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DIRTY WARS

The memoirs of the first, and only, person in American history to carry out an FBI sting operation, on the FBI. In his own words, this account tells how David R. Sannes publicly exposed J. Edgar Hoover's now notorious clandestine operations. It is now common knowledge that the FBI utilized burglary, mail covers, blackmail, extortion, electronic eavesdropping and wire-tapping, smear and hate campaigns, planted agents provocateurs, and obstruction of justice, as tactics to discredit and suppress minority political parties and organizations. This is the story of a man who helped to break the news accounts by penetrating illegal FBI activities, participating in them, and coming forward to reveal them to the public. Google W. Mark Felt, a.k.a. "Deep Throat" and David Sannes, F.B.I. find the spider web with Sannes at the center.

by

DA VID RICI-IARD SANNES

DIRTY WARS

INTRODUCTION David R. Sannes was just a politically active, liberal, political science student at the University of Washington, in Seattle, until the Vietnam War came along. Then he became: I. 2. 3. 4. A scared, reluctant Army volunteer draftee in July, 1965; A dedicated inductee into the National Security Agency; An NSA counter-intelligence agent in Vietnam; An NSA electronic eavesdropper on the CIA's "dirty wars" Southeast Asia;
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An aerospace company engineer and then a designer and builder of nightclubs and restaurants who was an anti-war activist; America's "mole" inside FBI bombing and obstruction of justice plots; The "whistle blower" who alerted the American public to the criminal conduct of the FBI, and the cover up by the U.S. Department of Justice headed by John Mitchell; The man who forced the convening ofa federal grand jury to hear his unimmunized testimony to FBI directed participation in conspiracies to commit bombing, felony murder, and multiple counts of obstruction of justice; The man whose sworn affidavits were utilized in the quashing of 37 federal felony indictments; And, the man who was instrumental in obtaining the public confessions of two other men who had been bombers for the FBI.

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DJRTYWARS

(An Outline)

GREYHOUND BUS DEPOT, SEATTLE

September, 1961

The young farm boy got off the bus, collected his luggage, and started to walk toward the nearest stop of the #7 line. He was on his way to Terry Hall, his new home, at the University of Washington. The young freshman's curiousity pulled him from his path before he had strolled 100 feet. It was the oddity of the enornlOUS canvas sign, proclaiming: "Seattle Miracle Temple," draped across the run-down front of the cavernous warehouse building, that beguiled him. The blasting sound of a jazz band drew him inside. A rapt congregation of over 400 sinning souls sat spellbound as Brother AI Wyrick exhorted them to make a very special offering to purchase a "faith ambulance," with which to gather up sick and demon afflicted folks. The sufferers were to be delivered to the church for healing by God, working through Brother AI. The entranced farm boy watched as about 30 believers came forward to be healed of a potpourri of deadly diseases and devilish possessIOns. That did it. The young man was hooked on exploring the ideas, customs, and motivations of those active in religious or political groups. Three days later, a deaf-mute quadriplegic, garbed in filthy rags that bespoke a life spent sheltered in alleys and doorways, was carried in by four of his new college friends. After strenuous exertions, he was healed by a flabbergasted faith healer. More astonishing, the formerly crippled wretch leaped to his feet and began to preach. He had a Biblical knowledge and power that induced a perfect pandemonium and an outpouring of offerings by over 450 hysterical listeners. And so, the farm boy's first job was as a "miracle worker's" warm-up man. He stayed only a few days, and refused payment.

UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON, SEATTLE

1961-1965

Throughout his college years, the young man could be found observing political or religious groups. He attended meetings of the John Birch Society, the Communist Party USA, the Christian Crusade, the Christian AntiCommunist Crusade, the Republican Party, the Democrat Party, the SDS, and a wide variety of other political groups. There was hardly an organized religion that he did not study, and attend the services of, during this period. SEATTLE July 27, 1965

The political science and history student's first day as a volunteer inductee into the United States Army became a turning point in his life. He intensely feared being sent to fight a war in Vietnam that he felt ambivalent about. On the other hand, he strongly believed that it was his duty to volunteer to serve in combat to fulfill his citizenship responsibilities. His considered opinion, right or wrong, was that he had a duty to volunteer for militaIY duty when his country went to war, or alternatively, to put his future on the line by active political opposition to any such war. To him, there were powerful arguments both for and against America's growing involvement in Vietnam. He knew he did not have the wisdom or the facts necessary to make a decision to oppose the foreign policy of his country, so he saw himself as duty bound to support it. He had tremendous respect for people who put their lives on the line by volunteering for combat duty, or by defying the draft for principled reasons. (In the end, America's deadly meddling in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia decimated whole peoples, glorified military force as a fashionable arbiter of diplomatic disputes, and morally corrupted a self-righteous America. David only came to this understanding much later.) FORT WAINWRIGHT, ALASKA October, 1965

Basic training at Fort Ord was followed by a posting near Fairbanks. Languishing in a transient bay, Pvt. Sannes was pleased when a parka-clad sergeant came for him. The happiness turned to concern when his silent guide drove up to an isolated, fortress-like concrete building, surrounded by

security fencing. The fence was replete with "No Trespassing - Use of Deadly. Force Authorized" signs to welcome visitors. The young soldier's concern deepened while his escort dialed the combination locks on two steel, bank vault type doors to gain entry to an interior office. He mused about whether or not he was being taken to a military intelligence unit to be questioned about his college associations. One can imagine his astonishment when he was met by Mr. N, who told him that he had been recruited by the He began training as a cryptographic National Security Agency. communications security agent. His new commanding officer not only knew about the farm boy's history of involvement with groups ranging from the International Flat Earth Research Society to the Anti-Vivisection League; in fact, the NSA had picked its new man partly because of that past. The NSA unit members laughed heartily when told that the rookie had evaded transient bay work details for the previous 13 days by assuming the guise of a mildly retarded Gomer Pyle. The trainee counter-intelligence agent had found his calling and his home. There his psychological quirks and emotional bents were applauded; they constituted prerequisite credentials for employment. He took to instruction in weapons, explosives, and espionage tradecraft like a rainbow trout to rapids. The arcane world of cryptography spilled open its secrets for him. Top secret communications traffic from around the world became his dream library. He had grown up in a veritable war zone, now he had been chosen for membership in a top secret organization that always operated on a wartime basis. Gung ho would have been too mild a phrase to describe his enthusiasm, indeed his exuberance, in carrying out his assignments. He could hardly wait to be trained enough to volunteer for duty in Vietnam, the veritable cockpit of the espionage world. War represented opportunities to meet many of the ultimate challenges to the skills of a fledgling counterspy. There was no waiting list for Vietnam volunteers; hell was not full. QUI NHON, REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM October, 1966 - February, 1968

NSA agent David R. Sannes traveled to Saigon under secret orders assigning him to the HQ of the Strategic Communications Command,

Southeast Asia, in Saigon. He had volunteered for duty at the NSA's command center, expecting to serve in a relatively safe staff position. He had wanted to be at the war's nerve ganglion; he wanted a front row seat from which to observe the war, but he wanted to be out of harm's reach. Fate dealt him revised orders that sent him to Qui Nhon, a coastal city at the edge of the central highlands. There he met a senior NSA man who had just come from commanding the NSA operation in Berlin. Together, they opened a branch office of the NSA in Qui Nhon, assuming responsibility for: I) the cryptographic materials and equipment utilized by all allied forces operating in the central third of South Vietnam; 2) the security of all classified communications emanating from or received by our units operating in that region; 3) the security of all communication facilities, fixed and mobile, that had cryptographic capability within the region; and 4) the loyalty, reliability, and security clearance of cryptographic equipment operators, cryptanalysts, and cryptographic equipment maintenance personnel. As a practical matter, Mr. A ran the headquarters, and Sannes ran the field operations. In the words of his boss, Mr. A: "Now you are going to find out why I lived through three wars. One of us has to be out in the field, and I am going to be staying right here." Operating under the cover of a cryptographic code and equipment courier, Sannes made hundreds of inspections of communications centers during his three tours of duty in Vietnam, daily crisscrossing the central highlands by Huey helicopters, C130s, or trucks. When weather conditions grounded flyers during the monsoon seasons, he often traversed hostile or disputed territory to deliver He also the codes necessary to keep the communications network up. commanded an air-mobile, 45 man reaction force whose mission was to make sure that outlying communication facilities did not suffer the loss of cryptographic materials or equipment as a result of ground attacks by Viet Cong or North Vietnamese troops. This elite unit's task was to drop in on crypto-centers that came under such assaults, and to either protect the codes and equipment, or to make certain that it was totally destroyed by thermite incendiary devices. Sannes also had a responsibility, at the Qui Nhon Communications Center, to

monitor the hard copies of highly classified messages for compliance with transmission procedures. It was there, at the third largest crypto-center in Vietnam, that he read other people's top secret mail. Sannes often read messages to President Johnson before the White House received them. Perusal of the top secret traffic provided epiphanies tripping over epiphanies. Indeed it gave Sannes a ringside view of not only the military and political aspects of the war, but also the underlying intelligence gathering and reporting facets of the regional conflict. This top secret message reading also laid bare to Sannes' gaze the nature and extent of the dirty wars carried out by the administration. There were not only the CIA's covert efforts to finance the war in Laos by muscling in on the opium trade; there was not only the CIA run Phoenix Program to assassinate village leaders who were less than enthusiastic about the effects of the war on their villages; there was most disturbing of all to David, the insane pattern of deceit and self-deception in evaluating, planning, and executing the military and political strategies and tactics of the war. By way of exemplification of that last point, we were winning the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese people, as President Johnson assured our nation. So what went wrong? Sannes saw on a daily basis what was concealed from the American public, but was well known to those with whom it was at war. National security too frequently meant keeping secrets from the American people that would make them ashamed of their own government. This was very disturbing to Sannes, but he knew that he did not have the wisdom to judge which state secrets should be exposed and which should not But his brain and his gut both told him that the Founding Fathers would not have been pleased with the war. UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON, SEATTLE 1969

Dimly seen figures appear in a thickly wooded area of the campus, late on a cloud-shrouded night. Some of them drift silently toward the Air Force ROTC Building, while others post themselves as lookouts. Cans are withdrawn from bulky packages carried by the furtively moving people at the building. The acrid fumes of gasoline rise into the night as frantic splashing of the building's entrances takes place. Fleeting glances are seen of fleeing

shadows in the forest. A tiny line of fire reaches the building and explosively erupts into a curtain of fire that boils up over the facility. Fire alarms and sirens signal the coming of help. Firemen valiantly battle a fire that fully engulfs the structure. Only the imposing stone edifice adjacent can be saved. A caller takes credit for the terrorist act on behalf of the anti-war movement. UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON

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A Seattle Police Departmen ispatcher takes a late-night bomb threat. Aoo<'..... >'\The claimed target is the U. of . Administration Building. Police and fire .lin. no'", units, including aid cars, are r ling before the caller abruptly terminates the hc..t fel,., conversation. AR llpexpl,lIle bomb is found and defused. Seattle and U. of W. Campus Police search the campus. QUEEN ANNE HILL AREA, SEATTLE February, 1970

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A late model sedan slides up to a public telephone booth. An unremarkable, but well trimmed and tailored, young man gets out of the car and steps up to the telephone and dials. In a rundown home nearby, on a battered plastic kitchen counter, a telephone rings. A groggy, long-haired nebbish slowly staggers into the room to answer the insistent phone. A mumbled hello is answered by a cold, commanding voice that tells Jeff Desmond to leave his mother's house in fifteen minutes, and to walk toward a pick-up point a few blocks away. Jeff knows that Federal Bureau of Investigation Special Agent Louis M. Harris does not want to meet him to discuss coffee bean futures. He follows Harris' instructions. QUEEN ANNE HILL AREA Minutes Later

A shifty-eyed Jeff Desmond gets into an unmarked FBI car and slumps down in the back seat, virtually out of sight to passersby. Desmond is told by Harris and his partner that he has committed multiple violations of his 10 year parole for the interstate transportation of an automatic machine gun and narcotics. Jeff says, he is also told that they know he is shooting heroin and buying large amounts of codeine with forged prescriptions. The agents then tell Jeff that they are going to overlook those serious infractions, and not send him to the state penitentiary where they would put a snitch jacket on him, if

he will cooperate with them. Desmond agrees to help them. Harris then instructs Desmond, according to Desmond, to penetrate groups of anti-war radicals, and build and supply such people with dynamite bombs. Jeff is further told that he will encourage and help willing radicals to detonate these bombs. Jeff tries to demur, but is told that he has to make a choice. The FBI agents, it is safe to presume, already know that Jeff had previously been gang-raped at the King County Jail. So, a pathetic, defeated. Desmond agrees to the deal, is given a phone number to make regular reports to, and is taken back near his home. The well-experienced powder monkey then tells his mother, Maude, who had listened in on his calls from the FBI, that she has to drive him to the Harvey Powder Co., in Snohomish, and purchase some dynamite, fuse, caps, and fuse igniters, because he is working for the FBI. Maude later reports these facts to Mike James of King TV in Seattle, and to Walter Wright of the Seattle P.I. (FBI agent Louis M. Harris never publicly comments on Desmond's charges, despite wide disclosure.) UNITED STATES COURTHOUSE, SEATTLE February 17, 1970

An anti-war protest march through downtown Seattle, co-sponsored by the Seattle Liberation Front, culminates in a raucous rally against the war and Federal District Court Judge Julius Hoffinan of Chicago Conspiracy Trial notoriety. Riot-clad police confront the large crowd of demonstrators. As tensions mount, sticks, stones, and clubs begin to fly. The denouement is a trashing of the front of the U.S. Courthouse and a few nearby storefronts. The rally participants scatter in the face of charges by the police units and their tear gas barrage. UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON, ARCHITECTURE BLDG. February 20, 1970 Along one edge of the beautiful and peaceful campus, we notice the skeletal frame of a massive building under construction. A street light faintly illuminates a seedy-looking, straggle-haired young man as he walks slowly along the construction site's perimeter fence. The man stops, pulls a package from a shopping bag, yanks a fuse igniter, and hurls the sputtering bomb into the building'S interior. Then, the youth heaves a second explosive device into

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a stack of scrap lumber near the vehicle entrance to the construction site. The bomber then retreats slowly into the shadows of a nearby alley. Minutes later, in a telephone booth outside a tacky, 24-hour diner, nervous fingers dial a telephone number. The telephone is answered with a simple hello. The caller reports that he has just planted a bomb at the construction site to establish his cover. The caller then walks to a nearby acquaintance's apartment, shoots up, and slips into a bathtub. Luckily, no passersby are injured when the bomb blast rips through the site. Responding police and fire units are crowding the bomb scene as an investigator discovers the second bomb, concealed in a lumber scrap pile. The site is cleared. Bomb squad experts theorize that the second bomb had been set to go off much later than the first bomb, the better to kill or injure emergency units responding to the first blast. SEATTLE February 23, 1970

Seattle Police Department Sgts. R.V. Jackson and P.T. Cruse pay a surprise visit to Jeff Desmond's home. Telling Jeff that they are extremely upset that he had planted a second bomb, meant to kill or main cops converging on the architecture building site, the lawmen tell him that he is going to coordinate all his future bombings with them. Desmond realizes that FBI Agent Harris must have told the Seattle Police about that bombing. Jeff agrees. UNIVERSITY DISTRICT, SEATTLE March 3, 1970

In the early evening, John Van Veenendaal, Jan Tissot, and Michael Reed watch a man's arrest and become infuriated by what they believe is brutality by the arresting officers. Jeff later runs into the three men near the Blue Moon Tavern. Jeff suggests that they carry out a retal iatory bombing at the Wallingford Police Station. This suggestion is rejected, and the University Way Post Office is mutually decided upon as a target. Jeff tells the others that he could supply a dynamite bomb, if they drive him home to pick one up. Michael Reed drives Desmond home, and while the others wait outside in the car, Jeff makes a bomb and telephones FBI Agent Harris and

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the Seattle police. The group then drive into the alley behind the United States Post Office; Jan Tissot gets out of the car, pulls the fuse lighter, and throws the bomb against the building. Twelve waiting Seattle police officers then leap from cover and arrest the four men. Van Veenendaal then demands that the cops move them away because the bomb is going to go off. The fleeing suspects and police officers are ducking for cover as the bomb blast resounds throughout the district. Angry and frightened cops beat the handcuffed four. The Trojan stumping dynamite, the Ensign-Bickford black wax dreadmiught fuse, and the Atlas No.6 blasting cap utilized in this bombing are from the same lot signed for by Maude Desmond at the Harvey Powder Company, 9721 Airport Way, Snohomish and recovered by police authorities from the unexploded bomb at the University of Washington Architecture Building construction site bombing on February 20, 1970. By 10:05 pm, about 10 minutes after the bomb went off, the arrestees are on their way downtown to the central jail. The lone federal employee on duty in the Post Office when the bomb went off, is being treated for his injuries and for shock. Title I, of the United States Criminal Code, in pertinent part, defines the bombing of a federal facility that is occupied as first degree felony bombing. By 2:30 am on March 4, Jeff has been released from jail, is given $500 cash and confiscated heroin by Seattle Police Assistant Chief Richard Schoener, and is on his way to an FBI safe-house. Before noon on March 4, 1970, King County Chief Criminal Deputy Prosecuting Attorney William L. Kinzel sends Judge William 1. Quigley a note: "O.K. to release Jeff Desmond on P.R." Bail for the other three remained at $25,000. A UNIVERSITY WAY RESTAURANT March 4, 1970, 7:30 pm

David Sannes is reading the Seattle P. 1. And the Seattle Times as he eats his supper. He has just completed the work of designing and constructing Seattle's largest live-music and dance emporium a few blocks away. With the eyes of an expert, he carefully studies the newspaper articles concerning the University Way Post Office bombing. Several facets of the

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accounts disturb him. He has personal knowledge that one two-man patrol car is the normal deployment of Seattle police officers in the district in question. He knows that it is not normal for 12 cops to be staked out in an alley behind the Post Office. He knows that it is not normal for one alleged bomber who is caughtin-the-act of bombing an occupied United States facility to be released on a P.R. within 5 hours of arrest, while his alleged accomplices are being held on a $25,000 bail. He is very disturbed that a postal employee had been wounded by the blast, when obviously police officers were aware of the potential danger to him, and wouldn't have compromised the security of the massive stakeout by removing the worker. Sannes realizes that somebody must have tipped the police as to the time and location of the prospective action. The obvious candidate for the tip was the P.R.'d Desmond. Intrigued by the mention in the newspaper articles that two bombings had taken place within three blocks and two weeks of each other, and by the fact that the earlier incident included a suspected booby trap, Sannes leaves the restaurant and walks over to and examines both bombing sites. Two bombings within a few blocks of the 700 seat tavern that he had just opened makes him concerned that his place might be a target of bombing. As a some-time civilian undercover Seattle police agent, Sannes has a great deal of knowledge about their pol ice procedures. (Sannes has been working undercover, a hayseed potential mugging victim of police targeted "whoreless pimps," with Seattle Police Officer Patrick Wright and other vice officers. Sannes also has been acting as a civilian police agent in prostitution investigations at organized crime connected strip joints in Seattle.)
It stands to reason that a stretched-thin police force would not commit 12 men to any stakeout unless they received a tip that they absolutely knew to be from a reliable source with precise information. Late into the night, David is wondering how a bomber happened to have the status of a reliable informant. He thinks perhaps Desmond had been given immunity for his testimony against the other suspects; but that doesn't make sense because there were 12 police eye-witnesses to first degree bombing of federal facility. He decides to find out.

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KING COUNTY COURTHOUSE, SEATTLE

March 5, 1970

At the arraignment on state bombing charges, Reed, Tissot, and Van Veenendaal are brought in wearing leg irons, handcuffs, and chains; Desmond stands unfettered in the midst of bodyguarding lawmen. Sannes watches the proceeding, noticing that Desmond is bumming cigarettes from the police officers like they are chums. What is really interesting though is the fact that Judge Quigley orders Jeff back into custody over the objections of surprised and protesting deputy prosecutors. Desmond is obviously surprised too. KING COUNTY COURTHOUSE March 6, 1970

The King County Prosecutor files an amended complaint, dropping charges against Jeffrey Desmond, and naming him only as a material witness. Someone posts his $1000 bail, and he is again released. THE DOGHOUSE RESTAURANT, SEATTLE Mid-March, 1970

In an isolated booth, a Seattle cop and Sannes sit talking. The policeman, who works as an aide to Police Chief George Tielsch, reveals to David that the FBI had called the Seattle Police Department prior to both the February 20, and March 3, bombings. Sannes asks why then the FBI had not been involved in either the arrest, indictment, or arraignment of the Post Office bombing suspects. Sannes' friend responds that the FBI had asked the Seattle Police to provide covert police protection to Desmond as a police infonnant. Chief Tielsch was said to have been angry about that arrangement, but to have reluctantly agreed. Chief Tielsch had agreed to the FBI plan even though he knew that the plan was to vacate the state charges in favor of federal bombing charges to be filed later against Desmond's three accomplices. The FBI could then tell U.S. Attorney Stan Pitkin that they could not locate Desmond for questioning by lawyers for the three defendants.

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The FBI had supposedly told Tielsch that they needed to keep Desmond under wraps to protect much more serious federal investigations. The cop believes that included the fact that Desmond had carried out the architecture building bombing. The cop only says about that that there was some kind of funny business going on with the investigation of the earlier bombing. He will not elaborate. LEON HARDCASTLE REALTY, SEATTLE May 15, 1970

A coroner's jury later held that Larry Ward died by "criminal means." There was never any doubt that the young black man was shot to death by Seattle Police Office John Hannah. Sannes heard the shotgun blasts that blew Larry Eugene Ward into his grave. The execution was carried live on Hannah's walkie-talkie. The only eye-witness to the incident testified to the King County Grand Jury that he had heard a shot, run to a window of his home across the street from the shooting, and watched Ward being pursued by the unmarked police car, and saw Ward fall after the final shotgun blast. (According to his statements to newsmen as reported by Lou Corsaletti of The Seattle Times.) King County Prosecutor Charles O. Carroll declined to press charges against the officer because, he said, there was insufficient evidence. Police reported that they found an unexploded bomb near a doorway of the Hardcastle Realty at 23rd Avenue and East Union Street. There was never any serious dispute that ward had been placing a bomb when he was interrupted by the squealing of tires as the staked out patrol car hurtled towards him. (Sannes had heard the staked out Hannah report on his walkietalkie to the effect that a young black male was putting a bag down in front of the realty office.) There was never any doubt that Ward was running from the scene of the crime when Hannah shot him from the back seat of the police car as it closed in on Ward. The roaring engine, squealing tires, and the shotgun blasts were transmitted over the cop's radio, as clear and unambiguous sounds. The neighbor, Melvin Duncan, had seen it and the officers confirmed it. The only question at the site was whether or not Ward had turned back toward the pursuing men before the fatal shot was fired.

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The problem with the shooting really stemmed from the televised statements by Alfred Burnett that he had been directed by FBI Agent Stephen Travis to pay Ward for planting the bomb, the FBI's tip to the Seattle police that the bombing, by an unknown radical, was to take place, and the fact that the FBI did not arrest Ward earlier. UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON LIBRARY Late March, 1970

At a study carrel, surrounded by stacks of periodicals, David Sannes sits examining articles on bombings, arsons, and other acts of violence linked to the political and civil rights movement in the United States. He begins to focus on such acts committed after the inauguration of President Richard Nixon, with particular attention to violent acts attributed to anti-war activists or groups. Sannes also examines the pattern of Nixon administration reports and pro-war articles in periodicals. The review pointed to a pattern of White House, Justice and Treasury Department positions that postulated a scenario of Soviet influence or control of anti-war groups and their actions and philosophies. As a student of politics and history, Sannes knows that staging acts of violence to justity the imposition of martial law to restore order, or utilizing agents provocateurs to discredit political opponents, has ancient and dishonorable traditions. He knows, as a former NSA agent, that President Johnson had staged the Gulf of Tonkin incident in order to sway Congress to support the war effort in South Vietnam. History offers literally thousands of such examples, or suspected examples. Sannes begins to think the unthinkable. Nixon, after all, had been elected with about 44% of the popular vote; Nixon had campaigned with a theme of having a secret plan to end the war. As of March, 1970, that plan was still a secret from the American people. Was it possible that the Nixon White House was encouraging or permitting right-wing elements of the FBI, ATF, and other intelligence and police agencies to foment or encourage bombings, etc. on American soil, in order to discredit the anti-war and civil rights movements in the United States?

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At first blush, such thoughts seemed like so much conspiracy theory crap. However, Sannes had electronically eavesdropped on CIA flights to Yao villages in Laos, flights that delivered gold to the hill people, and returned with opium paste to be refined into heroin and put into the smuggling networks to be shipped to this country - to provide off-the-books financing of our secret war effort in Laos. Sannes knows that the CIA had been running a Murder Incorporated operation in South Vietnam that had killed, to his knowledge, hundreds of innocent village elders whose only crimes were to have objected to some act of corruption or cruelty by the military juntas or the Thieu/Ky regime. General Thieu he remembered for his involvement in the CIA's opium trade. Could not people who committed such violent crimes overseas not commit them on our soil? However unlikely, it seemed like an idea worth exploring. VOLUNTEER PARK, SEATTLE Later in March, 1970

While attending a rock concert in order to hear rock bands that might prove suitable for hiring to perform at either the Checkmate or District Taverns, Sannes is handed a flyer entitled: "Jeff Desmond, Police and FBI Agent." The Flyer claims that Jeff is wanted dead or alive for leading Tissot, Reed, and Van Veenendaal into a trap at the University Way Post Office. The flyer proclaims that Desmond and police agencies had entrapped the three. Merde! Did Jeff hold three people at gunpoint and make them help him plant a bomb? But the thought of prosecutorial misconduct that rose to the level of criminal obstruction certainly is a possibility to Sannes. The plain fact is that defense attorneys were not being told by the Seattle police where to find Desmond to question him. Sannes knows that Chief Tielsch knew where his men had taken Jeff to at the behest of the FBI. Sannes calls to invite a friend for supper. SEATTLE That Night

Over supper, Sannes shows his policeman friend a copy of the wanted poster on Desmond. Asked about whether or not the Seattle Police were still

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keeping Jeff on ice somewhere, out of the reach of defense attorneys, the cop responds that he doesn't even want to know, because it could be dangerous to know. Sannes then responds that it looks like to him that the FBI had pulled off a brilliant sting operation against the radicals. UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON LIBRARY Early April, 1970

In the periodical stacks, Sannes sits scanning magazine articles on acts of violence connected to the anti-war and civil rights movements. He finds too many questions lacking answers. The peace activists that he had been associating with since his return from Vietnam just didn't fit the psychological profile of a mad bomber. Explosive and incendiary devices, he knows from very extensive observation, just plain scare the bejesus out of ordinary people. Even combat experienced soldiers shrank from the setting of claymore mines. Untrained people just have a visceral fear of explosives. During the opening minutes of the Tet Offensive in Qui Nhon, he had witnessed the desertion of all of the army guards of the 41 st Signal Battalion's ammunition dump. He always had a healthy respect for the dangers involved with the handling of or making of explosives. The picture of dewy-eyed, pot-smoking peaceniks walking into powder monkey classes to learn how to stuff waxed fuses into sticks of dynamite just didn't ring true. The idea of federal agents provocateurs supplying explosive or incendiary devices to mentally unbalanced radicals did seem plausible. Why? For instance, because Sannes did learn while an NSA agent that the FBI had recruited a Lieutenant Commander in the United States Navy, George Lincoln Rockwell to found the American Nazi Party. A bleary-eyed Sannes walks out determined to find out whether or not the FBI was conducting a dirty war against the Constitution it was sworn to uphold. He decides to infiltrate the FBI to find out. He fairly skips out of the Henry Suzallo Library; he has again broken the bounds of everyday life by finding a noble rationale for living on the edge, an addiction spawned by his childhood. He has found a good war to fix himself.

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SUNDANCE COLLECTIVE, SEATTLE

Early April, 1970

A roughly dressed Sannes, at the collective to pick up one of his District Tavern bannaids, quietly observes the household. This is the home base of the Seattle Liberation Front. SANNES' FAVORITE STEAK HOUSE, SEATTLE April 16, 1970

J. Edgar Hoover and Attorney General John N. Mitchell, in ajoint press conference, are shown on the TV newscasts. They are announcing the indictments of eight Seattle Liberation Front members in connection with the February 17, 1970 attack against the U.S. Courthouse in Seattle. A fascinated Sannes watches as local news broadcasters confinn that six of the eight have been arrested and that Charles (Chip) Marshall and Michael T. Justesen were still being sought. An excited Sannes left the restaurant to go to the District Tavern, sensing that he has an opening to penetrate the FBI by intiltrating the SLF. THE DISTRICT TAVERN, SEATTLE Late Evening, April 16, 1970

Sannes talks to his Sundance Collective barmaid about the indictments and the arrests that day. She says the charges are simply a government attempt to suppress the anti-war movement. Sannes tells her that he wants to become more active in the anti-war effort. BON MARCHE DEPARTMENT STORE, SEATTLE April 17, 1970

Sannes is at a counter purchasing a small tape recorder, blank tapes, and a telephone eavesdropping device. A PUGET SOUND BEACH, SEATTLE April 17, 1970

Sannes sits in his car parked in a parking lot and starts talking into the tape recorder: "It is April 17, 1970 My preliminary investigation leads me to believe that there is a strong likelihood that the FBI has elements within it that are fomenting violent acts within the United States. I have decided that the refiling of federal indictments today' against Jan Tissot, John Van

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Veenendaal, and Michael Reed, by U.S. Attorney Stan Pitkin, for first degree bombing in connection with the March 3, 1970 University District Post Officer bombing, given the circumstances, indicates this. Jeff Desmond has not been charged, and has been hidden from defense attorneys by the Seattle Police at the request of the FBI, according to my extremely reliable police source. It has also been reported to me that Jeff Desmond called in the warning to the FBI about that bombing, and the FBI called the Seattle Police, who had also been called by Jeff prior to the bombing. Ergo, Jeff must have been working for the FBI and had their permission to have carried out the bombing, or he would at least have been given some type of immunity, or been indicted himself. He is not a material witness, he is a witness who has been hidden to some purpose that smells like obstruction of justice to me. The Seattle Police evidently have been convinced by the FB[ to forget about their belief that Desmond set two bombs, one meant to kill responding police and fire personnel, on February 20, 1970. [ intend to penetrate the FBI as an undercover agent infiltrating the most radical and potentially violent elements of the anti-war movement. My goal is to find out if the FBI has inspired, directed, or carried out alone, arson and/or bombing attacks on America. [fthe FBI is indeed fomenting violence across this country, then they pose an extraordinary threat to the continuation of our system of constitutional government. If the White House and elements of the executive branch have embarked on the historically ancient and dishonorable strategy of setting "Reichstag Fires" to discredit opponents of the war in Vietnam, and the civil rights movement, then there can be no higher purpose for my life than to dedicate it to carrying out a sting operation against the perpetrators of this operation. My overall plan is to: I) penetrate the Sundance Collective and the Seattle Liberation Front, utilizing my relationship with Jill, a barmaid at the District, who lives at the Collective, and is part of the SLF; 2) I must demonstrate my sincerity to the SLF as an anti-war activist with a violent

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antipathy toward the government, capitalism, and the proponents of the Vietnam War' - while noting my wartime experience with explosives and weapons; 3) I must then convince the FBI to recruit me as an undercover agent, but I must not seem to seek recruitment, or I will have little credibility with them; 4) I must then become a triple agent by becoming a reporter of the activities of anti-war activists; 5) I must then penetrate illegal operations conducted by the FBI and become an integral part of them; 6) I must then figure out a way to break off the activities and expose them; 7) I must find a way to force the federal government to prosecute me for any of the criminal acts that I commit at their direction, and thereby expose these criminal operations of the FBI. The real trick will be to survive if my working hypothesis proves correct. If I am right and the FBI has implemented a "Reichstag Fire" approach to maintaining mainstream American support for the war and racism, then I could hope to attain the following objectives: I) a chilling of future attempts to engage in violent criminal acts to crush political opponents - since someone else could destroy any such plot from the inside by exposing it; 2) the press and the people would become sensitive to the possibility of such attacks on the Constitution; 3) the government could find that it was dealing with a less gullible press and public in all areas of its activities. As for me, if I am right, then I must proceed on the assumption that my life is forfeit. I must be prepared to lie, to commit criminal acts, to lobby for my own prosecution and conviction for these criminal acts, to spend my adult life in prison, and/or to be assassinated by federal agents or by revolutionaries. Even if I succeed in my efforts, I will be a pariah. One only gets one chance to blow a whistle. You never get a chance to learn any secrets after the first time. If I am wrong, and if the executive branch of the federal government is not engaged in a broad, systematic, covert attack on our Constitution by virtue of a "dirty war" against the civil rights and anti-war movements, then my efforts will be directed to helping the FBI ferret out bombers and bringing them to justice. I believe in the active agitation of our society for the purposes of ending the war and ending discrimination against women and all ethnic or religious minorities.

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Why me? So far as I can discern the truth, it is because I love shit disturbing, the Bill of Rights, Socrates, undercover work, Cincinatus, Nathan Hale, equal protection under law, a free and vigilant press, and freedom from government. I suppose also because Thomas Jefferson said: "I have sworn eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the minds of men." I want to live like that. A real citizen is willing to give his life to defend the fragile notion of this country, and to extend its benefits to the point that it lives up to its promises to all of its citizens. These rambling ruminations constitute tape number one of a dogface's diary of another dirty war. The tapes will be hidden to be released upon the occasion of my demise to the press. SEATTLE CENTER, SEATTLE April 18, 1970

Thousands of anti-war protesters, boisterous but peaceful, march through downtown Seattle to a rally at the foot of the Space Needle. Unexpectedly, one of the FBI's most sought fugitives, Chip Marshall, appears, to speak at the rally. Federal and local authorities are prevented from arresting him by a human blockage. The potential for embarrassment of the FBI is tremendous if Marshall escapes. Sannes, at the rally with his barmaid, sees this as a wonderful opportunity to gain the notice and appreciation of the FBI. Slipping through the packed throng, Sannes eases up to the crowd around Marshall. Hearing Marshall tell a friend that he would meet him at the Century Tavern at 5:00 pm, Sannes moves away from the mob scene. DOWNTOWN SEATTLE April 18, 1970

In a quiet telephone booth, Sannes calls the Seattle office of the FBI, identified himself, gives his address, and tells the agent that he has information that Chip Marshall will be at the Century Tavern at 5:00 pm. The FBI agent asks Sannes to repeat his name and address; then he asks how the caller knows that Marshall will be at that location. Sannes tells him that one of the bastard's roommates at the Sundance Collective worked for him at the District Tavern, and he had gone down to the rally to see what the

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Commies were up to. The FBI agent politely thanks Sannes for the tip, and asks if he will go to the tavern to see if Marshall shows up; and if Marshall does, to call the FBI again. Sannes says: "Yes, sir!" The conversation is then terminated. CENTURY TAVERN, SEATTLE April 18, 1970

Marshall does show up at the Century Tavern about 4:50 pm. A staked out Sannes casually goes into the tavern and slides into a telephone booth to call the FBI. Minutes later, as Chip Marshall and David Dellinger of Chicago Conspiracy trial fame sit sipping suds, a massive raid goes down. More than twenty FBI agents and Seattle Police rush the tavern. Just before the sounds of screaming tires, crashing doors, and shouts of "FBI. Freeze." rend the beer joint's air, Sannes sits down in a booth with a policeman friend of his. When the off-duty cop asks what he is doing, a smile crosses Dave's face as he answers: "Working. Just put your hands on the table and sit quietly, no matter what happens." The raid establishes Dave's identity as an undercover FBI agent with his friend, David Franklin, a University of Washington Police Officer. It is an incredible coincidence, but an opportunity Sannes exploits. Sannes knows he has the FBI hooked. The FBI doesn't have to suffer through network and local newscasts showing a fugitive figuratively thumbing his nose at J. Edgar Hoover's troops. Hoover will get a report on the circumstances of the capture. The FBI will have to be intrigued by the transcript of the telephone tips. Hoover will care little about the arrest, but he will care everything about the near disaster to the FBI's public relations. The FBI will conduct an investigation of the background of the tipster. That search will lead to the National Security Agency and the Army. The NSA will tell the FBI that Sannes was a genuine bemedaled counterspy, a veteran of three combat tours of duty in Vietnam. The FBI will have to take the bait.

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DISTRICT TA VERN, SEATTLE

Early Morning, April 27, 1970

"District Tavern," answered a telephone ring awakens David Sannes in his tiny office/apartment above the enormous beer hall. The anonymous voice asks if he is alone. An instantly alert Sannes answers in the affirmative. The caller then says that he has called to thank Dave for his help to the FBI and tells him that he wants to meet. The two thereupon arrange for a meeting to take place an hour later, in a parking lot, miles across town from Sannes' normal haunts. When Sannes asks how he will recognize the caller, he is told that he will be recognized. The "Marshall gambit" had worked - the FBI wants to recruit him, thinks Sannes in a sweating, dIy-mouthed moment of scared spitless dread and exultation. A DOWNTOWN PARKING LOT, SEATTLE April 27, 1970

A composed, carefree-looking, once and future counterspy wheels his new Pontiac into the parking lot, and quickly spots the FBI agent. As he casually slips into the passenger seat of the waiting car, Sannes notices the freshly trimmed, unstylishly short haircut, the intense, intelligent face, the pinstriped and vested blue suit, and the FBI wingtip shoes. A second glance picks up the famous white, button-down mandatory for Hoover's troops. The identification confirms that the driver is Louis M. Harris, Special Agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. After a brief exchange of pleasantries, Harris conveys the gratitude of Director Hoover and the FBI for Sannes' assistance in apprehending Chip Marshall. Then Harris wants to know how Sannes had been in a position to so help. Sannes explains that he has been monitoring the growth and the actions of the anti-war movement since he returned from Vietnam. Sannes further tells Harris that his opinion is that the war in Vietnam has largely become just a convenient horse to be whipped by every grand-standing, selfaggrandizing, America-hating anarchist and communist'dope-headed stooge that has come down the pike.

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Sannes also unburdens himself of the fervently articulated belief that Congress has kept up a half-heatted effort that is turning into a sell-out of the South Vietnamese people, due to the fact that the politicians know that Americans aren't willing to make much of a sacrifice to defend the free world fonn an ideologically committed world communism. Sannes also notes that, from his personal observations, all the radical leaders are really interested in is anarchy, personal power, drugs, and groupie sex. In his nervousness, he almost over-sells the pitch. But Harris reels himself in by asking Sannes if he will continue to infiltrate radical groups under the control and direction of the FBI, becoming progressively a more violent radical. The objective is to identify, target, and penetrate groups of radicals interested in carrying out violent attacks. Sannes then asks why Harris thinks he could do that. Harris responds by telling Sannes that the bureau has been making an intensive investigation of his record and knows that Sannes has the training and experience to do the job. Harris adds the statement that Sannes has come highly recommended by Ft. Mead (NSA). After Sannes says he wants to help, Harris explains to him that all contact with the bureau will be by the code name, "TJ", through a mailbox dead drop, and a confidential telephone number. Sannes is to work under deep cover, and will be paid $1,500 cash, per month, plus expenses. The pay will be net, and never reported. Sannes agrees to work for the FBI per that deal except he refuses to take payor expense money. He tells Harris that his citizenship responsibilities are not for sale. Harris objects by observing that he gets paid. Sannes rejoins by noting that Harris only has one job, and that he has a regular job designing, building, and managing taverns and restaurants. Sannes also states that he would not put his life on the line by becoming an undercover agent for money; he does not want his thinking prejudiced by a salary, or his cover compromised by having almost three times the spending money he should have. Harris reluctantly consents to this condition. Sannes then asks about the FBI secretly authorizing him to carry a concealed weapon and obtaining a standard Army 45 semiautomatic for him. Harris agrees. Finally, Sannes inquires about what he could do if he was

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picked up in the performance of a credibility establishing criminal act, by the local police authorities. Harris instructs Sannes that his job is to not get caught, but that if that does happen, as a last resort he is to tell the arresting officer to telephone Capt. Williams of the Seattle Police Department, before they take him anywhere. But Sannes is warned by Harris that any such action could blow his cover. As a final thought, Sannes is asked to try to find out where Michael Justeson is, and that the bureau's infonnation is that Justeson is a Weatherman. SEATTLE May to October 5, 1970

Sannes gradually develops his undercover role by participating in all of the marches and rallies staged by the anti-war movement in the Seattle area during a hot political summer. He also writes and distributes hundreds of mimeographed copies of his seminal work: "Betty Crocker's Home Cookbook of Explosive and Incendiary Devices." In meetings to plan marches and actions, he becomes an idea man for more and more daring and radical plans. But he always stays in the background. When several thousand protestors march near the 1-5 Freeway, he personally leads them onto the freeway. That becomes a popular tactic in Seattle. The marches and rallies are generally peaceful but always have the potential for violence. Sannes relishes the idea of having federal instructions to be an agent provocateur - a free pass to throw stones at the police tactical squads that always shadow anti-war demonstrations. Many times he has to run from charging, riot-equipped police; once narrowly escaping capture. He calls in to report radical plans for demonstrations on a fairly regular basis. By dint of these efforts, Sannes is able to penetrate a radical commune whose members are at least theoretically interested in carrying out a bombing attack on an appropriate target. By patient cajoling and entreaty, Sannes convinces the group to at least plan such an action. A reluctant communal group agrees to help with the planning of such a strike. The target talked up by Sannes is the Evergreen Point Floating Bridge. The idea is to dislodge the Seattle end of the several mile long bridge by planting 1,700 pounds of

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explosive around the pilings at that end of the massive, floating, concrete structure. When the pilings attaching one end of the bridge are blown up, the freeway bridge itself will act as a wind and wave powered lever that will rip itself away from its moorings at the Bellevue end of the Bridge. Thus set adrift, the bridge will be a several mile long, concrete barge, packed with rush hour motorists, that is subject to breaking up by further wind and wave action. The bombing will be a bombing heard around the world. Sannes touts the idea as one that will bring the war home to America and help to trigger an American withdrawal from Vietnam - saving thousands of lives on both sides. The explosive will be 100 pound bags of ammonium phosphate, a fertilizer, fitted in oversize plastic bags with enough buoyancy to tow, barely submerged, behind Sannes' powerboat to a point underneath the west end of the bridge. There the bags will be tied to the pilings, and detonated by a bag filled with ammonium phosphate mixed with fuel oil, triggered by a blasting cap. Sannes makes several telephone reports to Harris on his luck in penetrating a potentially radical group. Harris encourages him to continue his bomb attack planning, and to make more of an effort to penetrate the defense teams in the Seattle 7, and Air Force ROTC Fire Bombing 8 cases. The focus here is the FBI's instrllctions to get close to all of the defendants and to the defenses. Thrilled by the sllccess he has made in penetrating covert FBI operations, but terrified by the prospect of blowing the whistle on elite agents of the United States DepaJ1ment of Justice who could casually countenance mass murder, Sannes makes arrangements to assist the FBI in a truly repulsive assault on the rights of some American citizens to a fair trial. Meantime, Sannes makes arrangements through his University of Washington policeman asset to clear the bombing plot with FBI management. He asks an unsuspecting asset to arrange a meeting for him, by means of a request from U.W. Police ChiefShanrahan to FBI Special Agent-in-Charge J.

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Earl Milnes of the Seattle office, with Milnes to verify that he is to direct the members of the radical commune in carrying out the bridge bombing. Chief Shanrahan does arrange the meeting between Sannes and Assistant Special Agent-In-Charge, of the Seattle office, Bert Carter. That meeting takes place on October 12, 1970. Sannes' asset, officer David Franklin, is told by Sannes that the purpose of the meeting is to have FBI management direction in whether or not a plot to bomb the Evergreen Point Floating Bridge should be stopped or permitted to continue to mass murder. The cop is assured that Sannes will not let the bombing take place. He only communicates to his boss, Shanrahan, that a nervous person wants to talk to Milnes about an extremely sensitive matter, and is using this method of contact to make sure he gets through to the top man. Officer Franklin is not told that the FBI has instructed Sannes to act as an agent provocateur in the lot. ACLU OFFICES, SMITH TOWER, SEATTLE October 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,1970 Posing as a radical political volunteer, who wants to use the taverns he helped manage to hold benefit concerts to contribute money to the legal defenses of the Seattle 7, and Air Force 8, Sannes goes to these offices on a daily basis. He participates as a volunteer to confidential client/attorney conversations between defendants in the Seattle 7, Air Force 8, and Longview Army Truck Bombing 3 cases and their attorneys. He purloins confidential documents, copies them, and returns them. He helps plan benefit concerts. He overhears, for instance, attorney Michael Tigar ask the Longview Bombing 3: "First of all, did you guys do it?" He hears the defendants answer that they had. He cases the ACLU offices for a prospective break-in and photographing, on a wholesale basis, of defense files in these and any other cases the FBI might be interested in. He has gained the trust of the defendants, while he is engaged in a conspiracy to deprive them of their protection to a fair trial under the Bill of Rights.

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BALLARD DISTRICT, SEATTLE

October 12, 1970

At the specified time and place, an unmarked car picks up Sannes. The driver is never identified, the passenger is Assistant Special Agent-In-Charge Bert Carter, of the Seattle office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Sannes sits in the back seat with a tape recorder taped to his upper thigh. After Carter has presented his FBI identification, and Sannes has inspected it, Sannes makes his report on the status of the bridge bombing plot. Bert Carter orders Sannes to carry out the bombing, and to booby trap the 1,700 pounds of explosives so that the commune leader, who is to be with Sannes in setting the explosive device, dies in the blast. Carter wants a radical to be found at the site. Sannes would then be transferred by the FBI to another area of the country, where he would be accepted as a master terrorist, he would have made his bones. Sannes also briefs Cm1er and his partner on what he had found out in becoming part of the defense teams the previous week, and volunteers to burglarize the ACLU offices and photograph everything of significance. Carter instructs Sannes to concentrate on the Seattle 7 penetration because the case will soon be in trial, but not to worry about doing a black bag job on the ACLU offices. From the statement, and the tone in which it is spoken, Sannes knows that the FBI already has an informant in the ACLU office in Seattle. Carter said such a burglary would be too dangerous, after Sannes explained how easy it would be for him to hid until the staff went home. Too dangerous! When Carter has just finished ordering Sannes to carry out mass murder, and the assassination of a bomber? It only adds up one way, the FBI is already running a covert operation at the ACLU office. When he is dropped off, Sannes practices counter-surveillance techniques for several hours, then takes his tape recorder and tape to a dead drop. It is time to come out from the belly of the beast. It is time to activate the espionage ring that reports to spy masters in the Peoples Republic of China. It is time to think again and again about how to surface in public and yet survive. It is time for Sannes to fully realize that local FBI management is willing to fight the influence of political radicals by

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carrying out, or permitting, the mass murder of innocent Americans - so why should they stick at assassinating a traitor who exposed their criminal methods to the public? Why not, indeed? The stink of fear begins to cling to Sannes, like a coat he cannot ever take off. He is no John Wayne, he knows that unless he is very good, and very lucky, the FBI will kill him. He believes that the FBI threat to the Constitution and its Bill of Rights is worth dying to counter, but he doesn't want to die. But Sannes does not intend to make a fatal mistake if he can help it, even though he is willing to risk it. He most fears that he just has delusions of grandeur to think he can figure out a way to force the FBI to stop its criminal operations, and stay alive to see that day. The horror of spending his adult life in prison he deals with by denial - it would be a quiet place to study and make a real scholar out of himself. But death is forever. SEATTLE October 13, 1970 - March, 1971

Sannes breaks off contact with the FBI and the radical community with but one exception. He had cultivated contact with one brilliant member of the defense collectives working on behalf of the Seattle 7 and the Air Force Fire-Bombing 8, a man by the name of Thurman Fremsted. After the trial of the Seattle 7 had started in November, in the court of U.S. District Court Judge George Boldt, Sannes takes Fremsted out for a few drinks. Having already involved Thurman in a plot to obstruct justice in the case, while reporting to the FBI, Sannes feels that he could be trusted. Sannes reveals to Fremsted that he has been an undercover FBI informant while working at the Smith Tower, and that he has been working there at the direction of the FBI. Sannes tells Thurman that he wants to testi ty as a surprise witness for the defense, in the Seattle 7 case. A stunned Fremsted agrees to, at an appropriate time, infonn one defense attorney, Carl Maxey, of his availability. The contacts with Maxey could only be just prior to the day of such testimony in open court. What finally happens is that just before Sannes is to come forward in the public trial, the word of the mystery witness is given to other defense attorneys.

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There is a leak about a mystery witness, it is speculated when Judge Boldt holds all seven defendants in contempt for courtroom antics, and declares a mistrial. A defeated Sannes is too afraid to work, and breaks off contact with Fremsted. Sannes lives in an unheated basement, and works on completing a book of war experience poetry mixed with love poetry. The involvement of Sannes in his red Chinese espionage ring continues while a cryptic clue to its existence is obliquely sent to the FBI. An anonymous Chinese speaking caller warns of the espionage ring, although not its nature or purpose, to a Chinese language translation capable FBI. When the poetry book project reaches a suitable point, Sannes contacts the Managing Editor of the Seattle Post Intelligence, a Hearst newspaper. Jack Doughty, who was also a top Hearst newspaper chain authority on Asia, reviews the poetry manuscript, and asks Sannes if he can help get it published by Avon Books. Sannes declines, but several luncheon discussions of the war follow between the two men. Sannes has obtained another asset. Jack Doughty appears to have great respect for Sannes. SEATTLE Late March, 1971

In a wretched little apartment on Highway 99, Sannes carefully surveys the deliberately left mess, puts his two carefully prepared waste baskets of garbage into one bag, takes it to the apartment house disposal container, and catches a bus downtown to the law offices of Jeffrey Steinborn, a Seattle 7 defense attorney. At his apartment, he has left an unusual scene. The garbage carefully placed in the apartment house dumpster contains the usual detritus of urban life, and some very unusual items. These include two plastic bags, one smaller than the other, one clean, and one soiled by moss and earth from across town. A burned piece of paper, with a couple of fragments containing a series of numbers, are scattered in the same bag. In the apartment itself, a cookie crumb has been carefully placed under a section of carpet that has been lifted and replaced. The cookie would crumble to testify that an intruder had stopped by. One of the few books in the place contains a padlock key secreted in the spine, and a few of the pages have a single word underlined. Even a rookie

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FBI bagman would notice the smell, a sour one, when he crept into the room. Just before leaving the converted motel room, Sannes urinates on the tired old mattress and bottom bed sheet. Empty beer and wine bottles, with many sets of fingerprints that would not be traceable also act as props. FBI laboratory experts would easily put the national security nightmare together when shown photographs of the dog-eared paperback stuffed under the sodden cot. Sannes has been preparing for this day by doing more than trying to develop some measure of credibility with the managing editor of the Seattle P.1. He has also been wrestling with the problem of how to prevent the FBI from assassinating him after he crosses over. He has developed a notional espionage network, directed by communist China, and has planted clues to its existence. The idea is to prevent the FBI from taking violent retribution until after public exposure made such a course unproductive. He calculates that the FBI would quietly suffer his public denunciations of its criminal misconduct if it could be convinced that he was the agent of a Chinese spy ring, and if it believed that it could wrap up the operation. The American public would countenance the FBI's commIssIon of criminal acts if they resulted in the uncovering of foreign spies. Sannes knows that he has an edge in this high stakes game; the FBI would not be inclined to believe that one man, acting alone, either could or would carry out a sting operation against them. Plotters tend to be easily convinced of plots by others. Moreover, there would be no positive outcome for Sannes. He would either be killed, imprisoned, or live out his life as a pariah. The government holds most of the cards. If the FBI professionally carries out a black bag job on Sannes' dwelling, and connects the other clues left by him, its leadership should conclude that Sannes has been turned while an NSA agent in Vietnam, and was being forced to cooperate with China's intelligence service. As Sannes rides the bus to Steinborn's office, he worries that the FBI will not find the tape recorder in the flour, or the marked up pages oflawyers in the telephone book. Mainly though, he just worries about sudden death at the bloodstained hands of his own government.

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Jeffrey Steinborn is startled to hear that Sannes wishes to have a few minutes of his time on a matter of extreme urgency. Jeff is taken aback when Dave Sannes begins the conversation by demanding; "Do you know me What is my name? Where have you seen me?" Jeff says: "What is this all about?" Dave then responds: "Just bear with me for a moment and answer my questions, please." So Jeff answers: "You are Dave Sannes. I met you at the Smith Tower and saw you there a number of times when we were working on the Seattle 7 case." Sannes then asks: "Did you see me participating in what you would consider privileged client/attorney conversations?" Jeff, now focusing intently, answers: "Yes." Sannes then observes: "Would it surprise you to know that I was working as an undercover agent of the FBI at that time, on that case, and my FBI code name is TJ?" As a visibly shocked Steinborn sits down at his desk, Sannes tells him that he is willing to make out a sworn affidavit detailing his participation in an FBI plot to obstruct justice by denying the Seattle 7 defendants their rights, under the 4th and 6th amendments to the Constitution, to a fair trial. Steinborn jumps to his feet and asks Sannes if the FBI knows that he is at Steinborn's office. Steinborn then makes immediate preparation to have Sannes' confession in the ROTC Air Force Annex fire-bombing case dictated and transcribed, after being informed of Sannes' desire to make a statement then in that case alone. Sannes tells Steinborn part of his involvement, on behalf of the FBI, in the Seattle 7, ROTC Annex, and Longview Army Truck Bombing cases; since those were the cases that Jeff had personal confirming knowledge concerning. As soon as Jeff has made copies of Dave's sworn confession in the ROTC case, he passes out copies of it to some of his partners, and informs them of his plan to confront the U.S. Attorney, Stan Pitkin, with it in an attempt to gain dismissal of the 15 federal felony indictments against the 8 defendants in the fire-bombing case. Steinborn then calls Pitkin and sets up a meeting on a one-half hour notice basis. Jeff who had armed himself with a 38 caliber pistol during Sannes' visit, then calls a cab to take him to Pitkin's office. He is afraid to go by

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driving his own car, he tells his secretary. Steinborn's pitch to the U.S. Attorney is to be that Sannes has grown to feel great revulsion to the FBI's tactics in the case, does not want to testifY in open court about his activities on behalf of the FBI, and will go away quietly, if the federal government dismisses the charges in the ROTC case. Steinborn believes that, but of course the ROTC case is only step one in Sannes' plan to expose the criminal actions of the FBI. Within an hour of his depm1ure, an excited Steinborn is back in his office, telling Sannes that a shaken Pitkin has called 1. Earl Milnes, the Special Agent In Charge of the Seattle office of the FBI, and that Milnes has confirmed that Sannes is an undercover informant, code-named TJ, has been assigned a dead drop, and has had several contacts with FBI agents. Milnes refused further comment. Hearing that, according to Steinborn, Pitkin has made the deal subject to approval by the Department of Justice. Steinborn is in a celebratory mood; for Sannes, there is a mixture of exhilaration and numbing fear - he has crossed his Rubicon. Sannes knows that if perchance the criminal operations of the FBI were not sanctioned by J. Edgar Hoover and Attorney General John Mitchell, then he and several FBI agents will soon be facing criminal charges of truly staggering proportions. If, on the other hand, the local FBI crimes he has been involved in were carried out with the Approval of the Nixon administration, then he is in great personal danger. He knows that the initial reaction of the FBI will be stunned disbelief that anyone would have the nerve to confront them in this manner. He also knows that the FBI will respond by launching a massive investigation of him. They cannot afford to tenninate him until they could assess the risk to benefit ratio. He can only hope that the FBI will have come up with a legal or illegal entry and search of his rooms. With a couple of his signed confessions in the ROTC case in his pocket, Sannes takes the stairs down to the lobby. Three FBI agents trail him as he walks outside. It is less than two hours after Steinborn met Pitkin, but there they are. As he walks up to a bus stop, the three FBI agents gather

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around him, in a menacing manner, and mouth silent death threats. Sannes has no trouble in acting afraid, but the mouthed death threats, and the hands molded into the shape of firing guns tell Sannes two things. Number I, the FBI has found the tape recorder hidden in the floor, and number 2, he is not dealing with a rogue operation. An unsanctioned operation would have been ducking for cover. The FBI agents do not follow him onto the bus, they jump into cruising cars. They have made another mistake. After transferring to his second bus which starts onto the limited access, divided Highway 99, Sannes gets off the bus, runs across the busy traffic lanes, and eludes the watchers by hiding until after dark. A differently dressed Sannes slips into the offices of the Seattle P.l. Sannes waits until Jack Doughty is alone, then goes up to him to tell him that he needs a few minutes to speak with him alone. An incredulous Doughty is told the story of Sannes' help to the FBI in effecting the capture of Chip Marshall, and of his subsequent recruitment by the feds. Doughty is not told of the details of the reasons for Sannes' work with the FBI, and is only told of the obstruction of justice conspiracy in the Seattle 7, ROTC, and Army truck bombing cases. Doughty brings in his top investigative reporter, Walter Wright, who is shown a copy of the affidavit made earlier that day. Neither the managing editor nor Wright express much belief in what Sannes has to say about the FBI being involved in directing an obstruction of justice conspiracy. Sannes swears them to silence, and explains to them both that the proof of what he had told them will be established if the Justice Department files an executed motion for dismissal with prejudice with the 6th District Court.

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FEDERAL COURTHOUSE, SEATTLE

April 8, 1971

Seattle P.1. reporter, Maribeth Morris, picks up a copy of a motion for dismissal with prejudice, executed personally by Attorney General of the United States John N. Mitchell, as to all 15 federal conspiracy and firebombing felony charges against the 8 defendants in the University of Washington Air Force ROTC Building case. SEATTLE March to November, 1971

The carpet cookie had been crumbled. The FBI took the bait. After two weeks of attempts to investigate the story and countless fruitless attempts to get the FBI to comment, the Seattle P.1. and the Hearst newspapers broke the story. An AP correspondent in Seattle takes Sannes for dinner to the 13 Coins Restaurant, one of Seattle's finest, and during the meal asks for exclusive rights to Sannes' obituary, and a photograph to be used in the event of his untimely demise. Don Oliver of NBC films an exclusive story on the bridge bombing plot. Another sworn Sannes affidavit is filed with the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in connection with the appeal of the contempt of court citations against the Seattle 7. A third Sannes affidavit confessing to conspiracy to obstruct justice is filed as part of a motion for dismissal of the felony charges against James E. Green, a defendant in the Longview Truck Bombing case. The federal judge, George Boldt, is picked by President Nixon to head the Pay Board a few days before Sannes is scheduled to give open court testimony in that case. Sannes is followed everywhere by FBI agents mouthing silent death threats, until a disguised John Kifner, a correspondent for the New York Times, watches this action for three hours. The FBI hunt for the notional espionage ring. The FBI safe house where they had stashed Jeffrey Paul Desmond proves not to be very safe. Sannes, with the assistance of political radicals, finds Desmond. A knock on the door brings an unsuspecting Desmond to be confronted by a grim faced Sannes who quietly tells Jeff to come outside and walk slowly ahead of him. Desmond had been snared by

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the old finger in the raincoat trick. Desmond physically shrinks when he approaches the waiting car and sees John Van Veenendaal standing beside it. Jeff is politely asked to get into the front seat of the car between Thurman Fremsted and Van Veenendaal. Sannes gets into the back seat next to a silent Walter Wright of the Seattle P.l. When Dave asks Jeff if he wants to have a chance for a new life, a terrified Jeff says yes. Then Sannes asks Jeff to start at the beginning of his involvement as an informant, and to recount his role in as much detail as he could remember. Sannes tells Jeff that if he caught him in a lie, there will be no more questions. Desmond confesses non-stop for two hours. Jeff tells of his recruitment by Louis Harris, and of his work in carrying out the bombings of the University of Washington Architecture Building and the University Way Post Office. Jeff tells it all. Walter Wright's tape recorder gets it all. Then Jeff is fed and taken to KING TV to be interviewed by Mike James. When the video taped interview is concluded by the NBC affiliate, Desmond calls back to the safe house, where the call is answered by a very irate FBI agent who orders Jeff to get back there. Sannes, who recognizes the voice of the FBI agent, says Jeff can't come out to play until he has completed his media interviews. The FBI agent breaks the connection, and Sannes, Fremsted, Van Veenendaal, and Desmond go into the underground for the next two weeks. After the Seattle P.l. and KING TV have run their stories, Sannes goes to a radical house to live. He has need of new quarters due to a very unusual incident just before he found Desmond. That had started when John Kifner had come to Seattle to interview Sannes for the New York Times. Kifner checked into the Olympic Hotel under an assumed name, to await his interviewee. Sannes, accompanied by his bodyguard (by this time, Sannes had been subjected to months of intense FBI surveillance and literally hundreds of death threats from agents who had taken to walking in front, in back, and on his sides, in a moving pocket), Fremsted, had been walking along the west side of the hotel until they came abreast of the 6 story parking garage and the entrance to its 4th floor sky bridge .. Suddenly Fremsted and Sannes ran from the agents and raced up the

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stairway to the sky bridge. Running a few paces ahead of the nearest FBI goon, the pair raced across the bridge and slipped into a normally locked hotel stairwell door that had been left ajar by a confederate. They slammed the door shut on the FBI agents and raced up to the 10th floor room occupied by Kifner. After 7 hours of interviewing, the 3 went down to dinner in the Olympic Grill Restaurant, with Kifner dressed in old denims as had been arranged before Kifner left New York. The 3 had barely been seated in the elegant hotel restaurant before the first FBI agent walked in and spotted them. Throughout the leisurely supper, 3 FBI agents, each alone at tables surrounding them continued with their pattern of persistent, silent death threats directed at Sannes. At the end of the meal, Kifner got up and approached the agent who obviously was in charge. Taking out his New York Times identification, he introduced himself and asked for the man's name and \D. The 3 shocked agents jumped up, almost as one, threw cash down on their tables, and rushed out of the restaurant. Kifner had watched the dozens of death threats by men acting under color of their badges. It was, he said later, one of the key things that convinced him that Sannes had been telling him the truth. With the FBI surveillance team in a momentary panic, Sannes, Fremsted, and Kifner sprinted out the door and across to the parking garage, where a woman waited in a car with the engine running. She jumped out, Fremsted jumped behind the wheel, and the 3 raced off going down the sidewalk against traffic on a one-way street. The surveillance vehicles were lost within a couple of blocks. Then Kifner went to the place where he was to meet the U. of W. police officer for another interview. When hours later, they all went by Dave's place to drop him off, they walked him to his door. Sannes' rooms had been methodically destroyed. All the fixture and cabinets had been smashed, the carpet cut to shreds, all of the furniture and personal belongings had been slashed and/or trashed. Although Sannes was not a rocket scientist, it seemed possible that the havoc wreaked had something to do with the tricks he had played on the FBI that day. He

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moved to the radical house that night, and found there a brilliant, lovely woman named Lyda Held. When the media had come out with the confessions of Jess Desmond to being a bomber for the FBI, Sannes came out of hiding and moved back to the radical house, where Lyda lived. The seeds of mutual passion, that first night back, planted so lustily, soon turned into love; they were married that December. Lyda was a political idealist and activist; her father was one of the most senior scientists working for the Atomic Energy Commission. He had worked on the Manhattan Project, he still worked for the A.E.C. But what made his daughter happy, made him happy. N.E.T. and P.B.S. filmed a story on Sannes, Desmond, and another FBI bomb plotter, Alfred Burnett. Burnett, at the direction of FBI Special Agent Stephen Travis, according to Burnett, had given a bomb to Larry Ward, paid him to set it off at the Leon Hardcastle Realty, and had come forward to tell it to the King County Grand Jury, which Sannes had been lobbying to investigate the case. Sannes also publicly called for a federal grand jury investigation of the FBI and U.S. Attorney Stan Pitkin concerning their actions in his and Desmond's cases. White House and Justice Department pressure caused N.E.T. to cancel their story on Desmond, Burnett, Sannes, and the FBI. Public protests caused P.B.S. and N.E.T. to make the cancelled story to be run the following week in October as the subject of a two hour special on 205 public television stations. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the contempt citations of the Seattle 7. Stan Pitkin, after a decent interval, dismissed, without explanation, all charges against the Seattle 7. Former United States Attorney General Ramsey Clark, who had become a critic of J. Edgar Hoover, financed a trip by Sannes to participate as a speaker at the Committee on Public Justice conference at Princeton University. That conference, sponsored and/or attended by such people as Clark, Burke Marshall, Arthur Schlesinger, Mrs. Marshall Field, Norman Dorsen, Jules Feiffer, Warren Beatty, Paul Newman, Frank Donner, Martin Peretz, and many other prominent ACLU supporters, heard from Sannes many of the facts of what he had done. National media attention to Sannes was intense at

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the meeting. Sannes did not tell anyone how it was that he came to be an agent provocateur for the FBI. He did not believe that he would have had the same impact if he had presented himself as a patriot who had decided that the preservation of the Bill of Rights, the Constitution, and our reasonably democratic way of life, called him to arms. He did not present himself as an American Hero in the tradition of his idol, Nathan Hale. He did not even present himself as an ordinarily decent citizen. He just publicly detailed his commission of criminal acts and implicated FBI Special Agents Bert Carter and Louis Harris as his crime partners. Sannes hunted down and brought forward two other self-confessed bombers, who also implicated FBI agents as crime partners. He publicly taunted President Nixon and the Justice Department of John Mitchell to convene a general grand jury to inquire into his allegations, and to either indict him for his confessed criminal acts or to conversely, indict him for perjury and obstruction of justice in executing affidavits in the Seattle 7, ROTC Fire-Bombing, and Longview Army Truck Bombing cases. He publicly accused J. Edgar Hoover, Nixon, and Mitchell of running a criminal operation to discredit political opponents, and of directing a criminal coverup of the parts of this gang that he had publicly exposed. Sannes gave a detailed account of his participation in crimes carried out at the direction of the Justice Department. He spoke at the University of Washington on this same theme. It was perhaps significant that Sannes drafted a very long and highly detailed letter to United States Senator Sam Ervin pleading for a Senate investigation of his charges. He argued, in that letter, that it was an incontestable fact that serious federal crimes had been committed, and that nobody was being prosecuted for them. The letter argued that Sannes had either committed serious crimes for the FBI or he had perjured himself in affidavits that had been put before federal prosecutors and judges as part of defense attorney efforts that had resulted in the quashing of 37 federal felony indictments. The letter to Sam Irvin also detailed the public confessions of Desmond and Burnett.

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The FBI surveillance of David R. Sannes never stopped, but the constant death threats against him stopped after the Ki fner incident. Sannes even called J. Edgar Hoover's office to demand an investigation and staged a sit-in at the FBI office in Seattle for the same purpose. The FBI agents in the office fled into interior offices and had the Seattle Police arrest Sannes. The FBI refused to press charges, and Sannes was released before he could be booked. Sannes also collected a great many sworn affidavits from witnesses to his FBI sponsored acts. The Justice Department took no action. SEATTLE December 28, 1971

An article in the Seattle Times details the seven major changes in the FBI leadership that had been made by 1. Edgar Hoover in the months following Sannes' public charges of FBI criminal acts. Charles D. Breman, appointed just a year earlier as assistant director for domestic intelligence was demoted to the rank of inspector. William Sullivan, assistant director of the general investigative division, came to FBI HQ one day and found Hoover had changed the locks on his office door, and that he had been terminated. James H. Gale, the assistant director in charge of the special investigation division, had his letter of resignation accepted. The list went on, almost as if Hoover had become upset by something. But what could it be? Sannes reads the article and hopes it wasn't anything he had said. Perhaps there was a problem in heretofore pristine public image of the FBI. One thing was for sure, no FBI agent had ever been indicted or convicted for any felony. It was also true that before Sannes went in from the cold to the law offices of Jeffrey Steinborn, no stain had ever sullied the escutcheon of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Hoover guarded the public reputation of the FBI like a corpulent queen bee protects her eggs. It was much the same, for the FBI was Hoover's own. Who could tell the reason for the massive shakeup. Sannes thought perhaps it was something he said to the assembled law students at Yale University. SEATTLE March - September, 1972

Efforts by Sannes to force a federal grand jury to investigate continue. On a daily basis, for many weeks, he stands in front of the U.S. Courthouse in

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Seattle passing out .literature detailing the allegations and the unanswered legal questions. When that fails, he tries to get before a federal judge by chaining himself to the main entrances that he chained shut. He is cut loose without charge. He then tries to physically force his way past the federal police guarding the lobby in an effort to force the U.S. Attorney, Stan Pitkin, to have him arrested and brought to trial before a judge. Day after day he wrestles with the same two federal policemen in the main lobby of the courthouse. On one occasion, Sannes has one federal cop down on the floor in a punishing headlock. It is the lunch hour, the lobby is packed, Jurors, prospective jurors, deputy federal prosecutors, private attorneys, courthouse visitors, and clerical people have to walk around Sannes and the two struggling policemen. No one would arrest Sannes. Finally, Sannes comes armed with a 5 gallon pail of loose cow shit, splatters it around the lobby and kicks it on the two stinking federal men. No one would arrest Sannes although about 15 Deputy U.S. Marshals converge on the lobby in response to one cop's plaintive walkie-talkie message that: "Sannes is down here in the lobby kicking cow shit on us." The marshals throw Sannes bodily out of the courthouse. Outside, as Sannes wipes the shit off of his shoes, a lawyer acquaintance warns Sannes to get off of the grass lest he be arrested. Sannes asks him if he is kidding, telling him that he has just splashed liquid cow manure all over the lobby, kicked it on two federal cops, and couldn't buy an arrest. The lawyer laughs, and while approaching the main doors, continues to look back at Sannes, and pushes his arm against one of the doors to open it. With a look of shock, he looks down at his suit sleeve and left arm. It is covered with shit. As Sannes leaves the courthouse, he tells a federal marshal that he will have to be back the next day and take a lot sterner measures. The next morning, as Sannes nears the main courthouse entrance, he is arrested by over 30 federal agents and charged with littering federal property. At his trial, before Chief U.S. District Judge William T. Beeks, Sannes gets a judge to listen. Beeks orders the U.S. Attorney to convene a special federal grand jury to investigate Sannes and his allegations, and orders that Pitkin

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recuse his office from running the grand jury. Sannes then pleads guilty to littering. Beeks then asks Sannes what kind of sentence he would give himself for the littering conviction, a misdemeanor. Beeks says that he ordinarily would be inclined to sentence Sannes to a few days at the honor farm at the McNeil Island Federal Penitentiary, but due to Sannes' proven propensity to mishandle cel1ain farm products, that was out. Sannes replies that he would recommend that the judge sentence him to 10 days in the King County Jail. Beeks says, so ordered. Beeks then gives Sannes until after Labor Day to begin serving his sentence. THE WATERGATE BU[LDING, WASH[NGTON D.C. There was a burglary there that night. U.S. COURTHOUSE, SEATTLE June 20, 1972 June [6, 1972

One of Attorney General John Mitchell's trusted associates hears the testimony of David R. Sannes. Sannes does not testify with any grant of immunity. He testifies about his background, the facts of his help to the FBI in apprehending Chip Marshall, his recruitment as an undercover agent for the FBI, about his involvement in a conspiracy directed by FB[ Assistant Special Agent-In-Charge Bert Carter to commit bombing and felony murder, about his involvement in a conspiracy to obstruct justice at the behest of FB[ Special Agent Louis M. Harris. He testifies about the circumstances of his coming in from the cold, and he testifies about his efforts to have these criminal acts examined. He pleads with the grand jury to either indict him for his participation in FBI crimes, or if they don't believe him, to indict him for perjury and obstruction of justice. He delivers his sworn testimony in a narrative form because the federal attorney declines to ask him questions. He does not mention why he had become an FB[ undercover operative. He wants to go to trial. But John Mitchell controls the grand jury. The federal grand jury takes no action. [n fact, it disbands soon after Sannes completed his testimony.

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SNOHOMISH COUNTY JAIL, SNOHOMISH, WASHINGTON September, 1972 Sannes is transported, in chains and leg irons, to the jail from Seattle by two deputy U.S. Marshals. He is booked and taken back to maximum security. Four men are housed in solitary cells. They are locked down. One man, who is on a parole violation hold from the Montana State Prison at Deer Lodge, is out of his cell. He has just served 19 years, 8 of them on death row (for murdering the deputy warden and another inmate who was a snitch), in prison. He went to Everett, WA within 30 days of his release on parole, to visit his sister. Within an hour of being reunited with her, he beat her senseless. On the day of his arrest, he had held a guard captain at the Snohomish County Jail hostage for several hours. He had originally gone to prison after he had made a man into a paraplegic in a barroom brawl. At Deer Lodge, he made a vegetable out of one inmate, killed another man by knocking him out and putting him in a bakery oven, and shot a deputy warden to death in a famous prison riot and takeover. Time Magazine had reported that the wife of the deputy warden had asked that he be released, and the man had told her that she could have him as he kicked the man's body off the top of the wall of the besieged prison. Sannes is not locked in his cell by the jail guards. They put him into the common area in front of the 9 solitary confinement cells with the murderer. The man from Deer Lodge, as soon as the guards leave them, asks Sannes why he is in jail. Sannes tells him for littering. The giant gets a funny look on his face as he asks how a person could get maximum security for littering. Dave tells him that he had splattered a 5 gallon pail of cow shit around the U.S. Courthouse and kicked some of it on two federal policemen, and maybe that has made him unpopular with the guards. The man gets Sannes to tell the story of his arrest, and then laughs and shakes hands with him. The man then recounts how his best friend on death row had been beaten to death for shit-bucketing a guard, one too many times. On death row there had been no toilets, only buckets. Periodically, the irunate had to be let out to the front of his cell to empty his bucket into a

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honey cart. On the day he died, the man's friend had flipped a full bucket over a guard's head and then punched him in the stomach. The guard gasped. Later a goon squad had taken the bucketeer to the hole. He died there, allegedly while resisting. The laughing giant then tells Sannes that he had been told by a guard that Sannes was an unreliable snitch, and if he died back in maximum, the guards would claim Sannes had attacked the giant with a shank, which would be found with Sannes' fingerprints on it. The giant is criminally insane perhaps, but not stupid. Sannes has no trouble in jail, but he has wearied of the war. SEATTLE 1976

The Church Committee has begun an investigation of the FBI and CIA. On a cold, wet day in Seattle, Jeff Desmond finds Sannes at the Corner Market Building, an historic building that Sannes is managing the rehabilitation of. Desmond says that he is going to be interviewed by a staff member of the Church Committee within a week's time. He wants a safe place to stay until then. Sannes takes him to a radical house where Jeff is taken in. A few days later, Sannes gets a telephone call at the project site. An anonymous caller tells him that he could end up just like Desmond. A few hours later, Sannes hears a radio broadcast account of the murder of Jeffrey Paul Desmond, alone in a room at the not-so-safe house. The next morning's Seattle Times and Seattle P.1. carry the statement of Seattle Chief of Police, George Tielsch, who says Desmond had been assassinated by a professional. Desmond had opened the door for his killer, been seated on a couch while a couch cushion had been placed against his chest, and a 22 caliber bullet had been fired into his heart. Sannes does not contact the Church Committee.

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EPILOGUE
From the moment that he walked out of the Snohomish County Jail in September, 1972, until the present time, Sannes has lived in an unspoken truce with the FBI. He has never stopped living in fear of an FBI ordered assassination. He had learned to live with that fear. The FBI had been informed that tapes would surface if Sannes died. But the FBI, under 3 Presidents after Nixon, and several Directors after Hoover, had never given up their interest in him. The FBI has never stopped shadowing Sannes. Sannes until this day has a miner's canary dangling so the FBI has an alternative to murdering him. Dave has waited long enough to set the record straight. He is filing for his FBI files. Why? He has lived a full life. The story must be told, the lessons must be learned, or American is doomed to repeat its history of elevating men like Joseph McCarthy, 1. Edgar Hoover, Richard Icord, Richard Nixon and John Mitchell. A few words must be written to acknowledge the inestimable value of the love and support given to David by Lyda Held, his friend, lover, and wife during this extraordinarily difficult period. From the time that their romantic involvement began in July, 1971, through the traumatic events of the next few years, she helped to give Sannes the strength to carry on. She shared the dangers of Sannes' life when few others cared enough about democracy in this country to put their lives on the line for it. She endured the death threats by FBI agents, even after the everfollowing agents of the Bureau forced her car off the road, even after 1. Edgar Hoover publicly released a letter claiming that he was "refer(ing) this matter to the Department of Justice," i.e., the prosecution of Sannes. She worked to support them both while he was out working to expose the criminal acts of the FBI. She tirelessly helped her husband to build a free dental clinic and pharmacy to serve the indigent. She put her life on the line to help excise the growing cancer of tyranny from the body politic of the country she loved so well.

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It was a labor of love for Sannes to help repay her love and support by supporting her through her undergraduate studies and dental school. Lyda graduated from the University of Washington Dental School near the top of her class. She won a fellowship for study to become a periodontal surgeon. She had a dental practice in Seattle area for more than ten years.

A FINAL NOTE

The struggle to preserve the Constitution and Bill of Rights and to extend its rights to every American citizen was not won at the Battle of Watergate, nor when Oliver North was put on trial. The fight goes on in daily battles all over the globe. It will be left for others to judge my actions in this war. As for me, I am proud of myself, and my undercover work against criminal elements of the FBI, the Department of Justice, and Nixon's White House. To those that helped me, my thanks. To the ACLU, my special thanks.

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