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===2AC K BLOCKS===
***SPECIFIC KRITIKS*** ................................................................................................................................... 4 A2: Agamben K ...................................................................................................................................................... 5 A2: Ableism K ........................................................................................................................................................ 8 A2: Anthropocentricism K .................................................................................................................................... 13 A2: Apocalyptic Rhetoric K ................................................................................................................................. 17 A2: Bataille K ....................................................................................................................................................... 20 *A2: Baudrillard K ............................................................................................................................................... 23 A2: Badiou K ........................................................................................................................................................ 28 *A2: Borders K ..................................................................................................................................................... 32 *A2: Buddhism K ................................................................................................................................................. 35 *A2: Butler K ........................................................................................................................................................ 36 *A2: Burke K ........................................................................................................................................................ 39 A2: Cap K ............................................................................................................................................................. 40 *A2: Chernus K .................................................................................................................................................... 45 A2: Coercion K ..................................................................................................................................................... 46 A2: Competitiveness K ......................................................................................................................................... 48 *A2: DADA K ...................................................................................................................................................... 51 *A2: Death Drive K .............................................................................................................................................. 52 A2: Deleuze and Guattari K .................................................................................................................................. 53 *A2: Derrida K ..................................................................................................................................................... 58 A2: Ecofeminism K .............................................................................................................................................. 59 A2: Foucault K ...................................................................................................................................................... 63 A2: Fem K............................................................................................................................................................. 67 --1AR Ext. # 6 .................................................................................................................................................... 69 --1AR Ext. # 7 .................................................................................................................................................... 70 --1AR Ext. # 9 .................................................................................................................................................... 72 --A2: Fem Sci-Fi .............................................................................................................................................. 73 A2: Frontier K ....................................................................................................................................................... 74 A2: Heidegger K ................................................................................................................................................... 78 A2: Hetronormativity K ........................................................................................................................................ 81 --A2: Edelman .................................................................................................................................................... 84 *A2: Kappeler K ................................................................................................................................................... 85 A2: Kato K ............................................................................................................................................................ 86 A2: Lacan K .......................................................................................................................................................... 91 *A2: Mann K ........................................................................................................................................................ 96 *A2: Mobility K .................................................................................................................................................... 97 *A2: Nietzsche K .................................................................................................................................................. 98 *A2: Predictions K ................................................................................................................................................ 99 A2: Race K .......................................................................................................................................................... 103 --1AR Ext. #9 ................................................................................................................................................... 107 *A2: Schmitt K ................................................................................................................................................... 108 A2: Schlag/Normativity Bad K ........................................................................................................................... 109 A2: Security K .................................................................................................................................................... 113 *A2: Statism K.................................................................................................................................................... 117 *A2: Synoptic Delusion K .................................................................................................................................. 118 A2: Taoism K ...................................................................................................................................................... 122 A2: Time-Space Compression K ........................................................................................................................ 126

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*A2: Transport Rationality K ............................................................................................................................. 130 *A2: Virilio K ..................................................................................................................................................... 131 *A2: Zizek K – Cap ............................................................................................................................................ 133 *A2: Zizek – Psychoanalysis .............................................................................................................................. 134 ***GENERIC K ANSWERS*** ....................................................................................................................... 136 A2: Biopower ...................................................................................................................................................... 137 A2: D-Rule .......................................................................................................................................................... 137 --Constitution =/= D-Rule ................................................................................................................................ 140 A2: Ethics............................................................................................................................................................ 141 Extinction 1st ....................................................................................................................................................... 142 A2: Fiat = Illusion ............................................................................................................................................... 145 A2: Generic Indicts ............................................................................................................................................. 146 --Cap Specific .................................................................................................................................................. 147 A2: Genocide ...................................................................................................................................................... 148 A2: ―_______ology‖ ........................................................................................................................................... 149 A2: Reps 1st ......................................................................................................................................................... 152 A2: Role of the Ballot ......................................................................................................................................... 154 A2: Root Cause ................................................................................................................................................... 155 --Cap =/= Root Cause ...................................................................................................................................... 156 --Otherization =/= Root Cause ......................................................................................................................... 157 --Patriarchy =/= Root Cause ............................................................................................................................ 158 --Poverty =/= Root Cause ................................................................................................................................ 161 A2: Util Bad ........................................................................................................................................................ 162 A2: VTL .............................................................................................................................................................. 163

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2AC K Blocks 4/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah ***SPECIFIC KRITIKS*** .

wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. for a certain class of problems. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. I will suggest. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro.4 However. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. from this standpoint. However.e. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. .6 Moreover. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. event or phenomenon. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry.. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. of course. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. in contrast. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. it is by no means clear that it is.2AC K Blocks 5/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Agamben K 1. Thus. 2. of Southampton. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. Yet. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical action are foregrounded. Aff impacts come first . 4. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. for example. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. and prioritisation of. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. In other words. Perm. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. loosely deployed or not. if this is the case. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. It encourages this view because the turn to. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. In one respect. as Shapiro points out. yet. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. 3. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement.

and in the long run. These critiques can be divided into three main categories—theoretical critiques. Everywhere biopolitics is intrusive. While top-down planning emphasizes on governmental authority. Hamid Mohammadi. in other words. I believe that critiques concerned with power is more important due to strong and mutual relations between power and planning and their mutual effects on each other. It is clear that power 'can‘ mislead. In the new model. By 1969 it had fallen to 2.+Communicative+planning+concentrates+on+bottom-up+approach&source=bl&ots=AZZWTDwJo&sig=_P1pb8HH0JFnuadQcYOqHRGHSqE&hl=en&sa=X&ei=mg0UUMbbM5KBrQHAi4C4Bw&ved=0CEsQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Jurgen%20Habermas's%2 0theory%20of%20communicative%20action%20has%20been%20basis%20of%20communicative%20planning%20theory. even if power relations were the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts. social engineering project — had a great deal to do with that change. Even in the late 1920s. Moreover. 7. it seems to me that an assessment of the potentials of modernity that ignores the ways in which biopolitics has made life tangibly better is somehow deeply flawed. that the new model of German modernity is even more relentlessly negative than the old Sonderweg model. as empowering them. bottom-up planning pays particular attention to local communities as main actors in planning process. 6. or indeed as doing anything positive for them at all. 1 2 See for example Usborne.7 percent. Biopolitics creates a better life. Biopolitics is almost never conceived of— or at least discussed in any detail — as creating possibilities for people. and sometimes intrusive. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. top-down. as expanding the range of their choices. Neg‘s burden to prove we‘re the bad form of power and planning Mohammadi ‘10 (Dr. Fascism. ―Biopolitics. MB. Shiraz City.2AC K Blocks 6/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah approach which gets things right. Mitchell.com/books?id=Tue8HJKIPrkC&pg=PA148&lpg=PA148&dq=Jurgen+Habermas's+theory+of+communicative+action+has+been+basis+of+commu nicative+planning+theory. By 1913. there is virtually a biopolitical consensus. There was a reason for the ―Machbarkeitswahn” of the early twentieth century: many marvelous things were in fact becoming machbar. then. nor is it accurate to focus only on the ―inevitable‖ frustration of ―delusions‖ of power. Reforming Sex. technocratic. Saadi Community – Page 33-34 http://books. communicative planning theory has also been widely criticized.benefits outweigh the costs Dickison. but it only 'can‘. constraining. Communicative planning concentrates on bottom-up approach and real citizen participation in decision-making. Assistant Professor at Yazd University and also holds an Urban Planning PhD from Kassel University – from the Book Citizen Participation in Urban Planning and Management: The Case of Iran. 2004 . 5. Both of the two 'bottom-up' and 'top-down* planning approaches have been faced with certain limits and potentials. we should distinguish the power which detriments people from the power which may help people and leads to educate them.3 percent (132).2 The expansion of infant health programs — an enormously ambitious. time was on the side of that opposition.%20Communicative%20planning%20conce ntrates%20on%20bottom-up%20approach&f=false) Jurgen Habermas's theory of communicative action has been basis of communicative planning theory. cultural. and critiques regarding the relations between power and planning—among which. one that partakes in crucial ways of the essential quality of National Socialism. . and by 1929 (when average real purchasing power was not significantly higher than in 1913) it was only 9. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. which in fact embodied the historical movement of modernization. at the most simple-minded level. premodern elites were constantly triumphing over the democratic opposition. But at least there was an opposition. limiting. R. it is not really accurate to call it a ― Wahn‖ (delusion. or. It would be bizarre to write a history of biopolitical modernity that ruled out an appreciation for how absolutely wonderful and astonishing this achievement — and any number of others like it — really was.associate professor of history at UC Davis (Edward Ross. Democracy: Some Reflections on Our Discourse about "Modernity‖‖. various political. In that sense. European Historical Statistics. 1750—1970 (New York. oppressive thing. To give just one example.1 And that consensus is almost always fundamentally a nasty. accessed from JSTOR on 7/4/12) It is striking.google. many social engineers could and did look with great satisfaction on the changes they genuinely had the power to accomplish. 130. namely. one in five children died before reaching the age of one year. Similar to many other theories. The Politics and Grossmann. craziness) at all. Of course. infant mortality in Germany in 1900 was just over 20 percent. The question is that under which condition? In fact. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. There are conditions under which rational critiques of existent and dominant power is possible. and other differences are causes of conflict. it should be mentioned that there are different forms of power and rationality which appear within different political and institutional situations. bureaucratic. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. In that older model. medicalizing. corrupt or limit planning rationality in practice. it was 15 percent. 1975). critiques in practice.

Agamben does not take into account that the site of sovereignty has been displaced. as Foucault writes. The self-regulating capacities of subjects as autonomous actors have become key resources for present forms of government that rely in crucial respects on forms of scientific expertise and knowledge (Rose/Miller 1992).‖82 This is the case. Lemke 5 (PhD in political science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe-University in Frankfurt/Main. Firstly. of patria potestas (father‘s unconditional power Although massacres can be carried out in the name of care. In the political program of the Nazis. the Christian power of love (agape). Finland. Turn – Agamben‘s biopolitics focuses too much on the Nazi state to recognize that liberal societies rule through new multiplicities of agencies to coerce a self-regulating subject. Foucault Studies. Nature. . that bio-power would be nothing but love and care.). Bio-power is love and care only to the same extent that the law. it is that transformation which constitutes the background of what he calls governmentality. as ―the effect. This is not to say. as he suggests. according to Foucault. the ―care for individual life‖. there are at least two major problems that this conception of biopolitics fails to address. (Thomas. of ―the city-citizen game and the shepherd-flock game‖85 – or as I would like to put it. As autonomous patients. sustain. from the beginning of a state‘s existence.81 Admittedly.79 Its means are not law and violence but care. biopolitics today is becoming more and more a responsibility of sovereign subjects. the result.83 it should not be understood.78 It explains why political power that is at work within the modern state as a legal framework of unity is. Its role is not to threaten lives but to ―ensure. 20-21 According to Foucault. that is to say. While in the eugenic programs in the first half of the 20th century biopolitical interventions were mainly executed by the state that controlled the health of the population or the hygiene of the race. however. Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies.86 They follow from the logic of sovereign power. NUMB 1. Decisions on life and death are less the explicit result of legal provisions and political regulations but the outcome of an ―invisible hand‖ that represents the options and practices of sovereign individuals (Lemke 2002b. it is less the state that regulates by direct interventions and restrictions. it relies on a limited conception of the state which does not take into account important political transformations since the Nazi era. according to Benjamin. since the capacity and competence of decision-making is increasingly ascribed to the individual subject to make ―informed choices‖ beyond political authoritarianism and medical paternalism. or the logical consequence‖ of bio-political rationality. Although the twentieth century thanatopolitics is the ―reverse of bio-politics‖. While there are probably convincing reasons to state that in the present we are one step further on the way towards a politicisation of nature. the preoccupation with life is at the same time a struggle against the enemy. They‘ll win ZERO percent of their impact – the massacres that their over-hyped impact evidence cites are NOT because of biopolitics – biopower prevents those massacres.2AC K Blocks 7/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah 8. of life and death over his son) and cura materna (mother‘s unconditional duty to take care of her children). namely.A Critique of Giorgio Agamben's Concept of Biopolitics‖ OUTLINES -COPENHAGEN. He does not take into account that in contemporary liberal societies political power is exercised through a multiplicity of agencies and techniques that are often only loosely associated with the formal organs of the state. the lives of ―each and every one‖. No. May 2005. emphasis in orig. Mika Ojakangas. 2005. even ―massacres have become vital.2005. Agamben‘s analysis is too state-centred. 2. ―"A Zone of Indistinction' . be it God. as Agamben believes. or life.80 It is precisely care. pages 3-13 UNIVERSITY PRESS OF SOUTHERN DENMARK) Agamben sees the novelty of the modern biopolitics in the fact that ―the biological given is as such immediately political. in the era of bio-politics. Koch 2002).84 Rather. which legitimates killing by whatever arguments it chooses. and the political is as such immediately the biological given‖ (1998: 148. by its origin. accompanied by a power that can be called pastoral. it should be understood. p. or rather. bio-political rationality within the modern state. they do not follow from the logic of bio-power for which death is the ―object of taboo‖. and improve‖ them. is violence. VOL 7. 9. active consumers or responsible parents they demand medical or biotechnological options. as an outcome of the ―demonic combination‖ of the sovereign power and bio-power. however. Today. as the opposite of all violence that is at issue in bio-power. because violence is hidden in the foundation of bio-politics.

the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. I will suggest. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. event or phenomenon. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. for a certain class of problems. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. Yet. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. in contrast. of course. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances.. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and action are foregrounded. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. Thus. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p.e. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. . if this is the case. namely. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. from this standpoint. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. However. Aff impacts come first .5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. In other words. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. and prioritisation of. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the neg get the status quo or a competitive policy option.2AC K Blocks 8/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Ableism K 1. 2. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. It encourages this view because the turn to. of Southampton. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. loosely deployed or not. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. as Shapiro points out. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches.6 Moreover.4 However. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. it is by no means clear that it is. yet. In one respect. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. 3. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. for example.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ.

there are self-evident. and reconfiguring the responsibilities for creating. provides professional explanation by revealing the hidden nature of the social world in and through a number of typical steps. what we say in this round will in no way affect anything in reality. We think there may be problems here. 2. p. The anti-social model of disability. political. We are concerned specifically with how this helps. women. As Hacking suggests. including race or sex (Torrance 1992. Again. cultural.2007. Number 4. of people.x/pdf In transportation. 8. The social constructionist. 5. 1999. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. Litman 2003). and Hine 2000. has altered our perspective on expertise such that where we had previously unquestioningly accepted the professional expertise of medical practitioners. 6. including models that still have a currency. difficulties are more in terms of mobility transport system (Bhalla and Lapeyre 1997. Hodgson and Turner 2003. Lancaster. Ian Sommerville. Only focusing on practical politics can produce empowerment for the disabled while disrupting oppressive norms Dewsbury et al 2k4 (Guy. 3. ‗it can still be liberating suddenly to realize that something is constructed and is not part of the nature of things. Hine and Grieco 2003). 63). When access/social rights are not secured and a population is at a disadvantage. nor do we wish to promote one variety of truth claim over another. Lancaster Univ.1111/j. Volume 59. . the elderly. on first consideration. for rhetoric is a powerful force. Rejection of policymaking dooms the affirmative. In explicating the various ways in which disability is a social construct the Social Model highlights the social features of what. we feel. 7. 2000. Traditionally social exclusion indicators have been based on local indices of deprivation that do not account for the These indices are not suitable in certain disadvantaged groups. Manchester Metropolitan Univ. even if ableism the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts. advantages in adopting this position. Karen Clarke. we now equally unquestioningly accept the expertise of the sociologist who wishes to undermine it. This is not to understate its importance.2AC K Blocks 9/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah epistemology right. that is. 19. might appear as a purely physical problem. or human society‘ (Hacking. social exclusion occurs (Bhalla and Lapeyre 1997). such as the disabled. and people who are subject to certain forms of prejudice. mainly with steps 3 and 4. we will suggest that the apparent political importance of the constructionist position is largely rhetorical. various political. this is reflected in the ability of the transport system to provide to all members of a society the same level of access to different opportunities.wiley. Grieco. Arguing that in some way this challenges the ‗social reality‘ of the concept in question. As Hacking (1999) has convincingly shown the validity and importance of challenges to social reality depend very much on what kind of challenge they are. Turner. DETR 2000. Groups at a potential disadvantage often include people with disabilities. for we are not menaced by constructionism. children. 4. Reality shapes discourse – the way the international arena changes shapes the way we perceive and talk about it. Equally. those living in certain areas (urban/rural). Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alternative. They cant indict all transportation – there is the possibility for positivity in transportation infrastructure toward disability Casas '07 Irene Casas National Center for Geographic Information and Analysis University at Buffalo SUNY. Deriving from this that ‗things could be otherwise‘ insofar as new and ‗constructionist‘ models can be used contrastively with models that have preceded them.00635. Disability & Society. sustaining and overcoming disablism‘ (Humphrey. especially historically. Lancaster Univ.2 March) We do not share all these concerns as they apply to the social model of disability. Showing that definitions of a given concept are shifting. but it does not assist us with our ‗what to do next‘ problem. These include: 1. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb.disrupting the inequitable social constructions of people with disabilities is insufficient and leaves the disabled people excluded. repositioning disabled people as citizens with rights. November 2007 http://onlinelibrary. Suggesting that this challenge to the social reality of any given social fact has important political consequences and that the social constructionist is pivotal in the realization of these consequences. Rather. for the disabled.com/doi/10. Mark Rouncefield Lancaster. As Humphrey argues: ‗… the social model harbours a number of virtues in redefining disability in terms of a disabling environment. 4.1467-9272. Dave Randalll. Many social constructionist studies draw attention to the ways in which explanations that were accepted as matters of fact were embedded in the ideologies or discourses of the time and can now be clearly seen as absurd or wrong. where local clusters are not the norm and where exclusion is not necessarily based on lack of access to the transport system. p. The constructionist focus. and other differences are causes of conflict. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers.

. . but also in the rhetorical structure of diseasecentric discourse itself and its general deployment. from within a sociological perspective. must be destroyed. expression. . The emphasis that advocates for people with disabilities place on language captures this concern that the focus of attention is properly placed on the person rather than the condition.‖ yet acts premised on such notions can never truly overcome difference. http://www. Baylor University. conducted along conventional lines.pdf%3Fsequence%3D1&ei=hUL3T52RN4SlrQH1j6iLCQ&usg=AFQjCNHd4PB3kECHEjVxxEx07R2Oqb 2EBg . FFF) Just as disease-centric discourse creates these attitudes. then the condition may stand in for the person in other respects as well. Even when less noxious results follow. Feminist and Marxist arguments. Even.e. any radical claims are readily absorbed into everyday sociological debate. Vol. Professor of Public Management at Suffolk University (David.Over-Signifying with Personhood Against the Backdrop of Disease-Centric Discourse. and in the matter of what we call ‗practical politics‘.. In . leads to a fanaticism in which the "other" should be. The Rhetorical Structure of Disability: Bridging the Gap Between What is „Spoken‟ and What is „Said‟ with Song . is not. and religious act possible. 2. Radical causes are the very stuff of conventional sociology. Valley High School Rishi Shah the metaphor has grown tired.edu%2Fxmlui%2Fbitstrea m%2Fhandle%2F2104%2F5086%2FJeff_Roberts_Masters." If the condition stands in for the person in evoking the right ethical response. A compassionate response that focuses on the condition of a person in a way that permits us to see her in terms of a theme can result in unfair prejudice and discrimination. . radical political commitments are not radical sociologies—they are. respect. the argument that some current sociological approaches propagate a ‗disablist‘ view of society that legitimates the treatment of disabled people. and thus we need to know nothing more about the person than the existence of the condition . i. that is the quite ordinary business of making-do. for example. Viral difference manifests itself not only in the actions and attitudes stemming from disease-centric discourse.Ph. However. for as with so many similar avowals there is less to this than meets the eye. imageries and actions rooted in notions of viral difference and hatred. Disability Studies Quarterly. 7 (Jeff.google. as Button (1991) suggests. advocates encourage the use of terms such as "person with a disability" rather than "the disabled person" so that the person comes first. ―thematizes‖ disability as difference allowing difference to obscure alterity and unique otherness by ―standing in‖ for the individual subject in all encounters. managing.D. nor can they recognize and appreciate the alterity of the other necessary for ethical encounters.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=37&ved=0CGkQFjAGOB4&url=http%3A%2F%2Fbeardocs. we need to examine the sense in which the ‗social model‘ can be seen as ‗radical‘ . compassion. In other words. 22 No. needs to be.8. the condition is the person. in the words of Emmanuel Levinas. In order to pursue this theme. if not tiresome. Spring. A fanaticism in which giving one's life in the destruction of the lives of the "other" is the highest moral. . focusing on the condition carries the risk of what Levinas calls "thematization. not just disabled people) that might inform the design-related questions we want to ask. as here outlined. and the argument presented. it seems that any action towards people with disabilities conveyed in diseasecentric discourse is premised on a notion of viral difference.2AC K Blocks 10/165 35). . this results in mass violence Pfeiffer. The application of the idea may be new but the idea itself. 3-23)bs It is here contended (as the result of the author's research) that accepting the Greek.) And. it is for the most part empty. coping (and obviously everyone ‗makes do‘. Accepting difference causes the alt to fail Roberts. 2002 . whilst simultaneously obscuring their real position within society is but a pale imitation of earlier. Despite the supposedly ‗radical‘ nature and claims of the social model of disability it clearly engages in the ordinary business of sociology and. It can also result in alienation of people with disabilities as others cannot see beyond the apparent physical condition.baylor. difference in terms of disability subsumes the entirety of the person by reducing the individual to a mere condition of difference. A compassionate response that thematizes a person as disabled can cause an underestimation of what that person can achieve and can thereby cut off opportunities for success. Deployment of disease-centric discourse represents and independent rhetorical act which. Actions which place a primacy on difference and its domestication in the acts of ―acceptance of difference‖ are often justified as acts of ―compassion. such a response inappropriately shortcuts the more intense inquiry that is required to determine the needs and desires of that individual and can prevent the ethical response that is due . That is. Masters thesis in Communication. however. and self-worth. Pg. . or modern ontology. similar. (para. In other words. 6-7. as Lois Shepherd (2006) explains: On the other hand. p. unremarkable. ethical. . 9. . Christian.

due to both practical and ethical concerns. claims to universal truth are contingent and historically developed. the Balkan nations. by telling them that ―true goodness and justice‖ requires that they engage in resistance against particular practices of power). Vietnam. have achieved that status at least partly through power struggles. And they go into the country side and into the urban slums in all parts of the world to save souls. of gender. beauty. and any authoritarian group. the Spanish. therefore. JS) As ―agents‖ of the régime of truth. It was far right Islamic terrorists who crashed those planes on September 11. the Japanese did it. their military campaigns during the 1930s and 1940s were to purify Europe and to destroy the influence of the "Christians. their military campaigns during the 1930s and 1940s were to purify East Asia and to destroy the influence of the "white devils. Any ontology which presents a world of experience as inferior to a world of divine law will lead to the oppression of people with disabilities. But the US is not the only country to adhere to this ontology.they all did it. Hendricks. but the ontology was the same: the the rest of the world and US knows truth. must be criticized‖ (Foucault 1991. 2K (U of British Columbia.‖ http://www.http://www. By speaking as if s/he has access to universal truths. justice._ftn6 Another problem with the universal intellectual prophet is that s/he may use his/her authority as an ―agent‖ of the régime of truth to compel others to work against it (e.uwc. Only allowing local action can solve. timeless truths. According to the religious and political leaders it is the soul of the peasant which is in danger from these values. the Chinese . and even beauty. Speaking is inevitably trapped within one‘s own conception of universal truth.2AC K Blocks 11/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah the US during the nineteenth century many persons conceived of a manifest destiny for the country to bring democracy to the rest of the world. the Russians did it. intellectuals can easily speak as if." Some Germans in the 1920s and 1930s conceived of their people as having a pure spirit unsoiled by Western culture. . because rather than being the absolutes they are said to be. the Italians. goodness. of race. far right Islamists. no nation and no religion avoided killing others (if they had the resources to do so) in the name of truth. and what is best for it is are ready to kill others to prove it.g. the French did it. fascists in many dictatorships around the world. hierarchise[d] and order[ed ] . arguing that it works to ―contribute to the functioning of a determinate system of power that . 157). It is this view which unites right wing Christians in the US. By speaking truths as if they were universal and timeless. and of differing intellectual viewpoints were the enemy which had to be destroyed.edu/staff/awhite/christ00. People with disabilities are seen in the US today as the "other" which is concretely involved with the world of experience. Therefore. It was right wing Christians Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson who said it was punishment from God (their god of course) for the denial of God (again their god) in US society. . The peasant must become pious (as defined by the religious leaders) and obey the law (as defined by the political leaders). ultra-orthodox Jews in Israel. the Germans did it. The wording changed a little as did the emphasis.edu/staff/awhite/christ00. Date Accessed: 7/13. they are providing others with universal. In all of these cases value systems embodied in utility functions based on respect and more importantly based on the equality of people. Any ontology which emphasizes ablism and normality dooms people with disabilities to destruction. the universal intellectual‘s suggested tactics for . Claiming to represent others in suggesting prescriptive actions merely continues domination through upholding existing systems of power. in the name of some true knowledge and some arbitrary idea of what constitutes a science and its objects‖ (Foucault 1980d. 10.uwmanitowoc. The scientists present the "facts" which support the definitions of the religious and the political leaders.and therefore their privileged position. The US entered World War II to defend democracy. Any ontology which presents an epistemology based on authority and conformity results in the death of people with disabilities. the intellectual contributes to a system wherein contingent notions are treated as if they are necessary and unchanging.htm . and be received as if. the intellectual tends to support the continuing domination through power of ―some arbitrary idea of what constitutes a science. It is primarily the skeptical intellect which is the target of missionaries.‖ Foucault criticizes such intellectual activity. uncorrupted peasant who worked hard and always obeyed authority. In fact. Therefore. The US entered World War I to make the world safe for democracy. The US built up quite an empire doing it. their epistemology." The English did it. This is problematic. . according to Foucault. ―Foucault‘s Prophecy: The Intellectual as Exile. liberals. their value system. through tactics of coercion whereby competing claims and knowledges are ―filter[ed]. and now in Afghanistan to protect freedom and capitalism. Foucault criticizes such intellectual prescriptions. The US fought in Korea. . Some Japanese in the 1920s and 1930s conceived of their people as having a pure spirit unsoiled by Western culture.uwc. British Columbia Professor. They both had the same ultimate goal: to chastise the US populace in order to force them to embrace their ontology. Kuwait. The religious leaders and the political leaders worked together to keep society stable . they had to be destroyed because they undermined the ideal of the pious. Law is based upon divine revelation and implemented by leaders. justice. It is no accident that West European and US missionaries go to other lands to save souls. and Jews. goodness.manitowoc. As well discussed in Buruma & Margalit (2002). 83). Intellectuals who question motives and means must be removed and silenced.htm. First.. Foucault argues that those claims and knowledges that have come to have the status of universal or ―scientific‖ truth.

1990. Foucault himself expresses a somewhat different ethical concern in an interview: ―[I dream of the intellectual who] contributes to the raising of the question of knowing whether the revolution is worth it . 80). in the act of speaking for others there is something ethically problematic. . . 209). Deleuze states: ―In my opinion you were the first .‖ Addressing Foucault. to teach us something absolutely fundamental: the indignity of speaking for others‖ (Foucault 1977a. . particular and local criticism‖ (Foucault 1980d. as if those others were not to be given the responsibility (and dignity) of speaking and acting for themselves.2AC K Blocks 12/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah resistance may not be as effective as those devised by the individuals who are directly involved in particular struggles. The intellectual who makes universal. therefore. specific level (Foucault 1980d. it being understood that they alone who are willing to risk their lives to bring it about can answer the question‖ (Foucault 1996d. Foucault contends that relations of power are multiple and heterogeneous. and the decision as to whether or not to act and how must. 99. One of these is expressed by Gilles Deleuze in a published conversation with Foucault entitled ―Intellectuals and Power. be left to those who will be carrying out resistance. totalitarian theories‖ have a ―hindering effect‖ on ―the efficacy of discontinuous. 95-96). 225). global pronouncements as to what must be done to resist relations of power within the régime of truth may therefore be offering ineffective advice: ―global. There are also ethical worries lying behind Foucault‘s injunction against intellectual prophecy and prescription. and therefore resistances to power are most effective if they address it on a local. . It seems that for Foucault and Deleuze. Foucault‘s tone here suggests that the prophesying intellectual could send out calls to action that impact others in dangerous and perhaps even life-threatening ways. . and work differently at different locales.

geophysics Associate Professor of Chemical and Biological Engineering Gregory. Direct oil recovery could also be included as an icebreaker capability: POLAR SEA successfully tested a boom-mounted skimming system known as the Vessel of Opportunity Skimming System (VOSS) (as well as other capabilities) while participating in an oil spill exercise off Sakhalin Island in U. fishing. H2¶ S) into the atmosphere. ―POLAR ICEBREAKERS IN A CHANGING WORLD. marine environment.. Responding to a major oil spill in the Arctic is challenging. in computer science from Carnegie-Mellon University. as cleanup activities for an onshore spill near Prudhoe Bay in early 2006 attest. Coast Guard enforces regulations and laws protecting sensitive marine habitats. member of the Defense Science Board. enforcement and deterrence would necessitate an on-scene presence capable of operating in ice. Prevention might also include a regulatory regime. The FOSC is responsible for forging a coordinated and effective response effort with a complex group of government and commercial entities. explosions¶ 2¶ and conflagrations destroy¶ most of the . Where depth of water permits access. the erupting region ‗‗boils over. CA Engineer-Physicist St.stanford. often in dangerous and emotion-laden situations. tankage. Coast Guard units are often the first on scene when a pollution incident is reported. and flooding¶ large areas of land. communications. Petersburg. limiting vessels to geographic areas and seasonal periods appropriate to their ice capabilities. it just says that we talk about human extinction and not animal extinction.S. domestic fisheries enforcement.pdf>] The consequences of a methane-driven oceanic eruption for marine and terrestrial life are likely to be catastrophic. methane¶ loaded with water droplets is much heavier. and the MIT Corporation [Anita. Whereas pure methane is lighter than air. CO2¶ . and recreational boating.‘‘ ejecting a large amount of methane and other gases (e. The U. avoidance of accidents is a key component of protecting the U.S. Figuratively speaking. especially from Russian or Canadian waters. Chemical Engineering California Institute of Technology. boats. 2.S. and foreign vessel inspection. Protecting the Arctic marine environment begins with ensuring the safety of vessels operating in these challenging conditions. 1998. helicopters. The U. mixing with air in the process (and losing water as rain). the Charles Stark Draper Laboratory Corporation. Ph. 3. Perm do both – their link is one of omission. The airmethane mixture is explosive at methane concentrations between 5%¶ and 15%. and thought should be given to the need for new polar icebreakers to be equipped with the latest technology for oil spill response. and the Coast Guard is typically the lead agency for a pollution response effort.S.S. Increases in traffic. Department of Chemical Engineering. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. Closely tied to the U. U. may create U. Pasadena. Coast Guard captains of the port are the designated federal on-scene coordinators (FOSCs) for oil and hazardous substance incidents in all coastal and some inland areas.S.S. Coast Guard‘s new fleet of coastal buoy tenders is equipped with VOSS. Coast Guard‘s safety prevention efforts. September 2003. Northwestern University [―Methane-driven oceanic eruptions and mass extinctions.2AC K Blocks 13/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Anthropocentricism K 1. berthing. Coast Guard seeks to protect the nation‘s natural resources by eliminating environmental damage and the degradation of natural resources associated with maritime transportation. an icebreaker could offer command-and-control capabilities. as well as laws preventing discharge of oil and other hazardous materials.g. statistical physics.D. and endangered marine species. <http://pangea. heavyweight handling gear. U. First author for the Polar Research Board in the National Research Council. and thus spreads over the¶ land. including the availability of icebreaking assistance and comprehensive monitoring of vessel movements. A wide range of activities addresses environmental objectives in offshore lightering zone regulation. cargo space. Petersburg Polytechnic Institute. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. Under the National Contingency Plan. St. marine mammals. Russia Fluid dynamics. The Methane release causes the destruction of the environment and extinction of practically everything Ryskin 3 – Ph. Oil cleanup offshore would be even more difficult due to the dearth of infrastructure and the possibility of ice. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. interest in establishing regulations.S.S. all of which would be of great benefit to cleanup operations. the National Research Council Advisory Council for Policy and Global Affairs.‖ Geology. The Canadian Arctic Shipping Pollution Prevention Regulations (ASPPR) would serve as an obvious example . as such mixtures form in different locations near the ground¶ and are ignited by lightning.D. Coast Guard would clearly have regulatory responsibility for this type of waterways management.edu/research/Oceans/GES205/methaneGeology.‖ Google Book] The U. Icebreaking prevents drilling accidents Jones et al 7 – Professor @ UVA. and support services to smaller craft.

the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action.g. In other words. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars..4 3 1023¶ of the ocean total. for a certain class of problems. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. accumulation of dissolved methane. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. for example. of course.5 3 10¶ 18¶ g. carbon dioxide and the remaining¶ methane create the greenhouse effect.0. Released in a geological instant (weeks. Firestorms carry smoke and dust into the upper¶ atmosphere. 1999. Reality shapes discourse – the way the international arena changes shapes the way we perceive and talk about it. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. Yet. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. 1991. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. one can estimate the amount of¶ methane that could have produced it. de Wit et al. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn.. perhaps). The outcome of the competition between the cooling and the¶ warming tendencies is difficult to predict (Turco et al. where they may remain for several years (Turco et al. development of anoxia. and¶ implies that eruptions are likely to occur repeatedly at the same location..¶ Because methane is isotopically light.g. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). loosely deployed or not. maximum depth¶ only 2. . 4. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. These are very¶ large amounts: the total carbon content of today‘s terrestrial biomass¶ is . Thus. ‗theory-driven work is part of action are foregrounded. e.75 x 10^(19) g of methane would¶ liberate energy equivalent to 10^(8) Mt of TNT. ¶ the ocean settles down. Katz¶ et al. its fast release must result¶ in a negative carbon isotope excursion in the geological record.. the Black¶ Sea alone (volume .0. yet.4 However. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. Pierrehumbert.. of Southampton. event or phenomenon. 2002). 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. . Such calculations (prompted by¶ the methane-hydrate-dissociation model.. relatively small regions of the deep¶ ocean could contain such amounts of dissolved methane. eruption) begins anew.¶ 1991). .. which may lead to global warming.10. I will suggest. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. the metastable state. and also produce great amounts of smoke¶ and of carbon dioxide. 1991). the resulting darkness and global cooling may provide an additional kill mechanism. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. 5. it is by no means clear that it is. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles.10¶ 18¶ to 10¶ 19¶ g of released methane (e.¶ the results range from .000 times greater¶ than the world‘s stockpile of nuclear weapons. Combustion and explosion of 0. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. Conversely. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. 2001. implicated in the nuclearwinter scenario (Turco et al. In one respect. 2002).e.e. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. Nevertheless. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. in contrast. Knowing the magnitude of the excursion. A similar region¶ of the deep ocean could contain much more (the amount grows quadratically with depth¶ 3¶ ).. No external cause is required to bring¶ about a methane-driven eruption—its mechanism is self-contained. at saturation. but equally applicable here)¶ have been performed for several global events in the geological record. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. what we say in this round will in no way affect anything in reality. and the entire sequence of events (i..2 3 10^(18) g. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that.¶ Upon release of a significant portion of the dissolved methane. Kennedy et al. 10^(18) to 10^(19) g of methane could destroy the terrestrial life almost¶ entirely. if this is the case.. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. from this standpoint.2AC K Blocks 14/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah terrestrial life. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may.2 km) could hold.

It seems obvious that we should give ourselves the highest level of intrinsic worth since we are the ones placing the value. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. 1995 (―Anthropocentrism and Ecocentrism: the quest for a new worldview. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. On earth. Many believe that we should nurture indigenous life on Mars. begin terraforming today. Discursive justification of saying we need to do the plan for good reasons and to save lives outweigh any negative affects from using bad or anthropocentric justifications. Professor of Philosophy at Emporia State University. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. the good of all life should outweigh the good of a naturally soon-to-be extinct form of life. What better way than by changing a planet that is currently unable to sustain life into one that can. Mars will not lose its uniqueness. 7.] JL Does Mars have rights? Not really. Life on Mars will evolve and adapt differently than life on earth. 8. Anthropocentrism is key to the existence of life. does it have rights? The answer to that is yes and no. Nov. We will certainly research to see if life does in fact exist on Mars. cultural. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely.6 Moreover. Not only will we enrich our lives but also the life around us. Let us expose terrestrial life to the Martian environment and watch what develops. in biology from Oberlin College and third-year law student at the University of Tennessee in Knoxville. namely. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. but we can research and plan for the future. 2002. even if cap were the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts. However. but we should not put its interests ahead of our own. Winter. and provide a wonderful opportunity to watch and learn. This difference will simultaneously make Mars unique. If there is life on Mars.‖ The Midwest Quarterly. the good of the many indeed outweighs the good of the few (or the one). It is in our best interest to preserve and expand life. http://pajamasmedia. even if it does. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. Brown. It puts our interests at the forefront while still ensuring the existence of all life. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. Perhaps the bacteria are there by accident. Brown 95 — Charles S. and prioritisation of. 6. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. at least that we know of. as Shapiro points out. of course. Certainly we should study any indigenous life on Mars. However. ensure the survival of life through diversification. perhaps they are the ancestors to life on earth. Number 2.195 Life. In fact. 9. but we are a part of that life. 194A possibility exists that we will create new life that could destroy life as we know it. Pinson ‘02 [Robert. the possibility of this occurrence is so much smaller than the possibility of success that we must The most applicable environmental ethic to terraforming Mars is anthropocentrism. Volume 36. It encourages this view because the turn to.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. try. it may be the life that grows on a planet that makes it truly unique. they are perfectly designed for it.‖ Environmental Law Institute News & Analysis. I believe we should let natural selection decide. Their radical devotion to ecocentrism collapses into nihilism and paralysis. It is beautiful and has its use in its present form. various political.A. Perhaps there will be genetic blending among the groups and life will become enhanced in beauty and diversification. earth certainly has not.com/instapundit/lawrev/pinson. We cannot.pdf. In nature. Just because some bacteria may exist on Mars should not mean that all life on earth must stop expanding. of course.2AC K Blocks 15/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. but it also has no life. Planets must be vehicles for life in this universe. But to a certain extent. many would allow the killing of one animal for the good of the whole population or species. Available Online to Subscribing Institutions via Information Access) . ―Ethical Considerations For Terraforming Mars. and other differences are causes of conflict. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. B. has the ultimate intrinsic worth.

. Due to my place in the evolutionary-ecological system I cannot value the life of a child in a ghetto tenement and the lives of a family of rats equally. This is an expression of the wholistic motif present in all forms of ecological thinking. It is a part of the predicament of every species to act from its self interest and to choose to spare the life of any innocent person over the lives of a family of rats in an expression of this evolutionary imperative. too. To do so would be to abdicate all value and leave me unable to act. In this suggestion. To claim that everything has an equal and intrinsic value to everything else is to value nothing above anything else.2AC K Blocks 16/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Deep ecologists regularly urge us to replace our anthropocentrism with an ecocentrism which advocates egalitarian attitudes toward all entities and forms in nature. there is both promise and peril. collapse into nihilism if no distinctions of value are made. however. The radical egalitarianism of ecocentrism will. Its promise lies in the hope that we will be able to see ourselves as enjoying a solidarity with nature.

It encourages this view because the turn to. and prioritisation of. for example. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. In other words.2AC K Blocks 17/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Apocalyptic Rhetoric K 1. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. Reality shapes discourse – the way the international arena changes shapes the way we perceive and talk about it. from this standpoint. of Southampton.e. loosely deployed or not. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. if this is the case. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. . dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field.6 Moreover. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and.. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. of course. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. as Shapiro points out. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. Yet. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. event or phenomenon. 4. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. Thus. Perm. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. However.4 However. it is by no means clear that it is. for a certain class of problems. in contrast. yet. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. what we say in this round will in no way affect anything in reality.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. 3. 2. In one respect. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the neg get the status quo or a competitive policy option. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. I will suggest. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical action are foregrounded.

9. Under the National Contingency Plan. 6. ―POLAR ICEBREAKERS IN A CHANGING WORLD. 5. various political. member of the Defense Science Board. U. We must see the threat of nuclear war as it is: of large but still human dimensions.S. Closely tied to the U. we must develop strong . states will exhibit an incapacity to confront nonbeing that can hasten their disappearance.a forseeable prospect connected with both genocide and war . and so a potentially vicious circle arises. In this painstaking process. Fear of death solves extinction Beres 96 . Only then can we disenthrall ourselves from myths and perhaps lessen the danger.. and the Coast Guard is typically the lead agency for a pollution response effort. professor of philosophy. The idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history doesn‘t make any sense. ―Nuclear War: The Moral Dimension. the solution will come in bits and pieces to be slowly and patiently assembled: a more secure deterrent force replacing a vulnerable one here. So it is today with the State of Israel. it loses. namely." 8. domestic fisheries enforcement.S. we control uniqueness. U. Without such fear. and foreign vessel inspection. Discursive justification of saying we need to do the plan for good reasons and to save lives outweigh any negative affects from using apocalyptic rhetoric.this state is now unable to take the necessary steps toward collective survival. the Charles Stark Draper Laboratory Corporation. the ultimate source of anxiety. Coast Guard enforces regulations and laws protecting sensitive marine habitats. Israel suffers acutely from insufficient existential dread. 7. Israel's blithe unawareness of its national mortality deprives its still living days of essential absoluteness and growth. affirmative attitudes toward the risk of nuclear war. Coast Guard‘s safety prevention efforts. A wide range of activities addresses environmental objectives in offshore lightering zone regulation. and the MIT Corporation [Anita.D. Scholar Fear of death. Bowling Green State University. even if they win they control the root cause of conflict they can‘t act fast enough to solve our specific claims. the National Research Council Advisory Council for Policy and Global Affairs. pg. and recreational boating. Coast Guard seeks to protect the nation‘s natural resources by eliminating environmental damage and the degradation of natural resources associated with maritime transportation. we must dare to bear the risk of nuclear war if we are ever to make that risk go away. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. is essential to human survival. in computer science from Carnegie-Mellon University. Ph. The U.Professor of Political Science and International Law at Purdue University Louis Rene. Coast Guard units are often the first on scene when a pollution incident is reported. as well as laws preventing discharge of oil and other hazardous materials. The FOSC is responsible for forging .‖ Transaction Publishers. because death is the one fact of life which is not relative but absolute. and endangered marine species.2AC K Blocks 18/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah approach which gets things right.S. 176. a cultivated awareness of nonbeing is central to each state's pattern of potentialities as well as to its very existence.S.‖ Google Book] The U. When a state chooses to block off such an awareness. marine mammals. just as for individuals. marine environment. But like all really important problems of human existence. 86 (James W. This is true not only for individuals. Feb. What is more. unfrightened .S.. Nuclear fear is vital to prevent nuclear conflict Child. Icebreaking prevents methane drilling accidents Jones et al 7 – Professor @ UVA. avoidance of accidents is a key component of protecting the U. the altogether critical benefits of "anxiety. a choice currently made by the State of Israel. possibly forever. a mutually adopted measure against accidental war there. Tashma) Likewise.S. and other differences are causes of conflict. cultural. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. And. Coast Guard captains of the port are the designated federal on-scene coordinators (FOSCs) for oil and hazardous substance incidents in all coastal and some inland areas. but also for states. confronting death can give the most positive reality to life itself. In this respect. a very difficult but ultimately tractable problem. fishing. First author for the Polar Research Board in the National Research Council. For states. Refusing to tremble before the growing prospect of collective disintegration .

1998. These are very¶ large amounts: the total carbon content of today‘s terrestrial biomass¶ is ..pdf>] The consequences of a methane-driven oceanic eruption for marine and terrestrial life are likely to be catastrophic. The U.g.10¶ 18¶ to 10¶ 19¶ g of released methane (e. Pasadena.. 1991. as such mixtures form in different locations near the ground¶ and are ignited by lightning. Protecting the Arctic marine environment begins with ensuring the safety of vessels operating in these challenging conditions. e. its fast release must result¶ in a negative carbon isotope excursion in the geological record. Released in a geological instant (weeks.edu/research/Oceans/GES205/methaneGeology. September 2003. CA Engineer-Physicist St. Responding to a major oil spill in the Arctic is challenging. Chemical Engineering California Institute of Technology. Nevertheless. which may lead to global warming. The Methane release causes the destruction of the environment and extinction of practically everything Ryskin 3 – Ph. accumulation of dissolved methane. methane¶ loaded with water droplets is much heavier.. Combustion and explosion of 0. but equally applicable here)¶ have been performed for several global events in the geological record. Petersburg Polytechnic Institute.‖ Geology.. cargo space.. Figuratively speaking. The outcome of the competition between the cooling and the¶ warming tendencies is difficult to predict (Turco et al.¶ Upon release of a significant portion of the dissolved methane.¶ the results range from . development of anoxia.S. boats. all of which would be of great benefit to cleanup operations.0. <http://pangea. Department of Chemical Engineering. including the availability of icebreaking assistance and comprehensive monitoring of vessel movements. the resulting darkness and global cooling may provide an additional kill mechanism. The Canadian Arctic Shipping Pollution Prevention Regulations (ASPPR) would serve as an obvious example . one can estimate the amount of¶ methane that could have produced it.S.. and support services to smaller craft. heavyweight handling gear. implicated in the nuclearwinter scenario (Turco et al. where they may remain for several years (Turco et al. helicopters.5 3 10¶ 18¶ g. the metastable state. . . . interest in establishing regulations. Northwestern University [―Methane-driven oceanic eruptions and mass extinctions.2AC K Blocks 19/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah a coordinated and effective response effort with a complex group of government and commercial entities. CO2¶ . explosions¶ 2¶ and conflagrations destroy¶ most of the terrestrial life.S.000 times greater¶ than the world‘s stockpile of nuclear weapons. at saturation. 2001.2 3 10^(18) g. Kennedy et al. Coast Guard‘s new fleet of coastal buoy tenders is equipped with VOSS.0.¶ 1991). limiting vessels to geographic areas and seasonal periods appropriate to their ice capabilities. de Wit et al. may create U.75 x 10^(19) g of methane would¶ liberate energy equivalent to 10^(8) Mt of TNT. Russia Fluid dynamics. enforcement and deterrence would necessitate an on-scene presence capable of operating in ice. mixing with air in the process (and losing water as rain). as cleanup activities for an onshore spill near Prudhoe Bay in early 2006 attest.¶ the ocean settles down. eruption) begins anew.. Whereas pure methane is lighter than air.2 km) could hold.D. the erupting region ‗‗boils over. and the entire sequence of events (i.g. No external cause is required to bring¶ about a methane-driven eruption—its mechanism is self-contained. relatively small regions of the deep¶ ocean could contain such amounts of dissolved methane.e. and thus spreads over the¶ land. the Black¶ Sea alone (volume .stanford.. 1999. Direct oil recovery could also be included as an icebreaker capability: POLAR SEA successfully tested a boom-mounted skimming system known as the Vessel of Opportunity Skimming System (VOSS) (as well as other capabilities) while participating in an oil spill exercise off Sakhalin Island in U. The airmethane mixture is explosive at methane concentrations between 5%¶ and 15%. Firestorms carry smoke and dust into the upper¶ atmosphere. an icebreaker could offer command-and-control capabilities.g. Oil cleanup offshore would be even more difficult due to the dearth of infrastructure and the possibility of ice. 10^(18) to 10^(19) g of methane could destroy the terrestrial life almost¶ entirely. carbon dioxide and the remaining¶ methane create the greenhouse effect. Where depth of water permits access.‘‘ ejecting a large amount of methane and other gases (e. St. perhaps). and flooding¶ large areas of land. Such calculations (prompted by¶ the methane-hydrate-dissociation model. Prevention might also include a regulatory regime. statistical physics. communications. geophysics Associate Professor of Chemical and Biological Engineering Gregory. maximum depth¶ only 2. A similar region¶ of the deep ocean could contain much more (the amount grows quadratically with depth¶ 3¶ ). Petersburg. and thought should be given to the need for new polar icebreakers to be equipped with the latest technology for oil spill response. 2002). Knowing the magnitude of the excursion. tankage. Pierrehumbert. Conversely.. H2¶ S) into the atmosphere. and also produce great amounts of smoke¶ and of carbon dioxide. Coast Guard would clearly have regulatory responsibility for this type of waterways management.¶ Because methane is isotopically light. Increases in traffic. Katz¶ et al..4 3 1023¶ of the ocean total. often in dangerous and emotion-laden situations.10. berthing. 2002). especially from Russian or Canadian waters. 1991). and¶ implies that eruptions are likely to occur repeatedly at the same location.

This argument is absurd – if we constantly consume. one must attend to the means that are necessary to bring it about.lated several instances of transcendent states that he experienced in the midst of that terri. There‘s always value to life –Prefer our ev because of Frankl‘s subject position. 7. and Politics. a person can always decide how to face adversity. self-transcendence provides mean. PhD Graduate School of Public and International Affairs University of Pittsburgh. 1991b).trospection. This expansion beyond the self occurs through in. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. He believed that these experi. being open to others and the environment. Coontz. And to develop such means is to develop. To do so would require it to contemplate tragic choices in which moral goodness is of limited utility. 1963).. military intervention is an act of "aggression.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. Politics. Through a developmental process individuals gain an increasing understanding of who they are and are able to move out beyond themselves despite the fact that they are experiencing physical and mental pain. Expanding Frankl's work.ing and enables the discovery of meaning for a person (Frankl.S. 4. Frankl (1969) claimed that transcendence occurs by giving to others. in large part. and coming to accept the reality that some situations are un. but it suffers . Vol. To accomplish anything in the political world.ble suffering using his own experiences and observations. et al. but rather terrorist violence abetted by a regime--the Taliban--that rose to power through brutality and repression. 2001. Perm. This requires us to ask a question that most "peace" activists would prefer not to ask: What should be done to respond to the violence of a Saddam Hussein. because they are not accompanied by any account of how diplomacy or international law can work effectively to address the problem at hand campus left offers no such account. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. or a Milosevic. Coontz 1 Phyllis D. 18(4). Aff impacts come first . 5." but no consideration is given to the aggression to which intervention is a response. Dissent Magazine. 6. To say this is not to say that power is beyond morality. Means. Power is the ability to effect outcomes in the world. peace. Max Weber. 49. It is to say that power is not reducible to morality. life can‘t. 2.changeable. and integration of the past and fu. Proquest) As a result. 2. JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH NURSING. He hypothesized that life always has meaning for the individual. PhD from Yale (Jeffery C. Life outweighs the claim to its value because life is a prerequisite – even if value is somehow lost it can always be regained. It is the core of politics. 235-246 – J-Stor In the 1950s. Their moral tunnel vision is complicit with the evil they criticize Issac 2 (Professor of Political Science at Indiana-Bloomington. ―Ends. or a Taliban regime? What means are likely to stop violence and bring criminals to justice? Calls for diplomacy and international law are well intended and important.‖ p. 3. a long-time prisoner in a concentration camp. power. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. we‘ll eventually run out – resources aren‘t infinite. and to exercise. reflecting a kind of personal integrity. But they are also vague and empty. they implicate a decent and civilized ethic of global order.ture to strengthen one's present life (Reed. Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy and Public Life. concern about others and their well-being. psychiatrist and theorist Viktor Frankl (1963) described an existential theory of purpose and meaning in life.2AC K Blocks 20/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Bataille K 1. an unyielding concern with moral goodness undercuts political responsibility. The concern may be morally laudable. Frankl. Power is not a dirty word or an unfortunate feature of the world.ences allowed him and others to maintain their sense of dignity and self-worth. as peace activists would have it. Here what matters is not purity of intention but the intelligent exercise of power. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. The status quo ante in Afghanistan is not. Reed (1991b) linked self-transcendence with mental health. involves contests over the distribution and use of power. Reinhold Niebuhr. Therefore. re. It is assumed that U. As writers such as Niccolo Machiavelli. Iss. the most important political questions are simply not asked. and Hannah Arendt have taught.

is not how to give meaning and force to otherwise absurd and inefficacious acts. that is most significant. University.‖ The Florida State University Press." Is it possible to avoid the "moral calamity of a policy like unilateral disarmament that forces us to choose between being dead or red (while increasing the chances of both)"?74 How one judges the issue of ends can be affected by how one poses the questions. it refuses in principle to oppose certain violent injustices with any effect. But this is an "absurdity‖ on which Bataille himself was the Hrst to insist. Tashma) extremism of Benjamin's and Bataille‘s formulations makes it difficult to see how they can be applied to concrete situations of social struggle. but that does not make it sufficient. from the standpoint of politics--as opposed to religion--pacifism is always a potentially immoral stand. 8. including a democratic way of life and cherished freedoms that give meaning to life beyond mere survival. PhD from Yale. it is often a form of complicity in injustice. If one asks "what is worth a billion lives (or the survival of the species). professor at Wayne State University. The alt goes too far – turns solvency Shaviro. former professor at University of Washington. \ 10. And it undermines political effectiveness. pg. This is why. It alienates those who are not true believers. When we pursue several values simultaneously. it is often the pursuit of "good" that generates evil. always. It is rather how to prevent sacrifice and expenditure from becoming (as is the case in fascism ) new grounds of power or signification. we are likely to get that value and little else. and (3) it fails to see that politics is as much about unintended consequences as it is about intentions. The alternative eternally dooms humanity – makes endless catastrophe inevitable Shaviro. It promotes arrogance. This is the lesson of communism in the twentieth century: it is not enough that one's goals be sincere or idealistic. it is equally important. It is easy to point out the absurdity of Acéphale‗s projects of voluntary self-sacrifice and communal The ecstasy. 90 (Steven. moral purity is not simply a form of powerlessness. In categorically repudiating violence. for Bataille. In that case. Absurdity. 1986. "is it possible to imagine any threat to our civilization and values that would justify raising the threat to a billion lives from one in ten thousand to one in a thousand for a specific period?" Then there are several plausible answers. Served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. professor at Wayne State University. ―Passion and Excess. If we make one value absolute in priority. He can set aside the thought that it is he or God who keeps the rest of things from being absurd]" (OC. (2) it fails to see that in a world of real violence and injustice. Abjuring violence or refusing to make common cause with morally compromised parties may seem like the right thing. Survival is a necessary condition for the enjoyment of other values. But suppose one asks." it is natural to resist contemplating a positive answer. Few people act as though survival were an absolute value in their personal lives. ―Nuclear Ethics‖ pg. Logical priority does not make it an absolute value. former professor at University of Washington. then it is hard to view them as serving any moral good beyond the clean conscience of their supporters. 180). rather than the motives of action. to ask about the effects of pursuing these goals and to judge these effects in pragmatic and historically contextualized ways. it is the effects of action. VE. 40-41. 37-39. 1:445."73 Still others say that "when a person makes survival the highest value. It is an affirmation that opposes the capitalist logic ofputring all productive forces to work. The problem. 9. is not the negative condition it is regarded as by telcological thinkers and existentialists. We can give survival of the species a very high priority without giving it the paralyzing status of an absolute value. ll peut écarter la pensée que c‘est lui ou Dieu qui empéche le reste des choses d‘étre absurde [(Man) is free to resemble everything that is not himself in the universe.‖ The Florida State University Press.2AC K Blocks 21/165 from three fatal flaws: (1) It fails to see that the Valley High School Rishi Shah purity of one's intention does not ensure the achievement of what one intends. 45-46) Is there any end that could justify a nuclear war that threatens the survival of the species? Is not all-out nuclear war just as self contradictory in the real world as pacifism is accused of being? Some people argue that "we are required to undergo gross injustice that will break many souls sooner than ourselves be the authors of mass murder. Just as the alignment with "good" may engender impotence. PhD from Yale. then. pg. ―[L‘homme] est libre de ressembler E1 tout ce qui n‘est pas lui dans l`univers. we face the fact that they often conflict and that we face difficult tradeoffs. or they would never enter an automobile. but if such tactics entail impotence. 90 (Steven. he has declared that there is nothing he will not betray. But for a civilization to sacrifice itself makes no sense since there are not survivors to give meaning to the sacrifical [sic] act. ―Passion and Excess. Utilitarianism is key to morality – Extinction prevents future generation from attaining other values Nye 86 (Joseph S. Some degree of risk is unavoidable if individuals or societies are to avoid paralysis and enhance the quality of life beyond mere survival. Tashma) . The degree of that risk is a justifiable topic of both prudential and moral reasoning. Moral absolutism inhibits this judgment. Phd Political Science Harvard. survival may be worth betrayal.

expenditure without recompense. 6:57). so the decline. le déclin des l‘abord est Pinévitable [Iust as the summit is finally only the inaccessible. with the risk of heroic death as ultimate stake? What experience of time is realized by this leap into die void? The only way to answer such questions may be to alter the way in which they are posed.2AC K Blocks 22/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Yet if the intensity of Bataille‘s involvement is clear. The exuberant violence of Bataille‘s texts is matched only by the pointless dissipation of the energies they invoke. The "yertiginous fall‘‖ takes place in a ―bottomless void.‖ and consequently never hits bottom. his " interior experience" does not culminate in any display of phallic mastery. The ―summit" of ecstasy cannot be extricated from a concomitant "decline": "De méme que le S0mKIlCt n‘est a la fin que l‘inacecssible. And despite Bataille‘s frequent sexual stereotyping and invocations of virility. what kind of "alternative‖ is at stake? What further disaster could be entailed by a ―retreat‖? And is it even possible to retreat? Since the foundations have already crumbled. Does the passage which I have just quoted function as description or as exhortation? On what sort of threshold are we standing. the details of its expression are not. it issues only in an absurd compulsion to repeat. Pure loss. and what is the nature of the "void‖ which lies beyond it? At such a point. For the peculiar effect of Bataille‘s work is that it offers no satisfying conclusions . "Ce qui seul demeure est l‘agitation circulaire—qui ne s‘épuise pas dans l`extase et recommence ai partir d‘elle [What alone remains is circular agitation—which does not exhaust itself in ecstasy and begins again from it]" (OC. 5:130. . from the very first. is inevitable]‖ (OC. leads to no appeasement. Not even the satisfaction of absolute destruction. His obsessive meditations concern— a. lll). is not a fall inevitable? But what sort of courage is available in such a situation? What kind of "conquest" is it which is no longer played out according to the dialectic of master and slave. to approach the threshold of disaster again and again .nd participate in—a catastrophe all the more obscure and unsettling in that it refuses apocalyptic closure. no points of repose. The privileged act of sacrifice serves no end. IE.

But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). www-935. New York. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. Thus. for example. and then the world has changed. using Red Team approaches (Red Teams assume the role of the outsider to challenge assumptions. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. In one respect.it creates a competitive space to imagine new ideas and translate them into practical suggestions—playing devil‘s advocate challenges the status quo and results in emancipatory change Andrews 06 (Peter. The trials of innovators – those who had the courage to be disruptive – are the stuff of legends. And. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. Play with ideas The classic technique for idea generation is a freewheeling. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. What can be put into the empty space that was created? This is where popular tricks for generating ideas can be valuable. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. the process can be made competitive. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. Aff impacts come first .‖ But. ―learning often cannot occur until after there has fiction writer Arthur C.‖ 1 Venturing into the impossible carries many risks: discouragement. bringing in people with different knowledge and perspectives can help push the limits. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. of Southampton. a look at unlearning can be of value since taking even a few steps at unlearning can lead to fresh ideas. ―The been unlearning. failure. August. Unlearning is a process that shows people they should no longer rely on their current beliefs and methods. loosely deployed or not. Then challenge each one. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. Starbuck focuses on this and suggests that we stop thinking of things – theories. to the spoke and hub design of airlines – has been successfully challenged. But. Yet. I will suggest. We have been exposed to huge numbers of ideas. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. William Starbuck of New York University said. In these days of information overload. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. nonjudgmental brainstorming session. one need not be sympathetic to rational . wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. asking to be excused because his brain is full. We need to: 1) Create space for thinking 2) Play with ideas 3) Dare to believe that the impossible ideas might be true 4) Adapt the ideas to useful contexts 5) Take action. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. how do we unlearn? Five steps seem to be essential. Not everyone aspires to innovations that are high impact. And. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. loss of reputation and even ridicule. In an article. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely.pdf) High stakes innovation requires abandoning conventional wisdom. even actively unlearning things we ―know‖ are true. 3. The purpose of questioning is both to clear away clutter and create doubt. As science only way of discovering the limits of the possible is to venture a little way past them into the impossible. He says we should ―start from the premises that current beliefs and methods are ‗not good enough‘ or ‗merely experimental‘.4 However. How do we put these aside? One technique is to list what we ―know‖ about a subject.‖ 3 This is an emancipating concept. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. in contrast. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. Small but profitable innovations are welcome and essential contributors to the growth and well-being of corporations and societies. But their contributions have changed our world. 2. look for unexpected alternatives and find the vulnerabilities of a new idea or approach). Clarke said. often at a rate that makes analysis and selection difficult. even if your goal is modest. despite objections of experts and authorities. Executive Technology Report. What happens if you exaggerate the statement? What are the drawbacks? Does it become absurd? What does the world look like if the opposite is true? Conventional wisdom at many levels – from the humors theory of disease to the inevitability of slavery. The unthinkable has become thinkable. it is by no means clear that it is. To push even further.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. most of us have the same problem. Create space for thinking A classic Far Side cartoon shows a student raising his hand.ibm. Consulting Faculty Member at the IBM Executive Business Institute in Palisades. roleplaying is awesome .com/services/us/bcs/pdf/g510-6313-etr-unlearn-to-innovate. products and processes – as finished. but there is still work to do.2AC K Blocks 23/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Baudrillard K 1.

yet.2AC K Blocks 24/165 action are foregrounded. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. event or phenomenon. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. the Symbolic and the Real? As to the symbolic dimension.edu/faculty/Žižek/Žižek-the-cyberspace-real. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. unconstrained byany symbolic Law or by any impossibility of some Real? ¶ If not. caught in a demoniac compulsion. 2000 (Slavoj. that led us in our immersion into the cyberspace. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry.). etc. It is thus crucial to establish the rules that engage us. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. Perm. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. while allowing us to maintain the distance towards the enacted universe. March/April ―The Cyberspace Real. the subject/interactor would effectively become immersed in a psychotic experience of an universe in which "we do whatever we want" and are." to rely on a set of marks which clearly . This notion of "procedural authorship" demonstrates the need for a kind of equivalent to the Lacanian "big Other": in order for the interactor to become engaged in cyberspace. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. and prioritisation of. how are we to detect in cyberspace the contours of the other two dimensions of the Lacanian triad ISR. which serves as the basis for the interactor's active engagement (intervention. Just imagine how horrified you would be if you were watching a horror movie and found out that the actors were really being killed. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. we have to "mark the border. It encourages this view because the turn to. of the interactive immersive environment in which we actively participate by role-playing) no longer writes detailed story-line. as Shapiro points out. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. that of the procedural authorship": the author (say. If we are to surrender to the enticements of the virtual environment. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity.. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. 2000 (University of Ljubljana). while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. Žižek. namely. Baudrillard is wrong about hyper-reality. Valley High School Rishi Shah choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us.egs. improvisation). We are very aware of differences between real life and media images. the limited set of actions we are allowed to accomplish within this virtual space. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms.e.html) Are the pessimistic cultural criticists (from Jean Baudrillard to Paul Virilio) justified in their claim that cyberspaceultimately generates a kind of proto-psychotic immersion into an imaginary universe of hallucinations. 4. However. from this standpoint. s/he has to operate within a minimal set of externally imposed accepted symbolic rules/coordinates. The point is not simply to maintain "the right measure" between the two extremes (total psychotic immersion versus non-engaged external distance towards the artificial universe of the cyber-fiction): distance is rather a positive condition of immersion¶ . Without these rules. 5. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. if this is the case.6 Moreover. for a certain class of problems.‖http://www. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. In other words. the solution seems easy — it suffices to focus on the notion of authorship that fits the emerging domain of cyberspace narratives. s/he merely provides the basic set of rules (the coordinates of the fictional universe in which we immerse ourselves. paradoxically. for that very reason deprived of our freedom. of course. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘.

Žižek writes that¶ the standard reading of "out bursts of 'irrational' violence" in the postmodern "society of the spectacle" is that "our perception of reality is mediated by aestheticized media manipulations to such an extent that it is no longer possible for us to distinguish reality from its media image"¶ (¶ Metastases¶ 75).¶ A society of proliferating. 7. theorists of postmodern society who make much of the usurpation of the Real by the simulacrum either long nostalgically for the lost distinction between them¶ or announce the final overcoming of the "metaphysical obsession with authentic Being. the refusal to engage in traditional politics is an abdication of social responsibility that makes all social crises inevitable Boggs. we would suddenly see that we are watching a snuff. social relations constitute for him a playing field in which he assumes "roles.. on the contrary. ―The great retreat: Decline of the public sphere inlatetwentieth-century America‖. The kind of subjectivity that corresponds to this hyperreal. imaginary and real become more and more indistinguishable. Žižek argues that this analysis is "¶ right for the wrong reasons¶ "¶ : What is missing from it is the crucial distinction between imaginary order and symbolic fiction.." or both (he mentions Paul Virilio and Gianni Vattimo. not "fictionalized" enough in the sense that the basis for making¶ valid statements.‖ PostmodernCulture. we somehow have to know that what we are seeing is a staged fiction. which solicit not analysis and the powers of thought but rather nothing more than blank. ―Marxism. Gonzaga University). and¶ we might add Baudrillard to the list). in the same way in which. following the predominance of the "'autonomous' individual of the Protestant ethic" and the "heteronomous 'organization man'" who finds satisfaction through "the feeling of loyalty to the group"--the two models of subjectivity corresponding to previous stages of capitalist society--today's media-spectacle-consumer society is marked by the rise of the "pathological narcissist.com.spectacularized society without a stable Symbolic order is what Žižek calls in ¶ Looking Awry¶ the "pathological narcissist"¶ (102). Los Angeles. true.. Volume 26. the ego-ideal itself is dissolved: Instead of the integration of a symbolic¶ law¶ . cultural. unreflective enjoyment. Playing with the pieces of hyper-reality shuts down real alternatives. symbolic fiction) is And. (Brian.12.library. Against the theorists who fear that cyberspace involves the regression to a kind of psychotic incestuous immersion.proxy. December.e. [and] to dispel the cobweb of the aestheticized pseudo-reality" (75).pdf . Baudrillard‘s politics are deeply conformist.this domain of appearance (that is. we have a multitude of ¶ rules¶ to follow--rules of accommodation telling us "how to succeed.springerlink. The old conservative motto of keeping up appearances thus today obtains a new twist:. ¶ He is a radical¶ conformist ¶ who paradoxically¶ experiences himself as an¶ outlaw The impact is extinction. "cognitive mapping"11--in short." which functioned as an "externalized" ego-ideal." a subjective structure that breaks with the "underlying frame of the ego-ideal common to the first two forms" (102). various political. National University. that the actor engaged in face-to-face combat is effectively cutting the throat of his "enemy"…).emory. Donahue. not real-life killing(imagine our horrible surprise if..." however. Number 6. According to Žižek.while appearance is symbolic (fiction). nonsimulated Real. Postmodernism. [it] stands for the effort to save the properly political space.2AC K Blocks 25/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah designate that we are dealing with a fiction...edu/content/m7254768m63h16r0/fulltext..¶ To put it in Lacanian terms: the simulacrum is imaginary (illusion). when the specific dimension of symbolic appearance starts to disintegrate. 97 (Carl. Again with reference to the Lacanian triad of Imaginary-Symbolic-Real.http://www. promiscuous images is thus not overly fictionalized but is." 6. The first two forms involved inverted versions of each other: one either strove to remain true to oneself (that is."¶ The narcissistic subject knows only the "rules of the (social) game" enabling him to manipulate others. 01(Department of English. the order permitting shared narratives and. in sociopolitical terms. the structure guaranteeing intersubjective communication. to use Jameson's term. to a "paternal ego-ideal") or looked at oneself "through the eyes of the group. Violent outbursts in this context are thus seen as "desperate attempts to draw a distinction between fiction and reality. That is. Žižek. but¶ appearance itself.2. while watching a war scene.. in their "hyperrealist" character by means of which they¶ saturate the void that keeps open the space for symbolic fiction. In either case they "miss the distinction between simulacrum and appearance¶ ¶ "What gets lost in today's plague of simulations is not the firm.¶ the realm of the Symbolic--is short-circuited by an incessant flow of images. and other differences are causes of conflict." not proper symbolic mandates. ¶ The problem of contemporary media resides not in their enticing us to confound fiction with reality but. in order to let ourselves go and enjoy a violent war movie. Theory and Society. ("Leftist" 995-96) Making the same argument about a slightly different version of this problem. With the stage of the"pathological narcissist. one should thus discern in today's often clumsy and ambiguous improvisations about "cyberspace rules" precisely the effort to establish clearly the contours of anew space of symbolic fictions in which we fully participate in the mode disavowal. he stays clear of any kind of binding commitment that would imply a proper symbolic identification . being aware that "this is not real life. and sought "to merit its love and esteem" (102). No root cause – the idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history doesn‘t make any sense. rather. Project Muse).. i. none other than that of politics.

Baudrillard engaged academics and enraged Marxists and other social realists. His Gulf War example is proof of the authoritarian results of his argument—the Real is still being constructed but the Pentagon is doing it. Rectenwald. or that gigantic state and military structures will lose their hold over people‘s lives. well-¶ ¶ informed and ready to participate at many levels.¶ Slavoj Žižek suggested that 9-11 threatened to shatter ―the borderline which today separates the digitized First World from the Third World ‗desert of the Real.¶ can in fact be filled by authoritarian and reactionary elites¶ – an already familiar dynamic in many lesser-developed countries. As this ideological quagmire worsens. Malls. urgent problems that are destroying the fabric of American society will go unsolved¶ – perhaps even unrecognized¶ – only to fester more ominously in the future. Any remaining memory of ―real‖ differing perspectives is thereby satisfied. and paraded around by the Pentagon itself: a remediation of the real¶ .000 Iraqi civilians killed in the war. The media Jean Baudrillard becomes the proxy purveyor of newsreels—the¶ new real ¶ being supplied by the Pentagon.‖ This awareness may be too painful for the denizens of the Matrix. will be fired upon. Paradoxically. suffering from Gulf War Syndrome.¶ The unyielding truth is that. was the notion of ‗reality.‘ ‗Tell that to the estimated 15.¶ eXistenZ. more than ever. it threatens to return¶ . The video representation of the Gulf War became the war itself.‘‖ yielding. the state would likely become what Hobbes anticipated the embodiment of those universal. now dead. it doesn‘t exist. imitations without real models. the Pentagon now reputedly warns.¶ finance.000 dying in its aftermath. be reduced to impotence. post-modernism. social Darwinism. when he later announced. spread of infectious diseases. In either case. Gulf War II(whose ‗moralistic/poetic‘ name is still being debated by the Pentagon) is an . with a simulated vision not unlike the video version of the jet fighters and scopic filters of the combatants (¶ on one side). ¶ Far from it:¶ the space abdicated¶ by a broad citizenry. even as the ethos of anti-politics becomes more compelling and even fashionable in the United States. there is something to what Baudrillardclaimed: the first victim of the video war. with seeming blitheness. not very far removed from the rampant individualism.org/mike_essay_the_new_real4_031103.¶ Thus.¶ Many ideological currents scrutinized here – localism. 7¶ 8. if not obliterated in advance. Like cable television with its endless splintering of sameness into a reputed ‗variety‘. even the political left and right—simulations of originals that no longer exist. Despite their different outlooks and trajectories.Likewise. that social hierarchies will somehow disappear. they remain very much alive in the 1990s. supplanting any kernel of reality with simulation.¶ Deep Ecology – intersect with and reinforce each other. we negate the very idea of politics as a source of public ideals and visions. spontaneism. neighborhoods. they¶ all share one thing in common: adepoliticized expression of struggles to combat and overcome alienation. camouflaged. Baudrillard‘s simulation argument plays into the hands of power.html introduced the notion of a new social order based on simulacra without originals. the multiple ‗perspectives‘ of gunmen will supplant all other standpoints¶ . like additional scopes fastened to the instruments of death. And such problems (ecological crisis. but like the repressed in Freud‘s version of the psyche. Reporters are to be fully approved instruments of the war machine itself. Wolin refers to the increasing sublimation and dilution of politics. Michael. (March 11. The notion of ‗bias‘ is decimated in the very act of killing— ¶ in media res— ¶ military¶ perspectivalism¶ serves as a placebo. The shrinkage of politics¶ hardly means that corporate colonization will be less of a reality. metaphysics. ―Death to Realism!‖ was the perhaps more apropos cry in that other. By diluting the life of common involvements. the widespread retreat from politics. it appears that Baudrillard was only partly right. that the first Gulf War ‗wasn‘t real. The real is indeed under fire. collective interests that had vanished from civil society. poverty. measures must be taken against it. The Pentagon promises to take such measures. amusement parks. the simulation. It appears from the previews we are receiving regarding the media coverage of Gulf War II. the reportage censored by Israel.2AC K Blocks 26/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah )¶ The decline of the public sphere in late twentieth-century America poses a series of great dilemmas and challenges. 03 (Citizens for Legitimate Government). The false sense of empowerment that comes with such mesmerizing impulses is accompanied by a loss of public engagement.¶ the fate of the¶ ¶ world hangs in the balance. with its crashing of the simulation. technological displacement of workers) cannot be understood outside the larger social and¶ global ¶ context of internationalized markets . While these currents have deep origins in popular movements of the 1960s and 1970s. The fragmentation and chaos of a Hobbesian world. In his commentary on the state of citizenship today. So that film could finally announce: ―Welcome to the desert of the real!‖—deserted because no one sees it. and communications. pointing only at acceptable targets. comes at a time when agendas that ignore or sidestep these global realities will. that the real.¶ perspectivalism¶ becomes a multiplication of staged effects.Independent reporters. 74 In the mean time¶ . urban decay. In this way the eclipse of politics might set the stage for a¶ reassertion¶ of politics in more virulent guise – or it might help further rationalize the existing power structure. as larger numbers of people turn away from public concerns toward private ones. or the Gulf War veterans. often inspired by localist sentiment. and civic violence that have been so much a part of the American landscape. or the estimated 100.‘¶ ‗The real suffered a mortal blow. is to be declared alive-and-well. the¶ desert ¶ of the real because for all practical purposes. could be the prelude to a powerful Leviathan designed to impose order in the face of disunity and atomized retreat. This last point demands further elaboration. more ironic cyber film. an erosion of citizenship and a depleted capacity of individuals in large groups to work for social change. an ―awareness that we live in an insulated artificial universe which generates the notion that some ominous agent is threatening us all the time with total destruction. ―Gulf War II: The New ‗Real‘.‘ But despite the critics of postmodernism‘s dissolution of the ‗real‘. it is the vagaries of political power that will continue to decide the fate of human societies.‖http://legitgov. dressed up.

simply.¶ . ―yes. they are actually¶ ¶ producing ¶ the new real.‖¶ Not only are they lying. or Rumsfeld) would actually¶ lie¶ to the American people?‖ We cannot answer. to re-inscribe the borderline. to reclaim the real and reissue it as military rations.2AC K Blocks 27/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah attempt to reconstruct that Matrix. or Bush. ¶ The media asks us incredulously: ―Do you think that the Pentagon (or Powell. The real is parceled out.

2AC K Blocks 28/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Badiou K 1. In other words. 3. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. yet. In one respect. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. Thus. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. I will suggest. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. Perm. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. Yet. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen.6 Moreover. from this standpoint. 2. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. and prioritisation of. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical action are foregrounded. it is by no means clear that it is. if this is the case. However. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR.4 However. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). . an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. Aff impacts come first . loosely deployed or not. in contrast. as Shapiro points out. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. It encourages this view because the turn to. of Southampton. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. for example. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. 4. for a certain class of problems. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. of course.e. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry.. event or phenomenon. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry.

Brecht's Galileo. capitalism as a condition of set theory is perfectly innocuous. cultural. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. but . in an echo of Kant's purposeless purpose. This apparatus is a powerful lens."2 Is this flow that eludes every society's codes not identical with generic multiplicity. Capital's great power. The value of ethical consistency is authorized by Lacan's well-known dictum not to give up on one's desire [ne pas céder sur son désir].3 (2004) 289-319). It is perfectly orthodox to say that there can be no purely economic intervention in the economy: even with the best intentions. 04 (Nicholas." cannot enter Badiou's system without immediately assuming the status of a cause. psychic) territory. And why is this? Because the the truth-procedure. Ethics tells us what Nazism and scientific obscurantism have in common. in her awful ethical consistency. 7.2AC K Blocks 29/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah approach which gets things right. it is the dread they feel of a flow that would elude their codes. nonetheless haunts every situation? Does not capitalism make its entry at a society's point of impasse—social relations already haunted by variously dissimulated exploitation—and revolutionize them into the capital-labor relation? A safely non-Orientalist version of this would be the eruption from modernist art's evental site—the art market. (At one point. on the other hand. Waiting for Something to Happen. in his opportunism and wavering inconsistency. the abandonment of a social movement by its leader and the abandonment of a poem by its author cannot be made without some kind of qualitative supplement. It makes perfect sense to say that this transition is the truth of the [End Page 308] Warhol-event. Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek. However. perhaps it is even an aspect of evil. the tremendous ease with which it colonizes (geographic. But is it really Evil (Mal) itself? Badiou's evil. the World Bank could not solve the problem of Third World poverty. Life outweighs the claim to its value because life is a prerequisite – even if value is somehow lost it can always be regained. But Antigone is a reactionary. Further.3 (2004) 289-319). CR: The New Centennial Review 4. As we saw earlier. University of Illinois at Chicago. is indifferent to content. In their paraphrase of a of the world economy ("there is no need for a revision of Marxism itself. and Galileo invents physics. this supplement can only be vulgar. Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek. the void which. ethical consistency is even described as "disinterested interest. like his truth. It would then appear that capitalism is. which. Excluded from direct consideration. but it haunts them as their terrifying nightmare. the real subsumption of labor under Capital. a merely formal label. The distinction between. Sophocles' Antigone. economic." the elements of a situation that pertain to its own reproduction. In its formalism. Brown.") While there is something undeniably attractive in ethical consistency (and something ugly in its lack). Or." the servicing of goods which pertains to the human animal beneath good and evil. but actively dismissed from consideration. is a captivating figure. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. But we should not forget that this maxim derives from the reading of Antigone in Séminaire VII. Perm – do the plan as a truth event. in Badiou's system the economy is not merely reduced to one aspect among many. But what is strange is the vehemence with which Badiou maintains his distance from the economic—from what classical Marxism called the "base. which belonged to the situation of modernism while being excluded from its represented state—of what we might call the "Warhol-event. life can‘t. 97]) while keeping Marx's entire problematic at arm's length? brilliant but much-maligned passage in Marx's Grundrisse. say. is precisely that it seizes situations at their evental site. Badiou‘s system fails—he has no way to overcome the enormous power he attributes to capitalism." which inaugurates the transition from the formal to the real subsumption of (artistic) labor under Capital. It opens up a mode of presentation. can tell the difference between a concentration camp and a creationist textbook. the problem which cannot be actively thought without grave danger to the system as a whole. But an ethics would have to be able to tell them apart. Yes. Badiou's philosophy is predicated precisely on the subtraction from consideration of all qualitative predicates. philosophical. CR: The New Centennial Review 4. Badiou‘s concept of ethics fails because it is impossible to make qualitative distinctions between different sorts of evil—leading to absurd results." [Ethics. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. Why should Badiou fully endorse Marx's analysis In fact. the "servicing of goods. like religion. namely. is a bit distasteful. the most important thing for a modern ethics may be to push these sentimental considerations aside. and there can be no doubt that Badiou is describing something important. Deleuze and Guattari insist that "capitalism has haunted all forms of society. Brown. University of Illinois at Chicago. Or. capitalism is the point of impasse in Badiou's own system. the conversion of every relation into a monetary relation. Badiou has no way of sorting out different evils beyond his tripartite division. And far from pertaining to mere animal life beneath the level of capitalism itself fits perfectly the form of the revolutionary Event. eluding every representation. Waiting for Something to Happen. as we shall see. the foundation of universalism. Material reproduction is reduced to the sneering Lacanian contempt for "le service des biens. 8. Turn – Capitalism a. 5. 6. its insistence on fidelity to any Event whatever—on "ethical consistency" itself as a value—Badiou's good is almost an aesthetic rather than an ethical category. 04 (Nicholas. whatever its faults. its preconditional status belongs to a different order than what it conditions. eliminated from the art-politics-science-love series only by fiat. non- Perhaps the supplement it requires is the language of human rights. Since. is the origin of formal equality: that is.

Badiou's ontology cannot usefully displace the dialectic. the impending collapse of agriculture in major producing areas. There is consensus among scientists that we are on the precipice of ecological holocaust. Santa Barbara (William I. as Badiou says Lenin was to the Paris Commune. global elites have increasingly turned to authoritarianism. not merely evaded. Since the event emerges from outside of the state of the situation. Critical Globalization Studies. and war to sustain the system. University of Illinois at Chicago. forcefully reflected in his own political commitment. water supply. Peter Hallward. Middlesex Univeristy). the Organisation Politique (whose members do not vote). But it also protected workers against some of capitalism's more baleful effects. which it explodes in the movement to for-itself. and air. constitutively excluded from the state. Badiou is not politically useful because his alternative is too vague—he says that the event side steps the state but any alternative politics must be able to reform the state to succeed.edu/faculty/robinson/Assets/pdf/crit_glob. b. While both contradiction and void are immanent to the situation. If Badiou's system were to consider capitalism directly.pdf SW) We are living in troubling times. even probable. But. The system of global capitalism that now engulfs the entire planet is in crisis. innovation can only emerge from an evental site. as it were: the Event does not appear out of an immanent nowhere. Waiting for Something to Happen. . some elements. Many political economists concur that a global economic collapse is possible. it is theorized as untheorizable.3 (2004) 289-319). Meanwhile. Capitalism causes global wars. which has made limited [End Page 306] but effective interventions into the status of immigrant workers. Professor of Modern European Philosophy. But included as the product of a truth-procedure. Hallward. Badiou is certainly describing something: the utopian moment of a total break with the state may be a part of any genuine political transformation. But surely this solution mitigates the power of the Event as the irruption of the void into this situation. according to the United Nation‘s oft-cited annual Human Development Report (UNDP. Chapter 2.ucsb. Centre for Research in Modern European Philosophy. Brown. The "eternity" of truth would yield to historicism. but is already fully present in itself in the situation. In Badiou's system. The dialectic. Badiou's ontology can only describe situations and never History. http://www. But it can also suppress the possibilities exploited by an anarchic capitalism. 10. This identification authorizes Badiou's antistatism. Driven by the imperatives of overaccumulation and transnational social control. As with Ethics. ed by R Richard P Appelbaum. 03 (Badiou: a subject to truth. University of Minnesota Press Minneapolis / London 2003. global warming. love.2AC K Blocks 30/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah what is presented existed all along: look at Paul. capitalism immediately appears as the basis for all the others: it is. 2001). unless we are talking about the sad old interplay of transgression and limit—which posited the state as basically permanent. one should be suspicious of that compromise and what it excluded. But can a principled indifference to the state ground a politics? The state surely has the function of suppressing the anarchic possibilities inherent in the (national) situation. contradiction has the tremendous advantage of having movement built in. ―Critical Globalization Studies‖. To be sure. What happens when the precipitation of the Event is precisely what needs to be done? Yes. or politics. on the other hand. with transgression as its permanent suspension—this anarchic moment says nothing about the new state of affairs that will ultimately be imposed on the generic set it constructs. for example. while the remaining 80 percent had to make do with less than 15 percent. 04 (Nicholas. Or. Social inequalities have spiraled out of control and the gap between the global rich and the global poor has never been as acute as it is in the early twenty-first century. the food stock.. we can be faithful to a previous event. Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek. and law and order in the everyday sense. Badiou's system cannot address the question "What is to be done?" because the only thing to do is to wait for the Event. Because the Event must descend like a grace. the revolutionary irruption of Capital (in whatever society) that conditions any modern process of science. While absolute levels of poverty and misery expand around the world under a new global social apartheid. the question of the dialectic leads us back to the twofold meaning of "state": both the law and order that govern knowledge." would appear to have more weight than others—the "superstructure. those pertaining to the "base. 9. CR: The New Centennial Review 4. Surely the configuration of that state will be paramount—in which case state power has to be fought for. the meltdown of polar ice caps. Badiou‘s alternative of radical egalitarianism is unworkable and is based on a failed model of communism. and the contamination of the oceans. it is rigorously untheorizable: as we saw above. It is well known that the current rightist "small-government" movement is an assault on the class compromise represented by the Keynesian state." The effects of such an inclusion of capitalism in Badiou's system—an inclusion which nothing prevents—would be catastrophic. the richest 20 percent of humanity received in 2000 more than 85 percent of the world‘s wealth. environmental destruction. and poverty Robinson 06 Professor of Sociology at the University of California. militarization. art. including the mass extinction of species.soc. Radical universality (as opposed to the historically conditioned universality imposed by the emergence of capitalism) would become unthinkable. conceives the void as immanent contradiction. Despite every protestation to the contrary. in fact. nothing can happen within the state of a situation.

but as reserved for a strictly subjective plane. remains the only valid subjective norm for Badiou's political thought. He continues to declare a wholly egalitarian politics. historical achievement of stateless community. 91). however. His political goals have remained consistent over the years. the egalitarian passion. the practical (if ultimately unattainable) goal was always to effect the actual. since ―every historical event is communist. The unqualified justice of a generic communism. in order to preserve politics' ―intrinsic relation to truth‖ (DO. cf. 60). 48). 54. first proposed in Marx's 1844 Manuscripts and conceived in Badiou's own terms as the advent of ―pure presentation. Badiou has had to let go of almost any sort of political engagement with the economic and the social.‖ 84 What has changed is communism's mode of existence. the deposition of egoism. or the problem of the reign of liberty in infinite situations‖ (DO. from the day-to-day business of ―objective‖ politics: the programmatic pursuit of the generic ideal is itself now dismissed as a ―Romantic‖ dream leading to ―fraternity terror‖ (AM. This subjective norm has become ever more distant. 101).2AC K Blocks 31/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Badiou's politics have always been about ―collective emancipation. or the advent of the collective as such‖ (AM. Today. the Idea of justice. to the degree that 'communist' designates the transtemporal subjectivity of emancipation. The absolute preeminence of multiple presentation over representation. ‖ as the ―undivided authority of the infinite. TC. . an intolerance of oppression. the will to break with the compromises of the service des biens. In Badiou's earlier work. the wish to impose a withering away of the state.

ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. as Shapiro points out.4 However. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. if this is the case. from this standpoint. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ.6 Moreover. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. in contrast. of course. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. I will suggest. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. Thus. However. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. Aff impacts come first . for a certain class of problems.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. namely. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value).2AC K Blocks 32/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Borders K 1. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that.e. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions.. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and action are foregrounded. Yet. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. loosely deployed or not. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. 3. yet. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. It encourages this view because the turn to. it is by no means clear that it is. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. In one respect. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. . and prioritisation of. for example. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. of Southampton. 2. event or phenomenon. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. In other words. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former.

Rethinking Marxism. For most of the last three centuries. the lack of concrete insight is concealed in the Deleuzian jargon of multitude.2AC K Blocks 33/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah epistemology right. there were 38 million people living in the U. 2009 (Herb – The Bulletin. America has accepted more immigrants than any other country. for Schmitt. many believe that more immigration will produce good results. various political. A. which indeed have constituted politics and history as we know them. Leiken in an article.kein. access to and control over education. information and communication). Listen to this warning from American Intelligence Officials.13 n. `these demands is that they fluctuate between formal emptiness and impossible radicalization. In their social-economic analysis. if this demand is meant to be taken more seriously than a celebratory formal declaration in typical United Nations Style. one immediately gets a sense of the boundaries to Hardt and Negri's analysis.sagepub. Prozorov 06 – Sergei. April 16. That‘s about 20 percent of the migrants of the world. deterritorialization.txt) Myth One Immigration always produces good results for the economy and the country. which would result in a populist revolt against immigrants-a result of such violent proportions that figures like Haider would seem models of multicultural tolerance. ―Liberal Enmity: The Figure of the Foe in the Political Ontology of Liberalism. even if geopolitical discourse was the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts.S. ‗The adversary is no longer called an enemy. 5. LEQ Thus. ‗the ―international community‖ has little reality apart from the occasional military operations undertaken in its name‘. why not? But how should one create the necessary social-economic and ideological conditions for such a shattering transformation? 7. this right of course should be approved.org/pipermail/generation_online/2002-May/000351. 6. 2006. Turn – Terrorism control is key to preventing terrorism – uncontrolled Immigration risks national security Genenberg.49 Thus. Even as late as 2007. In Zygmunt Bauman‘s phrase. v. However. are recast as a priori criminal acts in the new order of the world state.e.com/cgi/reprint/35/1/75. professor at the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of Ljubljana (Slavoj. variety.pdf. struggles against hegemony or domination. and the reappropriation of the new means of production (i. but ultimately everyone may be excluded from the ‗world unity‘ without any consequences for the continuing deployment of this abstract universality as an instrument of legitimation.‘48 The exclusionary potential of universalism is evident: theoretically. call for three demands formulated in the terminology of universal human rights. Professor of International Relations at Petrozavodsk State University. The same is valid with regard to the other two demands: for instance. because we are a nation of immigrants. Let us take the right to global citizenship: theoretically. http://mil. http://coyote.html) Nevertheless. totally administered world without an outside and hence without a possibility of flight. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. the poets of mobility. All you have to do is look at Europe to find out what results immigration can produce. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. Europe not only has a problem for itself because of Muslim immigration but that also poses a serious problem to the United States. 3/4. and other differences are causes of conflict. such a step would trigger an invasion of cheap labor from India. not merely anyone. It is a paradox that Hardt and Negri. 2009. Immigration Myths To Be Avoided When Coming Up With Reforms. China and Africa into the United States and Western Europe. and so on. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. it would be at the cost of the transformation of the world into a terrifying dystopia of a self-immanent. that were not born here. The Bulletin. as reported by Robert S. Border http://thebulletin. Liberalism recast wars as intervention for the sake of all humanity—resulting in global totalitarianism. Opening the borders would create a racist. The authors propose to focus our political struggle on three global rights: the rights to global citizenship. but a disturber of peace and is thereby designated to be an outlaw of humanity. violent backlash of epic proportions Zizek 01. if the monistic project of liberalism ever succeeded. we may easily envision a situation where a ‗world state‘ as a global police structure does not represent anything but itself. the universal (worldwide) right to minimal income-of course. cultural. hybridization. 4. then it would mean the abolition of state borders.us/articles/2009/04/16/herb_denenberg/doc49e6c910cc15d402232884. Some of the most insightful observers of the European scene believe that Europe is already lost and will continue to slide into Muslim domination and Sharia as its legal system. Because of our history. a minimal income. The influx of Muslims runs the real danger of turning Europe into what has been called Eurabia — a new Europe with majority control in the hands of Muslims and whole nations becoming subject to Sharia. ―The Menace in Europe‘s Midst‖ that appeared in Current History (April 2009): ―American intelligence officials have told President Barack Obama that British jihadists now constitute the chief terrorist threat to the United . No wonder that the three "practical proposals with which the book ends appear anticlimactic. and because immigration seems to have turned out so well. Millennium – Journal of International Studies. under present conditions. calling for global police interventions rather than interstate war. and so forth.

705. Clearly.ahram. 4 (Mohamed. An often-cited poll. Once when l was an eleven year old boy. were we unable to create border-crossing points without resorting to war. 9. he is too young. a general understanding of territorial revisionism‘s encouragement of major wars. a central source of the norm has been the industrialized world‘s fear that territorial revisionism could ignite a major war that would cause great human suffering. I drilled a hole in the door of my sister's room. Managing Editor for Al-Ahali. including the invasion of a sovereign state like Iraq. Today. the technology is a secret for nobody. tensions between civilisations and religions would rise and ethnic conflicts would proliferate. neither the Pope nor Khrushchev. and finally even the borders between continents. There are houses and gardens and fences. Luckily there are other boundaries.S. Authors were required to put the year of their birth on the title page. As it turned out. We have reached a point where anticipatory measures can determine the course of events. We are going to have to overcome borders without the bloodshed we have been used to in war. with no knowledge of nuclear technology. police measures would be stepped up at the expense of human rights. found that one out of four respondents under the age of 30 accepted suicide bombings. This completely changes the rules of the game. B. Several scholars have observed that this revision against the imposition of physical pain has been central to the strengthening of a variety of security and human rights regimes. the boundaries between towns. Respect for borders has prevented major wars. ―Extinction!‖ August 26-September 1. (Spring.‖ There are some legitimate concern even about Muslims and Muslim immigrants in the U. Vol. . or any stupid old man to say. Societies would close in on themselves. at the time. This could lead to a third world war . nuclear weapons have been used only to threaten. and we believe that the group continues to view Europe as a viable launching point. the first being the world. Changing borders causes transition wars Rosenstock-Huessy 78 – Professor at Dartmouth. these allegations. In English the word "neighbor" does not mean just people living on the same street. These are all borders between the spaces in which we live. this war will be without winners and losers. No one is making that mistake. This allowed any stupid little boy to say. Furthermore there have been important multilateral accords in support of the norm and frequent interventions by international organizations to force states to withdraw from foreign countries. Thus a border was created. 55. 215+ Jstor).google. Perhaps it would be helpful to remember that we mortals have always been hemmed in by two kinds of prisons. but also the person whom a living man needs most at a certain hour of his life. No.htm) A nuclear attack by terrorists will be much more critical than Hiroshima and Nagazaki. But the still more critical scenario is if the attack succeeds. Zacher. http://weekly.org.the weapons used are less harmful than those used then. The experiences of the two world wars. as well as the allegation that Saddam was harbouring WMD. So far. University of Heidelberg ―Planetary service: a way into the third millennium‖ By Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy http://books. pp. the author is too old for me.) There are also borders in time. Unlike a conventional war which ends when one side triumphs over another. The Nazis built borders in time as high as borders in space. proved to be unfounded. Valley High School Rishi Shah This February the U. Japan. Issue no. Doctor of Law (1909) and Doctor of Philosophy (1923). It would also speed up the arms race and develop the awareness that a different type of world order is imperative if humankind is to survive. even if -. from which no one will emerge victorious. The decline of successful wars of territorial aggrandizement during the last half century is palpable. borders between countries. 01 (Mark. emphasized that ―Al Qaeda has used Europe as a launching point for external operations against the homeland on several occasions since 9/11. had no choice but to capitulate. What is missing is a powerful and enheartening means of changing borders without war. except for the two bombs dropped on Japan. it would further exacerbate the negative features of the new and frightening world in which we are now living. just as if they were part of a stud farm. International Organization.2AC K Blocks 34/165 States …‖ Britain is a visa waiver country meaning these terrorists are only an e-ticket away from the United States. we will all be losers. and was severely punished for destroying the lovely door. That shows up on the map.and this is far from certain . When nuclear pollution infects the whole planet. 2001). (German has two different words.S. 2. Nuclear terrorism will cause extinction Sid-Ahmed. Director of National Intelligence. Allegations of a terrorist connection can be used to justify anticipatory measures. I learned how dangerous it can be to move boundaries. in his first Annual Threat Assessment. a nuclear attack by terrorists? Even if it fails.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=YN41kwUsDikC&oi=fnd&pg=PR9&dq=%22changing+borders+*+war%22&ots=33x4PeBrr1&sig=bFJr4qNmij_hXOBYSE9N0xZpRo#v=onepage&q&f=false But they would in fact be unchangeable. In fact. What would be the consequences of 8. Now we are at a stage where they can be detonated.eg/2004/705/op5. there has not been a case of successful territorial aggrandizement since 1976. and a fear of nuclear weapons drove the development of the territorial integrity norm at key points in its multilateral legitimization. The immense dilemma facing us today is not a lack of insight that the bomb cannot be thrown.

2AC K Blocks 35/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Buddhism K .

for a certain class of problems. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. Thus. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. It encourages this view because the turn to. event or phenomenon. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the neg get the status quo or a competitive policy option.4 However. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. as Shapiro points out. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. of course. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. Yet. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. loosely deployed or not. for example. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. In other words. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. However.. from this standpoint. . of Southampton. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and action are foregrounded. 2. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. Aff impacts come first . 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. namely. in contrast. it is by no means clear that it is.6 Moreover. and prioritisation of.2AC K Blocks 36/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah ***A2: Butler K 1. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. I will suggest. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. yet. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value).e. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. In one respect. 3. if this is the case.

This is why Frames of War abdicates its moral. and an irresponsible form of global responsibility (37). for committing the sin of adultery. leads to a lack of respect for the Muslim other. dml) Finally. religious. 5. while those who remain steadfast in their intolerance of. and intellectual responsibility. We cannot tell from mortar fire whose rage is the "good" rage Butler condones." for all intents and purposes culture appears everywhere in these chapters as immutable. hardly innocuous in these times when "cultures" are at war with their others. demonstrating a "hidden and patronizing racism" (115). although she argues that it is not a question of "the rights of culture [threatening] to trump rights of individual freedom. various political." In our "tolerance" of the "other"—whether cultural. Butler only recommends we continue to think with Laclau and Mouffe that antagonism keeps open an alliance (between religious and sexual minorities) and "suspends the idea of reconciliation as a goal" (148). which deal in large part with the West's fraught relationship to Islam. This is not helpful advice for Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani. Culture has become a crucial alibi against moral approbation. or hostility toward. Apologies for our own cultural beliefs or practices proliferate. Butler abdicates responsibility to the other. that it "arrives as an address or an appeal" entailing some work on our part to consider under what conditions we can be responsive to such a claim (165). racial." but only gives us a few platitudes with which her readers would most likely be quite familiar. Today. reinforces racism. am formed through norms that are by definition violent? 4 Butler concludes only that non-violence can't be a universal principle. There is considerable fence-sitting in these chapters. but a struggle to "make rage articulate and effective—the carefully crafted 'fuck you'" (182). I find this line. Associate Professor of Philosophy and Peace Studies at McMaster University. I turn to my most serious objection to Frames of War—that it continues a line of thinking quite prevalent in academic parlance today. this is not a call to a peaceful state. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers.3 Butler's last three chapters. Will someone please tell me why we cannot condemn outright a religion or culture for denying equality to a particular segment of society? Slavoj Żižek would call this the "antinomy of tolerant reason. appalling. or geopolitical—liberal-minded citizens of Western democracies become tolerant of intolerance. quite frankly. of universal norms. of approaches to violence. and other differences are causes of conflict. even if ableism the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts. This would be an "arrogant politics. but falls short of taking a stand. as a subject. What she does provide are more reasons to object—strenuously and urgently—to cultural relativism. No 2. each claiming moral immunity for their own crimes in the name of tradition and cultural purity. include a familiar critique of the "Western" notions of progress. one that I find morally irresponsible. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. and we are not given a route out of the impasse when these come into conflict. 4. This is where her attempt to deconstruct—with tolerance of ambiguity . a 45-year-old Iranian woman who awaits death by stoning as I write this. How many of her readers would disagree? So what would a globally responsible politics look like? Butler does not provide a satisfying answer to this question. political." she says. Multicultural tolerance. Postmodern Culture Vol 20. "The Claim of Non-Violence.2AC K Blocks 37/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah epistemology right. imposing. when we most urgently need to resist a global political paradigm that preaches death and destruction in the name of security. the operative question (in a book that promises to be philosophical and political) should not be: how can I make a call for non-violence if I. cultural. Žižek concludes. "emancipatory discourse" variety. The most disappointing effects of this can be found in the final chapter. The buildings and sidewalks of Sarajevo are pock-marked with thousands of carefully crafted "fuck-you"s. ethnic. For example. as Butler grapples with the conflict between sexual freedom and religious principles. For Butler—faithful to her poststructuralist heritage—responsibility is a predominant concern. Butler alludes to her "brief reflections on the perils of democracy. the West are not expected to be apologetic. and justifies violence Enns 10 (Diane. and Western scholars are among the most vehement defenders of the ban on judgment. We read in the first chapter that responsibility arises from our being bound to one another and from the demand this binding places on us (a point embedded in another litany of rhetorical questions—"am I responsible only to myself? Are there others for whom I am responsible? … Could it be that when I assume responsibility what becomes clear is that who 'I' am is bound up with others in necessary ways? Am I even thinkable without that world of others?" [35]). Furthermore. Project Muse. particularly of the leftist. and on par with sexual orientation. and even of sexual politics (surprisingly." which shuffles impotently between intellectual obfuscations of violence and non-violence. such as the idea that global responsibility does not mean bringing American-style democracy to other nations. Butler does not appear overly outraged in her discussion of Islamic regimes' policies toward gays). ―When is a Book Grievable?‖.

they attempt to maintain the system as much as the aff. Discursive justification of saying we need to do the plan for good reasons and to save lives outweigh any negative affects from using apocalyptic rhetoric. Reality shapes discourse – the way the international arena changes shapes the way we perceive and talk about it.2AC K Blocks 38/165 and with "cultural sensitivity" but without moral judgment—inevitably Valley High School Rishi Shah leads. Or it proves that the perm can overcome the link. and our judgment becomes one means of refusing to know that world" (156). b. 6. . their contradictory rhetoric undermines the ability of their alt to solve. and our knowing becomes one means of refusing to judge that world. but the opposite is also true and perhaps more relevant for our times: we know a world we refuse to judge. c. what we say in this round will in no way affect anything in reality. Reps not 1st a. It may be true that "We judge a world we refuse to know.if discourse comes first. Double bind .

2AC K Blocks 39/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Burke K .

this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic.6 Moreover. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. from this standpoint. meaning questions of ontology or methodology are irrelevant – it‘s impossible to prove that every single person in the capitalist system is paid off by the government.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. it is by no means clear that it is.4 However.. Yet. yet. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. for a certain class of problems. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. if this is the case. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. 3. 2. even if we don‘t win framework we can access the case – capitalism is an actual system that exists in the world. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. Aff impacts come first . event or phenomenon. loosely deployed or not. However. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. And. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. despite occasional temporary action are foregrounded. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. as Shapiro points out.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. In one respect. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn.2AC K Blocks 40/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Cap K 1. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. In other words. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. of course. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. Thus. I will suggest. for example. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. . in contrast. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry.e. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. of Southampton.

At the same time. Journal of the Singapore Armed Forces. Capitalism leads to interdependence which greatly reduces the risk of war – five reasons Yee 99 (Tan Tan. liberals argue that economic interdependence lowers the likelihood of war by increasing the value of trading over the alternative of aggression. 7. and dissatisfied with their conditions.gov. Despite much propaganda to the contrary. in which case the benefits would be even greater.there‘s no reason questioning the system or bringing up arguments against it can bring it down. rapid . http://www. they believe in progress and future" (Kahn. cultural. thus making Four other subsidiary propositions supporting the liberal view are worth mentioning here. states would rather trade than fight.cfm?fuseaction=publication_details&id=2827) Stopping things would mean if not to engage in an experiment to change the human nature. at least in an equally difficult experiment in altering powerful cultural forces: "We firmly believe that despite the arguments put forward by people who would like to 'stop the earth and get off. 6. caught up in the outmoded belief that war still pays. trade may alter the domestic structure of a particular state.15 Traditionally. 5. and prioritisation of. ―The Great Transition and the Social Limits to Growth: Herman Kahn on Social Change and Global Economic Development‖. On the one extreme. giving more influence to groups with a vested interest in the continuation of peaceful trade. April 21. The contention is that inspite of the pacifist tendencies that interdependence brings about. but it is firmly embedded in most contemporary cultures. even if cap were the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. As regarding the critics of growth that stressed the issue of the gap between rich and poor countries and the issue of redistribution. it would still make more economic sense for each state to specialise in producing one of the goods and thereafter obtain the other through barter exchange. Going by the liberal arguments. This is because the issue is one of relative rather than absolute efficiency. http://www. reducing the misunderstandings and miscalculations that sometimes lead to war. The underlying rationale is worth explaining. 164).org/index. in other words. Transition from cap causes transition wars – cultures are embedded within the capitalist framework Aligica 03 (Paul. it may sometimes not be enough to prevent war from happening.16 To put it simply. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. the increased economic activity that accompanies higher trade levels tends to promote domestic prosperity. theories on the effect of interdependence between states on the risk of war can be divided into two main camps.mindef. Secondly. Thirdly. a higher level of interdependence inevitably leads to increased interaction between governments and peoples. They want more material goods and covet higher status and greater control of nature.' it is simply impractical to do so. namely.19 Yet others saw it as the misguided attempts by political leaders to gamble for an outright victory in war. Jan-Mar. future oriented. the more efficient state should optimise its limited resources to focus entirely on producing the goods where it has a relatively greater efficiency. various political. there is cause for optimism as long as a high level of interdependence can be maintained among all states. People have almost everywhere become curious. while war is at best a zero-sum game. trade is mutually beneficial. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. and other differences are causes of conflict. the increasing lethality of modern weapons has greatly increased the costs and risks of war. even if a Like the Democratic Peace Proposition.htm)JFS the notion that increased interdependence reduces the probability of war among nations is not new. 1976. Rosecrance sums up the view rather neatly that high interdependence fosters peace by making trading more profitable than invading. international trade represents one of the rare occasions in international affairs that present From an economic viewpoint. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. no socialist revolution has ever succeeded. particular state is more efficient at producing both goods. thus improving the prospects for long-term co-operation. In a simple model of a two-state-two-product international economy. They don‘t have a blueprint for action – they just hope that violent revolution will somehow end out well. For one. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb.sg/safti/pointer/back/journals/1999/Vol25_1/7. therefore. This enhances understanding and an appreciation of each other's views and perspectives. The final argument asserts that trade has the spillover effect of enhancing political ties between trading partners.s18 Some liberals explain the continuing occurrence of war as a result of the misconception of political leaders the trading option seem even more rational.hudson. economists have long demonstrated that economic interdependence benefits both parties through the process of international trade. Fellow at the Mercatus Center at George sMason University and Adjunct Fellow at the Hudson Institute. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. The alt fails. a win-win situation to both parties. It encourages this view because the turn to.17 Firstly. Propensity to change may not be inherent in human nature. Kahn noted that what most people everywhere want was visible. 4.2AC K Blocks 41/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah tactical alliances. and in doing so lessens the internal problems that push leaders to war.

had even greater success. The revision began almost immediately." George Orwell's satire. CUNY Graduate Center. most others are not. 2003 New Yorker) "Animal Farm. He was forty-six. 9. solutions can be offered pollution. 165. which is what Orwell intended. the five-year plan. none of capitalism‘s problems is insurmountable. This is the opposite of what Orwell intended. 1979.‖ http://www. in Orwell's allegory) can no longer be distinguished from the animals' previous exploiters. Virtually every detail in "Animal Farm" allegorizes some incident in that history: the Kronstadt rebellion. destroys assurance. which became the Cold War "Candide. A new ending was provided. 8. Frances Stonor Saunders. a prescient book. 1950. in which the pigs (the Bolsheviks. the month of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs. It was a warning against dealing with Stalin and. Tax systems can be designed to provide a greater measure of redistribution of income without . undermines the legitimacy of governments everywhere. Ultimately "it is precisely this position the one that increases the potential for the kinds of disasters which most at its advocates are trying to avoid" (Kahn. and had an animated-film version produced in England. Kahn rejected the idea that continuous growth would generate political repression and absolute poverty. At the minimum. "Animal Farm" is a parable about would-be liberators everywhere. Orwell was fatally ill with pulmonary tuberculosis when he wrote it. the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. The pressures of overpopulation.2AC K Blocks 42/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah improvement in their economic status and living standards. which it distributed throughout the world. erodes personal and group commitment to constructive activities and encourages obstructiveness to reasonable policies and hopes". to be satisfied with the moment) is catastrophe-prone".org/commentary/is-modern-capitalism-sustainable-." was finished in 1944." published four years later. famous and rich. Cap sustainable now. was omitted. "1984." reports that right after Orwell's death the C. Distinguished Professor of English.A. It was a Book-of-the-Month Club selection. in August. in her fascinating study "The Cultural Cold War. KB) In principle. Thus a crucial factor to be taken into account is that while the zero-growth advocates and their followers may be satisfied to stop at the present point. the Cold War was already on the horizon. Orwell had trouble finding a publisher. The cover of the current Harcourt paperback glosses the contents as follows: As ferociously fresh as it was more than half a century ago.projectsyndicate. the high point of the Soviet-Western alliance against fascism. financial instability. who would canonize him as the great enemy of propaganda. The people from poor countries have as a basic goal the transition from poor to middle class. The book's final scene. in some countries. The other implications of social change are secondary for them. the humans (the capitalists). and "Animal Farm" became a warning against political change per se. though. It remains so today. Capitalism co-opts criticism to create more insidious means of oppression – Animal Farm proves Menand 03 (Louis Menand. "it would probably require the creation of extraordinarily repressive governments or movements-and probably a repressive international system" (Kahn. and not a closing of the gap (Kahn. Sonia. On the contrary. 165). As we witness the rise and bloody fall of the revolutionary animals through the lens of our own history. and economists have offered a variety of marketbased solutions. in the circumstances. American Cold Warriors. (Howard Hunt was the agent on the case) secretly bought the film rights to "Animal Farm" from his widow. the Tehran conference. Any serious attempt to frustrate these expectations or desires of that majority is likely to fail and/or create disastrous counter reactions.I. and make less likely constructive and creative lives". January 27. 1976. it was quickly translated into many languages and distributed. we see the seeds of totalitarianism in the most idealistic organizations. A high global price for carbon would induce firms and individuals to internalize the cost of their polluting activities. he didn't want capitalism. after his death. 12/2/2011. health problems and inequality Rogoff 11 (Kenneth Rogoff. and he died in January. by the United States government. in which the animals storm the farmhouse where the pigs have moved and liberate themselves all over again. it is the limits-to-growth position "which creates low morale. ―Is Modern Capitalism Sustainable?. and in our most charismatic leaders. 1976. makes more likely misleading debate and misformulation of the issues. and by the time the book finally appeared. Hence this position "increases enormously the costs of creating the resources needed for expansion. But although Orwell didn't want Communism. 1945. 210. who had spent most of his life scraping by. the Moscow trials. and it made Orwell. Professor of Economics at Harcard. Kahn was convinced that "any concerted attempt to stop or even slow 'progress' appreciably (that is. "Animal Farm" was an instant success in England and the United States. 1976. Howard Hunt at least kept the story pegged to the history of the Soviet Union. to the deceptions and evasions of propagandaand by the very people. This part of his thought was carefully elided. national security challenges and poverty as well as the revolution of rising expectations could be solved only in a continuing growth environment. the souls of our cruelest oppressors. But almost everything in the popular understanding of Orwell is a distortion of what he really thought and the kind of writer he was. either. 1984). The great enemy of propaganda was subjected. 140-153).

than they would had they belonged to any previous generation in history.‖[7] For personal freedom. capitalism has not only driven down poverty rates and raised life expectancy.(12) Historically. (Peter Saunders. Summer 07-08. it was sixty-five years. writer for Policy Magazine. dictatorships. One of Karl Marx's most mischievous legacies was to suggest that this relationship is inherently antagonistic: that for employers to make profit. On this less literal and more secular interpretation of the 'soul. and that lies in its record of undermining tyrannies and dictatorships. 11. . To put this extraordinary achievement into perspective. . Capitalism is the only moral economic system – gives individuals the right to choose and breeds moral responsibility Billings 83 (Donald B. it freed millions from the dead hand of totalitarian socialism. 85% of the world's population lived on today's equivalent of less than a dollar per day. a free economy does not guarantee a democratic polity or a society governed by the rule of law.' It is due to the spread of global Capitalism has also made it possible for many more people to live on Earth and to survive for longer than ever before. capitalism. by minimizing non-transparent tax expenditures and keeping marginal rates low.php?nid=1277) <Following the lead of the economist Benjamin Rogge. By 1960. Nevertheless. Professor of Economics at Boise State University. it is almost certainly a necessary one. the average life expectancy in the poorest countries at the end of the twentieth century was fifteen years longer than the average life expectancy in the richest country in the world—Britain—at the start of that century. 10. moral standards of people and classes are high only where they have long . sport. But it also holds in the relationship between employers and employees. it was capitalism that delivered humanity from the 'soul-destroying' weight of feudalism. Valley High School Rishi Shah Effective pricing of health care. By perpetually raising productivity. including the pricing of waiting times.fee. and as political systems remain paralyzed. in general.org. Financial systems could be better regulated. workers in the advanced capitalist countries thrive when their companies increase profits. In 1900. the average Australian today spends a much greater proportion of his or her lifetime free of work There is another sense. Later. these latter conditions are never found in the absence of a free economy. http://www. could encourage a better balance between equality and efficiency. Approached in this way.cis.(11) This dramatic reduction in human misery and despair owes nothing to aging rockstars demanding that we 'make poverty history. is not ―ethically indifferent‖ but a necessary condition of morality. As examples like Pinochet's Chile and Putin's Russia vividly demonstrate. art. By 1998. this had risen to forty-six years. health problems. http://www. they must drive wages down. the possibility seems remote. The pursuit of profit thus results in higher living standards for workers. . In 1820. World poverty has fallen more in the last fifty years than it did in the previous five hundred. financial instability. and inequality continue to grow. learning. in which capitalism has freed individuals so they can pursue worthwhile lives. Writer for Policy Magazine. saying something is 'good for the soul' implies simply that it enhances our capacity to live a good life. Despite all the exaggerated talk of an 'imbalance' between work and family life.. with stricter attention to excessive accumulations of debt.2AC K Blocks 43/165 necessarily involving crippling distortions. brought about by the spread of capitalism on a world scale. the average life expectancy in the 'less developed countries' was just thirty years. By 1950. and that. it is in fact the case that ―. the most important part of the case for economic freedom is not its dramatic success in promoting economic growth. for profits generally flow to those who anticipate what other people want and then deliver it at the least cost. as well as cheaper and more plentiful goods and services for consumers. and therefore economic and political freedom. and meaningless lives Saunders 08. but rather its consistency with certain fundamental moral principles of life itself. What Clive Hamilton airily dismisses as a 'growth fetish' has resulted in one hour of work today delivering twentyfive times more value than it did in 1850. CommentsWill capitalism be a victim of its own success in producing massive wealth? For now. an old discovery that morals and moral values will grow only in an environment of freedom. as fashionable as the topic of capitalism‘s demise might be. July. While capitalism may not be a sufficient condition of human freedom.html) If we want to know if capitalism is bad (or good) for the 'soul. as pollution.' it probably makes more sense to approach the question metaphorically rather than theologically. Capitalism is key to any value to life without poverty. this proportion had fallen to 50%.' capitalism fares rather well. This has freed huge chunks of our time for leisure. Friedrich Hayek reminds us of certain fundamental conditions of the moral life. We have known since the time of Adam Smith that capitalism harnesses self-interest to generate outcomes that benefit others. This is obvious in the relationship between producers and consumers. . capitalism‘s future might not seem so secure in a few decades as it seems now. But as Milton Friedman once pointed out. Today it is down to 20%. It is . ―The Moral Case for Competitive Capitalism‖. The Freeman: Ideas on Liberty. and other 'soul-enriching' pursuits. too.au/POLICY/summer%200708/saunders_summer07. it has also released much of humanity from the crushing burden of physical labour.org/vnews. The way this has enhanced people's capacity to lead a good life can be seen in the spectacular reduction in levels of global poverty. In reality. freeing us to pursue 'higher' objectives instead.

the ―vulgar calculus of the marketplace‖ still seems to be the most humane way mankind has found for dealing with the economic problems of scarcity and the difficult allocation of resources. These essential ingredients of a free market order. .‖ adds Hayek on another occasion. Arthur Shenfield tells us. . is freedom to pursue our own purposes . . Murray Rothbard forcefully reminds us that ―. and responsibility for the arrangement of our own life according to our own conscience.‖[11] Capitalism tends to favor those who respect the sanctity of their contracts because of the respect for and enforcement of private property rights. whether virtuous or not.‖[10] Whatever the goals of individuals. that he has occasion to affirm existing values.2AC K Blocks 44/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah enjoyed freedom—and proportional to the amount of freedom they have possessed . . represents an important source of moral responsibility as well as a continuous reminder that our actions always entail costs—a pervasive characteristic of human existence. in a world of voluntary social cooperation through mutually beneficial exchanges .‖ Indeed. define a set of social institutions which encourages mutual respect for each and every individual. the awareness of a duty not exacted by compulsion .[8] Morality and the Market It appears that the free market system. It alone among economic systems operates on the basis of respect for free. . . What we want above all for ourselves. are the very essence of any morals which deserve the name. . As a corollary to this freedom we want others to respect our individuality. and which therefore we must accord to our neighbor. in which only voluntary and mutually beneficial exchange are permitted. has our decision moral value. . to contribute to their further growth. is a necessary condition for a moral order in which the integrity of the individual conscience is respected. All other systems in varying degrees treat men as less than this. Freedom to order our own conduct in the sphere where material circumstances force a choice upon us. . .[9] ―Surely. is the air in which alone moral sense grows and in which moral values are daily recreated in the free decision of the individual. . independence. it is obvious that great scope is provided for the development of social sympathy and human friendships. . independent responsible persons. but to one‘s conscience. The work ethic. ―it is far more likely that feelings of friendship and communion are the effects of a regime of contractual social cooperation rather than the cause. . Hayek points out in The Road to Serfdom that only: where we ourselves are responsible for our own interests . That freedom is the matrix required for the growth of moral values—indeed not merely one value among many but the source of all values—is almost selfevident. It is only where the individual has choice. . not to a superior. and to bear the consequences of one‘s own decision. encouraged by the institution of private property. and status as responsible human beings . and its inherent responsibility. Responsibility. . ―it is unjust to blame a system as more materialistic because it leaves it to the individual to decide whether he prefers material gain to other kinds of excellence. and to earn moral merit. This is the fundamental morality which capitalism requires and which it nurtures.

2AC K Blocks 45/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Chernus K .

Visiting professor of liberal studies at Harvard University. To do so would require it to contemplate tragic choices in which moral goodness is of limited utility. 7. 2. It is assumed that U. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. there would be no one left to do the summing up. The coercive power of the state is useful when it protects our lives and property from outside harm. in large part. or a Taliban regime? What means are likely to stop violence and bring criminals to justice? Calls for diplomacy and international law are well intended and important. then we are willing to accept more coercion to help the less fortunate. 5/11/7. the most important political questions are simply not asked. Means. No link – they have no evidence that the plan takes coercive action – their evidence just generalizes transportation infrastructure. would be to prepare the way for extinction by closing down in thought and feeling the open-ended possibilities for human development which extinction would close down in fact. We also rely on state-sponsored coercion regularly when writing private contracts. goal. The ability of creditors to collect depends on the power of the state to coerce borrowers But. Iss. This requires us to ask a question that most "peace" activists would prefer not to ask: What should be done to respond to the violen ce of a Saddam Hussein. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. absolute truth could ever conclude that it had reason to put an end to human life. Their moral tunnel vision is complicit with the evil they criticize Issac 2 (Professor of Political Science at Indiana-Bloomington. ―Coercive Regulation and the Balance of Freedom‖. Perm. Politics. Only a generation that believed itself to be in possession of final. If we think that state-sponsored redistribution is desirable. Cato Unbound. Glaeser." but no consideration is given to the aggression to which intervention is a response. Proquest) As a result. military intervention is an act of "aggression. http://www. and that circumstance would be that it had already died. no matter how elevated or noble it might be. No impact -. or a Milosevic.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. one must attend to the means that are necessary to bring it about. There is only one circumstance in which it might be possible to sum up the life and achievement of the species. Here what matters is not purity of intention but the intelligent exercise of power.org/2007/05/11/edward-glaeser/coercive-regulation-and-the-balance-of-freedom/)//EM **David Klein is a Cato Institute Adjunct Scholar and Professor of Economics at George Mason University Klein notes. PhD from Yale (Jeffery C. we must never raise that worth above the life of [hu]mankind and above our respect for that life‘s existence. ―Fate of the Earth‖) For the generations that now have to decide whether or not to risk the future of the species. Extinction destroys all human aspiration – Claims to outweigh it destroy value to life Schell 82 (Jonathan. To accomplish anything in the political world. of course. and only generations that recognized the limits to their own wisdom and virtue would be likely to subordinate their interests and dreams to the as yet unformed interests and undreamed dreams of the future generations. doesn‘t mean that it is wrong . Power is not a dirty word or an unfortunate feature of the world.2AC K Blocks 46/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Coercion K 1. Vol.. 7—the Fred and Eleanor Glimp Professor of Economics at Harvard University (Edward. involves contests over the distribution and use of power.coercion isn‘t inherently bad.‖ p. 6. or ideology. 2. as peace activists would have it. just because something is coercive. Power is the ability to effect outcomes in the world. To do this would be to make of our highest ideals so many swords with which to destroy ourselves. they implicate a decent and civilized ethic of global order. Aff impacts come first .cato-unbound. ―Ends. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. but rather terrorist violence abetted by a regime--the Taliban--that rose to power through brutality and repression. peace. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. 3. 49. Director of the Center for the Study of Democracy and Public Life. because they are not accompanied by any account of how diplomacy or international law can work effectively to address the problem at hand campus left offers no such account. The status quo ante in Afghanistan is not.S. It is the core of politics. and let human life go on. To sum up the worth of our species by reference to some particular standard. 5. the implication of our species‘ unique place in the order of things is that while things in the life of [hu]mankind have worth. And to develop such means is to . but then. as 4. and Politics. But they are also vague and empty. Dissent Magazine. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic.

University."73 Still others say that "when a person makes survival the highest value. 8. it refuses in principle to oppose certain violent injustices with any effect. To Valley High School Rishi Shah say this is not to say that power is beyond morality. Phd Political Science Harvard. 1986. we are likely to get that value and little else. Utilitarianism is key to morality – Extinction prevents future generation from attaining other values Nye 86 (Joseph S. 45-46) Is there any end that could justify a nuclear war that threatens the survival of the species? Is not all-out nuclear war just as self contradictory in the real world as pacifism is accused of being? Some people argue that "we are required to undergo gross injustice that will break many souls sooner than ourselves be the authors of mass murder. Just as the alignment with "good" may engender impotence. reflecting a kind of personal integrity. but it suffers from three fatal flaws: (1) It fails to see that the purity of one's intention does not ensure the achievement of what one intends." Is it possible to avoid the "moral calamity of a policy like unilateral disarmament that forces us to choose between being dead or red (while increasing the chances of both)"?74 How one judges the issue of ends can be affected by how one poses the questions. he has declared that there is nothing he will not betray. and to exercise. Some degree of risk is unavoidable if individuals or societies are to avoid paralysis and enhance the quality of life beyond mere survival. including a democratic way of life and cherished freedoms that give meaning to life beyond mere survival. When we pursue several values simultaneously. but that does not make it sufficient. Survival is a necessary condition for the enjoyment of other values. that is most significant. We can give survival of the species a very high priority without giving it the paralyzing status of an absolute value. and (3) it fails to see that politics is as much about unintended consequences as it is about intentions. If one asks "what is worth a billion lives (or the survival of the species). And it undermines political effectiveness." it is natural to resist contemplating a positive answer. to ask about the effects of pursuing these goals and to judge these effects in pragmatic and historically contextualized ways. but if such tactics entail impotence. ―Nuclear Ethics‖ pg. always. it is often a form of complicity in injustice. rather than the motives of action. This is the lesson of communism in the twentieth century: it is not enough that one's goals be sincere or idealistic. it is often the pursuit of "good" that generates evil. But suppose one asks. then it is hard to view them as serving any moral good beyond the clean conscience of their supporters. Moral absolutism inhibits this judgment. . Abjuring violence or refusing to make common cause with morally compromised parties may seem like the right thing. it is equally important. an unyielding concern with moral goodness undercuts political responsibility. survival may be worth betrayal. and Hannah Arendt have taught. This is why. But for a civilization to sacrifice itself makes no sense since there are not survivors to give meaning to the sacrifical [sic] act. The concern may be morally laudable. moral purity is not simply a form of powerlessness. In that case.2AC K Blocks 47/165 develop. It alienates those who are not true believers. The degree of that risk is a justifiable topic of both prudential and moral reasoning. As writers such as Niccolo Machiavelli. Reinhold Niebuhr. Logical priority does not make it an absolute value. we face the fact that they often conflict and that we face difficult tradeoffs. from the standpoint of politics--as opposed to religion--pacifism is always a potentially immoral stand. In categorically repudiating violence. Served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. "is it possible to imagine any threat to our civilization and values that would justify raising the threat to a billion lives from one in ten thousand to one in a thousand for a specific period?" Then there are several plausible answers. Few people act as though survival were an absolute value in their personal lives. (2) it fails to see that in a world of real violence and injustice. If we make one value absolute in priority. or they would never enter an automobile. It is to say that power is not reducible to morality. power. Max Weber. it is the effects of action. It promotes arrogance.

improved editions that threaten my market share. economists have understood that the invisible hand of the marketplace works only if producers of goods and services vie with one another. 12/1/02. Science. whatever its relative performance. In fact. Competition good. Too‖. unlike countries. are wrong and misleading. and Technology)) RYS Summary.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. Urban Studies. 5. Because capital is more mobile than labor. Environment. 1. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research.sagepub. They are attracted to towns that use tax dollars wisely. I feel this to be to a large extent a counterargument. Roberto Camagni works at the Polytechnic of Milan . as economists put it. people can compare public services and taxes. The competitiveness of territories thus emerges as a central issue. who has been dedicating an increasing amount of attention to the issue of spatial development. It prevents governments from exerting substantial monopoly power over residents. Corporations benefit from various government services. Gregory Mankiw is a professor of economics at Harvard.com/2012/04/15/business/competition-is-good-for-governments-too-economic-view. http://www. Most everyone agrees that competition is vital to a wellfunctioning market economy. The arguments put forward by Paul Krugman. due to the fact that the concept of competitiveness. No link – their evidence is critiquing the idea of economic competition between nations. they can go elsewhere. Introduction In an era of globalisation. automatic mechanism-like currency devaluation or prompt flexibility of wages and prices-exists to grant each territory some role in the international division of labour. But knowing that I have to keep up with the Paul Krugmans and the Glenn Hubbards of the world keeps me on my toes. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. the protection of property rights and the enforcement of contracts. N. using a cognitive evolutionary type approach. businesses can — and often do — move to places offering a better mix of taxes and services. http://usj. . ―Competition Is Healthy for Governments. But it reflects why conservatives and liberals disagree on many big issues facing the nation. The New York Times. 2. referring to the national level.com/content/39/13/2395. in particular examining two related questions more thoroughly: the question of the soundness of the concept of territorial competitiveness itself in terms of economic theory and the question of the new foundations on which this competitiveness is based. 1996. The argument applies not only to people but also to capital.) RYS SHOULD governments — of nations. I curse the fact that my competitors are constantly putting out new. territories and not just firms increasingly find themselves in competition with each other.improves products and helps the economy Mankiw 4/14 (N. Aff impacts come first . outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. competition among governments significantly constrains how capital is taxed. the issue of territorial competitiveness is of increasingly central importance for regional development policies. in single currency areas. This means that no efficient. ―On the Concept of Territorial Competitiveness: Sound or Misleading?‖. Granted. benefiting the customers — in this case. In choosing where to live. In a globalising economy. cities and regions compete. It makes me work harder. Since the days of Adam Smith. Competition keeps town managers alert. p. and cannot be accepted in a territorial-regional and urban-context. Gregory.html?_r=2.2AC K Blocks 48/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Competitiveness K 1. They can. make them prove a link to the aff. 4/14/12. Sage Publications on behalf of the Urban Studies Journal Foundation. Competitiveness is an economically sound theory Camagni 02 (Roberto. including infrastructure. in order to secure employment stability. students. His sceptical and provocative comments have perplexed experts in the field of regional economics as to their validity in more restricted contexts than the national context (International Regional Science Review. But if taxes vastly exceed these benefits. 2395-2396. has been strongly challenged by a well-known authority on international economics. continuing growth of local well-being and wealth. Competition keeps prices low and provides an incentive to improve and innovate. I produce economics textbooks. The upshot is that competition among economics textbooks makes learning the dismal science a bit less dismal. competition among governments leads to better governance. For much the same reason.Department BEST (Buildings. vote with their feet. Paul Krugman (1998). benefits from external integration. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. defining the concept of competitiveness.nytimes. This paper aims to deal directly with the issue from a theoretical viewpoint. If people feel that their taxes exceed the value of their public services. states and towns — compete like business rivals? The question is simpler to ask than to answer. 3. on the basis of an absolute advantage principle and not a comparative advantage principle. competition is not always good for producers. 4.

an ensemble of private actors and a system of local public administrations. short of fighting. which assigns a role to every country in the international division of labour. 1959). which make up the relational capital (Camagni. Schelling (1966) and others realized that the situation was analogous to a game of chicken. as used to be said in the past. The state can make demands in negotiation. Imagine a state that has a relatively modest grievance. How was competition possible when each disagreement potentially involved the end of civilization? Brodie (1946. or once grievances grow to sufficient intensity. As in clashes between the Soviet Union and the United States. considering not only the role that territory plays in providing competitive ‗environmental‘ tools to individual companies. UC San Diego Political Science Department (―Interdependence Really is Complex. a contest can be averted.‖ 2/15/10. and Soviet blocs were willing to engage in a large number of relatively minor disputes. though by extending the range of possible contests. Instead. without any automatic assurance of such a role. but these companies and these entrepreneurs are to a large extent generated by the local context and. can also become pecuniary externalities. Economic ties provide both the motive and opportunity for interdependent states to substitute relatively minor non-militarized contests for violent confrontations. The presence of economic linkages. the lower intensity and risk of escalation should mean that interdependent dyads actually increase conflict behavior. however. 2001) of a certain geographical space. specialisation and trade is an absolute advantage principle. and this once again makes the concept of territorial competitiveness relevant. which sees interdependence as deterring conflict and discouraging acts that run the risk of endangering trade or other pro table relationships. Once there are sufficient differences. Competition prevents extinction – allows for disputes to be resolve without war Gartzkey. 6. conflict in the nuclear era involved manipulating the risk of mutually dreaded outcomes (Powell 1990). but interdependent dyads are also free to pursue a greater variety of latent conflicts.e. Capello. Interdependence thus creates a ―middle way" between talk and war. which brings together a collectivity. Sometimes demands will be believed and issues resolved diplomatically. models of co-operation and decisions on which the innovative progress of local companies is based. —a system of economic and social relations. whatever the level of efŽ ciency and of competitiveness of its productive sectors may be. Militarized disputes are replaced with non-militarized disputes. In particular. and —a system of local governance. given the lower cost of non-militarized disputes. so it appears right to state that the theoretical legitimacy of the concept still remains uncertain. http://dss. the state may not be willing or able to act on any given dispute. but the state often has no way of proving its valuation for issues. though at lower levels of dispute intensity. but more intense militarized contests. that at the more finely detailed territorial level—and therefore in economies open not only to trade but also to the movement of factors of production—the principle that governs production. This insight contrasts with the classical liberal argument. 10 – Erik. by allowing signaling. accessibility or environmental quality. I maintain. in the local industrial atmosphere). Therefore. Both attractiveness and local competitiveness depend on similar common factors. Nuclear nations could not precipitate a cataclysmic exchange over every disagreement.ucsd. The second argument proposed has regard to the fact that some laws governing the economics of international trade do not operate at the sub-national level. in the local labour market (or. Kahn (1960). which is embedded not only in the internal culture of individual companies but. thanks to proximity and the resulting reduction in transaction costs involved. but may instead let issues accumulate into a bundle of grievances. substitute a larger number of relatively minor economic conflicts for less frequent. 7. 1999. the fate of that economy may be crisis. The argument proposed here asserts that the concept of territorial competitiveness is theoretically sound.edu/~egartzke/papers/complexinterdep_02242010. Introducing a mechanism that is cheaper than war and more effective than talk encourages interdependent states to pursue issues for which fighting is prohibitively expensive. 1991a. this can provoke a war. a primary role is played by processes of ‗collective learning‘ (Camagni. if a certain level or rate of growth in competitiveness is not assured. World Bank. 1999): these processes result in a ‗socialised‘ growth of knowledge. reduces militarized conflict but increasing nonmilitarized conflict over a greater variety of minor issues. Competition among the superpowers became commonplace as the cost of a contest subsided from global holocaust to some finite probability of the same. I refer in particular to the Ricardian principle of comparative advantage.S. It is obvious that individual companies are the entities that compete and act in the international market and that their innovativeness can never be separated from the presence of a Schumpeterian entrepreneur. It is at the same time: —a system of localised technological externalities— i. their decision-making processes are firmly based on socialised processes and/or explicit collective action. 1993. Indeed. which are not only found in physical externalities. This conclusion is supported by different aspects of the economic concept of ‗territory‘. 1999) or the social capital (Putnam. Interdependence creates similar dynamics. The need to combine the mechanisms of . it does not seem unreasonable to claim that territories compete with one another. If instead economic linkages allow a state to signal the need for a more generous settlement. depopulation and desertification.pdf)RK Strategists in the early nuclear era faced a fundamental challenge. Keeble and Wilkinson. Interdependence encourages additional low-level conflict. both to attract direct foreign (or external) investment and in defining a productive role for themselves within the international division of labour. in order for them to govern and live with uncertainty. particularly. the fact that it is common knowledge in a chicken game that contests will be contained in their intensity may help to explain why the U. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. an ensemble of material and immaterial factors which. but also in relational capital and the learning capacity expressed by the territory.2AC K Blocks 49/165 1999) but they Valley High School Rishi Shah have never been explicitly and analytically evaluated in a critical way. Given the high cost of warfare. but especially the role that it plays in the processes of knowledge accumulation and in the development of interpretative codes. Perm.

2AC K Blocks 50/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah signaling and coercion in one conflict process in order to substitute for militarized violence also imply that interdependent dyads should be more peaceful than asymmetrically dependent dyads. .

2AC K Blocks 51/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: DADA K .

2AC K Blocks 52/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Death Drive K .

The exits and lines of flight pursued by Deleuze and Guattari are being shut down and rerouted by the very people who would take them most seriously . Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. The problem is in part that rhizomes.esotericscience. We are more than matter – experiments prove Bladon 06 [Lee. Nothing is more crucial to philosophy than escaping the dialectic and no project is more hopeless. the stupid-critical underground is the curved space in which this opposition turns back on itself. smooth spaces. Perm – do the plan and all non-mutually parts of the alternative. "6a .htm] . the experience of virtual exhilaration in modalities already mapped and dominated by nomad. n-dimensional intersection of rhizomatic plateaus. plateaus and The nomad is already succumbing to the rousseauism and orientalism that were always invested in his figure. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. http://www. Such instant. Nomadology and rhizomatics conceive such a ―space‖ (if one only had the proverbial nickel for every time that word is used as a critical metaphor. this very narcissistic wish to see oneself projected past the frontier into new spaces. lines of flight. In the strictest sense. he is reduced to being a romantic outlaw.edu/text-only/issue.2AC K Blocks 53/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Deleuze and Guattari K 1. 5. to a position opposite the State. are at one and the same time theoretical-political devices of the highest critical order and merely fantasmatic. 3. and yet. Becoming-fashion. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. of infinite fractal lines occupying finite social space. One must pursue it still. In Deleuze-speak. strictly by its relation or opposition to some more or less hegemonic formation. etc.595/mann. indeed retroactive ruins. n . war-machines. often retrievable by one or another techno-metaphorical zoning (e. The stupid optimism of every work that takes up these figures is. in the very process of its comprehension. Claudel‘s recuperation of him as a proper Catholic). but one can always pretend otherwise)." 2006 is date of copyright. the stupid underground would be mapped not as a margin surrounding a fixed point.iath. but as an intensive. its fate seems secure. the means of that futility and that immanent obsolescence.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. that every application of these new topologies will only serve to render them more pointless. delirious. however. becoming-commodity. colloidal suspension. planes of consistency. is not only the topological verisimilitude of the model but the *fantastic* possibility of nonlinear passage.virginia. whatever Deleuze and Guattari intended for him. stupid philosophy.. but no vigilance would have sufficed in any case. It is this very fantasy. It is perhaps true that Deleuze and deterritorializations.org/article6a. rhizomatic capital (the political philosophy of the stupid underground: capital is more radical than any of its critiques. Guattari did not adequately protect their thought from this dialectical reconfiguration (one is reminded of Breton‘s indictment against Rimbaud for not having The work of Deleuze and Guattari is evidence that.g. that abandons one to this economy.The Multidimensional Human. in the sort of dialectical operation Deleuze most despised. before it has even been comprehended. narcissistic models for writing. without the slightest reflection on what might be involved in rendering the conceptual in spatial terms) as a liquid. ―Stupid Undergrounds‖http://pmc. ―cyberspace‖). best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. strewn about like tattoos on the stupid body without organs. simultaneous accesses and exits. Professor of English at Pomona College. and thus perhaps an instance of the all-too-proper blurring of the distinction between criticism and fantasy.595 05/95) Intellectual economics guarantees that even the most powerful and challenging work cannot protect itself from the order of fashion. What is at stake. of multiple Nomad thought is prosthetic. creator of esoteric science. 4. are the virtual landscape of the stupid underground. and shuts down lines of fight that can otherwise not be explored Mann 95 (Paul Mann. entirely reterritorialized in advance. any given work from the stupid underground‘s critical apparatus is liable to be tricked out with smooth spaces.. Aff impacts come first . Turn – Bringing DnG into debate flies in the face of what they tried to do. BwOs. To pursue nomadology or rhizomatics as such is already to have lost the game. in real time. And the rhizome is becoming just another stupid subterranean figure. in advance.1s. It is not yet time to abandon work that so deeply challenges our intellectual habits as does that of Deleuze and Guattari. 2. becoming-ruin. One pursues it and knows that the pursuit will prove futile. that seals these spaces within an order of critical fantasy that has long since been overdeveloped. virtual models and maps close off the very exits they indicate. By now. by itself. not as a fixed site determined prevented.

The new rules are: ―you don‘t ask questions‖. Interestingly. This inner awareness or inner essence is the real "you". Clarity is also the reason why Fight Club fascinates its members. close your eyes and become aware of everything within you. but instead of connecting with other lines and each time augmenting its valence. Project Mayhem. ―What makes fascism dangerous is its molecular or micropolitical power. its line of flight is followed by reterritorialization. a proliferation of molecular interactions. This is objective proof that we are more than just our physical bodies and brains. dispenser of the justice. which is due to the self and the subtle bodies leaving the physical body. a ―reterritorialization‖ takes place. a texture that enables de-differentiations.. 149). and the leader with the group‖ (Deleuze & Guattari 1987: 34). it is microfascism. Finally turn your attention to your thoughts – you will notice that thoughts just pop in and out of your mind without you actively thinking them. the aspects of Fight Club that do not resonate in Project Mayhem (that is. It is in this context remarkable that Fight Club operates as a deterritorialized line of flight. a black hole. to invent new territorializations. Hereward Carrington describes how Dutch scientists succeeded in weighing the physical body before. institution. Fight Club was a gang. If Project Mayhem is the ridiculous Nazi-type organization with unreflexive skinheads who just repeat Tyler‘s orders. The second danger of the line of flight.2AC K Blocks 54/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Dr Evan Harris Walker. with all the identifications of the individual with the group. which is less obvious but more interesting is ―clarity‖. Project Mayhem is centralised around Jack/Tyler who gives the multiplicity of lines of escape a resonance.uk/fass/sociology/papers/dikenlaustsen-enjoy-your-fight. ―Everything is nothing. that our minds are all interconnected. Here is a simple exercise you can use right now to determine who you really are: Just sit down. Fight Club isthe molecular face of fascism. It is the basis of all your experiences: asleep or awake. that we are all part of the one quantum mind. dml) The first danger is that a line of flight can become re-stratified: in the fear of complete destratification. What used to be compact and whole seems now to be leaking. In this sense. ―Enjoy your fight!‖ – ―Fight Club‖ as a symptom of the Network Society. the passion for abolition‖ (1987: 229). He believes that consciousness transcends time and space.ac. and Carsten Bagge Laustsen. turning to destruction. rigid segmentation and segregation may seem attractive. 6. Turn – an affirmation of lines of flight causes catastrophe and fails for three reasons – Fight Club proves Diken and Laustsen 1 (Bülent. migrations. interpretation. The third danger: a line of flight can lose its creative potentials and become a line of death. 125). ―you have to trust Tyler‖. In . we are trapped in a thousand little monomanias. etc. ―Instead of the great paranoid fear. when the holes in it are revealed. the group with the leader. author of The Physics of Consciousness. Methods change too: ―We and women freedom have to show these men by enslaving them.pdf. Fight Club produces a microcosm of the affections of the rigid: it deterritorializes. whereas the movie clearly makes a self-reflexive mockery of Project Mayhem in the context of the first danger (macrofascism). Department of Political Sciences. You will realise that whatever part of yourself you focus on there will always be a sense of awareness that is somehow above and beyond everything else. Clarity arises when one attains a perception of the molecular texture of the ―social‖. blinding lights giving any and everybody the mission of self-appointed judge. http://www. is regarded as one the pioneers of the modern consciousness research. getting out of the black holes. This is precisely what happens in Fight Club: ―the line of flight crossing the wall. Walker rejects the conventional physical explanations of consciousness and believes that consciousness is something outside the physical world and does not depend on the brain. during and after out-of-body experiences. It evolves into a project. student at the University of Copenhagen. before beginning to resonate together in the National Socialist State‖ (Deleuze & Guattari 1987: 214-5). for it is a mass movement‖. as a war machine that is violently opposed to the state. abolition pure and simple.D. lecturer in Sociology at Lancaster University. policeman. Whenever a line of flight is stopped by an organization. In spite of the fact that Fight Club makes a mockery of an ―illusion of safety‖ in the beginning. you must be more than your mind. and it‘s cool to be enlightened‖ (Palahniuk 1997: 64). massifies. and there is a microfascism in Fight Club that cannot be confined to Project Mayhem. self-evident truths. It seems as if the movie assumes that power predominantly pertains to molar lines. Start off by noticing your physical body – the fact that you are aware of it means that you must be more than your body. "dead" or "alive" – it is eternal. Ph. and clarities that gush from every black hole and no longer form a system. overlappings. In comparison with Fight Club. but only in order to stop deterritorialization. They measured an average weight loss of 2¼ ounces (63g) during out of body experiences. Clarity emerges with the transformation of Fight Club into Project Mayhem. ―skipping from point to point. Becoming a ―bureaucracy of anarchy‖ (Palahniuk 1997: 119).lancs. Then become aware of your emotions – the fact that you are aware of how you feel means that you are more than your emotions. and so on (Ibid. but are only rumble and buzz. its microfascist aspects) escape its ironic perspective. hybridizations. Its microfascism can be understood best as a transgressive delirium. In his book World of Psychic Research. Because you are objectively aware of the thoughts in your mind. and that our consciousness survives physical death. Fight Club does not only reproduce the dangers of the rigid in a miniature scale. and show them courage by frightening them‖ (Ibid. Project Mayhem is the point at which Fight Club reterritorializes as ―the paranoid position of the mass subject. But lines of flight are not exempted from power relations. neighbourhood SS man‖ (Deleuze and Guattari 1987: 228). its members are not merely the Oedipalized paranoiacs of the capitalist state order. Project Mayhem is more like an army.

living machines conduct wars. language and psychoanalysis.html) Techno-nomad TJs are attracted by the uncompromising theoretical radicalism expressed by Deleuze and Guattari. but in up-to-date revolutionary form which call once more into question in an entirely immanent manner both the global economy of the machine and the assemblages of national States. Because of their very different life experiences. this elitist theory was updated through the addition of Lacanian structuralism by Louis Althusser. and that which pertains to line of flight. about sex. However. Deleuzoguattarian anarchocommunism even included the censorship of music. The by investigating the way the logic of the cut works in the film. they believed that society could only be changed by a revolutionary vanguard composed of themselves and their comrades. the chief philosopher of the French Communist party. are combined and trace out a plane of consistence which undermines the plane of organization of the world and the States? For. complete destratification. 165). Unwilling to connect abstract theory with its practical application. the regression to the undifferentiated or complete disorganization is asdangereous as transcendence and organization. of complete destratification. Second. Frequence Libre imploded because of the particular New Left politics which inspired A Thousand Plateaus and the other sacred texts.nettime. a war machine that has war as its object. Turn – their type of revolution is committed precisely to stop the becoming-other of the disadvantaged – they can never understand the situation of the people they try to liberate – their author Deleuze 93 (Gilles. affects. It is not surprising that all kinds of minority questions—linguistic. As in other social movements. they retained its most fundamental premise: the minds of the majority of the population were controlled by bourgeois ideologies.<17> For Deleuze and Guattari. media. never asked by microfascists. Instead of gambling on the eternal impossibility of the revolution and on the fascist return of a war-machine in general. Above all.<16> During the sixties. Just like their Stalinist elders. The test of desire is not denouncing false desires but distinguishing between that which pertains to the strata. many young people in the sixties experienced a pronounced 'generation gap' between themselves and their parents. a minimum of forms and functions. During the 1917 Russian revolution . 8/27.without any formal consent from them . the revolution could only be organised by a committed minority. Tyler. the techno-nomads cannot see how Deleuze and Guattari's celebration of direct democracy was simultaneously a justification for intellectual elitism. This authoritarian methodology clearly contradicted the libertarian rhetoric within Deleuze and Guattari's writings. the freewheeling pervert of Fight Club. 7. the alluring and charismatic. and assemblages‖ (Deleuze & Guattari 1987: 270). ethnic. as the rappers who wanted to make a show for Frequence Libre discovered. This elitism was no accident. suicide.‖ The Deleuze Reader pg 255-56. Lenin had advocated direct democracy while simultaneously instituting the totalitarian rule of the Bolsheviks. dml) All this constitutes what can be called a right to desire. Deleuze and Guattari never escaped from this fundamental contradiction of revolutionary politics. As their 'free radio' experience showed. a test.2AC K Blocks 55/165 fact. A line of flight that desires its own repression. The absence of the Leninist party did not prevent the continuation of vanguard politics. Deleuze and Guattari were tacitly privileging their own role as intellectuals: the producers of semiotic systems. regional. most people supposedly desired fascism rather than anarcho-communism. fascism Valley High School Rishi Shah is the result of an intense line of flight that becomes a line of death. is as dangerous as society. why not think that a new type of revolution is in the course of becoming possible. the two philosophers believed that only the vanguard of intellectuals had the right to lead the masses . Therefore a relevant question. First. 8. this deep authoritarianism found its theoretical expression in their methodology: semiotic structuralism. Despite rejecting its 'wooden language'. or youth—resurge not only as archaisms. is whether it is not ―necessary to retain a minimum of strata. If there are two dangers. wanting self-destruction and ―death point at which escape becomes a line of death is the point at which war (destruction) becomes the main object of the war machine rather than its supplement. the two philosophers never really abandoned Stalinism in theory. Althusser had explained why only a revolutionary minority supported the New Left. Robespierre had argued that the democratic republic could only be created by a revolutionary dictatorship. a minimal subject from which to extract materials. Brainwashed by the semiotic 'machinic assemblages' of the family. This is why many young radicals simultaneously believed in two contradictory concepts.<14> The New Left militants were reliving an old problem in a new form. the world and its States are no more masters of their plan than revolutionaries are . Deleuze and Guattari‘s alternative fails and leads to authoritarian oppression. By adopting an Althusserian analysis. and that all kinds of mutating. coordinator of the Hypermedia Research Centre at the University of Westminster. Barbrook 98 (Richard. becomes an instrument of pure destruction and violence. 230). which Fight Club doesnot pass (Ibid. transforming into Project Mayhem.in the fight against capitalism.org/ListsArchives/nettime-l-9808/msg00091. ―Toward Freedom. Fight Club. http://amsterdam. the revolution would create mass participation in running society. Let‘s qualify this point through the death of others‖ (Ibid. Fight Club fights only the first. In other words. far from succumbing to an outside conspiracy. Feeling so isolated.<15> In Deleuze and Guattari's writings. Fr=E9quence Libre was dominated by a few charismatic individuals: the holy prophets of the anarcho-communist revolution. Yet. the strata and complete destratification. Back in the 1790s. Supreme Chancellor of the Galactic Republic and mother of three. once again.

still champions the lost Utopia of May '68 through the theoretical poetry of Deleuze and Guattari. These adepts are united by specific 'signifying practices': computer technologies. Guattari and his colleagues were more interested in lecturing the audience rather than engaging in discussions with them. Number 6. There even is a distinctive Deleuzoguattarian language which is almost incomprehensible to the uninitiated. insofar as it is asked. Pioneered by computer-generated dance music. bizarre science. Their Body-without-Organs phrase can be used to romanticize cyber-sex. to impede the question of the revolutionary-becoming of people.including many on the Left .pdf) Many ideological currents scrutinized here – localism. metaphysics.<4> However. Unlike the Californian ideology. the writings of Deleuze and Guattari do seem to provide theoretical metaphors which describe the non-commercial aspects of the Net. For instance.2AC K Blocks 56/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah condemned to the deformation of theirs.nettime. As this ideological quagmire worsens.html) At the end of the century. the European avant-garde .<3> Even after decades of reactionary' rule. December.springerlink. TJs look back to the libertarian spontaneity of May '68. back to front…. http://amsterdam. art.and even flourish . Guattari's attempts to turn theory into practice within the 'free radio' movement had ended in tragedy. Above all. graphic design. spontaneism. back to back. When it emerged in Europe.from getting involved in their community radio station. Frequence Libre went bankrupt and its frequency was sold to pay its debts.emory. a vibrant lechno-culture has been flourishing across the continent for over two decades. Deleuze and Guattari's nomad myth reflects the mobility of contemporary Net users as workers and tourists. the Deleuzoguattarians form their own subculture: the techno-nomads. National University. Therefore contemporary European intellectuals have turned social transformation into theoretical poetry . the superficiality of post-modernism is no longer fashionable among radical intellectuals. their most famous book . Hypermedia Research Centre . The decline of the public sphere in late twentieth-century America poses a series of great dilemmas and challenges.and its imitators . post-modernism. they remain very much alive in the 1990s. Despite their different outlooks and share one thing in common: a depoliticized expression of struggles to combat and overcome alienation. 2: The Politics of May '68 Far from deterring an audience educated in structuralism. trajectories. The cult of Deleuze and Guattari is a prime example of this aesthetisation of sixties radicalism. Theory and Society. at every level. Volume 26. Guattari was the leader of Frequence Libre. Turn – Anti-Politics a) Deleuze and Guattari link to anti-politics Barbrook '98 (Richard. b) Extinction Boggs. Because the Soviet Union has collapsed. Everything is played in uncertain games. ―front to front. When some rappers approached Frequence Libre about the possibility of making some programmes. The democratic ways of working. This revolutionary elitism even extended the musical policies of the station . publishing and video games." August 27. they all While these currents have deep origins in popular movements of the 1960s and 1970s. the European avant-garde can return to its old obsession with Leninism. ====CONTTNUES==== In the early eighties. the hermetic language and tortured syntax used within A Thousand Plateaus are seen as proofs of its analytical brilliance. 9. Eventually. the station refused to let any hip-hop crews on-air until their lyrics had been politically vetted! After they'd alienated most of their potential activists and audience. illegal chemicals and cyberpunk novels. The revolution will be digitalised.a revolutionary dreamtime for the imagination. D&G now symbolises more than just Dolce & Gabbana. The false sense of empowerment that comes with such mesmerizing impulses is accompanied by a loss of public engagement. this idiosyncratic Deleuzoguattarian discourse is causing as much confusion as elucidation among their followers. the Net was at first seen as a place for social and cultural experimentation rather than as a business opportunity.‖ The question of the revolution is a bad question because. However. urgent problems that are destroying the fabric of American society will go unsolved – perhaps even unrecognized – only to fester more ominously in the future. cultural experimentation and emancipatory lifestyles initiated in tins period survive . And such . a community radio station licenced to broadcast across Paris. techno music. these techno-nomads possess a radical optimism about the future of the Net.library. it soon became obvious that turning Deleuzoguattarian theory into practice was impossible. in every place. 97 (Carl. Guattari's 'free radio' encountered growing difficulties in raising sufficient cash and recruiting enough volunteers to operate the station. http://www.org/ListsArchives/nettime-l-9808/msg00092. Within the rhizomes of the Net. an erosion of citizenship and a depleted capacity of individuals in large groups to work for social change.now provides the buzzwords and concepts ror a specifically European understanding of the Net.proxy. Above all. However. the sectarian politics of the two philosophers actually discouraged people . esoteric beliefs. there are so many people who do not become. In contrast with the USA. ―The great retreat: Decline of the public sphere in late twentieth-century America‖. and this is exactly why it is done. spontaneous and horizontal network.University of Westminster. this digital aesthetic now embraces fashion.com. Los Angeles. the folk memory of the sixties still remains an inspiration for the present. belief in the overthrow of capitalism is no longer credible. While all that remains of hippie ideals in Wired is its psychedelic layout. Deep Ecology – intersect with and reinforce each other. Far from encouraging audience participation.edu/content/m7254768m63h16r0/fulltext. Instead.within the DIY culture of the Nineties. the rhizome metaphor captures how cyberspace is organised as an openended. "The Holy Fools.A Thousand Plateaus .

more than ever. and communications. and civic violence that have been so much a part of the American landscape. it is the vagaries of political power that will continue to decide the fate of human societies. This last point demands further elaboration. even as the ethos of anti-politics becomes more compelling and even fashionable in the United States. that social hierarchies will somehow disappear. The fragmentation and chaos of a Hobbesian world. In this way the eclipse of politics might set the stage for a reassertion of politics in more virulent guise – or it might help further rationalize the existing power structure. By diluting the life of common involvements. technological displacement of workers) cannot be understood outside the larger social and global context of internationalized markets. be reduced to impotence. In his commentary on the state of citizenship today. The shrinkage of politics hardly means that corporate colonization will be less of a reality. as larger numbers of people turn away from public concerns toward private ones. Wolin refers to the increasing sublimation and dilution of politics. The unyielding truth is that. comes at a time when agendas that ignore or sidestep these global realities will. not very far removed from the rampant individualism. the state would likely become what Hobbes anticipated: the embodiment of those universal. the fate of the world hangs in the balance. can in fact be filled by authoritarian and reactionary elites – an already familiar dynamic in many lesser-developed countries. collective interests that had vanished from civil society. well-informed and ready to participate at many levels.2AC K Blocks 57/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah problems (ecological crisis. In either case. poverty. often inspired by localist sentiment. spread of infectious diseases. could be the prelude to a powerful Leviathan designed to impose order in the face of disunity and atomized retreat. finance. or that gigantic state and military structures will lose their hold over people‘s lives. 74 In the meantime. the widespread retreat from politics. 75 . urban decay. social Darwinism. Paradoxically. Far from it: the space abdicated by a broad citizenry. we negate the very idea of politics as a source of public ideals and visions.

2AC K Blocks 58/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Derrida K .

6 Moreover. of Southampton. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. Yet. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR.. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. It encourages this view because the turn to. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. 2. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. from this standpoint. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. event or phenomenon.2AC K Blocks 59/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Ecofeminism K 1. as Shapiro points out. 3. for a certain class of problems. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. However. namely. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alt. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. yet. In one respect. Aff impacts come first .4 However. I will suggest.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. and prioritisation of. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. for example. loosely deployed or not. of course. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may. In other words. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. . Thus. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘.e. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. it is by no means clear that it is. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. 4. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and action are foregrounded. in contrast. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. if this is the case. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR.

AZT. The age of democracy is the age of Second. and other differences are causes of conflict. the virus became more common in the blood (permitting insects to transmit it readily). Failure To Control The Spread Of Aids Triggers Mutations That Will Kill Everyone On The Planet Paul Ehrlich and Anne Ehrlich.‖ Central European History. but it could temporarily increase the transmission rate If the ability of the AIDS virus to grow in the cells of the skin or the membranes of the mouth.theinfo. Embracing science and objective reason is critical to a progressive social politics—we can‘t combat AIDS or warming without it. I would argue that there ―scientism‖ . If so. for instance. that acquiring those abilities would so change the and reduce life expectancy of infected persons until the system once again equilibrated. 1990. If. 6. ―objective‖ or naturalized answers — since values are often regarded as matters of opinion. Nor can we combat false ideas in history. sociology. might evolve new transmission characteristics. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. virus that it no longer efficiently infected the kinds of cells it now does and so would no longer cause AIDS. The virus has already shown itself to be highly mutable. subverted the real. we have rational thought and the fearless analysis of objective reality (both natural and social) are incisive tools for combating the mystifications promoted by the powerful--not to mention being desirable human ends in their own right. it might be transmissible through coughs. Edward Ross Dickinson. and there would be strong selection in favor of less lethal strains (as happened in the case of myxopatomis). Of course. and in a democratic system there is therefore a bias toward pragmatic. the new strain might cause death in days or weeks. Democracy: Some Reflections on Our Discourse About ―Modernity.html POLITICALLY. For most of the past two centuries. 37. expertise its substitute for authority. the Left has been identified with science and against obscurantism. is worried that a relatively minor mutation could lead to the virus infecting a type of white blood cell commonly present in the lungs. 147-8 Whether or not AIDS can be contained will depend primarily on how rapidly the spread of HIV can be slowed through public education and other measures. THE POPULATION EXPLOSION. Scientific reasoning bolsters democracy while checking authoritarianism. We're witnessing here a profound historical volte-face. believed that economics. 1996 (Professor of Physics at New York University). Infected individuals then would have less time to spread the virus to others. the lungs. It also in a sense replaced them. and laboratory strains resistant to the one drug. p. Unlike the current version of AIDS. cultural. even if power relations were the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts. 2004 (University of Cincinnati. Fascism. ―Biopolitics. Democratic citizens have the freedom to ask ―why‖. historical ideological underpinnings of authoritarian polities in Europe in the nineteenth century. would almost certainly involve changes in its lethality. What this would mean epidemiologically is not clear.‖ and democracy. The recent turn of many "progressive" or "leftist" academic humanists and social scientists toward one or another form of epistemic relativism betrays this worthy heritage and undermines the already fragile prospects for progressive social critique. that seems to slow its lethal course have already been reported. 7.mirror.org/9605/sokal. however. ―A PHYSICIST EXPERIMENTS WITH CULTURAL STUDIES‖ Accessed May 23. which can take ten years or more to kill its victims. 1. In effect it would produce an entirely different disease. with which any citizen has a right to differ.2AC K Blocks 60/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah epistemology right. Scientific ―fact‖ is democracy‘s substitute for revealed truth. But it is likely. vol. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. Professors of Population studies at Stanford University. the very process would almost certainly make it more lethal. no. To do so. and to a large extent on luck. I'm angered because most (though not all) of this silliness is emanating from the self-proclaimed Left. or ―scientism. and politics if we reject the notions of truth and falsity. We hope Temin is correct but another Nobel laureate. March) is also a causal fit between cultures of expertise. 2011 at http://linguafranca." A virus that infects many millions of novel hosts. as Temin points out. Alan Sokal. Joshua Lederberg. 5. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. in this case people. on when and if the medical community can find satisfactory preventatives or treatments. various political. the virus might be spread by casual contact or through eating contaminated food. or the intestines were increased. Theorizing about "the social construction of reality" won't help us find an effective treatment for AIDS or devise strategies for preventing global warming.

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professionalization, of technocracy; there is a deeper connection between the two, this is not merely a matter of historical coincidence. Democracy prevents wars, WMDs, and extinction Diamond 95 [Larry, Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution – ―Promoting Democracy in the 1990s,‖ wwics.si.edu/subsites/ccpdc/pubs/di/1.htm]
This hardly exhausts the lists of threats to our security and well-being in the coming years and decades. In the former Yugoslavia nationalist aggression tears at the stability of Europe and could easily spread. The flow of illegal drugs intensifies through increasingly powerful international crime syndicates that have made common cause with authoritarian regimes and have utterly corrupted the institutions of tenuous, democratic ones. Nuclear,

chemical, and biological weapons continue to proliferate. The very source of life on Earth, the global ecosystem, appears increasingly endangered. Most of these new and unconventional threats to security are associated with or aggravated by the weakness or absence of democracy, with its provisions for legality, accountability, popular sovereignty, and openness. LESSONS OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY The experience of this century offers important lessons. Countries that govern themselves in a truly democratic fashion do not go to war with one another. They do not aggress against their neighbors to aggrandize themselves or glorify their leaders. Democratic governments do not ethnically "cleanse" their own populations, and they are much less likely to face ethnic insurgency. Democracies do not sponsor terrorism against one another. They do not build weapons of mass destruction to use on or to threaten one another. Democratic countries form more reliable, open, and enduring trading partnerships. In the long run they offer better and more stable climates for investment. They are more environmentally responsible because they must answer to their own citizens, who organize to protest the destruction of their environments. They are better bets to honor
international treaties since they value legal obligations and because their openness makes it much more difficult to breach agreements in secret. Precisely because, within their own borders, they respect competition, civil liberties, property rights, and the rule of law, democracies

are the only reliable foundation on which a new world order of international security and prosperity can be built. 8. Evidence, empiricism, and logic bolster a leftist political agenda—they cede these tools to the right wing. Alan Sokal, 1996 (Professor of Physics at New York University), ―A PHYSICIST EXPERIMENTS WITH CULTURAL STUDIES‖ Accessed May 23, 2011 at
http://linguafranca.mirror.theinfo.org/9605/sokal.html I say this not in glee but in sadness. After all, I'm a leftist too (under the Sandinista government I taught mathematics at the National University of Nicaragua). On nearly all practical political issues--including many concerning science and technology--I'm on the same side as the Social Text editors. But I'm feminist) because

a leftist (and a of evidence and logic, not in spite of it. Why should the right wing be allowed to monopolize the intellectual high ground? And why should self-indulgent nonsense--whatever its professed political orientation--be lauded as the height of scholarly achievement? Extinction Boggs, 97 (Carl, National University, Los Angeles, Theory and Society, ―The great retreat: Decline of the public sphere in late twentieth-century America‖,
December, Volume 26, Number 6, http://www.springerlink.com.proxy.library.emory.edu/content/m7254768m63h16r0/fulltext.pdf) The decline of the public sphere in late twentieth-century America poses a series of great dilemmas and challenges.

Many ideological currents

scrutinized here – localism, metaphysics, spontaneism, post-modernism, Deep Ecology – intersect with and reinforce each other.
trajectories, they all

While these currents have deep origins in popular movements of the 1960s and 1970s, they remain very much alive in the 1990s. Despite their different outlooks and

share one thing in common: a depoliticized expression of struggles to combat and overcome alienation. The false sense of empowerment that comes with such mesmerizing impulses is accompanied by a loss of public engagement, an erosion of citizenship and a depleted capacity of individuals in large groups to work for social change. As this ideological quagmire worsens, urgent problems that are destroying the fabric of American society will go unsolved – perhaps even unrecognized – only to fester more ominously in the future. And such problems (ecological crisis, poverty, urban decay, spread of infectious diseases, technological displacement of workers) cannot be understood outside the larger social and global context of internationalized markets, finance, and
communications. Paradoxically, the widespread retreat from politics, often inspired by localist sentiment, comes at a time when agendas that ignore or sidestep these global realities will, more than ever, be reduced to impotence. In his commentary on the state of citizenship today, Wolin refers to the increasing sublimation and dilution of politics, as larger numbers of people turn away from public concerns toward private ones. By diluting the life of common involvements, we negate the very idea of politics as a source of public ideals and visions. 74 In the meantime, the fate of the world hangs in the balance. The unyielding truth is that, even

as the ethos of anti-politics becomes more compelling and even fashionable in the United States, it is the vagaries of

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political power that will continue to decide the fate of human societies. This last point demands further elaboration. The shrinkage of politics hardly means that corporate colonization will be less of a reality, that social hierarchies will somehow disappear, or that gigantic state and military structures will lose their hold over people‘s lives. Far from it: the space abdicated by a broad citizenry, well-informed and ready to participate at many levels, can in fact be filled by authoritarian and reactionary elites – an already familiar dynamic in many lesser-developed
countries. The fragmentation and chaos of a Hobbesian world, not very far removed from the rampant individualism, social Darwinism, and civic violence that have been so much a part of the American landscape, could be the prelude to a powerful Leviathan designed to impose order in the face of disunity and atomized retreat. In this way the eclipse of politics might set the stage for a reassertion of politics in more virulent guise – or it might help further rationalize the existing power structure. In either case, the state would likely become what Hobbes anticipated: the embodiment of those universal, collective interests that had vanished from civil society. 75

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A2: Foucault K
1. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option; best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research, and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. 2. Aff impacts come first - extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration; outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. 3. Perm, do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. 4. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen, Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. of Southampton,
Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR, Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. 655-7)

frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖

often signals this philosophical turn‘, although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely.4 However, loosely deployed or
not, it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. In one respect, this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches, and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. Yet, such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has, I will suggest, helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it

has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its
ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value), it is by no means clear that it is, in contrast, wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. Thus, for example, one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems, such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective

It may, of course, be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i.e., how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and, if this is the case, it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that, for a certain class of problems, rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. In other words, while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement, it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles, it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro, the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action, event or phenomenon, the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action, event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry; yet, from this standpoint, ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. However, as Shapiro points out, this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry, not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘.6 Moreover, this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely, an image of warring theoretical approaches with each, despite occasional temporary tactical alliances, dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. It encourages this view because the turn to, and prioritisation of, ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical
action are foregrounded.

pg 18-19. through indiscriminate extension. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. It has thus unveiled the way in which individuals and groups. and less visible ideological consensus" on "technocratic reason and the ethical unboundedness of science" was the focus of his interest. not only shifts lines that are too often hardened between biological and political lives: it opens an ethical space for reflection and action. the genealogy of this intellectual lineage reminds us that the main founders of these theories expressed tensions and hesitations in their work. Critical thinking in the past decade has often taken biopolitics and the politics of life as its objects. the market. than in its reduced and translated form in the humanities and social sciences today. bare life and qualified life. and other differences are causes of conflict. of "an entire institutional apparatus and system of practice" (Jean Quataert). for example. even if power relations were the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts. However. In fact. On the one hand. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. Project Muse)//dm Conclusion Survival. or the state. Other states passed compulsory sterilization laws in the 1930s. individual states in the United States had already begun doing so in 1907. and Development. I do not mean to suggest that such programs were not horrible. namely. suggest the necessity of complicating the dualistic models that oppose . Humanitarianism. cultural. one that could realize the disastrous potential of those ideas. A comparative framework can help us to clarify this point. and the external constraints on them.) In an important programmatic statement of 1996 Geoff Eley celebrated the fact that Foucault's ideas have "fundamentally directed attention away from institutionally centered conceptions of government and the state . Instead.49 But the "power-producing effects in Foucault's 'microphysical' sense" (Eley) of the construction of social bureaucracies and social knowledge. ― Biopolitics. Vol 1 No 1. mass "eugenic" abortion and murder of the "defective. deeper. Democracy checks the impact to biopolitics Dickinson 04 (Edward Ross.Social Science Prof at Princeton (Didier.. In democratic societies. did make such suggestions. Fascism. but in a democratic political context they did not develop the dynamic of constant radicalization and escalation that characterized Nazi policies. 5.. 1 (2004). Vol.'"48 The "broader. when systematically applied from philosophical inquiry in sociological or anthropological study. ―Ethics of Survival: A Democratic Approach to the Politics of Life‖ Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights. the normative prejudices which underlie the evaluation of the forms of life and of the politics of life. The kritik creates a distinction between biological and political life that destroys value to life Fassin. here limited to fragments from South African lives that I have described and analyzed in more detail elsewhere. Indeed. which occurred everywhere in Europe. during the colonial period as well as in the contemporary era. biopolitics has historically been constrained by a rights-based strategy of social management. and toward a dispersed and decentered notion of power and its 'microphysics. 7. it was the principles that guided how those instruments and disciplines were organized and used. The risk is therefore both scholarly and political. if even sometimes more obscure. in Central European History. end up by depriving social agents of legitimacy. But neither the political structures of democratic states nor their legal and political principles permitted such poli? cies actually being enacted. 10 . mass sterilization. And also biographies. voice. This is a point to which I will return shortly. In National Socialism. No. biopolitics was shaped by a totalitarian conception of social management focused on the power and ubiquity of the volkisch state.50 The destructive dynamic of Nazism was a product not so much of a particular modern set of ideas as of a particular modern political structure. erases much of the complexity and richness of life in society as it is in fact observed. What was critical was not the expansion of the instruments and disciplines of biopolitics. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. simply do not explain Nazi policy. even entire nations. the U." Individual figures in. have been treated by powers.S. It calls for ethical attention. the binary reduction of life to the opposition between nature and history. Nor did the scale of forcible sterilization in other countries match that of the Nazi program. the point is that what was decisive was actually politics at the level of the state. when generalized to an undifferentiated collection of social facts. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. Associate Professor of History at the University of California-Davis. On the other hand. Yet they did not proceed to the next steps adopted by National Socialism. in the sense Jacques Derrida attributed to the concept in his last interview. Democracy: Some Reflections on Our Discourse about "Modernity"‖. and action. this powerful instrument has lost some of its analytical sharpness and heuristic potentiality. Fall. For now. 37. 6. various political. which was often more complex.2AC K Blocks 64/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah approach which gets things right.

of patria potestas (father‘s unconditional power of life and death over his son) and cura materna (mother‘s unconditional duty to take care of her children).3 percent (132). however.3 And that consensus is almost always fundamentally a nasty.81 Admittedly. social engineering project — had a great deal to do with that change. European Historical Statistics. Biopolitics creates a better life.4 The expansion of infant health programs — an enormously ambitious. The Politics and Grossmann. accessed from JSTOR on 7/4/12) It is striking. Mitchell. ―Biopolitics. Although massacres can be carried 3 4 See for example Usborne. however. In that sense. it is that transformation which constitutes the background of what he calls governmentality.‖ writes Veena Das. . MB. Everywhere biopolitics is intrusive.‖22 It should be the incessant effort of social scientists to return to this inquiry about life in its multiple forms but also in its everyday expression of the human. even under conditions of domination. by its origin. which in fact embodied the historical movement of modernization. it seems to me that an assessment of the potentials of modernity that ignores the ways in which biopolitics has made life tangibly better is somehow deeply flawed. and reciprocally how their lives permanently question what it is to be human. or indeed as doing anything positive for them at all. [End Page 93] manage subtle tactics that transform their physical life into a political instrument or a moral resource or an affective expression. bio-political rationality within the modern state. infant mortality in Germany in 1900 was just over 20 percent. Although the twentieth century thanatopolitics is the ―reverse of bio-politics‖. as Agamben believes. it was 15 percent. limiting. and by 1929 (when average real purchasing power was not significantly higher than in 1913) it was only 9. Mika Ojakangas. R. And people themselves. as empowering them. In the tracks of Wittgenstein and Cavell. Reforming Sex. But at least there was an opposition. In that older model.78 It explains why political power that is at work within the modern state as a legal framework of unity is. ―The blurring between what is human and what is not human shades into the blurring over what is life and what is not life. as an outcome of the ―demonic combination‖ of the sovereign power and bio-power. In the new model. 20-21 According to Foucault. that the new model of German modernity is even more relentlessly negative than the old Sonderweg model. Biopolitics is almost never conceived of— or at least discussed in any detail — as creating possibilities for people. This is not to say. many social engineers could and did look with great satisfaction on the changes they genuinely had the power to accomplish. Finland. it should be understood. nor is it accurate to focus only on the ―inevitable‖ frustration of ―delusions‖ of power. Foucault Studies. By 1913. 130. is violence. Even in the late 1920s.83 it should not be understood. Of course. 1975). and sometimes intrusive.2AC K Blocks 65/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah biological and political lives. there is virtually a biopolitical consensus. time was on the side of that opposition. and improve‖ them. or. Fascism. They‘ll win ZERO percent of their impact – the massacres that their over-hyped impact evidence cites are NOT because of biopolitics – biopower prevents those massacres. No. 8. 2004 . as ―the effect. sustain. accompanied by a power that can be called pastoral. one that partakes in crucial ways of the essential quality of National Socialism. one in five children died before reaching the age of one year. tend to produce alternative strategies that escape this reduction. Bio-power is love and care only to the same extent that the law. of ―the city-citizen game and the shepherd-flock game‖85 – or as I would like to put it. she underscores that the usual manner in which we think of forms of life ―not only obscures the mutual absorption of the natural and the social but also emphasizes form at the expense of life.associate professor of history at UC Davis (Edward Ross. including from within the structure of power. the result. and in the long run.benefits outweigh the costs Dickison. medicalizing. But let us go one step further: ethnography invites us to reconsider what life is or rather what human beings make of their lives. because violence is hidden in the foundation of bio-politics.‖ but democratic forces. as Foucault writes. that bio-power would be nothing but love and care. it is not really accurate to call it a ― Wahn‖ (delusion. bureaucratic.80 It is precisely care. according to Foucault. namely. Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies. May 2005. the ―care for individual life‖. 2. the Christian power of love (agape). from the beginning of a state‘s existence. as expanding the range of their choices. p. There was a reason for the ―Machbarkeitswahn” of the early twentieth century: many marvelous things were in fact becoming machbar. as he suggests. or the logical consequence‖ of bio-political rationality. Its role is not to threaten lives but to ―ensure. at the most simple-minded level. premodern elites were constantly triumphing over the democratic opposition. To give just one example. technocratic. that is to say. as the opposite of all violence that is at issue in bio-power. top-down. Democracy: Some Reflections on Our Discourse about "Modernity‖‖. 1750—1970 (New York.79 Its means are not law and violence but care. oppressive thing. the lives of ―each and every one‖. 9.7 percent. Certainly. then. even ―massacres have become vital. By 1969 it had fallen to 2. constraining.84 Rather. powers like the market and the state do act sometimes as if human beings could be reduced to ―mere life. in the era of bio-politics. It would be bizarre to write a history of biopolitical modernity that ruled out an appreciation for how absolutely wonderful and astonishing this achievement — and any number of others like it — really was. craziness) at all. according to Benjamin.‖82 This is the case. in other words.

8 As Foucault frequently emphasizes. selves. Such dissociations-forms of alienation-are defining characteristics of ideology's operations in social processes. I suggest that in the Foucaultian categories of power and its ineluctable other. “Power” Against Ideology: A Critique of Foucaultian Usage. Nature.and.86 They follow from the logic of sovereign power. transcendental notion of power . people. it significantly misrecognizes the realities of social life . paradoxically. Sangren 1999 [Department of Anthropology at Cornell University.a notion in which intentional action is incidental to power . and it is this element of his thinking that is most widely emulated by other scholars.9 In comparing "Chinese" notions of power (or.that is. Far from providing the kind of critical insights that Foucault would claim. Against Foucault's reifying. power to actors. the subjects are in part products of historically and locationally specific circumstances. or life. they do not follow from the logic of bio-power for which death is the ―object of taboo‖. be it God. Foucaultian power and resistance obstruct genuine critical analysis and constitute elements of a romantic ideology whose "effects of truth" are most socially manifest in providing an avant-gardist intelligentsia an ideology that dissociates its "theory" from its own individual and class interests . all this in the name of reflexivity and high-minded political virtue. cultures.that is. viewing people even at the level of their desires primarily as products and only trivially.2AC K Blocks 66/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah out in the name of care. This is not to say that actors or agents are possessed of complete knowledge of how their own desires and motives are also products of complex social circumstances or of how their actions have effects that exceed intentions. as producers. resistant alter). denying agency . Jstor KNP] It is Foucault's explicit disarticulation of power from subjectivity or agency that arguably most defines the novelty of his usage. 10. some notions of power produced by Chinese culture) with Foucault's. is not only fatalistic. discourses. which legitimates killing by whatever arguments it chooses. more precisely. my intention is to draw attention to similarities in their alienating properties. resistance. Foucauldian criticism is flawed it obscures genuine analysis and denies progressive action. if at all. This representative dissociation of power from intention in Foucault is also apparent in Chinese ideologies of power. one can perceive remarkable affinities to Chinese contrastive oppositions such as yang (a metaphysically conceived representation of ordering) and yin (yang's disordering. However.I argue that power can be employed coherently as an analytical category only when it is linkable to some socially constituted agent . to a person or to a socially constituted collectivity. .

"strong objectivity. and Hypatia. ―The Bias Paradox in Feminist Standpoint Epistemology‖ Episteme: A Journal of Social Epistemology 3. Social Epistemology. 1991. "the subject of feminist knowledge – the agent of these less partial and distorted descriptions and explanations – must be multiple and even contradictory" (1991. but according to standpoint epistemology. Another objection is that there is no evidence in support of the thesis of epistemic privilege. But by undermining the notion of impartiality. Diversity with respect to social positions is beneficial for knowledge-seeking communities because there are many ways of being unprivileged.1rolin. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. These two objections are connected. 5. various political. 189). As Helen Longino explains. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option.‖ Harper and Row. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. 121. the only way feminist epistemology can become powerful is to hegemonically push out and enact violence upon other types of methodologies for gathering knowledge.1 (2006) http://muse. The thesis of epistemic privilege is connected to a particular conception of objectivity. 4. the privilege is undermined by another thesis in Harding's feminist thesis that all scientific knowledge is socially situated (Harding 1991. According to Harding. Feminist epistemology contradicts itself – creates a bias paradox Rolin 06 (Kristina is an Academy of Finland Research Fellow at Helsinki School of Economics. 91 research fellow in Development studies at U of Sussex. She has published articles in Philosophy of Science. feminist standpoint epistemology challenges the very notion of impartiality. As Harding explains. Turn and alt doesn‘t solve: feminism silences voices of non-Western. 284). 6. J) .2AC K Blocks 67/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Fem K 1.html) AK Sandra Harding's feminist standpoint epistemology is an ambitious and controversial attempt to argue that diversity among inquirers is an epistemic advantage to a community of inquirers. 31). unprivileged social positions are likely to generate perspectives that are "less partial and less distorted" than perspectives generated by other social positions (Harding 1991. One objection is that Harding's feminist standpoint epistemology does not provide any standards of epistemic justification that enable one to judge some socially grounded perspectives as better than others. Let me explain each objection. 2.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. In claiming that all knowledge is partial. non-white women. Her main areas of research are philosophy of science and epistemology. No root cause – the idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history doesn‘t make any sense. see also pages 138 and 141). According to Harding. (Anne Goetz. As long as it is not [End Page 125] clear what standards of epistemic justification allow one to judge some socially grounded perspectives as better than others. and other differences are causes of conflict.jhu. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alt. cultural. with emphasis on social epistemology and feminist epistemology. Louise Antony calls the tension between the thesis of epistemic privilege and the situated knowledge thesis a "bias paradox" (1993. it is not clear either what kind of evidence we should expect in support of the thesis of epistemic privilege. there is no such position (1999. Aff impacts come first . epistemic advantage accrues not to just any kind of diversity but to diversity with respect to the social positions of inquirers and participants in their studies. feminist standpoint epistemology is in danger of losing its critical edge (Antony 1993. Turn – third world fem A. 7. Goetz. The thesis of epistemic privilege has been criticized on two grounds. The first objection is raised by Louise Antony (1993) and Helen Longino (1999).edu/journals/episteme/v003/3. The situated knowledge thesis seems to undermine this assumption by suggesting that all knowledge claims are partial in virtue of being grounded on a particular perspective on social reality. see also page 142). Their authors are trapped in the same problem. 150. ―Gender and International Relations. see also Hekman 2000. see also pages 119 and 142). in order to argue that some socially grounded perspectives are better than others. I call this claim the thesis of epistemic privilege. a standpoint epistemologist would have to be able to identify privileged perspectives from a non-interested position. Perspectives on Science. The thesis of epistemic privilege relies on the assumption that there is a standard of impartiality that enables one to judge some socially grounded perspectives as "less partial and distorted" than others. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. 24). Harding's feminist standpoint epistemology advances the claim that those who are unprivileged with respect to their social positions are likely to be privileged with respect to gaining knowledge of social reality. They argue that the thesis of epistemic standpoint epistemology. 338. 3. 188-189). I call this the situated knowledge thesis (see also Wylie 2003. 11." which is the view that objective research starts from the lives of unprivileged groups (Harding 1991.

stability. 691-731 . that collective critical reconstitution of women‘s experiences in traditional feminist movements has tended to reproduce the situational consciousness of the white. Oloka-Onyango and Slyvia Tamale. 8. and selfevidence of its experience based epistemology‘. behaviours and perceptions of ‗women‘. producing a certain myopia with respect to the details of sexual subordination in different societies. heterosexual feminist. Given these links. long the focus of feminist critiques. Chakravorty Spivak has shown that western women are ―complicitous‖ in contributing to the continued ‗degredation‘ of third world women whose micrology they interpret without having access to it. but is directly related to the increasing differentiation third world communities are experiencing under current global economic and political policies. As a result. it will have serious implications for the evolution of the movement. This was informed by a political understanding that gender was not an inalienable description of human reality. but that does not mean that it is identical within those boundaries… to imply… that all women suffer the same oppression simply because we are women is to lose sight of the many varied tools of patriarchy.4. 1994 Even when not concerned with mothering as such. particularly in the context of WID practice. As Sandra Harding notes. without inclusion of third-world women there is no solvency Oloka-Onyango and Tamale. the essential and universal ‗man‘. Such certainties in liberal or Marxist feminist ideologies tended to inform the cross-cultural investigations of sexual subordination. Monica Lazreg. these critiques point to some fundamental problems. Even if your movement spreads globally. and spent the 19941995 academic year as a Visiting Professor at the University of Minnesota. Audre Lorde‘s response to the universalized picture of oppression in Mary Dali‘s Gym/Ecology reproaches her for failing: ―to recognize that. developing a set of certainties structured around that specific subjectivity. The failure to guide practice with reference to the processes that shape human perceptions and norms promoted the disintegration of feminist pronouncements on women in development into a norm setting activity by a counter-elite. In other words. Makerere University. bourgeois. Structural (patriarchal) relations are acknowledged. Black feminists have accused white feminists of adding on difference at the margin ‗without leaving the comforts of home‘ so as to support ‗the seeming homogeneity. of misrepresenting different women by homogenizing the experiences and conditions of western women across time and culture. She is currently a doctoral student in Sociology and Feminist Studies at the University of Minnesota. the failure to fully integrate third world perspectives into theoretical analyses of international feminism will lead only to partial solutions to the problem of the universal marginalization of women. This will be so even if the feminist agenda succeeds in making inroads at the international level. Human Rights Quarterly 17. exploring the ‗perils of writing as a woman on women in Algeria‘ suggests that third world women have been produced as a field of knowledge. J. has merely been replaced . some of which we do not… The oppression of women knows no ethnic nor racial boundaries.2AC K Blocks 68/165 Third world women have accused first Valley High School Rishi Shah world and western-trained feminists of exercising a certain cultural colonialism. The narrow application of culture thus serves as both an escape valve for frustration with the stifling economic order and a hook on which patriarchy can further consolidate its local hegemony. as women… differences expose all women to various forms and degrees of patriarchal oppression. Theorizing the social construction of subjectivity produced an understanding of the mechanisms of sexist oppression. Project Muse. it is quite clear that its emergence and growth in the south is not simply linked to local conditions of domination and patriarchy. and as seen above. Trinh T. In practice.‖ These statements amount to descriptions of an epistemologically totalizing and culturally disruptive feminist. What is left unexplained is how simply thinking differently will alter the material realities of relations of domination between men and women . To forget this is to produce a truncated feminism with little resonance for the vast majority of African women. (―The Personal is Political‖ or Why Womens Rights are Indeed Human Rights. true. pg 20. 94 Feminism and International Relations. And to the extent that feminist theory‘s claim to relevance is based upon its claim to represent the meaning of women‘s social experience in all its heterogeneity. JPW) Taking the phenomenon of cultural relativism as another example. an understanding derived from the insights of a traditional feminist ideology whose analysis of the political meaning of experience was concerned with deconstructing the legitimating surface of women‘s oppression. Their re-thinking inscribes essentialist conceptions of ―woman‖ that make inequality and antifeminism more likely Witworth.Sylvia Tamale holds law degrees from Makerere University (Uganda) and Harvard Law School. It is to ignore how these tools are used by women without awareness against each other. The original consciousness raising approach of traditional feminist – what Catherine MacKinnon has called its critical method – involved a project of theorizing the collective expression of the social constitution of sexed identities. much of the politics that emerge from radical feminism within IR depend on a ‗re-thinking‘ from the perspective of women. Prof of political science and female studies @ York U. but not analysed in radical feminism‘s reliance on the experiences. some of which we share. the internal domestic structure of a single third world nation is increasingly determined by the political economy of international law and relations. B. essentializing their difference in a process that represents a ‗caricature of the feminist project‘. 95 Joe Oloka-Onyango is a Senior Lecturer at the Faculty of Law. Minh-ha identifies this neutralized difference as ‗the very kind of colonized anthropologised difference the master has always granted his subordinates‘. Uganda.

that has been produced under patriarchy. Consequently. 1996 (Dr." she said. "Women's questions that historians understand as very specifically related to women's issues always deal with developed historically a greater." and that the different races fell into one of these categories creating a kind of racial hierarchy." She hopes her research will be used as a tool to educate white women about their history and to explain why there exists today a racial divide in the women's movement. The women's movement relies on hierarchies of racial prejudice and ethnic superiority in order to justify equal status Newman 96 Newman. The research continues to map the . while the others are false) at the cost of silencing alternative representations." Another example." --1AR Ext. "They argued that thev were better educated. too. Louise M. "On the other hand. citizens they must first let go of their traditional gender roles and adhere to Anglo American gender relations. has to establish itself as hegemonic (often by claiming it is a true representation." she said. Here‘s evidence on this question – Jef Huysmans 2002 Alternatives January-March 27:1 Infotrac The critical quality rests on the assumption that representations of the world make a difference (performative force of language) and that there is no natural or neutral arbiter of a true representation. "I want my research to explain why the feminist movement has not been integrated." p. according to Newman. to explain to white activists why it is they meet resistance from non-white potential allies. more advanced civilization than other races." she said. submissive mothers as men do under patriarchy. White women argued that in order for Native Americans to become U.S.edu/events/news/articles/199610_Newman. a UF assistant prolessor of history who is conducting research for a book on feminism in the late 19th century. for example. this in itself find themselves defending the same account of women as nurturing. In this way. http://www. denaturalizing security fields is not necessarily successful in moderating the normative dilemma. masculine and feminine." By understanding how white women viewed race during the evolution of the women's movement in the 19th century." Newman said. Although the critical edge of this literature cannot be ignored. There are arguments made about whiteness. and my work about the past is guided from a set of questions I have about the present: Why do white women and black women have so much difficulty creating an interracial feminist movement?" she explained. As some 9. they felt better qualified to vote than freed male slaves. Newman hopes to answer questions about racial problems in the presentday women's movement. prejudicial stereotypes and racial elitism. more intelligent and that the white race is superior because it had arguments made for women's suffrage by white women in the late 19th century are explicitly racialized. The French. It requires little in the way of re-thinking or movement from accepted and comfortable assumptions about stereotypes.clas. and it becomes much more understandable why that can't happen today if you know something about race relations in the early part of the feminist movement . but which have a bearing on racial questions. "The work I do centers on movements organized primarily by white women who are thinking about women's issues that are not explicitly focused on race. "So the race and are in fact questions that come out of particular racial crises and conflicts at that time. but it also reproduces exactly the stereotypical vision of women and men. "My own work in its broadest sense is a history of the present. miscommunication and difficulty in organizing around certain kinds of issues. the only way it affect major power relations and actions is to become hegemonic and silence other types of discourse. # 6 Extend feminist discourse and action faces the same problem as other discourses.ufl.basically that there's a 100-year history of difficulty and tension between white women and black women over race questions. Associate Professor of US Women's/Gender History @ UFlorida. "The African Americans were on the verge of becoming civilized while the Indians were considered savages and primitives. But Was Filled with Racism. Radical feminists writers suggest. A significant number of white women working in the suffrage movement felt betrayed that they. it comes as no surprise when mainstream IR theorists such as Robert Reohane happily embrace the tenets of radical feminism. Newman said. One example of the dominant role racism played in the women's movement involves the 14th and 15th amendments. said Louise Newman. about why as white people they ought to vote. the Irish much less so. pacifist. either "civilized" or "savage. "History Shows Women's Movement Wasn't Color Blind. is the assimilation of Native Americans into white society. Those women who do not fit the mould – who. "I want to provide answers to why there's so much misunderstanding." In her research Newman has found that white women in the late 19th century had particular categories of women." she said.2AC K Blocks 69/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah here with the essential and universal ‗woman‘. that notion of ‗woman‘ not only ignores important differences amongst women. German and Anglo-Saxons were considered civilized races. to become true.html) The history of the women's movement tells a story of racial tension. anti-feminists and the New Right. racial questions always have within them a gender component and an issue that bears directly on white women's notions of what are appropriate roles for women. "To this day this has not been possible to attain. This is shown by indicating how alternative options ―circulated‖–and still are around–in the political struggle for founding a hegemonic discourse and how they were silenced by the now dominant discourse. take up arms in military struggle – are quickly dismissed as expressing ‗negative‘ or ‗inauthentic‘ feminine values (the same accusation is more rarely made against men). any representation. weren't given voting rights. And indeed. As members of the white race. which enfranchised African American men.

4. therefore repeating. what security can be spoken about. (27) Another related problem is that the approach assumes that indicating the mere existence of alternative practices challenges the dominance of the dominant discourse. it ignores colored women and consolidates masculinity‘s power – that‘s Oloka-Onyango and Tamale. but also "filmic. Oloka-Onyango and Tamale.‖ (29) The main point is that alternative discourses should not be left in a vacuum. They often share the same concept of insecurity and diverge only in their solutions. Feeling Foreign in Feminism. contest political constructions of migration. Uganda. feminists in third world contexts must be wary of cooptation and exploitation--a trait of western societies that appears to not respect boundaries of sex--particularly because the dominant mode of international feminism reflects the dominant character and color of international relations. To be part of the game. Alternative practices are thus not isolated but engage with other. . in an often highly systematic way. This is problematic since the alternative constructions do not exist in a vacuum or in a sheltered space. She is currently a doctoral student in Sociology and Feminist Studies at the University of Minnesota. Projest Muse). migration or drugs. It involves relations of power. 691-731 . It does this only when these discourses rely heavily for their effects on keeping the natural character of its foundations unquestioned. this turns their project because it is the same totalizing view as masculinity – that‘s Goetz. Didier Bigo raises a similar point–that opposing strategies do not necessarily radically challenge established politicizations: ―It is often misleading to counterpose the ideology of security to human rights because they sometimes have more in common than their authors would like to admit. The ignorance of these other cultural factors means their movement can‘t solve even if it spreads. Their authors homogenize the feminist experience into one western. . for example. Oloka-Onyango and Slyvia Tamale." 28 Vasuki Nesiah is even more critical of the transposition of Western feminism onto the international scene because it ignores "global contradictions" 29 by emphasizing the commonality of women's experience. J. This points to a more general issue concerning this kind of analysis. and so on. 26 As Maivân Lâm has recently pointed out in an article aptly entitled. but it does not necessarily undermine the real effects. they must. this implies two dimensions: (1) a political sociology of security in which one looks at how the mobilization of security expectations is bound to an institutional context or a field structured around a particular stake. for example." . possibly dominant.2AC K Blocks 70/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah security discourses. The political game is more complex. The way they function in the political struggle should be looked at. constructions. --1AR Ext. she urges theorists to look at gender identities as being "continually reconstituted through social processes. with little connection to the ongoing lives of women who have experienced racial or colonial discrimination. Staging alternative practices does not necessarily challenge a dominant construction. In tandem with such an approach. Instead. # 7 Third world fem turns their project – A." 27 According to Lâm. Basically. the agenda of Western feminism appears not only to be off target. Bourgeois/white. 95 ―The Personal is Political‖ or Why Womens Rights are Indeed Human Rights. Theorization means that the performative work of language and its generic dimension is embedded in ―underlying‖ social processes that could explain the specific ways in which security language arranges social relations in contemporary societies.Sylvia Tamale holds law degrees from Makerere University (Uganda) and Harvard Law School. and (2) an interpretation of differences in the political rationality of security in which one deals with the wider symbolic order within which security practice is entrenched. Feminism that prioritizes theory over material experience excludes the voices of third world feminists. This raises the question of how the ―engagement‖ actually works. how one should speak about security. as Foucault‘s interpretation of the ―sexual revolution‖– the liberation from sexual repression–of the second half of the twentieth century showed. Joe Oloka-Onyango is a Senior Lecturer at the Faculty of Law. structuring and restructuring the social exchanges. and spent the 19941995 academic year as a Visiting Professor at the University of Minnesota. B. (28) In a comment on human-rights approaches of migration. Human Rights Quarterly 17. Although it stresses that language makes a difference and that social relations are constructed. a security approach to. often predatory. Demonstrating the contingent character of the politicization does question the foundational character of this contingent construction. it leaves underdeveloped the concept of security formation that heavily prestructures the possibilities to ―speak‖ differently through rarifying who can speak security. Makerere University. and paternalistic. white view of the world that is not the same for women in the third world or women of color. How are the alternative discourses entrenched in a specific political game? Are they possibly a constitutive part of the mastery of the dominant construction? The critical remarks on the oscillating research strategy and the deconstruction of threat constructions are not meant to devalue the contributions of these research agendas but are used as stepping-stones to help introduce another agenda that approaches the dilemma via a theorization of the structuring work of the discursive formation. . Western feminism is "too cleanly and detachedly representational.

2AC K Blocks 71/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah .

The limitations imposed on people of color by poverty. We have looked at barriers and fences. colonial. inhuman. the effects of uncontrolled power." a standpoint which claims solidarity with Third World women and women of color. 3/'27/2k (Julia.'"San Francisco Chronicle) To bemoan the oppression of Third World women without acknowledging the role of racism. which are the marks of our white prison. It shackles the victimizer as well as the victim. . The walls forcibly keep people of color and white people separate from each other. minorities were labeled as savages – that‘s Newman. For the sake of the world and ourselves. But we have also seen that the walls of racism can be dismantled.2AC K Blocks 72/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --1AR Ext. assistant professor of Ethnic Studies @ Mills College. of military buildups and violent aggression. we dare not allow it to continue. in our separate prisons we are all prevented from achieving the human potential that God intends for us. The results of centuries of national and worldwide conquest and colonialism." Women of color in the United States are often trapped between imperial feminism and the need to challenge male violence within their communities. the prison of individual. Similarly. Pastor and Co-director of Crossroads 91 –– Ministry working to dismantle racism (Joseph.this 'imperial feminism' reinforces racist. people of color and white people alike. but in actuality contributes to the stereotyping of Third World cultures as barbaric" and "uncivilized. The danger point of self-destruction seems to be drawing ever more near . once and for all. and powerlessness are cruel. For instance. black women are torn between their desire not to send any more black men into a penal system already bursting with wasted lives and the need to use that very system to protect themselves and their children. Their feminist movement ignores intersectionality of gender hierarchies . You and I are urgently called to join the efforts of those who know it is time to tear down. # 9 Extend women‘s movements have empirically enfranchised African Americans and relied on hierarchies of racial prejudice and ethnic superiority in order to justify equal status. Racism is a D-rule Barndt. A small and predominantly white minority of the global population derives its power and privilege from the sufferings of the vast majority of peoples of color. stone by stone. of overconsumption and environmental destruction may be reaching a point of no return . institutional. Dismantling Racism: The Continuing Challenge to White America 155-6. subservience. ghettos and prisons. the walls of racism. women of color have energetically forged an integrated struggle against racism-sexism. but are offered the vision and the possibility of freedom . and cultural racism can be destroyed. and economic norms which perpetuate violence and oppression while stifling attempts at reform Sudbury 2k Sudbury. and greed. Both of these cases illustrate the need for the feminist movement to address the nexus of racism-sexism that structures the political choices and practical strategies available to women of color. and unjust. will inevitably destroy us as well. We are not condemned to an inexorable fate. colonialism and economic exploitation is to engage in what black British feminist Filmmaker Pratibha Parmar calls imperial feminism.) To study racism is to study walls. American Indian women face a difficult dilemma in tackling domestic violence in their communities while denouncing police brutality against Indian men. restraints and limitations. The prison of racism confines us all. "Building Women's Movement Beyond 'Imperial Feminism. Brick by brick. privilege. Rather than responding to these dilemmas bv turning a blind eve to sexism in their communities.

feminist philosophy and feminist science studies. Donna Haraway (1985) has pointed out that feminism and science need to be intertwined if we are to exercise our responsibility for the practices and products of science drawing a line between women‘s science and science itself. we lose our ability to address current problems within scientific practice. or of a single way that women do (or ought to do) science bears repeating for at least three reasons. ―Feminism and Science: Mechanism Without Reductionism‖ Spring http://muse. . Finally.examining science from a feminist perspective reinforces stereotypes of women as incompetent Fehr 04(Carla is an Associate Professor in Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies at Iowa State University. Instead of endorsing a feminist method. and we don‘t investigate ways in which the traditional practice of science can be interrogated and improved.html) AK Although it has been said before by such leading philosophers as Sandra Harding (1987) and Helen Longino (1987). This is not the case.jhu. pluralism is an appropriate attitude to take toward feminism and science. Advocating a single feminist science suggests that there is a single. Because of the latter two concerns. By essentializing women‘s intellectual or cognitive characteristics.2AC K Blocks 73/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --A2: Fem Sci-Fi The Alt can‘t solve. the point that feminist theorists do not and should not endorse a single feminist method. presuppositions of a single feminist science reinforce the cultural stereotype that women can‘t do science as it is traditionally construed. This further removes an already marginalized group from mainstream scientific discourse and fails to give credit to women who have fought to succeed as researchers in what continues to be a man‘s game. I hope to create space for a variety of approaches. we need to guard against and technology. First. She works in the philosophy of biology. Second. feminine manner way in which women think or relate to other people or organize their experiments and their laboratories.edu/journals/nwsa/summary/v016/16.1fehr.

1998. At that point. 7-9)JFS Such people find pride in American citizenship impossible. It set the tone for the American Left The difference between early twentieth-century leftist intellectuals and the majority of their contemporary counterparts is the difference between agents and spectators. But William James thought during the first six decades of the twentieth century. 2. The point of his book The Endangered American Dream is that members of labor unions. They begin to think of themselves as a saving remnant-as the happy few who have the insight to see through nationalist rhetoric to the ghastly reality of contemporary America. Transfor- mation would be needed because the rise of industrial capitalism had made the individualist rhetoric of America's first century obsolete. and unorganized unskilled workers. Richard. decadent and cowardly. but that our country would have to transform itself in order to fulfill Lincoln's hopes. In the early decades of this century. When young intellectuals watch John Wayne war movies after reading Heidegger. Rorty 98 (prof of philosophy at Stanford. Rorty 98 (prof of philosophy at Stanford. overpaid bond salesmen. once he is elected. One thing that is very likely to happen is that the gains made in the past forty years by black and brown Americans. and we are bound not to admit its failure. "is a kind of religion. Around the same time. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. They associate American patriotism with an endorsement of atrocities: the importation of African slaves. when an intellectual stepped back from his or her country's history and looked at it through skeptical eyes. to James. 4. The authors of these novels thought that this rhetoric should be replaced by one in which America is destined to become the first cooperative commonwealth. most of the predictions made about what would happen if Hindenburg named Hitler chancellor were wildly overoptimistic. did a great deal to shape this rhetoric.selves desperately afraid of being downsized-are not going to let themselves be taxed to provide social benefits for anyone else. "2 Failure to engage in the political process will result in the takeover by the extreme right. and The Grapes of Wrath. one in which populist movements are likely to overturn constitutional governments. The latter were written in the belief that the tone of the Gettysburg Address was absolutely right. can still bring deadly force to bear whenever and wherever it chooses. This new. the first classless society. quasi-communitarian rhetoric was at the heart of the Progressive Movement and the New Deal. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. the rape of ancient forests. they will realize that suburban white-collar workers-them. Stephenson. Pg. An American Tragedy. But this insight does not move them to formulate a legislative program. ―achieving our country‖. The kind of proto. nobody can predict what will happen. to join a political movement. and vigorous participation in electoral politics pointless. of course. and by homosexuals. Walt Whitman and John Dewey. they often become convinced that they live in a violent. Henry Adams was. the great exception-the great abstainer from ·politics. 3. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. Faiths and utopias are the noblest exercise of human reason. for example. 1998. as we shall see. tricky lawyers. Foucault. 89-94)JFS Many writers on socioeconomic policy have warned that the old industrialized democracies are heading into a Weimar-like period. the smug bureaucrats. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. ―achieving our country‖ pg. something will crack. and no one with a spark of reason in him will sit down fatalistically before the croaker's picture. corrupt country. Richard. and in which the government ensures equality of opportunity as well as individual liberty. The nonsuburban electorate will decide that the system has failed and start looking around for a strongman to vote for-someone willing to assure them that. the slaughter of Native Americans. inhuman. The failure to engage the political process turns the affirmative into spectators who are powerless to produce real change. leading to discrimination and war worldwide. and the Vietnam War. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alt.Heideggerian cultural pessimism which Adams cultivated seemed. James's pragmatist theory of truth was in part a reaction against the sort of detached spectators hip which Adams affected. Aff impacts come first . that Adams' diagnosis of the First Gilded Age as a symptom of irreversible moral and political decline was merely perverse. or Silko. For James. "Democracy. Edward Luttwak. The contrast between national hope and national self-mockery and self-disgust becomes vivid when one compares novels like Snow Crash and Almanac of the Dead with socialist novels of the first half of the century-books like The Jungle. has suggested that fascism may be the American future. Many of them think of national pride as appropriate only for chauvinists: for the sort of American who rejoices that America can still orchestrate something like the Gulf War. For once such a strongman takes office.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration.2AC K Blocks 74/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Frontier K 1. disgust with American hypocrisy and self-deception was pointless unless accompanied by an effort to give America reason to be proud of itself in the future. In 1932. and postmodernist professors will no longer be calling the shots. or to share in a national hope. A scenario like that of Sinclair Lewis‘ novel It Can‘t Happen Here may then be played out." James wrote. will be wiped . the chances were that he or she was about to propose a new political initiative. This America would be one in which income and wealth are equitably distributed. will sooner or later realize that their government is not even trying to prevent wages from sinking or to prevent jobs from being exported.

Dewey was right to be exasperated by sociopolitical theory conducted at this level of abstraction. Where. on a larger scale it was expressed in a generationally driven agrarian and mining expansion from east to west until the Civil War and then a rebound back to the east into the interior from the Pacific in the post-War eras. In support of my first suggestion. People will wonder why there was so little resistance to his evitable rise. the traditionally accepted logic substitutes discussion of the meaning of concepts and their dialectical relationships with one another. Even though what these authors "theorize" is often something very concrete and near at hand-a current TV show. Indeed. But it is almost impossible to clamber back down from their books to a level of abstraction on which one might discuss the merits of a law. as evanescent and insistent as a resourceful spook. These futile attempts to philosophize one's way into political relevance are a symptom of what happens when a Left retreats from activism and adopts a spectatorial approach to the problems of its country. It should ask the public to consider how the country of Lincoln and Whitman might be achieved. or political initiatives into pursuits of Lacan's impossible object of desire. All the sadism which the academic Left has tried to make unacceptable to its students will come flooding back. These result in an intellectual environment which is. It would have to talk much more about money. For such a logic of inquiry. the idea of a steadystate society was anathema to national prestige. When one of today's academic leftists says that some topic has been "inadequately theorized. Gothic. However. For after my imagined strongman takes charge." Recent attempts to subvert social institutions by problematizing concepts have produced a few very good books. The movement was personified by folk heroes such a Daniel Boone. August) The motivation of nations to expand their spheres of influence has historically been expressed in terms of imperialism. The authors of these purportedly "subversive" books honestly believe that they are serving human liberty. He will be a disaster for the country and the world. It should try to kick its philosophy habit. Perm. In the 20th century. they will ask. as Mark Edmundson says in his book Nightmare on Main Street. Jocular contempt for women will come back into fashion. the more subversive of the established order you can be. a treaty. physical frontiers were replaced by technological frontiers . a candidate. Kit Carson and Davy Crockett.do the plan and the alternative in every other instance – if the alt is strong it can overcome the link to the plan if not it fails 6. They are all committed to the logic of general notions under which specific situations are to be brought. at the end of the twentieth century. To get the country to deal with those consequences. a media celebrity. the most frightening of which is called "power.the role of human motivation. However." Dewey thought that all discussions which took this dichotomy seriously suffer from a common defect. Such subversion."10 5. national ambition expressed in the expansion of physical borders continues to produce war and the threat of war. is accomplished by "problematizing familiar concepts.2AC K Blocks 75/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah out. Traditional frontier ideology causes war—space channels territorial expansion into technological expansion which solves this GRAY 1999 (D. The contemporary academic Left seems to think that the higher your level of abstraction. All the resentment which badly educated Americans feel about having their manners dictated to them by college graduates will find an outlet." This is the name of what Edmundson calls Foucault's "haunting agency. even at the cost of talking less about stigma. Nations competed in a global land-rush with little regard for the indigenous societies. they say. The words "nigger" and "kike" will once again be heard in the workplace. The cultural Left is haunted by ubiquitous specters. The more sweeping and novel your conceptual apparatus. The first is that the Left should put a moratorium on theory. In the 19th century and first half of the 20th century. or a political strategy. "9 For such ascents are now more common on the Left than on the Right. was the American Left? Why was it only rightists like Buchanan who spoke to the workers about the consequences of globalization? Why could not the Left channel the mounting rage of the newly dispossessed? It is often said that we Americans. The second is that the Left should try to mobilize what remains of our pride in being as Hitler made his with the German industrialists. Since nobody denies the existence of what I have called the cultural Left. one which supplies "the apparatus for intellectual justifications of the established order. It is not the sort of Left which can be asked to deal with the consequences of globalization. The American frontiersmen perceived the land to be empty and brushed away the native populations who could not compete with the technology. the present cultural Left would have to transform itself by opening relations with the residue of the old reformist Left. organizational structures and aggressive ideologies of the EuroAmerican society. let me cite a passage from Dewey's Reconstruction in Philosophy in which he expresses his exasperation with the sort of sterile debate now going on under the rubric of "individualism versus communitarianism. Theorists of the Left think that dissolving political agents into plays of differential subjectivity.the belief that the United States of America should extend across the continent from the Atlantic to Pacific." you can be pretty certain that he or she is going to drag in either philosophy of language.‖ Space Policy. this or that special institution or social arrangement. What we want is light upon this or that group of individuals. or Lacanian psychoanalysis. and in particular with the labor unions. ―Space as a frontier . no longer have a Left. helps to subvert the established order. a recent scandal-they offer the most abstract and barren explanations imaginable. this or that concrete human being. I have two suggestions about how to effect this transition. But such a renewal of sadism will not alter the effects of selfishness.. In America in the 19th century it was most often expressed in terms of Manifest Destiny . which is everywhere and nowhere. He Americans. hegemony and outright military conquest. this amounts to an admission that that Left is unable to engage in national politics. just will invoke the glorious memory of the Gulf War to provoke military adventures which will generate short-term prosperity. Disengagement from practice produces theoretical hallucinations. or some neo-Marxist version of economic determinism. nationalistic expansion is given a more constructive venue when it is presented with a true wilderness in which it can grow. colonialism. the more radical your critique. He was wrong when he went on to say that ascending to this level is typically a rightist maneuver. They have also produced many thousands of books which represent scholastic philosophizing at its worst.M. he will quickly make his peace with the international superrich.

the ideology of `Manifest Destiny‘ came to be replaced with &You can't stand in the way of progress!'. it is our position that Space Colonization can help lead to solutions to many of the emerging problems of our Earth. Skylab. The Wright Brothers. and problems of air quality. Efforts are underway to provide short space tours and experiences and endeavors such as the X-prize are encouraging entrepreneurs to provide new systems. 2002). are consistent with a Brookings Institute study that asked a group of academic historians. Both robotic and human exploration of space is well underway and we have begun to colonize space. space colonization includes space-based operations in Earth orbit. poverty. political scientists. tourism. Glenn. National Space Society (W. Gemini. Military and security organizations in the government viewed space as the most practical means of providing information they deemed necessary to maintain national security. The speech resulted in the spear thrust of Apollo that proved the USA's superiority over the Soviet technological machine. Integrated Defense Systems. Mir. development of space colonies and Mars. and weather vagaries to name a few of our current problems? Recently. McDonnell Douglas Aerospace System Engineering. End slavery globally 5. and Governance Project (Smitherman. America could be magnanimous in victory with the symbolic handshake of Apollo}Soyuz. such as those listed above.000 years for humans to get inches off the ground. sociologists and economists to forecast the most important achievements for the next 50 years. its benefits are greater. transportation Systems. enhanced food-production techniques. before this decade is out. The Boeing Company. The USA's expansionist policies had once again moved from the physical to the technological. Provide clean and abundant energy 3. and human space exploration and data needs. and the development of techniques to help protect Earth from potential meteoroid impact hazards (Siegfried.org/participate/uploads/acf628b. these technological frontiers tended to empower and provide new freedoms. and other planetary terraforming activities. 1962. Provide clean food and water 2. For these nations. With the fall of the Soviet Union. disease. IAF Lunar Com. Spacehab. 7. their space programs have become a focus of national pride.aiaa. it took only 66 years to get from Kitty Hawk to the Moon. nonpolluting energy. Since America's retreat from the successes of Apollo. Provide universal health care. 2003. nationalistic interests in space have become less clear. Then. America's sphere of influence extended to the lunar surface as Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin planted the American flag on the Sea of Tranquillity. But why should we persevere in the face of terrorism. and now ISS are humankind‘s first ventures toward colonizing space. For example when SPAR of Canada recently sold its space robotics unit that manufactured the Shuttle's robot arm to a subsidiary of the American company Orbital Sciences.. astonishingly. We have sent probes out of our solar system and have begun exploration of our universe. The common man learned to put aside old ways of doing things and embrace new technologies. 20 July 1969. In 20th century America. the USA had little reason to compete in space.2AC K Blocks 76/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah that provided arenas of expansionist opportunity with no native populations. Findings such as these goals were submitted. &I believe this nation should commit itself. For America's partners. and Business Systems and Program Management. The USA's new symbol of superiority in space became the Space Shuttle which could take larger crews to space in airline-like comfort. pollution/waste and water purification. Eliminate all major diseases 4. the SPAR stock holders arose to remove the board of directors that had made the decision [2]. to landing a man on the moon and return him safely to the earth'. and on planetary surfaces. Foresight. 1996). http://www.‖ One hundred The top five goals based on high-ranking for overall global importance were as follows: 1. Having proved its superiority. space endeavors such as exploration or colonization were not on the major list and were ranked low. Henry Ford. even though the above goals were featured. The USA began to quietly concentrate on orbiting satellites. development of disease-amelioration techniques. among the least important accomplishments. in transit. both technical and sociological. Connecting transportation infrastructure to the frontier is technological determinism and ignores the social and historical context of power . Yager. which were then combined and condensed to 46 for workshop consideration. Many believe that space travel (colonization) will do for the 21st century what aviation did for the 20th. it found more prestige in allowing other countries to participate in Shuttle missions and most recently in the International Space Station. robotic. hunger. a ―Global Foresight Workshop‖ was convened by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Frontier mindset solves laundry list of impacts Siegfried 03—Program Manager of McDonnell Douglas SEI Lunar/Mars Systems. automated. Instead of subjugating or pushing peoples aside. SAE.pdf)//AW It took 100. AAS Technical Com. participation in the station provided access to space without having to develop the means to travel there. Although thus not viewed as a beneficial enterprise by many. The breadth of the enterprise far exceeds our normal single-purpose missions and. therefore. safe abundant water. For purposes of definition. even to the extent of early space tourism. Among the technical attributes of Space Colonization are the potential of developing low-cost. Jobs and Gates became the new American folk heroes. 8. ―Space Colonization—Benefits for the World‖. Apollo. Organizers solicited goals from key agencies and organizations across the country and internationally through solicitations from United Nations University via the ―Millennium Project. Instead. In this study. AIAA.H. Our early Mercury. They personified the expansion of the frontiers of technology and science. On Sunday. Einstein. Nationalistic goals motivated President Kennedy to declare during a speech at Rice University on September 12.

remarks that all American roads represent ―a literally concrete expression of the central American drives .S. the machine itself. from the pathways of our national being‖ (17). and beside the highway. as though there were a fundamental relationship between the land itself. and the receding horizon its most steadfast goal. Similarly. of time is a natural thing for an American to always have inside them as something inside which they are continuously moving. and they reify the construction of the largest road infrastructure and public works project in human history as though it were the most natural thing in the world. progress builds itself. ―On the now paved highway were cars that had reached a high level of utility. homogenous American character which is anything but representative. and/or freedom. . that all the various forms of road and highway in America ―spring. Another common explanation of America‘s prodigious construction of roads in the twentieth century is that its occurrence is flatly instrumental. a space of time that is always filled with moving. . written as a dissertation with a masters (Andrew. of movies. ―change is [the nation‘s] most unchanging premise. automobility is ―another outlet for wanderlust. a will to mobility. according to Drake Hokanson. escape. Similarly. . However. Implicitly the engine itself. 2007 – PhD Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University. Before long hundreds of new highways laced the continent.‖ That is. adventure. impermanence its most permanent condition. Also. movement is its most firmly fixed pattern. reoriented the course of American history with hardly a trace of human involvement. Phil Patton. the mute perspectives and pavements of the highway objectify elements of the American mind‖ (12). transforming the earth‘s landscape and starting new industries‖ (24). Likewise. because of its all too obvious benefits to mankind and the market. migration. nature. to bind the East and West‖ (31). fails to account for the slow acceptance of and even reactionary resistance to the technology in the early years of its introduction in the U. road-side America was rising. the technology. and highway construction. the road is the manifestation of latent desires for such things as travel. This is simply technological determinism. George Pierson argues that America is singular due to ―the MFactor: the factor of movement. and the demand for places to drive them soared. economic. Think of anything. is the agent of history. and countless older roads were widened and paved‖ ( 3). . while casting automobility as a teleological inevitability. Representing technologies determining the course of history overlooks the socio-cultural production of human relationships to technologies.2AC K Blocks 77/165 ―Narrating the Geography of Automobility‖. Drake Hokanson maintains. accessed 7/14/12)//BZ I am always trying to tell this thing that a space Valley High School Rishi Shah Vogel. Americans had found a new mode of travel and were now busy creating a landscape to support it‖ (116). William Kaszynski asserts that ―the internal combustion engine on wheels has made the greatest impact. and ideological conflicts out of which the American highway infrastructure was actually manufactured. Individual actors are relegated to the background of this narrative. (―Making of Making of Americans‖ 286) Likewise. of anybody who goes anywhere or stays at home and is an American and you will realize that it is something strictly American to conceive a space that is filled always filled with moving. in Open Road: A Celebration of the American Highway. mobility‖ (278). another way to span the continent. Val Hart argues in his book. of cowboys. . ―cars began streaming from the nation‘s auto factories. Referencing the evolution of automobility in the late teens and twenties. Such a view presupposes an American highway system as a historical inevitability and thus foreshortens the need for any complex understanding of the history of such a transformation and its numerous social and e nvironmental impacts. The Story of American Roads. This sort of instrumental reasoning. such narratives presume an essentialized. of detective stories. Again. All these histories imply that roads are an outward expression of an essential American psychic desire. Chester Leibs states. The danger of this thinking is that it elides the difficult political. characterizing the twentieth century as an era of industrial progress.

Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles. In other words. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. of course. However. for example. Also. It encourages this view because the turn to. event or phenomenon.2AC K Blocks 78/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Heidegger K 1. we control uniqueness to the impacts. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. alt. can‘t act fast enough to stop our impacts. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. No prior questions of ontology Owen.e. In one respect. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. in contrast. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. from this standpoint. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded. Yet. if this is the case. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. of Southampton. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. Framework: we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. yet. namely. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms.. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. for a certain class of problems. 3. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i.4 However. it is by no means clear that it is.6 Moreover. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. It may. Only evaluate unique impacts. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. Aff impacts come first. 2. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. as Shapiro points out. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. I will suggest. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. claims of technological domination being the root cause of violence is non-falsifiable and makes it impossible for us to effectively answer . Thus. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. and prioritisation of. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. 2 – (David Owen. 4. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). loosely deployed or not. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. even if technology were the root case. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that.

‘ These we can and must oppose or prevent. Rather.ac. Whether or not a Jewish tradition is privileged over Greek. 7. 10.‖ those that close the future to the coming of the other. ―perverse calculation. If the alt. xenophobia. There can be no ultimate foundation for what we think is the worst. 9.‘ but rather that they take traditional ethical thinking to its limit. while recognising that a judgement necessarily closes. like the future. Nazism. We may say then that our commitment is to those that accept the other as other. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. can solve all technological thought then it can overcome the links. . We have a duty to guard against the coming of such a theory or idea. that allow the other to be. and other differences are causes of conflict. Such was the ideology of National Socialism in its desire to entirely negate the Jews. An ethical obligation to prevent specific atrocities precedes ontology—the death of the "other" calls our very being into question Bulley 4 (Dan. PhD Candidate @ Department of Politics and International Studies--University of Warwick.lancs.‖ The most obvious such as genocide. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. ‗‗The Question Concerning Technology.‖ does not escape this. Derrida‘s ―responsibility [to the Other] without limits.‖ whose calculation can we say is perverse. or the ‗worst‘? Why are we responsible to victims rather than the perpetrators of atrocities if both are equally ‗other‘? Who makes this decision and how can it be justified? Levinas suggests that our ―being-in-the-world‖ our being-as-we-are. "Ethics and Negotiation. humans have always strived to develop ‗‗modern‘‘ technology and to become truly ‗‗modern‘‘ in the Heideggerian sense. 8. his thinking of the ethical shows that we can think these things differently.‖ are atrocities We can oppose this future-present (a future that will be present) coming then on the basis of the future-to-come (a future with no expectation of presence).2AC K Blocks 79/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah 5. What makes their different ways of thinking the other interesting is not that they are absolutely right or ‗true. Indeed. Why? Because such an other closes us to the other. The danger stemming from the rule of das Gestell is thus not only transient and solely directed toward contemporary Western society.doc) Crucially an openness to justice cannot be an a priori good thing." www. from Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg (Søren. as ―Every other (one) is every (bit) other. But why? Why only these? Derrida states that what we can oppose is only those ―events that we think obstruct the future or bring death. we can oppose those others who prevent our openness to other others. the other.‘‘ sheds a very different light on his critique. Perm. 8 February 2011. figures of this ―worst.uk/fss/politics/events/aber/ethics%20and%20negotiation%20-%20bulley. various political. cultural. There is a danger though that this becomes foundational. Heidegger is unable to translate ontological insights into the real world. This revision of Heidegger‘s arguments claims that ‗‗The Question Concerning Technology‘‘ indicates a previous unseen ambiguity with respect to the origin of the rule of das Gestell.‖ RBatra) Martin Heidegger‘s radical critique of technology has fundamentally stigmatized modern technology and paved the way for a comprehensive critique of contemporary Western society. The last part of the paper unfolds Heidegger‘s underlying arguments in favor of continuity within the history of technology. establishing itself unproblematically as a ‗ground‘ outside traditional thinking. but also I will argue that humans can only be humans as the ones challenged by the rule of das Gestell. The following inquiry departs from Heidegger‘s critique of modern technology and connects it to a reassessment of ancient technology and Aristotle‘s justification of slavery. The non-basis of judgement is rather the desire to stay as open as possible. treated as a grounding principle outside traditional modernist ethics on which we can build a new ‗theory of ethics‘. And every closure is problematic. ―Towards the origin of modern technology: reconfiguring Martin Heidegger‘s thinking. However. they remain within the bounds of Western metaphysics. Limit thinking is not an immovable basis for judgement of the worst. Thus the death of the other calls our very being into question. Ethics in this sense precedes ontology as our responsibility to the other precedes our own being.D. Heidegger‘s phenomenological line of thinking concerning technology also implies a radical critique of ancient technology and the fundamental being-in-the-world of humans.‖ or. This is not the value of Derridean and Levinasian thinking however. 6. and because of. the following reassessment of Heidegger‘s most elaborate and influential interpretation of technology. Or to put it in terms of the other. And such a foundation cannot come from outside Western metaphysics. and this is why it is so dangerous and troubling. a future that closes the future. According to these interpretations. In fact. No concrete alternative means they don‘t solve – can‘t bring humans away from technology Riis 11—Carlsberg Research Fellow and Assistant Professor of Philosophy and Science Studies at Roskilde University. while still accepting the exigency to prevent the ‗worst‘. one can say it can only be ―anticipated in the form of an absolute danger. The goal is for our closure to have the character of an opening (closing the future-present to allow the future-to-come).‖ As incalculable and unknowable. as Derrida says there is no ultimate way of judging between our responsibility for others. is only conceivable in relation to. if. but it nevertheless remains a closure. an unconditional openness to the future-to-come of justice risks the coming of what he calls the ―worst. Their arguments are too totalizing – there is nothing tangible or nothing definitive that can be defined as technology or exactly what types of this technology should be rejected. so-called ‗ethnic cleansing. Ph. However.

164) Heidegger's inability to conceptualize the sociohistorical determinants and character of modern technology raises the oft-discussed question of the "pseudo-concreteness of his philosophy". therein lay the "inner truth and greatness of National Socialism. is hardly controversial. In many respects. the world was spared the outcome of this particular thought experiment. Wolin 01 – Distinguished Professor of History at the City University of New York Graduate Center – 2001 (Richard Wolin. the extermination camps. P. 32) To say that Arendt's explanation was the more successful. a In Heidegger's view.' 11. the "ontology of Being and Time is still bound to the metaphysics that it rejects. it had come close to mastering the vexatious "relationship between planetary technology and modern man. Heidegger‘s philosophy is Nazism—the rejection of technology and re-connection with Being offered by National Socialism fit with his arguments. Fortunately. Heidegger's own narrative was simply delusory. that is. retrospectively contrived psychological prophylaxis against his own enthusiastic support for the regime. For there the sphere of ontic life seemed degraded a priori as a result of its monopolization by the "They" and its concomitant inauthentic modalities. 90 ." The problem was already evident in the tension between the ontological and ontic levels of analysis that dominated the existential analytic of Being and Time. its apparent incapacity to fulfill its original phenomenological promise as a philosophy of "existential concretion. Pathetically." for which the Germans bore no special responsibility. the inflexible elevation of ontology above the ontic plane virtually closes off the conceptual space wherein real history might be thought.2AC K Blocks 80/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Wolin. he went so far as to insist that German fascism was unique among Western political movements in that." But ultimately "these people [the Nazis] were far too limited in their thinking." he claimed. . The Politics of Being. P.Distinguished Professor of History at the City University of New York Graduate Center . it can only appear as an afterthought: as the material demonstration of conclusions already reached by the categories of existential ontology. everything that came to pass-the war. Heidegger was left to replay in his own mind the way things might have been had Hitler (instead of party hacks) heeded the call of Being as relayed by Heidegger himself. despite its flaws. Consequently. Nazism might thereby have realized its genuine historical potential. In truth. Nowhere was this problem better illustrated than in the case of the category of historicity. both the desirability and possibility of effecting the transition from the metalevel of ontology to the "factical" realm of ontic concretion seemed problematical from the outset.1990 (Richard Wolin. Heidegger‟s Children. for one shining moment. As a result. the German dictatorship (which he never renounced per se)-was merely a monumental instance of the "forgetting of Being. After the war." In Heidegger's estimation. The conventional tension between existentia and essentia stands behind the difference between everyday (factical) and 'authentic historical existence. And thus despite Heidegger's real insight into limitations of Dilthey's historicism.

such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. and prioritisation of. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. of course. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each.2AC K Blocks 81/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Hetronormativity K 1. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. 655-7) frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. of Southampton.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. loosely deployed or not. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. Aff impacts come first . dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. yet. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. It encourages this view because the turn to. 2. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. from this standpoint. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars.6 Moreover. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical action are foregrounded. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. . if this is the case. for a certain class of problems. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. Thus. However. 3. as Shapiro points out.4 However. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. event or phenomenon. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problemdriven approach to IR. for example. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. In other words. No prior questions in IR Owen 02 – (David Owen. Yet. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments.e. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. I will suggest. Perm. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. 4. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theoryconstruction from philosophical first principles. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i.. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. in contrast. In one respect. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. it is by no means clear that it is. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective It may.

These are very much reactions to the ways in which we view ourselves. and communications. to maintain the energy necessary to develop and continue modes of resistance that counter it? In the last question. Associate Professor at Florida Atlantic University. be reduced to impotence. The shrinkage of politics hardly means that corporate colonization will be less of a reality. National University. often inspired by localist sentiment. well-informed and ready to participate at many levels. Here. namely. However appealing the notion of positioning the self through a reinterpretation of the "I" may be." as put forward by Queer theorists. due to the ways in which we are constantly told to view ourselves. and remains a chasm (cf. or should we look elsewhere? Perhaps most importantly: is it possible. "overcome its constituent history of injury" (1993b: 223). The question of polities. enduring this form of violence cannot. even as the ethos of anti-politics becomes more compelling and even fashionable in the United States. Kirsch. cultural. spread of infectious cannot be understood outside the larger social and global context diseases.only to fester more ominously into the future. technological displacement of workers) of internationalized markets. Boggs ‘97 (CARL BOGGS – Professor and Ph. Political Science. As this ideological quagmire worsens. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. as I will show. threatens the planet. it is misguided as political action: it cannot generate the collective energy and organization necessary to challenge existing structures of power. and apathy. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. resignation. particularly as it is expressed in Butler's writings on performativity. When this fact is not confronted. urban decay. poverty. that social hierarchies will somehow disappear. or that gigantic state and military structures will lose their hold over people's lives. p.an already familiar dynamic in many lesser. 2000 (Max. Far from it: the space abdicated by a broad citizenry. The nature of the "political" is never clearly discussed. lies an answer to the issue of alliances and structural identification. and other differences are causes of conflict. has no inherent historical or social context. not very far removed from the rampant individualism. 5. then. could be the prelude to a powerful Leviathan designed to impose order in the face of disunity and atomized retreat. given the tremendous resources represented by the dominant and coercive ideology of our present social relations. This last point demands further elaboration. it is the vagaries of political power that will continue to decide the fate of human societies. Those academy. even in the simply decide to disengage. Paradoxically. The unyielding truth is that. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. In this way the eclipse of politics might set the stage for a reassertion of politics in more virulent guise -. 43).perhaps even unrecognized -. Be that as it may. various political. "There is no magical road where the most abstract concepts magically command the movement of society" (1979: "queer" do not acknowledge that queer is produced by social relations. which in turn are. And such problems (ecological crisis. brings us back to where we began: what is the nature of the political and how do we address it? Is it beneficial to maintain alliances with established political parties? Can we adopt the dominant values of our culture and still hope to change the dynamics of those values? How do we form alliances with other oppressed groups? Is there a structural economic basis for such an alliance. Kaufman and Martin. ―Queer Theory and Social Change‖. And – Anti-Politics dooms their project." it cannot. we negate the very idea of politics as a source of public ideals and visions. and civic violence that have been so much a part of the American landscape. finance. By diluting the life of common involvements.2AC K Blocks 82/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah approach which gets things right. social Darwinism. Although the lack of definition is what has inspired the use of "queer.D. as Butler herself asserts. and cedes politics to the Right. more than ever. psychosis.Theory and Society 26: 741-780) The false sense of empowerment that comes with such mesmerizing impulses is accompanied by a loss of public engagement. 97-98) Queerness as a deviant form of heterosexuality results in oppression. As Michael Aglietta observes.or it . We cannot simply refuse to acknowledge these facts of social life in our present society. it can lead to maladaptive responses that include the markings of internalized homophobia: depression. an erosion of citizenship and a depleted capacity of individuals in large groups to work for social change. We continually return to the following question: to whom does it belong and what does it represent? These advocates of Queer theory. at least in part. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. Queer theory cedes the political—it replaces personal poltics for engagement with real reform. 1994). "queer. the production of consciousness takes a very concrete form. the widespread retreat from politics. and therefore contains the attributes of existing social relations. and hope that our circumstances will change. can in fact be filled by authoritarian and reactionary elites -. even if power relations were the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts.developed countries. But first. Wolin refers to the increasing sublimation and dilution of politics. comes at a time when agendas that ignore or side-step these global realities will. the fate of the world hangs in the balance. we need to refocus the discussion.74 In the meantime. In his commentary on the state of citizenship today. dichotomizes the political as personal and the political as social action into a binary that positions political action in impossible terms. Los Angeles -. 6. as larger numbers of people turn away from public concerns toward private ones. urgent American society will problems that are destroying the fabric of go unsolved -. The fragmentation and chaos of a Hobbesian world. As I have shown.

this fear of connection. But despite calls for the recognition of diversity. the power to hire. Current Queer theory‘s engagement of this fear and concentration on the deconstruction of identity are results of such a reaction to power. Community. But instead of focusing on the creation of a society that guarantees freedom and expression for all. for it separates every person from any concrete sense of identity and collective opposition. violence. Indeed. Queer theory‘s focus on the individual destroys communities that could sustain liberation. Social and emotional health are promoted by active participation with others in community. such alienation causes a reaction to even the attempt to do so. redirecting energy towards objective oppression and subjective self-hate in the process.5 As the individual becomes the center of analysis in all aspects of social life. p121-123. http://books. The actions of those with power exert dominance in both conscious and unconscious ways. it has instead focused on the individual as a site of change. it has done little to further a true inclusiveness that would have the ability to form communities of resistance. its consequences are the same: communities must be deconstructed to free the individual for self-expression. the state would likely become what Hobbes anticipated: the 7. 8. It is not in their interest to further communities of dissidence. and the ability to apply pressure with regard to which theory is well received and which disregarded. from anti-colonial struggles to fights for better working conditions. Separatist movements have proven unproductive as the community becomes isolated and involutes with disagreement. is enacted on those outside of that projected norm. such a stance is in operative support of current structures of capitalist relations of being. Routledge. resistance theory has closely followed the dominant streams. The community is a forum for debate for the construction of strategy. this is primarily due to the insistence on the uniqueness of the individual and the relativity of experience. Assimilationist movements cannot work toward sustained social change because there is no confrontation with the basis of oppression. and as late capitalism emphasizes individualism on a global scale. collec. wishful thinking and the consolidation of position underpins this direction. has real possibilities for generating self-harm. to decide who publishes.. While the belief that heterosexuality is the norm is purveyed. . At best. to deny tenure. Let there be no mistake: they do act on their privileges. The community is where ―safe space‖ is created. both psychological and physical.75 Valley High School Rishi Shah case. a reductionistic view of the possibilities for change generated by the politics of the 1960s and 1970s. ―Queer theory and social change‖. Program in Comparative Studies: The Public Intellectuals Program at the Florida Atlantic University. and self-actualization are indeed complementary. as argued in Chapter 5. In either embodiment of those universal.2AC K Blocks 83/165 might help further rationalize the existing power structure. Beyond making it more difficult to identify with others. It is in communities that social change begins in embryonic form. The Queer body is created through hetrosexual reproduction – we‘re not saying that‘s good or normal but that‘s just the way biology works – means that the alt fail because there won‘t be any continuation of humanity in transportation infrastructure if it is queered because there is no way to reproduce. the hope that the mind can reframe the significance of harm while one‘s job is not threatened. The call for individuality is the most harmful strategy of all. Associate Professor and Director of the Ph.google. The call made by Queer theory is familiar to those who have participated in resistance movements: the assertion of independence from oppressive authority while claiming the right to envision and create new forms of being. identity. The reaction has taken place most prominently in the academy. At worst. Such struggles have larger outcomes. completely with editorships of journals. at least by name. ―The right to be oneself‖ thus becomes a mechanism for self-protection rather than a call for equality.com/books?id=Sfd82XETptUC&source=gbs_navlinks_s) Queer theory has developed along a path that questions the basic tenets of past resistance movements while championing the right of inclusion. Communities exist with varied needs that are part of the complexity of society. They have become the new academic elite. While Queer theory does not call for the destruction of communities. and experienced by them as being ―outside‖ the facets of daily social life. Again.D. where the purveyors of this theory are in positions that pose real danger to those opposing them. They are self-protective in much the same way that the managers of capitalist enterprises control the organization of work.tive interests that had vanished from civil society. Kirsch 00 (Max H. particularly against themselves. Power in numbers has been the call of resistance movements world-wide.

but rather the sense of confusion invoked concerning what exactly is being liberated: a sexual desire. Mieli. The difficulty here is not so much the charge of essentialism. and on occasions. Senior Lecturer of Sociology at the University of Leicester. which must remain in some senses merely a descriptive term. in relation to sexuality. particularly those of Altman and Weeks. however. The term liberation therefore remains rather inadequate in theoretical terms. http://books. ―Cultures of Masculinity‖ p85. particularly those of Hocquengheim and Mieli. It was perhaps not surprising. emancipation or indeed oppression. These more theoretical debates were in themselves often founded on the political involvements of young writers and academics making their careers in colleges and universities. perspectives of the development of commercial gay culture and the practices and attitudes of gay men. Edwards 06 (Tim.com/books?id=jiDisMipzEsC&source=gbs_navlinks_s) Gay liberation is problematic not least because liberation per se is problematic. both theoretically and politically. this is compounded by its conflation with the concept of repression and the assertion of some otherwise contained or constrained sexual desire. Most of these controversies centred on various. a sexual community. the notion of liberation tends to imply essentialism and. 1971. and often violently opposed. Some of the earliest works on gay politics. or all three? This is not to deny in the least that gay men still constitute a marginalized. 1980. a sexual identity. Weeks. also illustrated more academically.2AC K Blocks 84/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --A2: Edelman Edelman‘s alternative perpetuates essentialism and does not address material oppression. 1972. In theoretical terms. most notoriously those of the overtly sexualised and hypermasculine clone. even demonized group. Hocquenghem. This sense of ambiguity or even ambivalence concerning gay liberation was. attributed a liberatory force to gay desire in celebrating promiscuity. Routledge. stigmatized. yet such an experience is perhaps more accurately understood as a problem of subordination. that much of this ambivalence should also be played out through a series of academic debates that followed the onset of gay liberation. saw gay politics as a culturally specific phenomenon contingent on histories of movements towards reform and slowly shifting morals and values (Altman. then. pushing the boundaries of decency and more generally going against the mores of mainstream heterosexual society. 1977). while others. .google.

2AC K Blocks 85/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Kappeler K .

Nuclear disarmament and demilitarization will allow communities to participate more fully in both the political sphere and civil society. but in the Northern countries as well. Aff impacts come first. borne the brunt of this nuclear devastation . political. have often required the absence of free democratic thought. gripped our imagination as we tottered in so close a proximity to total nuclear annihilation." We therefore come here to the table as victims of the nuclear age. from one viewpoint. 5. we control uniqueness to the impacts. is heavily militarized. 2. not all observers see this sort of technology transfer in a positive light. but they simultaneously legitimize it as a source of credible knowledge. we urge you to take strong and courageous leadership in de-legitimizing what. By employing ERS date.2AC K Blocks 86/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Kato K 1. Masahide Kato is critical of nonprofit groups based in industrialized countries who supply satellite-generated information to remote areas of developing countries. cultural. storage and transport of plutonium and nuclear wastes. like most Indigenous Genuine peace can only begin to emerge when the nations of the world start to dismantle military and nuclear installations now dominating the entire Pacific from Guam to Hawaii to French Polynesia. and we urge you all to be true to those promise*s. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusively parts of the alternative. 98 ―The Greening of Sovereignty in World Politics. extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. Indeed satellites seem to offer the tantalizing prospective of ―sovereign knowledge. He believes they are representatives of a ―global technosubjectivity‖ which renders the territories of indigenous peoples as resources. environmental and indigenous rights groups demonstrate that it can be translated into usable knowledge for purposes of cultural and ecological preservation. even if technology were the root case. As you meet communities around the world. Philippines‖ http://www. 6. As we have heard oftentimes. to the dumping. While Kato perhaps too quickly condemns ERS technology.‖ cannot capture centuries of past environmental abuse. we ask you to listen to the suffering voices silenced by attribution of priority to a precarious "peace" maintained by military means. For instances. ―People's Task Force for Base Clean Up. including the 1995 review. With the next formal Review of the NPT in the year 2000. benefits indigenous people by promoting their interests Liftin. Both the NPT and subsequent efforts to re-visit it. Being the victims of the nuclear age. which we have seen can be use to promote the interests of indigenous peoples. can‘t act fast enough to stop our impacts. *it will also be a crucial symbol for beginning a new millennium with serious efforts to begin negotiations toward nuclear disarmament.org/hinonproliferationtreaty/98npt_ngo2. even if power relations were the root cause of violence the alternative can‘t act fast enough to stop aff impacts. for a whole generation. The Pacific. Negative discourse toward nuclear war key to healing the wounds of the indigenous communities by the nuclear cycle Baldonado 98 Statement Coordinator Myrla Baldonado. 98 Karen Litfin. on the other hand. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. various political. National military strategies. No impact to global surveillance. Framework: we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option.‖ or knowledge with supreme authority. . Also. it will not only be logical to set ourselves on a new footing in human history.html We reaffirm the correctness and relevance of the 1997 Moorea Declaration by Abolition 2000 which states that colonized and indigenous people have in the large part. his critique reveals two interrelated issues of political culture implicit in ERS as an artifact/idea: the control of knowledge (who controls it and for what purposes) and the constitution of knowledge (what counts as knowledge). Integrity in this instance is crucial. While it is difficult to transcend the nature of what it is to be the sacrificial lambs of military imposed "peace. We are inspired by the work of the recently-deceased Brazilian educator Paulo Freire.from the mining of uranium and the testing of nuclear weapons on indigenous peoples land. and other differences are causes of conflict. they ―show vast terrains in correct perspective. But. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. *produced many promises which you all undertook to achieve. a fact that may prove profoundly disadvantageous for developing countries when ERS date are use to assign responsibility for ecological degradation. alt. the end of the Cold War has provided a historic opportunity to rid ourselves of this "near-death" experience with planned obsolescence of the human race. and at one moment in time. *Nuclear disarmament can begin to heal the wounds imposed on communities not only in the South. and the theft of land for nuclear infrastructure. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. 3. that ―one viewpoint‖ is generally located in the North and that ―one moment in time. p. and ethical issues. As only enthusiast proclaims. here. who spoke of strategy on behalf of oppressed peoples working to liberate themselves from the oppression that dehumanizes both the oppressor and the oppressed. 4. Professor of Political Science University of Washington.* The theory and practice of nuclear deterrence have been extremely hostile to democratic practice. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history doesn‘t make sense. 211‖ Because the use of ERS data in developing countries raises a host of complex cultural." we seek to transcend mere victimization in demanding and calling for a final cessation to these genocidal acts of nuclear colonialism*.nuclearfiles.

the nation‘s capacity to cope with such an attack becomes a test of its morale and for that reason the nuclear aftermath. Imagining future nuclear scenarios enables criticism of nuclear weapons ability to destroy all humankind Foard 97 James Foard.tr/~jast/Number11/Seed.341). a process which has until recently assigned the horror that Hiroshima represented to a superpower war in an imagined future (cf. Imagining nuclear wars serve as a warning against the possibility and opens up questioning of national values Seed 2k David Seed. Secondly. Associate Professor of Religion. in the short and long term. Specifically. Arizona State. the more necessary is the reconfirmation of these narratives as mere imaginary extrapolations. In virtually every case the USA plays a reactive role. Cherished human values like reason might be transposed on to extraterrestrial beings. for imagining nuclear weapons: those involving difference and those involving representation. because nuclear attack can only be mounted with the latest technology. 11.2AC K Blocks 87/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah 7. or reader might play out the role of a survivor through the very act of reading a narrative whose deliverer has died.‖ Journal of the American Academy of Religion.pdf This ambivalence about Hiroshima has been partially ameliorated by displacing it with Armageddon in our imagination of nuclear weapons In Amenca the images of the atomic bomb.org/cgi/reprint/LXV/1/1.bilkent. By "representation" I mean the expressions which seek to describe the use of nuclear weapons and incorporate that description into structures of meaning Armageddon permits us to define the difference of nuclear weapons by their capacity to destroy the human species in a war that no one will win. and the Annihilation of the Students of Ichijo School. http://www. 2000 ―Imagining the Worst: Science Fiction and Nuclear War.‖ Journal of American Studies of Turkey. Pease'562). Professor of English literature at the University of Liverpool.oxfordjournals. Some human presence persists however tenuous or displaced. Finally this fiction expresses a collective horror of ultimate endings. they function as warnings against such imminent developments. images of a nuclear Armageddon have helped us perform two sorts of cultural tasks fundamental the articulation of what makes nuclear weapons different from other weapons and the consequent reflection on the different human situation engendered by them. occasions an interrogation of cherished national values. Thirdly. By deploying a whole range of strategies to imagine a dreaded future. The more the future fails to develop along these imagined lines.edu. Vol. both scientific and otherwise.htm A number of recurring features emerge from these narratives. pp. By "difference" I mean both . http://jaar. particularly after the Soviet Union's successful test in 1949 (Boyer. 39-49. Ultimately there is an unusual circularity to such narratives. these novels explore anxieties about problems of control. never attacking first. 1997 ―Imagining Nuclear Weapons: Hiroshima. Armageddon. were pressed into the service of apocalyptic speculations. 8.

is it permissible under certain conditions? If so. Imagining nuclear war demonstrates it is unwinnable and such reflections do not work to exclusion of envisioning past nuclear wars Foard 97 James Foard.pdf Since the onset of the superpower conflict. but they have demonstrated a continued willingness to risk nuclear war. Arizona State.‖ Journal of the American Academy of Religion. It is my belief that preparation for nuclear war by the peace movement would reduce the chance of nuclear war by providing a visible threat to the otherwise unchallenged continuance of existing political institutions.org/cgi/reprint/LXV/1/1. 1997 ―Imagining Nuclear Weapons: Hiroshima. pp. of we have not achieved freedom from nuclear danger in the past few years solely because the apocalyptic scenario seems less plausible and that we need new theological and philosophical reflections. Vol. National decision-makers may wish to avoid nuclear war to save their own lives. and certainly would not justify any policy which significantly increased the risk of nuclear war. in contrast to our own critics' insistence on the opposite. 2. and the Annihilation of the Students of Ichijo School. Furthermore. Imagining future nuclear wars prevents them Martin 82 Brian Martin. http://jaar. the survivors' insistence on the reality of references for nuclear language. moral issues that are as pressing now as they were then: Is the instantaneous extinction of cities different from other war death? If using a nuclear weapon (or two) does not endanger the human species. A prepared peace movement would ensure that such political consequences are as serious as possible. 149-159 But these possibilities provide relatively little consolation for the human disaster of nuclear war. through the policies they have promoted and the institutions they have constructed and supported. Media and Communication at the University of Wollongong.‖ Bulletin of Peace Proposals. Such questions are beyond the range of this historian of religions What is clear is that the efforts of Hiroshima survivors suggest measuring the difference of nuclear death by the impossibility of theodicy. which the apocalyptic imagination is but one culturally specific and historically bound expression Following such a measurement of difference can help us see that 10. 1982.oxfordjournals. Nuclear weapons states have refrained from nuclear war thus far not primarily because of their perception of the human disaster of nuclear war but because of the possible political consequences. No. the end of the Cold War has meant the obsolescence of not only our strategies toward but also our images of the nuclear threat Although excluded from our apocalyptic obsession. both in crises and confrontations and through the very existence of nuclear arsenals. affirms that the use of nuclear weapons is indeed possible because it has already happened. Associate Professor of Religion. It is in their implications for the present that peace movement activities relating to nuclear war must be assessed. how do we represent such death in our religious and cultural systems of "just war" and other meanings. Professor of Social Sciences in the School of Social Sciences.2AC K Blocks 88/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah 9. 1982 ―How the Peace Movement Should be Preparing for Nuclear War. 13. nuclear reflection has yoked itself to the Cold War and indulged itself in opposing human extinction As a consequence. Armageddon. . harder moral issues have been with us since 1945. This institutionalised risk of nuclear war will seem less acceptable if one consequence of continued preparations for war were a major challenge to the complete system of political and economic power and privilege.

not ourselves: We are too small and our statecraft is too feeble to be seen by a spacecraft between the Earth and the Moon. At top right are Saudi Arabia and what Europeans call the Near East. . where the earliest humans lived. Tanzania. overall badass). Photographs of tiny patches of the Earth had been obtained first by balloons and aircraft.‖ Ballantine Books. and Kenya. a thin film of life on an obscure and solitary lump of rock and metal. CARL SAGAN (Professor of astronomy and space sciences at cornell university. not our reworking of the Earth's surface. The Apollo pictures of the whole Earth conveyed to multitudes something well known to astronomers: On the scale of worlds—to say nothing of stars or galaxies—humans are inconsequential. around which so much of our global civilization emerged. the reality of our circumstance did not really begin to sink in until the famous frame-filling Apollo photograph of the whole Earth—the one taken by the Apollo 17 astronauts on the last journey of humans to the Moon. And yet there is no sign of humans in this picture. You can make out the blue of the ocean. Geographers had translated these findings into charts and globes. the brown-green of forest and grassland. Mariners had painstakingly mapped the coastlines of the continents. It has become a[n] kind of icon of our age. From this vantage point. then by rockets in brief ballistic flight. the yellow-red of the Sahara and the Arabian desert. not our machines. and at last by orbiting spacecraft—giving a perspective like the one you achieve by positioning your eyeball about an inch above a large globe. There's Antarctica at what Americans and Europeans so readily regard as the bottom. Observing earth as a whole dissolves the reasoning for classifying by nations.2AC K Blocks 89/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah 11. September 1997 ―Pale Blue Dot: a Vision of the Human Future in Space. While almost everyone is taught that the Earth is a sphere with all of us somehow glued to it by gravity. our obsession with nationalism is nowhere in evidence. and then all of Africa stretching up above it: You can see Ethiopia. Just barely peeking out at the top is the Mediterranean Sea.

This is how the planets would look to an alien spaceship approaching the Solar System after a long interstellar voyage. the innermost. was lost in the glare of the Sun. brighter than most of the stars. In the same way. every hunter and forager. We were able to photograph not only the Earth. Uranus and Neptune are so dim that to record their presence required long exposures. But it's just an accident of geometry and optics. how fervent their hatreds. lived out their lives. You cannot tell merely by looking at one of these dots what it's like. to which our species could migrate. smeared or unsmeared—even through the high-resolution telescope aboard Voyager. They are like the planets seen with the naked eye from the surface of the Earth—luminous dots.2AC K Blocks 90/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah 12. every human being who ever was. Had the picture been taken a little earlier or a little later. the only home we've ever known. inventor and explorer. the Earth might not seem of any particular interest. for instance. overall badass). Settle. There . not yet. like the other planets. We can explain the wan blueness of this little world because we know it well. To me. accordingly. everyone you know. And the white? The Earth on an average day is about half covered with white water clouds. for the moment the Earth is where we make our stand. is blue. as if there were some special significance to this small world. The Sun emits its radiation equitably in all directions. every corrupt politician. Our posturings. So here they are—a mosaic of squares laid down on top of the planets and a background smattering of more distant stars. at least in the near future. The Earth is the only world known so far to harbor life. character-building experience. It absorbs slightly more red light than blue. in glory and triumph. Think of the rivers of blood spilled by all those generals and emperors so that. every "superstar. a short line of sight through air seems perfectly transparent. On it everyone you love. Nevertheless—something Leonardo da Vinci excelled at portraying—the more distant the object." every saint and sinner in the history of our species lived there—on a mote of dust suspended in a sunbeam. But for us. That's home. but also five other of the Sun's nine known planets. the red light is absorbed out and what gets reflected back to space is mainly blue. If you have tens of meters of the stuff or more. partly from the sky. every hero and coward. The aggregate of our joy and suffering. From this distant vantage point. Whether an alien scientist newly arrived at the outskirts of our solar system could reliably deduce oceans and clouds and a thickish atmosphere is less certain. thousands of confident religions. In our obscurity. And why that cerulean color? The blue comes partly from the sea. Our planet is a lonely speck in the great enveloping cosmic dark. what's on it. September 1997 ―Pale Blue Dot: a Vision of the Human Future in Space. every creator and destroyer of civilization. there would have been no sunbeam highlighting the Earth. they could become momentary masters of a fraction of a dot. and whether. Look again at that dot. but chiefly for different reasons. too dimly lit. That's here. it underscores our responsibility to deal more kindly with one another. what its past has been. Neptune. every young couple in love. It has been said that astronomy is a humbling and is perhaps no better demonstration of the folly of human conceits than this distant image of our tiny world. From this distance the planets seem only points of light. the Earth seems to be sitting in a beam of light. and increases peace between us CARL SAGAN (Professor of astronomy and space sciences at cornell university. n this particular epoch. So the bluish cast of this dot comes from its thick but transparent atmosphere and its deep oceans of liquid water. the bluer it seems. and/or too far away. 13 The Earth is a very small stage in a vast cosmic arena. in all this vastness. our imagined self-importance. There is nowhere else. Mercury. and economic doctrines.‖ every "supreme leader. Over a period of months the Earth. ideologies. every teacher of morals. every moth and father. would seem to move among the stars. hopeful child. and Mars and Pluto were too small. there is no hint that help will come from elsewhere to save us from ourselves. Visit. ever king and peasant. Because of the reflection of sunlight off the spacecraft. everyone you ever heard of. yes. Like it or not.‖ Ballantine Books. and to preserve and cherish the pale blue dot. decreases our self-importance. the delusion that we have some privileged position in the Universe. it's different. how eager they are to kill one another. Observing the whole of earth creates a bond between all of us. how frequent their misunderstandings. anyone lives there. While water in a glass is transparent. are challenged by this point of pale light. Think of the endless visited by the inhabitants of one corner of this pixel the scarcely distinguishable inhabitants of some other corner. Why? Because the air scatters blue light around much better than it does red. That's us. their images were smeared because of spacecraft motion.

but. from taking the choice literally and choosing the impossible.. by the public Law). and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. violates. Framework: we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. as the priest in Kafka's The Trial put it.99% of the votes at elections) simply demonstrates that Stalin is effectively the best and (almost) always right. it is also infinitely more vulnerable (a small revision etc. guaranteed even. is automatically "coopted. the most effective anti-ideological subversion of the official discourse of human rights consists in reading it in an excessively "literal" way. In Hegelese. qualification and demands human rights.)-the only proper answer to this offer. 2. ofcourse. just equality!" Here. I recall the moment of the referendum for the independence of Slovenia as the exemplary case of such a forced choice: the whole point. So one should also bear in mind the obverse of the inherent transgression: one is tempted to paraphrase Freud's claim from The Ego and the Id that man is not only much more immoral than he believes. if. "Fantasy" designates precisely this unwritten framework that tells us how are we to understand the letter of Law. can have large unforeseen catastrophic consequences). law does not want anything from you. The lesson of this is that-sometimes. the bourgeois liberal or social democrat. This dialectical tension between the vulnerability and invulnerability of the System also enables us to denounce the ultimate racist and/or sexist trick. the last lines in Now Voyager ("Why reach for the moon. The alternative‘s radical attempt to impose something completely different is more easily defeated.. in this situation. at least-this not the outcome of the long conversation between Josepf K. So. The need for unwritten rules thus bears witness to. it was coded in apparently tautological supplementary qualifications like "all humans have rights. "savages." On very fear of being coopted that makes us search for more and more "radical. of course. Perm." elevated above the vulgar everyday competition and struggle for domination . if one ignores them... the point about inherent transgression is not that every opposition. implicit. on the contrary. Zizek. this vulnerability: the system is compelled to allow for possibilities of choices that must never actually take place since they would disintegrate thesystem. Law and the Postmodern Mind. This example is especially suitable since Slovenes were deciding about a matter that was literally "transgressive" (to break from Yugoslavia with its constitutional order). i. also for herself. When. that theParty got 99. 98 – Professor of Philosophy at Institute of Social Sciences at University of Ljubljana (Slavoj. From my personal history. men of property. the obverseof. that the choice of which destroys the system. inscribing it into a different hegemonic chain). concealed the fact that they privilege white. at least. the authentic native culture and tradition-no thanks. universal human rights were proclaimed..'. of course.. a poor black woman disregards this unwritten. disregarding the set of underlying unwritten rules. but also much more moral than he knows-the System is not only infinitely more resistant and invulnerable than it may appear (it can coopt apparently subversive strategies. this limitation was not openly admitted.2AC K Blocks 91/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Lacan K 1. they simply cease to exist. and a politically correct progressive liberal endeavors to convince him that. it was not only prohibited to criticize Stalin. children. is "No. in the late eighteenth century. The point is rather that true subversion is not always where it seems to be. Is-at a certain level. on universal human rights)' are not to be read a la lettre. in contrast to the written law that exists (functions) whether one is aware of it or not-or. thatthe absence of this criticism (and the fact that there is no opposition party or movement. it was perhaps even more prohibited to enounce publicly this prohibition. I also wouldn't mind my part of consumerist alienation! . As le Carre put it. the explicit social rules) and more coercive (superego consists of additional rules that restrain the field of choice by way of prohibiting the possibilities allowed for. thanks! Better is the enemy of the Good! We do not want more. It was easy to dismiss Gorbachev for aiming only at improving the system.e. a Trotskyite is infinitely more threatening than a the contrary. every attempt at subversion. confirms. insofar as they truly are. Sometimes. . however. One could also approach this deadlock via. i. and the priest that follows the priest's narrative on the Door of the Law in The Trial?-the uncanny effect of this conversation does not reside in the fact that the reader is at a loss insofar as he lacks the unwritten interpretive code or frame ofreference that would enable him to discern the hidden Meaning. It is homologous with the native American who wants to become integrated into the predominant "white" society. it only bothers you if you yourself acknowledge it and address yourself to it with a demand . the empty symbolic gesture and/or the forced choice: unwritten rules prevent the subject from effectively accepting what is offered in the empty gesture. Or. can rupture our obsession with the fantasy then it can overcome the links. to put it in another way: the paradoxical role of the unwritten superego injunction is that. they can serve as its support).. If the alt. this appearance qua appearance was essential. this universality. for a hard-line Stalinist. but against thebackground of a set of unwritten rules. to take the most extreme example. In religion. rational and free. in that thepriest's interpretation of the parable on the Door of the Law disregards all standard frames of unwritten rules and reads the text in an "absolutely literal" way. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. public Law. Lacan's notion of the specifically symbolic mode of deception: ideology "cheats precisely by letting us know that its propositions (say.. which is why the Belgrade authorities denounced Slovene referendum as unconstitutional-one was thus ordered to transgress theLaw ." criminals. at least. a small heresy can be more threatening than an outright atheism or passage to another religion. women. simple equality is enough. do the plan and all non-competitive parts of the alternative. one true revisionist in the Central Committee is worth more than thousand dissidents outside it.e. and the function of the unwritten rules is precisely to prevent the actualization of these choices formally allowed by the system. quasi"feminists" often pretend to offer them "much more" (the role of the warm and wise "conscience of society. The obverse of the omnipotence of the unwritten is thus that." " which then implicitly excludes the mentally ill. he is thereby renouncing his very unique prerogative. she just takes the letter ofthe discourse of rights "more literally than it was meant" (and thereby redefines its universality. that of "two birds in the bush instead of a bird in hand": when women demand' simple equality. Sometimes. A . a small distance is much more explosive for the system than an ineffective radical rejection. at least-the truly subversive thing is not to disregard the explicit letter of Law on behalf of the underlying fantasies.. it is simultaneously transgressive (superego suspends. with regard to the explicit.. And. is the supreme strategy of suspension or marginalization. In the Soviet Union of the 1930s and 1940s. the permutation is more subversive because it makes demands on the system that the system expects will never be made. in the pro-independence euphoria. when we can have the stars?") are wrong. every argumentation for remaining within Yugoslavia was immediately denounced as treacherous and disloyal. but to stick to this letter against the fantasy that sustains it. making it more efficient-he nonetheless set in motion its disintegration. ―Why Does the Law need an Obscene Supplement?‖ Pg 91-94) Finally." "pure" attitudes. One can see how unwritten rules are correlative to. was to have a truly free choice-but nonetheless. too state that one is prohibited to criticize Stalin-the system needed to maintain the appearance that one is allowed to criticize Stalin.

I would maintain that "constitutive lack" is an instance of a Barthesian myth. under pain of invalidation. and articulate wider belief in contingency (for instance. 2005 (―The Political Theory of Constitutive Lack: A Critique. 'so much the worse for reality'48. grounds and teleology. Lacanian theory. It is. revealed only by a rhetoric of denunciation. Reject their methodology.. establishing a short-circuit between high-level generalizations and ultra-specific (pseudo)concrete instances. involves a prior idea of a structural matrix which is not open to change in the light of the instances to which it is applied. myths have a repressive social function. It may be posited as negativity. (These particularities. the irreducible character of antagonism'45.. Mouffe accuses liberalism of an 'incapacity. and the relationship between this schema and the instances it organizes is hierarchically ordered to the exclusive advantage of the former. to grasp. 3. on the contrary. by emphasizing contemporaneity). Perhaps he enlisted for financial reasons. They are necessarily projected onto or imposed on actual people and events. In most instances. which is used as a positive foundation for claims. Indeed. are not those who today enjoy its fruits. for instance. it purifies them. Thus. intensional: its meaning derives from a prior linguistic schema. More precisely. but it operates within the syntax of theoretical discourse as if it were a noun referring to a specific object.. evading the "middle level". the function of myth to do exactly what this concept does: to assert the empty facticity of a particular ideological schema while rejecting any need to argue for its assumptions. while Zizek claims that a 'dimension' is 'lost' in Butler's work because of her failure to conceive of "trouble" as constitutive of "gender"46. For instance. so that. one is simply to "accept" it. 'The correct dialectical procedure. its function is to talk about them. carrying in Barthes's words an 'order not to think'40. without reference to particular contexts47. not from interaction with the world in its complexity39.2AC K Blocks 92/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah modest demand of theexcluded group for the full participation at the society's universal rights is much more threatening forthe system than the apparently much more "radical" rejection of the predominant "social values" andthe assertion of the superiority of one's own culture. but because of a deeper structural logic'44. and open only to a "readerly" and not a "writerly" interpretation. The "triumph of literature" in the Dominici trial41 consists precisely in this projection of an externally-constructed mythical schema as a way of avoiding engagement with something one does not understand. This is precisely what happens in Lacanian analyses of specific political and cultural phenomena. while Laclau suggests there is a formal structure of any chain of equivalences which necessitates the logic of hegemony43. it gives them a natural and eternal justification. In Barthes's classic case of an image of a black soldier saluting the French flag. their basic operation is anti-analytical: the analytical schema is fixed in advance. This is precisely the status of "constitutive lack": a supposed fact which is supposed to operate above and beyond explanation. like Barthesian myths. this individual action is implicitly connected to highly abstract concepts such as nationalism. without apparently being able to alter it. it is a clarity which is not that of an explanation but that of a statement of fact'37. on an ontological level instantly accessible to those with the courage to accept it. He wants a 'direct jump from the singular to the universal'. Zizek specifically advocates 'sweeping generalisations' and short-cuts between specific instances and high-level abstractions. He also has a concept of a 'notion' which has a reality above and beyond any referent. can be best described as a direct jump from the singular to the universal. Issue 1. is infinitely more acceptable than the false elevationof women that makes them "too good" for the banality of men's rights. without the mediation of the particularities of his situation.. or due to threats of violence). not because of a simple usurpation. A myth is a second-order signification attached to an already-constructed denotative sign. Otto Weininger's assertion that. although women are "ontologically false. after all. This language of "denial" which is invoked to silence critics is a clear example of Barthes's "order not to think": one is not to think about the idea of "constitutive lack". bypassing the mid-level of particularity'. Volume 8. but their operation is in conflict with the social context with which they interact. A myth is therefore. Ph. Available Online to Subscribing Institutions via Project Muse) The theoretical underpinnings of political Lacanianism typically rely on a "postmodern" disdain for essentialism. Myths operate to construct euphoric enjoyment for those who use them... under the cover of this order. simply. if reality does not fit it. The failure to see what is really going on means that one . One of the functions of myth is to cut out what Trevor Pateman terms the "middle level" of analytical concepts. in Alfred Korzybski's sense. if revealed. while myths provide an analysis of sorts..‖ Theory & Event. Zizek's writes of a 'preontological dimension which precedes and eludes the construction of reality'42. and the ideological message projected into this sign is constructed outside the context of the signified. critics are as likely to be accused of being "dangerous" as to be accused of being wrong. 'Myth does not deny things.D. This is because their operation is connotative: they are "received" rather than "read"38. s/he can simply be told that there is something crucial missing from her/his theory.. it is flawed and non-falsifiable Andrew Robinson." lacking the proper ethical stature. in Political Theory at the University of Nottingham. For a true feminist. Furthermore. If someone else disagrees. Specific analyses are referred back to this underlying structure as its necessary expressions.. the mythical operation of the idea of "constitutive lack" is implicit. could undermine the myth. it makes them innocent. they should be acknowledged the same rights as men in public life. 'those who triggered the process of democratization in eastern Europe. Doesn't a belief in contingency necessitate some conception of "constitutive lack"? The point to emphasize here is that "constitutive lack" is not an endorsement of contingency: it is a new conception of an essence..

there is a basic structure (sometimes called a 'ground' or 'matrix') from which all social phenomena arise. Lacanian references to "the Real" or "antagonism" as the cause of a contingent failure are reminiscent of Robert Teflon's definition of God: 'an explanation which means "I have no explanation"'66. as well as demonstrating the "dialectical" genius of the likes of Kelvin McKenzie. On Myth is a way of reducing thought to the present: the isolated signs which are included in the mythical gesture are thereby attached an analytical level. in which 'the accidental failure of language is magically identified with what one decides is a natural resistance of the object'62. necessary to its depoliticization'.. etc. As Barthes shows. Similarly. Judith Butler criticizes Zizek's method on the grounds that 'theory is applied to its examples'. or indeed a contingent failure in social praxis. Tautology is a rationality which simultaneously denies itself. and that the accidental failure of language. For instance. This shows how mythical characteristics can be projected from the outside. while treating this release as a stern morality. delusions and hypostases'. This amounts to an endorsement of myths in the Barthesian sense. myth offers the psychological benefits of empiricism without the epistemological costs. although it also raises different problems: the under-conceptualization of the relationship between individual psyches and collective phenomena in Lacanian theory. for instance. Some Lacanian theorists also show indications of a commitment based on the particular kind of "euphoric" enjoyment Barthes associates with myths. Volume 8. 2005 (―The Political Theory of Constitutive Lack: A Critique. the Lacanian myth functions by a short-circuit between a particular instance and statements containing words such as "all". A contingent example or a generic reference to "experience" is used. Issue 1. including losses. "necessity" and so on. He even declares constitutive lack (in this case. including a 'tendency to avoid addressing historical problems. a suitable place for abstractions. and this structure.. A particular case is dealt with only in order to. which remains unchanged in all eventualities. and to the extent that it can. is 'a minor ethical salvation. not less. Serbian paramilitaries. to extra-historical abstractions.. is identified with an ontological resistance to symbolization projected into Being itself . he claims that 'the tautological gesture of the Master-Signifier'.without the attendant risks. and caused civil rights movement all had a specific political goal in mind. without having to assume the risks which any somewhat positive search for truth inevitably involves'61. there are 'shadows and spectres'57. For instance. or by selectivity in inclusion and reading of examples. people who ended slavery. absence at a "foundational" level cannot simply be derived from particular historical losses'54. unscrupulously exposing . but which can pose in macho terms as a "hard" acceptance of terrifying realities. and a tendency to 'enshroud. and then shifts register only for the pedagogical purpose of illustrating an already accomplished truth'. Our methodology is better. in sufficiently specific terms'. "never". hinting that he is committed to euphoric investments generated through the repetition of the same. Instead of actual social forces.‖ Theory & Event. because libidinal perception is not impeded by annoying facts49. and a related tendency for psychological concepts to acquire an ersatz agency similar to that of a Marxian fetish. Lacanian analysis consists mainly of an exercise in projection. According to Lacanians. a 'reality' which is 'before our eyes67'. It is therefore 'a theoretical fetish that disavows the conditions of its own emergence'52.) to a psychological function in the psyche of a different group (westerners). empty tautology'. Lacanian "explanations" often look more propagandistic or pedagogical than explanatory. perhaps even to etherealise. is necessary. or in Newman's. Tautology. For instance.2AC K Blocks 93/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah sees more. Laclau and Mouffe use the fact that a particular antagonism can disrupt a particular fixed identity to claim that the social as such is penetrated and constituted by antagonism as such60. Stavrakakis uses the fact that existing belief-systems are based on exclusions as a basis to claim that all belief-systems are necessarily based on exclusions58.. them in a generalised discourse of absence'56. "The Real" or "antagonism" occurs in phrases which have it doing or causing something. misleadingly. prior to its exemplification'. It authorizes truth-claims . with 'confusing and dubious results'. Ph. 5. an empty performative which retroactively turns presuppositions into conclusions. and also that tautology is the only way historical change can occur64.. It dispenses with the need to have ideas. Attacking 'the long story of conflating absence with loss that becomes constitutive instead of historical'55. "always". to found a claim with supposed universal validity. as if 'already true. Zizek insists on the necessity of the gesture of externally projecting a conception of an essence onto phenomena50. in Political Theory at the University of Nottingham. worked the underground railroad. As a result. confirm the already-formulated structural theory. 'The fetishism of the absolute event involves. 4. a suppression of historical intelligibility. is the reference-point from which particular cases are viewed. The operation of the logic of projection is predictable. and claims that particular traumas express an 'ultimate impossibility'59. a 'harsh reality' hidden beneath a protective veil68 . She alleges that Lacanian psychoanalysis 'becomes a theological project' and also 'a way to avoid the rather messy psychic and social entanglement' involved in studying specific cases53. The "fit" between theory and evidence is constructed monologically by the reduction of the latter to the former. the satisfaction of having militated in favour of a truth. 'The theory is articulated on its self-sufficiency. he accuses several theorists of eliding the difference between absence and loss. Available Online to Subscribing Institutions via Project Muse) There is more than an accidental relationship between the mythical operation of the concept of "constitutive lack" and Lacanians' conservative and pragmatist politics... Zizek's classification of the Nation as a Thing rests on the claim that 'the only way we can determine it is by. The "real" is a supposedly self-identical principle which is used to reduce any and all qualitative differences between situations to a relation of formal equivalence.. This passage could almost have been written with the "Lacanian Real" in mind. Daniel Bensaid draws out the political consequences of the projection of absolutes into politics.. termed the "death drive") to be a tautology65. Their argument is arbitrary and unproductive Andrew Robinson. Similarly. Dominick LaCapra objects to the idea of constitutive lack because specific 'losses cannot be adequately addressed when they are enveloped in an overly generalised discourse of absence.. Conversely. Laclau in particular emphasizes his belief in the 'exhilarating' significance of the present69. An "ethics of the Real" is a minor ethical salvation which says very little in positive terms. even affirming its necessity in the same case (anti-Semitism) in which Reich denounces its absurdity51.in Laclau's language. Lacanian theory can be very "radical". At its simplest. and that it is a 'semantic void'63. The characteristic of the Real is precisely that one can invoke it without defining it (since it is "beyond symbolization"). "fundamentalists". Phenomena are often analysed as outgrowths of something exterior to the situation in question. The space from which politics is evacuated 'becomes. Zizek's concept of the "social symptom" depends on a reduction of the acts of one particular series of people (the "socially excluded".D. Similarly.

7. while Zizek states that an object which is perceived as blocking something does nothing but materialize the already-operative constitutive lack138. In this way. The author presents an excellent analysis of a Kafkaesque incident in the former Yugoslavia where the state gives a soldier a direct. compulsory order to take a voluntary oath . however. awaits its resolution in a new form of Terror'. The short-circuit between specific instances and high-level abstractions is politically consequential. but security means more to you'133. This radicalism. the dynamic proliferation of multiple shifting identities. Lacanians have a "radical" theory oriented towards happiness. a radical rejection of anti-"crime" rhetoric turns into an endorsement of punishment. liberal democracy involves violent exclusions. To take an imagined example. If one cannot tell which social blockages result from constitutive lack and which are contingent. The addition of an "always" to contemporary evils amounts to a "pessimism of the will". This "magic" barrier is the alibi function of myth. Stavrakakis. Lacanians will denounce and criticize the social system. What is at stake in the division between these two trends in Lacanian political theory is akin to the distinction Vaneigem draws between "active" and "passive" nihilism30. overall. one must return to the pragmatic tasks of the present". claims that attempts to find causes and thereby to solve problems are always fantasmatic137. In contrast. however. and that one should not attempt to escape it lest one end up in psychosis or totalitarianism135. either for individuals or for societies). such change cannot affect the basic matrix posited by Lacanian theory. Lacanian theory runs a risk of "misdiagnoses" which have a neophobe or even reactionary effect. Hence. never translates into political conclusions: as shown above. however. The Žižekian version is committed to a more violent and passionate . how can one know they are not all of the latter type? And even if constitutive lack exists. or a "repressive reduction of thought to the present". echoing the 'terrifying conservatism' Deleuze suggests is active in any reduction of history to negativity136. this kind of stance leads to an acceptance of social exclusion which negates compassion for its victims. this means that one must endorse exclusion and violence. Lacan never says our shock into seeing the real will be a good thing.. A good example is provided in one of Zizek's texts. it could just as likely lead to total disaster as some type of revelation. there can be a revolution. It is also present.in other words. which maintains awareness of its contingency. One should recall a remark once made by Wilhelm Reich: 'You plead for happiness in life. and 'always entails relations of inclusionexclusion'28. because this is assumed to operate above history. but what is this compared to the desert of the real outside it?" The Zizekian version is more complex: "yes. there are no standards for distinguishing the two.. It is as if there is a magical barrier between theory and politics which insulates the latter from the former. Andrew. it would do better to look to the examples provided by Deleuze and Guattari. (The supposed necessity of the state is derived from the supposed need for a master-signifier or nodal point to stabilize identity and avoid psychosis. but Lacanian theory tends in practice to add an "always" which prevents change. Lacanian theory operates as an alibi: it offers a little bit of theoretical radicalism to inoculate the system against the threat posed by a lot of politicized radicalism134. in the toned-down exclusionism of authors such as Mouffe. The political function of Lacanian theory is to preclude critique by encoding the present as myth. attempts to compel consent.. Alt. it has no limits on what can be done Robinson (PhD Political Theory. 'No state or political order. with the result that it is unable to offer sufficient openness to engage with complex issues. Instead of radical transformation. He then ruins the impact of this example by insisting that there is always such a moment of "forced choice". the political theory of "constitutive lack" does not hold together as an analytical project and falls short of its radical claims as a theoretical and political one. Zizek. The pervasive negativity and cynicism of Lacanian theory offers little basis for constructive activity.2AC K Blocks 94/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah the underlying relations and assumptions concealed beneath officially-sanctioned discourse. Laclau and Mouffe's hostility to workers' councils and Zizek's insistence on the need for a state and a Party139 exemplify this neophobe tendency. The inactivity it counsels would make its claims a self-fulfilling prophecy by acting as a barrier to transformative activity. On a political level. The Political Theory of Constitutive Lack: A Critique). for instance. can exist without some form of exclusion' experienced by its victims as coercion and violence29. and a radical critique of neo-liberalism turns into a pragmatist endorsement of structural adjustment. It relies on central concepts which are constructed through the operation of a mythical discourse in the Barthesian sense. but after the revolution. The Laclauian trend involves an implied ironic distance from any specific project. The alternative is violent. 6. where 'today's "mad dance". As long as they are engaged in politically ineffectual critique. and. To conclude. At the very most. A present evil can be denounced and overthrown if located in an analysis with a "middle level". Even if Lacanians believe in surplus/contingent as well as constitutive lack. democracy depends on 'the possibility of drawing a frontier between "us" and "them"'. In Laclau and Mouffe's version. since Mouffe assumes a state to be necessary. but once it comes to practical problems. their primary concern is security.. the idea of "constitutive lack" turns Lacanian theory into something its most vocal proponent. While this does not strictly entail the necessity of a conservative attitude to the possibility of any specific reform. whose conception of contingency is active and affirmative. If political theory is to make use of poststructuralist conceptions of contingency. this takes the classic Barthesian form: "yes. but politically. University of Nottingham) 05 (Theory and Event. the "order not to think" becomes operative. it creates a danger of discursive slippage and hostility to "utopianism" which could have conservative consequences. The resultant inhumanity finds its most extreme expression in Žižek's work. doesn‘t solve. 8:1. There is a danger of a stultifying conservatism arising from within Lacanian political theory. claims to attack: a "plague of fantasies". it reinforces conformity by insisting on an institutional mediation which overcodes all the "articulations". a Lacanian living in France in 1788 would probably conclude that democracy is a utopian fantasmatic ideal and would settle for a pragmatic reinterpretation of the ancien regime. one is left with a pragmatics of "containment" which involves a conservative de-problematization of the worst aspects of the status quo.

to produce an "anything goes" attitude to state action: because everything else is contingent. All that changes. its "alternative" is little different from what it condemns (the assumption apparently being that the "symbolic" change in the psychological coordinates of attachments in reality is directly effective. and his "solution" to the Palestine-Israel crisis. a process Žižek terms 'dotting the "i's"' in reality. thus simply "playing with words". therefore. "After the revolution". or tables and "tableness". Thus. . to be treating disjunction as a basis for similarity. Lacanians assume that the idea of a founding negativity is not essentialist. but one which ultimately changes very little. Jason Glynos. Žižek claims that de Gaulle's "Act" succeeded by allowing him 'effectively to realize the necessary pragmatic measures' which others pursued unsuccessfully33. The Political Theory of Constitutive Lack: A Critique). it is an especially closed variety of fullness. whereas any idea of an autonomous positive or affirmative force. The reason Lacanians can claim to be "anti-essentialist" is that there is a radical rupture between the form and content of Lacanian theory. demanding that demonization of deviants be abandoned. does not mean that their offences should go unpunished'36. and is itself "essentialist" and non-contingent. For all its radical pretensions. undefinable.2AC K Blocks 95/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah affirmation of negativity. the old politics are acceptable. for instance. even if constructed as active. One could speak. changing and/or incomplete. Just like in the process of psychoanalytic cure. 8.. denouncing everything that exists for its complicity in illusions and guilt for the present. with core ideas posited as unquestionable dogmas and the entire structure virtually immune to falsification. why not try a dose of it?'31. The "acceptance of contingency" constructed around the idea of "constitutive lack" is a closing. The phenomena which are denounced in Lacanian theory are invariably readmitted in its "small print". only to insist Lacanian theory tends. Indeed. Žižek's politics can be summed up in his attitude to neo-liberalism: 'If it works. To take an instance from Mouffe's work. The function of the Žižekian "Act" is to dissolve the self.. and of this theory as a claim to fullness with this reified "lack-ness" as one of the positive elements within the fullness. as an afterthought that. gesture. it is so much the more so for his more moderate adversaries. but are posited as ahistorical absolutes. 8:1. while on a theoretical level it is based on an almost sectarian "radicalism". One sometimes finds direct instances of such mythical vocabulary. is the interpretation: as long as they are reconceived as expressions of constitutive lack. of a "lack-ness" or a "contingency-ness" or an "antagonism-ness" in Lacanian political theory. everything stays much the same. Ludwig Wittgenstein argues that 'if someone wished to say: "There is something common to all these constructions . but a positivity posing as negativity. not an opening. 'of course. words'77. producing a historical event. One could hardly find a clearer example anywhere of a claim about a fixed basic structure of Being. however. exclusions. nothing actually changes on the level of specific characteristics. offers an uncompromizing critique of the construction of guilt and innocence in anti-"crime" rhetoric. the ultra-"radical" "Marxist-Leninist" Lacanian. as for instance when Stavrakakis demands acknowledgement of 'event-ness and negativity'78. indeed. recognizing and thereby installing necessity32. Andrew. nothing is to limit the practical consideration of tactics by dominant elites. More recent examples of Žižek's pragmatism include that his alternative to the U. for. It is in this pragmatism that the ambiguity of Lacanian political theory resides.S. is essentialist. University of Nottingham) (Theory and Event. The relationship between contingency and "constitutive lack" is like the relationship between Germans and "Germanness".namely the disjunction of all their common properties" . 'power and antagonism' are supposed to have an 'ineradicable character' so that 'any social objectivity is constituted through acts of power' and will show traces of One could also note again the frequency of words such as "all" and "always" in the Lacanian vocabulary. in other words. a claim assumed – wrongly – to follow from the claim that social reality is constructed discursively). which is NATO control of the occupied territories35. not 'exhilarating retaliation'34. Many Lacanian claims are not at all contingent. and this leads to a theory which renounces both effectiveness and political radicalism. If this is the case for Žižek."contingency" embraced in Lacanian theory is not an openness which exceeds specifiable positivities. war in Afghanistan is only that 'the punishment of those responsible' should be done in a spirit of 'sad duty'. therefore. this. The only change is in how one relates to the characteristics.I should reply: Now you are only playing with Lacanian theory seems. Robinson 05 (PhD Political Theory. in the work of Barthes. The alternative links to the critique: the Lacanian notion of a ―constitutive element‖ that is at the root of all political fantasy is just as essentialist as they claim the affirmative to be.

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A2: Positive Peace K
1. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option; best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research, and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. 2. Aff impacts come first - extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration; outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. 3. No prior questions in IR- problem driven approaches are best Owen 02 – (David Owen, Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. of Southampton, Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. 655-7)
Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR, Wæver remarks that ‗[a]

frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘, although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely.4 However, loosely deployed or not, it is clear
that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. In one respect, this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches, and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. Yet,

such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a

confusion that has, I will suggest, helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it

has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value), it is by no means clear that it is, in contrast, wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. Thus, for example, one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems, such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded. It may, of course, be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for
this class of problems (i.e., how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and, if

this is the case, it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that, for a certain class of problems, rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. In other words, while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement, it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles, it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro, the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action, event or phenomenon, the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action, event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry; yet, from this standpoint, ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. However, as Shapiro points out, this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry, not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘.6 Moreover, this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely, an image of warring theoretical approaches with each, despite occasional temporary tactical alliances, dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. It encourages this view because the turn to, and prioritisation of, ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right, namely, the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers, and so a potentially vicious circle arises.

4. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusively parts of the alternative. 5. Preventing nuclear war is the absolute prerequisite to positive peace.
Folk, 78 Professor of Religious and Peace Studies at Bethany College, 78 [Jerry, ―Peace Educations – Peace Studies : Towards an Integrated Approach,‖ Peace &
Change, volume V, number 1, Spring, p. 58]

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Those proponents of the positive peace approach who reject out of hand the work of researchers and educators coming to the field from the perspective of negative peace too easily forget that the prevention of a nuclear confrontation of global dimensions is the prerequisite for all other peace research, education, and action. Unless such a confrontation can be avoided there will be no world left in which to build positive peace. Moreover, the blanket condemnation of all such negative peace oriented research, education or action as a reactionary attempt to support and reinforce the status quo is doctrinaire. Conflict theory and resolution, disarmament studies, studies of the international system and of international organizations,
and integration studies are in themselves neutral. They do not intrinsically support either the status quo or revolutionary efforts to change or overthrow it. Rather they offer a body of knowledge which can be used for either purpose or for some purpose in between .

It is much more logical for those who understand peace as positive peace to integrate this knowledge into their own framework and to utilize it in achieving their own purposes. A balanced peace studies program should therefore offer the student exposure to the questions and concerns which occupy those who view the field essentially from the point of view of negative peace. 6. Reps not 1st a. Reality shapes discourse – the way the international arena changes shapes the way we perceive and talk about it; what we say in this round will in no way affect anything in reality. b. Discursive justification of saying we need to do the plan for good reasons and to save lives outweigh any negative affects from using negative rhetoric. c. Double bind - if discourse comes first, they attempt to maintain the system as much as the aff, their contradictory rhetoric undermines the ability of their alt to solve. Or it proves that the perm can overcome the link. 7. Nothing can outweigh extinction even if the risk is miniscule Matheny 7 (Jason, Department of Health Policy and Management, Bloomberg School of Public Health, Johns Hopkins University, ―Reducing the Risk of Human
Extinction,‖ Risk Analysis, Vol 27, No 5)

We may be poorly equipped to recognize or plan for extinction risks (Yudkowsky, 2007). We may not be good at grasping the significance of very large numbers (catastrophic outcomes) or very small numbers (probabilities) over large timeframes. We struggle with estimating the probabilities of rare or unprecedented events (Kunreuther et al., 2001). Policymakers may not plan far beyond current political administrations and rarely do risk assessments value the existence of future generations.18 We may unjustifiably discount the value of future lives. Finally, extinction risks are market failures where an individual enjoys no perceptible benefit from his or her investment in risk reduction. Human survival may thus be a good requiring deliberate policies to protect. It might be feared that consideration of extinction risks would lead to a reductio ad absurdum: we ought to invest all our resources in asteroid defense or nuclear disarmament, instead of AIDS, pollution, world hunger, or other problems we face today. On the contrary, programs that create a healthy and content global population are likely to reduce the probability of global war or catastrophic terrorism. They should thus be seen as an essential part of a portfolio of risk-reducing projects. Discussing the risks of ―nuclear winter,‖ Carl Sagan (1983) wrote: Some have argued that the difference between the deaths of several hundred million people in a nuclear war (as has been thought until recently to be a reasonable upper limit) and the death of every person on Earth (as now seems possible) is only a matter of one order of magnitude. For me, the difference is considerably greater. Restricting our attention only to those who die as a consequence of the war conceals its full impact. If we are required to calibrate extinction in numerical terms, I would be sure to include the number of people in future generations who would not be born. A nuclear war imperils all of our descendants, for as long as there will be humans. Even if the population remains static, with an average lifetime of the order of 100 years, over a typical time period for the biological evolution of a successful species (roughly ten million years), we are talking about some 500 trillion people yet to come. By this criterion, the stakes are one million times greater for extinction than for the more modest nuclear wars that kill ―only‖ hundreds of millions of people. There are many other possible measures of the potential loss—including culture and science, the evolutionary history of the planet, and the significance of the lives of all of our ancestors who contributed to the future of their descendants. Extinction is the undoing of the human enterprise. In a similar vein, the philosopher Derek Parfit (1984) wrote: I believe

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that if we destroy mankind, as we now can, this outcome will be much worse than most people think. Compare three outcomes: 1. Peace 2. A nuclear war that kills 99% of the world‘s existing population 3. A nuclear war that kills 100% 2 would be worse than 1, and 3 would be worse than 2. Which is the greater of these two differences? Most people believe that the greater difference is between 1 and 2. I believe that the difference between 2 and 3 is very much greater . . . . The

Earth will remain habitable for at least another billion years. Civilization began only a few thousand years ago. Ifwe do not destroy mankind, these thousand years may be only a tiny fraction of the whole of civilized human history. The difference between 2 and 3 may thus be the difference between this tiny fraction and all of the rest of this history. If we compare this possible history to a day, what has occurred so far is only a fraction of a second. Human extinction in the next few centuries could reduce the number of future generations by thousands or more. We take extraordinary measures to protect some endangered species from extinction. It might be reasonable to take extraordinary measures to protect humanity from the same.19 To decide whether this is so requires more discussion of the methodological problems mentioned here, as well as research on the
extinction risks we face and the costs of mitigating them.20

8. Poverty not a statically significant cause of war Smoke and Harman 87 (Richard Smoke BA Harvard magna cum laude, PhD MIT, Prof. @ Brown, Winner Bancroft Prize in History, AND Willis
Harman M.S. in Physics and Ph.D. in Electrical Engineering from Stanford University , Paths To Peace 1987 p. 34-35) 0

The connection between poverty and war is less direct and less immediately obvious in the other direction. It is difficult to find wars that were directly caused by poverty. National leaders have not yet—declared that more national wealth is their war aim. Statistically there is no relationship between the degree of national poverty or wealth and the frequency of warfare. Poor nations fight even though they can't afford it, as Ethiopia, one of the world's poorest countries, has been demonstrating for many years. Rich nations fight even though they have no pressing economic needs to satisfy, as Britain demonstrated in the
Falklands/Malvinas War.

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whereas addressing systemic century-long community problems requires a tremendous effort by a great number of people. Instead of giving up on hope for change and agitating for wins regardless of who is left behind. Thus. loosely deployed or not. not to cooperate in changing the community. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. 317-34 //liam] The larger problem with locating the ―debate as activism‖ perspective within the competitive framework is that it overlooks the communal nature of the community problem. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. And. They actively trade-off with productive public non-competitive discourse outside of rounds—prefer our evidence because it‘s specific to debate practice. and Edward Panetta. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. because the competitive focus encourages teams to concentrate on how to beat the strategy with little regard for addressing the community problem. This scenario is a bit more outlandish but not unreasonable if one assumes that each debate should be about what is best for promoting solutions to diversity problems in the debate community. Creating change through wins generates backlash through losses. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. in contrast. then they have sacrificed two potential advocates for change within the community. Simply put. it seems more reasonable that the debate community should try the method of public argument that we teach in an effort to generate a discussion of necessary community changes. If each individual debate is a decision about how the debate community should approach a problem.4 However. An extreme example might include a team arguing that their opponents‘ academic institution had a legacy of civil rights abuses and that the judge should not vote for them because that would be a community endorsement of a problematic institution. but it does little to generate the critical coalitions necessary to address the community problem. 3.¶ If the debate community is serious about generating community change. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. In one respect. p. Downplaying the important role of competition and treating opponents as scapegoats for the failures of the community may increase the profile of the winning team and the community problem.¶ From our perspective. No prior questions in IR. Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. even if they make race visible. Intercollegiate Debate and Speech Communication: Issues for the Future. Aff impacts come first . best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. then it is more likely to occur outside a traditional competitive debate. One frustrating example of this type of argument might include a judge voting for an activist team in an effort to help them reach elimination rounds to generate a community discussion about the problem. Teams write blocks and cut strats to beat them. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option.2AC K Blocks 103/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Race K 1. Director of Debate @ Trinity University. the losing team serves as a sacrificial lamb on the altar of community change. then the losing debaters become collateral damage in the activist strategy dedicated toward creating community change. There is no role for competition when a judge decides that it is important to accentuate the publicity of a community problem. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. Director of Debate @ the University of Georgia. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of . and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. I will suggest. for example. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. 655-7) Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. Some proponents are comfortable with generating backlash and argue that the reaction is evidence that the issue is being discussed. Under this scenario.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration.problem driven approaches are best Owen 02 – (David Owen. since it‘s a debate and we have to give a 2AC. 2. When a team loses a debate because the judge decides that it is better for the community for the other team to win. we are literally incapable of agreeing with them. it is by no means clear that it is. of Southampton. debate competitions do not represent the best environment for community change because it is a competition for a win and only one team can win any given debate. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. the discussion that results from these hostile situations is not a productive one where participants seek to work together for a common goal. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. Yet. not just academia Atchison and Panetta ‗9 [Jarrod Atchison.

rejecting the uncomplicated heroization of Warren and adopting a more critical understanding of possible motivations and meanings of his civil rights activism. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. I suggest that racial redemption consists of three operations: 1) repudiating white supremacy's "old" regime. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind." Warren's individual quest. 4. yet. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. event or phenomenon.6 Moreover. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely.diminished to the extent it remains implicated in the previous era's blatant racism -. Valley High School Rishi Shah It may. BOSTON COLLEGE LAW REVIEW. I define "racial redemption" as a psychosocial and ideological process through which whiteness maintains its fullest reputational value. various political. many regressive legal racial projects of the recent past are unimaginable absent the racial project to redeem whiteness. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alt. In other words. Rather. the judiciary's institutional move to purge its racially complicit past and society's assertion of an innocent postwar colorblindness. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. the processes of racial redemption are important animators of now dominant prejudice-based. In short. I contend that the theory of racial redemption provides a potent multi-level narrative which converges Warren's individual need for redemption. Part IV concludes by placing redemption theory precisely within this broader picture of postwar racial formation. As such. are parts of a politic of representation that underwrites new structures of contemporary (colorblind) racial domination. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. Turn – Focusing on forgiving ourselves for past racism perpetuates race-neutral policies that sustain and bury modern day racism from the conscious Cho 98 (Sumi Cho. 2) burying historical memories of racial subordination and 3) transforming white supremacy into a viable contemporary regime.the idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history doesn‘t make any sense. Let me emphasize: I am not arguing that "but for" Warren's individual need for redemption from the shame of internment there would have been no Warren Court as we know it. of course. No root cause . such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded. .is restored by rejecting traditional white racism premised upon biological determinism . be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i.e. the judiciary's more structurally functional move to redeem itself from overt forms of white supremacist adjudication and society's redemption of whiteness in the post-Jim Crow era of race relations. December 1998. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. and other differences are causes of conflict. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. cultural. namely. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. However. if this is the case. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. pp. from this standpoint. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. the reputational value of whiteness -. 75-6) Part III forwards a "racial redemption" theory to frame this history. 5. individualistic ideologies. In the post-Jim Crow era. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. American Asian Studies Professor. Part III views Warren's historical legacy and the role of the postwar judiciary through the lens of racial redemption theory. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry.. 6.2AC K Blocks 104/165 problems. intentionality-driven approaches to antidiscrimination law and attendant colorblind. as part of a pivotal "racial project. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles. for a certain class of problems. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. and prioritisation of. as Shapiro points out. It encourages this view because the turn to.

World Church of the Creator. Its neglect by anti-racists whites instead leaves it wide open for racist white groups to develop. The Coming Community. and will enable us to observe its relationship to the nature and structure of language. Spring 2008. No. and if well-intentioned white people do not care about. nor being deprived of all characteristics. the meaning and effect of whiteness is left to happenstance or. The politics of identity appears in Homo Sacer only as something whose traditional logic has ceased functioning. This logic is common to a range of formulations of political community. and African and African American Studies at Pennsylvania State University. for it is the political tradition over and against which his analysis emerges. which appears in Paul‘s discussion of the relationship between the messianic community and political status. or acknowledge a significant history with their whiteness. as we can observe from these two examples. can be mitigated by a wise form of whiteness. While Royce‘s comments about the problem of newcomers due to increased geographical mobility do not apply directly to whiteness. known for his engagement with it. a ‗whatever being‘ that is neither being with this or that characteristic. This analysis will establish the frame within which Agamben‘s account of the limits of language and politics should be understood in the remainder of this essay.‖ Law Critique (2009) 20:163–176//MGD) The traditional determination of political identity is one of inclusion and exclusion. Agamben is not. having unravelled in modernity through the generalisation of the sovereign exception. destroying anti-racist movements Sullivan 8 [Shannon Sullivan. Like a garden. sexuality. however. the understanding of political community as determined by identity and belonging is an abiding. Perm – do the plan and reject racism in all other instances 9. is the idea . The Time That The first of ‗nation‘ that features in his discussion of the relationship between Israel and the Torah. and which does not appear to have any immediate juridical significance. ―The Politics of Caesura: Giorgio Agamben on Language and the Law. is explicitly directed against the politics of identity. more likely. when white people who care about racial justice have virtually no conscious or deliberate affiliation with their whiteness. allowing white supremacists to make of it whatever they will. because all of these approaches to politics ground community in an identity unified by a particular shared characteristic. Despite the seeming differences between these two articulations of the logic of belonging. from that of the nation state. lecturer at Adelaide Law School (Daniel. as it contains two important treatments of the issue of political identity and its relationship to law. p. but the attempt to overcome it through a politics of radical singularity. 2] In a similar fashion. concern of Agamben‘s. of belonging to a class or set by virtue of common features.‖ Transactions of the Charles S.Politics of identity is necessarily founded in exclusion McLoughlin 09. For Agamben the future of political thought rests not in an attempt to revive traditional concepts of community.18 8. white children—to be loyal to and care about their race. Peirce Society: A Quarterly Journal in American Philosophy. a social– economic category pertaining to someone‘s public persona. invest in. Agamben posits an originary unity between them. The second is the concept of ‗calling‘ or vocation. In the Jewish tradition the Torah is understood as a ‗dividing wall‘ or ‗fence‘ Remains. and the argument for their unity casts light on the sense in which Agamben uses the term ‗law‘. Turn . The evil of abandoning whiteness. Vol. But unlike provincial communities. then whiteness will be neglected. whiteness does not necessarily unravel or wither away because of simple neglect by anti-racist white people. ―Whiteness as Wise Provincialism: Royce and the Rehabilitation of a Racial Category. this means that white people who care about racial justice need to educate newcomers to whiteness—namely. 1). if submerged.PhD in philosophy from the University of New South Wales.17 The association is so tight that the mere suggestion of educating white children in their whiteness is alarming to many people.2AC K Blocks 105/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah 7. that offers a key to understanding this problem. and Stormfront. However. 44. Turn . but rather ‗being such that it always matters‘ (Agamben 1993. Women's Studies. while the latter reflects what we might call a ‗profession‘—that is. But educating white children about their whiteness need and should not mean educating them to be white supremacists. Here again is an instance in which white supremacists have been allowed to corner the market on whiteness: almost all explicit reflection and writing on how to raise white children as white has been undertaken by groups such as the Ku Klux Klan. with its division between citizens and aliens. The problem I face in this section then is Agamben‘s understanding of the politics of belonging. In practice. A wise form of whiteness would help train the developing racial habits of white children in anti-racist ways. Further. While this logic is central to the tradition of political philosophy. I will refer to this political logic as the ‗politics of identity‘. or race. It is Agamben‘s recent text. whiteness can easily grow tough weeds of white supremacy if it is not wisely cultivated.16 white children can be thought of as newcomers to the community of whiteness who do not (yet) have an intimate connection to their race or know how to cultivate and care for it. In this paper. that is. is determined by white supremacist groups. and its relationship to both law and language.They cede the politics of whiteness to white supremacists. The former appears to be an immediately juridical problem. to the politics of gender. Head of Philosophy and Professor of Philosophy. April. Royce‘s primary concern is the dissolution of communities through neglect. Agamben‘s best known work on community.

The fundamental partition of Jewish law is the one between Jews and non-Jews. and this generates a division . While it is the Torah that defines the Jewish community. Further. the elected people. As a consequence. between Iudaioi and ethne‘ (Agamben. this is the division between Jew and non-Jew. as we observe in the distinction between iudaioi and ethne. necessarily articulates a simultaneous exclusion of those who are outside or indifferent to it.1 In Paul. 2005a. or in Paul‘s words. modernity thinks this belonging in the conjunction between state. and exclusion from it. law and people.2AC K Blocks 106/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah that separates Jews from non-Jews (Agamben 2005a. the definition of political identity and community through inclusion in a law. that is. 47). 47). p. Iudaioi are members of the nation of Israel. being subject to God‘s law. To generalise this logic. p. the juridical order marking common belonging to the set.2 To produce political community through law is thus to produce a shared identity through common belonging to a legal order. and this status as being-Jewish is defined by the common characteristic of being a party to this pact. political community is defined through the rights and obligations of positive law. and in the modern nation-state the division between citizens and aliens. to be part of the political community of ‗the nation‘ is to be subject to the same law. and membership as a citizen in the between inclusion or membership in the political group ‗nation‘. Agamben argues ‗the principle of the law is thus division.

is to be subject to the law in the broadest sense—as Agamben puts it elsewhere. Art though being called a slave? Care not for it‘ (Paul. Thus. and while being called a slave. the politico-economic problem of calling. lecturer at Adelaide Law School (Daniel. understood in its broadest Law and language are machines for producing determinate identities. Jew/goy). April. for Agamben. and its relationship to language. #9 Calls for identity politics and community belonging retrench exclusion and turn case . to be called is also a problem of language. p. and sense as a mechanism that regulates and produces sociopolitical identities. that unites the seemingly disparate spheres of the political. are social. Law and politics are thus to be thought for Agamben in relation to language. there is a more fundamental politico-linguistic logic at operation here. or being called a Jew. and race. For Paul. Klesis here is simply a matter of ‗being called‘. drawing on Paul. Calls for ‗belonging‘ are appeals to a common identity which asserts a law-like regime of exclusionary politics McLoughlin 09. like language. second. Paul uses the term both to describe being ‗called‘ as an apostle. to the narrower modern notion of vocation. and the foreskin is nothing… Let every man abide in the same calling wherein he was called. an individual. What is important about this passage for our discussion is that Paul uses klesis to describe both the fundamental division of the juridical order (circumcision/foreskin. the juridical problem of nation. political and economic problems. applying ‗law‘ to ‗life‘. However.PhD in philosophy from the University of New South Wales. gender. this is the division between the iudaioi and the ethne.The calling and vocation of the community morph into imperatives which reassert power structures and pigeon hole outsiders into fixed identities in opposition to the movement.The idea of a personal community builds an ideological ‗fence‘ around outsiders . it is to be in a ‗worldly‘ or ‗juridical-factical‘ condition. and the socio-political and economic division of class (slave/free man). or in the language that Agamben uses in Homo Sacer.‖ Law Critique (2009) 20:163–176//MGD) Agamben‘s discussion of the logic of political division in The Time That Remains appears to locate it as operating in two different spheres—first. ‗to be called‘ and hence divided through the performative power of language. and this determination groups an entity together with others designated by a general name. deploys the term klesis. the ability of law to generate political identity is grounded in the linguistic logic of the name. one‘s ‗worldly calling‘. Paul thus writes that ‗circumcision is nothing. This is related to the signifying function of language because. and they achieve this by bringing words into relation with things. all of these forms of political and economic determination are possible only on the basis of a more originary sense in which Agamben. law is. It is this notion of klesis that gives us the key to both the broad determination of the concept ‗law‘ at operation in Agamben‘s work. that is. family. designating particularities as belonging to certain sets on the basis of shared characteristics.2AC K Blocks 107/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --1AR Ext. all of which are legal phenomenon. but in the language of the modern nation-state. Likewise. law produces determinate identities through the application of abstract normative categories to entities. This turns their ethics and inclusion claims. The most fundamental of these borders is that designated by the law of the political community—in Paul. in a fundamental way. undergoing the former. ‗To be called‘. . To use signifying language is to determine categorically an entity as being-x.that‘s McLoughlin. while modernity limits the notion of calling to the economic sphere. Agamben identifies a shift from a ‗calling‘ that pertains to one‘s total identity. juridical and economic. Apropos the latter. Within the wall demarcated by the national law there are further divisions. ―The Politics of Caesura: Giorgio Agamben on Language and the Law. it is the split between citizens and aliens. Thus being-Jewish is determined by the application of the juridical categories of the Jewish Law to Law and language both operate by grouping entities through the name on the basis of a common identity. being called by the messiah. To be politically determined as the member of a group is to be subject to a law of naming. 19). such as those of class. messianic klesis. and also to state that those called by the messiah should ‗remain in their calling‘ (Agamben 2005a. does not entail abandoning the latter. the parties to the social contract and those who fall outside it. I Corinthians 7:19–20). while being-a-slave is determined by the application of the laws of property to people.

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*A2: Schmitt K

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A2: Schlag/Normativity Bad K
1. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option; best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research, and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. 2. Aff impacts come first - extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration; outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. 3. No prior questions in IR- problem driven approaches are best Owen 02 – (David Owen, Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. of Southampton, Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. 655-7)
Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR, Wæver remarks that ‗[a]

frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘, although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely.4 However, loosely deployed or not, it is clear
that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. In one respect, this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches, and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. Yet,

such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a

confusion that has, I will suggest, helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it

has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value), it is by no means clear that it is, in contrast, wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. Thus, for example, one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems, such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded. It may, of course, be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for
this class of problems (i.e., how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and, if

this is the case, it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that, for a certain class of problems, rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. In other words, while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement, it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles, it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro, the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action, event or phenomenon, the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action, event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry; yet, from this standpoint, ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. However, as Shapiro points out, this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry, not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘.6 Moreover, this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely, an image of warring theoretical approaches with each, despite occasional temporary tactical alliances, dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. It encourages this view because the turn to, and prioritisation of, ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right, namely, the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers, and so a potentially vicious circle arises.

4. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alt. 5. Schlag is wrong –seven reasons. Carlson, 99 (Columbia Law Review, David Gray, 99 Colum. L. Rev. 1908, (Professor, Cardozo School of Law)).

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If this psychoanalytic suggestion explains the angry tone of Schlag's work, it also explains the basic errors into which he falls. When one considers this work as a whole, most of these errors are obvious and patent. Indeed, most of these errors have been laid by Schlag himself at the doorstep of others. But, in surrendering to feeling or, as perhaps
Schlag would put it, to context (i.e., the pre-theoretical state), Schlag cannot help but make these very same errors. Some examples:

(1) Schlag's program, induced from his critiques, is that we should rely on feeling to tell us what to do. Yet Schlag denounces in others any reliance on a pre-theoretical self.
(2)

Schlag warns that, by definition, theory abstracts from context. He warns that assuming the right answer will arise from context unmediated by theory is "feeble." Yet, he rigorously and repetitively denounces any departure from context, as if any such attempt is a castration - a wrenching of the subject from the natural realm. He usually implies that context alone can
provide the right answer - that moral geniuses like Sophocles or Earl Warren can find the answer by consulting context.

(3) Schlag complains that common law judges are "vacuous fellows" when they erase themselves so that law can speak. Yet, Schlag, a natural lawyer, likewise erases himself so that context can speak without distortion. (4) Schlag warns that merely reversing the valences of polarities only reinstates what was criticized. Yet he does the same in his own work. In attacking the sovereignty of the liberal self, he merely asserts the sovereignty of the romantic self. Neither, psychoanalytically, is a valid vision. One polarity is substituted for another. (5) Schlag scorns the postulation of ontological entities such as free will, but makes moral arguments to his readers that depend entirely on such postulation.
(6)

Schlag denounces normativity in others, but fails to see that he himself is normative when he advises his readers to stop being normative. The pretense is that Schlag is an invisible mediator between his reader and context. As such, Schlag, the anti-Kantian, is
more Kantian than Kant himself. Thus, context supposedly announces, "Stop doing normative work." Yet context says nothing of the sort. It is Schlag's own normative theory that calls for the work slowdown.

(7) Schlag urges an end to legal scholarship when he himself continues to do legal scholarship. He may wish to deny that
his work is scholarship, but his denial must be overruled. We have before us a legal scholar, like any other.

6. Normative legal thought is effective at creating order, salvation, and progress. Carlson ‘99 (David Gray, Professor of Law, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, ―Review Essay: Duellism In Modern American Jurisprudence‖, Columbia
Law Review, November 1999, 99 Colum. L. Rev. 1908, LexisNexis) Perhaps Pierre Schlag's most famous point is his imperative, "Don't be normative." The values of the legal academy are little better than advertising purveyors n192 - hypocrites who try "to achieve strategic advantages largely (if not entirely) unrelated to the observance or realization of those professed values." n193 Values are used as totems or tools to induce guilt or shame. n194 Stifling and narrow, n195 normativity
n196

is not even a thought - only an unthinking habit. Normativity argues that, if it does not hold sway, terrible social consequences would follow. n197 Normative thought is designed to shut down critical inquiry into the nothingness of law. n198 Not only are values deceitfully strategic, but they are ineffective. n199 They are too vague to be self-determining. n200 "Normative legal thought's only consumers are legal academics and perhaps a few law students - persons who are virtually never in a position to put any of its wonderful normative advice into effect." n201 Judges are not listening. n202 Even if judges had the time to read and study all of academia's
suggestions, they would be unlikely to implement any which would require radical changes in the status quo, since, Schlag notes, "only those kinds of norms that already conform to the audience's belief are likely to meet with any sort [*1937] of wide-scale approval." n203 Thus, Schlag

concedes, sometimes normativity is empirically effective after all - but not because of intrinsic authenticity. Normativity is effective because it tracks and incorporates "folk-ontologies," such as order, salvation, or progress. n204 Like Antony, norms tell the people only what they already know. Norms and values are lies, Schlag says, when proffered by legal academics, but it was otherwise with Sophocles n205 or the Warren court, n206 who were authentically in touch with real pain. By implication, values are authentic when immediately connected to feelings. n207 Values, properly used, are worthy of commendation. n208 But the mere invocation of values does not guarantee their authenticity. The proof of values is in context. n209 7. Schlag‘s paranoia forces him to advocate a philosophy that is too radical – destroys solvency.

that bureaucracy is the very savior of romantic metaphysics. The bureaucracy is therefore the Other of the Other. speech." n267 "Legal thinkers in effect serve as a kind of P. of course. Scholarship produces a false "conflation between what [academics] celebrate as 'law' and the ugly bureaucratic noise that grinds daily in the [*1946] [ ] courts. but instead challenges such a normative quest as being symptomatic of deeper-seated problems. 873. only a few decades ago. n260 and custom. imaginary. the critical effort dissolves into a self-described irrelevance. the psychotic is not. Most recently. understanding. the imperative to radicalize the critique of foundationalism and formalism eventually carries theory. the postmodern legal critic bears an uncanny resemblance to a paranoid individual. 1994-1995." The bureaucracy. of Law at Western New England College School of Law. Within a short time.and here is the deep irony of paraonia . which. They have succeeded in making Kafka look naive. Schlag's bureaucracy must be seen as a "paranoid construction according to which our universe is the work of art of unknown creators. the ego's stern master. sinister power. Paranoid ambivalence toward bureaucracy (or whatever other fantasy may be substituted for it) is very commonly observed. 1908..subjectivity would soon be enveloped." Whereas the "normal" subject is split between the three domains." n270 Scholarship "becomes the mode of discourse by which bureaucratic institutions and practices re-present themselves as subject to the rational ethical-moral control of autonomous individuals.. the bureaucracy would instantly crush it. Paranoid construction is not in fact the illness. a similar story could be told about the organizing function of racism and sexism. and killed in the night of psychosis. This conflation is what Lacan calls "psychosis. then. Schlag‘s radical-ism is extended to the point of cannibalizing its own presuppo-sitions. Why.. Schlag observes that judges have taken "oaths that require subordination of truth. It operates on "a field of pain and death. Paranoia is a strategy the subject adopts to ward off breakdown. Schlag has transferred this function to the bureaucracy. in short. beyond the realm of ordi-nary discourse." n265 Legal scholarship and lawyers generally n266 are the craven tools of bureaucracy. so can the discipline that so helpfully organizes. We paranoids need our enemies to .the cultural left. It is an attempt at healing what the illness is . and real. the subject confirms his existence as that which sees and resists the power. does his asserted intellectual persona assume such a counterproductive posture? Quite simply. is the superego (i. I do not mean to suggest that Professor Schlag is mentally ill or unable to function. have not yet disappeared. If the romantic program were ever fulfilled . The paranoid vision holds together the symbolic order itself and thereby prevents the subject from slipping into the psychotic state in which "the concrete 'I' loses its absolute power over the entire system of its determinations. He is unable to keep the domains separate." n259 It deprives us of choice. firm for the bureaucratic state. 99 (Columbia Law Review. it enjoys the backing of the state. Rev. as a person dealing with everyday life. and insight. As long as the discipline shows obeisance to the authoritative legal forms. Hein Online) Valley High School Rishi Shah Mootz ‘94 (Francis J.. and represents these expressions as intelligent knowledge. n262 In fact.] can be expected to endure. have succeeded not just in being destructive. to the preservation of certain bureaucratic governmental institutions and certain sacred texts. When communism disappeared." This of course means . would have thought impossible. 99 Colum. ―A collection of discourses that in their strategic maneu-vering have precluded the possibility of being discursive. Cardozo School of Law))." which crushes us and controls us." n268 Legal scholarship has sold out to the bureaucracy: Insofar as the expressions of the state in the form of [statutes. As described by Schlag. The ballot is an empty gesture of theoretical resistance that has no effect on the actual operation of the system. 8. n263 If legal thought tried to buck the bureaucracy. and those who practice law or scholarship simply serve to justify and strengthen the bureaucracy. by describing Schlag's vision as a paranoid construction.. but because the state makes it true. the liberal state would have to invent it.e. As is customary. Associate Prof. they secretly regretted its disappearance. ―The Paranoid Style in Contemporary Legal Scholarship‖. It simply makes you feel better about your place in it as a critical objector. a new enemy was found to organize conservative jouissance .2AC K Blocks 111/165 Houston Law Review.. but rendered visible and projected outward.R.the conflation of the domains of the symbolic. condemns the ego and condemns what it does. Disciplinary knowledge of law can be true not because it is true. The symbolic domain of language begins to lose place to the real domain. Although they publicly opposed communism.if the bureaucracy were to fold up shop and let the natural side of the subject have its way . As long as communism existed." Lacanian theory allows us to interpret the meaning of this anti-Masonic vision precisely.) These humble examples show that the romantic yearning for wholeness is always the opposite of what it appears to be. "a hidden subject who pulls the strings of the great Other (the symbolic order). smothered. I have no doubts that Schlag. L.‖35 When the hermeneutics of suspicion is pushed to the point of paranoia. conservatives felt "anxiety" . Schlag presents a dark vision of what he calls "the bureaucracy. "If there were no discipline of American law. By confronting and resisting an all-encompassing." n271 "The United States Supreme Court and its academic groupies in the law schools have succeeded in doing what many. rationalizes. The psychotic raves incoherently. The superego. the bureaucracy is in control of law and language and uses it exclusively for its own purposes. is entirely free from paranoid tendencies. (Professor. 31 Hous. David Gray. legal education must suppress greatness through mind numbing repetition. L. Rev. Carlson. Turn: Schalg‘s protest ultimately fuels the law. absolute knowledge of the ego). Schlag does not engage his readers in a shared quest for decency and happiness in an often brutal and trau-matic world. legal thought is the bureaucracy and cannot be distinguished from it." In Schlag's view. As bureaucracy cannot abide great minds. (On the left. conservatives "organized their enjoyment" by opposing communism. etc. but in being self-de-structive.a lack of purpose. conservatism could be perceived. "immersed in jouissance." n280 loses desire itself. and the persona adopted by the theorist. The psychotic.. and things begin to talk to him directly.

synthesis] and the production of contradiction are independent functions. Carlson. Law is transformed at the moment it is pronounced and performed. Accordingly. n181 But the precise solution reached by the judge is only a moment.the enduring aspect to which all "things" refer. But law cannot remain in this static state. 9.e. reconcilations] at a rate marginally faster than the production of contradiction. This is a great denial strategy. a "thing" is precisely that which contains contradiction over time. Being the ground of things. law is presented in a necessary moment of stasis and synthesis. . synthesis] is that if one produces distinctions [i. 1908. Rev. producing a static moment that cannot entirely replicate the previous static moment. This is law in its autopoietic mode. Finitude implies that what a thing ought to be is already implicit in the thing. and it would work just fine except for one thing: it is hardly self-evident that the production of distinction [i. In this way law changes. however. n183 Yet. paranoid delusion allows for the maintenance of a "cynical" distance between the paranoid subject and the realm of mad psychosis. n182 And the reason why the law must change is that it contains contradiction. The normal person knows he must keep insisting that the symbolic order exists precisely because the person knows it is a fiction. if law is a thing. law enjoys a moment of coherence . Schlag offers this critique of the law's inability to withstand its internal contradiction: This stratagem for the denial of contradiction seems to be a hybrid of Zeno's paradox and marginal analysis. David Gray. The paranoid. It follows. Schlag is right that there are contradictions in the law but is wrong about what that means. the symbolic order Paradoxically. they must become something other than what they are." Law is therefore always in a state of becoming .2AC K Blocks 112/165 of law is artificial. In Hegel's system.. Contradiction causes synthesis. This criticism properly recognizes the internality of contradiction. It both restrains and suffers from contradiction. (Professor. This is so in two senses. there is no possibility of abolishing it. In truth. Contradiction is what makes law a dynamic "thing. When a judge follows the law. It only exists because we insist it does. it is not well taken. not contradiction. 99 Colum. implicit in law is what it ought to become.e.logical correlatives. When a judge reconciles conflicting accounts of what the law is. that the judge-as-tortoise stays ever ahead of the deconstructive Achilles. Valley High School Rishi Shah organize our enjoyment. Contradiction is the very essence of things that come to be and cease to be .e. Paranoid construction is.of growth. then the sum of these curves will always yield coherence. because things are finite (and hence contradictory). even in the clinical cases. and so synthesis is ever marginally ahead of it . then. and contrary to Schlag..precisely the opposite of what Schlag contends. thanks to the free will of the honest judge. L. Contradiction is by no means an evil in Hegel's system. We all fear that the house of cards may come crashing down . In this account. Contradictions allow for the positive evolution of the law. 99 (Columbia Law Review. a philosophical interpretation. in the end. The next judge to confront the law must likewise transform it. cynicism toward bureaucracy shows nothing but the unconfronted depth to which the cynic is actually committed to what ought to be abolished. it is this very "anxiety" that shores up the symbolic. in the end. The idea behind sectorization [i. There is no impact to the legal contradictions argument. but remains a "thing" nevertheless. but. synthesis and contradiction are dependent forms . Synthetic activity is possible only because dialectical opposition precedes it. Thus. assigns this role to the bureaucracy (and thereby absolves himself from the responsibility). n287 As Schlag has perceived. Cardozo School of Law))..one that will not last but one that nevertheless validly claims its moment. This moment will be subjected to future interpretation and hence further change.

ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each.6 Moreover. if this is the case. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. Aff impacts come first . Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alt. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. for a certain class of problems. event or phenomenon. . for example. 5. of course. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. 655-7) Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments.2AC K Blocks 113/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Security K 1. It may. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘.4 However. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. in contrast. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right.. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. from this standpoint. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. as Shapiro points out. of Southampton. 4. Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. Their attempt to police the boundaries of ‗proper‘ critique destroys the possibility of self-reflection. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. The absolute denial of validity to forms of political expression based on asserted starting points creates a fundamentalist ethic that violently cleanses those with dirty hands. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. loosely deployed or not. Yet. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. No prior questions in IR. 3.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. and prioritisation of. In one respect. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. Thus. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely.e.problem driven approaches are best Owen 02 – (David Owen. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. it is by no means clear that it is. However. It encourages this view because the turn to. yet. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. I will suggest. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. 2. namely. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. In other words. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement.

Germanic Studies – Indiana. unlearnt. however.‘‘ then conceivably. and neutrals. and other differences are causes of conflict. waiting for the event and the right moment to name it. pacification. We may soon go to Mars. ‗‗The traditional Eurocentric order of international law is foundering today. There are. even were it to be desired. We have since gone to the moon and have found nothing on the way there to exploit. No root cause – idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history is dumb. Wendt's entire approach is governed by the belief that the problematic elements of international politics can be transcended. cultural. those who say there is a war can respond only Waiting for a ‗‗completely new politics‘‘ 10 and completely new political agents. historically this has been the case. They used to be called states. and if you say it not because you glory in it but because you fear it and hate it. Adornoian asceticism (refraining from participating in the nihilism of the political) or Benjaminian weak. We must think the possibility of roughly equivalent power relations rather than fantasize the elimination of power from the political universe. is equally impossible.‘‘ We are.‘‘ Still. lines between friends. that the competitive identities which create these elements can be reconditioned. effortless.‘‘ whether nihilist or not. so quickly. various political. asphyxiating political nightmares of absolute exclusion. nevertheless. What they will be called in the future remains to be seen. what is problematic is his faith that such change. which is to say. University of Wales Swansea. universal equality. Christianity to the Roman Empire. the ‗‗Savage Beast. Rather. the liberal ideology of painless. but rather a more modest one: Can symmetrical relationships be guaranteed only by asymmetrical course. or. lines between combatants and noncombatants. such as men on their way to the moon discovering a new and hitherto unknown planet that could be exploited freely and utilized effectively to relieve their struggles on earth‘‘ (39). Politics Department. This war is the truly savage war. 7. as is the old nomos of the earth. in his account. was also Schmitt‘s solution. of the question that we should ask is not how can we establish perpetual peace. ‗5 (South Atlantic Quarterly 104:2. if current leaders have their way. and so effortlessly to the chiliastic violence that knows no bounds. but limit it by drawing clear lines within which it can be fought. p. because today‘s asymmetry is not so much a localization of the exception as it is an invisible generation of the exception from within that formal ideal of unity. goods. Violence results from changes away from realism inspired by criticism Alastair Murray.11 and as we have lately observed anew. given that the United States enjoys a monopoly on guns. It is not any form of unfounded idealism about the possibility of effecting a change in international politics.2AC K Blocks 114/165 William Rasch. landscape. which merely intensifies it. or waiting for universal ontological redemption feels much like waiting for the Second Coming. 6. is just not on the horizon. But as Max Weber observed firsthand. quasi. This generates a stance that so privileges the possibility of a systemic transformation that it simply puts aside the difficulties which it recognises to be inherent in its . ones? According to Schmitt. disposed of. a generation of the exception as the difference between the human and the inhuman outlaw. then your goal is to limit it and its effects. if it could be achieved. legitimate doubts about whether those ideal lines could ever be drawn again. Wendt accepts that the intersubjective character of international institutions such as self-help render them relatively hard social facts. but it may also always produce recurring. 181-182 This highlights the central difficulty with Wendt's constructivism. not eliminate it. through global unity and equality. to be sure. more than a little doubtful. thrown back upon ourselves. is up for grabs: there is no core of recalcitrance to human conduct which cannot be reformed. Wishing doesn‘t make it so. ‗‗The belief that a restrainer holds back the end of the world provides the only bridge between the notion of an eschatological paralysis of all human events and a tremendous historical monolith like that of the Christian empire of the Germanic kings‘‘ (60). the millennial messianism of imperial rulers and nomadic partisans alike dominates the contemporary political the virtues of that particular ‗‗historical monolith‘‘ to understand the dangers of eschatological paralysis. As Schmitt wrote of the relationship of early with bewilderment. The true goal of those who say there is no war is to eliminate the war that actually exists by eliminating those Lyons and Tygers and other Savage Beasts who say there is a war. Reconstructing Realism. happily goes on while we watch Rome burn. that is. upon those artificial ‗‗moral persons‘‘ who act as our collective political identities. if we think to establish a differentiated unity of discrete we must symmetrically manage the necessary pairing of inclusion and exclusion without denying the ‗‗forms of power and domination‘‘ that inescapably accompany human ordering. This order arose from a legendary and unforeseen discovery of a new world. because democratization. implies progress. To this. Only in fantastic parallels can one imagine a modern recurrence. Benjaminian divine violence. in the form of a supremely effective ideology of universal ‗‗democratization. and clear lines between those who fight it and those who don‘t. 1997. No amount of democratization.One does not need to believe in ascetic quietude leads so often. Salvation through spatially delimited asymmetry. And salvation through globalization. And have we not all grown weary of waiting? The war we call ‗‗the political. but the likelihood of finding exploitable populations seems equally slim. What is to be done? If you are one who says there is a war. therefore. Whether his idea of the plurality of Großräume could ever be carried out under contemporary circumstances is. or other messianism (waiting for the next incarnation of the historical subject [the multitudes?] or the next proletarian general strike [the event?]) would seem to be the answer. we would do well to devise vocabularies that do not just emphatically repeat philosophically more sophisticated versions of The space of the political will never be created by a bloodless. Spring) Valley High School Rishi Shah But how are we to respond? For those who say there is no war and who yet find themselves witnessing daily bloodshed. Everything. But. or Americanization will mollify its effects. for Godot. This. enemies. To dream the dreams of universal inclusion may satisfy an irrepressible human desire. It is the war we witness today. and Americanization are among the weapons used by those who say there is no war to wage their war to end all war. with whom Men can have no Society nor Security. and the Good. from an unrepeatable historical event. political entities that once represented for Schmitt ‗‗the highest form of order within the scope of human power. and that the predatory policies which underlie these identities can be eliminated. Nor is it to be confused with the space of the simply human.more accurately. pacification.

During the Cold War. INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY. and they refer to 'real' phenomena now. to have overdosed on `Gorbimania'. 229-30) A recurring theme of this essay has been the twin dangers of separating the study of security affairs from the academic world or of shifting the focus of academic scholarship too far from real-world issues.‖ Now. I have a problem with the underlying implication that it is unimportant whether states 'really' face dangers from other states or groups. and the claim of urgency is just another argument. we should continue paying attention to them. Unless one believes that ignorance is preferable to expertise. Threats are real. ghosts. He simply demands that states adopt a strategy of `altercasting'. Yet I see that Waever himself has no compunction about referring to the security dilemma in a recent article. he writes. and hardly most of the time. this emphasis on the subjective is a misleading conception of threat. In the Copenhagen school. then loses its foundation. but such phenomena do not occur simultaneously to large numbers of politicians. or from what happens when the fears of individuals turn into paranoid political action. not just socially constructed. ‘One can View ―security‖ as that which is in language theory called a speech act: it is not interesting as a sign referring to something more real . are completely discounted . a systemic transformation simply outweighs any adverse consequences which might arise from the effort to achieve it.in the case of urgency . in that it discounts an independent existence for what. those situations are challenges to democracy. What has long made 'threats' and ‘threat perceptions‘ important phenomena in the study of IR is the implication that urgent action may be required.‖ It seems to me that the security dilemma. Post-Copenhagen Security Studies. In his 1997 PhD dissertation. as Waever does. for instance). as a central notion in security studies. p.default to expert consensus Knudsen 1– PoliSci Professor at Sodertorn (Olav.2AC K Blocks 115/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah achievement. this does not dissuade him. Security Dialogue 32:3) Moreover. and states will continue to acquire military forces for a variety of purposes. When real situations of urgency arise. Granted. I hold that instead of 'abolishing' threatening phenomena ‘out there‘ by reconceptualizing them. of course. or might simply see such an opening as a weakness to be exploited. a strategy which `tries to induce alter to take on a new identity (and thereby enlist Wendt's position effectively culminates in a demand that the state undertake nothing less than a giant leap of faith. because situations with a credible claim to urgency will keep coming back and then we need to know more about how they work in the interrelations of groups and states (such as civil wars. As in other areas of public . not least to find adequate democratic procedures for dealing with them. In my view. or mirages. is where Waever first began his argument in favor of an alternative security conception. even though Wendt acknowledges that the intersubjective basis of the self-help system makes its reform difficult. t he phenomenon of threat is reduced to a matter of pure domestic politics. they are actually at the core of the problematic arising with the process of making security policy in parliamentary democracy.referred to 'real' phenomena. 8. because a convincing sense of urgency has been the chief culprit behind the abuse of 'security' and the consequent ‘politics of panic'. Threats have to be dealt with both ín terms of perceptions and in terms of the phenomena which are perceived to be threatening. 9.‖ As a consequence. pure imaginations. might not be interested in reformulating its own construction of the world. The fact that its opponent might not take its overtures seriously." This discounting of the objective aspect of threats shifts security studies to insignificant concerns. history suggests that countries that suppress debate on national security matters are more likely to blunder into disaster. threats are merely more or less persuasive. because misguided policies cannot be evaluated and stopped in time. our authors are qualified and interpret their data from changes in international relations.ever is perceived as a threat. And. mistakes. Wendt ultimately appears. Urgency. in the final analysis. threats . The prospect of achieving alter in ego's effort to change itself) by treating alter as if it already had that identity'. Walt 91 – Professor of Political Science. The objects referred to are often not the same. Debates about threats in the academic world result in better policy-making—real threats can be confronted and risks can be weighed. political life is often marked by misperceptions.‘24 The deliberate disregard of objective factors is even more explicitly stated in Buzan & WaeVer‘s joint article of the same year. But in Waever‘s world.it is the utterance itself that is the act. more evidence . University of Chicago – 1991 (Stephen. as Waever aptly calls it. threats are seen as coming mainly from the actors' own fears. but that is a different matter.another baby is thrown out with the Waeverian bathwater. here . Indeed.in the sense of plausible possibilities of danger . the value of independent national security scholars should be apparent. Thus. The danger of war will be with us for some time to come. The point of Waever‘s concept of security is not the potential existence of danger somewhere but the use of the word itself by political elites.

2AC K Blocks 116/165 policy. The long-term effects of academic involvement may be even more significant: academic research can help states learn from past mistakes and can provide the theoretical innovations the produce better policy choices in the future. Furthermore. their role in training the new generation of experts gives academics an additional avenue of influence. . academic Valley High School Rishi Shah experts in security studies can help in several ways. because they face less pressure to support official policy. academics are well placed to evaluate current programs. In the short term.

2AC K Blocks 117/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Statism K .

namely. of Southampton. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. 4. for a certain class of problems. I will suggest. Thus..6 Moreover. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro.2AC K Blocks 118/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Synoptic Delusion K 1.4 However. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusively parts of the alternative. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. In one respect. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. in contrast. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. if this is the case. Hayek agrees that the permutation is the only way to solve -. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. event or phenomenon.problem driven approaches are best Owen 02 – (David Owen. No prior questions in IR. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. . for example. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. And. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. loosely deployed or not. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. 2. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. it is by no means clear that it is. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. Aff impacts come first . Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. 655-7) Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. yet. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. Yet. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. However. It may. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. It encourages this view because the turn to. as Shapiro points out. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. of course. from this standpoint. and prioritisation of. 3.e. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. In other words.cooperation between public and private actors is key to the success of the spontaneous order.

May/June 2010 www. inefficiencies may obtain. "[t]he family. "Stimulus by Spending Cuts: Lessons From 1946. Foss 06. 2000www-pam. Centralization is assumed to not involve delay and therefore is a good mechanism for dealing with emergencies. Nervous employers. which is clearly inefficient. rather than none at all . and all the public institutions including government. knowledge about any particular problem is seldom complete. it is not always the case that suppressing distributed knowledge is inefficient.) ―Narrow authority‖ is the view of authority associated with Simon (1951). The example suggests the more general implication that some overlap of knowledge may be sufficient to make coordination by means of authority work in the presence of distributed knowledge. However. that is. and in a competitive or changing environment there may be advantages to making some decision. this cost of centralization should be compared against the costs of decentralization (delay and duplication).usc. However. The process includes the practice of voluntary planning. the less important the private information that the planner lacks and the more essential coordination is.org/pubs/policy_report/v32n3/cpr32n3. Hayek (1973. . Bolton and Farrell show that ―. and the possibility that the Federal Reserve would engage in inflationary financing of this new federal debt has clearly unnerved many investors. if costs are equal or are high for both." (2) 5.expertise and reasoned arguments are sufficient justification for action. In the absence of expert knowledge some chief executive is given authority to impose his own best judgment on the matter.Professor at the Copehagen Business School (Nicolai. it is assumed to not involve delays). as would cap and trade. Bolton and Farrell assume that this central authority cannot possess knowledge about costs. to sculpt private arrangements to fit the particulars.lots of recent examples. Proquest. the optimal outcome prevails.pdf) Recent examples of this phenomenon can be seen in the newly passed health care legislation and the proposal for a capandtrade environmental regime. Foss." Springer Science. However. and perhaps of most of the employee action. in a manner like the "Big Board" (the New York Stock Exchange). "The limits to designed orders: Authority under 'distributed knowledge' conditions. In order to isolate the costs and benefits of centralized and decentralized decision-making in a specific setting. In their model.g. Santa Lara University. 46) says. They also recognize the importance of flexibility in private contract. that is. he knows a subset of the employee‘s action set. 6. the incentive to enter depends on the height of a given firm‘s cost. and exaggerates the benefits of centralization (e.html)//TD Valley High School Rishi Shah Klein 2k. low-cost firms being less worried that their rival will enter (and vice versa). For example. . their model does provide a rationale for authority under distributed knowledge (given their assumptions). Yet another example is the . the firm. With Illustration in Urban Transit. Under decentralization. Furthermore. demur in hiring workers that they would in a more neutral policy environment. . In the spirit of Hayek. While Austrians may argue that the Bolton and Farrell set-up trivializes distributed knowledge. Even the narrow understanding of authority in Coase (1937) and Simon (1951) may be rendered consistent with distributed knowledge using the Bolton and Farrell argument: Although the employer may be ignorant of the efficient action. to achieve Schelling coordination. "Planning and the Two Coordinations." Department of The emphasis that Mises and Hayek place on local knowledge is not merely a recognition of the free market's function to distill dispersed knowledge into a price vector. It‘s possible to make accurate predictions about the world without complete knowledge -. . s/he nominates the high cost producer half of the times. However. Enter a central authority whose job is to nominate a firm for entry. . which in certain situations may be preferable to doing nothing. however imperfectly grounded on expertise.2AC K Blocks 119/165 economics. Government intervention in the marketplace can be effective -. since firms will then enter simultaneously (inefficient duplication) or will wait (inefficient delay).Professor of economics at Central Michigan University. J. Since the November 2008 election. the corporation and the various associations. . to cope with change. the multitrilliondollar deficits to finance the stimulus as well as government bailout money from TARP have to be financed. are organizations which in turn are integrated into a more comprehensive spontaneous order [or metacoordination].cato. Bolton and Farrell wish to identify the determinants of centralization/ decentralization decisions. its process is not apart from Schelling coordination.Professor of economics at Santa Clara University (Daniel. so he can always tell him to ―do something!‖.‖ It is not entirely transparent what Hammond and Miller mean here. the more attractive the central planning solution is‖ (1990: 805). Foss two-period incomplete information game of timing (sink costs/enter or wait another period). The new health care legislation will enormously increase labor costs. 2006. the farm. but a later treatment by Bolton and Farrell (1990) provides a clue. Distinguished professor of economics at Ohio University and adjunct scholar at the American Enterprise Institute (Jason and Richard. wanting to avoid the possibility of taking on sharply rising labor expenses. each firm is uncertain about whether the other firm will enter.edu/volume1/v1i1a1print. Moreover. Hammond and Miller (1985: 1) argue that ―. the price of gold has risen 50 percent because of growing inflationary fears. and to coordinate with others . by consent and contract. it explains why authority may be preferred rather than some decentralized arrangement. N. Although Hayek coordination is distinct from Schelling coordination. which is represented as a Springer268 K. the lowest-cost producer enters and preempts the rival(s). a conclusion they argue is consistent with the observed tendency of firms to rely on centralized authority in cases of emergencies. the decentralized solution performs poorly if urgency is important. Taylor and Vedder 10. they study a coordination problem with private information in the setting of a natural monopoly market." Cato. If costs are sufficiently dispersed.. The coordination problem concerns which firm should enter the market when costs are sunk and are private information. The argument that has just been summarized holds that such authority is fundamentally compromised by distributed knowledge.

gcc. there can be no doubt that incentives to obtain new employment have been. Even if the planners understand this insight. When disintervening. and today. even one completely distorted by rampant intervention. guided by profit and loss. and will continue to be. Markets are spontaneous orders lacking any centralized direction. interventionism lacks this mechanism in any true spontaneous form. "Crude" disinterventionism enacted without understanding the complex interactions that occur between an intervention. then this problem will sort itself out on its own. let's say housing. There also exists the possibility that there may even be less obvious interventions that are unintentionally "beneficial" relative to others given the uncoordinated nature of the interventionist system. The mixed economy often also contains entire markets built on the backs of previously distorted market processes.edu/dept/econ/ASSC/Papers2010-2011/O'Donnell%20-%20ASSC. for realizing the most socially beneficial ends from available means. and potentially socially destructive because it attempts to defy the criticisms and possibilities of centralized planning according to the market process view of the dynamic market. traced along its implications for the possibility of (dis)interventionist coordination.pdf. and how. Yet disintervention faces the same problems. It is perhaps these latter considerations which are the truly crucial elements for successful disintervention. In 2009 the average duration of unemployment nearly doubled. http://www2. might lead to bottlenecks in another complementary (or even seemingly disparate) sector. (Kyle. Even presupposing that the number of interventions is set at point m. when (in what order).2AC K Blocks 120/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah government‘s continual extension of unemployment benefits beyond the customary maximum 26 weeks (most recently at the beginning of March). While a free market would have the mechanism of the discovery process. While the poor labor market is to blame for much of this jump in duration. well over 40 percent of those unemployed have been out of work over six months. Callahan) Interventionism is distortive. Likewise. even many freemarket economists would agree that if a banking system must rest upon a "lender of last resort" with its subsequent moral hazard. 11 Purchase College.in the form of entrenched and overlapping. In the real world this can mean entire industries built on the shaky grounds of government intervention. and that surely if he just lets the market work. May 2011. Yet it must also be remembered that the knowledge problem is overcome everyday by the market process acting through the price system. they must still ask themselves: "So in a mixed economy. made possible by the institutional settings that shape their incentive structures . political actors with necessarily limited information and knowledge must somehow decide. Though due to a lack of unencumbered price signals. All this leaves the question of which ones are perhaps justified in the mean time in order to prevent further harm by "holding back" other interventions? How is a planner with their limited knowledge supposed to be able to tell the difference? Lastly how can these two answers explain in what order to disintervene? The policy problem I have presented . A price floor that falls below the current market rate is not as harmful as the price ceiling that (attempts) to cut the price of a product in half from its going market rate. why can't piecemeal disintervention of markets be relied upon to provide the intended results?" The disinterventionist planner may note that the market tends towards self-correction. not only what to liberalize. Thus there also exists the chance that by liberalizing one sector. The wholly superfluous market process emerges where opportunities for profit would otherwise never have existed outside of the influence of interventionism (Kirzner 1985).creates cascading and unpredictable economic consequences and prevents the free market from functioning effectively. many studies confirm what common sense says we should expect—the longer the time frame people are eligible for such benefits. O‘Donnell. If a disinterventionist plans to liberalize successfully they must decide at some point what to disintervene. then some regulatory framework preventing the to-be-expected excessive risk-taking may be justified or necessary in the meantime. even if the longer-run disinterventionist goal is a free market banking system. say in finance. Economics & History. Abstaining from government intervention falls prey to the same problems of incomplete knowledge that they claim the aff does -. 7. While most would agree that unemployment insurance provides shortterm relief to those who must seek new work. which might cascade into other areas in unpredictable ways. Purchase College.A. disruptive. or removing one control. I say this to emphasize the fact that not all acts of government interference with the economy can be equally harmful. and the dynamic market process may very well lead to cascading negative unintended consequences. uncoordinated interventions . even according to the most stringent anarcho-libertarian standards. To better assert this point I offer the following: not all interventions are created equally. SUNY B. but how and when. that a large collapse may be unleashed and backfire in the face of the disinterventionists harming the political capital necessary to continue with any necessary disinterventions. tempered by governmental action which has extended unemployment insurance to many through the end of 2010. the longer it takes for unemployment rates to fall. ―Planning the End of Planning: Disintervention and the Knowledge Problem‖. Of course I am describing the knowledge problem. other interventions. what still remains is a complex series of interlocking problems with no clear solution available to anyone guiding the disintervention. Deregulation in the one sector.is one of organized complexity. few if any might be able to realize this.

. Next.lacks a spontaneous discovery process for systematically uncovering and incentivizing the correction of its past errors to the benefit of society. or even what and where to disintervene. interventionism . but this by itself is not enough to sink the mainstream "crude" disinterventionist position.and any decision making in this vein such as (dis)interventionism . After all. rate. and the connected argument that disinterventionism lacks a discovery procedure.lacks the institutions and incentives required to drive a spontaneous process embodying society's dispersed knowledge. In a sentence then.and its mirror . I further develop my argument that disinterventionism confronts the knowledge problem. So whereas the market process encourages decentralized entrepreneurs to utilize their particular knowledge of the time and place to drive the market towards self-correction and satisfaction of consumers' wants. Yet the more specific point I am arguing is that there is no tendency in piecemeal disintervention to successfully liberalize via correctly discovering the proper order.2AC K Blocks 121/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah and guide the market process towards socially beneficial ends. markets and the price system routinely overcome this problem everyday and do so remarkably well. Disinterventionism as a policy necessarily confronts the knowledge problem. the command economy .

as I have suggested. of course. for instance. I have no objection to Buddhists doing Buddhist Studies. It becomes. Vol 11. They don‘t know that the alternative is a good action to take. 5. Linguistics and Cultures – University of Manchester. 6. as the student cited above. perhaps even harmful. it could well be detrimental to many of the paradigms upon which the discipline is grounded. then it is time to kick it out entirely. Aff impacts come first. While this argument has the merit of underscoring the fallibilistic nature of all predictive schemes. and when they write their articles and books using their academic titles and terms of office. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. found out in my class. direction. Reject the kritik – it‘s based on flawed scholarship READER 08 (Ian. A radically postmodern line of thinking. The future no longer appears to be a metaphysical creature of destiny or of the cunning of reason. 9) Bringing one‘s faith into the classroom and into one‘s scholarship is a denial of the academic tradition and an insult to the ideal of impartiality upon which academic disciplines and enquiry rely. 4. or endpoint to be discovered through human reason. v. when they enter the classroom and conference hall.2AC K Blocks 122/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Taoism K 1.‖ Journal of Global Buddhism. the first obstacle that one is likely to encounter from some intellectual circles is a deep-seated skepticism about the very value of the exercise. to strive for farsightedness in light of the aforementioned crisis of conventional paradigms of historical analysis. ―Buddhism and the Perils of Advocacy. in fact. Acknowledging the fact that the future cannot be known with absolute certainty does not imply abandoning the task of trying to understand what is brewing on the horizon and to prepare for crises already coming into their own. the acceptance of historical contingency and of the self-limiting character of farsightedness places the duty of preventing catastrophe squarely on the shoulders of present generations. or to scholars in the field who are Buddhists . Recognizing that we can‘t see the future means we should try even harder to predict and avoid disasters—we have an ethical responsibility even if we don‘t always guess correctly Kurasawa 04 (Fuyuki Kurasawa is Assistant Professor of Sociology at York University. Toronto. If. and a Faculty Associate of the Center for Cultural Sociology at Yale University. from a normative point of view. an outcome of chance. In addition. 2. nor can it be sloughed off to pure randomness. Therefore. The future appears to be unknowable. the incorporation of the principle of fallibility into the work of prevention means that we must be ever more vigilant for warning signs of disaster and for responses that provoke unintended or unexpected consequences (a point to which I will return in the final section of this paper). contra scientistic futurism. as it were. let us be content to formulate ad hoc responses to emergencies as they arise. and a barrier to proper scholastic assessment and to student learning. No reason why their authors can step outside the realm of being human to see this blinding type of knowledge that the rest of us are apparently totally oblivious to. Professor of Languages. Constellations. a result of human action shaped by decisions in the present – including. contra teleological models. Not only is there no evidence thus far to indicate that their faith enhances their scholarship and teaching but. it conflates the necessary recognition of the contingency of history with unwarranted assertions about the latter‘s total opacity and indeterminacy. we should adopt a pragmatism that abandons itself to the twists and turns of history. would lead us to believe that it is pointless. In fact. No 4 [Blackwell]) When engaging in the labor of preventive foresight. leads to false depictions of the tradition and to the privileging of certain parts of the wider tradition. Framework: we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. and if. And when advocacy precludes proper intellectual discussion. extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration 3. history has no intrinsic meaning. then the abyss of chronological inscrutability supposedly opens up at our feet. 7. meaning it contradicts itself. instead. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. rather than embarking upon grandiose speculation about what may occur. Don‘t believe anything they say – falsifiability is a prerequisite – failure to abide by it causes extinction . prospective trends cannot be predicted without error. trying to anticipate and prepare for possible and avoidable sources of harm to our successors.as long as they leave their (metaphorical) robes and beliefs at the door.

at least for criticizing Freud. CA: My discomfort with Freud‘s lack of rigour only grew as I continued to read his books and case histories. Laid out in the first four essays. Crews gives peacemaking scientists their own hiding. Even if you conclude death is neither good nor bad you have no right to choose for everyone else Myers 99 (D. or that religion and science can coexist happily. and is a fine prose stylist. Why. we must wonder. How can we disprove the idea. that we have a death drive? Or that dreams always represent wish fulfilments? When faced with counter-examples. not because we exclude them deliberately. and even poststructuralist literary theory. theosophy. he takes on creationists in their new guise as intelligent-design advocates.html) . Science encourages doubt. that psychoanalysis is an important cure. ―Responsible for Every Single Pain: Holocaust Literature and the Ethics of Interpretation. then. And the propositions of psychoanalysis have proven to be either untestable or falsified. ―A plea for empiricism‖. The quality of Crews‘s prose is particularly evident in his two chapters on evolution versus creationism. His conclusion is that Freud was indeed making it up as he went along. acknowledging what is still unknown. But Crews has a keen mind. chastising them for pushing not only bad science. Regardless of what they say to placate the Supernatural forces and events. Through Freud‘s letters and documents. 51. Crews reveals him to be not the compassionate healer of legend.‖ on the other hand. reproving them for trying to show that there is no contradiction between science and theology. is a collection about epistemology. Dissenting essays. turning out quadrillions of useless stars. the other a curiously inept cobbler of species that need to be periodically revised and that keep getting snuffed out by the very conditions he provided for them. And those who champion Freud as a philosopher must realize that his package also includes less savoury items like penis envy. Crews takes on not only Freud and psychoanalysis. ) http://www-english. absolution. he is touted (along with Darwin and Marx) as one of the three greatest modern thinkers. This. that intelligent design is a credible alternative to Darwinism. Associate professor of English and religious studies at Texas A & M.) Was Freud making it all up as he went along? Or did I have a personality flaw that blinded me to the power of his contributions? After all. Other key elements of Freudian theory have never been corroborated. There are no scientifically convincing experiments. play no role in science. But religion is not completely separable from science. The ―unconscious‖ was a commonplace of Romantic psychology and philosophy. most religions quash it. faithful. unverifiable and contested by those of different faiths. are authenticated by the fact that he was once an ardent Freudian. Scientific ―truths‖ are empirically supported observations agreed on by different observers. 1999. are personal. Didn‘t Freud give us the idea of the unconscious. In four further essays. having written a psychoanalytic analysis of Nathaniel Hawthorne (The Sins of the Fathers. Crews‘s brief against Freud is hard to refute. Fall. The idea that childhood sexual abuse can be repressed and then recalled originated with Freud. In Follies of the Wise. and only a hermit could be unaware of how deeply his ideas permeate Western society. would the shaper of the universe have frittered away some fourteen billion years.edu/pers/fac/myers/responsible.2AC K Blocks 123/165 Shoemaker and Hoard. All of these. and our Lamarckian inheritance of ―racial memory‖. violate ―the ethic of respecting that which is known. Religious ―truths. 1966). 405pp. FOLLIES OF THE WISE. and has been used by therapists to evoke false memories which have traumatized patients and shattered families. for there was a whole history of pre-Freudian thought about people‘s buried motives. Freudianism always proves malleable enough to incorporate them as evidence for the theory. the amorality of women. And his credentials. for example. and one that should be read by anyone still harbouring the delusion that Freud was an important thinker.‖ Comparative Literature. (It has since more plausibly been suggested that Hans was simply traumatized after seeing a horse collapse in the street. Fortunately. 1 59376 101 5) Valley High School Rishi Shah Coyne. for example. It is perhaps strange that a retired professor of literature should become our preeminent critic of Freudianism and other intellectual follies on empirical grounds. determined to go down in history as the Darwin of the psyche.tamu. alien abduction. but a cold and calculating megalomaniac. a scientific temperament. most scientists probably know in their hearts that science and religion are incompatible ways of viewing the world. Emeryville. As Crews points out. but contorted faith: ―Intelligent design awkwardly embraces two clashing deities – one a glutton for praise and a dispenser of wrath. Realizing the scientific weaknesses of Freud. Science is nonsectarian: those who disagree on scientific issues do not blow each other up. demonstrating the repression of traumatic memories. work with survivors of the Holocaust and other traumatic episodes has shown not a single case in which such memories are quashed and then recovered. Frederick Crews has made a much more thorough study of Freud. before getting around to the one thing he really cared about. distilling and interpreting not only his whole corpus but also the past three decades of Freud scholarship. Myers. 266-288. 8. In the first. and acting as if one cared about the difference‖. including the writings of Shakespeare and Nietzsche. Crews documents the continuing pernicious influence of Freud in the ―recovered memory‖ movement. haunting Hans with the threat of retaliation for his Oedipal fantasies. asserts Crews. intelligent design creationism. not really. but also other fields of intellectual inquiry which have caused rational people to succumb to irrational ideas: recovered-memory therapy. Not only did he not care about patients (he sometimes napped or wrote letters while they were free-associating): there is no historical evidence that he effectively cured any of them. seeing to it that a minuscule minority of earthling vertebrates are washed clean of sin and guaranteed an eternal place in his company?‖ But after demolishing creationists. and grace. they argue? Well. but because they have never been a useful way to understand nature.. essential aspects of most religions. whetted by decades of arguing about the meaning of American literature. and then later disowned much of that book after developing misgivings about Freud‘s system. p. The latter were especially problematic: surely there were better explanations of Little Hans‘s fear of horses than their symbolic representation of his father. many diehards have taken the fall-back position that he was nevertheless a thinker of the first rank. 06 – Author and Writer for the Times (Jerry A. Rorschach inkblot analysis. G.

The question of how to respond to the suffering around them tormented those who were trapped by the Holocaust. because it is not specified and therefore not limited."Perhaps the best account of responsibility to emerge from the Holocaust is that of the late Emmanuel Levinas. "But. which parallels Levi‘s "shadow of a suspicion. Either I can accept responsibility or I can default—there is no third alternative.2AC K Blocks 124/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Perhaps more than any other genre. The way of reading that I am describing here is different in kind from what is customarily expected in literary study. see Rabinovitch). wiser. he is faced with the challenge whether he participates in the suffering of his people. which means there is no escaping it ("Transcendence and Height" 20-21). Although the philosophical discussion of responsibility is at least as old as Aristotle‘s Politics. excluding. . where his family had fled in the summer of 1942 in the hope that they might survive where they were not known to their neighbors. but unlike Frankl (quoting Dostoevski). . Flinker was living in hiding in Brussels. Levinas argues that human subjectivity or self-consciousness—the foundation of the self—is mauvaise conscience. . what are you doing for him?" I feel responsible for every single pain. every effort to budge from the passivity of subjectivity. has usurped his neighbor‘s place and lived in his stead. the first question before the human subject is the ethical: how are you going to respond to this uneasy sense of being "not guilty. I ask myself whether I am still participating in the troubles of my people. Hence ethics are "first philosophy. But for Levinas there is no not responding. this activity of interpretation is merely the subsequent reflection upon antecedent feelings of responsibility for the sake of others. and still further troubles appear before your eyes. Holocaust texts provoke the disquieting question "What is being asked of me?" To answer this question fully interpretation is required. Although the Jewish tradition contains an authoritative basis for his moral feeling. are they not acts of repulsing.7 It is likely that he experienced the "belated shame" which. Thus interpretation contributes to the moral life by making it possible for a person to respond appropriately (though counterfactually) to human need. Rather. Since he identifies with the Jews. "all Jews are responsible for one another" (Sifra on Leviticus 26.5 In as far as it is an account of collective harm. "gnaws and rasps" at every survivor of the Holocaust:Are you ashamed because you are alive in place of another? And in particular. the feeling of being "not guilty. how to respond is a decision entirely within my command. but with the more immediate fact that others were also suffering. Here a man and woman. What am I? To be. If I am not guilty of hurting another I cannot be blamed for it. and thus to duck the responsibility for not hurting her in these ways. more useful. In his last diary entry. but accused"? All human action. where he and his parents were murdered. Holocaust literature summons a counterfactual moral response—a response to past events that is counter to the fact that they are past repairing. I already am responsible by virtue of having consciousness. must be there for everyone who chances to cross one‘s path and who needs it. A 16-year-old Orthodox Jew who wrote in Hebrew. worthier of living than you? You cannot block out such feelings. By a process of moral reasoning. The ethical response to collective suffering is distilled in the maxim kol Yisrael arevim zeh bazeh or "I feel responsible for every single pain. in Levinas‘s terminology—preempts any claims of my own. And therefore I am prey to the gnawings of conscience. Proust. for the sake of those whom you love. Caught in a tragedy that is not individual but collective. Their pain was for her a summons to respond. then. because she was not concerned to make an inner achievement of it. its reaching out to grasp an object of knowledge ("an other of consciousness"). Because the injury is counterfactual. of a man more generous. a 28-year-old assimilated Jew whose lonely quest for God has become a classic of spirituality. It is not a matter of meaning at all. To ignore another to shame her." Levinas explains. . Is it possible that I came into being as the result of a crime of which I am unaware? Levinas puts it even more strongly:My being-in-the-world or my "place in the sun. . Everyone is responsible to another whether he knows it or not. . Something else is going on. (142) Hillesum drew strength from her suffering. have these not also been the usurpation of spaces belonging to the other man whom I have already oppressed or starved. "without my being able to be deaf to its call or to forget it.] And every time I meet a child of my people I ask myself: "Moshe. Every new encounter with another raises the question how I am going to respond to her. Trouble never ends[. an object to which things are done rather than a person with whom I might speak. more sensitive. are taken away. All the strength and faith in God which one possesses." Stripped of its intentionality. ." that one person‘s life usurps another‘s." Self-consciousness is selfjustification. . "it is inseparable from a consciousness of justice and injustice" ("Religion for Adults" 16). In this way perhaps I can both ease my conscience and begin to repair any damage that I might have caused. Young Moshe. that each of us . And you can draw strength even from suffering. did not live under any illusion. and since Jews are suffering. to make her aware of her isolation from me. Flinker gives no evidence at all of knowing the codified version of this teaching. Her first concern was not with what her suffering meant. Although it is not prescribed. "Self-consciousness is not an inoffensive action in which the self takes note of its being. killing? Pascal‘s "my place in the sun" marks the beginning of the image of the usurpation of the whole earth. ("Ethics as First Philosophy" 81-82)Since the first stirrings of consciousness are the gnawings of conscience. Not that it traffics in blame or guilt. not to respond is to treat the other as an It rather than a Thou. You must learn to forgo all personal desires and to surrender completely.Socrates‘ deontological advice that it is better to suffer injustice than to cause it (Gorgias 469c) is of small assistance to him who is rasped by the mauvaise conscience that he has already caused injustice. he wrote: Is it not sufficient to weep. Levinas survived the war as a French officer in a pow camp near Hanover. but unless there is a prior response of a certain kind—unless the Holocaust text is received as a summons—the problem of interpretation does not even arise.8 In Buber‘s familiar terms. because his entire philosophy grows out of the inchoate anxiety. "as though they had to bear for ever the shame of having survived" ("From the Rise of Nihilism" 221). . My responsibility to the person I might have hurt—the human Other or Autrui. There you meet a Jew who has been hiding and has no money to live. because it is consciousness of being without the intention of being. she did not pray to be worthy of it. Holocaust literature poses the ethical question of responsibility. . existing in a condition of passivity. His family was arrested in April 1944 and transported to Auschwitz. Ethically responsible reading does not seek to unmask the interests behind the Holocaust text. despite the fact that they are not to blame. requiring love." Levinas says. from that point. All those who lived through the years 1939 to 1945 "retained a burn on their sides. bar none" (62)." he remarks. She seeks to give some stability to these feelings by reworking them as moral knowledge. Lithuania. one has to respond to one‘s right to be. The first is from the diary of Etty Hillesum. It is no more than a supposition. he reaches a conclusion that many Jews before him had reached. but accused. Hillesum wrote: This much I know: you have to forget your own worries for the sake of others. my relation to the other is a relation of infinite responsibility. that is. . . extracting principles from it which she highlights with the words You can and You must. or whether I have withdrawn completely from them. . but I did nothing to bring about my existence. but rather to preserve it as the matchless revelation of a personality. stripping. according to Primo Levi in The Drowned and the Saved. On July 7. but if I nevertheless feel accused of it I can take responsibility for it. Being human is living in responsibility . Diderot. but descriptive. studying Hegel. it would not be accurate to say that the responsibility he feels for others is the rational application of Jewish moral theory. is a response to ethical challenge. We know death is bad – there is a material difference between existence and non-existence . I am aware of my existence. It is not the discovery of meanings beneath an intelligible surface of words. 92 percent of whose 30. in these days of anguish? Suffering stares at me as on every side and in every direction. 1942.37. (81-82)It is likely that Levinas was tormented by such shame. the human subject is put into question. Flinker is plunged into a moral crisis.000 Jews were murdered by the Germans (including most of his family). (122) Flinker offers a striking illustration of the rabbinical teaching that kol Yisrael arevim zeh bazeh. but offering what little assistance I can wherever it has pleased God to place me." Levinas says. but of need. The injustice to another "imposes itself upon me. four days after she had recorded her "certainty" that the Germans "are after our total destruction" and just three short weeks before she was voluntarily transported to Westerbork (she died at Auschwitz in November 1943). It is not that I should be responsible. Levinas‘s ethics are not prescriptive.6 A naturalized French Jew born in Kovno. The second passage is from the diary of Moshe Flinker. I have to respond. both over seventy. but the response to suffering comes first. fading away with grief." my being at home. Holocaust literature confronts its readers with the question whether responsibility is to be shared by them. Although she goes on to interpret her response. Consider the remarkable coincidence of two similar passages from the diaries of two Dutch Jews who were otherwise dissimilar in most respects. But despite an excellent Jewish education. exiling. indeed the shadow of a suspicion: that each man is his brother‘s Cain." logically prior to any other mode of thought. or driven out into a third world. without my being able to suspend my responsibility for its distress" 9. composed sometime in September 1943. "in affirming this me being. . since the Holocaust the term belongs by rights to Levinas. and Rousseau between shifts of forced labor in the German forests. And surrender does not mean giving up the ghost. however. What he proposes is to replace deontology with a counterfactual ethics of responsibility. and which have grown so miraculously in me of late. he was aware that "the Germans mean to deport us all.

Eco-critics must be supporters. Postmodernism prides itself on criticizing the urge toward mastery that characterizes modernity. in some fashion. Leftist Criticism of. But we need not doubt the simple idea that a prerequisite of expression is existence.org/article/?article=539) THE THIRD response to eco-criticism would require critics to acknowledge the ways in which they themselves silence nature and then to respect the sheer otherness of the nonhuman world. All attempts to listen to nature are social constructions-except one. nature doesn't speak. This in turn suggests that preserving the nonhuman world-in all its diverse embodiments-must be seen by eco-critics as a fundamental good. Accessed at http://www.dissentmagazine.2AC K Blocks 125/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Paul Wapner. a social construction. . as we all know. Put differently. Even the most radical postmodernist must acknowledge the distinction between physical existence and non-existence. What doesn't exist can manifest no character. This acknowledgment of physical existence is crucial. and whatever that person says is. And all of us should be wary of those who claim to speak on nature's behalf (including environmentalists who do that). yes. 2003 (associate professor and director of the Global Environmental Policy Program at American University. As I have said. of environmental preservation. We can't ascribe meaning to that which doesn't appear. postmodernists accept that there is a physical substratum to the phenomenal world even if they argue about the different meanings we ascribe to it. the postmodernist should rightly worry about interpreting nature's expressions. some person always speaks on nature's behalf. recognizing the social construction of "nature" does deny the self-expression of the nonhuman world. but how would we know what such self-expression means? Indeed. But isn't mastery exactly what postmodernism is exerting as it captures the nonhuman world within its own conceptual domain? Doesn't postmodern cultural criticism deepen the modernist urge toward mastery by eliminating the ontological weight of the nonhuman world? What else could it mean to assert that there is no such thing as nature? I have already suggested the postmodernist response: yes. rather.

In these days of information overload. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. even actively unlearning things we ―know‖ are true. We need to: 1) Create space for thinking 2) Play with ideas 3) Dare to believe that the impossible ideas might be true 4) Adapt the ideas to useful contexts 5) Take action. Play with ideas The classic technique for idea generation is a freewheeling. in contrast. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). ―learning often cannot occur until after there has fiction writer Arthur C. Thus. www-935. Starbuck focuses on this and suggests that we stop thinking of things – theories. 2.‖ But.2AC K Blocks 126/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Time-Space Compression K 1. In an article. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. but there is still work to do. No prior questions in IR. the process can be made competitive. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. The unthinkable has become thinkable. 3. To push even further. a look at unlearning can be of value since taking even a few steps at unlearning can lead to fresh ideas. loosely deployed or not. Create space for thinking A classic Far Side cartoon shows a student raising his hand. And. Consulting Faculty Member at the IBM Executive Business Institute in Palisades. We have been exposed to huge numbers of ideas.problem driven approaches are best Owen 02 – (David Owen. how do we unlearn? Five steps seem to be essential. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. of Southampton. He says we should ―start from the premises that current beliefs and methods are ‗not good enough‘ or ‗merely experimental‘. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. even if your goal is modest. ―The been unlearning. Clarke said. failure. asking to be excused because his brain is full. Unlearning is a process that shows people they should no longer rely on their current beliefs and methods. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. Executive Technology Report.com/services/us/bcs/pdf/g510-6313-etr-unlearn-to-innovate. The purpose of questioning is both to clear away clutter and create doubt. nonjudgmental brainstorming session. bringing in people with different knowledge and perspectives can help push the limits. What can be put into the empty space that was created? This is where popular tricks for generating ideas can be valuable. most of us have the same problem. As science only way of discovering the limits of the possible is to venture a little way past them into the impossible. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. In one respect. often at a rate that makes analysis and selection difficult. Then challenge each one. roleplaying is awesome . Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. products and processes – as finished. I will suggest. William Starbuck of New York University said. for example. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. Yet. and then the world has changed. look for unexpected alternatives and find the vulnerabilities of a new idea or approach).ibm. New York. it is by no means clear that it is.it creates a competitive space to imagine new ideas and translate them into practical suggestions—playing devil‘s advocate challenges the status quo and results in emancipatory change Andrews 06 (Peter. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. August. But their contributions have changed our world. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. 655-7) Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. What happens if you exaggerate the statement? What are the drawbacks? Does it become absurd? What does the world look like if the opposite is true? Conventional wisdom at many levels – from the humors theory of disease to the inevitability of slavery. And. Aff impacts come first . How do we put these aside? One technique is to list what we ―know‖ about a subject. The trials of innovators – those who had the courage to be disruptive – are the stuff of legends. using Red Team approaches (Red Teams assume the role of the outsider to challenge assumptions. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of . Wæver remarks that ‗[a] frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. But.4 However.pdf) High stakes innovation requires abandoning conventional wisdom.‖ 3 This is an emancipating concept. loss of reputation and even ridicule.‖ 1 Venturing into the impossible carries many risks: discouragement. to the spoke and hub design of airlines – has been successfully challenged. Small but profitable innovations are welcome and essential contributors to the growth and well-being of corporations and societies. Not everyone aspires to innovations that are high impact. despite objections of experts and authorities.

72). UCLA. 5. Some places are well-connected. To think that geopolitics is being replaced by chronopolitics is to project the desire for a boundaryless world characteristic of an older utopianism onto an actual world in which the old geopolitical . is that of mistaking a trend towards massively accelerated information flow with a deterritorialized world in which where you are no longer matters . it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. ‗the power of pace is outstripping the power of place‘ (Luke and Tuathail 1998. 93) notes. 76). or dynamic web configurations in a worldwide network of massively parallel kineformations‘ (Luke and Tuathail 1998. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. big band-width connectivities. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alt. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. AND GLOBAL UNEVEN DEVELOPMENT‖ Los Angeles. University of California. Time-Space Compression theory wrong – place still matters in the world Agnew ‗01 (John Agnew. ―THE NEW GLOBAL ECONOMY: TIME-SPACE COMPRESSION. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. ‗Places are conceptualized in terms of their ability to accelerate or hinder the exchanges of global flowmations‘ (Luke and Tuathail 1998. Drawing on such writers as Paul Virilio (1986). with high traffic speedways.. others are not. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. The main danger here. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. namely. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us.2AC K Blocks 127/165 problems. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. Lecture presented at the Center for Globalization and Policy Research. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. April 18. Pace is itself problematic when the images and information conveyed lead to information overload and fatigue more than accurate and real-time decision-making. and prioritisation of. event or phenomenon. Wednesday. The simulations of the media are still distinguishable (for some people) from the perils and dilemmas of everyday life. for a certain class of problems. as McKenzie Wark (1994. but rather as velocidromes. In other words. 76). this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. It still matters immensely . in this understanding. if this is the case.‘ this perspective sees the world as on a technological trajectory in which global space is being ‗re-mastered‘ by a totally new geopolitical imagination in which accelerating flows of information and identities undermine modernist territorial formations. Indeed. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. It encourages this view because the turn to. of course. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. as Shapiro points out. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. Valley High School Rishi Shah It may. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. The much hyped televisual world must still engage with an actual world in which most people still have very limited daily itineraries that root them to very particular places. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. Accepting the rhetoric of the gurus of the Internet world and the ‗Third Wave. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles. media and advertising companies work out of some locations and cultures and not out of others. However. GEOPOLITICS. Professor and Chair of Geography.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. yet.6 Moreover. Space is reimagined not as ‗fixed masses of territory. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i.e. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. 4. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded. from this standpoint. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. 2001) A rather different approach to time-space compression emphasizes more the role of speed in postmodernity than the enhanced importance of local places or lived space.

MI. If we just assume everyone is on the same page. An effort should be made to rotate delegates so that everyone develops the ability.running around like chickens with their heads cut off. Communications between the tactical team and collectives. Developing regional anarchist federations and networks is a great step for our movement. They have prioritized developing the political principles they are federated around. and sexism. Feb 8. could be the priorities of the regional anarchist federations. and we will pay the price for it if we don't become better organized. could be established via radio. decentralized nature of our organization is what makes us hard to police. The civil disobedience folks arranged with police to allow a few people to protest for a couple minutes closer to where the meetings were happening. which was doomed from the get go. While this is pretty critical of the DAN/CD strategy. The people up front were in a critical confrontation with police when they were abandoned.organizers of the civil disobedience) tactical people. Delegates from each collective in the regional federation where the action is happening would form the tactical team. constantly being challenged and adapted. With this in mind we must remember that the chaotic. Delegates from other regional federations could also be a part of the tactical team. No longer can we justify a moralistic approach to the latest outrage . We need a forum among a lot of people to have a lot of political discussion and try to develop strategy in a collective way. runners. The delegates would be recallable by their collectives if problems arose. This. which is what we are calling for. The people in front with the dumpster ended up getting abandoned by the other half of the Black Block who were persuaded by the voice of the moment to move elsewhere. By leadership I don't mean any sort of authority. We need to elaborate how our actions today fit into a plan that leads to the destruction of the state and capitalism. because we had none of our own. along with mutual aid and security. which the DC police learned how to police. We were being led around DC by any and everybody. People with less experience should be given the chance to represent their collectives in less critical situations. We were often lead around by Direct Action Network (DAN . In order for the most oppressed people here to get involved the movement must offer the possibility of changing their lives for the better. We lack of strategy problem is a general problem within the North American anarchist get caught up in tactical thinking without establishing clear goals. Some of the errors of Love and Rage were that it tried to cover too much space too soon. We should also prioritize developing these across national borders. we will find out otherwise really quick when shit gets critical. affinity groups. Our movement should try to avoid this kind of stuff as often as possible. where they would then be arrested. it is so in hindsight. http://www. The reality is that liberal politics will not lead to an end to economic exploitation. therefore weakening it and allowing civil disobedience people to break through the barriers. The set in stone. We were therefore used to assist in their strategy. Only a radical critique that links the oppressive nature of global capitalism to the police state at home has a chance of diversifying the movement against global capitalism. The State has used Seattle as an excuse to beef up police forces all over the country. This needs to be kept in mind as we approach the party conventions this summer. The CD strategy needed arrests. History has not yet ended in instant electronic simulation. etc. schooling. The DAN strategy was the same as it was in Seattle. But without a specific elaboration of what we are working toward and how we plan to get there. On Monday the event culminated in the ultimate anti-climax. that only enforces people's opinions of us as naive. Date Last Mod. One of the benefits of Love and Rage was that it provided first give one example why we need tactical teams at large demos. These regional federations could also form the basis for tactical leadership at demonstrations. A vision of what "winning" would look like must be elaborated if people are going to take the risk with tremendous social upheaval. All someone would do is make a call loud enough. Here is a proposal to consider for developing tactical teams for demos. Philadelphia is especially ripe for this new strategy. Demonstrations should be planned all over the city to draw police all over the place.¶ 6. and that it was based too much on individual membership. The NorthEastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (NEFAC) is a good example of doing this. an arranged civil disobedience. It was a powerful and inspiring couple of days. we did shut down 90 blocks of the American government on tax day . We must have plans and ideas for things as diverse as transportation. and criminal justice.so we should be empowered by their fear of us! The root of the movement. We cannot afford to give the old anarchist excuse that "the people will decide after the revolution" how this or that will work. and the Black Block would be in motion. People don't want to hear simple solutions to complex questions. This could be avoided if the Black Block had a decision making system that slowed down decision making long enough for the block to stay together. but some coordination beside the call of the mob. History is not the same as the History Channel. since the convention is not happening in the business center. We should start getting these things going all over the continent.nadir. without establishing permanent leaders and targets. where they can become more comfortable with it. racism. This is the same strategy that succeeded in shutting down the WTO ministerial in Seattle. while we didn't shut down the IMF/WB meetings. and try to move forward.htm) What follows is not an attempt to discredit our efforts. the tactical team should be able to make informed decisions. The main weakness of the Black Block in DC was that clear goals were not elaborated in a strategic way and tactical leadership was not developed to coordinate our actions. I feel it is important to always analyze our actions and be self-critical. Vague alts without any blueprint —failure to have a concrete option we can debate against guarantees that oppression continues and efforts for change backfire Steve 07 (Anonymous member of Black Block and Active Transformation who lives in East Lansing. crime prevention. advancing our movement. which NEFAC has also done with northeastern Canada. and as long as clear goals are elaborated ahead of time with broader participation. In many ways Seattle caught us off-guard. Anarchism offers a truly radical alternative.org/nadir/initiativ/agp/free/global/a16dcdiscussion.2AC K Blocks 128/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah imagination is still very much alive and well. And. for lack of our own. They will strategies that we develop in our collectives and networks will never be blueprints be documents in motion. Let me to keep these in mind as we start to develop these projects. We need to prioritize developing the political unity of our affinity groups and collectives. In DC the Black Block amorphously made the decision to try to drive a dumpster through one of the police lines. We need . white supremacy and patriarchy. as well as developing regional federations and starting the process of developing the political principles that they will be based around (which will be easier if we have made some headway in our local groups). instead of collective membership. we will always end up making bad decisions. We must maximize the benefits of decentralized leadership. Moving away from strictly tactical thinking toward political goals and long term strategy needs to be a priority for the anarchist movement. Our only chance at disrupting the IMF/WB meetings was with drawing the police out of their security perimeter.

They should thus be seen as an essential part of a portfolio of risk-reducing projects. There are many other possible measures of the potential loss—including culture and science. In a similar vein. Human extinction in the next few centuries could reduce the number of future generations by thousands or more. as we now can. these thousand years may be only a tiny fraction of the whole of civilized human history.18 We may unjustifiably discount the value of future lives. Compare three outcomes: 1.2AC K Blocks 129/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah practical examples of what we are fighting for. A nuclear war that kills 100% 2 would be worse than 1.‖ Risk Analysis. On the contrary. . and 3 would be worse than 2. as well as research on the extinction risks we face and the costs of mitigating them. for as long as there will be humans. We take extraordinary measures to protect some endangered species from extinction. We may not be good at grasping the significance of very large numbers (catastrophic outcomes) or very small numbers (probabilities) over large timeframes. . Discussing the risks of ―nuclear winter. The Earth will remain habitable for at least another billion years.. I believe that the difference between 2 and 3 is very much greater . By this criterion. Vol 27. we are not prepared for that we can assume others will be prepared to build up the state 7. the difference is considerably greater. 2007). this outcome will be much worse than most people think. Extinction is the undoing of the human enterprise. Policymakers may not plan far beyond current political administrations and rarely do risk assessments value the existence of future generations. Human survival may thus be a good requiring deliberate policies to protect. Even if the population remains static. world hunger. Ifwe do not destroy mankind. the stakes are one million times greater for extinction than for the more modest nuclear wars that kill ―only‖ hundreds of millions of people. People can respond to examples better than unusual theory. If we are required to calibrate extinction in numerical terms. Finally.‖ Carl Sagan (1983) wrote: Some have argued that the difference between the deaths of several hundred million people in a nuclear war (as has been thought until recently to be a reasonable upper limit) and the death of every person on Earth (as now seems possible) is only a matter of one order of magnitude. with an average lifetime of the order of 100 years. when the system critically fails someone needs to be there with anti-authoritarian suggestions for how to run all sorts of things. Department of Health Policy and Management. instead of AIDS. . Johns Hopkins University. A nuclear war that kills 99% of the world‘s existing population 3. If we compare this possible history to a day. extinction risks are market failures where an individual enjoys no perceptible benefit from his or her investment in risk reduction. ―Reducing the Risk of Human Extinction. programs that create a healthy and content global population are likely to reduce the probability of global war or catastrophic terrorism. I would be sure to include the number of people in future generations who would not be born. It might be reasonable to take extraordinary measures to protect humanity from the same. For me. Nothing can outweigh extinction even if the risk is miniscule Matheny 7 (Jason. over a typical time period for the biological evolution of a successful species (roughly ten million years). We struggle with estimating the probabilities of rare or unprecedented events (Kunreuther et al. and the significance of the lives of all of our ancestors who contributed to the future of their descendants. Restricting our attention only to those who die as a consequence of the war conceals its full impact. Civilization began only a few thousand years ago. It might be feared that consideration of extinction risks would lead to a reductio ad absurdum: we ought to invest all our resources in asteroid defense or nuclear disarmament. 2001).20 . A nuclear war imperils all of our descendants. or other problems we face today. the philosopher Derek Parfit (1984) wrote: I believe that if we destroy mankind. No 5) We may be poorly equipped to recognize or plan for extinction risks (Yudkowsky. the evolutionary history of the planet. While we understand that we will not determine the shape of things to come. pollution. The difference between 2 and 3 may thus be the difference between this tiny fraction and all of the rest of this history. Which is the greater of these two differences? Most people believe that the greater difference is between 1 and 2. we are talking about some 500 trillion people yet to come. Peace 2. If or a new state. Bloomberg School of Public Health. what has occurred so far is only a fraction of a second.19 To decide whether this is so requires more discussion of the methodological problems mentioned here.

2AC K Blocks 130/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Transport Rationality K .

Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. It encourages this view because the turn to.6 Moreover. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn.e. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. for example. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. loosely deployed or not. Oxford University. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. Perm do the plan and all non-mutually exclusive parts of the alt. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. ―Transhumanism FAQ. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. It may. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. Technological advancement solves its own impact—accelerated progress will make us more likely to prevent accidents Bostrom 03 (Nick. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. and education because it‘s key to learning about the actual topic. Aff impacts come first . if this is the case. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. 5. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles. Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. from this standpoint. Framework – we can weigh the effects of the plan and the negative gets the status quo or competitive policy option. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). 2. of Southampton. for a certain class of problems. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. In one respect. Yet. as Shapiro points out. 3. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. outweighs their suffering and violence claims which are inevitable. and prioritisation of.problem driven approaches are best Owen 02 – (David Owen. In other words. best for fairness because there are an infinite number of philosophical ideas we have to research. in contrast. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded. it is by no means clear that it is. namely. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. yet. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. 4. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. 655-7) Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. . this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. Thus. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has.4 However. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that.‖ October. of course.. event or phenomenon. Faculty of Philosophy.extinction from nuclear war is the end of all human aspiration. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. No prior questions in IR. However. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. I will suggest.2AC K Blocks 131/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Virilio K 1.

transhumanism. The more powerful transhuman technologies. but the cause is not. Faculty of Philosophy. 24. it seems necessary to reconsider the importance of the notions of ACCELERATION and DECELERATION (what physicists call positive and negative velocities [vitesses positive et negative selon les physiciens]) . it is nonetheless a bit surprising. doesn‘t make sense with our aff – the worst accident that can happen is that the icebreakers don‘t work and there will be conflicts – which will happen in the status quo anyways. http://www. communication. Let us start with a minor example of the astonishing erudition vaunted by Le Monde: Recent MEGALOPOLITAN hyperconcentration (Mexico City. There is no ―it‖ that everything hinges on. The multiplicity of routes adds to the probability that our journey will not come to a premature halt. can be reached through several independent paths. Tokyo . Just because something bad might occur doesn‘t mean we shouldn‘t take action.transhumanism. particularly the theory of relativity. we can try another one. but for a purported specialist in the philosophy of speed. If some technologies fail this doesn‘t mean the plan will—tech change is good even if it‘s only partial Bostrom 03 (Nick.org/index. baseless statements Sokal and Bricmont 98 – *Professor of Physics at NYU AND **Belgian theoretical physicist. 8. we should also promote non-technological developments that are beneficial in almost all scenarios. These can make us smarter individually and collectively or make enforcement of necessary regulation more feasible. They contain a plethora of references to physics. pg.2AC K Blocks 132/165 http://www. p. when he does not simply become intoxicated with his own words. what is presented as "science" is a mixture of monumental confusions and wild fantasies. This argument is nonsensical and non-falsifiable. 221 Perhaps this confusion isn't worth stressing. such as peace and international cooperation. Furthermore... which may work better or worse. Needless to say. And. A strong prima facie case therefore exists for pursuing these technologies as vigorously as possible. Virilio‘s theory is flawed – his analogies are flawed and he makes incoherent. Even if we can‘t cure all diseases. We confess our sympathy with many of Virilio's political and social views. such as machine-phase nanotechnology and superintelligence.org/index. and speed. 169-170) MGM The writings of Paul Virilio revolve principally around the themes of technology. it seems preferable that superintelligence be developed before advanced nanotechnology. Even if we don‘t solve world hunger. information technology. With many potentially transforming technologies already available and others in the pipeline.. the two basic concepts of kinematics (the description of motion). thus shortening the period of vulnerability between the development of dangerous nanoreplicators and the deployment of effective defenses. it applies to everything such as life being the invention of death. we can feed a lot of people. ―Fashionable Nonsense: Postmodern Intellectuals' Abuse of Science‖.php/WTA/faq21/68/) Valley High School Rishi Shah Superintelligence is an example of a technology that seems especially worth promoting because it can help reduce a broad range of threats.php/WTA/faq21/88/) Success in the transhumanist endeavor is not an all-or-nothing matter. . ―Transhumanism FAQ. we will cure many. Oxford University. If we have a choice. philosopher of science and a professor at the Université catholique de Louvain (December 1998. there are many incremental processes at play. (Virilio 1995. capitals in the original 220) Here Virilio mixes up velocity (vitesse) and acceleration. Other technologies that have wide risk-reducing uses include intelligence augmentation. Alan and Jean. ) being itself the result of the increased speed of economic exchanges. his analogies between physics and social questions are the most arbitrary imaginable. Superintelligent systems could advise us on policy and make the progress curve for nanotechnology steeper. Should we find one path to be blocked. Even if we don‘t get immortality.‖ October. 6. which are introduced and carefully distinguished at the beginning of every introductory physics course. Though Virilio's sentences are slightly more meaningful than those of Deleuze-Guattari. Instead. alas. Library of Congress Cataloging-inPublication Data. Even if we can‘t freeze whole bodies and revive them. as superintelligence could help reduce the risks of nanotechnology but not vice versa. we can have healthier lives. we can learn how to store organs for transplantation.. and surveillance. it is clear that there will be a large scope for human augmentation. helped by his pseudo-physics. 7. faster or more slowly.

2AC K Blocks 133/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Zizek K – Cap .

2AC K Blocks 134/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah *A2: Zizek K – Psychoanalysis .

2AC K Blocks 135/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah .

2AC K Blocks 136/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah ***GENERIC K ANSWERS*** .

In its most monstrous form. relatively modest in scale compared to some present day welfare states – but rather the sovereign power: ―This power to kill. the Third Reich used biopolitical means – it was a state in which ―insurance and reassurance were universal‖94 – and aimed for biopolitical ends in order to improve the living conditions of the German people -. Foucault Studies.'"48 The "broader. to a considerable number of people (such as the SA.50 The destructive dynamic of Nazism was a product not so much of a particular modern set of ideas as of a particular modern political structure. Vol. only racism.‖97 3. Fascism. which ran through the entire social body of Nazi society. Democracy checks the impact Dickinson 04 (Edward Ross. the old sovereign right to take life‖ throughout the ―entire social body‖. which effectively meant doing away with the people next door. biopolitics has historically been constrained by a rights-based strategy of social management. For this reason. What was critical was not the expansion of the instruments and disciplines of biopolitics. because it is a determination immanent to life. Such transformation. did make such already begun doing so in 1907. No. it erected a massive machinery of death. It becomes a ―demonic combination‖ of sovereign power and biopower. the point is that what was decisive was actually politics at the level of the state. 1 (2004). and so on). it becomes the Third Reich. however. and homo sacer is the one with respect to whom all men act as sovereigns.PhD in Social Science and Academy research fellow @ the Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies @ University of Helsinki – 2005 (Mika. can ―justify the murderous function of the State‖. Yet suggestions.S. that makes killing acceptable in modern biopolitical societies. practicing merely biopolitics. http://wlt-studies. Instead. In democratic societies. It is to say that in the era of biopolitics. was granted not only to the State but to a whole series of individuals. according to Foucault. Other states passed compulsory sterilization laws in the 1930s.93 To be sure. in other words. ―The Impossible Dialogue on Biopower: Foucault and Agamben. manifested when the power to take life. as Foucault puts it. which occurred everywhere in Europe. 05 . a discourse – ―quite compatible‖91 with biopolitics – through which biopower can be most smoothly transformed into the form of sovereign power. I do not mean to suggest that such programs were not horrible. Ojakangas. the sovereignty of power and therefore. ― Biopolitics. or in other words. even in the name of race.but so did many What distinguishes the Third Reich from those other nations is the fact that. one that could realize the disastrous potential of those ideas. But neither the political structures of democratic states nor their legal and political principles permitted such poli? cies actually being enacted. according to which biopolitics is absolutized in the Third Reich.. 2. This is a point to which I will return shortly. Indeed. was first other nations in the 1930s. mass sterilization. Nor did the scale of forcible sterilization in other countries match that of the Nazi program. Ultimately. everyone in the Nazi State had the power of life and death over his or her neighbours. that biopolitical societies are necessarily more racist than other societies. biopolitical measures in the Nazi Germany were. to exercise its sovereign power.96‖ sovereign is the one with respect to whom all men are potentially homines sacri. Biopower does not cause racism or massacres—it is only when it is in the context of a violent or racist government that it is dangerous. racism can only justify killing – killing that does not follow from the logic of biopower but from the logic of the sovereign power. and toward a dispersed and decentered notion of power and its 'microphysics. pg 18-19. biopolitics was shaped by a totalitarian conception of social management focused on the power and ubiquity of the volkisch state.95 It is not. individual states in the United States had they did not proceed to the next steps adopted by National Socialism. Racism is. the nakedness of bare life – at least if sovereignty is defined in the Agambenian manner: ―The away with. exercising sovereign means for biopolitical ends. Democracy: Some Reflections on Our Discourse about "Modernity"‖. ceases to be a mere biopolitical society. A biopolitical society that wishes to ―exercise the old sovereign right to kill‖.49 But the "power-producing effects in Foucault's 'microphysical' sense" (Eley) of the construction of social bureaucracies and social knowledge.pdf) It is the logic of racism.2AC K Blocks 137/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Biopower 1. of "an entire institutional apparatus and system of practice" (Jean Quataert). Biopower does not make massacres vital—a specific form of violent sovereignty is also required.89 However. 2. the elimination of races and the purification of the race. and the external constraints on them. can be maintained in biopolitical societies: ―Racism is bound up with workings of a State that is obliged to use race.) In an important programmatic statement of 1996 Geoff Eley celebrated the fact that Foucault's ideas have "fundamentally directed attention away from institutionally centered conceptions of government and the state . therefore. the U. although harsh. changes everything. I cannot subscribe to Agamben‘s thesis. For now. in Central European History. or having them done The only thing that the Third Reich actually absolutizes is. simply do not explain Nazi policy. but in a democratic political context they did not develop the dynamic of constant radicalization and escalation that characterized Nazi policies.‖90 Racism is. . the SS. for example. if only because of the practice of informing. In National Socialism. 37." Individual figures in. the only way the sovereign power. the power of life and death. mass "eugenic" abortion and murder of the "defective. deeper. A comparative framework can help us to clarify this point.. in other words. biopolitics that was absolutized in the Third Reich – as a matter of fact. alongside its biopolitical apparatus. This is not to say.‖ May 2005.com/no2/ojakangas1. and less visible ideological consensus" on "technocratic reason and the ethical unboundedness of science" was the focus of his interest. It became a society that ―unleashed murderous power. the right to kill. No. however. in other words. Associate Professor of History at the University of California-Davis. it was the principles that guided how those instruments and disciplines were organized and used.

Rather. Nature. which legitimates killing by whatever arguments it chooses. be it God.2AC K Blocks 138/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Ojakangas. Although the twentieth century thanatopolitics is the ―reverse of biopolitics‖. as he suggests. 05 . of patria potestas (father‘s unconditional power of life and death over his son) and cura maternal (mother‘s unconditional duty to take care of her children). because violence is hidden in the foundation of biopolitics. the result. or life. they do not follow from the logic of biopower or which death is the ―object of taboo‖. as Foucault writes. according to Foucault. as an outcome of the ―demonic combination‖ of the sovereign power and biopower.PhD in Social Science and Academy research fellow @ the Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies @ University of Helsinki – 2005 (Mika.‖ May 2005. as Agamben believes. Foucault Studies. 2. in the era of biopolitics. http://www.foucault-studies. it should not be understood. or the logical consequence‖ of biopolitical rationality.They follow from the logic of sovereign power. ―The Impossible Dialogue on Biopower: Foucault and Agamben. even ―massacres have become vital.pdf) Admittedly. Although massacres can be carried out in the name of care.com/no2/ojakangas1. . No. of ―the city-citizen game and the shepherd-flock game‖ or as I would like to put it. as ―the effect.‖ This is not the case. it should be understood. however.

and many of us would refuse to shoot. When you ask the reason. admit remorse or regret over the immoral means. Will you shoot one person with the consequences of saving one. Just to prove the point that we all have dirty hands in such situations. you are told that civil wars do not permit moral niceties. and extinction. and there is some evidence that he did not mean it to be taken literally even then. 2. . he will free the other. But at what point does the principle of not taking an innocent life collapse before the consequentialist burden? Would it matter if there were twenty or 1. Integrity is clearly an important value.34 Imagine that you are visiting a Central American country and you happen upon a village square where an army captain is about to order his men to shoot two peasants lined up against a wall. it seems more than ever to be self-contradictory. Otherwise both die. 18-19) JFS The significance and the limits of the two broad traditions can be captured by contemplating a hypothetical case. but justify the action by the consequences? Do absolutist approaches to integrity become self-contradictory in a world of nuclear weapons? "Do what is right though the world should perish" was a difficult principle even when Kant expounded it in the eighteenth century. No reason to prefer the violations they solve for over preventing war or our other impacts. Their evidence that says we should act regardless of consequences doesn‘t assume that those consequences result in mass death and extinction. He warns you not to try any tricks because his men have their guns trained on you. University. They don‘t have a single piece of evidence that compares D-rules with extinction. Now that it may be literally possible in the nuclear age. Phd Political Science Harvard. Served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. or will you allow both to die but preserve your moral integrity by refusing to play his dirty game? The point of the story is to show the value and limits of both traditions.35 Absolutist ethics bear a heavier burden of proof in the nuclear age than ever before. And. The advent of the nuclear age necessitates utilitarianism – absolutist ethics are self-contradictory Nye 86 (Joseph S. 1986. ―Nuclear Ethics‖ pg.000 peasants to be saved? What if killing or torturing one innocent person could save a city of 10 million persons from a terrorists' nuclear device? At some point does not integrity become the ultimate egoism of fastidious self-righteousness in which the purity of the self is more important than the lives of countless others? Is it not better to follow a consequentialist approach. When you object to the killing of possibly innocent people. the captain hands you a rifle and tells you that if you will shoot one peasant. suffering.2AC K Blocks 139/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: D-Rule 1. you are told someone in this village shot at the captain's men last night. nuclear war is a D-rule because it causes lots of deaths.

com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2011/01/read_it_and_weep. As Justice Stephen Breyer explains in his recent book.html. The problem with the Tea Party's new Constitution fetish is that it's hopelessly selective. and 17th amendments.slate. Litchwick 11 — Dahlia Lithwick. They don't get to support Madison and renounce Jefferson. the folks who will be reading the Constitution aloud this week can't read the parts permitting slavery or prohibiting cruel and unusual punishment using only their inside voices. It's because the Constitution wasn't written to reflect the views of any one American. 14. not a Ouija board.single.‖ Slate. January 4th. Accessed 04-30-2012) This newfound attention to the relationship between Congress and the Constitution is thrilling and long overdue. And unless Tea Party Republicans are willing to stand proud and announce that they adore and revere the whole Constitution as written. 16th. Progressives. or how many copies you can stuff into your breast pocket without looking fat." Either the Founders got it right the first time they calibrated the balance of power between the federal government and the states. The Constitution created a framework. And that isn't because any one American is too stupid to understand the Constitution.2AC K Blocks 140/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --Constitution =/= D-Rule The Constitution is open-ended—no d-rule. The Framers were no more interested in binding future Americans to a set of divinely inspired commandments than any of us would wish to be bound by them. As Robert Parry notes. while shouting their support for the 10th Amendment. 2011 (―Read It and Weep. the Constitution is always going to raise more questions than it answers and confound more readers than it comforts. It's an opportunity to point out that no matter how many times you read the document on the House floor. cite it in your bill. precisely because the Framers understood that the prospect of a nation ruled for centuries by dead prophets would be the very opposite of freedom. which totally blow. Available Online at http://www. journalist covering courts and the law for Slate. as Greg Sargent points out. The fact that the Constitution is sufficiently open-ended to infuriate all Americans almost equally is part of its enduring genius. they should admit right now that they are in the same conundrum as everyone else: This document no more commands the specific policies they espouse than it commands the specific policies their opponents support. Americans cannot be controlled by the "dead hands" of one moment frozen in time. or they got it so wrong that we need to pass a "Repeal Amendment" to fix it. are wrong to scoff at it. Making Our Democracy Work: A Judge's View. then claim to be restoring the vision of "the Framers. This should all have been good news. This is an opportunity to engage in a reasoned discussion of what the Constitution does and does not do. except for the First. .

I believe that if philosophers maintain the academic virtues there they will not only find themselves often ineffective but will as well often fail in their responsibilities and act wrongly. However. Brock. direct effects on people's lives of most academic scholarship that makes it morally acceptable not to worry much about the social consequences of that scholarship. JSTOR]JFS When philosophers become more or less direct participants in the policy-making process and so are no longer academics just hoping that an occasional policymaker might read their scholarly journal articles. or criminal. And if they are not prepared to do this. expendable. and to have some freedom to make autonomous decisions.[1] We typically think that all people have some basic human rights that should not be violated. Assistant professor of philosophy at Emmanuel College (Michelle. 3. and are mediated more by other institutions and events. Vol. Why is this so? The central point of conflict is that the first concern of those responsible for public policy is. all their offense is gone. Eventually. Philosophers who steadfastly maintain their academic ways in the public policy setting are not to be admired as islands of integrity in a sea of messy political compromise and corruption. 786-791. Center for Biomedical Ethics at Brown University. In times of war. evil. Jews in the eyes of Nazis and Tutsis in the eyes of Hutus (in the Rwandan genocide) are but two examples. Even those guilty of breaking the law should receive a fair trial. nor that they must be moral consequentialists in the evaluation of the policy. 4. and in turn human. They deserve to have their basic needs met. because of this universal concept. Rather. it is necessary to categorize one's enemy as sub-human in order to legitimize increased violence or justify the violation of basic human rights. Professor of Philosophy and Biomedical Ethics."[2] Any harm that befalls such individuals seems warranted.2AC K Blocks 141/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Ethics 1.org/essay/dehumanization/. Protracted conflict strains relationships and makes it difficult for parties to recognize that they are part of a shared human community.beyondintractability. raped. It is in part the very impotence in terms of major. policymaking necessitates consequentialism – we can‘t take the time to evaluate how every action we will take could possibly harm any ethical value. 2. Since the concept of ethics is a universal value. with dignity and respect. July. and deserving of treatment that would not be acceptable for those included in one's moral community.. this scholarly virtue of the unconstrained search for the truth-all assumptions open to question and follow the arguments wherever they lead-comes under a variety of related pressures. (Jul. Brock. But it is to say that persons who directly participate in the formation of public policy would be irresponsible if they did not focus their concern on how their actions will affect policy and how that policy will in turn affect people. they have to defend ethical equality for all people. What arises is an intellectual variant of the political problem of "dirty hands" that those who hold political power often face. Even if their values are good. ―Dehumanization. 97. "the concepts of deserving basic needs and fair treatment do not apply and can seem irrelevant. http://www. Instead. I emphasize that I do not conceive of the problem as one of pure. No. reflect not only the different goals of scholarly work but also the fact that the effects of the scholarly endeavor on the public are less direct. they must shift their primary commitment from knowledge and truth to the policy consequences of what they do. Such conditions often lead to feelings of intense hatred and alienation among conflicting parties. The more severe the conflict. and Director. When philosophers move into the policy domain. JPL rc) Dehumanization is a psychological process whereby opponents view each other as less than human and thus not deserving of moral consideration. if we prove an instance where one person is treated unequally. Those excluded are typically viewed as inferior. this can result in moral exclusion. skin color. Ethics. Common criteria for exclusion include ideology. Moral exclusion reduces restraints against harming or exploiting certain groups of people. or tortured.[3] Psychologically. whatever the consequences. and perhaps even morally justified. than are those of the public policy process. Just regular racism that is inherent in various parts of every day social life means the totality of humanity will never achieve equal moral status. DA: 8/2/10. The virtues of academic research and scholarship that consist in an unconstrained search for truth. War is the ultimate turn to ethics Maiese 03. untainted philosophers being corrupted by the dirty business of politics. Innocent people should not be murdered. parties must take care to protect the lives of innocent civilians on the opposing side.‖ University of Colorado at Boulder Beyond Intractability. pp. why did they enter the policy domain? What are they doing there? . the consequences of their actions for public policy and the persons that those policies affect. 1987). My point is rather that the different goals of academic scholarship and public policy call in turn for different virtues and behavior in their practitioners. for individuals viewed as outside the scope of morality and justice. This is not to say that they should not be concerned with the moral evaluation of those consequences-they should. or they don‘t have an advantage. ‗87
 [Dan W. international law suggests that they should be treated justly and fairly. consequences of their actionswhether some form of consequentialism is an adequate moral theory is another matter. the more the psychological distance between groups will widen. and should not be subject to any sort of cruel or unusual punishment. and cognitive capacity. We typically dehumanize those whom we perceive as a threat to our well-being or values. and ought to be. 2003. Those excluded from the scope of morality are typically perceived as psychologically distant.

these thousand years may be only a tiny fraction of the whole of civilized human history. hostile individuals or tribes.html. the stakes are one million times greater for extinction than for the more modest nuclear wars that kill ―only‖ hundreds of millions of people. draughts. we are talking about some 500 trillion people yet to come. with an average lifetime of the order of 100 years. . Ifwe do not destroy mankind.) Risks in this sixth category are a recent phenomenon.‖ Carl Sagan (1983) wrote: Some have argued that the difference between the deaths of several hundred million people in a nuclear war (as has been thought until recently to be a reasonable upper limit) and the death of every person on Earth (as now seems possible) is only a matter of one order of magnitude. smallpox. for managing such risks. I believe that the difference between 2 and 3 is very much greater . I would be sure to include the number of people in future generations who would not be born.com/volume9/risks. There are many other possible measures of the potential loss—including culture and science. Our intuitions and coping strategies have been shaped by our long experience with risks such as dangerous animals. The difference between 2 and 3 may thus be the difference between this tiny fraction and all of the rest of this history. The Earth will remain habitable for at least another billion years. the evolutionary history of the planet. 2001). . epidemics of influenza. over a typical time period for the biological evolution of a successful species (roughly ten million years). A nuclear war imperils all of our descendants. instead of AIDS. the difference is considerably greater. as we now can. If we are required to calibrate extinction in numerical terms. It might be reasonable to take extraordinary measures to protect humanity from the same. By this criterion. earthquakes. future generations Bostrom 2 (Nick Professor of Philosophy and Global Studies at Yale. it qualifies as an existential risk that was present at the time. Which is the greater of these two differences? Most people believe that the greater difference is between 1 and 2. either biologically or culturally. Although we now know that such an outcome was physically impossible. poisonous foods. programs that create a healthy and content global population are likely to reduce the probability of global war or catastrophic terrorism.20 2. no trial-and-error. At the time. there was some concern that the explosion might start a runaway chain-reaction by ―igniting‖ the atmosphere. Peace 2. . On the contrary.2AC K Blocks 142/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah Extinction 1st 1. We have not evolved mechanisms. A nuclear war that kills 99% of the world‘s existing population 3. and the significance of the lives of all of our ancestors who contributed to the future of their descendants. even . black plague. extinction risks are market failures where an individual enjoys no perceptible benefit from his or her investment in risk reduction. 2007). ―Reducing the Risk of Human Extinction. It might be feared that consideration of extinction risks would lead to a reductio ad absurdum: we ought to invest all our resources in asteroid defense or nuclear disarmament. given the knowledge and understanding available.. Even if the population remains static. Chernobyl. automobile accidents. Restricting our attention only to those who die as a consequence of the war conceals its full impact. Finally.‖ Risk Analysis. Extinction outweighs – no coping mechanisms. Compare three outcomes: 1. Bloomberg School of Public Health. In a similar vein. this outcome will be much worse than most people think. world hunger. No 5) We may be poorly equipped to recognize or plan for extinction risks (Yudkowsky. This is part of the reason why it is useful to distinguish them from other risks. A nuclear war that kills 100% 2 would be worse than 1. Department of Health Policy and Management. For me. Extinction is the undoing of the human enterprise. Bhopal. Policymakers may not plan far beyond current political administrations and rarely do risk assessments value the existence of future generations. and 3 would be worse than 2. World War II. for as long as there will be humans. These types of disasters have occurred many times and our cultural attitudes towards risk have been shaped by trial-and-error in managing such hazards.transhumanist. For there to be a risk. Human extinction in the next few centuries could reduce the number of future generations by thousands or more. www. volcano eruptions. The first manmade existential risk was the inaugural detonation of an atomic bomb. Civilization began only a few thousand years ago. and certainly none that it was within our power to do something about. Johns Hopkins University. in the big picture of things – from the perspective of humankind as a whole – even the worst of these catastrophes are mere ripples on the surface of the great sea of life. Discussing the risks of ―nuclear winter. Vol 27. pollution.18 We may unjustifiably discount the value of future lives. and AIDS. They should thus be seen as an essential part of a portfolio of riskreducing projects. no experience. or other problems we face today. We take extraordinary measures to protect some endangered species from extinction. there were probably no significant existential risks in human history until the mid-twentieth century. They haven‘t significantly affected the total amount of human suffering or happiness or determined the long-term fate of our species. We may not be good at grasping the significance of very large numbers (catastrophic outcomes) or very small numbers (probabilities) over large timeframes. We struggle with estimating the probabilities of rare or unprecedented events (Kunreuther et al. But tragic as such events are to the people immediately affected.19 To decide whether this is so requires more discussion of the methodological problems mentioned here. it suffices that there is some subjective probability of an adverse outcome. the philosopher Derek Parfit (1984) wrote: I believe that if we destroy mankind. Nothing can outweigh extinction even if the risk is miniscule Matheny 7 (Jason. With the exception of a species-destroying comet or asteroid impact (an extremely rare occurrence). World War I. Human survival may thus be a good requiring deliberate policies to protect. If we compare this possible history to a day. what has occurred so far is only a fraction of a second.. as well as research on the extinction risks we face and the costs of mitigating them.

Large impacts should always outweigh small ones—their argument is an example of illogical scope neglect Yudkowsky 6 (Eliezer. Good cause dump suggests that people have some amount of money they are willing to pay for "the environment". Fetherstonhaugh et.[4] Russia and the US retain large nuclear arsenals that could be used in a future confrontation. An all-out nuclear war was a possibility with both a substantial probability and with consequences that mighthave been persistent enough to qualify as global and terminal. We cannot necessarily rely on the institutions. and that residents of four western US states would pay only 28% more to protect all 57 wilderness areas in those states than to protect a single area (McFadden and Leonard.000.meaning that we use a logarithmic scale. Valuation by prototype implies extension neglect. (1997).43 annual deaths per 1. There is also a risk that other states may one day build up large nuclear arsenals.000. obeys Weber's Law .had a mean of $80 for the 2. Note however that a smaller nuclear exchange. Unfortunately.000 birds. perhaps an image of an exhausted bird. And indeed.000 (a factor of 600) increased SWTP from $3. Carson and Mitchell (1995) report that increasing the alleged risk associated with chlorinated drinking water from 0. asking them how high a tax increase they would accept to save 2.16]. I am unable to multiply one man's suffering by a hundred million. then it is risky in the subjective sense. between India and Pakistan for instance.000 birds. and the amount required is a property of the person's psychology. Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence. show small linear increases in Willingness-To-Pay corresponding to exponential increases in scope. and any question about environmental goods elicits this amount. The special nature of the challenges posed by existential risks is illustrated by the following points: Our approach to existential risks cannot be one of trial-and-error. Scope neglect has been shown to apply to human lives. Purchase of moral satisfaction suggests that people spend enough money to create a 'warm glow' in themselves. 1992) and good cause dump (Harrison 1992). In view of its undeniable importance. al. The response . The reactive approach – see what happens. limit damages. (1999) interpret this as an additive effect of scope affect and prototype affect .000 deaths does not multiply by ten the strength of . (1999) write: "The story constructed by Desvouges et. the harm done by existential risks is multiplied by another factor. Kahneman et. Albert Szent-Györgyi said: "I am deeply moved if I see one man suffering and would risk my life for him." Two other hypotheses accounting for scope neglect include purchase of moral satisfaction (Kahneman and Knetsch. This requires foresight to anticipate new types of threats and a willingness to take decisive preventive action and to bear the costs (moral and economic) of such actions. or SWTP . Existential risks are a different kind of beast." Human emotions take place within an analog brain. studies of scope neglect in which the quantitative variations are huge enough to elicit any sensitivity at all. in a paper entitled "Insensitivity to the Value of Human Life: A Study of Psychophysical Numbing". The most widely accepted explanation for scope neglect appeals to the affect heuristic. the size of which depends on whether and how much we discount future benefits [15. Then I talk impersonally about the possible pulverization of our big cities. 1993.000-bird group.000 deaths to 100. either accidentally or deliberately. There is no opportunity to learn from errors. al.[3]A much greater existential risk emerged with the build-up of nuclear arsenals in the US and the USSR. A prospective risk going from 10. In order to do that. unable to escape. social attitudes or national security policies that developed from our experience with managing other sorts of risks. and the scope elicits a smaller amount of emotion which is added (not multiplied) with the first amount.[5] Our collective fear-response is likely ill calibrated to the magnitude of threat. Respect for national sovereignty is not a legitimate excuse for failing to take countermeasures against a major existential risk. or 200. al. however. we shall see that nuclear Armageddon and comet or asteroid strikes are mere preludes to the existential risks that we will encounter in the 21st century. We might find it hard to take them as seriously as we should simply because we have never yet witnessed such disasters. and learn from experience – is unworkable.000. The human brain cannot release enough neurotransmitters to feel emotion a thousand times as strong as the grief of one funeral. Existential risks are a menace for everybody and may require acting on the international plane. and $88 for 200.23 (a factor of 4). moral norms.the prototype image elicits most of the emotion. The point. 1995). Reductions in existential risks are global public goods [13] and may therefore be undersupplied by the market [14]. (Desvousges et.2AC K Blocks 143/165 if it later turns out that objectively there was no chance of something bad happening. and valuation of human lives.known as Stated Willingness-To-Pay.‖ forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks. There was a real worry among those best acquainted with the information available at the time that a nuclear Armageddon would occur and that it might annihilate our species or permanently destroy human civilization. is not an existential risk.including the willingness to pay for a solution. found evidence that our perception of human deaths. it is surprising how little systematic work has been done in this area. with a hundred million dead. ―Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risks. since it would not destroy or thwart humankind‘s potential permanently. is not to wallow in gloom and doom but simply to take a sober look at what could go wrong so we can create responsible strategies for improving our chances of survival. $78 for 20. August 31) Three groups of subjects considered three versions of the above question. Baron and Greene (1996) found no effect from varying lives saved by a factor of ten. al.004 to 2. having nothing to do with birds.[2]At any given time we must use our best current subjective estimate of what the objective risk factors are. Such a war might however be a local terminal risk for the cities most likely to be targeted. probably evokes for many readers a mental representation of a prototypical incident. Rather. Part of the explanation may be that many of the recently begun gravest risks stem (as we shall see) from anticipated future technologies that we have only to understand. 20. Another part of the explanation may be the unavoidably interdisciplinary and speculative nature of the subject. If Valley High School Rishi Shah we don‘t know whether something is objectively risky or not. its feathers soaked in black oil. Kahneman et. we need to know where to focus our efforts. The hypothesis of valuation by prototype asserts that the affective value of this image will dominate expressions of the attitute to the problem . we must take a proactive approach. And in part the neglect may also be attributable to an aversion against thinking seriously about a depressing topic.000 birds.000.) This phenomenon is known as scope insensitivity or scope neglect. The subjective sense is of course what we must base our decisions on.78 to $15. If we take into account the welfare of future generations. al. 3. Similar studies have shown that Toronto residents would pay little more to clean up all polluted lakes in Ontario than polluted lakes in a particular region of Ontario (Kahneman 1986).

. It adds one more zero on paper for our eyes to glaze over.2AC K Blocks 144/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah our determination to stop it. an effect so small that one must usually jump several orders of magnitude to detect the difference experimentally.

policy debate loses all of its educational value if we don‘t talk about government action because that is the focus of the resolution and policy debate. This is a bad way to view the debate: a. . so we should be able to defend advantages from it. We know the plan won‘t happen if the judge votes aff. 2. 3. the aff always has to defend fiat and government action b. Fairness–the neg will always win because to be topical. They get links to the kritik because of the case. Saying fiat is illusory doesn‘t mean that we shouldn‘t debate about the hypothetical implementation of the plan – that‘s what debate is about.2AC K Blocks 145/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Fiat = Illusion 1. Education.

their indicts means nothing if they can‘t disprove our impact claims Yudkowsky ‗6 [Eliezer. Even so. Their authors are biased too – they are paid off by _____ . symptomatic of the author's naive inability to deal with a complex technological society.don‘t evaluate any of their claims. is more mature and sophisticated than a scenario of extremely rapid intelligence increase. one must study astronomy and the historical record: no amount of literary criticism can put a number on it. then someone might criticize that novel as extreme.instead sagely analyzing the psychology of the disputants. 2. It's harder to abuse heuristics and biases than psychoanalysis. do not lose track of the real-world facts of primary interest. singularity institute for artificial intelligence. do not let the argument become about psychology. no amount of psychologizing can tell you the exact slope of that curve.pdf] Every true idea which discomforts you will seem to match the pattern of at least one psychological error. not good or bad hypotheses. it is better to know about psychological biases than to not know. Don‘t let them indict our claims without answering our warrants first.someone who. apocalyptic.2AC K Blocks 146/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Generic Indicts 1. then what matters the psychology? The temptation of psychology is that. knowing a little psychology. But be very careful not to have too much fun accusing others of biases." . Jerry Cleaver said: "What does you in is not failure to apply some high-level. If someone wrote a novel about an asteroid strike destroying modern civilization. Not keeping your eye on the ball. but that doesn't make it dark out. we can meddle in arguments where we have no technical expertise . then demonstrate your competence by first demolishing their consequential factual errors. Otherwise we will walk directly into the whirling helicopter blades of life. Garreau (2005) seems to hold that a scenario of a mind slowly increasing in capability. That is the road that leads to becoming a sophisticated arguer . If there are no factual errors. dystopian. not a matter of taste. The one whom you must watch above all is yourself. Despite all dangers and temptations. at worst this is a reason the bias arguments goes away. complicated technique. But that's a technical question. We should recognize this as a literary criticism. http://singinst.org/upload/cognitive-biases. It's overlooking the basics. To quantify the annual probability of an asteroid strike in real life." If you believe someone is guilty of a psychological error. faced with any discomforting argument. it is about good or bad novels. not a scientific one. Accusing someone of conjunction fallacy leads naturally into listing the specific details that you think are burdensome and drive down the joint probability. research and fellow director. Aug 31. ―Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risks‖. Robert Pirsig said: "The world's biggest fool can say the sun is shining. finds at once a bias in it. intricate.

2AC K Blocks 147/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --Cap Specific Prefer our evidence: The negative‘s arguments are written by hacks that are only attempting to make their place in the capitalist society they kritik Saunders in 7 Peter Saunders. This particularly offends intellectuals. SOCRATIC PUZZLES. an American philosopher. nobody runs it.(28) But the best explanation for the intellectuals‘ distaste for capitalism was offered by Friedrich Hayek in The Fatal Conceit. under a socialist society where their power would be greater. Though concentration of power and if anyone has power or appears to have it. It does not need them to make it run.html Joseph Schumpeter offered part of the answer. More recently. the intellectuals think. He observed that capitalism has brought into being an educated class that has no responsibility for practical affairs. This. which seem to work without intelligent direction according to laws and dynamics that no one fully understands. it is the successful entrepreneur and businessman. The anti-capitalist intellectuals only critique capitalism because they believe that they would have more control in a socialist society. unsurprisingly. and nobody really comprehends it. In a market society.cis. like markets. only to find later in life that their market value is much lower than they believe they are worth.au/POLICY/summer%200708/saunders_summer07. ultimately. formulate them.(29) Hayek understood that capitalism offends intellectual pride.(27) Intellectuals attack capitalism because that is how they sell books and build careers. The intellectual critics of capitalism believe they know what is good for us. they think. WHY CAPITALISM IS GOOD FOR THE SOUL. The rewards of material wealth certainly are his. A socialist society.) . is one in which they would rule—an idea. Robert Nozick has noted that intellectuals spend their childhoods excelling at school. is why they believe capitalism is ‗bad for the soul‘: it fulfils human needs without first seeking their moral approval. and oversee their implementation. however. while socialism flatters it . and it generates irreconcilable disaffection with the market system. Nozick in 97 Robert Nozick. In a socialist society. Various explanations have been proposed for the opposition of intellectuals to capitalism. it would be wordsmith intellectuals who staff the government bureaucracies. to coordinate it. or to redesign it. they would do even better. and professor at Harvard University. 2007. where they occupy the top positions in the hierarchy. that they find appealing. We distrust evolved systems. but millions of people interacting in the marketplace keep rebuffing them. (Recall Plato‘s description in the Republic of the best society as one in which they philosophers rule.org. It gets on perfectly well without them. One favored by the neothey do well economically under capitalism. Seeing ‗mere traders‘ enjoying higher pay than them is unbearable. for capitalism renders them redundant. there is no central conservatives focuses on the group interests of intellectuals. and that this class can only make a mark by criticising the system that feeds them. Humans like to believe they can design better systems than those that tradition or evolution have bequeathed. http://www. 1997. Nobody planned the global capitalist system. He was previously of University of Sussex in England. who suggest its policies. professor emeritus at the Centre for Independent Studies and Adjunct Professor at the Australian Graduate School of Management. page 283.

Exclusion is a reason to vote aff – They advocate that the group they save is more important than the rest of humanity – Since all lives are equal. But people's overall preference for one policy rather than another may be seen to include. thus. seem not to oppose but on the contrary to embody the fundamental right of equal concern and respect. because they state a preference for one assignment of goods or opportunities to others. then I cannot claim that saving two makes up for the loss of the one. however. They don‘t have a single piece of evidence that compares genocide with extinction. In short. . It will not respect the right of everyone to be treated with equal concern and respect. Extinction is an extremely large-scale genocide – that means it outweighs. In Chapter 9. because they state a preference for the assignment of one set of goods or opportunities to him and preferences that are external. because they treat the wishes of each member of the community on a par with the wishes of any other. p. Their evidence that says we should act regardless of consequences doesn‘t assume that those consequences result in more people being killed. it is just that my reason cannot be that the two compensate for the loss of the one. it would seem that I may still save two. even if dignity cannot be simply summed up. ―Kantian Consequentialism‖. Every life is an end in and of itself – All lives are infinitely valuable. 2. Constraints cannot be defended. the only ethical option is to maximize the number saved Cummisky 96 (David. but only summarize. my argument here. On the extreme interpretation. Indeed. however. Such arguments cannot be used if the idea in question is itself controversial within the community. I will not repeat. Utilitarian arguments fix on the fact that a particular constraint on liberty will make more people happier. I have good reason to save as many as I can. it is not clear how the extreme interpretation justifies the ordinary killing/letting-die distinction or even how it conflicts with the conclusion that the more persons with dignity who are saved. But similarly. for example. just on the fact that that goal happens to be desired more widely or more deeply than any other. that constraints on liberty are necessary to advance some collective goal of the community. or satisfy more of their preferences. why would not killing one person be a stronger obligation than saving two persons? If I am concerned with the priceless dignity of each. the loss of the two is not outweighed by the one that was not destroyed. depending upon whether psychological or preference utilitarianism is in play. 3. over the last century.2AC K Blocks 148/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Genocide 1. respect.8 4. you should treat them that way by protecting the greatest number Dworkin 77 (Professor of Law and Philosophy at New York University (Ronald 1977. 131) Finally. because that argument would violate the canon of the liberal conception of Utilitarian argument of policy. directly on the ground that they contribute to a culturally sophisticated community. They do not suppose that any form of life is inherently more valuable than any other. each is priceless. both preference that are personal. as a general political philosophy. but instead base· their claim. even if one grants that saving two persons with dignity cannot outweigh and compensate for killing one— because dignity cannot be added and summed in this way—this point still does not justify deontological constraints. how is the extreme interpretation inconsistent with the idea that I should save as many priceless objects as possible? Even if two do not simply outweigh and thus compensate for the loss of the one. or his views more or less worthy of equality that prohibits a government from relying on the claim that certain forms of life are inherently more valuable than others. whether the community wants the sophistication or not. But a utilitarian argument that assigns critical weight to the external preferences of members of the community will not be egalitarian in the sense under consideration. I think. Consider Hill's example of a priceless object: If I can save two of three priceless statutes only by destroying one. would seem secure from that objection. ―Taking Rights Seriously‖ pg 274-5) The liberal conception of equality sharply limits the extent to which ideal arguments of policy may be used to justify any constraint on liberty. than any other. This appearance of egalitarianism has. on further analysis. the better. professor of philosophy at Bates. with no bonus or discount reflecting the view that that member is more or less worthy of concern. therefore. been the principal source of the great appeal that utilitarianism has had. I pointed out that the egalitarian character of a utilitarian argument is often an illusion. Utilitarian arguments of policy.

of course. emasculating such an intellectual potpourri of ideas whose only similarity is dissonance seems peculiar considering Ashley's persistent commitment to venerate difference and discursive practices. and distilled into three or four rudimentary propositions that Ashley then sets about deconstructing. what Ashley delivers is a series of fictitious straw men. and Irrationalism While Ashley's rhetoric serves to effect a number of political moves. for example. requires a dubious logic to make such connections in the first place. Ashley and Walker appear remarkably well integrated into the academy—vocal. a mechanism that not only validates Ashley's project but gives it meaning. or at best grossly exaggerated. positivism. is Ashley really suggesting that some of the greatest threats facing humankind or some of the great moments of history rest on such innocuous and largely unknown nonrealities like positivism and realism? These are imagined and fictitious enemies. where is this violence. or realism with violence. repression. crude reductionism for the sake of political opportunism is plainly defamatory. or from modernity. Perhaps more alarming though is the outright violence Ashley recommends in response to what at best seem trite. the casualties of war. Tucker. International Relations and the Challenge of Postmodernism. Likewise. or assorted other -isms that fall under the modernist rubric are contiguous is as preposterous as conflating Derrida with Foucault. To suppose that liberalism. This is not to say. p. Marxism. What does [this] Ashley's project. leninism. That it does and continues to do so reflects our lack of judicious criteria for evaluating theory and. Extinction outweighs. while realism is reduced to the ontological presumption of the state-as-actor. As Tony Porter notes.life is a pre-requisite. Positivists.professed dissidents supposedly exiled from the discipline. let alone desirable. on the basis of this largely imagined violence. Rather than parsimonious theory. war. Technical rationality simply becomes nonreflexive problem-solving. his deconstructive efforts. to most issues of importance in international relations. Inculpating modernity. are all reduced to overly simplistic caricatures. Robert W. realism. the lack of attachment theorists have to the real world. the displaced refugees. of new political and military configurations. smacks of intellectual elitism and displays a certain contempt for those who search for guidance in their daily struggles as actors in international politics. "giving coherence to such a phenomenon requires doing violence to its diversity. Robert Keohane. Ashley conflates the writings of Kenneth Waltz. Positivism. is Ashley seriously suggesting that.2AC K Blocks 149/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: ―_______ology‖ 1. arguably. theoretically fabricated along with crude ontological and epistemological presumptions that render them congenitally deformed and thus susceptible to Ashley's poststructural interpretivism. if not imagined." Enlightenment thought can no more be reduced to a symmetric intellectual tradition or historical moment than can postmodernism. Stephen Krasner. divergent. Apart from members of the academy. More is the pity that such irrational and obviously abstruse debate should so occupy us at a time of great global turmoil. modernism. injustices. theoretical fabrications that represent arcane. Are we really to believe that ethereal entities like positivism. But to suppose that problem-solving technical theory is not necessary—or is in some way bad—is a contemptuous position that abrogates any hope of solving some of the . assumed ubiquitous. and marginalization? As self. global transformation (perhaps even revolutionary violence) is a necessary. what Ashley purports to be attacking turns out to be a fictitious. In his adoption of the "megahistorical unit. and analyze the sociology of our knowledge. Fiction. and Robert Gilpin. In the case of realism. who has heard of positivism and who for a moment imagines that they need to be emancipated from it. or the emigres of death squads? Does it in any way speak to those whose actions and thoughts comprise the policy and practice of international relations? On all these questions one must answer no." Indeed. for instance. Rhetoric. Certainly it is right and proper that we ponder the depths of our theoretical imaginations. Policy change is necessary to alleviate real and on-going suffering. positivism. fascism. a system of thought that divides subject from object and fact from value." But to suppose that this is the only task of international theory. Abstract claims of ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ and non-impacts like ―technological rationality‖ are ivory-tower constructions that condemn millions to death Jarvis 00 (Darryl. more importantly. conservatism. Lyotard. 2." for example. and reflexive than Ashley would have us believe. it also helps conceal a series of blatant weaknesses implicit in his poststructural theory. entity. modernity. it is on the basis of these exaggerated caricatures that Ashley's raison d'être for poststructural theory and political transformation ultimately rests. or realism for that matter? In an era of unprecedented change and turmoil. no such caricatures exist. In reality. The first of these we might identify as the rhetorical invention and reification of fictitious enemies. published. Charles Kindleberger. response? Has the rationale for emancipation or the fight for justice been reduced to such vacuous revolutionary slogans as "Down with positivism and rationality"? The point is surely trite. self-serving debates superfluous to the lives of most people and. and destitute? How does it help solve the plight of the poor. Yet the hubris of Ashley's entire poststructural theory rests on such simplification and not only with the concept of modernity. or valiant fight against positivism say to the truly marginalized. and modernists alike are considerably more complex." However. technical rationality. we can alter our way of thinking only if we are alive to do so. and at the center of the Third Debate and the forefront of theoretical research. and Baudrillard. as demonstrated by Ashley's torturous prose and reasoning. oppressed. rationality. engage in epistemological and ontological debate. While simplicity has unquestionable heuristic value. 128-130) Questions of Relevance. racism. let alone the most important one. Senior Lecturer in International Relations – University of Sydney. Ashley presupposes an homogeneous. or realism emanate a "violence" that marginalizes dissidents? Indeed. for example. Frequently. and countless other crimes not only smacks of anthropomorphism but. of war in the Balkans and ethnic cleansing. that all theory should be judged by its technical rationality and problem-solving capacity as Ashley forcefully argues. coherent phenomenon able to be studied—a suggestion most would find outrageous. disregarding the disparate set of professional and political perspectives that makes each one distinctive and debate among them ferocious. George Modelski. realists. or technical rationality. of course.

it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. "So what?" To what purpose do they deconstruct.. and international theory on the basis that none of these is objectively given but fictitious entities that arise out of modernist practices of representation. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions.e. structuration theory has long taken care of these ontological dilemmas that otherwise seem to preoccupy Ashley. international politics. I will suggest. is to move beyond this and study these processes. It may. of course. In one respect. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. abandons them. First. Ashley. or transnational agencies are theory is socially constructed and realities like the nation-state.4 However. in no way detracts from its reality. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. Ashley succeeds in ostracizing those he portends to represent by delivering an obscure and highly convoluted discourse. Yet. especially when he so adamantly intends his work to address the real life plight of those who struggle at marginal places. But to what extent is this observation of any real use? Just because we acknowledge that the state is a socially fabricated entity. constructed nature of the world" represents "an unwarranted extension of approaches appropriate for literature to other areas of human practice that are more constrained by an objective reality. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. oppression. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. 655-7) Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR. or enhance the human condition? In what sense can this "debate toward [a] bottomless pit of epistemology and metaphysics" be judged pertinent. Similarly. While an interesting theoretical enterprise. of Southampton. event or phenomenon. in fact. we need ask of these theorists and their theories the ultimate question. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. ridicule. That international politics and states would not exist without subjectivities is a banal tautology. loosely deployed or not. obviously social fabrications. relevant. to paraphrase Holsti again. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. where we all throw up our hands and announce there are no foundations and all reality is an arbitrary social construction. it is by no means clear that it is. destabilize. If Ashley wishes to chastise structural realism for its abstractness and detachment. for example. while intellectually interesting. in contrast. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. but only to deconstruct the state. production. it is of no great consequence to the study of international politics. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. domestic and international politics. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value).2AC K Blocks 150/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah nightmarish realities that millions confront daily. . a poststructural approach fails to empower the marginalized and. The point. diminish its importance in our lives. wealth. Rather. or international relations and render an intelligible understanding of these processes. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion that has. or excuse us from paying serious attention to it. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles. so what? This does not make its effects any less real. If the relevance of Ashley's project is questionable. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us. Indeed. helpful. and belittle modernist and rationalist approaches? Does this get us any further. economically different. and consequences. for a certain class of problems. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. No prior questions in IR. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘. practices. however. make the world any better. if this is the case. Rather than analyze the political economy of power. and politically atypical. then. Millennium Vol 31 No 3 2002 p. But. Whether socially constructed or objectively given. As Holsti argues. surely." Contrary to Ashley's assertions." 3.problem driven approaches are best Owen 02 – (David Owen. we might ask to what extent the postmodern "emphasis on the textual. Reader of Political Theory at the Univ. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. Thus. while perspicacious to our historical and theoretical understanding of the state. few would object to Ashley's hermeneutic interpretivist understanding of the international sphere as an artificially inscribed demarcation. or that the division between domestic and international society is arbitrarily inscribed does not make the reality of the state disappear or render invisible international politics. the argument over the ontological status of the state is of no particular moment."" All regimes. seems not to want to do this. constructivist theory is not an end point as Ashley seems to think. The first danger with the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. so too is its logic and cogency. he must be prepared also to face similar criticism. problematize. In other words. Does this change our experience of the state or somehow diminish the political-economic-juridical-military functions of the state? To recognize that states are not naturally inscribed but dynamic entities continually in the process of being made and reimposed and are therefore culturally dissimilar. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. Thus. undermine. it should be a means of recognizing the structurated nature of our being and the reciprocity between subjects and structures through history. or cogent to anyone other than those foolish enough to be scholastically excited by abstract and recondite debate. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded.

The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. as Shapiro points out. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘.2AC K Blocks 151/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry.6 Moreover. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. yet. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. and prioritisation of. It encourages this view because the turn to. namely. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. from this standpoint. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. . However. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field.

Dalby‘s book is narrowly textual. science direct) While theoretical debates at academic conferences are important to academics. 664.structuralists is a little too rigidly and heroically drawn by Dalby and others. or realism emanate a "violence" that marginalizes dissidents? Indeed. While I agree with Dalby that questions of discourse are extremely important ones for political geographers to engage. or from modernity. In general. c. there is a danger of fetishizing this concern with discourse so that we neglect the institutional and the sociological. Changing representational practices hinders understanding of policy by overlooking questions of agency and material structures Tuathail. 2000. Reps not 1st a. troops and material moved and war fought‘-evades the important question of agency that I noted in my review essay. as demonstrated by Ashley's torturous prose and reasoning.interested. the materialist and the cultural. There is a danger that academics assume that the discourses they engage are more significant in the practice of foreign policy and the exercise of power than they really are. Double bind . is Ashley seriously suggesting that. 3. 00 (Darryl. ―International relations and the challenge of postmodernism‖. so different that they constitute a distinctive problem. the general contextuality of the Reagan administration is not dealt with. repression. b. on the basis of this largely imagined violence. Are we really to believe that ethereal entities like positivism. discursive networks and leadership are all crucial in explaining social action and should be theorized together with representational practices. and at the center of the Third Debate and the forefront of theo-retical research. Discursive justification of saying we need to do the plan for good reasons and to save lives outweigh any negative affects from using apocalyptic rhetoric. and countless other crimes not only smacks of anthropomorphism but. Department of Georgraphy at Virginia Polytechnic Institute. their contradictory rhetoric undermines the ability of their alt to solve. in other words. Apart from members of the academy. Political. 15(6-7). response? Has the rationale for emancipation or the fight for justice been reduced to such vacuous revolutionary slogans as "Down with positivism and rationality"? The point is surely trite. however. 128-130) Perhaps more alarming though is the outright violence Ashley recom-mends in response to what at best seem trite. racism. an ultimately futile attempt to save the Communist Party and a discredited regime of power from disintegration. Gorbachev‘s reforms and his new security discourse were also strongly self.solving. of new political and military configurations.2AC K Blocks 152/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Reps 1st 1. let me simply note that I find that the distinction between critical theorists and post. Inculpating modernity. I do not disagree with Dalby‘s fourth point about politics and discourse except to note that his statement-‗Precisely because reality could be represented in particular ways political decisions could be taken. positivism. if not imagined. it is worth noting. Dalby‘s reasoning inclines towards a form of idealism. mod-ernism. Both here and earlier. Ashley and Walker appear remarkably well integrated into the academy-vocal. Recognizing international relations is socially constructed is useless—changing representational practices doesn‘t alter the material reality of state practices or help create better policy for the oppressed Jarvis. p. p. pub-lished. institutions. or realism with violence. military and economic structures. 96 (Gearoid. requires a dubious logic to malce such connections in the first place. what we say in this round will in no way affect anything in reality. global transformation (perhaps even rev-olutionary violence) is a necessary. that his book is about the CPD. an interpretation that ignores the structural and ideological crises facing the Soviet elite at that time. Likewise. where is this violence. theory-averse. not the Reagan administration. Dalby‘s interpretation of the reconceptualization of national security in Moscow as heavily influenced by dissident peace researchers in Europe is highly idealist.if discourse comes first. technical rationality. Third. they attempt to maintain the system as much as the aff. it needs to always be open to the patterned mess that is human history. who has heard of positivism and who for a moment imagines that they need to be emancipated from it. Or it proves that the perm can overcome the link.makers are quite different. policy-making subculture. The assumption that it is representations that make action possible is inadequate by itself. Second. and marginalization? As selfprofessed dissidents supposedly exiled from the discipline. injustices. war. is Ashley really suggesting that some of the greatest threats facing humankind or some of the great moments of . Critical geopolitics. In response to Dalby‘s fifth point (with its three subpoints). Reality shapes discourse – the way the international arena changes shapes the way we perceive and talk about it. 2. Political Geography. should not be a prisoner of the sweeping ahistorical cant that sometimes accompanies ‗poststructuralism nor convenient reading strategies like the identity politics narrative. of war in the Balkans and ethnic cleansing. This is not. root the geographical reasoning practices of the Reagan administration nor its public-policy reasoning on national security. to minimize the obvious importance of academia as a general institutional structure among many that sustain certain epistemic communities in particular states. The issues raised by Simon Dalby in his comment are important ones for all those interested in the practice of critical geopolitics. rationality. first. lecturer in IR at the University of Sydney. the political and the geographical contexts within which particular discursive strategies become significant. let alone desirable. the discourse and concerns of foreign-policy decision. or realism for that matter? In an era of unprecedented change and turmoil. He analyzes certain CPD discourses.

but only to deconstruct the state. Thus. More is the pity that such irrational and obviously abstruse debate should so occupy us at a time of great global turmoil. he must be prepared also to face similar criticism. engage in epistemological and ontological debate. undermine. seems not to want to do this. wealth. surely. The point. help-ful. As Holsti argues.quence to the study of international politics. the lack of attachment theorists have to the real world. and international theory on the basis that none of these is objectively given but fictitious entities that arise out of modernist practices of representation. it is of no great conse. smacks of intellectual elitism and displays a certain contempt for those who search for guidance in their daily struggles as actors in international politics. While an interesting theoretical enterprise. the displaced refugees. while perspicacious to our historical and theoretical understanding of the state. diminish its importance in our lives. self-serving debates superfluous to the lives of most people and. and consequences. Similarly. in fact. con-structivist theory is not an end point as Ashley seems to think. That international politics and states would not exist with-out subjectivities is a banal tautology. But. few would object to Ashley's hermeneutic interpretivist understanding of the international sphere as an artificially inscribed demarcation. that all theory should be judged by its technical rationality and problem-solving capacity as Ashley forcefully argues. and analyze the sociology of our lmowledge. and politically atypical. or cogent to anyone other than those foolish enough to be scholasti-cally excited by abstract and recondite debate. domestic and international politics. it should be a means of rec-ognizing the structurated nature of our being and the reciprocity between subjects and structures through history. But to suppose that problem-solving technical theory is not necessary-or is in some way bad-is a contemptuous position that abrogates any hope of solving some of the nightmarish realities that millions confront daily. especially when he so adamantly intends his work to address the real life plight of those who struggle at marginal places. structuration theory has long talcen care of these ontological dilemmas that otherwise seem to preoccupy Ashley. Ashley. regimes. more importantly. Rather than ana-lyze the political economy of power. then. or international relations and render an intelligible understanding of these processes. oppressed. But to what extent is this observation of any real use? Just because we acknowledge that the state is a socially fabricated entity.2AC K Blocks 153/165 history rest Valley High School Rishi Shah on such innocu-ous and largely unknown nonrealities like positivism and realism? These are imagined and fictitious enemies. Ashley succeeds in ostracizing those he portends to represent by delivering an obscure and highly convoluted discourse. is to move beyond this and study these processes. to most issues of importance in international relations. where we all throw up our hands and announce there are no foundations and all real-ity is an arbitrary social construction. practices. Indeed. Does this change our experience of the state or somehow diminish the political-economic-juridical-military functions of the state? To recognize that states are not naturally inscribed but dynamic entities continually in the process of being made and reimposed and are therefore culturally dissimilar. so what? This does not malce its effects any less real. abandons them. international politics. If Ashley wishes to chastise structural realism for its abstractness and detachment. If the relevance of Ashley's project is questionable. however. problematize. or excuse us from paying serious attention to it. production. ridicule. his deconstructive efforts. Certainly it is right and proper that we ponder the depths of our theoretical imaginations. economically different. or that the division between domestic and international society is arbitrar-ily inscribed does not make the reality of the state disappear or render invisible international politics. Rather. so too is its logic and cogency. to paraphrase Holsti again. or enhance the human condition? In what sense can this "debate toward [a] bottomless pit of epistemology and metaphysics" be judged pertinent. of course.40 . relevant. the casualties of war. let alone the most important one. destabilize. or transnational agencies are obviously social fabrications. and belittle modernist and rationalist approaches? Does this get us any further. we might ask to what extent the postmodern "empha-sis on the textual. and des-titute? How does it help solve the plight of the poor. What does Ashley's project.37 But to suppose that this is the only task of international theory. a poststructural approach fails to empower the marginalized and. theoretical fabrications that represent arcane. This is not to say.38 Contrary to Ashley's assertions. That it does and continues to do so reflects our lack of judicious criteria for evaluating the-ory and. or valiant fight against positivism say to the truly marginalized. First. we need ask of these theorists and their theories the ultimate question. oppression. constructed nature of the world" represents "an unwar-ranted extension of approaches appropriate for literature to other areas of human practice that are more constrained by an objective reality. arguably. make the world any better. or the emigres of death squads? Does it in any way speak to those whose actions and thoughts comprise the policy and practice of international relations? On all these questions one must answer no. the argument over the ontological status of the state is of no particular moment. in no way detracts from its reality. "39 All theory is socially constructed and realities like the nation-state. while intellectually interesting. Whether socially constructed or objectively given. "So what?" To what purpose do they deconstruct.

The role of the ballot argument just says that the judge should prioritize one type of impact over another – the role of the ballot should be to reduce existential risk because life is a pre-requisite to their impacts. we can alter our epistemology. or fight social problems only if we are alive to do so. regain our value to life. 2. giving them the ballot won‘t change anything. . it just represents that one team debated better than the other.2AC K Blocks 154/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Role of the Ballot 1. The ballot doesn‘t do anything.

the different struggles need to be linked together. 9) Two warnings need to be issued at this point. and in the use of force by the military. in control over knowledge by experts. such as in the large-scale structures for state administration. Here I wish to note one important point: attention should not be focussed on one single factor to the exclusion of others. in male domination within families and elsewhere. Wars don‘t have single causes – consensus of experts Cashman 00 (Greg. multivariate explanations of war are likely to be much more powerful. sexism and other forms of domination at the level of the individual and the local community. For instance. even if they win they control the root cause of conflict they can‘t act fast enough to solve our specific claims. but also [there is] a certain element of randomness or chance in their occurrence. The danger of monocausal explanations is that they may lead to an inadequate political practice. First. There is much more that could be said about any one of these structures. Professor of Political Science at Salisbury State University ―What Causes war?: An introduction to theories of international conflict‖ pg. It ranges from struggles to undermine state power to struggles to undermine racism. And. Furthermore.uow. and other factors which could be examined. and sometimes conflict. these different systems of power are interconnected. Decades of research have led most analysts to reject monocausal explanations of war.html In this chapter and in the six preceding chapters I have examined a number of structures and factors which have some connection with the war system. They often support each other.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/90uw/uw13. This unequal distribution is socially organised in many different ways. The one connecting feature which I perceive in the structures underlying war is an unequal distribution of power.2AC K Blocks 155/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah A2: Root Cause 1. while we have been using a single variable explanation of war merely for the sake of simplicity. and by some feminists who attribute most problems to patriarchy. Department of Science and Technology Studies. This is often done for example by some Marxists who look only at capitalism as a root of war and other social problems. we control uniqueness. they are almost never explainable through a single factor. Monocausal explanations impoverish scholarship Martin 90 Brian Martin. various political. . in capitalist ownership. David Singer suggests that we ought to move away from the concept of ―causality‖ since it has become associated with the search for a single cause of war. Uprooting War. and other differences are causes of conflict. international relations theorist J. 2. we should instead redirect our activities toward discovering ―explanations‖—a term that implies multiple causes of war. That is the motivation for analysing the roots of war and developing strategies for grassroots movements to uproot them. cultural. University of Wollongong. Since social and political behaviors are extremely complex. Australia. 1990 edition http://www. Furthermore.edu. The ‗revolution‘ may be followed by the persistence or even expansion of many problems which were not addressed by the single-factor perspective. 3. No root cause – the idea that there is a single concept that caused all war and violence in history doesn‘t make any sense. This means that the struggle against war can and must be undertaken at many different levels.

The trouble here is that much of the socialist left sees capitalism as the sole source of evil in the world. 1990 edition. The wider question is. including racism. promotion of state socialism (the destruction of capitalism within a state mode.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/90uw/uw13.html) The discussion so far concerns capitalist firms within a particular state. In particular. Only some struggles against capitalism have potential for challenging the war system. as in the case of US government expenditures for fighting in Vietnam. The main military service of the state to capitalists in the international system is to oppose movements which threaten the viability of capitalist economic relations. Wars and military expenditures can hurt national economies. the Indochinese War and the many Middle East wars. Department of Science and Technology Studies. sexism. This includes state socialism and all movements for self-management. http://www.edu. the way this state intervention operates.uow. environmental degradation and war. Efforts to oppose capital by mobilising the power of the state do little in this direction. Uprooting War. Australia. even the struggle against capitalism is weakened.2AC K Blocks 156/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --Cap =/= Root Cause [ ] Capitalism not the root cause of war. . since attention is not paid to systems of power such as patriarchy and bureaucracy which are mobilised to support capitalism as well as other interests. immediate economic advantages for the capitalist class have played a minor role compared to issues of expansion and maintenance of state power. and the alt doesn‘t solve Martin 90 (Brian Martin. The role of capitalism mainly entered through its structuring of economic relations which are supervised separately and jointly by capitalist states. what role does the world capitalist system play in the war system? When examining particular wars. This approach is blind to the roots of social problems that do not primarily grow out of class domination. can conflict with the security of capitalism. with the maintenance of bureaucratic control and military power) does little to address the problem of war. the immediate role of profit and accumulation are often minimal. Because of this blindness. Examples are World War Two. At the same time. Even in many colonial empires. University of Wollongong.empirics prove. namely through separate and potentially competing state apparatuses.

he also taught at Evangelical Theological Seminary in Osijek. Moreover. I was often asked. Dr. Fuller Theological Seminary. habil. various causes are intimately intertwined. theol. that the war was about all of these things. and Eberhard-KarlsUniversitat. Croatia (1979-80. Tubingen (Dr. racial difference–is an important factor in our relations with others.. Educated at the University of Zagreb. Evangelical Theological Seminary in Zagreb. 1984-91) and Fuller Theological Seminary (1991-98). ethnic. which I am highlighting here. and each contributes to others.. of course. theol. During the war in the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990′s. Journal of Ecumenical Studies 1-1-02] Though ―otherness‖–cultural. we should not [be] overestimate[d] it as a cause of conflict. ―What is this war about? Is it about religious and cultural differences? Is it about economic advantage? Is it about political power? Is it about land?‖ The correct response was. . Wright Professor of Theology at Yale Divinity School since 1998.S. 1986. religious.2AC K Blocks 157/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --Otherization =/= Root Cause [ ] Otherness not the root cause of war Volf 2 [Miroslav Volf (Evangelical Pentecostal Church of Croatia and Presbyterian Church [U. 1995). Monocausal explanations of major eruptions of violence are rarely right. That holds true also for otherness.]) has been Henry B.A.

Debaters speak of feminism as a single. resolutions. the provision of "good reasons" to substantiate arguments about human responsibility or explanations for the existence of a causal relationship (108). A second type of causal reasoning requires the assignment of responsibility. causation resides in human beings (107-08). Affirmatives typically argued that women's dependence upon a patriarchal welfare system results in increasing rates of women's poverty. Second. social relations are structured to promote particular kinds of violence in particular circumstances. there is a single feminism. monolithic. He argued that causal arguments are desirable for four reasons. many male doctors are dedicated professionally to relieving suffering but batter their wives. especially in the context of policy debate Crenshaw 02 (Carrie. For Zarefsky. [ ] Identifying patriarchy as the root cause of violence cause ignorance about other forms of oppression like racism. Second. They betray a reliance upon a framework of proof that can explain only material conditions and physical . I contend that the practice of intercollegiate debate privileges the first type of causal analysis. debaters negating the welfare topic argued that the state of the welfare system is the key issue around which the feminist movement is mobilizing or that the consequence of the welfare system . on the affirmative. While there are some important connections between individual male violence and collective violence in war (rape in war is a notable one). Media and Communication at the University of Wollongong in Australia. Many soldiers kill in combat but are tender with their families. Rhetorical proof plays an important role in the analysis of causal relationships. ―Uprooting War. For example. This is true despite the common assumption that the identification of cause and effect relies solely upon empirical investigation. It reduces questions of human motivation and explanation to a level of empiricism appropriate only for causal questions concerning physical or material conditions. 119-126) Feminism is not dead. Third. First. these connections are more symptoms than causes of the relationship between patriarchy and other war-linked structures.archy cases. "(rjesolved: That the welfare system exacerbates the problems of the urban poor in the United States. "[rjesolved: That advertising degrades the quality of life. I claim that debate arguments about feminists suffer from a reductionism that tends to marginalize the voices of significant feminist authors. or the non-reflexive "claims of immediacy" (117-9). feminists are transformed into feminism. (Professor of Social Sciences in the School of Social Sciences. 1990. First." many affirmatives argued that the portrayal of women as beautiful objects for men's consumption is a manifestation of patriarchy that results in tangible harms to women such as rising rates of eating disorders. likewise. there are three types of causal reasoning. 2002." also had its share of patri. caprice. It is alive and well in intercollegiate debate. Responsible human beings as agents cause certain events to happen.breakup of the patriarchal nuclear family -undermines patriarchy as a whole. racism. Patriarchy not only is responsible for sexism and the consequent oppression of women. many debaters countered with arguments that the some aspect of the resolution in some way sustains or energizes the feminist movement in resistance to patriarchal harms.edu. debaters argue that some aspect of the resolution is a manifestation of patriarchy. It functions "to provide reasons to justify a belief that a causal connection exists" (108). PhD.‖ http://www. that is. In addition to these concrete harms to individual women. The second and third types of causal arguments rely on rhetorical proof. Finally. ultimately solving the threat of patriarchal nuclear annihilation.html) While these connections between war and male domination are suggestive. causal reasoning supplies good reasons for "commitments to policy choices or to systems of belief which transcend whim.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/90uw/uw10. fostering ignorance of the subject matter being debated. these arguments assume that patriarchy is the single or root cause of all forms of oppression. nuclear war. As a result. Poor causal reasoning results from a debate practice that privileges empirical proof over rhetorical proof. These reductionist arguments reflect an unwillingness to debate about the complexities of human motivation and explanation. Substantive debates about feminism usually take one of two forms. Martin 90 Brian Martin. The problem of war cannot be reduced to the problem of individual violence.uow. most affirmatives on both topics. For example. and goals. theoretical and pragmatic entity and feminists as women with identical m otivations. To illustrate my point. Rather. they do not amount to a clearly defined link between the two. some negatives argued that sexist advertising provides an impetus for the reinvigoration of the feminist movement and/or feminist consciousness. and capitalist exploitation.2AC K Blocks 158/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah --Patriarchy =/= Root Cause [ ] Patriarchy is not the root cause of war. it also is the cause of totalitarianism. While I applaud these initial efforts to explore feminist thought. On the negative. environmental degradation. desiring "big impacts. The fall 1992 topic. the use of causal reasoning increases rigor of analysis and fairness in the decision-making process. A third type of causal claim explains the existence of a causal relationship. students rely on feminist authors to inform their analysis of such arguments only exemplify the general absence of sound causal reasoning in debate rounds. methods. First. Such arguments seem to have two assumptions in common. causal arguments promote understanding of the philosophical paradox that presumably good people tolerate the existence of evil. David Zarefsky made a persuasive case for the value of causal reasoning in intercollegiate debate as far back as 1979. The first type of causal reasoning describes the application of a covering law to account for physical or material conditions that cause a resulting event This type of causal reasoning requires empirical proof prominent in scientific investigation." argued that the effects of patriarchy include nightmarish totalitarianism and/or nuclear annihilation. p. causal analysis increases the control of the arguer over events by promoting understanding of them. ―Perspectives In Controversy: Selected Articles from Contemporary Argumentation and Debate‖. Arguments about feminism clearly illustrate this phenomenon. Former President of CEDA. given the spring 1992 resolution. I am concerned that Increasingly. It is too simplistic to say that male violence against women leads directly to organised mass warfare.

" I refer to Kenneth Burke's notion of form. for example. and the adequate satisfying of that appetite" (Counter-Statement 31). Designating patriarchy as the sole cause of oppression allows the subjugation of resistance to other forms of oppression like racism and classism to the struggle against sexism. as are the philosophical approaches to the study of these topics. bell hooks observes. may be effective even though the reader has no awareness of their formality. Rhetorically placing themselves in the same social category as oppressed women.2AC K Blocks 159/165 realities through empirical quantification. identifying patriarchy as the single source of oppression obscures women's perpetration of other forms of subjugation and domination. Moraga. debaters do not challenge the basic assumptions of such argumentation and ignorance of feminists is perpetuated. that single entity results in the identification of patriarchy as the sole cause of oppression. conventional form.pate in politics of domination. This position becomes clearer when we examine the second assumption of arguments about feminism in intercollegiate debate . If focus on patriarchal domination masks this reality or becomes the means by which women deflect attention from the real conditions and circumstances of our lives. In this literature. when feminism is defined as a single entity. Convention is the practice of arguing single-cause links to monolithic impacts that arises out of custom or usage. marxist feminism. The result[s] [in] is ignorance of the subject position of the particular feminist author. While each of these feminists may share a common commitment to the improvement of women's situations. Omolade. Women of color and third-world feminists have argued that even these broad categorizations of the various feminism have neglected the contributions of non-white. Characterizing . "Within feminist movement in the West. to be gratified by the sequence" (Counter-Statement 124). Feminists are not feminism. The power to define is the power both to include and exclude people and ideas in and from that feminism. repetitive. Though the framework for this understanding of form is found in literary and artistic criticism. Hull. and be sought for itself whether it be as complex as the Greek tragedy or as compact as the sonnet (Counter-Statement 126)." including cultural feminism and post-structural feminism. involves to some degree the appeal of form as form. Such subjugation has the effect of denigrating the legitimacy of resistance to racism and classism as struggles of equal importance. "a central problem within feminist discourse has been our inability to either arrive at a consensus of opinion about what feminism is (or accept definitions) that could serve as points of unification" (Feminist Theory 17). He also suggests that form "is an arousing and fulfillment of desires. The topics of feminist inquiry are many and varied. Alison Jaggar argues that feminists can be divided into four categories: liberal feminism.and class-privileged women while exclude[e]ing and silenc[e]ing the voices of feminists marginalized by race and class status. Conventional form is the expectation of judges that an argument will take this form. Feminist Wieory 18). and Smith). Different authors have attempted categorization of various feminists in distinctive ways. These concepts help to explain debaters' continuing reluctance to employ rhetorical proof in arguments about causality. debate arguments themselves are conventional. literature can be "equipment for living" (Biilosophy 293). non-Western feminists (see. as Burke notes. [bjourgeois white women interested in women's rights issues have been satisfied with simple definitions for obvious reasons. Common practice or convention dictates that a case or disadvantage with nefarious impacts causally related to a single link will "outweigh" opposing claims in the mind of the judge. the very definition of feminism is contested. For example. The relegation of struggles against racism and class exploitation to offspring status is not the only implication of the "sole cause" argument In addition. Some feminists argue that "all feminists are united by a commitment to improving the situation of women" (Jaggar and Rothenberg xii). as perpetrators as well as victims . then women cooperate in suppressing and promoting false consciousness. These include relational feminism and individualist feminism. Debate arguments that assume a singular conception of feminism include and empower the voices of race. Important feminist thought has resisted this assumption for good reason. we sacrifice our students' understanding of causal reasoning. Debaters practice the convention of poor causal reasoning as a result of judges' unexamined reliance upon conventional form. Joseph and Lewis. For example. they differ from each other in very important ways and reflect divergent philosophical assumptions that make them each unique. when we abandon our responsibility to rhetorical proofs. Debaters practice the convention of establishing single-cause relationships to large monolithic impacts in order to conform to audience expectation. we designate it as conventional form. Talking Back 19). not as a pluralized movement or theory. that we are dominated. bell hooks argues that we should not obscure the reality that women can and do partici. We are caught between our responsibility to evaluate rhetorical proofs and our reluctance to succumb to complete relativism and subjectivity.that we dominate. defined as the "creation of appetite in the mind of the auditor. The sacrifice has consequences for our students' knowledge of the subject matter they are debating. Debaters practice poor causal reasoning because they are rewarded for it by judges. The controversy over the very definition of feminism has political implications. Any form can become conventional. One of these aspects. Talking Back 20). they were not anxious to call attention to race and class privilege (hooks. A work has form in so far as one part of it leads a reader to anticipate another part. Progressive. By "form. for highlighting his or her subject position might draw attention to the incompleteness of the causal relationship between link and impact Consequently. As a result. The transformation of feminists to feminism and the identification Valley High School Rishi Shah of patriarchy as the sole cause of all oppression is related in part to the current form of intercollegiate debate practice.patriarchy is the sole cause of oppression. To take responsibility for evaluating rhetorical proof is to admit that not every question has an empirical answer. Lorde. Karen Offen utilizes a comparative historical approach to examine two distinct modes of historical argumentation or discourse that have been used by women and their male allies on behalf of women's emancipation from male control in Western societies. Linda Alcoff presents an entirely different categorization of feminist theory based upon distinct understandings of the concept "woman. inhibiting our capacity to assume responsibility for transforming ourselves and society (hooks. it is appropriate in this context. this led to the assumption that resisting patriarchal domination is a more legitimate feminist action than resisting racism and other forms of domination" (hooks. The convention of arguing single-cause links leads the judge to anticipate the certainty of the impact and to be gratified by the sequence. However. But when a form appeals as form. radical feminism. while others have resisted the notion of a single definition of feminism. In this sense. hooks. Elaine Marks and Isabelle de Courtivron describe a whole category of French feminists that contain many distinct versions of the feminist project by French authors. and minor forms. and socialist feminism. Burke observes that there are several aspects to the concept of form. I suspect that the sequence is gratifying for judges because it relieves us from the responsibility and difficulties of evaluating rhetorical proofs.

Poor causal arguments arouse and fulfill the expectation of judges by allowing us to surrender our responsibility to evaluate rhetorical proof for complex causal relationships. Talking Back 21). "lE]ducation for critical consciousness can be extended to include politicization of the self that focuses on creating understanding the ways sex. Teaching sophisticated causal reasoning enables our students to learn more concerning the subject matter about which they argue. we have gone along with the idea that there is a single feminism and the idea that patriarchal impacts can account for all oppression. arguments about feminism in intercollegiate debate seem to be overdetermined by the expectation of common practice. In making this critique. to be tuned in (hooks. Talking Back 14). in familiar social spaces. First. The content of the speech of feminists must be investigated to subvert the colonization of exploited women. the expectation of judges that they will isolate a single link to a large impact Feminists become feminism and patriarchy becomes the sole cause of all evil. we must explore alternatives to the formal expectation of single-cause links to enormous impacts for appropriation of the marginal voice threatens the very core of self-determination and free self-expression for exploited and oppressed peoples." (hooks. We are most likely to encounter patriarchal domination "in an ongoing way in everyday life. . students would learn more about the multiplicity of feminists instead of reproducing the marginalization of many feminist voices in the debate itself. I am by no means discounting the importance of arguments about feminism in intercollegiate debate. In this case. feminist concerns affect each individual intimately. Privileging the act of speaking about feminism over the content of speech "often turns the voices and beings of non-white women into commodity. At this point. Talking Back 24). Unlike other forms of domination. Arguing feminism in debate rounds risks trivializing feminists. contains within it the possibility of real societal transformation. Talking Back 14). Observing the incongruity between advocacy of single-cause relationships and feminism does not discount the importance of feminists to individual or societal consciousness raising.. those spoken to. Second.. To do so. the "game" that we play in assuming there is such a thing as a direct and sole causal link to a monolithic impact To play that game. sexism directly shapes and determines relations of power in our private lives. the methodology of feminism. spectacle" (hooks. The result is either the mar-ginalization or colonization of certain feminist voices. and class together determine our individual lot and our collective experience" (hooks. Current debate practice promotes ignorance of these issues because debaters appeal to conventional form. then it is easy for the marginal voice striving for a hearing to allow what is said to be overdetermined by the needs of that majority group who appears to be listening. consciousness-raising. feminists contain the possibility of a transformational politic for two reasons. is determined solely by ruling groups who control production and distribution. It casts the struggle against class exploitation and racism as secondary concerns. If the identified audience. race. In fact.2AC K Blocks 160/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah patriarchy as the sole cause of oppression allows mainstream feminists to abdicate responsibility for the exercise of class and race privilege.

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--Poverty =/= Root Cause
[ ] Poverty not a statically significant cause of war Smoke and Harman 87 (Richard Smoke BA Harvard magna cum laude, PhD MIT, Prof. @ Brown, Winner Bancroft Prize in History, AND Willis
Harman M.S. in Physics and Ph.D. in Electrical Engineering from Stanford University , Paths To Peace 1987 p. 34-35) 0

The connection between poverty and war is less direct and less immediately obvious in the other direction. It is difficult to find wars that were directly caused by poverty. National leaders have not yet—declared that more national wealth is their war aim. Statistically there is no relationship between the degree of national poverty or wealth and the frequency of warfare. Poor nations fight even though they can't afford it, as Ethiopia, one of the world's poorest countries, has been demonstrating for many years. Rich nations fight even though they have no pressing economic needs to satisfy, as Britain demonstrated in the
Falklands/Malvinas War.

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A2: Util Bad
1. Every life is an end in and of itself – All lives are infinitely valuable, the only ethical option is to maximize the number saved Cummisky 96 (David, professor of philosophy at Bates, ―Kantian Consequentialism‖, p. 131)
Finally, even

if one grants that saving two persons with dignity cannot outweigh and compensate for killing one— because dignity cannot be added and summed in this way—this point still does not justify deontological constraints. On the extreme interpretation, why would not killing one person be a stronger obligation than saving two persons? If I am concerned with the priceless dignity of each, it would seem that I may still save two; it is just that my reason cannot be that the
two compensate for the loss of the one. Consider Hill's example of a priceless object: If I can save two of three priceless statutes only by destroying one, then I cannot claim that saving two makes up for the loss of the one. But similarly, the loss of the two is not outweighed by the one that was not destroyed. Indeed, even

if dignity cannot be simply summed up, how is the extreme interpretation inconsistent with the idea that I should save as many priceless objects as possible? Even if two do not simply outweigh and thus compensate for the loss of the one, each is priceless; thus, I have good reason to save as many as I can. In short, it is not clear how the extreme interpretation justifies the ordinary killing/letting-die
distinction or even how it conflicts with the conclusion that the more persons with dignity who are saved, the better.8

2. Exclusion is a reason to vote for us – They advocate that the group they save is more important than the rest of humanity – Since all lives are equal, you should treat them that way by protecting the greatest number Dworkin 77 (Professor of Law and Philosophy at New York University (Ronald 1977, ―Taking Rights Seriously‖ pg 274-5)
The liberal conception of equality sharply limits the extent to which ideal arguments of policy may be used to justify any constraint on liberty. Such arguments cannot be used if the idea in question is itself controversial within the community. Constraints cannot be defended, for example, directly on the ground that they contribute to a culturally sophisticated community, whether the community wants the sophistication or not, because that argument would violate the canon of the liberal conception of equality that prohibits a government from relying on the claim that certain forms of life are inherently more valuable than others.

Utilitarian argument of policy, however, would seem secure from that objection. They do not suppose that any form of life is inherently more valuable than any other, but instead base· their claim, that constraints on liberty are necessary to advance some collective goal of the community, just on the fact that that goal happens to be desired more widely or more deeply than any other. Utilitarian arguments of policy, therefore, seem not to oppose but on the contrary to embody the fundamental right of equal concern and respect, because they treat the wishes of each member of the community on a par with the wishes of any other, with no bonus or discount reflecting the view that that member is more or less worthy of
concern, or his views more or less worthy of respect, than any other. This appearance of egalitarianism has, I think, been the principal source of the great appeal that utilitarianism has had, as a general political philosophy, over the last century. In Chapter 9, howsever, I pointed out that the egalitarian character of a utilitarian argument is often an illusion. I will not repeat, but only summarize, my argument here. Utilitarian arguments fix on the fact that a particular constraint on liberty will make more people happier, or satisfy more of their preferences, depending upon whether psychological or preference utilitarianism is in play. But people's overall preference for one policy rather than another may be seen to include, on further analysis, both preference that are personal, because they state a preference for the assignment of one set of goods or opportunities to him and preferences that are external, because they state a preference for one assignment of goods or opportunities to others. But a utilitarian argument that assigns critical weight to the external preferences of members of the community will not be egalitarian in the sense under consideration. It will not respect the right of everyone to be treated with equal concern and respect.

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A2: VTL
1. Life outweighs the claim to its value because life is a prerequisite – even if value is somehow lost it can always be regained; life can‘t. 2. There‘s always value to life –Prefer our ev because of Frankl‘s subject position. Coontz 1 Phyllis D. Coontz, PhD Graduate School of Public and International Affairs University of Pittsburgh, et al, JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY HEALTH
NURSING, 2001, 18(4), 235-246 – J-Stor In the 1950s, psychiatrist

and theorist Viktor Frankl (1963) described an existential theory of purpose and meaning in life. Frankl, a long-time prisoner in a concentration camp, re- lated several instances of transcendent states that he experienced in the midst of that terri- ble suffering using his own experiences and observations. He believed that these experi- ences allowed him and others to maintain their sense of dignity and self-worth. Frankl (1969) claimed that transcendence occurs by giving to others, being open to others and the environment, and coming to accept the reality that some situations are un- changeable. He hypothesized that life always has meaning for the individual; a person can always decide how to face adversity. Therefore, self-transcendence provides mean- ing and enables the discovery of meaning for a person (Frankl, 1963). Expanding Frankl's work, Reed (1991b) linked self-transcendence with mental health. Through a developmental process individuals gain an increasing understanding of who they are and are able to move out beyond themselves despite the fact that they are experiencing physical and mental pain. This expansion beyond the self occurs through in- trospection, concern about others and their well-being, and integration of the past and fu- ture to strengthen one's present life (Reed, 1991b). 3. Human extinction destroys the value to life Bostrom 11 (Nick, Prof. of Philosophy at Oxford, The Concept of Existential Risk (Draft), http://www.existentialrisk.com/concept.html)
We have thus far considered existential risk from the perspective of utilitarianism (combined with several simplifying assumptions). We may briefly consider how the issue might appear when viewed through the lenses of some other ethical outlooks. For example, the philosopher Robert Adams outlines a different view on these matters: I believe a better basis

for ethical theory in this area can be found in quite a different direction—in a commitment to the future of humanity as a vast project, or network of overlapping projects, that is generally shared by the human race. The aspiration for a better society—more just, more rewarding, and more peaceful—is a part of this project. So are the potentially endless quests for
scientific knowledge and philosophical understanding, and the development of artistic and other cultural traditions. This includes the particular cultural traditions to which we belong, in all their accidental historic and ethnic diversity. It also includes our interest in the lives of our children and grandchildren, and the hope that they will be able, in turn, to have the lives of their children and grandchildren as projects. To the extent that a policy or practice seems likely to be favorable or unfavorable

Continuity is as important to our commitment to the project of the future of humanity as it is to our commitment to the projects of our own personal futures. Just as the shape of my whole life, and its connection with my present and past, have an interest that goes beyond that of any isolated experience, so too the shape of human history over an extended period of the future, and its connection with the human present and past, have an interest that goes beyond that of the (total or average) quality of life of a population- at-a-time, considered in isolation from how it got that way. We owe, I think, some loyalty to this project of the human future. We also owe it a respect that we would owe it even if we were not of the human race ourselves, but beings from another planet who had some understanding of it. (28: 472-473) Since an existential catastrophe would either put an end to the project of the future of humanity or drastically curtail its scope for development, we would seem to have a strong prima facie reason to avoid it, in Adams‘ view. We also note that an existential catastrophe would entail the frustration of many strong preferences, suggesting that from a
to the carrying out of this complex of projects in the nearer or further future, we have reason to pursue or avoid it. … preference-satisfactionist perspective it would be a bad thing. In a similar vein, an ethical view emphasizing that public policy should be determined through informed democratic deliberation by all stakeholders would favor existential-risk mitigation if we suppose, as is plausible, that a majority of the world‘s population would come to favor such policies upon reasonable deliberation (even if hypothetical future people are not included as stakeholders). We might also have custodial duties to preserve the inheritance of humanity passed on to us by our ancestors and convey it safely to our descendants.[24] We do not want to be the failing link in the chain of generations, and we ought not to delete or abandon the great epic of human civilization that humankind has been working on for thousands of years, when it is clear that the narrative is far from having reached a natural terminus. Further, many theological perspectives deplore naturalistic existential catastrophes, especially ones induced by human activities: If God created the world and the human species, one would imagine that He might be displeased if we took it upon ourselves to smash His masterpiece (or if, through our negligence or hubris, we allowed it to come to irreparable harm).[25]

4. Their ―no value to life‖ is ignores the subjectivity of each person‘s values. Life should be first. Lee, 90 Steven Lee is the H.L.A. Hart Visiting Research Fellow at the Center for Ethics and Philosophy of Law and University College for Michaelmas, as
well as Visiting Research Fellow at the Changing Character of War Programme. He is a Professor in the Humanities and Professor of Philosophy at Hobart and William Smith Colleges, Reviewed work(s): Nuclear Deterrence, Morality and Realism. by John Finnis ; Joseph M. Boyle, Jr. ; Germain Grisez ; Jefferson McMahan Source: Philosophy and Public Affairs, Vol. 19, No. 1 (Winter, 1990), pp. 93-106 Published by: Blackwell Publishing Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2265364 The claim that nuclear devastation and Soviet domination cannot be compared in consequentialist terms rests largely on the claim that the kinds of harm or evil involved in these outcomes are incommensurable. For, "the values of life, liberty, fairness, and so on, are diverse. How many people's lives are

intimacy is only possible through genuine self-disclosure. intimacy is rooted in the unique act of presencing. But as I reflect on my encounter with this man. In terms of expected util. it is unlikely that everyone would die in a nu. As the authors point out. After seeing this man. A very limited nuclear war might be preferable to a very repressive Sovietim.posed regime. consciousness) flies in the face of the depth and multi-dimensionality which is part and parcel of personhood itself.clear war might be. When one con. 5. intimacy is not grounded in the recognition of this or that characteristic a person has.tial for value. From this standpoint. Of course. For all practical purposes. provides an effective philosophical lens through which the depth and profundity of the human reality comes into sharp focus.siders the two outcomes. Fordham College (Joseph. rather than an epistemological theory of meaning which confines itself to what is observable on the basis of perception or sense experience. Vol. And Aquinas' anthropology. I never questioned the possibility that he might still enjoy an active inner life. Phd in Philosophy. such a presupposition led to the conviction that only selfconsciousness provides a means of validating any claims to personhood and membership in a community of free moral agents capable of responsibilities and worthy of rights. In this respect. the human person is defined as a dynamic being which actualizes the potentiality for certain behavior or operations unique to his or her own existence. the man himself expressed the . In this sense. discloses a level of being that transcends any distinctive properties. To do so would abdicate the ontological core of the person and the very center which renders human activities intelligible. any attempt to define the person in terms of a single attribute. but having liberty is only part of what makes life worth living. Red is better than dead."44 In short. and the sharing of self-disclosure that allows for an intimate knowledge of the other. Indeed. but it is likely that many of the living would envy the dead. But this incommensurability claim is not plausible. I encountered a formerly homeless man who had been brought to the hospice after he was diagnosed with advanced brain cancer. I reached this conclusion as the result of what can best be described as an intuitive awareness of what Schmitz calls "a personal presence that transcends its formalities even while it retains them. then. 241). it places us in touch with the very core of personhood. I never doubted that the man I encountered was a person in the fullest metaphysical sense of that term. A commitment to the primacy of esse. neither his name nor history were known to the staff. it seems clear that intimacy must be understood from two perspectives. Even where liberty is lacking. I had a clear sense of a certain integrity. Esse thereby embraces all that the person is and is capable of doing. Intimacy. Providence College. By extension. The man was unconscious at the time of his admittance. and even if consequential value is not a function solely of preferences.40 The preoccupation with the latter term. we do not know how destructive the nu. wholeness. of course. atomistic individual was closely linked with a subjective focus whereby the "self" became the ultimate referent for judging reality. then. even while retaining his biological humanity (as indicated by his general appearance. I believe. and praying in his presence.‖ The National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly Summer 2002. I submit. abiding self that is rooted in the person's very being. "[e]ach seems the more repugnant while one is focusing upon it" (p. It was an awareness that was rooted in my response to his very being. and the consequentialist comparison can be made. Because intimacy has a unique capacity to disclose being. http://www. domination is preferable to war. nor how repressive the Soviet domination. No. touching him. but rather in the simple unqualified presence the person is. the upshot of this position is clear: while human personhood is intimately connected with a broad range of actions (including consciousness of oneself and others). But in all of the time that I was acquainted with him (providing him with general patient care on several occasions over a ten-week period of ministry). and continued in this condition until his death some six months later. From the postmodernist perspective.. During the course of a ministry to people in the final stages of terminal cancer. is very much an outgrowth of the eighteenth century emphasis upon a human individuality that is understood in terms of autonomy and privacy. I can personally attest to the power of intimacy to affirm a sense of that individual's dignity and worth. 2. (By what right could I have drawn a conclusion to the contrary?) This assumption. activity. the definition of personhood is not based upon any specific activity or capacity for action. he shows.43 On the basis of my own experience with a patient in an apparently irreversible coma state (who exhibited all of the characteristics of a PVS patient). Such an awareness on my part.e. but for its existence and connection with other lives – deeming life as meaningless destroys the ontological core of humanity Torchia 2.2AC K Blocks 164/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah equivalent to the liberty of how many-whether the same or other-persons? No one can say" (p. ―Postmodernism and the Persistent Vegetative State. whereby the person reveals his or her personal existence. 240). But these are unlikely extremes. Professor of Philosophy.lifeissues. was rooted in what Schmitz describes as intimacy.41 For Schmitz. In this respect.net/writers/torc/torc_01postmodernismandpvs1. human actions would have neither a cause nor any referent in the absence of a stable. In contrast to such an isolated and enclosed conception (i. Kenneth Schmitz draws an illuminating distinction between "person" (a term which conveys such hidden depth and profundity) and "personality" (a term which pertains to surface impressions and one's public image). This notion of the isolated.. however. or capability (e. a life has much poten. For humans beings. On the one hand. Aquinas' theory of personhood requires a metaphysical explanation that is rooted in an understanding of the primacy of the existence or esse of the human person.html) Ultimately. his background was and remained a complete mystery. the preferences in this case reflect a real difference in value. Certainly most people would prefer loss of liberty to loss of life. But such a mystery only admits of a metphysical explanation. was not based upon evidence derived from any overt behavior on his part (other than the inner peacefulness which he exuded). Accordingly. such a revelation of one's inner self transcends any specific attributes or any overt capacity the individual might possess Ultimately. and general physiological functioning). and dignity that simply could not be appreciated on the basis of anything he was capable of saying or doing. Schmitz argues. vital signs.clear war. whereby one is a person by virtue of being "set apart" from others as a privatized entity). Life and political liberty are diverse goods. Metaphysically speaking. allows for an adequate recognition of the importance of actions in human life.ities. 2. Human life is valuable not for its faculties or agency. the only conclusion that could be drawn was that this man had ceased to be a person in any true moral sense. In the final analysis. Schmitz focuses upon an intimacy which presupposes a certain relation between persons. but upon the primacy of esse.g. while providing a principle for the unification and stabilizing of these behavioral features.

And such an attitude is a far cry from one which assumes from the outset that such an individual is not (and can no longer qualify as) a member of the moral community of persons.net/writers/torc/torc_01postmodernismandpvs1. Phd in Philosophy. Such an attitude on my part. despite his cognitive impairment and lack of a personal history (at least one that was publicly knowable). Fordham College (Joseph. are largely the result of social conditioning and a desensitizing to the moral dimension of our decisions. and allowed the special communication that it afforded to transpire. Vol. http://www. Professor of Philosophy. the concept of personhood is now used in far too cavalier a fashion in contemporary bioethical discussions. was receptive to this intimacy. 6.‖ The National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly Summer 2002. On purely humanistic grounds. without any consideration of the circumstances or extrinsic factors surrounding individual cases. No. took for granted the link between humanity and personhood. ―Postmodernism and the Persistent Vegetative State. This could only occur if I really opened myself to the possibility of his personhood. Providence College. In the face of such developments. it is vital that we reach an adequate understanding of the ontological status of these individuals. people must be encouraged to rely upon their own fundamental moral instincts for the good. But I in turn. I believe. Regardless of the divisiveness of moral pluralism. of course.lifeissues." But even if one decides that it is morally permissible to "pull the plug" on PVS patients. the postmodernist outlook is fast becoming a salient feature of bioethics. 2. and even beginning to influence public health policy decisions.2AC K Blocks 165/165 Valley High School Rishi Shah intimacy of his personhood by virtue of the inner self he communicated through the presence of his being. and they should be allowed to die with dignity. It is all too easy to justify the termination of life-support by recourse to nebulous criteria of what it means to be fully human or a full moral agent. I am inclined to say "Their time has come. I believe that we are naturally inclined to sustain human life and to struggle for survival. . Post-modern attempts to deny the intrinsic value of human existence justify the premature termination of life Torchia 2. Decisions which run counter to this pro-life inclination. 2. In my opinion.html) I am by no means motived by some ghoulish interest in prolonging the lives of the irreversibly unconscious indefinitely. Indeed.

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