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40, 793–847 f 2008 Cambridge University Press Printed in the United Kingdom
J. Lat. Amer. Stud. 40 (2008). doi:10.1017/S0022216X08004768
Steven Topik, Carlos Marichal and Zephyr Frank (eds.), From Silver to Cocaine : Latin American Commodity Chains and the Building of the World Economy, 1500–2000 (Durham and London : Duke University Press, 2006), pp. 377, £64.00, £14.95 pb. Today Latin America is experiencing a commodity export boom, a ‘ super-cycle ’ in the jargon of some observers, that makes many an economic historian of the region feel like they are experiencing a case of deja-vu. This is particularly true of those ´` historians who study what Steven Topik, one of the editors of this collection, some years ago (along with Allen Wells, a contributor to the volume) referred to as Latin America’s ‘ second conquest ’, i.e. the period in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when Latin American economies were inserted into the global economy through their exports of primary commodities. Some things have changed: Brazil and Argentina continue to export coﬀee and meat, but it is soya beans and hydrocarbons that really matter these days. The ‘ conquerors’ of this ‘ third conquest ’ are also diﬀerent : true, the US and Britain are still around, but there are a number of new kids on the block, including China which imports much of the soya, copper and iron ore produced in the region (soy exports to China from Brazil and Argentina increased tenfold from US$360 million to US$3.6 billion between 1999 and 2004). Up to eleven percent of Chinese FDI is now tied up in the region, with other countries also playing an increasingly important role, in particular Spain, the country responsible, with Portugal, of course, of the ‘ ﬁrst conquest ’ and the ﬁrst commodity export boom – a boom in which China, as the ﬁnal destination of much of the silver extracted by the Spanish in Mexico and the Andes, also played a key role. The timeliness of this volume should therefore be evident. Surprisingly, no reference is made in the book to its relevance to current developments in Latin America’s political economy. This may be unfortunate from one point of view but perfectly understandable and commendable from another. Media-conscious research councils, cash-strapped academic publishers and governments anxious to justify ‘ blue-sky ’ academic research to taxpayers may disagree, but serious historians know that conjunctural political or economic concerns are usually poor guides to good research agendas. The editors and contributors to this volume have an unglamorous but important research agenda : to further complicate the ways in which historians of Latin America, for some time now, have approached the study of commodities. They do so by ‘ globalising ’ the analysis of commodities because they believe, correctly, that the nation-state is an inadequate, or insuﬃcient, unit of analysis for commodities. Indeed, what makes this collection stand out with respect to previous studies of Latin America’s commodity-driven insertion into the global economy is the sustained attention it oﬀers to how such an insertion was shaped by developments occurring throughout the ‘ commodity chain ’ connecting producers in Latin America and consumers elsewhere (and not just, as is sometimes assumed,
in the industrial ‘ core ’ countries). By viewing Latin America’s commodity history as part of a broader history of global interconnection, the volume also opens up new vistas on the complex interplay of economic, social, political, cultural and environmental factors in shaping the history of the region. In short, the editors and contributors have done a fantastic service to Latin American historians by showing convincingly how commodities are ‘ good to think ’ about Latin America and about Latin America’s interaction with the global economy. The chapters can be usefully read like biographies tracing the global ‘ social life ’ of silver, indigo, cochineal, tobacco, coﬀee, sugar, cacao, bananas, guano and nitrates, rubber, henequen and cocaine. Although the introduction and conclusion help to establish a series of connecting themes, the chapters are inevitably diﬀerent in many respects. These diﬀerences reﬂect, beyond the distinct histories of each commodity, each contributor’s particular research interests, favoured methodological approach, and theoretical proclivities. As a consequence, some chapters give more weight to the production end of the commodity chain, while others focus more on the consumption side of the story. Similarly, some chapters are more ‘ economic ’, others more ‘ social ’, and yet others, more ‘ cultural ’ or more ‘ environmental ’ in their general approach, in the sense that they pay attention to these themes and are informed by the respective methodological and theoretical perspectives speciﬁc to those historical sub-disciplines. But the character of the chapters is also to some extent dictated by the literature upon which they build. Some, such as those on coﬀee and sugar, draw on an immense and still expanding body of scholarship that connects various countries in the region. Others, such as those on guano, nitrates and henequen, draw on a signiﬁcantly smaller scholarly literature, focused on a small group of countries, that has not much been revised of late. Others still, such as the chapters on bananas and cocaine, draw on recent and groundbreaking archival research. Despite these diﬀerences, or perhaps because of them, the volume constitutes a uniquely useful tool with which to explore the interplay of the global history of commodities and a whole range of themes central to the history of Latin America from a comparative perspective. Some of these themes have been around for a while and connect to older debates that were central to dependency approaches or the informal imperialism debate. Others, particularly those that arise from approaches informed by cultural and environmental history, are new and point to further opportunities for research. To the credit of the editors and contributors, the volume does not oﬀer any facile conclusions about the ‘ good ’ or ‘ bad ’ of Latin America’s commodity history, but it does not shy away either from pointing to the various ways in which commodity production produced conditions of exploitation. Similarly, although several chapters point to the important ‘ agency ’ of Latin American commodity producers engaged in asymmetric relations of power with foreign economic or political actors, the volume eschews simplistic stories of heroic ‘ resistance ’ to globalising forces. The editors conclude by reminding readers of a number of other commodities that shaped the history of Latin America’s insertion into the global economy : wheat, wool, hides, meat, tin, copper and petroleum. If they decide to publish a revised and expanded volume incorporating these commodities, may I suggest that they make a small concession to the present conjuncture and that they opt for a new title : From Silver to Soya. University of Manchester
J. Lat. Amer. Stud. 40 (2008). doi:10.1017/S0022216X0800477X
Rebecca P. Brienen and Margaret A. Jackson (eds.), Invasion and Transformation: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Conquest of Mexico (Boulder, CO : University Press of Colorado, 2008), pp. xii+231, $55.00, hb. Of late, a growing coterie of scholars have revisited Spanish and Mesoamerican narratives of the conquest of Mexico. Rebecca Brienen’s and Margaret Jackson’s anthology adds to this conversation in valuable ways. The common point of departure is the Kislak paintings, a seventeenth-century series depicting the conquest of Mexico, currently held at the Library of Congress in Washington, DC. The editors intend to use the paintings’ ‘ highly conservative and pro-Spanish version of history’ as a ‘ foil to the new interpretations of the Conquest ’ (p. 7). They combine art history, history, linguistic anthropology, literature and archaeology to consider how the Spanish conquest of Mexico has – and should – be remembered. The ﬁrst two sections of the book address competing stories of the conquest, and sometimes overlap. In both, famous characters loom large. ‘ Remembering the Legends ’ focuses explicitly on Moteuczoma, Cortes and Malintzin/Malinche. ´ Although glossed with considerable nuance, the stock characterisations of a weak and timorous Moteuczoma, a gallant Cortes, and an indispensable but mysterious ´ Malintzin remain largely intact. In a colonial Nahua Epiphany drama, Louise Burkhart sees Herod standing in for an ‘ angry, cruel, and paranoid ’ Moteuczoma, but also for an ill-behaved, Spanish-speaking Cortes. The Magi, meanwhile, are ´ worthy Nahua ancestors who act courteously and accept Christianity on their own terms. Susan Gillespie, focusing on the omens that are said to have foretold Tenochtitlan’s fall, contends that blaming Moteuczoma did not simply rationalise a defeat. More profoundly, the omens story integrated a horriﬁc, transformative event into indigenous understandings of divine rulership. Her demonstration of the Mesoamerican principles at play in stories of bodily attacks on Moteuczoma provides a refreshingly new way of looking at this most persistent and well-known conquest story. ´ For Viviana Dıaz Balsera, Hernan Cortes’s Second and Third Letters to Charles V ´ ´ encompass the two extremes of European imaginings of the conquest, as unbe´ lievable triumph and hellish despair. Dıaz Balsera’s appreciation of Cortes’s rhe´ torical ‘ triumph ’ adds a new layer to his already larger-than-life historical personality. He becomes not only the ‘ dauntless ’ conqueror of Tenochtitlan, but a creator of the ‘ founding texts of a Latin American imaginary ’. Constance Cortez compares the Kislak series’ passive, background portrayal of Malintzin/Malinche with contemporary indigenous portrayals, in which Malintzin is an active agent of change. She sees a ‘ new imaginary ’ reﬂected in the Kislak paintings, as power passed from indigenous to Spanish colonial elites by the mid-seventeenth century. The second section of the book, ‘ The Transformation of History’, considers conquest narratives more generally. Matthew Restall and Michael Schreﬄer both see in the Kislak series the consolidation of an imperial ideology of conquest (and not, Schreﬄer argues, a nascent criollismo). Restall links the paintings’ ‘ mythistory ’ to the ´ ´ 1684 publication of Antonio de Solıs y Rivadeneira’s Historia de la conquista de Mexico, whose episodic chronology the series closely follows. Cortes represents the triumph ´ of Catholic, Spanish civilisation. His heroic feats are heralded, while episodes that reﬂect poorly on the Spanish are deemphasised or omitted. Schreﬄer compares the Kislak paintings to three contemporary pieces in which New World space appears naturalised and chaotic, but ultimately subordinated and rebuilt by the orderly hand
of Spain. Such images rebuﬀed criticisms of Spanish colonialism and soothed an anxious nobility concerned about the monarchy. Diana Magaloni-Kerpel revisits the Spanish-Nahua story of the eight omens, and her essay complements Gillespie’s. Rather than focusing on Moteuczoma, Magaloni-Kerpel argues that the omens more generally chart the transformation of an old world consumed by ﬁre into a new one born of water : that of the Spaniards and the Christians. She very usefully integrates ´ ´ the Florentine Codex illustrations with a Codex Fejervary calendar round to make the point. She also points out Christian inﬂuences evident in the omens’ illustrations – a reminder of the religious transformations embedded in these early, indigenousauthored stories of invasion. I especially appreciated Brienen’s and Jackson’s inclusion of the third section of the book, ‘ Eﬀects of Invasion ’. It recalls the most devastating transformation of the period : the death of millions of Mesoamericans in the ﬁrst century after contact. Martha Few analyses autopsy reports of ‘ Indian ’ bodies consumed by cocoliztli in Mexico City in the 1570s. Although all social groups were aﬀected by the disease, only Indian bodies were examined. The resulting ethnicised discourse described Indians as particularly susceptible to disease, and denigrated local cures in favour of colonial medicine. Few avoids a Foucauldian interpretation, however, highlighting instead the ‘ limits of the power of colonial medicine ’. Chavez Balderas ´ posits a disjuncture between the rapid adoption of certain Christianised funerary rituals – hastened by the extreme contexts of war and epidemic disease – and the ideological transformation these new practices implied. This is a large topic, perhaps too large to be covered satisfactorily in a single essay. It is highly suggestive of new research directions for the colonial period, however, and enriched by archaeologist Chavez Balderas’s past work on ritual sacriﬁce and burial in the Templo Mayor of ´ Tenochtitlan. The essay of Brienen and Jackson details straightforwardly and systematically the provenance of the Kislak series, and the content of each of its frames. Coming at the end of the volume, this summary treatment of the paintings seems almost an afterthought. But perhaps this was the editors’ intention. Introducing the Kislak series last spotlights the essays that preceded it. By then, the assertion that the series is ‘ highly biased ’ in favour of the Spanish comes as no surprise. Indeed, the point has been made before, often by the same authors presented in this volume. Here, they collectively continue paving the way for ever richer dialogues across disciplines about the interpretive possibilities still latent in the themes of conquest and colonization. Brienen and Jackson seem to think the point about Spanish bias bears repeating, but not belabouring. I agree. Marquette University
J. Lat. Amer. Stud. 40 (2008).
Javier Villa-Flores, Dangerous Speech : A Social History of Blasphemy in Colonial Mexico (Tucson, AZ : University of Arizona Press, 2006), pp. xii+242, $50.00, $24.95 pb. From 1522 to 1700 the Mexican Inquisition heard 735 cases of blasphemy and related oﬀences. Before the creation of this tribunal in 1571, the denunciations were handled by ecclesiastical authorities or designated members of the Mendicant Orders acting as judges. In Dangerous Speech Javier Villa Flores examines a representative
sample of these cases to oﬀer a glimpse of the lives that came under the scrutiny of the Inquisition as a result of denunciations for this particular crime of the tongue. The book is about the social life of a serious religious oﬀence and how individuals across races, gender and class put it into ‘ use ’. The cases tried by the Mexican Inquisition conﬁrmed that blasphemy was a man’s aﬀair, a feature acknowledged in religious literature of the time. Men were prone to blaspheme and, according to the author, they found in blasphemous speech a way to assert their masculinity either in their households or in the company of other men be it at work or at gambling houses. In this sense, to blaspheme was an act of self-presentation, or as the author prefers, ‘ self-fashioning ’ or gender ‘ performance ’. As Villa-Flores also shows in the last chapter, slave men (and a few slave women) engaged in blasphemy as a way to bring to the attention of authorities the brutal treatment they were receiving at the hands of their masters with the not always fulﬁlled hope of being reassigned. The gallery of Mexican men and foreigners who faced charges for blasphemy comprised sailors, gamblers, public oﬃcials and soldiers; in many cases as the author reminds us, the negative perception of their trade or favourite pastime by secular and religious authorities rendered them automatically suspicious. But asserting masculinity came with a price tag ; these men, as the author poses, were risk-takers and not only because of the very nature of their professions or compulsive habits. A good number of cases analysed involved men denounced by their own wives for blaspheming at home. As it turns out, the testimonies gathered during these particular trials revealed histories of domestic violence and abuse. Oddly, the author quickly dismisses as fabrications the allegations of abuse brought by the wives without asking why women would resort to denouncing their husbands. One possible reason could be that they did so as a means to bring domestic abuse into the open. Whatever the ultimate reason may be, these women were also risk-takers. What were the stakes for women denouncing their husbands? What were the alternatives available to them ? The testimonies seem to indicate that the assertion of masculinity and domestic authority on the part of the husbands found expression in a direct attack on their wives’ religious devotion (and network outside the household ?), an aspect entirely absent from the author’s interpretation. Which brings me to a signiﬁcant shortcoming of this otherwise valuable book rich in archival sources yet somewhat hurried when it comes to analysis. As presented by the author, individuals in colonial Mexico did not blaspheme as much as they did previously. The basis for such a distinction has become widely accepted and is of a piece with the notion of agency that informs similar works that focus on the responses of individuals (denouncers to the Inquisition included) and social groups to the disciplinary forces of church or state. Such a distinction should not pass unexamined and not only because an unqualiﬁed statement of the kind ‘ X used blasphemy ’ (quite common in the book) comes dangerously close to a petitio principii. Villa-Flores examines the social uses of blasphemy almost without reference to the religious domain to which blasphemy belonged and within which it was intelligible. For instance, when dealing with the cases of the wives who denounced their husbands, the author has detached blasphemy from its particular religious milieu, losing sight of the social dimension of religion in the process. A more careful analysis may have led the author to consider whether female Catholic devotion could have had under certain circumstances a potentially destabilising eﬀect on the everyday dynamics of colonial households.
This sought to strengthen trade between Spain and America through the creation of a strong navy. Lat. to a lesser extent Charles IV. the collapse of the theoretical peninsular monopoly of trade between Europe and Spanish America. 1). doi:10.798 Reviews A similar problem surfaces in the ﬁnal chapter on slave blasphemers in which we learn very little about the kind of Catholicism that took shape among groups of enslaved individuals from diﬀerent backgrounds and experiences. pp.1017/S0022216X08004793 Gabriel B. 40 (2008). with the installation of a brother of Napoleon Bonaparte as king Joseph I of Spain. Recent contributions to the historiography of the Bourbon reforms in the Hispanic world have concentrated upon a series of loosely connected themes. This becomes apparent in Villa-Flores’ treatment of church teachings on blasphemy through history. ﬁrst. Enlightenment. Dangerous Speech has much to oﬀer to those interested in the study of colonial social history. as O. 6) – designed to restore Spain to the rank of a ﬁrst-rate power. Evidently in the long run the quest was in vain. These include. the conceptualisation of the so-called sins of the tongue that emerged during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries diﬀered in signiﬁcant ways from sixteenth-century discussions on blaspheme. 2008). why and when did they lose momentum : with the demise of Charles III’s Minister of the Indies. in 1787 and that of the king ´ ´ . Jose de Galvez. The University of Connecticut at Storrs O S V A L D O F. ﬁrst. discussion of the extent to which their inspiration derived from not only the monarchy’s reaction to the humiliation suﬀered at the hands of Britain during the Seven Years War but also an imperial programme devised during the reign of Philip V by Jose de Patino. Navy and ´ ˜ Treasury in the period 1726–1736. sought to implement a multi-faceted programme of modernisation of imperial structures – inspired by ‘ regalist governance ’ rather than mere ‘ enlightened absolutism ’ (p. Yet it also raises a question about whether it is possible to write a social history of a religious notion without engaging into a serious inquiry about Catholicism as lived and practiced in Mexican colonial society. P A R D O J. his Secretary of State for the Indies. when Spain’s entry as an ally of revolutionary France against Britain in what turned out to be a long cycle of international conﬂicts led inexorably to. hb. as would be demonstrated by the gradual loss of momentum in the application of the reform programme even prior to 1796. Amer. Stud. 1759–1808 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Irrespective of their gender. Yet. and in due course to the collapse of the Bourbon monarchy itself in 1808. the majority of the blasphemers that populate the pages of Dangerous Speech look remarkably alike in their religious make-up. Paquette. Because of the fascinating archival material that the author has gathered.00. the ministers of Charles III (1759–1788) and. xi+244. Christin pointed out sometime ago. his successor until his abdication in 1808 in favour of Ferdinand VII. Because of a somewhat programmatic approach to the sources. class or race. and ﬁscal incentives for peninsular exporters. This intricate monograph aims to analyse ‘ the political ideas animating the government reformers of Spain and its Atlantic empire in the second half of the eighteenth century’ (p. Secondly. In this period. £50. religion stands as a rigid set of precepts seemingly unaltered through time against the ever-changing world of the social. it has been argued conventionally by generations of scholars. Governance and Reform in Spain and its Empire.
263–298) by analysing the extent to which the colonial elites represented in the new consulados established in the 1790s sought. Havana and Santiago de Chile has also been exploited. The author reverts to an interpretation in vogue until the late-1970s. incomplete and tardy rather than well-planned and comprehensive. with particular reference to Cuba. The extensive bibliography of printed sources. has useful subsections on art history. 94). especially between Spain and Britain. pp. as a reaction in Madrid to both continued resistance to their implementation by conservative viceroys and other senior oﬃcials in America and fears of the transmission of radical ideas from revolutionary France ? Finally. a strong navy and agricultural development. has some justiﬁcation. particularly for chapter three. enlightened absolutism. but increasingly challenged since then by both European and American scholars. Chapter four recapitulates the conclusions of the author’s 2007 article in this Journal (vol. A very brief Conclusion restates the argument that the Bourbon reform programme for Spanish America had a logical. of course. notably New Spain and Peru. It also explains the ambivalent nature of Spanish modernisers towards this imperial rival. Florida and Louisiana.Reviews 799 himself in the following year. as a consequence of the concentration upon the periphery. coherent foundation. The deliberate exclusion from this analysis of the mainland viceroyalties. by reviving the earlier consensus which stressed the programme’s cohesion and coherence and overlooked procrastination in its application. in shaping Bourbon imperial policies. The volume has four main chapters. with considerable success. but disliked for its deep-rooted disdain towards backward. or several years later. British imperial history. despite the fact that it was applied with ﬂexibility because of the crown’s desire to preserve ‘ relatively harmonious relations with local elites ’ (p. Catholic Spain and its erosion of the latter’s monopoly of trade with America through both contraband and the legal supply of manufactures to Cadiz merchant ´ houses for re-export. 39. but. the Enlightenment and Naples (where. deﬁned as representatives of the ‘ imperial periphery ’ (p. although concerned primarily with Spain and Spanish America. Chapter two grapples with the inherent contradictions embraced in the quest of Spain’s imperial policy-makers to promote public happiness by strengthening state power at the expense of not only the Church but also other privileged groups and corporations perceived to be hampering commercial expansion and agricultural modernisation. admired for its example of how to grow rich from colonial trade. 153). The abundant archival sources employed for this study are primarily in Spanish repositories. but it involves overlooking armed resistance to the intensiﬁcation of absolutism – particularly as manifested in tighter ﬁscal impositions – in the Andean region during the period studied. The ﬁrst underscores the importance of geopolitical rivalries. Charles III reigned from . each tightly written and supported by extensive notes. Chapter three focuses more explicitly upon attitudes and reactions to the reform programme in Spanish America. regalism. in collaboration with sympathetic local administrators to inﬂuence crown policies in the commercial and economic spheres. does not explore the profound divisions within the older merchants guilds of Lima and Mexico about the desirability or otherwise of the clamour for genuine free trade. but valuable material from Buenos Aires. It emphasises their role in securing the introduction of neutral trade in 1797. to what extent did the impact of the Bourbon reforms in America pave the way for the Revolutions for Independence of the second decade of the nineteenth century ? The overriding issue has been intense debate about the extent to which the programme as a whole should be seen as cautious.
overwhelmingly ‘ Indian ’. to a lesser degree. Shadows of Empire: The Indian Nobility of Cusco. capable of speaking and writing in Spanish when necessary. xviii+300. at a diﬀerent level. almost at the same time as ´ parallel movements of protest in Upper Peru.800 Reviews 1724 until inheriting the Spanish crown in 1759). Stud. Professor Garrett devotes the ﬁrst two of the volume’s seven chapters to an examination of the reasons for and the nature of the Spanish crown’s need to incorporate the indigenous nobility – a term that embraces both the descendants of the Inca nobility of Cusco itself and the powerful hereditary caciques of the Lake Titicaca basin – into the administrative structures of the viceroyalty as intermediaries between the relatively small population of Spanish settlers and the tens of thousands of Indians who survived the demographic collapse of the ﬁrst century of colonialism. by collaborating in the functioning of an increasingly exploitative ﬁscal regime. which is recommended to all students of the Bourbon reforms in Spain and Spanish America. The city of Cusco. which had numbered an estimated one million prior to the Conquest. $75. Within this context there was ample scope for the indigenous elite. the descendants of the Inca nobility. like this reviewer. Lat. The central focus of this valuable book is the analysis of the social. doi:10. University of Liverpool JOHN FISHER J. of the diocese of Cusco. The Rebellion of Tupac Amaru that broke out in 1780. By the late-eighteenth century the non-Spanish population.000. even though some of them. 40 (2008). and to a lesser extent the hereditary caciques of the territories beyond the partidos of Cusco and Puno themselves.1017/S0022216X0800480X David T. political roles in late-colonial Peru of the Indian elite of the bishopric of Cusco (from 1784 the intendancies of Cusco and Puno) in the period from the mid-eighteenth century until the foundation in 1824–1825 of the independent republic of Peru. This they achieved by using the courts to defend their privileges or. stood as a symbol of white authority and power in the region. Arguing persuasively that the structures in place at the beginning of this period were essentially those established by Viceroy Francisco de Toledo in the 1570s. which had a ‘ Spanish ’ population of some 17. Inevitably. 1750–1825 (Cambridge and New York : Cambridge University Press. However.000 according to the 1795 census. their incorporation undermined and contradicted the Hapsburg aim of establishing separate republics of Spaniards and Indians. hb. which in any case was largely theoretical because of the parallel policy of granting the former access to the labour and other services of Peru’s indigenous population. might not be inclined to fully accept its central thesis that the programme’s positive features outweighed its ﬂaws.00 . economic and. represented a serious challenge to not . Overall this is a work of remarkable erudition. were adept at operating as powerful actors within this power structure. headed symbolically by the 24 noble electors of Cusco (who annually selected the alferez real who carried the banner of Santiago in the Corpus Christi procession) to insist upon their indigenous legitimacy whilst also pursuing social and political strategies (for example. entry of their sons into the priesthood and marriages with Spaniards) that made conventional ethnic categories increasingly fuzzy round the edges. a ﬁgure almost double the size of that of the late-seventeenth century. 2005). Garrett. pp. Amer. stood at about 250. £45.00. as to a much lesser extent did that of Puno.
$24. Colombia 1795–1831 (Pittsburgh. is of course not new. which throws much new light upon the history of the indigenous elite of southern Peru. Its almost unanimous response. Conversely. The central argument of the book is that during the independence period a myth of racial harmony was developed in Colombia which has endured until recent times. 9). and local communities witnessed the tendency for the audiencia of Cusco to conﬁrm the appointment to cacicazgos of well-connected creoles. as the so-called Rebellion of Pumacahua of 1814–1815 demonstrated. Amer.00 hb. doi:10. essentially as tax collectors rather than as the defenders of indigenous rights. To claim that such a myth exists in Colombia and in Latin America more generally. Stud. preoccupied with both restoring order and increasing the yield of tribute. and in particular how the myth structured political space and limited the aspirations of pardos or Afro-Colombians (the terms preferred by Lasso) in the early republic. The novelty of Lasso’s study is rather the ways in which she explores the construction of the myth from various perspectives.95 pb. particularly after 1780. caciques found themselves liable to be registered as tributaries. 40 (2008). the creation of an independent Peru with Cusco as its capital. notwithstanding the execution of Tupac ´ Amaru and his immediate family in 1781. This is a rich. They are presented in a loose chronological order and treat the subject from varying perspectives and within . creole-dominated republic.Reviews 801 only the colonial state but also the privileged position within it of this indigenous elite. $60. pursued a conscious policy of marginalising the potentially subversive Indian elite. the inﬂexible peninsular bureaucrats who dominated local administration in the aftermath of the rebellion. particularly in the Titicaca basin. both racial hierarchies and conﬂicts based on race were deemed unpatriotic (p. viii+203. how it surfaces in diﬀerent texts and situations. as chapter six shows. to the surprise and dismay of the collaborators. 2007). One suspects that the next step for revisionism will be to question if this was really what happened.1017/S0022216X08004811 Marixa Lasso. Myths of Harmony by Marixa Lasso is a thought-provoking and timely new study of racial discourse in the formation of the Colombian nation state during the long independence period. and even. PA : University of Pittsburgh Press. Increasingly. the ethnic identities incorporated in the structures of the Hapsburg period were further blurred by the attempts of local creoles to appropriate an imagined Inca identity and legitimacy as part of their quest for regional autonomy from Lima. This short book contains seven dense chapters. complex book. As a consequence. pp. It concludes with the ´ conventional observation that the maladroit attempts of Simon Bolıvar to improve ´ the lot of the Indians by abolishing not only tribute but also cacicazgos and the inalienability of community lands brought in their train the marginalisation and pauperisation of the indigenous population of southern Peru in the post-1824. However. Myths of Harmony: Race and Republicanism during the Age of Revolution. Lat. Lasso holds that Colombian patriots during independence declared legal racial equality and constructed a powerful nationalist ideology that proclaimed the fraternity of Colombians of all colours. was to proclaim allegiance to the Spanish crown and participate actively in the brutal repression of the rural insurgency that continued until 1783. University of Liverpool JOHN FISHER J.
802 Reviews diﬀerent geographic contexts. Complementing and in part challenging recent narratives by Alfonso Munera and Aline Helg on the same ´ subject. Lasso’s primary interest is the dynamics of political ˜ language. although the city of Cartagena ﬁgures prominently. ˜ The real or imagined fear of race war. in the decrees of the Cartagena and Caracas juntas. Lasso has the pardos playing a crucial role as supporters of the radical faction ´ ´ of Gabriel Gutierrez de Pineres in opposition to the aristocratas led by Jose Marıa ´ ´ ˜ ´ Garcıa de Toledo. harbouring secret pro-Spanish sentiments and acting in ways contrary to the principles of independence and republicanism. ‘ Life-Stories of Afro-Colombian Patriots’ and ‘ Race War’. the second – ‘ Racial Tensions in Late Colonial Society ’ – focuses on the province of Cartagena and includes brief discussions of the demographic importance of pardos in colonial society. Chapters six and seven. alcalde Valentın ´ . Chapter three focuses on the discussions of race and citizenship in Cadiz between ´ 1810 and 1812. partly because social and political aspects of late colonial society in the Colombian Caribbean have recently been studied in more detail by other scholars and partly because Lasso claims that experiences of racial domination were essentially similar across the Americas. While the ﬁrst. the responses to the Cadiz constitution in New Granada. shoemaker Cornelio Ortiz. titled ‘ The Wars of Independence ’. Lasso identiﬁes elite positions on race and citizenship as these developed among leading deputies at the Cortes. Again. This is the least interesting part of the book. The contestable implication of this view is that we should pay less attention to the colonial origins of racial identities. in newspapers and other contemporary published media. and how they were reﬂected in speeches of leading patriots. she leaves open the question of whether the new rhetoric reﬂected primarily strategic interests or more humanitarian and democratic ideals. more precisely how pineristas used against the local aristocracy the very same principled arguments on equality. They illustrate both the limits of racial equality in early republican Colombia and the extent to which race became a political taboo. chapter six discusses the fortunes of master gunpowder maker ´ ´ Buenaventura Perez. She eﬃciently describes how legal racial equality became a cornerstone of patriot rhetoric and served as a fundamental basis for framing Spanish despotism and colonialism in opposition to American independence and equality. The perspective in this chapter is top-down. Based primarily on court cases from the 1820s. merit and virtue that the American deputies used against peninsulares and royalists. responded by charging the pineristas with instigating disorders that could lead to another Haiti. making overt state racism impossible. henceforth became a constant element in the Colombian myth of racial harmony and was used against those who criticised the democratic shortcomings of the republic. and instead focus on how the diﬀerent national and republican myths of racial relations were constructed on the base of allegedly similar colonial and racist experiences. constitute the most interesting part of the book. the political conﬂicts that permeated its short existence and their racial underpinnings. the heated debates between creole elites and bourbon reformers over the gracias al sacar and the possible repercussions in Cartagena of the rumours about racial disturbances elsewhere in the Caribbean. Wisely. and the background development of a republican ideology of racial harmony. Pineristas accused the toledistas of being ˜ aristocratic. slave Tomasıco. The fourth chapter – ‘ The First Republic and the Pardos ’ – is a detailed analysis of the independent republic of Cartagena (1811–1816). reads like a conventional introduction. according to Lasso. The toledistas in turn.
University of Oslo STEINAR SÆTHER J. Rodrıguez explains. to pledge ﬁdelity to the captive Ferdinand VII. 238. it was only the violent reaction to it of the hardline viceroy of Peru. in August 1810. It shows how the new republican language of racial equality both enabled pardos to seek justice. Lasso tries to show how the rumours of race war found in secret reports. Fernando de Abascal (1806–1816). which included the sacking of the city by black soldiers of the Royal Regiment of Lima. rather. Lat. The outcome was a brutal repression.1017/S0022216X08004823 ´ ´ ´ Jaime E. ´ Corporacion Editora Nacional. was not to secure independence but. 2006). ´ pb. Loja . It is a sobering thought. Instead of explaining the absence of outright racial rebellions. 1808–1822 (Quito : Universidad Andina Simon Bolıvar . already in control of the rival city of Guayaquil (the entire province had been transferred from the viceroyalty of New Granada to ˜ that of Peru in 1803) that created the myth that the quitenos were aiming to secure independence. her study shows at least that the racial aspect cannot be ignored. with the arguable exception of the 25 de Mayo events in Buenos Aires. positions and rights that had previously been denied them and at the same time limited their possibilities of expressing their aspirations in terms of racial grievances. that most of the major Spanish American countries are planning lavish celebrations to mark the bicentenaries of premature bids for independence which. Throughout these tense twelve months. doi:10. The case of Ecuador is particularly poignant for the country’s national day commemorates the ‘ Quito revolution ’ of 10 August 1809. as 2010 inexorably draws nearer. pp. Although readers familiar with Colombian historiography on the nineteenth century may object that Lasso simpliﬁes the complexity of early republican political conﬂicts and reduces them to one-dimensional debates over racial issues.. Myths of Harmony is thus a valuable contribution and a novel interpretation. the slaughter of many of the leaders of the 1809 movement in response to an attempt by the citizens to free prisoners. Amer.Reviews 803 ´ Arcıa. Biblioteca de Historia vol. hindered rather than helped the creation of independent republics. other towns and cities in the presidency of Quito – Cuenca. 150). severe judicial sanctions and. ‘ not by further repressing pardos. 20. especially in the conﬂict between the supporters of Bolıvar and Santander. La revolucion polıtica durante la ´poca de la independencia: e ´ El Reino de Quito. The ﬁnal outcome of the political struggles of the 1820s was that racial grievances became a taboo. making it compulsory reading for any serious student of early nineteenth-century Colombia. Rodrıguez O. Although it is true that the decision of the city’s cabildo abierto to establish a governing junta in the king’s name was preceded by a period of tension between peninsular and creole factions within the urban elite. as Jaime O. The slightly misnomer chapter ‘ Race War’ discusses the possible meanings of the rumours of race war that circulated during independence and the early republic but which never materialised. Stud. but by upholding the notion of racial harmony ’ (p. closed senate hearings and private letters constituted a crucial aspect of the early republican political disputes and discourse ´ on race. colonel Remigio Marquez and admiral Jose Padilla (all Afro-Colombians in ´ ´ Lasso’s view) and their varying degrees of success in challenging white domination through the justice system. the clear ´ aim of which. 40 (2008).
other than those of African descent. ´ ´ ‘ Los indıgenas y la nueva polıtica ’. This analyses the repercussions in the kingdom of Quito of the articles in the 1812 constitution that declared the equality of all the inhabitants of America. Toribio Montes. declared for independence. as a new president. 186). it was agreed that the Peruvian troops would withdraw. preoccupied with the ´ landing of Jose de San Martın’s army south of Lima in the previous month. The arrival in September of the commissioner of the Council of Regency. and its forces retook Cuenca in December. weary of the burden of wartime taxation and unconvinced that the restoration earlier that year of the 1812 constitution would be permanent. further complicated the situation in ´ Quito. in the aftermath of the massacre. however. Professor Rodrıguez writes ﬂuently and with authority. but with the artiﬁcial name that it had been given by its conquerors : Ecuador ’ (p. was ´ powerless to intervene. 1998) – allow subsequent events in the future Ecuador to virtually disappear from their radar until 9 October 1820. the city of Quito itself remained staunchly royalist on this occasion. On ´ ´ ´ 31 July. Latacunga and Riobamba – to follow the lead of Guayaquil. the city’s authorities recognised reality by voting to join Colombia. when the civic and military leaders of the port city of Guayaquil. as he agreed to establish a ‘ Junta Superior de Gobierno’. as Rodrıguez describes them. with those of peninsular Spain. demonstrating how indigenous communities skilfully defended their interests. not with its historic name of Quito.804 Reviews and particularly Guayaquil – showed absolutely no inclination to come out in sup˜ port of the quitenos. 1808–1832 (University of ´ California Press) which appeared in 1975). to recognise the authority of Quito. answerable to the Council of Regency but autonomous from the viceregal authorities in both Santa Fe and Lima. ´ Most general histories of Spanish American Independence – including Rodriguez’s The Independence of Spanish America (CUP. issued pardons and arranged elections for both city councils and deputies to the Cortes. of the former kingdom of Quito converted the region into ‘ a new nation. The pragmatic solution to this situation of civil war was provided abruptly in ´ 1822 by the Colombian armies of Simon Bolıvar – who was already committed since ´ the meeting of the Congress of Cucuta in 1821 to the incorporation of the entire ´ territory of the viceroyalty of New Granada into Gran Colombia – following the victory of Jose Antonio de Sucre over the royalists at Pichincha on 24 May 1822. and the combination of persuasion and the threat of force convinced other cities in the region – Cuenca. However. notably Cuenca. in persuading President Montes to . Machaci. as prescribed by the 1812 constitution of Cadiz. four days after the historic meeting between Bolıvar and San Martın in Guayaquil. less for love of Spain than for fear of losing primacy in the region. The predictable outcome was the refusal of other provinces of the ´ presidency. Carlos Montufar. Following the intervention of the aged president of Quito. Eight ´ years later the ‘ conquered people ’. The present volume builds upon his previous scholarship – two of its ﬁve substantive chapters (two and four) are revised versions of earlier articles – but also embraces the fruits of original research. and succeeded. On this ´ occasion the viceroy of Peru. Joaquın de Pezuela (1816–1821). for example. As might be expected of a native Ecuadorian who has been publishing on Spanish American independence for more than 30 years (his inﬂuential The Emergence of Spanish America : Vicente Rocafuerte and Spanish Americanism. although a degree of stability was restored in the region in late-1812. thereby temporarily dividing the kingdom into a royalist sierra and an independent coastal region. the Conde de Ruiz Castilla. particularly in chapter three.
originally published in Heller’s native German and largely neglected by English speaking scholars. hb. from whom he has several lucky escapes. as US troops advance inexorably on Mexico City. illuminating the numerous perils and discomforts that aﬄicted the scientiﬁc traveller in Spanish America. 40 (2008). doi:10. translated by Terry Rugeley (ed. The text documents Heller’s experiences in Mexico. Lat. It also furnishes interesting observations on Mexican culture and politics during the crisis years of the Mexican-American War and the Caste War in the Yucatan. choppy seas and hazardous roads.1017/S0022216X08004835 Karl Bartolomeus Heller. following in Alexander von Humboldt’s illustrious footsteps. He succumbs to debilitating sickness.Reviews 805 abolish deﬁnitively the tribute in 1814. to staﬀ nascent universities and museums. He witnesses the mounting racial . He chronicles the progress of the Mexican American war. In the years following Spanish American independence. Amer. willing to risk his life in pursuit of scientiﬁc knowledge. without resort to exaggerated notions of national identity. Alone in Mexico is a travel account by the Austrian botanist Karl Bartolomeus Heller. One fears that the next few years will generate many works of inferior quality as part of the bicentennial celebrations. Heller’s account is also of interest to historians because he views Mexico at a critical juncture in its history and dispenses valuable information about Mexican culture and society. who visited Central America and the Caribbean between 1845 and 1848 to study the region’s fauna and ﬂora. £32. this is a stimulating monograph. Most of these men. University of Liverpool JOHN FISHER J. and. xix+274. consigned their experiences to print when they returned to Europe. they proﬀered comments on American customs and society . in some cases. In conclusion. 2007). which are pretty much the standard fare of nineteenth-century travel narratives. ´ Heller’s narrative forms part of a broader genre of travel literature popular in the nineteenth century. The Austrian contends with vicious mosquitoes. and he repeatedly emphasises the dangers posed by bandits. Heller’s account conforms to this general model.50. 1845–1848 (Tuscaloosa. and they enumerated the multiple dangers facing the intrepid explorer. Such tribulations.). cast Heller in the familiar guise of self-sacriﬁcing savant. Tabasco and ´ Chiapas. many invoked their status as ‘ Spanish citizens ’ to refuse to continue providing personal service or undertake forced work. He endures many a night in substandard inns consuming questionable cuisine. pp. Terry Rugeley oﬀers the ﬁrst English translation of this work. These texts usually shared several key themes : they presented America as an unexplored continent brimming with untapped natural resources and potentially lucrative markets for consumer goods . AL : University of Alabama Press. many northern European naturalists descended on Spain’s former colonies to examine their natural resources. producing exhilarating travel accounts to accompany their scientiﬁc works. as he roamed through the little known states of Yucatan. Similarly. a model of how the speciﬁc details of one region’s transition from colonialism to independence need to be contextualised within a global context. Stud. Alone in Mexico: The Astonishing Travels of Karl Heller.
corrects some of his misconceptions and indicates. It includes a short but useful introduction to the work in which Rugely supplies relevant biographical details about the botanist and the historical circumstances surrounding his sojourn in Mexico. founded by Vicente Cervantes in 1788 and once ‘ a very interesting spot ’ is now ‘ so neglected that the visitor could sooner take the whole thing for a courtyard than for a botanical garden ’. As a naturalist. Heller’s account is occasionally a little repetitive and his observations are sometimes tainted by the social and racial prejudices of his era – particularly apparent in his attitude towards slavery. temper this decidedly bleak picture with reference to a few enterprising Mexicans who. the science of horticulture. mechanics and mineralogy. and a young hacendado from Tabasco who. It also includes comprehensive explanatory notes. The botanist does. at the gaming table or the theatre. where necessary. University of Warwick HELEN COWIE . He reserves particular praise for two clergymen from Campeche. any changes between the translation and the original work. in the main. admiring ‘ an anthropomorphic ﬁgure wrapped around with serpents. of the prevalence of excessive alcohol consumption and gambling. to his surprise. He lists the items exhibited in the institution. observing that ‘ Mexicans of both sexes love idleness as much as the foreign merchant loves industry and activity . with the majority of scientiﬁc institutions ‘ nearing their collapse ’. and are able to give free rein to their ostentation ’. however. ‘ fashioned and burnished out of obsidian with such perfection that one cannot recognise the slightest trace of a tool on it ’. the work contains a wealth of information and should be of interest to historians of science and exploration or politics and society in mid-nineteenthcentury Mexico. though his appraisal is. hands and skulls ’ and marvels at a beautiful mask.806 Reviews tensions in Yucatan in the lead-up to the brutal caste war of 1847. in Heller’s opinion. ‘ neither scientiﬁcally arranged nor especially well preserved ’. where he professes to feel ‘ a solemn respect ’ towards ‘ the vanished people who once constructed such grand and magniﬁcent buildings ’. Like many travel narratives from this period. history and so forth ’ and cultivated an impressive variety of plants in his garden. and he also inspects the selection of Aztec artefacts on display in the Museum of Mexico. is now worth seeing as little more than a monument of consummate architecture ’. exhibit an interest in natural history. An interest in PreColombian civilisations spurs Heller to visit the Maya ruins at Uxmal. whilst the School of Mines. where Rugely puts some of the Austrian’s more obscure references into context. Heller is particularly keen to evaluate the state of the sciences in post colonial Mexico. brandished ‘ books about botany. to Heller’s astonishment. equipped with a necklace of human hearts. The natural history collection in the museum is. Nevertheless. less than encouraging. and he dis´ approves. Heller concludes that scientiﬁc study has declined in Mexico in the thirty years since independence. and they are never happier than when they sit on a handsome steed or in a carriage. The Austrian laments that the botanical garden. ‘ a few fossils and the remains of a mammoth ’ constituting ‘ the only notable items ’. who possessed ‘ a small private collection of antiquities and objects of natural history’. ‘ which in former times included collections on physics. Terry Rugely’s highly readable translation brings Heller’s account to an Englishspeaking audience for the ﬁrst time. like many foreign visitors.
His use of travel accounts. At times the amount of information threatens to overwhelm the broader arguments but Fernandez Canque ´ ultimately succeeds in crafting both a monograph and a source book that constitutes a valuable homage to the city and region he cherishes. demolishing buildings and sending people scurrying for protection. The book. illustrations (almost 100 of them are reproduced). The earthquake and tsunami aﬀected other areas in southern Peru. many with a keen technical eye) . people rejoiced when they found that loved ones had survived and learned of miraculous tales of survival.1017/S0022216X08004847 807 Manuel Fernandez Canque. three times as large as Arica. western Bolivia. and a rich selection of illustrations. shocked survivors stumbled around the city confronted by terrible scenes of the dead and wounded. The ground continued to shake intermittently for days but the greatest danger came from the sea. Arica 1868 captures nicely the feel of this active port city that exported goods not only from southern Peru but also from Chile and Bolivia. although to a much lesser extent than Arica. 40 (2008). pb. Amer. Lat. an earthquake calculated at 8. Arica. killing hundreds and destroying much of the city.. 2007). and economic information about the nitrate economy makes Arica 1868 a rich source for scholars on the nineteenth-century South American Paciﬁc. however. and the increasingly wretched smell of decomposing corpses. Locals and members of the sizeable foreign population (primarily from Bolivia. sobs and tumbling buildings. Chile : ´ Universidad de Tarapaca Arica. at about 280. the eerie sounds of screams. dozens of pages of testimony (particularly by British sailors. Great Britain and the United States) told distressing tales of the event and the chaos that followed. Many savvy locals saved themselves by heading inland or to higher areas immediately after the earthquake. Six Peruvian. In the midst of this gloom. pp. For days.Reviews J. Stud. The author includes export and import data . 1868 : Un tsunami y un terremoto (Arica. While readers who seek the history of the 1868 event will focus on the ﬁrst half of the book. He shows that the use of quincha or wattle and daub made buildings more ﬂexible. is much more than a monograph on the catastrophe. then part of Peru but subsequently – after the 1879–1883 War of the Paciﬁc – Chile. and northern Chile. One hundred and .6 on the Richter scale struck Arica. The earthquake snapped the telegraph link with Tacna and the news thus spread via the many ships that moved up and down the Paciﬁc. The large waves sank many of the ships in the port – some of which had taken refuge from Lima where yellow fever was killing thousands – and rammed others onto shore. suﬀered only minor damage. two British. A tsunami walloped the port half an hour after the earthquake. a variety of archival sources. and comprehensive information about the ships that were harbored there. two French and three United States steamships were among the larger vessels struck by the tsunami. doi:10. 1868 earthquake and tsunami that devastated the city of Arica. Fernandez Canque demonstrates that local people’s knowledge about earthquakes ´ kept the death count relatively low. It is an encyclopaedic compilation on nineteenth-century Arica that presents dozens of ﬁrst-hand testimonies. 332. The search for higher ground after the earthquake also saved hundreds of lives. At a little after 5 p.m. The nearby city of Tacna. Others did not recognise the danger or could not mobilise. others will turn to the sections on ‘ casos ’ and ‘ testimonios’ for a wealth of information on this important Paciﬁc port. Chile. ´ This striking book presents a detailed history of the August 13. Professor Fernandez Canque has used his ´ notable research skills to uncover a vast array of sources and to tell a fascinating story.
1017/S0022216X08004859 William E. NM : University of New Mexico Press. Did the tsunami weaken the presence of the Peruvian government and create a power vacuum ? The author is diplomatic on this point (although some readers might question his map on page 95 that plots the 1868 damage yet uses the post-War national borders. the plebiscite never took place and the famous Question of the Paciﬁc was solved by a bilateral treaty in 1929. Did his examination of the unexpected events that so radically transformed Arica and the lives of its inhabitants echo the wistful ruminations of Chilean and other refugees about how events could turn so badly so quickly ? This could be an incorrect and even unfortunate over determination of his motivations but there is no doubt that Manuel Fernandez Canque has produced a splendid book that takes full advantage ´ of his acumen and persistence for research and his deep aﬀection for Arica. Lines in the Sand : Nationalism and Identity on the PeruvianChilean Frontier (Albuquerque. The peace accord of 1883 left the Peruvian territories of Tacna and Arica to be held by Chile for ten years when a plebiscite was to determine whether they would remain Peruvian or whether they would rather belong to Chile. Amer. Davis C H A R L E S F. Perhaps the years he spent in the British Library poring over obscure sources about this catastrophe can be understood in light of the sudden change and hardships he faced as an exile after the Pinochet coup in 1973. 2007). Chileans and others. $24. Readers will beneﬁt greatly. pb. He acknowledges the signiﬁcance of the time he spent in the Chilean north as a young boy and the legacy of his mother’s Aymara heritage. Many smaller boats also served this relatively shallow harbor yet the sources rarely mention them. doi:10. The aftermath of the War of the Paciﬁc (1879–83) saw Chile as a victor over Peru and Bolivia and possessor of vast territories formerly belonging to its foes. they are invented. possess a constructed nature. xxvii+314. In fact.808 Reviews ´ thirty one members of the crew on the Peruvian corvette America perished. While his material shows that Arica was poorly served by distant Lima and that it housed a vibrant international community – factors that might have played a role in the geopolitics of the war and its aftermath – it would have been interesting to take into consideration the relationship between these two events (what Peruvian nationalists would deem back-to-back catastrophes) for Arica and this border region.50. ´ One issue that the author does not develop is the fact that Arica was part of Peru at this time but 15 years later passed into Chilean control. The book was clearly a labour of love. Lat. It is an intricate argument and the author does not avoid . placing Arica in Chile) and depicts heroics and suﬀering by Peruvians. W A L K E R J.95 . £17. Fernandez Canque assumes that hundreds of these sailors were lost at sea. Stud. The rich array of social interactions in the period between the end of the war and the signing of this treaty forms the central argument for Skuban’s study of nationalism and identity on the Peruvian-Chilean frontier. 40 (2008). Skuban. Is the notion of nationhood built into our cultural identity ? Is it received or rather created by historical circumstance and deliberately crafted by action and design ? Nations. the author responds. Tax records did not register their activities and the more humble sailors did not write travel accounts as several of the British and American captains did. leaving Arica to Chile and handing over Tacna to Peru. University of California. pp.
Both the race for Lima to preserve loyalty to a Peruvian historical identity and for Chile to chilenise the new territories clashed with the peculiar distinctiveness of a region inimical to the designs of a central Peruvian authority and simultaneously unwilling to fall prey to Chilean persuasion. Putre. The second chapter details the various tactics used by Chile to impose Chileanisation by counting. Both the theoretical framework and the vast historical context for the book are succinctly set out in the introduction and in chapter one. used to play a fundamental role in this ˆ entrepot trade of Tacna and Arica.Reviews 809 its complications and lucidly delves into the various social conﬂicts resulting from the Chilean occupation. There was not only the Chilean/Peruvian dichotomy but also the domestic and conﬂictive interaction between the Arica/Tacna region and the national central powers in each of the two countries. The next chapter gets into the vicissitudes of the frustrated plebiscite during 1925–26. a Spanish version of this book would produce healthy incentives for local Peruvian and Chilean researchers. still subsists today. schools and the press. Chapter four looks into the response of the Peruvian elites to the challenge of cultural preservation.). This study gets well into a host of deep seated social contradictions exacerbated by post war uncertainties and is well guided theoretically by Gramsci’s notion of subaltern social groups. namely church. The Tarata and Ticaco incidents discussed in this chapter provide a good indication of Aymara national feelings but it is not suﬃcient. Habermas and Anderson provide additional frameworks of reference and the analysis is enriched with thorough referencing to the state of art debate on nationalism and frontier in . a momentous period when nationalistic passions prevented its peaceful and normal completion. Socoroma. Tacna’s import/export houses and the Arica sea outlet. In addition to the region/central power dichotomy there was also the deep social cleavage within the disputed region with the popular sectors and the indigenous populations confronting the uncertainties of an outcome that – whatever its course. It is precisely this intricate nature of social conﬂict in the Arica/Tacna region that poses a formidable challenge to historians and ﬁnds a cogent response in the analysis presented by the author. This is one of the various challenges calling for further fruitful research projects and. One general aspect that remains unknown is the economic infrastructure of the period since we are only fragmentarily informed about the way in which Tacna and Arica survived during 1880–1929 and no reference is made to the pre-existing complex triangular articulation between Bolivian trade. like Frederick Huth. Chapter ﬁve is devoted to the contradictory behaviour of popular sectors entangled in a confused mixture of class solidarity and nationalistic fanaticism reaching a violent stage through the notorious ligas patrioticas. providing a splendid account of the role played by women in the safeguarding and enrichment of a Peruvian identity.would be harmful to their welfare. to a large extent. no doubt. The last chapter is devoted to the intricate matter of the Indian question within the context of the Arica and Tacna dispute. There were already a good number of studies dealing almost solely with the diplomatic implications of the Tacna/Arica question. Murra’s model of pisos ecologicos entailed the existence of a large number of small human settlements spread over a vast Andean territory which. monitoring and displacing people or by attempting to neutralise the main public expressions of Peruvian identity. as we still ignore the nature of national allegiances in the other numerous Indian communities. etc. Whatever happened to foreign merchant houses in Tacna ? Were they just bemused spectators or actors in the drama ? The houses were mainly British and some. particularly those in the Andean hinterland of Arica (Belen.
: El Colegio de Mexico. Chile and Peru are again at loggerheads disputing the way in which those lines should be projected into the territorial waters. Sandra Kuntz Ficker addresses ‘ the role of imports in the process of [Mexico’s] economic modernisation and the contribution of exports to the development of [its] national economy ’ from 1870 to 1929 (p. Universidad Arturo Prat. as occupying powers usually do. 40 (2008). Peruvian resistance. the newly acquired territories represented a deﬁnitive solution to the structural crisis of the 1870s. Chile MANUEL FERNANDEZ-CANQUE J. the Chilean envoy Alberto Blest Gana in Paris wrote to his friend ´ Anıbal. At the onset of the Paciﬁc War. Chile was determined to stay in Tacna and Arica and convert pre-existing Peruvian loyalties into a newly acquired Chilean nationality simply because.F. 1870–1929 (Mexico. doi:10. 23). the book is thin in references to dissent amongst Chilean intellectuals. Lat. In this work on Mexico’s foreign trade. as Luis Ortega has posited in a recent book. INTE. Additional value is added by resorting to balanced archival sources in Chile and Peru and.810 Reviews Latin America. the president of Chile : ‘ [_ in this war] not a single means should be avoided to achieve the end we are aiming for : not only victory but the salvation of our country ’. This is one of the ﬁnest elements addressed by Skuban. pp. long term deterioration in terms of exchange for Mexican exports ? Was trade policy invariably protectionist. If anything. To this end the author sets ﬁve questions : ‘ Was there persistent. Vicente Dagnino. is mentioned only in the bibliography. using hitherto untapped sources from the very local area of the conﬂict which are handled with the healthy detachment of an impartial foreign observer. Amer. The lines on the sand were ﬁnally ﬁxed but the story has not yet ﬁnished : as this book hits the market. reinvented itself in admirable cultural expressions in which women played a fundamental part. Carlos Vicun Fuentes ˜a and his criticism of Chilean oﬃcial policy on Tacna and Arica merited more than the single footnote allocated to him. 531. isolated from the rest of the . with eyes not tinged with chauvinistic animosity. El comercio exterior de Mexico en la era del capitalismo liberal. Stud. Presented with the choice of either winning over the hearts and minds of the local population or imposing a new allegiance sometimes by coercion. pb. One wonders how far in the future lies the end to these deep seated intermittent animosities and when those lines in the sand and in the sea shall be gone with the wind of Latin American integration. most importantly. as is often thought. His dismissal from the Instituto Pedagogico and Instituto Nacional because of his anti-patriotism elicited the support of the Teachers’ Society and the Federation of Students who rallied in the streets of Santiago. In sum. Centro de Estudios Historicos. Iquique. in July 1879. crushed by the long War of the Paciﬁc. the Chilean surgeon-historian who chose to disobey authorities’ restrictions by serving the Peruvian poor and bravely ﬁghting the outbreak of bubonic plague in Tacna. D.1017/S0022216X08004860 ´ Sandra Kuntz Ficker. ´ ´ ´ 2007). Chile tended to opt for the latter. or did it tend to liberalise ? Was [government policy] motivated primarily by ﬁscal necessity or pursued in a manner consistent with developmental objectives ? Did imports go mainly to meet the demand of a select group of consumers of luxuries or contribute to the process of industrialisation ? And [ﬁnally] were the beneﬁts of exports.
she concludes that for all its disruption and destruction. From this point the ‘ composition of the basket of imports ’ changed. her ﬁnal conclusion diﬀers little. Foreign trade did. In 1880 tariﬀ reform took ‘ two steps back ’ with the need to reorganise the national debt and simultaneously underwrite a nascent rail system (pp. just as often gave raise to a . Thus what is often portrayed as a ‘ circulos viciosos ’. that Porﬁrian Mexico made the ‘ transition from a closed and very poorly integrated traditional economy into the international market ’ and that ‘ trade was a central component’ in that transition (p.e. from that convention : i. or [were they] real engines of growth for regions and states which each found their unique way out of economic backwardness ’ (p. and exports and their economic contributions. Kuntz Ficker then analyses the impact of tariﬀ rates and changes thereto to determine whether the regime’s ‘ motivation and intent _ arose primarily for protectionist or economic development purposes ’ (p. in which only Porﬁrian insiders (the friends of Diaz) beneﬁted. Her solution is to treat silver as a commodity until coined. The real turn. like Gaul. Her reconstruction is complicated. she answers in the aﬃrmative to the latter half of these questions. imports and the national economy. reconstructing foreign trade statistics and correcting ﬂaws in oﬃcial sources and interpretations thereof in 47 tables and 56 graphs (p. 196. 189). 23) ? While her prose tends to be of the ‘ yes. accepting it then as money at face value whose worth she normalises in relation to gold standard currencies in two appendices (pp. 22). This policy was temporarily thrown oﬀ balance by The Revolution and subsequent civil war when Mexico returned to high tariﬀs. in fact. In 1872 Mexico took ‘ one step forward ’ with its liberalisation of strict protectionism. is divided into three parts: patterns of trade. and industry began to appear as the Porﬁrian regime programmatically shaped its tariﬀ structure to favour imports beneﬁcial to modernisation projects which spurred the growth of domestic manufacture and import replacement (p. The Revolution did not ‘ deﬁnitively ’ overturn the economic development achieved in the Porﬁrato. 180). coin and gold and silver bullion. She concludes that it was the latter. nor for all its political upheaval and nationalisations. their imposition of ‘ qualifying criteria that separated [out] precious metals. essentially harmful to [Mexican economic] development. when Mexico’s economy relied on traditional exports and a rehabilitated mining sector had the eﬀect of promoting import substitution industrialisation thus laying the groundwork for the second round of tariﬀ reductions in 1890. Yet high tariﬀs restored during this period. 465–96). if at all. did The Revolution end Mexico’s ‘ dependence on foreign capital in strategic sectors ’ (p. but ’ variety. however. She identiﬁes ﬁve phases in Mexico’s progress of economic modernisation as seen in changes in the tariﬀ structure. ’ and from the ‘ overvaluation of oil sales ’ during the 1920s (p. 184). Further. 33). serve to modernise Mexico. But the continuities with the modernising goals of the late Porﬁriato were strong and they were not abandoned. 313). 203). She begins by ‘ getting the numbers right ’.180).Reviews 811 economy. She then adjusts her calculations to account for ‘ persistent problems ’ in the oﬃcial trade ﬁgures resulting from their ‘ underestimation of imports due to smuggling and of exports ’. by the changing relative value of the various monies. Kuntz Ficker’s book. came with the Great Depression. says Kuntz Ficker. Her challenge to conventional wisdom notwithstanding. In fact ‘ in some respects it worsened ’ foreign dependence by diminishing the importance of European trading partners and creating a ‘ closer economic and commercial interdependence with the United States ’ (p.
$29. 457). $82.812 Reviews ‘ circulo virtuoso ’ where development was pursued in a rational way given the restraints under which it operated (pp. along with New Cultural History. doi:10. JR. given the well-documented eﬀect of personalismo in the Porﬁrian regime her analysis omits any serious consideration of its inﬂuence on public policy. 455–56). Amer. a surplus available to invest in the establishment of an industrial plant. Kuntz Ficker’s book has many merits. For a collection committed to recovering the diversity of women’s roles in Mexico’s Revolution.). 40 (2008). Stud. But of these industries only one. by 1901. 315). She prefers to emphasise role of ‘ growing domestic capital formation in the success of the export-oriented activities ’ as leading to import substitution industrialisation (p. as a commodity. Murray State University W I L L I A M S C H E L L. viii+233. J. The Women’s Revolution in Mexico. ISI was well underway with over 166 manufacturers operating in Mexico City alone. the Zetinas shoe factory. She is similarly dismissive (by virtual omission) of the inﬂuence of foreigners on the economy. 461). Kuntz Ficker points out that this strategy was necessitated by the internal chaos and foreign intervention that caused Mexico to ‘ miss about two decades of expansion in the international market ’ (p. Interestingly. My criticisms notwithstanding. often fresh analysis of the links between trade. Schell (eds.95 pb. was entirely Mexican owned. the essays in this volume cohere remarkably well.50. Kuntz Ficker has made a signiﬁcant contribution to New Institutional Economic history which. 2007). Mexico reached the conditions for industrialisation: a relatively integrated market. While the Porﬁrian state is often criticised for over emphasising exports in pursuit of modernity. she contradictorily writes: ‘ [I]n sum. 316). Her statistical reconstruction neglects the millions of pesos exported to Asia not in payment for goods or in capital ﬂight but as value added products. By promoting ‘ growth-oriented exports. common to women’s sundry revolutionary experiences was their . Her evaluation of what can be learned from a study of tariﬀs is inconsistent. oﬀers a paradigm to challenge the long reign of the now moribund dependency theory.1017/S0022216X08004872 Stephanie Mitchell and Patience A. [tariﬀ rates] are an inadequate and uncertain indicator when it comes to studying the politics of trade ’ (p. 1910–1953 (Lanham. a commercial policy increasingly targeted purposes of development and increased buying power on the part of a growing sector of the population ’ (p. although many had Mexican partners that were necessary to open doors in the highly politicised Mexican economy. But her work is not without its problems. The 1910 census listed only one-tenth of the city’s population involved in any way in commerce or industry and most as political facilitators who greased the gears of the Porﬁrian political machine. Having based chapter four on unveiling assumptions about the political motives underlying tariﬀ structures. Lat. All others were foreign owned. As witnessed in these chapters. tariﬀs and modernisation. In truth. MD : Rowman & Littleﬁeld. Thus I would venture that what Kuntz Ficker characterises as an era of ‘ liberal capitalism ’ might better be seen as one of tributary capitalism. pp. She gathered a rich load of statistics and marshalled them in a thorough. While she acknowledges in passing that ‘ substantial portion ’ of this modernisation was the result of investment by extranjeros (read Americans) it is with a certain reluctance.
social reform. temperance and housing. despite these varied objectives. whether in search of political equality or social improvement. Nevertheless. religious or labour leaders manoeuvring for power in the tumultuous decades after the Revolution. public practice and revolutionary expectations was not straightforward. For example. conservative women seeking to defend the Catholic Church. Patience Schell asserts that Mexico’s Catholic women had long been active in public social reform eﬀorts with the support of both the Church and their communities. and moderate feminists found themselves in the vanguard of the suﬀrage movement. upper-class. the conservative shift in the 1940s and 1950s soon eliminated this possibility. Yet. and working class communists striving to overcome the oppression of capitalism found common ground in their eﬀorts to uplift prostitutes and modernise the poor. the contributors to this volume show that women’s means often were quite similar. in the process failing to question the motives of these leaders or even the veracity of this transgression. moderate feminist Sofıa Villa de Buentello lobbied ´ tirelessly for full legal equality for women based upon traditional liberal ideals. even though she did so in order to improve women’s condition within marriage and the family. when revolutionary radicalism almost ushered women into the voting booths on a platform of universal equality. the state was less interested in conﬁning women to . Yet even women who fully respected this diﬀerence found their authority in the public sphere in dispute. By contrast. education. Women in turn used this new status to press for equality. Women expressed this not just through their participation in formal politics. By reclaiming their complex history. the articulation between women’s political ´ ideas. were frequently portrayed as transgressive by political. together. Notably. such as welfare. politicisation. as Sarah Buck illustrates. Their ultimate success in earning the vote was in large measure determined by their ability to move maternalist concerns into the public sphere and assure conservative leaders of women’s moderate political aspirations. For instance. social justice. liberal feminists ﬁghting for universal equality. Moreover. the contributors not only recognise women’s participation in Mexico’s Revolution . such as eﬀorts to achieve suﬀrage or amend family law. what is noteworthy about Mexico is just how close women came to full citizenship in the 1930s. This is not surprising to scholars of comparative women’s history. However. they simultaneously attempt to answer whether this participation resulted in a revolution for Mexico’s women. as seen in Carmen Ramos Escandon’s well-conceived chapter.Reviews 813 profound. Women’s public activities. Previous scholars generally reproduced this depiction. Stephanie Mitchell shows that their eﬀorts were frustrated by the reluctance of often self-interested regional and national politicians to grant women state-backed authority over the social life and moral values of their communities. Women in Mexico ultimately gained full rights as citizens in the 1940s and 1950s by employing a politics of diﬀerence that emphasised their distinct feminine contributions to the public sphere. ´ According to Ramos Escandon. activities that had been historically largely female or domestic concerns. now earned the attention of the state. Schell adds that it was only when this activity became politicised in the 1920s in defence of Church authority that it became a target of the revolutionary state. though hardly uniform. Amid the exuberance of post revolutionary civic life in the 1920s and 1930s. just as women temperance workers learned to negotiate the male-dominated world of local politics. or at the very least an improvement in women’s condition.
housing and public health was intended in part to contain the inﬂuence of conservatives and radicals over Mexico’s poor and working classes. In her tightly-argued chapter. Though their initial participation stemmed from existing community social networks that had been forged from women’s eﬀorts to relieve the deplorable conditions of urban tenements. one of the book’s ﬁnest features is its inclusion of a relevant primary source in each chapter. Yet the sources are neither mentioned by the editors nor contextualised by the contributors.814 Reviews their homes than in conﬁning them to passive. when the state saw the capacity of revolutionary reform to change both the minds and habits of rural workers in ways that threatened production and elite authority. Nevertheless. to receive recognition and beneﬁts from a revolutionary state intent on expunging their participation in order to curry favour among moderates. it remains highly suited for course adoption. propagandists and suppliers struggled. by the 1940s. Consequently. Soon conﬁned to the traditional activity of teaching. The revolutionary state’s interest in welfare. usually in vain. the recent maturation of women’s studies and the cultural turn in scholarship on post revolutionary Mexico have generated new spaces for locating women’s participation in the Revolution. and should be of interest to scholars of . As the revolutionary leaders reinscribed the Revolution as a patriarchal event. in nationalist mythology. This is seen in Andrew Grant Wood’s contribution on working class rent strikers in 1920s Veracruz. the outcome was the erasure of women from the Revolution in practice. Moreover. Poor rural women appear largely as objects of reform. but also to mediate the projection of state authority at the local level. as Nichole Sanders demonstrates. the state conﬁned their work to monitoring and modifying the behaviour of the nation’s poor in order to encourage the reproduction of future citizen-workers. education. these women educators found themselves marginalised from the Revolution. women strikers soon were politicised by revolutionary promises and communist leadership. Regardless of their perspective. But as Patience Schell aﬃrms in her incisive conclusion. Stephanie Smith shows how the state sent women into the countryside ostensibly to educate the rural poor. Yet it had the unanticipated result of providing women with openings to negotiate variants of revolutionary citizenship. Martha Eva Rocha demonstrates that even women who had participated in the violent phase of the Revolution as soldiers. Even as welfare programmes provided professional opportunities for educated women. or sometimes even just of the reformers’ gaze. they did compel the state to expand its reform eﬀorts in order to forestall communist organising of the working class. Women’s mobilisation was quickly reversed however. Bliss expertly illustrates that all feminists were caught between a Church that emphasised morality and a state that insisted on maternity. productive forms of public activity that supported its authority. In this. though editor Patience Schell acknowledges this by recognising their participation in the Revolution as a promising site for future research. Katherine Elaine Bliss shows Mexico’s City’s syphilis hospital as a proving ground where Catholic and moderate feminists debated whether the uplift of prostitutes should be a private or public endeavour. and neither institution seemed ready to promise women full citizenship. spies. This is not a book without problems. Likewise. While the strikes failed to lower rents. but rather improvements in the home. state social assistance promised not equality. and even in the scholarly literature. the state viewed women as both targets and carriers of revolutionary reform.
places and archival material improved enormously for Salvadorans as well as foreign scholars. This book addresses dominant interpretations of the dramatic and violent events of 1932. In January of that year. Remembering a Massacre in El Salvador addresses itself to the conditions that allowed a particular narrative framing of the events to achieve such hegemony as to constitute a metanarrative in whose terms competing interpretations would be framed. The evidence suggests that the ˜ Partido Comunista Salvadoreno and its sister organisation. though in isolation the gains that women made appeared insigniﬁcant. SUNY S U S A N M. xviii+411. pp. both as actual event and as cornerstone of nationalist narratives for both the Left and Right. had little success in their organising eﬀorts in the western coﬀee lands. The magnitude of la matanza. peasants in the western. Known in El Salvador simply as la matanza. 40 (2008). Remembering a Massacre in El Salvador . Party leaders became aware of the plans for insurrection in the region late in 1931. A new generation of Salvadoran scholars could dedicate themselves to research in ways that was previously not possible. doi:10. 2007). The ﬁrst section of the book recounts the basic outlines of events and then. Lat. and the Politics of Historical Memory (Albuquerque. coﬀee-growing areas of the country mounted a rebellion that was quickly put down by the military. while those memories and interpretations that did not ﬁt within the metanarrative would be silenced or marginalised. and access to people. The inventive use of a rich array of primary sources by almost all of the authors distinguishes this collection as a solid empirical contribution to the study of the diversity of women’s experiences in post revolutionary Mexico. challenges the communist causality thesis. killing ten thousand. $29.95. Remembering a Massacre in El Salvador is an important product of this research boom. Erik Ching and Rafael A. Roque Dalton. University at Albany. Lara-Martınez. The lynchpin of this metanarrative is what the authors call ‘ communist causality ’. Yet this collection also shows that Mexico’s patriarchal post revolutionary state was in part constituted by and through the very women it sought to subjugate. NM : University of New Mexico Press. the Socorro Rojo Internacional. Therefore. and found themselves aligning with the rebellion even as they wrote desperately to their superiors about its dangerously premature character. this is the massacre whose memory is at stake in this volume. Stud.Reviews 815 modern Mexican history as well. drawing on previously unavailable documents from the Comintern archive in Moscow. The chapters reveal that women most often met seemingly insurmountable obstacles in their eﬀorts to achieve social justice or citizenship. The negotiated end of El Salvador’s twelve-year civil war in 1992 created a novel set of conditions for academic researchers interested in the country’s social and political history. or perhaps thirty thousand. together they initiated a sea change in the gendered attitudes and practices that composed political life in twentieth century Mexico. can scarcely be overstated. Amer. in a matter of weeks. G A U S S J. Remembering a ´ Massacre in El Salvador: The Insurrection of 1932. the notion that those who rebelled were motivated fundamentally by some vision of communism. which then undertook the mass execution of peasants.1017/S0022216X08004884 ´ Hector Lindo-Fuentes. pb.
But the history of 1932 is inescapably political in El Salvador today. the authors ´ turn to Roque Dalton’s 1972 Miguel Marmol.816 Reviews presents the rebellion of 1932 as the product of local resentments and local organising rather than widespread commitment to communism. as axes of inequality and modes of experience. While the basic argument – that Dalton’s own political priorities. The book is well-suited for undergraduates and lends itself to discussions of methodology and theory as well as questions of the politics of memory. Dalton attributed to Marmol a ﬁrm defence of the ´ decision to rebel in 1932 that is not supported by the account in the notebooks or by statements Marmol made in other contexts. who was dedicated to a revolutionary project that would ﬁnd form in the armed conﬂict of the 1980s. The authors of Remembering a Massacre were granted access by the Dalton family to Dalton’s notebooks. Dalton also eliminated Marmol’s re´ ´ ferences to ethnicity. Remembering a Massacre in El Salvador marshals its arguments clearly and grounds them in the evidence presented in Dalton’s notebooks and other sources. shaped his interpretation of events – is likely to seem uncontroversial to scholars of historical memory. the left fractures internally. many of which are reproduced in an extensive appendix. 153) ‘ ‘‘ narrative reconﬁguration’’. most notably by characterising the motivations of the indigenous leader Feliciano Ama as being grounded in a sense of class exploitation as opposed to racial-ethnic divisions. the arguments against action were quietist. Those familiar with recent controversies around the uses of testimonio may question the interests at stake in Remembering a Massacre in El Salvador. the question becomes how this explanation achieved such widespread acceptance. as ruling rightists deploy an intense anticommunism against all opponents. the presentation of that process at work is fascinating and thorough. although contemporary leftists have drawn heavily on Dalton’s text. on the silencing of Marmol’s reﬂections on the extent to which ethnic factors played a role in mo´ tivating the rebellion. and the discrepancies between the account in the notes and the published version is the basis for their analysis of what they call (on p. The sharp distinction Dalton drew between class and race. The authors’ claim that Miguel Marmol. was ﬁercely criticised by many on the Salvadoran left and cited as the cause for the rebellion’s failure. Although the authors nod to their own location within ‘ memory groups’. on the presentation of Marmol’s testimony as a defence ´ of the communist leadership’s decision to rebel in 1932. To answer this. they present the book as a neutral academic project. which erased diﬀerence in the name of a nationalist universalism. whereby Roque Dalton reshaped Marmol’s story ’. By sidestepping the political stakes and . a founder of the PCS. as well as the broader discursive regime within which he lived and wrote. and second. Yet for Dalton. even as their own analysis indicated that the time was not right for insurrection. ´ The authors focus ﬁrst. published after four decades during which oral and written accounts circulated. and indigenous activists struggle to make their voices heard. reﬂected Marxist notions of the primacy of class in determining history as well as dominant ideologies of mestizaje. Once the communist causality thesis is undermined. was ‘ the single most important contribution to collective memory of the events of 1932 ’ is questionable. Communist leaders’ decision to push ahead with the rebellion. In order to present 1932 as a positive example for those involved in the contemporary communist project and to support his sense that immediate militant action was necessary. who narrated his ´ ´ account to Dalton in 1966. and to the Menchu ´ controversy. an early example of testimonio literature that presents the life story of Marmol.
formed a convenient part of anti-Communist Cold war politics. doi:10. campaigns to eradicate malaria. Lat. this new work makes a foray into the second. Like atomic power. the authors miss an opportunity to consider why.00.1017/S0022216X08004896 Marcos Cueto. 40 (2008). like the . The stage was set for a ‘ campaign ’ conducted in a military manner against the mosquito. In the past decade Marcos Cueto has emerged as one of the leading ﬁgures pushing forward the historiography of medicine of Latin America. like various Latin American countries. Stud. Earlier campaigners. at this moment. medical technology was used by the United States in its competition for hegemony with the Soviet Union. And the consolidation of international health institutions (with the Pan-American Sanitary Bureau being reshaped as the regional arm of the World Health Organisation) made possible the speedy pooling of experiences and diﬀusion of methods. Mexico was a convenient location for experiments with a programme of eradication. Whereas other ﬁgures like Anne-Emanuel Birn and Armando Solorzano Rojas have made substantial contributions to the history of Mexican medicine in the ﬁrst half of the twentieth century. this work matters.C. which until recently so many historians were reluctant to approach. A crusading zeal and the imperative of moral obligation swept aside objections from Nicaragua and El Salvador that eradication was not feasible without a vaccine. The application to Mexico of the model of yaws eradication in Haiti. Deadly Fevers : Malaria Eradication in Mexico.Reviews 817 leaving the past in the past. Several decades of exposure to US medicine through study by Mexican physicians in the United States and of co-operation with the Rockefeller Foundation in diverse health-care and agricultural projects eased the early stages of the relationship. The symptoms. Cueto approaches the topic from international. The author outlines persuasively how international health programmes. Michigan State University B R A N D T G. $45. the medical profession and the peasantry is timely and appropriate. national and local perspectives. hb. This new book makes a substantial contribution. Mexico. Cold War. Amer. while many social scientists have increasingly seen them as beyond their remit. A ﬁrm priority was attached to malaria when it aﬄicted Allied troops in Asia and the Paciﬁc during the Second World War. to which malaria eradication could be added. pp. the United States was especially anxious that the Soviet Union might become a more attractive model to poor countries. An analysis of the relationship between Cold War politics. and the evolution of pumps – that produced a uniform dosage on sprayed surfaces and that required only a minimal technical knowledge to operate – completed the picture. It is especially to be welcomed because it approaches decades. political and administrative environments were propitious for international campaigning against malaria. : Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press. xvi+264. possessed an established public health apparatus (but unlike most of Africa) and gave a strong emphasis on hygiene education. of which Dr Francois Duvalier ¸ was the most notorious beneﬁciary. 2007). for all their appearance of rationality and neutrality. 1955–1975 (Washington D. etiology and method of transmission of the disease had been established at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. P E T E R S O N J. By the 1950s the scientiﬁc. and sought new ways of projecting a global image of benevolence. On the death of Stalin in 1953.
but no such hesitation inhibited the International Co-operation Agency and the PASB. The tide slowly turned against the campaign. was a goal so singlemindedly pursued that PASB personnel were forbidden to use the word ‘ control ’. took blood samples. 2007). : Potomac Books. had been reluctant to assume a high proﬁle in Latin America . The Cold War entered a new phase .1017/S0022216X08004902 Kristian Gustafson. when DDT killed hens and bees. historians of medicine and social policy. Physicians pointed to the risks posed to the lives of sprayers. Furthermore. By 1966 the campaign had stagnated. hb. informed the authorities about feverish cases. 2005). 1964–1974 (Washington D. Anthropologists underlined the failure of campaigns to take either lack of health education or indigenous concepts of medicine (mosquitoes were seen as inconveniences to be smoked out. not control or incidence reduction. 40 (2008). which stressed the urgency of a transition to national plan for basic health services. would be most welcome. Lat. University College. sprayed houses. not a menace) into account. Stud. like reducing the incidence of dengue transmitted by the Aedes aegypti. Kristian Gustafson. Some studies of the same period on similar and parallel themes in South American countries. pp. Gustafson uses much of the same recently released declassiﬁed CIA and State Department sources as . 2003) and John Dinges in The Condor Years : How Pinochet and his Allies Brought Terrorism to Three Continents (New York & London : The New Press. and of the peasantry and of the professions alike. and moved on.95. An ex-Canadian Army oﬃcer now historian. especially Venezuela. xiv+317. the campaign aroused much resistance at the local level. While having some incidental beneﬁts. It will be welcomed by Mexicanists. and mosquitoes developed a new resistance. Amer. Campaign leaders like Fred Soper both assumed that peasants led static lives. as well as contamination caused by poor storage conditions. London CHRISTOPHER ABEL J. The eradication campaign was justiﬁed with the argument that the cost of an eradication campaign was less than the cost of the damage caused by one year of malaria. A shift from an emphasis on eradication to one on control seemed successful. Attempts to persuade indigenous Mexicans of the beneﬁts of ‘ Western ’ medicine were often halfhearted. when many were migrants who built new homes. and was complemented by programmes of agrarian reform. National concern at the fragmentation of the public health system was reinforced by the WHO. jumps into a fray that has been paved by Peter Kornbluth’s The Pinochet File : A Declassiﬁed Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability (New York & London : The New Press. since translators into indigenous languages and anthropologists were scarce. given the speed with which a temporary mobile unit appeared in a village. doi:10. No malariaattributed death was recorded in 1982. Hostile Intent : US Covert Operations in Chile. a loss of impetus from above combined with resistance from below to cause a reappraisal of health policy . there was little time for persuasion. Schoolteachers and public health oﬃcials were enlisted in the struggle against peasant opposition. and overlooked the damage to diet and income.C. This new work is a model of its kind. in which better mechanisms of assessment and surveillance would take a part.818 Reviews Rockefeller Foundation. fears of human cancer and problems of miscarriages among farm animals. Eradication. peasant resettlement and the ‘ march to the seas ’. $29.
Gustafson argues that it did not. Further. he strives to stake out a vastly diﬀerent argument than Dinges and Kornbluth. he demonstrates the continued bumbling of the administration in Chile due in part because their needs for control and paranoia. he spends a signiﬁcant portion of the book revealing how it engaged in intrigue with CIA oﬃcers.Reviews 819 Kornbluth. Thus. who with colleagues at the National Security Archive facilitated the release of much of this evidence. he splendidly demonstrates that the CIA provided arms and funds to certain factions in the military as well as the opposition. I do not know any scholar who has attempted to dismiss Chilean agency in the overthrow and destabilisation of the regime. The primary accomplishment of Gustafson’s book is the unravelling of the roles of the CIA. 86). Gustafson does not reveal anything dis´ tinctive except to argue that the evidence does not reveal a direct connection between CIA agents and the murderers. there is little analysis of the politicisation of memory of those who are accustomed to giving the most appropriate answer at the most appropriate time. In answering his questions of whether the Nixon administration attempted to assassinate Allende. Chilean ﬁlm-maker Patricio Guzman. Gustafson draws diﬀerent conclusions from the evidence and engenders further questions. I agree that they may not have been entirely focused on the narrow land. Chileans that disagreed with Popular Unity played a key role. Gustafson’s reading of the history of policy is at times exasperating. However. Moreover. In the interviews that he conducted. and Gustafson engages the questions to a profound decree. In the documentary Salvador Allende. In examining the kidnap plot and assassination of the constitutionalist General Rene Schneider. . In turn. and this press focuses on military history and intelligence and security studies. his work attempts to discredit certain arguments that the United States was responsible for the overthrow of Allende and the rise of Augusto Pinochet by arguing that the United States did not attempt to organise a coup against Allende but instead to strengthen the opposition parties. distrust. State Department and other US government agencies in Chile. ‘ the Nixon and Kissinger team was one of the most successful in US diplomatic history’. In staking his approach. Gustafson’s focus remains on the CIA covert actions in Chile leading up to the overthrow of Allende and the following year. but in the next paragraph he reveals how ‘ the team ’ attempted to centralise authority and circumvent the State Department (p. Gustafson opens with a series of questions : Did the Nixon administration _ try to have Allende assassinated ? Did the CIA _ engineer the coup that resulted in Allende’s death? Did the CIA choose and groom General Augusto Pinochet _ ? Controversial stuﬀ to take on. and lack of political agreement concerning the most appropriate Chilean party or military oﬃcers to support. Obviously. In examining Nixon and Henry Kissinger’s perceptions of Chile. However there is no denying that they became interested in the wake of Allende’s election and attempted to destabilise his presidency. bypassing the State Department. However. Over thirty years later in the area of policy. He writes. Potomac Books published this particular work. He shows successively that the United States covert actions in Chile did not end in a clean coup and a return to democracy. However. captures the sense of ´ responsibility even among members of the Communist Party for the overthrow and the dictatorship. all those concerned argued that they assumed that the military junta would rule for a brief period followed by democratic elections. He demonstrates the intra-agency competition. That particular endeavour took years of work.
and is enhanced by detailed referencing throughout and a bibliographical essay in the appendix.95. which ﬂows eloquently and makes the book a pleasurable as well as an informative read. focused and relevant research that underpins the text is skilfully woven into the narrative. Through detailed research. This outcome is aided by a highly accessible narrative style. In Paraguay and the United States : Distant Allies. Thus. Whether or not Nixon and Kissinger envisioned a democratic end to their realpolitik means. doi:10. 40 (2008). pb. as the US swiftly became Paraguay’s most important economic partner. an established authority on US-Paraguayan relations. This makes it broadly accessible to a wide audience.820 Reviews Gustafson’s goal of demonstrating the role of covert action in Chile may not have been completely on target. $24. Cooney. The special relationship reached its peak of course during the earlier years of the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner (1954–89). xiv+333. GA : The University of Georgia Press. Amer. with the rapid growth of US economic and political involvement during and immediately after the Second World War. From the outset. Paraguay and the United States : Distant Allies (Athens. that the analysis. which is suﬃciently detailed and well written to be useful for all scholars of Paraguay. a comprehensive study of the relationship between Paraguay and its closest international ally is long overdue. Lat. Mora and Cooney argue coherently and knowledgeably how. in this sense. Leverage. Given the scarcity of research into Paraguayan foreign relations. St. and the historian Jerry Cooney. and it is in this section. there is no denying that the covert actions undertaken facilitated the rise and tacit approval of Augusto Pinochet as Dinges and Kornbluth have shown. political and even cultural relations between the countries. Stud. the authors make clear the political dimension of economic and military aid as a lever with which the United States could pressure Paraguayan domestic politics into a pattern more favourable to its own interests. This is a fascinating book that not only carefully documents the development of economic. beneﬁts – and manipulation – were to a great extent mutual. Frank O Mora. Mora and Jerry W. but does so within a framework of historical analysis. The narrative really takes oﬀ. NY) ELAINE CAREY J.1017/S0022216X08004914 Frank O. however. The extensive. 2007). seek to ﬁll a void in the literature by analysing the development of Paraguay’s own ‘ special relationship ’. whilst for certain Paraguayan elite interests (such as the Colorado Party) US material support represented a key component of retention of power. which takes up almost 40 percent of the book. The ﬁrst sections of the book take us from 1840. in return for almost unconditional Paraguayan support for US policy and signiﬁcant leverage in domestic aﬀairs. research and documentation is at its very best. ranging from experts on Paraguay to students of international aﬀairs to non-specialists. pp. John’s University (Queens. and the importance of the United States in Paraguayan political history. the book provides both an informative historical overview of the country as well as a highly informed analysis of a case study in international relations. the US oﬀered political legitimacy as well as economic and military aid to enable Stroessner to establish . through the Triple Alliance War (1864–70) to the attempts of the US to mediate in the Chaco War (1932–35). with careful documentation of the slow development of US interest in Paraguay.
The section is also comparatively brief. corruption. The ﬁnal 30 pages examine the transition (1989-present). modernise the country and ﬁnance the considerable webs of patronage and corruption that underpinned party and military loyalty. This is a pity for a book published in 2007. the implication that is made is that the US will continue to protect Paraguay’s democratic institutions and that closer trade and security links with the US are both likely and positive. has shaped and deﬁned much of Paraguayan domestic politics over the past 60 years. 253). and then oﬀer a short ﬁve-page epilogue. this remains an impressive. Stroessner sought to manipulate US Cold War fears. Whilst Washington was willing to turn a blind eye to human rights abuses. With such a wealth of detailed information emerging from the Paraguayan case study. nature. whether introductory or concluding. The desirability of a sovereign nation allowing a foreign power to wield such inﬂuence in domestic politics is left unexplored. drug smuggling and lack of democracy. applying pressure on the ruling Colorado Party to protect democratic institutions and procedures. a process that continued under Reagan (for very diﬀerent reasons). the authors argue that through ﬁve successive administrations (between 1954 and 1977). The documentation of events continues to be outstanding and the link between the growth of the US role in domestic aﬀairs and the weakness and lack of legitimacy of Paraguayan democratic institutions and elites is clearly and eﬀectively made. it was not until the Carter administration that relations began to deteriorate. However. presenting himself as a staunch supporter of US regional interests. as Paraguay became increasingly isolated in a continent undergoing a wave of democratisation. and an important and welcome addition to the literature. cynically exaggerating the communist threat. perhaps all. there is no real critical questioning of the level of US inﬂuence in Paraguayan politics. However. its role as ‘ ultimate domestic arbiter ’ (p. Despite increasing discomfort with elements of the Stroessner regime. 258) and its ability to ‘ shape any. whilst pursuing its own agenda regarding narcotics. with the authors choosing to end the book with the 1999 political crisis. The authors also make clear the cynical nature of the relationship. which brieﬂy discusses events since then in very general terms and with a limited focus on security and anti-terrorism. The research is detailed and painstakingly woven into a ﬂuent narrative which guides us through the complex history of an intimate but highly asymmetrical relationship – which while of only marginal importance to the US. University of Bath PETER LAMBERT . political outcomes in Paraguay’ (p. The book deserves such a chapter to bring together the many related but diﬀerent strands of this relationship which are so well documented throughout.Reviews 821 himself in power. US backing was the mainstay of the regime’s political survival. which will appeal to scholars and students alike. Instead. eloquently written and fascinating book. Indeed. dangers and limits of such an asymmetrical relationship is not developed within a theoretical framework. contraband and violation of intellectual property rights. Perhaps too what would have most enhanced this work would have been an overview chapter. as the authors point out. especially given the many important issues that have emerged over the period – including the fascinating relationship between Nicanor Duarte Frutos (2004–2008) and the US government – which would have enriched this study. it is to be regretted that a broader analysis of the trajectory. as the US reasserted itself as a major political actor in Paraguayan domestic politics.
E83.63 pb. Mediation is the central organising concept the author deploys to describe what Catholic leaders wanted and achieved in the decades following Trujillo. They gave him support and praise until.00. society and politics in Latin America : the institutionalist paradigm (the church is out to preserve its inﬂuence) . generally supportive of elections and political democracy. They maintain. The defeat of revolution in 1965 (by US occupation) squelched not only the political Left. he gave the Church more than US$ 26 billion. Lat. for example. Over the period of his rule. 40 (2008). civil war. which the author sees as part outreach to hitherto ignored sectors like the poor (through social programmes) and part turning itself into a mediator viewed as acceptable by all sides. and alliances with the Left. In this light. The long historical portrait shows a weak institution moving from dependent accommodation to an overwhelmingly powerful dictatorship to a search for a new role. and helped them build churches and expand parishes. mediation is a survival strategy undertaken as a means of ensuring a continued role by becoming acceptable to all major players. albeit in a dependent and subservient manner? The relation of mutual support with Trujillo was highly political not to say valuable. relatively understudied but with a history of great interest in these areas. a conservative mix of neo Christendom orientations (which rely on the notion of the church being oﬃcial and oﬃcially backed) with a powerful anti-leftism. The author argues that mediation becomes a role for the church as a result of social and political pressures (p. Was the church not incorporated into politics with Trujillo. non partisan. socially concerned but not giving up state support and subsidies. and oﬀered themselves as brokers or mediators. the Balaguer regime. £21. The author identiﬁes four major schools of thought that orient work on Catholicism. the ‘ popular church ’. Only in this way.1017/S0022216X08004926 J. Amer.99 pb . The Catholic Church and Power Politics in Latin America : The Dominican Case in Comparative Perspective (Plymouth : Rowman & Littleﬁeld. a huge sum even then. What emerges following the mid 1970s is a Catholic hierarchy that is conservative. £53.48. If this is not a political relation. and the slow emergence of political democracy. E34. one wonders what does qualify. available to broker disputes and increasingly involved in social outreach. The case in point is the Dominican Republic. but also the ecclesial Left. Emilio Betances. 2007). as he was already of the nation as a whole. . in arranging terms of participation in the 1974 elections. xvi+275. In his view. 46). longer than in many other cases. What the author appears to mean by ‘ political reincorporation or re insertion ’ is that beginning in the late 1970s. a slow distancing began in the early 1960s and the bishops refused an oﬃcial request to name Trujillo Benefactor of the Church. Stud. Although mediation is nowhere deﬁned explicitly. this appears to be the core of what the author means by the concept. The author brings a wealth of historical and contemporary detail to bear on how the Catholic Church carved out a new role for itself in the aftermath of the Trujillo dictatorship. the same groups that elsewhere in the region advanced ideas of liberation. This is an interesting and substantial study of how the Catholic Church positions and repositions itself in social and political life. church leaders speciﬁcally avoided partisan or radical positions of any kind. pp. Bourdieu’s analysis of the religious ﬁeld . after its long period of dependent accommodation with Trujillo. Betances argues. the church ‘ reinserts’ itself or ‘ reincorporates ’ itself into the political process. can the Church manage a reincorporation and reinsertion of the kind that new times require – non partisan. under Vatican pressure.822 Reviews doi:10.
£55. pp. Massive emigration. occupation. Stud. Paulina’s husband. NC. the electoral authoritarianism of Balaguer. 2008). Although the author devotes most of his attention to the Catholic Church and its leaders at the national level. He states that ‘ these approaches have helped me develop a cohesive approach to understand the relation between organized religion and politics ’ (p. particularly given the oversold expectations presented by an earlier generation of work. Single country studies have fallen out of favour in the recent literature on religion and politics.Reviews 823 Bastian’s ideas about the mutation of the religious ﬁeld. most notably Brazil. and Betances extends the comparison with case studies of Bolivia. Chapter six is an informative analysis of the growth and diversiﬁcation of Protestantism. doi:10. 6). 40 (2008). . urbanisation and cultural changes including the emergence of a substantial sector of evangelical churches. but does little to clarify the conceptual base of this book. Unsettling Accounts : Neither Truth nor Reconciliation in Confessions of State Violence (Durham. and shows its relevance to broader processes in the region. 279). you know ’ (p. Betances’ work is something one does not see much of lately – a highly detailed institutional history of the Church in one country. xvi+374. This can be a very valuable approach and in this case the author’s close attention to detail illuminates the experience of a hierarchy struggling to deal with a very rapidly changing environment. The reasons for choosing these particular cases is not clear but the analysis does underscore the diﬀerence that aborted revolution and continued conservative domination in the church made for the Dominican Republic. These transformations are comparable to those in much of Latin America. which now occupy a legitimate and recognised position in national life. L E V I N E J. Returning to relatively traditional topics of church state relations and the resurgence of limited. The political transformations are stark and wrenching : dictatorship. Peru. £13. make the Dominican Republic of 2008 a very diﬀerent world from the country Trujillo ruled for so long. The evolution of the Protestant sector in this small country is broadly comparable to what one can see elsewhere in the region.99 pb. Amer. In reality. and London : Duke University Press. but this book shows their potential value. University of Michigan D A N I E L H. In Ariel Dorfman’s Death and the Maiden. Gerardo’s warning about the possible lethal consequences of free-ﬂowing truth is the focus of Unsettling Accounts. and the slow growth of democracy.00. Gerardo. This is a valuable addition to the literature on religion and politics in Latin America. An elaborate review of these theories follows. mediating roles the author sheds light on an important and little studied case. or at higher numerical levels. and of its emerging role as a political actor. Guatemala. Guatemala. and Marxist world systems theory. aborted revolution. This perspective can be refreshingly realistic. Lat. Payne. cautions : ‘ People can die of an excessive dose of the truth. he also provides valuable sub national studies especially in chapter ﬁve which details how a social pastoral programme was developed and nurtured following the fall of Trujillo. Nicaragua and El Salvador.1017/S0022216X08004938 Leigh A. But political change and conﬂict is only part of the evolution of this country. Paulina says that all she wants of her former torturer is a confession.
a well-known DINA torturer ´n’ who alternately denies and admits his role and who particularly enjoyed sexually torturing women. The other is an autobiographical ˆ novel by former colonel Pedro Correa Cabral (ﬁction and lies) on the disappearance of over one hundred young revolutionaries in the Amazon jungle in the early 1970s. Intense debate can lead to broadened acceptance by old regime supporters of human rights vocabulary and. Confessions of state violence are potentially very unsettling because they often bring out gruesome details of torture. defending his patriotic actions in saving the patria from Marxist aggression. actually reinforces democracy rather than undermining it. and competition’ (p. The cases from Brazil stretch the ordinary understanding of confessions. nuanced and provocative contribution to the literature on transitional justice. contestation. or a ‘ conﬂictual dialogic approach to democracy in deeply divided societies ’. the book examines two confessions (amnesia and betrayal) from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. These confessions. or by omitting the speciﬁcs leave audiences to use their imaginations to ﬁll in the blanks. the so-called blonde angel of death Alfredo Astiz (heroic). Brazil and South Africa – a travelogue through the barbarous last third of the twentieth century. on one hand. Following the featured confession. who participated in death ﬂights from the ESMA detention centre and whose story was disseminated in Horacio Verbitzky’s El vuelo. The result is a captivating journey through the repressive pasts and conﬂictive presents of Argentina. as information about past repression circulates openly. each chapter concludes comparatively by analysing confessions in similar styles from the four primary countries as well as Bosnia and the US wars in Vietnam and Iraq. Chile. Payne focuses on repressors’ confessions. content and discourse analysis. She begins with the 1995 televised performance of retired Argentine naval oﬃcer Adolfo Scilingo (remorseful). create ‘ contentious coexistence ’. She analyses print. Payne challenges those scholars. which consistently refuses to comment on human rights violations during its dictatorship. which she calls ‘ performances ’. on the other. all except perhaps the Brazilian military’s are ambiguous and likely to change over the duration of the repressor’s . In this wide-ranging. Then DINA commander Manual Contreras (denial) rejects the charges against him and tries to shift responsibility to his boss Pinochet. who argue that unrestricted debate over a country’s recent repressive past threatens democratic consolidation or continuity. clean and comprehensive. and comparative historical approaches. The ﬁrst involves the military collectively (silence). televised and radio-broadcast confessions using interviews. 3). Payne suggests that ﬁction can be an eﬀective form of confession in that it is not subject to the scrutiny applied to most other confessional forms. Each of the eight featured confessions is labelled according to Payne’s analytical scheme.824 Reviews an important study of countries transitioning to democracy following repression. The author emphasises that none of these confessions is direct. murder and disappearance. Regardless of how they are labelled. Shifting to Chile. nudge all but the hardest liners toward a more moderate position. confessed in a very diﬀerent tone. Finally. among whom she names Jon Elster and Stephen Holmes. Another Argentine naval oﬃcer. or ‘ unsettling accounts ’. Payne ﬁrst analyses the confession of Osvaldo ‘ el guato Romo (sadistic). She argues that open and vigorous contestation of truth between human rights violators and supporters of the former regime. and human rights movements and their allies. including state terrorism. which in turn ‘ enhances democratic practices by provoking political participation.
and public response (audience) ’ (p. Lat. we might expect democracy to be more fragile in Brazil than in the other three countries. Finally. MD : The Johns Hopkins University Press. Since the confessions produced ‘ contentious coexistence ’ in Argentina and South Africa. coiﬀures and dress – additional attention to external factors would have helped more eﬀectively to explain the diﬀering impacts the confessions had. The 1988 plebiscite that he lost was on the proposition that he serve eight more years as president. 8). Pinochet did not lose a plebiscite over his 1980 constitution (p. To test Payne’s thesis that free debate over the past fortiﬁes democracy. hb. Payne has broken fertile new ground in this compelling book. a few of which might mislead the reader. consciously or otherwise. pp. 4). Payne indicates that the eﬀect of the confession is conditioned by both the performance itself and by external factors: ‘ institutional mechanisms (staging). while the latter as frequently suggests generalisations as to why a speciﬁc policy or policies can contribute to understanding why democratisation will thrive. doi:10.). Amnesty in Chile dated from the military’s 1978 decree-law. 289). The novel use of confessions to bridge the experiences of transitional justice and democratic consolidation across national and cultural boundaries provides important insights into these processes that could fruitfully be applied to the dozens of additional countries grappling with the aftermath of highly repressive or state terrorist regimes. The ﬁgure of 10. killed and disappeared in Argentina (p. Payne does not provide evidence of democratic governments’ attempts to legislate silence (p.1017/S0022216X0800494X T H O M A S C. and Pinochet’s arrest in London and subsequent legal proceedings – not Romo’s and Contreras’s confessions – yielded the same result in Chile.000 tortured. Casting the net as widely as Payne does invites the occasional error of fact or interpretation. The Chilean truth commission did not grant amnesty (p. 35). the former often tends. not the cause of truth. political context (timing). why some (the Argentine and South African) truly were ‘ unsettling accounts ’ and others (the Chilean and Brazilian) were not. while some democratic leaders certainly encouraged the damping down of debate over the past at critical moments. The Construction of Democracy : Lessons from Practice and Research (Baltimore. body language. it certainly calls into question Gerardo’s warning about the dangers of unlimited truth. one would have to measure the vitality and rootedness of democracy in the four countries. which could only be repealed by legislative or judicial action – both impossible throughout most of the 1990s. University of Nevada.000 disappeared and the oﬃcial tally of over 13. 6) ignores both the human rights movement’s estimate of 30. W R I G H T ´ Jorge Domınguez and Anthony Jones (eds. £33. 2007). Stud. Las Vegas J. The academic and the prescriptive literatures on democratisation are seldom separate and distinct .50.Reviews 825 public engagement. Amer. to oﬀer suggestions as to ‘ what to do’ or ‘ which path to take ’. but the book leaves that determination to the reader. .000. While the confessions are masterfully analysed from every possible angle – from content and style of the language down to confessors’ facial expressions. 40 (2008). viii+253. And while the book does not clearly verify Payne’s core thesis. and all are ultimately intended to serve the confessor’s interest. This may be true.
corruption) . strengthening pluralism and participation) . 45). not only lets the reader know what the recent relevant literatures have said and are saying. a reader who . references to speciﬁc cases (even if such cases consist of little more than passing references) outline choices that must be made and not skimmed over. Latin America. The book has much to give. the resulting book has both. Maravall. K. constitution making. Cesar Gaviria ´ (former president of Colombia) and Fernando Henrique Cardoso (former president of Brazil). but also oﬀers (as already discussed) step by step instructions on how to proceed to install a new constitution successfully (stakes in constitutional design. as well as Europe. and between those countries who confront democracy above or below certain developmental thresholds and how their chances for surviving their confrontations vary. The book has four major sections. For the practitioner. It draws on the proceedings of the ﬁrst meeting of the Club of Madrid on democratic transition and consolidation (held in that city in 2001). The reader looking for detailed studies of a speciﬁc country or small cluster of countries will look in vain . relations between the market and the state) . but go even further in their prescriptions. to take only one other example. Anıbal Cavaco Silva (former prime minister and also president of Portugal). constitutional moments. To take but one of several examples : the Richards chapter on economic challenges presents a distillation of many of the pre-eminent political economists on the topic (Przeworski. timing. between countries with some record of economic reform prior to democratisation versus those with none. Portugal). costs of reform. he also distinguishes between postcommunist ‘ new ’ democracies and Latin American ‘ older’ but highly unequal democracies. Gurjal (former prime minister of India).826 Reviews The present volume is about as complete a blending of the two as one is likely to ﬁnd. the scope of this rather slim volume is large indeed. the roles of the military and police forces. Many of the academic contributions are synthetic roundups (and extremely useful ones at that) that bring together much of the thought current at the time of the conference. and because that meeting brought together academics as well as practitioners. likewise. The Richard Simeon and Luc Turgeon chapter dealing with constitutional design. the last consists of brief cases presented by the high-level practitioners already mentioned (leaders from and of Brazil. participants. There is little exceptionable from any of the essays. the third looks at implementation (reforming the state. the second focuses on electoral institutions (constitutions. liberalisation via ‘ big bang’ or gradualism. and then addresses the particular question of ‘ _ the role played by economic development in sustaining democracy once it has been established ’ (p. executivelegislative relations) . Its academic chapters are by a wide range of established scholars from Latin America and the United States. arenas. decision rules and implementation). As may be gathered. self-interest. To do so Richards takes on several critical decision points (popular demands. but it also includes contributions by current and ´ former elected oﬃcials such as I. India. Limongi. and that is perhaps one of its shortcomings. Diamond). Most of the other academic chapters are analogous (at least roughly) in their scope and in their abilities to synthesise mainstream economics and political science. The ﬁrst is devoted to macro issues of democratic construction (economic challenges. For professional scholars and graduate students it oﬀers much synthesis and much in the way of the choices that must be made (a point emphasised in several places by the editors).
etc. but its eﬀort to include academics as well as practitioners makes it stand out from the crowd of other volumes on democratisation. Lat. University of Texas. This is the lowest price at which a household would have chosen to consume zero units of the service before privatisation if it had had access to the service in question. The eﬀect . And the reader searching for serious debates between or among the contributors will not ﬁnd those. pb. but that intensity does not across in the ﬁnal product. To measure inequality. Has privatisation of infrastructure services such as water. electricity. ﬁscal policies and the relationship between macroeconomic stability and poverty.). Bolivia. 5). add the estimated per capita change in consumer welfare. It may well be. Mexico. impact on ﬁscal balance and employment. the authors use the concept of virtual price for consumers who did not have access to the service before privatisation.Reviews 827 wishes to ﬁnd new empirical data or quantitative materials will not ﬁnd them here. opposition to privatisation. The welfare change is calculated by looking at the change in price from the virtual price to the price after privatisation. namely. pp. but it has helped reduce poverty. The main conclusion in the book is that privatisation has increased inequality slightly (change in the Gini coeﬃcient is 0. the entry of foreign multinational enterprises. telephone and water. 2005). It is not a breakthrough book theoretically or empirically. doi:10. The rest of the chapters do not look at speciﬁc industries. To measure the price elasticity of each service. telephone and gas in Brazil and one on telephone in Peru. the authors calculate the Gini coeﬃcient and Atkinson inequality indices before privatisation. the relationship between privatisation and liberalisation. D I E T Z J. Bolivia. as I have discussed. For poverty they use household income or expenditures. Eastern Europe (Russia and Ukraine) and Asia (China and Sri Lanka). Austin H E N R Y A. telephone.1017/S0022216X08004951 John Nellis and Nancy Birdsall (eds. Amer. that workshops held prior to the Club of Madrid meetings saw ‘ _ discussions _ (that) were prolonged and intense ’.02). It considers three industries in Argentina. Then they take each household’s per capita expenditures before privatisation. The book looks at ten case studies in Latin America (Argentina. Stud. and recalculate the inequality measures. There is also a chapter on electricity. 442. electricity and gas reduced inequality and poverty ? More than a decade after the last wave of privatisations swept through Latin America. but has reduced poverty. DC : Center for Global Development. In sum. Reality Check : The Distributional Impact of Privatization in Developing Countries (Washington. Mexico and Nicaragua. 40 (2008). The authors suggest that we can learn more about poverty by looking at the progressive/regressive structure of tax systems. $23. the book is useful in a variety of ways. the authors in this volume evaluate the impact of privatisation on equity and conclude that privatisation has increased inequality slightly. Nicaragua and Peru).95. Brazil. Reality Check encourages researchers interested in poverty issues to shift their analysis away from privatisation. They regard changes in budget shares of services as an approximation of the relative welfare eﬀect of a change in their price. Studies of privatisation have focused on the goals and implementation of reforms. as the editors say (p.
The authors attribute these hikes to two factors: price subsidies before privatisation and lack of competition after. regional and local governments from the privatised ﬁrms is one percent of tax revenue for all levels of government. using equivalent data when available. mainly with regards to the expansion of access and improvements in quality of service. a signiﬁcant proportion of laid-oﬀ workers found employment in the same industry (50 percent in less than a year in Mexico and 90 percent within four years in Argentina). However. However. However. Since many of the SOEs were heavily subsidised and poor people lacked access to the services they provided. such as signiﬁcant hikes in wages and inequality.12 percent in Bolivia. China and Sri Lanka. It raises very important questions that need further research. why has it not been more popular? Why do politicians have such a hard time pushing privatisation programs ? Why are the main beneﬁciaries of privatisation (the poor) so critical ? Should income considerations be introduced as part of future infrastructure reforms ? What ﬁscal reforms are needed to make the tax system more progressive ? Beloit College PABLO TORAL . Access to telephone increased by an average of 32 percent. Telephone and water services fell by ten percent in Bolivia (except in Cochabamba). The eﬀects on employment were signiﬁcant in the short run. Prices have a strong impact on inequality. Reality Check is a great volume that provides a thorough look at the impact of privatisation on inequality. some of their conclusions are similar to those of the chapters on Latin America. telephone increased by 48 percent and water by nine percent and in Nicaragua electricity increased by 24 percent. but they focus mainly on the eﬀects of privatisation on capital and labour productivity and to a lesser extent on wages and prices. In spite of this. Since these services are heavily taxed and the poor need to devote a high share of their income to pay them. Demand for skilled labour increased. The eﬀects of privatisation on ﬁscal policy were signiﬁcant. water by eight percent and electricity by six percent. Wages tended to be lower in the private sector and many employees decided to work longer to compensate. If privatisation has reduced poverty. this regressive tax system. This is due in part to the long history of state planning. Reality Check also includes chapters on Russia. mainly in Russia. SOEs were an instrument by which the poor subsidised some of the services of the upper and middle classes. In Argentina it fell in all of the industries by an average of 23 %. so they do not provide such a thorough analysis of the impact of privatisation on inequality and poverty. where layoﬀs following privatisation were the equivalent of one percent and two percent of the economies’ workforce. especially in Mexico and Argentina. compared to only 0. but electricity increased by 26 percent. Ukraine. Proceeds from the sale of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) amounted to one percent of GDP. especially because they aﬀect the share of expenditures by the poor families. the poor who gained access to these services are still taxed more heavily. even where prices rose. contributing to the increase in wage inequality. privatisation resulted in welfare gains thanks to expansion of service. In Mexico. gains in capital and labour productivity and reductions of employment in the short run. Privatisation reduced. but did not eliminate. For more meaningful comparisons and conclusions all of the chapters should look at the same variables. The tax revenue collected by national.828 Reviews of privatisation on prices varied. but the ﬁscal impact of privatisation goes beyond the one-time payment states received from the sale. There are also important diﬀerences.
much like the sport itself. Soccer (London : Institute for the Study of the Americas. Mexican and Peruvian football. scholarly articles and conference papers attest. 40 (2008). asking fresh research questions of countries where football may be less internationally successful. in a series of case studies of Argentine. sociological or anthropological.1017/S0022216X08004963 829 ´ Rory Miller & Liz Crolley (eds. and other variables. Football in the Americas : Futbol. pb. Not the least notable feature of these three essays is that they focus on Mexican and Peruvian football. studies on the development of the game from its arrival in the kitbags of British merchant seaman across the region have a proud tradition. and analyses from. Lat. Thus Sergio Leite Lopes illuminates the development of Brazilian national identity through a comparison of Brazilian reactions to the defeat of their national team in the World Cup Finals of 1950 and 1998. but steps beyond that in laying out a comparative view of football in the Americas at the beginning of the 21st century. the ﬁrst composed of two broad-brush chapters by Richard Giulianotti. Three further essays in this ﬁrst section also deal with issues of identity. but as is made clear in these . In recent years however. notably examination of fan behaviour and aﬃliation in terms of ethnicity. pp. is also dealt with in Pablo Alabarces’s intriguing examination of the role of the Argentina’s 2002 World Cup campaign in the reconstruction of an Argentine national identity shattered by the crisis of late 2001. highlighted in racialised public discourse around the reasons for the defeat. xv+291. Amer. As a rapidly growing range of degree courses. Miller and Crolley’s edited volume certainly reﬂects these long-run approaches. these two essays remind us. Brazil and Uruguay. £15. individual club and barrio level. doi:10. on the comparative signiﬁcance of geographic factors in the relative success of European and Latin American football clubs. Originating in a unique conference in London in 2003. the essays in this volume are organised in three sections. Broadly. Brazilian. The second section moves on to focus. long a heartland of the global game. Where the infamous 1950 defeat to Uruguay in the Maracana was a clear moment of crisis for Brazilian national identity. studies of football in the Americas have been historical. responses to the 1998 defeat to France underlined that national identity was now not at stake. the study of football as a serious discipline has over the last ten years mushroomed. Taken together. and on the larger macro scale of the national. and by Alan Gilbert. social class. on the historical globalisation of Latin American football. the ﬁeld was dominated by Europeans both in terms of analysis and object of study. 2007). both at the micro. Latin America. the study of the only truly global sport has been illuminated by a proliferation of studies of. pace long-standing critiques of the assumed recent phenomenon of globalisation.Reviews J. and its unique path of urbanisation through the twentieth century. Initially. Stud. In the ﬁrst of these categories. shaped by critical junctures in that country’s political economy. Futebol. on the questions of identity and selfidentifying which have formed a signiﬁcant part of the scholarly football literature in both global and Americas speciﬁc terms.). long under-represented in an academic literature which has focused predominantly on the more footballistically successful Argentina. The latter two categories have been well-served across a range of case studies.00. Football’s central role in reinforcing speciﬁc constructions of national identity. This breadth of geographical focus is welcome. that both Latin America’s peripheral role in global political economy. have critically formed and informed the regional development of football.
are in fact equally common elsewhere. perhaps expresses the overall picture best in the title of his contribution : ‘ Technical Success and Economic Failure ’. the footballers’ dream is to earn ﬁnancial security in the highest paying leagues in the world. and coincided with the region increasingly functioning as a purveyor of natural resources – footballers to the European market. In sum. that many of the economic problems that beset Latin American football. the disparate case studies brought together here provide a superb introduction to the sport in the region. neo-liberal economic policies in Latin America both challenged the traditional shape of the professional game in the region. where the potential for building a successful women’s professional soccer league is perhaps greater than in any other country. in a chapter focused on the key ﬁnancial underpinnings of Brazilian football. yet the attempts of WUSA to ‘ package ’ the game as a professionalised spectator sport backﬁred spectacularly in 2003. Well-framed by Rory Miller’s introductory chapter. rightly. denaturalising outsiders . Luiz de Martins Melo. is nonetheless highly signiﬁcant as a cultural and socio-economic dynamic. Amongst the rapidly developing scholarly canon of football. shedding light on countries which have rarely beneﬁted from sustained serious analyses of their football as well as the more often examined countries of the continental south. English professional football has often seemed either too ignorant or too unwilling to recognise Latin American players as people. Further chapters on Brazil and Argentina highlight both the similarities between Latin American and European football business inadequacies and failings. Ranging from the grassroots to the elite. The third section of the book looks frankly at the business of football in the Americas. analysis of football economics and ﬁnance is currently eliciting the most valuable questions. The failure amongst top-level English clubs to understand that even the highest paid athletes can suﬀer cultural dislocation has often had diﬃcult consequences. and the country speciﬁc dynamics which contribute to those failings. it is perhaps this area of research that has shown most growth in recent times. often understood in the European mind as being ‘ typically ’ Latin American. Although the market welcomes them. raising questions about the highly gendered nature of football marketing. The human dimension at the European end of the global football commodity chain is illuminated in Marcela Mora y Araujo’s closing essay on Latin American imports to English football.830 Reviews contributions. not least because the increased global marketisation and ﬁnancial resources of football have drawn signiﬁcant interest from scholars more usually to be found looking at other areas of economics and business. Whilst in Latin America. This point is given cogent support in Katherine Jones’ analysis of the travails of the Women’s United Soccer Association (WUSA) in the USA. From the early 1990s. not least in the supposedly more transparent and stable arena of European football. Gideon Rachmann reminds us. as Mora y Araujo’s remarks on the case of the Colombian Juan Pablo Angel makes clear. In an initial survey of the business of football in Latin America. the high salaries derived from commodiﬁcation of their technical prowess has not always signiﬁed a happy development in their lives. not products. and sometimes answers. Over and above sociological and cultural examinations of the sport. this volume is a highly signiﬁcant addition to the literature on football in the Americas. to our understanding of football as a global phenomenon. Girls and young women overwhelmingly choose soccer as their participatory sport of choice.
which have constructed multimedia emporiums and devastated markets with the help of sports television it is easier. strength and rigour. Among some possibilities. their imaginaries. Ten years on. and locating the peoples game ´ within the core-periphery economic relationship. As many Latin American readers already know. xiii+223. Miller and Crolley’s volume certainly provides us with some answers. visibility. however. in works reporting upon sport in Latin America. and it allows (us) to debate the meanings of violence among youth in larger numbers and conducted in more spectacular ways than among urban ‘ tribes ’ which had. doi:10. civil society and state. anthropology. Golden and Blue Like my Heart: Masculinity. Finally. sustained by contemporary categories and tools of sociology and anthropology research on sport and society no longer require the annoying introductions nor need they deny the old motto of the ‘ modern opium of the people ’ that the visions of the 1960s had aﬃrmed. from local to national. the absences.1017/S0022216X08004975 Roger Magazine. $24. Amer. their miseries. Today. Youth and Power among Soccer Fans in Mexico City (Tucson. 2007). research can move along the paths opened by Roberto Da Matta in Brazil and Eduardo Archetti in Argentina : sport as a privileged focus for studying our societies. In 1999 we started a working group on Deporte y Sociedad (Sports and Society) at CLACSO (The Latin American Council for Social Sciences) with the diagnosis of a potential ﬁeld of research. Beyond the essay. . projects. their wishes. football). derived from the colonizer‘s societies ’ (p. 40 (2008). $45. here is a stage for the concentration and growth of monopoly capital in mass communications. pp. the resistances of traditional disciplines in the social sciences (especially sociology. but more signiﬁcantly.Reviews 831 cliched views of Latin American football in particular. I have voiced my own complaints in several papers. is highly suggestive of a range of directions for future research. and divisions that are subsumed in Mexico’s dominant collective imaginaries and overlooked in subtle ways by studies that begin and end with traditional sociological categories. academics couldn’t acknowledge that some of the key debates of our culture and our sociality were happening around sports (and especially. 15). such as class. The Latin American social sciences seemed blind to the unavoidable presence of sports in every day life in the continent . London LAURENCE ALLAN J. For a long time. Lat. Foreign & Commonwealth Oﬃce. arguing for the possibilities and agendas. as Roger Magazine states : ‘ [soccer fandom] oﬀers an opportunity to observe the everyday social dreams. sports allows us to discuss the new ways to conﬁgure identities. And even though they remain (and will remain) condemned to the periphery of academic legitimacy (never will an analysis of Colombian supporters or the ‘ heroism ’ of Maradona or Romario win any grand disciplinary awards) research has grown in quantity. and insisting on the diﬃculties. for example. their fantasies. a clandestine research that pushed its way onto the social science agenda. the studies of sport in the continent have abandoned clandestinity. AZ : University of Arizona Press. Stud. Or.95 pb. the frame is radically diﬀerent. found favour among the academy. history). there have been frequent moans concerning the underdevelopment of the topic. to appreciate the power of Televisa in Mexican football than in other aspects of social life.00.
Football culture. last remaining spaces of authenticity in a world colonised by mercantilisation – and by the world it refers to. 204). $29. 2007). the porra. the porra points out the desire. on the opposite. read through the fans. consisting on purely repressive. Stud.00. Amer. at the same time. is an excellent example of what these studies can produce – of the risks they must avoid. 40 (2008). the relations between football and contemporary politics and society organisation are not ruled by reproduction but by its transformation tensions : fans debate between a clientelism they detect and reject. at least. of ‘ a sort of ´ antisystemic sociality that encourages and allows expression and enjoyment ’ (ıdem). both football and to society in general. with continuity regarding to repression – is another of the great merits of Magazine’s book. On this point.95 pb. Magazine smartly displays the temptations and diﬃculties of this possibility : ‘ It may be going too far to suggest that the porra members ’ ideal vision represents a potential alternative future for Mexican society as a whole. Magazine marks both a diﬀerence and a continuity. the Mexican government’s reactions against this violence reproduce those of Thatcher’s government in the 1980s.1017/S0022216X08004987 PABLO ALABARCES Darien J. University of Buenos Aires – CONICET J. avoids the bad metaphor of the ‘ reﬂection ’ . viii+289. This sign – I insist : with style and practical diﬀerences. Therefore. Beyond Slavery : The Multilayered Legacy of Africans in Latin ´ America and the Caribbean (Lanham. at the same time. It creates a new knowledge.). the book joins works by Andres Fabregas Puig in Mexico. Despite the particularity of the practices of violence of the porras. Davis (ed. Inc. a song used in another time as purely political and local.832 Reviews The meticulous and at the same time creative ethnography of Magazine amongst the fans of the UNAM Pumas. and Jose Garriga Zucal in Argentina. especially through television. engaging. going to grotesque extremes such as the imitation of Argentinean songs that include the use of the Marcha Peronista (Peronist March). their autonomy is speciﬁcally continental – Magazine remarks that the role model fan proceeds from Argentina. incorporates elements – empirically and interpretatively– essential to the development of a democratic debate on violence. and a paternalism from which they can’t escape. In 1995 Darien Davis edited a collection of articles entitled Slavery and Beyond : The ´ African Impact on Latin America and the Caribbean (Scholarly Resources. sharply. But that meaning doesn’t transform the porra in a sort of social and political Mexican vanguard . . Carlos Pimenta and ´ ´ ´ Henrique Toledo in Brazil. neoliberalism. The porra becomes a text where to analyse a subaltern reading of the clientelism. 15). There is a sort of neo-romanticism in which the members of the porra strengthen their distinction of young – because they understand. Brazil and Chile. But. pp. Magazine’s analysis makes it possible to see another side of the topic that is important for fellow investigations all across the continent. in the sense of completely replacing clientelism. adds knowledge. concrete action constitutive of material world ’ (p. That there are so few ´ mentioned is an indication of how much further research remains necessary. of the challenges they might face. that the articulation of age is the most meaningful. only beatable by the desire. the actions of the fans are themselves ‘ creative.). Lat. Latin American hinchadas are far from a simple mimic of British hooligans . doi:10. on the contrary. the emotion and the passion of the fans. and other possibilities at the national level’ (p. stigmatising and discriminative characteristics. But. $75. MD : Rowman & Littleﬁeld.
the establishment of the Partido Independiente de Color to try to secure that racial equality. consequently. producing a collection that is interesting and informative. as his sub-title indicates. it includes a chapter by Aline Helg on Afro-Cubans in post-independence Cuba that is extracted from her award-winning book. She focuses on the Cuban myth of racial equality as seen in the failure of the black population to establish a position of inﬂuence in the newly independent country. One recurring device that appeared in the ﬁrst decades of the period was the slaves’ use of the metaphor of independence to justify their claim for personal liberty. but Ricardo Salvatore suggests that the Afro-Argentines almost disappeared after abolition. The book gets back on track when the editor and Judith Michelle Williams describe the attempts at celebrating blackness that took place in the francophone Caribbean. In the process. he writes. 2). the Haitian revolution. But after considering such things as resistance. contradictory ’ (p. slaves were active as well. Silva’s chapter seems to ﬁt into this ﬁrst section. The contributors have interpreted legacy in a variety of ways. In time and theme. the black population was split between local blacks with roots in the colonial period and recently arrived Black Caribs. confusing about what that legacy has been. The second section is entitled rather vaguely ‘ Dialogues and Challenges to Full Citizenship’. race relations and abolition. its repercussions. a testament. and its brutal repression in 1912. 32). in large part because of the negative view that developed around them because of their earlier ties with the Buenos Aires governor Juan Manuel de Rosas and the beneﬁts they enjoyed at that time. The ﬁrst deals with the independence and early national periods when slavery was still in full ﬂight in most of the region and which. Camilla Townsend’s study of slaves in Ecuador between independence and abolition ﬁnds plenty of evidence of black resistance in the eﬀorts of slaves to secure their freedom. ‘ to their ingenuity and creativity in a world in which their freedoms were severely restricted’ (p. In Honduras a similar disappearing act was evident. or runaway community. It is a conclusion shared by Eduardo Silva who looks at the role of a Rio de Janeiro quilombo. Unlike the earlier book. According to his introduction. their importance in forming Argentina remained unrecognised. shifting focus slightly in response to the many works on Afro-Latin American topics that have appeared over the past decade. slaves played a central role in the movement toward abolition. The emphasis. but for some reason has been placed in the second. Once again one wonders what this tells us about the African legacy. Cuba and Brazil from 1930 to the 1950s in response to Marcus Garvey’s call for pan-Africanism and the francophone movement known as ‘ Negritude ’. have not been previously published. David Geggus examines the impact on Latin America of what is often cited as the most important event with regard to the slave struggle in the Americas. he concludes that ‘ its inﬂuence was often ambiguous . except in one case. according to Dario Euraque. On the other hand. Davis’ aim is to reveal the diﬀerent ways that African peoples have had an impact on Latin America from 1800 to the present day. As a result. she argues. in the Brazilian abolitionist movement. The evidence comes from an . In addition to the Silva contribution. is on their ‘ multifaceted legacies ’. The book is divided into four sections. but lacking in coherence and.Reviews 833 The present work with its similar title picks up on many of the themes of its predecessor. seems somewhat at odds with the book’s title. ultimately. In the case of early republican Argentina. these articles. The former came to deny their African ancestry as they were absorbed by the process of racial mixing during the twentieth century when Honduras tried to deﬁne itself as a homogenous mestizo nation. Here.
The author maintains that no such evidence exists to guarantee either idea and. The ﬁnal two chapters examine some of the diasporic elements of the African legacy that tie Afro-Latin Americans to the United States. Venezuela and Brazil. They ﬁnd elements of protest in all three countries.834 Reviews examination of some of the important but largely unrecognised cultural developments of the time. Tightening the focus – and applying a more rigorous editing at various levels – would have made this a more useful teaching tool. discrimination and even resistance that emerges from many of these pages indicate that this is more about the legacy of slavery than that of Africans. The Capoeira world has grown substantially over the past two decades as it departed from Salvador da Bahia and spread to reach places as far as Singapore and Australia.1017/S0022216X08004999 Matthias Rohrig Assuncao. One of the most interesting points in this chapter was the failure of AfroAmericans in the state to recognise the newcomers as black. Black suﬀering is once again evident in Aviva Chomsky’s study of Afro-Colombians who have been displaced by the decades of internal warfare and the accompanying land grab by multinational corporations to expand commercial holdings and mining operations. dealing eﬀectively with many of the myths and debates that surround its turbulent past. instead of engaging in supporting one thesis over the other. entitled ‘ Displacement. introduces developments from more recent decades. and through its travels has adapted in ways some of its practitioners often fail to recognise. University of Toronto PETER BLANCHARD J. pp. The book concludes with a short overview by the editor of Latin American ﬁlms dealing with black issues and showcasing black actors. But the picture of suﬀering. painting a more complex yet nuanced version of the development of its origins. doi:10.00. both practitioners and academics have claimed it arrived in Brazil as seen today. In the case of Capoeira’s African origins. Stud. Debates both within academic and practitioner circles have raged for years about the exact origins of Capoeira. Amer. while at the other end it is believed to be a Brazilian manifestation of cultural production. At one extreme. not all of the peasants aﬀected have been Afro-Colombians. 2006). xiii+267. £30. Bobby Vaughn and Ben Vinson III reverse the diasporic element to examine the impact of Afro-Mexican migrants in North Carolina. Matthias Rohrig Assuncao’s book provides a powerful contribution to ¸˜ ¨ the growing literature about Capoeira. with the groups incorporating aspects of their particular realities to create distinctive branches of hip-hop. pb. He weaves into his . 40 (2008). Lat. But as she shows. The various articles show that the black experience has been extensive and now is reaching farther aﬁeld as a result of migration and globalisation. he exposes how two competing narratives were developed in conjunction with particular sociopolitical objectives. Capoeira : The History of an Afro-Brazilian Martial Art ¸˜ ¨ (London and New York : Routledge. Sujatha Fernandes and Jason Stanyek discuss hip-hop to see whether the pattern of urban dissonance that is central to the music’s development in the United States has also been evident in Cuba. and Globalization ’. abuse. he moves to disprove much of the evidence that is commonly relied upon to bolster its support. Transnationalism. so that this is not just a racial issue. The third section.
Mestre Pastinha and Mestre Bimba who were responsible for the resurgence of the Angola and the creation of the Regional styles. to its contemporary form of legitimate cultural expression. Assuncao highlights the dynamic transform¸˜ ations Capoeira has undergone and ultimately proves that it is not a static entity which has somehow been frozen in time. but associated with colloquial . vagabond. black and slave roots. The struggle for space within society as a legitimate art form has always plagued Capoeira from its roots as a form of resistance against slavery. Pastinha on the other hand is heralded as a true champion of the more ‘ traditional ’ form of Capoeira. which diminishes slightly his ability to fully engage in a broad examination of the art. The chapter on contemporary Capoeira maintains this thesis demonstrating clearly that with its subsequent globalisation it has undergone further adaptations. He also describes the intricate but important role of its two most prominent ﬁgures . Indeed Capoeira’s oral traditions illustrate fantastic stories that often defy logic. The author moves on to describe the evolution of Capoeira in Rio de Janeiro and then Bahia. they cannot be trusted as representative of actual historical fact. yet despite his eﬀorts Assuncao argues that Bimba paved the way for a ¸˜ revival of the Angola style as well and allowed it to gain increased prominence as a legitimate form of expression of Afro-Bahian culture. Assuncao suggests their roles were often far more complex than is ¸˜ recognised. Practitioners of the Angola style of Capoeira often disregard the contributions of Bimba. claiming that instead of reviving the art form he bastardised it and ultimately conformed to outside pressures that condoned the art form as too black or too violent. because of lack of written evidence. many criticise him for changing Capoeira from its original state – adding movements from Asian martial systems and catering to a white middle-class audience – which has largely been seen as cooption of the art form by a broader Brazilian society away from its poor. The author addresses some of the most controversial debates within the community while leaving out others. maintaining that although numerous versions of Capoeira’s origins have been transmitted in this way. Yet such practices have been the bedrock of historical recordings across a variety of cultures for centuries and to not investigate them in a way that respects this form of ‘ fact ’ gathering helps to fuel the idea that written evidence is the most valuable form of knowledge. The counter debate regarding the African-derived origins of Capoeira often denies its connection with African combat games while the author illustrates a complex association with these African traditions and the evolution of Capoeira. Yet Assuncao ¸˜ reveals that Bimba remained an integral ﬁgure in the revival and maintenance of the art form and without him Capoeira may have disappeared all together from the vast repertoire of cultural expressions of its Afro-Bahian practitioners. He explores debates that evolved in the United States as a consequence of its induction into Afrocentric/Black Diaspora communities where black Americans introduced the notion that only people of African descent should be permitted to practice Capoeira. Surprisingly.Reviews 835 analysis the eﬀects socio-political movements in early post-abolition period had on those involved with investigating its origins. For Bimba. Capoeira would not exist in Brazil. considered its stronghold. to the formation of Capoeira gangs to its association with vagrancy and violence. Without Africans and their contributions. exhibiting the same characteristics since its birth and subsequent evolution. respectively. he does not give much credence to oral traditions. He eludes to a debate that has long laid dormant about the nature and character of many of the mestres of Capoeira that are accustomed to what is commonly referred to in Brazil as the ‘ vagabundo ’ lifestyle (literally.
Machi. J O H N S O N J. 2007). Stud. and ‘ ecstatic ﬂights ’. Nevertheless. The ﬁrst is the idea of a male-female dichotomy that rests upon biological (genital) status. and represent therefore Otherness in a paradigmatic sense. 40 (2008). TX : University of Texas Press. That is why male .1017/S0022216X08005002 Ana Mariella Bacigalupo. symbolise ‘ indigenous traditional culture’ for Mapuche and non-Mapuche Chileans. deﬁned as spiritual ﬁght against negative spirits. Power. pb. generating confusion of sexes and therefore chaos in society. The volume oﬀers an insightful analysis of the binaries that structure discourses of and about machi. £13. female as well as male machi put on distinctive gender identities during ritualised moments. xi+321. Shamans of the Foye Tree : Gender. the realm of spirituality becoming more and more feminine. The politics based on such representations led to a gradual separation of political and spiritual power of the former machi. The author analyses how Spanish conquistadors interpreted shamanic performances of both feminine and masculine identities as a mark of deviant sexuality. pp. a monstrous fusing of male and female. A central and very original contribution is Bacigalupo’s account of historical narratives to understand another set of binaries. Bacigalupo describes ritual practices to restore individual. Lat. But even so. She stresses that Mapuche shamanic practices do not ﬁt into the polarised categories of ‘ possession’. The London School of Economics C H R I S T O P H E R M. relational and collective wholeness. labelled in classical shamanic research as a feminine trance state because of its supposed passivity. Capoeira remains an incredibly adaptable art form that has survived centuries of persecution and the author does well to explore the many ways in which adaptations have ensured its continued celebrity. they both illustrate and challenge gender norms and representations. and Healing among Chilean Mapuche (Austin. based upon the paradigm of penetration. commonly deﬁned as Mapuche shamans. Drawing on her ﬁfteen-years-old collaboration and friendship with male and female machi. if male and female machi experience both relational and individual modes of personhood inside ritual contexts.99. Bacigalupo addresses the notions of co-genderism and shamanism. Assuncao renders a very complete picture despite veering away from ¸˜ some of Capoeira’s most contentious debates. He rightly explores the dichotomy between native Brazilian practitioners and foreigners who have yet to receive any formal indication of their dedication to its practice and the politics that serve to maintain the root of its power within Brazilian and more speciﬁcally Afro-Brazilian hands. they have to comply with the gender norms of mainstream Chilean and Mapuche society in their everyday lives. and female machi more numerous. To show how machi articulate this dichotomy. doi:10. The sometimes manipulative manner with which some operate academies is a discussion reserved for Capoeira insiders because it is an aspect of the art that is only experienced by long-time practitioners and those who become involved in the day to day operations. Amer. As their shamanic practices articulate masculine as well as feminine characteristics. as well as the role of gendered ﬁgures in constructions of Chilean national discourses. They adopt what Bacigalupo name co-gendered identities.836 Reviews English term ‘ hustling ’).
Furthermore. female machi have to face witchcraft accusations. diversity. that allow journeys away from home and to express themselves in the public sphere. as well as normality and deviance. it would be interesting to have more details/descriptions about the concrete social context of the machi. Her honest and intelligent writing helps to gain a deeper insight into this peculiar world that questions the mainstream gendered categories of homosexuality. As a matter of fact. This appears also in the haziness of her transcription of mapuzungun words. A point of peculiar interest is Bacigalupo’s portrayal of various female machi and their strategies to position themselves as modern and traditional women. her choice to take the foye tree. She shows how. a legal category imposed and deﬁned by the Chilean state ? What does the imperative to marry and to bear children mean for women in general. the ‘ nonChilean ’ is common in Chile. In that sense. mothers and wives. on an analytical level. life and death. heterosexuality. even if she also aﬃrms that witchcraft is necessary to maintain the ‘ wholeness ’ of Mapuche society. Anyway. For instance. transgenderism and normality. pluralism and creativity of Mapuche people in general and machi in particular. wholeness is ensured by the tension between health and illness. Such ambivalences in Bacigalupo’s analyses surely serve as illustration for the complexity. to redeﬁne power for their own end. female machi see marriage and mothering as central to gaining a better social status. If this construction of the Mapuche as. and not only for female machi ? To what extent do Mapuche gender categorisations correspond with non-Mapuche ones ? In spite of those remarks. they use mainstream society male ﬁgures like priests and doctors. in some aspects. a tree with hermaphrodite ﬂowers used during rituals. one can regret what seems to be a lack of precision on various aspects.Reviews 837 machi have to ﬁnd strategies to draw a clear frontier between themselves and passive women and non-masculine men. it remains unclear what these witchcraft accusations represent. it would be necessary to question more precisely those categorisations. Anyway. and how the feminisation of spirituality justify the paternalism of the state. as presumed bearers of tradition and spirituality. the fact that machi seem to ﬁnd their patients not as much within as outside their community (another term that should be discussed) might have lead Bacigalupo to increase her reﬂection about the local social context. Female machi use their shamanic beliefs. . sometimes the wingka one. What kinds of relationships exist between machi and members of comunidades. Bacigalupo analyses the use by Chilean national discourses as well as by Mapuche resistance movements of the images of female machi. Bacigalupo often speaks of the opposition between Mapuche society and what she names sometimes the Chilean. individual gain and reciprocity. Finally. where male machi have to deal with homophobic suspicion. transvestism. they serve political agendas that promote and reinforce national gender restrictions. looking for ways to show their special status. as she understands how to make a proper use of her own experience as a machi helper and patient. To some extent. all categories linked to the idea of domesticity. it remains a real pleasure to read Bacigalupo’s book. Bacigalupo generally insists upon their connection with colonial stereotypes. in which political ideology does not prevail. Those who have chosen to stay in rural settings see themselves primarily as daughters. To reaﬃrm and gain social legitimacy. it remains unclear to what extend some English notions used by the author are shared by her machi friends. But the female machi she worked with transgress gender norms. However. even if it may be interfering with their spiritual power.
and experiencing the ruling political party’s (PRI) high levels of repression and corruption. Stud. much has been written about the Zapatista movement both nationally and internationally . just as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went into action. This biological essentialism is further . On 1 January 1994. The days that followed were ﬁlled with bullets ﬂying between the EZLN and the Mexican army. Lenin. is appropriate. Marcos’s birth order and his father’s ‘ Quixotic disposition ’ are predictive events in his development as a guerrilla reader. This is further reinforced by his witnessing (as an 11 year old) the student movements and massacre – of 1968 . Marcos of the Mountains before the First of January (1994). Lat. doi:10. £14. saying ‘ enough is enough ’. The book is divided into three parts (in order) to depict what Marcos himself has referred to as the three Marcoses: ‘ Marcos of the past who has a past. democracy and justice citing their armed struggle as the only alternative for the indigenous people of Chiapas.1017/S0022216X08005014 Nick Henck. I cannot help but to feel at times. and London : Duke University Press. the ﬁrst biography of this ‘ revolutionary leader’ to be written in English. not only because he regards Rafael as fulﬁlling a prophecy. Sulloway’s research into birth order aﬀects on personality. This evolutionary rhetoric is further reiterated through Henck’s assertion (with the help of Rejai and Phillips). 40 (2008). a cease-ﬁre was declared and the battle morphed into a media war. in academic texts and news articles . whilst the government beneﬁted from their command over the national media. according to its Spanish acronym) took over four cities in the southern region of Chiapas. that Rafael’s revolutionary character is due to his being a ‘ middle child _ with many siblings _ middle class [and] of mainstream variety in respect of ethnicity and religion _ ’ and so on. to lead toward the conclusion that Rafael was ‘ born to rebel ’. 2007). The Zapatistas had a media-savvy spokesperson . demanding the resignation of the President and the establishment of a temporary government. Henck devotes much attention to this and concludes that as a ‘ laterborn’ with many siblings. as is her conclusion that distinctive machi ﬁll diﬀerent needs in Mapuche society. ˆ MAPS – University of Neuchatel ANNE LAVANCHY J. the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN. that Henck is being more of an astrologer than a historian. NC. Subcommander Marcos : The Man and the Mask (Durham. Moreover. Rafael fulﬁls the prophecy of becoming a revolutionary leader according to Henck – due to the fact that his year of birth coincides with the year in which Che Guevara and Fidel Castro established their ﬁrst foco in Cuba.00.99 pb. This is what Nick Henck tackles in Subcommander Marcos : The Man and the Mask. in ﬁlms and documentaries. Trotsky and Castro. After ten days however. £64. Apparently.838 Reviews as a thread to illustrate the gender ﬂuidity of the machi. Rafael ‘ conforms to the revolutionary elite pattern ’ of Marx. Henck’s use of Fran J. but because the prophecy rests on such tenuous ground. The Zapatistas cried out for freedom. In Part I ‘ Rafael’. Amer. xxv+499. and post-January Marcos ’. Alarmingly. But little has directly focused on the ﬁgure of Subcomandante Marcos. Since then. Henck focuses on the early years of Rafael Sebastian Guillen ´ ´ Vicente the man declared by president Ernesto Zedillo’s government as being the ‘ real ’ Subcomandante Marcos – the man behind the mask. pp. Henck’s tone is somewhat messianic.
outlines the period in which Rafael entered the Lacandon jungle and how he emerged. So. and one which at points obfuscates his depiction of Marcos. the book opens with a collection of quotes which reference ‘ the mask ’. as the contemporary of old revolutionaries and as the future of new guerrillas and leaders. Henck describes the Zapatista’s most recent move set forth by their Sixth Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle announcing a new shift in their politics and a Zapatista Other Campaign. very little attention is paid to the years from 1999 onwards when excitement surrounding the movement had begun to fade and Henck does little to suggest an explanation for this. in a way similar to how Che Guevara is often considered. This is indeed a crucial and explicit thread of Henck’s biographical work. although he does make a special mention of the ﬁnal caravan and march into Mexico City in 2001. We also learn here how the people of Chiapas were highly politicised and ripe for the establishment of a military organisation. as well as the struggle between Marcos and then president Vicente Fox to control the media . as Subcomandante Marcos. then his symbolism rests on being Subcommander Marcos and not Rafael Sebastian Guillen ´ Vicente. as the possible ‘ next link ’ in the evolutionary chain. This section also provides a detailed account of the expansion of the EZLN. he fails to really engage critically with his material. The ﬁnal section of this biography opens with the taking of San Cristo de las ´bal Casas and Marcos’ beginning as a ‘ Star Spokesman ’. Nick Henck begins by framing his reading of Marcos in terms of what he symbolises rather than what he does. In the concluding chapters of the book. when I was part of the . with its aim of ‘ shaking the country up from below ’. there is little analysis of this. for example. This includes moments such as : the unmasking of Marcos. in which Henck describes the revolutionary as a breed and Marcos. true to form. continues his parallelisms between Marcos and Guevara. it was the time in which the EZLN ﬁrst came to be established as a self-defence group to protect the peasants’ lands. and extensive archival research. Part II ‘ The Guerrilla ’. Marcos’ communiques and the negotiations between ´ the government and the EZLN.Reviews 839 conﬁrmed in the closing lines of the book. the intertwining. on the cusp of a rebellion. but there is no analysis of the signiﬁcance of the mask. Unfortunately. where Marcos and the other comandantes trained the indigenous people of Chiapas. This not only means a new ‘ tour ’. And this is where Henck lacks lustre : what if Subcommander Marcos isn’t Guillen Vicente ? Is this even relevant ? Who or what is Marcos? Taking Henck’s ´ point of view of the subcommander as ‘ that which he symbolizes ’. mixing and shifting of its structure. Henck covers in detail the early moments of Marcos’ becoming and the ﬁrst few years of the movement (1994–1998). but also as Henck recounts. Henck picks up on this point and ends the book by alluding to Marcos as a hero. An exhaustive overview of both national and international social and political events frames its last few chapters and outlines the conditions for the impending uprising. who will now be known as Delegate Zero. and the personal growth of Marcos. For example. This is evident through Henck’s interplay of ‘ Marcos ’ and ‘ Sebastian ’ which he uses at points as if they were one and the same. Although Henck provides an exhaustive list of ‘ facts ’. These years not only provided Marcos with the ideological basis and training for the 1994 insurgency. It is in the subtle nuances where the interesting character of Subcommander Marcos lies. In my own work with the Zapatista movement. A few words of the books approach. but also a new Subcommander Marcos. during which Henck. the First Intercontinental encounter.
but migration massiﬁed from the mid-1980s onward and has become a regular feature of ‘ transborder lives ’ of thousands of Mixtecos and Zapotecos. This work is exhaustive and full of detail. one of the ﬁgures on which Marcos based himself. What I came to realise was that he was a mask with a voice and with a pipe. because a biography should engage with. through a process of accelerated migration. Transborder Lives : Indigenous Oaxacans in Mexico. it serves to accentuate the role that Subcommander Marcos has had (placing him) as its leader. Although in his own words. However. was taller. 2007). It is this unquestioning and uncritical reliance on facts and ﬁgures that troubled me.99 pb. Does it really matter who is behind that mask ? This is a question Henck fails to ask. and in California and Oregon destination sites in the United States. Lynn Stephen oﬀers a detailed and imminently readable ethnographic account of Mixtec and Zapotec migrants in their home towns in Oaxaca. and deconstruct Marcos. There are entire sections of the book attributed to a single set of authors (Oppenheimer. but perhaps more importantly. to contrast and to really understand the Zapatista movement and its most mythical ﬁgure : Subcomandante Marcos. xxii+375. which combine to provide a sense of early intellectual inﬂuences. growing numbers of persons and communities are becoming inextricably tied. and London : Duke University Press. it fails to engage beyond a description of events . Perhaps of most importance is his contribution to the link between Rafael and Che Guevara. Crucially. £57. pale skin. This simply stresses the lack of a critical standpoint. People were always questioning whether this was the ‘ real ’ Marcos . Stephen prefers the term ‘ transborder’ to ‘ binational’ or even ‘ transnational ’ because she considers the . Moreover. Marcos is not a revolutionary leader but simply a spokesperson. Stud. Clearly. Amer. revolutions and their leaders make up a vast and rich area of analysis. pp.840 Reviews caravan during the Other Campaign. this biography intends to reveal Marcos’ becoming . NC. Some residents of the communities she examines participated in the Bracero programme (1942–64). But this section ends in a fogged account of what happened to Rafael in the three years after leaving university and immersing himself in Chiapas. I am not sure how far this can be done without a critique of certain crucial events and discourses. £13. the one they had seen before had blue eyes. to numerous parts of the United States. This biography adds albeit indirectly – to discussions about the ways in which the Zapatista movement has achieved and devised a new way of doing politics. University of London YAEL GERSON UGALDE J. a sense of mystery always surrounded Marcos. collating interviews with former teachers and family members. Nick Henck’s biography illustrates the importance of considering Marcos as a central ﬁgure in the transformation of the Zapatista movement. Lat. 40 (2008). California and Oregon (Durham. it fails to critique. Goldsmiths.00. doi:10. Henck provides some interesting insights into Rafael’s personal life and upbringing. This is not only because Marcos has intentionally controlled the media and what is written about him. bigger. In Transborder Lives.1017/S0022216X08005026 Lynn Stephen. or De La Grange and Rico) which are digested and given to the reader as concrete facts. As migration pushes ever deeper into southern Mexico. his transition from Nicolas Guillen Vicente to Subcomandante ´ Marcos.
raising money for public works in the home community and promoting the human rights of indigenous persons both in Mexico and the United States. grassroots organising and even the use of advanced communications media come in for detailed analysis in separate chapters. and the ´ ´ Mixtec town of San Agustın Atenango. A chapter on ‘ Surveillance and Invisibility in the Lives of Indigenous Farmworkers in Oregon ’ elaborates on the transborder concept by showing through interviews how even those who completed a traumatic but successful undocumented crossing of the territorial divide between Mexico and the United States remain under surveillance by labour recruiters. Work. Oregon for San ´ ´ Agustın. racial and ethnic categorisation. and even the appropriation of the New Media. But this is too simple. economic and political developments from the Mexican Revolution to the Bracero programme to NAFTA and beyond. unorganised and highly exploitable indigenous agricultural proletariat both in Mexico and in the United States. situated between Huajuapan de Leon and ´ Santiago Juxtlahuaca in the Mixteca Baja. gender relations. plant managers and others. teach outsiders about local history and mount campaigns against human rights violations. because migrants originating from these towns or tied to them are or have been involved with a large number of Mexican and US destinations. Stephen thinks that the concept of ‘ meshworks ’. But Mixtec farm workers are also close at hand – Stephen resides in Oregon – and have developed and participated in a broad range of organisations variously dedicated to improving the lives of women. and the breadth and nature of those involvements have changed over the course of the last century. Wisely. and relating them to social. She provides precise discussion of migration law. ethnic discrimination. is useful for thinking about the ways that migrant individuals and groups become linked in multiple. Stephen organises the book around two Oaxacan communities: the well-known weaving town of Teotitlan del Valle. cultural and linguistic in nature. complex. she lets her informants carry a great deal of the narrative through often detailed. and Woodburn. such as the Internet.Reviews 841 borders that migrants negotiate to be class. 66). In her view ´ both Teotitlan and San Agustın are ‘ multisited communities ’ for which scholars ´ need produce ‘ multisited histories ’ (p. the journey north. The complexity of the movements and relationships is daunting. organising migrant farm workers. discourse and practice in the United States and their meaning for migrants. Stephen dedicates a great deal more coverage to the Mixtecs than the Zapotecs. ﬁrst-person accounts of their histories and experiences of life in the home community. and how . The primary destination sites discussed are southern California communities of Santa Ana and Oxnard in the case of Teotitlan. It is notable that Teotitlan Zapotecs migrate primarily to urban areas. ´ ´ where some have developed successful small business careers . For instance. as well as politico-territorial. but Stephen does a good job of disentangling them through time and space. Stephen notes how a signiﬁcant percent of Mixtec settled in Woodburn reside in households composed of members with diﬀerent oﬃcial migration statuses : citizen. and sometimes transitory ways across time and space. understandable given that she has written extensively about Teotitlan over the course of ´ several decades. to sell weavings. work experience. gender. several hours drive from the state capital. among others. located in the central valley region . generally ﬂexible. which refers (roughly) to networks of networks. resident and undocumented. ethnic. while San Agustın Mixtecs historically fulﬁlled the role of a weak.
bigotry. of surveillance and security. barriers. exercise. The bulk of her discussion is organised into four sections that follow Mexican migrants from their homes and home towns to their destinations and futures. 40 (2008). The introduction ends with an important section that Hellman titles ‘ The Big Questions ’. In either case she has produced a ﬁne-grained ethnographic account of the complex world of indigenous Mexicans spread across two countries. $25. xxiv+256. say. and it is a good example of what Stephen refers to in an epilogue as ‘ collaborative activist ethnography. NY: The New Press. . Their voices ring clear and strong as she develops a critique of US migration policy and develops the narrow space within which Mexican migrants must exist. care and compassion to illustrate the challenges. Hellman combines incredible skill. Don’t we all live transborder lives at some times and in some ways ? Stephen might or might not agree. exchange and transmit ideas and practices within and across diﬀerent borders. pp. 2008). Transborder Lives is a bold attempt to reconﬁgure the study of Mexican migrants.95. remains to be seen. Hellman’s book includes an introduction. Stud. transform. ’ ´ ´ Benemerita Universidad Autonoma de Puebla LEIGH BINFORD J. hb. hopes. Whether ‘ transborder lives ’ comes to be adopted as an appropriate replacement for. 177). simultaneously expands the range of those who might ﬁt under the concept’s umbrella. and an analysis of the ways they absorb. four sections and a conclusion. a space that is characterised by diﬃculties. Expanding the idea of ‘ border ’ to embrace cultural. Hellman’s discussion is critical to understanding the contemporary processes and challenges. They eschew confrontations and make few or no demands on employers and others. in the course of which they inadvertently give up many of their basic human rights and contribute to the preservation of a status quo super exploitation. An introduction reviews the history of Mexican migration to the US and some of the theories used by social scientists to explain the migration process. ‘ transnational migrant circuits ’ or ‘ transnational communities ’. doi:10. linguistic and psychological divides. The World of Mexican Migrants : The Rock and the Hard Place (London and New York. Migration from Mexico to the US is not new. Amer. have to be made ﬂexible and transparent so that the complex reality of the global economy in the United States can be approached at a human level ’ (p. mistrust and misunderstanding . no one else has done much better. Unfortunately. dreams and realities of the migrants and their families. yet. thus. Judith Adler Hellman’s new book is a wonderful addition to her previous work including her bestseller Mexican Lives (also published by the New Press). among others.1017/S0022216X08005038 Judith Adler Hellman. Hellman uses in-depth interviews to document the lives of Mexican migrants in both the US and Mexico. In her defence. its history is often overlooked. Lat. these are people caught between ‘ the rock and the hard place ’ as Hellman describes it. Stephen has no more to say on the open border/closed border or something-in-between dilemma that haunts the politics of US migration discourse beyond the vague suggestion that ‘ The politics of visibility and invisibility. In her newest book.842 Reviews that sense of surveillance becomes internalised and then refracted in ‘ minimalist’ behaviours through which migrants seek to remain invisible.
Other factors motivate as well. Her discussions with Marta (chapter four) remind us that women migrate to escape the abuse (physical and verbal) that often characterises their lives.Reviews 843 In this section. She introduces us to migrants. For the novice who wants to understand Mexican-US migration. Not only are we challenged to explore why Mexicans are in the US – and as she points out. see chapter eight and Angel who recounts his trips from Morelos to the US. but as importantly and maybe more importantly. Hellman’s book is a timely and important contribution to the discussion of Mexican-US migration. contrast with the experiences of Manuel. documents the experiences of Mexican migrants who made it to the US. but as importantly. these are questions the reader must confront and ponder. Hellman documents life in Mexican sending households and communities. and her ability to weave the lives of migrants into a moving narrative is profound.). C O H E N . Hellman also shows how the outcomes of movement are linked to the strong social networks that exist among Mexicans who move between Mexico and the US. For the scholar of migration. Finally. But life isn’t black and white. Part III: The Hard Place. she turns to the present and future and asks what might be done to deal with migration. particularly in light of September 11. Hellman notes the administration’s goals would have reinforced the image that undocumented peoples in the US are criminal (p. we are challenged to consider what migration means for those Mexicans who are left in rural communities in Mexico as well as the future for Mexicans who are in the US. Hellman’s work is critical for policy makers who continue to demonise Mexican migrants and avoid thinking about and confronting the ‘ big questions ’ that Hellman poses. including his brutal arrest and later his return to Puebla. In Part I: The Rock. follows the migrants as they cross the US border. She explores motivations for moving and notes that not all migrants are looking for work. not everyone succeeds. 2001 and the collapse of the Bush/ Fox initiatives to manage Mexican-US migration. While the proposals failed to gain any traction and are now instead replaced with increasing militarisation of the border. who runs a successful shipping business. Julio’s experiences. Few if any writers are able to make the world of others come to life in so rich and complete a style – in fact. and the ﬁnal chapter in Hellman’s book documents Patricia who came to New York from Puebla and has encountered both the best and worst of the migrant experience. Hellman’s work is an important addition that must be read. for me. it is not all about economics . Hellman’s conclusion reframes her discussion in terms of migration theory. but as the example of Julio reminds us. We learn that the process of border crossing has changed becoming more dangerous and diﬃcult even as its cat and mouse qualities continue . 229). Hellman’s writing and this book stand clearly with Stud Terkel’s works which continue to document the American experience. The Ohio State University J E F F R E Y H. etc. Part II: The Journey. including social connections and social changes. this is one of the best books available. Hellman enumerates the issues that she addresses . She examines the motivations for migration and emphasises that while economics drive a good deal of cross-border movement (in other words the search for living wages. Her writing is engaging. their families and the decisions they must make. Students will gain a great deal from reading ‘ The World of Mexican Migrants ’.
among others. As the ﬂow of migrants from Mexico to the United States continues to grow. International migration drivers are discussed and compared to other Mexican migrant-sending regions. ´ ´ This edited collection. but the reader would not know that if that information had not been revealed in the preface. yet already ‘ migration to el norte is the deﬁning characteristic of the town’s social and economic life ’ (p. stand-alone study of a particular topic related to Yucatecan migration. and ethnographic observations. David Fitzgerald and Pedro Lewin Fischer (eds. Lat. 40 (2008). Wayne Cornelius. the book provides a comprehensive. £16. xi+257. pb. The ﬁrst chapter introduces Yucatan as an emerging migrant-sending region. Data collection involved survey research. and the inﬂuence of ethnicity on migrants. ethnographic view on the emergence and growth of a transnational community. By the 1990s. as is the case of indigenous migration from the state of Yucatan. This rural Yucatec Maya community is experiencing its ﬁrst generation of migration. the collection will hopefully capture the attention of policy makers in Mexico and the US who wish to have a deeper understanding of the pressing issues faced by communities with prominent migrant populations. The study involved a bi-national ﬁeld research team that interviewed active migrants and non-migrants. and migration and social networks. migration and economic development. the contributors are all students. 2008). a situation which discouraged people from participating in international migration. Stud. and the interface between internal and ´ international migration (chapter four). pays much-needed attention to this timely and important topic. indigenous migration. the discussion shifts to the contemporary migration process in Tunkas (chapter three). pp. a ‘ culture of migration’ had been established.844 Reviews doi:10. The mutability of migration ﬂows are also poorly understood. Taken as a whole. 38 % of households have some experience with out migration (p. semi-structured interviews. With the exception of the editors. Following these introductory chapters.1017/S0022216X0800504X J. the impact of US immigration policies on migrants. Today. The origins of Tunkaseno migration coincide with a lack of adequately ˜ paid local job opportunities and a series of hurricanes that have destroyed local agriculture. typically married males ˜ in their 30s. Amer. so too do the misconceptions about many aspects of migrant behaviour.95. Furthermore. arrive at their US destinations via transnational social networks which . The book will appeal to students of migration and economics generally. data on absent migrants were collected from family members. CA: University of California San Diego. including how migrants reach the decision to migrate.). Mayan Journeys: The New Migration from Yucatan to the United States. 44). 30). The second chapter describes in detail the community of Tunkas. Each chapter is a robust. Mayan ´ Journeys : The New Migration from Yucatan to the United States (La Jolla. yet little is known about this region’s international migration processes or the social changes produced by migration. Southeast Mexico is undergoing rapid transformation as a result of international migration. Tunkaseno migrants. in depth interviews with key informants. and particularly to those interested in immigration policy. An economic history of Tunkas reveals that ´ the town enjoyed economic growth and stability during the earlier part of the last century. ´ where international migration is supplanting regional migration. especially in cases of ‘ new ’ migrant sending communities and nascent immigrant populations. the focus ´ of the book. But perhaps its most salient contribution is in its methodology.
deﬁnition of terms. The authors argue that ‘ migrants learn how to successfully navigate an environment that is comparable to the United States in many ways ’ (p. Furthermore. However. where an elegant logistic regression analysis helps the authors predict migrants’ political views. 68). Instead. Despite the methodological strengths already described. Despite the many attractions that international migration holds. a large sector of the population of Tunkas has never migrated and has no intention of doing so. Yucatec Maya gender ideology can play a decisive role in economic behaviour. The editors include a very useful appendix (the survey questionnaire). Gender is taken into account as an ‘ add in ’ rather than a central organising principle in migrants’ decision-making behaviour. such as a list of acronyms. Despite the agricultural roots of Tunkasenos. Internal migration to Cancun and surrounds are described as ‘ training schools’ for international migrants. the number of Tunkaseno ˜ settlers is growing. and awareness of the physical dangers of border crossing are ineﬀective measures against illegal immigration. Stay´ at-homes (chapter seven) cite family ties and the social costs of adaptation as the main reasons why migration is not an option. inclusion of these materials would have strengthened the comparability of the studies. Households that receive remittances use them primarily to cover household expenses. 82).Reviews 845 are ‘ the key to border crossing and coping with life in the United States ’ (p. pp. however. including learning how to manage money and developing language skills. health and political participation (chapters nine to twelve). The remaining chapters address various topics : ethnicity. and overall it is exciting to see such an opportune and comprehensive volume about the changing face of Mexican migrants. though additional appendices would have been helpful. University of Nevada. Research in Economic Anthropology. 187–220). other than to narrate a descriptive account of each subject. including migration (see Bever 2002. and an explanation of statistical analyses employed. the study is lacking in one major area. the majority of migrants are employed ˜ in non-agricultural jobs. Reno SANDRA WEINSTEIN BEVER . Local economic development has not beneﬁted from migration (chapter eight). principally in the service sector. religion. The ˜ evidence from Tunkaseno migration to the US shows that stepped-up border en˜ forcement. worksite enforcement. Few contributors include a gendered view on the migration process (although chapters three and six do devote small sections to this topic). 21. The researchers then follow the migrants to the United States where the impacts of US immigration policies on migration behaviour are examined (chapter ﬁve) and Tunkaseno settlement in the US is explored (chapter six). these obstacles have encouraged longer stays in the US. An exception lies with ´ the discussion on the creation of political binationals and Tunkaseno migrants’ ˜ interest in US naturalisation (chapter twelve). These are minor shortcomings. The recentness of Tunkaseno emi˜ gration makes it diﬃcult to say much about these topics. The chapters are more ethnographic snapshots of Tunkas than analytical explanations about complex issues. A Socioeconomic Proﬁle of Yucatec Maya Families in Migrating and Non-migrating Households. especially as female migration and whole-family migration intensiﬁes. vol. Since this book is the second in a series of volumes on Mexican migration.
when the government dollarised through a ﬁxed exchange rate with the colon. settlement and. commonly referred to as ‘ Department . Both El Salvador and the United States are ‘ nations of emigrants’. In some cases they may not even speak the language. 3–4). Two chapters examine emigration from the oﬃcial and nonoﬃcial Salvadoran perspective. NY : Cornell University Press. or as a needed low-wage working class. Thus she chronicles the complex history of ﬂight. forced return.50. Even when dealing with highly technical legal issues. Coutin details the numbers-game involved in counting remittances. they remained vulnerable to deportation for even minor legal trespasses. and discusses government eﬀorts to maintain and strengthen relationships with the emigrant community. xvi+263. 2007). not always willingly. Even as Salvadorans were granted Temporary Protected Status and eventually ‘ included ’ within the US body politic through the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act. She notes how the proper ‘ path of law ’. She notes how the term ‘ nations of emigrants’ inverts the more common ‘ nation of immigrants ’ : ‘ To be a nation of immigrants is to be capable of consuming and transforming alien others. all of which ‘ are in some respects facets of one another’ (p. Stud. weaving in accounts of executive orders. Amer. Lat. mainly in the United States. political violence. A moving chapter on the retornados – expelled from the United States for (often minor violations) – evidences the limits of inclusion. the nation’s economy has been kept aﬂoat by several billion ´ dollars in annual remittances generated from Salvadorans dwelling outside the country. Nations of Emigrants : Shifting Boundaries of Citizenship in El Salvador and the United States (Ithaca. Coutin devotes considerable attention to disentangling the surface appearances of law from the underlying realities. 27). in some cases. although the consequences of this emigrant orientation have been and are very diﬀerent. which intends a strict separation of ‘ the permissible from the impermissible ’ elides the fact ‘ that there is something lawful within illegality. what El Salvador and other countries expel. Coutin never loses sight of the fact that the movement of people across national borders involves the hopes and dreams and the future possibilities and past (and present) tragedies of ﬂesh-and-blood people. legislative strategies. £30.95. deportation and legislative histories. $19. and that the illegal can exist within law ’. producing generic citizens ’ while ‘ ‘‘nations of emigrants’’ highlights both the interconnectedness of nations and that fact that immigrants come from somewhere else ’ (pp. ‘ people we knew ’ (p.846 Reviews doi:10. 71). Coutin discusses recent changes in immigration policy toward Salvadorans and regarding migrants seen by some as potential terrorists in the wake of September 11.95 pb. as Susan Coutin notes in her new book. Susan Bibler Coutin. 14). that interconnectedness assumes a variety of historical and contemporary forms : remittances. Many retornados arrived in the United States at young ages. pp. external and internal pressures and bureaucratic action (and inaction) that contributed to the transformation of Salvadoran emigrants/refugees from ‘ undesirables ’ and inadmissible aliens during the US-ﬁnanced Salvadoran civil war (roughly 1980–92) to deserving immigrants or. The United States receives. Toward the book’s end. Thus ‘ the essential legality and deservingness that law eventually acknowledged was part of Central American asylum seekers when they were still being denounced as illegal immigrants ’ (p. £9. $59. 40 (2008).1017/S0022216X08005051 J. in the words of one immigration oﬃcial cited by the author.95 pb . In the case under review. yet found themselves involuntarily repatriated to another society with which they have little or no familiarity. Since 2001.
The writing is crisp and the author keeps the narrative moving along. the legal in the illegal. retornados. or as parents whose absence contributes to family disintegration and out-of-control gang banging youth. She observes that in El Salvador and elsewhere remittances ‘ are considered untainted by the market. but she might also have noted that only by foregoing basic desires (which is to say residing in poverty US-style) are some US-dwelling Salvadorans able to remit enough money. pure proﬁt _ ’ (p. Coutin tacks from one theme to another. 142). whether the violence of the long civil war that most people now admit contributed to a massiﬁcation of emigration. In any case. Emigrants are often held responsible by the press. Discussions of violence make repeated appearances in this book. even through lengthy technical passages devoted to immigration law and its enactment. Although the book focuses narrowly on El Salvador and the United States. She has a particular knack for turning conventional wisdom on its head. transnationalism. and useful for a range of graduate and advanced undergraduate courses in Anthropology. non-governmental organisations. government and the public for high post-war levels of violence. Coutin’s informants are probably correct in their assessment that the economy has become remittance dependent and that maintaining the current high level of remittances depends on a continuous process of new emigration. either as hardened criminal retornados. among others. ´ ´ Benemerita Universidad Autonoma de Puebla LEIGH BINFORD . many of Coutin’s conclusions have broad relevance for Mexico. History. Political Science and Law. Sociology. In an eﬀort both to detail speciﬁcities and demonstrate connections.Reviews 847 Fifteen ’. drawing liberally on a range of written sources and interviews conducted in the United States and El Salvador with documented and undocumented migrants. the crime in politics and the emigrants’ presence in their absence. She also demonstrates the value of analysing both El Salvador and the United States as ‘ nations of emigrants ’ mutually bound through complex transnational relationships. given their low earning power. immigration lawyers. 132). that experienced by migrants during the journey north. activists. 171). to lift stay-at-home family members out of an even more debilitating Salvadoran-style poverty. oﬃcials from both governments and others. Nicaragua and other countries in Latin America and elsewhere. citizenship studies and violence studies. Nations of Emigrants will be of interest to students of migration. Guatemala. as in her discussions of the unlawful within the law. postwar criminal violence or the violence exercised by the state through the ‘ new penology ’ which ‘ resembles state-sponsored repression in that each justiﬁes extreme measures by placing certain individuals outside the bounds of the polity ’ (p. what some of her interviewees referred to as a ‘ politics of expulsion’ (p.
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