iDJLirs OF BOisriDj^a-B.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

FRIDAY JONES.
BEING A BRIEF NARRATIVE OF HIS

Trials and Tribulations

IN SLAVERY.

WASHINGTON.
1883.

D. C:

COMMERCIAL PUB.

CO.

Days of Bondage.

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in

2012 with funding from
Hill

University of North Carolina at Chapel

http://archive.org/details/daysofbondageautOOunse

Days of Bondage.
Autobiography of

Friday Jones.
Being a Brief Narrative of His
Trials

and Tribulations
In Slavery.

With an Introduction by

WILLIAM

L.

ANDREWS

Greenville,
J.Y.

North Carolina

Joyner Library

East Carolina University

1999

Facsimile Edition
Original in the
J.Y.

North CaroHna Collection
Joyner Library

East Carolina University

Copyright

©

1999 by J.Y. Joyner Library

East Carolina University

Edited by

Maurice C. York
Published by
J.Y.

Joyner Library

East Carolina University
Greenville,

North Carolina 27858

with funds pro vided by

The North Carolina Humanities Council

EAST
CAROLINA
UNIVERSITY

Printed in the United States of America

on

acid-free paper

Contents
Foreword
Friday Jones:
Illustrations
vii

A

Biographical Sketch

ix
xiii

The

Spirit

of Friday Jones
/

xvii
1

Days of Bondage

Life of Friday Jones

Foreword
In 1997, during a preservation microfilming project spearheaded

by Mrs. Elizabeth H. Smith, head of J.Y. Joyner Library's Preservation

and Conservation Department, the
realized that
its

library's

North Carolina Collection

very rare and virtually
library

copy of Days ofBondage: Autobiography ofFriday Jones is unknown. It is the only copy cataloged online by a
in standard bibliographies. in

and does not appear

Because

this slave

narrative adds to our

knowledge of slavery

North Carolina and of Wake

County's history, the library began plans to publicize the pamphlet and to

make

it

more widely

accessible.

With

the encouragement of Dr. Carroll
Services, staff members chose to

H. Varner, director of Academic Library

make

this reprint available at the
Spirit:

time of a symposium, "Triumph of the

Human

Friday Jones and His North Carolina Slave Narrative,"

held October 15-16, 1999, on the campus of East Carolina University.

This reprint
Jones's

is

not intended
as a

as a

thoroughly annotated edition of Friday

work or

study of slavery in North Carolina during the antebelit

lum

period.

Instead,

represents an effort to bring Friday Jones

and

his

narrative to the attention of scholars, local historians, or others

who might

explore in

more depth

the

life

and times of this remarkable man.
grateful to Dr.

Nevertheless, this publication represents a great deal of research

and thoughtful

assistance.

Joyner Library

is

Timothy

J.

Runyan, director of East Carolina University's Program
dent to explore the

in

Maritime

History and Nautical Archaeology, for making available a graduate stulife

of Friday Jones. Ms. Kimberly Eslinger, a master's

candidate in this program, spent

much

of the

fall

of 1998 and the spring

of 1999 immersed in newspapers, records, and printed documents. She

uncovered
exhibition

much

important information for
in the

this

publication and for an

mounted

North Carolina Collection.

Mr. George

Stevenson, private manuscripts archivist at the North Carolina State
Archives, provided invaluable help in finding and interpreting important

documents held by

that repository.

He

also

made

suggestions that im-

proved the biographical sketch contained herein. The library appreciates
the research assistance of

Mrs. Janie Morris,
historian;

Duke

University; Mrs.
Kittinger, co-

Elizabeth Reid Murray,

Wake County

Ms. Irene

Wake County Cemetery Survey; Mr. Stephen North Carolina State Archives; Mr. Ed Wyatt, a lifelong
ordinator of the
Raleigh;

Massengill,
resident of

and

staff

members of Raleigh's

First Baptist

Church.

Vlll

Special thanks go to Dr.

David C. Dennard, Department of
John H. Haley, Department of
at

History, East Carolina University; Dr. History, University of
L.

North Carolina

Wilmington; and Dr. William
Jones symDr.

Andrews, E. Maynard Adams Professor of English, University of North
at

Carolina

Chapel

Hill, for their participation in the Friday

posium and
Jones's story.

for their

important contributions to

this publication.

Andrews's introduction provides valuable context for understanding

The symposium and

this publication

would not have been
is

possible

without generous financial support. Joyner Library

grateful to the

North

Carolina Humanities Council, a state-based program of the National

Endowment
ing,

for the

Humanities, for

its

encouragement and grant fund-

and

to Dr.

and Mrs. Charles Moore of Greenville, North Carolina.
Maurice C. York
North Carolina Librarian
J. Y.

Joyner Library

-

Friday Jones:

A Biographical
By

Sketch

Maurice C. York and Kimberly Eslinger

Friday Jones began his

life as

a slave

on the Wake County farm of
in 1810, the

Alsey High, located approximately fifteen miles north of Raleigh, near
the

Neuse River and Richlands Creek. He was born
'

son of

Cherry and Barney. As
a

Friday apparently had

little

contact with his parents.

youth, he was hired out to a neighbor.

When

Friday was around age

ten, his father to

died and his mother was traded for a tract of land and sent

Alabama, leaving behind Friday and three younger children.
Alsey High's death in 1822 resulted in the
first

of a

series

of transi-

tions in the

ownership of Friday.

In

1

823 Amelia Martin High inherited

Friday and two other slaves, Clary and Logan, from her father. placed Friday's value
at

The

estate

$275.^
in 1825.'*

Amelia High married Colonel Tignal
Jones assumed the responsibilirv' ol
out.
as

Jones of

Wake Cotmty
it

managing Friday and of hiring him
Indeed,

appears that on numerous occasions Friday's owners,

was customary with many slave owners throughout eastern North
Carolina, chose to hire
themselves.
In

him out annually

rather than to utilize his labor

some

cases,

Friday appears to have used his powers of

persuasion to convince the master of his choice to hire him.

Of particular

note

is

the

young

slave's

work on

the State Capitol in Raleigh.

nal Capitol

burned

in 1831; construction

began on

a

The originew stone edifice in

1833, using granite from a state-owned quarry located east of Raleigh.

Beginning about

1

834, Tignal Jones hired out Friday to work for the state
Friday continued to work on the Capitol
as a as

as a laborer in this quarry.

laborer at least until 1837.

Construction records document
in
1

his

name

Friday High in

1

834 and, beginning
the Raleigh
1840.''

835,

as

Friday Jones.

He

labored

for fifty to sixty cents a day.^
also to

According

to Jones's narrative, he

was hired
built be-

work on

and Gaston Railroad, which was
in

tween 1836 and

Moreover,

1853 Friday was

living in

Lumberton,

the county seat of

Robeson County. His
that he

references to a distillery
to

and

to

working

"in the

woods" suggest

was hired out

work

in

one of

the county's turpentine distilleries.

On

another occasion, a
slaves to

man named
in the

Sandy High hired him and sent him with other
mines of the Piedmont.
there for a very short period.''

work

gold

However, Friday did no work and remained

Friday's recalcitrance caused Tignal Jones to

whip him

at least

once
ac-

and

likely led his

master to

sell

him. Jesse Penny of
In January, 1842,

Wake County

quired Friday prior to 1842.

Penny sold Friday

to

Benjamin Rogers of Wake County
to

for $682.50.^ Rogers initially refused

pay the

full

amount because he
place.

believed that

Penny had whipped the
after the transac-

slave severely "for

former offences and Bad Character"

tion
in

had taken

Moreover, Rogers discovered that Friday was blind
all

one

eye, despite

having been warranted by Penny to be "free of
for the full

Incumbrances Whatever." Penny sued Rogers
sale

amount of the

and eventually won the
Rogers

case.'^

may have purchased Friday because he already owned Milley,
1

with

whom,

in

834, Friday "went together, like a goose and gander

— no
later

wedding," against the wishes of Tignal Jones. Friday and Milley eventually

had eleven children, including Mary, Cherry, and Kary. Rogers

sold Friday's wife

and some of

his children.

According to

his narrative,

however, Friday managed to keep his wife and some of his children together in Raleigh from 1854 until the end of the Civil War, probably by
finding sympathetic individuals
stole his oldest

who would

hire

them.
trader,

He

states that

he

daughter from her owner, a slave

and hid her

in his

rented stable in

downtown
in

Raleigh until April, 1865,

when

the troops of
city.'°

Union General William Tecumseh Sherman took
Benjamin Rogers died
estate until the

control of the

1861.

Friday probably belonged to Rogers's

end of the war."

Following the Civil War, Jones established himself as an important
figure in Raleigh's African

American community.

He worked

as a

watchman

at the State

Capitol from 1868 until 1871 and performed other

tasks there. '•^

A

devout Christian

who had been

baptized in 1855, two

years after attending a religious revival in
as a trustee

Robeson County, Jones served
between
built

of the First Colored Baptist Church. This congregation
1

acquired a

lot in

867 on the west
streets.

side of North Salisbury Street,

North and Johnson
a

Prior to

December, 1870, the members

frame church

there.

The

congregation consisted of former
late in

members of
a piece

Raleigh's First Baptist

Church. Jones purchased

1870

of

property on the north side of the

new

structure

a transaction that

.

XI

underscored
their

his

commitment

to the church.

He and

his family

made
both

home

there."
affairs, as

Jones played an active role in local politics and civic
a Republican

and

a

Democrat.

He

served as chairman of the committee
1,

of arrangements for a celebration on January
versary of the Emancipation Proclamation.

1872, of the ninth anni-

In 1873, he publicly

cam-

paigned against a black candidate for clerk of the Superior Court of Wake

County because he thought

his election

would damage

race relations.

When

he went to Washington, D.C., in the early 1880s "with a view to

getting the position of janitor of the

government building"
to

in Raleigh,

Congressman William Ruffm Cox introduced Jones

members of

the

House of Representatives.'"*
Jones lived in the nation's capital about three years, then returned
to Raleigh.

While

living in

Washington, Jones managed

to publish

Days
of

ofBondage, even though he could not read or write.
apoplexy on August 10, 1887, and was buried

He died

in Raleigh

in Raleigh's

Mt. Hope

Cemetery. In an unusual gesture of respect, the News and Observer noted
the death of this well-known citizen of Raleigh.'^

'

Friday Jones, Dayi ofBondage: Autobiography ofFriday Jones, Being a BriefNarrative of His Trials

and

Tribulations

;n5;ijj'fr)'

(Washington, D.C.: Commercial Pub. Co., 1883),

1

(hereafter cited as Jones, D<iyio/^fionfli?^f);

Weynette

Parks

Haun, comp.. Wake County, North Carolina Land Entries, /77iS-/<S'^6^(Durham, N.C.: Weynette Parks Haun,

1980), 96.
'
-'

Jones, Days of Bondage,

1

Will of Alsey High,

May

20, 1822, Vol. 18, p.

254 (microfilm). Wake County Record of

Wills, Inventories,

Settlement of Estates, State Archives, Division of Archives and Histor)', Raleigh (hereatter, this repository will be
cited as State Archives); Division of the estate of Alsey High, State Archives.

December

22, 1823,

Wake

Counr\- Estates Records,

4 Brent H. Holcomb, comp., Marriages of Wake County, North Carolina, 1770-1868 (Baltimore:
Publishing Co., 1983), 162; Jones, Days of Bondage, 6.
Emily, but the records cited in note 3 refer to her as
'

Genealogical
as

The Jones/High marriage bond gives the bride's name Amely (will) and Amelia Martin (division of estate).
1,

Elizabeth Reid Murray, Wake: Capital County ofNorth Carolina: Volume

Prehistory through Centennial {Kdi\e\^:

County Publishing Company, 1983), 227, 236, 239, 274, 275n, 507n (hereafter cited as Murray, Wake: Capital County). The following records in the Capital Buildings series of the Treasurer's and Comptroller's Papers, State Archives, document some of Friday's work on the Capitol and reveal his name change; State Capitol: Stone Cutters and Quarry Hands Time Book, 1833-1834, Vol. 4, January 27, [1834?]; State Capitol: Stone Cutters and Quarry Hands Time Book, 1834-1836, Vol. 5, Januar)' 12, July and August. [1835?]; and State Capitol: Laborers Time Book. 1836-1840, Vol. 10, July and August and August and September, 1837.
Capital
''

Murray, Wake: Capital County, 246-249; Jones, Days of Bondage,
Jones, Days of Bondage, 3-4, 6-7. For evidence of the

7. distilleries in

^

number of turpentine

Robeson County during
States,

the 1850s, see Seventh Census of the United States, 1850,

and Eighth Census of the United

1860: Robeson

Counry, North Carolina, Manufacturing Schedules, National Archives, Washington, D.C. (microfilm. North Carolina
Collection, J.Y. Joyner Library, East Carolina Universiry, Greenville).
Hereafter, this repository will be cited as
in

North Carolina Collection, ECU. For

a discussion
in

of the use of slaves

North Carolina gold mines during the
"

antebellum period, see Jeff Forrer, "Slave Labor
Historical Review 7 G (KpTi\ 1999): 135-162.

North Carolina's Antebellum Gold Mines,

North (.arulina

Xll
"Jones, Days ofBondage, 16-17; Jesse Penny to Benjamin Rogers, January 3, 1842, Vol. 16,
p.

68 (microfilm). Wake

County
'^

Real Estate Conveyances, State Archives.

Rogers hired Charles Manly,

Benj. Rogers to Chs. Manly,

who would take office as governor of North Carolina in 1849, to handle his case. See May 15, 1848, Records of Slaves and Free Negroes, 1840-1849, WakeCounry Miscelv.

laneous Records, 1772-1948, State Archives; Jesse Penny

Benjamin Rogers, Wake County Court

Trial

Docket,

1842-1849, August Term 1847, State Archives; and
State Archives.
'"

Wake County Court

Minutes, 1847-1854, August Term 1848,

Jones, Days ofBondage, 6-7

,

10-16; Murray, Wake: Capital County, 505-508.

The 1870

census of Wake

County

includes a listing for Milley and daughters Mary, Cherry, and Katy.

Ninth Census of the United

States, 1870:

Wake County, North

Carolina, Population Schedule, National Archives, Washington, D.C. (microfilm. North

Carolina Collection, ECU).

Jones states that he was married about the time the

"stars fell."

He

likely refers to the

November 13, 1833, that alarmed people along the eastern seaboard. George Stevenson to Kim Eslinger, November 20, 1998, in possession of the authors; Mark Littmann, The Heavens on Fire: The Great Leonid Meteor Storms {Czmhndge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 1-2.
spectacular Leonid meteor storm on the evening of

Wake November 23, 1869, Estate records of Benjamin Rogers, Wake County Estates Records, 1771-1952, State Archives. The will indicates that Rogers owned slaves who were hired out; the petition notes that the estate owned slaves who were
15; Will

" Jones, Days of Bondage,

of Benjamin Rogers,

October

12, 1860, Vol. 32, p.

120 (microfilm).

County Record of

Wills, Inventories, Settlement of Estates, State Archives; Petition to

sell real esrate,

freed at the
'^

end of the
during

Civil War.

Annual

reports of the State Auditor, contained in the Executive
this period, record his service.
p.

and

Legislative

Documents published

biennially

by the

state

See, for example, Auditor's Report for the Fiscal Year ending

September 30th, 1868, Document No. 18,

108; Auditor's Report for the Fiscal Year ending Sept. 30th, 1870,
the Fiscal Year ending September 30th, 1871,

Document No.
182.
'^

3, p.

1

07;

and Auditor's Report for

Document No.
and

4, p.

Jones, Days of Bondage, 3; Murray, Wake: Capital County,
1,

617;

W Robt. Andrews

to Friday Jones

others,

March
ances,

1867, Vol. 26,

p.

286 (microfilm). Wake County Real

Estate Conveyances,

State Archives;

and others

to Friday Jones,

December

10, 1870, Vol. 31, p.

State Archives;

Chataigne's Raleigh City Directory

[1875-1876]
Bird's

405 (microfilm). Wake County Real ([S.\.]: ]. H. C\Ma:\gr\e, Ml'i),

W.D.Jones Estate Convey81.

The

church and adjacent structures can be seen on the
(Raleigh:
''^

map

Eye View of the City of Raleigh. North Carolina
1872, Charles N. Hunter
Haley, Charles N.

C.N. Drie, 1872).
Ninth Anniversary of the Proclamation of Emancipation, January
1,

Invitation to the

Papers, Rare Book, Manuscript,

and Special Collections

Library,

Duke

University,

Durham; John

Hunter and Race

Relations tn

North Carolina (Chapel
1
,

Hill:

The

University of North Carolina Press, 1987), 31; Neivs

and Observer (Raleigh), August 1 1887. News and Observer (Raleigh), August 11, 1887; Wake County
^''

Register of Deaths, 1887-1904, August 10, 1887,

State Archives.

Xlll

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Early view of the North Carolina State Capitol built between 1833 and 1840 on

Capitol Square in Raleigh.
Courtesy of State Archives. Division ofArchives

and History,

Raleigh.

Between March, 1867, and December, 1870, the members of Raleigh's First Colored Baptist Church built a frame church on North In 1870 Salisbury Street.
Jones purchased
a lot

on the

north side of the church property.

their

He and his family made home there. The church

and adjacent structures can be
seen at Fig. 20 on Bircfs Rye
Vieiv

of the City of Raleigh,

North Carolina (Raleigh: C.N. Drie, 1872).

XVI

^tfttm

^!?5®««4ij^

!Wa2l,

at

/:' f-'>i-f'ejc.

FRIDAY JOHES,
Chairman Comn3in«e of Anmofement*.

NORPUEET JEFFEB^

Sr^

Pcesident of the E*y.

NRY LANE,
Chief Mfttsbftl.

In 1 872 Jones helped organize the annual ceremony in Raleigh held by African Americans to recognize the importance of the Emancipation Proclamation. Invitation from the Charles N. Hunter Papers, Rare Book, Manuscript, and
Special Collections Library,

Duke

University.

The

Spirit

of Friday Jones
By

William

L.

Andrews

Friday Jones, born a slave in

1810, was a plain,
vision

Wake County, North Carolina, in hard-working man of faith, the kind of person whose
community
or a people.
in

and labor

are essential to the progress of a

Although the
historical

vast majority

of slaves in the American South labored

anonymity, Friday Jones was not absent from the
state.

official records

of his native

We know

that he participated in the building of the

North Carolina Capitol
night

in Raleigh

during the 1830s and worked
After the war he

as a

watchman

there after the Civil War.

became

a

founding
Raleigh.

member and trustee of the First Colored Baptist Church He moved to Washington, D.C., in the early 1880s, where
and saw
to
its

in

he

dictated his autobiography. Days ofBondage,

publication in
in the

1883.
Raleigh

His death on August 10, 1887, occasioned an obituary

News and

Observer,

which noticed
influential

his active role in local politics.

The

fact that

one of the most

newspapers

in

North Carolina

considered the death of a former slave worthy of an obituary suggests the
standing that Jones enjoyed not only among black people but
too.

among whites
history, es-

Clearly Friday Jones was an unusual man.

His recently discovered

autobiography makes an unusual and notable contribution to
pecially to

an African American history of slavery

as chronicled

through

the nineteenth-century

American

slave narrative.

Autobiography has been called the most democratic of literary forms.
Still

there can be

little

doubt that most autobiographies

are written

by

people in the middle and upper classes of society, rather than by those

who occupy less prestigious social and economic positions.

In nineteenth-

century America, the typical autobiographer was a white male whose

primary reason for writing was to announce to the world

a story

of

personal achievement most often measured according to traditional notions of masculine success.
like

Benjamin Franklin,

By writing autobiographies, successful men Davy Crockett, P.T. Barnum, and Ulysses S. Grant
and fashioned
a lasting

capitalized

on

their public identities

image of greatto African

ness in the

American mind. Although not altogether denied

Americans, comparatively few nineteenth-century black people had the

education, the encouragement, or the opportunity to write and pubhsh
their hfe stories.

Today we remember

a handful of

men and women

of

African descent

who were

able to break into print in the nineteenth cen-

tury and win a hearing for their autobiographies. For the most part these

autobiographies were produced by fugitive slaves such

as

Frederick

Douglass, William Wells Brown, and Fiarriet Jacobs who, in addition to
talent

and determination,

also enjoyed the sponsorship

of the antislavery

movement in the crisis years of the 1840s and 1850s in the United States. The inspiring life-story of a slave who overcame his bonds and seized his
freedom was not inconsistent with traditional autobiographical celebrations of male struggle

and heroic triumph. Reform-minded white readers
thrilled to stories

throughout the English-speaking world

of this kind and

helped make a few male fugitive slave narrators internationally famous.
After publishing his best-selling Narrative ofthe Life ofFrederick Douglass,

an American
lish

Slave, Written by

an expanded autobiography
Life

Himselfm 1845, Douglass went on to pubin 1855, My Bondage and My Freedom,

and an even longer memoir.

and Times ofFrederick
in 1892.

Douglass, in 1881

and an expanded version of that book

No one,
biography

however, should take Frederick Douglass's success in auto-

as representative

of white American interest in the autobio-

graphical expression of African Americans in the nineteenth century.

While

embracing a small group of celebrated
anything
black people wrote.

fugitive slave narrators
little

and

orators,

antebellum Americans in the North paid comparatively
else

attention to

For instance, a number of African

Americans

in the nineteenth century

wrote

spiritual autobiographies

and

narratives of Christian conversion,

which often developed into accounts

of ministerial
ministry had

careers.

But these conversion narratives and accounts of

little

circulation outside of black church communities.

One
its

of the most widely read African American narratives of conversion and
ministerial calling. Narrative of Sojourner Truth (1850), details
protagonist's slave experience

and her attainment of freedom before
call to

recounting her religious visions, her
career as an evangelist

preach,

and her

itinerant

and reformer.

After the abolition of slavery in 1865, fugitive slave narratives lost
their vogue.

Instead of delivering fiery antislavery speeches, Frederick

Douglass went on the lecture circuit with a

new theme, "Self-Made Men."
became Douglass's most

This, not the story of his escape from slavery,

popular and most often-requested speech, especially by white audiences.

XIX

Emancipation did not suppress the black American appetite
raphy; the last thirty-five years African American autobiographies in print than the

for autobiog-

of the nineteenth century saw more
first sixty-five.

did former slaves

fail

to lend their voices to the post-Civil

Nor War outpour-

ing of autobiographical expression by black Americans.

Between 1865

and 1930

at least fifty
lives.

former

slaves

wrote or dictated book-length ac-

counts of their

Again, however, only a small minority of these
sizable, let

postbellum slave narratives found a

alone national, readership.

Most former

slaves

had neither the education and writing opportunity
in the white-controlled

nor the connections

publishing world that are so

often necessary to the successful publication of a book. In 1868 Elizabeth

Keckley secured a well-established commercial publisher in
bring out Behind the Scenes, or Thirty Years a Slave

New York

to

and Four

Years in the
slave girl to

White House, Keckley's narrative of her

rise

from Missouri

self-emancipated Washington modiste. But had Keckley not been

Mary

Todd

Lincoln's dressmaker during the Civil War, a role that gave her a

"behind the scenes" viewpoint sure to attract a white reading audience
fascinated by the assassinated president's
slave narrative
life, it is

doubtful that Keckley's
later slave-

would have found

a

major publisher. Ten years
York publisher for
his

born Henry Flipper secured a
Cadet at West Point.

New

The Colored

Autobiography of Lieutenant Henry Ossian Flipper.
in the subtitle

But the identification of Flipper

of

his

book

as the "First

Graduate of Color from the U.S. Military Academy" helps explain
this

why

African American autobiography was read and reviewed with interest

by whites. In contrast, even Frederick Douglass himself, when he wrote
his Life

and Times

in 1881,

was disappointed with the meager

sales re-

ports that his Hartford, Connecticut, publisher sent him.

After having

"pushed and repushed" the Life and Times for almost a decade, the Park
Publishing
slavery

Company concluded
as great as

in

1889 that "the

interest in the days

of

was not

we expected" (Quarles,

337).

Given that most white Americans
commercial publishers were
feature of his or her

in the post-Civil

War era seem

to

have considered slavery past, gone, and better off forgotten, and since
skittish

about bringing out slave narratives

in

such a climate unless the narrator could demonstrate some other striking
life,

a former slave

who wanted

to write

about

his or

her experience of bondage had to be prepared to publish such an account

with personal funds.

The

large majority

of ex-slave narratives

after

1

865

were financed

this

way. These narratives were produced by job printers in

XX
small printings with very limited circulation.

Some ex-slaves
and

tried to aug-

ment

the appeal of their stories by giving

them VUgeresque

titles

that sig-

nified the narrator's allegiance to rugged individualism

a progressive
is

outlook on

life.

Booker

T. Washington's

Up from

Slavery (1901)

the

most famous exemplar of this vein of ex-slave

narrative, a

book

that, be-

cause of Washington's national prominence, had no difficulty finding a
national publisher. Additional, though for the most part unstudied, exslave narratives

of

this type are:

Robert Anderson, From Slavery
77?^

to

Affluence (1927);
Slave,

Henry Clay Bruce,

New Man:

Twenty-Nine Years a
Burton,

Twenty-Nine Years a Free

Man

(1895);

Thomas William

What Experience Has Taught Me (1910); William H. Heard, From Slavery to the Bishopric in the A.M. E. Church (1924); Joseph Vance Lewis, Out of the Ditch: A True Story ofan Ex-Slave (1910); and Peter Randolph, From
Slave Cabin to the Pulpit
( 1

893). These

titles

articulate a determination

on

the part of their authors to be identified as

men who had

left

slavery

behind and

who were

steadily climbing the ladder of success in the

new

era of freedom.
also underlies a

This theme of upward striving and socioeconomic progress

number of late

nineteenth- and early twentieth-century

African American autobiographies whose authors were never enslaved.

When we examine
the slave narrative as
it

Friday Jones's Days ofBondage in the context of

evolved from the antebellum antislavery era to the

postbellum era of

uplift,

we can

see

from the

title

page
it

itself that

Jones

had

his

own agenda

for his autobiography that

makes

a blend of ante-

bellum and postbellum slave narrative. Days ofBondage makes the focus of this narrative clear — it will be about the slave past. The remainder of
the narrative's
title is

equally instructive.

Autobiography of Friday Jones,

Being a BriefNarrative ofHis Trials and Tribulations in Slavery announces that although this is Friday Jones's autobiography, its purpose is to review
his "trials"

and

his "tribulations" in slavery.

Nothing

is

promised with
"tribulations"
"trials

regard to his
rather than a

life as

a free

man. The linkage of "trials" and
as alliterative

more upbeat and just

phrase such as

and

triumphs

"

informs us that this narrative will concentrate on the trouble

Jones had seen in the past rather than on his progress beyond such troubles.
"Trials

and tribulations

"

is

also a formulation often

evoked

in African

American sermons
ful

to describe the rigorous spiritual testing that the faith-

must undergo on

their path to salvation.

Choosing such

a phrase

suggests that Jones

aimed

to present himself as a

man

of faith for

whom
It

slavery itself presented the strongest test of his spiritual

commitment.

is

also

worth noting that the

title

page contains bibliographical data —

Washington, D.C., Commercial Pub. Co., 1883 — that indicate that this text was printed in a major American city, indeed, the nation's capital,
that the publisher

was "commercial" (though
it

likely a job printer)

and not

personal,

and

that

appeared

in

1883.

In 1883 the United States
the Civil Rights Act of 1875,
to hotels

Supreme Court declared unconstitutional
which guaranteed
to African

Americans equal access

and

inns,

public accommodations, theaters, and other places of amusement. If Days

ofBondage was published after the Supreme Court struck down the Civil Rights Act of 1875, Jones's choice of "trials and tribulations," rather than

more optimistic language, may reflect
"days of bondage."

his anxieties

about the sociopolitical

prospects for black America in general in a future that might portend

new

One
phrase,

of the most familiar phrases to appear on the
is

title

pages of

antebellum slave narratives

the subtitle "Written by Himself"

The

which was featured prominently on the

narratives of Frederick

Douglass, William Wells Brown, and, as "Written by Herself," on Harriet
Jacobs's narrative as well, signified
literary authority

both the literacy of the author and
title

of a given

text.

This phrase does not appear on the
is

page of Days ofBondage. Although Days ofBondage
person,
it is

narrated in the

first

doubtful that Jones actually wrote
it

this

autobiography, parthis

ticularly since

ends with a postscript stating that "the author of

book

is

uncultured and unlearned — can neither read nor write." Never-

theless,

though Jones admits

to being "unlearned"
still

and

illiterate,

he and

the amanuensis he

must have engaged

refer to

him
is

as "the

author" of

Days ofBondage.

A reading of just the first paragraphs of Days ofBondage
indeed
its

confirms that Jones, "uncultured and unlearned,"

author.

The

authority of this text

lies

not in the usual earmarks of literary and
in the
its

stylistic

accomplishment, few of which appear

unpolished prose of
its

Days ofBondage. Jones's autobiography derives
immediacy,
unlearned"
its

authority from

vocal

authentic transcription of the voice of an "uncultured and
in the act

man

of recalling a succession of poignant and painorder,

ful events in his past.

These events do not follow chronological

and
a

they do not culminate in a conventional climactic

moment

in

which

problem
is

is

resolved or a fulfilling understanding or achievement of a goal

recorded. Instead, Jones speaks to his reader as though he were reciting
"I

a long-standing grievance or giving a deposition against slavery.
to

want

show you,

readers,

what

I

had

to

endure

as a

man,

"

(15) Jones insists.

XXll

Yet

it is

not simply his sufferings

at the

hands of mean-spirited and unjust
his story.

slaveholders that motivate Jones to

tell

He

has a spiritual pur-

pose that lends added authority to his narrative.

"To show you readers

how important it is to trust Almighty God, you will
I

have been

tried," (11)

Jones announces.

readily see by the way Thus although Days ofBondage

comprises a series of indictments of slavery and slaveholders' actions twenty
to thirty years in Jones's past, the

moral authority of

this

autobiography

depends much

less

on

the author's reciting of his grievances in the past

than on his acknowledgment in the present of God's sustaining support during the most
1

difficult

time of his

life,

the years between 1851 and

865 when

as a slave
sale.

husband and

father,

Jones saw his family continually

threatened by
"I

was born

in

North Carolina

in

1810, the property of Olser Hye,

within 15 miles of the capital of the State

Raleigh," Jones begins, in a

fashion recalling the openings of many antebellum slave narratives.

"My

mother's

name was Cherry and my father's, Barney. I was taken away from them when I was small and hired out to Sim Alfred, who lived about
two miles from where
I

was born.
(1).

My mother was
more than

traded for a tract of

land and sent to Alabama"

This laconic, matter-of-fact recitation of a
ten years establishes

heart-rending experience for a boy of no

from the outset of Days of Bondage the theme of ever-present sale and family dissolution, which haunted Friday Jones from his childhood through
his

adulthood, and which

is

the burden of his narrative of his

"trials

and
re-

tribulations in slavery." Victimization, humiliation,

and helplessness

peatedly tempt Jones to seek answers to his problems in alcohol, violence,

and

escape.

Yet Jones

is

convinced that his salvation, both earthly and

heavenly,

demanded

that he renounce escape

and violent

resistance as

solutions to the injustices slavery visited
in

upon him.

Instead, he

must

trust

God

for the inspiration

and guidance

that will lead

him

to deliverance

from

his oppressors.

To

Friday Jones deliverance did not

mean

escape to the free states
like

of the North. Unlike famous fugitive slave narrators

Douglass and

William Wells Brown, Jones seems never to have
via flight to the North. Douglass,
fugitives

tried to escape slavery
all

Brown, and almost

the other

famous

of the antebellum slave narrative tradition were single
ties to

men largely
Jones, by
their nine

unencumbered by emotional
contrast,

loved ones in slavery.
wife, Milley,

was

a family man.

His

ties to his

and

children were strong, and they kept

him from

seriously considering

XXlll

abandoning them

for

freedom on

his

own

elsewhere.

When Jones

found

a master intolerable, therefore, he chose a

form of escape that was much

more prevalent
states.

in the slave

Jones chose to "stay out"

community than outright flight to the free — that is, he refused to work. During the

summer of 1854 he recalls "staying out" for a month rather than allow several white men to whom he was hired to whip him. Prior to going on strike, we might call it today, Jones coolly bids his overseer farewell and
then takes his leave.
Exactly where he went
is

not clear from Days of
is

Bondage, but the only reason he returned, Jones explains,
voice of

because the

God

told

him

to

do

so.

Expecting violence from the whites he

has fled, Jones returns with a hatchet vowing, "If you put your hands on

me

I

will

not save one of you"
"I

(4).

But the same voice that demanded

his

return asks,

thought you were going to put your trust in God; you are
his

putting
sors,

it

in

your hatchet." In obedience to God, not

white oppres-

Jones puts
let

down

the hatchet.

God

rewards Jones's obedience:

"God

would not

them touch me."
is

Repeatedly in Days ofBondage, Jones
than to submit to their
Jones

tempted by the cruelty and

capriciousness of a succession of masters to do violence to
rule.
"I

them
any

rather
slave,"

was raised poor and hard

as

recalls in a significant passage,

"but the Lord had elevated

me and

made me feel that I was more of a man" (7). Jones expresses his sense of manhood in a variety of ways, most of them testifying to his refusal to
abide by accepted standards of slave behavior in the antebellum South.

As

a family

man, Jones does not tamely submit

to the

law of slavery that
as the

made

his children the property
it

of their white masters, to do with

whites please. Jones makes

a practice to hire his family out to masters
all

whom

he believes are suitable, and, from

appearances in Days of

Bondage, he was able to negotiate such arrangements with impunity.

one of his own masters attempts
objects, Jones says that

to hire

him

to a white

man

to

When whom he
"I

he informed the master, Calvin

J.

Rodgers, that
to "let

was not going
pick

to Miller's"
(5).

and

that instead Rodgers

would have
for.

me

my own man"

Rodgers grants Jones that freedom, and Jones

promptly finds an acceptable white

man

to

work

In the matter of

choosing a wife Jones also portrays himself as an agent of his

own

destiny.

Once he
bribery
(6).

has set his

mind and
a wife")

heart

on

Milley, nothing his master,
("I'll sell

Colonel Tignal Jones, does — neither threats
("I'll

you

to a trader") nor
his

buy you

— can

deflect Friday Jones
to the

from

purpose
Tignal

He gets Milley's master to agree

match, unbeknownst

to

Jones.

When

Tignal Jones

tries a

few years

later to separate

Friday and

Milley, Friday verbally defies Colonel Jones and,
tries to tie

when

the white

man

him up

for a

whipping, Friday physically

resists

the attempt.

On the brink of violence both Tignal and Friday back down, assuming an
uneasy truce. Colonel Jones does not give up the idea of selling
his self-

willed slave, but every time the master puts his slave under this kind of
pressure, or the threat of sale of his family, Friday finds a

way

to hold on,

even

if

he has to follow his family to Raleigh and secure a purchaser for
will allow

them who

him

his rights as a father

and

a

husband.

In 1863,

when Joshua James,
sell

the Raleigh Baptist minister

who purseries

chased his family, decides to

them, he gives Friday notice "that he
sets in

might get some one

to

buy them." This
recalls in

motion

a

remarkable

of events, which Jones

absorbing
is

detail.

That Jones had

a repu-

tation for being an enterprising slave

signaled in the fact that the

owner

of

his family

was willing

to give this slave a

chance to see to their puris

chase. Jones's strategy in the face of this crisis
to

striking.

He goes

directly

James to plead

his case,

keeping him up half the night and convincing
[his family's]

him

to accept his profnise

oCz large amount of money for their
this negotiation.

next year's hire" (11). Readers should note that Jones did not convey any

money

to

James during

But James evidently had

suffi-

cient respect for Jones's resourcefulness that he felt confident that the "large

amount of money" would be forthcoming. On what would James have based this confidence? In part on the fact that Jones came to see him driving his own horse and buggy! Or perhaps he had heard
Colonel Jones's complaint, which Friday records in Days ofBondage, that
"I [Friday]

was dressing

my wife

finer
is

than he was his wife"

(7).
it.

Friday's
If I don't

reply to Tignal Jones

- "Master,

that

my money; work for
I I

give

it

to

my wife and children, what am
felt "I

to

do with

it?"

— provides more

evidence of Friday Jones's unusual status in slavery and of the ability of a
black

man who

was

man enough
allowed

to take care of myself " (3) to carve

out

a place in slavery that

him

to preserve a

measure of his dignity

and

his responsibility to his loved ones.

That dignity was not the product simply of Jones's sense of inviolable

manhood.

Rather, Jones's sense of manhood was itself an outgrowth
in his spirit, a trust
trials

of

something deeper

and

faith in

God

that gave

him

the fortitude to endure his

and

tribulations not just

by passively
the outset of

waiting on divine deliverance but by asserting continually his God-given
rights

and

responsibilities as a

husband and

a father.

From

Days ofBondage ]oi\ts predicates the story of his struggles in slavery on conversion to Christianity. As a young man in his early 20s, Jones tells
reader,

his his

my heart to believe the Gospel. His spirit has forever found me"(2). When tempted to violence, when faced with a seem"God put
it

in

ingly hopeless task of preventing the sale of his family, Jones credits God's
intercession with providing a
slavery
itself,

way

out.

That way does not lead out of

but
It

it

consistently gives the slave an alternative to defeatism

and

despair.

consistently reinforces his individual spirit of resistance
gives this distinctly non-slavish behavior a

and self-determination and
example of resistance

justification that sustains Jones against the

most formidable odds.

His
read

inspires his children as well, as

we see when we
"all

how his
ceeded
slavery,

oldest daughter fought back against an unjust
in

whipping and sucthese troubles"in

whipping her master. Looking back on

Jones proclaims in 1883 the faith that

made him proud

before his

white persecutors and humble before his God.
all,"

"Man
By

never dictated at

he contends.

"It

was

my God

and me"(l

1).

refusing to take his

earthly master's

word

as final,

and by
a free
it

listening always for the voice of his
faith,

heavenly Master within, Friday Jones was able to keep his
slavery,

endure
tell.

and emerge

in the

end

man
is

with

a liberating story to

"Bretheren, what a blessing

to dwell together in the spirit,"
text (17).

Jones exhorts his reader

at the

end of his

Here he seems

to be

speaking to black readers,

whom his testimony to
slaves?
. . .

"the spirit" that upheld

him
the

in slavery

was no doubt intended

to encourage.

life

we

lived

when we were

"Have you forgotten Oh, how hard were the lives we
in the late

led in those days" (17).

Many

an ex-slave narrator

nineteenth

century expressed a similar concern that in their desire to put slavery be-

hind them, African Americans would
trials

fail

to learn the lessons that their
insists that

and

struggles in slavery

had taught them. Friday Jones

"these

trials

were good for me" (17).

One

of

his strongest

motives

in

producing
in the past

his

autobiography seems to have been to show

how his struggles
or forgetting

could be instructive to those who, knowing

little

much

of what slavery meant, would also not be prepared for the responsiof freedom and citizenship.
For Jones the greatest responsibility

bilities

he had was to

God and

to his family.

His plea

at the

Bondage

is

for African

Americans

to dedicate themselves "to love
in

end of Days of one
of the family
he charges
to

another and be the best friends and citizens
tation to his "brethren" to love

America" (17). This exhorhis idea

one another extends

of faith to the entire African American community,

whom

be "the best friends and citizens in America.

"

The hnkage of friendship

and

citizenship encapsulates,

we might
in the

say,

the vision of Friday Jones for

the future.

African Americans must be citizens, an important assertion

from

a black

man

in the

South

wake of Reconstruction. But
is

Afri-

can Americans must also be "best friends." This

certainly a plea for

black solidarity, as black people faced an uncertain future under the gathering clouds of segregation and disfranchisement. But the call for friend-

ship

may very well

extend to whites

as well

and would be consistent with
that

Jones's advice to African

Americans that

"all

we can do

is

to live close
is

to the cross as a race" (18).

This, Jones unquestionably believed,
to
tell

the

way he
hoped

lived in slavery

and the way he ultimately survived
and

his story

in freedom. In this spirit of Christian brotherhood
his story

citizenship, Jones

narrative after

would survive to inspire others. The republication of his more than a century of neglect testifies to the validity of
spirit.

Friday Jones's faith in that

Suggested Reading

Andrews, William

L.

To Tell a Tree Story:

The

Tirst

Century of Afro-

American Autobiography, 1760-1865.
Press,

Urbana:

University of Illinois

1986.
Narrative ofWilliam W. Brown, a Tugitive Slave.

Brown, William Wells.
Boston:

The

Anti-Slavery Office, 1847.
Witnessing Slavery:

Foster, Frances Smith.

bellum Slave Narratives.
Press,

2nd

ed.

Madison:

The Development of AnteUniversity of Wisconsin

1994.

Franklin, John

Hope.

Runaway

Slaves:

Rebels on the Plantation,
Press,

1790-

1860.

New York:

Oxford University

1999.

Jacobs, Harriet.

Incidents in the Life

ofa Slave Girl Boston: Published

for the author, 1861.

Quarles, Benjamin.
Publishers, 1948.

Trederick Douglass. Washington, D.C.: Associated

iDJi.'sra

OF B03srx)^3^Ei,

AUTOBIOGEAPHY OF

FRIDAY JONES.
BEING A BRIEF NARRATIVE OF HIS

Trials and Tribulations

IN SLAVERY.

WASHINGTON.
1883.

D. C:

COMMERCIAL PUB.

CO.

LIFE OF

FRIDAY JONES
My first remembrance of my life begins when I was from 8 to 10 years of age. I was born in North Carolina in 1810, the property of Olser Hye, within 15 miles of the capital of the State Kaleigh. My mother's name was Cheiry and my fatker's, Barney. I was taken away from them when I was small and hired out to Sim Alfred, who lived about two miles from where 1 was born. mother was traded for a tract of land and sent to Alabama. My Jut^t at this time I was brought to father died about this time, know right from wrong. I was afraid to plough in the corn-field by myself always used to working with a large force of hands before that. 1 promised then and there that if I lived to be a man I would get religion. It occurred to nie that if I had religion 1 would not be afraid of dying. When I was a boy, whichever way I turned it looked as though something was going to catch nic. Though I was but a small bo}', 1 promised that 1 would not live the life my father had lived. I know my father was a desperate wicked man, would get drunk. His associates were all wicked. poor dear mother, I could not say anything about her religion but she taughi, me how to pray before she left me. The morning she left I could not bear to shake her hand and bid her good bye. I heard from her. She was the mother of eleven [11] children. She left four little ones of us. I was the oldest one of the four, being only about 10 years of age myself, Jt has father dead, and mother gone to the State of Alabama, been over 60 yeais since she left us, and 1 have never forgotten my mother; have no remembrance of ever having heard from her since. I promised God I would seek my soul's salvation when I got to be a man, and often refreshed my memory that 1 had promised Him never to live the life of my father. My conscience spoke to me and said I thought you promised never to live the life of your father. You are living the very same life he lived. It startled me and 1 looked up and cast my eyes towards the Heaven. 1 had to go out and fall on my face, and prayed to Almighty God. He held me to my promises and pledge until 1 wad a man. You see at once reader how awful it is to sin against God. I ,vas a poor ignorant boy. God had enlitghtened rae at that day and supported me down to this day. Young man, young woman, if you have a wicked mother or a wicked father do not pursue the couise that they do. Better young men to let your father go down to destruction than tor yon both to go.

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Better youDg woman to let your mother go down to destruction than to let you both go. Young man if the Lord plants the seed of grace in your heart save your father through prayer if possible. Better young woman if the Lord plants the seed of grace in your heart to try and save your mother through the power of your prayers. The Lord made impression on my heart and has since completed the confession in my soul. During tho dark times of slavery, ignorant as 1 was, He called me, and I have believed on Him ever since. No young man or woman has any excuse for sinning against God. If God enlightened meat that day and lime what ought you to do with all the advantages you have now. God requires all at your band^i. He requires you to seek Him early while He ma}- be found. That was His language to me sixty years ago. Evcrj' young man and boy, God has His eye fixed on you and is warning you every day. Every young woman and girl, God has his eye t5xed on you warning you every day. Little boys and girls, God has His eye on you. He isbringiug warning to your ears. He intends that none of you sliall die with any excuse lor not seeking Him. The first text I ever remember in my life was about the rich man and Lazarus. When I was a boy I didn't know a text. God put it in my heart to believe that text. The first minister I ever knew belonged to the Baptii^t denomination, (colored) his name was Stephen Southerlin. The next was a white minister belonging to the Methodi-t denomination by the name of David Fowler. Over 60 j'ears since 1 heard them [)reach, and they were the first I ever heard. God i)ut it in my heart to believe the Gospel, His spirit has forever found me. Second text was '-It shall be well with the righteous, for they shall receive the woiks of their hands." The next text was: "They that have pity on the poor lendeth to the Lord." in my fancy God had me to believe ai this. I say to you young men and young women He is speaking to you as He spoke to me. God lets no man live or die wilh any excuse. Not knowing his will, he teaches us through our I'orefathers' sins, that we are guilty rebels in His sight. I was taught that John said prepare Yo, for the kingdom of God is at hand If God taught us ]n that day and time, how much more does he teach you no\v. that I did not know. held me responsible then, dose He not hold you so today? He is a just God, He deals wilh all his people alike. He that will come shall come. He has made rich promises for us all. Taught me from a small boy. He is teaching me to day. I ask you young people to remember one thing, do not loUow your wicked parents; act, act wise. Go to the Lord while you are j'ouiig; while you may, 1 made as when I came to be a man grown, I was not ready then, many attempts to bow and pray to God, but failed to be in earnest. His spirit followed so long I had to give up my work and bow and pray. On one occasion I went out and tried to pray to God and raised up and felt worse than I did before. I bowed down, the Lord spoke to me and said, never can you obtain religion while you continue drinking whiskey. This was in 185L I then ceased to drink, the devil got with me, told me it was all imagination and that I could take whiskey moderately two or three times a day and seek my salvation too. I did not, know it was He at that time, but T yielded to
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HHe

Him. I turned to and drank again as usual. In 1853 I was living in the little town of Lambertou, .Robertson Co., N. C, near the line of South Carolina, when ihe greatest revival broke out that I had ever seen, at a Methodist quarterly raeeting, during the months of June and July. The people v^ere going up and confessing their religion God's spirit had been following me until that meeting by scores At the I thouoht a' that revival I would seek my soul's salvation. rovival, Peter Doubt, from Raleigh, preached a sermon. So Martin, of Franklin, preached a sermon. He had former!}' been a circuit rider, and was now stationed in Lamberton, thej' said ruin this revival and the year 1853 will roll some of you into eternity. You siprit may never have another opportunity. Ones' text "Bring away from Ephriham for he is joined to his idols again." Ones' text wa«, '-Go your way, Saul," saj'S Felix, "and come at a more convenient season and I will hear thee," and during that revival I fjlt that I was a lost man. I had been so I felt like this before. But at this revival I could not tcel. I attempted to pray, but could'nt pra}*. I sat then and found out it was all for nothing, it seemed to me the whole ot' the subject seemed for me. I was the guilty man. The whole of the argument was that God never let His spirit go back to Ephriham again, but left him there and gave him up to be lost and damned forever. Felix never saw Paul again to talk with him, and that was me both cases seemed to suit me e:^actly. On one occasion during the revival. I stood up ajid shed tears like a child I fell my sins and asked God to forgive mc and I would never sin any more I went on for I thought I was a lost man. weeks, crying and I)owling to God. going on that I waii a lost man. 'J his was in 1853, 1 attempted to pray and could not. I would up and go, lie down by a place, get up and try it again no relief for me yet. I would go out during the dark hours of the night, away in a lonesome place to pray. I asked God if he had dra^'^n His spirit

my

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away from me and left me to be damned, to show it to me. He manifested that He had not drawn His Holy Spirit from me. You could hear mc cry a'oud, I was so rejoiced that I could be saved. In 1854 I professed religion at my work in the woods. I forget the day of the month. In .November, 1855, 1 was bapti^e'^^ many sore
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from -June 1853 to 1855. They attempted to whip mc-in 1854 and backed mc down but I continued to pray night and day. A company of men hired me that year gave Dr. Rogers $300 for me a year. When they did this, I looked at them wistfully, and when they talked of whipping me, I told them to back me down and get their shooting works ready and kill or cripple mc and pay for me, for I did not let Dr. Rogers »vhip me and would not let anyone else do it. I went home to him on or about the 4th of July, and told him I wanted to leave and must leave. He said that it was a good note, and for me to and stay the year out, as he did not want to take h is note in. I answered him and said if he did not want to take his
trials

was man enough to take care of my -elf. went back a few daj-s after the 4th of July, but before f.his time 1 had professed a hope. I do this to show to men that no devil has the power to keep a man from praying if he i-< in earnest. In
note
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a few days 1 left them. I had promised 1 wouldn't stay with them, and I wouldn't. They did all manner of evil to me except put their hands on me. Day after day, while working there, I was praying to God to convert my soul. They deetroyd everything of mine the}' could put their bands on. I never worked another hour after 1 went back there they told me they were going to town to hire me out, as I did not want to stay with them. I then went that day past Davis', the overseer, and told him farewell Iwas gone. I concluded to stay out that year until Christmas this was in July. I staid out for about one month, and while out one day. I hearH a voice say, '*go in, go in, there will be no abuse." I said, •' yee, yes, 1 will go in ;" God was protecting me then. While at the distillery they destroyed my chickens and pigs, and forbid anyone selling me either chickens or shoats, or anything else ; so one day a voice said, " Christ died for you can't jou give up a few dung-hill chickens lor Him ? " I said, '• Yes, yes he could

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give

mo more or something more" Bob Jeflfrie.s and Jim liitchfield, who were living at Ealeigh, N. C, now shot my chickens down. Sim Rodgers, who was an M. C. from Raleigh that year, and Bill
JeflFries,

of Franklin Co., N. C, were members of the firm. I walked all that day and nearly all night to get to old Sim Rodgers' place, which I approached about snnrise. On one occasion, while passing the railroad on my way to bee my wife and children at Ealeigh (I bad the luck in 1854 lo get a free man in Raleigh to hire my wife and three children, Hillyard Evans by name,) 1 passed overseer, section hand, railroad bands, white men and colored together. As I approached them. I cried out to myself, "I am a taken man to-day I am surrounded." I promised God before 1 left the woods to give the matter into his hands, as I was in a deep cut. I could not run back nor climS the walls, so I raised my hatchet and said to myself, " If you put your hands on me I will not save one of you." My feet lurned and I never felt in such a fix in so short a time, when a voice faid to me, " I thought you were going to put your trust in God ; you are putting it in your hatchet." I let my hand fall and walked right on. God would not let them touch me they spoke very politely to me, although they knew a month before that I had run away the morning I went to see old Sim Rogers. I had to go and see him first man. I bowed a dozen times when within a mile of his house, to God, asking Him to b'.eis me I had strong faith in God. I got there and got into conversation with him and got my He asked breakfast, although not hungry trouble fills any man. me which 1 would do go to Raleigh or to Billy Jeffries. 1 said to Billy Jefi'ries. When we got ready to start he saddled four horses ; one for himself, one for his little son, one for his servant and one for me, and said, "look here, you are not going down there with me you are going to leave me." I said, '• no, I will go with you," I had promised God to follow on. He reached back and draws a rope and
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said bo

must

tie

me.

I shed tears, as I
I

must

either submit to this

indignity or fijht him back.

could have whipped him out, but I did

not intend to
hands.

resist, as

I

had piomiBed God

to leave

it all

in

His

went on down there that day. Of course, they tied me I either had to be tied or to show to God I would not trust Him. As we rode on I prayed to Almighty God as I sat upon the horse. We had not got very far before they took the ropes all off me. When they got down to Bob Jeffries they sent for his father. I looked for them to whip me almost to death that day, because they hit between 1 four hundred and five hundred licks when they get you fastened. was loth to go in the gate. They called me in the flesh was weak; I felt a little uneasy and weak. I was right at the place where i professed religion. I continued to pray. They treated me very well that day ; not a cross word did they give me. 'Twas for my wife and children I gave myI trusted in God and krew he would not forsake me. They self up. gave mo a pass to go back to Raleigh that night ; we thus made peace They were not satisfied with me they wanted to punish tliat far. me. Dr. Eodgers had sent word to Raleigh if they got hold of me to take care of me for him, but not to hurt m<^ as I was his prop' erty. On Monday morning I met Sim Eodgers, to go to work on the railroad. He concluded that we had better go back to town about half a mile. I walked on with him until we got to the Court House, when ho turned to me and said, " I will have to put you in jail." I promised God to leave the work in His hands and let Him fight it, and when ho got me in jail I said to myself, " You never whipped
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We

me before, but you will whip n)e now." I then waited in jail until the parties that hired me brought false charges against me, saying that I threatened them. They wanted to whip me. but I would not
them do it. While waiting one month in jail and one in the I was of no service, doing no work. God'? spirit whispered to me while in those prison walls, " Put your trust in Me and I will carry you through all your difficulties; put your trust in Me." Just
let

woods,

kind readers, all the struggles from March to August. I was a happy mau even in jail, when he said, '' Put your trust in Me." The parties had me put in jail to be shipped away. 1 had many friends in Raleigh, and my wife and friends came to see me every day, when I was allowed to speak with them through the grating, and 1 told them not to be uneasy or troubled, as I was coming out in a few days. 1 might go away, but I would only take a ride on the railroad and come back again that I was going no further than
see,
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Raleigh. In a few days Calvin J. Rodgers, the agent of my master, came down to Raleigh, which was fifteen or sixteen miles off. He turned me out and hired me to Mr. Henry Milh'r, the agent of the North Carolina Railroad. I saw Millers hands and asked them what the fare on the railroad was for slaves and to give me all the points. I then went to Calvin Rodgers and told him I was not going to Miller's; he got cross with me, and I told him to set his price for me a month, give me a note and let me pick my own man. He did so, and I got

a white man to do it in less than fouT-and-twenty hours. In 1854 I hired my wife, children and rayeelf until 1865^ in Ealeigh, and never left them until quite recently. Now, readers, when Jeffries Baid " his niggers should never raise chickens or have any privileges he never wanted me to eat anything except what he gave me never wanted me to eat a piece of chicken or buy a pound of butter, if he could help it," I said, '• that the Lord would give me more, or something else, and He did do it. Eeaders, we are not to the end of it yet. He has given me more than 1 ever expected. In the course of four years He gave me five horses and two wagons as a free man, or at least, everybody thought 1 was. I made out splendidly. Now, readers, it just shows how important it is to put your trust in God, although things may look dark and gloomy. From my boyhood up to the time I was twenty-one or twentytwo years of age, I had hard struggling to get bread and clothes. After I was ten years old I knew nothing about going to church. I don't say I did not have the shirt, for I didn't have it down South the white man wasn't particular about clothing you. It was warm there and the cold could not hurt you. Two pieces, shirt and pantaloons, lasted j'ou until the fall and winter; three pieces in winter, which you generally got by Christmas. A very few people gave woolen clothes wool was high then. From sixteen to twenty years of age I desired to go to church. I kept creeping out, the Lord showing me what to do. I looked around at myself. God showed me that I was a young man. 1 went to work night and day and clothed myself. We slaves would rise between four and five o'clock in the morning and never get back to bed until nine or ten o'clock that night. Up to that time I refused to serve God, and yet He extended His mercy to me. I then beI was a young man, near grown, when the stars fell. longed to Col. Tignal Jones, of Wake Co N. C , who had married
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mistress, Emily Hye. I might say that we slaves were under a cloud we could not see clearly what the duty of a man was at that time, that is, we could not by law, but through the mysteries of God we could. I wanted a wife, so I went to Col. Jones and told him I wanted I had been going to see my girl, three miles from home, to marry. for three years. 'Twas a pretty hard pill, but mustering up the courage I said, " Master, I want to get married." I told him who and where my girl was. He answered quick and short, ''.If you have a wife there, I'll sell you to a trader; I want you to have a wife at
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my young

home,
was,
'*

sir, I'll

buy you a wife."
her,
sir.''

Go buy

I felt

When he said this, my reply to him very sad, she had troubled me for

three long years.

There was a man in my neighborhood by the name of Sandy Hye, who hired hands as fast as ho could get them to send them to the gold mine*, which was about 200 miles away. I got Hye to hire me without sayin^T anything to Col. Jones. I wanted to go I did not want to go to a trader, neither did I intend to have a woman I did not want. Hye succeeded in sending me to the gold mines. I
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went there and never did a days work, and in three weeks time I was That same year I back, and wouldn't agree to return any more. was out of Col. Jones' service and I went to my wife's master, Dr. Rogers, and told him what I wanted. He and his wife were both willing for me to have her. but did not know that Col. Jones was opposed to it. That same year, 1834, we went together, like a goose and gander no wedding and we are together yet as man and wife. She has been the mother of eleven children, of which we have raised all but two. I had pleasure with my wife and little ones for abouc four years, when my troubles eoramenced. Col. Jones was a white Southern man who believed in parting slaves and sending them where he He had four men I was the youngest and he parted all pleased. I was out of his employ for four years, working for the of them. Government of North Carolina, after which 1 fell back in his hands, working on his farm and on the Kaleigh & Gaston R. JR. He set I could not out to part my wife and I, as ho had threathened to do. he was always abusing me suit him, I could not get along with him and threathening to sell me; ho aggrivated me and tried my very I was raised poor and hard as any slave, but the Lord had eleboul. vated me and made me feel that I was more of a man. 1 had all

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the craves for a wife and children, and I feel to day that God gave me that woman to take care of her, for fiftj'-two or fifty-three years tells mighty well about us. Col. Jones rebuked me on one occasion was dressing my wife finer than he wan his wife. I answered him, " Master, that is my money If I don't give it to my 1 work for it. wife and children, what am I to do with it?" The troubles between he and I still increased, aud on one occasion, when I got home in the morning from my wife's house, wo met and had words I replied, " Sir, I love my wife you love yours ; if you don't want me to go to t-ee my wife, just send mo as far away as you can, by land or water,

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the risk of my life." He jumped and struck at He tried to tie and whip regular warfare that day. me but I would not let him. His wife came crying begging mo to submit to my master and to cross my hands and let him whip me, just to fave his word. I would not submit and they sent off after he, his wife and myself were shut up in her bedroom. the neighbors By this time I had got very mad ; I was not going to hurt the old people, but I caught up a couple of heavy chains and stood up behind the door, making up my mind to drop them knock them down as they came in. They sent a messenger, telling them not to come in. God was in the midst. They turned me out and we got along very well for about a year, when another trouble broke out. He intended to sell me because I told him I would never serve him. Whenever there were traders in the country, 1 never felt safe with my wife and
ior I

am going at me and we had a

aM

children.

He

landed
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me

in jail for sale

during this time.

My

wife's master

had a friend who was a trader ij Kaleigh. He sent word to the jail to keep quiet he had a man, a trader, who would buy me and carry me back to my wife and children. I staid in jail one month when Col.

Jones' brother-in-law, Dick Smith, of Baleigh, turn.id me out. The next trial he gave me was with Keith & Wooley, of South Carolina, speculators, who were traveling through that section of the country buyI was always on the lookout when there were any ing up negros. speculators in the country. He was trying for three days, unbeknowing to mo, to trade me off. One Sunday I went down to what is known as Rogers' Crossr.^ads, when two traders came riding along, whom none of us knew. There were a good many of us colored men standing together and we got a little excited, not knowing who they were. I raistruated something and stepped across the road and bowing to them, called them " Master." I thought it was Mr. Wade and Guy, railroad men " from oflF the river, and I asked them if I was right. '• Oh yes " that's who we are ; to whom do you belong?" said they, " To Col. Jones," says I.
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What's your name T' them my name was Friday Jones. They were on rather spirited horses, and I walked along tvith him for about half a mile. I was then very near my wile's house, where I met little Ben Rogers, who said, '* How do, Mr. Keith, how do, Mr. Wooley, how do, Friday Mr. Keith, how do you and Mr. Wooley come along buying the niggers?" They remained silent and winked at Ben Rogers not to say anything about speculators; so they told it next day, for fear 1 would run away. We parted and I went on. I had not gone more than a hundred yards before 1 had to stop. Sunday night I rested bad— I was troubled. I went on home as usual Monday morning and went to my work. I worked until Monday evening on Panta Creek, and when night came, I said to an old man named Jack, '• This is my own axe I will hide it here if 1 never come back, give it to my wife and children." Jack was as lonished at me it made him feel bad to have me talk so to him. I was yatisfied in my mind that there was trouble at hand. Wo had to go about a mile-and-a-half or two miles to the home hoase, where \fe stayed all night. When I got home, about seven or eight o'clocic, 1 concluded to go down to the same neighborhood where I was on Sunday. Just before I started I heard some one call Jack it was Col. Jones himself. I answered him and told him and said Jack wasn't there. He stepped in with his gun in bis hand and collared me immediately and said, "You are a soldier, sir,', I told him," No sir, I was not." He said, ''Walk with me, sir." We went on to his house and into his bedroom he then called for a rope to tic me, which I let him do. Ho told his wife he had sold me to Keith & Wooley, and was to deliver me next day at eleven I concluded o'clock, at Raleigh, N. C, jail and receive his money. to either let him tie me or whip him out, and it would not do to "whip him as my wife's master would have got down on me then, and he was my friend; so I said to him, "Sir, let me go by and bid my wife and children farewell?" '"No sir, you shall never go by there again until I send you
" I told
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away.

He
ger ?"

was very pai ticular

in

tying mc, faying he was going to
sent to
said,

tie

me

as tight as an Indian pony. Frank, who came that night.

He

He

Panta Creek after his brother *' Tig, have you sold this nig-

"Yes, I have sold him and am going to deliver him tomorrow at eleven o'clock I want 3'ou I0 go with mc to carry him." He then retired and gave his brother the rope to hold me, telling him to ^et with nje all night. During the night I concluded to make Frank carry me out into the yard and try to get away, but before »ve got back my conscience said, '-Go back; you are tied fa>t, and a scuffle to get away would only make it wor.*e ior you you cannot get away." Jn the dead hour of the night I cut llie ropes and got my bunds loose and clear. when 1 again asked Frank to ;;o out with me this was the second Frank said to his brother, time. I minirusted the door was locked. " Ti<r, £;ive me that key, I want to carry this nigger out doors" 'You shall not carry him one step,'' Tig answered, so lie went back and sat down. I wa^ tempted to go anyhow, after being loose, and whip them out. I iiad made up my mind never to let them carry me to Ruleigh, but my conscion e persuaded me to sit Lntil tomorrow, or the next morning. The madam got up between four and five o'clock, and went out to get breakfast, wtiile the boys were feedCol. Jones tnen let his brother lay down and he held ing the horses. ne end of the rope and I the othef ho had not discovered that I had cut the rope at that time. When the madam went out ^ihe left the door unlocked and open, so I watched my chance, and when it came, with one spring I was in Frank, who heard me jump, was ihe first to notice my the yard. " he's gone flight and said to Tig. who was sitting by, •' He's gone it was u I h:id made up my mind I would not go, and I wouldn't, cold frosty morning and I run five or six miles barefooted and with out any hat, to where my wife lived to get my clothes. I cut through the plantation and got there before Frank did on the horse, because he had to go all the way around the road. Just as I g(U my clothes and got out of the way, he lode up and called for my clothes; my wife gave him two old shirts, but he would not take them. It was tlie custom in the South when we slaves ran away to strip us naked and starve us out, and forbid anybody feeding or clothing us. I was for In 1856 my wife and three children were for sale. My two oldest cbildren were sold we were all the prop sale also. Seven other of his servants were for erty of Dr. Ben Ilogers then. sale, but he refused to sell any of them to a trader, either lotting them select homes for themselves or ho selecting one for them. Ue was pressed for 810,000 his youngest son got into a difficulty and he had to ^ive aS10,000 bond. He forged S],000 on the n ilmington N. C, Bank. J no. O'Neil, of Ealeigh, saw my wife and I in Raliegh, and told me to see my master and get him to soil them to him (O'Neil) and See what a lie a it would be a home for them for their life-'Jme.
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short time after that he sold my wife aod yoinigest as he gave for the fotur. 1 beeamo so uneas}' and troubled I could not work; I went away but I could not stay. I had to come back to Raleigh to watch where thoy sent my wife and children he had now bought my- wife and children, and did not ask rae any odds. I asked him to sell again and let me pick their homes. I was worse troubled then about my wife and children than I had ever been before in so short a time. I went twenty or thirty miles down the railroad, getting up cord wood, and was so troubled 1 could not work at all. I took the train on one occasion and landed at the depwt before day. I cut me a big hickory Slick and concluded if he had sent my wife and child away when 1 got there (there was a ditch between las house and the market bouse

man

will

tell.

A

child for as

much

where 1 would lay in wait,) to cut him down below the knees, so thai Wo got cros-s that day and he would never be of any more account. 'he attempted to strike me. I knew there was no show for me, so I stood perfectly calm and cool, not even winking my eye. That morning belore day, I jumped up and I'an into the house, and felt the bed finding my wife and cliiid there, no one can tell how He then said to me that, he would sell all of them for joyful I felt. so much, and he would not taki that after sunset. This was Homo lime in February 1 remember of a heavy snow being on the ground. I iaid to him, '• Then, sir, you intend to part myselt and family?" I stepped out the door, and having no dependence at all that I knew of, I raised up niy hands and gdzing across the street, t^aid, '-Lord. my wile I have done all that I could, the mat'.er is in your hand:^ and children are gone without 3'our assistance." In a seeond thereafter, my eyes rested on Joshua Jame>, a Baptist minister, who was the editor of the Baptist Recorder. 1 went up the steps into his office and related the occurrence to him. He immediately came down and went over and looked at them he then turned back and he and he and I went to O'lSteil's aiid agreed to give him such a price for them it was a trade and O'Neil and 1 had nothing more to do with each other. My troubles made a new beginning with James: my wife and James' wife could not agree. For a short time after James bought her i did not hire her out, hut later on 1 hired her until the surren;

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Some time in 1863 while the war was going on, James moved away from Raleigh, up in Caswell Co., N. C. At that time I had my wife and three youngest children hired, Mary, Cherry and Katy. I had two sons hired out in Raleigh at the same time I hired them from their master, Dr. Rogers. Mary was nearly a young woman Mrs. I watched over her, knowing James would not hire her to me.

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Martin, a very respectable lady, hired her before James left Raleigh. friend, to hire Mary I got one of James' friends, who was also for me I took her away from Mrs. Martin's by paying a big price for her. !No matter how much they asked for my wife and children,

my

I paid

it.

At

this

time he had an agent

in

Raleigh,

to

whom

he wrote.

11

my family on the auction block on the first of Janwas written about the middle of December, and in it he wrote bis agent to see Friday Jones, that he might get some one to buy them if he didn't, to put them on the block and sell them for the cath he wanted no more women and children on his Heavy trouble on poor me again about my wife and chilplantation. I hitched up my horse and dren. I prayed some and studied some. buggy and went to his house, about sevent\--five miles awa]". The first daj'' I reached the town of Hillsboro, some forty miles from home; the next day 1 got within three miles of Yanceyvillo C. H.,
telling

uary.

bim Tho

to pot

letter

;

Caswell Co.

He was not 1 then drove up to his house just at dark. expecting me. I had been ])rayifig to Almighty God before I left home, and I now continued and dictated what I must do and what I wanted to do. He (James) v,-as naturally a short, crabbed speaking man, his manner was not very pleasant and ho was a rough looking man, but my wife and children were at stake and 1 had no fear ot him I bad God with nic. I bad lelt mourning hearts at home on the Friday mornifii; I

He fed me and my h'jrse that night and the ne.it morrHucf, and treated me very well He invited me in after supper and I told him mystery; it was between God, him and my«elf. W^e set with
stalled.
his wile until

near one o'clock, talking of

many

4ifterCrrt thirg:^.

I

had to agree wilii him a great deal in his talk. I told him I could not get anyone but a trader to buy my wife and children. My ma-^ter was dead and bis estate had to be neltled the nexc fall-, his oldest children liad settled out iu Tennessee and would not be in until the fall, and he (James) could buy my wife and children if he choose. He sat down and made me out a pretty stout letf.er to Alfred VVil Hams, his agent. BeToro he wrote that letter, I promised him a la'ge amount of money for their next year's hire, which be agi'eed lo take.
i returned hoinc very pruud.
I

strutted lo

my

bugg3-, feeling tbat I

had accompliihed so inuth good.
and
1 arrived home that evening, after being away for five days, wife was a happy woman when 1 told hci- 1 had accoinpli.<hed brotheis and sisters in Christ had me in their arms aim.

my
1

my

My

and were sending

u[)

praj'ers for mc.
;

could not stay away from home contented I w;is troubled unTwo bo^s I had hired s'X or seven years back, had til I got back. grown to be men and were in town when I returned, and they appeared 60 glad to see me. My oldest daughter, whom 1 took from a trader about a year previous to that Christmas, I had left locked up in a house 1 bad rented in Ealeigh. I was stiil a restless man and To show you readers how never slept sound for any length of time. important it is lo trust Almighty God, you will readily see by the way man never All these troubles I put before you 1 have been tried.
;

dictated at
sold,

all

it

was

my God and me.

In 1853 a trader bought my oldest daughter. Ikfore she was Dr. Dozier, her master, attempted to whip her and slie refused to let him he imprisoned her in a corn ciib, and called Tom Gil', one of his slaves, to assist bim in whippini,^ her, but^he whipped them
;


12
both, flung the door open and left. She was then living within seventeen or eighteen miles of Haleigh. and she came to see me; she only staid in the wooc s a short time. "Twas a sad tiding to see so likely a young woman abused as badly as she was. He then sold her to Perry, who lived about thiee miles from Kaleigh Perry sold her to Leroy Jones, eiijlit miles from Raleigh. She camo to Ealeigh to see me at Christmas. Pciry, wlio ownod her then, ordered a policeman, unbeknownin x to her, to put her in jail. The policemen came to ray house and tried to make a fuss with mo by taking her out, so a.s to arrest hei', but 1 held my peaec they struck my children, who were crying, a blow or two, but stiil I isaid nothing. This occurred at night —Parker. Driver jird IJeavers were the names of the poli'^emen. They carried her to jail thai night
; ;

no rest for me. I arose early the next morning and got in the roadwa}' tliat Perry had to travel I knew ^'-hat block and what street, to wait to see him I asked him what she had been doing. '"Nothing," ht replied; ^he had behaved allright, she was a good cook and suited him exa'jtly, but the Yankees were g"ing to take the country, and he had to be conscripted and carried into the war. ll^i had to sell her btcau-'O he wanted the money back he paid for her, to give to his childr^en.' I left a sad family, the oldest daigliter being snatched from our midst by a nierciU'ss trader. The next raorniog Perry came in person and took her out of jail and carried her home. The next day. while standinic in the yard, she saw a btrange party of hoi semen coming down the lane; she knew Leroy Jones, and attempted to make her escape })Oor woman, ihc four men soon out-ran and caught her in the open field, lieadcr, common trouble cannot kill me, but one of m

sadJe-t feelings wa^ when they told me t-hc was SDld to a trader. Her husband, Allen Tale, and his master's overseer got into a fight, and Tate had to be sent awa}' to keep the ov7erseer I'rom killing him. Her 3-ounge8t child, a girl, died, leaving her oldest child, Bobby, and her sister Ptill in the Dozier lamily. As you peruse this little book just think what I havu suffei'cd and endured as a man, Saturday night I went to bed as usual. I had been in the ha'ut every uight and more especially on Saturday night, of telling my people one regular baying, " Get up in the morning and give no trouble now let mo have my breakfast soon so that I can go to church and have nothing to trouble ray mind." I would go to my morning service and have a daughter sing a hymn. On Saturday night I always
sleep,

no

;

;

;

knelt and gave humble thanks to God for sparing me and my family through the week. Sunday morning I thanked God ibr letting me see the sun rise, and asked Him to bless me both soul and body through the sabbath day. On Sunday night I changed my saying to " get up early, boys, I took my horse and feed my horse and prepare me to take a trip." buggy the next morning after breakfast and travelled about sixteen 'Twas a very cold morning during the Christmas season. 1 miles.

13

do when I heard that Jones had get to this place, just pauue and see how many of you would have done as I did. 1 fixed up myself as though I was going on a trip to New York warrti clothes and thick blanket^ in the bottom _of my buggy. 1 passed within half a mile of the trader's tbat day and made a stop a few miles the other side. they faidshe I saw some of my acquaintanc-r-s and inquired for her was over at Jones' the trader. I told Charley Moore, a young man, to go over and see her and to t^ll her that 1 ^\s in the neighborhood and must see her that night, but she must let no one kno\v. I then w-ent seven or eight miles furthtr fo my mistre?s', uho was a widow, and staid there until aft''r sunset. 1 had then sixteen miles to go Dr. f?oger's before 1 ,i;;ot to Ealeigh Jones' was about half-way. wife did not want, me to go home that niglit, as it was so very cold. I tnjd her I could not stay, as my business was so very important I

had made up
bought her.

my mind
Readerp,

what

to

when you

;

had to be there early in tho morning. I told her the reason I camt' up was to know if they wi-re going to make any alteration in the hirini^ of us my boys and 1 had to be hired every yuar. She said she would make no change we were to remain hired as Our master had hired u>. I bowed my brad and thanked her. I then shooli hands with her, Henrietta and Aggfe, her cook. Then moon was shinini; bright as day as I drove off. Aboui three or four miles from there, I met Charley Moore. Did you see her, Charley ?" 1 asked.

;

''

" Yes, evcrytiiing

is all

right."

did not stand and talk long, as there were a g^ood many deserters the woods at that time. " Farewfll, Charlie," I said, ''I will never forget you." I then drove on to withit* half a m le of JoneV housf. where there was an old field grown up into a wilderness; about fiiiy-lhiee 1 drove years before one brother had killed another in this place. I then g)t out and walked ray horse into a ':hicket and slopped down to the house. He had a great many hounds, and it seemed as

We

m

,•

would never reach the house for them they alarmed the woods. went stepping along the ridge-path as easy as I could; she imagined The house set ofi' to the dojjs were barking at me and came out.
if I

1

m}^ right side and hearing the bushes parting and cracking on my left, 1 lurried, and saw her in the path in front of me. As she apjjcared in the road 1 made for her, and throwing my arms around lier I kissed her; telling her I came for her, and if she suffered I intended to suffer with her. She informed me that they put iroris on her but took them off when they got her home. They had a guard watching her, so she asked me to let her go back before they missed her. " Very well," sa3'8 I, '• but come out after they get still as I want to take you to Kaleigh lo-nigbt in my buggy, which is up in Bashfbrd's old place. She went back immediately. I waited until a very late hour in the night, but she did not come. I heard Jones call and talk to some one at the house, but I She had not returued yt^t, so in the dead could not tell what he sa'd.

14
of the night I went ialo tho yard and peoped about in the eracks in lofi; cabins, but could not see her. I thought, perhaps, she had dropped asleep, as the niggers had been dancing and frolicking all the night before, and she did not get any sleep, I >a\v her nodding, »s I thought, and not daring to let anyone see me I punched her. The woman roused up but dropped lo sleep again 1 was mistaken it was not her. I thought ot another plan : I knocked at the door and asked for such and such a man, who was not there ; I went to another house and asked for another noan ; he was not there. I then wont around to tho houses generally^ they were built Jikc a town, and a spoculator has a good many and if she had heard me she would have come out. Instead of asking the Lord '• was 1 defeated," I said, "1 am defeated ; Lord, what shall I do, they have got her locked up in the house I have missed my aim and shall havo to go back without her." Insteaa of asking the Lord what to do, I dictated to him that I would stay until day I was not going home without her. I walked on towards my buggy and was surprised by meeting her; she had comj out and missed me but had found her way to my buggy in the old field. My soul was lifted up. I was a stiong man and I took her in my arms back to my buggy, and taking my blankets, wrapped her up snug from bead to foot. It was now past midnight I drove to Kaleigh but stopped at a friend's house and warmed her I did not go a direct roulo because I knew they would follow and take me up. After warming up, I pushed on to Raleigh. I got there just as day was breaking in the east and astonished her mother and the rest of the children, as they did not know where I went or what I went for. They arose early and wanted to know what I was going to do with her I replied that I was going to keep her for awhile in my stable loft. After keeping her there for a short while, I carried her out into tho country where she staid a month or so, but as she again got restles«, 1 had to take my horse and buggy in the dead of the night and bring her in and kept in the stable loft. James came in a few days after I got her and asked for her. " Good morning, Uncle Friday," he first said to me. 'Good morning, Mr. Jones." " Uncle Friday, how is y.our daughter this morning?" " 1 don't know, sir, how she is." *' Oh yes, you do; all I blame you for is coming up there and bringing her away. Were you not up to your mistress' houso on Sun;

J

;

;

day?"
" Yes, sir." " Did you see Squire George Thompson?" " Yes, sir.',
**

Did you speak

to him?',

" I did not, sir." " The day ot your hiring, you bring her up there; if you don't, If you can get anyone to give I'll give you a heap of trouble. $1,200 for her, I'll take it.

15
I I looked Lor him to come that day to the sale, but he did act. bowed down on my kness hero's faith and asked God not to let him reach that ground on that day. He was not sick that day and it was not more one-half or three quarters of an hours' ride, with such fine horses and carriages as he had. I went to the hiring

ground as usual and asked my guardian

if he could hire me out without putting me on the block; he said 'yes." I asked him what he would take for me, and he said $50. Park Overby, a white friend of mine, said that he would give it; I was then safe, and Jones could not interfere with lae. He intended to pay any sort of price for me, Fifty dollars in confodas be was going tq,have me at all hazaads. era'e money was nothing it was God bearing me up. I had two boys to be hired. I hired my buggy and horse and brought white men from Ealeigh to hire my bojs. Jones never bad a chance to speak to me but once in two years, although he was there ever}' other day an sometimes every day in the week. My daughter was still with me. AVithin two miles of Raleigh he atteinped to shoot me, but I got away from iiim and left my wagon standing in the road he was allowed to carry pistols and shoot, and I wasn't. Ho tried to hire me again but I did not go to the hiring; he was there, though. The widow said that no one should hire me to punish me; she would hire me herself fiist. Some of the young men at Rogers' hired me and let me slay at Raleigh as iisual. Leroy Jones was the speculator and Kinyon Jones owned trained blood-hounds; they, with Leru House, went into my stable. I stood back and saw them go up the steps into the loft, and break the door open. She was in there at the time, but they went in and searched, and did not find her. 1 left her then until the niorning Sherman's army arrived as Kilpalrick's cavalry approached Raleigh, running Wheeler's army out, 1 turned her cut. I had kept her within one square of the market house for twelve months ; in the course of tlie two years she had been very sick on two occasions her mother had said she could not live to turn her loose in the road and let them take her, for they would ruin me. Bless my wife I will never meet a woman that I will love as I love her. I said, " I shall not turn hei loose, madam ; it she dies I intend to bury her." I had two colored friends in Raleigh Juhn Flagg and Bob liucas. I intended to go down to the country and tell Mr. Holt that there was a refugee hero to be Duried that evening, and that I wanted him to dig the grave and have it ready, and I intended to take my horse and wagon and have John Flagg and Bob Lucas bury her, had she died. Old Dr. McKee, of Raleigh, prescribed for my family in case of sicknets, and we got the medicine from him and doc-

.

;

;

!

tored her.

During the

now

living in
I

She first year, in Jane, she professed religion. Raleigh, a sound and healthy woman. want to show you, readers, what I had to endure as a man.

is

I

16

had no education.
edge.
I close,

God smiled upon rae an J gave me common knowldear readers, by bho;vin<j what a father and busband can and will do, with the help of God. Col. Jones and I now parted forever. It was about six weeks after this that it o:-ciirred to me he was gomg to send me off. There was a family breaking up and selling out; l»is wife's Kister and her husband both dii'd at)d the children had come from Alabumx to settle the estate. 'J'he thought suggested itself to rae that they were going to swaj) me for sume of Herndon's people As a wicked sinner I asUcd ihc question, "how do I know he would nobody ever told mo so." Twas a matter between my God and 1. I was on ihe watch; he could rot make a move that I wou d not find out. Col. Jones and family went up lierndon. about six or or eight miles, to bid them farewell, and stayed awaj' neaily a week, leaving me to sow wlieat and put uj) fattening- hogs. 1 could not work, so I went to Joim Suit, a ivhite ne'ghtior, and told him the}' were going to send me away. He said if it had been
;

so he would have heard somelliing of it. I quit working entirely; my feelings would not lett me exerci>e I went down to my wife's bouse, about ei'i^ht or ton mdos distant, at night, and standing uj)on a la'dder in tlie bouse. 1 saii', 'wife, wife, they don't intend i shall tlay in this country with you, so you and the children must do the bc.-t \ou can." I bad made up my mmd to leave and go either in the nordiern or we.^te'n free State«> and live. I went within half a mile right in front of his door. I was go ing to dig my cave rigl^t there in the mountain and stay the balance little stream ran down by the foot of the mountain, of my days. and I threw the diitl d'lg out into the stream. 1 dug a jilace so large that I could go in and turn all around I was going to secure it by cutting down large trees all around it. I asked the Loid not to let me be overtaken in that den.

A

;

Col. Jones

and his family had not got back from the

sale, so 1

went down to mv wife's house. While there, some one came to the door and asked ray wife when she had seen Friday. I wliispered to her not to tell them 1 was there. They said, " tell him to look out for himself, as Jones has sold him to Herndon.and lierndon is going to leave for Alabama in a few days. This was my predicament he had swapped me for Sam, a slave, and his wife. When he got home and found that I bad left, be was astonished he had to go out in the neighborhood and get a man to
; ;

take Sam, and he kept his wife to cook. He then went to Jesse Pinny to get him to buy Sam Finny refused to buy Sam, but said that he would buy rae if Jones would sell me. They were then some three days, Sunday included, trading for me. Pinny said the reason he bought me was that he needed one man to help him raise his children; he had seen me working and thought I would suit him. He sent for me in the night to meet him at his brother Sandy's ; I met him and he asked me if I would live with him, and I told him I would. He told me to come to his houfe
;

17

on ;^uesday morning
miles
trials
off.

—this

was Sunday

night.

His bouse was

five

headers, Just notice what I suffered as a man, and yet these were good for me. Col. Jones made me suffer, in liis life time, what few men have suffered. On one occasion, I submitted to let him tie and whip me. I asked hina if he didn't Ihink bo had whipped me enough. '• When 1 am done with you it will be night," he replied.
I did not

know my

strength

;

I flung

my

loot against the tree

and broke loose and got away from him and the other white man, and untied the knot with my teeth. 1 was tempted to kill him. This was two years before I parted with him for good. There was a day when he would take no money for nie. The first time he ever talked of selling mo was when I asked him to let me have a

Ho never let me see any peace alter wife on Dr. Koger's plantation. the first four years. Bretheren, what a blessing it is to dwell together in the spirit. Beware bow you entertain a stranger, fur you may entertain an angel. Have you forgotten the life wo lived when we were slaves ? Our sufferings were great, and in some places we were not allowed to worhad to have secret prayer meetings on Saturship God at all. day nights, and souie would have to watch ibr the patrolmen and hard task-mastejs, to keep from being surprised, while the othe.s prayed and sung. \A hen the enemy was seen the watch wouLJ give the alarm order to we would then close the meeting and make our escape, keep our backs from being slashed and salted down. In Marsh county, N. C, wo had a noble speaker by the rame of Minger Crudemp he was the slave of a popular Baptist Mmister, who, although he was a preacher, did not allow his slaves to worship the God he praised. This Minger Crudemp would hold prayer-meetings every Saturday night that ho h id a chance in spile of the penalty he would have to pay if ho was caught; they would run him Saturday and Sunday. Bretheren, see how hard it was for us so serve God in the days of slavery. In some places they were allowed to praiso God, but they had to have a white man to watch them, f VVhen I was a small boy Bethey Thompson, a religious woman, was whipped by her mistress because she would pray and shout through the day.) Oh, how hard were the lives we led in those days. It was a common thing for slave men and women to run away into the woods to keep their masters from whipping them. To day, bretheren, we ought to love one another and be the best friends and citizens in America. Just look at the mercy of God in the midst of all the Presidents during slavery; yet we were held in bondage. God reared up Abraham Lincoln one whom the people had not looked for who used more power than any of the men in America. He caused the shackels to be thrown off the bondmen. There are few of you who have ever thought what it cost to set you free hundreds and thoui-ands of lives were lost even our greatest man, Abraham Lincoln, fell. No other man did the will of^God He arose as he did ; it seemed as if he was intended io liberate us.

We

;

m

;


;

18

and declared that slavery should be be abolished. This was power that God gave him. His heart failed him, but God pressed him on. All that wo can do is to live close to the cross as a race. Life and blood was sacrificed for us; our people are gaining on one hand but losing on the other- PVeedom of speech, to serve God, and to worship under our own vine and fig-tree, is ours. Between sixty and t;eventy years ago the colored people of the South were shouting in the fields, when the overseer came and was about to whip them and drive them to work, when ho was stricken down and converted by the power of God; then out came the master, and he was also convLTled. Theso I relate to show the power of God and the salvation of men and their souls How often have mortals been whipped to death and no one near
to help or pity them. horrible for a man to stand and soo his wife whipped and her wounds bathed in salt water, and not be able to protect her. To-day, some of our race are not doing much better. Man and wife, think of the pus-^age in the great book; " Little children, love ye one another, as the scripture hath commanded you to do."

How

FlUDAY JONES;
llaleigh.

N.

C.

The author of this book neiiher read nor write.

is

uncultured

and

unlearned

— can

Related Interests

sadJe-t feelings wa^ when they told me t-hc was SDld to a trader. Her husband, Allen Tale, and his master's overseer got into a fight, and Tate had to be sent awa}' to keep the ov7erseer I'rom killing him. Her 3-ounge8t child, a girl, died, leaving her oldest child, Bobby, and her sister Ptill in the Dozier lamily. As you peruse this little book just think what I havu suffei'cd and endured as a man, Saturday night I went to bed as usual. I had been in the ha'ut every uight and more especially on Saturday night, of telling my people one regular baying, " Get up in the morning and give no trouble now let mo have my breakfast soon so that I can go to church and have nothing to trouble ray mind." I would go to my morning service and have a daughter sing a hymn. On Saturday night I always
sleep,

no

;

;

;

knelt and gave humble thanks to God for sparing me and my family through the week. Sunday morning I thanked God ibr letting me see the sun rise, and asked Him to bless me both soul and body through the sabbath day. On Sunday night I changed my saying to " get up early, boys, I took my horse and feed my horse and prepare me to take a trip." buggy the next morning after breakfast and travelled about sixteen 'Twas a very cold morning during the Christmas season. 1 miles.

13

do when I heard that Jones had get to this place, just pauue and see how many of you would have done as I did. 1 fixed up myself as though I was going on a trip to New York warrti clothes and thick blanket^ in the bottom _of my buggy. 1 passed within half a mile of the trader's tbat day and made a stop a few miles the other side. they faidshe I saw some of my acquaintanc-r-s and inquired for her was over at Jones' the trader. I told Charley Moore, a young man, to go over and see her and to t^ll her that 1 ^\s in the neighborhood and must see her that night, but she must let no one kno\v. I then w-ent seven or eight miles furthtr fo my mistre?s', uho was a widow, and staid there until aft''r sunset. 1 had then sixteen miles to go Dr. f?oger's before 1 ,i;;ot to Ealeigh Jones' was about half-way. wife did not want, me to go home that niglit, as it was so very cold. I tnjd her I could not stay, as my business was so very important I

had made up
bought her.

my mind
Readerp,

what

to

when you

;

had to be there early in tho morning. I told her the reason I camt' up was to know if they wi-re going to make any alteration in the hirini^ of us my boys and 1 had to be hired every yuar. She said she would make no change we were to remain hired as Our master had hired u>. I bowed my brad and thanked her. I then shooli hands with her, Henrietta and Aggfe, her cook. Then moon was shinini; bright as day as I drove off. Aboui three or four miles from there, I met Charley Moore. Did you see her, Charley ?" 1 asked.

;

''

" Yes, evcrytiiing

is all

right."

did not stand and talk long, as there were a g^ood many deserters the woods at that time. " Farewfll, Charlie," I said, ''I will never forget you." I then drove on to withit* half a m le of JoneV housf. where there was an old field grown up into a wilderness; about fiiiy-lhiee 1 drove years before one brother had killed another in this place. I then g)t out and walked ray horse into a ':hicket and slopped down to the house. He had a great many hounds, and it seemed as

We

m

,•

would never reach the house for them they alarmed the woods. went stepping along the ridge-path as easy as I could; she imagined The house set ofi' to the dojjs were barking at me and came out.
if I

1

m}^ right side and hearing the bushes parting and cracking on my left, 1 lurried, and saw her in the path in front of me. As she apjjcared in the road 1 made for her, and throwing my arms around lier I kissed her; telling her I came for her, and if she suffered I intended to suffer with her. She informed me that they put iroris on her but took them off when they got her home. They had a guard watching her, so she asked me to let her go back before they missed her. " Very well," sa3'8 I, '• but come out after they get still as I want to take you to Kaleigh lo-nigbt in my buggy, which is up in Bashfbrd's old place. She went back immediately. I waited until a very late hour in the night, but she did not come. I heard Jones call and talk to some one at the house, but I She had not returued yt^t, so in the dead could not tell what he sa'd.

14
of the night I went ialo tho yard and peoped about in the eracks in lofi; cabins, but could not see her. I thought, perhaps, she had dropped asleep, as the niggers had been dancing and frolicking all the night before, and she did not get any sleep, I >a\v her nodding, »s I thought, and not daring to let anyone see me I punched her. The woman roused up but dropped lo sleep again 1 was mistaken it was not her. I thought ot another plan : I knocked at the door and asked for such and such a man, who was not there ; I went to another house and asked for another noan ; he was not there. I then wont around to tho houses generally^ they were built Jikc a town, and a spoculator has a good many and if she had heard me she would have come out. Instead of asking the Lord '• was 1 defeated," I said, "1 am defeated ; Lord, what shall I do, they have got her locked up in the house I have missed my aim and shall havo to go back without her." Insteaa of asking the Lord what to do, I dictated to him that I would stay until day I was not going home without her. I walked on towards my buggy and was surprised by meeting her; she had comj out and missed me but had found her way to my buggy in the old field. My soul was lifted up. I was a stiong man and I took her in my arms back to my buggy, and taking my blankets, wrapped her up snug from bead to foot. It was now past midnight I drove to Kaleigh but stopped at a friend's house and warmed her I did not go a direct roulo because I knew they would follow and take me up. After warming up, I pushed on to Raleigh. I got there just as day was breaking in the east and astonished her mother and the rest of the children, as they did not know where I went or what I went for. They arose early and wanted to know what I was going to do with her I replied that I was going to keep her for awhile in my stable loft. After keeping her there for a short while, I carried her out into tho country where she staid a month or so, but as she again got restles«, 1 had to take my horse and buggy in the dead of the night and bring her in and kept in the stable loft. James came in a few days after I got her and asked for her. " Good morning, Uncle Friday," he first said to me. 'Good morning, Mr. Jones." " Uncle Friday, how is y.our daughter this morning?" " 1 don't know, sir, how she is." *' Oh yes, you do; all I blame you for is coming up there and bringing her away. Were you not up to your mistress' houso on Sun;

J

;

;

day?"
" Yes, sir." " Did you see Squire George Thompson?" " Yes, sir.',
**

Did you speak

to him?',

" I did not, sir." " The day ot your hiring, you bring her up there; if you don't, If you can get anyone to give I'll give you a heap of trouble. $1,200 for her, I'll take it.

15
I I looked Lor him to come that day to the sale, but he did act. bowed down on my kness hero's faith and asked God not to let him reach that ground on that day. He was not sick that day and it was not more one-half or three quarters of an hours' ride, with such fine horses and carriages as he had. I went to the hiring

ground as usual and asked my guardian

if he could hire me out without putting me on the block; he said 'yes." I asked him what he would take for me, and he said $50. Park Overby, a white friend of mine, said that he would give it; I was then safe, and Jones could not interfere with lae. He intended to pay any sort of price for me, Fifty dollars in confodas be was going tq,have me at all hazaads. era'e money was nothing it was God bearing me up. I had two boys to be hired. I hired my buggy and horse and brought white men from Ealeigh to hire my bojs. Jones never bad a chance to speak to me but once in two years, although he was there ever}' other day an sometimes every day in the week. My daughter was still with me. AVithin two miles of Raleigh he atteinped to shoot me, but I got away from iiim and left my wagon standing in the road he was allowed to carry pistols and shoot, and I wasn't. Ho tried to hire me again but I did not go to the hiring; he was there, though. The widow said that no one should hire me to punish me; she would hire me herself fiist. Some of the young men at Rogers' hired me and let me slay at Raleigh as iisual. Leroy Jones was the speculator and Kinyon Jones owned trained blood-hounds; they, with Leru House, went into my stable. I stood back and saw them go up the steps into the loft, and break the door open. She was in there at the time, but they went in and searched, and did not find her. 1 left her then until the niorning Sherman's army arrived as Kilpalrick's cavalry approached Raleigh, running Wheeler's army out, 1 turned her cut. I had kept her within one square of the market house for twelve months ; in the course of tlie two years she had been very sick on two occasions her mother had said she could not live to turn her loose in the road and let them take her, for they would ruin me. Bless my wife I will never meet a woman that I will love as I love her. I said, " I shall not turn hei loose, madam ; it she dies I intend to bury her." I had two colored friends in Raleigh Juhn Flagg and Bob liucas. I intended to go down to the country and tell Mr. Holt that there was a refugee hero to be Duried that evening, and that I wanted him to dig the grave and have it ready, and I intended to take my horse and wagon and have John Flagg and Bob Lucas bury her, had she died. Old Dr. McKee, of Raleigh, prescribed for my family in case of sicknets, and we got the medicine from him and doc-

.

;

;

!

tored her.

During the

now

living in
I

She first year, in Jane, she professed religion. Raleigh, a sound and healthy woman. want to show you, readers, what I had to endure as a man.

is

I

16

had no education.
edge.
I close,

God smiled upon rae an J gave me common knowldear readers, by bho;vin<j what a father and busband can and will do, with the help of God. Col. Jones and I now parted forever. It was about six weeks after this that it o:-ciirred to me he was gomg to send me off. There was a family breaking up and selling out; l»is wife's Kister and her husband both dii'd at)d the children had come from Alabumx to settle the estate. 'J'he thought suggested itself to rae that they were going to swaj) me for sume of Herndon's people As a wicked sinner I asUcd ihc question, "how do I know he would nobody ever told mo so." Twas a matter between my God and 1. I was on ihe watch; he could rot make a move that I wou d not find out. Col. Jones and family went up lierndon. about six or or eight miles, to bid them farewell, and stayed awaj' neaily a week, leaving me to sow wlieat and put uj) fattening- hogs. 1 could not work, so I went to Joim Suit, a ivhite ne'ghtior, and told him the}' were going to send me away. He said if it had been
;

so he would have heard somelliing of it. I quit working entirely; my feelings would not lett me exerci>e I went down to my wife's bouse, about ei'i^ht or ton mdos distant, at night, and standing uj)on a la'dder in tlie bouse. 1 saii', 'wife, wife, they don't intend i shall tlay in this country with you, so you and the children must do the bc.-t \ou can." I bad made up my mmd to leave and go either in the nordiern or we.^te'n free State«> and live. I went within half a mile right in front of his door. I was go ing to dig my cave rigl^t there in the mountain and stay the balance little stream ran down by the foot of the mountain, of my days. and I threw the diitl d'lg out into the stream. 1 dug a jilace so large that I could go in and turn all around I was going to secure it by cutting down large trees all around it. I asked the Loid not to let me be overtaken in that den.

A

;

Col. Jones

and his family had not got back from the

sale, so 1

went down to mv wife's house. While there, some one came to the door and asked ray wife when she had seen Friday. I wliispered to her not to tell them 1 was there. They said, " tell him to look out for himself, as Jones has sold him to Herndon.and lierndon is going to leave for Alabama in a few days. This was my predicament he had swapped me for Sam, a slave, and his wife. When he got home and found that I bad left, be was astonished he had to go out in the neighborhood and get a man to
; ;

take Sam, and he kept his wife to cook. He then went to Jesse Pinny to get him to buy Sam Finny refused to buy Sam, but said that he would buy rae if Jones would sell me. They were then some three days, Sunday included, trading for me. Pinny said the reason he bought me was that he needed one man to help him raise his children; he had seen me working and thought I would suit him. He sent for me in the night to meet him at his brother Sandy's ; I met him and he asked me if I would live with him, and I told him I would. He told me to come to his houfe
;

17

on ;^uesday morning
miles
trials
off.

—this

was Sunday

night.

His bouse was

five

headers, Just notice what I suffered as a man, and yet these were good for me. Col. Jones made me suffer, in liis life time, what few men have suffered. On one occasion, I submitted to let him tie and whip me. I asked hina if he didn't Ihink bo had whipped me enough. '• When 1 am done with you it will be night," he replied.
I did not

know my

strength

;

I flung

my

loot against the tree

and broke loose and got away from him and the other white man, and untied the knot with my teeth. 1 was tempted to kill him. This was two years before I parted with him for good. There was a day when he would take no money for nie. The first time he ever talked of selling mo was when I asked him to let me have a

Ho never let me see any peace alter wife on Dr. Koger's plantation. the first four years. Bretheren, what a blessing it is to dwell together in the spirit. Beware bow you entertain a stranger, fur you may entertain an angel. Have you forgotten the life wo lived when we were slaves ? Our sufferings were great, and in some places we were not allowed to worhad to have secret prayer meetings on Saturship God at all. day nights, and souie would have to watch ibr the patrolmen and hard task-mastejs, to keep from being surprised, while the othe.s prayed and sung. \A hen the enemy was seen the watch wouLJ give the alarm order to we would then close the meeting and make our escape, keep our backs from being slashed and salted down. In Marsh county, N. C, wo had a noble speaker by the rame of Minger Crudemp he was the slave of a popular Baptist Mmister, who, although he was a preacher, did not allow his slaves to worship the God he praised. This Minger Crudemp would hold prayer-meetings every Saturday night that ho h id a chance in spile of the penalty he would have to pay if ho was caught; they would run him Saturday and Sunday. Bretheren, see how hard it was for us so serve God in the days of slavery. In some places they were allowed to praiso God, but they had to have a white man to watch them, f VVhen I was a small boy Bethey Thompson, a religious woman, was whipped by her mistress because she would pray and shout through the day.) Oh, how hard were the lives we led in those days. It was a common thing for slave men and women to run away into the woods to keep their masters from whipping them. To day, bretheren, we ought to love one another and be the best friends and citizens in America. Just look at the mercy of God in the midst of all the Presidents during slavery; yet we were held in bondage. God reared up Abraham Lincoln one whom the people had not looked for who used more power than any of the men in America. He caused the shackels to be thrown off the bondmen. There are few of you who have ever thought what it cost to set you free hundreds and thoui-ands of lives were lost even our greatest man, Abraham Lincoln, fell. No other man did the will of^God He arose as he did ; it seemed as if he was intended io liberate us.

We

;

m

;


;

18

and declared that slavery should be be abolished. This was power that God gave him. His heart failed him, but God pressed him on. All that wo can do is to live close to the cross as a race. Life and blood was sacrificed for us; our people are gaining on one hand but losing on the other- PVeedom of speech, to serve God, and to worship under our own vine and fig-tree, is ours. Between sixty and t;eventy years ago the colored people of the South were shouting in the fields, when the overseer came and was about to whip them and drive them to work, when ho was stricken down and converted by the power of God; then out came the master, and he was also convLTled. Theso I relate to show the power of God and the salvation of men and their souls How often have mortals been whipped to death and no one near
to help or pity them. horrible for a man to stand and soo his wife whipped and her wounds bathed in salt water, and not be able to protect her. To-day, some of our race are not doing much better. Man and wife, think of the pus-^age in the great book; " Little children, love ye one another, as the scripture hath commanded you to do."

How

FlUDAY JONES;
llaleigh.

N.

C.

The author of this book neiiher read nor write.

is

uncultured

and

unlearned

— can

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