Professional Documents
Culture Documents
.
Food for Thought Ann Danaiya Usher,Vijay Paranjpyeand
Ancient Visionsand New Experiments of Rural
Madhu Ramnath:
People
Forests for the Future: Local Strategies
Kgathi, Hall, Hategeka and Sekhwela, for Forest Protection, Economic
Biomass Energy Policy in Africa Welfare and SocialJustice
Zed Books
LONDON &: NEW YORK
For full details about these titles and Zed's general and subject catalogues,
Ie are, so to speak, at the front line . They face pressure from outsiders
peop h h d . . id .
who seek land , timber or ot er resources; t ey are expose to mnrru anon,
Preface
violence and culture shock; and they confront internal probl ems about
balancing forest exploitation and conservation. They . are often torn
between maintaining a forest area as a watershed for their fields and market
pressure to cut timber for profit. Consequently, forest communities are
blamed for deforestation and ecological degradation of forest areas, and are
regularly accused of being incapable of managing their own forest lands.
local non -governmental and grassroots organisations can rarely devote
time and resources to analysing and documenting their experiences and
point of view for larger aud iences . Existing studies on community forest
management seldom lead to policy conclusions , or benefit local stake
holders and their causes. Conscio us of these realities, Both ENDS and
Gram Vardhini embarked on a collaborative surv ey project in 1992. The
It is estimated that the worlds forests are vital for the daily survival of more objective was to enable forest communities to brin g to pu blic attentio n
than 300 million indigenous and peasant people who depend on forest their own perceptions and experiences. They would describe in their own
ecosystems (World Bank Forest Policy 1990). These communities have words how they are striving to balance cultura l and economic survival with
devised sophisticated norm s for managing watersheds, catchment areas and sustenance of the ecosystems on which they depend , und er pressure from a
fragile forest ecosystems, and possess a wealth of knowledge about rational growing population , increasing demand s for cash, and a range of outside
land use and environmen tal pro tection. Man y such rural communities are forces.
important forest stakeholders. Yet the expertise and interests of these local The initiators of the sur vey had been concerned about the tendency to
people are rarely recognised by national forest policies and management locate the problems of deforestation and biological diversity depletion
systems . They are often accused of being the main agents of forest des exclusively in Southern countries, even though forest-depend ent commu
tru ction , and their position is furth er marginalised. Instead, government nities in the industrialised world are also at risk. It was therefore important
institutions tend to be viewed as the prin cipal actors in forest conservation that organisations from the temp erate and boreal regions joined the survey.
and restorati on . This book is th us a collection of case studies undertaken in man y corne rs of
In many count ries cent ral govern ment claims control over forest the world , under a variety of ecological and socio-economic circums tances.
resources, largely ignorin g the customary rights of forest communities and The case studi es show how community control and involvement can
thus eroding tradit ions, respo nsibilities and decision-making structures at allow for more detailed assessments of forest resources and management
the local level. Western 'scientific' forestry, introduced world-wide in the needs than cent ralised forest management. Local communities often have a
course of the twenti eth century, has been very influential in this respect. very long history of using forest produce and regulating access to forest
This brand of forestry usually neglects and often unde rmines local forestry resources. There still exists at the local level an enorm ous variety of stru c
systems . Forced resettlement , for examp le, is perceived as a prerequisite for tured ownership arrangements , incentives and sanctions that work to ensure
watershed and park protection . Concessions for commercial logging are ~ompliance . Given the impasse in interna tional forest negotiations and the
provided witho ut pro per consultation . Tree plantations that fulfil national inertia of most govern ments, it is important to conside r the alternatives.
reforestation goals replace farmland and some times even natural forest, Better und erstand ing will provide greater su pport for local citizens' initia
threatening local biological diversity. uves to sustain forest resources.
Much of the interna tional discussion of forests - tropical forests, in par Through the compilation of document ed evide nce, the studies reveal
ticular - has focused on the biological diversity crisis. Yet the spectre of tha~ at times local forest management has benefited from moral, techni cal,
massive global deforestation also represents a grave threat to hum an com pohllcal and llnanctal suppo rt from outsiders - NGOs scientists , consu l
~n ' . '
muniti es. Many forest-depend ent com munities - wheth er forest-dwelling ts, Journalists and govern ment or donor agencies. Often, however, local
ethnic minorities or farm ers who rely on a patch of secondary forest for groups work in isolation . The case studies describe concrete situations that
subsistence - lack both land securi ty and political representation. These embody what the authors and their constituencies observe, believe and
xvi
xviii FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
strive for. Th e essays ch allenge the notion that forest communities are Prologue
problems, wh ile state bodies deliver solutions. Unavoidably, some texts are
unpolished . Using their political and social instin cts, the authors go to the
heart of the matter, avoiding scienti fic or wordy speculations.
These testim onies may help to underline the need for outsiders to be
more sensitive to local interests and perspectives. We will be encouraged if
this collection of essays motivates other local organisation s to put their ideas
on pap er in the cause of sustaine d local forest management. And we hope it
will help national govern ments and int ern ation al don or agenc ies to appre
ciate local peoples' capacities and views on forest man agem ent, stimulating
greater collabo ration with local organisa tions and their support groups.
Cautious,
Lao Tzu'
metals , biomass, land for agricultural expansion and oth er resourc es. Most 2 Local forest management does not safeguard conservation interests
case studies report conflicts over these resources since their national politieal adequately;
and economic elites are unwilling to forgo the opportunity to tap these 3 Local forest users are unable to resist external sources of degrad ation
reservoirs, notwithstanding the often dramatic social and environmental and fail to restore degraded forest land ;
consequences. The case studies also confirm that lack of security of land 4 Local com munities feature social and economic inequalities and
rights and user rights is a major cause of declin e in local systems of forest institutional weaknesses which frustr ate sustainable forest manage
management, result ing in social hardship and forest destruction. It is also ment (Car rere and Lohmann 1996 ; Colch ester 1992; .]epm a 1995).
clear that few democratically elected governments in Northern or Southern It is imposs ible to generalise about the commitment and capacity of
countries are enthusiastic about sharing control an d rights over forests with local people to preserve forest and biodiv ersity. Among the hundreds of
local communities. In man y instances, there is overt collusion between millions of villagers who live in close connection with their local forests, it
government agencies and dominant economi c interest groups. One observes, is often the ind igenous peoples who maint ain a relatively non-agricultural,
for example, the grant ing of extensi ve privileges - such as mining or non-market relationship with the forest. Hunt ers and gath erers suc h as the
logging concessions , subsidies and tax exemptions - to a small number of Durva in central India - whose custom it is to pass their lands on , unharmed,
industrial conglomerates. to the generations that follow them - manage their resources cautiously in
Yetthe real life experiences compiled in this book also help us to identify order to ensure a sustained yield. Shifting cultivation- practices by indi ge
a number of unique responses, perceptions and practices by local people nous communities, for instance, reveal not only the extreme variability and
and other concerned parties. And it is also possible to translate some of complexity of these traditional technologies, but also the enormous reserve
these special insights into more general conclusions and policy recom of vernacular knowledge of practices to restore soil fertilit y and to preserve
mendations. This book has the purpose of communicating these findings to biodiversity (Perpongsacharoen and Lohmann 1989; Colchester 1992 ; see
those parties who se policies and actions have a dir ect impact on local forest also Colfer and Dudley 1993 ). The Durv a songs about pollination illustrate
management: decision makers, donor agencies, corp orations, researchers, this point well.'
non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the media and the public at Not all forest-dependent people are memb ers of ethnic minorities. In the
large. It indicates how they could open mor e spa ce for the enhancement of most frequent case a patch of secondary forest is part of the sub sistence
prudent and undisturbed management of forests by local people. guarantee for the poorer section of the village. The forest provides fodd er,
,.1 This chapter is organised in three sections . The first section deals with cropland, prot ein. medicine , firewood , mu shro oms , vegetables, building
I the potential of local forest management systems, probing their social and materials or any number of other produ cts . Not unlike the indigen ous
institutional strengths and weaknesses. It also responds to prevailing roups, many peasant peoples - even those who se main econ omi c activity
! scepti cism about these systems . The second section identifies the main IS permanent agriculture - have a very long history of using forest produce
causes of their collap se. The third section present s the key lessons to be and regulating access to forest resources. 'There exists an enormous variety
learn ed from the case studies. It draws some general con clusion s and has f structured ownership arrangement s within which management rul es are
specific recommend ations for policy makers, don ors , researchers and other developed , group size is known and enforced , incentives are in place for co
groups of players wners to follow the accepted institutional arrangements, and sanctions
rk to ensure compliance' (Cernea 1989 in Colchester 1992 : 120). It
.Local Forest Management under Scrutiny must be acknowledged , however, that local man agement in varying degrees
ampulates the forest to satisfy local needs and hence it affects the pristin e
Predictably and invariably, forest industries and othe r commercial interestS 11Ilje of the forest's ecology (Hildyard et al. 1997 ).
have opposed the legitimisation of forest management by local communi The case studies give evidenc e that environmental declin e in forest areas
ties. But government authorities, med ia an d acad emic institutions have also nh~bi ted by or adjacent to local commun ities often occur s where local
questioned the ability of local people to man age their resources pru dently. ial institutions and the environment are Simultaneously under heavy
Critics express their scepti cism by pointing ou t that : ressure from the outside. Many of these peopl e share a lack of both land
I Local forest users are not capable of coping with changing socio 1> u n ty and political inlluence. They live, so to speak, at the 'front line'.
demographic and econo mic circumstances, or with the new demands o~ ny and population growth _ and the corresponding local demand for
on forest man agement; and other basic needs - certainly increased pressure on the local forest
4 FO RE ST S FOR TH E FUT U RE PROLO G UE 5
environment in many regions. And yet, in man y areas , 'overpopulation' is a t majority of rural people. More often than not , local forest users are
misleading concept if one take s land distribution into account. Areas whi ch bound closely to each other by mutual de pendence and shared values
are deem ed 'overpopulated' are often the marginal land s whi ch peasants ut treatment and access to th e forest and other common resources,
have been forced to occupy following their displ acement from land taken bJ,n::ked by social cont rol. As Susan George em phasises, such common
over by intensive, export-orient ed agriculture, mining ope rations and so property regimes are managed sustainably 'so lon g as group members
forth (Hildyard et aL1997). rain the power to define the group and to manage their own resources'
As the case study from Bastar illustrates, taxation , the need to 'satisfy' George in Goldman 1998 : xii).
govern ment officials with bribes and fee,s , scho oling, lab our-saving techn o However, these communities regularl y expe rience 'hit and run' intru
logy, new fashions and consumerism have generated a demand for cash ns by outsiders - such as timb er merchants , trad ers , poachers and
without the corresponding growth of a market for traditional produce (see rru pt government officials - wh o roam the forest in search of quick
also Colchester 1992 ). In other words, in situa tions where governments profit. They also witness the conversion of forest by forest departments ,
leave local people empty-handed - legally, technically, financ ially and mpanies or migrant colonists to establish monocultural plant ations of
politi cally - one can expect that soone r or later they will yield to outside teak, oil palm and other marketable species. These and other cultural,
forces beyond their control. With no othe r options before them , sooner or economic and political interventi on s undermine local authorit y, norms and
later they are likely to succumb to the pr essures of logging firms and oth er values, and exacerbate inequalities. At the same time, indi genous and
commercial int erests, and to lose their resources or tr ade them for very peasant communities often perceive such outside rs with a great sense of
meagre and short-term retu rn s. irony and hum our, conducive to feelings of their own self-worth and
Precisely because their own survival and cultura l values are at risk , local dignity. The Durva people from Bastar refer to the pest Eupatorium as sahib
forest-dependent communities have the stron gest motivation to check the '(ltd (sahib in th is context = townspeople and govern ment officers; lata =
influx of illegal loggers, min ers , poache rs and colonists. The case studies weed) , explainin g that 'it spreads just as fast and is equa lly useless'. And a
also contribute overwhelming evidence that official efforts to restore and villager from Karnataka , on India 's west coast, wh en confront ed with cor
manage forest environments are often non-existent or both costly and inef ruption in the Forest Department, smilingly laments: 'When the fence is
fective. Local people - unlike the staff of govern ment dep artments, int erna eating the grass , what can one do? '
tion al agencies or corpo rations - have an immediate and lon g-term stake in The studies emphasise that
defending and evolving pra ctices that conserve some level of biodiversity where communities have a long and still vital tradit ion of com mu nity manage
and self-reliance (Hildyard et aL 1997). ment, the need for the rapid re-establishment of com munity control over forest
The majority of the case stud ies describ e the watchd og role of local land is clear. However, where such tradit ions have long been lost d ue to accu l
communities in resp onse to externa l pressures on th eir forests. Yet in only a turalisau on and the destruction of tradit ional instit uti ons, " the mere tran sition
few instances d o the studies mention govern ment acceptance of the impor back to communal ten ure an d man agement might also prove to be destabilising
tance of local communities in cont rolling external use of the forest. (In a md disruptive. (Colch ester 199 2: 21)
number of other countries, however, govern ment s have ackn owled ged this
ny communities thus face th e challenge to reassert values and to devel op
role very explicitly. Th e Colombian govern ment, for example, has handed
new methods to administer their forest land s.
over 20 million hectares of forest to indigeno us communities in the
Amazon. ) Although 'the argument of local peoples' ina bility is used to take
and maintain contro l over forest lands' (Colchester 1992: 16-17) , cauti on is rnrnon Problems
ne cessary against a rom antic view of local forest management. It is unwise
to portray local forest-dependent communities as homogeneou s, whether often the causes of deforestation lie outside the forest an d beyond the
they are indi gen ous communities in Ind ia or wood work ers and their main of the community, the distri ct or even the nation- state. As Jeffrey
families in Canada . Local commo n- management regimes are seldom free . . er notes : 'The globalisation of econo mies and the emergence of a strong
from 'internal inequ alities (particular gende r ineq uities), back-b iting, social l'l'ii:I1Snational corpo rate sector result s in Significant shifts in th e geograph ic
inju stices or enviro nmenta lly destructive practices' (Hildya rd et aL 1997: d rion, type and int ensity of forest use' (Sayer 1997). Most case studies
13). It must be recogn ised , however, th at , comm unal grazing grounds. ('~ nbe how local people and NGOs must con front interventions by tran s
forests and irrigation or fishing terri tories are an everyday reality for the lie nal companies that their own govern ments have done nothing to
• g i Q 11l1lIT rn
PRO LOGU E 7
6 FOR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE
If
restrain. Thus a limit ed number of transnational corporations Cont rol an
....---- doch 1988). More and more forest-d ependent commumttes are
i increasingly large share of logging, processing and marketing ope rations. In n encing interferenc e by outside comme rcial forces in their local
1992 onl y 10 com panies produced 27 per cent of the world's paper and eno systems of knowledge of, access to and control over forest
us
paperboard (FOE-US 1997). The World Resources Institute calculates that l~ces . Governments should respond urgentl y to the need to acknow
commercial logging poses the sin gle largest threat to the world 's last • protect and reward the traditional kn owledge of forest-dep endent
remaining large tracts of undisturbed 'front ier' forests (no tably in Canada les, in the cause of the latt er's economic and cultural survival and the
Brazil and Russia). The same research ers note that mining and energ): st of forest con servation.
development are a greater threat to thes e forests than agricultural expan
sion (Bryant et al. 1997: 15). tingforestry sacnee
For a number of reasons , transnational com panies playa m ajor pan in I recently, global concern abou t deforestation has focused on th e
forest destruction and, con sequently, in local socio -economic imp overish [wpits and virtually excluded temperate and boreal forest issues . Th e case
ment. In the first place, th ey operate on a mu ch larger scale than local rudies from Canada and the United States call into qu estion th e wi.dely
companies, having th e technological capacity and capital resources to open ted belief that forestry pra ctices in the industrialised countries are
up remote and hitherto inaccessibl e tract s of forest. This initi al pen etration - <llnable. Hence, the y also qu estion the th eoreti cal foundations of both
often sets in train further forest destruction by agricultural exp ansion (large rng and tree-planting operations in tropical countries , whi ch for th e
monocultural cash crop plantations , colonist pioneer farmin g or cattle most part are based on temperate forestry prin ciples (Danaiya Usher 1992).
ranging). Second, the transnational impact is sharpened by globalisation, be case studies em phasise that the prevailing monetary-economic bias in
which enab les world market demand for wood and pap er products and twent ional scienti fic forest resource management is in conflict with th e
other raw mat erials to out weigh local peoples ' needs and forest cons erva [ective of cultural and ecologi cal diversit y. Such a bias is a denial of the
tion in determining the fate of forests . Third , foreign companies tend to that many peo ple are dependent for their well-being on non-monetary,
take profits from forest exploitation out of th e host country, inst ead of logical and soclo-cultural conditions. Forest-dependent communities,
letting such profits benefit local peopl e and the host econo my th rough which once enjoye d the comparative advantage of their skills and know
taxati on or reinve stm ent (FO E-US 1997) . Fina lly, many transnati onal ledge of a rich ecosystem , lose their culture and get pushed to th e mar gins
companies sh ow no interest in the future of the forest and allow the capital of society once the forest is destroyed or access to it is denied to th em.
equipment of the industry (roads , mills , etc.) to deteriorate on ce th e timber
or mineral resources are exhausted . The company moves on to other the role ofgovernments
hese developments occur at a time when governments are being encour
regions , leavin g local populations to make wha t the y can of a devast ated
ed 1O scale dow n and to deregulate in orde r to attract foreign investm ent
environment.
I' 1997). Moreover, the case studies illustrate that some transnational
Privatisation of biodivrrsity un panies take ad vantage of the political vacuu m prevailing in host
uutries weakened by civil war, corru ption or state repression ." One
Some case studies, in particular th e study from Brazil, also refer to the on
I' going privatisation of the world's food and medi cin al raw mat erials, notably
by th e agri-business and pharm aceutical industri es. Th ese industries con
reason is that econ omic Iiberalisation is often not accompanied by political
lfberalisation . Whilst industry ente rs the hinterland in search of biomass,
mine rals, cheap electricity and land , local econo mically disadvantaged
stitute a less visible but increasingly stron g lobby wh ich m on op olises
oups generally lack the formal and legal support to claim and protect
both legally and technically - an expanding share of th e plan et's cultural
and natural d omain , mainly through intellectual property prote ction, Lbch access to natu ral resources.
Not surprisingly, forests are unable 1O attract th e scale of investment and
including pat ents'? Whereas th ese propert y systems reward human
. tent ion which government s spend, for example , on roads , energy genera
ingenuity, th ey ign ore nat ure's intrinsic value s and the kn owledge and
tion or the aviation industry. The situation in Indi a illustrates this point
(informal) contribution of indigenous peoples and farmers to the mainte
well. While subseq uent five-year plan s repeat th e ambitious promis e to
nance and de velopment of genetic diversity through generati ons of use and
I' 33 per cent of India's land base in forest, th e Forest Dep artment is
observation, cultivation and husbandry (Glo wka et al. 1994) . More vulner
ned less than 1 per cent of the state budget ." The sad iron y is that th e
able th an th e ecosystem itself, it now seems clear , is th e accumulated
l'lnt ry's forest cover has dwindled to an estimated 12 per cent, a figure
knowledge of forest ecology held by forest-dependent peoples (DensloW
8 FORES TS FOR THE FUTURE PROLOG UE 9
that is declining every year. Foresters and polit icians seem to share the vie\'"
:l'rft.been to blam e environment alists or local-indi genous comm unities for
that trees bring no electora l gains (Wolvekamp 1989). Like their peer ng the industry access to much-needed woo d resources , and in this
organisations in most other count ries in the South and in th e Nort h, th hold them responsibl e for jo b losses in this sector.'?
Indian Forest Service is by and large too pr eoccupied with gene rating
revenu e for public and private gain to forge an alliance with the tens of m lC liberalisation
millio ns of villagers for whom the forest is their basis of survi val , or to make ..&... ...reat present need for national a n d int ernational regulati on of invest
the social need for forest pro tection a political issue. by tran snational compa n ies IS made more glan ng by international
Th e case stu dies thus con firm that nat ional govern ments playa major ments evolved over the last decade which are designed to facilitate
role in the creation of these problems. In addi tion to legal sho rtcom ings, Tude' _ most manifestly represent ed by the eme rgence of the World
govern ments are poor per formers when it com es to auditing an d contro]. . rganisation an d the recent negotiation of a ne w Multilateral
ling natural resource use. In many cases corrup tion perm eates all levels of nent on Investment (MAl). These agreeme nts, which have been
govern ment involvement in forest management and land -use plannin g ted most ardentl y by OECD countries , curtail th e freedom of nation
Th e case studies qu estion the view of m any governme nts that forestry can ro regulate foreign investment an d corporate con duc t an d to protect
generate revenu es and raw materia l to trigger nation al econo mic develop. ~l social, cultural and envi ronmental inte rests. For example, if the
ment (taking monetary-e conomi c pe rformance as the mai n benc hmark). t draft of the MAl is ap proved , it is likely to overru le nat ional as well
These concerns were summed up long ago by Jack Westoby, forme r head of nt-cm ational envi.ronmental legislation (suc h as the Conve ntion on
the forestry departm ent of the Food and Agriculture Organ isation (FAO): Hversity) as well as the much weaker agreements whi ch deal with
oman rights, min orities and indi genous peoples (such as the Intern ation al
The growing inte rest in forestry projects had little to do with the idea thai
u r Organi sation's Conventi on No. 169 an d the draft Universal
forestry and forest industries have a significant and ma ny-sided corun bu uon to
make to overall economic and social developm ent... . Of th e new revenues
duration on the Right s of Indi gen ous Peoples). The MAl will pr event
generated, woefully little has been ploughed back into forestry, and the much nal governments imp osin g specific socio-e nvironmen tal conditions on
more import ant role which forestry cou ld play in supporting agriculture and ign investors. National governme nts are also restra ined from reserving
raising rural welfare has been either badly neglected or completely ignored. st land or other national resources for local economic use, since foreign
(Westoby 1989) mpanies are given equal rights to bid for concessions. Whilst sustaina ble
management demand s lon g-term planning , the MAl forces govern
Westoby spoke these words nearly 20 years ago during the Eighth Forestry ts to accept the imm ediate and unhindered withd rawal of foreign
Congress. Had he prepared his spee ch tod ay, he might have d roppe d the
une nts and profits. Transnation al companies can sue national govern
distinc tion he made then between developing and industrialised countries, ors and dema nd com pen sation for any reduction in value of their invest
since in mo st respects his spee ch ap plies equally well to the state of affairs as a result of social or environment al restrictions imp osed by the
in man y Northe rn count ries . untrys govern ment . As a publi cation by Frien ds of the Earth-US
Forests are under-appreciated , bo th for their immeasurable social and 'The MAl will throw up barri ers to the types of po licies need ed to
environmen tal services to society and for the ir int rinsic value . Case studies
deforestation ' (FO E-US 1997).
from No rth and South demon strate how governments legitimise cen
tralised large-scale forest management and int ensive comme rcial exploita master plans
tion , citing the need to protec t jobs and revenu es in the forest industrY .v);ploitation or destru ction of forest is enhance d in countries , notably
Various case stu dies em phasise , on the contra ry, that millions of people lose South anel in Cent ral and Eastern Euro pe , which have to deal wi th
their jobs or sources of livelih ood when access to forest sources is denied to reign debts, econo mic depr ession or a process of economic transi
them or as a result of ongo ing mechanisation an d the depl etion of forest T~e ir government s negotiat e with multilateral fina ncial and trade
resources. Between 1990 an d 1992 , for example , Canada's forest industry llt'lons avenu es to ope n up and adjust their econo mies. Th is p rocess
eliminated 62 ,600 jobs, shedd ing some 28 per cen t of th e direct workforce irectly on dom estic lan d and forest policies. Many government s are
(Carre re and Lohmann 1996). Notab ly in count ries like Malaysia, swe de ~, d to 'rationalise' the forestry secto r. AsJack Westob y has em phas ised,
Canada and the United States, a conven ient way of drawin g the publicS ver, such advice generally serves foreign industry an d trade int erests
atten tion away from these facts, and of redirecti ng its concerns and anger,
than the health of forests an d local or na tional econ om ies.
I,
-
10 F OR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE P ROL O GU E 11
I
The intern ational financing agencies kne w what foreign investors wanted, and us case studies describe how the centralisation of forest man age
the multilateral and bilateral agen cies fell in line. They helped the under. ,ilIIlfl1t wt altt ned - or even abolished - local man agement in stituti ons . This
" developed countries to bear the expense and drudgery of resource data col. l tangible where land tenure is concerned. 'Tenur e system s are
lection , the reby relieving potential investo rs of these tasks and charges Because nd specify un der what circumstances and to what extent certain
nearly all the forest and forest ry indus try develo pment which has taken place in
.._ ~" lt',eS are available to individuals and communities to inhabit , to harvest,
the und erd eveloped world in the last decades has been externally oriented
.til, to hunt and gather on, etc.', writes Lynch . Most case studies report ,
aiming at satisfying the rocketing demands of the rich, ind ustrialised nations'
Qi.~ler, that governments deny the recognition of community-based rights
the basic forest products needs ofthe peoples of the und erdeveloped world ar~
further from being satisfied than ever. (Westoby 1989 ) a~lQrtSt. Whereas in some cases the government grant s certain tenurial
'they are vulnerable to arbitrary cancellati on' (Lynch, 1997 : 26) and
In the face of problems of forest loss and other environmental threats. .'S1lCb dIscourage local people from investing in careful, long-term use
the preferred response of man y head s of industry, government agencies and r.mgement .
multilater al inst ituti on s lies in increasingly global forms of management l ~ni n a context of conflict , the case studies confirm that security of
(see also Goldm an 1998 ). As Hildyard et al. not e, 'if one accepts current Itma .,Pgh ts and user rights is the basis of forest preservation and the well
patterns of econo mic developm ent an d the instituti ons and premi ses on local forest-dependent people - especially so under condi tions of
which they rely, the logic of "global environment al management" is ~l pressure. This requires awareness of their legal rights in local com
impeccable' (Hildyard et al. 1997 : 5). Sustaining this process through in order to defen d themselves in the contex t of national and
damage control requires an equ ivalen t level of top -down surveillance and ~gl y also international law. Better understanding of legal rights and
intervention . The physical environment becomes a terrain to be reordered lso offers increased oppo rtunities for inte racting with policy
zoned , parcelled up , while people are rem oved or cajoled into 'collabora r example with regard to forest and land-use planning. NGOs,
tion ' according to some prec onceived master plan (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5) m ed lawyers and professional consultants often provide crucial sup
Through channels of aid and trade, funds are made available under the ridge the gap between local aspirations and the form al language
banners of development and environmental restorati on (C0 2 sequestration, vern ments.
for example). Yet suc h programmes often affect forests and forest
dependent peopl e adversely. As a number of case studies illustrate, often
such fund s are used to invade the countryside with in frastructural works
industrial zones or monocultural plantations. ~l plantation programm es are probably the most popular and best
JAI environmental solutions, sin ce, it is claimed , the y 'coun ter the
Legal biases againstforest-dependent and local people :~ t\use effect either by serving as carbon sink s, or by alleviating
The case studie s emphasise that nation al laws deny millions of people access n native forests, helping to preserve them as carbon depots' (Shell
to natural resources, while most of the land is claimed by the state or ~r1 on !l 1 and World Wildlife Fund 1996: 10). Although this claim has
engrossed by a small political and economic elite. As human and environ' mnce, 'it has enough sup erficial plausibility to distract uninformed
mental rights lawyer Owen Lynch writes: 'National laws concerning the u~ Tom the more interesting top ic of how to find altern atives to a
and management of forest resources in at least six Asian countries (Indonesia, hose logic dictates a never-ending spiral in which ever-greater
II Thailand, the Philippines, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka), for example, hal'" Issions necessitate an ever more desperate search for carbon sinks '
I
. 1'
II II actually becom e more hostile toward local people and communities than w rd Lohmann 1996: 10). As some of the case studies emphasise,
the case during the colonial era' (Lynch 1997: 22 ). National laws and the I\'al' , instead of relieving pressure on existing natural forest, add
they are implemented often remain an obstacle to sustainable forest manag Iy to deforestation since much forest is cleared to make space for
men t. In many instances they reflect a lack of civil freedom to express dissenl ral tree plantations (such as teak , gmelina, eucalyptus and
ing opinions and the states repression of other essenti al human rights. L}l1Ch rld-wide, logging and plantation development go hand in
shares a conclu sion reached by the case studies , namely that 'communitld lOgging of natu ral forest often provides the necessary funding for
based forest man agement systems and user rights derive their legitimacyan menr of industrial tree plantations. The plantation ind ustry
strength from the community in which they operate , rather than from th esto-, also fail to disclose that tree planta tions offer only a
nation-state in which they are located ' (Lynch 1997: 24). he carbon sequestration potential of natural forests. Moreover,
12 FORE STS FOR TH E F UT URE PR OL OG UE 13
IIII!II
I' since these plantations are grown in short rotation cycles - and the WOod - ientists and the medi a. The case studies brin g out four
processed in short-lived products such as paper - they perform this n ~I ~S for viewing the int erface betw een fore.sts and agriculture.
only temporarily ,u thorised conversion of forest land to agn cultural use Inde ed
Carr ere and Lohmann give a clear definition of what a commercial pl msibility for much deforestation, as the case study from the
ration is and what it is no t: Republic of Congo illustrates . Case studies from , for example,
Plant ations, like forests , are full of trees. But the two are usually radica nd India remin d us of the role of politicians who endeavour to
differen t. A forest is a com plex, self-generating system, enco mpassing soil, wat
!ectorate by endorsin g the encroachmen t on public forest land ,
micro-climat e, ene rgy, and a wide variety of plants an d animals in
mutu in d the adage that 'trees don't vote for you' (Wolvekamp 198 9).
relation. A com mercial plant ation , on -the other hand, is a cultiv ated area wh, u dies question, however, the commo n practice of blaming local
spec ies and struc ture have been simplifi ed dramatically to pro d uce only a [, IS. people and peasants in order to veil forest destruction due to
goods, whe ther lum ber, fuel, resin , oil or fruit. A planta tion's trees, unlike th( -sanctioned logging and cash crop plantations. As Jeffrey Sayer
of a forest , tend to be of a small range of species and ages, and require imensi . _ffld al govern ment-registered programmes of forest conver
and continuing hu ma n interven tion. (Carrere and Loh ma nn 1997: 3) ant agricultu re and large-scale commercial cash crop plantations
Carrere and Lohmann cont rast such industrial plant ation s with 'attempts I ter cause of deforest ation (Sayer 199 7). Henc e th ere is a need
plant trees in ways respon sive to a wide variety of interlocked 10< le maps and data on actu al land use and planning to bett er
concerns . In some agroforestry systems ,JJ for examp le, a diversity of tre ,tic debate.
are chosen and plant ed to pro vide protection, shade and food for livestoc more and more fertile land is claimed for growing expo rt
fruit and wo od for hu mans, and prot ection, nutrients and water for crop ral population is pu shed to marginal lands and forced to clear
thu s helping to keep production diverse and in harmon y with local land. ng forest cover in order to eke out a living. Thi s is a strong
scapes and needs' (Carre re and Lohmann , 199 7: 10). favour of better land distribution and land-use planning: 'eco
The case stu dies explicitly con firm th at major causes of forest desirue on forest land would be better relieved by reclaiming "high
no n are intersectoral in nature. Some case studies refer to the conversion ~b~9.s " for peasant agriculture' (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5).
forest to other non-forest uses - for exam ple, mon ocultural cash crop plan the case stu d y from Bastar vivid ly illustrates, the great con
ration s such as citrus fruit and oil palm 12 - and th ey record the displao WIding terms like 'shifting culti vation' and 'forest' is the cause
ment of occupants of forest, farmland and commu nal grazing land as a co unsophisticated assessments of the effects of shifting cultiva
sequence . Nevertheless, governme nts and institut ions like the World Ba rn ments and influe ntial int ernational organisations' (Sun derlin
and the Internation al Monet ary Fund (lMF) cont inue to promote lafgi i1\iam Sunderlin notes that 'A major positive development in
scale cash crop plant ation s, such as oil palm, as foreign exchange eame bate on the role of shifting cultiv ation has been th at influenti al
This is probably best illustrated by th e IMF's recent stru ctural adjusime the forest situa tion are no lon ger willing to accept at face value
package for Ind on esia. Notwithstanding the fact that the development t shifting cultivation is uniiorml v bad for forest conservation
oil palm plant ation s is th e Single largest cause of forest fires in Indones n ent' (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) . Th~re is, for examp le, grow ing
and despit e increasing public concern about the scale of this social a f the need to distinguish , roughly, between 'shifting cultiva
I pioneer' fanning systems . J ] Th ose who argue th at sh ifting
environmenta l tragedy, the IMF exp licitly pushes for the expansion of t
oil palm sector in this country. Since the announ cement of Indonesi a threat to forests are actually referring to forest-pionee r
agreement with th e IMF in January 1998, it is rep orted that plantati hon -fallow shifting cultivation (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) .
companies have continued to move into and seize the forested territories the case studies from Cameroon and Bastar dem onstr ate that
t ry science separated forest management strictly from agricul
ind igen ous peopl es and starte d clearfellin g and burning.
issed almost exclusively on production of uniform quant ities
The interface with agriculture f timber' (Carrere and Lohmann 199 7: 10), while 'conven
Whe n it comes to expl aining the occurrenc e of high rates of deforestati is al~o firmly based on legal noti on s which diverge strongly
in th e tropics, landl ess farmers and traditional shifting cultivators are oft peoples own frame of thinking' (Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oji
t meroon's forestry law illustrates this point well, defin ing a
scapegoated by governments , by represent atives of the logging indus
land covered by vegetation with a predominanc e of trees,
14 FORESTS FOR THE FUT URE PROLO GUE 15
shru bs and othe r species capa ble of providing produ cts othe r than agIicu II spills, for exampl e - to th e people living downstream in Chad
tur al produ cts' (Forestry, Wildlife and Fisheries Regulations, Law No. 94/0 y communities near Kribi on Cameroon's south coast. Othe r
of20 Ja nuary 1994 , in Brocklesby and Ambrose -Oj i 1997: 17). Thisdefi re the Trans-Amazoni an highw ay - built to give Asian mark ets,
tion has its roots in a policy dichotom y, found th roughout the Warl, '1y. access to the Amazo ns timb er and minerals - and the Hidrovia
between agriculture and forest. 'W hilst this (defi nition) may sUPpOTt fa lisation project of th e Mercosur count ries, which will dry out
plant ation s and prod uct ion forests, it ignores the farm/ forest interfa anal (earth's largest wetland, containing its highest diversity of
1111 (Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oji 1997: IS). This means that in Cameroon . These and oth er new transport ation routes will ope n up some
in so many other countries, 'legally agreed man agement plans (which Ic lds last frontier forest areas to logging, cattle-ranc hing , mining,
the basis upon which a community can estab lish a com munity foreSl nd poaching - and will expose local populations to the inevitable
canno t by law includ e regulation s govern ing shifting agriculture plots a these incursi ons and to increased pollut ion (Goldsmith 1997).
fallow use, since these practices are not recognised ' (Brocklesby a
Ambrose -Oji 1997: IS). The case studies offer concrete examples of viab opposition
sym biosis between agricul tu re and forest conservation throu gh udies also show that the state-sanctioned, 'legal' usu rpation of
man agement of non -timber forest produ cts." agro-forestry systems such ources to the detriment of forest-dependent rur al people often
Analog Forestry,' >and other approac hes. ,nterru pted because man y local commu nities do not fully under
pttl.I:Ull:ir legal rights and op tions . ( L~nch 1997) Moreover, many local
Transport ~~n ties wishing to vor ce their Interests o r seek legal redress face
The prom otion of dom estic and cross-border traffic, which is part an
parcel of the dri ve toward s region al econo mic int egrat ion - the Europea
Union, for examp le, or the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFt
- is ano the r major cause of forest destruction . Transna tional corporati
lobb y groups the world over are successful in persu ading govern ments a
i. ,.:p."
..metical and cultural obstacles - logistic, financial, techni cal, lin
J: - when approa ching decision makers or the judiciary in the nation al
.; .\'O'IIncial capitals.
'· this respect, the case studies also poi nt to th e ambi valen ce of govern
~. industry and inte rnational developm ent agenci es toward s local
multilateral agencies to spe nd huge amo unts of taxpayers' money on inf d their organisati on s. On one hand , these institution s tend to
struct ural proje cts - as when the Euro pean Round Table of lndustriah ny the important skills, kn owledge and vision of local people
prevailed on the Euro pea n Commissio n to ado pt its prop osals for t upporters . On the othe r hand , often local people and NGOs are
Trans- Euro pea n Netwo rk, the largest tran sport infras truc ture plan I to 'participate' in orde r to lend legitimacy to the process of
history. Th e Commission present ed its plan for the development in Easte M . a project - a hydroelectric dam , a social forest ry projec t or a
Europe of some 3S,000 kilom etres of new moto rways, high speed railwa . As the case studies illustrate, genuine public participa tion has
new h arbours an d airports: 90 per cent of a total cost of US$ I 00 billion .1 the result of local mobilisation against an unwant ed develop
to be paid by the Eastern European count ries themselves (De Volksllrant, ty. It often goes unnoticed , however, that local communities and
J une 1995; see also Corporate Europ e Ob servatory 1997). A potent NGOs, from both South and North ," have mo unted their
disas ter in the mak ing is the Chad-Cameroon Petroleum Developm ent a :1.0 11 in the face of violen ce, land deprivation and recurrent intimida
Pipeline project , primarily spo nso red by an oil conso rtium consisting 11997).
Exxon , She ll and Elf Aquitane. The project plans to develop three oil fie] the period covered by the case studies, no fewer than seven
in sout hern Chad usin g an expo rt system including a I ,OSO-kilome :ng organisations faced severe hard ship du e to civil war, crimi na l
pipelin e, most of which passes th rou gh Cameroo n, and an off-sho !eI!.a l battles and conflicts with govern ment authorit ies. Five staff
loadin g facility for crude oil on Cameroo n's densely forested southe re killed, property was destroyed and peopl e were arrested .
coas t. Th e World Bank is cons idering loans to the govern ments of Ch
and Cameroon to help finance their respective portions of equity (amounll tons and Recommend ation s
to abo u t 15 per cent ) in two pipelin e com pan ies in which the maJo~
share (SO per cent or mo re) will be owne d by the oil conso rtium. Th ~rt tes andchallenges
growi ng concern that the' projec t will lead to escalating civil \riolen L the POlitical and econo mic root causes of deforestation , there is
notably in southern Chad , and brin g social and enviro nme ntal dest tU Cll wonder whether ther e is scope to dir ect society, and in particular
16 FOREST S FOR THE FUTURE PROLOGU E 17
the powers that be, in a more sus tainable direction . But a choice for apatn msable for land-use planning and p.oli~ y form ulation. To ens ure
or cynicism wo uld mean abando n ing tho se who wo rk at the 'front line' al olicies take into account th e aspirations and needs of people
attempt to change things for the better. Th e case stu d ies reveal heartenin . ch areas, much more insight int o local forest use and manage
resp on ses by local peopl es to problems encounte red . O ften th eir vigilan ulred. Research can be instrument al in gaining recognition for
has been rewarded by new cha nces for forest conservation and local beneh c and perceptions of local peopl e, in disclosin g con flicts of
from forest managem ent . n negotiating solutions. In doin g so , it may help prepare
The failure of most govern ments to recognise th e role of local fa und where local people and outsid ers - such as forest
management has not necessarily terminated local managem ent of and tern, rsonnel or conservati onists - can meet , negotiate and even
over fore st resources. As Owe n lynch obse rves , 'Despite expansive clai ill!l.bora te. l ~
of ownership, man y nation al gove rn me nts exe rcise relatively little cant ring the complex linkage between forest and agriculture in the
over large areas o f forest .. . [since] few gove rn me nts have the staff neede nportant that futur e research offers more insight into the con
and the com mitment , to survey, patro l and effectively manage vast are sed on sma llholder farmers by othe r competing land uses
classified as state-owned' (l ynch 199 7: 24). Under such circumstan r mining, for example) and mark et distortion s, such as the
many government s me rely tolerate th e pre sen ce of local peoples in tl f foodgrains in Southern count ries by th e European Union , as
forest , while the ir systems of natural resource managem ent are oft des to mo re symbiotic relationships between local farm ing
branded backwa rd and un sustain able, or as encroac hme nt . :1 the forest en vironment . Another research challenge is th e
More positively, the case stud ies also refer to a growing range of initi n and development of traditional shifting cultivation, thu s
tives and opportunities to foster collaboration between local people, sta o playa posit ive role in forest co nservation . Priority attent ion
au tho rities an d oth er parties in su ppo rt of local , sus tainable forest managi to be given to alternative farm system s and to non -farming
men t. local forest-dep endent co mmunities an d their su pporters face a du bsistence and income that can alleviate pressur e from pioneer
challenge : first, th ey mu st counte r extern al forces which th reaten lac n forests (Sund erlin 199 7).
access to forest; seco nd , the y mu st prove that th eir local system of fore arcn should be undertaken by local peop le th em selves or in
managem ent is pot entially viab le. with them. There is still a vast sto rehouse o f local-indigen ous,
We have listed some gene ral lesson s and suggestions for political a d culture and ex perience whi ch needs to be doc umente d sys
pr actical action th at em erge from the empirica l find ings of the ca ly. This will create wid er appreciation of th e value of forests to
studies. Inevitably, measures are required in different fields - including t tles, in particular to men , women and children at th e hous ehold
econo my, th e envi ronme nt, cultu re, governance and law - and at varia will generate greater recognition of th e potenti al cons traints and
levels. local forest management systems .
peop le and their allies in attem pting to cha nge political co ndi tions. open ~angeme nts need to be mad e to achieve genuine land reform,
space for local forest man agem ent and imp roving their position on [IVe to the politically more convenie nt practice of handing out
ground. The pa rticipating organisations used th e case stud ies compiled ~ land for agricultural purposes. Reform at both nation al and
thi s volume as tools for developing self-assess ment, policy dialogue :' J levels is requ ired to address th e legal bias agains t forest pro
concrete managem ent. Actio n research , u nd ertaken by local people or the CUstoms and rights of local peopl e. legislators and legal
partnership with th em , is essent ial in breaking the cycle of isolation should assume responsibtlny for establishing a traditi on of
anonymity." ~t .environme ntal law, through training and th e adj ustme nt of
S~ient i fic resea rch, notably envi ronme ntal analysis and information 1\11 law. Moreover, NGOs, lawyers and legal expe rts have a
18 FORESTS FO R THE FUTURE PROLOGUE 19
responsibility to popularise nati onal and int ernational law, important to I ommons be ensured' (Hildyard et al. 1997). Govern me nts
with which citizens can kee p th eir govern me nts accountable and achi mise that most forests on which communities rely - in the
recognition and prot ection of th eir human right s and of em'ironmen 'I .. in the Nort h - must be considered as commons. Hen ce,
values. It is essential that more atte nt ion and su ppo rt sho uld be given donor agencies and NGOs need to support t he building 0 f
, II:>
initiatives which explore and propagate existing legal prO\'isions ble institutions that con solidate or restore th e authority of
community for estry and th e recognition and restor ation of ancestral terrir rnes.
rial rights. Government s are urged to endorse ILO Convent ion No . 1691' ing of their land" and resource use helps local communities
recognition of th e rights of indigenous peopl es. However, we should n r land from out side incursions and thereby lessen s dem o
look onl y to legislatures, courts and oth er govern me ntal institutions i res on fragile ecosystem s' (Lync h , 1997: 15). It thu s cons ti
introduce suc h legal reform . On th e contrary, as Owe n Lynch cond uct, merit within th e pro cess of self-organisation and articula tion
'We are all law makers, and it beh oves us to work togeth er to develop bel smmcmnes come together to map their lands and discuss
legal strategies and tools ...' (Lynch 1997: 28). lopment, local people can acquire a broader persp ective of
The case studies make a strong plea tha t politi cian s and civil servan pressures in the region , and a sense of how these will affect
notably th ose from OECD count ries, should start realising the ad\,c ften essential to include representatives of neighb ouring
social, ecol ogical and eco nomic implications o f ongoing privausanon a _ and , if opportune, other forest users - in th eir d iscussi on s,
monopolisation of food and medicinal raw materials, and that laws sho id, or mit igate, conflicts of interest. Moreover, th e wh ole
be passed which put a halt to th e 'selling OUl' of biodiversity and indi ess and its legal underpinnings may encour age collaboration
nous local knowledge." It is recommended tha t gove rn me nts declare hi I communities and conservation authorities or othe r man age
diversity to be part of the public domain in each country in order to st lions (Lynch 1997). It is recommended that NGOs, don ors ,
further pri vatisation . nd scientists support the process of mapping by local co m
a tool for information sha ring , negoti ation and land-use
EnhanCing self-organisation l .u
The case studies sho w that effort s to protect or rep air th e interests of I self-organisation further, policy ma kers and forest autho ri
peopl e and th eir forest environment have invariably starte d with a g upport full recognition of local use and managem ent of non
investment of tim e and commitme nt to foster uni ty and a comm t products (NTFPs). These products are of sign ificant
dir ection wit hin the community. Actions to prevent outsiders from tn rural areas , especially am ong disadv anta ged groups suc h as
ploiting local forest wea lth, for exam ple, have started with efforts poor who have access to few resources. Furthermore, NTFPs
strengthen the local soc ial fabri c and legal position . Systems of dectsi irect and potentiall y positive connection between forest con
making, local know ledge, th e improvement of local man agem ent practie d forest use. If farming com mun ities living on the fringes of the
and enhanced bargain ing power are vital pans of successful local rcspo rive value from the sustaina ble exploitation of NTFPs, this
to external pr essures. n incentive to protect the forest (de Beer and MacDerm ott
The current economic crisis in Indonesia shows th at millions of n ps most sign ificantly, NTFPs can help create or restore a posi
people , no lon ger abl e to obtain th eir basic needs from th e market, cann between agriculture and forest conservation." Don ors,
fall back up on tradi tion al subsistence pra ctices because mu ch of the nan ,c ncies, NGOs and scientists must assist the managem ent of
environme nt has been destro yed by govern ment -spo nso red timber eslat .al people through legal provision s and su ppo rt for local
oil palm plant ation s and fore st fires. To avoid su ch risks, gO\·er nme lng. More particular assistance is required in th e followin g
sh ould seek to ensure th at the power and mean s to achieve econl'
survival and development are located as close to the peo ple as pOSSI ng legal obstacles which hinder local peopl e who seek to
Greater economic self-su ffi ciency and self-dete rminatio n should and benefi t from NTFPs '
supported , without the assum ption that local co mmunities can supply I and institutional stren~then ing (in areas such as ad m inis
their need s (Daly and Cobb 198 9). As Hild yard et al. co nclude , 'only W nd marketing) ;
all those th at have to live with a decisi on have a voice in making I b le extra ction of NTFPs from the wild and cultivation of
· ' Iw l When appropriate;
decision can t he checks and balan ces on power th at are so cn tlca
~ ii' m
4 Strengthe ning the position of women , notably those who belon , if this evaluation is negative' (Lo hmann 1993 , in Hildyard
marginal groups ; g Donors , scientists and governments should link up with
5 In formation sharing and capaci ty bu ild ing th rou gh exchange 5 and give primacy to the need s and poli tical deman ds of
experience s among local communities." nd oppressed groups . This may require them to take
tlt:tively disem power dominant groups - for exam ple, by
Alliancesfor thef uture nan rdorm and by enh ancing the position of women
Local forest-dependent com mu nities and the ir suppo rt organisations oil 1. 1997).
experience a vicious circle of isolation an d th e inaccessibility of Conta I mechanisms of flexible fundin g, especially small grants
inform ation , financial mean s, recognition and political support. Unless I to be developed in suppo rt of the work of local communi
circle is bro ken , local forest management practices will not have an op individuals in the field of forest pres ervation and manage
tunit y to p rove their potenti al as a more sustainable alternative to domin mphasis shoul d be placed on makin g such fund s available for
systems of forest exploitation . This is an area in which don ors, NGOs, C be temperate and bor eal forest region s as well, thus including
sultants and govern ments have most to offer in terms of redistribution ntries. Donors should give priority attention to strengthe n
the regulation of access to natur al resourc es. They sho uld aim at enhanc n of politicall y marginalised grou ps. Bilateral donors and
possibilities for marginal groups to claim and protect their access to su nciers are urged to make com munity forestry and non
resources. This requires a new sensitivity to the needs and priorities i of local people conditional up on their funding, since thi s may
fo rest-d ependent peopl e and their local resource management systems.1 xternal fundin g add ing to a down ward spiral of povert y and
case studies offer convincing experiences of how suc h collaboration c 1 degradation. Moreove r, NGOs and don ors sho uld make
lead to an increased capacity to manage con flicts over forest. When cipation in programm es led by inte rna tional agencies, the
recognition of tenurial rights is essent ial, in itself it is not sufhcie r or govern ments25 dependent upon th e degree to which
Govern me nts and donors need to ens ure tha t the pr ovision of techni mbod y a gen uine commitment to stru ctur al change and
assistan ce, along with credit and hea lth programmes, responds to the ne lineal demands of marginal groups.
and percep tions of local commu nities. Notably in the interface betw
agriculture and forest , local peopl e, NGOs, scient ists, govern ments J t causes of d~rores ta tion
donors face the challenge of supporting approaches wh ich balance ICS point out that any attempt at consolida ting or restorin g
objec tives of food security, econo mic welfare, self-determina tion and C( I': of forest mana gement requires, in the first place, that under
servation. Faced with deteriorating environment s and poverty, local pea forest destru ction sho uld be add ressed . These causes are to
require an o pportunity to develop internal cohe rence based on alternati Ide rather than inside the forest. The studies em phasise the
sources of inco me and livelihood if they are to prevent forest destrucuo linkages: for example, the politics of energy, agriculture and
Those who wish to collabo rate with local stakeho lders should also directly on forests and forest-dep endent economies and
prep ared to make a long-term commitment to bu ild ing trust and part rticipating organisation s from Costa Rica, the Philippines and
ship. This plunges one into a reality which differs from the reality of th h in that IMF and World Bank struc tural adj ustments pro
officials, bankers and consultants who keep their distance from the fie! .1~s) accelerated forest destru ction in their respective count ries.
yet it is often these more distant groups which make far-reachin g decisi d on of poverty and furthe r environmental destruction
abo ut the future of forests and forest peop le, withou t witnessing the co t- of all, that societies in the West and in eme rging econo mies
qu ences. Development agencies and other externa l agents thus have bandon increa singly un sustainable levels of consumption and
make clear cho ices when it comes to collaboration (Hildyard et al. 19 'he re is the cha llenge to design and ado pt socially and eco
As Larry Lohm ann argues, 'Blaming client governments or their de avenu es towards need s satisfaction an d fulfilment. The
merits when a project stifles part icipation of local peo ple in forest n~J nd lion , it appears, is that forests, and natu re in general, are a
me rit , for example, should have no place in agencies that are co rnrnllte of the economy, instead of vice versa. The case stud ies
fostering genuine participation and local cont rol. It should be rests and the Survival of forest-dep end ent peop le are sacri
responsibility of agency staff to evalua te in advance whether or n WIsh to call a 'free rider econo my'. There is, in the words of
partner govern ment is likely to support local part icipation and not n, The problem ... that when wealth is defined in pu rely
PR O LO G UE 23
22 FORE ST S FOR THE FUTURE
economid quanti ta tive terms, m ost social labour, eco logical processes rontability - in count ries and regions thousands of miles
cultural world VIews become devalued ... [and] remain outside an econ0
calculus . That is, with out the unpaid labour from th e commons "..d governments are urged to explore the possibiliries of
hou seh old and the community, and with out tapping ecological proc~ s dorm - a trib unal or an ombudsman , perhaps - wh ere
th ere could not be any surplus-valu e production for capitalist indus nd other conce rned parti es (such as NGOs and scienti sts)
til j udgement , prot ection and means of redress. An in de
(Goldm an , 199 8:16) .
The refo re, govern men ts, donors and int ernational economic institutl l man , both at the national and international levels,
(th e IMF, th e European Union and the OECD, for exam ple) need to pre ntion as a last resort for facilitating the access of citizens
I
an an swer to th e fact that the current wave of un checked economic Ii e. public opin ion and arbitration;"
isation is rapidly undermining the ecological and cultur al basis oflivelihi n d international institutions like the International
I merce should ad dress with pri orit y the problem of 'free
of milli on s of vuln erable groups and of th e econo my in general. This
first of all, for fiscal reforms, adapted trad e agreeme nts and formal in which continue to enjoy the benefits of market access
ment policies and regulations. politi cians, scientists, citizen groups international standards." Investors and corporations
';;11 to alert an d c ritical observation backed by visible and
I civil servants, from both North and South, are encouraged to collabora
dem anding a public debat e on th e proposed Multilateral Agreeme J:Uloring; they sho uld also be expo sed to positive ince n-
I I these measures is to ena ble consumers, investor s and
Investm ent and related negotiation s.
The primary goal of forest managem ent and reforestation progra to recognise and distinguish between good corporate
should be to enable forests to perform th eir man y vital ecological func those businesses whi ch fall short of the standards seL28
and to benefit people who depend on forests as a source of income an nd to the growing scope for independent public int er
th eir shelte r, food, firewood, fodder, medi cin e and other basic needs ,which inform the public in general, and market partners
calls, for exam ple, for governments and don ors to cho ose enhanced na nnd investors in particular, abo ut corp orate performance
It.. In addition, NGOs and govern me nt s should expl ore
regeneration of secondary forest and agro-forestry systems as 0
pr eferr ed to m on ocultural industrial plant ations . Likewise, greater pI i roducing the principle of 'imm obilising capital'." This
should be given to maint ain ing the carb on store in existing natural and issuing of licences , concessions or permission s to
grow th forests, a course of action which in th e end is of greater social: rces (by mining or logging, for example) by (foreign)
ecological benefit to society than th e introduction of plantations . nal on the cornpanys lodging a suitable secunty.>
The case studies confirm th at com me rcialisation of forest re cal forest users should be enco ur aged and ena bled to
sho uld only be pursued if, and to th e extent th at , this does not comp x penenos and pri oriti es in ord er to inform public
th e well-being of people and ecosystem int egrity (Colfer et al. 1995). a well-informed and enfranchised public will be
sho uld assist local-indigenous communities, NGO s and governments see the flaws in the present system and demand
odit pter 13, p. 203).
South with technical and financial support to prevent the comm
and expropria tion of biodiversity and traditi on al knowledge. ltet remains between local cont rol over forest resources
Commercial en terp rises (mining and logging com panies, for e . Local peop le, how ever, have most to lose from forest
whi ch do not accept the primacy oflocal comm unities' needs and wh ny instances the responsibility for the long-term pro
not respect th em as their equal partners in development and conSC With them . This is why th e case studies make th eir
activi ties, should not be permitted to ope rate in su ch areas. This f.I linuous investm ent in local peo ple: to consolidate o r
bflf
more transparen cy about the aim s , motives and meth od s of forest U ,t y to defen d and sustain the forest for their own
cl for society at large.
to enable th e gene ral public to increase th eir parti cipation in the
and protection of the nation's forest wealth . Hence, investors and cO
sho uld face closer scrutiny th an before from governments, sharel~
th
Paul \Volvekamp
NGOs , th e media and - inc reasin gly - th eir own staff. Nor -
collabo ration an d information sharing is essent ial in ensuring that C .
cial activities in one part of the world help to detennine a coI1'
111
' 11
III
I
1II I 1
, W¥iiJ .1111
1997 ,
Fisiy, C P (1989) 'The Death of a Myth System and Land Coloni sation on the Slopes of ~ Io~
Oku _ Northwest Province of Cameroon', unpublished paper
LOCA L FOR EST MANAGEMENT IN THE CORD ILLERA MO UNTAIN S 81
84 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE LOCAL FO REST MANAGHIENT IN THE CORD ILLERA MOUNTAINS 85
have the respon sibility of protectin g and maintaining the forest. Similarl . Zl
ing . This can kill or hamper the growth of trees, and can be even more
clan owne rshi p is acquired thr ou gh labour invested by the collective effor~~ tructive if the fire spre ads . As a prevent ive measure, there is a need to
of clan memb ers. For the day-to -day man agement of the forest, a caretaker .velop an alternative technology for pastur eland develop ment. Finally,
usually a ma le clan memb er, is appo inte d by consensus. He has the ngin farnling is a traditional agricultura l system still wide ly practised by
respon sibilit ies of mobil isin g clan memb ers for tree-planti ng actiVities 13Ma and Bcew residents. Whil e haingin may have been ap pro priate in the
deciding what types and qu ant ities of timb er can be cut by clan member~ st, the pressure of the cash economy rend ers it inapp ropri ate tod ay.
at what times, and convening clan meetin gs to d~scu ss matters pertaining The svstern of knowledge and techn ologies in the Cordillera, like tho se
to forest management. With such respon sibilities , the caretake r receives f other indigenous peoples around the wo rld , are interwoven with beliefs
privileges such as a larger sha re in forest products and priority access to nd practices that are frequ entl y dismissed as unscient ific. The cont inued
resources - bu t he is not perm itted to sell these. Both the privately owned bser:ance of these beliefs and practices, however - despite the int rusion
and clan-o wned forests are shared with community resident s to the extent f Western culture through religion , educa tion , and med ia - distinguishes
that peopl e may gathe r food and branches for fuel and , with permi ssion of rhe Cord illera people from the rest of the Filipinos . Practices that may seem
the owne r or caretake r, cu t thr ee to five trees for lumber free of charge. irrational are sometimes easily ex plicable in eco logical terms. For exam ple,
A third system of owne rshi p is communal, with elders deliberating on it is not permitted to pasture in the vicinity of a sp ring as this would dis
policies that are approved by consensus . In communally owne d forests, please the spirits dwelling there. This has, of course , a di rect impli cation
watersheds are off-limits for farming and logging . Resident s may only fell for maintaining the quality of drin king water. The taboos against cutting
trees to build hou ses within the iii, or village area , or on special occasions trees when one hears the croaking of a frog might reflect conce rn about
such as the performance of ritu als, weddi ngs and funerals. Hunters must protecting the watershed , as frogs indi cate the presen ce of water. The
sha re the meat of four-legged animals with villagers who, in tum , are res common practice of sacrificing a ch icken in the forest stems from the belief
pon sible for the hunter in case of an accident. (Traditionally, hunters used that forests are inhabited by spirits. Such a practice has been very effective
bitu, or pit traps, and most of the meat was shared with the community. in imparting the message that forests have to be respected and that people
These days, rifles and guns are used and there is less sharing, with port ions may not burn the forest or dump garbage near springs . Other beliefs and
of meat occas iona lly set aside for sale.) Forest burning is prohibit ed practices need to be studied furth er to un cover their underlying logic.
because it has been observe d that rats, insects, and other agricultura l pests
increased whenever forests were burned . Th e damage cau sed was often
A Comparison of Customary and State Legal Systems
Significant eno ugh to cause a food sho rtage. Moreover, as hou ses are
construc ted with woo d and cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica ) , forest fires land is a major national issue. It can be traced to the failure of the Philip
depri ved peo ple of building materials. pine govern ment to reform oppressive land laws enac ted by the colonisers,
Whe ther saguday, clan-o wne d or communa l, forests in Sagada and Tubo and their perpetuation down to the present day. Taken together, these laws
are used for a multitude of purposes. Village-based, small -scale logging is and decrees serve to entrenc h the states owne rship of most forest land and
usuall y governe d by the rule of selective cutting and limited qu antit y This its power to exploit forest resources, at the same time diminishing the
meth od has not yet reach ed a destru ctive stage, with axes and chainsaws usufruct rights of tho se who have mana ged the forests since before the
being the main tools. Ironically, this indi genous mod e of forest use is con creation of the Philippine state. Inhabit ant s of the Cordillera are now per
sidered illegal by govern ment agencies like the Department of Environment ceived as squatters on the land which their ancestors have occu pied,
and Natura l Resources. Ano the r commo n use of the forest in Bana and defended and nurtured from time imm emorial.
Beew is seaso nal hon ey gathe ring to suppleme nt income. Hon ey gatherers The onl y land right s recogni sed by the national government are those
smoke out the bees from the ir hives and then harvest the hon ey and other legally sanctioned by the state with docum ent ation sign ifying privat e
by-p rodu cts. They have specialise d knowle dge of plants that emit smoke ownership. Any land that lacks this title automa tically belon gs to the state.
with no deleteriou s effects on the bees. As a measure to pro mote sustain The problem is intractable because indi genou s peopl e have not acquired
ability, flowering trees which are vital for hone y production are protected titles or other proo f of owne rship. Traditionally, the labour they invested in
and the use of petrochemi cals on agricultur al crops is discouraged or even the land and the recognition of their neighbours was su ffic ient proof. Th e
prohibited . Altho ugh forest burning has been banned by comm unities in land, forests, rivers and other natural resou rces were looked up on as being
some areas, the practice continues as a way of creating grasslands for cattle owned in common by the trib e or by the ind igeno us inh abitant s. Th e
86 FO RESTS FOR THE FUTU RE
----
LOCAL FOR EST MANAGEMENT IN THE CO RDILLERA MOUNTAINS 87
people practised a form of communal land stewardship, viewing them
selves as stewards or caretakers of the land, which was considered free to Meanwhile, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources,
anyone who was willing to develop or till it. The indigenous system whose mandate it is to protect and enhance the qualit y of the COUntrys
explicitly discourages the privatisation of forest lands to ensure that the environment, has nume rous well-financed programmes for forest develop
majority retain access to forest resources. When permission is granted to a ment. But none of these has been implemented in the five areas stUdied by
private individual or company to use the forest for personal profit, people's the Montanosa Cent re. Though communities are badly in need of financial
and technical assistance, their willingness to be involved in these pro
access is limited and the forest is usually degraded. But the government
treats the Cordillera as its own resource base, awarding concessions and grammes is certain to be construed as recognition that the land is OWned by
permits to outsid ers who exploit the natural resources with no concern for the state. This would imply that the state can decide how land is to be used
even when this goes against the people's wishes, as when the govern ment
the inhab itants.
has favoured mining companies and dam projects in the past.
Traditional and offi cial mechanisms of conflict resolution are equally at
Table 4.4 Acomparison ofofficial and customary views of land tenure
odds. Among the Maeng and Pidlisan tribes, confli cts Ove r tribal bOUndaries
Issues Governme nt system/ Indigenous system! are resolved through the bodong system, or peace pact, that governs relations
State laws Customary laws between the two tribes. Land disputes are resolved through a series of
discussions and negotiations until a decision favourable to all is achieved.
Ownership/tenure • Forests are owned by • Recognises private, clan
A similar process is used in Sagada, although negotiations are conducted
the government (Public and communal
through the dap-ay system. Conflicts between individuals, including
Land Act, PO 705, others). ownership.
disputes over inheritance, are effectively resolved through the dap-ay . By
• Recognises and • Discourages private
contrast , the current legal system resolves confli cts through the COUrts.
encourages priva te forest ownership,
This system favours those who possess documents, sometimes obtained by
ownership, allows an access of people to deceitful means , and can afford the best legal counsel.
individual to own large resourcesis open.
For several generations now, the forests of Beew, Bana and Sisipitan have
• Can be transferred
forests of Demang and Bugang are the concrete manifestations of people's
replanting trees actively, they claim that natural regrowth takes place as
Recommendations
Local Initiatives
After more th an 15 years of grassro ots development work , the Montanosa
Growing awareness of the contradictions between state policies and
Research and Development Centre has formulat ed a number of recommen
indigenous management practices has led , on the regional level , to a revival
dations to Cordillera policy makers and development agencies engaged in
of people's organisations, most of which are members of the Cordillera
forestry reform in th e Philippines .
Peoples Alliance for the Defence of Land and Resources and for Self
Conflicts over land and resources must be resolved. Th e land rights of
determination. The Alliance is guided by the belief that ancestral land is
indigenous people and th eir cu stomary laws mu st be recognised by
fundamental for indigenous peoples. Land is life. The land and pe ople are
government. This requires a genuinely autonomous regional government
one _ a coll ective and int egrated whole. The land and th e people comprise
that would give the pe opl es of the Co rd illera th e right to determine freely
th e iii or village. Boundaries are upheld not only by th e community but
their political, econo m ic and cultural ways of life.
also by th e adjoining and even distant villages and tribes . Indi genous
Community organisation has proved effective in empowering indige nous
peoples uphold th e principle of sh aring and nurturing nature's bounty.
In 1993 more than 90 representatives from th e different barangays of
communities and should be adopted as an inherent part of development work.
This includes forming alliance s or feder ations from village to provincial
Sagada convened in a forum to discuss three government programmes: the
levels, and joining the regional mo vement for the asserti on of indigenous
Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claims, the Certifi cate of Ancestral Land
people's rights and self-determination .
Claims , and the Certific ate of Land Ownership Awards. The people ended
Traditional practices that serve the long-term interests of people with regard to
the forum by rejecting all three programmes and presenting a petition
lVnership, use and management offorests should be strengthened or revitalised.
demanding that the government respect indigenous laws. Subsequently,
Policy makers sh ould sup po rt legal and indigenous institutional
some officials of the Department o f Environment and Natural Resources
arrangernem s which prev ent individuals or outside groups from exploiun g
compromis ed by allowing people to cut timber in their forest on condition
nntural wealth at the expe nse of the poorer sections of the community. The y
that the timber was used within th e ili. This was a small but significant gain
ould recognise th e role of th e pe ople in the devel opment and man age
in the struggle for recognition of customary law.
m of the natural resources on which the y rely for man y of their basic
From th e mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, peopl e in Bana and Beew were
l'Iceds. Cooperative efforts in the utilisation and management of the forest
at the forefront of the struggle against th e Cell ophill Resource Corpo ration,
lCSOurces should be encou raged . Thi s requires th e definition o f obj ective
a transnational logging con cern favoured by the Marcos dictatorship. Many
rameters for a qualitative assessment of forested areas th at measures the
lives were sacrific ed to protect th e forest s for succeeding gen erations. Had
nr of forest cover, its quality and dynamics , and its stage o f regenera -
it not been for the relentless efforts of the Tinggians, Kankanaeys, Bontoks
IB n or degeneration. On the basis of this assessment, communities could
and Kalingas, Cellophill wo uld have wreaked ecological havoc on the
n develop appropriate forest-use and development plans.
forests of th e Cordillera. Even th en, significant damage was inflict ed before
the compa ny stopped its op erations. Since then , local people hav e started
an annual collection of rattan seeds for planting in th e month of August. LI O G RAPHY
The y ha ve also embarke d on a refore station pr oject and a search for unity Health Edu cation , Services and Trainin g in the Co rdillera Region ( 1989) Common
alternative farming technologies suitable for sloping areas. . II at Plams of the Cordillera, Ilagui o City, Philipp ines.
anlsa
In Pidlis an the dap-ay retains a strong influ en ce, and a people's org ~ e ra Peoples' Alliance (995) 'Ances tra l Land Dehn eation and Indigen ous Peoples',
IUblishcd positi on pap er.
tion , the Asosasyon dagiti Sosyudad ti Umili ti Pidlisan (ASUP), was forrnally
ue, l., Lugold, G. and Panch o.} . 0 977 -83) Hfin dbooh on Philippine :\ledical Plants, Vols
launched in 1990. Included in the organisation's nine-point pro gramme
90 f O RESTS FOR TH E f UTURE
-
1 (1977 ), 2 (1978 ), 3 (982 ) and 4 (1983 ), University of the Philippines-Los Banos, Laguna
Gonzale s, Pedro and Rees, Colin P (1988) Birds oj the Philippines, Haribon foundat ion for the
5 Alternatives to Rainforest Logging
Merrill, Elmer D. (1912 ) A Flora oj Manila, Depa rtm ent of the Interior, Bureau of Science.
Merrill, Elmer D. (1926) An Enumeration oj Philippine Flowering Plants, 4 vols, Manila.
Mon tanosa Research and Development Centre (19 93) 'Prelimin ary Community Appraisal of LORENA GAMBO A
Beew', unpub lished repo rt.
Mun icipal Planning and Development Coordi nator (1995 ) 'Sagada Municipal Profile' Acci6n Ecologia , Ecuador
unpublished report . '
Quimi o, 1. (1978) Common Edible Mushrooms in the Philirpines, University of the Philippines_
Los Banos , Laguna.
Quisumbi ng . E. (1978 ) Medical Plants oj the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippin es.
Rabor, D. ( 1977) Philippine Birds and Mammals, University of the Philipp ines Science Education
Centre , Universiry of the Philip pines. Press, Quezon City.
Tauli, A. (l984) Dakamiya Nan DagaMi, Baguio City, Philippines.
91