News discourse II: Anti-racism
and neo-Iiberalism in the
British regional press
David Machin and Andrea Mayr
In Chapter 4, we focused on news as institutional discourse and I ho
increasing market-driven nature of news. One result of these commor-
cial pressures has been a tendency in the press towards a more 'up-beal '
coverage of lifestyle and consumer issues away from discussion of
socia-economi c problems. In this chapter, we turn to the ana lysis or "
regional British paper, the Leicester Mercury, which through its posi-
tive coverage of ethnic minorities and the multicultural city, has beon
identified by the British government as a model regional newspap"r
and an example to be followed across the country. However, as we shall
argue, this model of anti-racism and of 'multi cultural cohes ion' can bo
understood primarily as part of the role of the newspaper in promoting
the healthy buzz of the city-as-brand in creating a positive vibe for
advertisers and attracting investors. This commercial trend has to b"
understood within the wider context of ownership of newspapers and
news organizations by a few powerful commercial corporations at th"
local and global level, and the resulting constraints on coverage that is
critical of corporate capitalism. The Leicester MercUlY itself is owned
by the newspaper chain Daily Mail and General Trust pic, one of th"
UK's largest media holding companies, whose parent company, North-
cliffe, runs about 100 newspapers in Britain.
The Leicester Mercury is based in the city of Leicester, which has a
large ethnic minority population, soon to be over 50 per cent. Since th "
late 1990s, the newspaper has included the voices of ethnic minority
community leaders, has criticized racist views, supported the multicul -
tural policies of the local county council and has taken the decision 10
no longer cover 'sensitive' issues that might jncHc violonce. ft lS no!
hard to see why from a government perspecli ve Ihi " 1110<1 01 is appea l-
ing, as it deflects responsjbiIity away from 111 0 111111,III'II /j iN, rr'() III 1)"Dador
social organi zation and economir. iSSl illS If) tl1 ol ,lfll vldiUdH.
1{llIIIHII'ch ill modlll 11 11d (, 1'111( :111 di scourse studio:; has delailed the
11111 111'0 of tho OpOIl tl illi Irtllldgl'ulion slance and racism of luuch of
,It" Ill'ilish "ational pross (ll "rl lll an and Husband, 1974; Murdock,
1111"' ; Mclaughlin , 1999; va n Dijk, 1999), where ethnic minorities were
IIllil l1l y represented in association with crime, violence, social welfare
1111.1 problematic ilnmigration.
II is probably safe to say that press coverage of open racism has
11111 :111118 less prevalent and has been replaced by ethnic minorities being
IIl l"'usented in a far more positive vein, such as through festivals and
,,111111' 'exotica' (Cottle, 2000). Our own analYSis of articles from the
I ... ir;t)ster Mercury confirms this move away from anti-immigration and
1"lIblem stories. At first glance, the Mercury appears to represent a
"",eh broader range of people, such as 'community leaders', 'ord inary
1"lIlple' , academics and businesspeople. But a closer look at who is rep-
'''''''nted and how they are represented as doing and saying shows
1111 11 there is no coverage of the structural inequalities that affect many
II llI nic mi norities .
The approach taken by the Leicester Mercury is nothing but com-
IIlI lndable, but its stance as an anti-racist newspaper is also framed by a
IllInmercial interest. Its editor and Leicester City Council (LCC) are
IIWUl'e that avoiding conflict and promoting harmony instead are cru-
I 1111 for attracting investors, businesses and advertisers and that a more
IllIoyant coverage of events and people can only help in this process. In
11"1' analysis, we therefore ask serious questions of the ability of the
"'"llmercialized press to address the social and economic issues affect-
IllS ethnic minorities and immigrants.
Il ore we analyse three texts from a corpus of articles we collected from
I he Leicester Mercury in 2005. We conducted a lexis search, looking for
"I' ticles containing the word 'multiculturalism', 'community', 'diver-
sit y' , of which we found 32, and which we then looked up in the local
Ii bl'8l'Y and photocopied, including the photographs. The texts we have
I:hosen for analysiS are representative of that sample. We also looked
fo r evidence of articles with negative coverage of immigration and mul-
I iculturalism in the Leicester MercUlY, but did not find any.
The method of analYSis we adopt here is within the general framework
of Cri tical Discourse Analysis (CDA), using a discourse-analytical!
I1ll1lti-modal approach (van Leeuwen, 1993, 1996; Machin and van
I.eellwen (2005) . Tit " nlltil imodal approach is important, because it is
1101 onl y Iho WI'1I1 111 1 1llll gl111go Ihnl contributes 1'0 the representati on of
il1ulti CuItUi'Hl i!'inl in the papoI' but II lso Iho VIlHlul I I'Iill1. Wo CQl llbi l lt l
thi s wiLh a c1i scourse-hi slori cal approach WI 0 1111 1111 11 1 by VHn Locu wtltl
and Wodak (1999) and Wodak (2001). The d iscou "Ho- I,; , lo"i c81 approll cli
seeks to integrate as many of the genres of discourso referring to a pll'
ti cular issue as possible, as well as the historical dimensions of lli ll l
issue. Thus, in analysing linguistic representations of multi cultural iHII'
in the Leicester Mel'cury, we focused not just on the actual newspap'iI
texts, but we also included, and drew evidence from, the histori CII I
context and background informati on of immigration to Leicester. III
addition, we interviewed the editor of the Leicester MercUlY and II
policy omcer from LCC to gain a better insight into the representalioll
and practice of multiculturalism, in which the paper and the Counel I
play such an important part. If we are to understand the discourses w"
find in the newspaper, we must locate them in the socia-political rea I
ity in which they are used.
So in investigating the construction of various discourses of 'mull i·
culturalism' in the Leicester Mercury and in line with one of CDA's
main tenets we are using an interdi sciplinary approach. integrating
linguistic, historical and socia-political perspectives. This interdisci-
plinary perspective enhances the purely di scourse-anal ytical analys i.,
of the corpus and sheds light on possible hidden agendas not visibl e III
first sight.
In the foll owing sections, we therefore provide an account of Leices-
ter and its policy for multiculturalism, the role played by the Leicester
MercUlyin thi s and an overview of various models of multiculturalism
and their associated discourses. We then move on to the actuallinguis-
tic analysis of texts.
We now turn to the context for our observations. The city of Leicester.
about 100 miles to the north of London, government figures predict.
will soon be the first British city to have a non-white majority. In 2003,
the ethnic population of Leicester was counted between 35 and 40 pel'
cent, and it is estimated that by 2011 it will exceed 50 per cent (Singh,
2003: 42). There have been waves of immigration, especially in the
1950s from the West Indies, in the 1960s from India, Pakistan and
Bangladesh, and then in the 1970s, when the former colonies evicted
their Asian populations. During this last major wave, the ethnic minor-
ity population grew from 5 to 25 per cent. There was a surge in racial
violence in the city along with support for the neo-Nazi National Fran!.
But from the 1970s, unlike some other British cities with large el hni c
minority populations, there were no major outbreaks of violence. In 2UO:I .
111 0 gOVOI'"I1 HIIIII1 WI1 1dnd 1 ,lIllllllllt )l ' ' 1\ I)Il<.:on Cil y' fiR confil'll iuti on
or il bojng n III () {\ nl llll' ulllol'H to follow.
\lowever, nol OV\J ryoli O has been so certain as to whether the lack of
ri oting in Leicester was connected specifically to the policies of the
local council. According to Singh (2003), there are two distinctive
I'oatures of immigration to Leicester that better explain the lack of riot-
i ng and tension. Our interview with Paul Winston, Policy Officer at the
County Council, supported this analysiS. First, waves of immigrati on
were provided with an abundance of cheap inner-city accommodation,
which meant there was no competition with white communiti es for
social housing (Solomos and Singh, 1990). This also prevented groupS
from becoming neighbours, as is the case in the northern cities, where
Ihis has had a huge influence on racial conflict (Phillips, 1981).
Second, the biggest factor in preventing riots in Leicester was the
kinds of immigrants that moved into the city. Many of those, who came
from the former colonies, were 'twice immigrants' who brought with
them a high level of professional competence, of education and entre-
preneurial experience. In Leicester, there are over 10,000 registered
Asian businesses (Singh, 2003). Even in a context of racism and dis-
crimination, these people were more equipped to adapt to the local
economy and to generate their own wealth (Vertovec, 1994). Winston
observed that Leicester's prosperity is owed mainly to Indian business.
Leicester has therefore avoided some of the levels of inner-city depri -
vation and its associated problems that have been a feature of the
northern cities. However, the centrality of poverty and socia-economi c
factors in racial conflict has been signposted by much sociological
research (e.g. Darling and Thomas , 2004; Simpson, 2004). Yet theso
factors have not been highlighted in government policy and guidelines
for multiculturalism.
Singh (2003) warns of increasing l evels of socia-economic depri va-
tion in Leicester which spell out considerable dangers. He warns 01' thn
backlash in white communities where there is a feeling of 'col oniali sm
from below' and where people become minorities in their 'own cil iOH'
(Singh, 2003: 45) . In Leicester these communities, like those on Iho
largely white estates, are unskilled and form part of a growing unci ol'-
class. As Britain de industrializes and manufacturing is moved 10
cheaper production areas around the globe, the role of these groups il1
society is not discussed. While LCC (2002) does acknowledge I hal nll l
all groupS share equally in the success of cultural diversity, Ihi s Is
not something that is covered in the Leicester Mel'clllY.
In 2005, the Chairman of the Commission for Hacial Equalil y. '1\' l lVlI"
Phillips, in a speech described Leicest er as one city Ihnl w," Hluupwll ik
i ng into sogruglll iun . Tho newspa pel' texiS ana I ysod hero wo,'" prod " em I
II/I/UIII /1 r IIId I 'U\.t11'
shortly after tb is spooch and can be undor""OII Jl III'll y "" II rllsponso 10
it. Concerned with its image of city-as-brand, 'I'h" C"""cilnnd tho Mor-
cury rall ied to challenge this assessment of tho situalion in Leicester,
The Leicester Mercury and Multiculturalism
The Leicester Mercury, the city's daily local newspaper, has a circula-
tion of around 90,000 daily. Editor Nick Carter has been active in local
poli tics to promote diversity and understanding. When he became
edi tor in the late 1990s, he inherited a r ight-wing newspaper in the
model of its parent, the Daily Mail, still noted for its intolerance.
The paper was produCing an Asian version which he closed down, feel-
ing that an integrated version was needed.
Prior to the 2001 general election, Carter was founder of the Leicester
Multicultural Advisory Group (LMAG), made up of local media, the
police, fa ith groups, head teachers, other community groups and aca-
demics, which meets each month to discuss integration and cohesion.
Carter himself had been concerned about the period leading up to the
elections, where the two main political parties were both pressing to
appear toughest on anti-immigration, particularly of the effect that this
Woul d have on community relations in Leicester. Al so it was during
2000 that government statistics predicted that Lei cester woul d have a
minority white population by 2011, whi ch had been presented nega-
ti vely in some national media. Carter felt that both these iss ues could
heighten tension in the city. He told us that he decided either not to
caver any issue that might fuel conflict, and, where possible, take a
positive stance on others. This meant a change in what was perceived
as the role of the local newspaper
from being pass ively responSible on reporting, to being proactively
responsible. We're now more sensiti ve about whether something
should be covered Or not. There have been incidents in a couple of
neighbourhoods where tensions have resulted in viol ence or con-
frontations. We may have automaticaJly written about this before,
though now we're more aware of how such reporti ng would have
an impact on the wider situation, with the potential to aggravate
(From CommiSSion for Racial Equality, winter 2003, http: //
1 ons/conn_03Wi_United,html)
Carter told us that there are two reasons why this model makes sense
for newspapers: moral and business. The moral reason is thai' a COm-
munity will only welcome a newspaper tha t wel comes that Commu n i ty.
The business reason is that large minority groups arc imporlan l If)
I !"ws U, _'11r
:1,111 1., II III \, III I! 1" IIuI111 101' II IS tho Aslun busill lHH;l HoctOl'
Ihllt hll sicull y dl'l vlHl IIHI 10Lli i tlt: OI I Olll y .
Wh il e uliriolliJllidl y ( :,II'lur has made a bi g c1ilTe renco 10 ropOI'I-
lug I'oci sm anel Ill lilli cll llul'uli sm in Leicester, there arc iimil uli ofl:1
IIi what the loco l newspaper, 01.' any cOlnlnercial news media, ca n covor'
10 1' very simple cconOlnic reasons. The press, as we pointed out. III
( :hapter 4, has always relied heavily on advertising. Many com men 111 -
IIII'S have pointed out that since the 1990s there have been wovos or
LOmmercialization that have had a massive influence over the way Ihlll
lI owspapers are run. McManus (1994) and Underwood (1995) havo bOI Ii
I'Ilvealed the way that newsrooms have become r un by markulili H
Jl oople.
It has also meant even greater attention to courting adverti sers. Si 111 :11
Ihe mid-1990s many newspapers, now part of large press chai " S, I1l1 vo
heen relaunched through processes of market-led rebranding 10 m(l xl
111 ize advertising revenue. There can be no socio-econolnic cOI1l111 0 nl l1 l'y ,
particularly if it might offend leading advertisers such as the Im:,, 1
[t is in the context of all these factors that we take up our aJla lys is or I ht l
newspaper's coverage. It is in thi s highly commercialized news conl ox i
111at we find models of multicultural cohesion being generaled.
Discourses of multiculturalism in
the Leicester Mercury
In this secti on, we look at discourses of multiculturalism in our snn lplll
texts. We wish to reveal the way that the newspaper's positive ropro"11i1
lation of multiculturalism does in fact conceal and gloss ovel' i III Plli 'III,,1
problems that are central to understanding these issues and I ho,'or",'"
recontextualizes social practice (van Leeuwen, 1993), in Ihi s r:IISO 111 0
social practice ofmulticulturalisill. This is done in a way thai if) I'n V()I II'
able to the ideology of the city as a hrand and in the conl exl or 111 11
newspaper as a commercjal instrument. In this way, we suggosl , II 1:1111
be seen as being recontextuali zed through the language or nco-llbl,,',, 1
ism and the new capitalism of New Labour (Faircl ough, 2000, WII :Ij ,
Actual causes of racial conflict and their solutions arc I' oconl oxlllllil md
through liberal models of essential sameness and through 's hllriIl K' 111111
' talking', rather than through addressing social deprivali on.
Van Leeuwen and Wodak (1999) have shown that il is 111I'oll gh dl "
course that social aclol's constitute knowl edge, I'o les Hnd idol1ll1i! llt .
And we can S:l Y IhAI Ihese di scou rses represent a kine! or kll "wlodfl"
aholll w hol gOOH 011 III II l1u l'II (: III (l1' socia l pl'actice, idons IIholll wIl y 11 III
tho wny it '!'1I n/11I tll i! tho '111: 1' ipl 1" contninod in Ihn {v!Of'{:I/I Yfll' tlc It Hll nl

Lo how 1ll1llii clIIIlIraii sm gels done and by wil il l I-l ndH or peop le.
A ' scripL' is a portion of knowl edge, often sbared 1IIl C() Il SCiOlI Sly ' with in
a group of people and drawn upon in making sense of Lbe world '
(Fowler, 1991: 43). And if we assume that discursive acts are sociaJl y
constitutive, playing a role in the production and construction of social
conditions, what are these in thi s particular case? Are they those that
are in harmony with di scourses of neo-liberalism?
Before tbe actual analysis of the texts, we summari ze the different
ideologi cally motivated models of multiculturalism as described by
Maclaren (1994). These can be thought of as theories or discourses of
multiculturalism that can be found separately or together in anyone
society. We use them as a point of reference to think about the dis-
courses used in The Leicester Mercury (see Machin and Mayr, 2007).
Discourses of multiculturalism
ConseIVative: Here ethnic groups are seen as different, with some being
superior to others. In societies organized on tbis basis there will be a com-
mon culture based on the superior model. This model involves
assimilationism, where groups should take in the superior dominant
values. Maclaren sees the US as being characterized by this model. There
may be a right to surface difference with an insistence of shared values at
the core. Differences such as festivals and religion are permitted, provided
these do not interfere with the society of the dominant value system.
Liberal: According to this model , groups are essentially the same and
equal. People share fund amental deeper values associated with family,
hard work and pleasure. Cultural differences are simply the surface
ways, the rainbow of colours that express these similarities. This is
often referred to as the 'carnival' version of multiculturalism or ' disney-
fi cation' of cultures (Ritzer and Liska, 1997). This model can be
criticized for missing actual deeper differences between ethnic groups.
Left-liberal: In this model, there is both diversity and real difference. But
this tends to lead to essentialism, where fixed groups exist and where there
are authentic voices that represent them. Emphasis on equality smothers
important cultural and other differences, such as class, gender, sexuality,
etc. Like the liberal view, this model tends to exoticize otherness and
creates a sense of reified cultural authenticity. There is an important role
here of 'authentic experience'. This involves a person's proximity to the
oppressed as giving them the authority to speak. The politi cal is often
'reduced only to the personal' (Maclaren, 1994: 52).
Critical left: Here, there are no monolithic groups. Inslead peop le
are affected by a range of interests, such as race, gondc l', roligion,
social-class. Whereas left-liberal Dlu lti cultllroli slll equalc:-:;
I CI(I/ ,',p /I
lilt dtJsla bili zing d0111inant systems of representation , critical rnulti-
"iI' ".ll li sm goes one step further by asserting that 'all representations
,II Iii" result of social struggl es over signifiers and their signifieds'
I ,,, ren, 1994: 57-8). This model aims to get rid of any totalizing
In' IK" nge of the 'other' . Maclaren also says that 'People can be situated
"'V dil"ferently in the same totalizing struct ures of oppression' (ibid.:
1\ II: Il mphasis in original). So in this view, t o address race riots, we
IIKIiI need to look at what makes everyone's life such that they do riot.
""" ' we might examine capitalism, deprivation and running cities
11 11110(\ by commerce and busi ness as contributing factors.
W" have chosen three texts that allow us to characterize the dis-
", "" NOS of multiculturalism found in The Leicester Mercury. These
10" IIllow us to discuss the different voices that are represented in
:hll II owspaper: ' ordinary' people who are for or against multicul-
, officials and school children. The full texts are given in the
xt 1: the 'racists'
1\,\1 I is titled 'Would I go to Highfields?' laughs one of the snooker
II'"'''' 'Only in a tank' (19 November 2005). Here the journalist goes into
n pllb in a white working-class area which was mentioned in the speech
Iov lli e Chairman ofthe Commission for Racial Equality, Trevor Phillips,
U" ,"l e of the areas in danger of turning into 'ghettoes'. This text repre-
'"lIl s those who are not part of the multicultural fabric of the city. We
Ilo,d conservative di scourses of multiculturalism. Drawing on tllese
oIl ,II:Ol.lrses the participants are shown to beli eve that the city is being
"VII 'Tun by immigrants who shonld be assimilated and not allowed
lli ll ir own culture.
I.' irstly, what discourses do the ' racists' in Text 1 use? The journalist
qllntes theul as drawing on a number of familiar racist discourses,
oI' "11:ribed by van Dijk (1991) . They can be characterized through the
1" ll owing examples:
' Would I go to Hi ghfields' laughs one of the snooker team incred-
ulously. 'Only if! was in a tank. Would I go down Belgrave Road at
ni ghl? Forget it.'
' Belgrave is a zone, reasons the 48-year-old who's never lived
1110re than 400 yards from this club. '
.They've got all the kids learning about Hindus and Muslims and all
1 hilt,' he says . 'Th ey should be learning OUT religion - not theirs.
Whe n ill ROlll c, li nd all that:
'CoIOHruds, w il i HPOI'H ,bo HZ-old. \I used 10 be 3 in 10. Il's 9 in 10
I l lI h/III II/I ' I ll ul n
' We a rc getting fed up bocuuso Lh o whil OH 111 (1 t)VliI'l' lin .' SII YS
'As far as I'm concerned it's our country not the irs.'
These speakers expect a conservative assimilationist model of mlill l
culturalism. If immigrants come to Leicester, then they should adapl III
local values and practices. The speakers feel that they have been lli l
down and become second-class citi zens in their own land. At the S''''' 1i
time, these incomers have made the city dangerous. It is commendahl li
that these kinds of views are shown negatively in the press.
However, in the context of the hackground we gave to multicultul"lll
ism in Leicester, there are problems with the way that these people and
their discourses are represented. Should the journalist not have said
something about poverty and marginalization? Mercury editor Ni ck
Carter acknowledges that there are no real details or a contexuali zatinll
regarding the views of such racists and why they blame minoril ill ll
rather than the authorities. But he said that the Leicester Mercury was II
tabloid newspaper and not the Guardian. So the implication is thai
readers would not attend to such levels of analysis. This reflects va ll
Leeuwen's (1996) suggestion that tabloids legitimize what they say
througb authentication in the personal and in 'real' experiences rathol'
than arguments.
1.01 us now move on to our second text, in which people are very
posili vo about multiculturalism in Leicester. As we shall see, these ai s"
favour an assimil ationi st model of multiculturalism.
Text 2: the 'multiculturalists'
Text 2 is titled' The people have changed. There's no such thing as (I
black and white table in here now' (19 November 2005). Here the jour·
nalist enters a pub which previously had 'a reputation as the most raci sl
pub on the most racist estate in Leicester', to speak with the owners and
customers. Everyone is shown to be positive about multiculturalism
and mixing in Leicester. This is seen as evidence that Trevor Phillips
was wrong in his comment that the ci ty was moving towards 'segrega·
tion'. In this text we find a mixture of conservative, liberal and lofl
liberal discourses of multiculturalism.
'I've got a boy and a girl by a Portuguese Indian from GOB,' says a
lady called Sharon, rummaging in her purse for pictures. 'And I' ve
got another lad who's half-Indian'. 'They're grown lip now, ' she
says, 'but I'll always remember a thing in Humberslono Park when
my daughter was litt le. I was sitting on a bench and some kids
started calling her a Paki. T hato Ihal. word and I said: ' E XCli SO 111 0.
bu1 dll I 1I111 !1 I !, II 1'1" I III IV "u dd IiI! Iltll\ I Huld: ' Woll , , ' III l111d
1111 111 111 1 .\ ' ,. 111 11 \ \ 1 fj lllll qi lli tl w h o CllIlI litl r" ( HIl l'ul.. h. 111l 1.
Slt o e Wll ll tl ll l ll1i 1 ,ti l! l udll l , III n 1111 1. 'Thill w us I g1l01'1I11 CO, Ihol Wit S 1.11
il W[l s.' Shli ldILII H'" ' tvl v " 1!l 1l l lUVOI' hrlvo lill y proldolll S now. II 's ull
changod. I1UIQll u lllI l ,nl xlll l.)_ Thai old ignoranco is di sappouring.'
' \'m liko \ ho wldl UI'!,' hu sll'li los, ' I don't speak any or lho lingo eitho!'.
But l've never had a problem with anyone in Bel grave 0 1'
'They are just like all of us, she shrugs.'
'We are all mongrels, she smiles. but mongrels are the best aren'l
Here people express the view that they are assimilated and theror",'"
like the whites. As in Text 1, a conservative view of assimilation dOli,]
nates, which is expressed both as 'becoming like whites' and li S II
melting pot, where difference disappears. Alongside this, we find 1111 1
liberal discourse of everyone being the same. It is this one that mll kll"
I he melting pot possible.
Text 3: 'the practice of multicultural mixing'
This text has the title 'How do I look to you?' (3 December 2005). I It II II
the journalist enters a classroom to watch a session of 'Swappill J.; ( :111
lures', a government initiative to encourage young people lo oxchnll )-\II
information about their different cultures, thereby seeking to onC(lIII'III ',1I
them to go beyond tolerance for other cultures towards an Del i vO t,lI llI
bration of diversity and difference. In the article, the journali ,;1 (;1 111.
some of what the teacher and the young people say in tbo ellI s" r,,1I111
discussion about living in a multicultural society. He writes:
'Multicul turalism isn't something you learn out of a book hol'U . . ,
It's displayed in college fashion shows where students 111 0dol 11111
clothes of different cultures, it's experienced in sharing rood !l lld
music, and it's celebrated by getting involved in one nnolhtil"r
cultural and religiOUS festivals.'
'Swapping Cultw'es is a good thing,' says Mustafa Saleh. 'if yon
don't know 011e another properly that's when conflicts brenk onl. '
The journalist himself says:
'It's black. it's white, it's Muslim, it's Sikh, it's Somali and il's OVOI y
thing else in·between.'
'Children are the future of this city. We need to get them ullki 11 1-\ .'
There is the idea that cohesion and intercultural harmo" y Cltll 111 1
ostabli shed by lDlking and sharing. This is the discourse ur how 1111111 1
cullUl'uli slll is uCIHoll y done and does provide a hint al whnl l\ il l',1I1
IUII,IIII0,llI ' IIl1d l'tIH""
take placo wbon pooplo do mix, j 101'0 WO Gil II Hll y 111111 I hili '" is " 'sC"'Il" ,
This script involves 'tal king' and 'sharing' c ullul'" IIlId Ics tivals, Tho
comments above clraw on a left-liberal modo! or multiculturalism,
where there are differences and we can speak as members of esson ti al _
ized groups to give people access to this culture, They also ex pross
a liberal carnival view of multi culturalism, Here we can experience
other cultures through festivals and exotica, such as food and cloth os,
Following thi s script will prevent racial conflict.
We also observed that the official view on multiculturalism, reprc-
sented in the Mercury by community leaders and business people,
emphasizes that people live where they do and behave the way they do
through choice, It is emphasi zed that segregation might be about choice,
thus recontextualizing it away from 'ghettoization', As one Leicester
business man, quoted in the MercUlY, put it,
People live in the areas they choose to because of important things
such as places of' worship, shops, food and other bUSInesses. A lot
of people are prospering now and they move to new areas, and so
you will see plenty ofBMWs and Mercedes parked outside terraced
, (29 November 2005; emphasis added)
So the script also seems to be ahout people chOOSing to mix and talk
and that it is their responsibility to do so,
In I ho th l'co texts analysed herc, multicultural SOCiety is defined through
a combination of conservative models of assimilation and melting-pot
with some elements of a liberal view where difference is superficial.
There is no mention of socia-economic issues, In fact what character-
izes these texts is the importance of talk in itself, the importance of
This exempli fies one oithe tendencies in late modern capitalist soci-
ety: to treat what are often social problems as being caused by lack of
communication and as resolvable through more and 'better' communi _
cation without major structural changes (Cameron, 2000), This lits well
with a world-view in which people are basically equal and share tbn
same interests, so that the source of conflict between them mus t bo
local rather than structural. This is not to di sparage the importance or
communicati on between the different communiti es in Leicester, Bu l lu
suggest that conflicts are mainly or largely caused by lack of Com 111 u n i-
cation serves to gloss OVer deeper-seated problems, Neo-libora ll'holOl'ic
of choice and indi vidual responsibility (Fairclough, 2000,
replaces actual investment in social services 8 nd socia I woll i.ll'o.
N lll nx l tll 'lI wM Ollillt li , III, ,, 11,dl 1I 1I 1I 1, d A I I/-Hilil I'l'Olill ll 0 tl IlWH IJl 1!JilI'
lI"q,t!ei l'ti 111'0 di sC(III1'/l Wi w ldl 11 11 11111 wi lli IWII iI'lNII OS. Ono, tll(JI'o Jllll y
111111111 11 110 dilTOI' OIi CIIN 11 11 11 I ti ll 1101 Idllll' ly ho ,'oc:ol1cil od by lal king. A
lullnllion of' rnulliclIllul'lIl l' lIll Jill 111 11'1111:0 dirference reali zod lhroll gh
111 '1 111 " 1lnd fe stival doo" IlI ll 1'l)lI lly 11 \l ow \'01' mOl'e pl'Ofound dilTOl' oncos
11,,1\\'0011 olhnic groups. 'rwo. lit OI'D are great differences across (111(1
IIldll ulhnlC groups a::; rogal'ds access to resources, jobs educa li o n,
1'1'", 111 11 ilies, Research has shown that it is the groups most in n uoncod
V 11i1l11 " ractors who will tend to riot. Paul Winston of the LCC told us
II Ihis was precisely why he was concerned with level s oj' povol'l y
,111 1111i11'ginalization of people living in certain areas of the c ity, Thoso
II IlIlillci Bangladeshi and white, former working-class, areas,
1'\'''''0 i.s no clear model of multiculturalism in these texts, Tho lib
'tnl vlllw of carnival multiculturalism dominates, In fact , as wO will
,t1W dll illonstrate, it is not so much what people say as how I hoy 111 iI
""' I ihod, how the reader is encouraged to view speakers, Ihfll is , I liil
1111 I1 ssossment of the discourses that they use,
Wl1 now move on to the analysis of the social actors l' eprOsolll ll d 111
11I1I111 l lliree texts, How are those wbo appear in the texts descl'illl )( llIl1d
whl1l do they say and do?
News discourse as recantextualization af social
radice: the representatian of sacial adars
n the Leicester Mercury texts
1"111' OUI' analysis of how participants or social actors are r CprOKlJlllod
Il lld "valuated in the three texts we have just looked at , wo II S0 Villi
/.""l1wen's (1996) social actor analYSis and van Leeuwen and W"dllk 'II
1111110) l'econtextualizatioD of social practice, As soon as Ihol' o is 11 1'1)1'
II lrUIlllation of a social practice, in this case the social prncli co 01
llillillcu lturalism, there is recontextualization, by whi ch is mounl Ill n
1IIIII sronnation of social practices into discourses about sociu I pnl (: I ICi ltl .
l'hordor8, media texts are recontextualizations that nol on ly l' opr'(JHfl lIl
,.,,";,, 1 practices, but also explain and legitimize them (Ca Idas-Coul ll llll" I,
One way oflegitimizing representation is through Iho uso ,,/'1111 1
v,,/cus of experts and officials, a strategy frequently usod in modil1 di ll
IIIIII'HC, In our year's sample of texts from the Mel'cUlY, iI WII K {JII, !! I
' I I H Ilfn unity leaders' or other officials who were quoted on I1lIJ ll iclllllll'
Idltllil and integration of the various racial communiti es in Luicll ul nl' ,
1\ "011'1 01' way of legitimizing, characteristic of tabloid nowsjJlIllIi1'/l, III
pnl'l'I onnlizati on. 'fhi s is 111 0 erod ibili ty of the ordinary and (l VOI'y cl HY 11 11
tlppf)sod to the nlTi cii d /t /l(l 1'0 111 0 10 . The lexts anal ysed hol'o II S0 IIHHl ll y
pnl'Monul ;?;)1 ion.
....,,-"-' 23&
Accol'ding 10 V{l JI L o o ll W(JI1 IIl1d IlOilO), ' "LOIII (J XIII/l Ii Zil Ii Ol1
usuall y contai ns tho foll owing OI OrllI Jl II H:
Substit ution: As they are represented, t 11 0 u tOl ll Ol ll H ur II :-;oc:ia t Pl'tl ct iell
can be substituted for something else. BOlh Lh o "oeild flC IOI'S Ihemsol vOfl
and the activities can be substituted. For examp lo, social actors CIIi I
be represented by types, ilirough functionalization, that is, in terms oj'
professional role or social activity, or through identification, that is, ill
terms of their physical characteristics. The details and complexiti es oj'
activities can be substituted by generalizations or abs tracti ons. Tho
actual practices of resolving ethnic conflict can become substituted by
simple acts of 'talking' and 'sharing'. Yet these are represented outsido
any concrete settings. Social actors can be represented in terms or
who they are, through appearances and feelings, rather than what thoy
actually do.
Addition: Recontextualization also involves adding elements. Addition
involves legitimation and reactions (van Leeuwen and Wodak, 1999).
Reactions in particular are a prominent feature of the texts analysed hero
as they represent actors ' feelings, ilieir worries, feaTS, problems, etc. Tho
local community newspaper is especially interested in representing tho
feelings and opinions of people. This gives a sense iliat ilie community i,
present wiiliiu ilie newspaper. In ilie representation of multi culturalism ill
ilie MercUlytexts, ilie discourses may in fact be conservative and supporl
neo-liberalism and business interests, yet we are encouraged to align with
them on ilie basis of ilie feelings of ilie speakers.
Evaluation: Recontextualization always also involves evaluation of the
social practice that is written about (van Leeuwen, 1993). Events and
people in each recontextualization are represented according to the
goals, values and priorities of the presenters. Hence, those who recon-
textualize and are in control of the media discourse they present to thn
public - journalists, editors, etc. - become quite powerful arbiters or
social meaning. It has been stated above t hat the Leicester Mercury has
a policy of upbeat coverage of the local (business) community and mul-
ticulturalism, so that the community must be represented positively
and those who oppose multiculturalism are represented as 'other' and
as a minority, whose concerns are delegitimated through a number or
linguistic devices. As we will see, this process recontextualizes ethn ic
conflict into something iliat is not influenced by socio-economi c factol's,
which SOCiological research, however, has shown to be central.
Representation of social actors in the texts
'Social actor' analysis (van Leeuwen, 1996) can help us to fin d out how
people ('social actors ') are identified, categorized and eva lualod ill
rl" WJ /I
h,'.d H, So t:inl ut: 111I 1Ill lI l y.dh II 1111 I i i 1Ill lll ul ll it :' CI II OIo\ () ,'I WI, CHII I HI
lli ndtl elml holl. 1111 11 111 /1 11 1 IIII V II lld Vl lHll dl y (Mllt :liill Hi id von I. tHlI I WOI1 ,
}IIW,) , II I{ wo :.;lwlt d Ollll II 1/ 11 1 11 111 Iltduw. Wo l'oClH; on Vil li l.Otl ll WOli 'H CI)II "
I ll pl t{ ol"nominnll f) II ', 'l!I II IIHllrI 1.111 1(111 , 11 lId 'ch.lst:ii ri cali on ' , us tht)sO
.IIIud y all ow us to dh-l l lllHll hll 1 how tho participants arc l' oPl'osoll lud III
I!ln II IXI S.
Nll llli nation: is typicn lly ron I izcd by proper nouns, wh ieh can bo runrnd
111 111'''''1110 with or withollL honorific titl e, e.g. Mr Phillips), semi -i'nl'lI l1 d
1II II I'liame and first name) or informal (first name on ly).
f ,'"Iogor;zation: social actors can be categorized in two basic wll ys:
fll II !: I iOJ1a/ization and identification. When functionalized, socia IlI cl{l r,;
/II I) categorized by their function in society (by their profession 0 1'
III 'Ilvity) as, for example, ' community relations expert' or 'leodor 0/ til "
A/" ., lim community'. Identification means that social actors' idonlil y iN
,llI filled in terms not of what they do but what they ' more or loss PIl I'1I11I
lI "nll y, or unavoidably, are' (van Leeuwen, 1996: 54). There ""0 1111'1111
""bLypes of identification: 'relational identificati on' (identincfl li llli III
IlII'ms of people's relationship to each other, for example, nlllll , III) '
/dolld, etc. ), 'physical identification' (i dentifi cation in terms of pil y,1i
111 1 characteristics) and 'classification'. Of these, class iJ'i coli oll It!
IlI lIt icularly important in the texts anal ysed here:
I :lnssification: social actors can be represented as classes or gOll ll l'i,
Iypes, according to age, gender, class, race, ethnicity, religion, ole. II (: 11 11
h, ) made clear that these are more or less unchangeable types, such "" "
' II black person' or 'a white person' .
This level of analysiS is important as it allows us to thin k "holl )
which kinds of social actor are individualized ancl humani wri 11 11 01
whi.ch are positively or negatively evaluated. As we shall 10 " (1111 11
"xlent those people represented as good say very littl e in cnnCl' lI l11
Imms and are represented as speaking largely through abstl' ocl iOIl ' (v/ln
I. IJ0uwen and Wodak, 1999). Yet we are encouraged to avalual o whll l
Ihoy say on the basis of who they 01'8 not through what Lhoy suy.
Representation of social actors in Text 1,
the 'racists'
I lore, as we said above, the journalist goes into a pub in a whil u wOI'k
IlI g-ciass area which was mentioned in a speech by Trovor PI Ii II i P" li t!
line of the areas in danger of turning into 'ghettoes '. 1101' 0 is how II It )
Hociai actors are represent ed.
'/i'evo" Phill i/),."
'1'/ 10 (,' 1/ (';/'1/11/1/ tll lIHI ( :(111 II II is ....,iol"l for nocial {';(III (l fify
,.,'It· '/ h' Vt)l'
S' fow) /111/
The ethnics
The 48-year-old who's never lived more than 40 yards ji'Om his
One regular
One of the snooker team
A lady who wants to be known only as Mrs Smith
The 7-year-old
11,e Indians
Smiley Ernest Lee
Jace/yne Milsom
The 82-yeal'-ald
Apart from one picture of a regular customer, Steve Hill (see Figure 5"1
on page 108), there are no visual representations.
Trevor Phillips is both nominated semi-formally (Trevor Phillips, Sit
TreVOr) and functionalized, Whereas Some of the social actors are onl y
nominated semi-formall y (e.g. Steve Hill) .
Categorization: functionalized (what they do), identified
(what they are)
Trevor Phillips is functionalized in terms of OCc upation (the Choin)]alJ
of the Commission for Racial Equality). Others are identified as typic,,1
old time pub goers, through age (the ... , the 79-year-old,
etc.) and through smiling (Smiley Ernest Lee).
Classification: groups of people
As we just said above, there are specific social actors who are nom i.
nated, as in ' Steve Hill' , but also generic types, as 'coloureds', 'thl'
ethnics', 'one regular' and 'one of the snooker team'. We would how-
eVer argue that in this text all are made generi c through the introducti on
to the piece. The journalist positions thi s as a place that belongs in tho
past: 'It's telJing, perhaps, that the main Concessions to technology aI'/}
the colour TV On the walJ and the electronic security system on Ihli
front dOor'. Therefore 82-year-old 'Smiley Ernest Lee' , whil e nOllli .
nated, is represented as part of thi s.
In these cases, we are not taken close to ilny of the socia l aClol's
through longer nominal groups. Evaluilli ve II"' 1I1 S emphnsizn on ly "go,
, 1t'T'tt ,,'" "
111" 11'1 I't'lIlIl 'Hllill tlV ' Itllltt l l1l1ltl d pnllt /'l l'(JIlWill rOlll 010. Tho OVI-tlu-
II ti Ol lH do It llt 1 IIJlI 111111111 11 11 11111 pliil pl l) !l H violell! or aggrossive racists,
olll y 1'1'0111 Iho jI lll l t. '1'111 1 II NIl (II' 'Hltlil cy' indi cales that they are not
nvil , and muy OVOfi btl Hppl·unclwblc. I l is al so telling perhaps that there
111 no pklorial r Opl'llKOnllllioll or these actors.
The journali st al so cl ass ifi es these participants through 'othering',
The strategies for othering that he uses are 'pejoration' and minoritiza-
I ion ' (Bishop and Jaworski , 2003), Pejoration is achieved mainly through
word selection and there are examples of the journalist evaluating the
poople in the club in subtle, yet quite negative terms, as in ' the 48-yeal'-
()Id who's never lived more than 400 yards from this club', implying an
inward-looking perspective, Through minoritization, actors can be rep-
resented as visible, but not as representative of the white population in
Leicester, as the journalist points out (', .. it might be completely unrep-
resentative of the way most white people in Westcotes (and everywheTe
"Ise) view this city, but it's how they see it'), These are therefore a generic
group of people who are not like the majori ty. They remain distant ,
generic, dull, anti-immigrants, but approachable.
What participants are represented as doing
Van Leeuwen (1996) has discussed the way that participants can be
ovaluated according to the language that is used to describe their
actions. The selecti on of words, 'whether formal or informal, seemingly
neutral or emotionall y loaded, signals the speaker's or writer's attitudes
about the other group' (van Dijk et aI. , 1997: 171). Stylistic features are
among the major means of communicating opinions, and playa signifi-
cant role in the overall strategies of positive self-presentation and
negative other-presentation. A lexis search of verbs to describe what
the participants do reveals the following:
have a different view
drum theirJingeJ's on the table
getting fed up
laugh incredulously
are not happy
confide quietly
Clearly, the participants' utterances are eval uated negati vely as
'grumbl es', Th ey ,1I'e ' not happy' and ' drum fingers on tho labl o' . 'l'hol'o
is laught er, hIlI it is ;j"CI'OdlilollS'. They 'whi sper' and Ihey 'conl'ido
quioll y'; !1 ft ill' 11 11 , wll il l Ihll y Kl1 y if; conslrued I' ur: isl. wi lll Joctllll O
d Ollr AS we go rll oll g, in n lyplclIl 101)1111<1 II tIl VII, \'\III 111 I! t l tlt :OI Il'lI g od 10
evaluate personaliti es, not issll cs. Il is OVfI 111111 1(1111'; llt nll1tt ow Iho
substitution of a concrete, detailed arguill ont 1'01' ,, 1)S trflc ti ons of 'ta lk-
ing', 'sharing' and ' mixing' , that are the staple of Ill ult iculluml cohesion
according to the Mercury, therefore concealing socio-economic issues.
Representation of social actors in Text 2,
the 'multiculturalists'
Here we move on to the representation of participants who are repre-
sented as being involved in multiculturalism and therefore as non-racist.
The participants are represented as follows:
community relations expert Trevor Phillips
the landlady with a welcoming smile
a wiry little woman half-swallowed by her voluminous pink
the jumper
a black or brown person
the natives
the cheelY Asian face
J-larj BllQndal
An] Khan, a hyperactive talker who runs the Cob shop next
Anil Keshwala, owner of the neighbouring NisQ Today's store
Sarah Allan, 42
motller-of-four Anita Patel
Steve Farmer
54-year-old Steve
the 28-year-old Sikh
Mr Phillips, chairman of the Commission for Racial Equality
a Ja dy called Sharon
There are three images in this text: (1) A group of named Asian
women sit around a table smiling and touching glasses (Figure 5.1).
The caption is ' Pal's act: Anita Lad, Raksha Chauhan, Dharmi Soni and
Vanessa Singh enjoy an evening at Tiranga Cafe Bar', (2) A shopkeeper
smiling and the back of a customer 's head. The caption is 'Anil
Keshwala, owner of 3KS Nisa supermarket, in Hastings Road', enjoys
some banter with a customer (Figure 5.2). (3) Head and upper body of
Cob shop owner smiles slightly but thoughtfully at viewer. The caption
is ' It's in the mix: Arif Khan, part Irish part Indian Cob Shop owner in
Hastings Road (Figure 5, 3). All are medium close shots, The images arc
'demand' images (Kress and van Leeuwen, 1996/2006), where the
participants look out engaging the viewer, rather than 'offer' images,
Ill.',! \IIJ,wlI
h&url! !l .1 'Pal's act Ani la Lad, Raksha Chauhan, Dharmi Soni and Vanessa
1111-\11 Ilnjoy an evening at Tiranga Cafe Bar'.
FII-\lIl'Il ri .:.! 'Anil ownnt' or :1 KS Ni sa s upermarket, in HClstings Road,
'1!1ll1 Yi'! SOLlt Ci hUlltl !" wllh ., ( 'II Hh1l11IW' ,
107 nnl,rfi,n;J II/II/ /'1 II W;/
Figure 5.3 'It 's in the mix: Arif Khan, part Irish part Indian Cob Shop OWIlI J/' III
Hastings Road'.
Figure 5.4 'Regular customer: Steve Hill e n j o y ~ a drink ;1 1 Wosl cOlo::; ConsUl1i
tiona! Club'.
I-JtlWJ PI',t 11111'," /I
w ldt:! 1 pl ncl) V I OWill'/-11i 1 IIHlldd., I I/ I V(I YUIlI'S look i ng on at an exhibit.. 'rho
t IlI n, tl ll op OWll lJj ' l1 l1d l'OKllilll' 1: 11:-: 1011 10 [' aro alJ s hown as indi viduals in
111 11.1 111 11 1 close up I1l1d /11'( 1 I1 l lnl O(\, The group of won len are Asian women
Iii /I 1":11 1'6 yet they 0 1' 0 abo named,
I Jomination
W" cun see that, wi th the exception of Trevor Phillips, all actors nomi-
1I!l IIId in the texts are lay peopl e. Through nomination, we are taken
I II)HIl I' to them. Some actors, such as Arif Khan and Anil Keshwala are
I" II Ii nominated and functionalized by their occu pation.
lass ification: groups of people
I.III guistically there are generic types, such as 'a black or brown per-
'I/ ill ', 'a cheery Asian face ' and 'the natives'. But for the most part, unlike
Ih" previous text, there is extensive individuali zation. This is done
Ili J'Ough descriptive terms. We learn about tiny details. These evaluate
lit o actors positively.
ategorization: functi onalized (what they do), identified
(what they are)
'l'revor Phillips is again functionalized as 'community relations expert
'l'1'evor Phillips' and ' the chairman of the Commi ssion for Racial Equal -
ily'. We learn nothing of his look or gestures. This allows him to stay a
No mewhat faceless professional expert in community relati ons. Then
Ili ere is the landlady, there is Anil Keshwala, 'owner of the neighbour-
ing Nisa Today's store' and Arif Khan who ' rull S the Cob shop next
rloor'. Apart from thi s functionali zation, these actors are also described
in terms of what they are, down to idiosyncratic gestures: the landlady
It as a welcoming smile, Anif Khan is a hyperactive talker and a wiry
lill.le woman wears notable cloth ing, a pink jumper. She is then even
I'e felTed to as 'the jumper' . It is important that in this instance, ' the
landl ady with a welcoming smile' contrasts with the unqualified
'smi ley Ernest Lee' in the previous text, whose smile is open to inter-
pretati on by the reader. Notable also is that the ' racist' regular in the
prev ious text was simply a 'regular', while the 'non-racist' is a ' regular
(; usiomer' . At the heart of the newspaper is its role in harmonizing the
consLru ction of ' the community', the 'us', with the city as a centre of
l)tI sincss and commerce. Custonlers, rather than simply 'regulars '. are
p"rl or Ihi s kin d of constru ction of community. This is how we earn
vnl uod cit izenshi p i n Iho discourse of nco-l iberali sm,
II 1/ II 11I!l.1 III (jlld n 11'\ III
Vitwall y, lhol'o is bOlh f'uncli oll Ul izlIHtJ lI 01 /III ) Hil opkoopoJ' lind
tiw Cob shop owner and identif'i cali on ill 1(1/',"" ul' Ihos(J poopl e Ii "
ethnic minorities and in tenns of them being wanll , smiling and alToI'.
ing open invitations to interaction through tile way tiley engage willi
the viewer,
This is very different from the first example, where the participal1l s
remain remote, Thi s remoteness is even reinforced by the absence 01'
any visual representati on of the actors. It is through evaluation, lingui s-
tic and visual, that the writer demonstrates the positive attitude of tho
paper with regard to multiculturalism. Intimacy is created through the
longer nominal groups and representing actors through physical iden-
tifi cation as in 'a wiry little woman half-swallowed by her voluminous
pink jumper'; 'the landlady with a welcoming smile'; 'a cheery Asian
face'. This is reinforced by the things they say:
'We get a brilliant crowd in here', says Harj Bhandal. 'Most nights
it 's halflndi ans and half.white.'
'When we took this place over, it had been derel ict for years. No One
wanted it. Now everyone mixes fi ne.'
'Black, white, Indian, West Indian, whatever _ everyone mixes
together - and it's brilliant.
This attention to detail through identification is a characteristic thai
van Leeuwen [1996) has associated with tabl oid news styles. This is
part of the way the newspaper ali gns itself alongside ordinary people
and the community. Official views are reported more 'coldly', with the
journalist shOWing that the actors bave access to and unders tanding of
these views, which may have value. Both of these techniques work to
legitimize the discourses that are realized in the text.
When We look at wbat the parti cipants are described as doing in thi s
text, we find the following:
gel restless
nod sagely
This is a much more pos itive evaluati oll of Ihe >J ctors Ih''ill ill 11' 0 prov i-
ous text. Tenns snch as 's hout' in cOlnbinal ion with ' III ix ' lind II IJov(J 11 /1
Now., UI,\( 0(/1,\11 /I
'1I1Ik', ' Sill i 10' I lii d 't: 1I I II 11 11 ', Hdd II P to gi ve a positive vibrant evaluation,
11t-l I )Oc i cl II y w hUll 1:1 )11 /1 11 1111 rH 1 I) I 1 he context of the broader lingui sti c and
visua l reproSOl l 1r!1 iori . I I II t WI IIJI! we analyse the di scourses produced by
l l i o ~ o peop le, w O filld lli oy have little in concrete to say and some of
wli,,1 they say mi ghl be considered as equally disturbing as those pro·
d,":ed by the 'racists' [e.g. 'I'm like the whites, he smiles, I don't speak
lIil y of the lingo either.'
Representation of social actors in Text 3,
'the practice of multicultural mixing'
III thi s text, the journali st attends a session of 'Swapping Cultures' in a
I.eicester school. The social actors are:
Swapping Cultures director Adam Newman Turner
Sam Nwanuforo
Whi tes
A Chinese girl
Hasseb Malik
Leon Mattis
Paddy Ayres
Mustafa Saleh
Vis ually, there is one large photograph where a white boy aOld a black
girl face each other in close shot [Figure 5.5) . The viewer sees the scene
from the side. The boyan the left looks down, while the girl looks at
him, smiling. This is the visualizati on ofthe headline 'How do I look to
you?' Since the white boy is to the left, we might interpret this through
Kress and van Leeuwen's [1996) prinCiple of Given-New compositi olls.
'rhe boy, white, looking down, the Given, whereas the black girl, now
confronti ng him, is the New.
As in Text 2, the participants are positively evaluated - a girl 'smiles
shyly', another 'giggles nervously' . The teacher, Sam Nwanuforo, is
' chir pier than the dawn chorus' and is described as 'setting his ever-
present smi le to fu ll beam'. In thi s last case, we might question whether
Iho sa me ohserva ti on would have been made of a white teacher.
'l' hol' o is oxton ..>! vo I nil I v lei lin I i7. ::1i ion 1 h rough nom i not ion as most of I he
I I IIIljllflUP 1111./ I II
Figure 5.5 'Boy and girl at 'Swapping Cultures' session',
young people are named. But all those who speak, represent monolithic
essentialized etbn ie groups. This is enhanced visually by the photographs.
Most social actors are nominated semi-formally (Paddy Ayres) or infor-
mally (Gita). This serves to humanize them.
Classification: groups of people
There are four groups: Hindus, Muslims, Blacks and Whites. The young
people are nominated, but are also represented clearly as representa-
ti ves of ethni c types. They are not shown looking at the viewer, so we
do not engage with them. The equal frame sizes and postures also
suggest sameness and genericity.
Categorization: functionalized (what they do) , identified
(what they are)
The tutor and the Swapping Cultures director are functionaJi zed. The
tutor is nominated both formally ('Sam Nwanufol'O') and informally
(' Sam' ). He is also identified through hi s gestures, which further evalu-
ate him positively. He has 'a beaming smile' . Th is is the only time an
official is dealt with in this way. The children are all represen ted in "
way that identifies them as members and representati ves of elhnic
groups. Participants are described as doing tbe following Ihi ngs:
scuff trainers
d isCllSS mu/liclIllw"QJism
Nil I/ lIxl 10
II/l gm's knol/ o(/
(:II}],.I (If'll JPII l\lIoti (111 ,\ i(Hl s/y
1111 chirpy
gip,glo nervotl s/y
(lvoid gaze
Il lIniB
IlIIlilo bashfully
1)// bubbly
/1'01 alit comments
1'1, .w' / 1, 11 I 1111',0 /I
:'111 his ever-present smile to full beam
MUII I or Lhese acti ons are both positive evaluations and htlnltl ll l:t,n Ih\ \
nllli :ipant s. This is done by showing them as shy and sli ghl ly 1t ""II,,"1
111 ,,111 OI' C not generic youth that might intimidate you in a "1"'III li l,!1
,""11' 0 but are thoughtful and vulnerable. They are basic"ll y 1', ,,d III'II
I" mldl /y', 'chirpy') . This is also real ized visually where tho (whll ll) 1111 \
'" lir o left looks down bashfull y, while the (black) girl on 11 11 1 111\ 111
IId lliS at him.
\11 liro three texts analysed here, those who are 'racist' aro 1' 01'1'1""11 i1 1111
lI e hoi ng quite rare and as living in the past. The journal isl. '01 hOI' H' 1111 "'"
\II IIIP lc by saying that they do not represent what most whil o PIIIII'I II III
\ .II I""gter think about multiculturalism. These people " 1' 0 11 01 1'01'"1
""lIl l l c\ visually. On the other hand, the anti-raci st COI1H\lIIHil V \ fl
IlIpl'osented intimately with descriptions of clothing "lid gi l"1 III 11 11
I'h, ;so people are bubbly, lively and smiley. Vi sually, we soc Ilwlll ll ll ril
11111 and engaging warml y and confidently with the viewer.
'\ Il we stated at the beginning. our analys iS rai ses quos tions 111>0111 I!l n
IIII. J or the local press, here in the case ofthe Briti sh govc
,,111 01l1 '" 11"'11
I1ll1d cl of practice, as r egards multiculturalism. On Iho Oli O hli ll d 1111 11 11
1I1'n positi ves . We move away from overt raci sm, hosti lil y 10 itllllll !_\ I'IIIII H
111l d nssociation of ethnic minorities with cri me and socia l pl'()\)I Ii I1Hl,
And we mi ght even say that here is an instance wli cl'o cllpilnll :1I11 tilld
III II I'kal logic can bring about antiraci sm. 'r o a certain OXI Ol
, ponlll vn
II l p l'OScn \ (11 i un o r i III III igrfll i o n and ot' 01 h n ic groll ps. OVtll1 if iI I H I () CIII II I
IHl vorl hicrs und 10 Hll1'I ICI \llu.; irll)ss, is cnrl ninl y bOll oJ'i cini I n ,ho LIIIII
"I Holl y, Hil I li HII'n I ll n I WIl 1"'O\}I( l1l1 H. Firs!' if n\)w:-I pnpon-l til H:idti 11111 III
roplll'l ','oll sil iv() iSS Il OS ' , dOlls lid" "" I t:I'"11"" fi
litllir 1'010 li S 0y"" '"'/
oars of Ihe publi c',' e ftn" " owspllpur 11 111 1'0 ' " ,I I""II<:i sl llllll slill I"'''' I,k
responsib.l o coverage of clilTi cull i1;S lI os't In tlti s Insl case we bol iovtI II!
the problem of the local newspaper as a con"" orci,,1 instrumont.
The Leicester MeJ'cwy can be commended for positi on ing il soll "
pro"immigration and not reporting ethnic minorities solely or h1l'H" " "
the context of crime or social problems, But Our critical an,dYs I" I",
demonstrated that the commercia l nature of a local newspaper, so, II "
the Leicester MercU/y, and the need to attract adverti sers and rep"o"",,1
a positive buzz about the city as a business and investment G'"""
means that mul ticulturalism becomes recontextualized in a fOrt1l 1111"
is disconnected from the socio"economic problems that li e uoltl ,, "
marginali zation, frustration and confl ict. Stripped of this impo, 111111
level of detail , what is presented is abstracted and as such SPOil k"l
tend not to give concrete instances of actual mixing, except in tho (:"111
mercial environments of shopping and consumption, This is all 1'1'1 \
much a part of the discourses of neo-liberalis m promoted over tho 111,,1
decade by New Labour and before that by the Conservative govern n ' "" I
These discourses remove governmental roles in social welfare 1i,,11
merge healthcare, educati on, and multiculturalism with discolI" ""
of consumer choice with the addition of individual responsibi ll"
(Fairclough,2003) ,
The cri tical discourse and multimodal social actor analysis of d I.
courses in the Leicester Mercury has demonstrated that its modal II I
multiculturalism and its definiti on and assessment of social (1 <: 1111
backgrounds highly important factors in the causes of racial can fl i<: 1 I"
Britain, We have argued that these are excluded since they do nol HII
weI! with the ideology of an adverti ser-driven newspaper which "' 1II1i
create a positive buzz of business and commerce, What we have seOIl 1M
that in the city"as"brand model of multiculturalism there is no roorll 1',,,
poverty and margi nalizati on, In this model, cohesion and harmony I.
about individual choice and talking,
Defence discourse I: the visual
institutionalization of discourses
in war monuments
Gil l Abousnnouga and David Machin
Thi N chapter is concerned with the power of institu ti ons III """lilt! 111 11
III III'SO and to (re)contextuali ze social practice, through vi,, ",,1 III> III,
III' IlIull:imadally. Specifically, the chapter considers tho wil y II "d 111 11
11 "' lish authorities were able to shape the way that peop l" (;""11 ' III 111111
I h" Ilirst World War, and subsequent wars , through th e visuill ,11 """111 "".
llili lliri ed by carefully designed war monuments, Thesu vi,, " ,, 1 III "
'"Ill'ses were a crucial part of justifying the deaths of mi ll ions III' yllllll H
", "n around Europe in the interests of the ruling el ite of Iho (: 111 ,",1,, 1
p" wors when there was growing unrest among the working clll """,
In your city or town centre, if you live in the US or cerlain p",'I" III
1': 11 rope, there will be a monument dedicated to the sold iers 01' 1
1"11 1
Wo,.,d War where some of the several millions of soldiers who dll il l
rill ring the conflict will be commemorated by a statue, obeli sk 1)1' <: 1'"""
r:unstructed during and after the war, These memorials form pari "I' I hll
insli tutionalized rituals of commemoration and moW'ning for ynllll l\
ili on who died in combat zones of wounds, disease or drown ing ill 11 10
mud as they took and lost mere inches of land. These 1l1 0nuI1101li s l! I'j)
lJun orally viewed by some hi storians (Winter, 1995; Ki ng, 199(1) li S "
formali zed system of mourning, helping famil ies and com mun i I ios dOl .!
wilh their losses, These are mundane everyday reminders legi I i III izi " II
11 11 1 ional identity and the idea of collective national interesl in I hI) n, UII -
11 01' described by Billig (1995) , Yet behind thi s 'banal nationa iisil" is II
cioaT case of ideological manipulati on,
Written on the monument, sometimes along with the names of Y(l llll g
m Oil who died, will be an inscription. It will read somelh ing li ko: "/b
lil o ClaIY afCod anci in memOlyaftJ, ese men who s([ clij/r:oci/hoil' /i VIJ.'1
/ 0 1' King onrl COIlII/ IY', Thi s language, through il s lox ical choi c()s 1)1' 'Sli t:
rinco', 'glory' II llt l 'Cll llll \ I' Y', signifi 01:i n di :-:cOIII'SO nl H)!iI thn
dwdl ll": ori ll u y lll lli H 1111 11 1 I I dl Ncfllll'SO Ihll l ill cllJdos ki nds Of'PI II'l icl plllll fl ,
11 5

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