Zed Titles on Forestry

Forests for the Future
As part of our wide-ranging Development and the Environment list, we
have published extensively on forestry issues - covering not only the
threats to and destruction of the world's forests, but also the traditional and
innovative practices oriented towards their sustainable management and
use. Titlesinclude:
KojoAmanor
The New Frontier: Farmers' Responses
to Land Degradation
Tariq Banuri and
Frederique Atffel-Marglin (eds)
Who Will Save the Forests?
Knowledge, Power and Environmental Destruction
Riccardo Carrere and !.any Lohmann
Pulping the South
Industrial Tree Plantations and the World Paper
Economy
Marcus Colchester and
!.any Lohmann (eds)
The Strugglefor Land and the
Fate of the Forests
Bertus Haverkort and Wim Hiemstra
Food for Thought
Ancient Visionsand New Experiments of Rural
People
Kgathi, Hall, Hategeka and Sekhwela,
Biomass Energy Policy in Africa
Local Strategies for Forest Protection,
Economic Welfare and Social Justice
John Overton and
Regina Scheyvens (eds)
Strategies for Sustainable Development:
Experiences from the Pacific
Peter Read
Responding to Global Warming: The
Technology, Economics and Politics
of Sustainable Energy
editedby
Paul Wolvekamp
Peter Stone (ed.)
The State of the World's Mountains:
A Global Report
in collaboration with
Ann DanaiyaUsher
VijayParanjpye
Madhu Ramnath Bill Weinberg
War on the Land: Ecology and Politics
in Central America
Paul Wolvekamp (ed.)
in collaboration with
Ann Danaiya Usher,Vijay Paranjpyeand
Madhu Ramnath:
Forests for the Future: Local Strategies
for Forest Protection, Economic
Welfare and SocialJustice
.
Zed Books
LONDON &: NEW YORK
~
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.
. HENDs
Preface
It is estimated that the worlds forests are vital for the daily survival of more
than 300 million indigenous and peasant people who depend on forest
ecosystems (World Bank Forest Policy 1990). These communities have
devised sophisticated norms for managing watersheds, catchment areas and
fragile forest ecosystems, and possess a wealth of knowledge about rational
land use and environmental protection. Many such rural communities are
important forest stakeholders. Yet the expertise and interests of these local
people are rarely recognised by national forest policies and management
systems . They are often accused of being the main agents of forest des­
truction, and their posi tion is further marginalised. Instead, government
institutions tend to be viewed as the principal actors in forest conservation
and restorati on .
In many count ries cent ral government claims control over forest
resources, largely ignoring the customary rights of forest communities and
thus eroding tradit ions, responsibilities and decision-making structures at
the local level. Western 'scientific' forestry, introduced world-wide in the
course of the twenti eth century, has been very influential in this respect.
This brand of forestry usually neglects and often undermines local forestry
systems . Forced resettlement , for example, is perceived as a prerequisite for
watershed and park protection . Concessions for commercial logging are
provided without proper consultation. Tree plantations that fulfil nat ional
reforestation goals repl ace farmland and sometimes even natural forest,
threatening local biological diversity.
Much of the interna tional discussion of forests - tropical forests, in par­
ticul ar - has focused on the biological diversity crisis. Yet the spectre of
massive global deforestation also represent s a grave threat to human com­
muniti es. Many forest-dependent communities - whether forest-dwelling
ethnic minorities or farmers who rely on a patch of secondary forest for
subsistence - lack both land securi ty and political representation. These
xvi
PREFACE xvii
Ie are, so to speak, at the front line. They face pressure from outsiders
peop h h d . . id .
who seek land , timber or ot er resources; t ey are expose to mnrru anon,
violence and culture shock; and they confront internal probl ems about
balancing forest exploitation and conservation. They . are often torn
between maintaining a forest area as a watershed for their fields and market
pressure to cut timber for profit. Consequently, forest communities are
blamed for deforestation and ecological degradation of forest areas, and are
regularly accused of being incapable of managing their own forest lands.
local non -government al and grassroots organisations can rarely devote
time and resources to analysing and documenting their experiences and
point of view for larger audiences. Existing studies on community forest
management seldom lead to policy conclusions, or benefit local stake­
holders and their causes. Conscious of these realities, Both ENDS and
Gram Vardhini embarked on a collaborative survey project in 1992. The
objective was to enable forest communities to bring to public attention
their own perceptions and experiences. They would describe in their own
words how they are striving to balance cultural and economic survival with
sustenance of the ecosystems on which they depend , und er pressure from a
growing population , increasing demands for cash, and a range of outside
forces.
The initiators of the sur vey had been concerned about the tendency to
locate the problems of deforestation and biological diversity depletion
exclusively in Southern countries, even though forest-dependent commu­
nities in the industrialised world are also at risk. It was therefore important
that organisations from the temperate and boreal regions joined the survey.
This book is thus a collection of case studies undertaken in many corners of
the world , under a variety of ecological and socio-economic circums tances.
The case studi es show how community control and involvement can
allow for more detailed assessments of forest resources and management
needs than cent ralised forest management. Local communities often have a
very long history of using forest produce and regulating access to forest
resources. There still exists at the local level an enormous variety of struc­
tured ownership arrangements , incentives and sanctions that work to ensure
Given the impasse in international forest negotiations and the
inertia of most governments, it is important to consider the alternatives.
Better understanding will provide greater support for local citizens' initia­
uves to sustain forest resources.
Through the compilation of document ed evidence, the studies reveal
at times local forest management has benefited from moral, techni cal,
pohllcal and llnanctal support from outsiders - NGOs scientists , consul­
. '
ts, Journalists and government or donor agencies. Often, however, local
groups work in isolation. The case studies describe concrete situations that
embody what the authors and their constituencies observe, believe and
IIII
III
xviii FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
st rive for. The essays challenge the notion that forest communities are
problems, while state bodies deliver solut ions. Unavoidably, some texts are
unpolished. Using their political and social instincts, the authors go to the
heart of the matter, avoiding scienti fic or wordy speculations.
These testimonies may help to underline the need for outsiders to be
more sensitive to local interests and perspectives. We will be encouraged if
this collection of essays motivates other local organisati ons to put their ideas
on paper in the cause of sustained local forest management. And we hope it
will help nati onal governments and int ernational donor agencies to appre­
ciate local peoples' capacities and views on forest management , stimulating
greater collaboration with local organisations and their support groups.
Paul \Volvehamp
Prologue
When the ruler's trust is wanting,
there will be no trust in him.
Cautious,
he values his words.
When his work is completed and his affairs finished,
the common people say,
We are like this by ourselves.
Lao Tzu'
The objective of thi s book is to enable local peopl e to document and
present their own views and experiences of local forest management to a
wider world. The book is a result of a j oint project , a survey of forest
management by indi genous people and other local populations in tropical,
temper ate and boreal' count ries. It was preceded by a long process of
collaboratio n between a great many indi viduals and organisations. The sum
of evidence from these different case studies sho uld generate more recog­
nition of local forest management systems and their potential to sustain
local economies and to pr eserve much of the world's remaining forests.
areover, the local organisations that parti cipated believe that their own
work on the ground will benefit from such action research.
All ths case studies therefore address the same key question: how can
local/indigenous communities maintain the balance between their societies and
roe.5t environments when f aced with rising populations, growing demands for
basIcneeds andcash, andincreasingly stronger external pressures?
Virtually all the case studies witness deforestation, economic blunders
nd social inj usti ce. Local forest management practices in most parts of the
, w o r l ~ are clearly under increasing physical and psychological pressure.
Despite very di fferent ecological, political and economic circumstances, it is
l'as
y
to establish common causes of forest destruction and the loss of local
tvclihoods and culture. Unequal access to forest resources is the most
mpOna nt of these. Forest areas world-wide host major reservoirs of minerals,
,.1
I
!
2 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
metals , biomass, land for agricultural expansion and other resourc es. Most
case studies report conflicts over these resources since their national politieal
and economic elites are unwilling to forgo the opportunity to tap these
reservoirs, notwithstanding the often dramatic social and environmental
consequences. The case studies also confirm that lack of security of land
rights and user rights is a major cause of declin e in local systems of forest
management, result ing in social hardship and forest destruction. It is also
clear that few democrati cally elected governments in Northern or Southern
countries are enthusiastic about sharing control and rights over forest s with
local communities. In many instances, there is overt collusion between
government agencies and dominant economi c interest groups. One observes,
for example, the grant ing of extensi ve privil eges - such as mining or
logging concessions , subsidies and tax exemptions - to a small number of
industrial conglomerates.
Yet the real life experiences compiled in this book also help us to identify
a number of unique responses, perceptions and practices by local people
and other concerned parties. And it is also possible to translate some of
these special insights int o more general conclusions and policy recom­
mendations. This book has the purpose of communicating these findings to
those parties whose policies and actions have a dir ect impact on local forest
management: decision makers, donor agencies, corporations, researchers,
non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the media and the public at
large. It indicates how they could open mor e space for the enhancement of
prudent and undisturbed management of forests by local people.
This chapter is organised in three secti ons . The first section deals with
the potential of local forest management systems, probing their social and
institutional strengths and weaknesses. It also responds to prevailing
scepti cism about these systems. The second section identifies the main
causes of their collapse. The third sect ion present s the key lessons to be
learned from the case studies. It draws some general conclusions and has
specific recommend ations for policy makers, donors , researchers and other
groups of players
.Local Forest Management under Scrutiny
Predictably and invariably, forest industries and other commercial interestS
have opposed the legitimisation of forest management by local communi­
ties. But government authorities, media and academic institutions have also
questioned the ability of local people to manage their resources prudently.
Critics express their scepti cism by pointing out that :
I Local forest users are not capable of coping with changing socio­
demographic and economic circumstances, or with the new demands
on forest management;
PROLO GUE 3
2 Local forest management does not safeguard conservation int erests
adequately;
3 Local forest users are unable to resist external sources of degradation
and fail to restore degraded forest land ;
4 Local com munities feature social and economic inequalities and
institutional weaknesses which frustr ate sustainable forest manage­
ment (Car rere and Lohmann 1996 ; Colchester 1992; .]epma 1995).
It is imposs ible to generalise about the commitment and capacity of
local people to preserve forest and biodiversit y. Among the hundreds of
millions of villagers who live in close connection with their local forests, it
is often the indigenous peoples who maint ain a relativel y non-agricultural,
non-market relationship with the forest. Hunt ers and gatherers such as the
Durva in central India - whose custom it is to pass their lands on, unharmed,
to the generati ons that follow them - manage their resources cautiously in
order to ensure a sustained yield. Shifting cultivation- practices by indi ge­
nous communities, for instance, reveal not only the extreme variability and
complexity of these traditional technologies, but also the enormous reserve
of vernacular knowledge of practices to restore soil fertilit y and to preserve
biodiversity (Perpongsacharoen and Lohmann 1989; Colchester 1992 ; see
also Colfer and Dudley 1993). The Durva songs about pollination illustrate
this point well.'
Not all forest-dependent people are members of ethnic minorities. In the
most frequent case a patch of secondary forest is part of the subsistence
guarantee for the poorer section of the village. The forest provides fodd er,
cropland, prot ein. medicine , firewood, mushrooms , vegetables, building
materials or any number of other produ cts. Not unlike the indigenous
roups, many peasant peoples - even those whose main economi c activity
IS permanent agriculture - have a very long history of using forest produce
and regulating access to forest resources. 'There exists an enormous variety
f st ructured ownership arrangement s within which management rul es are
developed, group size is known and enforced, incentives are in place for co­
wners to follow the accepted institutional arrangements, and sanctions
rk to ensure compliance' (Cernea 1989 in Colchester 1992 : 120). It
must be acknowledged, however, that local management in varying degrees
ampulates the forest to satisfy local needs and hence it affects the pristine
11Ilje of the forest's ecology (Hildyard et al. 1997).
The case studies give evidence that environmental declin e in forest areas
1>
by or adjacent to local communities often occur s where local
ial institutions and the environment are Simultaneously under heavy
ressure from the outside. Many of these peopl e share a lack of both land
unty and political inlluence. They live, so to speak, at the 'front line'.
and population growth _ and the corresponding local demand for
and other basic needs - certainly increased pressure on the local forest
5
4 FO RESTS FOR THE FUTURE
environment in many regions. And yet, in man y areas , ' overpopulation' is a
misleading concept if one takes land distribution into account. Areas whi ch
are deemed 'overpopulated' are often the marginal land s whi ch peasants
have been forced to occupy following their displ acement from land taken
over by intensive, export-orient ed agriculture, mining operations and so
forth (Hildyard et aL1997).
As the case study from Bastar illustrates, taxation, the need to 'satisfy'
government officials with bribes and fee,s , scho oling, labour-saving techn o­
logy, new fashi ons and consumerism have generated a demand for cash
without the corresponding growth of a market for traditional produce (see
also Colchester 1992). In other words, in situations where governments
leave local peopl e empty-handed - legally, technically, financially and
politi cally - one can expect that sooner or later they will yield to outside
forces beyond their control. Wit h no othe r options before them, sooner or
later they are likely to succumb to the pr essures of logging firms and other
commercial int erests, and to lose their resources or tr ade them for very
meagre and short-term retu rns.
Precisely because their own survival and cultural values are at risk, local
forest-dependent communities have the strongest motivation to check the
influx of illegal loggers, miners , poachers and colonists. The case studies
also contribute overwhelming evidence that official efforts to restore and
manage forest environments are often non-existent or both costly and inef­
fecti ve. Local peopl e - unlike the staff of government departments, int erna­
tional agencies or corpo rations - have an immediate and long-term stake in
defending and evolving practices that conserve some level of biodiversity
and self-reliance (Hildyard et aL 1997).
The majorit y of the case studies describe the watchd og role of local
communities in resp onse to externa l pressures on their forests. Yet in onlya
few instances do the studies mention government acceptance of the impor­
tance of local communities in cont rolling external use of the forest. (In a
number of other countries, however, government s have acknowledged this
role very explicitly. The Colombian government, for example, has handed
over 20 million hect ares of forest to indigenous communities in the
Amazon. ) Although ' the argument of local peoples' inability is used to take
and maintain contro l over forest lands' (Colchester 1992: 16-17) , cauti on is
necessary against a romanti c view of local forest management. It is unwise
to portray local forest-dependent communities as homogeneous, whether
they are indi genous communities in India or wood workers and their
families in Canada. Local common- management regimes are seldom free
from 'internal inequ alities (particular gender ineq uities), back-b iting, social
injustices or environmentally destructive practices' (Hildyard et aL 1997:
13). It must be recognised, however, that , communal grazing grounds.
forests and irrigation or fishing terri tories are an everyday reality for the
PROLO G UE
t majority of rural people. More often than not , local forest users are
bound closely to each other by mutual dependence and shared values
ut treatment and access to the forest and other common resources,
bJ,n::ked by social cont rol. As Susan George emphasises, such common
property regimes are managed sustainably 'so long as group members
rain the power to define the group and to manage their own resources'
George in Goldman 1998: xii).
However, these communities regularl y experience 'hit and run' intru­
ns by outsiders - such as timber merchants , traders , poachers and
rrupt government officials - who roam the forest in search of quick
profit. They also witness the conversion of forest by forest departments,
mpanies or migrant colonists to establish monocultural plant ations of
teak, oil palm and other market able species. These and other cultural,
economic and political interventi ons undermine local authorit y, norms and
values, and exacerbate inequalities. At the same time, indi genous and
peasant communities often perceive such outside rs with a great sense of
irony and humour, conducive to feelings of their own self-wort h and
dignity. The Durva people from Bastar refer to the pest Eupatorium as sahib
'(l td (sahib in this cont ext = townspeople and government officers; lata =
weed) , expl aining that 'it spreads just as fast and is equally useless' . And a
villager from Karnataka , on India 's west coast, when confront ed with cor­
ruption in the Forest Department , smilingly laments: 'When the fence is
eating the grass, what can one do? '
The studies emphasise that
where communities have a long and still vital tradit ion of community manage­
ment, the need for the rapid re-establishment of com munity control over forest
land is clear. However, where such tradit ions have long been lost due to accu l­
turalisauon and the destruction of tradit ional instit uti ons, " the mere transit ion
back to communal tenure and man agement might also prove to be destabilising
md disruptive. (Colchester 1992: 21)
ny communities thus face the chall enge to reassert values and to devel op
new methods to admini ster their forest land s.
rnrnon Problems
often the causes of deforestation lie outside the forest and beyond the
main of the community, the distri ct or even the nati on- stat e. As Jeffrey
. . er notes : 'The globalisation of economies and the emergence of a strong
l'l'ii:I1Snational corporate sector result s in Significant shifts in the geograph ic
d rion, type and int ensity of forest use' (Sayer 1997). Most case studies
( ' ~ n b e how local people and NGOs must confront interventions by tran s­
lienal companies that their own governments have done nothing to
• g i Q
6 FOR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE
PROLOGU E 7
....----
doch 1988). More and more forest-d ependent commumttes are
11l1llIT
rn
If
restrain. Thus a limit ed number of transnational corporations Cont rol an
i
increasingly large share of logging, processing and marketing operations. In
1992 onl y 10 companies produced 27 per cent of the world's paper and
paperboard (FOE-US 1997). The World Resources Institute calculates that
commercial logging poses the single largest threat to the world 's last
remaining large tracts of undisturbed ' front ier' forests (notably in Canada
Brazil and Russia). The same research ers note that mining and energ):
development are a greater threat to thes e forests than agricultural expan­
sion (Bryant et al. 1997: 15).
For a number of reasons, transnational companies playa major pan in
forest destruction and, consequently, in local socio-economic impoverish­
ment. In the first place, they operate on a much larger scale than local
companies, having the technological capacity and capital resources to open
up remote and hitherto inaccessibl e tract s of forest. This initi al penetration
often sets in train further forest destruction by agricultural expansion (large
monocultural cash crop plantations , colonist pioneer farmin g or cattle
ranging). Second, the transnational impact is sharpened by globalisation,
which enables world market demand for wood and paper products and
other raw mat erials to out weigh local peoples ' needs and forest cons erva­
tion in determining the fate of forests. Third, foreign companies tend to
take profits from forest exploitation out of the host country, inst ead of
letting such profits benefit local peopl e and the host economy through
taxati on or reinve stment (FOE-US 1997) . Finally, many transnati onal
companies show no interest in the future of the forest and allow the capital
equipment of the industry (roads , mills , et c.) to deteriorate once the timber
or mineral resources are exhausted. The company moves on to other
regions, leaving local populations to make what they can of a devast ated
environment.
Privatisation of biodivrrsity
Some case studies, in particular the study from Brazil, also refer to the on­
I'
going privatisation of the world's food and medi cinal raw mat eri als, notably
by the agri-business and pharmaceutical industri es. These industries con­
stitute a less visible but increasingly str ong lobby which monopolises ­
both legally and technically - an expandi ng share of the planet's cultural
and natural domain, mainly through intellectual property prote ction,
including pat ents'? Whereas these propert y systems reward human
ingenuity, they ignore nat ure's intrinsic value s and the kn owledge and
(informal) contribution of indigenous peoples and farmers to the mainte­
nance and development of geneti c di versity through generati ons of use and
observation, cultivation and husbandry (Glowka et al. 1994) . More vulner­
able than the ecosystem itself, it now seems clear , is the accumulated
knowledge of forest ecology held by forest-dependent peoples (DensloW
systems of knowledge of, access to and control over forest
us
eno
l ~ c e s . Governments should respond urgentl y to the need to acknow­
• protect and reward the traditional kn owledge of forest-dep endent
les, in the cause of the latt er's economic and cultural survival and the
st of forest conservation.
tingforestry sacnee
I recently, global concern about deforestation has focused on the
[wpits and virtually excluded temperate and boreal forest issues . The case
rudies from Canada and the United States call into question the wi.dely
ted belief that forestry practices in the industri alised countries are
- <llnable. Hence, they also question the theoreti cal foundations of both
rng and tree-planting operations in tropical countries, whi ch for the
most part are based on temperate forestry prin ciples (Danaiya Usher 1992).
be case studies emphasise that the prevailing monetary-economic bias in
twent ional scienti fic forest resource management is in conflict with the
[ective of cultural and ecologi cal diversit y. Such a bias is a denial of the
that many people are dependent for their well-being on non-monetary,
logical and soclo-cultural conditions. Forest-dependent communities,
which once enjoyed the comparative advantage of their skills and know­
ledge of a rich ecosystem, lose their culture and get pushed to the mar gins
of society once the forest is destroyed or access to it is denied to them.
the role ofgovernments
hese developments occur at a time when governments are being encour ­
ed 1O scale down and to deregulate in orde r to attract foreign investment
I' 1997). Moreover, the case studies illustrate that some transnational
unpanies take advantage of the political vacuum prevailing in host
uutries weakened by civil war, corru ption or state repression ." One
reason is that economic Iiberalisation is often not accompanied by political
lfberalisation. Whilst industry ente rs the hinterl and in search of biomass,
mine rals, cheap electricity and land, local economically disadvantaged
oups generally lack the formal and legal support to claim and protect
Lbch access to natural resources.
Not surprisingly, forests are unable 1O attract the scale of investment and
. tent ion which government s spend, for example , on roads, energy genera­
tion or the aviation industry. The situation in Indi a illustrates this point
well. While subsequent five-year plans repeat the ambitious promise to
I' 33 per cent of India's land base in forest, the Forest Department is
ned less than 1 per cent of the state budget ." The sad irony is that the
l'l nt ry's forest cover has dwindled to an estimated 12 per cent, a figure
nencing interference by outside commercial forces in their local­
9
:l'rft.been to blame envi ronment alists or local-indi genous comm unities for
PROLOG UE
8 FORES TS FOR THE FUTURE
that is declining every year. Foresters and polit icians seem to share the vie

"
that trees bri ng no electoral gains (Wolvekamp 1989). Like their peer ng the industry access to much-needed wood resources, and in this
organisations in most other count ries in the South and in the Nort h, th hold them responsibl e for job losses in thi s sector.'?
Indian Forest Service is by and large too pr eoccupied wi th generating
revenu e for public and private gain to forge an alliance with the tens of
millions of villagers for whom the forest is their basis of survi val , or to make
the social need for forest protection a political issue.
The case studies thus confirm that nat ional governments playa major
role in the creation of these problems. In addi tion to legal shortcomings,
governments are poor per formers when it comes to auditing and contro].
ling natural resource use. In many cases corruption permeates all levels of
government involvement in forest management and land -use planning
The case studies question the view of many governments that forestry can
generate revenu es and raw material to trigger national economic develop.
ment (taking monetary-economi c performance as the mai n benchmark).
These concerns were summed up long ago byJack Westoby, forme r head of
the forestry department of the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO):
The growing inte rest in forestry projects had litt le to do with the idea thai
forestry and forest industries have a significant and many-sided corunbuuon to
make to overall economic and social development.. . . Of the new revenues
generated, woefully little has been ploughed back into forestry, and the much
more import ant role which forestry could play in supporting agriculture and
raising rural welfare has been either badly neglected or completely ignored.
(Westoby 1989)
Westoby spoke these words nearly 20 years ago during the Eighth Forestry
Congress. Had he prepared his speech today, he might have droppe d the
distinction he made then between developing and industrialised countries,
since in most respects his speech applies equally well to the state of affairs
in many Northe rn count ries.
Forests are under-appreciated , both for their immeasurable social and
envi ronmental services to society and for their int rinsic value. Case studies
from North and South demonstrate how governments legitimise cen­
tralised large-scale forest management and int ensive commercial exploita­
tion, citing the need to protect jobs and revenu es in the forest industrY­
Various case stu dies emphasise , on the contrary, that millions of people lose
their jobs or sources of livelihood when access to forest sources is denied to
them or as a result of ongoing mechanisation and the depl etion of forest
resources. Between 1990 and 1992, for example, Canada's forest industry
eliminated 62,600 jobs, shedd ing some 28 per cent of the direct workforce
(Carrere and Lohmann 1996). Notab ly in count ries like Malaysia,
Canada and the Uni ted States, a convenient way of drawing the publicS
atten tion away from these facts, and of redirecti ng its concerns and anger,
..&.
Tude'
.
nent

nt-cmational
Hversity) as
u r
ts
m lC liberali sation
.. ...reat present need for national a nd int ernational regulati on of invest­
by transnational companies IS made more glanng by international
ments evolved over the last decade which are designed to facilitate
_ most manifestly represent ed by the emergence of the World
rganisation and the recent negotiati on of a new Multilateral
on Investment (MAl). These agreeme nts, which have been
ted most ardentl y by OECD countries, curtail the freedom of nation­
ro regulat e foreign investment and corporate conduct and to prot ect
social, cultural and envi ronmental inte rests. For example, if the
t draft of the MAl is approved, it is likely to overrule nat ional as well
envi. ronmental legislation (such as the Conve ntion on
well as the much weaker agreements whi ch deal with
oman rights, minorities and indi genous peoples (such as the Int ernational
Organi sation's Conventi on No. 169 and the draft Universal
duration on the Right s of Indi genous Peoples). The MAl will pr event
nal governments imposing specific socio-environmental conditions on
ign investors. National government s are also restrained from reserving
st land or other national resources for local economic use, since foreign
mpanies are given equal rights to bid for concessions. Whilst sustainable
management demand s long-term planning, the MAl forces govern ­
to accept the immedi ate and unhindered wi thd rawal of foreign
unents and profits. Transnational companies can sue nati onal govern­
ors and demand compensati on for any reduction in value of their invest ­
as a result of social or environment al restri ctions imposed by the
untrys govern ment . As a publi cation by Friends of the Earth-US
'The MAl will throw up barri ers to the types of policies need ed to
deforestati on' (FOE-US 1997).

master plans
.v);ploitation or destru ction of forest is enhance d in countries, notably
South anel in Cent ral and Eastern Europe , which have to deal wi th
reign debts, economic depr ession or a process of economic transi­
government s negotiat e with multilateral financial and trade
llt'lons avenu es to ope n up and adjust their economies. This process
i rectly on domestic land and forest policies. Many government s are
d to 'rationalise' the forestry sector. AsJack Westoby has emphasised,
ver, such advice generally serves foreign industry and trade int erests
than the health of forests and local or national economies.
P ROL O GU E 11
plantation programmes are probabl y the most popular and best­
JAI environmental solutions, sin ce, it is claimed , they 'coun ter the
effect either by serving as carbon sink s, or by alleviating
n native forests, helping to preserve them as carbon depots' (Shell
and World Wildlife Fund 1996: 10). Although this claim has
mnce, 'it has enough sup erficial plausibility to distract uninformed
Tom the more interesting top ic of how to find alternatives to a
hose logic dictates a never-ending spiral in which ever-greater
Issions necessitate an ever more desperate search for carbon sinks '
rd Lohmann 1996: 10). As some of the case studies emphasise,
, instead of relieving pr essure on existing natural forest , add
Iy to deforestation since much forest is cleared to make space for
ral tree plantations (such as teak , gmelina, eucalyptus and
rld-wide, logging and plantation development go hand in
lOgging of natu ral forest often provides the necessary funding for
menr of industrial tree plantations. The plantation ind ustry
esto-, also fail to disclose that tree planta tions offer only a
he carbon sequestration potential of natural forests. Moreover,
us case studies describe how the centralisation of forest manage­
,ilIIlfl1t wt altt ned - or even abolished - local management in stituti ons . This
l tangible where land tenure is concerned. 'Tenur e system s are
nd specify un der what circumstances and to what extent certain
.._ are available to individuals and communities to inhabit , to harvest ,
.til, to hunt and gather on, etc.', writes Lynch . Most case studies report ,
that governments deny the recognition of community-based right s
Whereas in some cases the government grant s certain tenurial
'they are vulnerable to arbitrary cancellati on' (Lynch, 1997 : 26) and
.'S1lCb dIscourage local people from investing in careful, long-term use
r.mgement .
a context of conflict , the case studies confirm that security of
Itma .,Pghts and user rights is the basis of forest preservation and the well­
local forest-dependent people - especially so under condi tions of
pressure. This requires awareness of their legal rights in local com­
in order to defend themselves in the contex t of national and
also international law. Better understanding of legal rights and
lso offers increased oppo rtunities for inte racting with policy
r example with regard to forest and land-use planning. NGOs,
med lawyers and professional consultants often provide crucial sup­
ridge the gap between local aspirations and the formal language
vern ments.
10 FOR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE

The international financing agencies knew what foreign investors wanted, and
the multilateral and bilateral agencies fell in line. They helped the under.
developed countries to bear the expense and drudgery of resource data col.
lection, the reby relieving potential investo rs of these tasks and charges Because
nearly all the forest and forest ry indus try development which has taken place in
the und erdeveloped world in the last decades has been externally oriented
aiming at satisfying the rocketing demands of the rich, ind ustrialised nations'
the basic forest product s needs ofthe peoples of the und erdeveloped world
further from being satisfied than ever. (Westoby 1989 )
In the face of problems of forest loss and other environmental threats.
the preferred response of man y head s of industry, government agencies and
multilater al inst ituti on s lies in increasingly global forms of management
(see also Goldm an 1998). As Hildyard et al. not e, 'if one accepts current
patterns of econo mic developm ent and the instituti ons and premi ses on
which they rely, the logic of "global environment al management" is
impeccable' (Hildyard et al. 1997 : 5). Sustaining this process through
damage control requires an equ ivalen t level of top -down surveillance and
intervention . The physical environment becomes a terrain to be reordered
zoned , parcelled up , while people are removed or cajoled into 'collabora­
tion ' according to some preconceived master plan (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5)
Through channels of aid and trade, funds are made available under the
banners of development and environmental restorati on (C0
2
sequestration,
for example). Yet such programmes often affect forests and forest­
dependent peopl e adversely. As a number of case studies illustrate, often
such fund s are used to invade the countryside with infrastructural works
industrial zones or monocultural plantations.
Legal biases againstf orest-dependent and local people
The case studie s emphasise that nation al laws deny millions of people access
to natural resources, while most of the land is claimed by the state or
engrossed by a small political and economic elite. As human and environ'
mental rights lawyer Owen Lynch writes: 'National laws concerning the
and management of forest resources in at least six Asian countries (Indonesia,
Thailand, the Philippines, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka), for example, hal'"
actually becom e more hostile toward local people and communities than w
the case during the colonial era' (Lynch 1997: 22 ). National laws and the I

Related Interests

al'
they are implemented often remain an obstacle to sustainable forest manag
men t. In many instances they reflect a lack of civil freedom to express dissenl­
ing opinions and the states repression of other essenti al human rights. L}l1
Ch
shares a conclu sion reached by the case studies , namely that 'communitld
based forest management systems and user rights derive their legitimacyan
strength from the community in which they operate , rather than from th
nation-state in which they are located ' (Lynch 1997: 24).
"
II ,
I
I
II
. 1'
II II
PROL OG UE 13 12 FORESTS FOR TH E FUT URE
I'
since these plantations are grown in short rotation cycles - and the WOod
mutu
-

.
le maps and
,tic debate.
more

a
peoples
ientists and the medi a. The case studies brin g out four
processed in short-lived products such as paper - they perform this n for viewing the int erface between fore.sts and agriculture.
onl y temporarily
,uthorised conversion of forest land to agncultural use Indeed
Carr ere and Lohmann give a clear definition of what a commercial pl msibility for much deforestation, as the case study from the
ration is and what it is not:
Republic of Congo illustrates. Case studies from, for example,
nd India remin d us of the role of politicians who endeavour to
Plant ations, like forests , are full of trees. But the two are usually radica
!ectorate by endorsing the encroachment on public forest land ,
different. Aforest is a complex, self-generat ing system, encompassing soil, wat
micro-climat e, energy, and a wide variety of plants and animals in
ind the adage that 'trees don't vote for you' (Wolvekamp 1989).
relation. A commercial plant ation , on-the other hand, is a cultivated area wh, u dies question, however, the common practice of blaming local
species and struc ture have been simplifi ed dramatically to produce only a [, IS. people and peasants in order to veil forest destructi on due to
goods, whe ther lumber, fuel, resin, oil or frui t. A planta tion's trees, unlike th( -sanctioned logging and cash crop plantations. As Jeffrey Sayer
of a forest , tend to be of a small range of species and ages, and require imensi
_ffld al government-registered programmes of forest conver­
and continuing human intervention. (Carrere and Lohmann 1997: 3)
ant agriculture and large-scale commercial cash crop plantations
ter cause of deforest ati on (Sayer 199 7). Hence there is a need
Carrere and Lohmann cont rast such industrial plant ations with 'attempts I
data on actual land use and planning to bett er
plant trees in ways responsive to a wide variety of interlocked 10<
concerns . In some agroforestry systems ,JJ for examp le, a diversity of tre
and more fertile land is claimed for growing export
are chosen and plant ed to provide protection, shade and food for livestoc
ral population is pushed to marginal lands and forced to clear
fruit and wood for humans, and prot ection, nutrients and water for crop
ng forest cover in order to eke out a living. Thi s is a strong
thu s helping to keep production diverse and in harmony with local land.
favour of better land distribution and land-use planning: 'eco­
scapes and needs' (Carrere and Lohmann , 1997: 10).
on forest land would be better relieved by reclaiming "high
The case studies explicitly confirm that major causes of forest desirue
for peasant agriculture' (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5).
non are intersectoral in nature. Some case studies refer to the conversion
the case study from Bastar vividly illustrates, the great con­
forest to other non-forest uses - for example, monocultural cash crop plan
WIding terms like 'shifting culti vation' and 'forest' is the cause
rations such as citrus fruit and oil palm 12 - and they record the displao
unsophisticated assessments of the effects of shifting cultiva­
ment of occupants of forest, farmland and communal grazing land as a co
rnments and influential int ernational organisations' (Sunderlin
sequence . Nevertheless, governments and institut ions like the World Ba
i1\iam Sunderlin notes that 'A major positive development in
and the International Monet ary Fund (lMF) cont inue to promote lafgi
bate on the role of shifting cultivati on has been that influenti al
scale cash crop pl ant ations, such as oil palm, as foreign exchange eame
the forest situa tion are no longer willing to accept at face value
This is probably best illustrated by the IMF's recent stru ctural adjusime
t shifting cult ivation is uniiorml v bad for forest conservation
package for Indonesia. Notwithstanding the fact that the development
nent' (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) . is, for example, growing
oil palm plant ations is the Single largest cause of forest fires in Indones
f the need to distinguish, roughly, bet ween 'shifting cultiva­
and despit e increasing public concern about the scale of this social a
I pioneer' fanning systems .J ] Those who argue that shifting
envi ronmental tragedy, the IMF explicitly pushes for the expansion of t
threat to forests are actually referring to forest-pioneer
oil palm sector in thi s country. Since the announ cement of Indones
i
hon -fallow shi fting cultivation (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) .
agreement with the IMF in January 1998, it is reported that plantati
the case studies from Cameroon and Bastar demonstr ate that
companies have continued to move int o and seize the forested territories
t ry science separated forest management strictly from agricul­
indigenous peopl es and started clearfelling and burning.
issed almost exclusively on production of uniform quant ities
f timber' (Carrere and Lohmann 1997: 10), while 'conven ­
The interface with agriculture
is firmly based on legal noti ons which diverge strongly
When it comes to expl aining the occurrence of high rates of defores
tati
own frame of thinking' (Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oj i
in the tropics, landl ess farmers and traditional shifting cultivators are oft
meroon's forestry law illustrates this point well, defining a
scapegoated by governments , by represent atives of the logging indus
t
land covered by vegetation with a predominance of trees,
IIII!II
14 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
shrubs and other species capa ble of providing produ cts other than agIicu
tur al produ cts' (Forestry, Wildlife and Fisheries Regulations, Law No. 94/0
of20 January 1994, in Brocklesby and Ambrose -Oj i 1997: 17). Thisdefi
tion has its roots in a policy dichotomy, found throughout the Warl,
between agriculture and forest. 'Whilst this (defi nition) may sUPpOTt fa
plant ations and product ion forests, it ignores the farm/ forest interfa
(Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oji 1997: IS). This means that in Cameroon
111 1
in so many other count ries, ' legally agreed management plans (which Ic
the basis upon which a community can establish a community foreSl
cannot by law includ e regulations governing shifting agriculture plots a
fallow use, since these practices are not recognised' (Brocklesby a
Ambrose -Oji 1997: IS). The case studies offer concrete examples of viab
symbiosis between agricul tu re and forest conservation throu gh
management of non-timber forest products." agro-forestry systems such
Analog Forest ry,' >and other approaches.
Transport
The promotion of domestic and cross-border traffic, which is part an
parcel of the dri ve towards regional economic int egrat ion - the Europea
Union, for example, or the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFt
- is another major cause of forest destruction . Transnational corporati
lobby groups the world over are successful in persuading governments a
multilateral agencies to spend huge amounts of taxpayers' money on inf
struct ural projects - as when the Euro pean Round Table of lndustriah
prevailed on the European Commission to ado pt its proposals for t
Trans- Euro pean Network, the largest transport infrastruc ture plan I
history. The Commission present ed its plan for the development in Easte
Europe of some 3S,000 kilometres of new motorways, high speed railwa
new harbours and airports: 90 per cent of a total cost of US$ I 00 billion
to be paid by the Eastern European count ries themselves (De Volksll rant,
June 1995; see also Corporate Europe Observatory 1997). A potent
disas ter in the making is the Chad-Cameroon Petroleum Development a
Pipeline project , primarily sponsored by an oil conso rtium consisting
Exxon, Shell and Elf Aquitane. The project pl ans to develop three oil fie]
in sout hern Chad using an export system including a I ,OSO-kilo
me
pipeline, most of which passes through Cameroo n, and an off-sho
loadin g facility for crude oil on Cameroon's densely forested southe
coast. The World Bank is considering loans to the govern ments of Ch
and Cameroon to help finance their respective portions of equity (amo
unll
to about 15 per cent ) in two pipeline companies in which the
share (SOper cent or more) will be owned by the oil consortium.
growi ng concern that the' projec t will lead to escalating civil \riolen
notably in southern Chad , and bring social and enviro nme ntal dest
tUCll
PROLO GUE 15
III spills, for exampl e - to the peopl e living downstream in Chad
y communi ties near Kribi on Cameroon's south coast. Other
re the Trans-Amazoni an highway - built to give Asian markets,
'1y. access to the Amazons timber and minerals - and the Hidrovia
lisation project of the Mercosur count ries, which will dry out
anal (earth's largest wetland, containing its highest diversity of
. These and other new transport ati on routes will ope n up some
lds last frontier forest areas to logging, cattle-ranching, mining,
nd poaching - and will expose local populations to the inevitable
these incursi ons and to increased pollut ion (Goldsmith 1997).
opposition
udies also show that the state-sanctioned, 'legal' usurpation of
ources to the detriment of forest-dependent rur al people often
,nterrupted because many local commu nities do not fully under­
pttl.I:Ull:ir legal rights and op tions 1997) Moreover, many local
wishing to vor ce their Interests or seek legal redress face
,.:p." ..metical and cultural obstacles - logistic, financial, techni cal, lin­
J: - when approa ching decision makers or the j udiciary in the national
.; .

Related Interests

O'IIncial capitals.
i .
'·this respect, the case studies also poi nt to the ambi valence of govern ­
industry and international developm ent agenci es towards local
d their organisati ons. On one hand, these institutions tend to
ny the important skills, knowledge and vision of local people
upporters . On the other hand, often local people and NGOs are
to ' participate' in order to lend legitimacy to the process of
M. a project - a hydroelectri c dam, a social forest ry projec t or a
. As the case studies illustrate, genuine public participation has
.1 the result of local mobilisati on against an unwant ed develop­
ty. It often goes unnoticed , however, that local communi ties and
NGOs, from both South and North," have mounted their
:1.011 in the face of violence, land deprivation and recurrent intimida­
11997).
the period covered by the case studies, no fewer than seven
:ng organisations faced severe hardship du e to civil war, crimi nal
!eI!.al battles and conflicts with government authorit ies. Five staff
re killed, property was dest royed and peopl e were arrested.
tons and Recommendations
tes andchallenges
L the POlitical and economic root causes of deforestation , there is
wonder whether ther e is scope to dir ect society, and in particular
16 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
the powers that be, in a more sustainable direction . But a choice for apatn
or cyni cism would mean abandoning those who work at the ' front line' al
att empt to change things for the bett er. The case studies reveal heartenin
responses by local peopl es to problems encounte red. Often their vigilan
has been rewarded by new chances for forest conservation and local beneh
from forest management .
The failure of most govern ment s to recognise the role of local fa
management has not necessarily terminated local management of and tern,
over forest resources. As Owe n lynch observes , ' Despite expansive clai
of ownership, many national governme nts exercise relatively little cant
over large areas of forest .. . [since] few governments have the staff neede
and the commitment , to survey, patrol and effectively manage vast are
classified as state-owned' (l ynch 199 7: 24). Under such circumstan
many government s merely tolerate the presence of local peoples in tl
forest , while the ir systems of natural resource management are oft
branded backwa rd and unsustainable, or as encroachme nt .
More positively, the case studies also refer to a growing range of initi
tives and opportunities to foster collaboration between local people, sta
autho rities and other parties in support of local , sus tainable forest managi
ment. local forest -dependent communities and their supporters face a du
challenge: first, they must counte r external forces which threaten lac
access to forest; second , the y must prove that their local system of fore
management is pot entially viable.
We have listed some general lessons and suggestions for political a
pr actical action that emerge from the empirical findings of the ca
studies. Inevit abl y, measures are required in different fields - includingt
economy, the envi ronment, cultu re, governance and law - and at varia
levels.
The role oj research
local forest management practices often remain invisible, only coming
light when there is a clash of int erests within or between local communll
and the ou tside world. Most case studies narr ate what can be summati
as local attempts to manage a 'na tur al resource conflict situation' (Dan
and Walker 1997). The stu dies describe strategies and expe riences of I .
people and their allies in attempting to change political condi tions. open
space for local forest management and imp roving their position on
ground. The participating organisations used the case stud ies compiled
thi s volume as tools for developing sel f-assess ment, policy dialogue :'
concrete management. Action research, undert aken by local people or
partnership with them, is essent ial in breaki ng the cycle of isolation
anonymit y."
resea rch, notably envi ronmental analysis and information
PROLOGUE 17
msable for land-use planning and formulation. Toensure
olicies take into account the aspirations and needs of people
. ch areas, much more insight int o local forest use and manage­
ul red. Research can be instrument al in gaining recognition for
c and perceptions of local peopl e, in disclosing conflicts of
n negotiating solutions. In doing so, it may help prepare
und where local people and outsiders - such as forest
rsonnel or conservati oni sts - can meet , negotiate and even

ring the complex linkage between forest and agriculture in the
nportant that futur e research offers more insight int o the con­
sed on smallholder farmers by other competing land uses
r mining, for example) and market distort ions, such as the
f foodgrains in Southern count ries by the European Union, as
des to mo re symbiotic relationships between local farming
:1 the forest environment . Another research challenge is the
n and development of traditional shifting cultivation, thus
o playa posit ive role in forest conservation. Priority attent ion
to be given to alternative farm systems and to non-farming
bsistence and income that can alleviate pressur e from pioneer
n forests (Sund erlin 1997).
arcn should be undertaken by local people themselves or in
with them. There is still a vast storehouse of local-indigenous,
d culture and experience whi ch needs to be doc umente d sys­
ly. This will create wider appreciation of the value of forests to
tles, in particular to men , women and children at the hous ehold
will generate greater recogniti on of the potenti al constraints and
local forest management systems .
l¢gal biases
focal land rights and user right s is the basis of forest preserva­
well-being of forest -dependent people. It calls both for the
rCustomary land titles and for greater collaboration between
;fJ t'S and local people , wh o should be ent rus ted with the manage­
:blk (forest) lands on condition of sustainable use. At the same
need to be made to achieve genuine land reform,
[IVe to the politicall y more convenient practice of handing out
land for agricultural purposes. Reform at both national and
J levels is required to address the legal bias against forest pro­
the CUstoms and rights of local peopl e. legislators and legal
should assume responsibtlny for establishing a traditi on of
.environmental law, through training and the adj ustment of
11law M
. oreover, NGOs, lawyers and legal experts have a
18 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
responsibility to popularise nati onal and int ernational law, important to
with which citizens can keep their govern ments accountable and achi
recognition and prot ection of their human right s and of em'ironmen
values. It is essential that more attent ion and support should be given
initiatives which explore and propagate existing legal prO

Related Interests

isions
community for est ry and the recognition and restor ati on of ancestral terrir
rial rights. Government s are urged to endorse ILO Convent ion No. 1691'
recognition of the rights of indi genous peopl es. However, we should n
look onl y to legislatures, courts and other governmental institutions
introduce such legal reform. On the contrary, as Owe n Lynch cond uct,
'We are all law makers, and it behoves us to work together to develop bel
legal strategies and tools ...' (Lynch 1997: 28).
The case studies make a strong plea that politi cians and civil servan
notably those from OECD count ries, should start realising the ad\,c
social , ecol ogical and economic implications of ongoing privausanon a
monopolisation of food and medicinal raw materials, and that laws sho
be passed which put a halt to the 'selling OUl' of biodiversity and indi
nous local knowledge." It is recommended that governments declare hi
diversity to be part of the public domain in each country in order to st
further pri vatisation .
EnhanCing self-organisation
The case studies show that effort s to protect or repair the interests of I
peopl e and their forest environment have invariabl y started with a g
investment of time and commitment to foster uni ty and a comm
dir ection wit hin the community. Actions to prevent outsiders from
ploiting local forest wealth, for example, have start ed with efforts
strengthen the local social fabri c and legal position . Systems of dectsi
making, local know ledge, the improvement of local management practie
and enhanced bargaining power are vital pans of successful local rcspo
to external pr essures.
The current economic crisis in Indonesia shows that millions of n
people , no longer abl e to obtain their basic needs from the market, cann
fall back up on tradi tional subsistence practices because much of the nan
environment has been destroyed by govern ment -sponso red timber esl
at
oil palm plant ati ons and forest fires. To avoid such risks, gO\·er
nme
should seek to ensure that the power and means to achieve eco
nl
'
survival and development are located as close to the people as pOSSI
Great er economic self-su ffi ciency and self-determi nation should
supported, without the assumption that local communities can supply
their needs (Daly and Cobb 1989). As Hildyard et al. conclude , 'only W
all those that have to live with a decisi on have a voice in making I
· ' Iw l
decision can the checks and balances on power that are so cntlca
PROLOGUE 19
I ommons be ensured' (Hildyard et al. 1997). Governments
mise that most forests on whi ch communities rely - in the
'I .. in the Nort h - must be considered as commons. Hence,
, II:> h b f
donor agencies and NGOs need to support t e uilding 0
ble institutions that consolidate or restore the authority of
rnes.
ing of their land" and resource use helps local communities
r land from out side incursions and thereby lessens demo­
i res on fragile ecosystems' (Lynch, 1997: 15). It thu s consti­
merit within the process of self-organisat ion and articulation
smmcmnes come together to map their lands and discuss
lopment, local people can acquire a broader perspective of
pressures in the region , and a sense of how these will affect
ften essential to include representatives of neighb ouring
_ and , if opportune, other forest users - in their discussi ons,
id, or mit igate, conflicts of interest. Moreover, the whole
ess and its legal underpinnings may encour age collaboration
I communities and conservation authorities or other man age­
lions (Lynch 1997). It is recommended that NGOs, donors,
nd scientists support the process of mapping by local com­
a tool for information sharing, negoti ation and land-use
l .u
self-organisation further, policy ma kers and forest authori­
upport full recognition of local use and management of non ­
t products (NTFPs). These products are of significant
tn rural areas , especially among disadvanta ged groups such as
poor who have access to few resources. Furthermore, NTFPs
irect and potentiall y positive connection between forest con ­
d forest use. If farming communities living on the fringes of the
rive value from the sustainable exploitation of NTFPs, this
n incentive to protect the forest (de Beer and MacDermott
ps most significantly, NTFPs can help create or restore a posi­
between agriculture and forest conservation." Donors,
,cncies, NGOs and scientists must assist the management of
.al people through legal provisions and support for local
lng. More part icular assistance is required in the following
ng legal obstacles which hinder local peopl e who seek to
and benefi t from NTFPs '
I and institutional (in areas such as adminis­
nd marketing) ;
ble extraction of NTFPs from the wild and cultivation of
When appropriat e;
ii'
20 FO RESTS FO R THE FUTU RE
4 Strengthening the position of women, notably those who belon ,
marginal groups; g
5 Information sharing and capaci ty bu ilding through exchange
experiences among local communities."
Alliancesf or thef uture
Local forest-dependent communi ties and their support organisations oil
experience a vicious circle of isolation and the inaccessibility of Conta
information, financial means, recognition and political support . Unless
circle is broken, local forest management practices will not have an op
tunit y to prove their potenti al as a more sustainable alternative to domin
systems of forest exploitation. This is an area in which donors, NGOs, C
sultants and governments have most to offer in terms of redistribution
the regulation of access to nat ur al resources. They should aim at enhanc
possibilities for marginal groups to claim and protect their access to su
resources. This requires a new sensitivity to the needs and priorities
forest-dependent peopl e and their local resource management systems. 1
case studies offer convincing experiences of how such collaboration c
lead to an increased capacity to manage conflicts over forest. When
recogni tion of tenurial right s is essent ial, in itself it is not sufhcie
Governments and donors need to ens ure that the pr ovision of techni
assistance, along with credit and health programmes, responds to the ne
and perceptions of local commu nities. Notably in the interface betw
agriculture and forest , local peopl e, NGOs, scient ists, govern ments J
donors face the challenge of supporting approaches which balance
objectives of food security, econo mic welfare, self-determination and C(
servation. Faced with deteriorating envi ronment s and poverty, local pea
require an opportunity to develop internal coherence based on alternati
sources of income and livelihood if they are to prevent forest destrucuo
Those who wish to collaborate with local stakeholders should also
prepared to make a long-term commitment to building trust and part
ship. This plunges one into a reality which differs from the reality of th
offi cials, bankers and consultants who keep their distance from the fie!
yet it is often these more distant groups which make far-reaching decisi
about the future of forests and forest peop le, without witnessing the co
quences. Development agencies and other externa l agent s thus have
make clear choices when it comes to collaboration (Hildyard et al. 19
As Larry Lohmann argues, 'Blaming client governments or their de
meri ts when a project stifles part icipation of local people in forest
merit , for example, should have no place in agencies that are corn
rnllte
fostering genuine participation and local cont rol. It should be
responsibili ty of agency staff to evaluate in advance whether or n
partner government is likely to support local part icipation and not
m
PROLOGUE 21
if this evaluation is negative' (Lohmann 1993, in Hildyard
Donors , scientists and government s should link up with
5 and give primacy to the needs and poli tical demands of
nd oppressed groups . This may require them to take
tlt: tively disempower dominant groups - for example, by
nan rdorm and by enh ancing the position of women
1. 1997).
I mechanisms of flexibl e funding, especially small grant s
I to be developed in support of the work of local communi­
individuals in the field of forest preservation and manage­
mphasis shoul d be placed on makin g such fund s available for
be temperate and bor eal forest regions as well, thus including
ntries. Donors should give priority attenti on to strengthen­
n of politicall y marginalised grou ps. Bilateral donors and
nciers are urged to make community forestry and non ­
i of local peopl e conditional upon their funding, since thi s may
xternal fundin g adding to a downward spiral of povert y and
1degradati on. Moreover, NGOs and donors should make
cipation in programmes led by inte rna tional agencies, the
r or govern ment s
25
dependent upon the degree to which
mbod y a genuine commitment to structur al change and
lineal demands of marginal groups.
t causes of
ICS point out that any attempt at consolidating or restorin g
I': of forest management requires, in the first place, that under­
forest destruction should be addressed. These causes are to
Ide rather than inside the forest. The studies emphasise the
linkages: for example, the politics of energy, agriculture and
directly on forests and forest-dependent economies and
rticipating organisations from Costa Rica, the Philippi nes and
h in that IMF and World Bank structural adj ustments pro­
accelerated forest destruction in their respective count ries.
don of poverty and further environment al destruction
t-of all, that societies in the West and in emerging economies
bandon increasingly unsustainable levels of consumption and
'here is the challenge to design and adopt socially and eco­
avenues towards need s satisfaction and fulfilment. The
lion, it appears, is that forests, and natu re in general, are a
of the economy, instead of vice versa. The case studies
rests and the Survival of forest -depend ent peop le are sacri­
WIsh to call a ' free rider economy'. There is, in the words of
n, The problem ... that when wealth is defined in purely
22 FORE ST S FOR THE FUTURE
economid quanti tative terms, most social labour, ecological processes
cultural world VIews become devalued ... [and] remain outside an econ 0
calculus . That is, without the unpaid labour from the commons
household and the community, and with out tapping ecological
there could not be any surplus-value production for capitalist indus
(Goldman, 1998:16) .
Therefore, governments, donors and int ernational economic institutl
I
(the IMF, the European Union and the OECD, for example) need to pre
an answer to the fact that the current wave of un checked economic Ii
isation is rapidly undermining the ecologi cal and cultur al basis oflivelihi
I
of milli ons of vuln erable groups and of the economy in general. This
first of all, for fiscal reforms, adapted trade agreements and formal in
ment policies and regulations. politi cians, scientists, citizen groups
';;11
civil servants, from both North and South, are encouraged to collabora
I
demanding a public debat e on the proposed Multilateral Agreeme
I
Investm ent and related negotiations.
The primary goal of forest management and reforestation progra
should be to enable forests to perform their many vital ecological func
and to benefit people who depend on forest s as a source of income an
their shelter, food, firewood, fodder, medi cine and other basic needs
calls, for example, for governments and donors to choose enhanced na
regeneration of secondary forest and agro-forestry systems as 0
pr eferr ed to monocultural industrial plant ations . Likewise, greater pI
should be given to maint aining the carb on store in existing natural and
growth forests, a course of action which in the end is of greater social:
ecological benefit to society than the introduction of plantations.
The case studies confirm that comme rcialisation of forest re
should only be pursued if, and to the extent that , this does not comp
the well-being of people and ecosystem int egrity (Colfer et al. 1995).
should assist local-indigenous communities, NGOs and governments
odit
South with technical and financial support to prevent the comm
and expropriation of biodiversity and traditi onal knowledge.
Commercial enterprises (mining and logging companies, for e
whi ch do not accept the primacy oflocal communities' needs and wh
not respect them as their equal partners in development and conSC
activi ties, should not be permitted to operate in such areas. This
more transparency about the aims, mot ives and methods of forest U
to enable the gene ral public to increase their parti cipation in the
and protection of the nation's forest wealth. Hence, investors and cO
should face closer scrutiny than before from governments,
th
NGOs , the media and - inc reasingly - their own staff. Nor -­
collaboration and information sharing is essent ial in ensuring that C .
cial activities in one part of the world help to detennine a coI1'
PRO LOGUE 23
rontability - in count ries and regions thousands of miles
"..d governments are urged to explore the possibiliries of
dorm- a trib unal or an ombudsman, perhaps - where
d
other conce rned parti es (such as NGOs and scienti sts)
n
ti l j udgement , prot ection and means of redress. An inde­
l man, both at the national and international levels,
ntion as a last resort for facilitating the access of citizens
e. public opin ion and arbitration;"
nd international institutions like the International
merce should address with pri orit y the problem of 'free
which continue to enjoy the benefits of market access
international standards." Investors and corporations
to alert and critical observation backed by visible and
J:Uloring; they sho uld also be exposed to positive incen-
I these measures is to enable consumers, investor s and
to recognise and distinguish between good corporate
those businesses whi ch fall short of the standards seL
28
nd to the growing scope for independent public int er­
,which inform the public in general, and market partners
nnd investors in particular, about corporate performance
It.. In addition, NGOs and government s should expl ore
i roducing the principle of 'immobilising capital' ." This
issuing of licences, concessions or permissions to
rces (by mining or logging, for example) by (foreign)
nal on the cornpanys lodging a suitable secunty.>
cal forest users should be encour aged and enabled to
x penenos and pri oriti es in ord er to inform public
a well-informed and enfranchised public will be
see the flaws in the present system and demand
pter 13, p. 203).
ltet remains between local cont rol over forest resources
. Local peop le, however, have most to lose from forest
ny instances the responsibility for the long-t erm pro­
With them . This is why the case studies make their
f.I linuous investment in local people: to consolidate or
bflf
,ty to defend and sustain the forest for their own
cl for society at large.
Paul \Volvekamp
111
' 11
III
1II
I
I 1
, W¥iiJ .1111
24 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
N O TES
I With thanks to Eline Meyer.
2 The boreal forests, known as the taiga in Russian, are one of the world's three gre t
ecosystems The taiga covers approximately 920 million hectares and can be a.
green belt encircling the northern hemisphere, stretching from Alaska in
north ern Russia in the east. The boreal forests are characterised by coniferous tree
SI
such as spruce, pine and fir and broadleaved species such as alder, birch and pOPlar ('
thanks to Annj anssen.)
3 Different forms of 'shifting cultivation' are explained in the next paragraph, und
heading 'The interface with agriculture'. l"J'
4 Thanks to Kaki Buti from Palob village, Bastar and Madhu Rarnnath.
5 For example, grazing lands, village forests, fishing grounds are local commons, Whit
communally owned and/or used and looked after.
6 Such institutions encompass, amongst others , the regulations, norms, values, san,
and rewards which determine leadership, division of tasks and the rights and respo
ties of all men, women and children concerning the maintenance, protection and dl
non of land, water, nora and fauna, conduct vis-a-vis the spirits and deities, and
religious and cultural aspectsof their lives.
7 An international agreement - Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (T
- was Signed in early 1994 as a result of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreerne
Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Following extensive pressu re from Organisation for ECOI
Cooperation and Development (OECD) count ries, TRIPs introduced rnechanis
recognise, claim and enforce intellectual property rights.
8 Other noteworthy examples are to be found in countries such as Cambodia, "
Liberia, Indonesia and Nigeria.
9 The ministries of irrigation and power, by contrast, somet imes receive over 20 perc
the budget.
10 The former Republican US vice-president, Dan Quayle, was a major champion
approach in his campaign against conservation measures meant to save the remaini
growth forests of Oregon - the region considered in the case study of the Conle;
Tribes of Warm Springs.
11 A form of land use whereby the growing of trees is deliberately integrated with CN :
animals on the same land management unit, either at the same time or in sequent
each other (Interna tional Centre for Research in Agroforestry, annual report. 1993).
12 Other crops which need to be mentioned are tobacco (according to Golds
estimated forest area of 12,000 square kilometres is felled every year to fuel tobacco
barns (Goldsmith 1997), rubber, coffee and soya. And prawn cultivation for ex:
major reason why about half of the world's mangrove forests have been cut dow
catastrophic consequences for local fishing communities. . .
13 Sometimes referred to as 'swidden agriculture' or 'slash-and-burn agriculture'. Shlfu
tivators could be defined as people who practise a form of rotational
fallow period longer than the period of cultivation, whereas forest pioneers may s
bum existing vegetation but have the primary intent ion of establishing pem
ll
semi-permanent agricultural production. The planting of cash crops is the pnm
a
of attention. (J. A. Weinstock and S. Sunito, 'Review of Shifting Cultivation in Ind
Sunderlin 1997: 4). I
14 'The term non-timber forest produc ts encompasses all biological materials ot
timber which are extracted from forests for human use. These include foods, me
spices, resins, gums, latexes....' (Jenne H. de Beer and Melanic J. McDermott, The
Value oj Non-Timber Forest Products in Southeast Asia, second revi sed edition,
Corniuee of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (lUCN), 19
PROLOGUE 25
. Arbofilia, Costa Rica, for an elaborate explanation of the Analog
he participating organisations from Canada themselves experienced ­
In Nonh America offers corporations wishing to break the opposition
ssrootS acti\; sts and endronmentalists the opportunity to use
Public Participation' (or SLAPP suits) 'to sue them for delarna­
I - jnsC)' etc., in order to br ing vicums to the point where they are no longer
ltlncial emotional and mental wherewithal to sustain their defence'
uue formulaung a forest management plan; convincing the govern­
\ 't a particular forest a protected status and to recognise the land
people; stimulating debate on legislative amendments : launching an
; developing working relations with donor organisations and relevant
local experiences and views 10 internati onal institutions and fora; and,
xchanging experiences with other local organisations.
IK!l.nous people appreciate the idea of ' living' in the forest - which implies
,perspective- more readily than the concept of 'managing' the forest,
d . exclusive perspective. A more profound understanding of local
_ their potentials, requi rements and const raints - may facilitate an
conventional forest management and indigenous forest-use practices.
ntribute to a critical examination of the conventional approaches.
n affirms that 'The rights of ownership and possession of the peoples
lands which they tradi tionally occupy shall be recognised' (Article
rights of the peoples concerned to the natural resources penaining to
pecially safeguarded' (Article 15.1).
Preamble and articles 15 and 16 of the Convention on Biodiversity.
encouraged to make constitutional provisions or other legal mechanisms
rty rights which incorporate relevant principles of the Biodiversity
.1Cular articles 15 and 16).
oflen prefer the term 'territory' when referring to ancestral land.
rt by lnstuut o del Bien Cornun, Local Ean h Observation and Center
auve Lands, Geomatics and Indigenous Territories, Hacienda Sanj ose,
29 June 1998.
res the importance of traditional knowledge of the complexity of the
of NTFPs in particular as agents of seed dispersal and pollination , and
lood chams
P Exchange Programme for Southeast Asia - a j oint endeavour by
Dutch consultancy firm ProFound in collaboration with the
eration NATR1PAL (United Tribes of Palawan) with the suppo n of
UlnJmJltee of IUCN - aims at local capacity bu ildin g by facilitating
. II und regional meetings and the production of a modest newsletter
racUC.:l J mformauon on matters such as sustainable NTFP harvesting,
lellure.
ht for naturc swaps' , 'joint implementation', Joint forest manage­
th the indust ry Global Envi ronment Facility projects and 'green
a perfomlthe followmg roles: (l ) act as a watchdog; (2) give impanial
lence to relevarn laws and regulations, national or international
nerally accepted norms of good conduct; (3) offer a platform for
Inform pUhlic opmion.
de, for example, the UNDeclaration of Human Rights and the gutde­
rest Stewardsillp Council.
PROLOGU E 27
26 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
28 Poor perfonners treat social and environmental values as extern alities which can be shifted
to the political and economic fringes, or to following generations.
29 I am grateful to Didier Babi n and colleagues of Centre de Cooperation Intern ational en
Recherches Agrono miques pour Ie Developpement (ClRAD) , France, for this inform ation.
30 When the contract run s out , the securit y can beclaimed if the company's operations have
led to damage to the environment, affected local communities adversely or injured the
national treasury _ by evading taxes, for example, or not royalties. Companies are
thus subje cted to the widely accepted custo m that tenants renting a furnished room pay
key money as a guarantee. It is suggested that the administration of securiti es should be
dealt with by indep endent institu tion s
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Beer, J. H. de and MacDermott , M. J. ( 1997) The Economic Value of Non-TimberForest Producls
in Southeast Asia, Netherlands Com mittee of the International Union for the Conservation
of Nature (lUCN) , Amsterdam.
Brocklesby, M. A. and Ambrose-Oji , B. (19 97) 'Neither the Forest nor the Farm
Livelihoods in the Forest Zone ­ the Role of Shifting Agriculture on Mount Came roon'.
or» Network Paper 21D .
Bryant , D., Nielsen , D. and Tangley, L (1997) TheLast Frontier: Forests, Ecosystemsand Economitl
on the Edge, World Resour ces Institute.
Carrere, R. and Lohmann , L (1996) Pulping theSouth: Industti al Tree Plan tations and the World
Paper Eco nomy, Zed Books , London .
Chambers, R. (198 3) Rural Development: Putting the Last First, Wiley, New York.
Colchester, M. (1992 ) 'Sustaining the Forests Community-based Approaches in Southcas
Asia', United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) research paper
Colchester, M. (1997) ' National Sovereignty, Free Trade and Forest Peopl es' Rights.
Intergovernmental Forum on Forests, positi on pape r.
Colfer, C J. P and Dudl ey, R. G. (1993 ) Shi[tingCultivators of Indonesia' Maraud ers or Manag m
of theForest? Community Forestry Case Study Series 6, FAa , Rome.
Colfer, C J. P, in collaboration with Prabhu , R. and Wollenberger, E. (1995) Principles, Criteria
and Indicators:Applying Ochham's Razor to the People- Fmf stry Linh, Centre for Interna tio(1i\
Forestry Research (CIFOR) Working Paper No.8.
Corpo rate Europe Observatory (1997) Europe Inc. Dangerous Liaison5 between EU Institul
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andIndllstry, Amsterd am .
Daly, H. E. and Cobb , J. B, Jr (1989 ) For the Comman Good, Redirecting the Economy wwarJ
Community, the Environment anda Sustainable Future, Beacon Press, Boston .
Danaiya Usher, A. (1992 ) Taiga News, No, 4 (December), edi tori aL
Daniels, S. E. and Walker, G. B. (1997) 'Rethi nking Publi c Participation in Natural Res
ou
Management : Concepts [rom Plur alism and Five Emerging App roaches' , paper present<
to the Worksho p on Pluralism, Sustainable Forestry and Rural Development , FAa , Rom
l
Denslow, J. S and Padoch, C (198 8) Pe ople of the Tropical Rainforest, University o[ Cali[of/1'
Press.
Edwards, D. (1997) 'Old Wine, New Bottles', book review of Sharon Beder, Global Spin: I
Corpo rate Assault on Environmentalism (Green Books ), in The Ecol ogi st, Vol. 27 , No.
(NovemberlDecember).
Falconer, J. (199 1) Nature et Fauna , Vol. 2.
Friend s of the Earth- US (FOE- US) (199 7) 'The MAl and Global Deforestat ion' , draft , Ocl"
1997,
Fisiy, C P (1989) 'The Death of a Myth System and Land Coloni sation on the Slopes of
Oku _ Northwest Province of Cameroon', unpublished paper
Glowka, L , Burhenne-Guilmin , F, Synge, H . et al. (1994) ' A Guide to the Convention on
Biological Diversity' , Environment al Policy and Law Paper No. 30, International Union [or
the Conservation of Nature (lUCN).
Goldman , M. (ed.) (1998) Plivatizing Nature: PoliticalStrugglesf or the Global Commons, Pluto
Press in associati on with the Transnational Institute , London.
Goldsmith, E. (1997) 'Can the Environment Survive the Global Economy?', The Ecologist, Vol.
27, No 6.
Hildyard , N., Hegde, P, Wolvekamp, P and ST Somasekhare Redd y (1997) 'Same Platform,
Different Train: Power, Politics and Participation' , paper [or the Worksop on Pluralism,
Sustamable Forestry and Rural Development , FAa , Rome,
Jepma, C J. (19 95) Tropical Deforestation: a Socio-Economic Approach, Eart hscan Publi cations,
London,
Lynch, O. (1992) 'Securing Community-based Tenurial Rights in the Tropi cal Forests of Asia:
an Overview o[ Current and Prospec tive Strategies' , briefing, World Resources Institute
Lynch, O . (1997) 'Legal Aspects of Pluralism and Community-based Forest Management :
Contrasts between and Lessons Learned from the Philippines and Ind onesia', Centre for
tmernauonal Environmental Law, paper for the Worksop on Pluralism, Sustainable
Forestry and Rural Development , FAa , Rome.
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Community amo ng Shareholder Farmers', The Ecologist, Vol. 27, No. 1.
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Boreal'WoodProdu cts, Taiga Rescue Netwo rk.
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Compensation for Il!digenous Peoples and Local CommlUlities, International Union for the
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J, (1987) The Pwpasr: of Forests: Folliesof Development, Basil Blackwell , Oxford
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4 Local Forest Management on the Frontier
IndigenouSCommunities Restor e Their Forest
in the Cordillera Mountains
MONTANOSA RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT CENTRE
Philli pines
Alt hough the int erpl ay of indigenouS socio-political systems and the local
communities' int imate un derstandi ng of the ecosys tem has contributed to
the maint enance of richl y diverse forests in the Cordillera of the Philippines,
the government conti nues to deny people's rights to the land and ignores
their crucial role in the cons ervation and management of forests. The state
has monopolised responsibility for protecti ng, managing and ' developing'
the land as it pu rsues a dream of reaching indu stri alisation by allowing
foreign entities to exploit the natural reso urce s it has sworn to pro tect.
The Cordillera communities have to contend with deepening po

Related Interests

erty
and weakened local structures as well as foreign mining, logging, and infra­
stru ctural project s. Though thoroughly undermined by stat e forest laws.
the indi genous systems still function today This case study documents
indi genous forest management systems in five mountain forest communi­
ties thin are struggling to protect their forests and their customar y land
laws. Alist of major regional 110ra and fauna is provided in Appendix 1
The Five Study Areas
Three of the forest study areas _ Demang, Bugang and Sisipitan - are in
Sagada, one of the ten munici palities of Mountain province in the central
part of the Cordillera Administrative Region on Luzon Island. It is ISOkilo­
metres away from Bag
uio
City and can be reached by road. Sagada haS
total land area of 8,568 hectares, 99.3 pe r cent of which is classified by III
government as forest reserve. The climate is generall y subtropical with 1\ '
disti nct seasons - the wet and the dry. .
Bugang and Demang are between 1,500 and 1,700 metres
ula"')
level , WIth forests domi nated by the Beng
uet
pine (Pinus ms s 1
uS
spersed With broad-leaved shrubs and small trees of van o kInd d ,ri,'(lJl . .
grounc IS covered by grasses such as Imperata cylindJica, Theme D
I
LOCAL FOREST MANAGEMENT IN THE CORDILLERA MOUNTAINS 81
and Miscanthus luzonensis. The forests of Bugang and Demang show the
results of tree-plant ing efforts by clans and families after the Second World
War. Mount Sisipitan - the third area of study in Sagada - is still in a
healthy state. Its vast forests serve as a watershed and provide hunting
grounds for the Bontok , Kankanaey, Tingguian and Maeng tribes who
dwell on the borders of Abr a and Mountain provinces. The Sisipitan Forest
has a wide r range of elevation, from 1,400 to 2,200 metres above sea level.
A large part of the middle port ion is characterised by moss forest with
patches of rainforest. There is pine on the Mountai n Province side and
dipteroca rp on the Abra side . Rivers from Mount Sisipitan j oin the two
maj or rivers in the Cordillera - the Chico and the Abra.
Accordi ng to our surveys with local peo ple, Sagada registered a popula­
tion of 10,353 in 1990. These people belong to the Aplay tribe, a sub-group
of the Kankanaeys , one of several ethnolinguistic groups in the region. The
majority of the local population engage in rice farming and commercial
vegetable production, raise poultry and livestock on a small scale, and
work as seasonal wage earners. A few are employed by government and
private agencies. Like othe r areas of the Cordillera , Sagada has ret aine d
many aspe cts of its indigenous socio-political system suc h as the dap-ay , a
centre where commu nity concerns and issue s are actively disc ussed and
resolved .
The other two forests that were studied are in Tubo municipa lity of Abra
Province, which is on the western side of the Cordillera some 408 kilo­
metres north of Manil a and 197 kilometres northwest of Baguio City. Tubo
is composed of ten barangays (the smallest administ rative unit of the
hilippine state) with a land area of 41,500 hectares, making it the second­
rgest muni cipality of Abra. The climate is moderately warm. The dry
son extends from January to May, and the rainy season from Ju ne to
ecember, Studies were carri ed out in Bana and Beew forests, located along
e borders with !locos Sur and Mounta in provinces. These are predomi­
ntly secondary rainforests with scattered stands of pine trees. The elevation
both areas ranges from 700 to 1,500 meters above sea level. In Beew,
rests are found in 16 di fferent locati ons in the northern, northeastern,
tern and southeastern parts of the village. They tend to be dominated by
or dipterocarp trees, although sometimes combina tions are found .
:In 1990 Tubo registered a popu lation of 4,589, di stributed among 829
holds. The maj ority of inhab itants are from the Tingguian linguistic
p, and members of the Maeng and Kankanaey linguisti c groups are a
, rity. The study sites are inhabited by the Maeng tri be who, like the
ijans, are governe d through the dap-ay . Local people farm , fish, hunt
ther forest product s. A general state of pove rty is aggravated by the
I basic social services such as roads, health and educational facilities,
opport unities. The resp ondents are from Beew sitio
80
82 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
(a 'settlement' or subdivision of a barangay) in Alangtin barangay and Bana
sitio in Kili barangay. Both sitios are relatively new sett lements; Beew was
founded in 1943 and Bana in 1990. Both settlement populations h ad
migrated into the area following disasters, Bana after the 1990 earthquake
and Beewafter a measles epidemic. These areas can only be reached on foot.
Of the five areas, the ecosystem of Mount Sisipitan is the most diverse,
followed by Bana and Beew. Even as a secondary forest Bana retains its bi o­
diversity because of the minimal impact of people in the new settlem ent,
but portions of the Beew forest are being reduced to grassland by
intensified kaingin (swidden) farming. Because they are dom inated by
plantE;d pines , Bugang and Demang forests have low diversity le vels
Nevertheless, numerou s plant and anima l species that are of impo rtan ce to
local people were ident ified within the five areas of research: 33 timber and
fuel species; nine wat er-bearing plants; 36 medicinal plants; 20 game
animals; and 15 mushrooms. Docum entation of edible fruits and species
used for fibre, pesticides and honey production is still in progress.
Ownership and Land Use
The forests of Mount Sisipi tan, Bana and Beew are communally owned,
shared by villages and tribes - five subgroups of the Kankanaeys and two
sub-groups of the Tingguians - living in the foothills of these mountains.
The resident s of Beew and Bana figured pr ominently in the protests against
the transnational logging company Cellophill Resources Corpo ration during
the 1970s and 1980s- Demang and Bugang forests, on the other hand, are
parcelled into famil y and clan properti es (Table 4.1)
Table 4.1 System of ownershi p in the five study areas
Site System of forest managem ent
Communal
Cla n
Pri vate
Beew
Bana
Mount Sisipitan
Demang
Bugang
x
X
X
X
X
x
x
While the forests are mainly used for subsistence pur poses, cultural and
religious aspects are also importan t . Table 4.2 shows uses of the forest in - the
1
each of the areas covered by the study, whil e Table 43 app les f
perspectives of gender and age. All communities depend on the forest or
LOCAL FOREST MANAGEMENT IN THE CO RDILLERA MOUNTAINS 83
their fuel needs, although Demang derives only a third of its fuel from the
forest as resident s can afford the cost of liquified petroleum gas. Peopl e in
Bana and Beew rely more on herbal medicines, while the resident s of Bugang
and Demang. who have easier access to hospitals and other health facilities,
rely on Western medicines. Women parti cipat e in uma or haingin farming,
assisting in the hauling of lumber, and gather food and medi cinal herbs.
Table 4.2 Uses of the forest
Uses of the forest Sisipitan Beew Bana Demang Bugang
X
X
X
X
X
Children
X
X
X X X
X X X
X X
X X X
X
X X X
X X X
X X
X X
X
X X X
X
X
Wome n
Hel p in hauling
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
x
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Men
Forest util isation by gende r and age
uel gathering
unting
ney gath ering
rna farming
'formance of ritu al
bering
d gatheri ng
rb collection
:digenous Forest Management Systems
indigen ous conce pt of forest owne rship recognises three tenurial
ngements . In the saguday or pri vate system, forests are privatised if one
, ~ a d e perm anent improvement s such as planting regular crops or
i::hng ston e walls. Owne rs might be members of a nuclear family who
Source of fuel
Source of med icinal plants
Pasture land
Hunting grounds
Shifting cultivat ion
Source of timb er
Watcrshedlwatersource
Tourism
Sacred tree site
Honey gath eri ng
Source of food (seaso nal)
Agricultural land expansion
Source of rattan
84 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE LOCAL FOREST MANAGHIENT IN THE CORDILLERA MOUNTAINS 85
-
have the responsibil ity of protectin g and maintaining the forest. Similarl .
clan owne rshi p is acquired thr ough labour invested by the collective
of clan memb ers. For the day-to-day management of the forest, a caretaker
usually a male clan member, is appointed by consensus. He has the
responsibilit ies of mobil ising clan members for tree-pl anti ng actiVities
deciding what types and quant ities of timber can be cut by clan
at what times, and convening clan meetin gs to matters pertaining
to forest management. With such responsibilities , the caretaker receives
pri vileges such as a larger share in forest products and pri orit y access to
resources - but he is not permitted to sell these. Both the privately owned
and clan-owned forests are shared with community resident s to the extent
that peopl e may gather food and branches for fuel and , with permi ssion of
the owne r or caretaker, cut thr ee to five trees for lumber free of charge.
A third system of owne rshi p is communal, with elders deliberating on
policies that are approved by consensus . In communally owned forests,
watersheds are off-limits for farming and logging. Resident s may only fell
trees to build houses within the iii, or village area , or on special occasions
such as the performance of rituals, weddi ngs and funerals. Hunters must
share the meat of four-legged animals with villagers who, in tum, are res­
ponsible for the hunter in case of an accident. (Traditionally, hunters used
bitu, or pit traps, and most of the meat was shared with the community.
These days, rifles and guns are used and there is less sharing, with port ions
of meat occas ionally set aside for sale.) Forest burning is prohibit ed
because it has been observed that rats, insects, and other agricultural pests
increased whenever forests were burned . The damage caused was often
Significant enough to cause a food shortage. Moreover, as houses are
construc ted with wood and cogon grass (Imperata cyl indrica) , forest fires
depri ved peo ple of building materials.
Whether saguday, clan-owned or communal, forests in Sagada and Tubo
are used for a multitude of purposes. Village-based, small -scale logging is
usuall y governed by the rule of selective cutting and limited quantit y This
method has not yet reached a destru ctive stage, with axes and chai nsaws
being the main tools. Ironi cally, thi s indi genous mode of forest use is con­
sidered illegal by government agencies like the Department of Environment
and Natura l Resources. Another common use of the forest in Bana and
Beew is seasonal honey gathe ring to supplement income. Honey gatherers
smoke out the bees from their hives and then harvest the honey and other
by-produ cts. They have specialise d knowle dge of plants that emit smoke
with no deleterious effects on the bees. As a measure to promote sustain­
ability, flowering trees which are vital for honey production are protected
and the use of petrochemi cals on agricultur al crops is discouraged or even
prohibited . Although forest burni ng has been banned by communi ties in
some areas, the practice continues as a way of creating grasslands for cattle
ing This can kill or hamper the growth of trees, and can be even more
Zl .
tructive if the fire spre ads . As a prevent ive measure, there is a need to
.velop an alternative technology for pastur eland development. Finally,
ngin farnling is a traditional agricultura l system still widely practised by
13Ma and Bcew residents. Whil e haingin may have been appropriate in the
st, the pressure of the cash economy rend ers it inapp ropri ate today.
The svstern of knowledge and techn ologies in the Cordillera, like those
f other indigenous peoples around the world, are interwoven with beliefs
nd practices that are frequentl y dismissed as unscient ific. The cont inued
bser:ance of these beliefs and practices, however - despite the int rusion
f Western culture through religion , education, and media - distinguishes
rhe Cordillera people from the rest of the Filipinos. Practices that may seem
irrational are sometimes easily explicable in ecological terms. For example,
it is not permitted to pasture in the vicini ty of a spring as thi s would dis­
please the spirits dwelling there. This has, of course , a di rect impli cation
for maintaining the quality of drinking water. The taboos against cutting
trees when one hears the croaking of a frog might reflect conce rn about
protecting the watershed, as frogs indi cate the presence of water. The
common practice of sacrificing a chicken in the forest stems from the belief
that forests are inhabited by spi rits. Such a practice has been very effective
in imparting the message that forests have to be respected and that peopl e
may not burn the forest or dump garbage near springs. Other beliefs and
practices need to be studied furth er to uncover their underlying logic.
AComparison of Customary and State Legal Systems
land is a major nati onal issue. It can be traced to the failure of the Philip­
pine government to reform oppressive land laws enacted by the colonisers,
and their perpetuation down to the present day. Taken together, these laws
and decrees serve to ent rench the states ownership of most forest land and
its power to exploit forest resources, at the same time diminishing the
usufruct rights of those who have mana ged the forests since before the
creation of the Philippine state. Inhabit ant s of the Cordillera are now per­
ceived as squatters on the land which their ancestors have occupied,
defended and nurtured from time immemorial.
The onl y land right s recogni sed by the nati onal government are those
legally sanctioned by the state with document ati on signifying privat e
ownership. Any land that lacks this title automatically belongs to the state.
The problem is intractabl e because indi genous peopl e have not acquired
titles or other proo f of owne rship. Traditionally, the labour they invested in
the land and the recogniti on of their neighbours was su fficient proof. The
land, forests, rivers and other natural resou rces were looked upon as being
owned in common by the trib e or by the ind igenous inhabit ant s. The
------------------------------------
----
86 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
LOCAL FOREST MANAGEMENT IN THE CO RDILLERA MOUNTAINS 87
people practised a form of communal land stewardship, viewing them­
selves as stewards or caretakers of the land, which was considered free to
anyone who was willing to develop or till it. The indigenous system
explicitly discourages the privatisation of forest lands to ensure that the
majority retain access to forest resources. When permission is granted to a
private individual or company to use the forest for personal profit, people's
access is limited and the forest is usually degraded. But the government
treats the Cordillera as its own resource base, awarding concessions and
permits to outsiders who exploit the natural resources with no concern for
the inhab itants.
Table 4.4 Acomparison ofofficial and customary views of land tenure
Issues Governme nt system/ Indigenous system!
State laws Customary laws
Ownership/tenure • Forests are owned by • Recognises private, clan
the government (Public and communal
Land Act, PO 705, others). ownership.
• Recognises and • Discourages private
encourages priva te forest ownership,
ownership, allows an accessof people to
individual to own large resourcesis open.
tracts (depriving othersof • La nd is not considered
the resources). a commodity.
• Can be transferred
easily through selling
Tenurial recognition • Only land titles are • Shared knowledge of
recognised as proof of eldersand community.
land owne rship.
Acquisition of land • Through land titling. • Labour investment and
inheritance.
Formulation of • Imposed from national • Di scussed byeldersand
policies/laws policies. approved through
consensus.
Process ofsolving • Court procedures where • Dap-ay system where
land disputes money is required. money is not needed.
• Consultation/collective
investigation.
Meanwhile, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources,
whose mandate it is to protect and enhance the qualit y of the COUntrys
environment , has nume rous well-financed programmes for forest develop­
ment. But none of these has been implemented in the five areas stUdied by
the Montanosa Cent re. Though communities are badly in need of financial
and technical assistance, their willingness to be involved in these pro­
grammes is certain to be construed as recognition that the land is OWned by
the state. This would imply that the state can decide how land is to be used
even when this goes against the people's wishes, as when the govern ment
has favoured mining companies and dam projects in the past.
Traditional and offi cial mechanisms of conflict resolution are equally at
odds. Among the Maeng and Pidlisan tribes, confli cts Ove r tribal bOUndaries
are resolved through the bodong system, or peace pact, that governs relations
between the two tribes. Land disputes are resolved through a series of
discussions and negotiations until a decision favourable to all is achieved.
A similar process is used in Sagada, although negotiations are conducted
through the dap-ay system. Conflicts between individuals, including
disputes over inheritance, are effectively resolved through the dap-ay. By
contrast , the current legal system resolves confli cts through the COUrts.
This system favours those who possess documents, sometimes obtained by
deceitful means, and can afford the best legal counsel.
For several generations now, the forests of Beew, Bana and Sisipitan have
provided for the needs of the people. In tum , the communities have
developed a system of conservation and management. In other words, the
forests of Demang and Bugang are the concrete manifestations of people's
efforts to improve their environment. While at present they may nor be
replanting trees actively, they claim that natural regrowth takes place as
long as the forests are protected from fire For decades, the interplayof the
indigenous socio-political systems and the values and wisdom of local
people resulted in the protection of forests that are today considered to be
among the last frontiers of the count ry. Unfortunately, modern develop_
ments have taken their toll on people and the forests. Several factors are
contributing to the erosion of indigenous forest management systems
State forest laws continue to undermine indigenous concepts of natural
resources management . As local systems and leadership are weakened, the
honesty, justice and culture of sharing also starts to disintegrate Local
eople find it hard to cope with the intrusi on of the cash economy intothe
rraditional subSistence economy. There is also a lack of developrnental
PPOrtunities. To meet their economic needs, the people of Beew andBana
reSOrt to intensified ]willgin farming and hunting, which increases pressure
n their forests. In Sagada, the shift from subsistence agriculture to COffi ­
ercial vegetable and orchard producti on has led to the conversion ofpine
rest into agricultural lands. Moreover, an increasing number of Stnall­
88 FORESTS FOR THE FUTUR E
scale loggers , equipped with chainsaws, cut and sell timber in violati on of
selective cutting rul es. Pressure on forest is intensified by the government's
failure to provide basi c social services. In Beew and Bana, for example ,
there are areas with a high potential for more efficient agricult ure . Unfortu­
nat ely, the area lacks adequate irrigation facilities and people are forced to
continue with their kaingin farming.
Local Initiatives
Growing awareness of the contradictions between state policies and
indigenous management practices has led , on the regional level , to a revival
of people's organisations, most of which are members of the Cordillera
Peoples Alliance for the Defence of Land and Resources and for Self­
determination. The Alliance is guided by the belief that ancestral land is
fundamental for indigenous peoples. Land is life. The land and people are
one _ a coll ecti ve and int egrated whole. The land and the people comprise
the iii or village. Boundaries are upheld not only by the community but
also by the adjoining and even distant villages and tribes. Indi genous
peoples uphold the principle of sharing and nurturing nature's bounty.
In 1993 more than 90 representati ves from the different barangays of
Sagada convened in a forum to discuss three government programmes: the
Certifi cate of Ancestral Domain Claims, the Certifi cate of Ancestral Land
Claims , and the Certific ate of Land Ownership Awards. The people ended
the forum by rejecting all three programmes and presenting a petition
demanding that the government respect indigenous laws. Subsequently,
some officials of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources
compromis ed by allowing people to cut timber in their forest on condition
that the timber was used within the ili. This was a small but signifi cant gain
in the struggle for recognition of customary law.
From the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, peopl e in Bana and Beew were
at the forefront of the struggle against the Cell ophill Resource Corpo ration,
a transnational logging con cern favoured by the Marcos dictatorship. Many
lives were sacrificed to protect the forest s for succeeding generations. Had
it not been for the relentless efforts of the Tinggians, Kankanaeys, Bontoks
and Kalingas, Cellophill would have wreaked ecological havoc on the
forests of the Cordillera. Even then, significant damage was inflict ed before
the compa ny stopped its operations. Since then, local people have started
an annual collection of rattan seeds for planting in the month of August.
The y have also embarked on a reforestation pr oject and a search for
alternative farming technologies suitable for sloping areas. .
anlsa­
In Pidlisan the dap-ay retains a strong influence, and a people's org
tion , the Asosasyon dagiti Sosyudad ti Umili ti Pidlisan (ASUP), was forrnally
launched in 1990. Included in the organisation's nine-point pro gramme
LOCAL FOREST MANAGEMENT IN THE CORDILLERA MOUNTAINS 89
are the development of indigenous socio-political systems and the conserva­
tion, pr otection and development of natural resources within the ancestral
domain. Earlier, in 1983, the people of Pidlisan had banned kaingin on
Mount Sisipi tan. Six years later, they formulated and executed a policy
restricting small-scale mining to designated areas within their ances tral
land. In 1994 they comprehensively rejected the Small-Scale Mining Act
Recommendations
After more than 15 years of grassro ots development work, the Montanosa
Research and Development Centre has formulat ed a number of recommen­
dations to Cordillera policy makers and development agencies engaged in
forestry reform in the Philippines.
Conflicts over land and resources must be resolved. The land rights of
indigenous people and their customary laws must be recognised by
government. This requires a genuinely autonomous regional government
that would give the peopl es of the Cordillera the right to determine freely
their political, economic and cultural ways of life.
Community organisation has proved effective in empowering indige nous
communities and should be adopted as an inherent part of development work.
This includes forming alliances or feder ations from village to provincial
levels, and joining the regional movement for the asserti on of indigenous
people's rights and self-determination .
Traditional practices that serve the long-term interests of people with regard to
lVnership, use and management offorests should be strengthened or revitalised.
Policy makers should support legal and indigenous institutional
arrangernems which prev ent individuals or outside groups from exploiung
II
~ era
nntural wealth at the expense of the poorer sections of the community. They
ould recognise the role of the people in the devel opment and man age­
m of the natural resources on which the y rely for man y of their basic
l'Iceds. Cooperative efforts in the utilisation and management of the forest
lCSOurces should be encouraged. Thi s requires the definition of obj ecti ve
rameters for a qualitative assessment of forest ed areas that measures the
nr of forest cover, its quality and dynamics , and its stage of regenera -
IB n or degeneration. On the basis of this assessment, communities could
n develop appropriate forest -use and development plans.
LI OGRAPHY
unity Health Education, Services and Trainin g in the Cordillera Region ( 1989) Common
at Plams of the Cordillera, Ilagui o City, Philippines.
Peoples' Alliance (995) 'Ances tral Land Dehn eati on and Indigenous Peoples' ,
IUblishcd positi on pap er.
ue, l., Lugold, G. and Pancho.} . 0 977 -83) Hfin dboohon Philippine :\ledical Plants, Vols
90 f ORESTS FOR THE f UTURE
-
1 (1977 ), 2 (1978 ), 3 (982) and 4 (1983 ), University of the Philippines-Los Banos, Laguna
Gonzales, Pedro and Rees, Colin P (1988) Birds oj the Philippines, Haribon foundat ion for the
Conservati on of Natural Resources, Inc.
La Vina , A. (1991) Lawand Ecolog)', Legal Rights and Natural Resource Centre, Manila.
Merrill , Elmer D. (1912 ) A Flora oj Manila, Department of the Interior, Bureau of Science.
Merrill , Elmer D. (1926) An Enumeration oj Philippine Flowering Plants, 4 vols, Manila.
Montanosa Research and Development Centre (1993) 'Preliminary Community Appraisal of
Beew', unpublished report.
Municipal Planning and Development Coordi nator (1995) 'Sagada Municipal Profile'
unpublished report . '
Quimi o, 1. (1978) Common Edible Mushrooms in the Phil irpines, University of the Philippines_
Los Banos , Laguna.
Quisumbi ng. E. (1978 ) Medical Plants oj the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippin es.
Rabor, D. ( 1977) Philippine Birds and Mammals, Universi ty of the Philipp ines Science Education
Centre , Universiry of the Philippines. Press, Quezon City.
Tauli, A. (l984) Dakami ya Nan DagaMi, Baguio City, Philippines.
5 Alternatives to Rainforest Logging
in a Chachi Community in Ecuador
LORENA GAMBO A
Acci6n Ecologia , Ecuador
Geography, Ecology and Peopl e
The Centro El Encanto Reserve, inhabit ed by both indigenous Chachi and
Mro-Ecuadorian people, is located alon g the Cayapas River border in the
rovince of Esmaraldas, northwestern Ecuador. The area contains the last
tropical rainfor est s on the Ecuadonan coast, forming part of the bio­
eographical region of the Choco, which has one of the world's hi ghest
levels of biodiversity and endemic species. Centro El Encanto is part of the
otacachi-Cayapas Ecological Reserve buffer zone . It is estimated to harbour
total of 6,500 plant spec ies, equivalent to 25 per cent of all plant spec ies
recorded in the country. Of these plants, it is estimated that some 1,260
ped es are endemic to the area.
The native vegetation of Cayapas has the appearance of a de nse ever­
reen forest with species of great height and width. Fores t compos ition
ries according to the condition of the soils , drainage, topography and
umiduy The mos t important of the tree families are Fabaceae, Moraceae,
uraceac, Myristicaceae, and Meliaceae. The climate of the Cayapas River
a is hot and humid. The average temperat ure is approximately 25°C and
Ibe average annual rainfall 4,000 millimetres. The area is characterised by
extensive network of rivers and streams, which also cons titut es the
:pti ncipal system of communication, transportation and trade for local
people.
For more than 400 years two dis tinct ethnic groups, the Chachi and the
rO-Ecuadorians, have occup ied the forests of the region. Ove r this period,
ih the Chachi and the Afro-Ecuado rians , through their respec tive cultural
raLtices, have managed the forest sustainably, providing themselves with
, clothi ng, medicine and ritu al necessities. Both groups also prac tise
,nail-scale agriculture and have developed an in-depth knowledge of the
of forest plants and the huntmg of wild animals . The horticulture
91

Related Interests

"
that trees bri ng no electoral gains (Wolvekamp 1989). Like their peer ng the industry access to much-needed wood resources, and in this
organisations in most other count ries in the South and in the Nort h, th hold them responsibl e for job losses in thi s sector.'?
Indian Forest Service is by and large too pr eoccupied wi th generating
revenu e for public and private gain to forge an alliance with the tens of
millions of villagers for whom the forest is their basis of survi val , or to make
the social need for forest protection a political issue.
The case studies thus confirm that nat ional governments playa major
role in the creation of these problems. In addi tion to legal shortcomings,
governments are poor per formers when it comes to auditing and contro].
ling natural resource use. In many cases corruption permeates all levels of
government involvement in forest management and land -use planning
The case studies question the view of many governments that forestry can
generate revenu es and raw material to trigger national economic develop.
ment (taking monetary-economi c performance as the mai n benchmark).
These concerns were summed up long ago byJack Westoby, forme r head of
the forestry department of the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO):
The growing inte rest in forestry projects had litt le to do with the idea thai
forestry and forest industries have a significant and many-sided corunbuuon to
make to overall economic and social development.. . . Of the new revenues
generated, woefully little has been ploughed back into forestry, and the much
more import ant role which forestry could play in supporting agriculture and
raising rural welfare has been either badly neglected or completely ignored.
(Westoby 1989)
Westoby spoke these words nearly 20 years ago during the Eighth Forestry
Congress. Had he prepared his speech today, he might have droppe d the
distinction he made then between developing and industrialised countries,
since in most respects his speech applies equally well to the state of affairs
in many Northe rn count ries.
Forests are under-appreciated , both for their immeasurable social and
envi ronmental services to society and for their int rinsic value. Case studies
from North and South demonstrate how governments legitimise cen­
tralised large-scale forest management and int ensive commercial exploita­
tion, citing the need to protect jobs and revenu es in the forest industrY­
Various case stu dies emphasise , on the contrary, that millions of people lose
their jobs or sources of livelihood when access to forest sources is denied to
them or as a result of ongoing mechanisation and the depl etion of forest
resources. Between 1990 and 1992, for example, Canada's forest industry
eliminated 62,600 jobs, shedd ing some 28 per cent of the direct workforce
(Carrere and Lohmann 1996). Notab ly in count ries like Malaysia,
Canada and the Uni ted States, a convenient way of drawing the publicS
atten tion away from these facts, and of redirecti ng its concerns and anger,
..&.
Tude'
.
nent

nt-cmational
Hversity) as
u r
ts
m lC liberali sation
.. ...reat present need for national a nd int ernational regulati on of invest­
by transnational companies IS made more glanng by international
ments evolved over the last decade which are designed to facilitate
_ most manifestly represent ed by the emergence of the World
rganisation and the recent negotiati on of a new Multilateral
on Investment (MAl). These agreeme nts, which have been
ted most ardentl y by OECD countries, curtail the freedom of nation­
ro regulat e foreign investment and corporate conduct and to prot ect
social, cultural and envi ronmental inte rests. For example, if the
t draft of the MAl is approved, it is likely to overrule nat ional as well
envi. ronmental legislation (such as the Conve ntion on
well as the much weaker agreements whi ch deal with
oman rights, minorities and indi genous peoples (such as the Int ernational
Organi sation's Conventi on No. 169 and the draft Universal
duration on the Right s of Indi genous Peoples). The MAl will pr event
nal governments imposing specific socio-environmental conditions on
ign investors. National government s are also restrained from reserving
st land or other national resources for local economic use, since foreign
mpanies are given equal rights to bid for concessions. Whilst sustainable
management demand s long-term planning, the MAl forces govern ­
to accept the immedi ate and unhindered wi thd rawal of foreign
unents and profits. Transnational companies can sue nati onal govern­
ors and demand compensati on for any reduction in value of their invest ­
as a result of social or environment al restri ctions imposed by the
untrys govern ment . As a publi cation by Friends of the Earth-US
'The MAl will throw up barri ers to the types of policies need ed to
deforestati on' (FOE-US 1997).

master plans
.v);ploitation or destru ction of forest is enhance d in countries, notably
South anel in Cent ral and Eastern Europe , which have to deal wi th
reign debts, economic depr ession or a process of economic transi­
government s negotiat e with multilateral financial and trade
llt'lons avenu es to ope n up and adjust their economies. This process
i rectly on domestic land and forest policies. Many government s are
d to 'rationalise' the forestry sector. AsJack Westoby has emphasised,
ver, such advice generally serves foreign industry and trade int erests
than the health of forests and local or national economies.
P ROL O GU E 11
plantation programmes are probabl y the most popular and best­
JAI environmental solutions, sin ce, it is claimed , they 'coun ter the
effect either by serving as carbon sink s, or by alleviating
n native forests, helping to preserve them as carbon depots' (Shell
and World Wildlife Fund 1996: 10). Although this claim has
mnce, 'it has enough sup erficial plausibility to distract uninformed
Tom the more interesting top ic of how to find alternatives to a
hose logic dictates a never-ending spiral in which ever-greater
Issions necessitate an ever more desperate search for carbon sinks '
rd Lohmann 1996: 10). As some of the case studies emphasise,
, instead of relieving pr essure on existing natural forest , add
Iy to deforestation since much forest is cleared to make space for
ral tree plantations (such as teak , gmelina, eucalyptus and
rld-wide, logging and plantation development go hand in
lOgging of natu ral forest often provides the necessary funding for
menr of industrial tree plantations. The plantation ind ustry
esto-, also fail to disclose that tree planta tions offer only a
he carbon sequestration potential of natural forests. Moreover,
us case studies describe how the centralisation of forest manage­
,ilIIlfl1t wt altt ned - or even abolished - local management in stituti ons . This
l tangible where land tenure is concerned. 'Tenur e system s are
nd specify un der what circumstances and to what extent certain
.._ are available to individuals and communities to inhabit , to harvest ,
.til, to hunt and gather on, etc.', writes Lynch . Most case studies report ,
that governments deny the recognition of community-based right s
Whereas in some cases the government grant s certain tenurial
'they are vulnerable to arbitrary cancellati on' (Lynch, 1997 : 26) and
.'S1lCb dIscourage local people from investing in careful, long-term use
r.mgement .
a context of conflict , the case studies confirm that security of
Itma .,Pghts and user rights is the basis of forest preservation and the well­
local forest-dependent people - especially so under condi tions of
pressure. This requires awareness of their legal rights in local com­
in order to defend themselves in the contex t of national and
also international law. Better understanding of legal rights and
lso offers increased oppo rtunities for inte racting with policy
r example with regard to forest and land-use planning. NGOs,
med lawyers and professional consultants often provide crucial sup­
ridge the gap between local aspirations and the formal language
vern ments.
10 FOR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE

The international financing agencies knew what foreign investors wanted, and
the multilateral and bilateral agencies fell in line. They helped the under.
developed countries to bear the expense and drudgery of resource data col.
lection, the reby relieving potential investo rs of these tasks and charges Because
nearly all the forest and forest ry indus try development which has taken place in
the und erdeveloped world in the last decades has been externally oriented
aiming at satisfying the rocketing demands of the rich, ind ustrialised nations'
the basic forest product s needs ofthe peoples of the und erdeveloped world
further from being satisfied than ever. (Westoby 1989 )
In the face of problems of forest loss and other environmental threats.
the preferred response of man y head s of industry, government agencies and
multilater al inst ituti on s lies in increasingly global forms of management
(see also Goldm an 1998). As Hildyard et al. not e, 'if one accepts current
patterns of econo mic developm ent and the instituti ons and premi ses on
which they rely, the logic of "global environment al management" is
impeccable' (Hildyard et al. 1997 : 5). Sustaining this process through
damage control requires an equ ivalen t level of top -down surveillance and
intervention . The physical environment becomes a terrain to be reordered
zoned , parcelled up , while people are removed or cajoled into 'collabora­
tion ' according to some preconceived master plan (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5)
Through channels of aid and trade, funds are made available under the
banners of development and environmental restorati on (C0
2
sequestration,
for example). Yet such programmes often affect forests and forest­
dependent peopl e adversely. As a number of case studies illustrate, often
such fund s are used to invade the countryside with infrastructural works
industrial zones or monocultural plantations.
Legal biases againstf orest-dependent and local people
The case studie s emphasise that nation al laws deny millions of people access
to natural resources, while most of the land is claimed by the state or
engrossed by a small political and economic elite. As human and environ'
mental rights lawyer Owen Lynch writes: 'National laws concerning the
and management of forest resources in at least six Asian countries (Indonesia,
Thailand, the Philippines, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka), for example, hal'"
actually becom e more hostile toward local people and communities than w
the case during the colonial era' (Lynch 1997: 22 ). National laws and the 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al'
they are implemented often remain an obstacle to sustainable forest manag
men t. In many instances they reflect a lack of civil freedom to express dissenl­
ing opinions and the states repression of other essenti al human rights. L}l1
Ch
shares a conclu sion reached by the case studies , namely that 'communitld
based forest management systems and user rights derive their legitimacyan
strength from the community in which they operate , rather than from th
nation-state in which they are located ' (Lynch 1997: 24).
"
II ,
I
I
II
. 1'
II II
PROL OG UE 13 12 FORESTS FOR TH E FUT URE
I'
since these plantations are grown in short rotation cycles - and the WOod
mutu
-

.
le maps and
,tic debate.
more

a
peoples
ientists and the medi a. The case studies brin g out four
processed in short-lived products such as paper - they perform this n for viewing the int erface between fore.sts and agriculture.
onl y temporarily
,uthorised conversion of forest land to agncultural use Indeed
Carr ere and Lohmann give a clear definition of what a commercial pl msibility for much deforestation, as the case study from the
ration is and what it is not:
Republic of Congo illustrates. Case studies from, for example,
nd India remin d us of the role of politicians who endeavour to
Plant ations, like forests , are full of trees. But the two are usually radica
!ectorate by endorsing the encroachment on public forest land ,
different. Aforest is a complex, self-generat ing system, encompassing soil, wat
micro-climat e, energy, and a wide variety of plants and animals in
ind the adage that 'trees don't vote for you' (Wolvekamp 1989).
relation. A commercial plant ation , on-the other hand, is a cultivated area wh, u dies question, however, the common practice of blaming local
species and struc ture have been simplifi ed dramatically to produce only a [, IS. people and peasants in order to veil forest destructi on due to
goods, whe ther lumber, fuel, resin, oil or frui t. A planta tion's trees, unlike th( -sanctioned logging and cash crop plantations. As Jeffrey Sayer
of a forest , tend to be of a small range of species and ages, and require imensi
_ffld al government-registered programmes of forest conver­
and continuing human intervention. (Carrere and Lohmann 1997: 3)
ant agriculture and large-scale commercial cash crop plantations
ter cause of deforest ati on (Sayer 199 7). Hence there is a need
Carrere and Lohmann cont rast such industrial plant ations with 'attempts I
data on actual land use and planning to bett er
plant trees in ways responsive to a wide variety of interlocked 10<
concerns . In some agroforestry systems ,JJ for examp le, a diversity of tre
and more fertile land is claimed for growing export
are chosen and plant ed to provide protection, shade and food for livestoc
ral population is pushed to marginal lands and forced to clear
fruit and wood for humans, and prot ection, nutrients and water for crop
ng forest cover in order to eke out a living. Thi s is a strong
thu s helping to keep production diverse and in harmony with local land.
favour of better land distribution and land-use planning: 'eco­
scapes and needs' (Carrere and Lohmann , 1997: 10).
on forest land would be better relieved by reclaiming "high
The case studies explicitly confirm that major causes of forest desirue
for peasant agriculture' (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5).
non are intersectoral in nature. Some case studies refer to the conversion
the case study from Bastar vividly illustrates, the great con­
forest to other non-forest uses - for example, monocultural cash crop plan
WIding terms like 'shifting culti vation' and 'forest' is the cause
rations such as citrus fruit and oil palm 12 - and they record the displao
unsophisticated assessments of the effects of shifting cultiva­
ment of occupants of forest, farmland and communal grazing land as a co
rnments and influential int ernational organisations' (Sunderlin
sequence . Nevertheless, governments and institut ions like the World Ba
i1\iam Sunderlin notes that 'A major positive development in
and the International Monet ary Fund (lMF) cont inue to promote lafgi
bate on the role of shifting cultivati on has been that influenti al
scale cash crop pl ant ations, such as oil palm, as foreign exchange eame
the forest situa tion are no longer willing to accept at face value
This is probably best illustrated by the IMF's recent stru ctural adjusime
t shifting cult ivation is uniiorml v bad for forest conservation
package for Indonesia. Notwithstanding the fact that the development
nent' (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) . is, for example, growing
oil palm plant ations is the Single largest cause of forest fires in Indones
f the need to distinguish, roughly, bet ween 'shifting cultiva­
and despit e increasing public concern about the scale of this social a
I pioneer' fanning systems .J ] Those who argue that shifting
envi ronmental tragedy, the IMF explicitly pushes for the expansion of t
threat to forests are actually referring to forest-pioneer
oil palm sector in thi s country. Since the announ cement of Indones
i
hon -fallow shi fting cultivation (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) .
agreement with the IMF in January 1998, it is reported that plantati
the case studies from Cameroon and Bastar demonstr ate that
companies have continued to move int o and seize the forested territories
t ry science separated forest management strictly from agricul­
indigenous peopl es and started clearfelling and burning.
issed almost exclusively on production of uniform quant ities
f timber' (Carrere and Lohmann 1997: 10), while 'conven ­
The interface with agriculture
is firmly based on legal noti ons which diverge strongly
When it comes to expl aining the occurrence of high rates of defores
tati
own frame of thinking' (Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oj i
in the tropics, landl ess farmers and traditional shifting cultivators are oft
meroon's forestry law illustrates this point well, defining a
scapegoated by governments , by represent atives of the logging indus
t
land covered by vegetation with a predominance of trees,
IIII!II
14 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
shrubs and other species capa ble of providing produ cts other than agIicu
tur al produ cts' (Forestry, Wildlife and Fisheries Regulations, Law No. 94/0
of20 January 1994, in Brocklesby and Ambrose -Oj i 1997: 17). Thisdefi
tion has its roots in a policy dichotomy, found throughout the Warl,
between agriculture and forest. 'Whilst this (defi nition) may sUPpOTt fa
plant ations and product ion forests, it ignores the farm/ forest interfa
(Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oji 1997: IS). This means that in Cameroon
111 1
in so many other count ries, ' legally agreed management plans (which Ic
the basis upon which a community can establish a community foreSl
cannot by law includ e regulations governing shifting agriculture plots a
fallow use, since these practices are not recognised' (Brocklesby a
Ambrose -Oji 1997: IS). The case studies offer concrete examples of viab
symbiosis between agricul tu re and forest conservation throu gh
management of non-timber forest products." agro-forestry systems such
Analog Forest ry,' >and other approaches.
Transport
The promotion of domestic and cross-border traffic, which is part an
parcel of the dri ve towards regional economic int egrat ion - the Europea
Union, for example, or the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFt
- is another major cause of forest destruction . Transnational corporati
lobby groups the world over are successful in persuading governments a
multilateral agencies to spend huge amounts of taxpayers' money on inf
struct ural projects - as when the Euro pean Round Table of lndustriah
prevailed on the European Commission to ado pt its proposals for t
Trans- Euro pean Network, the largest transport infrastruc ture plan I
history. The Commission present ed its plan for the development in Easte
Europe of some 3S,000 kilometres of new motorways, high speed railwa
new harbours and airports: 90 per cent of a total cost of US$ I 00 billion
to be paid by the Eastern European count ries themselves (De Volksll rant,
June 1995; see also Corporate Europe Observatory 1997). A potent
disas ter in the making is the Chad-Cameroon Petroleum Development a
Pipeline project , primarily sponsored by an oil conso rtium consisting
Exxon, Shell and Elf Aquitane. The project pl ans to develop three oil fie]
in sout hern Chad using an export system including a I ,OSO-kilo
me
pipeline, most of which passes through Cameroo n, and an off-sho
loadin g facility for crude oil on Cameroon's densely forested southe
coast. The World Bank is considering loans to the govern ments of Ch
and Cameroon to help finance their respective portions of equity (amo
unll
to about 15 per cent ) in two pipeline companies in which the
share (SOper cent or more) will be owned by the oil consortium.
growi ng concern that the' projec t will lead to escalating civil \riolen
notably in southern Chad , and bring social and enviro nme ntal dest
tUCll
PROLO GUE 15
III spills, for exampl e - to the peopl e living downstream in Chad
y communi ties near Kribi on Cameroon's south coast. Other
re the Trans-Amazoni an highway - built to give Asian markets,
'1y. access to the Amazons timber and minerals - and the Hidrovia
lisation project of the Mercosur count ries, which will dry out
anal (earth's largest wetland, containing its highest diversity of
. These and other new transport ati on routes will ope n up some
lds last frontier forest areas to logging, cattle-ranching, mining,
nd poaching - and will expose local populations to the inevitable
these incursi ons and to increased pollut ion (Goldsmith 1997).
opposition
udies also show that the state-sanctioned, 'legal' usurpation of
ources to the detriment of forest-dependent rur al people often
,nterrupted because many local commu nities do not fully under­
pttl.I:Ull:ir legal rights and op tions 1997) Moreover, many local
wishing to vor ce their Interests or seek legal redress face
,.:p." ..metical and cultural obstacles - logistic, financial, techni cal, lin­
J: - when approa ching decision makers or the j udiciary in the national
.; 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O'IIncial capitals.
i .
'·this respect, the case studies also poi nt to the ambi valence of govern ­
industry and international developm ent agenci es towards local
d their organisati ons. On one hand, these institutions tend to
ny the important skills, knowledge and vision of local people
upporters . On the other hand, often local people and NGOs are
to ' participate' in order to lend legitimacy to the process of
M. a project - a hydroelectri c dam, a social forest ry projec t or a
. As the case studies illustrate, genuine public participation has
.1 the result of local mobilisati on against an unwant ed develop­
ty. It often goes unnoticed , however, that local communi ties and
NGOs, from both South and North," have mounted their
:1.011 in the face of violence, land deprivation and recurrent intimida­
11997).
the period covered by the case studies, no fewer than seven
:ng organisations faced severe hardship du e to civil war, crimi nal
!eI!.al battles and conflicts with government authorit ies. Five staff
re killed, property was dest royed and peopl e were arrested.
tons and Recommendations
tes andchallenges
L the POlitical and economic root causes of deforestation , there is
wonder whether ther e is scope to dir ect society, and in particular
16 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
the powers that be, in a more sustainable direction . But a choice for apatn
or cyni cism would mean abandoning those who work at the ' front line' al
att empt to change things for the bett er. The case studies reveal heartenin
responses by local peopl es to problems encounte red. Often their vigilan
has been rewarded by new chances for forest conservation and local beneh
from forest management .
The failure of most govern ment s to recognise the role of local fa
management has not necessarily terminated local management of and tern,
over forest resources. As Owe n lynch observes , ' Despite expansive clai
of ownership, many national governme nts exercise relatively little cant
over large areas of forest .. . [since] few governments have the staff neede
and the commitment , to survey, patrol and effectively manage vast are
classified as state-owned' (l ynch 199 7: 24). Under such circumstan
many government s merely tolerate the presence of local peoples in tl
forest , while the ir systems of natural resource management are oft
branded backwa rd and unsustainable, or as encroachme nt .
More positively, the case studies also refer to a growing range of initi
tives and opportunities to foster collaboration between local people, sta
autho rities and other parties in support of local , sus tainable forest managi
ment. local forest -dependent communities and their supporters face a du
challenge: first, they must counte r external forces which threaten lac
access to forest; second , the y must prove that their local system of fore
management is pot entially viable.
We have listed some general lessons and suggestions for political a
pr actical action that emerge from the empirical findings of the ca
studies. Inevit abl y, measures are required in different fields - includingt
economy, the envi ronment, cultu re, governance and law - and at varia
levels.
The role oj research
local forest management practices often remain invisible, only coming
light when there is a clash of int erests within or between local communll
and the ou tside world. Most case studies narr ate what can be summati
as local attempts to manage a 'na tur al resource conflict situation' (Dan
and Walker 1997). The stu dies describe strategies and expe riences of I .
people and their allies in attempting to change political condi tions. open
space for local forest management and imp roving their position on
ground. The participating organisations used the case stud ies compiled
thi s volume as tools for developing sel f-assess ment, policy dialogue :'
concrete management. Action research, undert aken by local people or
partnership with them, is essent ial in breaki ng the cycle of isolation
anonymit y."
resea rch, notably envi ronmental analysis and information
PROLOGUE 17
msable for land-use planning and formulation. Toensure
olicies take into account the aspirations and needs of people
. ch areas, much more insight int o local forest use and manage­
ul red. Research can be instrument al in gaining recognition for
c and perceptions of local peopl e, in disclosing conflicts of
n negotiating solutions. In doing so, it may help prepare
und where local people and outsiders - such as forest
rsonnel or conservati oni sts - can meet , negotiate and even

ring the complex linkage between forest and agriculture in the
nportant that futur e research offers more insight int o the con­
sed on smallholder farmers by other competing land uses
r mining, for example) and market distort ions, such as the
f foodgrains in Southern count ries by the European Union, as
des to mo re symbiotic relationships between local farming
:1 the forest environment . Another research challenge is the
n and development of traditional shifting cultivation, thus
o playa posit ive role in forest conservation. Priority attent ion
to be given to alternative farm systems and to non-farming
bsistence and income that can alleviate pressur e from pioneer
n forests (Sund erlin 1997).
arcn should be undertaken by local people themselves or in
with them. There is still a vast storehouse of local-indigenous,
d culture and experience whi ch needs to be doc umente d sys­
ly. This will create wider appreciation of the value of forests to
tles, in particular to men , women and children at the hous ehold
will generate greater recogniti on of the potenti al constraints and
local forest management systems .
l¢gal biases
focal land rights and user right s is the basis of forest preserva­
well-being of forest -dependent people. It calls both for the
rCustomary land titles and for greater collaboration between
;fJ t'S and local people , wh o should be ent rus ted with the manage­
:blk (forest) lands on condition of sustainable use. At the same
need to be made to achieve genuine land reform,
[IVe to the politicall y more convenient practice of handing out
land for agricultural purposes. Reform at both national and
J levels is required to address the legal bias against forest pro­
the CUstoms and rights of local peopl e. legislators and legal
should assume responsibtlny for establishing a traditi on of
.environmental law, through training and the adj ustment of
11law M
. oreover, NGOs, lawyers and legal experts have a
18 FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE
responsibility to popularise nati onal and int ernational law, important to
with which citizens can keep their govern ments accountable and achi
recognition and prot ection of their human right s and of em'ironmen
values. It is essential that more attent ion and support should be given
initiatives which explore and propagate existing legal 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isions
community for est ry and the recognition and restor ati on of ancestral terrir
rial rights. Government s are urged to endorse ILO Convent ion No. 1691'
recognition of the rights of indi genous peopl es. However, we should n
look onl y to legislatures, courts and other governmental institutions
introduce such legal reform. On the contrary, as Owe n Lynch cond uct,
'We are all law makers, and it behoves us to work together to develop bel
legal strategies and tools ...' (Lynch 1997: 28).
The case studies make a strong plea that politi cians and civil servan
notably those from OECD count ries, should start realising the ad\,c
social , ecol ogical and economic implications of ongoing privausanon a
monopolisation of food and medicinal raw materials, and that laws sho
be passed which put a halt to the 'selling OUl' of biodiversity and indi
nous local knowledge." It is recommended that governments declare hi
diversity to be part of the public domain in each country in order to st
further pri vatisation .
EnhanCing self-organisation
The case studies show that effort s to protect or repair the interests of I
peopl e and their forest environment have invariabl y started with a g
investment of time and commitment to foster uni ty and a comm
dir ection wit hin the community. Actions to prevent outsiders from
ploiting local forest wealth, for example, have start ed with efforts
strengthen the local social fabri c and legal position . Systems of dectsi
making, local know ledge, the improvement of local management practie
and enhanced bargaining power are vital pans of successful local rcspo
to external pr essures.
The current economic crisis in Indonesia shows that millions of n
people , no longer abl e to obtain their basic needs from the market, cann
fall back up on tradi tional subsistence practices because much of the nan
environment has been destroyed by govern ment -sponso red timber esl
at
oil palm plant ati ons and forest fires. To avoid such risks, gO\·er
nme
should seek to ensure that the power and means to achieve eco
nl
'
survival and development are located as close to the people as pOSSI
Great er economic self-su ffi ciency and self-determi nation should
supported, without the assumption that local communities can supply
their needs (Daly and Cobb 1989). As Hildyard et al. conclude , 'only W
all those that have to live with a decisi on have a voice in making I
· ' Iw l
decision can the checks and balances on power that are so cntlca
PROLOGUE 19
I ommons be ensured' (Hildyard et al. 1997). Governments
mise that most forests on whi ch communities rely - in the
'I .. in the Nort h - must be considered as commons. Hence,
, II:> h b f
donor agencies and NGOs need to support t e uilding 0
ble institutions that consolidate or restore the authority of
rnes.
ing of their land" and resource use helps local communities
r land from out side incursions and thereby lessens demo­
i res on fragile ecosystems' (Lynch, 1997: 15). It thu s consti­
merit within the process of self-organisat ion and articulation
smmcmnes come together to map their lands and discuss
lopment, local people can acquire a broader perspective of
pressures in the region , and a sense of how these will affect
ften essential to include representatives of neighb ouring
_ and , if opportune, other forest users - in their discussi ons,
id, or mit igate, conflicts of interest. Moreover, the whole
ess and its legal underpinnings may encour age collaboration
I communities and conservation authorities or other man age­
lions (Lynch 1997). It is recommended that NGOs, donors,
nd scientists support the process of mapping by local com­
a tool for information sharing, negoti ation and land-use
l .u
self-organisation further, policy ma kers and forest authori­
upport full recognition of local use and management of non ­
t products (NTFPs). These products are of significant
tn rural areas , especially among disadvanta ged groups such as
poor who have access to few resources. Furthermore, NTFPs
irect and potentiall y positive connection between forest con ­
d forest use. If farming communities living on the fringes of the
rive value from the sustainable exploitation of NTFPs, this
n incentive to protect the forest (de Beer and MacDermott
ps most significantly, NTFPs can help create or restore a posi­
between agriculture and forest conservation." Donors,
,cncies, NGOs and scientists must assist the management of
.al people through legal provisions and support for local
lng. More part icular assistance is required in the following
ng legal obstacles which hinder local peopl e who seek to
and benefi t from NTFPs '
I and institutional (in areas such as adminis­
nd marketing) ;
ble extraction of NTFPs from the wild and cultivation of
When appropriat e;
ii'
20 FO RESTS FO R THE FUTU RE
4 Strengthening the position of women, notably those who belon ,
marginal groups; g
5 Information sharing and capaci ty bu ilding through exchange
experiences among local communities."
Alliancesf or thef uture
Local forest-dependent communi ties and their support organisations oil
experience a vicious circle of isolation and the inaccessibility of Conta
information, financial means, recognition and political support . Unless
circle is broken, local forest management practices will not have an op
tunit y to prove their potenti al as a more sustainable alternative to domin
systems of forest exploitation. This is an area in which donors, NGOs, C
sultants and governments have most to offer in terms of redistribution
the regulation of access to nat ur al resources. They should aim at enhanc
possibilities for marginal groups to claim and protect their access to su
resources. This requires a new sensitivity to the needs and priorities
forest-dependent peopl e and their local resource management systems. 1
case studies offer convincing experiences of how such collaboration c
lead to an increased capacity to manage conflicts over forest. When
recogni tion of tenurial right s is essent ial, in itself it is not sufhcie
Governments and donors need to ens ure that the pr ovision of techni
assistance, along with credit and health programmes, responds to the ne
and perceptions of local commu nities. Notably in the interface betw
agriculture and forest , local peopl e, NGOs, scient ists, govern ments J
donors face the challenge of supporting approaches which balance
objectives of food security, econo mic welfare, self-determination and C(
servation. Faced with deteriorating envi ronment s and poverty, local pea
require an opportunity to develop internal coherence based on alternati
sources of income and livelihood if they are to prevent forest destrucuo
Those who wish to collaborate with local stakeholders should also
prepared to make a long-term commitment to building trust and part
ship. This plunges one into a reality which differs from the reality of th
offi cials, bankers and consultants who keep their distance from the fie!
yet it is often these more distant groups which make far-reaching decisi
about the future of forests and forest peop le, without witnessing the co
quences. Development agencies and other externa l agent s thus have
make clear choices when it comes to collaboration (Hildyard et al. 19
As Larry Lohmann argues, 'Blaming client governments or their de
meri ts when a project stifles part icipation of local people in forest
merit , for example, should have no place in agencies that are corn
rnllte
fostering genuine participation and local cont rol. It should be
responsibili ty of agency staff to evaluate in advance whether or n
partner government is likely to support local part icipation and not
m
PROLOGUE 21
if this evaluation is negative' (Lohmann 1993, in Hildyard
Donors , scientists and government s should link up with
5 and give primacy to the needs and poli tical demands of
nd oppressed groups . This may require them to take
tlt: tively disempower dominant groups - for example, by
nan rdorm and by enh ancing the position of women
1. 1997).
I mechanisms of flexibl e funding, especially small grant s
I to be developed in support of the work of local communi­
individuals in the field of forest preservation and manage­
mphasis shoul d be placed on makin g such fund s available for
be temperate and bor eal forest regions as well, thus including
ntries. Donors should give priority attenti on to strengthen­
n of politicall y marginalised grou ps. Bilateral donors and
nciers are urged to make community forestry and non ­
i of local peopl e conditional upon their funding, since thi s may
xternal fundin g adding to a downward spiral of povert y and
1degradati on. Moreover, NGOs and donors should make
cipation in programmes led by inte rna tional agencies, the
r or govern ment s
25
dependent upon the degree to which
mbod y a genuine commitment to structur al change and
lineal demands of marginal groups.
t causes of
ICS point out that any attempt at consolidating or restorin g
I': of forest management requires, in the first place, that under­
forest destruction should be addressed. These causes are to
Ide rather than inside the forest. The studies emphasise the
linkages: for example, the politics of energy, agriculture and
directly on forests and forest-dependent economies and
rticipating organisations from Costa Rica, the Philippi nes and
h in that IMF and World Bank structural adj ustments pro­
accelerated forest destruction in their respective count ries.
don of poverty and further environment al destruction
t-of all, that societies in the West and in emerging economies
bandon increasingly unsustainable levels of consumption and
'here is the challenge to design and adopt socially and eco­
avenues towards need s satisfaction and fulfilment. The
lion, it appears, is that forests, and natu re in general, are a
of the economy, instead of vice versa. The case studies
rests and the Survival of forest -depend ent peop le are sacri­
WIsh to call a ' free rider economy'. There is, in the words of
n, The problem ... that when wealth is defined in purely
22 FORE ST S FOR THE FUTURE
economid quanti tative terms, most social labour, ecological processes
cultural world VIews become devalued ... [and] remain outside an econ 0
calculus . That is, without the unpaid labour from the commons
household and the community, and with out tapping ecological
there could not be any surplus-value production for capitalist indus
(Goldman, 1998:16) .
Therefore, governments, donors and int ernational economic institutl
I
(the IMF, the European Union and the OECD, for example) need to pre
an answer to the fact that the current wave of un checked economic Ii
isation is rapidly undermining the ecologi cal and cultur al basis oflivelihi
I
of milli ons of vuln erable groups and of the economy in general. This
first of all, for fiscal reforms, adapted trade agreements and formal in
ment policies and regulations. politi cians, scientists, citizen groups
';;11
civil servants, from both North and South, are encouraged to collabora
I
demanding a public debat e on the proposed Multilateral Agreeme
I
Investm ent and related negotiations.
The primary goal of forest management and reforestation progra
should be to enable forests to perform their many vital ecological func
and to benefit people who depend on forest s as a source of income an
their shelter, food, firewood, fodder, medi cine and other basic needs
calls, for example, for governments and donors to choose enhanced na
regeneration of secondary forest and agro-forestry systems as 0
pr eferr ed to monocultural industrial plant ations . Likewise, greater pI
should be given to maint aining the carb on store in existing natural and
growth forests, a course of action which in the end is of greater social:
ecological benefit to society than the introduction of plantations.
The case studies confirm that comme rcialisation of forest re
should only be pursued if, and to the extent that , this does not comp
the well-being of people and ecosystem int egrity (Colfer et al. 1995).
should assist local-indigenous communities, NGOs and governments
odit
South with technical and financial support to prevent the comm
and expropriation of biodiversity and traditi onal knowledge.
Commercial enterprises (mining an