archives. . Retrieved 23 July 2012. [13] "Frequently asked questions" (http:/ / www. einstein-website. de/ z_information/ faq-e. html). . Retrieved 23 July 2012. [14] "Left Handed Einstein" (http:/ / www. beinglefthanded. com/ Left-Handed-Einstein. html). Being Left . Retrieved 23 July 2012. [15] Schilpp (Ed.), P. A. (1979), Albert Einstein – Autobiographical Notes, Open Court Publishing Company, pp. 8–9 [16] M. Talmey, The Relativity Theory Simplified and the Formative Period of its Inventor. Falcon Press, 1932, pp. 161–164. [17] Dudley Herschbach, "Einstein as a Student", Department of Chemistry and Chemical Biology, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA, pp. 4–5, web: HarvardChem-Einstein-PDF (http:/ / www. chem. harvard. edu/ herschbach/ Einstein_Student. pdf) [18] "Albert's intellectual growth was strongly fostered at home. His mother, a talented pianist, ensured the children's musical education. His father regularly read Schiller and Heine aloud to the family. Uncle Jakob challenged Albert with mathematical problems, which he solved with 'a deep feeling of happiness'." More significant were the weekly visits of Max Talmud from 1889 through 1894 during which time he introduced the boy to popular scientific texts that brought to an end a short-lived religious phase, convincing him that 'a lot in the Bible stories could not be true'. A textbook of plane geometry that he quickly worked through led on to an avid self-study of mathematics, several years ahead of the school curriculum. Einstein as a Student (http:/ / www. chem. harvard. edu/ herschbach/ Einstein_Student. pdf), pp. 3–5. [19] A. Fölsing, Albert Einstein, 1997, pp. 30-31. [20] Albert Einstein Collected Papers, vol. 1 (1987), doc. 5. [21] Mehra, Jagdish (2001), "Albert Einstein's first paper", The Golden Age of Physics, World Scientific, ISBN 981-02-4985-3 [22] A. Fölsing, Albert Einstein, 1997, pp. 36-37. [23] Highfield & Carter (1993, pp. 21,31,56–57) [24] A. Fölsing, Albert Einstein, 1997, p. 40. [25] Fölsing 1997, p. 82. [26] Collected Papers, vol. 1, docs. 21-27. [27] Albert Einstein Collected Papers, vol. 1, 1987, doc. 67. [28] Troemel-Ploetz, D., "Mileva Einstein-Marić: The Woman Who Did Einstein's Mathematics", Women's Studies Int. Forum, vol. 13, no. 5, pp. 415–432, 1990. [29] Walker, Evan Harris (February 1989) (PDF), Did Einstein Espouse his Spouse's Ideas? (http:/ / philosci40. unibe. ch/ lehre/ winter99/ einstein/ Walker_Stachel. pdf), Physics Today, , retrieved 24 July 2012. [30] Pais, A., Einstein Lived Here, Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. 1–29. [31] Holton, G., Einstein, History, and Other Passions, Harvard University Press, 1996, pp. 177–193.

Albert Einstein
[32] Stachel, J., Einstein from B to Z, Birkhäuser, 2002, pp. 26–38; 39–55. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=OAsQ_hFjhrAC& printsec=frontcover& dq=Einstein+ from+ B+ to+ Z#v=onepage& q=Einstein from B to Z& f=false) [33] Martinez, A. A., "Handling evidence in history: the case of Einstein's Wife." School Science Review, 86 (316), March 2005, pp. 49–56. PDF (https:/ / webspace. utexas. edu/ aam829/ 1/ m/ Maric_files/ EvidenceMaric. pdf) [34] This conclusion is from Einstein's correspondence with Marić. Lieserl is first mentioned in a letter from Einstein to Marić (who was staying with her family in or near Novi Sad at the time of Lieserl's birth) dated 4 February 1902 (Collected papers Vol. 1, document 134). [35] Albrecht Fölsing (1998). Albert Einstein: A Biography. Penguin Group. ISBN 0-14-023719-4; see section I, II, [36] Highfield & Carter 1993, p. 216 [37] Now the Swiss Federal Institute of Intellectual Property (http:/ / www. ipi. ch/ E/ institut/ i1. shtm), , retrieved 16 October 2006. See also their FAQ about Einstein and the Institute (http:/ / www. ipi. ch/ E/ institut/ i1094. shtm), [38] Peter Galison, "Einstein's Clocks: The Question of Time" Critical Inquiry 26, no. 2 (Winter 2000): 355–389. [39] Peter Galison, "Einstein's Clocks: The Question of Time" Critical Inquiry 26, no. 2 (Winter 2000). [40] Galison, Peter (2003), Einstein's Clocks, Poincaré's Maps: Empires of Time, New York: W.W. Norton, ISBN 0-393-02001-0 [41] (Einstein 1905b) [42] "Eine Neue Bestimmung der Moleküldimensionen" (http:/ / e-collection. library. ethz. ch/ eserv/ eth:30378/ eth-30378-01. pdf). ETH Zürich. 1905. . Retrieved 26 September 2011. [43] "Universität Zürich: Geschichte" (http:/ / www. uzh. ch/ about/ portrait/ history. html). 2 December 2010. . Retrieved 3 April 2011. 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ISSN 0890-9997. [49] Minkel, J. R. (6 March 2008). "Did Researchers Cook Data from the First Test of General Relativity?" (http:/ / www. scientificamerican. com/ article. cfm?id=did-researchers-cook-data-from-first-general-relativity-test). Scientific American (New York: Nature Publishing). . [50] Harper, William (1998). "Isaac Newton on Empirical Success and Scientific Method". In Earman, John; Norton, John. The Cosmos of Science: Essays of Exploration. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh. p. 81. ISBN 978-0-8229-3930-6. "It is not at all obvious that…the Glymour-Earman criticisms are accurate reflections of the evidential implications of the data." [51] Kennefick, Daniel (March 2009). "Testing relativity from the 1919 eclipse— a question of bias". Physics Today (College Park, MD: American Institute of Physics): 37–42. ISSN 0031-9228. [52] Hoffman and Dukas (1972), pp. 145–148; Fölsing (1997), pp. 499–508. [53] Isaacson, Walter. 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The Manhattan Project: Making the Atomic Bomb, U.S. Department of Energy, History Division (January 1999) p. vii [66] Diehl, Sarah J.; Moltz, James Clay. Nuclear Weapons and Nonproliferation: a Reference Handbook (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=3PN-NEfl_U0C& pg=PA218& dq=Einstein+ Roosevelt& num=30& cd=4#v=onepage& q=Letter from Einstein Roosevelt& f=false), ABC-CLIO (2008) p. 218 [67] Stern, Fritz. Essay, "Einstein's Germany" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=zGzcV40b3IkC& pg=PA97& dq=E=+ Einstein's+ German+ by+ Fritz+ Stern#v=onepage& q& f=false), E = Einstein: His Life, His Thought, and His Influence on Our Culture, Sterling Publishing (2006) pp. 97–118 [68] Einstein: The Life and Times by Ronald Clark. page 752 [69] Fred Jerome, Rodger Taylor (2006) Einstein on Race and Racism (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=4d79VQdOfFUC& pg=PR10& dq=Einstein+ on+ Race+ and+ Racism+ america's+ worst+ disease#v=onepage& q& f=false) Rutgers University Press, 2006.


Albert Einstein
[70] Calaprice, Alice (2005) The new quotable Einstein (http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ titles/ 7921. html). pp.148–149 Princeton University Press, 2005. See also Odyssey in Climate Modeling, Global Warming, and Advising Five Presidents (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=dLhVn-McDDgC& pg=PA226& dq=racism+ americas+ worst+ disease+ 1946#v=onepage& q& f=false) [71] "ISRAEL: Einstein Declines" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,817454,00. html). Time magazine. 1 December 1952. . Retrieved 31 March 2010. [72] "Einstein in Princeton / Scientist, Humanitarian, Cultural Icon" (http:/ / www. princetonhistory. org/ museum_alberteinstein. cfm). Historical Society of Princeton. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20100427231817/ http:/ / www. princetonhistory. org/ museum_alberteinstein. cfm?) from the original on 27 April 2010. . Retrieved 31 March 2010. [73] The Case of the Scientist with a Pulsating Mass (http:/ / www. medscape. com/ viewarticle/ 436253), 14 June 2002, , retrieved 11 June 2007 [74] Albert Einstein Archives (April 1955), "Draft of projected Telecast Israel Independence Day, April 1955 (last statement ever written)" (http:/ / alberteinstein. info/ vufind1/ Digital/ EAR000020078#page/ 1/ mode/ 1up), Einstein Archives Online (http:/ / www. alberteinstein. info/ ), archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070313231657/ http:/ / www. alberteinstein. info/ ) from the original on 13 March 2007, , retrieved 14 March 2007 [75] Cohen, J.R.; Graver, L.M. (November 1995), "The ruptured abdominal aortic aneurysm of Albert Einstein", Surgery, Gynecology & Obstetrics 170 (5): 455–8, PMID 2183375. [76] The Long, Strange Journey of Einstein's Brain (http:/ / www. npr. org/ templates/ story/ story. php?storyId=4602913), National Public Radio, , retrieved 3 October 2007 [77] O'Connor, J.J.; Robertson, E.F. (1997), "Albert Einstein" (http:/ / www-history. mcs. st-andrews. ac. uk/ Biographies/ Einstein. html), The MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, School of Mathematics and Statistics, University of St. Andrews, [78] "Dr. Albert Einstein Dies in Sleep at 76. World Mourns Loss of Great Scientist", New York Times, 19 April 1955, "Princeton, New Jersey, 18 April 1955. Dr. Albert Einstein, one of the great thinkers of the ages, died in his sleep here early today." [79] " Einstein archive at the Instituut-Lorentz (http:/ / www. lorentz. leidenuniv. nl/ history/ Einstein_archive/ )". Instituut-Lorentz. 2005. Retrieved on 21 November 2005. [80] Das, Ashok (2003). Lectures on quantum mechanics (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=KmwsAAAAYAAJ). Hindustan Book Agency. p. 59. ISBN 81-85931-41-0. . [81] Spielberg, Nathan; Anderson, Bryon D. (1995). Seven ideas that shook the universe (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=_pbuAAAAMAAJ) (2nd ed.). John Wiley & Sons. p. 263. ISBN 0-471-30606-1. . [82] Major, Fouad G. (2007). The quantum beat: principles and applications of atomic clocks (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=tmdr6Wx_2PYC) (2nd ed.). Springer. p. 142. ISBN 0-387-69533-8. . [83] Lindsay, Robert Bruce; Margenau, Henry (1981). Foundations of physics (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=dwZltQAACAAJ). Ox Bow Press. p. 330. ISBN 0-918024-17-X. . [84] Hans-Josef Kuepper. "List of Scientific Publications of Albert Einstein" (http:/ / www. einstein-website. de/ z_physics/ wisspub-e. html). . Retrieved 3 April 2011. [85] (Einstein 1905d) [86] Stachel, John J. (December 2001), Einstein from "B" to "Z" (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=OAsQ_hFjhrAC& pg=PA215& dq=mass–energy+ equivalence#), Einstein Studies, Vol. 9, Center for Einstein Studies, Boston University: Springer-Verlag New York, LLC, pp. vi, 15, 90, 131, 215, ISBN 978-0-8176-4143-6, [87] For a discussion of the reception of relativity theory around the world, and the different controversies it encountered, see the articles in Thomas F. Glick, ed., The Comparative Reception of Relativity (Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1987), ISBN 90-277-2498-9. [88] Pais, Abraham (1982), Subtle is the Lord. The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein, Oxford University Press, pp. 382–386, ISBN 0-19-853907-X [89] Einstein, Albert (1905), "Über einen die Erzeugung und Verwandlung des Lichtes betreffenden heuristischen Gesichtspunkt" (http:/ / www. zbp. univie. ac. at/ dokumente/ einstein1. pdf), Annalen der Physik 17 (6): 132–148, Bibcode 1905AnP...322..132E, doi:10.1002/andp.19053220607, , retrieved 27 June 2009 [90] (Einstein 1905a). [91] Celebrating Einstein "Solid Cold". U.S. DOE. (http:/ / www. osti. gov/ accomplishments/ nuggets/ einstein/ solidcolda. html), Office of Scientific and Technical Information, 2011. [92] Pais, Abraham (1982), Subtle is the Lord. The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein, Oxford University Press, p. 522, ISBN 0-19-853907-X [93] Levenson, Thomas. " Einstein's Big Idea (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ nova/ einstein/ genius/ )". Public Broadcasting Service. 2005. Retrieved on 25 February 2006. [94] Albert Einstein, Nobel lecture (http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 1921/ einstein-lecture. html) in 1921 [95] van Dongen, Jeroen (2010) Einstein's Unification Cambridge University Press, p.23. [96] (Einstein 1917a) [97] Video: The Elegant Universe: Part 1 | Watch NOVA Online | PBS Video (http:/ / video. pbs. org/ video/ 1512280538). Retrieved on 11 May 2012. [98] (Einstein 1917b) [99] (Einstein 1924)


Albert Einstein
[100] Cornell and Wieman Share 2001 Nobel Prize in Physics (http:/ / www. nist. gov/ public_affairs/ releases/ n01-04. htm), 9 October 2001, archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070610080506/ http:/ / www. nist. gov/ public_affairs/ releases/ n01-04. htm) from the original on 10 June 2007, , retrieved 11 June 2007 [101] (Einstein 1950) [102] Moore, Walter (1989), Schrödinger: Life and Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-43767-9 [103] Goettling, Gary. Einstein's refrigerator (http:/ / gtalumni. org/ Publications/ magazine/ sum98/ einsrefr. html) Georgia Tech Alumni Magazine. 1998. Retrieved on 21 November 2005. Leó Szilárd, a Hungarian physicist who later worked on the Manhattan Project, is credited with the discovery of the chain reaction [104] http:/ / www. google. com/ patents?vid=1781541 [105] In September 2008 it was reported that Malcolm McCulloch of Oxford University was heading a three-year project to develop more robust appliances that could be used in locales lacking electricity, and that his team had completed a prototype Einstein refrigerator. He was quoted as saying that improving the design and changing the types of gases used might allow the design's efficiency to be quadrupled.Alok, Jha (21 September 2008), "Einstein fridge design can help global cooling" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ science/ 2008/ sep/ 21/ scienceofclimatechange. climatechange), The Guardian (UK), archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20110124172925/ http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ science/ 2008/ sep/ 21/ scienceofclimatechange. climatechange) from the original on 24 January 2011, , retrieved 22 February 2011 [106] Bohr N. "Discussions with Einstein on Epistemological Problems in Atomic Physics" (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ subject/ philosophy/ works/ dk/ bohr. htm). The Value of Knowledge: A Miniature Library of Philosophy. Marxists Internet Archive. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20100913033345/ http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ subject/ philosophy/ works/ dk/ bohr. htm) from the original on 13 September 2010. . Retrieved 30 August 2010. From Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist (1949), publ. Cambridge University Press, 1949. Niels Bohr's report of conversations with Einstein. [107] (Einstein 1969). A reprint of this book was published by Edition Erbrich in 1982, ISBN 3-88682-005-X [108] (Einstein 1935) [109] Einstein, Albert (May 1949). "Why Socialism?" (http:/ / monthlyreview. org/ 2009/ 05/ 01/ why-socialism). Monthly Review (New York City) 1 (1). . Retrieved 29 July 2012. [110] David E. Rowe and Robert Schulmann (08). David A., Walsh. ed. "What Were Einstein's Politics?" (http:/ / hnn. us/ articles/ 39445. html). George Mason University's History News Network (George Mason University). . Retrieved 29 July 2012. [111] Clark, Ronald W. (1971), Einstein: The Life and Times, Avon, ISBN 0-380-44123-3 [112] Einstein, Albert; Dukas, Helen; Hoffmann, Banesh (1989), Albert Einstein, The Human Side: New Glimpses From His Archives (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=T5R7JsRRtoIC& pg=PA43#v=onepage& q& f=false), Princeton, NJ, USA: Princeton University Press, ISBN 9780691082318, OCLC 732875206, 248345021 and 631014073, , retrieved 4 September 2012 [113] Botstein, Leon; Galison, Peter; Holton, Gerald James; Schweber, Silvan S. Einstein for the 21st century: His Legacy in Science, Art, and Modern Culture, Princeton Univ. Press (2008) pp. 161-164 [114] Cariaga, Daniel, "Not Taking It with You: A Tale of Two Estates," Los Angeles Times (http:/ / articles. latimes. com/ 1985-12-22/ entertainment/ ca-20526_1_life-estate), 22 December 1985. Retrieved April 2012. [115] Auction listing (http:/ / www. rrauction. com/ albert_einstein_signed_photo_to_joseph_zoellner. cfm) by RR Auction, auction closed 13 October 2010. [116] "Obituary" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9A0DEFD9153FF931A25754C0A960948260). New York Times. 12 July 1986. . Retrieved 3 April 2011. [117] "Letters Reveal Einstein Love Life" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/ 5168002. stm), BBC News (BBC), 11 July 2006, , retrieved 14 March 2007 [118] Einstein (http:/ / einstein. biz/ ), Corbis Rights Representation, archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080819220424/ http:/ / einstein. biz/ ) from the original on 19 August 2008, , retrieved 8 August 2008 [119] The New Yorker April 1939 pg 69 Disguise (http:/ / www. newyorker. com/ search/ query?queryType=nonparsed& query=Einstein+ & bylquery=Maloney& month1=01& day1=14& year1=1939& month2=01& day2=14& year2=1939& page=& sort=& submit. x=10& submit. y=5) [120] McTee, Cindy. "Einstein's Dream for orchestra" (http:/ / www. cindymctee. com/ einsteins_dream. html). . [121] Golden, Frederic (3 January 2000), "Person of the Century: Albert Einstein" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ time100/ poc/ magazine/ albert_einstein5a. html), Time, archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060221080452/ http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ time100/ poc/ magazine/ albert_einstein5a. html) from the original on 21 February 2006, , retrieved 25 February 2006 [122] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1905_17_132-148. pdf [123] http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 1921/ einstein-lecture. pdf [124] http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070210054832/ http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 1921/ einstein-lecture. pdf [125] http:/ / phys4. harvard. edu/ ~wilson/ NYTimes1948. html [126] http:/ / www. monthlyreview. org/ 598einst. htm [127] http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060111081948/ http:/ / www. monthlyreview. org/ 598einst. htm [128] http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ einstein/ writings. html#papers [129] http:/ / www. einstein. caltech. edu/ index. html [130] http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ einstein/


Albert Einstein


References Further reading
• Brian, Denis (1996). Einstein: A Life. New York: John Wiley. • Clark, Ronald (1971). Einstein: The Life and Times. New York: Avon Books. • Fölsing, Albrecht (1997): Albert Einstein: A Biography. New York: Penguin Viking. (Translated and abridged from the German by Ewald Osers.) ISBN 978-0670855452 • Highfield, Roger; Carter, Paul (1993). The Private Lives of Albert Einstein. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 978-0-571-16744-9. • Hoffmann, Banesh, with the collaboration of Helen Dukas (1972): Albert Einstein: Creator and Rebel. London: Hart-Davis, MacGibbon Ltd. ISBN 978-0670111817 • Isaacson, Walter (2007): Einstein: His Life and Universe. Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, New York. ISBN 978-0-7432-6473-0 • Moring, Gary (2004): The complete idiot's guide to understanding Einstein ( books?id=875TTxildJ0C&dq=idiots+guide+to+einstein&printsec=frontcover) ( 1st ed. 2000). Indianapolis IN: Alpha books (Macmillan USA). ISBN 0-02-863180-3 • Pais, Abraham (1982): Subtle is the Lord: The science and the life of Albert Einstein. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198539070. The definitive biography to date. • Pais, Abraham (1994): Einstein Lived Here. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-192-80672-6 • Parker, Barry (2000): Einstein's Brainchild: Relativity Made Relatively Easy!. Prometheus Books. Illustrated by Lori Scoffield-Beer. A review of Einstein's career and accomplishments, written for the lay public. ISBN 978-1591025221 • Schweber, Sylvan S. (2008): Einstein and Oppenheimer: The Meaning of Genius. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02828-9. • Oppenheimer, J.R. (1971): "On Albert Einstein," p. 8–12 in Science and synthesis: an international colloquium organized by Unesco on the tenth anniversary of the death of Albert Einstein and Teilhard de Chardin, Springer-Verlag, 1971, 208 pp. (Lecture delivered at the UNESCO House in Paris on 13 December 1965.) Also published in The New York Review of Books, 17 March 1966, On Albert Einstein by Robert Oppenheimer (http:/ /

External links
• Ideas and Opinions, Einstein's letters and speeches ( Ideas-and-Opinions-by-Albert-Einstein), Full text, Crown Publishers (1954) 384 pages • Einstein's Scholar Google profile ( • Works by Albert Einstein (public domain in Canada) • The MacTutor History of Mathematics archive ( Einstein.html), School of Mathematics and Statistics, University of St Andrews, Scotland, April 1997, retrieved 14 June 2009 • Why Socialism? ( by Albert Einstein, Monthly Review, May 1949 • Einstein's Personal Correspondence: Religion, Politics, The Holocaust, and Philosophy (http://www.shapell. org/exhibitions.aspx?einstein-original-letters-in-aid-of-his-brethren) Shapell Manuscript Foundation • FBI file on Albert Einstein ( Einstein) • Biography:Albert Einstein ( einstein-bio.html)

Albert Einstein • The Einstein You Never Knew ( — slideshow by Life magazine • Albert Einstein ( — videos • Science Odyssey People And Discoveries ( • MIT OpenCourseWare STS.042J/8.225J: Einstein, Oppenheimer, Feynman: Physics in the 20th century (http:// sts-042j-einstein-oppenheimer-feynman-physics-in-the-20th-century-spring-2006/) — free study course that explores the changing roles of physics and physicists during the 20th century • List of publications ( from Google Scholar. • Albert Einstein Archives Online (80,000+ Documents) ( ( MSNBC - 19 March 2012 (



Annus Mirabilis and special relativity
Annus Mirabilis papers
The Annus Mirabilis papers (from Latin annus mīrābilis, "extraordinary year") are the papers of Albert Einstein published in the Annalen der Physik scientific journal in 1905. These four articles contributed substantially to the foundation of modern physics and changed views on space, time, and matter. The Annus Mirabilis is often called the "Miracle Year" in English or Wunderjahr in German.

Einstein, in 1905, when he wrote the Annus Mirabilis papers

Annus Mirabilis papers


At the time the papers were written, Einstein did not have easy access to a complete set of scientific reference materials, although he did regularly read and contribute reviews to Annalen der Physik. Additionally, scientific colleagues available to discuss his theories were few. He worked as an examiner at the Patent Office in Bern, Switzerland, and he later said of a co-worker there, Michele Besso, that he "could not have found a better sounding board for his ideas in all of Europe". In addition to co-workers and the other members of the self-styled "Olympian Academy" (Maurice Solovine and Paul Habicht), his wife, Mileva Marić, may have had some influence on Einstein's work but how much is unclear.[1][2][3][4] Through these papers, Einstein tackles some of the era's most important physics questions and problems. In 1900, a lecture titled "Nineteenth-Century Clouds over the Dynamical Theory of Heat and Light",[5] by Lord Kelvin, suggested that physics had no satisfactory explanations for the results of the Michelson-Morley experiment and for black body radiation. As introduced, special relativity provided an account for the results of the Michelson-Morley experiments. Einstein's theories for the photoelectric effect extended the quantum theory which Max Planck had developed in his successful explanation of black body radiation.

The Einsteinhaus on the Kramgasse in Bern, Einstein's residence at the time. Most of the papers were written in his apartment on the first floor.

Despite the greater fame achieved by his other works, such as that on special relativity, it was his work on the photoelectric effect which won him his Nobel Prize in 1921: "For services to theoretical physics and especially for the discovery of the law of the photoelectric effect." The Nobel committee had waited patiently for experimental confirmation of special relativity; however none was forthcoming until the time dilation experiments of Ives and Stilwell (1938),[6] (1941)[7] and Rossi and Hall (1941).[8]

Photoelectric effect
The paper, "On a Heuristic Viewpoint Concerning the Production and Transformation of Light",[9] received March 18 and published June 9, proposed the idea of energy quanta. This idea, motivated by Max Planck's earlier derivation of the law of black body radiation, assumes that luminous energy can be absorbed or emitted only in discrete amounts, called quanta. Einstein states, Energy, during the propagation of a ray of light, is not continuously distributed over steadily increasing spaces, but it consists of a finite number of energy quanta localised at points in space, moving without dividing and capable of being absorbed or generated only as entities. In explaining the photoelectric effect, the hypothesis that energy consists of discrete packets, as Einstein illustrates, can be directly applied to black bodies, as well. The idea of light quanta contradicts the wave theory of light that follows naturally from James Clerk Maxwell's equations for electromagnetic behavior and, more generally, the assumption of infinite divisibility of energy in physical systems. A profound formal difference exists between the theoretical concepts that physicists have formed about gases and other ponderable bodies, and Maxwell's theory of electromagnetic processes in so-called empty space. While we consider the state of a body to be completely determined by the positions and velocities of an indeed

Annus Mirabilis papers very large yet finite number of atoms and electrons, we make use of continuous spatial functions to determine the electromagnetic state of a volume of space, so that a finite number of quantities cannot be considered as sufficient for the complete determination of the electromagnetic state of space. [... this] leads to contradictions when applied to the phenomena of emission and transformation of light. According to the view that the incident light consists of energy quanta [...], the production of cathode rays by light can be conceived in the following way. The body's surface layer is penetrated by energy quanta whose energy is converted at least partially into kinetic energy of the electrons. The simplest conception is that a light quantum transfers its entire energy to a single electron [...] Einstein noted that the photoelectric effect depended on the wavelength, and hence the frequency of the light. At too low a frequency, even intense light produced no electrons. However, once a certain frequency was reached, even low intensity light produced electrons. He compared this to Planck's hypothesis that light could be emitted only in packets of energy given by hf, where h is Planck's constant and f is the frequency. He then postulated that light travels in packets whose energy depends on the frequency, and therefore only light above a certain frequency would bring sufficient energy to liberate an electron. Even after experiments confirmed that Einstein's equations for the photoelectric effect were accurate, his explanation was not universally accepted. Niels Bohr, in his 1922 Nobel address, stated, "The hypothesis of light-quanta is not able to throw light on the nature of radiation." By 1921, when Einstein was awarded the Nobel Prize and his work on photoelectricity was mentioned by name in the award citation, some physicists accepted that the equation ( ) was correct and light quanta were possible. In 1923, Arthur Compton's X-ray scattering experiment helped more of the scientific community to accept this formula. The theory of light quanta was a strong indicator of wave-particle duality, a fundamental principle of quantum mechanics.[10] A complete picture of the theory of photoelectricity was realized after the maturity of quantum mechanics.


Brownian motion
The article "Über die von der molekularkinetischen Theorie der Wärme geforderte Bewegung von in ruhenden Flüssigkeiten suspendierten Teilchen" ("On the Motion of Small Particles Suspended in a Stationary Liquid, as Required by the Molecular Kinetic Theory of Heat"),[11] received May 11 and published July 18, delineated a stochastic model of Brownian motion. In this paper it will be shown that, according to the molecular kinetic theory of heat, bodies of a microscopically visible size suspended in liquids must, as a result of thermal molecular motions, perform motions of such magnitudes that they can be easily observed with a microscope. It is possible that the motions to be discussed here are identical with so-called Brownian molecular motion; however, the data available to me on the latter are so imprecise that I could not form a judgment on the question ... Einstein derived expressions for the mean squared displacement of particles. Using the kinetic theory of fluids, which at the time was controversial, the article established the phenomenon, which was lacking a satisfactory explanation even decades after the first observation, provided empirical evidence for the reality of the atom. It also lent credence to statistical mechanics, which had been controversial at that time, as well. Before this paper, atoms were recognized as a useful concept, but physicists and chemists debated whether atoms were real entities. Einstein's statistical discussion of atomic behavior gave experimentalists a way to count atoms by looking through an ordinary microscope. Wilhelm Ostwald, one of the leaders of the anti-atom school, later told Arnold Sommerfeld that he had been convinced of the existence of atoms by Einstein's complete explanation of Brownian motion.

Annus Mirabilis papers


Special relativity
Einstein's "Zur Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper" ("On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies"),[12] his third paper that year, was received on June 30 and published September 26. It reconciles Maxwell's equations for electricity and magnetism with the laws of mechanics by introducing major changes to mechanics close to the speed of light. This later became known as Einstein's special theory of relativity. The paper mentions the names of only five other scientists, Isaac Newton, James Clerk Maxwell, Heinrich Hertz, Christian Doppler, and Hendrik Lorentz. It does not have any references to any other publications. Many of the ideas had already been published by others, as detailed in history of special relativity and relativity priority dispute. However, Einstein's paper introduces a theory of time, distance, mass, and energy that was consistent with electromagnetism, but omitted the force of gravity. At the time, it was known that Maxwell's equations, when applied to moving bodies, led to asymmetries, and that it had not been possible to discover any motion of the Earth relative to the 'light medium'. Einstein puts forward two postulates to explain these observations. First, he applies the principle of relativity, which states that the laws of physics remain the same for any non-accelerating frame of reference (called an inertial reference frame), to the laws of electrodynamics and optics as well as mechanics. In the second postulate, Einstein proposes that the speed of light has the same value in all inertial frames of reference, independent of the state of motion of the emitting body. Special relativity is thus consistent with the result of the Michelson–Morley experiment, which had not detected a medium of conductance (or aether) for light waves unlike other known waves that require a medium (such as water or air). Einstein may not have known about that experiment, but states, … the unsuccessful attempts to discover any motion of the earth relatively to the "light medium," suggest that the phenomena of electrodynamics as well as of mechanics possess no properties corresponding to the idea of absolute rest. The speed of light is fixed, and thus not relative to the movement of the observer. This was impossible under Newtonian classical mechanics. Einstein argues, … the same laws of electrodynamics and optics will be valid for all frames of reference for which the equations of mechanics hold good. We will raise this conjecture (the purport of which will hereafter be called the "Principle of Relativity") to the status of a postulate, and also introduce another postulate, which is only apparently irreconcilable with the former, namely, that light is always propagated in empty space with a definite velocity c which is independent of the state of motion of the emitting body. These two postulates suffice for the attainment of a simple and consistent theory of the electrodynamics of moving bodies based on Maxwell's theory for stationary bodies. The introduction of a "luminiferous ether" will prove to be superfluous in as much as the view here to be developed will not require an "absolutely stationary space" provided with special properties, nor assign a velocity-vector to a point of the empty space in which electromagnetic processes take place. The theory […] is based—like all electrodynamics—on the kinematics of the rigid body, since the assertions of any such theory have to do with the relationships between rigid bodies (systems of co-ordinates), clocks, and electromagnetic processes. Insufficient consideration of this circumstance lies at the root of the difficulties which the electrodynamics of moving bodies at present encounters. It had previously been proposed, by George FitzGerald in 1889 and by Lorentz in 1892, independently of each other, that the Michelson-Morley result could be accounted for if moving bodies were contracted in the direction of their motion. Some of the paper's core equations, the Lorentz transforms, had been published by Joseph Larmor (1897, 1900), Hendrik Lorentz (1895, 1899, 1904) and Henri Poincaré (1905), in a development of Lorentz's 1904 paper. Einstein's presentation differed from the explanations given by FitzGerald, Larmor, and Lorentz, but was similar in many respects to the formulation by Poincaré (1905).

Annus Mirabilis papers His explanation arises from two axioms. First, Galileo's idea that the laws of nature should be the same for all observers that move with constant speed relative to each other. Einstein writes, The laws by which the states of physical systems undergo change are not affected, whether these changes of state be referred to the one or the other of two systems of co-ordinates in uniform translatory motion. The second is the rule that the speed of light is the same for every observer. Any ray of light moves in the "stationary" system of co-ordinates with the determined velocity c, whether the ray be emitted by a stationary or by a moving body. The theory, now called the special theory of relativity, distinguishes it from his later general theory of relativity, which considers all observers to be equivalent. Special relativity gained widespread acceptance remarkably quickly, confirming Einstein's comment that it had been "ripe for discovery" in 1905. Acknowledging the role of Max Planck in the early dissemination of his ideas, Einstein wrote in 1913 "The attention that this theory so quickly received from colleagues is surely to be ascribed in large part to the resoluteness and warmth with which he [Planck] intervened for this theory". In addition, the improved mathematical formulation of the theory by Hermann Minkowski in 1907 was influential in gaining acceptance for the theory. Also, and most importantly, the theory was supported by an ever-increasing body of confirmatory experimental evidence.


Mass and energy equivalence
On November 21 Annalen der Physik published a fourth paper (received September 27), "Ist die Trägheit eines Körpers von seinem Energieinhalt abhängig?" ("Does the Inertia of a Body Depend Upon Its Energy Content?"),[13] in which Einstein developed an argument for arguably the most famous equation in the field of physics: E = mc2. Einstein considered the equivalency equation to be of paramount importance because it showed that a massive particle possesses an energy, the "rest energy", distinct from its classical kinetic and potential energies. The paper is based on James Clerk Maxwell's and Heinrich Rudolf Hertz's investigations and, in addition, the axioms of relativity, as Einstein states, The results of the previous investigation lead to a very interesting conclusion, which is here to be deduced. The previous investigation was based "on the Maxwell-Hertz equations for empty space, together with the Maxwellian expression for the electromagnetic energy of space ..." The laws by which the states of physical systems alter are independent of the alternative, to which of two systems of coordinates, in uniform motion of parallel translation relatively to each other, these alterations of state are referred (principle of relativity). The equation sets forth that energy of a body at rest (E) equals its mass (m) times the speed of light (c) squared, or E = mc2. If a body gives off the energy L in the form of radiation, its mass diminishes by L/c2. The fact that the energy withdrawn from the body becomes energy of radiation evidently makes no difference, so that we are led to the more general conclusion that The mass of a body is a measure of its energy-content; if the energy changes by L, the mass changes in the same sense by L/9 × 1020, the energy being measured in ergs, and the mass in grammes. [...] If the theory corresponds to the facts, radiation conveys inertia between the emitting and absorbing bodies. The mass-energy relation can be used to predict how much energy will be released or consumed by nuclear reactions; one simply measures the mass of all constituents and the mass of all the products and multiplies the difference between the two by c2. The result shows how much energy will be released or consumed, usually in the form of light or heat. When applied to certain nuclear reactions, the equation shows that an extraordinarily large amount of energy will be released, much larger than in the combustion of chemical explosives, where the mass

Annus Mirabilis papers difference is hardly measurable at all. This explains why nuclear weapons produce such phenomenal amounts of energy, as they release binding energy during nuclear fission and nuclear fusion, and also convert a much larger portion of subatomic mass to energy.


The International Union of Pure and Applied Physics (IUPAP) resolved to commemorate the 100th year of the publication of Einstein's extensive work in 1905 as the 'World Year of Physics 2005'. This was subsequently endorsed by the United Nations.

[1] The suggestion that Mileva actually co-authored some of Einstein's early papers was based largely on what is now generally agreed to have been a misunderstanding. In an obituary for Einstein in 1955, Abram Joffe wrote "In 1905, three articles appeared in the Annalen der Physik... The author of these articles, an unknown person at the time, was a bureaucrat at the Patent Office in Bern, Einstein-Marity (Marity - the maiden name of his wife, which by Swiss custom is added to the husband's family name)." Thus Joffe did not claim co-authorship, he merely stated that the papers were by an unknown individual, and that Marity was the maiden name of the author's wife, appended to the author's name by Swiss custom. Joffe's comment was later mis-quoted in a way that suggested co-authorship of the husband and wife. [2] "Einstein's Wife : The Mileva Question (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ opb/ einsteinswife/ science/ mquest. htm)". Oregon Public Broadcasting, 2003. [3] [4] [5] [6] Stachel, John, Einstein's Miraculous Year (1905), pp. liv-lxiii. (http:/ / www. esterson. org/ Stachel_Joffe. htm) Calaprice, Alice, "The Einstein almanac". Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Md. 2005. The London, Edinburgh and Dublin Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, Series 6, volume 2, page 1 (1901) Ives, Herbert E.; Stilwell, G. R. (1938). "An experimental study of the rate of a moving clock". Journal of the Optical Society of America 28 (7): 215–226. Bibcode 1938JOSA...28..215I. doi:10.1364/JOSA.28.000215. [7] Ives, Herbert E.; Stilwell, G. R. (1941). "An experimental study of the rate of a moving clock II". Journal of the Optical Society of America 31: 359–374. [8] Rossi, Bruno; Hall, David B. (February 1, 1941). "Variation of the Rate of Decay of Mesotrons with Momentum". Physical Review 59 (3): 223–228. Bibcode 1941PhRv...59..223R. doi:10.1103/PhysRev.59.223. [9] Einstein, Albert (1905). "Über einen die Erzeugung und Verwandlung des Lichtes betreffenden heuristischen Gesichtspunkt" (http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1905_17_132-148. pdf). Annalen der Physik 17 (6): 132–148. Bibcode 1905AnP...322..132E. doi:10.1002/andp.19053220607. . Retrieved 2008-02-18.

English translations:
" On a Heuristic Point of View about the Creation and Conversion of Light (http:/ / www. physik. fu-berlin. de/ ~kleinert/ files/ eins_lq. pdf)". Translated by Dirk ter Haar • "On a Heuristic Point of View about the Creation and Conversion of Light. Translated by Wikisource [10] Physical systems can display both wave-like and particle-like properties [11] Einstein, Albert (1905). "Über die von der molekularkinetischen Theorie der Wärme geforderte Bewegung von in ruhenden Flüssigkeiten suspendierten Teilchen" (http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1905_17_549-560. pdf). Annalen der Physik 17 (8): 549–560. Bibcode 1905AnP...322..549E. doi:10.1002/andp.19053220806. . Retrieved 2008-08-25. •

English translation:
" Investigations on the theory of Brownian Movement (http:/ / users. physik. fu-berlin. de/ ~kleinert/ files/ eins_brownian. pdf)". Translated by A.D Cowper [12] Einstein, Albert (1905-06-30). "Zur Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper". Annalen der Physik 17 (10): 891–921. Bibcode 1905AnP...322..891E. doi:10.1002/andp.19053221004. See also a digitized version at Wikilivres:Zur Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper. •

English translations:
• • " On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies (http:/ / www. fourmilab. ch/ etexts/ einstein/ specrel/ www/ )". Translation by George Barker Jeffery and Wilfrid Perrett in The Principle of Relativity, London: Methuen and Company, Ltd. (1923) "On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies". Translation by Megh Nad Saha in The Principle of Relativity: Original Papers by A. Einstein and H. Minkowski, University of Calcutta, 1920, pp. 1–34:

[13] Einstein, Albert (1905). "Ist die Trägheit eines Körpers von seinem Energieinhalt abhängig?" (http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1905_18_639-641. pdf). Annalen der Physik 18 (13): 639–641. Bibcode 1905AnP...323..639E. doi:10.1002/andp.19053231314. . Retrieved 2008-02-18.

English translations:

Annus Mirabilis papers
• " Does the Inertia of a Body Depend Upon Its Energy Content? (http:/ / www. fourmilab. ch/ etexts/ einstein/ E_mc2/ www/ )". Translation by George Barker Jeffery and Wilfrid Perrett in The Principle of Relativity, London: Methuen and Company, Ltd. (1923).


Works by Einstein Further reading
• Stachel, John, et al., Einstein's Miraculous Year. Princeton University Press, 1998. ISBN 0-691-05938-1 • Renn, Jürgen, and Dieter Hoffmann, "1905 — a miraculous year". 2005 J. Phys. B: At. Mol. Opt. Phys. 38 S437-S448 (Max Planck Institute for the History of Science) [Issue 9 (14 May 2005)]

External links
• ( - collection of the Annus Mirabilis papers and their English translations. • On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies (1923 edition)

History of special relativity
The history of special relativity consists of many theoretical results and empirical findings obtained by Albert Michelson, Hendrik Lorentz, Henri Poincaré and others. It culminated in the theory of special relativity proposed by Albert Einstein, and subsequent work of Max Planck, Hermann Minkowski and others.

Although Isaac Newton based his theory on absolute space and time, he also adhered to the principle of relativity of Galileo Galilei. This stated that all observers who move uniformly relative to each other are equal and no absolute state of motion can be attributed to any observer. During the 19th century the aether theory was widely accepted, mostly in the form given by James Clerk Maxwell. According to Maxwell all optical and electrical phenomena propagate in a medium. Thus it seemed possible to determine absolute motion relative to the aether and therefore to disprove Galileo's principle. The failure of any experiment to detect motion through the aether led Hendrik Lorentz in 1892 to develop a theory based on an immobile aether and the Lorentz transformation. Based on Lorentz's aether, Henri Poincaré in 1905 proposed the relativity principle as a general law of nature, including electrodynamics and gravitation. In the same year, Albert Einstein published what is now called special relativity – he radically reinterpreted Lorentzian electrodynamics by changing the concepts of space and time and abolishing the aether. This paved the way to general relativity. Subsequent work of Hermann Minkowski laid the foundations of relativistic field theories.

Aether and Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies
Aether models and Maxwell's equations
Following the work of Thomas Young (1804) and Augustin-Jean Fresnel (1816), it was believed that light propagates as a transverse wave within an elastic medium called luminiferous aether. However, a distinction was made between optical and electrodynamical phenomena so it was necessary to create specific aether models for all phenomena. Attempts to unify those models or to create a complete mechanical description of them did not succeed,[1] but after considerable work by many scientists, including Michael Faraday and Lord Kelvin, James Clerk Maxwell (1864) developed an accurate theory of electromagnetism by deriving a set of equations in electricity,

History of special relativity magnetism and inductance, named Maxwell's equations. He first proposed that light was in fact undulations (Electromagnetic radiation) in the same aetherial medium that is the cause of electric and magnetic phenomena. However, Maxwell's theory was unsatisfactory regarding the optics of moving bodies, and while he was able to present a complete mathematical model, he was not able to provide a coherent mechanical description of the aether.[2] After Heinrich Hertz in 1887 demonstrated the existence of electromagnetic waves, Maxwell's theory was widely accepted. In addition, Oliver Heaviside and Hertz further developed the theory and introduced modernized versions of Maxwell's equations. The "Maxwell-Hertz" or "Heaviside-Hertz" Equations subsequently formed an important basis for the further development of electrodynamics, and Heaviside's notation is still used today. Other important contributions to Maxwell's theory were made by George FitzGerald, Joseph John Thomson, John Henry Poynting, Hendrik Lorentz, and Joseph Larmor.[3][4]


Search for the aether
Regarding the relative motion and the mutual influence of matter and aether, two theories were considered: The one of Fresnel (and subsequently Lorentz), who developed a Stationary Aether Theory in which light propagates as a transverse wave and aether was partially dragged with a certain coefficient by matter. Based on this assumption, Fresnel was able to explain the Aberration of light and many optical phenomena.[5] On the other hand, George Gabriel Stokes stated in 1845 that the aether was fully dragged by matter (later this view was also shared by Hertz). In this model the aether might be (by analogy with pine pitch) rigid for fast objects and fluid for slower objects. Thus the Earth could move through it fairly freely, but it would be rigid enough to transport light.[6] Fresnel's theory was preferred because his dragging coefficient was confirmed by the Fizeau experiment of Hippolyte Fizeau in 1851, who measured the speed of light in moving liquids.[7] Albert Abraham Michelson (1881) tried to measure the relative motion of earth and Aether (Aether-Wind), as it was expected in Fresnel’s theory, by using an interferometer. He could not determine any relative motion, so he interpreted the result as a confirmation of the thesis of Stokes.[8] However, Lorentz (1886) showed Michelson's calculations were wrong and that he overestimated the accuracy of the measurement. This, together with the large margin of error, made the result of Michelson's experiment inconclusive. In addition, Lorentz showed that Stokes' completely dragged aether lead to contradictory consequences, and therefore he supported an aether theory similar to Fresnel's.[9] To check Fresnel's theory again, Michelson and Edward Morley (1886) performed a repetition of the Fizeau experiment. Fresnel's dragging coefficient was confirmed very exactly on that occasion, and Michelson was now of the opinion that Fresnel's Albert Abraham Michelson stationary aether theory is correct.[10] To clarify the situation, Michelson and Morley (1887) repeated Michelson's 1881-experiment, and they substantially increased the accuracy of the measurement. However, this now famous Michelson-Morley experiment again yielded a negative result, i.e., no motion of the apparatus through the aether was detected (although the Earth velocity is 60 km/s different in winter than summer). So the physicists were confronted with two seemingly contradictory experiments: The 1886-experiment as an apparent confirmation of Fresnel's stationary aether, and the 1887-experiment as an apparent confirmation of Stokes' completely dragged aether.[11] A possible solution to the problem was shown by Woldemar Voigt (1887), who investigated the Doppler Effect for waves propagating in an incompressible elastic medium and deduced transformation relations that left the Wave equation in free space unchanged, and explained the negative result of the Michelson-Morley Experiment. The

History of special relativity Voigt-Transformations include the Lorentz factor for the y- and z-coordinates, and a new time variable



was called "local time". However, Voigt's work was completely ignored by his contemporaries.[12][13] FitzGerald (1889) offered another explanation of the negative result of the Michelson-Morley experiment. Contrary to Voigt, he speculated that the intermolecular forces are possibly of electrical origin so that material bodies would contract in the line of motion (length contraction). This was in connection with the work of Heaviside (1887), who determined that the electrostatic fields in motion were deformed (Heaviside Ellipsoid), which leads to physically undetermined conditions at the speed of light.[14] However, Fitzgerald's idea remained widely unknown and was not discussed before Oliver Lodge published a summary of the idea in 1892.[15] Also Lorentz (1892b) proposed length contraction independently from Fitzgerald in order to explain the Michelson-Morley experiment. For plausibility reasons, Lorentz referred to the analogy of the contraction of electrostatic fields. However, even Lorentz admitted that that was not a necessary reason and length-contraction consequently remained an Ad hoc hypothesis.[16][17]

Lorentz's theory of electrons
Lorentz (1892a) set the foundations of Lorentz aether theory, by assuming the existence of electrons which he separated from the aether, and by replacing the "Maxwell-Hertz" Equations by the "Maxwell-Lorentz" Equations. In his model, the aether is completely motionless and, contrary to Fresnel's theory, also is not partially dragged by matter. An important consequence of this notion was that the velocity of light is totally independent of the velocity of the source. Lorentz gave no statements about the mechanical nature of the aether and the electromagnetic processes, but, vice-versa, tried to explain the mechanical processes by electromagnetic ones and therefore created an abstract electromagnetic æther. In the framework of his theory, Lorentz calculated, like Heaviside, the contraction of the electrostatic fields.[18] Lorentz (1895) also introduced what he called the "Theorem of Corresponding States" for terms of first order in . This theorem states that a moving observer (relative to the aether) in his "fictitious" field makes the same observations as a resting observer in his "real" field. An important part of it was local time , which paved

Hendrik Antoon Lorentz

the way to the Lorentz Transformation and which he introduced independently of Voigt. With the help of this concept, Lorentz could explain the aberration of light, the Doppler Effect and the Fizeau experiment as well. However, Lorentz's local time was only an auxiliary mathematical tool to simplify the transformation from one system into another – it was Poincaré in 1900 who recognized that "local time" is actually indicated by moving clocks.[19][20][21] Lorentz also recognized that his theory violated the principle of action and reaction, since the aether acts on matter, but matter cannot act on the immobile aether.[22] A very similar model was created by Joseph Larmor (1897, 1900). Larmor was the first to put Lorentz's 1895-transformation into a form algebraically equivalent to the modern Lorentz transformations, however, he stated that his transformations preserved the form of Maxwell's equations only to second order of . Lorentz later noted that these transformations did in fact preserve the form of Maxwell's equations to all orders of . Larmor noticed on that occasion, that not only can length-contraction be derived from it, but he also calculated some sort of Time Dilation for electron orbits. Larmor specified his considerations in 1900 and 1904.[13][23] Independently of Larmor, also Lorentz (1899) extended his transformation for second order terms and noted a (mathematical) Time Dilation effect as well. However, besides Lorentz and Larmor also other physicists tried to develop a consistent model of electrodynamics. For example, Emil Cohn (1900, 1901) created an alternative Electrodynamics in which he, as one of the first,

History of special relativity discarded the existence of the aether (at least in the previous form) and would use, like Ernst Mach, the fixed stars as a reference frame instead. Due to inconsistencies within his theory, like different light speeds in different directions, it was superseded by Lorentz's and Einstein's.[24]


Electromagnetic mass
During his development of Maxwell's Theory, J. J. Thomson (1881) recognized that charged bodies are harder to set in motion than uncharged bodies. He also noticed that the mass of a body in motion is increased by a constant quantity. Electrostatic fields behave as if they add an "electromagnetic mass" to the mechanical mass of the bodies. I.e., according to Thomson, electromagnetic energy corresponds to a certain mass. This was interpreted as some form of self-inductance of the electromagnetic field.[25][26] Thomson's work was continued and perfected by FitzGerald, Heaviside (1888), and George Frederick Charles Searle (1896, 1897). For the electromagnetic mass they gave — in modern notation — the formula , where is the electromagnetic mass and is the electromagnetic energy. Heaviside and Searle also recognized that the increase of the mass of a body is not constant and varies with its velocity. Consequently, Searle noted the impossibility of superluminal velocities, because infinite energy would be needed to exceed the speed of light. Also for Lorentz (1899), the integration of the speed-dependence of masses recognized by Thomson was especially important. He noticed that the mass not only varied due to speed, but is also dependent on the direction, and he introduced what Abraham later called "longitudinal" and "transverse" mass. (The transversal mass corresponds to what later was called Relativistic Mass).[27] Wilhelm Wien (1900) assumed (following the works of Thomson, Heaviside, and Searle) that the entire mass is of electromagnetic origin, which was formulated in the context that all forces of nature are electromagnetic ones (the "Electromagnetic World View"). Wien stated that, if it is assumed that gravitation is an electromagnetic effect too, then there has to be a proportionality between electromagnetic energy, inertial mass and gravitational mass.[28] In the same paper Henri Poincaré (1900b) found another way of combining the concepts of mass and energy. He recognized that electromagnetic energy behaves like a fictitious fluid with mass density of (or ) and defined a fictitious electromagnetic momentum as well. However, he arrived at a radiation paradox which was fully explained by Einstein in 1905.[29] Walter Kaufmann (1901–1903) was the first to confirm the velocity dependence of electromagnetic mass by analyzing the ratio (where is the charge and the mass) of cathode rays. He found that the value of decreased with the speed, showing that, assuming the charge constant, the mass of the electron increased with the speed. He also believed that those experiments confirmed the assumption of Wien, that there is no "real" mechanical mass, but only the "apparent" electromagnetic mass, or in other words, the mass of all bodies is of electromagnetic origin.[30] Max Abraham (1902–1904), who was a supporter of the electromagnetic world view, quickly offered an explanation for Kaufmann's experiments by deriving expressions for the electromagnetic mass. Together with this concept, Abraham introduced (like Poincaré in 1900) the notion of "Electromagnetic Momentum" which is proportional to . But unlike the fictitious quantities introduced by Poincaré, he considered it as a real physical entity. Abraham also noted (like Lorentz in 1899) that this mass also depends on the direction and coined the names "Longitudinal" and "Transverse" Mass. In contrast to Lorentz, he didn't incorporated the Contraction Hypothesis into his theory, and therefore his mass terms differed from those of Lorentz.[31] Based on the preceding work on electromagnetic mass, Friedrich Hasenöhrl suggested that part of the mass of a body (which he called apparent mass) can be thought of as radiation bouncing around a cavity. The "apparent mass" of radiation depends on the temperature (because every heated body emits radiation) and is proportional to its energy. Hasenöhrl stated that this energy-apparent-mass relation only holds as long a body radiates, i.e., if the temperature of a body is greater than 0 K. At first he gave the expression for the apparent mass, however, Abraham and Hasenöhrl himself in 1905 changed the result to for a body at rest.

, the same value as for the electromagnetic mass

History of special relativity


Absolute space and time
Some scientists started to criticize Newton's definitions of absolute space and time.[33][34][35] Ernst Mach (1883) argued that absolute time and space are meaningless and only relative motion is a useful concept. He also said that even accelerated motion such as rotation could be related to the fixed stars without using Newton's absolute space. And Carl Neumann (1870) introduced a "Body alpha", which represents some sort of rigid and fixed body for defining inertial motion. Based on the definition of Neumann, Heinrich Streintz (1883) argued that if gyroscopes don't measure any signs of rotation, then one can speak of inertial motion which is related to a "Fundamental body" and a "Fundamental Coordinate System". Eventually, Ludwig Lange (1885) was the first to coin the expression inertial frame of reference and inertial time scale as operational replacements for absolute space and time, by defining "a reference frame in which a mass point thrown from the same point in three different (non co-planar) directions follows rectilinear paths each time it is thrown is called a inertial frame". And in 1902, Henri Poincaré published the philosophical and popular-science book "Science and Hypothesis", which included: philosophical assessments on the relativity of space, time, and simultaneity; the opinion that a violation of the Relativity Principle can never be detected; the possible non-existence of the aether but also some arguments supporting the aether; many remarks on non-Euclidean geometry. There were also some attempts to use time as a Fourth Dimension.[36][37] This was done as early as 1754 by Jean le Rond d'Alembert in the Encyclopédie, and by some authors in the 19th century like H. G. Wells in his novel The Time Machine (1895). In 1901 a philosophical model was developed by Menyhért Palágyi, in which space and time were only two sides of some sort of "spacetime".[38] He used time as an imaginary fourth dimension, which he gave the form (where , i.e. imaginary number). However, Palagyi's time coordinate is not connected to the speed of light. He also rejected any connection with the existing constructions of n-dimensional spaces and non-Euclidean geometry, so his philosophical model bears only little resemblance with spacetime physics, as it was later developed by Minkowski.[39]

Light constancy and the Principle of relative motion
In the second half of the 19th century there were many attempts to develop a worldwide clock network synchronized by electrical signals. On that occasion, the finite propagation speed of light had to be considered as well. So Henri Poincaré (1898) in his paper The Measure of Time drew some important consequences of this process and explained that astronomers, in determining the speed of light, simply assume that light has a constant speed, and that this speed is the same in all directions. Without this postulate it would be impossible to infer the speed of light from astronomical observations, as Ole Rømer did based on observations of the moons of Jupiter. Poincaré also noted that the propagation speed of light can be (and in practice often is) used to define simultaneity between spatially separate events. He concluded by saying, that "The simultaneity of two events, or the order of their succession, the equality of two durations, are to be so defined that the enunciation of the natural laws may be as simple as possible. In other words, all these rules, all these definitions are only the fruit of an unconscious opportunism."[40]

Henri Poincaré

In some other papers, Poincaré (1895, 1900a) argued that experiments like that of Michelson-Morley show the impossibility of detecting the absolute motion of matter, i.e., the relative motion of matter in relation to the aether.

History of special relativity


He called this the "principle of relative motion."[41] In the same year he interpreted Lorentz's local time as the result of a synchronization procedure based on light signals. He assumed that 2 observers A and B, which are moving in the aether, synchronize their clocks by optical signals. Since they believe themselves to be at rest, they must consider only the transmission time of the signals and then cross-reference their observations to examine whether their clocks are synchronous. However, from the point of view of an observer at rest in the aether, the clocks are not synchronous and indicate the local time . But because the moving observers do not know anything about their movement, they do not recognize this. So, contrary to Lorentz, Poincaré-defined local time can be measured and indicated by clocks.[42] Therefore, in his recommendation of Lorentz for the Nobel Prize in 1902, Poincaré argued that Lorentz has convincingly explained the negative outcome of the aether drift experiments by inventing the "diminished time", i.e. that two events at different place could appear as simultaneous, although they are not simultaneous in reality.[43] Like Poincaré, Alfred Bucherer (1903) believed in the validity of the relativity principle within the domain of electrodynamics, but contrary to Poincaré, Bucherer even assumed that this implies the nonexistence of the aether. However, the theory that was created by him later in 1906 was incorrect and not self-consistent, and the Lorentz transformation was absent within his theory as well.[44]

Lorentz's 1904 model
In his paper Electromagnetic phenomena in a system moving with any velocity smaller than that of light, Lorentz (1904) was following the suggestion of Poincaré and attempted to create a formulation of Electrodynamics, which explains the failure of all known aether drift experiments, i.e. the validity of the relativity principle. He tried to prove the applicability of the Lorentz transformation for all orders, although he didn't succeed completely. Like Wien and Abraham, he argued that there exists only electromagnetic mass, not mechanical mass, and derived the correct expression for longitudinal and transverse mass, which were in agreement with Kaufmann's experiments (even though those experiments were not precise enough to distinguish between the theories of Lorentz and Abraham). And using the electromagnetic momentum, he could explain the negative result of the Trouton-Noble experiment, in which a charged parallel-plate capacitor moving through the aether should orient itself perpendicular to the motion. Also the Experiments of Rayleigh and Brace could be explained. Another important step was the postulate that the Lorentz Transformation has to be valid for non-electrical forces as well.[45] At the same time, when Lorentz worked out his theory, Wien (1903) recognized an important consequence of the velocity dependence of mass. He argued that superluminal velocities were impossible, because that would require an infinite amount of energy — the same was already noted by Thomson (1893) and Searle (1897). And in June 1904, after he had read Lorentz's 1904 paper, he noticed the same in relation to length contraction, because at superluminal velocities the factor becomes imaginary.[46] Lorentz's theory was criticized by Abraham, who demonstrated that on one side the theory obeys the relativity principle, and on the other side the electromagnetic origin of all forces is assumed. Abraham showed, that both assumptions were incompatible, because in Lorentz's theory of the contracted electrons, non-electric forces were needed in order to guarantee the stability of matter. However, in Abraham's theory of the rigid electron, no such forces were needed. Thus the question arose whether the Electromagnetic conception of the world (compatible with Abraham's theory) or the Relativity Principle (compatible with Lorentz's Theory) was correct.[47] In a September 1904 lecture in St. Louis named The Principles of Mathematical Physics, Poincaré draw some consequences from Lorentz's theory and defined (in modification of Galileo's Relativity Principle and Lorentz's Theorem of Corresponding States) the following principle: "The Principle of Relativity, according to which the laws of physical phenomena must be the same for a stationary observer as for one carried along in a uniform motion of translation, so that we have no means, and can have none, of determining whether or not we are being carried along in such a motion." He also specified his clock synchronization method and explained the possibility of a "new method" or "new mechanics", in which no velocity can surpass that of light for all observers. However, he critically noted that the Relativity Principle, Newton's action and reaction, the Conservation of Mass, and the Conservation of

History of special relativity Energy are not fully established and are even threatened by some experiments.[48] Also Emil Cohn (1904) continued to develop his alternative model (as described above), and while comparing his theory with that of Lorentz, he discovered some important physical interpretations of the Lorentz transformations. He illustrated (like Joseph Larmor in the same year) this transformation by using rods and clocks: If they are at rest in the aether, they indicate the true length and time, and if they are moving, they indicate contracted and dilated values. Like Poincaré, Cohn defined local time as the time, which is based on the assumption of isotropic propagation of light. Contrary to Lorentz and Poincaré it was noticed by Cohn, that within Lorentz's theory the separation of "real" and "apparent" coordinates is artificial, because no experiment can distinguish between them. Yet according to Cohn's own theory, the Lorentz transformed quantities would only be valid for optical phenomena, while mechanical clocks would indicate the "real" time.[24]


Poincaré's Dynamics of the electron
On 5 June 1905, Henri Poincaré submitted the summary of a work which closed the existing gaps of Lorentz's work. (This short paper contained the results of a more complete work which was published in January 1906). He showed that Lorentz's equations of electrodynamics were not fully Lorentz-covariant. So he pointed out the group characteristics of the transformation, and he corrected Lorentz's formulas for the transformations of charge density and current density (which implicitly contained the relativistic velocity-addition formula, which he elaborated in May in a letter to Lorentz). Poincaré used for the first time the term "Lorentz transformation", and he gave them the symmetrical form which is used to this day. He introduced a non-electrical binding force (the so-called "Poincaré stresses") to ensure the stability of the electrons and to explain length contraction. He also sketched a Lorentz-invariant model of gravitation (including gravitational waves) by extending the validity of Lorentz-invariance to non-electrical forces.[49][50] Eventually Poincaré (independently of Einstein) finished a substantially extended work of his June paper (the so-called „Palermo paper“, received 23 July, printed 14 December, published January 1906 ). He spoke literally of „the postulate of relativity“. He showed that the transformations are a consequence of the Principle of Least Action and developed the properties of the Poincaré stresses. He demonstrated in more detail the group characteristics of the transformation, which he called the Lorentz group, and he showed that the combination is invariant. While elaborating his gravitational theory, he said the Lorentz transformation is merely a rotation in four-dimensional space about the origin, by introducing as a fourth imaginary coordinate (contrary to Palagyi, he included the speed of light), and he already used four-vectors. He wrote that the discovery of magneto-cathode rays by Paul Ulrich Villard (1904) seems to threaten the entire theory of Lorentz, but this problem was quickly solved.[51] However, although in his philosophical writings Poincaré rejected the ideas of absolute space and time, in his physical papers he continued to refer to an (undetectable) aether. He also continued (1900b, 1904, 1906, 1908b) to describe coordinates and phenomena as local/apparent (for moving observers) and true/real (for observers at rest in the aether).[21][52] So with a few exceptions[53][54][55][56] most historians of science argue that Poincaré did not invent what is now called special relativity, although it is admitted that Poincaré anticipated much of Einstein's methods and terminology.[57][58][59][60][61][62]

History of special relativity


Special relativity
Einstein 1905
Electrodynamics of moving bodies On September 26, 1905 (received 30 June), Albert Einstein published his annus mirabilis paper on what is now called Special Relativity. Einstein's paper includes a fundamental new definition of space and time (all time and space coordinates in all reference frames are equal, so there is no "true" or "apparent" time) and the abolition of the aether. He identified two fundamental principles, the Principle of Relativity and the Principle of the Constancy of Light, which served as the axiomatic basis of his theory. To better understand Einstein's step, a summary of the situation before 1905, as it was described above, shall be given[63] (it must be remarked that Einstein was familiar with the 1895 theory of Lorentz, and "Science and Hypothesis" by Poincaré, but not their papers of 1904-1905): a) Maxwell's electrodynamics, in the way as it was presented by Lorentz in 1895, was the most successful theory at this time. Here, the speed of light is constant in all directions in the stationary aether, and completely independent of the velocity of the source;

Albert Einstein, 1921

b) The inability to find an absolute state of motion, i.e., the validity of the relativity principle as the consequence of the negative results of all aether drift experiments, and effects like the moving magnet and conductor problem which only depend on relative motion; c) The Fizeau experiment; d) The Aberration of light; with the following consequences for the speed of light, and the theories known at that time: 1. The speed of light is not composed by the speed of light in vacuum and the velocity of a preferred frame of reference, by b. This contradicts the theory of the (nearly) stationary aether. 2. The speed of light is not composed by the speed of light in vacuum and the velocity of the light source, by a and c. This contradicts the emission theory. 3. The speed of light is not composed by the speed of light in vacuum and the velocity of an aether that would be dragged within or in the vicinity of matter, by a, c, and d. This contradicts the hypothesis of the complete aether drag. 4. The speed of light in moving media is not composed by the speed of light when the medium is at rest, and the velocity of the medium, but is determined by Fresnel's dragging coefficient, by c.[64] To make the preceding theories tenable, the introduction of Ad hoc hypotheses would be required. Yet in science the assumption of a conspiracy of effects which prevent the discovery of other effects is considered to be very improbable, and it would violate Occam's razor as well.[65] So Einstein refused to invent auxiliary hypotheses, and draw the direct conclusions from the facts stated above: That the relativity principle is correct and the speed of light is constant in all inertial reference frames. Because of his axiomatic method, Einstein was able to derive all results of his predecessors – and in addition the formulas for the Relativistic Doppler effect and Relativistic aberration – on a few pages, while his predecessors needed years of long, complicated work to arrive at the same mathematical formalism. Lorentz and Poincaré had also adopted these same principles, as necessary to achieve their final results,

History of special relativity but didn't recognize that they were also sufficient, and hence that they obviated all the other assumptions (especially the stationary aether) underlying Lorentz's initial derivations.[61][66] Another reason for Einstein's rejection of the aether was probably his work on quantum physics. Einstein found out that light can also be described as a particle, so the aether as the medium for electromagnetic "waves" (which was highly important for Lorentz and Poincaré) had no place in his theoretical concepts anymore.[67] It's notable that Einstein's paper contains no direct references to other papers. However, many historians of science like Holton,[65] Miller,[58] Stachel,[68] have tried to find out possible influences on Einstein. He stated that his thinking was influenced by the empiricist philosophers David Hume and Ernst Mach. Regarding the Relativity Principle, the moving magnet and conductor problem (possibly after reading a book of August Föppl) and the various negative aether drift experiments were important for him to accept that principle — but he denied any significant influence of the most important experiment: the Michelson-Morley experiment.[68] Other possible sources are Poincaré's Science and Hypothesis, where he described the Principle of Relativity and which was read by Einstein in 1904,[69] and the writings of Max Abraham, from whom he borrowed the terms "Maxwell-Hertz equations" and "longitudinal and transverse mass".[70] Regarding his views on Electrodynamics and the Principle of the Constancy of Light, Einstein stated that Lorentz's theory of 1895 (or the Maxwell-Lorentz electrodynamics) and also the Fizeau experiment had considerable influence on his thinking. He said in 1909 and 1912 that he borrowed that principle from Lorentz's stationary aether (which implies validity of Maxwell's equations and the constancy of light in the aether frame), but he recognized that this principle together with the principle of relativity makes the aether useless.[71] As he wrote in 1907 and in later papers, the apparent contradiction between those principles can be solved if it is realized that Lorentz's local time is not an auxiliary quantity, but can simply be defined as time and is connected with signal velocity. Before Einstein, also Poincaré developed a similar physical interpretation of local time and noticed the connection to signal velocity, but contrary to Einstein he continued to argue that clocks in the aether show the true time, and moving clocks show the apparent time. Eventually, in 1953 Einstein described the advances of his theory (although Poincaré already stated in 1905 that Lorentz invariance is a general condition for any physical theory):[71]


There is no doubt, that the special theory of relativity, if we regard its development in retrospect, was ripe for discovery in 1905. Lorentz had already recognized that the transformations named after him are essential for the analysis of Maxwell's equations, and Poincaré deepened this insight still further. Concerning myself, I knew only Lorentz's important work of 1895 [...] but not Lorentz's later work, nor the consecutive investigations by Poincaré. In this sense my work of 1905 was independent. [..] The new feature of it was the realization of the fact that the bearing of the Lorentz transformation transcended its connection with Maxwell's equations and was concerned with the nature of space and time in general. A further new result was that the "Lorentz invariance" is a general condition for any physical theory. This was for me of particular importance because I had already previously found that Maxwell's theory did not account for the micro-structure of radiation and could therefore have no general validity.

Mass-energy equivalence Already in §10 of his paper on electrodynamics, Einstein used the formula

for the kinetic energy of an electron. In elaboration of this he published a paper (received 27 September, November 1905), in which Einstein showed that when a material body lost energy (either radiation or heat) of amount E, its mass decreased by the amount E/c2. This led to the famous mass–energy equivalence formula: E = mc2. Einstein considered the equivalency equation to be of paramount importance because it showed that a massive particle possesses an energy, the "rest energy", distinct from its classical kinetic and potential energies.[29] As it was shown above, many authors before Einstein arrived at similar formulas (including a 4/3-factor) for the relation of mass to energy. However, their work was focused on electromagnetic energy which (as we know today) only represents a small part of the entire energy within matter. So it was Einstein who was the first a) to ascribe this relation to all

History of special relativity forms of energy, and b) to understand the connection of Mass-energy equivalence with the relativity principle.


Early reception
First assessments Walter Kaufmann (1905, 1906) was probably the first who referred to Einstein's work. He compared the theories of Lorentz and Einstein, and, although he said Einstein's method is to be preferred, he argued that both theories are observationally equivalent. Therefore, he spoke of the relativity principle as the "Lorentz-Einsteinian" basic assumption.[72] Shortly afterwards, Max Planck (1906a) was the first who publicly defended the theory, and who interested his students Max von Laue and Kurd von Mosengeil for this theory. He described Einstein's theory as a "generalization" of Lorentz's theory, and to this "Lorentz-Einstein-Theory" he gave the name "relative theory", while Alfred Bucherer changed Planck's notation into the now common "theory of relativity". On the other hand, Einstein himself and many others continued to simply refer to the new method as the "relativity principle". And in an important overview article on the relativity principle (1908a), Einstein described SR as a "union of Lorentz's theory and the relativity principle", including the fundamental assumption that Lorentz's local time can be described as real time. (Yet, Poincaré's contributions were rarely mentioned in the first years after 1905.) All of those expressions (Lorentz-Einstein theory, relativity principle, relativity theory) were used by different physicists alternately in the next years.[73] Kaufmann-Bucherer experiments Kaufmann (1905, 1906) announced the results of his new experiments on the charge to mass ratio, i.e. the velocity dependence of mass. They represented, in his opinion, a clear refutation of the relativity principle and the Lorentz-Einstein-Theory, and a confirmation of Abraham's theory. For some years, Kaufmann's experiments represented a weighty objection against the relativity principle, although it was criticized by Planck and Adolf Bestelmeyer (1906). Following Kaufmann, other physicists like Alfred Bucherer (1908), and Günther Neumann (1914) also examined the velocity-dependence of mass, and this time it was thought that the "Lorentz-Einstein theory" and the relativity principle is confirmed, and Abraham's theory is disproved. However, it was later pointed out that the Kaufmann–Bucherer–Neumann experiments only showed a qualitative mass increase of moving electron, but they were not precise enough to distinguish between the models of Lorentz-Einstein and Abraham. So it lasted until 1940, when experiments of this kind were repeated with sufficient accuracy for confirming the Lorentz-Einstein formula.[72] However, this problem occurred only for this kind of experiments. The investigations of the fine structure of the hydrogen lines already in 1917 provided a clear confirmation of the Lorentz-Einstein formula, and the refutation of Abraham's theory.[74]

History of special relativity Relativistic momentum and mass Planck (1906a) defined the relativistic momentum and gave the correct values for the longitudinal and transverse mass by correcting a slight mistake of the expression given by Einstein in 1905. Planck's expressions were in principle equivalent to those used by Lorentz in 1899.[75] Based on the work of Planck, the concept of relativistic mass was developed by Gilbert Newton Lewis and Richard C. Tolman (1908, 1909) by defining mass as the ratio of momentum to velocity. So the older definition of longitudinal and transverse mass, in which mass was defined as the ratio of force to acceleration, became superfluous. Finally, Tolman (1912) interpreted relativistic mass simply as the mass of the body.[76] However, many modern textbooks on relativity don't use the concept of relativistic mass anymore, and mass is considered as an invariant quantity. Mass and energy Einstein (1906) showed that the inertia of energy (mass-energy-equivalence) is a necessary and sufficient condition for the conservation of the center of mass theorem. On that occasion, he noted that the formal mathematical content of Poincaré paper on the center of mass (1900b) and his own paper were mainly the same, although the physical interpretation was different in light of relativity.[29]
Max Planck


Kurd von Mosengeil (1906) by extending Hasenöhrl's calculation of black-body-radiation in a cavity, derived the same expression for the additional mass of a body due to electromagnetic radiation as Hasenöhrl. Hasenöhrl's idea was that the mass of bodies included a contribution from the electromagnetic field, he imagined a body as a cavity containing light. His relationship between mass and energy, like all other pre-Einstein ones, contained incorrect numerical prefactors (see Electromagnetic mass). Eventually Planck (1907) derived the mass-energy-equivalence in general within the framework of special relativity, including the binding forces within matter. He acknowledged the priority of Einstein's 1905 work on , but Planck judged his own approach as more general than Einstein's.[77] Experiments by Fizeau and Sagnac As it was explained above, already in 1895 Lorentz succeeded in deriving Fresnel's dragging coefficient (to first order of v/c) and the Fizeau experiment by using the electromagnetic theory and the concept of local time. After first attempts by Jakob Laub (1907) to create a relativistic "optics of moving bodies", it was Max von Laue (1907) who derived the coefficient for terms of all orders by using the colinear case of the relativistic velocity addition law. In addition, Laue's calculation was much simpler than the complicated methods used by Lorentz.[22] In 1911 Laue also discussed a situation where on a platform a beam of light is split and the two beams are made to follow a trajectory in opposite directions. On return to the point of entry the light is allowed to exit the platform in such a way that an interference pattern is obtained. Laue calculated a displacement of the interference pattern if the platform is in rotation – because the speed of light is independent of the velocity of the source, so one beam has covered less distance than the other beam. An experiment of this kind was performed by Georges Sagnac in 1913, who actually measured a displacement of the interference pattern (Sagnac effect). While Sagnac himself concluded that his theory confirmed the theory of an aether at rest, Laue's earlier calculation showed that it is compatible with special relativity as well because in both theories the speed of light is independent of the velocity of the source. This effect can be understood as the electromagnetic counterpart of the mechanics of rotation, for example in analogy to a Foucault pendulum[78] [Already in 1909–11, Franz Harress (1912) performed an experiment which can be

History of special relativity considered as a synthesis of the experiments of Fizeau and Sagnac. He tried to measure the dragging coefficient within glass. Contrary to Fizeau he used a rotating device so he found the same effect as Sagnac. While Harress himself misunderstood the meaning of the result, it was shown by Laue that the theoretical explanation of Harress' experiment is in accordance with the Sagnac effect.[79]] Eventually, the Michelson–Gale–Pearson experiment (1925, a variation of the Sagnac experiment) indicated the angular velocity of the Earth itself in accordance with special relativity and a resting aether. Relativity of simultaneity The first derivations of relativity of simultaneity by synchronization with light signals were also simplified.[80] Daniel Frost Comstock (1910) placed an observer in the middle between two clocks A and B. From this observer a signal is sent to both clocks, and in the frame in which A and B are at rest, they synchronously start to run. But from the perspective of a system in which A and B are moving, clock B is first set in motion, and then comes clock A – so the clocks are not synchronized. Also Einstein (1917) created a model with an observer in the middle between A and B. However, in his description two signals are sent from A and B to the observer. From the perspective of the frame, in which A and B are at rest, the signals are sent at the same time and the observer "is hastening towards the beam of light coming from B, whilst he is riding on ahead of the beam of light coming from A. Hence the observer will see the beam of light emitted from B earlier than he will see that emitted from A. Observers who take the railway train as their reference-body must therefore come to the conclusion that the lightning flash B took place earlier than the lightning flash A."


Spacetime physics
Minkowski's spacetime Poincaré's attempt of a four-dimensional reformulation of the new mechanics was not continued by himself,[51] so it was Hermann Minkowski (1907), who worked out the consequences of that notion (other contributions were made by Roberto Marcolongo (1906) and Richard Hargreaves (1908)[81]). This was based on the work of many mathematicians of the 19th century like Arthur Cayley, Felix Klein, or William Kingdon Clifford, who contributed to Group theory, Invariant theory and Projective geometry.[82] Using similar methods, Minkowski succeeded in formulating a geometrical interpretation of the Lorentz transformation. He completed, for example, the concept of four vectors; he created the Minkowski diagram for the depiction of space-time; he was the first to use expressions like world line, proper time, Lorentz invariance/covariance, etc.; and most notably he presented a four-dimensional formulation of electrodynamics. Similar to Poincaré he tried to formulate a Lorentz-invariant law of gravity, but that work was subsequently superseded by Einstein's elaborations on gravitation.

Hermann Minkowski

In 1907 Minkowski named four predecessors who contributed to the formulation of the relativity principle: Lorentz, Einstein, Poincaré and Planck. And in his famous lecture Space and Time (1908) he mentioned Voigt, Lorentz and Einstein. Minkowski himself considered Einstein's theory as a generalization of Lorentz's and credited Einstein for completely stating the relativity of time, but he criticized his predecessors for not fully developing the relativity of space. However, modern historians of science argue that Minkowski's claim for priority was unjustified, because

History of special relativity Minkowski (like Wien or Abraham) adhered to the electromagnetic world-picture and apparently didn't fully understand the difference between Lorentz's electron theory and Einstein's kinematics.[83][84] In 1908, Einstein and Laub rejected the four-dimensional electrodynamics of Minkowski as too complicated and published a "more elementary", non-four-dimensional derivation of the basic-equations for moving bodies. But it was Minkowski's formalism which a) showed that special relativity is a complete and consistent theory, and b) served as a basis for further development of relativity.[81] Eventually, Einstein (1912) agreed on the importance of Minkowski's spacetime formalism and used it for his work on the foundations of general relativity. Today special relativity is seen as an application of linear algebra, but at the time special relativity was being developed the field of linear algebra was still in its infancy. There were no textbooks on linear algebra as modern vector space and transformation theory, and the matrix notation of Arthur Cayley (that unifies the subject) had not yet come into widespread use. In retrospect, we can see that the Lorentz transformations are simply hyperbolic rotations, as explicitly noted by Minkowski. Vector notation and closed systems Minkowski's space-time formalism was quickly accepted and further developed.[84] For example, Arnold Sommerfeld (1910) replaced Minkowski's matrix notation by an elegant vector notation and coined the terms "four vector" and "six vector". He also introduced a trigonometric formulation of the relativistic velocity addition rule, which according to Sommerfeld, removes much of the strangeness of that concept. Other important contributions were made by Laue (1911, 1913), who used the spacetime formalism to create a relativistic theory of deformable bodies and an elementary particle theory.[85][86] He extended Minkowski's expressions for electromagnetic processes to all possible forces and thereby clarified the concept of mass-energy-equivalence. Laue also showed that non-electrical forces are needed to ensure the proper Lorentz transformation properties, and for the stability of matter – he could show that the "Poincaré stresses" (as mentioned above) are a natural consequence of relativity theory so that the electron be a closed system. Lorentz transformation without second postulate There were some attempts to derive the Lorentz transformation without the postulate of the constancy of the speed of light. Vladimir Ignatowski (1910) for example used for this purpose a) the principle of relativity, b) and homogeneity and isotropy of space c) the requirement of reciprocity. Philipp Frank and Hermann Rothe (1911) argued that this derivation is incomplete and needs additional assumptions. Their own calculation was based on the assumptions that a) the Lorentz transformation forms a homogeneous linear group, b) when changing frames, only the sign of the relative speed changes, c) length contraction solely depends on the relative speed. However, according to Pauli and Miller such models were insufficient to identify the invariant speed in their transformation with the speed of light — for example, Ignatowski was forced to recourse to electrodynamics to include the speed of light. So Pauli and others argued that both postulates are needed to derive the Lorentz transformation.[87][88] However, until today, others continued the attempts to derive special relativity without the light postulate. Non-euclidean formulations without imaginary time coordinate It was noted by Minkowski (1907) that his space-time formalism represents a "four-dimensional non-euclidean manifold", but in order to emphasize the formal similarity to the more familiar Euclidean geometry, Minkowski noted that the time coordinate could be treated as imaginary. This was just a way of representing a non-Euclidean metric while emphasizing the formal similarity to a Euclidean metric. However, many subsequent writers have dispensed with the imaginary time coordinate, and simply written the metric in explicitly non-Euclidean form (i.e., with a negative signature), since it makes no difference to the content or results of the equations. It merely affects (slightly) their appearance. Sommerfeld (1910) gave a trigonometric formulation of velocities, and Vladimir Varićak (1912) emphasized the similarity of this formulation to (Bolyai-Lobachevskian) hyperbolic geometry and tried to reformulate relativity using that non-euclidean geometry. Alfred Robb (1911) introduced the concept of Rapidity as


History of special relativity a hyperbolic angle to characterize frame velocity. Edwin Bidwell Wilson and Gilbert N. Lewis (1912) introduced a vector notation for spacetime. Émile Borel (1913) derived the kinematic basis of Thomas precession.[89] Different authors have used the phrase hyperbolic plane to refer both to (Bolyai-Lobachevskian) hyperbolic geometry and Minkowski geometry but these are two different geometries. Space-time is described by Minkowski space, but the velocity space is described by hyperbolic geometry. In particular the hyperboloid model was identified with velocities by Minkowski (1908). Today one still finds texts on special relativity that make use of an imaginary time coordinate, but most have adopted real-valued coordinates and a metric with negative signature. (The implications of the two different formalisms in the context of general relativity - as in the recent work of Hawking - are beyond the scope of this article.) Time dilation and twin paradox Einstein (1907a) proposed a method for detecting the Transverse Doppler effect as a direct consequence of time dilation. And in fact, that effect was measured in 1938 by Herbert E. Ives and G. R. Stilwell (Ives–Stilwell experiment).[90] And Lewis and Tolman (1909) described the reciprocity of time dilation by using two light clocks A and B, traveling with a certain relative velocity to each other. The clocks consist of two plane mirrors parallel to one another and to the line of motion. Between the mirrors a light signal is bouncing, and for the observer resting in the same reference frame as A, the period of clock A is the distance between the mirrors divided by the speed of light. But if the observer looks at clock B, he sees that within that clock the signal traces out a longer, angled path, thus clock B is slower than A. However, for the observer moving alongside with B the situation is completely in reverse: Clock B is faster and A is slower. Also Lorentz (1910–1912) discussed the reciprocity of time dilation and analyzed a clock "paradox", which apparently occurs as a consequence of the reciprocity of time dilation. Lorentz showed that there is no paradox if one considers that in one system only one clock is used, while in the other system two clocks are necessary. So the relativity of simultaneity has to be considered as well. A similar situation was created by Paul Langevin in 1911 with what was later called the "twin paradox", where he replaced the clocks by persons (Langevin never used the word "twins" but his description contained all other features of the paradox). Langevin solved the paradox by alluding to the fact that one twin accelerates and changes direction, so Langevin could show that the symmetry is broken and the accelerated twin is younger. However, Langevin himself interpreted this as a hint to the existence of an aether. Although Langevin's explanation is used in principle until today, his deductions regarding the aether were not accepted. Laue (1913) pointed out that the acceleration can be made arbitrarily small in relation to the inertial motion of the twin. So it is much more important that one twin travels within two inertial frames during his journey, while the other twin remains in one frame. Laue was also the first to visualize the situation using Minkowski spacetime-formalism – he demonstrated how the world lines of inertially moving bodies maximize the proper time elapsed between two events.[91] Acceleration Einstein (1908) tried - as a preliminary in the framework of special relativity - also to include accelerated frames within the relativity principle. In the course of this attempt he recognized that for any single moment of acceleration of a body one can define an inertial reference frame in which the accelerated body is temporarily at rest. It follows that in accelerated frames defined in this way, the application of the constancy of the speed of light to define simultaneity is restricted to small localities. However, the equivalence principle that was used by Einstein in the course of that investigation, which expresses the equality of inertial and gravitational mass and the equivalence of accelerated frames and homogeneous gravitational fields, transcended the limits of special relativity and resulted in the formulation of general relativity.[92] Nearly simultaneously with Einstein, also Minkowski (1908) considered the special case of uniform accelerations within the framework of his space-time formalism. He recognized that the world-line of such an accelerated body corresponds to a hyperbola. This notion was further developed by Born (1909) and Sommerfeld (1910), with Born introducing the expression "hyperbolic motion". He noted that uniform acceleration can be used as an approximation


History of special relativity for any form of acceleration within special relativity.[93] In addition, Harry Bateman and Ebenezer Cunningham (1910) showed that Maxwell's equations are invariant under a much wider group of transformation than the Lorentz-group, i.e., the so-called "conformal transformations". Under those transformations the equations preserve their form for some types of accelerated motions.[94] A general covariant formulation of electrodynamics in Minkowski space was eventually given by Friedrich Kottler (1912), whereby his formulation is also valid for general relativity.[95] Concerning the further development of the description of accelerated motion in special relativity, the works by Langevin and others for rotating frames (Born coordinates), and by Wolfgang Rindler and others for uniform accelerated frames (Rindler coordinates) must be mentioned.[96] Rigid bodies and Ehrenfest paradox Einstein (1907b) discussed the question of whether, in rigid bodies, as well as in all other cases, the velocity of information can exceed the speed of light, and explained that information could be transmitted under these circumstances into the past, thus causality would be violated. Since this contravenes radically against every experience, superluminal velocities are thought impossible. He added that a dynamics of the rigid body must be created in the framework of SR. Eventually, Max Born (1909) in the course of his above mentioned work concerning accelerated motion, tried to include the concept of rigid bodies into SR. However, Paul Ehrenfest (1909) showed that Born's concept lead the so-called Ehrenfest paradox, in which, due to length contraction, the circumference of a rotating disk is shortened while the radius stays the same. This question was also considered by Gustav Herglotz (1910), Fritz Noether (1910), and von Laue (1911). It was recognized by Laue that the classic concept is not applicable in SR since a "rigid" body possesses infinitely many Degrees of freedom. Yet, while Born's definition was not applicable on rigid bodies, it was very useful in describing rigid motions of bodies.[97] In connection to the Ehrenfest paradox, it was also discussed (by Vladimir Varićak and others) whether length contraction is "real" or "apparent", and whether there is a difference between the dynamic contraction of Lorentz and the kinematic contraction of Einstein. However, it was rather a dispute over words because, as Einstein said, the kinematic length contraction is "apparent" for an co-moving observer, but for an observer at rest it is "real" and the consequences are measurable.[98] Acceptance of special relativity Eventually, around 1911 most mathematicians and theoretical physicists accepted the results of special relativity. For example, already Planck (1909) compared the implications of the modern relativity principle — especially Einstein's relativity of time — with the revolution by the Copernican system.[99] As a result, the fundamental difference between the dynamic approach of Lorentz and the kinematic one of Einstein was pointed out, and the term "Lorentz-Einstein-Theory" wasn't used anymore. Only a few theoretical physicists like Lorentz, Poincaré, Abraham or Langevin, still believed in the existence of an aether in any form.[100] Another important reason for accepting special relativity was the extension of Minkowski's space-time formalism around 1910–1913.[84] So in 1912 Wilhelm Wien recommended both Lorentz and Einstein for the Nobel Prize in Physics – even though this prize was never awarded for special relativity. After formulating GR, Einstein in 1915, for the first time, used the expression "special theory of relativity" to distinguish between the theories.


Relativistic theories
Gravitation The first attempt to formulate a relativistic theory of gravitation was undertaken by Poincaré (1905). He tried to modify Newton's law of gravitation so that it assumes a Lorentz-covariant form. He noted that there were many possibilities for a relativistic law, and he discussed two of them. It was shown by Poincaré that the argument of Pierre-Simon Laplace, who argued that the speed of gravity is many times faster than the speed of light, is not valid within a relativistic theory. That is, in a relativistic theory of gravitation, planetary orbits are stable even when the

History of special relativity speed of gravity is equal to that of light. Similar models as that of Poincaré were discussed by Minkowski (1907b) and Sommerfeld (1910). However, it was shown by Abraham (1912) that those models belong to the class of "vector theories" of gravitation. The fundamental defect of those theories is that they implicitly contain a negative value for the gravitational energy in the vicinity of matter, which would violate the energy principle. As an alternative, Abraham (1912) and Gustav Mie (1913) proposed different "scalar theories" of gravitation. While Mie never formulated his theory in a consistent way, Abraham completely gave up the concept of Lorentz-covariance (even locally), and therefore it was irreconcilable with relativity. In addition, all of those models violated the equivalence principle, and Einstein argued that it is impossible to formulate a theory which is both Lorentz-covariant and satisfies the equivalence principle. However, Gunnar Nordström (1912, 1913) was able to create a model which fulfilled both conditions. This was achieved by making both the gravitational and the inertial mass dependent on the gravitational potential. Nordström's theory of gravitation was remarkable because it was shown by Einstein and Adriaan Fokker (1914), that in this model gravitation can be completely described in terms of space-time curvature. Although Nordström's theory is without contradiction, from Einstein's point of view a fundamental problem persisted: It doesn't fulfill the important condition of general covariance, as in this theory preferred frames of referenced can still be formulated. So contrary to those "scalar theories", Einstein (1911–1915) developed a "tensor theory" (i.e. general relativity), which fulfills both the equivalence principle and general covariance. As a consequence, the notion of a complete "special relativistic" theory of gravitation had to be given up, as in general relativity the constancy of light speed (and Lorentz covariance) is only locally valid. The decision between those models was brought about by Einstein, when he was able to exactly derive the Perihelion precession of Mercury, while the other theories gave erroneous results. In addition, Einstein's theory was the only theory which gave the correct value for the deflection of light near the sun.[101][102] Quantum field theory The need to put together relativity and quantum mechanics was one of the major motivations in the development of quantum field theory. Pascual Jordan and Wolfgang Pauli showed in 1928 that quantum fields could be made to be relativistic, and Paul Dirac produced the Dirac equation for electrons, and in so doing predicted the existence of antimatter.[103] Many other domains have since been reformulated with relativistic treatments: relativistic thermodynamics, relativistic statistical mechanics, relativistic hydrodynamics, relativistic quantum chemistry, Relativistic heat conduction, etc.


Experimental evidence
Important early experiments confirming special relativity as mentioned above were the Fizeau experiment, the Michelson–Morley experiment, the Kaufmann–Bucherer–Neumann experiments, the Trouton–Noble experiment, the Experiments of Rayleigh and Brace, and the Trouton–Rankine experiment. In the 1920s, a series of Michelson-Morley type experiments were conducted, confirming relativity to even higher precision than the original experiment. Another type of interferometer experiment was the Kennedy–Thorndike experiment in 1932, by which the independence of the speed of light on the apparatus' velocity was confirmed. Also time dilation was directly measured in the Ives-Stilwell experiment in 1938 and by measuring the decay rates of moving particles in 1940. All of those experiments have been repeated several times with increased precision. In addition, that the speed of light is unreachable for massive bodies was measured in many Tests of relativistic energy and momentum. Therefore, knowledge of those relativistic effects is required in the construction of particle accelerators. Many other tests of special relativity have been conducted, testing possible violations of Lorentz invariance in some variants of Quantum gravity. However, no sign of anisotropy of the speed of light has been found even at the 10−17

History of special relativity level, and some experiments even ruled out Lorentz violations at the 10−40 level, see Modern searches for Lorentz violation.


Some claim that Poincaré (and Lorentz), not Einstein, are the true founders of special relativity. For more see the article on relativity priority dispute.

Some criticized Special Relativity for various reasons, such as lack of empirical evidence, internal inconsistencies, rejection of mathematical physics per se, or philosophical reasons. Although there still are critics of relativity outside the scientific mainstream, the overwhelming majority of scientists agree that Special Relativity has been verified in many different ways and there are no inconsistencies within the theory.

Primary sources
• Abraham, Max (1902), "Dynamik des Electrons", Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Mathematisch-Physikalische Klasse: 20–41 • Abraham, Max (1903), "Prinzipien der Dynamik des Elektrons", Annalen der Physik 315 (1): 105–179, Bibcode 1902AnP...315..105A, doi:10.1002/andp.19023150105 • Abraham, Max (1904), "The Fundamental Hypotheses of the Theory of Electrons", Physikalische Zeitschrift 5: 576–579 • Abraham, Max (1914), "Neuere Gravitationstheorien" [104], Jahrbuch für Radioaktivität und Elektronik 11 (4): 470–520. • Alväger, Farley, Kjellmann, Walle (1964), "Test of the second postulate of special relativity in the GeV region", Phys. Rev. Letters 12 (3): 260–262, Bibcode 1964PhL....12..260A, doi:10.1016/0031-9163(64)91095-9 • Bartoli, Adolfo (1876/1884), "Il calorico raggiante e il secondo principio di termodynamica" [105], Nuovo Cimento 15: 196–202 • Bateman, Harry (1909/10), "The Transformation of the Electrodynamical Equations", Proceedings of the London Mathematical Society 8 (1): 223–264, doi:10.1112/plms/s2-8.1.223. • Borel, Émile (1913), "La théorie de la relativité et la cinématique" [106], Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences 156: 215–218 • Borel, Émile (1913), "La cinématique dans la théorie de la relativité" [107], Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences 157: 703–705 • Born, Max (1909), "The Theory of the Rigid Electron in the Kinematics of the Principle of Relativity", Annalen der Physik 335 (11): 1–56, Bibcode 1909AnP...335....1B, doi:10.1002/andp.19093351102 • Brecher, Kenneth (1977), "Is the Speed of Light Independent of the Velocity of the Source?", Phys. Rev. Letters 39 (17): 1051–1054, Bibcode 1977PhRvL..39.1051B, doi:10.1103/PhysRevLett.39.1051 • Bucherer, A. H. (1903), "Über den Einfluß der Erdbewegung auf die Intensität des Lichtes", Annalen der Physik 316 (6): 270–283, Bibcode 1903AnP...316..270B, doi:10.1002/andp.19033160604 • Bucherer, A. H. (1908), "Messungen an Becquerelstrahlen. Die experimentelle Bestätigung der Lorentz-Einsteinschen Theorie", Physikalische Zeitschrift 9 (22): 755–762 • Cohn, Emil (1901), "Über die Gleichungen der Electrodynamik für bewegte Körper", Archives néerlandaises des sciences exactes et naturelles 5: 516–523

History of special relativity • Cohn, Emil (1904), "On the Electrodynamics of Moving Systems I", Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1904/2 (40): 1294–1303 • Cohn, Emil (1904), "On the Electrodynamics of Moving Systems II", Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1904/2 (43): 1404–1416 • Comstock, Daniel Frost (1910), "The Principle of Relativity", Science 31 (803): 767–772, Bibcode 1910Sci....31..767C, doi:10.1126/science.31.803.767, PMID 17758464 • Cunningham, Ebenezer (1909/10), "The principle of Relativity in Electrodynamics and an Extension Thereof", Proceedings of the London Mathematical Society 8 (1): 77–98, doi:10.1112/plms/s2-8.1.77. • De Sitter, Willem (1913), "A proof of the constancy of the velocity of light", Proceedings of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences 15 (2): 1297–1298 • De Sitter, Willem (1913), "On the constancy of the velocity of light", Proceedings of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences 16 (1): 395–396 • Ehrenfest, Paul (1909), "Uniform Rotation of Rigid Bodies and the Theory of Relativity", Physikalische Zeitschrift 10: 918 • Einstein, Albert (1905a), "Zur Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper", Annalen der Physik 322 (10): 891–921, Bibcode 1905AnP...322..891E, doi:10.1002/andp.19053221004. See also: English translation [108]. • Einstein, Albert (1905b), "Ist die Trägheit eines Körpers von seinem Energieinhalt abhängig?", Annalen der Physik 323 (13): 639–643, Bibcode 1905AnP...323..639E, doi:10.1002/andp.19053231314. See also the English translation [109]. • Einstein, Albert (1906), "Das Prinzip von der Erhaltung der Schwerpunktsbewegung und die Trägheit der Energie", Annalen der Physik 325 (8): 627–633, Bibcode 1906AnP...325..627E, doi:10.1002/andp.19063250814 • Einstein, Albert (1907), "Über die vom Relativitätsprinzip geforderte Trägheit der Energie", Annalen der Physik 328 (7): 371–384, Bibcode 1907AnP...328..371E, doi:10.1002/andp.19073280713 • Einstein, Albert (1908a), "Über das Relativitätsprinzip und die aus demselben gezogenen Folgerungen", Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität und Elektronik 4: 411–462, Bibcode 1908JRE.....4..411E • Einstein, Albert & Laub, Jakob (1908b), "Über die elektromagnetischen Grundgleichungen für bewegte Körper" [110] , Annalen der Physik 331 (8): 532–540, Bibcode 1908AnP...331..532E, doi:10.1002/andp.19083310806 • Einstein, Albert (1909), "The Development of Our Views on the Composition and Essence of Radiation", Physikalische Zeitschrift 10 (22): 817–825 • Einstein, Albert (1912), "Relativität und Gravitation. Erwiderung auf eine Bemerkung von M. Abraham" [111], Annalen der Physik 38 (10): 1059–1064, Bibcode 1912AnP...343.1059E, doi:10.1002/andp.19123431014 • Einstein A. (1916), Relativity: The Special and General Theory, Springery • Einstein, Albert (1922), Ether and the Theory of Relativity, Methuen & Co. • FitzGerald, George Francis (1889), "The Ether and the Earth's Atmosphere", Science 13 (328): 390, Bibcode 1889Sci....13..390F, doi:10.1126/science.ns-13.328.390, PMID 17819387 • Fizeau, Hippolyte (1859), "Hypotheses on luminous ether", Ann. de Chim. et de Phys 57: 385–404 • Frank, Philipp & Rothe, Hermann (1910), "Über die Transformation der Raum-Zeitkoordinaten von ruhenden auf bewegte Systeme" [112], Annalen der Physik 339 (5): 825–855, Bibcode 1911AnP...339..825F, doi:10.1002/andp.19113390502 • Fresnel, Augustin (1816), "Sur la diffraction de la lumière" [113], Annales de chimie et de physique 2: 239–281 • Hasenöhrl, Friedrich (1904), "On the Theory of Radiation in Moving Bodies", Annalen der Physik 320 (12): 344–370, Bibcode 1904AnP...320..344H, doi:10.1002/andp.19043201206


History of special relativity • Hasenöhrl, Friedrich (1905), "On the Theory of Radiation in Moving Bodies. Correction", Annalen der Physik 321 (3): 589–592, Bibcode 1905AnP...321..589H, doi:10.1002/andp.19053210312 • Heaviside, Oliver (1888/1894), "Electromagnetic waves, the propagation of potential, and the electromagnetic effects of a moving charge", Electrical papers, 2, pp. 490–499 • Heaviside, Oliver (1889), "On the Electromagnetic Effects due to the Motion of Electrification through a Dielectric", Philosophical Magazine, 5 27 (167): 324–339 • Herglotz, Gustav (1909), "On bodies that are to be designated as "rigid" from the standpoint of the relativity principle", Annalen der Physik 336 (2): 393–415 • Hertz, Heinrich (1890a), "Über die Grundgleichungen der Elektrodynamik für ruhende Körper", Annalen der Physik 276 (8): 577, Bibcode 1890AnP...276..577H, doi:10.1002/andp.18902760803 • Hertz, Heinrich (1890b), "Über die Grundgleichungen der Elektrodynamik für bewegte Körper", Annalen der Physik 277 (11): 369–399, Bibcode 1890AnP...277..369H, doi:10.1002/andp.18902771102 • Ignatowsky, Waldemar von (1910), "Einige allgemeine Bemerkungen zum Relativitätsprinzip", Physikalische Zeitschrift 11: 172 • Kaufmann, Walter (1902), "The Electromagnetic Mass of the Electron", Physikalische Zeitschrift 4 (1b): 54–56 • Kaufmann, Walter (1905), "On the Constitution of the Electron", Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preußische Akademie der Wissenschaften 45: 949–956 • Kaufmann, Walter (1906), "On the Constitution of the Electron", Annalen der Physik 324 (3): 487–553, Bibcode 1906AnP...324..487K, doi:10.1002/andp.19063240303 • Lange, Ludwig (1885), "Ueber die wissenschaftliche Fassung des Galileischen Beharrungsgesetzes" [114], Philosophische Studien 2: 266–297 • Langevin, Paul (1904/1908), "The Relations of Physics of Electrons to Other Branches of Science", International Congress of Arts and Science 7: 121–156 • Langevin, Paul (1905), "Sur l'impossibilité physique de mettre en évidence le mouvement de translation de la Terre", Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences 140: 1171–1173 • Langevin, Paul (1911), "The Evolution of Space and Time", Scientia 10: 31–54 • Larmor, Joseph (1897), "On a Dynamical Theory of the Electric and Luminiferous Medium, Part 3, Relations with material media", Philosophical transactions of the Royal society of London 190: 205–300, Bibcode 1897RSPTA.190..205L, doi:10.1098/rsta.1897.0020 • Larmor, Joseph (1900), Aether and Matter, Cambridge University Press • Laub, Jakob (1907), "Zur Optik der bewegten Körper", Annalen der Physik 328 (9): 738–744, Bibcode 1907AnP...328..738L, doi:10.1002/andp.19073280910 • Laue, Max von (1907), "The Entrainment of Light by Moving Bodies According to the Principle of Relativity", Annalen der Physik 328 (10): 989–990, Bibcode 1907AnP...328..989L, doi:10.1002/andp.19073281015 • Laue, Max von (1911a), Das Relativitätsprinzip [115] at the Internet Archive, Braunschweig: Vieweg • Laue, Max von (1911b), "On the Discussion Concerning Rigid Bodies in the Theory of Relativity", Physikalische Zeitschrift 12: 85–87 • Laue, Max von (1911c), "On an Experiment on the Optics of Moving Bodie", Münchener Sitzungsberichte 1911: 405–412 • Laue, Max von (1913), Das Relativitätsprinzip (2 ed.), Braunschweig: Vieweg • Lewis, Gilbert N. (1908), "A revision of the Fundamental Laws of Matter and Energy", Philosophical Magazine 16: 705–717


History of special relativity • Lewis, Gilbert N. & Tolman, Richard C. (1909), "The Principle of Relativity, and Non-Newtonian Mechanics", Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 44: 709–726 • Lewis, Gilbert N. & Wilson, Edwin B. (1912), "The Space-time Manifold of Relativity. The Non-Euclidean Geometry of Mechanics and Electromagnetics [116] at the Internet Archive", Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 48: 387–507 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1886), "De l'influence du mouvement de la terre sur les phénomènes lumineux", Archives néerlandaises des sciences exactes et naturelles 21: 103–176 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1892a), "La Théorie electromagnétique de Maxwell et son application aux corps mouvants [117] at the Internet Archive", Archives néerlandaises des sciences exactes et naturelles 25: 363–552 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1892b), "The Relative Motion of the Earth and the Aether", Zittingsverlag Akad. V. Wet. 1: 74–79 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1895), Attempt of a Theory of Electrical and Optical Phenomena in Moving Bodies, Leiden: E.J. Brill • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1899), "Simplified Theory of Electrical and Optical Phenomena in Moving Systems", Proceedings of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences 1: 427–442 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1900), "Considerations on Gravitation", Proceedings of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences 2: 559–574 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1904a), "Weiterbildung der Maxwellschen Theorie. Elektronentheorie." [118], Encyclopädie der mathematischen Wissenschaften 5 (2): 145–288 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1904b), "Electromagnetic phenomena in a system moving with any velocity smaller than that of light", Proceedings of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences 6: 809–831 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1910/1931), Lecture on theoretical physics, Vol.3, London: MacMillan • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon & Einstein, Albert & Minkowski, Hermann (1913), Das Relativitätsprinzip. Eine Sammlung von Abhandlungen. [119] at the Internet Archive, Leipzig & Berlin: B.G. Teubner • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1914), Das Relativitätsprinzip. Drei Vorlesungen gehalten in Teylers Stiftung zu Haarlem, Leipzig and Berlin: B.G. Teubner • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1914), "La Gravitation" [120], Scientia 16: 28–59 • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1916), The theory of electrons and its applications to the phenomena of light and radiant heat [121] at the Internet Archive, Leipzig & Berlin: B.G. Teubner • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon (1921), "Two Papers of Henri Poincaré on Mathematical Physics", Acta Mathematica 38 (1): 293–308, doi:10.1007/BF02392073; • Lorentz, Hendrik Antoon; Lorentz, H. A.; Miller, D. C.; Kennedy, R. J.; Hedrick, E. R.; Epstein, P. S. (1928), "Conference on the Michelson-Morley Experiment", The Astrophysical Journal 68: 345–351, Bibcode 1928ApJ....68..341M, doi:10.1086/143148 • Mach, Ernst (1883/1912), Die Mechanik in ihrer Entwicklung [122], Leipzig: Brockhaus • Maxwell, James Clerk (1864), "A Dynamical Theory of the Electromagnetic Field", Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 155: 459–512, Bibcode 1865RSPT..155..459C, doi:10.1098/rstl.1865.0008 • Maxwell, James Clerk (1873), "§ 792", A Treatise on electricity and magnetism [123] at the Internet Archive, 2, London: Macmillan & Co., pp. 391 • Michelson, Albert Abraham (1881), "The Relative Motion of the Earth and the Luminiferous Ether", American Journal of Science 22: 120–129 • Michelson, Albert Abraham & Morley, Edward Williams (1886), "Influence of Motion of the Medium on the Velocity of Light", American Journal of Science 31: 377–386


History of special relativity • Michelson, Albert Abraham & Morley, Edward Williams (1887), "On the Relative Motion of the Earth and the Luminiferous Ether", American Journal of Science 34: 333–345 • Michelson, Albert Abraham & Gale, Henry G. (1925), "The Effect of the Earth's Rotation on the Velocity of Light", The Astrophysical Journal 61: 140–145, Bibcode 1925ApJ....61..140M, doi:10.1086/142879 • Minkowski, Hermann (1907/1915), "Das Relativitätsprinzip", Annalen der Physik 352 (15): 927–938, Bibcode 1915AnP...352..927M, doi:10.1002/andp.19153521505 • Minkowski, Hermann (1908), "The Fundamental Equations for Electromagnetic Processes in Moving Bodies", Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Mathematisch-Physikalische Klasse: 53–111 (English translation in 1920 by Meghnad Saha. • Minkowski, Hermann (1908/9), "Space and Time", Physikalische Zeitschrift 10: 75–88 (English translation in 1920 by Meghnad Saha.) • Mosengeil, Kurd von (1907), "Theorie der stationären Strahlung in einem gleichförmig bewegten Hohlraum", Annalen der Physik 327 (5): 867–904, Bibcode 1907AnP...327..867V, doi:10.1002/andp.19073270504 • Neumann, Carl (1870), Ueber die Principien der Galilei-Newtonschen Theorie [124] at the Internet Archive, Leipzig: B.G. Teubner • Neumann, Günther (1914), "Die träge Masse schnell bewegter Elektronen" [125], Annalen der Physik 350 (20): 529–579, Bibcode 1914AnP...350..529N, doi:10.1002/andp.19143502005 • Nordström, Gunnar (1913), "Zur Theorie der Gravitation vom Standpunkt des Relativitätsprinzips" [126], Annalen der Physik 347 (13): 533–554, Bibcode 1913AnP...347..533N, doi:10.1002/andp.19133471303. • Palagyi, Menyhért (1901), Neue Theorie des Raumes und der Zeit, Leipzig: Wilhelm Engelmann • Planck, Max (1906a), "The Principle of Relativity and the Fundamental Equations of Mechanics", Verhandlungen Deutsche Physikalische Gesellschaft 8: 136–141 • Planck, Max (1906b), "The Measurements of Kaufmann on the Deflectability of β-Rays in their Importance for the Dynamics of the Electrons", Physikalische Zeitschrift 7: 753–761 • Planck, Max (1907), "On the Dynamics of Moving Systems", Sitzungsberichte der Königlich-Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin, Erster Halbband (29): 542–570 • Planck, Max (1908), "Notes on the Principle of Action and Reaction in General Dynamics", Physikalische Zeitschrift 9 (23): 828–830 • Planck, Max (1909/1915), "General Dynamics. Principle of Relativity", Eight lectures on theoretical physics, New York: Columbia University Press • Poincaré, Henri (1889), Théorie mathématique de la lumière, 1, Paris: G. Carré & C. Naud Preface partly reprinted in "Science and Hypothesis", Ch. 12. • Poincaré, Henri (1895), "A propos de la Théorie de M. Larmor" [127], L'Èclairage électrique 5: 5–14. Reprinted in Poincaré, Oeuvres, tome IX, pp. 395–413 • Poincaré, Henri (1898/1913), "The Measure of Time", The Foundations of Science (The Value of Science), New York: Science Press, pp. 222–234 • Poincaré, Henri (1900a), "Les relations entre la physique expérimentale et la physique mathématique" [128], Revue générale des sciences pures et appliquées 11: 1163–1175. Reprinted in "Science and Hypothesis", Ch. 9–10. • Poincaré, Henri (1900b), "La théorie de Lorentz et le principe de réaction", Archives néerlandaises des sciences exactes et naturelles 5: 252–278. See also the English translation [129]. • Poincaré, Henri (1901a), "Sur les principes de la mécanique", Bibliothèque du Congrès international de philosophie: 457–494. Reprinted in "Science and Hypothesis", Ch. 6–7. • Poincaré, Henri (1901b), Électricité et optique [130] at the Internet Archive, Paris: Gauthier-Villars


History of special relativity • Poincaré, Henri (1902), Science and Hypothesis, London and Newcastle-on-Cyne (1905): The Walter Scott publishing Co. • Poincaré, Henri (1904/6), "The Principles of Mathematical Physics", Congress of arts and science, universal exposition, St. Louis, 1904, 1, Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, pp. 604–622 • Poincaré, Henri (1905b), "On the Dynamics of the Electron", Comptes Rendus 140: 1504–1508. (Wikisource translation) • Poincaré, Henri (1906), "On the Dynamics of the Electron", Rendiconti del Circolo matematico di Palermo 21: 129–176, doi:10.1007/BF03013466 (Wikisource translation) • Poincaré, Henri (1908/13), "The New Mechanics", The foundations of science (Science and Method), New York: Science Press, pp. 486–522 • Poincaré, Henri (1909), "La Mécanique nouvelle (Lille)", Revue scientifique (Paris) 47: 170–177 • Poincaré, Henri (1909/10), "The New Mechanics (Göttingen)", Sechs Vorträge über ausgewählte Gegenstände aus der reinen Mathematik und mathematischen Physik, Leipzig und Berlin: B.G.Teubner, pp. 41–47 • Poincaré, Henri (1910/1), Die neue Mechanik (Berlin), Leipzig & Berlin: B.G. Teubner • Poincaré, Henri (1912), "L'hypothèse des quanta", Revue scientifique 17: 225–232 Reprinted in Poincaré 1913, Ch. 6. • Poincaré, Henri (1913), Last Essays [131] at the Internet Archive, New York: Dover Publication (1963) • Ritz, Walter (1908), "Recherches critiques sur l'Électrodynamique Générale" [132], Annales de Chimie et de Physique 13: 145–275, see English translation [133]. • Robb, Alfred A. (1911), Optical Geometry of Motion: A New View of the Theory of Relativity [134] at the Internet Archive, Cambridge: W. Heffer • Sagnac, Georges (1913), "The demonstration of the luminiferous aether by an interferometer in uniform rotation", Comptes Rendus 157: 708–710 • Sagnac, Georges (1913), "On the proof of the reality of the luminiferous aether by the experiment with a rotating interferometer", Comptes Rendus 157: 1410–1413 • Searle, George Frederick Charles (1897), "On the Steady Motion of an Electrified Ellipsoid", Philosophical Magazine, 5 44 (269): 329–341 • Sommerfeld, Arnold (1910), "On the Theory of Relativity I: Four-dimensional Vector Algebra", Annalen der Physik 337 (9): 749–776, Bibcode 1910AnP...337..749S, doi:10.1002/andp.19103370904 • Sommerfeld, Arnold (1910), "On the Theory of Relativity II: Four-dimensional Vector Analysis", Annalen der Physik 338 (14): 649–689, Bibcode 1910AnP...338..649S, doi:10.1002/andp.19103381402 • Stokes, George Gabriel (1845), "On the Aberration of Light", Philosophical Magazine 27: 9–15 • Streintz, Heinrich (1883), Die physikalischen Grundlagen der Mechanik [135] at the Internet Archive, Leipzig: B.G. Teubner • Thomson, Joseph John (1881), "On the Electric and Magnetic Effects produced by the Motion of Electrified Bodies", Philosophical Magazine, 5 11 (68): 229–249 • Tolman, Richard Chase (1912), "The mass of a moving body", Philosophical Magazine 23: 375–380 • Varičak, Vladimir (1911), "On Ehrenfest's Paradox", Physikalische Zeitschrift 12: 169 • Varičak, Vladimir (1912), "On the Non-Euclidean Interpretation of the Theory of Relativity", Jahresbericht der Deutschen Mathematiker-Vereinigung 21: 103–127 • Voigt, Woldemar (1887), "On the Principle of Doppler", Nachrichten von der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften und der Georg-Augusts-Universität zu Göttingen (2): 41–51


History of special relativity • Wien, Wilhelm (1900), "On the Possibility of an Electromagnetic Foundation of Mechanics", Annalen der Physik 310 (7): 501–513, Bibcode 1901AnP...310..501W, doi:10.1002/andp.19013100703 • Wien, Wilhelm (1904a), "Über die Differentialgleichungen der Elektrodynamik für bewegte Körper. I", Annalen der Physik 318 (4): 641–662, Bibcode 1904AnP...318..641W, doi:10.1002/andp.18943180402 • Wien, Wilhelm (1904a), "Über die Differentialgleichungen der Elektrodynamik für bewegte Körper. II", Annalen der Physik 318 (4): 663–668, Bibcode 1904AnP...318..663W, doi:10.1002/andp.18943180403 • Wien, Wilhelm (1904b), "Erwiderung auf die Kritik des Hrn. M. Abraham", Annalen der Physik 319 (8): 635–637, Bibcode 1904AnP...319..635W, doi:10.1002/andp.19043190817


Notes and Secondary sources
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] Whittaker (1951), 128ff Whittaker (1951), 240ff Whittaker (1951), 319ff Janssen/Stachel (2004), 20 Whittaker (1951), 107ff Whittaker (1951), 386f Janssen/Stachel (2004), 4–15 Whittaker (1951), 390f

[9] Whittaker (1951), 386ff [10] Janssen/Stachel (2004), 18–19 [11] Janssen/Stachel (2004), 19–20 [12] Miller (1981), 114–115 [13] Pais (1982), Chap. 6b [14] Miller (1981), 99–100 [15] Brown (2001) [16] Miller (1981), 27–29 [17] Janssen (1995), Chap. 3.3 [18] Janssen (1995), Ch. 3.3 [19] Miller (1982) [20] Zahar (1989) [21] Galison (2002) [22] Janssen (1995), Ch. 3.1 [23] Macrossan (1986) [24] Janssen/Stachel (2004), 31–32 [25] Miller (1981), 46 [26] Whittaker (1951), 306ff; (1953) 51f [27] Janssen (1995), Ch. 3.4 [28] Miller (1981), 46, 103 [29] Darrigol (2005), 18–21 [30] Miller (1981), 47–54 [31] Miller (1981), 61–67 [32] Miller (1981), 359–360 [33] Lange (1886) [34] Giulini (2001), Ch. 4 [35] DiSalle (2002) [36] Goenner (2008) [37] Archibald (1914) [38] Boyce Gibson (1928) [39] Hentschel (1990), 153f. [40] Galison (2003) [41] Katzir (2005), 272–275 [42] Darrigol (2005), 10–11 [43] Galison (2002), Ch. 4 – Etherial Time [44] Darrigol (2000), 369–372 [45] Janssen (1995), Ch. 3.3, 3.4 [46] Miller (1981), Chap. 1, Footnote 57

History of special relativity
[47] Miller (1981), 75ff [48] Katzir (2005), 275–277 [49] Miller (1981), 79–86 [50] Katzir (2005), 280–288 [51] Walter (2007), Ch. 1 [52] Miller (1981), 216–217 [53] Whittaker (1953), 27–77 [54] Zahar (1989), 149–200 [55] Logunov (2004) [56] Messager, V.; R. Gilmore & C. Letellier (2012). "Henri Poincaré and the principle of relativity" (http:/ / www. tandfonline. com/ doi/ abs/ 10. 1080/ 00107514. 2012. 721300). Contemporary Physics 53 (5): 397-415. . [57] Holton (1973/1988), 196–206 [58] Miller (1981) [59] Pais (1982), 126–128 [60] Hentschel (1990), 3–13 [61] Darrigol (2005), 15–18 [62] Katzir (2005), 286–288 [63] Whittaker (1951) [64] For many other experiments on light constancy and relativity, see PhysicsFaq: What is the experimental basis of special relativity? (http:/ / math. ucr. edu/ home/ baez/ physics/ Relativity/ SR/ experiments. html) [65] Holton (1988) [66] Janssen (1995), Ch. 4 [67] Rynasiewicz/Renn (2006) [68] Stachel (1982) [69] Darrigol (2004), 624 [70] Miller (1981), 86–92 [71] Born (1956), 193 [72] Miller (1981), 334–352 [73] Miller (1981), 88 [74] Pauli (1921), 636–637 [75] Miller (1981), 329–330 [76] Pauli (1921), 634–636 [77] Miller (1981), 359–367 [78] Laue (1921), pp. 25 & 146–148 [79] Laue (1921), pp. 25–26 & 204–206 [80] Bjerknes (2002) [81] Walter (1999a), 49 [82] Klein (1910) [83] Miller (1981), Ch. 7.4.6 [84] Walter (1999b), Ch. 3 [85] Miller (1981), Ch. 12.5.8 [86] Janssen/Mecklenburg (2007) [87] Pauli (1921), 555–556 [88] Miller (1981), 218–219 [89] Walter (1999b) [90] Miller (1981), 245–253 [91] Miller (1981), 257–264 [92] Pais (2000), pp. 177-183 [93] Pauli (1921), 626-628 [94] Warwick (2003) [95] Pauli (1921), 704 [96] Rindler (2001) [97] Pauli (1921), 690–691 [98] Pauli (1921), 556–557 [99] Pais (1982), 11a [100] Miller (1981), Ch. 7.4.12 [101] Norton (2005) [102] Walter (2007)


History of special relativity
[103] A century of relativity, Irwin I. Shapiro, Reviews of Modern Physics, 1999, (http:/ / zandra. phys. yorku. ca/ menary/ courses/ phys2040/ misc/ relativity. pdf) [104] http:/ / libcoll. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ elib/ all_documents/ Abrah_Neuer_01_1915 [105] http:/ / fisicavolta. unipv. it/ percorsi/ pdf/ press. pdf [106] http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/ ark:/ 12148/ bpt6k3109m/ f215. chemindefer [107] http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/ ark:/ 12148/ bpt6k31103/ f703. table [108] http:/ / www. fourmilab. ch/ etexts/ einstein/ specrel/ [109] http:/ / www. fourmilab. ch/ etexts/ einstein/ E_mc2/ www/ [110] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1908_26_532-540. pdf [111] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1912_38_1059-1064. pdf [112] http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/ ark:/ 12148/ bpt6k15337j/ f845. table [113] http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/ ark:/ 12148/ bpt6k883998 [114] http:/ / vlp. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ references?id=lit4135 [115] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ dasrelativittsp00lauegoog [116] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ proceedingsofamer48amer [117] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ lathorielectrom00loregoog [118] http:/ / gdz. sub. uni-goettingen. de/ no_cache/ dms/ load/ img/ ?IDDOC=201792 [119] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ dasrelativittsp00minkgoog [120] http:/ / diglib. cib. unibo. it/ diglib. php?inv=7& int_ptnum=16& term_ptnum=36& format=jpg [121] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ electronstheory00lorerich [122] http:/ / www. jwdt. com/ ~paysan/ mach. pdf [123] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ electricandmag02maxwrich [124] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ ueberdieprincip00neumgoog [125] http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/ ark:/ 12148/ bpt6k153486/ f542. table [126] http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/ ark:/ 12148/ bpt6k153455. image. f545 [127] http:/ / www. new. dli. ernet. in/ scripts/ FullindexDefault. htm?path1=/ data/ upload/ 0050/ 246& first=412& last=724& barcode=1990050050241 [128] http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/ ark:/ 12148/ bpt6k17075r/ f1167. table [129] http:/ / www. physicsinsights. org/ poincare-1900. pdf [130] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ electriciteetopt019479mbp [131] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ mathematicsandsc001861mbp [132] http:/ / gallica. bnf. fr/ ark:/ 12148/ bpt6k349439/ f143. table [133] http:/ / www. datasync. com/ ~rsf1/ crit/ 1908a. htm [134] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ opticalgeometryo00robbrich [135] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ diephysikalisch00stregoog


• Archibald, R.C. (1914), "Time as a fourth dimension" (, Bull. Amer. Math. Soc. 20 (8): 409–412, doi:10.1090/S0002-9904-1914-02511-X • Born, Max (1964), Einstein's Theory of Relativity, Dover Publications, ISBN 0-486-60769-0 • Born, Max (1956), Physics in my generation (, London & New York: Pergamon Press, pp. 189–206 • Brown, Harvey R. (2001), "The origins of length contraction: I. The FitzGerald-Lorentz deformation hypothesis" (, American Journal of Physics 69 (10): 1044–1054, arXiv:gr-qc/0104032, Bibcode 2001AmJPh..69.1044B, doi:10.1119/1.1379733 • Darrigol, Olivier (2000), Electrodynamics from Ampére to Einstein, Oxford: Clarendon Press, ISBN 0-19-850594-9 • Darrigol, Olivier (2004), "The Mystery of the Einstein-Poincaré Connection", Isis 95 (4): 614–626, doi:10.1086/430652, PMID 16011297 • Darrigol, Olivier (2005), "The Genesis of the theory of relativity" (, Séminaire Poincaré 1: 1–22 • Robert DiSalle (Summer 2002), "Space and Time: Inertial Frames" ( sum2002/entries/spacetime-iframes/), in Edward N. Zalta, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

History of special relativity • Einstein, Albert (1989), "The Swiss Years: Writings, 1900–1909", in Stachel, John et al., The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, 2, Princeton: Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-08526-9 • Galison, Peter (2003), Einstein's Clocks, Poincaré's Maps: Empires of Time, New York: W.W. Norton, ISBN 0-393-32604-7 • Giulini, Domenico (2001), "Das Problem der Trägheit" ( PDF), Preprint, Max-Planck Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte 190: 11–12, 25–26 • Goenner, Hubert (2008), "On the history of geometrization of space-time", 414. Heraeus-Seminar, arXiv:0811.4529, Bibcode 2008arXiv0811.4529G. • Hentschel, Klaus (1990), Interpretationen und Fehlinterpretationen der speziellen und der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie durch Zeitgenossen Albert Einsteins, Basel – Boston – Bonn: Birkhäuser, ISBN 3-7643-2438-4 • Holton, Gerald (1988), Thematic Origins of Scientific Thought: Kepler to Einstein, Harvard University Press, ISBN 0-674-87747-0 • Janssen, Michel (1995), A Comparison between Lorentz's Ether Theory and Special Relativity in the Light of the Experiments of Trouton and Noble, (thesis) ( • Janssen, Michel & Mecklenburg, Matthew (2007), "From classical to relativistic mechanics: Electromagnetic models of the electron" (, in V. F. Hendricks, et al., Interactions: Mathematics, Physics and Philosophy, Dordrecht: Springer, pp. 65–134 • Janssen, Michel & Stachel, John (2008), The Optics and Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies (http://www. • Katzir, Shaul (2005), "Poincaré's Relativistic Physics: Its Origins and Nature", Phys. Perspect. 7 (3): 268–292, Bibcode 2005PhP.....7..268K, doi:10.1007/s00016-004-0234-y • Keswani, G. H., Kilmister, C. W. (1983), "Intimations Of Relativity: Relativity Before Einstein" (http://osiris. of Relativity.doc), Brit. J. Phil. Sci. 34 (4): 343–354, doi:10.1093/bjps/34.4.343 • Klein, Felix (1910/21), "Über die geometrischen Grundlagen der Lorentzgruppe", Gesammelte mathematische Abhandlungen 1: 533–552 • Lange, Ludwig (1886), Die geschichtliche Entwicklung des Bewegungsbegriffes ( details/diegeschichtlic00langgoog), Leipzig: Wilhelm Engelmann • Laue, Max von (1921), Die Relativitätstheorie, Braunschweig: Friedr. Vieweg & Sohn. = 4. Edition of Laue (1911). • Macrossan, M. N. (1986), "A Note on Relativity Before Einstein" ( php?pid=UQ:9560), Brit. J. Phil. Sci. 37: 232–234 • Alberto A. Mart́ínez (2009), Kinematics: the lost origins of Einstein's relativity, Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 0-8018-9135-3 • Miller, Arthur I. (1981), Albert Einstein's special theory of relativity. Emergence (1905) and early interpretation (1905–1911), Reading: Addison–Wesley, ISBN 0-201-04679-2 • Norton, John D. (2004), "Einstein's Investigations of Galilean Covariant Electrodynamics prior to 1905" (http://, Archive for History of Exact Sciences 59 (1): 45–105, Bibcode 2004AHES...59...45N, doi:10.1007/s00407-004-0085-6 • Norton, John D. (2005), "Einstein, Nordström and the early demise of scalar, lorentz covariant theories of gravitation" (, in Renn, Jürgen, The Genesis of General Relativity (Vol. 1), Printed in the Netherlands: Kluwer


History of special relativity • Pais, Abraham (1982), Subtle is the Lord: The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-520438-7 • Pauli, Wolfgang (1921), "Die Relativitätstheorie" ( ?IDDOC=201990), Encyclopädie der mathematischen Wissenschaften 5 (2): 539–776 • Polanyi, Michael (1974), Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy, Chicago: University Press, ISBN 0-226-67288-3 • Rindler, Wolfgang (2001), Relativity: Special, General, and Cosmological, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-850836-0 • Rynasiewicz, Robert; Renn, Jürgen. (2006), "The turning point for Einstein's annus mirabilis." (http://, Studies in History and Philosophy of Modern Physics 31 (1): 5–35 • Schaffner, Kenneth F. (1972), Nineteenth-century aether theories, Oxford: Pergamon Press, pp. 99–117 und 255–273, ISBN 0-08-015674-6 • Stachel, John (1982), "Einstein and Michelson: the Context of Discovery and Context of Justification", Astronomische Nachrichten 303 (1): 47–53, Bibcode 1982AN....303...47S, doi:10.1002/asna.2103030110 • Stachel, John (2002), Einstein from "B" to "Z", Boston: Birkhäuser, ISBN 0-8176-4143-2 • Staley, Richard (2009), Einstein's generation. The origins of the relativity revolution, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0-226-77057-5 • Walter, Scott (1999a), "Minkowski, mathematicians, and the mathematical theory of relativity" (http://www., in H. Goenner, J. Renn, J. Ritter, and T. Sauer, Einstein Studies, 7, Birkhäuser, pp. 45–86 • Walter, Scott (1999b), "The non-Euclidean style of Minkowskian relativity" ( DepPhilo/walter/papers/nes.xml), in J. Gray, The Symbolic Universe: Geometry and Physics, Oxford University Press, pp. 91–127 • Walter, Scott (2005), "Henri Poincaré and the theory of relativity" ( walter/papers/hpeinstein2005.htm), in Renn, J., Albert Einstein, Chief Engineer of the Universe: 100 Authors for Einstein, 3, Berlin: Wiley-VCH, pp. 162–165 • Walter, Scott (2007), "Breaking in the 4-vectors: the four-dimensional movement in gravitation, 1905–1910" (, in Renn, J., The Genesis of General Relativity, 3, Berlin: Springer, pp. 193–252 • Warwick, Andrew (2003), Masters of Theory: Cambridge and the Rise of Mathematical Physics, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0-226-87375-7 • Whittaker, Edmund Taylor (1910), A History of the theories of aether and electricity ( details/historyoftheorie00whitrich) (1. ed.), Dublin: Longman, Green and Co. • Whittaker, Edmund Taylor (1951), A History of the theories of aether and electricity Vol. 1: The classical theories (2. ed.), London: Nelson • Whittaker, Edmund Taylor (1953), "The relativity theory of Poincaré and Lorentz", A History of the theories of aether and electricity; Vol. 2: The modern theories 1900–1926, London: Nelson, pp. 27–77 • Zahar, Elie (1989), Einstein's Revolution: A Study in Heuristic, Chicago: Open Court Publishing Company, ISBN 0-8126-9067-2 Non mainstream • Bjerknes, Christopher Jon (2002), "A Short History of the Concept of Relative Simultaneity in the Special Theory of Relativity" (, Episteme 6


History of special relativity • Logunov, A.A. (2004), Henri Poincaré and relativity theory, Moscow: Nauka, arXiv:physics/0408077, Bibcode 2004physics...8077L, ISBN 5-02-033964-4


External links
• O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Special relativity" ( HistTopics/Special_relativity.html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews. • Mathpages: Corresponding States (, The End of My Latin (, Who Invented Relativity? ( rr/s8-08/8-08.htm), Poincaré Contemplates Copernicus ( kmath305.htm)


Light and general relativity
History of general relativity
General relativity (GR) is a theory of gravitation that was developed by Albert Einstein between 1907 and 1915, with contributions by many others after 1915. According to general relativity, the observed gravitational attraction between masses results from the warping of space and time by those masses. Before the advent of general relativity, Newton's law of universal gravitation had been accepted for more than two hundred years as a valid description of the gravitational force between masses, even though Newton himself did not regard the theory as the final word on the nature of gravity. Within a century of Newton's formulation, careful astronomical observation revealed unexplainable variations between the theory and the observations. Under Newton's model, gravity was the result of an attractive force between massive objects. Although even Newton was bothered by the unknown nature of that force, the basic framework was extremely successful at describing motion. However, experiments and observations show that Einstein's description accounts for several effects that are unexplained by Newton's law, such as minute anomalies in the orbits of Mercury and other planets. General relativity also predicts novel effects of gravity, such as gravitational waves, gravitational lensing and an effect of gravity on time known as gravitational time dilation. Many of these predictions have been confirmed by experiment, while others are the subject of ongoing research. For example, although there is indirect evidence for gravitational waves, direct evidence of their existence is still being sought by several teams of scientists in experiments such as the LIGO and GEO 600 projects. General relativity has developed into an essential tool in modern astrophysics. It provides the foundation for the current understanding of black holes, regions of space where gravitational attraction is so strong that not even light can escape. Their strong gravity is thought to be responsible for the intense radiation emitted by certain types of astronomical objects (such as active galactic nuclei or microquasars). General relativity is also part of the framework of the standard Big Bang model of cosmology.

Creation of general relativity
Early investigations
As Einstein later said, the reason for the development of general relativity was the preference of inertial motion within special relativity, while a theory which from the outset prefers no state of motion (even accelerated ones) appeared more satisfactory to him.[1] So, while still working at the patent office in 1907, Einstein had what he would call his "happiest thought". He realized that the principle of relativity could be extended to gravitational fields. Consequently, in 1907 (published 1908) he wrote an article on acceleration under special relativity.[2] In that article, he argued that free fall is really inertial motion, and that for a freefalling observer the rules of special relativity must apply. This argument is called the Equivalence principle. In the same article, Einstein also predicted the phenomenon of gravitational time dilation. In 1911, Einstein published another article expanding on the 1907 article.[3] There, he thought about the case of a uniformly accelerated box not in a gravitational field, and noted that it would be indistinguishable from a box sitting still in an unchanging gravitational field. He used special relativity to see that the rate of clocks at the top of a box accelerating upward would be faster than the rate of clocks at the bottom. He concludes that the rates of clocks depend on their position in a gravitational field, and that the difference in rate is proportional to the gravitational potential to first approximation.

History of general relativity Also the deflection of light by massive bodies was predicted. Although the approximation was crude, it allowed him to calculate that the deflection is nonzero. German astronomer Erwin Finlay-Freundlich publicized Einstein's challenge to scientists around the world.[4] This urged astronomers to detect the deflection of light during a solar eclipse, and gave Einstein confidence that the scalar theory of gravity proposed by Gunnar Nordström was incorrect. But the actual value for the deflection that he calculated was too small by a factor of two, because the approximation he used doesn't work well for things moving at near the speed of light. When Einstein finished the full theory of general relativity, he would rectify this error and predict the correct amount of light deflection by the sun. Another of Einstein's notable thought experiments about the nature of the gravitational field is that of the rotating disk (a variant of the Ehrenfest paradox). He imagined an observer making experiments on a rotating turntable. He noted that such an observer would find a different value for the mathematical constant π than the one predicted by Euclidean geometry. The reason is that the radius of a circle would be measured with an uncontracted ruler, but, according to special relativity, the circumference would seem to be longer because the ruler would be contracted. Since Einstein believed that the laws of physics were local, described by local fields, he concluded from this that spacetime could be locally curved. This led him to study Riemannian geometry, and to formulate general relativity in this language.


Developing general relativity
In 1912, Einstein returned to Switzerland to accept a professorship at his alma mater, the ETH. Once back in Zurich, he immediately visited his old ETH classmate Marcel Grossmann, now a professor of mathematics, who introduced him to Riemannian geometry and, more generally, to differential geometry. On the recommendation of Italian mathematician Tullio Levi-Civita, Einstein began exploring the usefulness of general covariance (essentially the use of tensors) for his gravitational theory. For a while Einstein thought that there were problems with the approach, but he later returned to it and, by late 1915, had published his general theory of relativity in the form in which it is used today.[5] This theory explains gravitation as distortion of the structure of spacetime by matter, affecting the inertial motion of other matter. During World War I, the work of Eddington's photograph of a solar Central Powers scientists was available only to Central Powers academics, for eclipse, which confirmed Einstein's national security reasons. Some of Einstein's work did reach the United Kingdom theory that light "bends". and the United States through the efforts of the Austrian Paul Ehrenfest and physicists in the Netherlands, especially 1902 Nobel Prize-winner Hendrik Lorentz and Willem de Sitter of Leiden University. After the war ended, Einstein maintained his relationship with Leiden University, accepting a contract as an Extraordinary Professor; for ten years, from 1920 to 1930, he travelled to Holland regularly to lecture.[6] In 1917, several astronomers accepted Einstein 's 1911 challenge from Prague. The Mount Wilson Observatory in California, U.S., published a solar spectroscopic analysis that showed no gravitational redshift.[7] In 1918, the Lick Observatory, also in California, announced that it too had disproved Einstein's prediction, although its findings were not published.[8] However, in May 1919, a team led by the British astronomer Arthur Stanley Eddington claimed to have confirmed Einstein's prediction of gravitational deflection of starlight by the Sun while photographing a solar eclipse with dual expeditions in Sobral, northern Brazil, and Príncipe, a west African island.[4] Nobel laureate Max Born praised general relativity as the "greatest feat of human thinking about nature";[9] fellow laureate Paul Dirac was quoted saying it was "probably the greatest scientific discovery ever made".[10] The international media guaranteed Einstein's global renown.

History of general relativity There have been claims that scrutiny of the specific photographs taken on the Eddington expedition showed the experimental uncertainty to be comparable to the same magnitude as the effect Eddington claimed to have demonstrated, and that a 1962 British expedition concluded that the method was inherently unreliable.[11] The deflection of light during a solar eclipse was confirmed by later, more accurate observations.[12] Some resented the newcomer's fame, notably among some German physicists, who later started the Deutsche Physik (German Physics) movement.[13][14]


General covariance and the hole argument
By 1912, Einstein was actively seeking a theory in which gravitation was explained as a geometric phenomenon. At the urging of Tullio Levi-Civita, Einstein began by exploring the use of general covariance (which is essentially the use of curvature tensors) to create a gravitational theory. However, in 1913 Einstein abandoned that approach, arguing that it is inconsistent based on the "hole argument". In 1914 and much of 1915, Einstein was trying to create field equations based on another approach. When that approach was proven to be inconsistent, Einstein revisited the concept of general covariance and discovered that the hole argument was flawed.

The development of the Einstein field equations
When Einstein realized that general covariance was actually tenable, he quickly completed the development of the field equations that are named after him. However, he made a now-famous mistake. The field equations he published in October 1915 were , where is the Ricci tensor, and the energy-momentum tensor. This predicted the non-Newtonian perihelion

precession of Mercury, and so had Einstein very excited. However, it was soon realized that they were inconsistent with the local conservation of energy-momentum unless the universe had a constant density of mass-energy-momentum. In other words, air, rock and even a vacuum should all have the same density. This inconsistency with observation sent Einstein back to the drawing board. However, the solution was all but obvious, and in November 1915 Einstein published the actual Einstein field equations: , where is the Ricci scalar and the metric tensor. With the publication of the field equations, the issue became

one of solving them for various cases and interpreting the solutions. This and experimental verification have dominated general relativity research ever since.

Einstein and Hilbert
Although Einstein is credited with finding the field equations, the German mathematician David Hilbert published them in an article before Einstein's article. This has resulted in accusations of plagiarism against Einstein (never from Hilbert), and assertions that the field equations should be called the "Einstein-Hilbert field equations". However, Hilbert did not press his claim for priority and some have asserted that Einstein submitted the correct equations before Hilbert amended his own work to include them. This suggests that Einstein developed the correct field equations first, though Hilbert may have reached them later independently (or even learned of them afterwards through his correspondence with Einstein).[15] However, others have criticized those assertions.[16]

History of general relativity


Sir Arthur Eddington
In the early years after Einstein's theory was published, Sir Arthur Eddington lent his considerable prestige in the British scientific establishment in an effort to champion the work of this German scientist. Because the theory was so complex and abstruse (even today it is popularly considered the pinnacle of scientific thinking; in the early years it was even more so), it was rumored that only three people in the world understood it. There was an illuminating, though probably apocryphal, anecdote about this. As related by Ludwik Silberstein,[17] during one of Eddington's lectures he asked "Professor Eddington, you must be one of three persons in the world who understands general relativity." Eddington paused, unable to answer. Silberstein continued "Don't be modest, Eddington!" Finally, Eddington replied "On the contrary, I'm trying to think who the third person is."

The Schwarzschild solution
Since the field equations are non-linear, Einstein assumed that they were unsolvable. However, in 1916 Karl Schwarzschild discovered an exact solution for the case of a spherically symmetric spacetime surrounding a massive object in spherical coordinates. This is now known as the Schwarzschild solution. Since then, many other exact solutions have been found.

The expanding universe and the cosmological constant
In 1922, Alexander Friedmann found a solution in which the universe may expand or contract, and later Georges Lemaître derived a solution for an expanding universe. However, Einstein believed that the universe was apparently static, and since a static cosmology was not supported by the general relativistic field equations, he added a cosmological constant Λ to the field equations, which became . This permitted the creation of steady-state solutions, but they were unstable: the slightest perturbation of a static state would result in the universe expanding or contracting. In 1929, Edwin Hubble found evidence for the idea that the universe is expanding. This resulted in Einstein dropping the cosmological constant, referring to it as "the biggest blunder in my career". At the time, it was an ad hoc hypothesis to add in the cosmological constant, as it was only intended to justify one result (a static universe).

More exact solutions
Progress in solving the field equations and understanding the solutions has been ongoing. The solution for a spherically symmetric charged object was discovered by Reissner and later rediscovered by Nordström, and is called the Reissner-Nordström solution. The black hole aspect of the Schwarzschild solution was very controversial, and Einstein did not believe that singularities could be real. However, in 1957 (two years after Einstein's death in 1955), Martin Kruskal published a proof that black holes are called for by the Schwarzschild Solution. Additionally, the solution for a rotating massive object was obtained by Kerr in the 1960s and is called the Kerr solution. The Kerr-Newman solution for a rotating, charged massive object was published a few years later.

History of general relativity


Testing the theory
The perihelion precession of Mercury was the first evidence that general relativity is correct. Sir Arthur Stanley Eddington's 1919 expedition in which he confirmed Einstein's prediction for the deflection of light by the Sun during the total solar eclipse of 29 May 1919 helped to cement the status of general relativity as a likely true theory. Since then many observations have confirmed the correctness of general relativity. These include studies of binary pulsars, observations of radio signals passing the limb of the Sun, and even the GPS system.

Alternative theories
There have been various attempts to find modifications to general relativity. The most famous of these are the Brans-Dicke theory (also known as scalar-tensor theory), and Rosen's bimetric theory. Both of these theories proposed changes to the field equations of general relativity, and both suffer from these changes permitting the presence of bipolar gravitational radiation. As a result, Rosen's original theory has been refuted by observations of binary pulsars. As for Brans-Dicke (which has a tunable parameter ω such that ω = ∞ is the same as general relativity), the amount by which it can differ from general relativity has been severely constrained by these observations. In addition, general relativity is inconsistent with quantum mechanics, the physical theory that describes the wave-particle duality of matter, and quantum mechanics does not currently describe gravitational attraction at relevant (microscopic) scales. There is a great deal of speculation in the physics community as to the modifications that might be needed to both general relativity and quantum mechanics in order to unite them consistently. The speculative theory that unites general relativity and quantum mechanics is usually called quantum gravity, prominent examples of which include String Theory and Loop Quantum Gravity.

More about GR history
The study of general relativity, entered the mainstream of theoretical physics. Terms were introduced, including black holes and 'gravitational singularity'. At the same time, the study of physical cosmology entered the mainstream including the Big Bang. • Role of curvature in general relativity; • Theoretical importance of the black holes; • Importance of geometrical machinery and levels of mathematical structure, especially local versus global spacetime structure; • Overall legitimacy of cosmology by the wider physics community. A competitor to general relativity (the Brans-Dicke theory), and the first "precision tests" of gravitation theories. Discoveries in observational astronomy are: • Quasars (objects the size of the solar system and as luminous as a hundred modern galaxies, so distant that they date from the early years of the universe); • Pulsars (soon interpreted as spinning neutron stars); • The first credible candidate black hole, Cygnus X-1; • The cosmic background radiation, hard evidence of the Big Bang and the subsequent expansion of the universe.

History of general relativity


1950s • 1953: P. C. Vaidya Newtonian time in general relativity, Nature, 171, p260. • 1956: John Lighton Synge publishes the first relativity text emphasizing spacetime diagrams and geometrical methods, • 1957: Felix A. E. Pirani uses Petrov classification to understand gravitational radiation, • 1957: Richard Feynman introduces sticky bead argument, • 1959: Pound–Rebka experiment, first precision test of gravitational redshift, • 1959: Lluis Bel introduces Bel-Robinson tensor and the Bel decomposition of the Riemann tensor, • 1959: Arthur Komar introduces the Komar mass, 1960s • 1960: Martin Kruskal and George Szekeres independently introduce the Kruskal-Szekeres coordinates for the Schwarzschild vacuum, • 1960: Shapiro effect confirmed, • 1960: Thomas Matthews and Allan R. Sandage associate 3C 48 with a point-like optical image, show radio source can be at most 15 light minutes in diameter, • 1960: Carl H. Brans and Robert H. Dicke introduce Brans-Dicke theory, the first viable alternative theory with a clear physical motivation, • 1960: Joseph Weber reports observation of gravitational waves (a claim now generally discounted), • 1960: Ivor M. Robinson and Andrzej Trautman discover the Robinson-Trautman null dust solution[18] • 1961: Pascual Jordan and Jürgen Ehlers develop the kinematic decomposition of a timelike congruence, • 1962: Roger Penrose and Ezra T. Newman introduce the Newman-Penrose formalism, • 1962: Ehlers and Wolfgang Kundt classify the symmetries of Pp-wave spacetimes, • 1962: Joshua Goldberg and Rainer K. Sachs prove the Goldberg-Sachs theorem, • 1962: Ehlers introduces Ehlers transformations, a new solution generating method, • 1962: Cornelius Lanczos introduces the Lanczos potential for the Weyl tensor, • 1962: R. Arnowitt, Stanley Deser, and Charles W. Misner introduce the ADM reformulation and global hyperbolicity, • 1962: Yvonne Choquet-Bruhat on Cauchy problem and global hyperbolicity, • 1962: Istvan Ozsvath and Englbert Schücking rediscover the circularly polarized monochromomatic gravitational wave, • 1962: Hans Adolph Buchdahl discovers Buchdahl's theorem, • 1962: Hermann Bondi introduces Bondi mass, • 1963: Roy Kerr discovers the Kerr vacuum solution of Einstein's field equations, • 1963: Redshifts of 3C 273 and other quasars show they are very distant; hence very luminous, • 1963: Newman, T. Unti and L.A. Tamburino introduce the NUT vacuum solution, • 1963: Roger Penrose introduces Penrose diagrams and Penrose limits, • 1963: First Texas Symposium on Gravitational Astrophysics held in Dallas, 16–18 December, • 1964: R. W. Sharp and Misner introduce the Misner-Sharp mass, • 1964: M. A. Melvin discovers the Melvin electrovacuum solution (aka the Melvin magnetic universe), • 1965: Roger Penrose proves first of the singularity theorems, • 1965: Newman and others discover the Kerr-Newman electrovacuum solution, • 1965: Penrose discovers the structure of the light cones in gravitational plane wave spacetimes, • 1965: Kerr and Alfred Schild introduce Kerr-Schild spacetimes, • 1965: Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar determines a stability criterion,

History of general relativity • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1965: Arno Penzias and Robert Wilson discover the cosmic microwave background radiation, 1966: Sachs and Ronald Kantowski discover the Kantowski-Sachs dust solution, 1967: Jocelyn Bell and Antony Hewish discover pulsars, 1967: Robert H. Boyer and R. W. Lindquist introduce Boyer-Lindquist coordinates for the Kerr vacuum, 1967: Bryce DeWitt publishes on canonical quantum gravity, 1967: Werner Israel proves the no hair theorem, 1967: Kenneth Nordtvedt develops PPN formalism, 1967: Mendel Sachs publishes factorization of Einstein's field equations, 1967: Hans Stephani discovers the Stephani dust solution, 1968: F. J. Ernst discovers the Ernst equation, 1968: B. Kent Harrison discovers the Harrison transformation, a solution-generating method, 1968: Brandon Carter solves the geodesic equations for Kerr-Newmann electrovacuum, 1968: Hugo D. Wahlquist discovers the Wahlquist fluid, 1969: William B. Bonnor introduces the Bonnor beam, 1969: Penrose proposes the (weak) cosmic censorship hypothesis and the Penrose process, 1969: Stephen W. Hawking proves area theorem for black holes, 1969: Misner introduces the mixmaster universe,


1970s • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1970: Frank J. Zerilli derives the Zerilli equation, 1970: Vladimir A. Belinskiǐ, Isaak Markovich Khalatnikov, and Evgeny Lifshitz introduce the BKL conjecture, 1970: Chandrasekhar pushes on to 5/2 post-Newtonian order, 1970: Hawking and Penrose prove trapped surfaces must arise in black holes, 1970: the Kinnersley-Walker photon rocket, 1970: Peter Szekeres introduces colliding plane waves, 1971: Peter C. Aichelburg and Roman U. Sexl introduce the Aichelburg-Sexl ultraboost, 1971: Introduction of the Khan-Penrose vacuum, a simple explicit colliding plane wave spacetime, 1971: Robert H. Gowdy introduces the Gowdy vacuum solutions (cosmological models containing circulating gravitational waves), 1971: Cygnus X-1, the first solid black hole candidate, discovered by Uhuru satellite, 1971: William H. Press discovers black hole ringing by numerical simulation, 1971: Harrison and Estabrook algorithm for solving systems of PDEs, 1971: James W. York introduces conformal method generating initial data for ADM initial value formulation, 1971: Robert Geroch introduces Geroch group and a solution generating method, 1972: Jacob Bekenstein proposes that black holes have a non-decreasing entropy which can be identified with the area, 1972: Carter, Hawking and James M. Bardeen propose the four laws of black hole mechanics, 1972: Sachs introduces optical scalars and proves peeling theorem, 1972: Rainer Weiss proposes concept of interferometric gravitational wave detector, 1972: J. C. Hafele and R. E. Keating perform Hafele-Keating experiment, 1972: Richard H. Price studies gravitational collapse with numerical simulations, 1972: Saul Teukolsky derives the Teukolsky equation, 1972: Yakov B. Zel'dovich predicts the transmutation of electromagnetic and gravitational radiation, 1973: P. C. Vaidya and L. K. Patel introduce the Kerr-Vaidya null dust solution,

• 1973: Publication by Charles W. Misner, Kip S. Thorne and John A. Wheeler of the treatise Gravitation, the first modern textbook on general relativity,

History of general relativity • 1973: Publication by Stephen W. Hawking and George Ellis of the monograph The Large Scale Structure of Space-Time, • 1973: Geroch introduces the GHP formalism, • 1974: Russell Hulse and Joseph Hooton Taylor, Jr. discover the Hulse-Taylor binary pulsar, • 1974: James W. York and Niall Ó Murchadha present the analysis of the initial value formulation and examine the stability of its solutions, • 1974: R. O. Hansen introduces Hansen-Geroch multipole moments, • 1974: Tullio Regge introduces the Regge calculus, • 1974: Hawking discovers Hawking radiation, • 1975: Chandrasekhar and Steven Detweiler compute quasinormal modes, • 1975: Szekeres and D. A. Szafron discover the Szekeres-Szafron dust solutions, • 1976: Penrose introduces Penrose limits (every null geodesic in a Lorentzian spacetime behaves like a plane wave), • 1978: Penrose introduces the notion of a thunderbolt, • 1978: Belinskiǐ and Zakharov show how to solve Einstein's field equations using the inverse scattering transform; the first gravitational solitons, • 1979: Richard Schoen and Shing-Tung Yau prove the positive mass theorem.


[1] Albert Einstein, Nobel lecture (http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 1921/ einstein-lecture. html) in 1921 [2] Einstein, A., "Relativitätsprinzip und die aus demselben gezogenen Folgerungen (On the Relativity Principle and the Conclusions Drawn from It)", Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität (Yearbook of Radioactivity) 4: 411–462 page 454 (Wir betrachen zwei Bewegung systeme ...) [3] Einstein, Albert (1911), "Einfluss der Schwerkraft auf die Ausbreitung des Lichtes (On the Influence of Gravity on the Propagation of Light)", Annalen der Physik 35: 898–908, Bibcode 1911AnP...340..898E, doi:10.1002/andp.19113401005 (also in Collected Papers Vol. 3, document 23) [4] Crelinsten, Jeffrey. " Einstein's Jury: The Race to Test Relativity (http:/ / www. pupress. princeton. edu/ titles/ 8165. html)". Princeton University Press. 2006. Retrieved on 13 March 2007. ISBN 978-0-691-12310-3 [5] (Einstein 1915) [6] Two friends in Leiden (http:/ / www. lorentz. leidenuniv. nl/ history/ einstein/ einstein. html), , retrieved 11 June 2007 [7] Crelinsten, Jeffrey (2006), Einstein's Jury: The Race to Test Relativity (http:/ / www. pupress. princeton. edu/ titles/ 8165. html), Princeton University Press, pp. 103–108, ISBN 978-0-691-12310-3, , retrieved 13 March 2007 [8] Crelinsten, Jeffrey (2006), Einstein's Jury: The Race to Test Relativity (http:/ / www. pupress. princeton. edu/ titles/ 8165. html), Princeton University Press, pp. 114–119, ISBN 978-0-691-12310-3, , retrieved 13 March 2007 [9] Smith, PD (17 September 2005), The genius of space and time (http:/ / books. guardian. co. uk/ reviews/ scienceandnature/ 0,,1571826,00. html), London: The Guardian, , retrieved 31 March 2007 [10] Jürgen Schmidhuber. " Albert Einstein (1879–1955) and the 'Greatest Scientific Discovery Ever' (http:/ / www. idsia. ch/ ~juergen/ einstein. html)". 2006. Retrieved on 4 October 2006. [11] Andrzej, Stasiak (2003), "Myths in science" (http:/ / www. nature. com/ embor/ journal/ v4/ n3/ full/ embor779. html), EMBO Reports 4 (3): 236, doi:10.1038/sj.embor.embor779, , retrieved 31 March 2007 [12] See the table in MathPages Bending Light (http:/ / www. mathpages. com/ rr/ s6-03/ 6-03. htm) [13] Hentschel, Klaus and Ann M. (1996), Physics and National Socialism: An Anthology of Primary Sources, Birkhaeuser Verlag, xxi, ISBN 3-7643-5312-0 [14] For a discussion of astronomers' attitudes and debates about relativity, see Crelinsten, Jeffrey (2006), Einstein's Jury: The Race to Test Relativity, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-12310-1, especially chapters 6, 9, 10 and 11. [15] Leo Corry, Jürgen Renn, John Stachel: "Belated Decision in the Hilbert-Einstein Priority Dispute", SCIENCE, Vol. 278, 14 November 1997 - article text (http:/ / www. tau. ac. il/ ~corry/ publications/ articles/ science. html) [16] Friedwart Winterberg's response to the Cory-Renn-Stachel paper (http:/ / physics. unr. edu/ faculty/ winterberg/ Hilbert-Einstein. pdf) as printed in "Zeitschrift für Naturforschung" 59a (http:/ / www. znaturforsch. com/ c59a. htm), 715-719. [17] John Waller (2002), Einstein's Luck, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-860719-9 [18] "Spherical Gravitational Waves" (http:/ / cdsads. u-strasbg. fr/ abs/ 1960PhRvL. . . 4. . 431R). . Retrieved 2012-07-20.

History of general relativity


• Pais, Abraham (1982). Subtle is the lord: the science and life of Albert Einstein. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-853907-X. • Einstein, A.; Grossmann, M. (1913). "Entwurf einer verallgemeinerten Relativitätstheorie und einer Theorie der Gravitation [Outline of a Generalized Theory of Relativity and of a Theory of Gravitation]". Zeitschrift für Mathematik und Physik 62: 225–261. • Genesis of general relativity series (

Relativity priority dispute
Albert Einstein presented the theories of Special Relativity and General Relativity in groundbreaking publications that either contained no formal references to previous literature, or referred only to a small number of his predecessors for fundamental results on which he based his theories, most notably to the work of Hendrik Lorentz for special relativity, and to the work of Gauss, Riemann, and Mach for general relativity. Subsequently claims have been put forward about both theories, asserting that they were formulated, either wholly or in part, by others before Einstein. At issue is the extent to which Einstein and various other individuals should be credited for the formulation of these theories, based on priority considerations. The general history of the development of these theories, including the contributions made by many other scientists, is found at History of special relativity and History of general relativity.

The candidates for credit
Concerning special relativity, the most important names that are mentioned in discussions about the distribution of credit are Albert Einstein, Hendrik Lorentz, Henri Poincaré, and Hermann Minkowski. Consideration is also given to numerous other scientists for either anticipations of some aspects of the theory, or else for contributions to the development or elaboration of the theory. These include Woldemar Voigt, August Föppl, Joseph Larmor, Emil Cohn, Friedrich Hasenöhrl, Max Planck, Max von Laue, Gilbert Newton Lewis and Richard Chase Tolman, etc. In addition, polemics exist about alleged contributions of others such as Olinto De Pretto, and Einstein's first wife Mileva Marić, although these are not considered to have any foundation by serious scholars.[1] Concerning general relativity, there is a controversy about the amount of credit that should go to Einstein, Grossmann, and David Hilbert. Many others (such as Gauss, Riemann, William Kingdon Clifford, Ricci, and Levi-Civita) contributed to the development of the mathematical tools and geometrical ideas underlying the theory. Also polemics exist about alleged contributions of others such as Paul Gerber.

Undisputed and well known facts
The following facts are undisputed and generally known:

Special relativity
• In 1889, ([Poi89]), Henri Poincaré argued that the ether might be unobservable, in which case the existence of the ether is a metaphysical question, and he suggested that some day the ether concept would be thrown aside as useless. However, in the same book (Ch. 10) he considered the ether a "convenient hypothesis" and continued to use the concept also in later papers in 1908 ([Poi08], Book 3) and 1912 ([Poi13], Ch. 6). • In 1895, Poincaré argued that experiments like that of Michelson-Morley show that it seems to be impossible to detect the absolute motion of matter or the relative motion of matter in relation to the ether. In [Poi00] he called this the Principle of Relative Motion, i.e., that the laws of movement should be the same in all inertial frames.

Relativity priority dispute Alternative terms used by Poincaré were "relativity of space" and "principle of relativity".[2] In 1904 he expanded that principle by saying: "The principle of relativity, according to which the laws of physical phenomena must be the same for a stationary observer as for one carried along in a uniform motion of translation, so that we have no means, and can have none, of determining whether or not we are being carried along in such a motion." However, he also stated that we do not know if this principle will turn out to be true, but that it is interesting to determine what the principle implies. • In [Poi00], Poincaré published a paper in which he said that radiation could be considered as a fictitious fluid with an equivalent mass of . He derived this interpretation from Lorentz's 'theory of electrons' which incorporated Maxwell's radiation pressure. • Poincaré had described a synchronization procedure for clocks at rest relative to each other in [Poi00] and again in [Poi04]. So two events, which are simultaneous in one frame of reference, are not simultaneous in another frame. It is very similar to the one later proposed by Einstein.[3] However, Poincaré distinguished between "local" or "apparent" time of moving clocks, and the "true" time of resting clocks in the ether. In [Poi02] he argued that "some day, no doubt, the ether will be thrown aside as useless". • Lorentz' paper [Lor04] containing the transformations bearing his name appeared in 1904. • Albert Einstein in [Ein05c] derived the Lorentz equations by using the principle of constancy of velocity of light and the relativity principle. He was the first to argue that those principles (along with certain other basic assumptions about the homogeneity and isotropy of space, usually taken for granted by theorists) are sufficient to derive the theory. See Postulates of special relativity. He said: "The introduction of a luminiferous ether will prove to be superfluous inasmuch as the view here to be developed will not require an absolutely stationary space provided with special properties, nor assign a velocity-vector to a point of the empty space in which electromagnetic processes take place." * Einstein's Elektrodynamik paper [Ein05c] contains no formal references to other literature. It does mention, in §9, part II, that the results of the paper are in agreement with Lorentz's electrodynamics. Poincaré is not mentioned in this paper, although he is cited formally in a paper on special relativity written by Einstein the following year. • In 1905 Einstein was the first to suggest that when a material body lost energy (either radiation or heat) of amount , its mass decreased by the amount .[4] • Hermann Minkowski showed in 1907 that the theory of special relativity could be elegantly described using a four-dimensional spacetime, which combines the dimension of time with the three dimensions of space. • Einstein in 1920 returned to a concept of aether having no state of motion.[5][6]


General relativity
• The proposal to describe gravity by means of a pseudo-Riemannian metric was first made by Einstein and Grossmann in the so-called Entwurf theory published 1913 . This was followed by several attempts of Einstein to find valid field equations for this theory of gravity. • David Hilbert invited Einstein to Göttingen for a week to give six 2-hour lectures on general relativity, which he did in June–July 1915. Einstein stayed at Hilbert's house during this visit. Hilbert started working on a combined theory of gravity and electromagnetism, and Einstein and Hilbert exchanged correspondence until November 1915. Einstein gave four lectures on his theory on Nov 4, Nov 11, Nov 18 and Nov 25 in Berlin, published as [Ein15a], [Ein15b], [Ein15c], [Ein15d]. • November 4, Einstein published non-covariant field equations and on November 11 returned to the field equations of the "Entwurf" papers, which he now made covariant by the assumption that the trace of the energy-momentum tensor was zero, as it was for electromagnetism. • Einstein sent Hilbert proofs of his papers of Nov 4 and Nov 11. (Sauer 99, notes 63, 66) • Nov 15 Invitation issued for Nov 20 meeting at the Academy in Göttingen. "Hilber legt vor in die Nachrichten: Grundgleichungen der Physik". (Sauer 99, note 73)

Relativity priority dispute • Nov 16 Hilbert spoke at the Göttingen Mathematical Society "Grundgleichungen der Physik" (Sauer 99, note 68). Talk not published. • Nov 16 or Nov 17 Hilbert sent Einstein some information about his talk of Nov 16 (letter lost) • Nov 18 Einstein replies to Hilbert's letter (received by Hilbert Nov 19) saying as far as he (Einstein) could tell Hilbert's system was equivalent to the one he (Einstein) had found in the preceding weeks. (Sauer 99, note 72). Einstein also told Hilbert in this letter that he (Einstein) had "considered the only possible generally covariant field equations three years earlier", adding that "The difficulty was not to find generally covariant equations for the ;this is easy with the help of the Riemann tensor. What was difficult instead was to recognize that these equations form a generalization, and that is, a simple and natural generalization of Newton's law" (A. Einstein to D. Hilbert, 18 Nov, Einstein Archives Call No. 13-093). Einstein also told Hilbert in that letter that he (Einstein) had calculated the correct perihelion advance for Mercury, using covariant field equations based on the assumption that the trace of the energy momentum tensor vanished as it did for electromagnetism. • Nov 18 Einstein presents the calculation of the perihelion advance to Prussian Academy. • Nov 20 Hilbert lectured to the Göttingen Academy. The proofs of his paper show that Hilbert proposed a non-covariant set of equations as the fundamental equations of physics. Thus he wrote "in order to keep the deterministic characteristic of the fundamental equations of physics [...] four further non-covariant equations ... [are] unavoidable." (proofs, pages 3 and 4. quoted by Corry et al.). Hilbert then derives these four extra equations and continues "these four differential equations [...] supplement the gravitational equations [...] to yield a system of 14 equations for the 14 potentials : the system of fundamental equations of physics". (proofs, page 7, quoted by Corry et al.). • In his last lecture on Nov 25 Einstein submitted the correct field equations. The published paper (Einstein 1915d) appeared on December 2, and it did not mention Hilbert. • Hilbert's paper took considerably longer to appear. He had galley proofs that were marked "December 6" by the printer in December 1915. Most of the galley proofs have been preserved, but about a quarter of a page is missing.[7] The extant part of the proofs contains Hilbert's action from which the field equations can be obtained by taking a variational derivative, and using the contracted Bianchi identity derived in theorem III of Hilbert's paper, though this was not done in the extant proofs. • Hilbert rewrote his paper for publication (in Mar 1916), changing the treatment of the energy theorem, dropping a non-covariant gauge condition on the coordinates to produce a covariant theory, and adding a new credit to Einstein for introducing the gravitational potentials into the theory of gravity. In the final paper he said his differential equations seemed to agree with the "magnificent theory of general relativity established by Einstein in his later papers"[8] • The events of late November through December 1915 caused bad feelings from Einstein towards Hilbert. In a November 25 letter to Zangger, Einstein accused Hilbert (without mentioning his name) of attempts to appropriate ('nostrify') his theory. On Dec 4, Hilbert nominated Einstein for election as a corresponding member of the Göttingen Mathematical Society. In a December 20 letter to Hilbert, Einstein proposed to settle the dispute. • The 1916 paper was rewritten and republished in 1924 [Hil24], where Hilbert wrote: Einstein [...] kehrt schließlich in seinen letzten Publikationen geradewegs zu den Gleichungen meiner Theorie zurück. (Einstein [...] in his most recent publications, returns directly to the equations of my theory.)[9]


Relativity priority dispute


Disputed claims
The following things seem to be unclear, unknown or disputed:

Special relativity
• To what degree Einstein was familiar with Poincaré's work • It is known that Einstein was familiar with [Poi02], but it is not known to what extent he was familiar with other work of Poincaré in 1905. However it is known that he knew [Poi00] in 1906, because he quoted it in [Ein06]. • Lorentz' paper [Lor04] containing the transformations bearing his name appeared in 1904. The question is whether Einstein was familiar in 1905 with either this paper itself or a review of it (which appeared in the Annalen der Physik). • To what degree Einstein was following other physicists' work at the time. Some authors claim that Einstein worked in relative isolation and with restricted access to the physics literature in 1905. Others, however, disagree; a personal friend of Einstein, Maurice Solovine, later acknowledged that he and Einstein both pored for weeks over Poincaré's 1902 book, keeping them "breathless for weeks on end" [Rot06]. • Whether his wife, Mileva Marić, may have contributed to Einstein's work, although this question is not considered to have any foundation by serious scholars.[1]

General relativity
• Before 1997, "the commonly accepted view was that David Hilbert completed the general theory of relativity at least 5 days before Albert Einstein submitted his conclusive paper on this theory on 25 November 1915. Hilbert's article, bearing the date of submission 20 November 1915 but published only on 31 March 1916, presents a generally covariant theory of gravitation, including field equations essentially equivalent to those in Einstein's paper" (Corry, Renn and Stachel, 1997). Since the discovery of printer's proofs of Hilbert's paper of Nov 20, dated 6 Dec 1915, which show a number of differences from the finally published paper, this 'commonly accepted view' has been challenged. • Whether Einstein got the correct mathematical formulation for general relativity from Hilbert, or formulated it independently. Points at issue: • The content of Hilbert's November 16 letter/postcard to Einstein is not known. It is however, clear from Einstein's response that it was an account of Hilbert's work. • It is not known what was on the missing part of Hilbert's printer proofs. The missing portion is large enough to have contained the field equations in an explicit form. There are several competing speculations about the content of the missing piece. • Based on the above, it is not known whether Hilbert had formulated the field equations in an explicit form before December 6 (the date of the printer's proofs) or not. • It is known from the proofs that Hilbert introduced four non-covariant equations in order to specify the gravitational potentials and that this approach was dropped from his revised paper. • Whether Hilbert ever tried to claim priority for the field equations - it seems clear that he regarded the theory of general relativity as Einstein's theory. • What Hilbert thought he was referring to when he used the term "equations of my theory" about Einstein's research. Hilbert made a similar remark in a letter to Karl Schwarzschild.[10] There are a large number of opinions related to these involving questions of "who should get the credit" - these are not enumerated here.

Relativity priority dispute


Special Relativity
Historians of special relativity
In his History of the theories of ether and electricity from 1953, E. T. Whittaker claimed that relativity is the creation of Lorentz and Poincaré and attributed to Einstein's papers only little importance.[11] However, most historians of science, like Gerald Holton, Arthur I. Miller, Abraham Pais, John Stachel, or Olivier Darrigol have other points of view. They admit that Lorentz and Poincaré developed the mathematics of special relativity, and many scientists originally spoke about the "Lorentz-Einstein theory". But they argue that it was Einstein who completely eliminated the classical ether and demonstrated the relativity of space and time. They also argue that Poincaré demonstrated the relativity of space and time only in his philosophical writings, but in his physical papers he maintained the ether as a privileged frame of reference that is perfectly undetectable, and continued (like Lorentz) to distinguish between "real" lengths and times measured by observers at rest within the aether, and "apparent" lengths and times measured by observers in motion within the aether.[12][13][14][15][16] Darrigol summarizes: Most of the components of Einstein's paper appeared in others' anterior works on the electrodynamics of moving bodies. Poincaré and Alfred Bucherer had the relativity principle. Lorentz and Larmor had most of the Lorentz transformations, Poincaré had them all. Cohn and Bucherer rejected the ether. Poincaré, Cohn, and Abraham had a physical interpretation of Lorentz's local time. Larmor and Cohn alluded to the dilation of time. Lorentz and Poincaré had the relativistic dynamics of the electron. None of these authors, however, dared to reform the concepts of space and time. None of them imagined a new kinematics based on two postulates. None of them derived the Lorentz transformations on this basis. None of them fully understood the physical implications of these transformations. It all was Einstein's unique feat.[17]

Comments by Lorentz, Poincaré, and Einstein
Lorentz In a paper that was written in 1914 and published in 1921,[18] Lorentz appreciated Poincaré's Palermo paper (1906)[19] of Poincaré on relativity. Lorentz stated:

I did not indicate the transformation which suits best. That was done by Poincaré and then by Mr. Einstein and Minkowski. [..] Because I had not thought of the direct way which led there, and because I had the idea that there is an essential difference between systems x, y, z, t and x',y',z',t'. In one we use - such was my thought - coordinate axes which have a fixed position in the aether and which we can call "true" time; in the other system, on the contrary, we would deal with simple auxiliary quantities whose introduction is only a mathematical artifice. [..] I did not establish the principle of relativity as rigorously and universally true. Poincaré, on the contrary, obtained a perfect invariance of the equations of electrodynamics, and he formulated the "postulate of relativity", terms which he was the first to employ. [..] Let us add that by correcting the imperfections of my work he never reproached me for them.

However, a 1916 reprint of his main work "The theory of electrons" contains notes (written in 1909 and 1915) in which Lorentz sketched the differences between his results and that of Einstein as follows:[20]

[p. 230]: the chief difference [is] that Einstein simply postulates what we have deduced, with some difficulty and not altogether satisfactorily, from the fundamental equations of the electromagnetic field. [p. 321]: The chief cause of my failure was my clinging to the idea that the variable t only can be considered as the true time and that my local time t' must be regarded as no more than an auxiliary mathematical quantity. In Einstein's theory, on the contrary, t' plays the same part as t; if we want to describe phenomena in terms of x', y', z', t' we must work with these variables exactly as we could do with x, y, z, t.

Regarding the fact, that in this book Lorentz only mentioned Einstein and not Poincaré in connection with a) the synchronisation by light signals, b) the reciprocity of the Lorentz transformation, and c) the relativistic transformation law for charge density, Janssen comments:[21]

Relativity priority dispute


[p.90]: My guess is that it has to do with the fact that Einstein made the physical interpretation of the Lorentz transformation the basis for a remarkably clear and simple discussion of the electrodynamics of moving bodies, whereas Poincaré’s remarks on the physical interpretation of Lorentz transformed quantities may have struck Lorentz as inconsequential philosophical asides in expositions that otherwise closely followed his own. I also have a sense that Lorentz found Einstein’s physically very intuitive approach more appealing than Poincaré’s rather abstract but mathematically more elegant approach.

” ”

And at a conference on the Michelson-Morley experiment in 1927 at which Lorentz and Michelson were present, Michelson suggested that Lorentz was the initiator of the theory of relativity. Lorentz then replied:[22]

I considered my time transformation only as a heuristic working hypothesis. So the theory of relativity is really solely Einstein's work. And there can be no doubt that he would have conceived it even if the work of all his predecessors in the theory of this field had not been done at all. His work is in this respect independent of the previous theories.

Poincaré Poincaré attributed the development of the new mechanics almost entirely to Lorentz. He only mentioned Einstein in connection with the photoelectric effect,[23] but not in connection with special relativity. For example, in 1912 Poincaré raises the question whether "the mechanics of Lorentz" will still exist after the development of the quantum theory. He wrote:[23]

In all instances in which it differs from that of Newton, the mechanics of Lorentz endures. We continue to believe that no body in motion will ever be able to exceed the speed of light; that the mass of a body is not a constant, but depends on its speed and the angle formed by this speed with the force which acts upon the body; that no experiment will ever be able to determine whether a body is at rest or in absolute motion either in relation to absolute space or even in relation to the ether.

Einstein It is now known that Einstein was well aware of the scientific research of his time. The well known historian of science, Jürgen Renn, Director of the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science wrote on Einstein's contributions to the Annalen der Physik:[24]

The Annalen also served as a source of modest additional income for Einstein, who wrote more than twenty reports for its Beiblätter - mainly [25] on the theory of heat - thus demonstrating an impressive mastery of the contemporary literature. This activity started in 1905. and probably resulted from his earlier publications in the Annalen in this field. Going by his publications between 1900 and early 1905, one would conclude that Einstein's specialty was thermodynamics.

Einstein wrote in 1907[26] that one needed only to realize that an auxiliary quantity that was introduced by Lorentz and that he called "local time" can simply be defined as "time." In 1909[27] and 1912[28] Einstein explained:[29] is impossible to base a theory of the transformation laws of space and time on the principle of relativity alone. As we know, this is connected with the relativity of the concepts of "simultaneity" and "shape of moving bodies." To fill this gap, I introduced the principle of the constancy of the velocity of light, which I borrowed from H. A. Lorentz’s theory of the stationary luminiferous ether, and which, like the principle of relativity, contains a physical assumption that seemed to be justified only by the relevant experiments (experiments by Fizeau, Rowland, etc.)[28] —Albert Einstein (1912), translated by Anna Beck (1996). But he recognized that this principle together with the principle of relativity makes the ether useless and leads to special relativity. It is also known[30] that he read Poincaré's 1902-book "Science and hypothesis" before 1905, which included: • philosophical assessments on the relativity of space, time, and simultaneity • the definition of the principle of relativity and the opinion that a violation of that principle can never be detected • the possible non-existence of the ether

Relativity priority dispute • many remarks on the non-Euclidean geometry. Einstein refers to Poincaré in connection with the inertia of energy in 1906[31] and the non-Euclidean geometry in 1921,[32] but not in connection with the Lorentz transformation, the relativity principle or the synchronisation procedure by light signals. However, in the last years before Einstein's death he acknowledged some of Poincaré's contributions (according to Darrigol, maybe because his biographer Pais in 1950 sent him a copy of Poincarè's Palermo paper, which he said that he had not read before). Einstein wrote in 1953:[33]


There is no doubt, that the special theory of relativity, if we regard its development in retrospect, was ripe for discovery in 1905. Lorentz had already recognized that the transformations named after him are essential for the analysis of Maxwell’s equations, and Poincaré deepened this insight still further. Concerning myself, I knew only Lorentz's important work of 1895 [...] but not Lorentz's later work, nor the consecutive investigations by Poincaré. In this sense my work of 1905 was independent. [..] The new feature of it was the realization of the fact that the bearing of the Lorentz transformation transcended its connection with Maxwell's equations and was concerned with the nature of space and time in general. A further new result was that the "Lorentz invariance" is a general condition for any physical theory.

General Relativity
Did Hilbert claim priority for parts of General Relativity?
Kip Thorne concludes, based on Hilbert's 1924 paper, that Hilbert regarded the General Theory of relativity as Einstein's: "Quite naturally, and in accord with Hilbert's view of things, the resulting law of warpage was quickly given the name the Einstein field equation rather than being named after Hilbert. Hilbert had carried out the last few mathematical steps to its discovery independently and almost simultaneously with Einstein, but Einstein was responsible for essentially everything that preceded those steps...".[34] However, Kip Thorne also stated, "Remarkably, Einstein was not the first to discover the correct form of the law of warpage[. . . .] Recognition for the first discovery must go to Hilbert."[34] Arguments have been made that Hilbert claimed priority for the field equations themselves; the sources cited for this are: • Hilbert's article (dated 20 November 1915), when it appeared in 1916, contained the text "Die so zu Stande kommenden Differentialgleichungen der Gravitation sind, wie mir scheint, mit der von Einstein in seinen späteren Abhandlungen aufgestellten großzügigen Theorie der allgemeinen Relativität in gutem Einklang." - in translation, "The differential equations of gravity arrived at in this way are, I think, in good agreement with those of Einstein in his later papers in which he presented his comprehensive theory of general relativity." Hilbert refers here to the "later papers" of Einstein, obviously to distinguish them from the Entwurf theory of 1913 and the preliminary papers prior to the end of November 1915 when Einstein published the equations of general relativity in their final form. Hilbert's sentence has sometimes been mis-interpreted by replacing the word "later" with "subsequent", and suggesting that Hilbert was writing in a clairvoyant sense about papers of Einstein that would be written subsequent to the paper that Hilbert was presently writing. Serious scholars dismiss such misconstruals as obvious nonsense. • Wuensch [10] points out that Hilbert refers to the field equations of gravity as "meine Theorie" ("my theory") in his February 6, 1916 letter to Schwarzschild. This, however, is not at issue, since no one disputes that Hilbert had his own "theory", which Einstein criticized as naive and overly ambitious. Hilbert's theory was based on the work of Mie combined with Einstein's principle of general covariance, but applied to matter and electromagnetism as well as gravity. • Mehra [35] and Bjerknes[36] point out that Hilbert's 1924 version of the article contained the sentence "... und andererseits auch Einstein, obwohl wiederholt von abweichenden und unter sich verschiedenen Ansätzen ausgehend, kehrt schließlich in seinen letzten Publikationen geradenwegs zu den Gleichungen meiner Theorie zurück" - "Einstein [...] in his last publications ultimately returns directly to the equations of my theory.".[37] These statements of course do not have any particular bearing on the matter at issue. No one disputes that Hilbert

Relativity priority dispute has "his" theory, which was a very ambitious attempt to combine gravity with a theory of matter and electromagnetism along the lines of Mie's theory, and that his equations for gravitation agreed with those that Einstein presented beginning in his Nov 25 paper (which Hilbert refers to as Einstein's later papers to distinguish them from previous theories of Einstein). None of this bears on the precise origin of the trace term in the Einstein field equations (a feature of the equations that, while theoretically significant, does not have any effect on the vacuum equations, from which all the empirical tests proposed by Einstein were derived). • Sauer says "the independence of Einstein's discovery was never a point of dispute between Einstein and Hilbert ... Hilbert claimed priority for the introduction of the Riemann scalar into the action principle and the derivation of the field equations from it, "[38] (Sauer mentions a letter and a draft letter where Hilbert defends his priority for the action functional) "and Einstein admitted publicly that Hilbert (and Lorentz) had succeeded in giving the equations of general relativity a particularly lucid form by deriving them from a single variational principle". Sauer also stated, "And in a draft of a letter to Weyl, dated 22 April 1918, written after he had read the proofs of the first edition of Weyl's 'Raum-Zeit-Materie' Hilbert also objected to being slighted in Weyl's exposition. In this letter again 'in particular the use of the Riemannian curvature [scalar] in the Hamiltonian integral' ('insbesondere die Verwendung der Riemannschen Krümmung unter dem Hamiltonschen Integral') was claimed as one of his original contributions. SUB Cod. Ms. Hilbert 457/17."[38] • Einstein wrote to Hilbert on 20 December 1915 that there was an "ill-feeling between us" and it has been suspected that this ill feeling was the result of Einstein's bitterness over Hilbert's "nostrification" of his (Einstein's) theory. Others have suggested that Hilbert might have felt that Einstein had derived some benefit or hints from his (Hilbert's) letters, and that those had helped him to arrive at the trace term of the field equations, and if so, that Einstein should have acknowledged this in his paper. But this is pure speculation, aside from Einstein's comment that he believed others (presumably Hilbert) had tried to "nostrify" his theory. So far, there seems to be no consensus that these statements form a clear claim by Hilbert to have published the field equations first.


Did Einstein develop the field equations independently?
For a long time, it was believed that Einstein and Hilbert found the field equations of gravity independently. While Hilbert's paper was submitted somewhat earlier than Einstein's, it only appeared in 1916, after Einstein's field equations paper had appeared in print. For this reason there was no good reason to suspect plagiarism on either side. In 1978, a November 18, 1915 letter from Einstein to Hilbert resurfaced, in which Einstein thanked Hilbert for sending an explanation of Hilbert's work. This was not unexpected to most scholars, who were well aware of the correspondence between Hilbert and Einstein that November, and who continued to hold the view expressed by Albrecht Fölsing in his Einstein biography: In November, when Einstein was totally absorbed in his theory of gravitation, he essentially only corresponded with Hilbert, sending Hilbert his publications and, on November 18, thanking him for a draft of his article. Einstein must have received that article immediately before writing this letter. Could Einstein, casting his eye over Hilbert's paper, have discovered the term which was still lacking in his own equations, and thus 'nostrified' Hilbert? [39] In the very next sentence, after asking the rhetorical question, Folsing answers it with "This is not really probable...", and then goes on to explain in detail why "[Einstein's] eventual derivation of the equations was a logical development of his earlier arguments—in which, despite all the mathematics, physical principles invariably predominated. His approach was thus quite different from Hilbert's, and Einstein's achievements can, therefore, surely be regarded as authentic." In their 1997 Science paper,[40] Corry, Renn and Stachel quote the above passage and comment that "the arguments by which Einstein is exculpated are rather weak, turning on his slowness in fully grasping Hilbert's mathematics", and so they attempted to find more definitive evidence of the relationship between the work of Hilbert and Einstein,

Relativity priority dispute basing their work largely on a recently discovered pre-print of Hilbert's paper. A discussion of the controversy around this paper is given below. Those who contend that Einstein's paper was motivated by the information obtained from Hilbert have referred to the following sources: • The correspondence between Hilbert and Einstein mentioned above. More recently, it became known that Einstein was also given notes of Hilbert's November 16 talk about his theory.[10] • Einstein's November 18 paper on the perihelion motion of Mercury, which still refers to the incomplete field equations of November 4 and 11. (The perihelion motion depends only on the vacuum equations, which are unaffected by the trace term that was added to complete the field equations.) Reference to the final form of the equations appears only in a footnote added to the paper, indicating that Einstein had not known the final form of the equations on November 18. This is not controversial, and is consistent with the well-known fact that Einstein did not complete the field equations (with the trace term) until November 25. • Letters of Hilbert, Einstein, and other scientists may be used in attempts to make guesses about the content of Hilbert's letter to Einstein, which is not preserved, or of Hilbert's lecture in Göttingen on November 16. Those who contend that Einstein's work takes priority over Hilbert's,[40] or that both authors did their work independently[41] have used the following arguments: • Hilbert modified his paper in December 1915, and the November 18 version sent to Einstein did not contain the final form of the field equations. The extant part of the printer proofs does not have the explicit field equations. This is the point of view defended by Corry, Renn, Stachel, and Sauer. • Sauer (1999) and Todorov (2005) agree with Corry, Renn and Satchel that Hilbert's proofs show that Hilbert had originally presented a non-covariant theory, which was dropped from the revised paper. Corry et al. quote from the proofs: "Since our mathematical theorem ... can provide only ten essentially independent equations for the 14 potentials [...] and further, maintaining general covariance makes quite impossible more than ten essential independent equations [...] then, in order to keep the deterministic characteristic of the fundamental equations of physics [...] four further non-covariant equations ... [are] unavoidable." (proofs, pages 3 and 4. Corry et al.) Hilbert derives these four extra equations and continues "these four differential equations [...] supplement the gravitational equations [...] to yield a system of 14 equations for the 14 potentials , : the system of fundamental equations of physics". (proofs, page 7. Corry et al.). Hilbert's first theory (lecture Nov 16, lecture Nov 20, proofs Dec 6) was titled "The fundamental equations of Physics". In proposing non-covariant fundamental equations, based on the Ricci tensor but restricted in this way, Hilbert was following the causality requirement that Einstein and Grassman had introduced in the Entwurf papers of 1913.[38] • One may attempt to reconstruct the way in which Einstein may have arrived at the field equations independently. This is, for instance, done in the paper of Logunov, Mestvirishvili and Petrov quoted below.[42] Renn and Sauer[43] investigate the notebook used by Einstein in 1912 and claim he was close to the correct theory at that time.


Attackers and defenders
This section cites notable publications where people have expressed a view on the issues outlined above.

Special relativity
Sir Edmund Whittaker (1954) In 1954, Sir Edmund Taylor Whittaker, an English mathematician and historian of science, credited Poincaré with the equation , and he included a chapter entitled The Relativity Theory of Poincaré and Lorentz in his book A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity.[44] He credited Poincaré and Lorentz, and especially alluded to Lorentz's 1904 paper (dated by Whittaker as 1903), Poincaré's St. Louis speech (The Principles of

Relativity priority dispute Mathematical Physics) of September 1904, and Poincaré's June 1905 paper. Whittaker attributed to Einstein's relativity paper only little importance, i.e., the formulation of the Doppler and aberration formulas. Gerald Holton (1960) Whittaker's claims were criticized by Gerald Holton (1960, 1973).[12] He argued that there are fundamental differences between the theories of Einstein on one hand, and Poincaré and Lorentz on the other hand. Einstein radically reformulated the concepts of space and time, and by that removed "absolute space" and thus the stationary luminiferous aether from physics. On the other hand, Holton argued that Poincaré and Lorentz still adhered to the stationary aether concept, and tried only to modify Newtonian dynamics, not to replace it. Holton argued, that "Poincaré's silence" (i.e., why Poincaré never mentioned Einstein's contributions to relativity) was due to their fundamental different conceptual viewpoints. Einstein's views on space and time and the abandonment of the aether were, according to Holton, not acceptable to Poincaré, therefore the latter only referred to Lorentz as the creator of the "new mechanics". Holton also pointed out that although Poincaré's 1904 St. Louis speech was "acute and penetrating" and contained a "principle of relativity" that is confirmed by experience and needs new development, it did not "enunciate a new relativity principle". He also alluded to mistakes of Whittaker, like predating Lorentz's 1904 paper (published April 1904) to 1903. Similar views as Holton's were later (1967, 1970) also expressed by his former student, Stanley Goldberg.[45] G. H. Keswani (1965) In a 1965 series of articles tracing the history of relativity,[46] Keswani claimed that Poincaré and Lorentz should have the main credit for special relativity - claiming that Poincaré pointedly credited Lorentz multiple times, while Lorentz credited Poincaré and Einstein, refusing to take credit for himself. He also downplayed the theory of general relativity, saying "Einstein's general theory of relativity is only a theory of gravitation and of modifications in the laws of physics in gravitational fields".[46] This would leave the special theory of relativity as the unique theory of relativity. Keswani cited also Vladimir Fock for this same opinion. This series of articles prompted responses, among others from Herbert Dingle and Karl Popper. Dingle said, among other things, ".. the 'principle of relativity' had various meanings, and the theories associated with it were quite distinct; they were not different forms of the same theory. Each of the three protagonists.... was very well aware of the others .... but each preferred his own views"[47] Karl Popper says "Though Einstein appears to have known Poincaré's Science and Hypothesis prior to 1905, there is no theory like Einstein's in this great book."[48] Keswani did not accept the criticism, and replied in two letters also published in the same journal ([49] and [50] - in his reply to Dingle, he argues that the three relativity theories were at heart the same: ".. they meant much that was common. And that much mattered the most."[49] Dingle commented the year after on the history of crediting: "Until the first World War, Lorentz's and Einstein's theories were regarded as different forms of the same idea, but Lorentz, having priority and being a more established figure speaking a more familiar language, was credited with it." (Dingle 1967, Nature 216 p. 119-122). Arthur I. Miller (1973) Miller (1973, 1981)[13] agreed with the analysis of Holton and Goldberg, and further argued that although the terminology (like the principle of relativity) used by Poincaré and Einstein were very similar, their content differs sharply. According to Miller, Poincaré used this principle to complete the aether based "electromagnetic world-view" of Lorentz and Abraham. He also argued that Poincaré distinguished (in his July 1905 paper) between "ideal" and "real" systems and electrons. That is, Lorentz's and Poincaré's usage of reference frames lacks an unambiguous physical interpretation, because in many cases they are only mathematical tools, while in Einstein's theory the processes in inertial frames are not only mathematically, but also physically equivalent. Miller wrote in 1981:


Relativity priority dispute p. 172: "Although Poincaré's principle of relativity is stated in a manner similar to Einstein's, the difference in content is sharp. The critical difference is that Poincaré's principle admits the existence of the ether, and so considers the velocity of light to be exactly c only when it is measured in coordinate systems at rest in the ether. In inertial reference systems, the velocity of light is c and is independent of the emitter's motion as a result of certain compensatory effects such as the mathematical local time and the hypothesis of an unobservable contraction. Consequently, Poincaré's extension of the relativity principle of relative motion into the dynamics of the electron resided in electromagnetic theory, and not in mechanics...Poincaré came closest to rendering electrodynamics consistent, but not to a relativity theory." p. 217: "Poincaré related the imaginary system Σ' to the ether fixed system S'". Abraham Pais (1982) In his Einstein biography Subtle is the Lord (1982),[14] Abraham Pais argued that Poincaré "comes near" to discover special relativity (in his St. Louis lecture of September 1904, and the June 1905 paper), but eventually he failed, because in 1904 and also later in 1909, Poincaré treated length contraction as a third independent hypothesis besides the relativity principle and the constancy of the speed of light. According to Pais, Poincaré thus never understood (or at least he never accepted) special relativity, in which the whole theory including length contraction can simply be derived from two postulates. Consequently, he sharply criticized Whittaker's chapter on the "Relativity theory of Poincaré and Lorentz", saying "how well the author's lack of physical insight matches his ignorance of the literature", although Pais admitted that the first book of Whittaker's History of Aether and Electricity is a masterpiece. He also argued that Lorentz never abandoned the stationary aether concept, either before or after 1905: p. 118: "Throughout the paper of 1895, the Fresnel aether is postulated explicitly"; p. 125: "Like Voigt before him, Lorentz regarded the transformation ... only as a convenient mathematical tool for proving a physical theorem ... he proposed to call t the general time and t' the local time. Although he didn't say it explicitly, it is evident that to him there was, so to speak, only one true time t."; p. 166: "8.3. Lorentz and the Aether... For example, Lorentz still opines that the contraction of the rods has a dynamic origin. There is no doubt that he had read and understood Einstein's papers by then. However, neither then nor later was he prepared to accept their conclusions as the definitive answer to the problems of the aether." Elie Zahar (1983) In several papers, Elie Zahar (1983, 2000)[51] argued that both Einstein (in his June paper) and Poincaré (in his July paper) independently discovered special relativity. He said that "though Whittaker was unjust towards Einstein, his positive account of Poincaré's actual achievement contains much more than a simple grain of truth". According to him, it was Poincaré's unsystematic and sometimes erroneous statements regarding his philosophical papers (often connected with conventionalism), which hindered many to give him due credit. In his opinion, Poincaré was rather a "structural realist" and from that he concludes, that Poincaré actually adhered to the relativity of time and space, while his allusions to the aether are of secondary importance. He continues, that due to his treatment of gravitation and four-dimensional space, Poincaré's 1905/6-paper was superior to Einstein's 1905-paper. Yet Zahar gives also credit to Einstein, who introduced Mass–Energy equivalence, and also transcended special relativity by taking a path leading to the development of general relativity. John Stachel (1995) John Stachel (1995)[52] argued that there is a debate over the respective contributions of Lorentz, Poincaré and Einstein to relativity. These questions depend on the definition of relativity, and Stachel argued that kinematics and the new view of space and time is the core of special relativity, and dynamical theories must be formulated in accordance with this scheme. Based on this definition, Einstein is the main originator of the modern understanding of special relativity. In his opinion, Lorentz interpreted the Lorentz transformation only as a mathematical device, while


Relativity priority dispute Poincaré's thinking was much nearer to the modern understanding of relativity. Yet Poincaré still believed in the dynamical effects of the aether and distinguished between observers being at rest or in motion with respect to it. Stachel wrote: "He never organized his many brilliant insights into a coherent theory that resolutely discarded the aether and the absolute time or transcended its electrodynamic origins to derive a new kinematics of space and time on a formulation of the relativity principle that makes no reference to the ether". Peter Galison (2002) In his book Einstein's clocks, Poincaré's maps (2002),[16][53] Peter Galison compared the approaches of both Poincaré and Einstein to reformulate the concepts of space and time. He wrote: "Did Einstein really discover relativity? Did Poincaré already have it? These old questions have grown as tedious as they are fruitless." This is because it depends on the question, which parts of relativity one considers as essential: the rejection of the aether, the Lorentz transformation, the connection with the nature of space and time, predictions of experimental results, or other parts. For Galison, it is more important to acknowledge that both thinkers were concerned with clock synchronization problems, and thus both developed the new operational meaning of simultaneity. However, while Poincaré followed a constructive approach and still adhered to the concepts of Lorentz's stationary aether and the distinction between "apparent" and "true" times, Einstein abandoned the aether and therefore all times in different inertial frames are equally valid. Galison argued that this does not mean that Poincaré was conservative, since Poincaré often alluded to the revolutionary character of the "new mechanics" of Lorentz. Christopher Jon Bjerknes (2003) This author has written several books and articles claiming that Einstein plagiarized the theories of relativity. Examples are "Anticipations of Einstein in the General Theory of Relativity" and "Albert Einstein: the incorrigible plagiarist".[54][36] Olivier Darrigol (2004) In his 2004 article, "The Mystery of the Einstein-Poincaré Connection", Darrigol wrote:[17] • "By 1905 Poincaré's and Einstein's reflections on the electrodynamics of moving bodies led them to postulate the universal validity of the relativity principle, according to which the outcome of any conceivable experiment is independent of the inertial frame of reference in which it is performed. In particular, they both assumed that the velocity of light measured in different inertial frames was the same. They further argued that the space and time measured by observers belonging to different inertial systems were related to each other through the Lorentz transformations. They both recognized that the Maxwell-Lorentz equations of electrodynamics were left invariant by these transformations. They both required that every law of physics should be invariant under these transformations. They both gave the relativistic laws of motion. They both recognized that the relativity principle and the energy principle led to paradoxes when conjointly applied to radiation processes. On several points namely, the relativity principle, the physical interpretation of Lorentz's transformations (to first order), and the radiation paradoxes - Poincaré's relevant publications antedated Einstein's relativity paper of 1905 by at least five years, and his suggestions were radically new when they first appeared. On the remaining points, publication was nearly simultaneous." • "I turn now to basic conceptual differences. Einstein completely eliminated the ether, required that the expression of the laws of physics should be the same in any inertial frame, and introduced a "new kinematics" in which the space and time measured in different inertial systems were all on exactly the same footing. In contrast, Poincaré maintained the ether as a privileged frame of reference in which "true" space and time were defined, while he regarded the space and time measured in other frames as only "apparent." He treated the Lorentz contraction as a hypothesis regarding the effect of the edgewise motion of a rod through the ether, whereas for Einstein it was a kinematic consequence of the difference between the space and time defined by observers in relative motion. Einstein gave the operational meaning of time dilation, whereas Poincaré never discussed it. Einstein derived the


Relativity priority dispute expression of the Lorentz transformation from his two postulates (the relativity principle and the constancy of the velocity of light in a given inertial system), whereas Poincaré obtained these transformations as those that leave the Maxwell-Lorentz equations invariant. Whereas Einstein, having eliminated the ether, needed a second postulate, in Poincaré's view the constancy of the velocity of light (in the ether frame) derived from the assumption of a stationary ether. Einstein obtained the dynamics of any rapidly moving particle by the direct use of Lorentz covariance, whereas Poincaré reasoned according to a specific model of the electron built up in conformity with Lorentz covariance. Einstein saw that Poincaré's radiation paradoxes could be solved only by assuming the inertia of energy, whereas Poincaré never returned to this question. Lastly, Poincaré immediately proposed a relativistic modification of Newton's law of gravitation and saw the advantages of a four-vector formalism in this context, whereas Einstein waited a couple of years to address this problem complex." • "These differences between the two theories are sometimes regarded as implying different observable predictions even within the domain of electromagnetism and optics. In reality, there is no such disagreement, for Poincaré’s ether is by assumption perfectly undetectable, and every deduction made in Einstein’s theory can be translated into a deduction in Poincaré’s theory ..." • In sum, then, Einstein could have borrowed the relativity principle, the definition of simultaneity, the physical interpretation of the Lorentz transformations, and the radiation paradoxes from Poincaré. ... The wisest attitude might be to leave the coincidence of Poincaré’s and Einstein’s breakthroughs unexplained, ... Anatoly Alexeevich Logunov on special relativity (2004) In Anatoly Logunov's book[42] about Poincaré's relativity theory, there is an English translation (on p. 113, using modern notations) of the part of Poincaré's 1900 article containing E=mc2. Logunov states that Poincaré's two 1905 papers are superior to Einstein's 1905 paper. According to Logunov, Poincaré was the first scientist to recognize the importance of invariance under the Poincaré group as a guideline for developing new theories in physics. In chapter 9 of this book, Logunov points out that Poincaré's second paper was the first one to formulate a complete theory of relativistic dynamics, containing the correct relativistic analogue of Newton's F=ma. On p. 142, Logunov points out that Einstein wrote reviews for the Beiblätter Annalen der Physik, writing 21 reviews in 1905. In his view, this contradicts the claims that Einstein worked in relative isolation and with limited access to the scientific literature. Among the papers reviewed in the Beiblätter in the fourth (of 24) issue of 1905, there is a review of Lorentz' 1904-paper by Richard Gans, which contains the Lorentz transformations. In Logunov's view, this supports the view that Einstein was familiar with the Lorentz' paper containing the correct relativistic transformation in early 1905, while his June 1905 paper does not mention Lorentz in connection with this result. Harvey R. Brown (2005) Harvey R. Brown (2005)[55] (who favors a dynamical view of relativistic effects similar to Lorentz, but "without a hidden aether frame") wrote about the road to special relativity from Michelson to Einstein in section 4: p. 40: "The cradle of special theory of relativity was the combination of Maxwellian electromagnetism and the electron theory of Lorentz (and to a lesser extent of Larmor) based on Fresnel's notion of the stationary aether....It is well known that Einstein's special relativity was partially motivated by this failure [to find the aether wind], but in order to understand the originality of Einstein's 1905 work it is incumbent on us to review the work of the trailblazers, and in particular Michelson, FitzGerald, Lorentz, Larmor, and Poincaré. After all they were jointly responsible for the discovery of relativistic kinematics, in form if not in content, as well as a significant portion of relativistic dynamics as well." Regarding Lorentz's work before 1905, Brown wrote about the development of Lorentz's "theorem of corresponding states" and then continued: p. 54: "Lorentz's interpretation of these transformations is not the one Einstein would given them and which is standardly embraced today. Indeed, until Lorentz came to terms with Einstein's 1905 work, and somehow


Relativity priority dispute despite Poincaré's warning, he continued to believe that the true coordinate transformations were the Galilean ones, and that the 'Lorentz' transformations ... were merely a useful formal device..." p. 56. "Lorentz consistently failed to understand the operational significance of his notions of 'local' time...He did however have an intimation of time dilation in 1899, but inevitably there are caveats...The hypotheses of Lorentz's system were starting to pile up, and the spectre of ad hocness was increasingly hard to ignore." Then the contribution Poincaré's to relativity: p. 62: "Indeed, the claim that this giant of pure and applied mathematics co-discovered special relativity is not uncommon, and it is not hard to see why. Poincaré was the first to extend the relativity principle to optics and electrodynamics exactly. Whereas Lorentz, in his theorem of corresponding states, had from 1899 effectively assumed this extension of the relativity principle up to second-order effects, Poincaré took it to hold for all orders. Poincaré was the first to show that Maxwell’s equations with source terms are strictly Lorentz covariant. … Poincaré was the first to use the generalized relativity principle as a constraint on the form of the coordinate transformations. He recognized that the relativity principle implies that the transformations form a group, and in further appealing to spatial isotropy. … Poincaré was the first to see the connection between Lorentz’s ‘local time’, and the issue of clock synchrony. … It is fair to say that Poincaré was the first to understand the relativity of simultaneity, and the conventionality of distant simultaneity. Poincaré anticipated Minkowski’s interpretation of the Lorentz transformations as a passive, rigid rotation within a four-dimensional pseudo-Euclidean space-time. He was also aware that the the [sic] electromagnetic potentials transform in the manner of what is now called a Minkowski 4-vector. He anticipated the major results of relativistic dynamics (and in particular the relativistic relations between force, momentum and velocity), but not E=mc² in its full generality." However, Brown continued with the reasons which speak against Poincaré's co-discovery: p. 63-64: "What are the grounds for denying Poincaré the title of co-discoverer of special relativity? ... Although Poincaré understood independently of Einstein how the Lorentz transformations give rise to non-Galilean transformation rules for velocities (indeed Poincaré derived the correct relativistic rules), it is not clear that he had a full appreciation of the modern operational significance attached to coordinate transformations.... he did not seem to understand the role played by the second-order terms in the transformation. Compared with the cases of Lorentz and Larmor, it is even less clear that Poincaré understood either length contraction or time dilation to be a consequence of the coordinate transformation.... What Poincaré was holding out for was no less than a new theory of ether and matter - something far more ambitions than what appeared in Einstein's 1905 relativity paper...p. 65. Like Einstein half a decade later, Poincaré wanted new physics, not a reinterpretations or reorganization of existing notions." Brown denies the idea of other authors and historians, that the major difference between Einstein and his predecessors is Einstein's rejection of the aether, because, it is always possible to add for whatever reason the notion of a privileged frame to special relativity, as long as one accepts that it will remain unobservable, and also Poincaré argued that "some day, no doubt, the aether will thrown aside as useless". However, Brown gave some examples, what in his opinion were the new features in Einstein's work: p. 66: "The full meaning of relativistic kinematics was simply not properly understood before Einstein. Nor was the 'theory of relativity' as Einstein articulated it in 1905 anticipated even in its programmatic form." p. 69. "How did Albert Einstein...arrive at his special theory of relativity?...I want only to stress that it is impossible to understand Einstein's discovery (if that is the right word) of special relativity without taking on board the impacts of the quantum in physics." p. 81. "In this respect [Brown refers to the conventional nature of distant simultaneity] Einstein was doing little more than expanding on a theme that Poincaré had already introduced. Where Einstein goes well beyond the great mathematician is in his treatment of the coordinate transformations... In particular, the extraction of the phenomena of length contraction and time dilation directly from the Lorentz transformations in section 4 of the 1905 paper is completely original."


Relativity priority dispute After that, Brown develops his own dynamical interpretation of special relativity as opposed to the kinematical approach of Einstein's 1905 paper (although he says that this dynamical view is already contained in Einstein's 1905-paper, "masqueraded in the language of kinematics", p. 82), and the modern understanding of space-time. Roger Cerf (2006) Roger Cerf (2006)[56] gave priority to Einstein for developing special relativity, and criticized the assertions of Leveugle and others concerning the priority of Poincaré. While Cerf agreed that Poincaré made important contributions to relativity, he argued (following Pais) that Poincaré "stopped short before the crucial step" because he handled length contraction as a "third hypothesis", therefore Poincaré lacked a complete understanding of the basic principles of relativity. "Einstein’s crucial step was that he abandoned the mechanistic ether in favor of a new kinematics." He also denies the idea, that Poincaré invented E=mc² in its modern relativistic sense, because he did not realize the implications of this relationship. Cerf considers Leveugle's Hilbert-Planck-Einstein connection an implausible conspiracy theory. Shaul Katzir (2005) Katzir (2005)[57] argued that "Poincaré’s work should not be seen as an attempt to formulate special relativity, but as an independent attempt to resolve questions in electrodynamics." Contrary to Miller and others, Katzir thinks that Poincaré's development of electrodynamics led him to the rejection of the pure electromagnetic world-view (due to the non-electromagnetic Poincaré-Stresses introduced in 1905), and Poincaré's theory represents a "relativistic physics" which is guided by the relativity principle. In this physics, however, "Lorentz’s theory and Newton’s theory remained as the fundamental bases of electrodynamics and gravitation." Scott Walter (2005, 2007) Walter (2005) argues that both Poincaré and Einstein put forward the theory of relativity in 1905. And in 2007 he wrote, that although Poincaré formally introduced four-dimensional spacetime in 1905/6, he was still clinging to the idea of "Galilei spacetime". That is, Poincaré preferred Lorentz covariance over Galilei covariance when it is about phenomena accessible to experimental tests; yet in terms of space and time, Poincaré preferred Galilei spacetime over Minkowski spacetime, and length contraction and time dilation "are merely apparent phenomena due to motion with respect to the ether". This is the fundamental difference in the two principal approaches to relativity theory, namely that of "Lorentz and Poincaré" on one side, and "Einstein and Minkowski" on the other side.[58]


General relativity
E.T. Whittaker Whittaker (1954)[44] stated that David Hilbert had derived the theory of General Relativity from an elegant variational principle almost simultaneously with Einstein's discovery of the theory. Albrecht Fölsing on the Hilbert-Einstein interaction (1993) From Fölsing's 1993 (English translation 1998)[39] Einstein biography (footnote references in the quote are from the original text and the actual notes are not reproduced here): During the decisive phase Einstein even had a congenial colleague, though this caused him more annoyance than joy, as it seemed to threaten his primacy. "Only one colleague truly understood it, and he now tries skillfully to appropriate it."29 he complained to Zangger about what he evidently regarded as an attempt at plagiarism. This colleague was none other than David Hilbert, with whom, as recently as the summer, Einstein had been "absolutely delighted." What must have irritated Einstein was that Hilbert had published the correct field equations first—a few days before Einstein.

Relativity priority dispute Einstein presented his equations in Berlin on November 25, 1915, but six days earlier, on November 20, Hilbert—had derived the identical field equations for which Einstein had been searching such a long time.31 How had this happened? David Hilbert had concerned himself intensively with physics for a number of years; had read everything about electrons, matter, and fields: and in this context had invited Einstein to Göttingen toward the end of June 1915 to lecture on relativity theory. Einstein had stayed at the Hilberts' home, and one must assume that the week he and Hilbert spent together would have consisted of dawn-to-dusk discussions of physics. They continued their debate in writing, although Felix Klein records that "they talked past one another, as happens not infrequently between simultaneously producing mathematicians."32 Hilbert was in fact aiming at greater things than Einstein: at a theory of the entire physical world, of matter and fields, of universe and electrons—and in a strictly axiomatic structure. In November, when Einstein was totally absorbed in his theory of gravitation, he essentially corresponded only with Hilbert, sending Hilbert his publications and, on November 18, thanking him for a draft of his treatise. Einstein must have received that treatise immediately before writing this letter. Could Einstein, casting his eye over Hilbert's paper, have discovered the term which was still lacking in his own equations, and thus "appropriated" Hilbert? This is not really probable: Hilbert's treatise was exceedingly involved, or indeed confused—according to Felix Klein, it was the kind of work "that no one understands unless he has already mastered the whole subject."33 It cannot be entirely ruled out that Hilbert's treatise made Einstein aware of some weakness in his own equations. Nevertheless, his eventual derivation of the equations was a logical development of his earlier arguments—in which, despite all the mathematics, physical principles invariably predominated. His approach was thus quite different from Hilbert's, and Einstein's achievements can, therefore, surely be regarded as authentic. For a few weeks relations between Einstein and Hilbert were clouded; at least, we know that Einstein was convinced that his Göttingen lectures and some of his other thoughts had—perhaps inadvertently—been plagiarized by Hilbert. It may well be, though, that he was somewhat mollified when he saw the printed version of Hilbert's treatise, since Hilbert, in the very first sentence, paid tribute to "the gigantic problems raised by Einstein and the brilliant methods developed by him for their solution,"34 which represented the prerequisites of a new approach to the fundamentals of physics. Thirty years later, Einstein told his assistant Ernst G. Straus, who in turn after another thirty years told Abraham Pais, that "Hilbert had sent him a written apology, informing him that he had 'quite forgotten that lecture.' "35 If that is what happened, then it must have satisfied Einstein, for just before Christmas he wrote to Hilbert: "There has been between us something like a bad feeling, the cause of which I don't wish to analyze further. I struggled against a resulting sense of bitterness, and I did so with complete success. I once more think of you in unclouded friendship, and would ask you to try to do likewise toward me. It is, objectively speaking, a pity if two fellows who have worked their way out of this shabby world cannot find pleasure in one another."36 The reconciliation worked so well that no one else seems to have noticed any friction, and a legend arose that there had never been anything but friendly feelings between Einstein and Hilbert.37 Hilbert, like all his other colleagues, acknowledged Einstein as the sole creator of relativity theory.


Relativity priority dispute Cory/Renn/Stachel and Friedwardt Winterberg (1997/2003) In 1997, Cory, Renn and Stachel published a 3-page article in Science entitled "Belated Decision in the Hilbert-Einstein Priority Dispute" [59], concluding that Hilbert had not anticipated Einstein's equations.[40][60] Friedwardt Winterberg,[61] a professor of physics at the University of Nevada, Reno, disputed [62] these conclusions, observing that the galley proofs of Hilbert's articles had been tampered with - part of one page had been cut off. He goes on to argue that the removed part of the article contained the equations that Einstein later published, and he wrote that the cut off part of the proofs suggests a crude attempt by someone to falsify the historical record. "Science" declined to publish this; it was printed in revised form in "Zeitschrift für Naturforschung", with a dateline of June 5, 2003. Winterberg wrote that the correct field equations are still present on the existing pages of the proofs in various equivalent forms. In this paper Winterberg asserted that Einstein sought the help of Hilbert and Klein to help him find the correct field equation, without mentioning the research of Fölsing (1997) and Sauer (1999) according to which Hilbert invited Einstein to Göttingen to give a week of lectures on general relativity in June 1915, which however does not necessarily contradict Winterberg. Hilbert at the time was looking for physics problems to solve. A short reply to Winterberg's article could be found at [63]; the original long reply can be accessed via the Internet Archive at [64]. In this reply, Winterberg's hypothesis is called "paranoid" and "speculative". Cory et al. offer the following alternative speculation: "it is possible that Hilbert himself cropped off the top of p. 7 to include it with the three sheets he sent Klein, in order that they not end in mid-sentence."[65] As of September 2006, the Max Planck Institute of Berlin has replaced the short reply with a note [66] saying that the society "distances itself from statements published on this website [...] concerning Prof. Friedwart Winterberg" and stating that "the Max Planck Institute will not take a position in [this] scientific dispute". Ivan Todorov, in a paper published on ArXiv,[41] says of the debate: Their [CRS's] attempt to support on this ground Einstein’s accusation of “nostrification” goes much too far. A calm, non-confrontational reaction was soon provided by a thorough study[38] of Hilbert’s route to the “Foundations of Physics” (see also the relatively even handed survey (Viz 01)). In the paper recommended by Todorov as calm and non-confrontational, Tilman Sauer[38] concludes that the printer's proofs show conclusively that Einstein did not plagiarize Hilbert, stating any possibility that Einstein took the clue for the final step toward his field equations from Hilbert's note [Nov 20, 1915] is now definitely precluded. Max Born's letters to David Hilbert, quoted in Wuensch, is quoted by Todorov as evidence that Einstein's thinking towards general covariance was influenced by the competition with Hilbert. Todorov ends his paper by stating: Einstein and Hilbert had the moral strength and wisdom - after a month of intense competition, from which, in a final account, everybody (including science itself) profited - to avoid a lifelong priority dispute (something in which Leibniz and Newton failed). It would be a shame to subsequent generations of scientists and historians of science to try to undo their achievement. Anatoly Alexeevich Logunov on general relativity (2004) Anatoly Logunov is a former Vice President of the Soviet Academy of Sciences and currently the Scientific advisor of the Institute for High Energy Physics.[67][68] Author of a book about Poincaré's relativity theory [69]. Coauthor, with Mestvirishvili and Petrov, of an article rejecting the conclusions of the Corry/Renn/Stachel paper. They discuss both Einstein's and Hilbert's papers, claiming that Einstein and Hilbert arrived at the correct field equations independently. Specifically, they conclude that: Their pathways were different but they led exactly to the same result. Nobody "nostrified" the other. So no “belated decision in the Einstein–Hilbert priority dispute”, about which [Corry, Renn, and Stachel] wrote, can


Relativity priority dispute be taken. Moreover, the very Einstein–Hilbert dispute never took place. All is absolutely clear: both authors made everything to immortalize their names in the title of the gravitational field equations. But general relativity is Einstein’s theory.[70] Wuensch and Sommer (2005) Daniela Wuensch,[10] a historian of science and a Hilbert and Kaluza expert, responded to Bjerknes, Winterberg and Logunov's criticisms of the Corry/Renn/Stachel paper in a book which appeared in 2005 [71], wherein she defends the view that the cut to Hilbert's printer proofs was made in recent times. Moreover, she presents a theory about what might have been on the missing part of the proofs, based upon her knowledge of Hilbert's papers and lectures. She defends the view that knowledge of Hilbert's November 16, 1915 letter was crucial to Einstein's development of the field equations: Einstein arrived at the correct field equations only with Hilbert's help ("nach großer Anstrengung mit Hilfe Hilberts"), but nevertheless calls Einstein's reaction (his negative comments on Hilbert in the November 26 letter to Zangger) "understandable" ("Einsteins Reaktion ist verständlich") because Einstein had worked on the problem for a long time. According to her publisher, Klaus Sommer, Wuensch concludes though that: This comprehensive study concludes with a historical interpretation. It shows that while it is true that Hilbert must be seen as the one who first discovered the field equations, the general theory of relativity is indeed Einstein's achievement, whereas Hilbert developed a unified theory of gravitation and electromagnetism. [71] In 2006, Wuensch was invited to give a talk at the annual meeting of the German Physics Society (Deutsche Physikalische Gesellschaft) about her views about the priority issue for the field equations.[72] Wuensch's publisher, Klaus Sommer, in an article in "Physik in unserer Zeit",[73] supported Wuensch's view that Einstein obtained some results not independently but from the information obtained from Hilbert's November 16 letter and from the notes of Hilbert's talk. While he does not call Einstein a plagiarist, Sommer speculates that Einstein's conciliatory December 20 letter was motivated by the fear that Hilbert might comment on Einstein's behaviour in the final version of his paper, claiming that a scandal caused by Hilbert could have done more damage to Einstein than any scandal before ("Ein Skandal Hilberts hätte ihm mehr geschadet als jeder andere zuvor"). David E. Rowe (2006) The contentions of Wuensch and Sommer have been strongly contested by the historian of mathematics and natural sciences David E. Rowe in a detailed review of Wuensch's book published in Historia Mathematica in 2006.[74] Rowe argues that Wuensch's book offers nothing but tendentious, unsubstantiated, and in many cases highly implausible, speculations.


[1] On Mileva Marić's alleged contributions, see The Einstein Controversy (http:/ / physicsbuzz. physicscentral. com/ 2008/ 12/ einstein-controversy. html), Physics Central, 17 December 2008. [2] [Poi02] [3] [Sta89], p. 893, footnote 10 [4] [Ein05d], last section [5] Einstein, Albert: "Ether and the Theory of Relativity" (1920), republished in Sidelights on Relativity (Methuen, London, 1922) [6] Isaacson, Walter (2007). Einstein: His Life and Universe (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=cdxWNE7NY6QC). Simon and Schuster. p. 318. ISBN 0-7432-6473-8. ., Extract of page 318 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=cdxWNE7NY6QC& pg=PA318) [7] http:/ / termessos. de/ prooffotos. htm [8] D. Hilbert, Nac. Ges. Wiss. Goettingen 1916, 395, cited in [Cor97]. [9] [Hil24] page 2 [10] Daniela Wuensch, "zwei wirkliche Kerle", Neues zur Entdeckung der Gravitationsgleichungen der Allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie durch Einstein und Hilbert. Termessos, 2005, ISBN 3-938016-04-3 [11] Whittaker (1953), pp. 27-77

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[12] Holton, G. (1960), "On the Origins of the Special Theory of Relativity", American Journal of Physics 28 (7): 627–636, Bibcode 1960AmJPh..28..627H, doi:10.1119/1.1935922 • Holton, Gerald (1973/88), Thematic Origins of Scientific Thought: Kepler to Einstein, Harvard University Press, ISBN 0-674-87748-9 [13] Miller, A.I. (1973), "A study of Henri Poincaré's "Sur la Dynamique de l'Electron", Arch. Hist. Exact. Scis. 10 (3–5): 207–328, doi:10.1007/BF00412332 • • Miller, Arthur I. (1981), Albert Einstein's special theory of relativity. Emergence (1905) and early interpretation (1905–1911), Reading: Addison–Wesley, ISBN 0-201-04679-2


Miller, A.I. (1996), "Why did Poincaré not formulate special relativity in 1905?", in Jean-Louis Greffe, Gerhard Heinzmann, Kuno Lorenz, Henri Poincaré : science et philosophie, Berlin, pp. 69–100 [14] Pais, Abraham (1982), Subtle is the Lord: The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-280672-6 [15] Torretti, Roberto (1983), Relativity and Geometry, Elsevier, ISBN 0-08-026773-4 [16] Galison, Peter (2003), Einstein's Clocks, Poincaré's Maps: Empires of Time, New York: W.W. Norton, ISBN 0-393-32604-7 [17] Darrigol, O. (2000), Electrodynamics from Ampére to Einstein, Oxford: Clarendon Press, ISBN 0-19-850594-9 • • Darrigol, O. (2004), "The Mystery of the Einstein-Poincaré Connection" (http:/ / www. journals. uchicago. edu/ doi/ full/ 10. 1086/ 430652), Isis 95 (4): 614–626, doi:10.1086/430652, PMID 16011297,

Darrigol, O. (2005), "The Genesis of the theory of relativity" (http:/ / www. bourbaphy. fr/ darrigol2. pdf) (PDF), Séminaire Poincaré 1: 1–22, [18] Lorentz, H.A. (1921), "Two Papers of Henri Poincaré on Mathematical Physics", Acta Mathematica 38: 293–308, doi:10.1007/BF02392073 [19] Poincaré, H. (1906), "On the Dynamics of the Electron (July)", Rendiconti del Circolo matematico Rendiconti del Circolo di Palermo 21: 129–176. [20] Lorentz, H.A (1916), The theory of electrons (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ electronstheory00lorerich), Leipzig & Berlin: B.G. Teubner, [21] Janssen, M. (1995), A Comparison between Lorentz's Ether Theory and Special Relativity in the Light of the Experiments of Trouton and Noble (http:/ / www. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ en/ sources/ index. html#articles), (thesis) [22] Lorentz, H.A.; Lorentz, H. A.; Miller, D. C.; Kennedy, R. J.; Hedrick, E. R.; Epstein, P. S. (1928), "Conference on the Michelson-Morley Experiment", The Astrophysical Journal 68: 345–351, Bibcode 1928ApJ....68..341M, doi:10.1086/143148 [23] Poincaré, H. (1913), Last Essays (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ mathematicsandsc001861mbp), New York: Dover Publication (1963), [24] Renn, J.,: Albert Einstein in den Annalen der Physik (http:/ / einstein-annalen. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ home), 2005 [25] The titles of 21 reviews written in 1905 can be found in "The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 2". See online (http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ TOCs/ c4453. html). [26] Einstein, A. (1907), "Über das Relativitätsprinzip und die aus demselben gezogenen Folgerungen" (http:/ / www. soso. ch/ wissen/ hist/ SRT/ E-1907. pdf), Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität und Elektronik 4: 411–462, [27] Einstein, A. (1909), "Über die Entwicklungen unserer Anschauungen über das Wesen und die Konstitution der Strahlung" (http:/ / www. ekkehard-friebe. de/ EINSTEIN-1909-P. pdf), Physikalische Zeitschrift 10 (22): 817–825, . See also English translation [28] Einstein, A. (1912), "Relativität und Gravitation. Erwiderung auf eine Bemerkung von M. Abraham" (http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1912_38_1059-1064. pdf), Annalen der Physik 38 (10): 1059–1064, Bibcode 1912AnP...343.1059E, doi:10.1002/andp.19123431014, . English translation: Einstein, Albert (1996). The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 4: The Swiss Years: Writings, 1912–1914 (English translation supplement; translated by Anna Beck, with Don Howard, consultant ed.). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-02610-7. [29] Martinez (2009) [30] Darrigol, O. (2004), "The Mystery of the Einstein-Poincaré Connection" (http:/ / www. journals. uchicago. edu/ doi/ full/ 10. 1086/ 430652), Isis 95 (4): 614–626, doi:10.1086/430652, PMID 16011297, [31] Einstein, A. (1906), "Das Prinzip von der Erhaltung der Schwerpunktsbewegung und die Trägheit der Energie" (http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1906_20_627-633. pdf), Annalen der Physik 20 (8): 627–633, Bibcode 1906AnP...325..627E, doi:10.1002/andp.19063250814, [32] Einstein, A. (1922), Geometry and Experience, London: Methuen & Co.. [33] Born, M. (1956), Physics im my generation (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ physucsinmygener006567mbp), London & New York: Pergamon Press, [34] Kip Thorne (1994): Black Holes and Time Warps: Einstein's Outrageous Legacy, W. W. Norton & Company; Reprint edition (January 1995). ISBN 0-393-31276-3 [35] Mehra, J. (1974) "Einstein, Hilbert, and the Theory of Gravitation" Reidel, Dordrecht, Netherlands. [36] : Bjerknes, Christopher Jon (2003), Anticipations of Einstein in the General Theory of Relativity, Downers Grove, Illinois: XTX Inc., ISBN 0-9719629-6-0 Author's site (http:/ / home. comcast. net/ ~xtxinc/ AEGRBook. htm) [37] [Hil24] English translation from Bje03a, p. 17;] [38] Tilman Sauer, "The relativity of discovery: Hilbert's first note on the foundations of physics", Arch. Hist. Exact Sci., v53, 529-575 (1999) [39] Fölsing, Albrecht: Einstein - a biography; Penguin (Non-Classics); New Ed edition (June 1, 1998). ISBN 0-14-023719-4.

Relativity priority dispute
[40] Leo Corry, Jürgen Renn, John Stachel: "Belated Decision in the Hilbert-Einstein Priority Dispute", SCIENCE, Vol. 278, 14 November 1997 - article text (http:/ / www. tau. ac. il/ ~corry/ publications/ articles/ science. html) [41] Todorov, Ivan T., Einstein and Hilbert: The Creation of General Relativity, Institut fuer Theoretische Physik Universitaet Goettingen, arXiv:physics/0504179v1, 25 April 2005. [42] Logunov, A. A (2004): "Henri Poincaré and Relativity Theory" - Phys. Usp. 47 (2004) 607-621; Usp. Fiz. Nauk 174 (2004) 663-678 PraXis 2004 abstract (http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ physics/ 0405075) - PDF (http:/ / arxiv. org/ pdf/ physics/ 0408077) [43] Jürgen Renn und Tilman Sauer (1996), "Einsteins Züricher Notizbuch: Die Entdeckung der Feldgleichungen der Gravitation im Jahre 1912", preprint 28 from Max Planck Institute - Web link (http:/ / www. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ Preprints/ 28/ Preprint_28_Title. html). Publication date implied from web directory. [44] Whittaker, E. T (1953) A History of the Theories of Aether and Electricity: Vol 2 The Modern Theories 1900-1926. Chapter II: The Relativity Theory of Poincaré and Lorentz, Nelson, London. [45] Goldberg, S. (1967), "Henri Poincaré and Einstein's Theory of Relativity", American Journal of Physics 35 (10): 934–944, Bibcode 1967AmJPh..35..934G, doi:10.1119/1.1973643 Goldberg, S. (1970), "Poincaré's silence and Einstein's relativity", British journal for the history of science 5: 73–84, doi:10.1017/S0007087400010633 [46] Keswani, G. H. (1965-6) "Origin and Concept of Relativity, Parts I, II, III", Brit. J. Phil. Sci., v15-17. British Journal for the Philosophy of Science, ISSN 0007-0882. [47] Herbert Dingle, "Note on Mr Keswani's articles, Origin and Concept of Relativity", Brit. J. Phil. Sci., vol 16, No 63 (Nov 1965), 242-246 (a response to [Kes65]) [48] Karl R. Popper, "A Note on the Difference Between the Lorentz-Fitzgerald Contraction and the Einstein Contraction", Br. J. Phil. Sci. 16:64 (Feb 1966): 332-333 (a response to [Kes65]) [49] Keswani, G. H. (1966), "Reply to Professor Dingle and Mr Levinson", Brit. J. Phil. Sci., Vol. 17, No. 2 (Aug 1966), 149-152 (a response to [Din65]) [50] Keswani, G. H. (1966), "Origin and Concept of Relativity: Reply to Professor Popper", Brit. J. Phil. Sci, Vol 17 no 3 (Nov 1966), 234-236 (a response to [Pop65] [51] Zahar, Elie (1983), "Poincaré's Independent Discovery of the relativity principle", Fundamenta Scientiae 4: 147–175 • Zahar, Elie (1989), Einstein's Revolution: A Study in Heuristic, Chicago: Open Court Publishing Company, ISBN 0-8126-9067-2 •


• Zahar, E. (2001), Poincare's Philosophy: From Conventionalism to Phenomenology, Chicago: Open Court Pub Co, ISBN 0-8126-9435-X [52] Stachel, John (1995), "History of relativity", in Laurie M. Brown, Sir Brian Pippard, Abraham Pais, Twentieth Century Physics, Philadelphia: Institute of Physics, pp. 249–356, doi:10.1201/9781420050776.ch4, ISBN 0-7503-0310-7 [53] http:/ / www. aip. org/ history/ einstein/ essay-einsteins-time. htm [54] Bjerknes, Christopher Jon (2002), Einstein, the incorrigible plagiarist, Downers Grove, Illinois: XTX Inc., ISBN 0-9719629-8-7 Author's site (http:/ / home. comcast. net/ ~xtxinc/ AEIPBook. htm) [55] Harvey R. Brown, Physical relativity: space-time structure from a dynamical perspective. Oxford University Press, 2005. [56] Cerf, Roger (2006), "Dismissing renewed attempts to deny Einstein the discovery of special relativity", American Journal of Physics 74 (9): 818–824, Bibcode 2006AmJPh..74..818C, doi:10.1119/1.2221341 [57] Katzir, Shaul (2005), "Poincaré's Relativistic Physics: Its Origins and Nature", Phys. Perspect. 7 (3): 268–292, Bibcode 2005PhP.....7..268K, doi:10.1007/s00016-004-0234-y [58] Walter, S. (2005), Henri Poincaré and the theory of relativity (http:/ / www. univ-nancy2. fr/ DepPhilo/ walter/ papers/ hpeinstein2005. htm), in Renn, J., , Albert Einstein, Chief Engineer of the Universe: 100 Authors for Einstein (Berlin: Wiley-VCH): 162–165, Walter, S. (2007/9), "Hypothesis and Convention in Poincaré’s Defense of Galilei Spacetime" (http:/ / www. univ-nancy2. fr/ DepPhilo/ walter/ papers/ 2009hypothesis. pdf), in Michael Heidelberger, Gregor Schiemann, The Significance of the Hypothetical in the Natural Sciences, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 193–220, [59] http:/ / www. garfield. library. upenn. edu/ histcomp/ einstein-a_all-w-citing-pre-56_e/ node/ 12342. html [60] Jürgen Renn and John Stachel, Hilbert’s Foundation of Physics: From a Theory of Everything to a Constituent of General Relativity - can be downloaded from link 118 in the preprint list at Max Planck Institute (http:/ / www. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ Preprints/ P118. PDF). [61] Friedwart Winterberg: a critique (http:/ / physics. unr. edu/ faculty/ winterberg/ Hilbert-Einstein. pdf) of [Cor97] as printed in "Zeitschrift für Naturforschung" 59a (http:/ / www. znaturforsch. com/ c59a. htm), 715-719. [62] http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070629183442/ http:/ / physics. unr. edu/ faculty/ winterberg/ Hilbert-Einstein. pdf [63] http:/ / www. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ texts/ Winterberg-Antwort. pdf [64] http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20050313161944/ http:/ / www. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ texts/ Winterberg-Antwort. html [65] Corry, Renn Stachel: Short response (http:/ / www. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ texts/ Winterberg-Antwort. pdf) to [Win02] - note: the original response was later replaced with a shorter one, and on September 14, 2006, this was replaced with a statement stating that the Max Planck Institute distances itself from Corry et al.'s statements about Winterberg. The original two versions are no longer available at this URL or at the Wayback Machine. [66] http:/ / www. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ texts/ Winterberg-Antwort. html [67] http:/ / www. biograph. comstar. ru/ bank/ logunov. htm [68] http:/ / www. ihep. su/ ihep/ info/ contact. htm •

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[69] http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ physics/ 0408077 [70] A.A. Logunov, M.A.Mestvirishvili, V.A. Petrov (2004): How Were the Hilbert-Einstein Equations Discovered? Phys.Usp. 47 (2004) 607-621; Usp.Fiz.Nauk 174 (2004) 663-678, arXiv:physics/0405075 [71] http:/ / termessos. de/ einsteinhilbertdispute. htm [72] http:/ / www. dpg-tagungen. de/ program/ muenchen/ gr302. pdf [73] Sommer, Klaus: "Wer entdeckte die Allgemeine Relativitätstheorie? Prioritätsstreit zwischen Hilbert und Einstein", Physik in unserer Zeit Volume 36, Issue 5, Pages 230 - 235. Published Online: 29 Aug 2005. Available online from Wiley InterScience (http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ cgi-bin/ abstract/ 111083634/ ABSTRACT?CRETRY=1& SRETRY=0) (expect some problems; paid access to text only) [74] David E. Rowe, Review of Daniela Wuensch's Zwei Wirkliche Kerle, Historia Mathematica, vol. 33, Issue 4, November 2006, pp. 500-508. http:/ / www. sciencedirect. com/ science/ article/ pii/ S0315086005000509


Works of physics (primary sources)
[Ein05c] Albert Einstein: Zur Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper, Annalen der Physik 17(1905), 891-921. Received June 30, published September 26, 1905. Reprinted with comments in [Sta89], p. 276-306 English translation, with footnotes not present in the 1905 paper, available on the net (http:/ / www. fourmilab. ch/ etexts/ einstein/ specrel/) [Ein05d] Albert Einstein: Ist die Trägheit eines Körpers von seinem Energiegehalt abhängig?, Annalen der Physik 18(1905), 639-641, Reprinted with comments in [Sta89], Document 24 English translation available on the net ( [Ein06] Albert Einstein: Das Prinzip von der Erhaltung der Schwerpunktsbewegung und die Trägheit der Energie Annalen der Physik 20(1906):627-633, Reprinted with comments in [Sta89], Document 35 [Ein15a] Einstein, A. (1915) "Die Feldgleichungun der Gravitation". Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 844-847. [Ein15b] Einstein, A. (1915) "Zur allgemeinen Relativatstheorie", Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 778-786 [Ein15c] Einstein, A. (1915) "Erklarung der Perihelbewegung des Merkur aus der allgemeinen Relatvitatstheorie", Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 799-801 [Ein15d] Einstein, A. (1915) "Zur allgemeinen Relativatstheorie", Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 831-839 [Ein16] Einstein, A. (1916) "Die Grundlage der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie", Annalen der Physik, 49 [Hil24] Hilbert, D., Die Grundlagen der Physik - Mathematische Annalen, 92, 1924 - "meiner theorie" quote on page 2 - online at Uni Göttingen (http:/ / dz-srv1. sub. uni-goettingen. de/ sub/ digbib/ loader?ht=VIEW& did=D29243) - index of journal ( [Lan05]

Relativity priority dispute Langevin, P. (1905) "Sur l'origine des radiations et l'inertie électromagnétique", Journal de Physique Théorique et Appliquée, 4, pp. 165–183. [Lan14] Langevin, P. (1914) "Le Physicien" in Henri Poincaré Librairie (Felix Alcan 1914) pp. 115–202. [Lor99] Lorentz, H. A. (1899) "Simplified Theory of Electrical and Optical Phenomena in Moving Systems", Proc. Acad. Science Amsterdam, I, 427-43. [Lor04] Lorentz, H. A. (1904) "Electromagnetic Phenomena in a System Moving with Any Velocity Less Than That of Light", Proc. Acad. Science Amsterdam, IV, 669-78. [Lor11] Lorentz, H. A. (1911) Amsterdam Versl. XX, 87 [Lor14] Lorentz, H. A. (1914) "Two Papers of Henri Poincaré on Mathematical Physics," Acta Mathematica 38: 293, p. 1921. [Pla07] Planck, M. (1907) Berlin Sitz., 542 [Pla08] Planck, M. (1908) Verh. d. Deutsch. Phys. Ges. X, p218, and Phys. ZS, IX, 828 [Poi89] Poincaré, H. (1889) Théorie mathématique de la lumière, Carré & C. Naud, Paris. Partly reprinted in [Poi02], Ch. 12. [Poi97] Poincaré, H. (1897) "The Relativity of Space" (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ subject/ philosophy/ works/fr/poincare.htm), article in English translation [Poi00] Poincaré, Henri (1900), "La théorie de Lorentz et le principe de réaction", Archives néerlandaises des sciences exactes et naturelles 5: 252–278. See also the English translation (http:/ / www. physicsinsights. org/ poincare-1900.pdf) [Poi02] Poincaré, Henri (1902), Science and Hypothesis, London and Newcastle-on-Cyne (1905): The Walter Scott publishing Co. [Poi04] Poincaré, Henri (1904), "L'état actuel et l'avenir de la physique mathématique", Bulletin des Sciences Mathématiques 28 (2): 302–324 English translation as The Principles of Mathematical Physics, in "The value of science" (1905a), Ch. 7-9. [Poi05] Poincaré, Henri (1905), "On the Dynamics of the Electron", Comptes Rendus 140: 1504–1508 [Poi06a] Poincaré, Henri (1906), "On the Dynamics of the Electron", Rendiconti del Circolo matematico di Palermo 21: 129–176, doi:10.1007/BF03013466


Relativity priority dispute [Poi08] Poincaré, Henri (1908), Science and Method (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ sciencemethod00poinuoft), London: Nelson & Sons [Poi13] Poincaré, Henri (1913), Last Essays (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ mathematicsandsc001861mbp), New York: Dover Publication (1963) [Ein20] Albert Einstein: "Ether and the Theory of Relativity", An Address delivered on May 5, 1920, in the University of Leyden. [Sta89] John Stachel (Ed.), The collected papers of Albert Einstein, volume 2, Princeton University Press, 1989


Secondary sources
• Ives, H. E. (1952). "Derivation of the Mass-Energy Relationship". J. Opt. Soc. Amer. 42: 540–3. • Ives, H. E. (1953). "Note on 'Mass-Energy Relationship'". J. O. S. A. 43: 619. • Keswani G. H., Kilmister C. W. (1983). "Initimations of relativity. Relativity before Einstein". British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 34: 343–54. ISSN 0007-0882. • Macrossan, M. N. (1986). "A Note on Relativity Before Einstein" ( php?pid=UQ:9560). British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 37: 232–34. • Norton John D (1993). "General covariance and the foundations of general relativity: eight decades of dispute" ( (PDF). Rep. Prog. Phys. 56: 791458. • Rothman, Tony (March/April 2006), "Lost in Einstein's Shadow" ( AssetDetail/assetid/49611?&print=yes), American Scientist 94 (2): 112, doi:10.1511/2006.2.112.


Unified field theory
Classical unified field theories
Since the 19th century, some physicists have attempted to develop a single theoretical framework that can account for the fundamental forces of nature – a unified field theory. Classical unified field theories are attempts to create a unified field theory based on classical physics. In particular, unification of gravitation and electromagnetism was actively pursued by several physicists and mathematicians in the years between World War I and World War II. This work spurred the purely mathematical development of differential geometry. Albert Einstein is the best known of the many physicists who attempted to develop a classical unified field theory. This article describes various attempts at a classical (non-quantum), relativistic unified field theory. For a survey of classical relativistic field theories of gravitation that have been motivated by theoretical concerns other than unification, see Classical theories of gravitation. For a survey of current work toward creating a quantum theory of gravitation, see quantum gravity.

The early attempts at creating a unified field theory began with the Riemannian geometry of general relativity, and attempted to incorporate electromagnetic fields into a more general geometry, since ordinary Riemannian geometry seemed incapable of expressing the properties of the electromagnetic field. Einstein was not alone in his attempts to unify electromagnetism and gravity; a large number of mathematicians and physicists, including Hermann Weyl, Arthur Eddington, Theodor Kaluza, and R. Bach also attempted to develop approaches that could unify these interactions.[1][2] These scientists pursued several avenues of generalization, including extending the foundations of geometry and adding an extra spatial dimension.

Early work
The first attempts to provide a unified theory were by G. Mie in 1912 and Ernst Reichenbacher in 1916.[3][4] However, these theories were unsatisfactory, as they did not incorporate general relativity – in the former case, because general relativity had yet to be formulated. These efforts, along with those of Forster, involved making the metric tensor (which had previously been assumed to be symmetric and real-valued) into an asymmetric and/or complex-valued tensor, and they also attempted to create a field theory for matter as well.

Differential geometry and field theory
From 1918 until 1923, there were three distinct approaches to field theory: the gauge theory of Weyl, Kaluza's five-dimensional theory, and Eddington's development of affine geometry. Einstein corresponded with these researchers, and collaborated with Kaluza, but was not yet fully involved in the unification effort.

Weyl's infinitesimal geometry
In order to include electromagnetism into the geometry of general relativity, Hermann Weyl worked to generalize the Riemannian geometry upon which general relativity is based. His idea was to create a more general infinitesimal geometry. He noted that in addition to a metric field there could be additional degrees of freedom along a path between two points in a manifold, and he tried to exploit this by introducing a basic method for comparison of local size measures along such a path, in terms of a gauge field. This geometry generalized Riemannian geometry in that

Classical unified field theories there was a vector field Q, in addition to the metric g, which together gave rise to both the electromagnetic and gravitational fields. This theory was mathematically sound, albeit complicated, resulting in difficult and high-order field equations. The critical mathematical ingredients in this theory, the Lagrangians and curvature tensor, were worked out by Weyl and colleagues. Then Weyl carried out an extensive correspondence with Einstein and others as to its physical validity, and the theory was ultimately found to be physically unreasonable. However, Weyl's principle of gauge invariance was later applied in a modified form to quantum field theory.


Kaluza's fifth dimension
Kaluza's approach to unification was to embed space-time into a five-dimensional cylindrical world; one of four space dimensions and one of time. Unlike Weyl's approach, Riemannian geometry was maintained, and the extra dimension allowed for the incorporation of the electromagnetic field vector into the geometry. Despite the relative mathematical elegance of this approach, in collaboration with Einstein and Einstein's aide Grommer it was determined that this theory did not admit a non-singular, static, spherically symmetric solution. This theory did have some influence on Einstein's later work and was further developed later by Klein in an attempt to incorporate relativity into quantum theory, in what is now known as Kaluza-Klein theory.

Eddington's affine geometry
Sir Arthur Stanley Eddington was a noted astronomer who became an enthusiastic and influential promoter of Einstein's general theory of relativity. He was among the first to propose an extension of the gravitational theory based on the affine connection as the fundamental structure field rather than the metric tensor which was the original focus of general relativity. Affine connection is the basis for parallel transport of vectors from one space-time point to another; Eddington assumed the affine connection to be symmetric in its covariant indices, because it seemed plausible that the result of parallel-transporting one infinitesimal vector along another should produce the same result as transporting the second along the first. (Later workers revisited this assumption.) Eddington emphasized what he considered to be epistemological considerations; for example, he thought that the cosmological constant version of the general-relativistic field equation expressed the property that the universe was "self-gauging". Since the simplest cosmological model (the De Sitter universe) that solves that equation is a spherically symmetric, stationary, closed universe (exhibiting a cosmological red shift, which is more conventionally interpreted as due to expansion), it seemed to explain the overall form of the universe. Like many other classical unified field theorists, Eddington considered that in the Einstein field equations for general relativity the stress-energy tensor , which represents matter/energy, was merely provisional, and that in a truly unified theory the source term would automatically arise as some aspect of the free-space field equations. He also shared the hope that an improved fundamental theory would explain why the two elementary particles then known (proton and electron) have quite different masses. The Dirac equation for the relativistic quantum electron caused Eddington to rethink his previous conviction that fundamental physical theory had to be based on tensors. He subsequently devoted his efforts into development of a "Fundamental Theory" based largely on algebraic notions (which he called "E-frames"). Unfortunately his descriptions of this theory were sketchy and difficult to understand, so very few physicists followed up on his work.[5]

Classical unified field theories


Einstein's geometric approaches
When the equivalent of Maxwell's equations for electromagnetism is formulated within the framework of Einstein's theory of general relativity, the electromagnetic field energy (being equivalent to mass as one would expect from Einstein's famous equation E=mc2) contributes to the stress tensor and thus to the curvature of space-time, which is the general-relativistic representation of the gravitational field; or putting it another way, certain configurations of curved space-time incorporate effects of an electromagnetic field. This suggests that a purely geometric theory ought to treat these two fields as different aspects of the same basic phenomenon. However, ordinary Riemannian geometry is unable to describe the properties of the electromagnetic field as a purely geometric phenomenon. Einstein tried to form a generalized theory of gravitation that would unify the gravitational and electromagnetic forces (and perhaps others), guided by a belief in a single origin for the entire set of physical laws. These attempts initially concentrated on additional geometric notions such as vierbeins and "distant parallelism", but eventually centered around treating both the metric tensor and the affine connection as fundamental fields. (Because they are not independent, the metric-affine theory was somewhat complicated.) In general relativity, these fields are symmetric (in the matrix sense), but since antisymmetry seemed essential for electromagnetism, the symmetry requirement was relaxed for one or both fields. Einstein's proposed unified-field equations (fundamental laws of physics) were generally derived from a variational principle expressed in terms of the Riemann curvature tensor for the presumed space-time manifold.[6] In field theories of this kind, particles appear as limited regions in space-time in which the field strength or the energy density are particularly high. Einstein and coworker Leopold Infeld managed to demonstrate that, in Einstein's final theory of the unified field, true singularities of the field did have trajectories resembling point particles. However, singularities are places where the equations break down, and Einstein believed that in an ultimate theory the laws should apply everywhere, with particles being soliton-like solutions to the (highly nonlinear) field equations. Further, the large-scale topology of the universe should impose restrictions on the solutions, such as quantization or discrete symmetries. The degree of abstraction, combined with a relative lack of good mathematical tools for analyzing nonlinear equation systems, make it hard to connect such theories with the physical phenomena that they might describe. For example, it has been suggested that the torsion (antisymmetric part of the affine connection) might be related to isospin rather than electromagnetism; this is related to a discrete (or "internal") symmetry known to Einstein as "displacement field duality". Einstein became increasingly isolated in his research on a generalized theory of gravitation, and most physicists consider his attempts ultimately unsuccessful. In particular, his pursuit of a unification of the fundamental forces ignored developments in quantum physics (and vice versa), most notably the discovery of the strong nuclear force and weak nuclear force.[7]

Schrödinger's pure-affine theory
Inspired by Einstein's approach to a unified field theory and Eddington's idea of the affine connection as the sole basis for differential geometric structure for space-time, Erwin Schrödinger from 1940 to 1951 thoroughly investigated pure-affine formulations of generalized gravitational theory. Although he initially assumed a symmetric affine connection, like Einstein he later considered the nonsymmetric field. Schrödinger's most striking discovery during this work was that the metric tensor was induced upon the manifold via a simple construction from the Riemann curvature tensor, which was in turn formed entirely from the affine connection. Further, taking this approach with the simplest feasible basis for the variational principle resulted in a field equation having the form of Einstein's general-relativistic field equation with a cosmological term arising automatically.[8]

Classical unified field theories Skepticism from Einstein and published criticisms from other physicists discouraged Schrödinger, and his work in this area has been largely ignored.


Later work
After the 1930s, progressively fewer scientists worked on classical unification, due to the continual development of quantum theory and the difficulties encountered in developing a quantum theory of gravity. Einstein continued to work on unified field theories of gravity and electromagnetism, but he became increasingly isolated in this research, which he pursued until his death. Despite the publicity of this work due to Einstein's celebrity status, it never resulted in a resounding success. Most scientists, though not Einstein, eventually abandoned classical theories. Current mainstream research on unified field theories focuses on the problem of creating quantum gravity and unifying such a theory with the other fundamental theories in physics, which are quantum theories. (Some programs, most notably string theory, attempt to solve both of these problems at once.) With four fundamental forces now identified, gravity remains the one force whose unification proves problematic. Although new "classical" unified field theories continue to be proposed from time to time, often involving non-traditional elements such as spinors, none has been generally accepted by physicists.

[1] Weyl, H. (1918). "Gravitation und Elektrizität". Sitz. Preuss. Akad. Wiss.: 465. [2] Eddington, A. S. (1924). The Mathematical Theory of Relativity, 2nd ed.. Cambridge Univ. Press. [3] Mie, G. (1912). "Grundlagen einer Theorie der Materie". Ann. Phys. 37 (3): 511–534. Bibcode 1912AnP...342..511M. doi:10.1002/andp.19123420306. [4] Reichenbächer, E. (1917). "Grundzüge zu einer Theorie der Elektrizität und der Gravitation". Ann. Phys. 52 (2): 134–173. Bibcode 1917AnP...357..134R. doi:10.1002/andp.19173570203. [5] Kilmister, C. W. (1994). Eddington's search for a fundamental theory. Cambridge Univ. Press. [6] Einstein, A. (1956). The Meaning of Relativity. 5th ed.. Princeton Univ. Press. [7] Gönner, Hubert F. M.. "On the History of Unified Field Theories" (http:/ / relativity. livingreviews. org/ open?pubNo=lrr-2004-2). Living Reviews in Relativity. . Retrieved August 10, 2005. [8] Schrödinger, E. (1950). Space-Time Structure. Cambridge Univ. Press.


Collaboration and conflict
Bohr–Einstein debates
The Bohr–Einstein debates were a series of public disputes about quantum mechanics between Albert Einstein and Niels Bohr, who were two of its founders. Their debates are remembered because of their importance to the philosophy of science. An account of the debates has been written by Bohr in an article titled "Discussions with Einstein on Epistemological Problems in Atomic Physics".[1] Despite their differences of opinion regarding quantum mechanics, Bohr and Einstein had a mutual admiration that was to last the rest of their lives.[2]

Pre-revolutionary debates
Einstein was the first physicist to say that Planck's discovery of the quantum (h) would require a rewriting of physics. As though to prove his point, in 1905 he proposed that light sometimes acts as a particle which he called a light quantum (see Photon and Wave–particle duality). Bohr was one of the most vocal opponents of the photon idea Niels Bohr with Albert Einstein at Paul [3] Ehrenfest's home in Leiden (December 1925) and did not openly embrace it until 1925. His later ability to work creatively with an idea he had so long resisted is quite unusual in the history of science. The photon appealed to Einstein because he saw it as a physical reality (although a confusing one) behind the numbers. Bohr disliked it because it made the choice of mathematical solution arbitrary. He did not like that a scientist had to choose between equations.[4] 1913 brought the Bohr model of the hydrogen atom which made use of the quantum to explain the atomic spectrum. Einstein was at first dubious, but quickly changed his mind and admitted it.

The quantum revolution
The quantum revolution of the mid-1920s occurred under the direction of both Einstein and Bohr, and their post-revolutionary debates were about making sense of the change. The shocks for Einstein began in 1925 when Werner Heisenberg introduced matrix equations that removed the Newtonian elements of space and time from any underlying reality. The next shock came in 1926 when Max Born proposed that the mechanics was to be understood as a probability without any causal explanation. Einstein rejected this interpretation. In a 1926 letter to Max Born, Einstein wrote: "I, at any rate, am convinced that He [God] does not throw dice."[5] Finally, in late 1927, Heisenberg and Born declared at the Solvay Conference that the revolution was over and nothing further was needed. It was at that last stage that Einstein's skepticism turned to dismay. He believed that much had been accomplished, but the reasons for the mechanics still needed to be understood.[4] Einstein's refusal to accept the revolution as complete reflected his desire to see developed a model for the underlying causes from which these apparent random statistical methods resulted. He didn't reject the idea that

BohrEinstein debates positions in space-time could never be completely known but didn't want to allow the Uncertainty Principle to necessitate a seemingly random, non-deterministic mechanism by which the laws of physics operated. Einstein himself was a great statistical thinker but disagreed that no more needed to be discovered and clarified.[4] Bohr, meanwhile, was dismayed by none of the elements that troubled Einstein. He made his own peace with the contradictions by proposing a Principle of Complementarity that emphasized the role of the observer over the observed.[3]


Post-Revolution: First stage
As mentioned above, Einstein's position underwent significant modifications over the course of the years. In the first stage, Einstein refused to accept quantum indeterminism and sought to demonstrate that the principle of indeterminacy could be violated, suggesting ingenious thought experiments which should permit the accurate determination of incompatible variables, such as position and velocity, or to explicitly reveal simultaneously the wave and the particle aspects of the same process. The first serious attack by Einstein on the "orthodox" conception took place during the Fifth Solvay International Conference on Electrons and Photons in 1927. Einstein pointed out how it was possible to take advantage of the (universally accepted) laws of conservation of energy and of impulse (momentum) in order to obtain information on the state of a particle in a process of interference which, according to the principle of indeterminacy or that of complementarity, should not be accessible. In order to follow his argumentation and to evaluate Bohr's response, it is convenient to refer to the experimental apparatus illustrated in figure A. A beam of light perpendicular to the X axis which propagates in the direction z encounters a screen S1 which presents a narrow (with respect to the wavelength of the ray) slit. After having passed through the slit, the wave function diffracts with an angular opening that causes it to encounter a second screen S2 which presents two slits. The successive propagation of the wave results in the formation of the interference figure on the final screen F.
Figure A. A monochromatic beam (one for which all the particles have the same At the passage through the two slits of the impulse) encounters a first screen, diffracts, and the diffracted wave encounters a second screen S2, the wave aspects of the second screen with two slits resulting in the formation of an interference figure on process become essential. In fact, it is the background F. As always, it is assumed that only one particle at a time is able precisely the interference between the two to pass the entire mechanism. From the measure of the recoil of the screen S1, according to Einstein, one can deduce from which slit the particle has passed terms of the quantum superposition without destroying the wave aspects of the process. corresponding to states in which the particle is localized in one of the two slits which implies that the particle is "guided" preferably into the zones of constructive interference and cannot end up in a point in the zones of destructive interference (in which the wave function is nullified). It is also important to note that any experiment designed to evidence the "corpuscular" aspects of the process at the passage of the screen S2 (which, in this case, reduces to the determination of which slit the particle has passed through) inevitably destroys the wave

BohrEinstein debates aspects, implies the disappearance of the interference figure and the emergence of two concentrated spots of diffraction which confirm our knowledge of the trajectory followed by the particle. At this point Einstein brings into play the first screen as well and argues as follows: since the incident particles have velocities (practically) perpendicular to the screen S1, and since it is only the interaction with this screen that can cause a deflection from the original direction of propagation, by the law of conservation of impulse which implies that the sum of the impulses of two systems which interact is conserved, if the incident particle is deviated toward the top, the screen will recoil toward the bottom and vice-versa. In realistic conditions the mass of the screen is so heavy that it will remain stationary, but, in principle, it is possible to measure even an infinitesimal recoil. If we imagine taking the measurement of the impulse of the screen in the direction X after every single particle has passed, we can know, from the fact that the screen will be found recoiled toward the top (bottom), if the particle in question has been deviated toward the bottom (top) and therefore we can know from which slit in S2 the particle has passed. But since the determination of the direction of the recoil of the screen after the particle has passed cannot influence the successive development of the process, we will still have an interference figure on the screen F. The interference takes place precisely because the state of the system is the superposition of two states whose wave functions are non-zero only near one of the two slits. On the other hand, if every particle passes through only the slit b or the slit c, then the set of systems is the statistical mixture of the two states, which means that interference is not possible. If Einstein is correct, then there is a violation of the principle of indeterminacy. Bohr's response was to illustrate Einstein's idea more clearly via the diagram in Figure C (Figure C shows a fixed screen S1 that is bolted down. Then try to imagine one that can slide up or down along a rod instead of a fixed bolt.) Bohr observes that extremely precise knowledge of any (potential) vertical motion of the screen is an essential presupposition in Einstein's argument. In fact, if its velocity in the direction X before the passage of the particle is not known with a precision substantially greater than that induced by the recoil (that is, if it were already moving vertically with an unknown and greater velocity than that which it derives as a consequence of the contact with the particle), then the determination of its motion after the passage of the particle would not give the information we seek. However, Bohr continues, an extremely precise determination of the velocity of the screen, when one applies the principle of indeterminacy, implies an inevitable imprecision of its position in the direction X. Before the process even begins, the screen would therefore occupy an indeterminate position at least to a certain extent (defined by the formalism). Now consider, for example, the point d in figure A, where there is destructive interference. It's obvious that any displacement of the first screen would make the lengths of the two paths, a-b-d and a-c-d, different from those indicated in the figure. If the difference between the two paths varies by half a wavelength, at point d there will be constructive rather than destructive interference. The ideal experiment must average over all the possible positions of the screen S1, and, for every position, there corresponds, for a certain fixed point F, a different type of interference, from the perfectly destructive to the perfectly constructive. The effect of this averaging is that the pattern of interference on the screen F will be uniformly grey. Once more, our attempt to evidence the corpuscular aspects in S2 has destroyed the possibility of interference in F which depends crucially on the wave aspects.


BohrEinstein debates


It should be noted that, as Bohr recognized, for the understanding of this phenomenon "it is decisive that, contrary to genuine instruments of measurement, these bodies along with the particles would constitute, in the case under examination, the system to which the quantum-mechanical formalism must apply. With respect to the precision of the conditions under which one can correctly apply the formalism, it is essential to include the entire experimental apparatus. In fact, the introduction of any new apparatus, such as a mirror, in the path of a particle could introduce new effects of interference which influence essentially the predictions about the results which will be registered at the end." Further along, Bohr attempts to resolve this ambiguity concerning which parts of the system should be considered macroscopic and which not: In particular, it must be very clear that...the unambiguous use of spatiotemporal concepts in the description of atomic phenomena must be limited to the registration of observations which refer to images on a photographic lens or to analogous practically irreversible effects of amplification such as the formation of a drop of water around an ion in a dark room.

Figure C. In order to realize Einstein's proposal, it is necessary to replace the first screen in Figure A (S1) with a movable diaphragm which can move vertically such as this proposed by Bohr.

Bohr's argument about the impossibility of using the apparatus proposed by Einstein to violate the principle of indeterminacy depends crucially on the fact that a macroscopic system (the screen S1) obeys quantum laws. On the other hand, Bohr consistently held that, in order to illustrate the microscopic aspects of reality it is necessary to set off a process of amplification which involves macroscopic apparatuses, whose fundamental characteristic is that of obeying classical laws and which can be described in classical terms. This ambiguity would later come back in the form of what is still called today the measurement problem.

The principle of indeterminacy applied to time and energy
In many textbook examples and popular discussions of quantum mechanics, the principle of indeterminacy is explained by reference to the pair of variables position and velocity (or momentum). It is important to note that the wave nature of physical processes implies that there must exist another relation of indeterminacy: that between time and energy. In order to comprehend this relation, it is convenient to refer to the experiment illustrated in Figure D, which results in the propagation of a wave which is limited in spatial extension. Assume that, as illustrated in the figure, a ray which is extremely extended longitudinally is propagated toward a screen with a slit furnished with a shutter which remains open only for a very brief interval of time . Beyond the slit, there will be a wave of limited spatial extension which continues to propagate toward the right.

Figure D. A wave extended longitudinally passes through a slit which remains open only for a brief interval of time. Beyond the slit, there is a spatially limited wave in the direction of propagation.

A perfectly monochromatic wave (such as a musical note which cannot be divided into harmonics) has infinite spatial extent. In order to have a wave which is limited in spatial extension (which is technically called a wave packet), several waves of different frequencies must be superimposed and distributed continuously within a certain

BohrEinstein debates


interval of frequencies around an average value, such as . It then happens that at a certain instant, there exists a spatial region (which moves over time) in which the contributions of the various fields of the superposition add up constructively. Nonetheless, according to a precise mathematical theorem, as we move far away from this region, the phases of the various fields, at any specified point, are distributed causally and destructive interference is produced. The region in which the wave has non-zero amplitude is therefore spatially limited. It is easy to demonstrate that, if the wave has a spatial extension equal to (which means, in our example, that the shutter has remained open for a time where v is the velocity of the wave), then the wave contains (or is a superposition of) various monochromatic waves whose frequencies cover an interval which satisfies the relation:

Remembering that in the universal relation of Planck, frequency and energy are proportional:

it follows immediately from the preceding inequality that the particle associated with the wave should possess an energy which is not perfectly defined (since different frequencies are involved in the superposition) and consequently there is indeterminacy in energy:

From this it follows immediately that:

which is the relation of indeterminacy between time and energy.

Einstein's second criticism
At the sixth Congress of Solvay in 1930, the indeterminacy relation just discussed was Einstein's target of criticism. His idea contemplates the existence of an experimental apparatus which was subsequently designed by Bohr in such a way as to emphasize the essential elements and the key points which he would use in his response. Einstein considers a box (called Einstein's box; see figure) containing electromagnetic radiation and a clock which controls the opening of a shutter which covers a hole made in one of the walls of the box. The shutter uncovers the hole for a time which can be chosen arbitrarily. During the opening, we are to suppose that a photon, from among those inside the box, escapes through the hole. In this way a wave of limited spatial extension has been created, following the explanation given above. In order to challenge the indeterminacy relation between time and energy, it is necessary to find a way to determine with Einstein's thought experiment of 1930 as adequate precision the energy that the photon has brought with it. At designed by Bohr. Einstein's box was supposed to prove the violation of the indeterminacy relation this point, Einstein turns to his celebrated relation between mass and between time and energy. energy of special relativity: . From this it follows that knowledge of the mass of an object provides a precise indication about its energy. The argument is therefore very simple: if one weighs the box before and after the opening of the shutter and if a certain amount of energy has escaped from the box, the box will be lighter. The variation in mass multiplied by will provide precise knowledge of the energy emitted. Moreover, the clock will indicate the precise time at which the event of the particle’s emission took place. Since, in principle, the mass of the

BohrEinstein debates box can be determined to an arbitrary degree of accuracy, the energy emitted can be determined with a precision accurate as one desires. Therefore, the product indeterminacy. The idea is particularly acute and the argument seemed unassailable. It's important to consider the impact of all of these exchanges on the people involved at the time. Leon Rosenfeld, a scientist who had participated in the Congress, described the event several years later: It was a real shock for Bohr...who, at first, could not think of a solution. For the entire evening he was extremely agitated, and he continued passing from one scientist to another, seeking to persuade them that it could not be the case, that it would have been the end of physics if Einstein were right; but he couldn't George Gamow's make-believe experimental come up with any way to resolve the paradox. I will never forget apparatus for validating the thought experiment at the Niels Bohr Institute in Copenhagen. the image of the two antagonists as they left the club: Einstein, with his tall and commanding figure, who walked tranquilly, with a mildly ironic smile, and Bohr who trotted along beside him, full of excitement...The morning after saw the triumph of Bohr. The "triumph of Bohr" consisted in his demonstrating, once again, that Einstein's subtle argument was not conclusive, but even more so in the way that he arrived at this conclusion by appealing precisely to one of the great ideas of Einstein: the principle of equivalence between gravitational mass and inertial mass. Bohr showed that, in order for Einstein's experiment to function, the box would have to be suspended on a spring in the middle of a gravitational field. In order to obtain a measurement of weight, a pointer would have to be attached to the box which corresponded with the index on a scale. After the release of a photon, weights could be added to the box to restore it to its original position and this would allow us to determine the weight. But in order to return the box to its original position, the box itself would have to be measured. The inevitable uncertainty of the position of the box translates into an uncertainty in the position of the pointer and of the determination of weight and therefore of energy. On the other hand, since the system is immersed in a gravitational potential which varies with the position, according to the principle of equivalence the uncertainty in the position of the clock implies an uncertainty with respect to its measurement of time and therefore of the value of the interval . A precise evaluation of this effect leads to the conclusion that the relation cannot be violated.

100 as

can be rendered less than what is implied by the principle of

Post-Revolution: Second stage
The second phase of Einstein's "debate" with Bohr and the orthodox interpretation is characterized by an acceptance of the fact that it is, as a practical matter, impossible to simultaneously determine the values of certain incompatible quantities, but the rejection that this implies that these quantities do not actually have precise values. Einstein rejects the probabilistic interpretation of Born and insists that quantum probabilities are epistemic and not ontological in nature. As a consequence, the theory must be incomplete in some way. He recognizes the great value of the theory, but suggests that it "does not tell the whole story," and, while providing an appropriate description at a certain level, it gives no information on the more fundamental underlying level: I have the greatest consideration for the goals which are pursued by the physicists of the latest generation which go under the name of quantum mechanics, and I believe that this theory represents a profound level of truth, but I also believe that the restriction to laws of a statistical nature will turn out to be transitory....Without doubt quantum mechanics has grasped an important fragment of the truth and will be a paragon for all future fundamental theories, for the fact that it must be deducible as a limiting case from such foundations, just as electrostatics is deducible from Maxwell's equations of the electromagnetic field or as thermodynamics is deducible from statistical mechanics.

BohrEinstein debates These thoughts of Einstein’s would set off a line of research into hidden variable theories, such as the Bohm interpretation, in an attempt to complete the edifice of quantum theory. If quantum mechanics can be made complete in Einstein's sense, it cannot be done locally; this fact was demonstrated by John Stewart Bell with the formulation of Bell's inequality in 1964; however, should we live in a superdeterminist universe, that demonstration would not be valid, as admitted by Bell himself.


Post-Revolution: Third stage
The argument of EPR
In 1935 Einstein, Boris Podolsky and Nathan Rosen developed an argument, published in the magazine Physical Review with the title Can Quantum-Mechanical Description of Physical Reality Be Considered Complete?, based on an entangled state of two systems. Before coming to this argument, it is necessary to formulate another hypothesis that comes out of Einstein's work in relativity: the principle of locality. The elements of physical reality which are objectively possessed cannot be influenced instantaneously at a distance.

Title sections of historical papers on EPR.

The argument of EPR was in 1957 picked up by David Bohm and Yakir Aharonov in a paper published in Physical Review with the title Discussion of Experimental Proof for the Paradox of Einstein, Rosen, and Podolsky. The authors re-formulated the argument in terms of an entangled state of two particles, which can be summarized as follows: 1) Consider a system of two photons which at time t are located, respectively, in the spatially distant regions A and B and which are also in the entangled state of polarization described below:

2) At time t the photon in region A is tested for vertical polarization. Suppose that the result of the measurement is that the photon passes through the filter. According to the reduction of the wave packet, the result is that, at time t+dt, the system becomes:

3) At this point, the observer in A who carried out the first measurement on photon 1, without doing anything else that could disturb the system or the other photon ("assumption (R)," below), can predict with certainty that photon 2 will pass a test of vertical polarization. It follows that photon 2 possesses an element of physical reality: that of having a vertical polarization. 4) According to the assumption of locality, it cannot have been the action carried out in A which created this element of reality for photon 2. Therefore, we must conclude that the photon possessed the property of being able to pass the vertical polarization test before and independently of the measurement of photon 1. 5) At time t, the observer in A could have decided to carry out a test of polarization at 45°, obtaining a certain result, for example, that the photon passes the test. In that case, he could have concluded that photon 2 turned out to be polarized at 45°. Alternatively, if the photon did not pass the test, he could have concluded that photon 2 turned out to be polarized at 135°. Combining one of these alternatives with the conclusion reached in 4, it seems that photon 2, before the measurement took place, possessed both the property of being able to pass with certainty a test of vertical polarization and the property of being able to pass with certainty a test of polarization at either 45° or 135°. These properties are incompatible according to the formalism. 6) Since natural and obvious requirements have forced the conclusion that photon 2 simultaneously possesses incompatible properties, this means that, even if it is not possible to determine these properties simultaneously and

BohrEinstein debates with arbitrary precision, they are nevertheless possessed objectively by the system. But quantum mechanics denies this possibility and it is therefore an incomplete theory.


Bohr's response
Bohr's response to this argument was published, five months later than the original publication of EPR, in the same magazine Physical Review and with exactly the same title as the original. The crucial point of Bohr's answer is distilled in a passage which he later had republished in Paul Arthur Schilpp's book Albert Einstein, scientist-philosopher in honor of the seventieth birthday of Einstein. Bohr attacks assumption (R) of EPR by stating: the statement of the criterion in question is ambiguous with regard to the expression "without disturbing the system in any way". Naturally, in this case no mechanical disturbance of the system under examination can take place in the crucial stage of the process of measurement. But even in this stage there arises the essential problem of an influence on the precise conditions which define the possible types of prediction which regard the subsequent behaviour of the system...their arguments do not justify their conclusion that the quantum description turns out to be essentially incomplete...This description can be characterized as a rational use of the possibilities of an unambiguous interpretation of the process of measurement compatible with the finite and uncontrollable interaction between the object and the instrument of measurement in the context of quantum theory. John Bell later argued that this passage is almost unintelligible. What does Bohr mean, Bell asks, by the specification "mechanical" that is used to refer to the "disturbances" that Bohr maintains should not be taken into consideration? What is meant by the expression "an influence on the precise conditions" if not that different measurements in A provide different information on the system in B? This fact is not only admitted but is an essential part of the argument of EPR. Lastly, what could Bohr have meant by the expression "uncontrollable interaction between the object and the measuring apparatus", considering that the central point of the argument of EPR is the hypothesis that, if one accepts locality, only the part of the system in A can be disturbed by the process of measurement and that, notwithstanding this fact, this process provides precise information on the part of the system in B? Is Bohr already contemplating the possibility of "spooky action at a distance?" If so, why not declare it explicitly? If one abandons the assumption of locality, the argument of EPR obviously collapses immediately. The debates represent one of the highest points of scientific research in the first half of the twentieth century because it called attention to an element of quantum theory, quantum non-locality, which is absolutely central to our modern understanding of the physical world.

Post-Revolution: Fourth stage
In his last writing on the topic, Einstein further refined his position, making it completely clear that what really disturbed him about the quantum theory was the problem of the total renunciation of all minimal standards of realism, even at the microscopic level, that the acceptance of the completeness of the theory implied. Although the majority of experts in the field agree that Einstein was wrong, the current understanding is still not complete (see Interpretation of quantum mechanics).

BohrEinstein debates


• • • • • Boniolo, G., (1997) Filosofia della Fisica, Mondadori, Milan. Bolles, Edmund Blair (2004) Einstein Defiant, Joseph Henry Press, Washington, D.C. Born, M. (1973) The Born Einstein Letters, Walker and Company, New York, 1971. Ghirardi, Giancarlo, (1997) Un'Occhiata alle Carte di Dio, Il Saggiatore, Milan. Pais, A., (1986) Subtle is the Lord... The Science and Life of Albert Einstein, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1982. • Shilpp, P.A., (1958) Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist, Northwestern University and Southern Illinois University, Open Court, 1951.
[1] Bohr N. "Discussions with Einstein on Epistemological Problems in Atomic Physics" (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ subject/ philosophy/ works/ dk/ bohr. htm). The Value of Knowledge: A Miniature Library of Philosophy (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ subject/ philosophy/ index. htm). Marxists Internet Archive. . Retrieved 2010-08-30. From Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist (1949), publ. Cambridge University Press, 1949. Niels Bohr's report of conversations with Einstein. [2] González AM. "Albert Einstein" (http:/ / dipc. ehu. es/ digitalak/ orriak/ english/ quantumdilema. html). Donostia International Physics Center. . Retrieved 2010-08-30. [3] Pais [4] Bolles [5] (Einstein 1969). A reprint of this book was published by Edition Erbrich in 1982, ISBN 3-88682-005-X


Manhattan Project
Manhattan District

The Manhattan Project created the first nuclear bombs. The Trinity test is shown. Active Country 1942–1946
• • •  United States  United Kingdom  Canada

Branch Garrison/HQ Anniversaries Engagements

United States Army Corps of Engineers Oak Ridge, Tennessee 13 August 1942
• • • • •

Allied Invasion of Italy Allied Invasion of France Allied Invasion of Germany Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki Allied Occupation of Japan


15 August 1947

Notable commanders Kenneth Nichols

Shoulder patch that was adopted in 1945 for the Manhattan District

Manhattan Project


Manhattan Project emblem (unofficial)

The Manhattan Project was a research and development program by the United States with the United Kingdom and Canada that produced the first atomic bomb during World War II. From 1942 to 1946, the project was under the direction of Major General Leslie Groves of the US Army Corps of Engineers. The Army component of the project was designated the Manhattan District; "Manhattan" gradually superseded the official codename, "Development of Substitute Materials", for the entire project. Along the way, the Manhattan Project absorbed its earlier British counterpart, Tube Alloys. The Manhattan Project began modestly in 1939, but grew to employ more than 130,000 people and cost nearly US$2 billion (roughly equivalent to $25.8 billion as of 2012[1]). Over 90% of the cost was for building factories and producing the fissionable materials, with less than 10% for development and production of the weapons. Research and production took place at more than 30 sites, some secret, across the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada. Two types of atomic bomb were developed during the war. A relatively simple gun-type fission weapon was made using uranium-235, an isotope that makes up only 0.7 percent of natural uranium. Since it is chemically identical to the main isotope, uranium-238, and has almost the same mass, it proved difficult to separate. Three methods were employed for uranium enrichment: electromagnetic, gaseous and thermal. Most of this work was performed at Oak Ridge, Tennessee. In parallel with the work on uranium was an effort to produce plutonium. Reactors were constructed at Hanford, Washington, in which uranium was irradiated and transmuted into plutonium. The plutonium was then chemically separated from the uranium. The gun-type design proved impractical to use with plutonium so a more complex implosion-type weapon was developed in a concerted design and construction effort at the project's weapons research and design laboratory in Los Alamos, New Mexico. The first nuclear device ever detonated was an implosion-type bomb at the Trinity test, conducted at New Mexico's Alamogordo Bombing and Gunnery Range on 16 July 1945. Little Boy, a gun-type weapon, and the implosion-type Fat Man were used in the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, respectively. The Manhattan Project operated under a blanket of tight security, but Soviet atomic spies still penetrated the program. It was also charged with gathering intelligence on the German nuclear energy project. Through Operation Alsos, Manhattan Project personnel served in Europe, sometimes behind enemy lines, where they gathered nuclear materials and rounded up German scientists. In the immediate postwar years the Manhattan Project conducted weapons testing at Bikini Atoll as part of Operation Crossroads, developed new weapons, promoted the development of the network of national laboratories, supported medical research into radiology and laid the foundations for the nuclear navy. It maintained control over American atomic weapons research and production until the formation of the United States Atomic Energy Commission in January 1947.

Manhattan Project


In August 1939, prominent physicists Leó Szilárd and Eugene Wigner drafted the Einstein–Szilárd letter, which warned of the potential development of "extremely powerful bombs of a new type". It urged the United States to take steps to acquire stockpiles of uranium ore and accelerate the research of Enrico Fermi and others into nuclear chain reactions. They had it signed by Albert Einstein and delivered to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Roosevelt called on Lyman Briggs of the National Bureau of Standards to head the Advisory Committee on Uranium to investigate the issues raised by the letter. Briggs held a meeting on 21 October 1939, which was attended by Szilárd, Wigner and Edward Teller. The committee reported back to Roosevelt in November that uranium "would provide a possible source of bombs with a destructiveness vastly greater than anything now known."[2] Briggs proposed that the National Defense Research Committee (NDRC) spend $167,000 on research into uranium, particularly the uranium-235 isotope, and the recently discovered plutonium.[3] On 28 June 1941, Roosevelt signed Executive Order 8807, which created the Office of Scientific Research and Development (OSRD),[4] with Vannevar Bush as its director. The office was empowered to engage in large engineering projects in addition to research.[3] The NDRC Committee on Uranium became the S-1 Uranium Committee of the OSRD; the word "uranium" was soon dropped for security reasons.[5] In Britain, Otto Frisch and Rudolf Peierls at the University of Birmingham had made a breakthrough investigating the critical mass of uranium-235 in June 1939.[6] Their calculations indicated that it was within an order of magnitude of 10 kilograms (22 lb), which was small enough to be carried by a bomber of the day.[7] Their March 1940 Frisch–Peierls memorandum initiated the British atomic bomb project and its Maud Committee,[8] which unanimously recommended pursuing the development of an atomic bomb.[7] One of its members, the Australian physicist Mark Oliphant, flew to the United States in late August 1941 and discovered that data provided by the Maud Committee had not reached key American physicists. Oliphant then set out to find out why the committee's findings were apparently being ignored. He met with the Uranium Committee, and visited Berkeley, California, where he spoke persuasively to Ernest O. Lawrence. Lawrence was sufficiently impressed to commence his own research into uranium. He in turn spoke to James B. Conant, Arthur Compton and George Pegram. Oliphant's mission was therefore a success; key American physicists were now aware of the potential power of an atomic bomb.[9][10] At a meeting between President Roosevelt, Vannevar Bush and Vice President Henry A. Wallace on 9 October 1941, the President approved the atomic program. To control it, he created a Top Policy Group consisting of himself—although he never attended a meeting—Wallace, Bush, Conant, Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson and the Chief of Staff of the Army, General George Marshall. Roosevelt chose the Army to run the project rather than the Navy, as the Army had the most experience with management of large-scale construction projects. He also agreed to coordinate the effort with that of the British, and on 11 October he sent a message to Prime Minister Winston Churchill, suggesting that they correspond on atomic matters.[11]

Manhattan Project


The S-1 Committee held its first meeting on 18 December 1941 "pervaded by an atmosphere of enthusiasm and urgency"[12] in the wake of the attack on Pearl Harbor and the subsequent declaration of war by the United States on Japan and Germany. Work was proceeding on three different techniques for isotope separation to separate uranium-235 from uranium-238. Lawrence and his team at the University of California, Berkeley, investigated electromagnetic separation, while Eger Murphree and Jesse Wakefield Beams's team looked into gaseous diffusion at Columbia University, A 1940 meeting at Berkeley with (from left to right) Ernest O. Lawrence, Arthur and Philip Abelson directed research into H. Compton, Vannevar Bush, James B. Conant, Karl T. Compton, and Alfred L. Loomis thermal diffusion at the Carnegie Institution of Washington and later the Naval Research Laboratory.[13] Murphree was also the head of an unsuccessful separation project using centrifuges.[14] Meanwhile, there were two lines of research into nuclear reactor technology, with Harold Urey continuing research into heavy water at Columbia, while Arthur Compton brought the scientists working under his supervision at Columbia University and Princeton University to the University of Chicago, where he organized the Metallurgical Laboratory in early 1942 to study plutonium and reactors using graphite as a neutron moderator.[15] Briggs, Compton, Lawrence, Murphree and Urey met on 23 May 1942 to finalize the S-1 Committee recommendations, which called for all five technologies to be pursued. This was approved by Bush, Conant and Brigadier General Wilhelm D. Styer, the chief of staff of Major General Brehon B. Somervell's Services of Supply, who had been designated the Army's representative on nuclear matters.[13] Bush and Conant then took the recommendation to the Top Policy Group with a budget proposal for $54 million for construction by the United States Army Corps of Engineers, $31 million for research and development by OSRD and $5 million for contingencies in fiscal year 1943. The Top Policy Group in turn sent it to the President on 17 June 1942 and he approved it by writing "OK FDR" on the document.[13]

Manhattan Project


Bomb design concepts
Compton asked the theoretical physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer of the University of California, Berkeley, to take over research into fast neutron calculations—the key to calculations of critical mass and weapon detonation—from Gregory Breit, who had quit on 18 May 1942 because of concerns over lax operational security.[16] John H. Manley, a physicist at the Metallurgical Laboratory, was assigned to assist Oppenheimer by contacting and coordinating experimental physics groups scattered across the country.[17] Oppenheimer and Robert Serber of the University of Illinois examined the problems of neutron diffusion—how neutrons moved in a nuclear chain reaction—and hydrodynamics—how the explosion produced by a chain reaction might behave. To review this work and the general theory of fission reactions, Oppenheimer convened meetings at the University of Chicago in June and at the University of California, Berkeley, in July 1942 with theoretical physicists Hans Bethe, John Van Vleck, Edward Teller, Emil Konopinski, Robert Serber, Stan Frankel, and Eldred C. Nelson, the latter three former students of Oppenheimer, and experimental physicists Felix Bloch, Emilio Segrè, John Manley and Edwin McMillan. They tentatively confirmed that a fission bomb was theoretically possible.[18] There were still many unknown factors. The properties of pure uranium-235 methods explored during the July were relatively unknown, as were those of plutonium, an element that had only 1942 conference been discovered in February 1941 by Glenn Seaborg and his team. The scientists at the Berkeley conference envisioned creating plutonium in nuclear reactors where uranium-238 atoms absorbed neutrons that had been emitted from fissioning uranium-235 atoms. At this point no reactor had been built, and only tiny quantities of plutonium were available from cyclotrons.[19] Even by December 1943, only two milligrams had been produced.[20] There were many ways of arranging the fissile material into a critical mass. The simplest was shooting a "cylindrical plug" into a sphere of "active material" with a "tamper"—dense material that would focus neutrons inward and keep the reacting mass together to increase its efficiency.[21] They also explored designs involving spheroids, a primitive form of "implosion" suggested by Richard C. Tolman, and the possibility of autocatalytic methods, which would increase the efficiency of the bomb as it exploded.[22] Considering the idea of the fission bomb theoretically settled—at least until more experimental data was available—the Berkeley conference then turned in a different direction. Edward Teller pushed for discussion of a more powerful bomb: the "super", now usually referred to as a "hydrogen bomb", which would use the explosive force of a detonating fission bomb to ignite a nuclear fusion reaction in deuterium and tritium.[23] Teller proposed scheme after scheme, but Bethe refused each one. The fusion idea was put aside to concentrate on producing fission bombs.[24] Teller also raised the speculative possibility that an atomic bomb might "ignite" the atmosphere because of a hypothetical fusion reaction of nitrogen nuclei.[25] Bethe calculated that it could not happen,[26] and a report co-authored by Teller showed that "no self-propagating chain of nuclear reactions is likely to be started."[27] In Serber's account, Oppenheimer mentioned it to Arthur Compton, who "didn't have enough sense to shut up about it. It somehow got into a document that went to Washington" and was "never laid to rest".[28]
Different fission bomb assembly

Manhattan Project


Manhattan District
The Chief of Engineers, Major General Eugene Reybold, selected Colonel James C. Marshall to head the Army's part of the project in June 1942. Marshall created a liaison office in Washington, D.C., but established his temporary headquarters on the 18th floor of 270 Broadway in New York, where he could draw on administrative support from the Corps of Engineers' North Atlantic Division. It was close to the Manhattan office of Stone & Webster, the principal project contractor, and to Columbia University. He had permission to draw on his former command, the Syracuse District, for staff, and he started with Lieutenant Colonel Kenneth Nichols, who became his deputy.[29][30] Because most of his task involved construction, Marshall worked in cooperation with the head of the Corps of Engineers Construction Division, Major General Thomas M. Robbins, and his deputy, Colonel Leslie Groves. Reybold, Somervell and Styer decided to call the project "Development of Substitute Materials", but Groves felt that this would draw attention. Since engineer districts normally carried the name of the city where they were located, Marshall and Groves agreed to name the Army's component of the project the Manhattan District. This became official on 13 August, when Reybold issued the order Manhattan Project Organization Chart, 1 May 1946 creating the new district. Informally, it was known as the Manhattan Engineer District, or MED. Unlike other districts, it had no geographic boundaries, and Marshall had the authority of a division engineer. Development of Substitute Materials remained as the official codename of the project as a whole, but was supplanted over time by "Manhattan".[30] Marshall later conceded that "I had never never heard of atomic fission but I did know that you could not build much of a plant, much less four of them for $90 million."[31] A single TNT plant that Nichols had recently built in Pennsylvania had cost $128 million.[32] Nor were they impressed with estimates to the nearest order of magnitude, which Groves compared with telling a caterer to prepare for between ten and a thousand guests.[33] A survey team from Stone & Webster had already scouted a site for the production plants. The War Production Board recommended sites around Knoxville, Tennessee, an isolated area where the Tennessee Valley Authority could supply ample electric power and the rivers could provide cooling water for the reactors. After examining several sites, the survey team selected one near Elza, Tennessee. Conant advised that it be acquired at once and Styer agreed but Marshall temporized, awaiting the results of Conant's reactor experiments before taking action.[34] Of the prospective processes, only Lawrence's electromagnetic separation appeared sufficiently advanced for construction to commence.[35] Marshall and Nichols began assembling the resources they would need. The first step was to obtain a high priority rating for the project. The top ratings were AA-1 through AA-4 in descending order, although there was also a special AAA rating reserved for emergencies. Ratings AA-1 and AA-2 were for essential weapons and equipment, so Colonel Lucius D. Clay, the deputy chief of staff at Services and Supply for requirements and resources, felt that the highest rating he could assign was AA-3, although he was willing to provide a AAA rating on request for critical materials if the need arose.[36] Nichols and Marshall were disappointed; AA-3 was the same priority as Nichols' TNT plant in Pennsylvania.[37]

Manhattan Project


Military Policy Committee
Bush became dissatisfied with Colonel Marshall's failure to get the project moving forward expeditiously, specifically the failure to acquire the Tennessee site, the low priority allocated to the project by the Army and the location of his headquarters in New York City.[39] Bush felt that more aggressive leadership was required, and spoke to Harvey Bundy and Generals Marshall, Somervell and Styer about his concerns. He wanted the project placed under a senior policy committee, with a prestigious officer, preferably Styer, as overall director.[37] Somervell and Styer selected Groves for the post, informing him on 17 September of this decision, and that General Marshall ordered that he be promoted to brigadier general,[40] as it was felt that the title "general" would hold more sway with the academic scientists working on the Manhattan Project.[41] Groves' orders placed him directly under Somervell rather than Reybold, with Colonel Marshall now answerable J. Robert Oppenheimer and Leslie Groves at [42] remains of the Trinity test in September 1945. to Groves. Groves established his headquarters in Washington, The white overshoes prevent fallout from sticking D.C., on the fifth floor of the New War Department Building, where [38] to the soles of their shoes. Colonel Marshall had his liaison office.[43] He assumed command of the Manhattan Project on 23 September. Later that day, he attended a meeting called by Stimson, which established a Military Policy Committee, responsible to the Top Policy Group, consisting of Bush (with Conant as an alternate), Styer and Rear Admiral William R. Purnell.[40] Tolman and Conant were later appointed as Groves' scientific advisers.[44] On 19 September Groves went to Donald Nelson, the chairman of the War Production Board, and asked for broad authority to issue a AAA rating whenever it was required. Nelson initially balked but quickly caved in when Groves threatened to go to the President.[45] Groves promised not to use the AAA rating unless it was necessary. It soon transpired that for the routine requirements of the project the AAA rating was too high but the AA-3 rating was too low. After a long campaign, Groves finally received AA-1 authority on 1 July 1944.[46] One of Groves' early problems was to find a director for Project Y, the group that would design and build the bomb. The obvious choice was one of the three laboratory heads, Urey, Lawrence or Compton, but they could not be spared. Compton recommended Oppenheimer, who was already intimately familiar with the bomb design concepts. However, Oppenheimer had little administrative experience, and, unlike Urey, Lawrence or Compton, had not won a Nobel Prize, which many scientists felt that the head of such an important laboratory should have. There were also concerns about Oppenheimer's security status, as many of his associates were communists, including his brother, Frank Oppenheimer; his wife, Kitty; and his girlfriend, Jean Tatlock. A long conversation on a train in October 1942 convinced Groves and Nichols that Oppenheimer thoroughly understood the issues involved in setting up a laboratory in a remote area and should be appointed as its director. Groves personally waived the security requirements and issued Oppenheimer a clearance on 20 July 1943.[47][48]

Collaboration with the United Kingdom
The British and Americans exchanged nuclear information but did not initially combine their efforts. Britain rebuffed attempts by Bush and Conant in 1941 to strengthen cooperation with its own project, codenamed Tube Alloys,[49] because it was reluctant to share its technological lead and help the United States develop its own atomic bomb. An American scientist who brought a personal letter from Roosevelt to Churchill offering to pay for all research and development in an Anglo-American project was poorly treated, and Churchill did not reply to the letter.

Manhattan Project The United States as a result decided as early as April 1942 that its offer was rejected, and that it should proceed alone.[50] The United Kingdom did not have the manpower or resources of the United States and despite its early and promising start, Tube Alloys soon fell behind its American counterpart.[51] On 30 July 1942, Sir John Anderson, the minister responsible for Tube Alloys, advised Churchill that: "We must face the fact that ... [our] pioneering work ... is a dwindling asset and that, unless we capitalise it quickly, we shall be outstripped. We now have a real contribution to make to a 'merger.' Soon we shall have little or none."[52] That month Churchill and Roosevelt made an informal, unwritten agreement for atomic collaboration.[53] The opportunity for an equal partnership no longer existed, however, as shown in August 1942 when the British unsuccessfully demanded substantial control over the project while paying none of the costs. By 1943 the roles of the two countries had reversed from late 1941;[50] in January Conant notified the British that they would no longer receive atomic information except in certain areas. While the British were shocked by the abrogation of the Churchill-Roosevelt agreement, head of the Canadian National Research Council C. J. Mackenzie was less surprised, writing "I can't help feeling that the United Kingdom group [over]emphasizes the importance of their contribution as compared with the Americans."[53] As Conant and Bush told the British, the order came "from the top". The British bargaining position had worsened; the American scientists had decided that the United States no longer needed outside help, and they and others on the bomb policy committee wanted to prevent Britain from being able to build a postwar atomic weapon. The committee supported, and Roosevelt agreed to, restricting the flow of information to what Britain could use during the war—especially not bomb design—even if doing so slowed down the American project. By early 1943 the British stopped sending research and scientists to America, and as a result the Americans stopped all information sharing. The British considered ending the supply of Canadian uranium and heavy water to force the Americans to again share, but Canada needed American supplies to produce them.[54] They investigated the possibility of an independent nuclear program, but determined that it could not be ready in time to affect the outcome of the war in Europe.[55] By March 1943 Conant decided that British help would benefit some areas of the project. James Chadwick and one or two other British scientists were important enough that the bomb design team at Los Alamos needed them, despite the risk of revealing weapon design secrets.[56] In August 1943 Churchill and Roosevelt negotiated the Quebec Agreement, which resulted in a resumption of cooperation[57] between scientists working on the same problem. Britain, however, agreed to restrictions on data on the building of large-scale production plants necessary for the bomb.[58] The subsequent Hyde Park Agreement in September 1944 extended this cooperation to the postwar period.[59] The Quebec Agreement established the Combined Policy Committee to coordinate the efforts of the United States, United Kingdom and Canada. Stimson, Bush and Conant served as the American members of the Combined Policy Committee, Field Marshal Sir John Dill and Colonel J. J. Llewellin were the British members, and C. D. Howe was the Canadian member.[60] Llewellin returned to the United Kingdom at the end of 1943 and was replaced on the committee by Sir Ronald Ian Campbell, who in turn was replaced by the British Ambassador to the United States, Lord Halifax, in early 1945. Sir John Dill died in Washington, D.C., in November 1944 and was replaced both as Chief of the British Joint Staff Mission and as a member of the Combined Policy Committee by Field Marshal Sir Henry Maitland Wilson.[61] When cooperation resumed after the Quebec agreement, the Americans' progress and expenditures amazed the British. The United States had already spent more than $1 billion ($13,400,000,000 today[1]), while in 1943 the United Kingdom had spent about £0.5 million. Chadwick thus pressed for British involvement in the Manhattan Project to the fullest extent and abandon any hopes of a British project during the war.[55] With Churchill's backing, he attempted to ensure that every request from Groves for assistance was honored.[62] The British Mission that arrived in the United States in December 1943 included Niels Bohr, Otto Frisch, Klaus Fuchs, Rudolf Peierls and Ernest Titterton.[63] More scientists arrived in early 1944. While those assigned to gaseous diffusion left by the fall of 1944, the 35 working with Lawrence at Berkeley were assigned to existing laboratory groups and stayed until the end of the war. The 19 sent to Los Alamos also joined existing groups, primarily related to implosion and bomb assembly, but not the plutonium-related ones.[55] Part of the Quebec Agreement specified that nuclear weapons


Manhattan Project would not be used against another country without mutual consent. In June 1945 Wilson agreed that the use of nuclear weapons against Japan would be recorded as a decision of the Combined Policy Committee.[64] The Combined Policy Committee created the Combined Development Trust in June 1944, with Groves as its chairman, to procure uranium and thorium ores on international markets. The Belgian Congo and Canada held much of the world's uranium outside Eastern Europe, and the Belgian government in exile was in London. Britain agreed to give the United States most of the Belgian ore, as it could not use most of the supply without restricted American research.[65] In 1944, the trust purchased 3,440,000 pounds (1,560,000 kg) of uranium oxide ore from companies operating mines in the Belgian Congo. In order to avoid briefing US Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. on the project, a special account not subject to the usual auditing and controls was used to hold Trust monies. Between 1944 and the time he resigned from the Trust in 1947, Groves deposited a total of $37.5 million into the Trust's account.[66] Groves appreciated the early British atomic research and the British scientists' contributions to the Manhattan Project, but stated that the United States would have succeeded without them. Whether or not he was correct, the British wartime participation was crucial to the success of the United Kingdom's independent nuclear weapons program after the war when the McMahon Act of 1946 temporarily ended American nuclear cooperation.[55]


Project sites

A selection of US and Canadian sites important to the Manhattan Project. Click on the location for more information.

Manhattan Project


Oak Ridge
The day after he took over the project, Groves took a train to Tennessee with Colonel Marshall to inspect the proposed site there, and Groves was impressed.[68][69] On 29 September, United States Under Secretary of War Robert P. Patterson authorized the Corps of Engineers to compulsorily acquire 56,000 acres (23,000 ha) of land at a cost of $3.5 million. An additional 3,000 acres (1,200 ha) was subsequently acquired. About 1,000 families were affected by the condemnation order, which came into effect on 7 October.[70] Protests, legal appeals, and a 1943 Shift change at the Y-12 uranium enrichment facility at Oak Ridge. By May 1945, [67] congressional inquiry were to no avail.[71] 82,000 people were employed at the Clinton Engineer Works. By mid-November US Marshals were tacking notices to vacate on farmhouse doors, and construction contractors were moving in.[72] Some families were given two weeks' notice to vacate farms that had been their homes for generations;[73] others had settled there after being evicted to make way for the Great Smoky Mountains National Park in the 1920s or the Norris Dam in the 1930s.[71] The ultimate cost of land acquisition in the area, which was not completed until March 1945, was only about $2.6 million, which worked out to around $47 an acre.[74] When presented with Public Proclamation Number Two, which declared Oak Ridge a total exclusion area that no one could enter without military permission, the Governor of Tennessee, Prentice Cooper, angrily tore it up.[75] Initially known as the Kingston Demolition Range, the site was officially renamed the Clinton Engineer Works (CEW) in early 1943.[76] To enable Stone and Webster to concentrate on the production facilities, a residential community for 13,000 was designed and built by the architectural and engineering firm Skidmore, Owings and Merrill. The community was located on the slopes of Black Oak Ridge, from which the new town of Oak Ridge got its name.[77] The Army presence at Oak Ridge increased in August 1943 when Nichols replaced Marshall as head of the Manhattan Engineer District. One of his first tasks was to move the district headquarters to Oak Ridge although the name of the district did not change.[78] In September 1943 the administration of community facilities was outsourced to Turner Construction Company through a subsidiary known as the Roane-Anderson Company after Anderson and Roane counties, in which Oak Ridge was located.[79] The population of Oak Ridge soon expanded well beyond the initial plans, and peaked at 75,000 in May 1945, by which time 82,000 people were employed at the Clinton Engineer Works,[67] and 10,000 by Roane-Anderson.[79]

Los Alamos
The idea of locating Project Y at Oak Ridge was considered, but in the end it was decided that it should be in a remote location. On Oppenheimer's recommendation, the search for a suitable site was narrowed to the vicinity of Albuquerque, New Mexico, where Oppenheimer owned a ranch. In October 1942, Major John H. Dudley of the Manhattan Project was sent to survey the area, and he recommended a site near Jemez Springs, New Mexico.[80] On 16 November, Oppenheimer, Groves, Dudley and others toured the site. Oppenheimer feared that the high cliffs surrounding the site would make his people feel claustrophobic, while the engineers were concerned with the possibility of flooding. The party then moved on to the vicinity of the Los Alamos Ranch School. Oppenheimer was impressed and expressed a strong preference for the site, citing its natural beauty and views of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, which, it was hoped, would inspire those who would work on the project.[81][82] The engineers were

Manhattan Project concerned about the poor access road, and whether the water supply would be adequate, but otherwise felt that it was ideal.[83] Patterson approved the acquisition of the site on 25 November 1942, authorizing $440,000 for the purchase of the site of 54,000 acres (22,000 ha), all but 8,900 acres (3,600 ha) of which were already owned by the Federal Government.[84] Secretary of Agriculture Claude R. Wickard granted use of some 45,100 acres (18,300 ha) of United States Forest Service land to the War Department "for so long as the military necessity continues".[85] The need for land for a new road, and later for a right of way for a 25-mile (40 km) power line, eventually brought wartime land purchases to 45,737 Physicists at a Manhattan District-sponsored colloquium at Los Alamos in 1946. In the front row are (left to right) Norris Bradbury, John Manley, Enrico Fermi and J. acres (18,509.1 ha), but only $414,971 was M. B. Kellogg. Robert Oppenheimer is in the second row on the left; to the right in spent.[84] Construction was contracted to the the photograph is Richard Feynman. M. M. Sundt Company of Tucson, Arizona, with Willard C. Kruger and Associates of Santa Fe, New Mexico, as architect and engineer. Work commenced in December 1942. Groves initially allocated $300,000 for construction, three times Oppenheimer's estimate, with a planned completion date of 15 March 1943. It soon became clear that the scope of Project Y was greater than expected, and by the time Sundt finished in 30 November 1943, over $7 million had been spent.[86] Because it was secret, Los Alamos was referred to as "Site Y" or "the Hill".[87] Birth certificates of babies born in Los Alamos during the war listed their place of birth as PO Box 1663 in Santa Fe.[88] Initially Los Alamos was to have been a military laboratory with Oppenheimer and other researchers commissioned into the Army. Oppenheimer went so far as to order himself a lieutenant colonel's uniform, but two key physicists, Robert Bacher and Isidor Rabi, balked at the idea. Conant, Groves and Oppenheimer then devised a compromise whereby the laboratory was operated by the University of California under contract to the War Department.[89]


An Army-OSRD council on 25 June 1942 decided to build a pilot plant for plutonium production in the Argonne Forest southwest of Chicago. In July, Nichols arranged for a lease of 1,000 acres (400 ha) from Cook County, Illinois, and Captain James F. Grafton was appointed Chicago area engineer. It soon became apparent that the scale of operations was too great for the Argonne, and it was decided to build the plant at Oak Ridge.[90] Delays in establishing Argonne led Compton to authorize construction of the first nuclear reactor beneath the bleachers of Stagg Field at the University of Chicago. On 2 December 1942 a team led by Enrico Fermi initiated the first artificial[91] self-sustaining nuclear chain reaction in an experimental reactor known as Chicago Pile-1. The point at which a reaction becomes self-sustaining became known as "going critical". Compton reported the success to Conant in Washington, D.C., by a coded phone call, saying, "The Italian navigator [Fermi] has just landed in the new world."[92][93] In January 1943, Grafton's successor, Major Arthur V. Peterson, ordered Chicago Pile-1 dismantled and reassembled at Argonne, as he regarded the operation of a reactor as too hazardous for a densely populated area.[94]

Manhattan Project


By December 1942 there were concerns that even Oak Ridge was too close to a major population center (Knoxville) in the unlikely event of a major nuclear accident. Groves recruited DuPont in November 1942 to be the prime contractor for the construction of the plutonium production complex. DuPont was offered a standard cost plus fixed fee contract, but the President of the company, Walter S. Carpenter, Jr., wanted no profit of any kind, and asked for the proposed contract to be amended to explicitly exclude the company from acquiring any patent rights. This was accepted, but for legal reasons a nominal fee of one dollar was agreed upon. After the war, DuPont asked to be released from the contract early, and had to return 33 cents.[95] DuPont recommended that the site be located far from the existing uranium production facility at Oak Ridge.[96] In December 1942, Groves dispatched Colonel Franklin Matthias and DuPont engineers to scout potential sites. Matthias reported that Hanford Site near Richland, Washington, was "ideal in virtually all respects". It was isolated and near the Columbia River, which could supply sufficient water to cool the reactors that would produce the plutonium. Groves visited the site in January and established the Hanford Engineer Works (HEW), codenamed "Site W".[97] Under Secretary Patterson gave his approval on 9 Hanford workers collect their pay checks at the Western Union office. February, allocating $5 million for the acquisition of 40,000 acres (16,000 ha) of land in the area. The federal government relocated some 1,500 residents of White Bluffs and Hanford, and nearby settlements, as well as the Wanapum and other tribes using the area. A dispute arose with farmers over compensation for crops, which had already been planted before the land was acquired. Where schedules allowed, the Army allowed the crops to be harvested, but this was not always possible.[97] The land acquisition process dragged on and was not completed before the end of the Manhattan Project in December 1946.[98] The dispute did not delay work. Although progress on the reactor design at Metallurgical Laboratory and DuPont was not sufficiently advanced to accurately predict the scope of the project, a start was made in April 1943 on facilities for an estimated 25,000 workers, half of whom were expected to live on-site. By July 1944, some 1,200 buildings had been erected and nearly 51,000 people were living in the construction camp. As area engineer, Matthias exercised overall control of the site.[99] At its peak, the construction camp was the third most populous town in Washington state.[100] Hanford operated a fleet of over 900 buses, more than the city of Chicago.[101] Like Los Alamos and Oak Ridge, Richland was a gated community with restricted access, but it looked more like a typical wartime American boomtown: the military profile was lower, and physical security elements like high fences, towers and guard dogs were less evident.[102]

Canadian sites
Cominco had produced electrolytic hydrogen at Trail, British Columbia, since 1930. Urey suggested in 1941 that it could produce heavy water. To the existing $10 million plant consisting of 3,215 cells consuming 75 MW of hydroelectric power, secondary electrolysis cells were added to increase the deuterium concentration in the water from 2.3% to 99.8%. For this process, Hugh Taylor of Princeton developed a platinum-on-carbon catalyst for the first three stages while Urey developed a nickel-chromia one for the fourth stage tower. The final cost was $2.8 million. The Canadian Government did not officially learn of the project until August 1942. Trail's heavy water

Manhattan Project production started in January 1944 and continued until 1956. Heavy water from Trail was used for the Argonne reactor, the first reactor using heavy water and natural uranium, which went critical on 15 May 1944.[103] The Chalk River, Ontario, site was established to rehouse the Allied effort at the Montreal Laboratory at McGill University away from an urban area. A new community was built at Deep River, Ontario, to provide residences and facilities for the team members. The site was chosen for its proximity to the industrial manufacturing area of Ontario and Quebec, and proximity to a rail head adjacent to a large military base, Camp Petawawa. Located on the Ottawa River, it had access to abundant water. The first director of the new laboratory was John Cockroft, later replaced by Bennett Lewis. A pilot reactor known as ZEEP (zero-energy experimental pile) became the first Canadian reactor, and the first to be completed outside the United States, when it went critical in September 1945. A larger 10 MW NRX reactor, which was designed during the war, was completed and went critical in July 1947.[103]


Heavy water sites
Although DuPont's preferred designs for the nuclear reactors were helium cooled and used graphite as a moderator, DuPont still expressed an interest in using heavy water as a backup, in case the graphite reactor design proved infeasible for some reason. For this purpose, it was estimated that 3 long tons (3 t) of heavy water would be required per month. As the plant at Trail, which was then under construction, could produce 0.5 long tons (0.51 t) per month, additional capacity was required. Groves therefore authorized DuPont to establish heavy water facilities at the Morgantown Ordnance Works, near Morgantown, West Virginia; at the Wabash River Ordnance Works, near Dana and Newport, Indiana; and at the Alabama Ordnance Works, near Childersburg and Sylacauga, Alabama. Although known as Ordnance Works and paid for under Ordnance Department contracts, they were built and operated by the Army Corps of Engineers. The American plants used a process different from Trail's; heavy water was extracted by distillation, taking advantage of the slightly higher boiling point of heavy water.[104][105]

The key raw material for the project was uranium, which was used as fuel for the reactors, as feed that was transformed into plutonium, and, in its enriched form, in the atomic bomb itself. There were four known major deposits of uranium in 1940: in Colorado, in northern Canada, in Joachimstal in Czechoslovakia, and in the Belgian Congo.[106] All but Joachimstal were in allied hands. A November 1942 survey determined that sufficient quantities of uranium were available to satisfy the project's requirements.[107] Nichols arranged with the State Department for export controls to be placed on uranium oxide and negotiated for the purchase of 1,200 long tons (1,200 t) of uranium ore from the Belgian Congo that was being stored in a warehouse on Staten Island. He negotiated with Eldorado Gold Mines for the purchase of ore from its mine in Port Hope, Ontario, and its shipment in 100-ton lots. The Canadian government subsequently bought up the company's stock until it acquired a controlling interest.[108] The richest source of ore was the Shinkolobwe mine in the Belgian Congo, but it was flooded and closed. Nichols unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate its reopening with Edgar Sengier, the director of the company that owned the mine, Union Minière du Haut Katanga.[109] The matter was then taken up by the Combined Policy Committee. As 30 percent of Union Minière's stock was controlled by British interests, the British took the lead in negotiations. Sir John Anderson and Ambassador John Winant hammered out a deal with Sengier and the Belgian government in May 1944 for the mine to be reopened and 1,720 long tons (1,750 t) of ore to be supplied.[110] To avoid dependence on the British and Canadians for ore, Groves also arranged for the purchase of US Vanadium Corporation's stockpile in Uravan, Colorado. Uranium mining in Colorado yielded about 800 long tons (810 t) of ore.[111] Mallinckrodt Incorporated in St. Louis, Missouri, took the raw ore and dissolved it in nitric acid to produce uranyl nitrate. Ether was then added in a liquid-liquid extraction process to separate the impurities from the uranyl nitrate. This was then heated to form uranium trioxide, which was reduced to highly pure uranium dioxide.[112] By July

Manhattan Project 1942, Mallinckrodt was producing a ton of highly pure oxide a day, but turning this into uranium metal initially proved more difficult for contractors Westinghouse and Metal Hydrides.[113] Production was too slow and quality was unacceptably low. A special branch of the Metallurgical Laboratory was established at Iowa State College in Ames, Iowa, under Frank Spedding to investigate alternatives, and its Ames process became available in 1943.[114]
Uranium refining at Ames


A "bomb" (pressure vessel) containing uranium halide and sacrificial metal, probably magnesium, being lowered into a furnace  

Manhattan Project


After the reaction, the interior of a bomb coated with remnant slag

A uranium metal "biscuit" from the reduction reaction  

Isotope separation
Natural uranium consists of 99.3% uranium-238 and 0.7% uranium-235, but only the latter is fissile. The chemically identical uranium-235 has to be physically separated from the more plentiful isotope. Various methods were considered for uranium enrichment, most of which was carried out at Oak Ridge.[115] The most obvious technology, the centrifuge, failed, but electromagnetic separation, gaseous diffusion, and thermal diffusion technologies were all successful and contributed to the project. In February 1943, Groves came up with the idea of using the output of some plants as the input for others.[116]

Manhattan Project


Oak Ridge hosted several uranium separation technologies. The Y-12 electromagnetic separation plant is in the upper right. The K-25 and K-27 gaseous diffusion plants are in the lower left, near the S-50 thermal diffusion plant. (The X-10 was for plutonium production.)

Centrifuges The centrifuge process was regarded as the only promising separation method in April 1942.[117] Jesse Beams had developed such a process at the University of Virginia during the 1930s, but had encountered technical difficulties. The process required high rotational speeds, but at certain speeds harmonic vibrations developed that threatened to tear the machinery apart. It was therefore necessary to accelerate quickly through these speeds. In 1941 he began working with uranium hexafluoride, the only known gaseous compound of uranium, and was able to separate uranium-235. At Columbia, Urey had Cohen investigate the process, and he produced a body of mathematical theory making it possible to design a centrifugal separation unit, which Westinghouse undertook to construct.[118] Scaling this up to a production plant presented a formidable technical challenge. Urey and Cohen estimated that producing a kilogram (2.2 lb) of uranium-235 per day would require up to 50,000 centrifuges with 1-meter (3 ft 3 in) rotors, or 10,000 centrifuges with 4-meter (13 ft) rotors, assuming that 4-meter rotors could be built. The prospect of keeping so many rotors operating continuously at high speed appeared daunting,[119] and when Beams ran his experimental apparatus, he obtained only 60% of the predicted yield, indicating that more centrifuges would be required. Beams, Urey and Cohen then began work on a series of improvements which promised to increase the efficiency of the process. However, frequent failures of motors, shafts and bearings at high speeds delayed work on the pilot plant.[120] In November 1942 the centrifuge process was abandoned by the Military Policy Committee following a recommendation by Conant, Nichols and August C. Klein of Stone & Webster.[121]

Manhattan Project Electromagnetic separation Electromagnetic isotope separation was developed by Lawrence at the University of California Radiation Laboratory. This method employed devices known as calutrons, a hybrid of the standard laboratory mass spectrometer and cyclotron. The name was derived from the words "California", "university" and "cyclotron".[122] In the electromagnetic process, a magnetic field deflected charged particles according to mass.[123] The process was neither scientifically elegant nor industrially efficient.[124] Compared with a gaseous diffusion plant or a nuclear reactor, an electromagnetic separation plant would consume more scarce materials, require more manpower to operate, and cost more to build. Nonetheless, the process was approved because it was based on proven technology and therefore represented less risk. Moreover, it could be built in stages, and rapidly reach industrial capacity.[122] Marshall and Nichols discovered that the electromagnetic isotope separation process would require 5,000 tons of copper, which was in desperately short supply. However, silver could be substituted, in an 11:10 ratio. On 3 August 1942, Nichols met with Under Secretary of the Treasury Daniel W. Bell and asked for the transfer of 6,000 tons of silver bullion from the West Point Depository. "Young man," Bell told him, "you may think of silver in tons but the Treasury will always think of silver in troy ounces!"[125] Eventually, 14,700 tons were used.[126] The 1,000-troy-ounce (31 kg) silver bars were cast into cylindrical billets and taken to Phelps Dodge in Bayway, New Jersey, where they were extruded into strips 0.625 inches (15.9 mm) thick, 3 inches (76 mm) wide and 40 feet (12 m) long. These were wound onto magnetic coils by Allis Chalmers in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. After the war, all the machinery was dismantled and cleaned and the floorboards beneath the machinery were ripped up and burned to recover minute amounts of silver. In the end, only 1/3,600,000th was lost.[126][127] The last silver was returned in May 1970.[128] Responsibility for the design and construction of the electromagnetic separation plant, which came to be called Y-12, was assigned to Stone & Webster by the S-1 Committee in June 1942. The design called for five first stage processing units, known as Alpha racetracks, and two units for final processing, known as Beta racetracks. In September 1943 Groves authorized construction of four more racetracks, known as Alpha II. Construction began in February 1943.[129] When the plant was started up for testing on schedule in October, the 14-ton vacuum tanks crept out of alignment because of the power of the magnets, and had to be fastened more securely. A more serious problem arose when the magnetic coils started shorting out. In December Groves ordered a magnet to be broken open, and handfuls of rust were found inside. Groves then ordered the racetracks to be torn down and the magnets sent back to the factory to be cleaned. A pickling plant was established on-site to clean the pipes and fittings.[124] The second Alpha I was not operational until the end of January 1944, the first Beta and first and third Alpha I's came online in March, and the fourth Alpha I was operational in April. The four Alpha II racetracks were completed between July and October 1944.[130]
Giant Alpha I racetrack at Y-12


Manhattan Project


Tennessee Eastman was hired to manage Y-12 on the usual cost plus fixed fee basis, with a fee of $22,500 per month plus $7,500 per racetrack for the first seven racetracks and $4,000 per additional racetrack.[132] The calutrons were initially operated by scientists from Berkeley to remove bugs and achieve a reasonable operating rate. They were then turned over to trained Tennessee Eastman operators who had only a high school education. Nichols compared unit production data, and pointed out to Lawrence that the young "hillbilly" girl operators were outperforming his PhDs. They agreed to a production race and Operators at their calutron control panels at Y-12. Gladys Owens, the woman Lawrence lost, a morale boost for the seated in the foreground, did not know what she had been involved with until Tennessee Eastman workers and [131] seeing this photo in a public tour of the facility fifty years later. supervisors. The girls were "trained like soldiers not to reason why", while "the scientists could not refrain from time-consuming investigation of the cause of even minor fluctuations of the dials."[133] Y-12 initially enriched the uranium-235 content to between 13% and 15%, and shipped the first few hundred grams of this to Los Alamos in March 1944. Only 1 part in 5,825 of the uranium feed emerged as final product. Much of the rest was splattered over equipment in the process. Strenuous recovery efforts helped raise production to 10% of the uranium-235 feed by January 1945. In February the Alpha racetracks began receiving slightly enriched (1.4%) feed from the new S-50 thermal diffusion plant. The next month it received enhanced (5%) feed from the K-25 gaseous diffusion plant. By April K-25 was producing uranium sufficiently enriched to feed directly into the Beta tracks.[134] Gaseous diffusion The most promising but also the most challenging method of isotope separation was gaseous diffusion. Graham's law states that the rate of effusion of a gas is inversely proportional to the square root of its molecular mass, so in a box containing a semi-permeable membrane and a mixture of two gases, the lighter molecules will pass out of the container more rapidly than the heavier molecules. The gas leaving the container is somewhat enriched in the lighter molecules, while the residual gas is somewhat depleted. The idea was that such boxes could be formed into a cascade of pumps and membranes, with each successive stage containing a slightly more enriched mixture. Research into the process was carried out at Columbia University by a group that included Harold Urey, Karl P. Cohen and John R. Dunning.[135]

Manhattan Project


In November 1942 the Military Policy Committee approved the construction of a 600-stage gaseous diffusion plant.[136] On 14 December, M. W. Kellogg accepted an offer to construct the plant, which was codenamed K-25. A cost plus fixed fee contract was negotiated, eventually totaling $2.5 million. A separate corporate entity called Kellex was created for the project, headed by Percival C. Keith, one of Kellogg's vice presidents.[137] The process faced formidable technical difficulties. The highly corrosive gas uranium hexafluoride would have to be used, as no substitute could be found, and the motors and pumps Oak Ridge K-25 plant would have to be vacuum tight and enclosed in inert gas. The biggest problem was the design of the barrier, which would have to be strong, porous and resistant to corrosion by uranium hexafluoride. The best choice for this seemed to be nickel. Edward Adler and Edward Norris created a mesh barrier from electroplated nickel. A six-stage pilot plant was built at Columbia to test the process, but the Norris-Adler prototype proved to be too brittle. A rival barrier was developed from powdered nickel by Kellex, the Bell Telephone Laboratories and the Bakelite Corporation. In January 1944, Groves ordered the Kellex barrier into production.[138][139] Kellex's design for K-25 called for a four-story 0.5-mile (0.8 km) long U-shaped structure containing 54 contiguous buildings. These were divided into nine sections. Within these were cells of six stages. The cells could be operated independently, or consecutively within a section. Similarly, the sections could be operated separately or as part of a single cascade. A survey party began construction by marking out the 500-acre (2 km2) site in May 1943. Work on the main building began in October 1943, and the six-stage pilot plant was ready for operation on 17 April 1944. In 1945 Groves canceled the upper stages of the plant, directing Kellex to instead design and build a 540-stage side feed unit, which became known as K-27. Kellex transferred the last unit to the operating contractor, Union Carbide and Carbon, on 11 September 1945. The total cost, including the K-27 plant completed after the war, came to $480 million.[140] The production plant commenced operation in February 1945, and as cascade after cascade came online, the quality of the product increased. By April 1945, K-25 had attained a 1.1% enrichment and the output of the S-50 thermal diffusion plant began being used as feed. Some product produced the next month reached nearly 7% enrichment. In August, the last of the 2,892 stages commenced operation. K-25 and K-27 achieved their full potential in the early postwar period, when they eclipsed the other production plants and became the prototypes for a new generation of plants.[141] Thermal diffusion The thermal diffusion process was based on Sydney Chapman and David Enskog's theory, which explained that when a mixed gas passes through a temperature gradient, the heavier one tends to concentrate at the cold end and the lighter one at the warm end. Since hot gases tend to rise and cool ones tend to fall, this can be used as a means of isotope separation. This process was first demonstrated by H. Clusius and G. Dickel in Germany in 1938.[142] It was developed by US Navy scientists, but was not one of the enrichment technologies initially selected for use in the Manhattan Project. This was primarily due to doubts about its technical feasibility, but the inter-service rivalry between the Army and Navy also played a part.[143]

Manhattan Project


The Naval Research Laboratory continued the research under Philip Abelson's direction, but there was little contact with the Manhattan Project until April 1944, when Captain William S. Parsons, the naval officer who was in charge of ordnance development at Los Alamos, brought Oppenheimer news of encouraging progress in the Navy's experiments on thermal diffusion. Oppenheimer wrote to Groves suggesting that the output of a thermal diffusion plant could be fed into Y-12. Groves set up a committee consisting of Warren K. Lewis, Eger Murphree and The S-50 plant is the dark building to the upper left behind the Oak Ridge Richard Tolman to investigate the idea, and powerhouse (with smoke stacks). they estimated that a thermal diffusion plant costing $3.5 million could enrich 50 kilograms (110 lb) of uranium per week to nearly 0.9% uranium-235. Groves approved its construction on 24 June 1944.[144] Groves contracted with the H. K. Ferguson Company of Cleveland, Ohio, to build the thermal diffusion plant, which was designated S-50. Groves' advisers, Karl Cohen and W. I. Thompson from Standard Oil,[145] estimated that it would take six months to build. Groves gave Ferguson just four. Plans called for the installation of 2,142 48-foot-tall (15 m) diffusion columns arranged in 21 racks. Inside each column were three concentric tubes. Steam, obtained from the nearby K-25 powerhouse at a pressure of 100 pounds per square inch (690 kPa) and temperature of 545 °F (285 °C), flowed downward through the innermost 1.25-inch (32 mm) nickel pipe, while water at 155 °F (68 °C) flowed upward through the outermost iron pipe. Isotope separation occurred in the uranium hexafluoride gas between the nickel and copper pipes.[146] Work commenced on 9 July 1944, and S-50 began partial operation in September. Ferguson operated the plant through a subsidiary known as Fercleve. The plant produced just 10.5 pounds (4.8 kg) of 0.852% uranium-235 in October. Leaks limited production and forced shutdowns over the next few months, but in June 1945 it produced 12,730 pounds (5,770 kg).[147] By March 1945, all 21 production racks were operating. Initially the output of S-50 was fed into Y-12, but starting in March 1945 all three enrichment processes were run in series. S-50 became the first stage, enriching from 0.71% to 0.89%. This material was fed into the gaseous diffusion process in the K-25 plant, which produced a product enriched to about 23%. This was, in turn, fed into Y-12,[148] which boosted it to about 89%, sufficient for nuclear weapons.[149]

Manhattan Project


Gun-type weapon design
About 50 kilograms (110 lb) of uranium enriched to 89% uranium-235 was delivered to Los Alamos by July 1945.[149] This was used to create a gun-type fission weapon. It worked by mechanically assembling a critical mass from two subcritical masses of uranium-235: a "bullet" and a "target". When they collided, a polonium-beryllium modulated neutron initiator would produce a burst of neutrons, which would initiate a chain reaction in the uranium-235.[150] The configuration of the critical mass determined how much of the fissile material A gun-type nuclear bomb reacted in the interval between assembly and dispersal, and therefore the explosive yield of the bomb. Even a 1% fission of the material would result in a workable bomb, equal to thousands of tons of high explosive. A poor configuration, or slow assembly, would release enough energy to disperse the critical mass quickly, and the yield would be greatly reduced, equivalent to only a few tons of high explosive.[151] The bomb's design was known to be inefficient and prone to accidental discharge.[152] The development effort on the gun-type device was carried out at Los Alamos by Parsons' O Division. Lieutenant Commander A. Francis Birch's group completed the design, which became Little Boy, in February 1945.[153] There was no enriched uranium available for a test. Little Boy used up all the 89% enriched uranium-235, along with some 50% enriched, averaging out to about 85% enriched.[149] The gun-type method was considered so certain to work that no test was considered necessary, although an extensive laboratory testing program was undertaken to make sure the fundamental assumptions were correct.[154]

The second line of development pursued by the Manhattan Project used the fissile element plutonium. Although small amounts of plutonium exist in nature, the best way to obtain large quantities of the element is in a nuclear reactor, in which natural uranium is bombarded by neutrons. The uranium-238 is transmuted into uranium-239, which rapidly decays, first into neptunium-239 and then into plutonium-239.[155] Only a small amount of the uranium-238 will be transformed, so the plutonium must be chemically separated from the remaining uranium, from any initial impurities, and from fission products.[155]

Manhattan Project


X-10 Graphite Reactor
In March 1943, DuPont began construction of a plutonium plant on a 112-acre (0.5 km2) site at Oak Ridge. Intended as a pilot plant for the larger production facilities at Hanford, it included the air-cooled X-10 Graphite Reactor, a chemical separation plant, and support facilities. Because of the subsequent decision to construct water-cooled reactors at Hanford, only the chemical separation plant operated as a true pilot.[156] The X-10 Graphite Reactor consisted of a huge block of graphite, 24 feet (7.3 m) long on each side, weighing around 1,500 long tons (1,500 t), surrounded by 7 feet (2.1 m) of high-density concrete as a radiation shield.[156] The greatest difficulty was encountered with the uranium slugs produced by Mallinckrodt and Metal Hydrides. These somehow had to Workers load uranium slugs into the X-10 Graphite Reactor. be coated in aluminum to avoid corrosion and the escape of fission products into the cooling system. The Grasselli Chemical Company attempted to develop a hot dipping process without success. Meanwhile Alcoa tried canning. A new process for flux-less welding was developed, and 97% of the cans passed a standard vacuum test, but high temperature tests indicated a failure rate of more than 50%. Nonetheless, production began in June 1943. The Metallurgical Laboratory eventually developed an improved welding technique with the help of General Electric, which was incorporated into the production process in October 1943.[157] Watched by Fermi and Compton, the X-10 Graphite Reactor went critical on 4 November 1943 with about 30 long tons (30 t) of uranium. A week later the load was increased to 36 long tons (37 t), raising its power generation to 500 kW, and by the end of the month the first 500 milligrams (0.018 oz) of plutonium was created.[158] Modifications over time raised the power to 4,000 kW in July 1944. X-10 operated as a production plant until January 1945, when it was turned over to research activities.[159]

Hanford reactors
Although an air-cooled design was chosen for the reactor at Oak Ridge to facilitate rapid construction, it was recognized that this would be impractical for the much larger production reactors. Initial designs by the Metallurgical Laboratory and DuPont used helium for cooling, before they determined that a water-cooled reactor would be simpler, cheaper and quicker to build.[160] The design did not become available until 4 October 1943; in the meantime, Matthias concentrated on improving the Hanford site by erecting accommodations, improving the roads, building a railway switch line, and upgrading the electricity, water and telephone lines.[161]

Manhattan Project

126 As at Oak Ridge, the most difficulty was encountered while canning the uranium slugs, which commenced at Hanford in March 1944. They were pickled to remove dirt and impurities, dipped in molten bronze, tin, and aluminum-silicon alloy, canned using hydraulic presses, and then capped using arc welding under an argon atmosphere. Finally, they were subjected to a series of tests to detect holes or faulty welds. Disappointingly, most canned slugs initially failed the tests, resulting in an output of only a handful of canned slugs per day. But steady progress was made and by June 1944 production increased to the point where it appeared that enough canned slugs

Aerial view of Hanford B-Reactor site, June 1944

would be available to start Reactor B on schedule in August 1944.[162] Work began on Reactor B, the first of six planned 250 MW reactors, on 10 October 1943.[163] The reactor complexes were given letter designations A through F, with B, D and F sites chosen to be developed first, as this maximised the distance between the reactors. They would be the only ones constructed during the Manhattan Project.[164] Some 390 long tons (400 t) of steel, 17,400 cubic yards (13,300 m3) of concrete, 50,000 concrete blocks and 71,000 concrete bricks were used to construct the 120-foot (37 m) high building. Construction of the reactor itself commenced in February 1944.[165] Watched by Compton, Matthias, DuPont's Crawford Greenewalt, Leona Woods and Fermi, who inserted the first slug, the reactor was powered up beginning on 13 September 1944. Over the next few days, 838 tubes were loaded and the reactor went critical. Shortly after midnight on 27 September, the operators began to withdraw the control rods to initiate production. At first all appeared well but around 03:00 the power level started to drop and by 06:30 the reactor had shut down completely. The cooling water was investigated to see if there was a leak or contamination. The next day the reactor started up again, only to shut down once more.[166][167] Fermi contacted Chien-Shiung Wu, who identified the cause of the problem as neutron poisoning from xenon-135, which has a half-life of 9.2 hours.[168] Fermi, Woods, Donald J. Hughes and John Archibald Wheeler then calculated the nuclear cross section of xenon-135, which turned out to be 30,000 times that of uranium.[169] Fortunately, DuPont engineer George Graves had deviated from the Metallurgical Laboratory's original design in which the reactor had 1,500 tubes arranged in a circle, and had added an additional 504 tubes to fill in the corners. The scientists had originally considered this overengineering a waste of time and money, but Fermi realized that by loading all 2,004 tubes, the reactor could reach the required power level and efficiently produce plutonium.[170] Reactor D was started on 17 December 1944 and Reactor F on 25 February 1945.[171]

Manhattan Project


Separation process
Meanwhile, the chemists considered the problem of how plutonium could be separated from uranium when its chemical properties were not known. Working with the minute quantities of plutonium available at the Metallurgical Laboratory in 1942, a team under Charles M. Cooper developed a lanthanum fluoride process for separating uranium and plutonium, which was chosen for the pilot separation plant. A second separation process, the bismuth phosphate process, was subsequently developed by Seaborg and Stanly G. Thomson.[172] This process worked by toggling plutonium between its +4 and +6 oxidation states in solutions of bismuth phosphate. In the former state, the plutonium was precipitated; in the latter, it stayed in solution and the other products were precipitated.[173] Greenewalt favored the bismuth phosphate process due to the corrosive nature of lanthanum fluoride, and it was selected for the Hanford separation plants.[174] Once X-10 began producing plutonium, the pilot separation plant was put to the test. The first batch was processed at 40% efficiency but over the next few months this was raised to 90%.[159]

Map of the Hanford Site. Railroads flank the plants to the north and south. Reactors are the three northernmost red squares, along the Columbia River. The separation plants are the lower two red squares from the grouping south of the reactors. The bottom red square is the 300 area.

At Hanford, top priority was initially given to the installations in the 300 area. This contained buildings for testing materials, preparing uranium, and assembling and calibrating instrumentation. One of the buildings housed the canning equipment for the uranium slugs, while another contained a small test reactor. Notwithstanding the high priority allocated to it, work on the 300 area fell behind schedule due to the unique and complex nature of the 300 area facilities, and wartime shortages of labor and materials.[175] Early plans called for the construction of two separation plants in each of the areas known as 200-West and 200-East. This was subsequently reduced to two, the T and U plants, in 200-West and one, the B plant, at 200-East.[176] Each separation plant consisted of four buildings: a process cell building or "canyon" (known as 221), a concentration building (224), a purification building (231) and a magazine store (213). The canyons were each 800 feet (240 m) long and 65 feet (20 m) wide. Each consisted of forty 17.7-foot (5.4 m) by 13-foot (4 m) by 20-foot (6.1 m) cells.[177] Work began on 221-T and 221-U in January 1944, with the former completed in September and the latter in December. The 221-B building followed in March 1945. Because of the high levels of radioactivity involved, all work in the separation plants had to be conducted by remote control using closed-circuit television, something unheard of in 1943. Maintenance was carried out with the aid of an overhead crane and specially designed tools. The 224 buildings were smaller because they had less material to process, and it was less radioactive. The 224-T and 224-U buildings were completed on 8 October 1944, and 224-B followed on 10 February 1945. The purification methods that were eventually used in 231-W were still unknown when construction commenced on 8 April 1944, but the plant was complete and the methods were selected by the end of the year.[178] On 5 February 1945, Matthias hand-delivered the first shipment of 80 grams (2.6 ozt) of 95%-pure plutonium nitrate to a Los Alamos courier in Los Angeles.[171]

Manhattan Project


Weapon design
In 1943, development efforts were directed to a gun-type fission weapon with plutonium called Thin Man. Initial research on the properties of plutonium was done using cyclotron-generated plutonium-239, which was extremely pure, but could only be created in very small amounts. Los Alamos received the first sample of plutonium from the Clinton X-10 reactor in April 1944 and within days Emilio Segrè discovered a problem: the reactor-bred plutonium had a A row of Thin Man casings. Fat Man casings are visible in the background. higher concentration of plutonium-240, resulting in up to five times the spontaneous fission rate of cyclotron plutonium.[179] Seaborg had correctly predicted in March 1943 that some of the plutonium-239 would absorb a neutron and become plutonium-240.[180] This made reactor plutonium unsuitable for use in a gun-type weapon. The plutonium-240 would start the chain reaction too quickly, causing a predetonation that would release enough energy to disperse the critical mass with a minimal amount of plutonium reacted (a fizzle). A faster gun was suggested but found to be impractical. The possibility of separating the isotopes was considered and rejected, as plutonium-240 is even harder to separate from plutonium-239 than uranium-235 from uranium-238.[181] Work on an alternative method of bomb design, known as implosion, had begun earlier at the instigation of the physicist Seth Neddermeyer. Implosion used explosives to crush a subcritical sphere of fissile material into a smaller and denser form. When the fissile atoms are packed closer together, the rate of neutron capture increases, and the mass becomes a critical mass. The metal needs to travel only a very short distance, so the critical mass is be assembled in much less time than it would take with the gun method.[182] Neddermeyer's 1943 and early 1944 investigations into implosion showed promise, but also made it clear that the problem would be much more difficult from a theoretical and engineering perspective than the gun design.[183] In September 1943, John von Neumann, who had experience with shaped charges used in armor-piercing shells, argued that not only would implosion reduce the danger of predetonation and fizzle, but would make more efficient use of the fissionable material.[184] He proposed using a spherical configuration instead of the cylindrical one that Neddermeyer was working on.[185] By July 1944, Oppenheimer had concluded plutonium could not be used in a gun design, and opted for implosion. The accelerated effort on an implosion design, codenamed Fat Man, began in August 1944 when Oppenheimer implemented a sweeping reorganization of the Los Alamos laboratory to focus on implosion.[186] Two new groups were created at Los Alamos to develop the implosion weapon, X (for explosives) Division headed by George Kistiakowsky and G (for gadget) Division under Robert Bacher.[187][188] The new

An implosion-type nuclear bomb

Manhattan Project design that von Neumann and T (for theoretical) Division, most notably Rudolf Peierls, had devised used explosive lenses to focus the explosion onto a spherical shape using a combination of both slow and fast high explosives.[189] The design of lenses that detonated with the proper shape and velocity turned out to be slow, difficult and frustrating.[189] Various explosives were tested before settling on composition B as the fast explosive and baratol as the slow explosive.[190] The final design resembled a soccer ball, with 20 hexagonal and 12 pentagonal lenses, each weighing about 80 pounds (36 kg). Getting the detonation just right required fast, reliable and safe electrical detonators, of which there were two for each lens for reliability.[191] It was therefore decided to use exploding-bridgewire detonators. A contract for their manufacture was given to Raytheon.[192] To study the behavior of converging shock waves, Serber devised the RaLa Experiment, which used the short-lived radioisotope lanthanum-140, a potent source of gamma radiation, in an ionization chamber.[193] Within the explosives was the 4.5-inch (110 mm) thick aluminum pusher, which provided a smooth transition from the relatively low density explosive to the next layer, the 3-inch (76 mm) thick tamper of natural uranium. Its main job was to hold the critical mass together as long as possible. It would also reflect neutrons back into the core. Some part of it might fission as well. To prevent predetonation by an external neutron, the tamper was coated in a thin layer of boron.[191] A polonium-beryllium modulated neutron initiator, known as an "urchin" because its shape resembled a sea urchin,[194] was developed by the Monsanto Company to start the chain reaction at precisely the right moment.[195] This work with the chemistry and metallurgy of radioactive polonium was directed by Charles Allen Thomas and became known as the Dayton Project.[196] Testing required up to 500 curies per month of polonium, which Monsanto was able to deliver.[197] The whole assembly was encased in a duralumin bomb casing to protect it from bullets and flak.[191] The ultimate task of the metallurgists was to determine how to cast plutonium into a sphere. The difficulties became apparent when attempts to measure the density of plutonium gave inconsistent results. At first contamination was believed to be the cause, but it was soon determined that there were multiple allotropes of plutonium.[198] The brittle α phase that exists at room temperature changes to the plastic β phase at higher temperatures. Attention then shifted to the even more malleable δ phase that normally exists in the 300 °C to 450 °C range. It was found that this was stable at room temperature when alloyed with Remote handling of a kilocurie source of radiolanthanum for a RaLa Experiment at aluminum, but aluminum emits neutrons Los Alamos when bombarded with alpha particles, which would exacerbate the pre-ignition problem. The metallurgists then hit upon a plutonium-gallium alloy, which stabilized the δ phase and could be hot pressed into the desired spherical shape. As plutonium was found to corrode readily, the sphere was coated with nickel.[199] The work proved dangerous. By the end of the war, half the experienced chemists and metallurgists had to be removed from work with plutonium when unacceptably high levels of the element appeared in their urine.[200] A minor fire at Los Alamos in January 1945 led to a fear that a fire in the plutonium laboratory might contaminate the whole town, and Groves authorized the construction of a new facility for plutonium chemistry and metallurgy, which became known as the DP-site.[201] The hemispheres for the first plutonium pit (or core) were produced and delivered on 2 July 1945. Three more hemispheres followed on 23 July and were delivered three days later.[202]


Manhattan Project


Because of the complexity of an implosion-style weapon, it was decided that, despite the waste of fissile material, an initial test would be required. Groves approved the test, subject to the active material being recovered. Consideration was therefore given to a controlled fizzle, but Oppenheimer opted instead for a full-scale nuclear test, codenamed "Trinity".[203] In March 1944, planning for the test was assigned to Kenneth Bainbridge, a professor of physics at Harvard, working under Kistiakowsky. Bainbridge selected the bombing range near Alamogordo Army Airfield as the site for the test.[204] Bainbridge worked with Captain Samuel P. Davalos on the construction of the Trinity Base Camp and its facilities, which included barracks, warehouses, workshops, an explosive magazine and a commissary.[205] Groves did not relish the prospect of explaining the loss of a billion dollars worth of plutonium to a Senate committee, so a The explosives of "the gadget" were raised to the top of the tower for the final cylindrical containment vessel codenamed assembly. "Jumbo" was constructed to recover the active material in the event of a failure. Measuring 25 feet (7.6 m) long and 12 feet (3.7 m) wide, it was fabricated at great expense from 214 long tons (217 t) of iron and steel by Babcock & Wilcox in Barberton, Ohio. Brought in a special railroad car to a siding in Pope, New Mexico, it was transported the last 25 miles (40 km) to the test site on a trailer pulled by two tractors.[206] By the time it arrived, however, confidence in the implosion method was high enough, and the availability of plutonium was sufficient, that Oppenheimer decided not to use it. Instead, it was placed atop a steel tower 800 yards (730 m) from the weapon as a rough measure of how powerful the explosion would be. In the end, Jumbo survived, although its tower did not, adding credence to the belief that Jumbo would have successfully contained a fizzled explosion.[207][208] A pre-test explosion was conducted on 7 May 1945 to calibrate the instruments. A wooden test platform was erected 800 yards (730 m) from Ground Zero and piled with 100 long tons (100 t) of TNT spiked with nuclear fission products in the form of an irradiated uranium slug from Hanford, which was dissolved and poured into tubing inside the explosive. This explosion was observed by Oppenheimer and Groves's new deputy commander, Brigadier General Thomas Farrell. The pre-test produced data that proved vital for the Trinity test.[208][209] For the actual test, the weapon, nicknamed "the gadget", was hoisted to the top of a 100-foot (30 m) steel tower, as detonation at that height would give a better indication of how the weapon would behave when dropped from a bomber. Detonation in the air maximized the energy applied directly to the target, and generated less nuclear fallout. The gadget was assembled under the supervision of Norris Bradbury at the nearby McDonald Ranch House on 13 July, and precariously winched up the tower the following day.[210] Observers included Bush, Chadwick, Conant, Farrell, Fermi, Groves, Lawrence, Oppenheimer and Tolman. At 05:30 on 16 July 1945 the gadget exploded with an energy equivalent of around 20 kilotons of TNT, leaving a crater of Trinitite (radioactive glass) in the desert 250 feet (76 m) wide. The shock wave was felt over 100 miles (160 km) away, and the mushroom cloud reached 7.5 miles (12.1 km) in height. It was heard as far away as El Paso, Texas, so Groves issued a cover story about an ammunition magazine explosion at Alamogordo Field.[211][212]

Manhattan Project


In June 1944, the Manhattan Project employed some 129,000 workers, of whom 84,500 were construction workers, 40,500 were plant operators and 1,800 were military personnel. As construction activity fell off, the workforce declined to 100,000 a year later, but the number of military personnel increased to 5,600. Procuring the required numbers of workers, especially highly skilled workers, in competition with other vital wartime programs proved very difficult.[213] In 1943, Groves obtained a special temporary priority for labor from the War Manpower Commission. In March 1944, both the War Production Board and the War Manpower Commission gave the project their highest priority.[214] Tolman and Conant, in their role as the project's scientific advisers, drew up a list of candidate scientists and had them rated by scientists already working on the project. Groves then sent a personal letter to the head of their university or company asking for them to be released for essential war work.[215] At the University of Wisconsin–Madison, Stanisław Ulam gave one of his students, Joan Hinton, an exam early, so she could leave to do war work. A few weeks later, Ulam received a letter from Hans Bethe, inviting him to join the project.[216] Conant personally persuaded the explosives expert George Kistiakowsky to join the project.[217]

A Women's Army Corps detachment marching at Oak Ridge

One source of skilled personnel was the Army itself, particularly the Army Specialized Training Program. In 1943, the MED created the Special Engineer Detachment (SED), with an authorized strength of 675. Technicians and skilled workers drafted into the Army were assigned to the SED. Another source was the Women's Army Corps (WAC). Initially intended for clerical tasks handling classified material, the WACs were soon tapped for technical and scientific tasks as well.[218] On 1 February 1945, all military personnel assigned to the MED, including all SED detachments, were assigned to the 9812th Technical Service Unit, except at Los Alamos, where military personnel other than SED, including the WACs and Military Police, were assigned to the 4817th Service Command Unit.[219] An Associate Professor of Radiology at the University of Rochester School of Medicine, Stafford L. Warren, was commissioned as a colonel in the United States Army Medical Corps, and appointed as chief of the MED's Medical Section and Groves' medical advisor. Warren's initial task was to staff hospitals at Oak Ridge, Richland and Los Alamos.[220] The Medical Section was responsible for medical research, but also for the MED's health and safety programs. This presented an enormous challenge, because workers were handling a variety of toxic chemicals, using hazardous liquids and gases under high pressures, working with high voltages, and performing experiments involving explosives, not to mention the largely unknown dangers presented by radioactivity and handling fissile materials.[221] Yet in December 1945, the National Safety Council presented the Manhattan Project with the Award of Honor for Distinguished Service to Safety in recognition of its safety record. Between January 1943 and June 1945, there were 62 fatalities and 3,879 disabling injuries, which was about 62 percent below the rate of private industry.[222]

Manhattan Project


Voluntary censorship of atomic information began before the Manhattan Project. After the start of the European war in 1939 American scientists began avoiding publishing military-related research, and in 1940 scientific journals began asking the National Academy of Sciences to clear articles. William L. Laurence of The New York Times, who wrote an article for The Saturday Evening Post in September 1940 on atomic fission, later learned that government officials asked librarians nationwide in 1943 to withdraw the issue.[223]
A billboard encouraging secrecy among Oak Ridge workers The Manhattan Project operated under tight security lest its discovery induce Axis powers, especially Germany, to accelerate their own nuclear projects or undertake covert operations against the project.[224] The government's Office of Censorship, by contrast, relied on the press to comply with a voluntary code of conduct it published, and the project at first avoided notifying the office. By early 1943 newspapers began publishing reports of large construction in Tennessee and Washington based on public records, and the office began discussing with the project how to maintain secrecy. In June the Office of Censorship asked newspapers and broadcasters to avoid discussing "atom smashing, atomic energy, atomic fission, atomic splitting, or any of their equivalents. The use for military purposes of radium or radioactive materials, heavy water, high voltage discharge equipment, cyclotrons." The office also asked to avoid discussion of "polonium, uranium, ytterbium, hafnium, protactinium, radium, rhenium, thorium, deuterium"; only uranium was sensitive, but was listed with other elements to hide its importance.[225]

Soviet spies
The prospect of sabotage was always present, and sometimes suspected when there were equipment failures. While there were some problems believed to be the result of careless or disgruntled employees, there were no confirmed instances of Axis-instigated sabotage.[226] However, on 10 March 1945, a Japanese fire balloon struck a power line, and the resulting power surge caused the three reactors at Hanford to be temporarily shut down.[227] With so many people involved, security was a difficult task. A special Counter Intelligence Corps detachment was formed to handle the project's security issues.[228] By 1943, it was clear that the Soviet Union was attempting to penetrate the project. Lieutenant Colonel Boris T. Pash, the head of the Counter Intelligence Branch of the Western Defense Command, investigated suspected Soviet espionage at the Radiation Laboratory in Berkeley. Oppenheimer informed Pash that he had been approached by a fellow professor at Berkeley, Haakon Chevalier, about passing information to the Soviet Union.[229] The most successful Soviet spy was Klaus Fuchs, a member of the British Mission who played an important part at Los Alamos.[230] The 1950 revelation of Fuchs' espionage activities damaged the United States' nuclear cooperation with Britain and Canada.[231] Subsequently, other instances of espionage were uncovered, leading to the arrest of Harry Gold, David Greenglass and Ethel and Julius Rosenberg.[232] Other spies like George Koval and Theodore

Manhattan Project Hall remained unknown for decades.[233] The value of the espionage is difficult to quantify, as the principal constraint on the Soviet atomic bomb project was a shortage of uranium ore. The consensus is that espionage saved the Soviets one or two years of effort.[234]


Foreign intelligence
In addition to developing the atomic bomb, the Manhattan Project was charged with gathering intelligence on the German nuclear energy project. It was believed that the Japanese atomic program was not far advanced because Japan had little access to uranium ore, but it was initially feared that Germany was very close to developing its own weapons. At the instigation of the Manhattan Project, a bombing and sabotage campaign was carried out against heavy water plants in German-occupied Norway.[235] A small mission was created, jointly staffed by the Office of Naval Intelligence, OSRD, the Manhattan Project, and Army Intelligence (G-2), to investigate enemy scientific developments. It was not restricted to those involving nuclear weapons.[236] The Chief of Army Intelligence, Major General George V. Strong, appointed Boris Pash to command the unit,[237] which was codenamed "Alsos", a Greek word meaning "grove".[238] The Alsos Mission to Italy questioned staff of the physics laboratory at the University of Rome following the capture of the city in June 1944.[239] Meanwhile Pash formed a combined British and American Alsos mission in London under the command of Captain Horace K. Calvert to participate in Operation Overlord.[240] Groves considered the risk that the Germans might attempt to disrupt the Normandy landings with radioactive poisons was sufficient to warn General Dwight D. Eisenhower and send an officer to brief his chief of staff, Lieutenant General Walter Bedell Smith.[241] Under the codename Operation Peppermint, special equipment was prepared and Chemical Warfare Service teams were trained in its

Allied soldiers dismantle the German experimental nuclear reactor at Haigerloch.

use.[242] Following in the wake of the advancing Allied armies, Pash and Calvert interviewed Frédéric Joliot-Curie about the activities of German scientists. They spoke to officials at Union Minière du Haut Katanga about uranium shipments to Germany. They tracked down 68 tons of ore in Belgium and 30 tons in France. The interrogation of German prisoners indicated that uranium and thorium were being processed in Oranienburg, so Groves arranged for it to be bombed on 15 March 1945.[243] An Alsos team went to Stassfurt in the Soviet Occupation Zone and retrieved 11 tons of ore from WIFO.[244] In April 1945, Pash, in command of a composite force known as T-Force, conducted Operation Harborage, a sweep behind enemy lines of the cities of Hechingen, Bisingen and Haigerloch that were the heart of the German nuclear effort. T-Force captured the nuclear laboratories, documents, equipment and supplies, including heavy water and 1.5 tons of metallic uranium.[245][246] Alsos teams rounded up German scientists including Kurt Diebner, Otto Hahn, Walther Gerlach, Werner Heisenberg and Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker, who were taken to England where they were interned at Farm Hall, a bugged house in Godmanchester. After the bombs were detonated in Japan, the Germans were forced to confront the fact that

Manhattan Project the Allies had done what they could not.[247]


Bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
Starting in November 1943, the Army Air Forces Materiel Command at Wright Field, Ohio, began Silverplate, the codename modification of B-29s to carry the bombs. Test drops were carried out at Muroc Army Air Field, California, and the Naval Ordnance Test Station at Inyokern, California.[248] Groves met with the Chief of United States Army Air Forces (USAAF), General Henry H. Arnold, in March 1944 to discuss the delivery of the finished bombs to their targets.[249] The only Allied aircraft capable of carrying the 17-foot (5.2 m) long Thin Man or the 59-inch (150 cm) wide Fat Man was the British Avro Lancaster, but using a British aircraft would have caused difficulties with maintenance. Groves hoped that the American Boeing B-29 Superfortress could be modified to carry Thin Man by joining its two bomb bays together.[250] Arnold promised that no effort would be spared to modify B-29s to do the job, and designated Major General Oliver P. Echols as the USAAF liaison to the Manhattan Project. In turn, Echols named Colonel Roscoe C. Wilson as his alternate, and Wilson became Manhattan Project's main USAAF contact.[249] President Roosevelt instructed Groves that if the atomic bombs were ready before the war with Germany ended, he should be ready to drop them on Germany.[251] The 509th Composite Group was activated on 17 December 1944 at Wendover Army Air Field, Utah, under the command of Colonel Paul W. Tibbets. This base, close to the border with Nevada, was codenamed "Kingman" or "W-47". Training was conducted at Wendover and at Batista Army Airfield, Cuba, where the 393d Bombardment Squadron practiced long-distance flights over water, and dropping dummy pumpkin bombs. A special unit known as Alberta was formed at Los Alamos under Captain William S. Parsons as part of the Manhattan Project to assist in preparing and delivering the bombs.[252] Commander Frederick L. Ashworth from Silverplate B-29 Straight Flush. The tail code of the 444th Bombardment Group is painted on for security reasons. Alberta met with Fleet Admiral Chester W. Nimitz on Guam in February 1945 to inform him of the project. While he was there, Ashworth selected North Field on the Pacific Island Tinian as a base for the 509th Composite Group, and reserved space for the group and its buildings. The group deployed there in July 1945.[253] Farrell arrived at Tinian on 30 July as the Manhattan Project representative.[254] Most of the components for Little Boy left San Francisco on the cruiser USS Indianapolis on 16 July and arrived on Tinian on 26 July. Four days later the ship was sunk by a Japanese submarine. The remaining components, which included six uranium-235 rings, were delivered by three C-54 Skymasters of the 509th Group's 320th Troop Carrier Squadron.[255] Two Fat Man assemblies travelled to Tinian in specially modified 509th Composite Group B-29s. The first plutonium core went in a special C-54.[256] A joint targeting committee of the Manhattan District and USAAF was established to determine which cities in Japan should be targets, and recommended Kokura, Hiroshima, Niigata and Kyoto. At this point, Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson intervened, announcing that he would be making the targeting decision, and that he would not authorize the bombing of Kyoto on the grounds of its historical

Manhattan Project and religious significance. Groves therefore asked Arnold to remove Kyoto not just from the list of nuclear targets, but from targets for conventional bombing as well.[257] One of Kyoto's substitutes was Nagasaki.[258]


In May 1945, the Interim Committee was created to advise on wartime and postwar use of nuclear energy. The committee was chaired by Stimson, with James F. Byrnes, a former US Senator soon to be Secretary of State, as President Harry S. Truman's personal representative; Ralph A. Bard, the Under Secretary of the Navy; William L. Clayton, the Assistant Secretary of State; Vannevar Bush; Karl T. Compton; James B. Conant; and George L. Harrison, an assistant to Stimson and president of New York Life Insurance Company. The Interim Committee in turn established a scientific panel consisting of Arthur Compton, Fermi, Lawrence and Oppenheimer to advise it on scientific issues. In its presentation to the Interim Committee, the scientific panel offered its opinion not just on the likely physical effects of an atomic bomb, but on its probable military and political impact.[259] At the Potsdam Conference in Germany, Truman was informed that the Trinity test had been successful. He told Joseph Stalin, the leader of the Soviet Union, that the US had a new superweapon, without giving any details. This was the first communication to the Soviet Union about the bomb, but Stalin already knew about it from spies.[260] With the authorization to use the bomb against Japan already given, no alternatives were considered after the Japanese rejection of the Potsdam Declaration.[261] On 6 August 1945, the 393d Bombardment Squadron B-29 Enola Gay, piloted and commanded by Tibbets, lifted off with Parsons on board as weaponeer, and Little Boy in its bomb bay. Hiroshima, an important army depot and port of embarkation, was the primary target of the mission, with Kokura and Nagasaki as alternatives. With Farrell's permission, Parsons completed the bomb assembly in the air to minimize the risks during takeoff.[262] The bomb detonated at an Little Boy explodes over Hiroshima, Japan, 6 August 1945 (left); Fat Man explodes over Nagasaki, Japan, 9 August 1945 (right). altitude of 1,750 feet (530 m) with a blast that was later estimated to be the [263] equivalent of 13 kilotons of TNT. An area of approximately 4.7 square miles (12 km2) was destroyed. Japanese officials determined that 69% of Hiroshima's buildings were destroyed and another 6–7% damaged. About 70,000 to 80,000 people, or some 30% of the population of Hiroshima, were killed immediately, and another 70,000 injured.[264] On the morning of 9 August 1945, the B-29 Bockscar, piloted by the 393d Bombardment Squadron's commander, Major Charles W. Sweeney, lifted off with a Fat Man on board. This time, Ashworth served as weaponeer and Kokura was the primary target. Sweeney took off with the weapon already armed but with the electrical safety plugs still engaged. When they reached Kokura, they found cloud cover had obscured the city, prohibiting the visual attack required by orders. After three runs over the city, and with fuel running low, they headed for the secondary target, Nagasaki. Ashworth decided that a radar approach would be used if the target was obscured, but a last-minute break in the clouds over Nagasaki allowed a visual approach as ordered. The Fat Man was dropped over the city's industrial valley midway between the Mitsubishi Steel and Arms Works in the south and the Mitsubishi-Urakami Ordnance Works in the north. The resulting explosion had a blast yield equivalent to 21 kilotons of TNT, roughly the same as the Trinity blast, but was confined to the Urakami Valley, and a major portion of the city was protected by

Manhattan Project the intervening hills. About 44% of the city was destroyed; 35,000 people were killed and 60,000 injured.[265][266] Groves expected to have another atomic bomb ready for use on 19 August, with three more in September and a further three in October.[267] Two more Fat Man assemblies were readied. The third core was scheduled to leave Kirtland Field for Tinian on 12 August.[266] Robert Bacher was packaging it at the Ice House at Los Alamos when he received word.[268] However, when the Japanese initiated surrender negotiations, Groves ordered the shipments suspended. On 11 August, Groves phoned Warren with orders to organize a survey team to report on the damage and radioactivity at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. A party equipped with portable Geiger counters arrived in Hiroshima on 8 September headed by Farrell and Warren, with Japanese Rear Admiral Masao Tsuzuki, who acted as a translator. They remained in Hiroshima until 14 September and then surveyed Nagasaki from 19 September to 8 October.[269] This and other scientific missions to Japan would provide valuable scientific and historical data.[270] The necessity of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki became a subject of controversy among historians. Some questioned whether an "atomic diplomacy" would not have attained the same goals and disputed whether the bombings or the Soviet declaration of war on Japan was decisive.[271] David H. Frisch recounts that alternative proposals such as a technical demonstration of an atomic explosion to the Japanese were circulated among scientists but in the end were not carefully analyzed. The Franck Report was the most notable effort pushing for a demonstration but was turned down by the Interim Committee's scientific panel.[272]


After the war
A 1945 Life article estimated that "[p]robably no more than a few dozen men in the entire country knew the full meaning of the Manhattan Project, and perhaps only a thousand others even were aware that work on atoms was involved." The magazine wrote that the more than 100,000 others employed with the project "worked like moles in the dark". Warned that disclosing the project's secrets was punishable by 10 years in prison or a $10,000 ($129,000 today[1]) fine, they saw enormous quantities of raw materials enter factories with nothing coming out, and monitored "dials and switches while behind thick concrete walls Presentation of the Army–Navy "E" Award at Los Alamos on 16 October 1945. mysterious reactions took place" without Standing, left to right: J. Robert Oppenheimer, unidentified, unidentified, Kenneth Nichols, Leslie Groves, Robert Gordon Sproul, William Sterling Parsons. knowing the purpose of their jobs. The result amazed them as much as the rest of the world; newspapers in Oak Ridge announcing the Hiroshima bomb sold for $1 ($13 today[1]).[273][274][275] In anticipation of the bombings, Groves had Henry DeWolf Smyth prepare a history for public consumption. The Atomic Energy for Military Purposes, better known as the "Smyth Report", was released to the public on 12 August 1945.[276] Groves and Nichols presented Army–Navy "E" Awards to key contractors, whose involvement had hitherto been secret. Over 20 awards of the Presidential Medal for Merit were made to key contractors and scientists, including Bush and Oppenheimer. Military personnel received the Legion of Merit, including the commander of the Women's Army Corps detachment, Captain Arlene G. Scheidenhelm.[277] At Hanford, plutonium production fell off as Reactors B, D and F wore out, "poisoned" by fission products and swelling of the graphite moderator known as the Wigner effect. The swelling damaged the charging tubes where the

Manhattan Project uranium was irradiated to produce plutonium, rendering them unusable. In order to maintain the supply of polonium for the urchin initiators, production was curtailed and the oldest unit, B pile, was closed down so at least one reactor would be available in the future. Research continued, with DuPont and the Metallurgical Laboratory developing a redox solvent extraction process as an alternative plutonium extraction technique to the bismuth phosphate process, which left unspent uranium in a state from which it could not easily be recovered.[278] Bomb engineering was carried out by the Z Division, named for its director, Dr. Jerrold R. Zacharias from Los Alamos. Z Division was initially located at Wendover Field but moved to Oxnard Field, New Mexico, in September 1945 to be closer to Los Alamos. This marked the beginning of Sandia Base. Nearby Kirtland Field was used as a B-29 base for aircraft compatibility and drop tests.[279] By October, all the staff and facilities at Wendover had been transferred to Sandia.[280] As reservist officers were demobilized, they were replaced by about fifty hand-picked regular officers.[281] Nichols recommended that S-50 and the Alpha tracks at Y-12 be closed down. This was done in September.[282] Although performing better than ever,[283] the Alpha tracks could not compete with K-25 and the new K-27, which had commenced operation in January 1946. In December, the Y-12 plant was closed, thereby cutting the Tennessee Eastman payroll from 8,600 to 1,500 and saving $2 million a month.[284] Nowhere was demobilization more of a problem than at Los Alamos, where there was an exodus of talent. Much remained to be done. The bombs used on Hiroshima and Nagasaki were like laboratory pieces; work would be required to make them simpler, safer and more reliable. Implosion methods needed to be developed for uranium in place of the wasteful gun method, and composite uranium-plutonium cores were needed now that plutonium was in short supply because of the problems with the reactors. However, uncertainty about the future of the laboratory made it hard to induce people to stay. Oppenheimer returned to his job at the President Harry S. Truman signs the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 establishing the University of California and Groves United States Atomic Energy Commission. appointed Norris Bradbury as an interim replacement. In fact, Bradbury would remain in the post for the next 25 years.[280] Groves attempted to combat the dissatisfaction caused by the lack of amenities with a construction program that included an improved water supply, three hundred houses, and recreation facilities.[278] Two Fat Man–type detonations were conducted at Bikini Atoll in July 1946 as part of Operation Crossroads to investigate the effect of nuclear weapons on warships.[285] Able was detonated on 1 July 1946. The more spectacular Baker was detonated underwater on 25 July 1946.[286] In the face of the destructiveness of the new weapons and in anticipation of the nuclear arms race several project members including Bohr, Bush and Conant expressed the view that it was necessary to reach agreement on international control of nuclear research and atomic weapons. In July 1945, the Szilárd petition, signed by dozens of scientists working on the Manhattan Project, warned President Harry S. Truman about his responsibility in using such weapons.[287][288] The Baruch Plan, unveiled in a speech to the newly formed United Nations Atomic Energy Commission (UNAEC) in June 1946, proposed the establishment of an international atomic development authority, but was not adopted.[289]


Manhattan Project Following a domestic debate over the permanent management of the nuclear program, the United States Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) was created by the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 to take over the functions and assets of the Manhattan Project. It established civilian control over atomic development, and separated the development, production and control of atomic weapons from the military. Military aspects were taken over by the Armed Forces Special Weapons Project (AFSWP).[290] Although the Manhattan Project ceased to exist on 31 December 1946, the Manhattan District would remain until it too was abolished on 15 August 1947.[291]


Manhattan Project costs through 31 December 1945 Site Oak Ridge Hanford Special operating materials Los Alamos Research and development Government overhead Heavy water plants Total

Cost (1945 USD) Cost (2012 USD) $1,188,352,000 $390,124,000 $103,369,000 $74,055,000 $69,681,000 $37,255,000 $26,768,000 $1,889,604,000 $15.3 billion $5.04 billion $1.33 billion $956 million $900 million $481 million $346 million $24.4 billion

The project expenditure through 1 October 1945 was $1.845 billion, equivalent to less than nine days of wartime spending, and was $2.191 billion when the AEC assumed control on 1 January 1947. Total allocation was $2.4 billion. Over 90% of the cost was for building plants and producing the fissionable materials, and less than 10% for development and production of the weapons.[293][294] A total of four weapons (the Trinity gadget, Little Boy, Fat Man, and an unused bomb) were produced by the end of 1945, making the average cost per bomb around $500 million in 1945 dollars. By comparison, the project's total cost by the end of 1945 was about 90% of the total spent on the production of US small arms (not including ammunition) and 34% of the total spent on US tanks during the same period.[292]

The political and cultural impacts of the development of nuclear weapons were profound and far-reaching. Laurence of the Times, the first to use the phrase "Atomic Age",[295] became the official correspondent for the Manhattan Project in spring 1945. In 1943 and 1944 he unsuccessfully attempted to persuade the Office of Censorship to permit writing about the explosive potential of uranium, and government officials felt that he had earned the right to report on the biggest secret of the war. Laurence witnessed both the Trinity test[296] and the bombing of Nagasaki and wrote the official press releases prepared for them. He went on to write a series of articles extolling the virtues of the new weapon. His reporting before and after the bombings helped to spur public awareness of the potential of nuclear technology and motivated its development in the United States and the Soviet Union.[297] The wartime Manhattan Project left a legacy in the form of the network of national laboratories: the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, Los Alamos National Laboratory, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Argonne National Laboratory and Ames Laboratory. Two more were established by Groves soon after the war, the Brookhaven National Laboratory at Upton, New York, and the Sandia National Laboratories at Albuquerque, New Mexico. Groves allocated $72 million to them for research activities in fiscal year 1946–1947.[298] They would be in the vanguard of the kind of large-scale research that Alvin Weinberg, the director of the Oak Ridge National Laboratory,

Manhattan Project would call Big Science.[299] The Naval Research Laboratory had long been interested in the prospect of using nuclear power for warship propulsion, and sought to create its own nuclear project. In May 1946, Nimitz, now Chief of Naval Operations, decided that the Navy should instead work with the Manhattan Project. A group of naval officers were assigned to Oak Ridge, the most senior of whom was Captain Hyman G. Rickover, who became assistant director there. They immersed themselves in the study of nuclear energy, laying the foundations for a nuclear-powered navy.[300] A similar group of Air Force personnel arrived at Oak Ridge in September 1946 with the aim of developing nuclear aircraft.[301] Their Nuclear Energy for the Propulsion of Aircraft (NEPA) project ran into formidable technical difficulties, and was ultimately cancelled.[302] The ability of the new reactors to create radioactive isotopes in previously unheard-of quantities sparked a revolution in nuclear medicine in the immediate postwar years. Starting in mid-1946, Oak Ridge began distributing radioisotopes to hospitals and universities. Most of the orders were for iodine-131 and phosphorus-32, which were used in the diagnosis and treatment of cancer. In addition to medicine, isotopes were also used in biological, industrial and agricultural research.[303] On handing over control to the Atomic Energy Commission, Groves bid farewell to the people who had worked on the Manhattan Project: Five years ago, the idea of Atomic Power was only a dream. You have made that dream a reality. You have seized upon the most nebulous of ideas and translated them into actualities. You have built cities where none were known before. You have constructed industrial plants of a magnitude and to a precision heretofore deemed impossible. You built the weapon which ended the War and thereby saved countless American lives. With regard to peacetime applications, you have raised the curtain on vistas of a new world.[304]


[1] Staff. Consumer Price Index (estimate) 1800–2012 (http:/ / www. minneapolisfed. org/ community_education/ teacher/ calc/ hist1800. cfm). Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis. Retrieved 22 February 2012. [2] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 16–20. [3] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 40–41. [4] "Executive Order 8807 Establishing the Office of Scientific Research and Development" (http:/ / www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ ws/ index. php?pid=16137). 28 June 1941. . Retrieved 28 June 2011.. [5] Jones 1985, p. 33. [6] Rhodes 1986, pp. 322–325. [7] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 42. [8] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 39–40. [9] Rhodes 1986, pp. 372–374. [10] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 43–44. [11] Jones 1985, pp. 30–32. [12] Jones 1985, p. 35. [13] Jones 1985, pp. 37–39. [14] Nichols 1987, pp. 32. [15] Jones 1985, pp. 35–36. [16] Rhodes 1986, p. 416. [17] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 103. [18] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 42–44. [19] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 33–35. [20] Groves 1962, p. 41. [21] Serber & Rhodes 1992, p. 21. [22] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 54–56. [23] Rhodes 1986, p. 417. [24] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 44–45.

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[25] The reaction Teller was most concerned with was: 14 7N + 14 7N → 24 12Mg + 4 2He (alpha particle) + 17.7 MeV.Bethe 1991, p. 30. [26] Rhodes 1986, p. 419. [27] Konopinski, E. J; Marvin, C.; Teller, Edward (1946). "Ignition of the Atmosphere with Nuclear Bombs" (http:/ / www. fas. org/ sgp/ othergov/ doe/ lanl/ docs1/ 00329010. pdf) (PDF). . Retrieved 23 November 2008. [28] In Bethe's account, the possibility of this ultimate catastrophe came up again in 1975 when it appeared in a magazine article by H.C. Dudley, who got the idea from a report by Pearl Buck of an interview she had with Arthur Compton in 1959. The worry was not entirely extinguished in some people's minds until the Trinity test.Bethe 1991, pp. xi, 30. [29] Broad, William J. (30 October 2007). "Why They Called It the Manhattan Project" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 10/ 30/ science/ 30manh. html). The New York Times. . Retrieved 27 October 2010. [30] Jones 1985, pp. 41–44. [31] Fine & Remington 1972, p. 652. [32] Nichols 1987, p. 174. [33] Groves 1962, p. 40. [34] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 76–78. [35] Fine & Remington 1972, p. 654. [36] Jones 1985, pp. 57–61. [37] Fine & Remington 1972, p. 657. [38] "Science:Atomic Footprint" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,854500-2,00. html). TIME. 17 September 1945. . Retrieved 16 March 2011. [39] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 81. [40] Jones 1985, pp. 74–77. [41] Groves 1962, pp. 4–5. [42] Fine & Remington 1972, pp. 659–661. [43] Groves 1962, pp. 27–28. [44] Groves 1962, pp. 44–45. [45] Groves 1962, pp. 22–23. [46] Jones 1985, pp. 80–82. [47] Groves 1962, pp. 61–63. [48] Nichols 1987, pp. 72–73. [49] Bernstein 1976, pp. 206–207. [50] Villa, Brian L. (1981). "Chapter 11: Alliance Politics and Atomic Collaboration, 1941–1943" (http:/ / www. ibiblio. org/ hyperwar/ UN/ Canada/ Natl_Exp/ index. html). In Sidney, Aster. The Second World War as a National Experience: Canada. The Canadian Committee for the History of the Second World War, Department of National Defence. pp. 144–145. . [51] Bernstein 1976, pp. 206–208. [52] Bernstein 1976, p. 208. [53] Stacey, C. P. (1970). Arms, Men and Government: The War Policies of Canada, 1939 – 1945 (http:/ / www. cmp-cpm. forces. gc. ca/ dhh-dhp/ his/ docs/ AMG_e. pdf). The Queen's Printer by authority of the Minister of National Defence. pp. 517. . [54] Bernstein 1976, pp. 209–212. [55] Fakley, Dennis C. (Winter/Spring 1983). "The British Mission" (http:/ / www. atomicarchive. com/ History/ british/ index. shtml). Los Alamos Science (7): 186–189. . [56] Bernstein 1976, pp. 213. [57] Gowing 1964, pp. 168–173. [58] Bernstein 1976, pp. 216–217. [59] Gowing 1964, pp. 340–342. [60] Jones 1985, p. 296. [61] Gowing 1964, p. 234. [62] Gowing 1964, pp. 242–244. [63] Hunner 2004, p. 26. [64] Gowing 1964, p. 372. [65] Bernstein 1976, pp. 223–224. [66] Jones 1985, pp. 90, 299–306. [67] Johnson & Jackson 1981, pp. 168–169. [68] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 116–117. [69] Groves 1962, pp. 25–26. [70] Jones 1985, p. 78.


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[71] Johnson & Jackson 1981, pp. 39–43. [72] Fine & Remington 1972, pp. 663–664. [73] "Oak Ridge National Laboratory Review, Vol. 25, Nos. 3 and 4, 2002" (http:/ / www. ornl. gov/ info/ ornlreview/ rev25-34/ chapter1. shtml). . Retrieved 9 March 2010. [74] Jones 1985, pp. 327–328. [75] Johnson & Jackson 1981, p. 49. [76] Johnson & Jackson 1981, p. 8. [77] Johnson & Jackson 1981, pp. 14–17. [78] Jones 1985, p. 88. [79] Jones 1985, pp. 443–446. [80] Jones 1985, pp. 83–84. [81] Fine & Remington 1972, pp. 664–665. [82] "50th Anniversary Article: Oppenheimer's Better Idea: Ranch School Becomes Arsenal of Democracy" (http:/ / www. lanl. gov/ history/ road/ school-arsenal. shtml). Los Alamos National Laboratory. . Retrieved 6 April 2011. [83] Groves 1962, pp. 66–67. [84] Jones 1985, pp. 328–331. [85] "Secretary of Agriculture granting use of land for Demolition Range" (http:/ / www. lanl. gov/ history/ road/ pdf/ 4-8-43. pdf). Los Alamos National Laboratory. 8 April 1943. . Retrieved 6 April 2011. [86] Hunner 2004, pp. 31–32. [87] Hunner 2004, p. 29. [88] Hunner 2004, p. 40. [89] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 230–232. [90] Jones 1985, pp. 67–71. [91] Natural self-sustaining nuclear reactions have occurred in the distant past.Libby 1979, pp. 214–216. [92] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 108–112. [93] The allusion here is to the Italian navigator Christopher Columbus, who reached the Caribbean in 1492. [94] Jones 1985, pp. 195–196. [95] Groves 1962, pp. 58–59. [96] Groves 1962, pp. 68–69. [97] Jones 1985, pp. 108–111. [98] Jones 1985, p. 342. [99] Jones 1985, pp. 452–457. [100] Thayer 1996, p. 16. [101] Jones 1985, p. 401. [102] Jones 1985, pp. 463–464. [103] Waltham 2002, pp. 8–9. [104] Jones 1985, pp. 107–108. [105] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 201–202. [106] Smyth 1945, p. 39. [107] Smyth 1945, p. 92. [108] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 85–86. [109] Jones 1985, p. 295. [110] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 285–288. [111] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 291–292. [112] Ruhoff & Fain 1962, pp. 3–9. [113] Hoddeson et al. 1993, p. 31. [114] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 87–88. [115] Smyth 1945, pp. 154–156. [116] Jones 1985, p. 157. [117] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 22–23. [118] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 30. [119] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 64. [120] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 96–97. [121] Nichols 1987, p. 64. [122] Jones 1985, pp. 117–119. [123] Smyth 1945, pp. 164–165. [124] Fine & Remington 1972, p. 684. [125] Nichols 1987, p. 42. [126] Jones 1985, p. 133.


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[127] [128] [129] [130] [131] [132] [133] [134] [135] [136] [137] [138] [139] [140] [141] [142] [143] [144] [145] [146] [147] [148] [149] [150] [151] [152] [153] [154] [155] [156] [157] [158] [159] [160] [161] [162] [163] [164] [165] [166] [167] [168] [169] [170] [171] [172] [173] [174] [175] [176] [177] [178] [179] [180] [181] [182] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 153. Jones 1985, p. 67. Jones 1985, pp. 126–132. Jones 1985, pp. 138–139. "The Calutron Girls" (http:/ / smithdray1. net/ angeltowns/ or/ go. htm). SmithDRay. . Retrieved 22 June 2011. Jones 1985, p. 140. Nichols 1987, p. 131. Jones 1985, pp. 143–148. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 30–32, 96–98. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 108. Jones 1985, pp. 150–151. Jones 1985, pp. 154–157. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 126–127. Jones 1985, pp. 158–165. Jones 1985, pp. 167–171. Smyth 1945, pp. 161–162. Jones 1985, p. 172. Jones 1985, pp. 175–177. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 170–172. Jones 1985, pp. 178–179. Jones 1985, pp. 180–183. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 300–302. Hansen 1995b, p. V-112. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 119, 254, 264–265. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 234–235. Hansen 1995b, pp. V–112–113. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 248–249. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 258–263. Smyth 1945, pp. 130–132. Jones 1985, pp. 204–206. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 208–210. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 211. Jones 1985, p. 209. Groves 1962, pp. 78–82. Jones 1985, p. 210. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 222–226. Thayer 1996, p. 139. Hanford Cultural and Historic Resources Program 2002, p. 1.16. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 216–217. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 304–307. Jones 1985, pp. 220–223. Howes & Herzenberg 1999, p. 45. Libby 1979, pp. 182–183. Thayer 1996, p. 10. Thayer 1996, p. 141. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 184–185. Hanford Cultural and Historic Resources Program 2002, pp. 2–4.15-2-4.18. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 204–205. Jones 1985, pp. 214–216. Jones 1985, p. 212. Thayer 1996, p. 11. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 219–222. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 226–229. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 250–252. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 242–244. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 312–313.


[183] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 129–130. [184] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 246. [185] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 130–131.

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[186] [187] [188] [189] [190] [191] [192] [193] [194] [195] [196] [197] [198] [199] [200] [201] [202] [203] [204] [205] [206] [207] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 245–248. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 311. Hoddeson et al. 1993, p. 245. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 294–296. Hoddeson et al. 1993, p. 299. Hansen 1995b, p. V-123. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 301–307. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 148–154. Hansen 1995a, p. I-298. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 235. Gilbert 1969, pp. 3–4. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 308–310. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 244–245. Baker, Hecker & Harbur 1983, pp. 144–145. Hoddeson et al. 1993, p. 288. Hoddeson et al. 1993, p. 290. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 330–331. Jones 1985, p. 465. Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 318–319. Jones 1985, pp. 478–481. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 174–175. Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 365–367.


[208] Jones 1985, p. 512. [209] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 360–362. [210] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 367–370. [211] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 372–374. [212] Jones 1985, pp. 514–517. [213] Jones 1985, p. 344. [214] Jones 1985, p. 353. [215] Jones 1985, pp. 349–350. [216] Ulam 1976, pp. 143–144. [217] Jones 1985, p. 350. [218] Jones 1985, p. 358. [219] Jones 1985, p. 361. [220] Nichols 1987, p. 123. [221] Jones 1985, p. 410. [222] Jones 1985, p. 430. [223] Sweeney 2001, pp. 196–198. [224] Jones 1985, pp. 253–255. [225] Sweeney 2001, pp. 198–200. [226] Jones 1985, pp. 263–264. [227] Jones 1985, p. 267. [228] Jones 1985, pp. 258–260. [229] Jones 1985, pp. 261–265. [230] Groves 1962, pp. 142–145. [231] Hewlett & Duncan 1969, pp. 312–314. [232] Hewlett & Duncan 1969, p. 472. [233] Broad, William J. (12 November 2007). "A Spy’s Path: Iowa to A-Bomb to Kremlin Honor" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 11/ 12/ us/ 12koval. html). The New York Times: pp. 1–2. . Retrieved 2 July 2011. [234] Holloway 1994, pp. 222–223. [235] Groves 1962, pp. 191–192. [236] Groves 1962, pp. 187–190. [237] Jones 1985, p. 281. [238] Groves 1962, p. 191. [239] Jones 1985, p. 282. [240] Groves 1962, pp. 194–196. [241] Groves 1962, pp. 200–206. [242] Jones 1985, pp. 283–285. [243] Jones 1985, pp. 286–288.

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[244] Groves 1962, p. 237. [245] Jones 1985, pp. 289–290. [246] Goudsmit 1947, pp. 174–176. [247] Groves 1962, pp. 333–340. [248] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 380–381. [249] Groves 1962, pp. 253–255. [250] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 379–380. [251] Groves 1962, p. 184. [252] Groves 1962, pp. 259–262. [253] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 386–388. [254] Groves 1962, p. 311. [255] Campbell 2005, pp. 39–40. [256] Groves 1962, p. 341. [257] Groves 1962, pp. 268–276. [258] Groves 1962, p. 308. [259] Jones 1985, pp. 530–532. [260] Holloway 1994, pp. 116–117. [261] "Potsdam and the Final Decision to Use the Bomb" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20101122185554/ http:/ / www. cfo. doe. gov/ me70/ manhattan/ potsdam_decision. htm). The Manhattan Project: An Interactive History. US Department of Energy, Office of History and Heritage Resources. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. cfo. doe. gov/ me70/ manhattan/ potsdam_decision. htm) on 22 November 2010. . Retrieved 19 December 2010. [262] Groves 1962, pp. 315–319. [263] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 392–393. [264] U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey: The Effects of the Atomic Bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki (http:/ / www. trumanlibrary. org/ whistlestop/ study_collections/ bomb/ large/ documents/ pdfs/ 65. pdf). Harry S. Truman Presidential Library and Museum. 19 June 1946. pp. 9, 36. . Retrieved 15 March 2009. [265] Groves 1962, pp. 343–346. [266] Hoddeson et al. 1993, pp. 396–397. [267] "The Atomic Bomb and the End of World War II, A Collection of Primary Sources" (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB162/ 72. pdf). National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 162. George Washington University. 13 August 1945. . [268] Nichols 1987, pp. 215–216. [269] Ahnfeldt 1966, pp. 886–889. [270] Home & Low 1993, p. 537. [271] "The Atomic Bomb and the End of World War II, A Collection of Primary Sources" (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/ NSAEBB162/ index. htm). National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 162. George Washington University. 27 April 2007. . [272] Frisch 1970, pp. 107–115. [273] Wickware, Francis Sill (20 August 1945). "Manhattan Project: Its Scientists Have Harnessed Nature's Basic Force" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=hkgEAAAAMBAJ& pg=PA91#v=onepage& q& f=true). Life: pp. 91. . Retrieved 25 November 2011. [274] "Mystery Town Cradled Bomb: 75,000 in Oak Ridge, Tenn. Worked Hard and Wondered Long about Their Secret Job" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=hkgEAAAAMBAJ& lpg=PA25& pg=PA94#v=onepage& q& f=true). Life: pp. 94. 20 August 1945. . Retrieved 25 November 2011. [275] "The Secret City / Calutron operators at their panels, in the Y-12 plant at Oak Ridge, Tennessee, during World War II." (http:/ / www. theatlantic. com/ infocus/ 2012/ 06/ the-secret-city/ 100326/ #img06). The Atlantic. 25 June 2012. . Retrieved 25 June 2012. [276] Groves 1962, pp. 348–362. [277] Nichols 1987, p. 226. [278] Jones 1985, pp. 592–593. [279] Hansen 1995b, p. V-152. [280] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 625. [281] Nichols 1987, pp. 225–226. [282] Nichols 1987, pp. 216–217. [283] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 624. [284] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 630, 646. [285] Nichols 1987, p. 234. [286] Jones 1985, p. 594. [287] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 399–400. [288] "Petition to the President of the United States, July 17, 1945. Miscellaneous Historical Documents Collection" (http:/ / www. trumanlibrary. org/ whistlestop/ study_collections/ bomb/ large/ documents/ index. php?documentdate=1945-07-17& documentid=79& studycollectionid=abomb& pagenumber=1). Harry S. Truman Presidential Library and Museum. . Retrieved 20 October 2012. [289] Gosling 1994, pp. 55–57.


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[290] Groves 1962, pp. 394–398. [291] Jones 1985, p. 600. [292] Schwartz 1998. [293] Nichols 1987, pp. 34–35. [294] "Atomic Bomb Seen as Cheap at Price" (http:/ / news. google. com/ newspapers?id=yuVkAAAAIBAJ& sjid=KoENAAAAIBAJ& pg=5621,2841878). Edmonton Journal: pp. 1. 7 August 1945. . Retrieved 1 January 2012. [295] Laurence, William L. (26 September 1945). "Drama of the Atomic Bomb Found Climax in July 16 Test" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=2fpLSlthuEMC& lpg=PA10& ots=vv5mTfKJUM& pg=PA10#v=onepage& f=false). The New York Times. . Retrieved 1 October 2012. [296] Sweeney 2001, pp. 204–205. [297] Holloway 1994, pp. 59–60. [298] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, pp. 633–637. [299] Weinberg 1961, p. 161. [300] Hewlett & Duncan 1969, pp. 74–76. [301] Hewlett & Duncan 1969, pp. 72–74. [302] Hewlett & Duncan 1969, pp. 490–493, 514–515. [303] Hewlett & Duncan 1969, pp. 252–253. [304] Hewlett & Anderson 1962, p. 655.



General, administrative, and diplomatic histories • Bernstein, Barton J. (June 1976). "The Uneasy Alliance: Roosevelt, Churchill, and the Atomic Bomb, 1940–1945". The Western Political Quarterly (University of Utah) 29 (2): 202–230. doi:10.2307/448105. JSTOR 448105. • Campbell, Richard H. (2005). The Silverplate Bombers: A History and Registry of the Enola Gay and Other B-29s Configured to Carry Atomic Bombs. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company. ISBN 0-7864-2139-8. OCLC 58554961. • Fine, Lenore; Remington, Jesse A. (1972). The Corps of Engineers: Construction in the United States. Washington, D.C.: United States Army Center of Military History. OCLC 834187. • Frisch, David H. (June 1970). "Scientists and the Decision to Bomb Japan". Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science) 26 (6): pp. 107–115. • Gilbert, Keith V. (1969). History of the Dayton Project ( HISTORY_OF_THE_DAYTON_PROJECT.pdf). Miamisburg, Ohio: Mound Laboratory, Atomic Energy Commission. OCLC 650540359. Retrieved 21 July 2011. • Gosling, Francis George (1994). The Manhattan Project : Making the Atomic Bomb. Washington, DC: United States Department of Energy, History Division. OCLC 637052193. • Gowing, Margaret (1964). Britain and Atomic Energy, 1935–1945. London: Macmillan Publishing. OCLC 3195209. • Hewlett, Richard G.; Anderson, Oscar E. (1962). The New World, 1939–1946. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 0-520-07186-7. OCLC 637004643. • Hewlett, Richard G.; Duncan, Francis (1969). Atomic Shield, 1947–1952. A History of the United States Atomic Energy Commission. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 0-520-07187-5. OCLC 3717478. • Holloway, David (1994). Stalin and the Bomb: The Soviet Union and Atomic Energy, 1939–1956. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-06056-4. OCLC 29911222. • Howes, Ruth H.; Herzenberg, Caroline L. (1999). Their Day in the Sun: Women of the Manhattan Project. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN 1-56639-719-7. OCLC 49569088. • Hunner, Jon (2004). Inventing Los Alamos: The Growth of an Atomic Community. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 978-0-8061-3891-6. OCLC 154690200.

Manhattan Project • Johnson, Charles; Jackson, Charles (1981). City Behind a Fence: Oak Ridge, Tennessee, 1942–1946. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. ISBN 0-87049-303-5. OCLC 6331350. • Jones, Vincent (1985). Manhattan: The Army and the Atomic Bomb. Washington, D.C.: United States Army Center of Military History. OCLC 10913875. • Rhodes, Richard (1986). The Making of the Atomic Bomb. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-44133-7. OCLC 13793436. • Schwartz, Stephen I. (1998). Atomic Audit: The Costs and Consequences of US Nuclear Weapons (http://www. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. • Sweeney, Michael S. (2001). Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and the American Press and Radio in World War II. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-2598-0. • Welsome, Eileen (1999). The Plutonium Files: America's secret medical experiments in the Cold War, Dial Press, New York, N.Y., ISBN 0-385-31402-7 Technical histories • Ahnfeldt, Arnold Lorentz, ed. (1966). Radiology in World War II. Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General, Department of the Army. OCLC 630225. • Baker, Richard D.; Hecker, Siegfried S.; Harbur, Delbert R. (1983). Plutonium: A Wartime Nightmare but a Metallurgist's Dream ( Los Alamos National Laboratory. pp. 142–151. Retrieved 22 November 2010. • Hanford Cultural and Historic Resources Program, U.S. Department of Energy (2002). History of the Plutonium Production Facilities, 1943–1990. Richland, Washington: Hanford Site Historic District. OCLC 52282810. • Hansen, Chuck (1995a). Volume I: The Development of US Nuclear Weapons. Swords of Armageddon: US Nuclear Weapons Development since 1945. Sunnyvale, California: Chukelea Publications. ISBN 978-0-9791915-1-0. OCLC 231585284. • Hansen, Chuck (1995b). Volume V: US Nuclear Weapons Histories. Swords of Armageddon: US Nuclear Weapons Development since 1945. Sunnyvale, California: Chukelea Publications. ISBN 978-0-9791915-0-3. OCLC 231585284. • Hoddeson, Lillian; Henriksen, Paul W.; Meade, Roger A.; Westfall, Catherine L. (1993). Critical Assembly: A Technical History of Los Alamos During the Oppenheimer Years, 1943–1945. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-44132-3. OCLC 26764320. • Home, R. W.; Low, Morris F. (September 1993). "Postwar Scientic Intelligence Missions to Japan". Isis (University of Chicago Press on behalf of History of Science Society) 84 (3): pp. 527–537. doi:10.1086/356550. JSTOR 235645. • Ruhoff, John; Fain, Pat (June 1962). The First Fifty Critical days ( Mallinckrodt/Pages/MALK_Gallery_01.htm). Vol. 7. St. Louis: Mallinckrodt Incorporated. Retrieved 30 October 2010. • Serber, Robert; Rhodes, Richard (1992). The Los Alamos Primer: The First Lectures on How to Build an Atomic Bomb. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-07576-5. OCLC 23693470. (Available on Wikimedia Commons) • Smyth, Henry DeWolf (1945). Atomic Energy for Military Purposes: the Official Report on the Development of the Atomic Bomb under the Auspices of the United States Government, 1940–1945. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. OCLC 770285. • Thayer, Harry (1996). Management of the Hanford Engineer Works In World War II: How the Corps, DuPont and the Metallurgical Laboratory Fast Tracked the Original Plutonium Works. New York: American Society of Civil Engineers Press. ISBN 0-7844-0160-8. OCLC 34323402. • Waltham, Chris (20 June 2002). An Early History of Heavy Water ( pubs/d2o_19.pdf). Department of Physics and Astronomy, University of British Columbia. Retrieved 30 October


Manhattan Project 2010. • Weinberg, Alvin M. (21 July 1961). "Impact of Large-Scale Science on the United States". Science, New Series (American Association for the Advancement of Science) 134 (3473): pp. 161–164. Bibcode 1961Sci...134..161W. doi:10.1126/science.134.3473.161. JSTOR 1708292. Participant accounts • Bethe, Hans A. (1991). The Road from Los Alamos. New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0-671-74012-1. OCLC 22661282. • Goudsmit, Samuel A. (1947). Alsos. New York: Henry Schuman. ISBN 0-938228-09-9. OCLC 8805725. • Groves, Leslie (1962). Now it Can be Told: The Story of the Manhattan Project. New York: Harper & Row. ISBN 0-306-70738-1. OCLC 537684. • Libby, Leona Marshall (1979). Uranium People. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. ISBN 0-684-16242-3. OCLC 4665032. • Nichols, Kenneth David (1987). The Road to Trinity: A Personal Account of How America's Nuclear Policies Were Made. New York: William Morrow and Company. ISBN 0-688-06910-X. OCLC 15223648. • Ulam, Stanisław (1976). Adventures of a Mathematician. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. ISBN 0-520-07154-9. OCLC 1528346.


External links
• Project "Alsos Digital Library for Nuclear Issues" ( Washington and Lee University. Retrieved 10 August 2011. • "The Atomic Bomb and the End of World War II, A Collection of Primary Sources" ( ~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB162/index.htm). George Washington University. Retrieved 27 July 2011. • "Atomic Heritage Foundation" ( Atomic Heritage Foundation. Retrieved 27 July 2011. • "History Center: Los Alamos National Laboratory" ( Los Alamos National Laboratory. Retrieved 27 July 2011. • "History of Oak Ridge National Laboratory" ( Oak Ridge National Laboratory. Retrieved 27 July 2011.

Albert Einstein's political views


Albert Einstein's political views
Albert Einstein's political views were of public interest through the middle of the 20th century due to his fame and reputation for genius. He offered and was called on to give judgments and opinions on matters often unrelated to theoretical physics or mathematics.

Humanitarian involvement
With increasing public demands, his involvement in political, humanitarian and academic projects in various countries, and his new acquaintances with scholars and political figures from around the world, Einstein was less able to achieve the productive isolation that he needed in order to work.[1] Einstein was not timid, and he was aware of the world around him, with no illusion that ignoring politics would make world events fade away. His very visible position allowed him to speak and write frankly, even provocatively, at a time when many people of conscience could only flee to the underground or keep doubts about developments within their own movements to themselves for fear of internecine fighting. Einstein flouted the ascendant Nazi movement, tried to be a voice of moderation in the tumultuous formation of the State of Israel and braved anti-communist politics and resistance to the civil rights movement in the United States. He participated in the 1927 congress of the League against Imperialism in Brussels.[2] Einstein also met with many humanists and humanitarian luminaries including Rabindranath Tagore with whom he had extensive conversations in 1930 prior to leaving Germany.[3]

Einstein flouted the ascendant Nazi movement and later tried to be a voice of moderation in the tumultuous formation of the State of Israel.[4] Fred Jerome in his Einstein on Israel and Zionism: His Provocative Ideas About the Middle East argues that Einstein was a Cultural Zionist who supported the idea of a Jewish homeland, but opposed the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine “with borders, an army, and a measure of temporal power.” Instead, he preferred a bi-national state with “continuously functioning, mixed, administrative, economic, and social organizations.”[5][6] However Ami Isseroff in his article Was Einstein a Zionist, argues that Einstein supported the recognition of the State of Israel and declared it "the fulfillment of our dream" when President Harry Truman recognized Israel in May 1948. In the presidential election of 1948, Einstein supported Henry A. Wallace’s Progressive Party which advocated pro-Soviet and pro-Israel foreign policy.[7][8] Throughout the November Revolution in Germany Einstein signed an appeal for the foundation of a nationwide liberal and democratic party,[9][10] which was published in the Berliner Tageblatt on 16 November 1918,[11] and became a member of the German Democratic Party.[12] In his article Why Socialism?,[13] published in 1949 in the Monthly Review, Einstein described a chaotic capitalist society, a source of evil to be overcome, as the "predatory phase of human development". In this article Einstein expressed both his support for socialism as a social and economic system, and (more indirectly) his distrust for the bureaucratic and authoritarian excesses of the Soviet Union (see quote below in Socialism). He braved anti-communist politics and resistance to the civil rights movement in the United States. On the floor of the US Congress, Einstein was accused by John E. Rankin of Mississippi of being a "foreign-born agitator" who sought "to further the spread of Communism throughout the world".[14] He also participated in the 1927 congress of the League against Imperialism in Brussels.[15] After World War II, as enmity between the former allies became a serious issue, Einstein wrote, "I do not know how the third World War will be fought, but I can tell you what they will use in the Fourth – rocks!"[16] (Einstein 1949) With Albert Schweitzer and Bertrand Russell, Einstein lobbied to stop nuclear testing and future bombs. Days before

Albert Einstein's political views his death, Einstein signed the Russell–Einstein Manifesto, which led to the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs.[17] Einstein was a member of several civil rights groups, including the Princeton chapter of the NAACP. When the aged W. E. B. Du Bois was accused of being a Communist spy, Einstein volunteered as a character witness, and the case was dismissed shortly afterward. Einstein's friendship with activist Paul Robeson, with whom he served as co-chair of the American Crusade to End Lynching, lasted twenty years.[18] Einstein said "Politics is for the moment, equation for the eternity."[19] He declined the presidency of Israel in 1952.[20]


Einstein and Germany
Born in Ulm, Einstein was a German citizen from birth. As he grew older, Einstein's pacifism often clashed with the German Empire's militant views at the time. At the age of 17, Einstein renounced his German citizenship and moved to Switzerland to attend college. The loss of Einstein's citizenship allowed him to avoid service in the military, which suited his pacifist views. In response to a Manifesto by 93 leading German intellectuals including Max Planck in support of the German war effort, Einstein and three others wrote a counter-manifesto.[21] Remaining in neutral Switzerland throughout World War I, Einstein was saved from fighting in the conflict. When Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated and Germany moved to the Weimar Republic, Einstein was offered a position at a university. Einstein accepted the position, and in a show of support to the new democracy, Einstein reacquired German citizenship. In the years after the war, Einstein was very vocal in his support for Germany. In 1918, Einstein was one of the founding members of the German Democratic Party. In 1921, Einstein refused to attend the third Solvay Congress in Belgium, as his German compatriots were excluded. In 1922, Einstein joined a committee sponsored by the League of Nations, but quickly left when the League refused to act on France's occupation of the Ruhr in 1923. As a member of the German League of Human Rights, Einstein worked hard to repair relations between Germany and France. However, in 1933, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party, Einstein left Germany and renounced his citizenship. After World War II ended, and the Nazis were eliminated, Einstein refused to have anything to do with Germany. Einstein refused several honors bestowed upon him by Germany, as he could not forgive the Germans for the Holocaust, where 6 million of his fellow Jews were killed.[22]

Einstein was a prominent supporter of both Labor Zionism and efforts to encourage Jewish-Arab cooperation.[23] He supported the creation of a Jewish national homeland in the British mandate of Palestine but was initially opposed to the idea of a Jewish state with borders, an army, and a measure of temporal power.”[24] Fred Jerome in his Einstein on Israel and Zionism: His Provocative Ideas About the Middle East argues that Einstein was a Cultural Zionist who supported the idea of a Jewish homeland but opposed the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine preferring a bi-national state with “continuously functioning, mixed, administrative, economic, and social organizations.”[5][6] In 1931, The Macmillan Company published About Zionism: Speeches and Lectures by Professor Albert Einstein.[25] Querido, an Amsterdam publishing house, collected eleven of Einstein's essays into a 1933 book entitled Mein Weltbild, translated to English as The World as I See It; Einstein's foreword dedicates the collection "to the Jews of Germany".[26] In the face of Germany's rising militarism, Einstein wrote and spoke for peace.[27][28]

Albert Einstein's political views

150 Einstein publicly stated reservations about the proposal to partition the British Mandate of Palestine into independent Arab and Jewish countries. In a 1938 speech, "Our Debt to Zionism", he said: "I should much rather see reasonable agreement with the Arabs on the basis of living together in peace than the creation of a Jewish state. My awareness of the essential nature of Judaism resists the idea of a Jewish state with borders, an army, and a measure of temporal power, no matter how modest. I am afraid of the inner damage Judaism will sustain—especially from the development of a narrow nationalism within our own ranks, against which we have already had to fight strongly, even without a Jewish state. ... If external necessity should after all compel us to assume this burden, let us bear it with tact and patience."[24]

Albert Einstein, seen here with his wife Elsa Einstein and Zionist leaders, including future President of Israel Chaim Weizmann, his wife Dr. Vera Weizmann, Menahem Ussishkin, and Ben-Zion Mossinson on arrival in New York City in 1921.

In a 1947 letter to Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru intended to persuade India to support the establishment of a Jewish state, Einstein stated that the Balfour Declaration's proposal to establish a national home for Jews in Palestine "redresses the balance" of justice and history.[29] The United Nations did divide the mandate, demarcating the borders of several new countries including the State of Israel, and war broke out immediately. Einstein was one of the authors of an open letter to the New York Times in 1948 deeply criticizing Menachem Begin's Herut (Freedom) Party for the Deir Yassin massacre (Einstein et al. 1948) likening it to "the Nazi and Fascist parties" and stated "The Deir Yassin incident exemplifies the character and actions of the Freedom Party". The letter stated clear concerns for the future of Israel if the Freedom Party continued to gain power. When President Harry Truman recognized Israel in May 1948, Einstein declared it “the fulfillment of our (Jewish) dreams.”[7] Einstein also supported vice president Henry Wallace’s Progressive Party during 1948 Presidential election which also advocate pro-Soviet and pro-Israel foreign policy.[8] Einstein served on the Board of Governors of The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. In his Will of 1950, Einstein bequeathed literary rights to his writings to The Hebrew University, where many of his original documents are held in the Albert Einstein Archives.[30] When President Chaim Weizmann died in 1952, Einstein was asked to be Israel's second president, but he declined, stating that he had "neither the natural ability nor the experience to deal with human beings."[31] He wrote: "I am deeply moved by the offer from our State of Israel, and at once saddened and ashamed that I cannot accept it."[32]

Albert Einstein's political views


Einstein had moved to the United States in December 1932, where he had been at the California Institute of Technology in Pasadena, California,[33] and also was a guest lecturer at Abraham Flexner's newly founded Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey.[34] During the 1930s and into World War II, Einstein wrote affidavits recommending United States visas for European Jews who were trying to flee persecution. He raised money for Zionist organizations and was, in part, responsible for the 1933 formation of the International Rescue Committee.[32][36] In Germany, Deutsche Physik activists published pamphlets and even textbooks denigrating Einstein. Nobel laureates Philipp Lenard and Johannes Stark led a campaign to eliminate Einstein's work from the German lexicon as unacceptable "Jewish physics" (Jüdische Physik). Einstein receiving his certificate of American Instructors who taught his theories were blacklisted, including Nobel citizenship from Judge Phillip Forman in 1940. [35] laureate Werner Heisenberg, who had debated quantum probability He retained his Swiss citizenship. with Bohr and Einstein. Philipp Lenard claimed that the mass–energy equivalence formula needed to be credited to Friedrich Hasenöhrl to make it an Aryan creation.[37][38] A man convicted of conspiring to kill Einstein was fined a mere six dollars.[39]

Atomic bomb
Concerned scientists, many of them refugees from European anti-Semitism in the U.S., recognized the danger of German scientists' developing an atomic bomb based on the newly discovered phenomena of nuclear fission. In 1939, the Hungarian émigré Leó Szilárd, having failed to arouse U.S. government interest on his own, worked with Einstein to write a letter to U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, which Einstein signed, urging U.S. development of such a weapon.[40] On 11 October 1939 Alexander Sachs, an adviser to Roosevelt on economic affairs, delivered the Einstein–Szilárd letter and persuaded the president of its importance.[41] "This requires action", Roosevelt told an aide, and authorized secret research into the harnessing of nuclear fission for military purposes.[41][42] By 1942 this effort had become the Manhattan Project, the largest secret scientific endeavor undertaken up to that time. By late 1945, the U.S. had developed operational nuclear weapons, and used them on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Einstein himself did not play a role in the development of the atomic bomb other than signing the letter although he did help the United States Navy with some unrelated theoretical questions it was working on during the war.[43] According to Linus Pauling, Einstein later expressed regret about his letter to Roosevelt.[44] In 1947, Einstein wrote an article for The Atlantic Monthly arguing that the United States should not try to pursue an atomic monopoly, and instead should equip the United Nations with nuclear weapons for the sole purpose of maintaining deterrence.[45]
Einstein-Szilárd letter

Albert Einstein's political views


Cold War era
When he was a visible figure working against the rise of Nazism, Einstein had sought help and developed working relationships in both the West and what was to become the Soviet bloc. After World War II, enmity between the former allies became a very serious issue for people with international résumés. To make things worse, during the first days of McCarthyism Einstein was writing about a single world government; it was at this time that he wrote, "I do not know how the third World War will be fought, but I can tell you what they will use in the Fourth — rocks!"[46] In a 1949 Monthly Review article entitled "Why Socialism?"[47] Albert Einstein described a chaotic capitalist society, a source of evil to be overcome, as the "predatory phase of human development" (Einstein 1949). With Albert Schweitzer and Bertrand Russell, Einstein lobbied to stop nuclear testing and future bombs. Days before his death, Einstein signed the Russell-Einstein Manifesto, which led to the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs.[48]

Einstein, 1947. Age 68.

Einstein was a member of several civil rights groups, including the Princeton chapter of the NAACP. When the aged W. E. B. Du Bois was accused of being a Communist spy, Einstein volunteered as a character witness, and the case was dismissed shortly afterward. Einstein's friendship with activist Paul Robeson, with whom he served as co-chair of the American Crusade to End Lynching, lasted twenty years.[49] In 1946, Einstein collaborated with Rabbi Israel Goldstein, Middlesex University heir C. Ruggles Smith, and activist attorney George Alpert on the Albert Einstein Foundation for Higher Learning, which was formed to create a Jewish-sponsored secular university, open to all Einstein's house in Princeton, NJ students, on the grounds of the former Middlesex University in Waltham, Massachusetts. Middlesex was chosen in part because it was accessible from both Boston and New York City, Jewish cultural centers of the U.S. Their vision was a university "deeply conscious both of the Hebraic tradition of Torah looking upon culture as a birthright, and of the American ideal of an educated democracy."[50] The collaboration was stormy, however. Finally, when Einstein wanted to appoint British economist Harold Laski as the university's president, George Alpert wrote that Laski was "a man utterly alien to American principles of democracy, tarred with the Communist brush."[50] Einstein withdrew his support and barred the use of his name.[51] The university opened in 1948 as Brandeis University. In 1953, Brandeis offered Einstein an honorary degree, but he declined.[50]

Einstein was in favor of socialism, as illustrated by the following quote:
"I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate (the) grave evils (of capitalism), namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilized in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow-men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society."

Albert Einstein's political views
Albert Einstein, Why Socialism?, 1949


Given Einstein's links to Germany and Zionism, his socialist ideals, and his links to Communist figures, the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation kept a file on Einstein[52] that grew to 1,427 pages. Many of the documents in the file were sent to the FBI by concerned citizens: Some objected to his immigration, while others asked the FBI to protect him.[53] Einstein considered Joseph McCarthy a danger to intellectual freedom. In a letter to William Frauenglass, a New York city school teacher who, having been called to testify, refused, and facing dismissal from his position, wrote to Einstein for support. In his reply, Einstein stated: "The reactionary politicians have managed to instill suspicion of all intellectual efforts into the public by dangling before their eyes a danger from without. Having succeeded so far they are now proceeding to suppress the freedom of teaching and to deprive of their positions all those who do not prove submissive, i.e. to starve them." His advice: "Every intellectual who is called before one of the committees ought to refuse to testify, i.e. he must be prepared for jail and economic ruin, in short, for the sacrifice of his personal welfare in the interest of the cultural welfare of his country." Concluding, Einstein said, "If enough people are ready to take this grave step they will be successful. If not, then the intellectuals of this country deserve nothing better than the slavery which is intended for them."[54]

[1] Clark, Ronald W. (1971), Einstein: The Life and Times, Avon, ISBN 0-380-44123-3 [2] "Nationalist-Communist Civil War 1927–1937" (http:/ / san. beck. org/ 15-4-ChinaCivilWar1927-37. html). Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071011161337/ http:/ / www. san. beck. org/ 15-4-ChinaCivilWar1927-37. html) from the original on 11 October 2007. . Retrieved 2007-10-03. [3] http:/ / www. sawf. org/ newedit/ edit03192001/ musicarts. asp [4] Zionism and Israel Information Center, Albert Einstein and Zionism (http:/ / www. zionism-israel. com/ Albert_Einstein/ Albert_Einstein_about_zionism. htm), , retrieved 14 August 2008 [5] "Einstein and Complex Analyses of Zionism" (http:/ / www. forward. com/ articles/ 109560/ ) Jewish Daily Forward, July 24, 2009 [6] "Albert Einstein on Zionism" (http:/ / www. opednews. com/ articles/ ALBERT-EINSTEIN-ON-PALESTI-by-Edward-Corrigan-100110-905. html), Edward Corrigan [7] "Was Einstein a Zionist" (http:/ / www. zionism-israel. com/ ezine/ Einstein_and_Zionism. htm) Zionism and Israel Information Center [8] "Albert Einstein was a political activist" (http:/ / www. jewishtribune. ca/ TribuneV2/ 201004142880/ Albert-Einstein-was-a-political-activist. html/ ) Jewish Tribune,14 April 2010 [9] Pulzer, Peter G.J. (2003), Jews and the German state: the political history of a minority, 1848–1933 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=T8tVo-xbKn8C& pg=PA335& dq=einstein+ deutsche+ demokratische+ partei& q=einstein deutsche demokratische partei), Blackwell Publishers, ISBN 978-0-8143-3130-9, , retrieved 21 October 2009 [10] Leonhard, Elke (1993) (in German), Von postrevolutionärer Scheinblüte zum politischen Bankrott; Weimars liberale Parteien DDP und DVP (http:/ / library. fes. de/ spdpd/ 1993/ 930316. pdf), Sozialdemokratischer Pressedienst, , retrieved 21 October 2009 [11] Holborn, Hajo (1971) (in German), Deutsche Geschichte in der Neuzeit, III (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=RZPsF6NY5dwC& pg=PA319& lpg=PA319& dq=einstein+ deutsche+ demokratische+ partei& q=einstein deutsche demokratische partei), R. oldenbourg, ISBN 978-3-486-43251-0, , retrieved 21 October 2009 [12] Geller, Jay Howard (2005), Jews in post-Holocaust Germany, 1945–1953 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=bbuQzfFmXv4C& pg=PA147& dq=einstein+ deutsche+ demokratische+ partei& q=einstein deutsche demokratische partei), Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-54126-8, , retrieved 21 October 2009 [13] Albert Einstein (May 1949). "Why Socialism?" (http:/ / monthlyreview. org/ 598einstein. php). Monthly Review. . [14] David E. Rowe and Robert Schulmann (June 25, 2007). "What Were Einstein's Politics?" (http:/ / hnn. us/ articles/ 39445. html). George Mason University's History News Network. . [15] Nationalist-Communist Civil War 1927–1937 (http:/ / san. beck. org/ 15-4-ChinaCivilWar1927-37. html), archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071011161337/ http:/ / www. san. beck. org/ 15-4-ChinaCivilWar1927-37. html) from the original on 11 October 2007, , retrieved 3 October 2007 [16] Calaprice, Alice (2005), The new quotable Einstein (http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ titles/ 7921. html), Princeton University Press, p. 173, ISBN 0-691-12075-7, Other versions of the quote exist. [17] Butcher, Sandra Ionno (May 2005) (PDF), The Origins of the Russell–Einstein Manifesto (http:/ / www. pugwash. org/ publication/ phs/ history9. pdf), Council of the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs, archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070604194704/ http:/ / www. pugwash. org/ publication/ phs/ history9. pdf) from the original on 4 June 2007, , retrieved 2 May 2007

Albert Einstein's political views
[18] Ken Gewertz (12 April 2007), Albert Einstein, Civil Rights activist (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070529080415/ http:/ / www. news. harvard. edu/ gazette/ 2007/ 04. 12/ 01-einstein. html), Harvard University Gazette, archived from the original (http:/ / www. news. harvard. edu/ gazette/ 2007/ 04. 12/ 01-einstein. html) on 29 May 2007, , retrieved 11 June 2007 [19] Hawking, Stephen W. (2001), The universe in short, Bantam Books, p. 26, ISBN 978-0-553-80202-3 [20] Feldman, Burton (2001), The Nobel prize: a history of genius, controversy, and prestige (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=xnckeeTICn0C), Arcade Publishing, p. 141, ISBN 1-55970-592-2, , Page 141 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=xnckeeTICn0C& pg=PA141) [21] American Institute of Physics, Albert Einstein: Public Concerns (http:/ / www. aip. org/ history/ einstein/ public1. htm), [22] American Institute of Physics, Albert Einstein: Nuclear Age II (http:/ / www. aip. org/ history/ einstein/ nuclear2. htm), [23] Stachel, John (2001-12-10). Einstein from 'B' to 'Z'. Birkhäuser Boston. pp. 70. ISBN 0-8176-4143-2. [24] Rowe (2007), p 33 [25] , OCLC 1331582 [26] Available in reprint paperback from Filiquarian Publishing, LLC, ISBN 1-59986-965-9. [27] American Museum of Natural History (2002), Einstein's Revolution (http:/ / www. amnh. org/ exhibitions/ einstein/ revolution/ index. php), archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070315185808/ http:/ / www. amnh. org/ exhibitions/ einstein/ revolution/ index. php) from the original on 15 March 2007, , retrieved 2007-03-14 [28] See the AMNH site's popup of translated letter from Freud, in the section "Freud and Einstein", regarding proposed joint presentation on "What can be done to rid mankind of the menace of war?" [29] Morris, Benny (2005-02-16). "" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ world/ 2005/ feb/ 16/ israel. india). The Guardian (Guardian News and Media Limited). Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20101027112402/ http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ world/ 2005/ feb/ 16/ israel. india) from the original on 27 October 2010. . Retrieved 2 October 2010. [30] Albert Einstein Archives (2007), "History of the Estate of Albert Einstein" (http:/ / albert-einstein. org/ history5. html), Albert Einstein Archives (http:/ / albert-einstein. org/ ), The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070329121541/ http:/ / www. albert-einstein. org/ ) from the original on 29 March 2007, , retrieved 2007-03-25 [31] TIME Online (1952-12-01), "Einstein Declines" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,817454,00. html), TIME, archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080817132036/ http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,817454,00. html) from the original on 17 August 2008, , retrieved 2008-08-08 [32] Princeton Online (1995), "Einstein in Princeton: Scientist, Humanitarian, Cultural Icon" (http:/ / www. princetonhistory. org/ museum_alberteinstein. cfm), Historical Society of Princeton, , retrieved 2007-03-14 [33] Clark, R. "Einstein: The Life and Times" Harper-Collins, 1984. 880 pp. [34] Hakim, Joy (1995). A History of Us: War, Peace and all that Jazz. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-509514-6. [35] "An Albert Einstein Chronology" (http:/ / www. aip. org/ history/ einstein/ chron. htm). American Institute of Physics. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070715110214/ http:/ / www. aip. org/ history/ einstein/ chron. htm) from the original on 15 July 2007. . Retrieved 2007-08-06. [36] The International Rescue Committee (http:/ / www. theirc. org/ ) gives support and shelter to refugees of social and political persecution. [37] "MathPages — Reflections on Relativity: Who Invented Relativity?" (http:/ / www. mathpages. com/ rr/ s8-08/ 8-08. htm). . Retrieved 2007-06-25. [38] Christian Schlatter (April 2002). "Philipp Lenard et la physique aryenne" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070626191134/ http:/ / ame. epfl. ch/ biblio/ schlatter1. pdf) (PDF). École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne. Archived from the original (http:/ / ame. epfl. ch/ biblio/ schlatter1. pdf) on 2007-06-26. . Retrieved 2007-06-25. [39] Hawking, S. W. (1988), A Brief History of Time: The updated and expanded tenth anniversary edition, Bantam Books, ISBN 0-553-38016-8 [40] Discover Magazine March 2008. "Chain Reaction: From Einstein to the Atomic Bomb" (http:/ / discovermagazine. com/ 2008/ mar/ 18-chain-reaction-from-einstein-to-the-atomic-bomb). . [41] Rhodes, Richard (1986). The Making of the Atomic Bomb. New York: Simon and Schuster. pp. 307–314. ISBN 0-671-44133-7. [42] The Atomic Heritage Foundation. "Einstein's Letter to Franklin D. Roosevelt" (http:/ / www. mphpa. org/ index2. php?option=com_content& do_pdf=1& id=172). . Retrieved 2007-05-26. [43] Schwarz, Frederic (1998–04). "Einstein's Ordnance" (http:/ / www. americanheritage. com/ articles/ magazine/ it/ 1998/ 4/ 1998_4_8. shtml). . Retrieved 2008-03-23. [44] Scientist Tells of Einstein's A-bomb Regrets (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20061108075927/ http:/ / virtor. bar. admin. ch/ pdf/ ausstellung_einstein_fr/ der_pazifist/ A-Bomb_Regrets. pdf). The Philadelphia Bulletin, 13 May 1955. (PDF document from the Swiss Federal Archives (http:/ / virtor. bar. admin. ch/ en/ default. aspx) from Internet Archive.) [45] Einstein, Albert (11 1947). "Atomic War or Peace" (http:/ / theamericanideabook. theatlantic. com/ archives/ 2007/ 09/ atomic_war_or_peace. php). Atlantic Monthly. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080308034044/ http:/ / theamericanideabook. theatlantic. com/ archives/ 2007/ 09/ atomic_war_or_peace. php) from the original on 8 March 2008. . Retrieved 2008-03-23. [46] Calaprice, Alice (2005), The new quotable Einstein (http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ titles/ 7921. html), Princeton University Press, p. 173, ISBN 0-691-12075-7, Other versions of the quote exist. [47] "Why Socialism?" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071027104449/ http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m1132/ is_n8_v40/ ai_6944290). Monthly Review. 1989. Archived from the original (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m1132/ is_n8_v40/ ai_6944290) on 2007-10-27. . Retrieved 2007-06-30.


Albert Einstein's political views
[48] Butcher, Sandra Ionno (May 2005). "The Origins of the Russell-Einstein Manifesto" (http:/ / www. pugwash. org/ publication/ phs/ history9. pdf) (PDF). Council of the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070604194704/ http:/ / www. pugwash. org/ publication/ phs/ history9. pdf) from the original on 4 June 2007. . Retrieved 2007-05-02. [49] Ken Gewertz (2007-04-12). "Albert Einstein, Civil Rights activist" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070529080415/ http:/ / www. news. harvard. edu/ gazette/ 2007/ 04. 12/ 01-einstein. html). Harvard University Gazette. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. news. harvard. edu/ gazette/ 2007/ 04. 12/ 01-einstein. html) on 2007-05-29. . Retrieved 2007-06-11. [50] Reis, Arthur H., Jr (1998), "The Albert Einstein Involvement" (http:/ / www. brandeis. edu/ publications/ review/ 50threview/ einstein. pdf), Brandeis Review, 50th Anniversary Edition, , retrieved 2007-03-25 [51] New York Times (22 June 1947), "Dr. Einstein Quits University Plan" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F50812FA385D13728DDDAB0A94DE405B8788F1D3), The New York Times, , retrieved 2007-03-14 [52] "The FBI and Albert Einstein" (http:/ / www. wsws. org/ articles/ 2002/ sep2002/ eins-s03. shtml). . [53] Federal Bureau of Investigation (2005), "Albert Einstein" (http:/ / foia. fbi. gov/ foiaindex/ einstein. htm), FBI Freedom of Information Act Website, U.S. Federal Government, U.S. Department of Justice, , retrieved 2005-11-21 [54] Letter to William Frauenglass, published in the New York Times June 12, 1953


Further reading
• Rowe, David E.; Schulmann, Robert (2007-04-16). Einstein on Politics: His Private Thoughts and Public Stands on Nationalism, Zionism, War, Peace, and the Bomb. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-12094-2.

External links
• Historical Letters and Primary Source Documents from Albert Einstein ( aspx?einstein-original-letters-in-aid-of-his-brethren) Shapell Manuscript Foundation • Why Socialism? ( by Albert Einstein, Monthly Review, May 1949 • On Politics, Government, and Society ( A Collection of Einstein's Thoughts • Alan Whyte and Peter Daniels. "The FBI and Albert Einstein" ( eins-s03.shtml) World Socialist Web Site. September 3,2002


List of things named after Albert Einstein
This is a list of things named after Albert Einstein.

Scientific and mathematical concepts
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Higher-dimensional Einstein gravity Einstein solid Einstein force Einstein's constant Einstein–de Haas effect Einstein relation (kinetic theory) Stark–Einstein law Einstein–Hilbert action Einstein–Cartan theory Bose–Einstein condensate Bose–Einstein statistics Einstein field equations Einstein's radius of the universe Einstein coefficients Einstein synchronisation Einstein notation Einstein tensor Einstein manifold Einstein ring Einstein Cross Einstein radius Einstein (unit) Einstein refrigerator Zebra Puzzle, also known as Einstein's Puzzle or Riddle Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen paradox Einstein-Rosen bridge Einstein syndrome

List of things named after Albert Einstein


• • • • • • • • • • • Albert Einstein College of Medicine at Yeshiva University, New York The Albert Einstein Mathematics Institute, Hebrew University, Jerusalem Albert Einstein Academy Charter School, San Diego, California Albert Einstein High School, Kensington, Maryland Albert Einstein Intermediate (later Junior High) School, aka I.S. 131, The Bronx, New York Albert-Einstein-Schule, a German gymnasium in Bochum, Germany Albert Einstein International School of San Pedro Sula, a college preparatory school in San Pedro Sula, Honduras A high school named after Albert Einstein in Ben Shemen Youth Village, Israel Einstein School in Amsterdam, Netherlands Einstein Primary School, Haifa, Israel Albert Einstein School, a German gymnasium in Groß-Bieberau

• Einsteinova ulica, a major road in Bratislava, Slovakia • Einsteinstraße, Munich, Germany [1] • Albert Einstein Straße, Göttingen, Germany [2] • Albert Einstein Street in Coimbra, Portugal • Einstein Street, Haifa, Israel

• • • • Albert Einstein Hospital in São Paulo, Brazil Albert Einstein Medical Center, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Einstein Tower, astrophysical observatory in the Albert Einstein Science Park in Potsdam, Germany Albert Einstein House, a National Historic Landmark in Princeton, New Jersey

Arts and entertainment
• • • • • Einstein's Dreams, a 1992 novel by Alan Lightman Einstein's Monsters, a collection of short stories by Martin Amis Little Einsteins, an animated television series The Einstein Factor, an Australian TV game show hosted by Peter Berner Professor Albert Einstein, a character in the video game Command & Conquer

• • • • Bohr–Einstein debates, a series of epistemological challenges and responses by Albert Einstein and Niels Bohr Russell–Einstein Manifesto, issued in 1955 by Bertrand Russell in the midst of the Cold War Einstein–Szilárd letter, a letter sent to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in August 1939 Albert Einstein Medal, presented by the Albert Einstein Society in Bern, Switzerland, to people who have "rendered outstanding services" in connection with Albert Einstein, since 1979 • Einstein Symposium, on the centennial of the "Annus Mirabilis" • Einsteinium, an element • Tatung Einstein, an eight-bit home/personal computer • Rebutia einsteinii, a cactus named after Einstein by its finder, Alberto Vojtěch Frič • Einstein, a brand of South Korean milk • Albert Einstein Institution, a non-profit organization studying methods of non-violent resistance

List of things named after Albert Einstein • • • • • Albert Einstein German Academic Refugee Initiative Fund, a scholarship fund for refugees Einstein Observatory, the first fully imaging X-ray telescope Einstein Prize for Laser Science, international physics award Einstein Telescope, a future third generation gravitational wave detector Albert Einstein ATV, a European unmanned cargo resupply spacecraft


[1] http:/ / www. google. com/ maps?source=uds& q=einsteinstra%C3%9Fe+ m%C3%BCnchen [2] http:/ / maps. google. com/ maps?q=Albert-Einstein-Stra%C3%9Fe,+ 37075+ G%C3%B6ttingen,+ Niedersachsen,+ Germany& hl=en& ie=UTF8& geocode=FZVzEgMdxdyXAA& hnear=Albert-Einstein-Stra%C3%9Fe,+ 37075+ G%C3%B6ttingen,+ Niedersachsen,+ Germany& t=v& z=16

Einstein's awards and honors
In 1922, Einstein was awarded the 1921 Nobel Prize in Physics,[1] "for his services to Theoretical Physics, and especially for his discovery of the law of the photoelectric effect". This refers to his 1905 paper on the photoelectric effect, "On a Heuristic Viewpoint Concerning the Production and Transformation of Light", which was well supported by the experimental evidence by that time. The presentation speech began by mentioning "his theory of relativity [which had] been the subject of lively debate in philosophical circles [and] also has astrophysical implications which are being rigorously examined at the present time". (Einstein 1923) It was long reported that, in accord with the divorce settlement,[2] the Nobel Prize money had been deposited in a Swiss bank account for his ex-wife Maric to draw on the interest for herself and their two sons, while she could only use the capital by agreement with Einstein. However, personal correspondence made public in 2006[3] shows that he invested much of it in the United States, and saw much of it wiped out in the Great Depression. However, ultimately he paid Maric more money than he received with the prize.[4] In 1929, Max Planck presented Einstein with the Max Planck medal of the German Physical Society in Berlin, for extraordinary achievements in theoretical physics.[5] In 1936, Einstein was awarded the Franklin Institute's Franklin Medal for his extensive work on relativity and the photo-electric effect.[5] The International Union of Pure and Applied Physics named 2005 the "World Year of Physics" in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the publication of the annus mirabilis papers.[6] The Albert Einstein Science Park is located on the hill Telegrafenberg in Potsdam, Germany. The best known building in the park is the Einstein Tower which has a bronze bust of Einstein at the entrance. The Tower is an astrophysical observatory that was built to perform checks of Einstein's theory of General Relativity.[7]

Israeli postage stamp (1956).

U.S. postage stamp (1966).

Einstein's awards and honors


The Albert Einstein Memorial in central Washington, D.C. is a monumental bronze statue depicting Einstein seated with manuscript papers in hand. The statue, commissioned in 1979, is located in a grove of trees at the southwest corner of the grounds of the National Academy of Sciences on Constitution Avenue. The chemical element 99, einsteinium, was named for him in August 1955, four months after Einstein's death.[8][9] 2001 Einstein is an inner main belt asteroid discovered on 5 March 1973.[10] In 1999 Time magazine named him the Person of the Century,[11][12] ahead of Mahatma Gandhi and Franklin Roosevelt, among others. In the words of a biographer, "to the scientifically literate and the public at large, Einstein is synonymous with genius".[13] Also in 1999, an opinion poll of 100 leading physicists ranked Einstein the "greatest physicist ever".[14] A Gallup poll recorded him as the fourth most admired person of the 20th century in the U.S.[15] In 1990, his name was added to the Walhalla temple for "laudable and distinguished Germans",[16] which is located east of Regensburg, in Bavaria, Germany.[17] The United States Postal Service honored Einstein with a Prominent Americans series (1965–1978) 8¢ postage stamp. In 2008, Einstein was inducted into the New Jersey Hall of Fame.[18]
Soviet postage stamp (1979).

Awards named after Einstein
The Albert Einstein Award (sometimes called the Albert Einstein Medal because it is accompanied with a gold medal) is an award in theoretical physics, established to recognize high achievement in the natural sciences. It was endowed by the Lewis and Rosa Strauss Memorial Fund in honor of Albert Einstein's 70th birthday. It was first awarded in 1951 and included a prize money of $15,000,[19][20] which was later reduced to $5,000.[21][22] The winner is selected by a committee (the first of which consisted of Einstein, Oppenheimer, von Neumann and Weyl[23]) of the Institute for Advanced Study, which administers the award.[20] The Albert Einstein Medal is an award presented by the Albert Einstein Society in Bern, Switzerland. First given in 1979, the award is presented to people who have "rendered outstanding services" in connection with Einstein.[24] The Albert Einstein Peace Prize is given yearly by the Chicago, Illinois-based Albert Einstein Peace Prize Foundation. Winners of the prize receive $50,000.[25]

[1] Albert Einstein – Frequently Asked Questions (http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ laureates/ 1921/ einstein-faq. html),, 18 April 1955, , retrieved 7 January 2009 [2] Einstein Collected Papers, Vol. 8, doc. 562 [3] BBC (11 July 2006), "Letters Reveal Einstein Love Life" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/ 5168002. stm), BBC News (BBC), , retrieved 25 November 2008 [4] MSNBC Report 10 July 2006 (http:/ / www. msnbc. msn. com/ id/ 13804030/ ) [5] Marco Mamone Capria (2005) Physics before and after Einstein p.5. IOS Press, 2005 [6] World Year of Physics 2005 (http:/ / www. wyp2005. org/ overview. html), , retrieved 3 October 2007 [7] Brunhouse, Jay (2008) Maverick Guide to Berlin (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=3LylIwXu0xsC& pg=PA422& dq=albert+ einstein+ science+ park& hl=en& ei=aKFgTJG8HYyOjAeVqrmLCQ& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=2& ved=0CDQQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage& q=albert einstein science park& f=false) Pelican Publishing Company [8] Einsteinium and Fermium (http:/ / pubs. acs. org/ cen/ 80th/ einsteiniumfermium. html), , retrieved 6 June 2009 [9] (PDF) History of the International Atomic Energy Agency – The First Forty Years (http:/ / www-pub. iaea. org/ MTCD/ publications/ PDF/ Pub1032_web. pdf), International Atomic Energy Agency, p. 30, ISBN 92-0-102397-9, , retrieved 6 June 2009

Einstein's awards and honors
[10] Spratt, Christopher E. (April 1990), "The Hungaria group of minor planets", Journal of the Royal Astronomical Society of Canada 84 (2): 123–131, Bibcode 1990JRASC..84..123S [11] Golden, Frederic (3 January 2000), "Person of the Century: Albert Einstein" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ time100/ poc/ magazine/ albert_einstein5a. html), Time, , retrieved 25 February 2006 [12] Isaacson, Walter (3 January 2000), "Person of the Century: Why We Chose Einstein" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ time100/ poc/ magazine/ who_mattered_and_why4a. html), Time, , retrieved 16 July 2007 [13] Howard, Don, and Stachel, John J. Einstein: The Formative Years, 1879–1909, p. 159, Springer (2000) [14] "Einstein the greatest" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/ 541840. stm). BBC News. 29 November 1999. . [15] Mother Teresa Voted by American People as Most Admired Person of the Century (http:/ / www. gallup. com/ poll/ 3367/ Mother-Teresa-Voted-American-People-Most-Admired-Person-Century. aspx), 31 December 1999, , retrieved 13 August 2008 [16] Walhalla, official guide booklet. p. 3. Translated by Helen Stellner and David Hiley, Bernhard Bosse Verlag Regensburg, 2002 [17] (in German) Walhalla Ruhmes- und Ehrenhalle (http:/ / www. walhalla-regensburg. de/ deutsch/ index. shtml), , retrieved 3 October 2007 [18] The Newark Star Ledger. [19] Biography of J. Schwinger (http:/ / www-groups. dcs. st-and. ac. uk/ ~history/ Printonly/ Schwinger. html) from University of St Andrews, MacTutor History of Mathematics Archive (Last accessed 17 December 2006). [20] The Month at Caltech, April 1954 issue (http:/ / calteches. library. caltech. edu/ 153/ 01/ themonth. pdf), p. 20 (Last accessed on 4 September 2007). [21] The Americana Annual 1962: An Encyclopedia of the not Events of 1961, Americana Corporation, 1962, ISSN 0196-0180 [22] Astronautics and Aeronautics, 1967, Scientific and Technical Information Branch, NASA, 1968, ISSN 0519-2366 [23] Sigmund, Dawson, Muhlberger (2006), Kurt Godel: The Album, Wiesbaden: Vieweg, ISBN 3-8348-0173-9 [24] Albert Einstein Society in Bern (http:/ / www. einstein-website. de/ z_information/ einsteinsociety. html) retrieved 17 July 2010 [25] Pugwash Online (http:/ / www. pugwash. org/ about/ history. htm), , retrieved 20 December 2009



Effect on popular culture
Albert Einstein in popular culture
Albert Einstein has been the subject of or inspiration for many works of popular culture. On Einstein's 72nd birthday on March 14, 1951, UPI photographer Arthur Sasse was trying to persuade him to smile for the camera, but having smiled for photographers many times that day, Einstein stuck out his tongue instead.[1] This photograph became one of the most popular ever taken of Einstein,[2][3] often used in merchandise depicting him in a lighthearted sense. Einstein enjoyed this photo and requested UPI to give him nine copies for personal use, one of which he signed for a reporter. On June 19, 2009, the original signed photograph was sold at auction for $74,324, a record for an Einstein picture.[4] In 1999, leading physicists voted Einstein the "greatest physicist ever".[5] "Einstein" has become a word used to describe someone extremely intelligent; the name is also applied sarcastically to someone who states the obvious or displays a lack of intelligence or insight ("Way to go, Einstein!"). Einstein has been the subject of or inspiration for many novels, films and plays, such as Yahoo Serious's intentionally inaccurate biography of Einstein as a Tasmanian in the film Young Einstein, Jean-Claude Carrière's 2005 French novel, Einstein S'il Vous Plaît (Einstein If You Please), Alan Lightman's collection of short stories Einstein's Dreams, and Steve Martin's comedic play Picasso at the Lapin Agile. He was the subject of Philip Glass's groundbreaking 1976 opera Einstein on the Beach and his humorous side is the subject of Ed Metzger's one-man play Albert Einstein: The Practical Bohemian. In the early version of the BrainPop movie about relativity, Tim & Moby named him the scientist of the century. An Einstein-like character also appears in Nicolas Roeg's 1985 film Insignificance. Set in New York in 1953, the film includes a scene in which "The Professor" (played by Michael Emil) the character evidently representing Albert Einstein, discusses Relativity with "The Actress" (Theresa Russell), a Marilyn Monroe-like character. Einstein was portrayed by Walter Matthau in the 1994 romantic comedy I.Q.. In the film A.I.: Artificial Intelligence, he was portrayed as a holographic personality called Dr. Know (voiced by Robin Williams). He was also portrayed in the real-time strategy game Command & Conquer: Red Alert. Most recently, he was the subject (along with Arthur Eddington) of the BBC Two film Einstein and Eddington, featuring David Tennant as Eddington and Andy Serkis as Einstein, and detailing Einstein's development of his theories and Eddington's attempts to prove them. A holographic representation of Einstein, played by Jim Norton appeared in two episodes of Star Trek: The Next Generation. Einstein is a favorite model for depictions of mad scientists and absent-minded professors; his expressive face and distinctive hairstyle have been widely copied and exaggerated. The Star Wars character Yoda's eyes were modeled after Einstein's.[6] Time magazine's Frederic Golden wrote that Einstein was "a cartoonist's dream come true."[7] Einstein is one of the celebrities immortalized on the cover of the Beatles' Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band. A verse of James Taylor's song Secret O' Life mentions Einstein and his special theory of relativity. Bob Dylan gives him a verse in Desolation Row, where he is depicted as a kind of bum with a glorious past. Kerry Livgren of the progressive rock band Kansas stated that he wrote the song “Portrait (He Knew)” about Einstein. Mariah Carey's eleventh studio album is entitled E=MC² after Einstein's celebrated equation. Greek singer Giorgos Lembesis has released a song titled "Einstein" in which he states that he always admired Albert Einstein, but now he needs his help in his relationship problems.[8]

Albert Einstein in popular culture In the 1984 comedy film Ghostbusters Peter Venkman says "Einstein did his best stuff when he was working as a patent clerk" in order to convince his coworker not to worry too much about his reputation and studies. In the movie Back to the Future, the character of Dr. Emmett Brown, portrayed as a brilliant scientist, time traveler and inventor, has a dog called "Einstein", named after Doc Brown's favorite scientist. In the Red Dwarf episode "Meltdown", he is one of the last good waxdroids on waxworld, where he argues with Pythagoras over the solution involving triangles. In The Dreamstone, in the episode Urpgor's Island, Urpgor, when in his mud bath, trying to think of ideas of getting the Dreamstone, makes a face of Albert Einstein for split seconds, whilst discussing of how intelligent he is. In the 1989 cult classic science fiction TV series Alien Nation, one the Tenctonese people was given the name Albert Einstein. The character is the janitor at the LAPD precinct that the main characters Matthew Sikes and George Francisco work at. The first episode of the two-part Star Trek: The Next Generation episode Descent opens on the Enterprise with a game of poker being played by holodeck representations of Einstein, Sir Isaac Newton, and Stephen Hawking (portrayed by himself in the teleplay), all as programmed by Lt. Cdr. Data playing as the fourth person in the game. The picture appears in Andy Dufresne cell in the film The Shawshank Redemption (1994). In 2011 Einstein was depicted in a special mini-episode of Doctor Who called Death Is The Only Answer and was played by Nickolas Grace. In the strategy game Command and Conquer: Red Alert 2, he appears in several cut scenes, played by Larry Gelman, to demonstrate new Allied military technologies; in Red Alert 3, he is shown for a few brief seconds during a title screen video, where he is vaporized by Anatoly Cherdenko. Character designer Keiji Inafune for Mega Man Game released in 1987, Dr.Wily's design is inspired by Albert Einstein, and was initially conceived to appear as a tall, thin scientist with a mustache, glasses, balding hair, and lab coat. The children's television show Little Einsteins and the educational toys and videos of the Baby Einstein series both use Einstein's name, though not his image. Multiple schools are named after him. In the "Powers" comic book series, Einstein is referred to many times as someone Officer Walker holds a grudge against. During the "Legends storyarc", Christian Walker visits Einstein to try and find out why (as an immortal and superhero) he exists. Einstein is unable to answer his question thus leaving Walker feeling dejected, and in the same night, Walker's wife is killed by his arch-nemesis The Wolf.


Einstein bequeathed his estate, as well as the use of his image (see personality rights), to the Hebrew University of Jerusalem,[9] which from the mid-1980s has sponsored the Einstein Papers Project with the Princeton University Press (see the Einstein Page [130] from PUP). Einstein actively supported the university during his life and this support continues with the royalties received from licensing activities. GreenLight licences the commercial use of the name "Albert Einstein" and associated imagery and likenesses of Einstein, as agent for the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. As head licensee the corporation can control commercial usage of Einstein's name and theoretically ensure compliance with certain standards (e.g., when Einstein's name is used as a trademark, the ™ symbol must be used).[10]

Albert Einstein in popular culture


There is a persistent popular belief that Einstein was left-handed,[11] but evidence for this is lacking, and the belief in his left-handedness has been called a "myth"[12] and a "legend."[13] Einstein wrote with his right hand,[14] and authoritative sources state flatly that he was right-handed.[13][15] An autopsy on Einstein's brain showed a symmetry between the two hemispheres, rather than a left-sided dominance as is typical of most right-handed people or a right-sided dominance as found in most left-handed people.[12]

[1] Kupper, Hans-Josef (2000). "Various things about Albert Einstein" (http:/ / www. einstein-website. de/ z_information/ variousthings. html). . Retrieved 2006-10-04 [2] Ingledew, John (2005). "The world's best known pictures". Photography. Laurence King Publishing. pp. 133. ISBN 1-85669-432-1. [3] Faber, John (1978). "Einstein's Birthday Joke". Great News Photos and the Stories Behind Them. Courier Dover Publications. pp. 108. ISBN 0-486-23667-6. [4] "Photo Of Einstein Nets $74K At Auction" (http:/ / www. thebostonchannel. com/ news/ 19810075/ detail. html). WCVB-TV. June 20, 2009. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20090622195523/ http:/ / www. thebostonchannel. com/ news/ 19810075/ detail. html) from the original on 22 June 2009. . Retrieved June 20, 2009. [5] Einstein "greatest physicist ever;" BBC news, Monday, 29 November 1999, http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/ 541840. stm [6] "The Making of Yoda (part one)." (http:/ / 1001resources. com/ hosting/ users/ cinesecrets/ pmMakingYoda1. html). Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071013033628/ http:/ / 1001resources. com/ hosting/ users/ cinesecrets/ pmMakingYoda1. html) from the original on 13 October 2007. . Retrieved 2007-10-03. [7] Golden, Frederic (January 3, 2000). "Person of the Century: Albert Einstein" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ time100/ poc/ magazine/ albert_einstein5a. html). Time. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060221080452/ http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ time100/ poc/ magazine/ albert_einstein5a. html) from the original on 21 February 2006. . Retrieved 2006-02-25 [8] http:/ / www. musiccorner. gr/ nees_kyklof/ 04/ lembesis. html [9] "" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20050830225523/ http:/ / aip. org/ history/ esva/ einuse. htm). Archived from the original (http:/ / aip. org/ history/ esva/ einuse. htm) on August 30, 2005. . Retrieved November 21, 2005. [10] "ALBRT EINSTEIN BRAND LOGO" (http:/ / www. albert-einstein. net/ styleguide-readonly/ brand. html). Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20051201205133/ http:/ / www. albert-einstein. net/ styleguide-readonly/ brand. html) from the original on 1 December 2005. . Retrieved November 21, 2005. [11] "Left Handed Einstein" (http:/ / www. beinglefthanded. com/ Left-Handed-Einstein. html). Being Left . Retrieved 22 July 2012. [12] Price, Michael (January 2009). "The left brain knows what the right hand is doing" (http:/ / www. apa. org/ monitor/ 2009/ 01/ brain. aspx). Monitor on Psychology (American Psychological Association) 40 (1): 60. . [13] "The Legend of the Dull-Witted Child Who Grew Up to Be a Genius" (http:/ / www. albert-einstein. org/ article_handicap. html). Albert Einstein archives. . Retrieved 22 July 2012. [14] Chicago Tribune photograph (http:/ / blogs. chicagotribune. com/ photos/ uncategorized/ einstein. jpg) [15] "Frequently asked questions" (http:/ / www. einstein-website. de/ z_information/ faq-e. html). . Retrieved 22 July 2012.


Scientific publications
List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
Albert Einstein (1879–1955) was a renowned theoretical physicist of the 20th century, best known for his theories of special relativity and general relativity. He also made important contributions to statistical mechanics, especially his treatment of Brownian motion, his resolution of the paradox of specific heats, and his connection of fluctuations and dissipation. Despite his reservations about its interpretation, Einstein also made seminal contributions to quantum mechanics and, indirectly, quantum field theory, primarily through his theoretical studies of the photon.[1] Einstein's scientific publications are listed below in four tables: journal articles, book chapters, books and authorized translations. Each publication is indexed in the first column by its number in the Schilpp bibliography (Albert Einstein: Philosopher–Scientist, pp. 694–730) and by its article number in Einstein's Collected Papers. Complete references for these two bibliographies may be found below in the Bibliography section. The Schilpp numbers are used for cross-referencing in the Notes (the final column of each table), since First page from Einstein's manuscript explaining they cover a greater time period of Einstein's life at present. The general relativity. English translations of titles are generally taken from the published volumes of the Collected Papers. For some publications, however, such official translations are not available; unofficial translations are indicated with a § superscript. Although the tables are presented in chronological order by default, each table can be re-arranged in alphabetical order for any column by the reader clicking on the arrows at the top of that column. For illustration, to re-order a table by subject—e.g., to group together articles that pertain to "General relativity" or "Specific heats"—one need only click on the arrows in the "Classification and Notes" columns. To print out the re-sorted table, one may print it directly by using the web-browser Print option; the "Printable version" link at the left gives only the default sorting. Collaborative works by Einstein are highlighted in lavender, with the co-author(s) provided in the final column of the table. Einstein's many non-scientific works are not included here, to limit both the article's focus and size. The division of scientific and non-scientific works follows the Schilpp bibliography, which cites over 130 non-scientific works, often on humanitarian or political topics (pp. 730–746). Five volumes of Einstein's Collected Papers (volumes 1, 5, 8–10) are devoted to his correspondence, much of which is concerned with scientific questions. These letters are likewise not listed here, since they were not prepared for publication.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


Chronology and major themes
The following chronology of Einstein's scientific discoveries provides a context for the publications listed below, and clarifies the major themes running through his work. The first four entries come from his Annus Mirabilis papers or miracle year papers. • In 1905, Einstein proposed the existence of the photon, an elementary particle associated with electromagnetic radiation (light), which was the foundation of quantum theory.[2] In 1909, Einstein showed that the photon carries momentum as well as energy and that electromagnetic radiation must have both particle-like and wave-like properties if Planck's law holds; this was a forerunner of the principle of wave-particle duality.[3] He would go on to receive the 1921 Nobel Prize in Physics for this work. • Likewise in 1905, Einstein developed a theory of Brownian motion in terms of fluctuations in the number of molecular collisions with an object,[4] providing further evidence that matter was Einstein in 1921. composed of atoms. A few weeks earlier, he had derived the Einstein relation for diffusion, which was the first example of the general fluctuation-dissipation theorem and allowed a good estimate of the Avogadro constant.[5] • Additionally In 1905, Einstein developed the theory of special relativity, which reconciled the relativity of motion with the observed constancy of the speed of light (a paradox of 19th-century physics).[6] Special relativity is now a core principle of physics. Its counterintuitive predictions that moving clocks run more slowly, that moving objects are shortened in their direction of motion, and that the order of events is not absolute have been confirmed experimentally. • Also in 1905, Einstein developed his concept of Mass–energy equivalence. Its relation E=mc2 suggested that matter was a form of energy, which was later verified by the mass defect in atomic nuclei. The energy released in nuclear reactions—which is essential for nuclear power and nuclear weapons—can be estimated from such mass defects.[7] • In 1907 and again in 1911, Einstein developed the first quantum theory of specific heats by generalizing Planck's law.[8] His theory resolved a paradox of 19th-century physics that specific heats were often smaller than could be explained by any classical theory. His work was also the first to show that Planck's quantum mechanical law E=hν was a fundamental law of physics, and not merely special to blackbody radiation.[9] • Between 1907 and 1915, Einstein developed the theory of general relativity, a classical field theory of gravitation that provides the cornerstone for modern astrophysics and cosmology.[10] General relativity is based on the surprising idea that time and space dynamically interact with matter and energy, and has been checked experimentally in many ways,[11] confirming its predictions of matter affecting the flow of time,[12] frame dragging,[13] black holes,[14] and gravitational waves.[15] • In 1917, Einstein published the idea for the Einstein–Brillouin–Keller method for finding the quantum mechanical version of a classical system.[16] The famous Bohr model of the hydrogen atom is a simple example,

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein but the EBK method also gives accurate predictions for more complicated systems, such as the dinuclear cations H2+ and HeH2+.[17] • In 1918, Einstein developed a general theory of the process by which atoms emit and absorb electromagnetic radiation (his A and B coefficients), which is the basis of lasers (stimulated emission) and shaped the development of modern quantum electrodynamics, the best-validated physical theory at present.[18] • In 1924, together with Satyendra Nath Bose, Einstein developed the theory of Bose–Einstein statistics and Bose–Einstein condensates, which form the basis for superfluidity, superconductivity, and other phenomena.[19] • In 1935, together with Boris Podolsky and Nathan Rosen, Einstein put forward what is now known as the EPR paradox, and argued that the quantum-mechanical wave function must be an incomplete description of the physical world.[20] • In the final thirty years of his life, Einstein explored whether various classical unified field theories could account for both electromagnetism and gravitation and, possibly, quantum mechanics. However, his efforts were unsuccessful, since those theories did not match experimental observations.[21]


Journal articles
Most of Einstein's original scientific work appeared as journal articles. Articles on which Einstein collaborated with other scientists are highlighted in lavender, with the co-author(s) listed in the "Classification and notes" column.
Index [22] Year Title and English [23] translation Folgerungen aus den Kapillaritätserscheinungen Conclusions Drawn from the Phenomena of Capillarity Journal, volume, pages [24] Classification and notes [25]

Schilpp 1; CP 2, 1


[27] Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 4, 513–523, Intermolecular forces. The first of two [26] link papers in which Einstein proposed the (incorrect) theory that the interactions between all molecules are a universal function of distance, in analogy with the inverse-square force of gravity. Once parameterized, his theory makes reasonably accurate predictions for heavier hydrophobic molecules, but fails for lighter molecules. [29] Intermolecular forces. Einstein's second paper on a universal molecular energy function, this time applied to electrolytic solutions. No data are available for comparison. Einstein characterizes these two papers as "worthless" in [30] 1907.

Schilpp 2; CP 2, 2


Thermodynamische Theorie Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 8, 798–814, [28] der Potentialdifferenz link zwischen Metallen und vollständig dissoziierten Lösungen ihrer Salze, und eine elektrische Methode zur Erforschung der Molekularkräfte On the Thermodynamic Theory of the Difference in Potentials between Metals and Fully Dissociated Solutions of Their Salts and on an Electrical Method for Investigating Molecular Forces

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[32] Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 9, 417–433, Statistical mechanics. Study of the [31] link equipartition theorem and the definitions of temperature and entropy.


Schilpp 3; CP 2, 3


Kinetische Theorie des Wärmegleichgewichtes und des zweiten Hauptsatzes der Thermodynamik Kinetic Theory of Thermal Equilibrium and of the Second Law of Thermodynamics

Schilpp 4; CP 2, 4


Eine Theorie der Grundlagen der Thermodynamik A Theory of the Foundations of Thermodynamics

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 11, [33] 170–187, link

[34] Statistical mechanics. The problem of irreversibility in thermodynamics.

Schilpp 5; CP 2, 5


Allgemeine molekulare Theorie der Wärme On the General Molecular Theory of Heat

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 14, [35] 354–362, link

[36] Statistical mechanics. Fluctuations and new methods for determining Boltzmann's constant.

CP 2, 6


Review of Giuseppe Belluzzo: "Principi di termodinamica grafica" Review of Giuseppe Belluzzo: "Principles of Graphic Thermodynamics"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 78


CP 2, 7


Review of Albert Fliegner: "Über den Clausius'schen Entropiesatz" Review of Albert Fliegner: "On Clausius's Law of Entropy"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 79


CP 2, 8


Review of William McFadden Orr: "On Clausius' Theorem for Irreversible Cycles, and on the Increase of Entropy"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 79


CP 2, 9


Review of George Hartley Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, Bryan: "The Law of 29, 80 Degradation of Energy as the Fundamental Principle of Thermodynamics"


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


CP 2, 10


Review of Nikolay Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, Nikolayevich Schiller: 29, 81 "Einige Bedenken betreffend die Theorie der Entropievermehrung durch Diffusion der Gase bei einander gleichen Anfangsspannungen der letzteren" Review of Nikolay Nikolayevich Schiller: "Some Concerns Regarding the Theory of Entropy Increase Due to the Diffusion of Gases Where the Initial Pressures of the Latter Are Equal"

CP 2, 11


Review of Jakob Johann Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, Weyrauch: "Über die 29, 82 spezifischen Wärmen des überhitzten Wasserdampfes" Review of Jakob Johann Weyrauch: "On the specific Heats of Superheated Water Vapor"


CP 2, 12


Review of Jacobus Henricus Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, van't Hoff: "Einfluss der 29, 82 Änderung der spezifischen Wärme auf die Umwandlungsarbeit" Review of Jacobus Henricus van't Hoff: "The Influence of the Change in Specific Heat on the Work of Conversion"


CP 2, 13


Review of Arturo Giammarco: "Un caso di corrispondenza in termodinamica" Review of Arturo Giammarco: "A Case of Corresponding States in Thermodynamics"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 84


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[37] Photons. Proposal of the photon as a quantum of energy, supported by many independent arguments.


Schilpp 7; CP 2, 14


Über einen die Erzeugung und Verwandlung des Lichtes betreffenden heuristischen Gesichtspunkt On a Heuristic Point of View Concerning the Production and Transformation of Light

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 17, [122] 132–148, link

Schilpp 8; CP 2, 16


Über die von der Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 17, [38] molekularkinetischen 549–560, link Theorie der Wärme geforderte Bewegung von in ruhenden Flüssigkeiten suspendierten Teilchen On the Movement of Small Particles Suspended in Stationary Liquids Required by the Molecular-Kinetic Theory of Heat

[39] Statistical mechanics. Seminal treatment of Brownian motion, a type of translational diffusion.

CP 2, 17


Review of Karl Fredrik Slotte: "Über die Schmelzwärme" Review of Karl Fredrik Slotte: "On the Heat of Fusion"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 135


CP 2, 18


Review of Karl Fredrik Slotte: "Folgerungen aus einer thermodynamischen Gleichung" Review of Karl Fredrik Slotte: "Conclusions Drawn from a Thermodynamic Equation"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 135


CP 2, 19


Review of Emile Mathias: "La constante a des diamètres rectilignes et les lois des états correspondents" Review of Emile Mathias: "The Constant a of Rectilinear Diameters and the Laws of Corresponding States"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 136


CP 2, 20


Review of Max Planck: "On Clausius' Theorem for Irreversible Cycles, and on the Increase of Entropy"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 29 (1905) 137


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 137 Thermodynamics.

CP 2, 21


Review of Edgar Buckingham: "On Certain Difficulties Which Are Encountered in the Study of Thermodynamics" Review of Paul Langevin: "Sur une formule fondamentale de la théorie cinétique" Review of Paul Langevin: "On a Fundamental Formula of the Kinetic Theory"

CP 2, 22


Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 138


Schilpp 9; CP 2, 23


Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 17, [40] 891–921, link , Wikilivres

[41] Special relativity. This seminal paper gave birth to special relativity (SR). In particular, it stated the two postulates of SR (uniform motion is undetectable, and the speed of light is always constant) and its kinematics. [43] Special relativity. This paper derived the conclusion that mass was equivalent to an energy and vice versa, leading to the famous equation E=mc2.

Schilpp 10; CP 2, 24


Ist die Trägheit eines Körpers von seinem Energieinhalt abhängig? Does the Inertia of a Body Depend upon its Energy Content?

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 18, [42] 639–641, link

CP 2, 25


Review of Heinrich Birven: Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, Grundzüge der 29, 175 mechanischen Wärmetheorie Review of Heinrich Birven: Fundamentals of the Mechanical Theory of Heat


CP 2, 26


Review of Auguste Ponsot: "Chaleur dans le déplacement de 1'équilibre d'un système capillaire" Review of Auguste Ponsot: "Heat in the Displacement of the Equilibrium of a Capillary System"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 175


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


CP 2, 27


Review of Karl Bohlin: "Sur Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, le choc, considéré comme 29, 176 fondement des théories cinétiques de la pression des gaz et de la gravitation universelle" Review of Karl Bohlin: "On Impact Considered as the Basis of Kinetic Theories of Gas Pressure and of Universal Gravitation"

CP 2, 28


Review of Georges Meslin: Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, "Sur la constante de la loi de 29, 177 Mariotte et GayLussac" Review of Georges Meslin: "On the Constant in Mariotte and GayLussac's Law"


CP 2, 29


Review of Albert Fliegner: "Das Ausströmen heissen Wassers aus Gefässmündungen" Review of Albert Fliegner: "The Efflux of Hot Water from Container Orifices

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 177


CP 2, 30


Review of Jakob Johann Weyrauch: Grundriss der Wärmetheorie. Mit zahlreichen Beispielen und Anwendungen Review of Jakob Johann Weyrauch: "An Outline of the Theory of Heat. With Numerous Examples and Applications. Part 1

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 178


CP 2, 31


Review of Albert Fliegner: "Über den Wärmewert chemischer Vorgänge" Review of Albert Fliegner: "On the Thermal Value of Chemical Processes"

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 29, 179


Schilpp 11; CP 2, 33


Eine neue Bestimmung der Moleküldimensionen A New Determination of Molecular Dimensions

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 19, [44] 289–306, link

[45] Statistical mechanics. Hydrodynamic determination of molecular volumes.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[47] Statistical mechanics. Rotational Brownian motion, an example of rotational diffusion.


Schilpp 12; CP 2, 32


Zur Theorie der Brownschen Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 19, [46] Bewegung 371–381, link On the Theory of Brownian Motion

Schilpp 13; CP 2, 34


Theorie der Lichterzeugung und Lichtabsorption On the Theory of Light Production and Light Absorption

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 20, [48] 199–206, link

[49] Photons. Einstein reconciles his and Planck's independent derivations of the blackbody formula E=hν. Planck's derivation of this formula ascribed it to a restriction on the energy changes possible when radiation is produced or absorbed by matter, which implied no restriction on the energies of either matter or radiation. Einstein's 1905 derivation ascribed it to a restriction on the energy of radiation alone, but in this paper, he proposes the modern idea that the energies of both matter and radiation are quantized, which led to his work on quantum specific heats, such as reference #16. [51] Special relativity. First statement that the conservation of mass is a special case of the conservation of energy.

Schilpp 14; CP 2, 35


Prinzip von der Erhaltung Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 20, der Schwerpunktsbewegung 627–633, link [50] und die Trägheit der Energie The Principle of Conservation of Motion of the Center of Gravity and the Inertia of Energy

Schilpp 15; CP 2, 36


Eine Methode zur Bestimmung des Verhältnisses der transversalen und longitudinalen Masse des Elektrons On a Method for the Determination of the Ratio of the Transverse and the Longitudinal Mass of the Electron

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 21, [52] 583–586, link

[53] Special relativity. A French translation appeared in the journal L'Éclairage électrique, volume 49, pages 493–494.

CP 2, 37


Review of Max Planck: Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, Vorlesungen über die 30, 211 Theorie der Wärmestrahlung Review of Max Planck: Lectures on the Theory of Thermal Radiation

Statistical mechanics.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[56] Specific heats. Seminal work applying Planck's law to the oscillations of atoms and molecules in solids. Resolved the 19th-century paradox of the equipartition theorem in classical physics, and introduced the Einstein model of solids, which led to the current Debye model. Showed that the quantum mechanical law E=hν was a general law of physics, and not merely special to blackbody radiation. [58] Statistical mechanics. Applies his theory of fluctuations to determine Boltzmann's constant from the voltage fluctuations in a capacitor. Resulted in a novel low-noise technique for amplifying voltages, as described in reference #25.


Schilpp 16; CP 2, 38


Plancksche Theorie der Strahlung und die Theorie der Spezifischen Wärme Planck's Theory of Radiation and the Theory of Specific Heat

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 22, [54] 180–190, 800 link and correction [55]

Schilpp 17; CP 2, 39


Gültigkeit des Satzes vom thermodynamischen Gleichgewicht und die Möglichkeit einer neuen Bestimmung der Elementarquanta On the Limit of Validity of the Law of Thermodynamic Equilibrium and on the Possibility of a New Determination of the Elementary Quanta

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 22, [57] 569–572, link

Schilpp 18; CP 2, 41


Möglichkeit einer neuen Prüfung des Relativitätsprinzips On the Possibility of a New Test of the Relativity Principle

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 23, [59] 197–198, link

[60] Special relativity. Einstein's discovery of the transverse Doppler effect, in which the perceived frequency is shifted even when the line between the wave source and receiver and the source's velocity are perpendicular.

Schilpp 19 1907

Bemerkung zur Notiz des Herrn P. Ehrenfest: Translation deformierbarer Elektronen und der Flächensatz Comments on the Note of Mr. Paul Ehrenfest: The Translatory Motion of Deformable Electrons and the Area Law

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 23, [61] 206–208, link

[62] Special relativity. Discusses the difficulty of applying Lorentz transformations to rigid bodies.

Schilpp 20; CP 2, 45


Die vom Relativätsprinzip geforderte Trägheit der Energie On the Inertia of Energy Required by the Relativity Principle

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 23, [63] 371–384, link

[64] Special relativity. First statement that the total energy of a moving particle equals E=mc2. Derives the transformation of energy and momentum under the influence of external forces (relativistic dynamics). Notes again the difficulty of applying Lorentz transformations to rigid bodies (see reference #19). Finally, speculates that Maxwell's equations will prove to be the limiting case for large numbers of light-quanta, just as thermodynamics is a limiting case of statistical mechanics.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Beiblätter zu den Annalen der Physik, 31, 251 Thermodynamics.

CP 2, 46


Review of Jakob Johann Weyrauch: Grundriss der Wärmetheorie. Mit zahlreichen Beispielen und Anwendungen Review of Jakob Johann Weyrauch: An Outline of the Theory of Heat. With Numerous Examples and Applications. Part 2.

Schilpp 21; CP 2, 47


Relativitätsprinzip und die aus demselben gezogenen Folgerungen On the Relativity Principle and the Conclusions Drawn from It

Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität, 4, [65] 411–462, link

[66] Special and general relativity. A correction appeared in volume 5, pp. 98–99, Berichtigungen. First appearance (page 443) of 2 the equation E=mc . This paper also marks the beginning of Einstein's long development of general relativity; here he derives the equivalence principle, gravitational redshift, and the gravitational bending of light. Einstein returns to these topics in 1911. [67] Statistical mechanics. Brief note on the technical meaning of "average velocity".

Schilpp 22; CP 2, 40


Theoretische Bemerkungen über die Brownsche Bewegung Theoretical Remarks on Brownian Motion

Zeitschrift für Elektrochemie und angewandte physikalische Chemie, 13, 41–42

Schilpp 23; CP 2, 51


Elektromagnetische Grundgleichungen für bewegte Körper On the Fundamental Electromagnetic Equations for Moving Bodies

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 26, [110] 532–540, link

[68] Special relativity. Co-authored with J. Laub. A correction appeared in volume 27, p.232, [69] Berichtigungen . See also publication #27.

Schilpp 24; CP 2, 52


Die im elektromagnetischen Felde auf ruhende Körper ausgeübten ponderomotorischen Kräfte On the Ponderomotive Forces Exerted on Bodies at Rest in the Electromagnetic Field

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 26, [70] 541–550, link

Special relativity.


Co-authored with J. Laub.

Schilpp 25; CP 2, 48


Neue elektrostatische Methode zur Messung kleiner Elektrizitätsmengen A New Electrostatic Method for the Measurement of Small Quantities of Electricity

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 9, 216–217

[72] Electromagnetism. Novel experimental method for measuring tiny amounts of charge, by first charging a variable capacitor at low capacitance, then changing it to high capacitance and discharging it to another capacitor. An apparatus for this amplification was constructed by two brothers, Johann Conrad Habicht and Franz Paul Habicht, in collaboration with Einstein and published in Physikalische Zeitschrift, 11, 532 (1910).

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Zeitschrift für Elektrochemie, 14, 235–239

Schilpp 26; CP 2, 50


Elementare Theorie der Brownschen Bewegung Elementary Theory of Brownian Motion

Statistical mechanics.

Semi-popular review.

Schilpp 27; CP 2, 54


Bemerkungen zu unserer Arbeit: Elektromagnetische Grundgleichungen für bewegte Körper Remarks on Our Paper: On the Fundamental Electromagnetic Equations for Moving Bodies

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 28, [74] 445–447, link

Special relativity.


Co-authored with J. Laub.

Schilpp 28; CP 2, 55


Bemerkung zur Arbeit von Mirimanoff: Die Grundgleichungen... Comment on the Paper of D. Mirimanoff: On the Fundamental Equations...

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 28, [75] 885–888, link

[76] Special relativity. Notes similarity to Hermann Minkowski's work.

Schilpp 29; CP 2, 56


Zum gegenwärtigen Stande des Strahlungsproblems On the Present Status of the Radiation Problem

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 10, 185–193

[77] Photons. Review article on electromagnetic radiation, and an important forerunner of publication #30.

Schilpp 1909 29b; CP 2, 57

No title

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 10, 323–324

[78] Photons. Walther Ritz's joint communique with Einstein (co-author) on their differing viewpoints of the advanced and retarded solutions of Maxwell's equations. Einstein argues that the physical restriction to retarded solutions is not a law, but probabilistic; Ritz states that the same restriction is the basis of the 2nd law of thermodynamics. [79] Photons. Pivotal address before the 81st assembly of the Gesellschaft Deutscher Naturforscher, held in Salzburg, where Einstein showed that photons must carry momentum and should be treated as particles. Notes that electromagnetic radiation must have a dual nature, at once both wave-like and particulate. Also published in the journal Deutsche physikalische Gesellschaft, Verhandlungen, 11, pp. 482–500. An English translation is available at the English Wikisource.

Schilpp 30; CP 2, 60


Entwicklung unserer Anschauungen über das Wesen und die Konstitution der Strahlung On the Development of Our Views Concerning the Nature and Constitution of Radiation

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 10, 817–825

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[81] Photons. Co-authored with L. Hopf. See also publication #79.


Schilpp 31; CP 3, 7


Über einen Satz der Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 33, Wahrscheinlichkeitsrechnung 1096–1104, link [80] und seine Anwendung in der Strahlungstheorie On a Theorem of the Probability Calculus and Its Application in the Theory of Radiation

Schilpp 32; CP 3, 8


Statistische Untersuchung der Bewegung eines Resonators in einem Strahlungsfeld Statistical Investigation of a Resonator's Motion in a Radiation Field

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 33, [82] 1105–1115, link



Co-authored with L. Hopf.

Schilpp 33; CP 3, 9


Theorie der Opaleszenz von homogenen Flüssigkeiten und Flüssigkeitsgemischen in der Nähe des kritischen Zustandes The Theory of the Opalescence of Homogeneous Fluids and Liquid Mixtures near the Critical State

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 33, [84] 1275–1298, link

Statistical mechanics. critical opalescence.


Seminal paper on

Schilpp 34; CP 3, 2


Principe de relativité et ses conséquences dans la physique moderne The Principle of Relativity and Its Consequences in Modern Physics

Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles (ser. 4), 29, 5–28, 125–244

[86] Special relativity. Translation by E. Guillaume, but does not correspond to reference #21.

Schilpp 35; CP 3, 5


Théorie des quantités lumineuses et la question de la localisation de l'énergie électromagnetique On the Theory of Light Quanta and the Question of the Localization of Electromagnetic Energy

Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles (ser. 4), 29, 525–528


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles (ser. 4), 30, 323–324

Schilpp 36; CP 3, 6


Forces pondéromotrices qui agissent sur les conducteurs ferromagnétiques disposés dans un champs magnétique et parcourus par un courant On the Ponderomotive Forces Acting on Ferromagnetic Conductors Carrying a Current in a Magnetic Field


Schilpp 37; CP 3, 12


Bemerkung zu dem Gesetz von Eötvös Comment on Eötvös's Law

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 34, [88] 165–169, link

Intermolecular forces and fluid mechanics.


Schilpp 38; CP 3, 13


Beziehung zwischen dem Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 34, [90] elastischen Verhalten und 170–174, link der Spezifischen Wärme mit einatomigem Molekül A Relationship between Elastic Behavior and Specific Heat in Solids with a Monatomic Molecule

[91] Specific heats. Einstein tries to connect a characteristic frequency in his 1907 theory of specific heats to the elastic properties of the solid. See also Bemerkung zu meiner Arbeit: 'Eine Beziehung zwischen dem elastischen [92] Verhalten ...' ", p. 590.

Schilpp 39; CP 3, 10


Bemerkungen zu den P. Hertzschen Arbeiten: Mechanische Grundlagen der Thermodynamik Comments on P. Hertz's Papers: On the Mechanical Foundations of Thermodynamics

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 34, [93] 175–176, link

Statistical mechanics.


Schilpp 40; CP 3, 14


Berichtigung zu meiner Arbeit: Eine neue Bestimmung der Moleküldimensionen Correction to My Paper: A New Determination of Molecular Dimensions

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 34, [95] 591–592, link

[96] Statistical mechanics. Correction to publication #11 that produces an excellent [97] estimate of the Avogadro constant.

Schilpp 41; CP 3, 21


Elementare Betrachtungen über die thermische Molekularbewegung in festen Körpern Elementary Observations on Thermal Molecular Motion in Solids

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 35, [98] 679–694, link

[99] Specific heats. Recognizing that his 1907 model of specific heats is incorrect at very low temperatures, Einstein tries to improve it. The correct answer came a year later with the Debye model.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[101] General relativity. In this paper, Einstein resumes his development of general relativity, last discussed in 1907. Here, Einstein realizes that a new theory is needed to replace both special relativity and Newton's theory of gravitation. He also realizes that special relativity and the equivalence principle hold locally, not globally. [102] Special and (possibly) general relativity. An address given at the conference of the Zurich Society of Scientists. [103] Special relativity. Clears up confusion about the Lorentz contraction.


Schilpp 42; CP 3, 23


Einfluss der Schwerkraft auf Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 35, die Ausbreitung des Lichtes 898–908, link [100] On the Influence of Gravitation on the Propagation of Light

Schilpp 43; CP 3, 17 Schilpp 44; CP 3, 22


Relativitätstheorie The Theory of Relativity

Naturforschende Gesellschaft, Zürich, Vierteljahresschrift, 56, 1–14


Zum Ehrenfestschen Paradoxon On the Ehrenfest Paradox

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 12, 509–510

Schilpp 45; CP 4, 2 and 5


Thermodynamische Begründung des photochemischen Äquivalentgesetzes Thermodynamic Proof of the Law of Photochemical Equivalence

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 37, [104] 832–838, link

[105] Statistical mechanics. See also volume 38, pp. 881–884, Nachtrag zu meiner Arbeit: 'Thermodynamische Begründung des [106] photochemischen Äquivalentgesetzes'

Schilpp 46; CP 4, 3


Lichtgeschwindigkeit und Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 38, Statik des Gravitationsfeldes 355–369, link [107] The Speed of Light and the Statics of the Gravitational Field

[108] General relativity. First of two papers (see next entry for second) in the continuing development of general relativity (see reference #42). These two papers are the last in which Einstein allows time to be warped while keeping space flat (uncurved). In these papers, he realizes that the Lorentz transformations of special relativity must be generalized and that the new theory of gravitation must be non-linear, since gravitational energy can itself [109] gravitate. [111] General relativity. Second of two papers (see previous entry for first) in the continuing development of general relativity.

Schilpp 47; CP 4, 4


Theorie des statischen Gravitationsfeldes On the Theory of the Static Gravitational Field

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 38, [110] 443–458, link

Schilpp 48; CP 4, 6


Antwort auf eine Bemerkung von J. Stark: Anwendung des Planckschen Elementargesetzes Response to a Comment by J. Stark: 'On an Application of Planck's Fundamental Law...

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 38, 888, [112] link



List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


Schilpp 49; CP 4, 8


Relativität und Gravitation: Erwiderung auf eine Bemerkung von M. Abraham Relativity and Gravitation. Reply to a Comment by M. Abraham

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 38, [111] 1059–1064, link

General relativity.

Schilpp 50; CP 4, 9


Bemerkung zu Abraham's vorangehender Auseinandersetzung: Nochmals Relativität und Gravitation Comment on Abraham's Preceding Discussion 'Once Again, Relativity and Gravitation

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 39, 704, [115] link

General relativity.


Schilpp 52; CP 4, 7


Gibt es eine Gravitationswirkung die der elektromagnetischen Induktionswirkung analog ist? Is There a Gravitational Effect Which Is Analogous to Electrodynamic Induction?

Vierteljahrschrift für gerichtliche Medizin (ser. 3), 44, 37–40

General relativity.


Schilpp 53; CP 4, 13


Entwurf einer verallgemeinerten Relativitätstheorie und eine Theorie der Gravitation. I. Physikalischer Teil von A. Einstein II. Mathematischer Teil von M. Grossmann Outline of a Generalized Theory of Relativity and of a Theory of Gravitation. I. Physical Part by A. Einstein II. Mathematical Part by M. Grossmann

Zeitschrift für Mathematik und Physik, 62, 225–244, 245–261

[118] General relativity. A breakthrough paper, written in collaboration with Marcel Grossmann, in which the single Newtonian scalar gravitational field is replaced by ten fields, which are the components of a symmetric, four-dimensional metric tensor. However, the correct equations describing these fields are not identified. Reviewed critically in reference #68. See also references #21, 42, 46 and 47.

Schilpp 54; CP 4, 11


Einige Argumente für die Annahme einer molekular Agitation beim absoluten Nullpunkt Some Arguments for the Assumption of Molecular Agitation at Absolute Zero

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 40, [119] 551–560, link

[120] Specific heats. Co-authored with O. Stern. Einstein and Stern attempt to explain the specific heats of diatomic gases, such as molecular hydrogen, H2. Although qualitatively [121] correct, they are quantitatively inaccurate.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
Journal de physique (ser. 5), 3, 277–282 Statistical mechanics.[122] Not a translation of reference #45, but rather an address before the Société Française de Physique, held on March 27, 1913.


Schilpp 55; CP 4, 12


Déduction thermodynamique de la loi de l'équivalence photochimique Thermodynamic Deduction of the Law of Photochemical Equivalence

Schilpp 56; CP 4, 16


Physikalische Grundlagen einer Gravitationstheorie Physical Foundations of a Theory of Gravitation

Naturforschende Gesellschaft, Zürich, Vierteljahrsschrift, 58, 284–290

[123] General relativity. Address before the Swiss Society of Scientists on September 9, 1913. A résumé is printed in the Schweizerische naturforschende Gesellschaft, Verhandlungen, 1913 (part 2), pp. 137–138. History of physics. [124]

Schilpp 57; CP 4, 23 Schilpp 58; CP 4, 17


Max Planck als Forscher Max Planck as Scientist

Naturwissenschaften, 1, 1077–1079


Zum gegenwärtigen Stande des Gravitationsproblems On the Present State of the Problem of Gravitation

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 14, 1249–1266

[125] General relativity. Address on September 21, 1913 to the 85th Versammlung Deutscher Naturforscher in Vienna. The discussion following Einstein's address is included in this citation. This review was also published in the Gesellschaft deutscher Naturforscher und Ärzte, Verhandlungen, 1914, pp. 3–24. A referat was also published in the journal Himmel und Erde, 26, pp. 90–93. [127] General relativity. Co-authored with A. D. Fokker. Shows that the competing field theory of Gunnar Nordström could be recast as a special case of the Einstein-Grossmann equations (see reference #53).

Schilpp 59; CP 4, 28


Nordströmsche Gravitationstheorie vom Standpunkt des absoluten Differentialkalküls Nordstöm's Theory of Gravitation from the Point of View of the Absolute Differential Calculus

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 44, [126] 321–328, link

Schilpp 60 1914

Bases physiques d'une théorie de la gravitation Physical Foundations of a Theory of Gravitation§

Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles (ser. 4), 37, 5–12

General relativity. Guillaume.


Translated by E.

Schilpp 61 1914

Bemerkung zu P. Harzers Abhandlung: Die Mitführung des Lichtes in Glas und die Aberration Observation on P. Harzer's Article: Dragging of Light in Glass and Aberration§

Astronomische Nachrichten, 199, 8–10, [128] link

Electromagnetism and special relativity.


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


Schilpp 62 1914

Antwort auf eine Replik P. Harzers Answer to P. Harzer's Reply§

Astronomische Nachrichten, 199, 47–48, Electromagnetism and special relativity. [130] link

Schilpp 63 1914

Zum gegenwärtigen Stande des Problems der spezifischen Wärme On the Present Status of the Problem of Specific Heats§

Deutsche Bunsengesellschaft, Abhandlungen, 7, 330–364

Specific heats. German edition of reference #51; pages 353–364 include the discussion following Einstein's address.

Schilpp 64; CP 6, 5


Beiträge zur Quantentheorie Contributions to Quantum Theory§

Deutsche physikalische Gesellschaft, Berichte, 1914, 820–828

[131] Quantum mechanics. Reprinted in volume 16 of the Verhandlungen of the same society.

Schilpp 65; CP 4, 27


Zur Theorie der Gravitation On the Theory of Gravitation

Naturforschende Gesellschaft, Zürich, Vierteljahrsschrift, 59, 4–6

General relativity.


Schilpp 66 1914

Review of H. A. Lorentz: Das Relativitätsprinzip Review of H. A. Lorentz: The Principle of Relativity§

Naturwissenschaften, 2, 1018

Special and (possibly) general relativity.


Schilpp 67; CP 4, 24


Nachträgliche Antwort auf eine Frage von Reissner Supplementary Response to a Question by Mr. Reißner

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 15, 108–110

[134] General relativity. Concerns the mass of a gravitational field itself.

Schilpp 68; CP 4, 25


Principielles zur verallgemeinerten Relativitätstheorie und Gravitationstheorie On the Foundations of the Generalized Theory of Relativity and the Theory of Gravitation

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 15, 176–180

[135] General relativity. Reply to Gustav Mie on the relationship between reference #53 and Hermann Minkowski's work.

Schilpp 69; CP 6, 3


Antrittsrede Inaugural Address§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1914 (pt. 2), 739–742

General relativity.


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[137] General relativity. An important paper in the development of general relativity. Einstein still has not derived correct field equations, but he derives the geodesic motion of point particles, relates gravitational fields to rotation, and re-derives his 1907 results about the bending of light and gravitational redshift using the new metric tensor theory. Special and (possibly) general relativity. [139]

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1914 (part 2), 1030–1085

Schilpp 70; CP 6, 9


Formale Grundlage der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie Formal Foundations of the General Theory of Relativity§

Schilpp 71; CP 4, 31


Zum Relativitätsproblem On the Relativity Problem

Scientia (Bologna), 15, 337–348 link [138]

Schilpp 72 1914

Physikalische Grundlagen und leitende Gedanken für eine Gravitationstheorie Physical Foundations and Suggestive Thoughts for a Gravitational Theory§

Verhandlungen der Schweizerischen naturforschenden Gesellschaft, 96 (pt. 2), 146

General relativity. Listed only by title; same lecture as publication #56.

Schilpp 73 1914

Gravitationstheorie Gravitational Theory§

Verhandlungen der Schweizerischen naturforschenden Gesellschaft, 96 (pt. 2), 136–137

General relativity. reference #56.


For full text, see

Schilpp 74; CP 6, 1

1914 April 26

Relativitätsprinzip On the Principle of Relativity

Vossische Zeitung, 33–34

Special and (possibly) general relativity.


Schilpp 75; CP 6, 2


Kovarianzeigenschaften der Feldgleichungen der auf die verallgemeinerte Relativitätstheorie gegründeten Gravitationstheorie Covariance Properties of the Field Equations of the Theory of Gravitation Based on the Generalized Theory of Relativity

Zeitschrift für Mathematik und Physik, 63, 215–225

General relativity. Grossmann.


Co-authored with M.

Schilpp 78 1915

Proefondervindelijk bewijs voor het bestan der moleculaire stroomen von Ampère Experimental Proof of the Existence of Ampère's Molecular Currents

Akademie van Wetenschappen, Amsterdam, Verslag. (ser. 4), 23, 1449–1464

Einstein-de Haas effect. WJ de Haas.


Co-authored with

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


Schilpp 79; CP 6, 18


Antwort auf eine Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 47, Abhandlung M. von Laues: 879–885, link [143] Ein Satz der Wahrscheinlichkeitsrechnung und seine Anwendung auf die Strahlungstheorie Response to a Paper by M. von Laue: A Theorem in Probability Calculus and Its Application to Radiation Theory


Schilpp 80; CP 6, 23


Experimenteller Nachweis des Ampèreschen Molekularströme Experimental Proof of Ampère's Molecular Currents

Verhandlungen der Deutschen Physikalischen Gesellschaft, 17, 152–170, 203 (Berichtigung), 420

Einstein-de Haas effect. WJ de Haas.


Co-authored with

Schilpp 81 1915

Experimenteller Nachweis des Ampèreschen Molekularströme Experimental Proof of Ampère's Molecular Currents

Naturwissenschaften, 3, 237–238

Einstein-de Haas effect. WJ de Haas.


Co-authored with

Schilpp 82 1915

Grundgedanken der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie und Anwendung dieser Theorie in der Astronomie Fundamental Ideas of the General Theory of Relativity and the Application of this Theory in Astronomy§

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1915 (part 1), 315

General relativity.


Schilpp 83; CP 6, 21 and 22


Zur allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie On the General Theory of Relativity

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1915 (part 2), 778–786, 799–801

[148] General relativity. Two of Einstein's four papers in November 1915 that led to the final field equations for general relativity. The first paper corrected a fundamental misconception and allowed Einstein to finish; however, the [149] second introduced a serious mistake. [150] General relativity. A pivotal paper in which Einstein shows that general relativity explains the anomalous precession of the planet Mercury, which had vexed astronomers since 1859. This paper also introduced the important calculational method, the post-Newtonian expansion. Einstein also calculated correctly (for the first time) the bending of light by gravity.

Schilpp 84; CP 6, 24


Erklärung der Perihelbewegung des Merkur aus der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie Explanation of the Perihelion Motion of Mercury from the General Theory of Relativity

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1915 (part 2), 831–839

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[151] General relativity. This is the defining paper of general relativity. At long last, Einstein had found workable field equations, which served as the basis for subsequent derivations.

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1915 (part 2), 844–847

Schilpp 85; CP 6, 25


Feldgleichungen der Gravitation The Field Equations of Gravitation

Schilpp 88; CP 6, 14 Schilpp 89; CP 6, 30


Experimental proof of the existence of Ampère's molecular currents Grundlage der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie The Foundation of the General Theory of Relativity

Proceedings of the Akademie van Wetenschappen, Amsterdam, 18, [152] 696–711,link Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 49, [154] 769–822, link

[153] Einstein-de Haas effect. Co-authored with WJ de Haas; English translation of reference #80. General relativity. [155]


Schilpp 90; CP 6, 40


Über Fr. Kottlers Abhandlung: Einsteins Äquivalenzhypothese und die Gravitation On Friedrich Kottler's Paper: On Einstein's Equivalence Hypothesis and Gravitation

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 51, [156] 639–642, link

General relativity.


Schilpp 91; CP 6, 28


Einfaches Experiment zum Nachweis der Ampèreschen Molekularströme A Simple Experiment to Demonstrate Ampère's Molecular Currents

Verhandlungen der Deutschen Physikalischen Gesellschaft, 18, 173–177

Einstein-de Haas effect.


Schilpp 92; CP 6, 34


Strahlungs-emission und -absorption nach der Quantentheorie Emission and Absorption of Radiation in Quantum Theory

Verhandlungen der Deutschen Physikalischen Gesellschaft, 18, 318–323

[159] Photons. Seminal paper in which Einstein showed that Planck's quantum hypothesis E = hÉÀ could be derived from a kinetic rate equation. This paper introduced the idea of stimulated emission (which led to the laser and maser), and Einstein's A and B coefficients provided a guide for the development of quantum electrodynamics, the most accurately tested theory of physics at present. In this work, Einstein begins to realize that quantum mechanics seems to involve probabilities and a [160] breakdown of causality. [161] Photons. Following his 1909 address (reference #30), Einstein shows that photons must carry momentum if Planck's law is to hold. This was confirmed in 1923 by Compton scattering, for which the 1927 Nobel Prize in Physics was awarded and which led to the general acceptance to the photon concept.

Schilpp 93; CP 6, 38


Quantentheorie der Strahlung On the Quantum Theory of Radiation

Mitteilungen der Physikalischen Gesellschaft, Zürich, 16, 47–62

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Naturwissenschaften, 4, 480–481

Schilpp 94; CP 6, 36


Review of H. A. Lorentz: Théories statistiques en thermodynamique Review of H. A. Lorentz: Statistical Theories in Thermodynamics: Five Lectures...

Statistical mechanics.

Schilpp 95; CP 6, 39


Elementare Theorie der Wasserwellen und des Fluges Elementary Theory of Water Waves and of Flight

Naturwissenschaften, 4, 509–510

Fluid mechanics.

Schilpp 96; CP 6, 29 Schilpp 97; CP 6, 27


Ernst Mach

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 17, 101–104

History of physics.



Neue formale Deutung der Maxwellschen Feldgleichungen der Elektrodynamik A New Formal Interpretation of Maxwell's Field Equations of Electrodynamics

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1916 (part 1), 184–187


Schilpp 98 1916

Einige anschauliche Überlegungen aus dem Gebiete der Relativitätstheorie Some Intuitive Considerations from the Field of Relativity Theory§

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1916 (part 1), 423

[164] General relativity. Abstract of a paper (never published) dealing with the behavior of clocks and Foucault pendulums.

Schilpp 99; CP 6, 32


Näherungsweise Integration der Feldgleichungen der Gravitation Approximative Integration of the Field Equations of Gravitation

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1916 (part 1), 688–696

General relativity.


Schilpp 100


Gedächtnisrede auf Karl Schwarzschild Memorial Lecture on Karl Schwarzschild

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1916 (part 1), 768–770

History of physics.


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1916 (part 2), 1111–1116

Schilpp 1916 101; CP 6, 41

Hamiltonsches Prinzip und allgemeine Relativitätstheorie Hamilton's Principle and the General Theory of Relativity

General relativity.

Schilpp 1917 103; CP 6, 45

Zum Quantensatz von Sommerfeld und Epstein On the Quantum Theorem of Sommerfeld and Epstein

Deutsche Physikalische Gesellschaft, Verhandlungen, 19, 82–92

[168] Quantum mechanics. Seminal paper for the Einstein–Brillouin–Keller method, which describes how to convert a classical system into its quantum mechanical analogue.

Schilpp 104


Review of H. v. Helmholtz: Zwei Vorträge über Goethe Review of Hermann von Helmholtz: Two Lectures on Goethe

Naturwissenschaften, 5, 675

History of physics.


Schilpp 105 Schilpp 106


Marian von Smoluchowski

Naturwissenschaften, 5, 737–738

History of physics. [171]



Quantentheorie der Strahlung On the Quantum Theory of Radiation

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 18, 121–128


Schilpp 1917 107; CP 6, 43

Kosmologische Betrachtungen zur allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie Cosmological Considerations in the General Theory of Relativity

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1917 (part 1), 142–152

[172] General relativity. This seminal paper marks the beginning of physical cosmology. Under certain simplifying assumptions, general relativity describes the birth, the expansion and the ultimate fate of the Universe.

Schilpp 1917 108; CP 6, 47

Eine Ableitung des Theorems von Jacobi A Derivation of Jacobi's Theorem

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1917 (part 2), 606–608

Mathematical physics.


Schilpp 109

1917 May 23

Friedrich Adler als Physiker Friedrich Adler as a Physicist§

Die Vossische Zeitung, Morgen Ausgabe, no. 259, 2

History of physics.


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


Schilpp 1918 112; CP 7, 4

Prinzipielles zur allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie On the Foundations of the General Theory of Relativity

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 55, [175] 241–244, link

General relativity.

Schilpp 1918 113; CP 7, 6

Lassen sich Brechungsexponenten der Körper für Röntgenstrahlen experimentell ermitteln? Is It Possible to Determine Experimentally the X-Ray Refractive Indices of Solids?

Verhandlungen der Deutschen Physikalischen Gesellschaft, 20, 86–87


Schilpp 1918 114; CP 7, 15

Bemerkung zu Gehrckes Notiz: Über den Äther Comment on E. Gehrcke's Note: On the Aether

Verhandlungen der Deutschen Physikalischen Gesellschaft, 20, 261

Special and general relativity.

Schilpp 1918 115; CP 7, 10

Review of H. Weyl: Raum, Zeit, Materie Review of Hermann Weyl, Space-Time-Matter: Lectures on General Relativity

Naturwissenschaften, 6, 373

Special and general relativity.


Schilpp 1918 116; CP 7, 13

Dialog über Einwände gegen Naturwissenschaften, 6, 697–702 die Relativitätstheorie Dialogue about Objections to the Theory of Relativity

Special and general relativity.


Schilpp 1918 117; CP 7, 2

Notiz zu Schrödingers Physikalische Zeitschrift, 19, 115–116 Arbeit: Energiekomponenten des Gravitationsfeldes Note on E. Schrödinger's Paper: The Energy Components of the Gravitational Field

General relativity.


Schilpp 1918 118; CP 7, 3

Bemerkung zu Schrödingers Notiz: Lösungssystem der allgemein kovarianten Gravitationsgleichungen Comment on Schrödinger's Note: On a System of Solutions for the Generally Covariant Gravitational Field Equations

Physikalische Zeitschrift, 19, 165–166

General relativity.


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[179] General relativity. The first prediction of gravitational waves. Such gravitational radiation has been observed indirectly, for which the 1993 Nobel Prize in Physics was awarded. General relativity. [180]

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1918 (part 1), 154–167

Schilpp 1918 119; CP 7, 1

Gravitationswellen On Gravitational Waves

Schilpp 1918 120; CP 7, 5

Kritisches zu einer von Hrn. de Sitter gegebenen Lösung der Gravitationsgleichungen Critical Comment on a Solution of the Gravitational Field Equations Given by Mr. de Sitter

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1918 (part 1), 270–272

Schilpp 1918 121; CP 7, 9

Der Energiesatz in der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie The Law of Energy Conservation in the General Theory of Relativity

Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte, 1918 (part 1), 448–459

General relativity.


Schilpp 122


Prüfung der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie A Test of the General Theory of Relativity

Naturwissenschaften, 7, 776

General relativity.


Schilpp 1919 123; CP 7, 17

Spielen Gravitationsfelder im Aufbau der materiellen Elementarteilchen eine wesentliche Rolle? Do Gravitational Fields Play an Essential Role in the Structure of the Elementary Particles of Matter?

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1919 (pt. 1), 349–356

[183] General relativity. Suggests a modification of his field equations to allow for stable elementary particles.

Schilpp 1919 124; CP 7, 18

Bemerkungen über periodische Schwankungen der Mondlänge, welche bisher nach der Newtonschen Mechanik nicht erklärbar schienen Comment about Periodical Fluctuations of Lunar Longitude, Which So Far Appeared to Be Inexplicable in Newtonian Mechanics

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1919 (pt. 1), 433–436

General relativity.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1919 (pt. 1), 463 (Title only)

Schilpp 125


Feldgleichungen der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie vom Standpunkte des kosmologischen Problems und des Problems der Konstitution der Materie Field Equations of the General Theory of Relativity in Respect to the Cosmological Problem and the Problem of the Constitution of Matter§

General relativity.

Schilpp 1919 My theory 126; CP 7, November 26 28

Times, London, 13

[184] General relativity. Re-published in 1919 as "Time, space and gravitation" in Optician, the British optical journal, volume 58, pages 187–188. History of physics. [185]

Schilpp 1919 127; CP 7, 24 Schilpp 132 1920

Leo Arons als Physiker Leo Arons as Physicist

Sozialistische Monatshefte, 52 (Jahrgang 25, pt. 2), 1055–1056

Bemerkung zur Abhandlung Kolloidzeitschrift, 27, 137 von W. R. Hess: Theorie der Viscosität heterogener Systeme Comment on the Paper by W. R. Hess: Contribution to the Theory of the Viscosity of Heterogeneous Systems

Intermolecular forces.


Schilpp 133


Naturwissenschaften, 8, 1010–1011 Inwiefern lässt sich die moderne Gravitationstheorie ohne die Relativität begründen? To What Extent Can Modern Gravitational Theory Be Established without Relativity?

General relativity.


Schilpp 134


Trägheitsmoment des Wasserstoffmoleküls Moment of Inertia of the Hydrogen Molecule§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1920, 65

[187] Intermolecular forces. Abstract of never-published paper.

Schilpp 1920 135; CP 7, 39

Schallausbreitung in Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen teilweise dissoziierten Gasen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1920, 380–385 Propagation of Sound in Partly Dissociated Gases

Intermolecular forces.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Berliner Tageblatt und Handelszeitung, no. 402, 1–2

Schilpp 1920 Meine Antwort über die 136; CP 7, August 27 antirelativitätstheoretische 45 G.m.b.H. My Response on the Anti-Relativity Company

Special and general relativity.

Schilpp 1921 147; CP 7, 53 Schilpp 148 1921

A brief outline of the Nature, 106, 782–784 development of the theory of relativity Geometrie und Erfahrung Geometry and Experience Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1921 (pt. 1), 123–130 Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1921 (pt. 1), 261–264

History of physics. Lawson.


Translated by R. W.

General relativity.


Schilpp 1921 149; CP 7, 54

Eine naheliegende Ergänzung des Fundaments der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie On a Natural Addition to the Foundation of the General Theory of Relativity

General relativity.


Schilpp 1921 150; CP 7, 68

Ein den Elementarprozess der Lichtemission betreffendes Experiment On an Experiment Concerning the Elementary Process of Light Emission

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1921 (pt. 2), 882–883



Schilpp 151


Report of a lecture at King's College on the development and present position of relativity, with quotations

Nation and Athenaeum, 29, 431–432

Special and general relativity. The German text is reproduced in Mein Weltbild (pp. 215–220); a full translation is found in The world as I see it. It was also reported in Nature (107, p. 504) and also in the Times (London) on June 14, p. 8. General relativity. [194]

Schilpp 159


Bemerkung zur Seletyschen Arbeit: Beiträge zum kosmologischen Problem Observation of the Paper of Selety: Contributions to the Cosmological Problem§

Annalen der Physik (ser. 4), 69, [193] 436–438, link

Schilpp 160


Review of W. Pauli: Relativitätstheorie Review of W. Pauli: Relativity Theory§

Naturwissenschaften, 10, 184–185

Special and general relativity.


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Naturwissenschaften, 10, 823–828

Schilpp 161


Emil Warburg als Forscher Emil Warburg as Researcher§

History of physics.

Schilpp 162


Theorie der Lichtfortpflanzung in dispergierenden Medien Theory of the Propagation of Light in Dispersive Media§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phys.-math. Klasse, 1922, 18–22



Schilpp 163


Bemerkung zu der Abhandlung von E. Trefftz: Statische Gravitationsfeld zweier Massenpunkte Observation on the Work of E. Trefftz: Static Gravitational Field of Two Point Masses§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phys.-math. Klasse, 1922, 448–449

General relativity.

Schilpp 164


Quantentheoretische Bemerkungen zum Experiment von Stern und Gerlach Quantum Mechanical Observations on the Experiment of Stern and Gerlach§

Zeitschrift für Physik, 11, 31–34

Quantum mechanics. Paul Ehrenfest.


Co-authored with

Schilpp 165


Bemerkung zu der Arbeit von A. Friedmann: Über die Krümmung des Raumes Observation on the Paper of A. Friedmann: On the Curvature of Space§

Zeitschrift für Physik, 11, 326

[199] General relativity. Einstein withdrew this self-criticism in 1922 in the same journal Zeitschrift für Physik, volume 16, p. 228.

Schilpp 170


Bemerkung zu der Notiz von Astronomische Nachrichten, 219, 19 W. Anderson: Neue Erklärung des kontinuierlichen Koronaspektrums Observation on the Note of W. Anderson: New Explanation of the Continuous Spectrum of the Corona§

Solar physics.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


Schilpp 171


Experimentelle Bestimmung Deutsche medizinische Wochenschrift, 49, 1012–1013 der Kanalweite von Filtern Experimental Determination of the Pore Diameter in Filters§

Fluid mechanics. Mühsam.

Co-authored with H.

Schilpp 172


Beweis der Nichtexistenz eines überall regulären zentrisch symmetrischen Feldes nach der Feldtheorie von Kaluza Proof of the Non-Existence of an Everywhere-Regular Centrally Symmetric Field According to the Field Theory of Kaluza§

Jerusalem University, Scripta, 1 (no. 7), 1–5

[201] Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with J. Grommer; also given in Hebrew.

Schilpp 173


Theory of the affine field

Nature, 112, 448–449

[202] Classical unified field theories. Translated by RW Lawson, but does not correspond to publication #175. Relatively non-mathematical. General relativity. [203]

Schilpp 174


Zur allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie On the General Theory of Relativity§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1923, 32–38, 76–77

Schilpp 175


Zur affinen Feldtheorie On Affine Field Theory§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1923, 137–140 Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1923, 359–364

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 176


Bietet die Feldtheorie Möglichkeiten für die Lösung des Quantenproblems? Does Field Theory Offer Possibilities for Solving the Quantum Problem?§

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 177


Théorie de relativité Theory of Relativity§

Société française de philosophie, Bulletin, 22, 97–98, 101, 107, 111–112

Special and general relativity. full in Nature, 112, p. 253.


Quoted in

Schilpp 178


Quantentheorie des Strahlungsgleichgewichts Quantum Theory of the Equilibrium of Radiation§

Zeitschrift für Physik, 19, 301–306



Co-authored with Paul Ehrenfest.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Astronomische Nachrichten, 221, 329–330

Schilpp 181


Antwort auf eine Bemerkung von W. Anderson Response to an Observation of W. Anderson§

Schilpp 182

1924 April 20

Komptonsche Experiment The Compton Experiment§

Berliner Tageblatt, 1. Beiblatt

[208] Photons. Experiment showing that photons could carry momentum; for many physicists, this experiment was conclusive proof that photons were particles. History of physics. [209]

Schilpp 184


Naturwissenschaften, 12, 601–602 Zum hundertjährigen Gedenktag von Lord Kelvins Geburt On the 100th Anniversary of Lord Kelvin's Birth§

Schilpp 185


Quantentheorie des einatomigen idealen Gases Quantum Theory of the Monatomic Ideal Gas§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1924, 261–267

[210] Photons and statistical mechanics. First of two seminal papers (see reference #194), in which Einstein creates the theory of identical particles in quantum mechanics. In 1924, Satyendra Nath Bose derived Planck's law of black-body radiation from a modification of [211] coarse-grained counting of phase space. Einstein shows that this modification is equivalent to assuming that photons are rigorously identical, leading to the concept of coherent states. Einstein also extends Bose's formalism to material particles (bosons), predicting that they condense at sufficiently low [212] temperatures, as verified experimentally. History of physics. [213] Historical overview.

Schilpp 186


Über den Äther On the Aether§

Verhandlungen der Schweizerischen naturforschenden Gesellschaft, 105 (pt. 2), 85–93

Schilpp 187


Theorie der Radiometerkräfte Theory of Radiometer Forces§

Zeitschrift für Physik, 27, 1–6

Statistical mechanics. Treatment of the physics of radiometers, a science toy.

Schilpp 188


[Note appended to a paper by Bose entitled "Wärmegleichgewicht im Strahlungsfeld bei Anwesenheit von Materie"] Thermal Equilibrium in the Radiation Field in the Presence of Matter

Zeitschrift für Physik, 27, 392–392



List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Physica, 5, 330–334

Schilpp 193


Elektron und allgemeine Relativitätstheorie The Electron and The General Theory of Relativity§

General relativity.

Schilpp 194


Quantentheorie des einatomigen idealen Gases. 2. Abhandlung Quantum Theory of the Monatomic Ideal Gas, Part II§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin), Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1925, 3–14

[216] Photons and statistical mechanics. Second of two seminal articles on identical particles, bosons and Bose-Einstein condensation; see reference #185 for the first.

Schilpp 195


Quantentheorie des idealen Gases Quantum theory of Ideal Gases§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin), Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1925, 18–25

Photons and statistical mechanics.


Schilpp 196


Einheitliche Feldtheorie von Gravitation und Elektrizität Unified Field Theory of Gravity and Electricity§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin), Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1925, 414–419

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 197


Bemerkung zu P. Jordans Abhandlung: Theorie der Quantenstrahlung Observation on P. Jordan's Work: Theory of Quantum Radiation§

Zeitschrift für Physik, 31, 784–785



Schilpp 199 Schilpp 200


W. H. Julius, 1860–1925

Astrophysical Journal, 63, 196–198

History of physics.



Ursache der Mäanderbildung der Flussläufe und des sogenannten Baerschen Gesetzes Origin of River-Meanders and the So-Called Law of Baer§

Naturwissenschaften, 14, 223–224

Earth science. rivers.


The physics of meandering

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


Schilpp 201


Naturwissenschaften, 14, 300–301 Vorschlag zu einem die Natur des elementaren Strahlungs-emissions-prozesses betreffenden Experiment Suggestion for an Experiment Concerning the Nature of the Elementary Process of Emitting Light§


Schilpp 202


Interferenzeigenschaften des Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, durch Kanalstrahlen Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, emittierten Lichtes 1926, 334–340 Interference Properties of Light Emitted by Canal Rays§

[223] Photons. Supposedly verified experimentally by Rupp in the paper following it in the journal (pp. 341–351); later, it came out that Rupp was a fraud.

Schilpp 203


Geometría no euclídea y física Non-Euclidean Geometry and Physics§

Revista matemática Hispano-americana (ser. 2), 1, 72–76

General relativity.

Schilpp 205


Forschungen und Fortschritte, 3, 36–37 Einfluss der Erdbewegung auf die Lichtgeschwindigkeit relativ zur Erde Influence of the Earth's Motion on the Speed of Light Relative to Earth§

Special relativity.


Schilpp 206


Formale Beziehung des Riemannschen Krümmungstensors zu den Feldgleichungen der Gravitation Formal Relationship of the Riemannian Curvature Tensor to the Field Equations of Gravity§

Mathematische Annalen, 97, 99–103

General relativity.


Schilpp 207


Isaac Newton

Manchester Guardian Weekly, 16, 234–235

History of physics. Reprinted in the Manchester Guardian (March 19, 1927); Observatory, 50, 146–153; Smithsonian Institution, Report for 1927, 201–207.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Naturwissenschaften, 15, 273–276

Schilpp 208


Newtons Mechanik und ihr Einfluss auf die Gestaltung der theoretischen Physik Newton's Mechanics and its Influence on the Formation of Theoretical Physics§

History of physics.

Schilpp 209


Zu Newtons 200. Todestage On the 200th Anniversary of Newton's Death§

Nord und Süd, Jahrg. 50, 36–40

History of physics.

Schilpp 210


[Letter to the Royal Society on the occasion of the Newton bicentenary] Establishment of an international bureau of meteorology Kaluzas Theorie des Zusammenhanges von Gravitation und Elektrizität Kaluza's Theory of the Connection between Gravity and Electricity§

Nature, 119, 467

[227] History of physics. Also published in Science, 65, 347–348. [228]

Schilpp 211


Science, 65, 415–417


Schilpp 212


Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1927, 23–30

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 213


Allgemeine Relativitätstheorie und Bewegungsgesetz General Theory of Relativity and the Law of Motion§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1927, 2–13, 235–245

[230] General relativity. The first part (pp. 2–13) was co-authored with J. Grommer.

Schilpp 214


Theoretisches und Experimentelles zur Frage der Lichtentstehung Theoretical and Experimental [Aspects] to the Question of the Generation of Light§

Zeitschrift für angewandte Chemie, 40, 546



Schilpp 216


H. A. Lorentz

Mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Blätter, 22, 24–25

[232] History of physics. Abstract of an address given at a memorial service at Leiden University. Reprinted in Mein Weltbild (The world as I see it), p. 25.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1928, 217–221

Schilpp 217


Riemanngeometrie mit Aufrechterhaltung des Begriffes des Fern-Parallelismus Riemannian Geometry with Preservation of the Concept of Distant Parallelism§

Classical unified field theories.

Schilpp 218


Neue Möglichkeit für eine einheitliche Feldtheorie von Gravitation und Elektrizität New Possibility for a Unified Field Theory of Gravity and Electricity§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1928, 224–227

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 219


À propos de "La déduction relativiste" de M. E. Meyerson Concerning "The Relativistic Deduction" by M. E. Meyerson§

Revue philosophique de la France, 105, 161–166

Special and general relativity.


Schilpp 222


Ansprache an Prof. Planck [bei Entgegennahme der Planckmedaille] Address to Prof. Planck [upon receiving the Planck medal]§

Forschungen und Fortschritte, 5, 248–249

History of physics.


Schilpp 223


[Quotation from an interview with (London) Daily Chronicle (January 26, 1929) on the unitary field theory, in advance of publication #226] [Note appended to a reprinting of Arago's Memorial address on Thomas Young before the French Academy] The new field theory

Nature, 123, 175

Classical unified field theories.

Schilpp 224


Naturwissenschaften, 17, 363

History of physics.


Schilpp 225

1929 February 4 1929

Times (London)

Classical unified field theories. Translated by L. L. Whyte. Reprinted in the Observatory, 52, 82–87, 114–118 (1930). Classical unified field theories. [238]

Schilpp 226

Einheitliche Feldtheorie Unified Field Theory§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1929, 2–7

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1929, 156–159

Schilpp 227


Einheitliche Feldtheorie und Hamiltonsches Prinzip Unified Field Theory and Hamilton's Principle§

Classical unified field theories.

Schilpp 228


Sur la théorie synthéthique des champs On the Unified Theory of Fields§

Revue générale de l'électricité, 25, 35–39

Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with Théophile de Donder.

Schilpp 229 Schilpp 230


Appreciation of Simon Newcomb Sesión especial de la Academia (16 abril 1925) Special Session of the Scientific Society of Argentina§

Science, 69, 249

[240] History of physics. Translation of a letter to Newcomb's daughter dated July 15, 1926. Special and general relativity. Einstein's discussions with RG Loyarte on mass-energy equivalence and with H Damianovich on the relevance of relativity for a proposed "chemical field".


Sociedad científica Argentina, Anales, 107, 337–347

Schilpp 232

1930 Über Kepler November 9 On Kepler§

Frankfurter Zeitung, p. 16, col. 3–4

[241] History of physics. The text is reprinted in Mein Weltbild and its English translation The world as I see it (in German and English, respectively). Special and general relativity. A widely reported address, e.g., in Dinglers polytechnisches journal, 345, p. 122.

Schilpp 233


World power conference, 2nd, Berlin, Raum-, Feld- und Äther-problem in der Physik 1930. Transactions, 19, 1–5 The Problems of Space, Fields and Aether in Physics§

Schilpp 234


Raum, Äther und Feld in der Forum Philosophicum, 1, 173–180 Physik Space, Aether and Field in Physics§

[242] Special and general relativity. An English translation by ES Brightman was provided in the same volume, pp. 180–184. Similar to #233, but different from the article "Das Raum-, Äther-, und Feld-problem der Physik" reprinted in Mein Weltbild (The world as I see it), pp. 229–248. Classical unified field theories. [243]

Schilpp 235


Théorie unitaire du champ physique Unified theory of the physical field§

Annales de l'Institut H. Poincaré, 1, 1–24

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Mathematische Annalen, 102, 685–697

Schilpp 236


Auf die Riemann-Metrik und den Fern-Parallelismus gegründete einheitliche Feldtheorie A Unified Field Theory Based on the Riemannian Metric and Distant Parallelism§

Classical unified field theories.

Schilpp 237


Das Raum-Zeit Problem The Space-Time Problem§

Die Koralle, 5, 486–488

Special and general relativity.


Schilpp 238


Review of S. Weinberg: Erkenntnistheorie Review of S. Weinberg: Theory of Knowledge§

Naturwissenschaften, 18, 536

History of physics.


Schilpp 239


Kompatibilität der Feldgleichungen in der einheitlichen Feldtheorie Consistency of the Field Equations in the Unified Field Theory§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1930, 18–23

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 240


Zwei strenge statische Lösungen der Feldgleichungen der einheitlichen Feldtheorie Two Strictly Static Solutions of the Field Equations of the Unified Field Theory§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1930, 110–120

Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with W. Mayer.


Schilpp 241


Theorie der Räume mit Riemannmetrik und Fernparallelismus Theory of Spaces with a Riemannian Metric and Distant Parallelism§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1930, 401–402

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 242


Address at University of Nottingham

Science, 71, 608–610

[250] Special and general relativity. A survey of relativity theory (special and general) and of field theory in general. A précis of the talk was published in Nature, 125, pp. 897–898, under the title "Concept of space".

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[251] General relativity. An English translation by Prof. Leigh Page of Yale University was provided on pages 7–10. Interestingly, this was neither a scientific talk nor a typical scientific paper; rather, a Yale graduate convinced Einstein to write the summary by longhand; the manuscript is still housed at Yale.

Yale University Library, Gazette, 6, 3–6

Schilpp 243


Über den gegenwärtigen Stand der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie On the Present Status of the General Theory of Relativity§

Schilpp 247


Theory of Relativity: Its Formal Content and Its Present Problems

Nature, 127, 765, 790, 826–827

Special and general relativity. Rhodes lectures delivered at Oxford University in May 1931.

Schilpp 248 Schilpp 249


Knowledge of past and Physical Review (ser. 2), 37, 780–781, future in quantum mechanics link [252] Zum kosmologischen Problem der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie On the Cosmological Problem of the General Theory of Relativity§ Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1931, 235–237

[253] Quantum mechanics. Co-authored with R. C. Tolman and B. Podolosky. [254] General relativity. Proposed a "cosmological constant."


Schilpp 250


Systematische Untersuchung über kompatible Feldgleichungen welche in einem Riemannschen Raume mit Fern-Parallelismus gesetzt werden können Systematic Investigation of Consistent Field Equations That Can Be Posited in a Riemannian Space with Distant Parallelism§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1931, 257–265

Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with W. Mayer.


Schilpp 251


Einheitliche Feldtheorie von Gravitation und Elektrizität Unified Field Theory of Gravity and Electricity§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1931, 541–557

Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with W. Mayer.


Schilpp 252 Schilpp 253


Thomas Alva Edison, 1847–1931

Science, 74, 404–405

History of physics.



Gravitational and electrical Science, 74, 438–439 fields [Translation of a preliminary report for the Josiah Macy, Jr. foundation] [Reply to congratulatory addresses at a dinner given by the California Institute of Technology on January 15, 1931] Science, 73, 379

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 254


History of physics.


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Zeitschrift für angewandte Chemie, 44, 658

Schilpp 255


Gedenkworte auf Albert A. Michelson In Remembrance of Albert A. Michelson§

History of physics.

Schilpp 258


On the relation between the expansion and the mean density of the universe

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 18, 213–214

General relativity. Willem de Sitter.


Co-authored with

Schilpp 259


Zu Dr. Berliners siebzigstem Naturwissenschaften, 20, 913 Geburtstag On Dr. Berliner's 70th Birthday§

[262] History of physics. Reprinted in Mein Weltbild (The world as I see it), pp. 29–32.

Schilpp 260


Gegenwärtiger Stand der Relativitätstheorie Present Status of Relativity Theory§

Die Quelle (now called Paedogogischer Führer), 82, 440–442

General relativity.


Schilpp 261


Einheitliche Feldtheorie von Gravitation und Elektrizität, 2. Abhandlung Unified Field Theory of Gravity and Electricity, Part II§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1932, 130–137

Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with W. Mayer.


Schilpp 262


Semi-Vektoren und Spinoren Semi-Vectors and Spinors§

Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Physikalisch-mathematische Klasse, 1932, 522–550



Co-authored with W. Mayer.

Schilpp 263


Unbestimmtheitsrelation Uncertainty Relations§

Zeitschrift für angewandte Chemie, 45, 23

Quantum mechanics.


Schilpp 267


Dirac Gleichungen für Semi-Vektoren Dirac Equations for Semi-Vectors§

Akademie van wetenschappen (Amsterdam), Proceedings, 36 (pt. 2), 497–?

Quantum mechanics. Mayer.


Co-authored with W.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Akademie van wetenschappen (Amsterdam), Proceedings, 36 (pt. 2), 615–619

Schilpp 268


Spaltung der natürlichsten Feldgleichungen für Semi-Vektoren in Spinor-Gleichungen vom Diracschen Typus Division of the Most Natural Field-Equations for Semi-Vectors in Spinor Equations of the Dirac Type§

Quantum mechanics. Mayer.

Co-authored with W.

Schilpp 270


Annals of mathematics (ser. 2), 35, Darstellung der 104–110 Semi-Vektoren als gewöhnliche Vektoren von besonderem Differentiations Charakter Representation of Semi-Vectors as Ordinary Vectors with Unusual Differentiation Properties§



Co-authored with W. Mayer.

Schilpp 271


Review of R. Tolman: Relativity, thermodynamics and cosmology

Science, 80, 358

Special and general relativity.


Schilpp 272


Elementary derivation of the Bulletin of the American Mathematical [271] equivalence of mass and Society, 41, 223–230, link energy Can quantum-mechanical description of physical reality be considered complete? The particle problem in the general theory of relativity Physik und Realität Physics and Reality§ Physical Review (ser. 2), 47, 777–780, [273] link

Special relativity.


Schilpp 273


[274] Quantum mechanics. Seminal paper on non-local effects (entanglement) in quantum mechanics. Co-authored with B. Podolsky and N. Rosen. General relativity. Rosen. [275] Co-authored with N.

Schilpp 274 Schilpp 275


Physical Review (ser. 2), 48, 73–77


Franklin Institute, Journal, 221, 313–347

[276] Quantum mechanics. An English translation (by J Picard) is provided on pages 349–382. Also reprinted in Zeitschrift für freie deutsche Forschung, 1, no. 1, pp. 5–19 and no. 2, pp. 1–14 (1938). General relativity. Rosen. General relativity. [277] Co-authored with N.

Schilpp 276 Schilpp 277


Two-body problem in general relativity theory Lens-like action of a star by deviation of light in the gravitational field On gravitational waves

Physical Review (ser. 2), 49, 404–405


Science, 84, 506–507


Schilpp 278


Journal of the Franklin Institute, 223, 43–54

[279] General relativity. Co-authored with N. Rosen. This important paper established that gravitational waves are possible despite the nonlinear nature of the Einstein field equations. Interestingly, Einstein and Rosen originally [280] reached the opposite conclusion !

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[281] General relativity. Co-authored with L. Infeld and B. Hoffmann. [282] Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with P. Bergmann. General relativity. [283]

Annals of Mathematics (ser. 2), 39, 65–100 Annals of mathematics (ser. 2), 39, 683–701 Annals of Mathematics (ser. 2), 40, 922–936

Schilpp 283 Schilpp 284 Schilpp 285


Gravitational equations and the problems of motion Generalization of Kaluza's theory of electricity Stationary system with spherical symmetry consisting of many gravitating masses Gravitational equations and the problems of motion. II Considerations concerning the fundamentals of theoretical physics Demonstration of the non-existence of gravitational fields with a non-vanishing total mass free of singularities The work and personality of Walter Nernst Non-existence of regular stationary solutions of relativistic field equations Bivector fields, I



Schilpp 286 Schilpp 287


Annals of Mathematics (ser. 2), 41, 455–464 Science, 91, 487–492

General relativity. Infeld.


Co-authored with L.


[285] History of physics. Partly reprinted in Nature, 145, 920–924. [286]

Schilpp 290


Tucumán universidad nac., Revista (ser. A), 2, 11–16

General relativity.

Schilpp 292 Schilpp 293


Scientific Monthly, 54, 195–196

History of physics.



Annals of Mathematics (ser. 2), 44, 131–137

General relativity. Wolfgang Pauli.


Co-authored with

Schilpp 295 Schilpp 296 Schilpp 298 Schilpp 299


Annals of mathematics (ser. 2), 45, 1–14 Mathematics.[289] Co-authored with V. Bargmann. Annals of mathematics (ser. 2)296, 45, 15–23 American Scholar, 14, 137–156, 269 (correction) Annals of mathematics (ser. 2), 46, 578–584 Mathematics. [290]


Bivector fields, II


On the cosmological problem Generalization of the relativistic theory of gravitation Influence of the expansion of space on the gravitation fields surrounding the individual stars Generalization of the relativistic theory of gravitation, II

General relativity. A pre-printing of the appendix to publication #297. Classical unified field theories. [291]


Schilpp 300


Reviews of modern physics, 17, 120–124 General relativity.[292] Co-authored with E. G. Straus. Corrections and additions, ibid., 18, 148–149 (1946). Annals of mathematics (ser. 2), 47, 731–741 [293]

Schilpp 301


Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with E. G. Straus.

Schilpp 302


Elementary derivation of the Technion Journal, 5, 16–17, link [294] equivalence of mass and energy

[295] Special relativity. Novel, simplified derivation in the Yearbook of American Society for Advancement of the Hebrew Institute of Technology in Haifa. Also published in Hebrew in 1947, in the Scientific Publications of Hebrew Technical College (Institute of Technology) in Haifa.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Dialectica, 2, 320–324

Schilpp 307


Quantenmechanik und Wirklichkeit Quantum mechanics and reality§

Quantum mechanics.

Schilpp 308 Schilpp 309 Schilpp 310


Generalized theory of gravitation Motion of particles in general relativity theory Dem Gedächtnis Max Plancks In memory of Max Planck§

Reviews of modern physics, 20, 35–39

Classical unified field theories. [298]



Canadian Journal of Mathematics, 1, 209–241 Angewandte Chimie, 61, U114

General relativity. Infeld.

Co-authored with L.


History of physics.

Schilpp 311


The Bianchi Identities in the Generalized Theory of Gravitation On the General Theory of Gravitation The Advent of the Quantum Theory A Comment on a Criticism of Unified Field Theory Algebraic Properties of the Field in the Relativistic Theory of the Asymmetric Field An Interview with Einstein

Canadian Journal of Mathematics, 2, 120–128

Classical unified field theories.


Schilpp 313 Schilpp 314 Schilpp 316 Schilpp 317


Scientific American, 182, 13–17

Classical unified field theories. Quantum mechanics.



Science, 113, 82–84


Physical Review, 89, 321

Classical unified field theories.



Annals of Mathematics, 59, 230–244

Classical unified field theories. Co-authored with B. Kaufman.


Schilpp 318 Schilpp 319


Scientific American, 193, 69–73

History of physics. Co-authored with I. B. Cohen. [303] Classical unified field theories. Simplified derivation using an ancillary field instead of the usual affine connection. Co-authored with B. Kaufman.


A New Form of the General Relativistic Field Equations

Annals of Mathematics, 62, 128–138

Book chapters
With the exception of publication #288, the following book chapters were written by Einstein; he had no co-authors. Given that most of the chapters are already in English, the English translations are not given their own columns, but are provided in parentheses after the original title; this helps the table to fit within the margins of the page.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein



[22] Year

Chapter title (English [23] translation )

Book title (English [23] translation ), page numbers Rapports du premier Conseil de Physique (1911), Instituts Solvay Reports of the 1st Solvay Conference of Physics§

Book author/editor

Publisher (Location)

Classification and notes


Schilpp 51

1912 État actuel du problème des chaleurs spécifiques Present State of the Problem of Specific Heats§)


Gauthier (Paris)

[304] Specific heats. The German text is publication #63.

Schilpp 76

1915 Theoretische Atomistik Theoretical Atomic Science§)

Die Physik, pp. 251–263 Physics§

E. Lecher

Teubner (Leipzig)

[305] Atomic physics. Part of the series Kultur der Gegenwart (3. Teil, Abt. 3, Band 1).

Schilpp 77

1915 Relativitätstheorie Relativity Theory§

Die Physik Physics§

E. Lecher

Teubner (Leipzig)

Special and general [306] relativity. Part of the series Kultur der Gegenwart (3. Teil, Abt. 3, Band 1) General relativity.

Schilpp 87

1916 Vorwort Foreword

Grundlagen der Einsteinschen Gravitationstheorie Foundations of Einstein's Gravitational Theory§

Erwin F. Freundlich

Springer (Berlin)

Schilpp 111

1918 Motiv des Forschens Motives for Research

Zu Max Plancks 60. Geburtstag: Ansprachen in der deutschen physikalischen Gesellschaft, pp. 29–32 Talks in Honor of Max Planck's 60th Birthday§


Müller (Karlsruhe) Philosophy of physics.[307]

Schilpp 146

1921 Einfache Anwendung des Newtonschen Gravitationsgesetzes auf die Kugelförmigen Sternhaufen Simple Application of Newton's Law of Gravitation to Spherical Collections of Stars§

Kaiser Wilhelm Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaft, Festschrift zu ihrem zehnjährigen Jubiläum, pp. 50–52 Celebratory Work for the 10th Anniversary of the Kaiser Wilhelm Society§


Springer Verlag (Berlin)


List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Ijdo (Leiden) Superconductivity.

Schilpp 158

1922 Theoretische Bemerkungen zur Supraleitung der Metalle Theoretical Observations on the Superconductivity of Metals§

Unknown Leyden. Rijksuniversiteit Naturkundig Laboratorium, Gedenkboek aangeboden aan H. Kamerlingh Onnes, pp. 429–435 A Book Honoring H. Kamerlingh Onnes§

Schilpp 180

1924 Geleitwort Preface§

Lucretius, De rerum natura

H. Diels

Weidmann (Berlin)

History of physics.


Schilpp 190

1925 Anhang: Eddingtons Theorie und Hamiltonsches Prinzip Appendix: Eddington's Theory and Hamilton's Principle§

Relativitätstheorie in mathematischer Behandlung Relativity Theory, Treated Mathematically§

AS Eddington

Springer Verlag (Berlin)

Classical unified field [309] theories. Written exclusively for this German translation of Eddington.

Schilpp 191

1925 Theoretische Atomistik Theoretical Atomic Science§

Die Physik, 2. Auflage, pp. 281–294 Physics, 2nd edition§


Teubner (Leipzig)

Atomic physics.

Schilpp 192

1925 Relativitätstheorie Relativity theory§

Die Physik, 2. Auflage, pp. 783–797 Physics, 2nd edition§


Teubner (Leipzig)

Special and general relativity.

Schilpp 204

1927 Introduction

Di spetsyele relativitets-teorye The Special Theory of Relativity§

T. Shalit

privately printed (Berlin)

Special relativity. Both Yiddish and German versions are provided.

Schilpp 220

1929 Space-time

Encyclopædia Britannica, 14th ed., vol. 21, pp. 105–108 Festschrift Prof. Dr. A. Studola Überreicht, pp. 126ff. Celebratory Work for Dr. A. Studola§

Franklin Henry Hooper

Encyclopædia Britannica Inc. (Chicago) Füssli (Zürich)

Special and general relativity.

Schilpp 221

1929 Über den gegenwärtigen Stand der Feldtheorie On the Present Status of Field Theory§


[310] General relativity. Less technical and more historical than (journal) publication #235.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

D. Reichinstein Barth (Leipzig) History of physics.

Schilpp 231

1929 Begleitwort Foreword§

Grenzflächenvorgänge in der unbelebten und belebten Natur Boundary Surface Processes in Biological and Inorganic Nature§

Schilpp 244 Schilpp 245

1931 Foreword

Newton, the man, p. v

R. de Villamil

Knox (London)

History of physics.

1931 Maxwell's influence on the James Clerk Maxwell: A development of the Commemoration Volume, conception of physical pp. 66–73 reality 1931 Foreword Opticks, 4th edition (London 1730), pp. vii–viii Where is science going?, pp. 7–12 Where is science going?, pp. 201–213


Cambridge University Press (Cambridge)

[311] History of physics. The German text is found in Mein Weltbild (The world as I see it). History of physics. [312]

Schilpp 246

Isaac Newton

McGraw (New York)

Schilpp 256 Schilpp 257

1932 Prologue

Max Planck

Norton (New York) Norton (New York)

Philosophy of physics.


1932 Epilogue: a socratic dialogue, interlocutors, Einstein and Murphy 1934 Introduction

Max Planck

Philosophy of physics.


Schilpp 269

The World in Modern Science, pp. 5–6

Leopold Infeld

V. Gollancz (London)

[314] Philosophy of physics. The German original is on p. 275.

Schilpp 288

1941 Five-dimensional representation of gravitation and electricity

Theodore von Karman Anniversary Volume, pp. 212–225

California Institute Classical unified field [315] of Technology theories. Co-authored (Pasadena) with Bargmann V and Bergmann PG. Unknown Unknown Philosophy. Reported in the New York Times (September 11, 1940, p. 30, col. 2) and also in Nature, 146, 605–607. Special and general [316] relativity. [317] Philosophy. Volume 5 of the Library of Living Philosophers. Special and general relativity. Reprinted from The world as I see it. Special and general relativity. Although dated as 1947, the actual issue occurred in 1948. Special and general relativity.

Schilpp 289

1941 Science and religion

1st Conference on Science, Philosophy and Religion

Schilpp 291 Schilpp 294

1942 Foreword

Introduction to the theory of relativity, p. v The philosophy of Bertrand Russell, pp. 277–291 Man and the universe, pp. 82–100

Peter G. Bergmann

Prentice-Hall (New York)

1944 Remarks on Bertrand Russell's theory of knowledge 1947 The problem of space, ether and the field in physics 1948 Einstein's theory of relativity

Paul A. Schilpp Northwestern University Evanston) Saxe, Commins, and RN Linscott Random House (New York)

Schilpp 303

Schilpp 305

Grolier Encyclopedia, vol. Unknown 9, p. 19

Grolier Society (New York)

Schilpp 306

1948 Relativity: essence of the theory of relativity

American Peoples Unknown Encyclopedia, vol. 16, col. 604–608

Spencer Press (Chicago)

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Princeton University (Princeton) Classical unified field theories. Appendix II added to the third edition of the Meaning of Relativity (publication #297). History of science and [318] philosophy of physics. Biographical notes and a summary of Einstein's scientific thinking in his later years. Classical unified field [319] theories. Completely revised Appendix II for the fifth and final edition of the Meaning of Relativity (publications #297 and #312).

Schilpp 312

1950 Appendix II: Generalized theory of gravitation

The Meaning of Relativity, Albert Einstein 3rd edition

Schilpp 315

1951 Reply to Criticisms: Remarks Concerning the Essays Brought Together in this Co-operative Volume

Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist, Volume II, pp. 665–688

Paul Arthur Schilpp, editor

Harper and Brothers Publishers, Harper Torchbook edition (New York)

Schilpp 320

1955 Appendix II: Generalized theory of gravitation

The Meaning of Relativity, Albert Einstein 5th edition

Princeton University (Princeton)

The following books were written by Einstein. With the exception of publication #278, he had no co-authors.
Index [22] Year Book title and English [23] translation Publisher (Location) Classification and notes [25]

Schilpp 6

1906 Eine neue Bestimmung Buchdruckerei K. J. der Moleküldimensionen Wyss (Bern) A New Determination of Molecular Dimensions

[320] Statistical mechanics. Inaugural-dissertation from Zürich Universität. Same as (journal) publication #11.

Schilpp 86

1916 Die Grundlage der allgemeinen Relativitätstheorie Foundations of the General Theory of Relativity§

Barth (Leipzig)

General relativity.


Schilpp 102

1917 Über die spezielle und die allgemeine Relativitätstheorie, gemeinverständlich On the Special and General Theory of Relativity (A Popular Account)

Vieweg (Braunschweig)

[322] Special and general relativity. This is volume 38 (Heft 38) in the series Sammlung Vieweg. Other editions and translations are found in publications #110, 129, 130, 137–141, 154, 169 and 215.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Special and general relativity. Other editions and translations are found in publication #102 and 129, 130, 137–141, 154, 169 and 215.

Schilpp 110

1918 Über die spezielle und die allgemeine Relativitätstheorie, gemeinverständlich, 3rd edition On the Special and General Theory of Relativity (A Popular Account)

Vieweg (Braunschweig)

Schilpp 129

1920 Über die spezielle und die allgemeine Relativitätstheorie, gemeinverständlich, 10th edition On the Special and General Theory of Relativity (A Popular Account)

Vieweg (Braunschweig)

Special and general relativity. The first edition of this book is listed as publication #102. Editions of this work were published until 1922 (the 14th edition). Editions 10–14 contained an additional section ("Rotverschiebung der Spectrallinien" (Redshift of spectral lines) in the appendix.

Schilpp 131

1920 Äther und Relativitätstheorie: Rede gehalten am 5. Mai 1920 an der Reichs-Universität zu Leiden Aether and Relativity Theory: A Talk Given on May 5, 1920 at the University of Leiden§

Springer Verlag (Berlin)

[323] Special and general relativity. The French, English, and Italian translations are listed as publications #145, 152, and 153, respectively. An undated Polish translation by L. Freundenheim, Eter a teorja wzglednosci, was published in Lviv.

Schilpp 143

1921 Geometrie und Erfahrung, Erweiterte Fassung des Festvortrages gehalten an der Preussischen Akademie Geometry and Experience: Expanded Edition of the Celebratory Lecture Given at the Prussian Academy§

Springer Verlag (Berlin)

[324] General relativity. The original paper is found as (journal) publication #148. French, English and Italian translations are listed as publications #144, 152, and 153. An undated Polish translation, Geometrja a doswiadczenie, was published in Lviv.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Special and general relativity. German text of publication #143. A second printing by Vieweg is dated 1923.

Schilpp 156

1922 Vier Vorlesungen über Relativitätstheorie, gehalten im Mai 1921, an der Universität Princeton Four Lectures on Relativity Theory, Given in May 1921 at Princeton University§

Vieweg (Braunschweig)

Schilpp 157

1922 Untersuchungen über die Theorie der Brownschen Bewegungen Investigations of Brownian Motion§

Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft (Leipzig)

Statistical mechanics. A re-issue of publications #8, 11, 12, 22, and 26 with notes and derivations from the editor, R. Fürth. Released as Nr. 199 of Oswalds Klassiker der exacten Wissenschaften. An English translation appeared as publication #198.

Schilpp 168

1923 Grundgedanken und Probleme der Relativitätstheorie Fundamental Ideas and Problems of Relativity Theory§

Imprimerie royale (Stockholm)

[325] Special and general relativity. Nobel prize lecture, delivered before the Nordische Naturforscherversammlung in Göteborg. Reprinted in Nobelstiftelsen, Les prix Nobel en 1921–22.

Schilpp 264 Schilpp 265 Schilpp 266

1933 On the Method of Theoretical Physics 1933 Origins of the General Theory of Relativity 1933 Les fondements de la théorie de la relativité générale Foundations of the General Theory of Relativity§

Clarendon Press (Oxford) Jackson (Glasgow)

[326] Philosophy of physics. The Herbert Spenser lecture at Oxford University, delivered on June 10, 1933. General relativity. 20, 1933. [327] Lecture at the University of Glasgow, delivered June

Hermann (Paris)

General relativity. French translations of publications #89 and 251 by Maurice Solovine, together with a new essay by Einstein, "Sur la structure cosmologique de l'espace", which discusses the cosmological implications of general relativity, together with its historical antecedents.

Schilpp 278

1938 The Evolution of Physics: The Growth of Ideas from Early Concepts to Relativity and Quanta 1938 Die Physik als Abenteuer der Erkenntnis Physics as an Adventure of the Mind§

Simon and Schuster (New York)

History of physics. Co-authored with Infeld L.

Schilpp 279

Sijthoff (Leiden)

Philosophy of physics.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[328] Special and general relativity. Second edition of publication #142, with a long appendix covering various topics such as the cosmological implications of general relativity. The appendix was translated by Ernst G. Straus. A "third edition" was published in 1946 by Methuen (London), but it is identical except for a change in pagination. The true third, fourth and fifth editions appeared in 1950, 1953 and 1956, respectively. In the 3rd, Einstein added Appendix II on a generalized theory of gravitation, which was substantially revised for the fifth and final edition.


Schilpp 297

1945 The Meaning of Relativity

Princeton University (Princeton)

Authorized translations
The following translations of his work were authorized by Einstein.
Index [22] Year Book title Translator Publisher (Location) University of Calcutta (Kolkata) [25] Classification and notes [329] Special and general relativity. Includes English translations of (journal) publications #9 and 89, with a historical introduction by PC Mahalanobis. The work of Hermann Minkowski is also included. Special and general relativity. Authorized translation of the 5th German edition of Ueber die spezielle und die allgemeine Relativitaetstheorie, gemeinverstaendlich (cf. publications #102, 110, 129). The text also includes Dr. Lawson's biographical sketch of Albert Einstein, a short bibliography on relativity theory and an appendix written for this edition entitled "Experimental confirmation of the general theory of relativity". Up to 10 editions were published by Methuen, the last in 1931. Special and general relativity. Effectively the same as publication #130. Later imprints were Smith (New York, 1931) and Hartsdale House, Inc. (New York, 1947). Special and general relativity. Spanish translation of publication #129. Two later editions were Ruiz de Lara (Cuenca, 1923) and Medina (Toledo, 1925). Special and general relativity. Italian translation of publication #129.

Schilpp 128

1920 The Principle of Relativity: Original Papers

MN Saha and SN Bose

Schilpp 130

1920 Relativity, the Special and Robert W the General Theory: A Lawson Popular Exposition

Methuen (London)

Schilpp 137

1921 Relativity, the Special and RW Lawson Holt (New York) the General Theory: A Popular Exposition 1921 Teoría de la relatividad especial y general F. Lorente de Nó Peláez (Toledo)

Schilpp 138

Schilpp 139

1921 Sulla teoria speciale e generale della relatività: Volgarizzazione 1921 Teoriia Otnositel'nosti: Obshchedostypnoe Izlozhenie 1921 La théorie de la relativité restreinte et géneralisée 1921 The Meaning of Relativity: Four Lectures Delivered at Princeton University

G. L. Calisse

Zanichelli (Bologna)

Schilpp 140

G. B. Itel'son

Slowo (Berlin)

Special and general relativity. Russian translation of publication #129. Re-published in 1922 with the same imprint.

Schilpp 141 Schilpp 142

Mlle. J. Rouviere Edwin P. Adams

Gauthier (Paris)

Special and general relativity. French translation of publication #129. [330] Special and general relativity. Reprinted in 1922 and 1923. Also released in 1922 and 1924 under the imprint Methuen (London). Translations are found in publications #166, 167, and 179, whereas the German text is listed as publication #156. A second edition was also released; see publication #297. General relativity. French translation of publication #143. A second edition was also published by Gauthier in 1934. Special and general relativity. French translation of publication #131. Reprinted in 1925.

Princeton University Press (Princeton)

Schilpp 144 Schilpp 145

1921 La géometrie et l'expérience 1921 L'éther et la théorie de la relativité

Maurice Solovine Maurice Solovine

Gauthier (Paris)

Gauthier (Paris)

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein

Methuen (London) Special and general relativity. Translation of publications #131 and 143. Republished in 1923 by Dutton (New York) imprint. The second part, Geometry and Experience, was published separately in 1947 as chapter 8 of Methods of the sciences from the Chicago University. Special and general relativity. Italian translation of publications #131 and 143.

Schilpp 152

1922 Sidelights on Relativity: I. GB Jeffrey Ether and Relativity. II. and W Geometry and Experience Perrett

Schilpp 153

1922 Prospettive Relativistiche dell'Etere e della Geometria 1922 A Különleges és az Általános Relativitás, Elmélete 1922 O Fizicheskoi Prirodie Prostranstva

R. Cantù and T. Bembo Unknown

Andare (Milano)

Schilpp 154

Patheon irodalmi (Budapest)

Special and general relativity. Hungarian translation of publication #129.

Schilpp 155

GB Itel'son

Slowo (Berlin)

Special and general relativity. Russian translation of publications #131 and #143 under the title "Physical nature of space". Special and general relativity. Polish translation of publication #142.

Schilpp 166

1923 Cztery odczyty o teorji Wzglednosci wygloszone w 1921 na Uniwersytecie w Princeton

A Gottfryda

Renaissance-Verlag (Vienna)

Schilpp 167 Schilpp 169

1923 Matematicheskija Osnovy GB Itel'son Teorii Otnositel'nosti 1923 [A Popular Exposition of the Special and General Theories of Relativity] Unknown

Slowo (Berlin)

Special and general relativity. Russian translation of publication #142. Special and general relativity. Yiddish translation (in Hebrew characters) of publication #129.

Gitlina (Warsaw)

Schilpp 179

1924 Quatre conférences sur la Maurice théorie de la relativité, Solovine faîtes à l'université de Princeton 1925 Sur l'électrodynamique des corps en mouvement 1926 Investigations on the Theory of the Brownian Movement (R. Fürth, ed.) 1928 Al Torath Ha-Yahasiuth Ha-Peratith Weha-Kelalith (Harzaah Popularith) Maurice Solovine AD Cowper

Gauthier (Paris)

Special and general relativity. French translation of publication #142. A second printing was dated 1925.

Schilpp 189 Schilpp 198

Gauthier (Paris)

Special relativity. French translation of publications #9 and 10, part of the series Maîtres de la pensée scientifique. Statistical mechanics. English translation of publication #157. Also published under the Dutton imprint in New York.

Methuen (London)

Schilpp 215

Jacob Greenberg

Dvir (Tel Aviv)

Special and general relativity. Hebrew translation of publication #129.

Schilpp 280

1938 Drie Eeuwen Physica van MC Galilei tot Geerling Relativiteitstheorie en Quantumtheorie 1938 L'évolution des idées en physique des premiers concepts aux théories de la relativité et des quanta 1948 El Significado de la Relatividad Maurice Solovine

Centen (Amsterdam) History of physics. Dutch translation of publication #279.

Schilpp 281

Flammarion (Paris)

History of physics. French translation of publication #279.

Schilpp 304

Dr. Carlos E. Prelat

Espasa-Calpe (Buenos Aires)

Special and general relativity. Spanish translation of publication #297.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


[1] Whittaker, E. (1955). "Albert Einstein. 1879-1955". Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 1: 37–67. doi:10.1098/rsbm.1955.0005. JSTOR 769242. [2] Pais, pp. 364–388, 402–422. [3] Pais, pp. 402–415. [4] Pais, pp. 93–100. [5] Pais, pp. 90–92. [6] Pais, pp. 111–174. [7] Pais A (1988). Inward Bound: Of Matter and Forces in the Physical World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 232–234. ISBN 978-0-19-851997-3. [8] Pais, pp. 389–401. [9] Pais, p. 394. [10] Pais, pp. 177–324. [11] Weinberg, S (1972). Gravitation and Cosmology. New York: John Wiley and Sons. pp. 175–210. ISBN 978-0-471-92567-5. [12] R.V. Pound and G.A. Rebka, Jr. "Gravitational Red-Shift in Nuclear Resonance" Phys. Rev. Lett. 3 439–441 (1959) [13] Muhlfelder, B., Mac Keiser, G., and Turneaure, J., Gravity Probe B Experiment Error, poster L1.00027 presented at the American Physical Society (APS) meeting in Jacksonville, Florida, on April 14–17, 2007, 2007. [14] Gerssen, Joris; van der Marel, Roeland P.; Gebhardt, Karl; Guhathakurta, Puragra; Peterson, Ruth C.; Pryor, Carlton (December 2002). "Hubble Space Telescope Evidence for an Intermediate-Mass Black Hole in the Globular Cluster M15. II. Kinematic Analysis and Dynamical Modeling". The Astronomical Journal 124 (6): 3270–3288. arXiv:astro-ph/0209315. Bibcode 2002AJ....124.3270G. doi:10.1086/344584. "Hubble Discovers Black Holes in Unexpected Places" (http:/ / hubblesite. org/ newscenter/ archive/ releases/ cosmology/ 2002/ 18/ text/ ). HubbleSite. September 17, 2002. . Retrieved 2007-10-31. [15] J. M. Weisberg and J. H. Taylor, Relativistic Binary Pulsar B1913+16: Thirty Years of Observations and Analysis (http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ astro-ph/ 0407149), July 2004. [16] Pais, p. 412. [17] Knudson SK (2006). "The Old Quantum Theory for H2+: Some Chemical Implications". Journal of Chemical Education 83 (3): 464–472. Bibcode 2006JChEd..83..464K. doi:10.1021/ed083p464. Strand MP, Reinhardt WP (1979). "Semiclassical quantization of the low lying electronic states of H2+". Journal of Chemical Physics 70 (8): 3812–3827. Bibcode 1979JChPh..70.3812S. doi:10.1063/1.437932. [18] Pais, pp. 405–407. [19] Pais, pp. 423–439. [20] Pais, pp. 440–459. [21] Pais, pp. 325–354. [22] These Index numbers are taken from the Schilpp reference cited in the Bibliography, pp. 694–730, and from the Collected Papers of Albert Einstein published by Princeton University Press. The latter are indicated by a CP in italic type, the volume number in boldface type, and by the article number within that volume. [23] The translations of article titles are generally taken from the published volumes of Einstein's collected papers. For some articles, however, such official translations are not available; unofficial translations are indicated with a § superscript. [24] The volume number is given in boldface type. Terms such as "ser. 4" in the journal name refer to the series of the journal, which is a grouping of volumes. For example, a journal may appear in yearly volumes for 60 years (volumes 1–60), then start its volume numbering anew in a second series. [25] The subject classification of Einstein's articles are the first item, and are indicated in boldface type. Any co-authors are always indicated by the second item. [26] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1901_4_513-523. pdf [27] Pais, Chap. 3, ref. E13; Chap. 4, ref. E5. [28] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1902_8_798-814. pdf [29] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E6. [30] Pais, Chap. 4, p. 57. [31] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1902_9_417-433. pdf [32] Pais, Chap. 3, ref. E21; Chap. 4, ref. E10. [33] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1903_11_170-187. pdf [34] Pais, Chap. 4, refs. E11 and E49. [35] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1904_14_354-362. pdf [36] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E12; Chap. 5, ref. E17; Chap. 19, ref. E7. [37] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E13; Chap. 7, ref. E7; Chap. 19, ref. E5; Chap. 23, ref. E2. [38] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1905_17_549-560. pdf [39] Pais, Chap. 4, refs. E4 and E17; Chap. 5, ref. E2. [40] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1905_17_891-921. pdf

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[41] [42] [43] [44] [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57] [58] [59] [60] [61] [62] [63] [64] [65] [66] [67] [68] [69] [70] [71] [72] [73] [74] [75] [76] [77] [78] [79] [80] [81] [82] [83] [84] [85] [86] [87] [88] [89] [90] [91] [92] [93] [94] [95] [96] Pais, Chap. 6, ref. E5; Chap. 7, ref. E1; Chap. 11, ref. E10; Chap. 26, ref. E13. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1905_18_639-641. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E9; Chap. 26, ref. E14. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1906_19_289-306. pdf Pais, Chap. 5, ref. E5. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1906_19_371-381. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E18; Chap. 5, ref. E8. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1906_20_199-206. pdf Pais, Chap. 19, ref. E8. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1906_20_627-633. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E10; Chap. 8, ref. E6. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1906_21_583-586. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E21. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1907_22_180-190. pdf http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1907_22_800. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E21; Chap. 20, refs. E1 and E2. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1907_22_569-572. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E22; Chap. 5, ref. E9; Chap. 29, ref. E3. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1907_23_197-198. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E5. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1907_23_206-208. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E22. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1907_23_371-384. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E23; Chap. 8, ref. E5. http:/ / www. soso. ch/ wissen/ hist/ SRT/ E-1907. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E23; Chap. 6, ref. E7; Chap. 7, refs. E3, E11, and E15; Chap. 8, refs. E1 and E4; Chap. 9, ref. E3; Chap. 11, ref. E9. Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E19; Chap. 5, ref. E11. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E18; Chap. 29, ref. E1. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1908_27_232. pdf http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1908_26_541-550. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E19; Chap. 29, ref. E2. Pais, Chap. 10, ref. E4; Chap. 29, ref. E5. Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E20; Chap. 5, ref. E12. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1909_28_445-447. pdf http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1909_28_885-888. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E25. Pais, Chap. 4, refs. E24 and E47; Chap. 10, ref. E2; Chap. 21, ref. E2. Pais, Chap. 29, ref. R1. Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E25; Chap. 7, ref. E27; Chap. 10, ref. E3; Chap. 12, ref. E25; Chap. 19, ref. E11; Chap. 21, ref. E3; Chap. 26, ref. E15. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1910_33_1096-1104. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E26; Chap. 29, ref. E10. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1910_33_1105-1115. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E27; Chap. 21, ref. E12; Chap. 29, ref. E11. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1910_33_1275-1298. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E29; Chap. 5, E10. Pais, Chap. 7, refs. E16 and E28; Chap. 10, ref. E8. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E26. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1911_34_165-169. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E9. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1911_34_170-174. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E30; Chap. 20, ref. E3. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1911_34_590. pdf http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1911_34_175-176. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E2. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1911_34_591-592. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, refs. E15 and E30; Chap. 5, ref. E7.


[97] Pais, p. 92. [98] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1911_35_679-694. pdf [99] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E31; Chap. 20, ref. E4.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[100] [101] [102] [103] [104] [105] [106] [107] [108] [109] [110] [111] [112] [113] [114] [115] [116] [117] [118] [119] [120] [121] [122] [123] [124] [125] [126] [127] [128] [129] [130] [131] [132] [133] [134] [135] [136] [137] [138] [139] [140] [141] [142] [143] [144] [145] [146] [147] [148] [149] [150] [151] [152] [153] [154] [155] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1911_35_898-908. pdf Pais, Chap. 11, ref. E8; Chap. 13, ref. E4. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E29. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E4. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1912_37_832-838. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E32; Chap. 19, ref. E10. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1912_38_881-884. pdf http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1912_38_355-369. pdf Pais, Chap. 9, refs. E6 and E7; Chap. 11, ref. E16; Chap. 13, refs. E2 and E5. Pais, pp. 201–206. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1912_38_443-458. pdf Pais, Chap. 11, ref. E17; Chap. 12, refs. E10 and E33; Chap. 13, ref. E2. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1912_38_888. pdf Pais, Chap. 19, ref. E10. Pais, Chap. 12, ref. E17; Chap. 13, ref. E6. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1912_39_704. pdf Pais, Chap. 13, ref. E7. Pais, Chap. 11, ref. E19; Chap. 12, ref. E24; Chap. 15, ref. E36. Pais, Chap. 12, ref. E29; Chap. 13, ref. E1; Chap. 14, ref. E23; Chap. 15, ref. E37. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1913_40_551-560. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E34; Chap. 14, ref. E36; Chap. 20, ref. E6; Chap. 29, ref. E13. Pais, p. 397. Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E33. Pais, Chap. 12, ref. E36. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E53; Chap. 19, refs. E2 and E6. Pais, Chap. 13, ref. E11; Chap. 15, ref. E39. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1914_44_321-328. pdf Pais, Chap. 13, ref. E18; Chap. 29, ref. E15. http:/ / adsabs. harvard. edu/ abs/ 1914AN. . . . 199. . . . 8E Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E5a. http:/ / adsabs. harvard. edu/ abs/ 1914AN. . . . 199. . . 47E Pais, Chap. 20, ref. E8. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E6; Chap. 15, ref. E37. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E35; Chap. 16, ref. E53a. Pais, Chap. 13, ref. E11. Pais, Chap. 13, ref. E13. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E12. Pais, Chap. 12, ref. E30; Chap. 14, ref. E16; Chap. 15, ref. E13. http:/ / amshistorica. cib. unibo. it/ diglib. php?inv=7& int_ptnum=15& term_ptnum=343& format=jpg Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E30; Chap. 13, ref. E12. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E34; Chap. 14, ref. E10; Chap. 16, ref. E38. Pais, Chap. 12, ref. E37. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E34. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1915_47_879-885. pdf Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E28; Chap. 14, ref. E30. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E33. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E32. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E28. Pais, Chap. 14, refs. E44, E45 and E46; Chap. 15, ref. E14 Pais, pp. 250–253. Pais, Chap. 14, refs. E48 and E50; Chap. 15, ref. E1; Chap. 16, ref. E30. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E1; Chap. 15, ref. E15. http:/ / physics. princeton. edu/ ~mcdonald/ examples/ EM/ einstein_knawp_181_696_15. pdf Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E35. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1916_49_769-822. pdf Pais, Chap. 12, refs. E27 and E31; Chap. 15, ref. E6.


[156] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1916_51_639-642. pdf [157] Pais, Chap. 13, ref. E3a. [158] Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E37.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[159] [160] [161] [162] [163] [164] [165] [166] [167] [168] [169] [170] [171] [172] [173] [174] [175] [176] [177] [178] [179] [180] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E35; Chap. 15, ref. E21; Chap. 21, ref. E9. Pais, pp. 410–412. Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E36; Chap. 15, ref. E21; Chap. 21, ref. E10. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E54. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E26. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E6. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E20. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E51. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E55; Chap. 15, ref. E16. Pais, Chap. 21, ref. E17. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E55. Pais, Chap. 5, ref. E16. Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E37; Chap. 21, ref. E11; Chap. 26, ref. E16. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E40; Chap. 29, ref. E17. Pais, Chap. 21, ref. E18. Pais, Chap. 1, ref. E1. http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1918_55_241-244. pdf Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E42. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E56. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E19a. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E22. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E42b.


[181] Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E19b; Chap. 17, ref. E33. [182] Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E28. [183] Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E43; Chap. 17, ref. E17. [184] Pais, Chap. 2, ref. E2. [185] Pais, Chap. 1, ref. E2. [186] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E16; Chap. 5, ref. E14. [187] Pais, Chap. 20, ref. E7. [188] Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E44. [189] Pais, Chap. 9, ref. E1. [190] Pais, Chap. 8, ref. E7; Chap. 12, ref. E22. [191] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E34. [192] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E6; Chap. 21, ref. E19. [193] http:/ / www. physik. uni-augsburg. de/ annalen/ history/ einstein-papers/ 1922_69_436-438. pdf [194] Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E42a. [195] Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E36; Chap. 29, ref. E68. [196] Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E60. [197] Pais, Chap. 21, ref. E20. [198] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E7; Chap. 21, ref. E22; Chap. 29, ref. E23. [199] Pais, Chap. 15, refs. E45 and E46. [200] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E11; Chap. 29, ref. E26. [201] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E8; Chap. 29, ref. E18. [202] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E38. [203] Pais, Chap. 17, refs. E35 and E36. [204] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E37. [205] Pais, Chap. 26, ref. E20; Chap. 29, ref. E19. [206] Pais, Chap. 1, ref. E7; Chap. 15, ref. E35; Chap. 16, ref. E72. [207] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E10; Chap. 21, ref. E23; Chap. 29, ref. E24. [208] Pais, Chap. 21, ref. E24. [209] Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E59. [210] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E39; Chap. 23, ref. E8. [211] Bose, SN (1924). "Plancks Gesetz und Lichtquantenhypothese". Zeitschrift für Physik 26: 178–181. Bibcode 1924ZPhy...26..178B. doi:10.1007/BF01327326. (German) [212] Anderson, MH; Ensher JR, Matthews MR, Wieman CE, and Cornell EA (1995). "Observation of Bose–Einstein Condensation in a Dilute Atomic Vapor". Science 269 (5221): 198–201. Bibcode 1995Sci...269..198A. doi:10.1126/science.269.5221.198. JSTOR 2888436. PMID 17789847. [213] Pais, Chap. 23, ref. E6. [214] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E38.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[215] [216] [217] [218] [219] [220] [221] [222] [223] [224] [225] [226] [227] [228] [229] [230] [231] [232] [233] [234] [235] [236] [237] [238] [239] [240] [241] [242] [243] [244] [245] [246] [247] [248] [249] [250] [251] [252] [253] [254] [255] [256] [257] [258] [259] [260] [261] [262] [263] [264] [265] [266] [267] [268] [269] [270] Pais, Chap. 26, ref. E33. Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E40; Chap. 23, ref. E7; Chap. 24, ref. E2. Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E41; Chap. 23, ref. E11. Pais, Chap. 17, refs. E15 and E44; Chap. 29, ref. E20. Pais, Chap. 23, ref. E9. Pais, Chap. 12, ref. E2; Chap. 16, ref. E63. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E12. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E13. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E14. Pais, Chap. 6, ref. E2a. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E44; Chap. 17, ref. E48. Pais, Chap. 1, ref. E9; Chap. 26, ref. E1. Pais, Chap. 1, ref. E12. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E52. Pais, Chap. 17, refs. E19 and E20. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E52b; Chap. 15, ref. E56; Chap. 26, refs. E28 and E29; Chap. 29, ref. E21. Pais, Chap. 25, ref. E12. Pais, Chap. 8, ref. E11. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E50. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E51a. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E76. Pais, Chap. 2, ref. E4; Chap. 19, ref. E1; Chap. 26, ref. E23. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E67. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E52; Chap. 29, ref. E22. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E54; Chap. 29, refs. E31 and E33. Pais, Chap. 14, ref. E49a; Chap. 16, ref. E68. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E57. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E10; Chap. 17, ref. E60. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E58. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E51. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E59. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E70. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E55. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E66; Chap. 29, ref. E34. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E67. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E57; Chap. 26, ref. E30. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E11; Chap. 17, ref. E61. http:/ / physics. princeton. edu/ ~mcdonald/ examples/ QM/ einstein_pr_37_780_31. pdf Pais, Chap. 25, ref. E15; Chap. 29, ref. E47. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E48. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E68. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E24; Chap. 29, ref. E36. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E64. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E26; Chap 26, ref. E31. Pais, Chap. 6, ref. E10. Pais, Chap. 6, ref. E11; Chap. 16, ref. E65. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E49; Chap. 29, ref. E48. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E69. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E62. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E27; Chap. 29, ref. E37. Pais, Chap. 25, ref. E23; Chap. 29, ref. E38. Pais, Chap. 25, ref. E16. Pais, Chap. 25, ref. E21; Chap. 29, ref. E40. Pais, Chap. 25, ref. E22; Chap. 29, ref. E41. Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E45. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E24.


[271] http:/ / physics. princeton. edu/ ~mcdonald/ examples/ mechanics/ einstein_bams_37_39_35. pdf [272] Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E12. [273] http:/ / physics. princeton. edu/ ~mcdonald/ examples/ QM/ einstein_pr_47_777_35. pdf

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein
[274] [275] [276] [277] [278] [279] [280] [281] [282] [283] [284] [285] [286] [287] [288] [289] [290] [291] [292] [293] [294] [295] Pais, Chap. 25, ref. E27; Chap. 29, ref. E49. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E53a; Chap. 26, ref. E32; Chap. 29, ref. E50. Pais, Chap. 26, ref. E2. Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E51. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E12b. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E23; Chap. 29, ref. E52; Chap. 29, ref. E61. http:/ / scitation. aip. org/ journals/ doc/ PHTOAD-ft/ vol_58/ iss_9/ 43_1. shtml Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E59; Chap. 29, refs. E58 and E63. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E29. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E53. Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E60; Chap. 29, ref. E59. Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E80; Chap. 26, ref. E34. Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E70. Pais, Chap. 20, ref. E10. Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E69. Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E8; Chap. 17, ref. E71; Chap. 29, ref. E66. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E72; Chap. 29, ref. E67. Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E73. Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E72 Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E77; Chap. 29, ref. E73. http:/ / physics. princeton. edu/ ~mcdonald/ examples/ EM/ einstein_tj_5_16_46. pdf Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E13.


[296] Pais, Chap. 25, ref. E28; Chap. 27, ref. E2. [297] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E74. [298] Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E60. [299] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E75. [300] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E83. [301] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E76; Chap. 29, ref. E54. [302] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E78; Chap. 29, ref. E75. [303] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E79; Chap. 29, ref. E76. [304] Pais, Chap. 4, refs. E42, E44 and E53; Chap. 19, ref. E12; Chap. 22, ref. E11. [305] Pais, Chap. 4, ref. E43; Chap. 5, ref. E6. [306] Pais, Chap. 6, ref. E8; Chap. 7, refs. E31 and E32; Chap. 14, refs. E11 and E29. [307] Pais, Chap. 2, ref. E1. [308] Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E74. [309] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E43. [310] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E56. [311] Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E55; Chap. 16, ref. E58; Chap. 25, ref. E6; Chap. 26, ref. E19. [312] Pais, Chap. 1, ref. E8. [313] Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E77. [314] Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E57. [315] Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E64. [316] Pais, Chap. 29, ref. E65. [317] Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E75. [318] Pais, Chap. 1, refs. E6 and E11; Chap. 4, ref. E1; Chap. 6, ref. E6; Chap. 10, ref. E22; Chap. 15, ref. E27; Chap. 22, ref. E2; Chap. 26, ref. E3; Chap. 27, ref. E3. [319] Pais, Chap. 17, ref. E81. [320] Pais, Chap. 3, ref. E25; Chap. 4, ref. E14; Chap. 5, ref. E3. [321] Pais, Chap. 7, ref. E20; Chap. 12, ref. E21; Chap. 15, ref. E7. [322] Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E8a. [323] Pais, Chap. 16, ref. E39. [324] Pais, Chap. 12, ref. E22. [325] Pais, Chap. 6, ref. E4. [326] Pais, Chap. 2, ref. E7; Chap. 8, ref. E20; Chap. 17, ref. E70; Chap. 25, ref. E17; Chap. 26, ref. E4. [327] Pais, Chap. 10, ref. E21; Chap. 14, ref. E52a; Chap. 15, ref. E2; Chap. 25, ref. E20. [328] Pais, Chap. 6, ref. E9; Chap. 7, ref. E33; Chap. 15, refs. E50 and E54. [329] Pais, Chap. 15, ref. E8. [330] Pais, Chap. 6, ref. E1.

List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein


The following references are drawn from Abraham Pais' biography of Albert Einstein, Subtle is the Lord; see the Bibliography for a complete reference.

• Einstein, Albert (1989). The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 2: The Swiss Years: Writings, 1900–1909 (English translation supplement; translated by Anna Beck, with Peter Havas, consultant ed.). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-08549-4. • Einstein, Albert (1994). The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 3: The Swiss Years: Writings, 1909–1911 (English translation supplement; translated by Anna Beck, with Don Howard, consultant ed.). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-10250-4. • Einstein, Albert (1996). The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 4: The Swiss Years: Writings, 1912–1914 (English translation supplement; translated by Anna Beck, with Don Howard, consultant ed.). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-02610-7. • Einstein, Albert (1997). The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 6: The Berlin Years: Writings, 1914–1917 (English translation supplement; translated by Alfred Engel, with Engelbert Schucking, consultant ed.). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-01734-1. • Einstein, Albert (2002). The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Volume 7: The Berlin Years: Writings, 1918–1921 (English translation supplement; translated by Alfred Engel, with Engelbert Schucking, consultant ed.). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-05718-7. • Pais, Abraham (1982). Subtle is the Lord: The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-520438-4. • Schilpp, Paul Arthur, ed. (1951). Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist, Volume II. New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers (Harper Torchbook edition).

External links
• (German) List of Scientific Publications of Albert Einstein from 1901–1922 ( z_physics/wisspub-e.html) from the Einstein website • Einstein Papers Project ( at the California Institute of Technology • Einstein Archives Online ( at Hebrew University • Einstein's publications on BibNetWiki (

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Connolley, Wolfkeeper, ZoneW, 98 anonymous edits History of general relativity  Source:  Contributors: Addshore, Alvestrand, Bcrowell, Billhpike, Capecodeph, Carcharoth, Charles Matthews, Chris the speller, Christopher Thomas, D.H, DAGwyn, DVdm, E4mmacro, Earthandmoon, Edgar181, Ems57fcva, Fropuff, Fuhghettaboutit, GeorgeMoney, Harizotoh9, Hbackman, Hillman, Hqb, JRSpriggs, JohnBlackburne, Joke137, KSmrq, Karol Langner, Kipton, Lambiam, Lantonov, Ligulem, Linas, Lotje, Malcolm Farmer, Mark Arsten, Mcn999, Michael Hardy, Mike Peel, Mollwollfumble, Mpatel, Ohconfucius, Pgr94, Plumbago, Rgdboer, Rich Farmbrough, Rjwilmsi, SkinnyPrude, SockPuppetForTomruen, Spartan S58, Steve Quinn, Stibu, Tcisco, Tedder, TheSeven, ThomasK, Tonyle, Vanwhistler, Will Beback Auto, William Ackerman, Wmpearl, 53 anonymous edits Relativity priority dispute  Source:  Contributors: A. Parrot, Acebulf, Ajnem, Alvestrand, Anonywiki, Anthony Bradbury, Arthena, Avaya1, Baruch1677, Bender235, Bloodshedder, Bo Jacoby, Boltzmann1, BorisG, Bubba73, Causa sui, Charles Matthews, Christian Spitzlay, Christopher Thomas, Clarityfiend, Cmdrjameson, D.H, DS1000, DVdm, Dante Alighieri, David Eppstein, De kludde, Deor, Dewritech, Dionyseus, Download, E4mmacro, Esterson, Fastfission, Flau98bert, Flegelpuss, Fumitol, Ged UK, Giftlite, Glane23, GregVolk, Harald88, Headbomb, Hillman, JRSpriggs, Jibal, John of Reading, Jokes Free4Me, Jwy, JzG, KSmrq, Kaktus Kid, Kilom691, Lacatosias, Lantonov, Lexi Marie, Licorne, Likebox, LilHelpa, Lom Konkreta, LoopZilla, MagneticFlux, Mathieugp, Mboverload, Memming, Myrvin, Namelessnobody, Norm mit, Omcnew, Overlord, Paul August, Peter Chastain, Philippschaumann, Pjacobi, Pjrich, Prion1, Prosfilaes, R'n'B, Relativity Priority Disputation, Rgdboer, Rich Farmbrough, Rjwilmsi, Rl, Robert K S, Rodasmith, SarekOfVulcan, Schlafly, Siberian Patriot, Sircuetip, Spellmaster, Srleffler, Stearson1, TEB728, Toh, Tony Sidaway, Urgent01, Vyznev Xnebara, Wafulz, Wereon, XDanielx, Yann, 217 anonymous edits Classical unified field theories  Source:  Contributors: Alison, Bathambaba, Big Bird, Brockert, Bte99, Catgut, Charles Matthews, DAGwyn, Daniel Arteaga, Davidaedwards, Diberri, Duncan.france, Gaius Cornelius, Ggonzalm, Giftlite, Harald88, Headbomb, Hillman, Hmains, Lambiam, Lethe, Linas, Mandarax, Michael Hardy, Mpatel, Neparis, Nikopopl, Oxymoron83, Pearle, Petri Krohn, RHB, RainbowCrane, Reddi, Rich Farmbrough, Roger Anderton, SJRubenstein, Salsb, Sfahey, Shanel, Sjoerd visscher, Truthnlove, UserDoe, William M. 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Xxjubilee18, Yamaguchi先 生, Yankees76, Yanksox, Ydinfuusio, Ylee, Yorn, Zaarons, ZekeMacNeil, Zimbabweed, Zurkog, Zzuuzz, Zzyzx11, Ævar Arnfjörð Bjarmason, Милан Јелисавчић, 大 司 马 大 将 军, 2035 anonymous edits Albert Einstein's political views  Source:  Contributors: A.S. Brown, ADM, Apoz2, Bellerophon5685,, Binksternet, CaliforniaAliBaba, Cardinality, D.M. from Ukraine, Dramedy Tonight, Ekem, Greggydude, Headbomb, Hydrargyrum, Jeremiestrother, Joseph Solis in Australia, Kmhkmh, LFevas, Michaelwuzthere, Neelix, NicholasSThompson, Nightscream, Ohconfucius, PL290, Perluchita71, Redthoreau, RichardMF, Rjwilmsi, Ronhjones, Sean.hoyland, Shad00w, Skol fir, Smmmaniruzzaman, Steve Quinn, Stevenmitchell, Thundera m117, Trust Is All You Need, Trần Ái Quốc, Why Not A Duck, WickerGuy, Woohookitty, Xanchester, 25 anonymous edits List of things named after Albert Einstein  Source:  Contributors: Binksternet, Boobtimelive, Chryed, Clarityfiend, CommonsDelinker, Daren1997, Deor, Dhartung, Earthandmoon, Eric Yurken, ErkDemon, Giftlite, Headbomb, Keecheril, Legokid, Marrante, MaxVT, Mwalcoff, Ndickson, Peterdjones, Phil1988, Pokoleo, Quiddity, Qwerty Binary, RadioFan, RobinK, Shanes, Skrilmps, Some jerk on the Internet, SureFire, Tim!, Tmonzenet, Vegaswikian, Zondor, 46 anonymous edits Einstein's awards and honors  Source:  Contributors: Aprock, Bearcat, Erkcan, Joehubris, Katharineamy, Miradre, RockMagnetist, Steve Quinn, THRILLMASTER, Vincelord, Writ Keeper, Xanchester, 6 anonymous edits Albert Einstein in popular culture  Source:  Contributors: A.Ou, Abu badali, Alp1192, AlphaEta, Ameki, Angie Y., ArrakisFrance, Athaenara, Aussie Evil, AvocadosTheorem, Chowbok, Clarityfiend, D6, DRosenbach, DVdm, Darkwind, DavidFarmbrough, Djbbean, Edmund Patrick, Edward, Ekwos, Farpointer, Fayenatic london, Florian Blaschke, Gap9551, Gimmemoretime, Hammersfan, Headbomb, Hellopeoples917, Howcheng, Infinity Warrior, Jk2q3jrklse, Johnathon john, Kisaasik, LeaW, Lizlawton, Martarius, McGeddon, MelanieN, Mistico, Mkrupnic, Noroton, Oanabay04, Ou tis, Philip Trueman, Presspiratehunter, Quiddity, RDBury, Reywas92, Rich Farmbrough, Rjwilmsi, Rzazzera, Shlishke, SuperMarioMan, TEB728, The Morphix, The PIPE, The Shadow Treasurer, Thehealeroftru Warhammer, Tonyfaull, Turtleboy267, Vidpro23, Xanchester, Xasz, 81 anonymous edits List of scientific publications by Albert Einstein  Source:  Contributors: Apparition11, Athaenara, Aubrey, Baldrick90, Belsazar, BillDeanCarter, Brandmeister, Castaspella, Chaser, Chery, Circeus, Crowsnest, Cuaxdon, D.H, DAGwyn, Dagko, Docu, Giants2008, Good Olfactory, GregVolk, Headbomb, Hughey, Indopug, Istcol, JMD, Jdgilbey, Kaldari, Koavf, Lantonov, Littlealien182, M-le-mot-dit, MadGeographer, Markus Poessel, Marrio, Mentifisto, Michael Hardy, Neelix, Newwhist, Nneonneo, NuclearWarfare, Ohconfucius, Orlady, Paradoctor, Paul A, R'n'B, Res2216firestar, Rjwilmsi, Scartol, Slb nsk, Soc8675309, Steve Quinn, Suiseiseki, The Anome, The Man in Question, The Rambling Man, Verycreativename23343444, Wadewitz, WaitingForConnection, Wavelength, WillowW, Xanchester, 老 陳, 36 anonymous edits


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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
File:Einstein 1921 portrait2.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Craigboy, DIREKTOR, Erlendaakre, Quibik, Reaper Eternal, 3 anonymous edits File:Albert Einstein signature 1934.svg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Albert Einstein Created in vector format by Scewing File:Loudspeaker.svg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bayo, Gmaxwell, Gnosygnu, Husky, Iamunknown, Mirithing, Myself488, Nethac DIU, Omegatron, Rocket000, Shanmugamp7, The Evil IP address, Wouterhagens, 22 anonymous edits File:Speaker Icon.svg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Blast, G.Hagedorn, Mobius, Tehdog, 2 anonymous edits File:Albert Einstein at the age of three (1882).jpg  Source:  License: unknown  Contributors: . File:Albert Einstein as a child.jpg  Source:  License: anonymous-EU  Contributors: Anonymous File:Einstein-matura.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: The authorities of the Canton of Aargau, Switzerland File:Einstein-with-habicht-and-solovine.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Adnghiem501, Albertomos, Bcrowell, Fadookie, Fschoenm, Infrogmation, Quibik, Rimshot, 4 anonymous edits File:Albert Einstein (Nobel).png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: DIREKTOR, Dirk Hünniger, Divna Jaksic, Eusebius, FSII, Fadookie, Fastfission, Infrogmation, Juiced lemon, Lobo, Louperivois, Romary, Tholme File:Einstein-cartoon1.jpg  Source:  License: unknown  Contributors: Macauley, Charles Raymond, 1871-1934, artist File:Albert Einstein Head.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Photograph by Oren Jack Turner, Princeton, N.J. Modified with Photoshop by PM_Poon and later by Dantadd. File:Citizen-Einstein.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Al. Aumuller File:Death headline.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: newspaper photo. New York World-Telegram. File:Einstein patentoffice.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Lucien Chavan UNIQ-ref-2-67e81de37ca290e7-QINU (1868 - 1942), a friend of Einstein's when he was living in Berne. Image:Photoelectric effect.svg  Source:  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors: Wolfmankurd File:Albert Einstein photo 1921.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Abu badali, Adnghiem501, Fadookie, Fastfission, Frank C. Müller, Juiced lemon, Lobo, OsamaK, Quibik, Romary Image:1919 eclipse positive.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: F. W. Dyson, A. S. Eddington, and C. Davidson File:Albert Einstein photo 1920.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: unknown photographer. Scientific Monthly doesn't give photographer credit; the caption reads just "Professor Albert Einstein, University of Berlin" File:Solvay conference 1927.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Benjamin Couprie, Institut International de Physique de Solvay File:Niels Bohr Albert Einstein by Ehrenfest.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Paul Ehrenfest Original uploader was Graf at de.wikipedia File:Einsteinwiezmann.PNG  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Aviados, Epson291 Image:Einstein patentoffice.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Lucien Chavan UNIQ-ref-2-67e81de37ca290e7-QINU (1868 - 1942), a friend of Einstein's when he was living in Berne. File:Albert einstein house bern.JPG  Source:  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0  Contributors: Dsmntl File:Albert Abraham Michelson.JPG  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Ilario, Ixitixel, Limojoe, Lukius, Pieter Kuiper, 1 anonymous edits File:Hendrik Antoon Lorentz, in 1916 geschilderd door Menso Kamelingh Onnes.jpg  Source:,_in_1916_geschilderd_door_Menso_Kamelingh_Onnes.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Deadstar, JdH, 1 anonymous edits File:Poincare.jpg  Source:  License: unknown  Contributors: Ash Crow, Bohème, Clindberg, Luis Fernández García, Materialscientist, Mu, Oxxo, Rillke, Ske, 1 anonymous edits File:Einstein1921 by F Schmutzer 4.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Ferdinand Schmutzer (1870-1928) File:Max planck.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Beao, Divna Jaksic, Factumquintus, Limojoe, Lobo, Lzur, Mstislavl, NicolasDelerue, Nyttend, Pieter Kuiper, Yelm, 1 anonymous edits File:De Raum zeit Minkowski Bild.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Hermann Minkowski File:1919 eclipse positive.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: F. W. Dyson, A. S. Eddington, and C. Davidson Image:Niels Bohr Albert Einstein by Ehrenfest.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Paul Ehrenfest Original uploader was Graf at de.wikipedia Image:Ebohr1_IP.svg  Source:  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0  Contributors: Kri, 老 陳 Image:Ebohr stationary.GIF  Source:  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors: User:Acepectif, I made some modifications Image:Energy-time.PNG  Source:  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors: Kripkenstein, Lacatosias Image:Ebohr4.gif  Source:  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors: Lacatosias Image:Einsteinbox.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Korte Image:Eprheaders.gif  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Physical Review File:Trinity shot color.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Jack W. Aeby, July 16, 1945, as a member of the Special Engineering Detachment at Los Alamos laboratory, working under the aegis of the Manhattan Project. File:US flag 48 stars.svg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: AnonMoos, Clindberg, Dual Freq, Flargman4, Homo lupus, Jacobolus, MuXXo, Rocket000, Tkgd2007, Zscout370, 6 anonymous edits File:Flag of the United Kingdom.svg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Anomie, Good Olfactory, Mifter File:Flag of Canada 1921.svg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: User:Denelson83 File:Manhattan District.svg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: User:Hawkeye7 File:Manhattan Project emblem.png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: U.S. federal government File:Lawrence Compton Bush Conant Compton Loomis 83d40m March 1940 meeting UCB.JPG  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: U.S. government

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File:Los Alamos Primer assembly methods.png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Fastfission, Sven Manguard, WikipediaMaster, 1 anonymous edits File:Manhttan Project Organization Chart.gif  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: US Army File:Trinity Test_-_Oppenheimer and Groves at Ground Zero 002.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Image:Manhattan Project US Canada Map 2.svg  Source:  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0  Contributors: Fallschirmjäger File:Y-12 Shift Change.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Ed Westcott / US Army / Manhattan Engineer District File:Los Alamos colloquium.jpg  Source:  License: Attribution  Contributors: Avron, BenTels, Boenj, Bomazi, Fastfission, Greg Comlish, Hawkeye7 File:Hanford workers.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Monkeybait, Northwesterner1, Sven Manguard File:Ames Process pressure vessel lower.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Unknown (see OTRS). Original uploader was Materialscientist at en.wikipedia File:Ames Process pressure vessel remnant slag after reaction.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Unknown (see OTRS also). Original uploader was Materialscientist at en.wikipedia File:Ames Process uranium biscuit.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Unknown. Original uploader was Materialscientist at en.wikipedia File:Clinton Engineer Works.png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bomazi, Fallschirmjäger File:Oak Ridge Y-12 Alpha Track.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bomazi, Ignacio Icke, Kkmurray, Orlady, Sven Manguard File:Y12 Calutron Operators.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Ed Westcott / US Army / Manhattan Engineering District File:K-25 aerial view.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Adrignola, Bomazi, FlickreviewR, Hawkeye7 File:S50plant.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Ed Westcott File:Gun-type fission weapon en-labels thin lines.svg  Source:  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors: Vector version by Dake with English labels by Papa Lima Whiskey, lines modified by Mfield File:X10 Reactor Face.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Ed Westcott / US Army / Manhattan Engineer District File:Hanford B-Reactor Area 1944.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: US Army Corps of Engineers File:Hanford Engineer Works.png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Arthur S. Hardyman File:Thin Man plutonium gun bomb casings.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bomazi, Fastfission, Hawkeye7, Sven Manguard, 3 anonymous edits File:Implosion Nuclear weapon.svg  Source:  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5  Contributors: Redrawn by User:Ausis Original png format drawing by User:Fastfission File:Remote handling of a kilocurie source of radiolanthanum.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: FlickreviewR, Hawkeye7, Lymantria File:Trinity device readied.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Fastfission, Hawkeye7, Sven Manguard, 1 anonymous edits File:WAC at Oak Ridge.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: U.S. Army Corps of Engineers File:Oak Ridge Wise Monkeys.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: James E. Westcott File:German Experimental Pile_-_Haigerloch_-_April 1945.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Original uploader was Ian Dunster at en.wikipedia File:CGP-JPAP-112.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: US Army File:Atomic bombing of Japan.jpg  Source:  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0  Contributors: Nagasakibomb.jpg: The picture was taken from one of the B-29 Superfortresses used in the attack. Atomic_cloud_over_Hiroshima.jpg: Personel aboard Necessary Evil derivative work: Binksternet (talk) File:Army-Navy E Award Ceremony 68997.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: unknown File:Atomic Energy Act of 1946 signing.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Closeapple, Docu, Fastfission, Hawkeye7, Kilom691, Man vyi, Sven Manguard, Tetris L File:Einstein-Roosevelt-letter.png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: KTo288, Mutter Erde, Nard the Bard, Schutz, Scott Sanchez, Túrelio, 5 anonymous edits File:Albert Einstein Head Cleaned N Cropped.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Photograph by Oren Jack Turner, Princeton, N.J. Original image cleaned/leveled and cropped by User:Jaakobou. File:112mercer.JPG  Source:  License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported  Contributors: Ekem File:Albert Einstein stamp 1956.jpg  Source:  License: unknown  Contributors: file: File:Einstein stamp.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: en:Philippe Halsman File:Albert Einstein 1979 USSR Stamp.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: П. Бендель File:GeneralRelativityTheoryManuscript.jpg  Source:  License: unknown  Contributors: Albert Einstein File:Einstein 1921 by F Schmutzer.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Calliopejen1, DIREKTOR, Frank C. Müller, Hemulen, Lobo, Quibik, Raeky, Андрей Романенко




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