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We are the Drug Policy Alliance and we envision a just society in which the use and regulation of drugs are grounded in science, compassion, health and human rights, in which people are no longer punished for what they put into their own bodies but only for crimes committed against others, and in which the fears, prejudices and punitive prohibitions of today are no more. Please join us.
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Table of Contents Reducing Criminalization Sensible Marijuana Regulation Health-Based Approach Opening the Debate Foundation Support, Grants and Donors Board and Staff Financial Statements
On the Cover: Thousands march in Washington, D.C., at a rally organized by DPA and our allies during the International AIDS Conference.
The work described herein includes that of the Drug Policy Alliance, a 501(c)(3) organization, and Drug Policy Action, a 501(c)(4) organization.
Letter from the President and Executive Director
Can We Make the Most of the Momentum?
I don’t think my DPA colleagues and I have ever made so much progress on so many fronts in so little time as we have this past year. We’re changing the conversation about the war on drugs and bringing about a new world of opportunities for drug policy reform. Arguments that were articulated just five years ago primarily by intellectuals and activists, and three years ago by former presidents and policymakers, are now being advanced with growing sophistication and nuance by current presidents in Latin America and a small but growing number of elected officials in the United States. There is now, for the first time, a critical mass of support that ensures that this burgeoning debate will no longer be suppressed. Yet we still have a long way to go. The war on drugs remains entrenched and codified in a complex web of policies in every state and locality, at the federal level, and even globally. More than three-quarters of a million people are arrested for marijuana possession in the U.S. every year. More than half a million people are behind bars for nothing more than violating a drug law. That’s why ultimately we must continue to grow stronger, tougher and smarter to ensure that a fundamental transformation comes as soon as possible. Thankfully, we’re breaking through like never before, as more elected officials and candidates are coming to understand that support for drug policy reform is no detriment to getting elected, and can even be a key asset to success – and that politicians who persist in advocating for the drug war can be defeated both in legislative battles and at the ballot box. Evidence of change is apparent when a pro-medical marijuana judge, Ellen Rosenblum, wins the Oregon attorney general race over a heavily-favored former U.S. attorney who had been hostile to medical marijuana, with the issue emerging as a prominent one in the campaign. Or when a former El Paso councilman, Beto O’Rourke, who had attracted national attention with his advocacy for marijuana legalization, defeats an eight-term incumbent who had stoutly defended the drug war. Evidence of change is also apparent when a governor like Vermont’s Peter Shumlin embraces our agenda. Or when New Jersey Governor Chris Christie breaks rank with other Republicans to criticize the drug war and implement meaningful reforms. Or when New York Governor Andrew Cuomo joins with Mayor Michael Bloomberg and NYPD Commissioner Ray Kelly to call for marijuana law reform. In Latin America, a parallel breakthrough is unfolding, as popularly elected leaders are saying “enough is enough” after decades of being brutalized by failed prohibitionist policies. Many of them are inspired not just by cutting-edge harm reduction policies in Europe but also by the rapid transformation of public policies and attitudes in the U.S. regarding marijuana. The U.S. drug czar and some federal officials seem to be responding to all this by revising their rhetoric to incorporate the language, but not the substance, of drug policy reform. Federal drug control policy will only change in response to growing pressures – from influential voices abroad and even more importantly from changes in state and local laws and policies. That’s why your voice and commitment, especially right where you live, are so important. DPA’s leadership role requires us to help manage two parallel challenges with nuance, vision and all the resources we can bring to bear. Within the United States, we must negotiate the twists and turns of the struggle between policy reforms at the state and local level and the federal government’s vigorous efforts to undermine that progress. And internationally we must assist our allies in reforming their own drug laws in the face of persistent pressures from the U.S. and other governments to sustain the global drug prohibition regime. DPA is stronger and more effective than ever before, but we have a long way to go before we can claim victory in the struggle for drug policies grounded in science, compassion, health and human rights. Your support has meant a lot – and now we need you more than ever.
Ira Glasser President
Ethan Nadelmann Executive Director
DPA supporters gather in Santa Fe at a memorial honoring victims of the drug war and their families.
More than half a million people are locked up in U.S. prisons and jails today for violating a drug law. They are disproportionately black and Hispanic. It costs tens of billions of dollars annually to arrest, prosecute and incarcerate them.
2012 Annual Report
DPA has led the way in rolling back harsh sentences and promoting alternatives to incarceration for drug possession and other drug law violations. Reducing drug sentences will not end prohibition, but does more to dramatically reduce the harms of prohibitionist policies than almost anything else. DPA has played a pivotal role in the reform of dozens of drug laws at the city, state and federal levels. Together, we have directly improved the lives of hundreds of thousands of people by preventing them from being arrested or incarcerated or by shortening the length of time they spend behind bars. Charting a Course for Comprehensive Criminal Justice Reform in California
This was the first major non-marijuana penalty reform to be brought up for a vote on the California Senate floor in decades. We built an impressive and broad coalition of more than 100 organizations, with support beyond the usual suspects to include a sitting District Attorney, retired law enforcement and the politically conservative Right on Crime coalition. The core of the coalition generated more activity – including media, calls and in-district visits – than we have ever seen on any piece of legislation in the state. We got further than we expected in the first year of this campaign – with the bill passing the Senate Public Safety Committee – though certainly not as far as we would have liked. The competence and resources behind our campaign brought out the police chiefs in force, leading the California Senate to vote against the bill. Although we were disappointed, we are encouraged by the exceptional coalition and significant momentum that we have built for this multi-year campaign. Clearly, our central challenge remains what it has long been for criminal justice reform in California: the resistance of law enforcement to even modest fixes to the state’s broken criminal justice system. We are committed to building on the progress and momentum we built this year until we overcome this opposition.
U.S. Sentencing Commission Makes Crack Cocaine Sentencing Reforms Retroactive
For more than a decade, DPA has played a central role in addressing over-incarceration in California. In 2000, we spearheaded Proposition 36, which has diverted more than 300,000 Californians from incarceration into treatment, reducing associated costs by more than $2.5 billion. But this didn’t go far enough, as the state grappled with prison overcrowding that led to a federal court mandate that the state must reduce its prison population by 40,000 in just two years. Governor Jerry Brown responded by brokering the Public Safety Realignment Act of 2011, which redirected people convicted of certain offenses to county supervision instead of state prison. This means that tens of thousands fewer people will be locked up in state prisons, but there is a lot of uncertainty as to what will happen to them at the county level. Seeking to address the root of the problem, DPA took a major step forward in 2012 by working with State Senator Mark Leno to introduce a measure that would reclassify simple drug possession as a misdemeanor instead of a felony, which would save the state and its counties $1 billion in just five years and would dramatically reduce many drug sentences. The benefits to individuals, though, would go far beyond shorter sentences. The consequences of a felony conviction – which include barriers to employment, housing, education, and public benefits – can be more onerous than the sentence itself, often haunting someone for the rest of their life.
Imagine that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 had upheld segregation in existing schools, and only mandated integration for new schools being built. When Congress passed the Fair Sentencing Act last year to reform the notorious 100-to-1 disparity between crack cocaine and powder cocaine sentencing laws, that’s basically what they did. They failed to make the new law retroactive, meaning that people sentenced prior to the reform continue to serve sentences that are dramatically longer than people later convicted of the exact same offenses. As a result of DPA’s work with a powerful coalition of criminal justice advocates, though, this summer the U.S. Sentencing Commission voted to retroactively apply the Fair Sentencing Act. The Commission received more than 43,000 pieces of mail urging them to apply the new law retroactively.
Reducing Criminalization (continued)
Meghan Ralston, Harm Reduction Manager February 15, 2012
“ While it’s commendable that our drug czar acknowledges that addiction doesn’t discriminate, the fact remains that access to quality drug treatment often does – in favor of people who’ve been arrested and diverted into treatment programs. There simply aren’t enough publicly funded spots available in drug treatment facilities across the country, and many such spots are filled by people who don’t actually need treatment but who have been mandated by a drug court to complete treatment after a low-level marijuana possession arrest. This needs to stop.”
This means that more than 12,000 people are eligible for early release. Taxpayers will save $240 million – and, more importantly, people serving excessively harsh sentences are being reunited with their families and loved ones sooner. The ruling will also address the egregious racial disparities in our criminal justice system – almost 80 percent of those sentenced are black, although most users and sellers of crack are not black. Thousands of people and their families will benefit from this reform, but it still doesn’t go far enough. With your continued support, this will be the first of many long-overdue sentencing reforms.
Thwarting the Latest Drug Testing Craze
Over the past decade, DPA has been involved in several legal challenges to mandatory drug testing as a condition of eligibility for employment, school-based extracurricular activities and, now, public assistance for needy families. Thirty-six states introduced legislation in 2011 and 2012 that would require drug testing of individuals who receive many forms of public assistance, including Medicaid, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, welfare and unemployment. But we helped to defeat most of these bills as legislators grasped that they are fiscally unsound, unconstitutional, and lack scientific proof. Unfortunately, Florida’s bill passed the state legislature and was signed by Governor Rick Scott – but the law has been placed on hold following a legal challenge that DPA supported with an amicus brief.
Drug testing programs are invasive, unproven and expensive – and they have increasingly been used to justify discriminatory policies against people who use drugs or who struggle with addiction. Drug testing policies were initially designed to protect worker safety in certain professions, but have now infiltrated many more settings.
2012 Annual Report
While the recent spate of bills were motivated largely by the assumption that drug testing as a condition of eligibility for public benefits would save taxpayer dollars, the reality is that these programs cost more money than they save. In any case, drug testing is an ineffective method of identifying people who are struggling with drug misuse or addiction. Drug tests simply identify drug usage, not misuse or addiction. The vast majority of positive tests solely identify marijuana, which stays in the body much longer than other drugs like heroin, cocaine or methamphetamine. Drug tests also don’t screen for problematic alcohol use – which kills far more people every year than all illegal drugs combined. And – contrary to persistent stereotypes – there is no heightened level of drug use among public benefit recipients. Just two percent of Florida drug tests came back positive for drugs during the law’s brief implementation – a rate four times lower than the estimated drug use of Floridians. Drug testing has been instrumental in the drug war’s mission to identify people who use drugs and to strip them of rights, freedoms, opportunities and benefits. We will continue to fend off these invasive and ineffective infringements on civil liberties and common sense.
Starving the Drug War in Congress
More than a trillion dollars has been spent on the war on drugs with little to show for it except overcrowded prisons, enormous racial disparities, and rising rates of overdose fatalities. As Congress considers spending cuts, we are painstakingly scaling back – and even eliminating – failed drug war programs. In December, we won a significant victory when Congress completely eliminated funding for the National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign. Over the last two decades, billions of taxpayer dollars have been spent warning, scaring and threatening America’s young people with abstinence-only messages. For years, DPA has worked to educate members of Congress about the ineffectiveness – as documented in seven government-funded evaluations – of this campaign. You probably recognize some of its over-the-top TV ads, which warn that if you try marijuana you will be supporting terrorism or that you may end up eating your own hand. DPA was also successful in cutting funding for two drug war programs that cost hundreds of millions of dollars and lead to thousands of low-level arrests every year: the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas program and the Byrne Grant program. These programs have a record of racially disproportionate low-level drug arrests and increased local
“ Millions of Americans have been incarcerated for low-level drug law violations, leading to an explosion in our prison population that is costing our country more than $50 billion per year. Despite this costly effort, drug overdose, addiction and misuse are more prevalent than ever. The war is an utter failure.”
Art Way, Senior Drug Policy Manager, Colorado June 19, 2011
and state costs with no measurable impact on public safety. They have fueled some of the worst drug war practices and generate massive new state and local costs not covered by the grants. With your help, we are working to reduce the deficit and save taxpayer money for years to come, while empowering the states, keeping families together and saving lives.
DPA Policy Coordinator Evan Goldstein (far left) and activists block the entrance to NYPD headquarters during a protest calling for an end to New York’s marijuana arrest crusade.
Sensible Marijuana Regulation
Marijuana prohibition is unique among American criminal laws. No other law is enforced so widely and harshly yet deemed unnecessary by such a substantial portion of the population. It has resulted in more than 20 million arrests since 1970 and has deprived responsible people of their jobs, educational opportunities, property and freedom.
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Our marijuana policy reform efforts focus on making marijuana legally available for medical purposes, reducing criminal penalties and arrests for possession, and ultimately ending marijuana prohibition in the U.S. and abroad. Because of our work, roughly a million people who suffer from cancer, AIDS, multiple sclerosis and other serious illnesses are no longer criminals under state law for using marijuana as medicine. Marijuana Legalization Hits the Mainstream – and Congress
Ending the Marijuana Arrest Crusade – In New York City and Across the U.S.
Reducing the number of people arrested for marijuana possession is a priority for DPA – especially in New York City, where low-level marijuana arrests jumped from a few thousand per year in the 1980s and early 1990s to more than 50,000 in 2011, making it the marijuana arrest capital of the world. A marijuana arrest is no small matter – most people are handcuffed, placed in a police car, taken to a police station, fingerprinted and photographed, held in jail for 24 hours or more, and then arraigned before a judge. The arrest creates a permanent record that can easily be found on the Internet by employers, landlords, schools, credit agencies, licensing boards and banks. We are on the verge of sparing tens of thousands of New Yorkers from these cruel, humiliating and useless arrests that oftentimes produce devastating consequences. In September 2011, we reached a major breakthrough when NYPD Commissioner Ray Kelly issued an internal order commanding officers to follow existing New York State law by ending arrests for possession of small amounts of marijuana – as long as the marijuana was never in public view. The fact that the NYPD admitted any wrongdoing – an extremely rare occurrence – represented a tremendous victory. But new arrest figures over the following months showed that since Kelly’s order arrests for low-level marijuana arrests had fallen by only 13 percent since the same period the year before – a disappointing drop considering the scale of the NYPD’s marijuana arrest crusade. This disappointment led to our next breakthrough in June, when Governor Cuomo publicly embraced our proposed reforms – with the support of all five of New York City’s district attorneys and the New York City Council. Mayor Bloomberg and NYPD Commissioner Kelly even decided that it was best for them to reverse course and jump on board as well. The news was so big that it made the front page of the New York Times not just once but two days in row – and then it was all over the national and international media. None of this would have happened without your commitment and DPA’s leadership. Unfortunately, throwback Republicans in the New York Senate stonewalled our legislation before this year’s session ended. Despite this setback, we’re not going to stop fighting until we win. You’ve created the momentum to dramatically reduce marijuana arrests in New York City – and as other U.S. cities grapple with the consequences of arresting thousands of people every year for marijuana possession, the effects of your support are reverberating around the country.
Ending marijuana prohibition represents the most politically feasible way of dramatically rolling back the reach of prohibitionist drug policies. Half of all U.S. drug arrests are for marijuana – more than 850,000 Americans were arrested for marijuana in 2010 alone, 88 percent for mere possession. Never before has support for making marijuana legal been so widespread. Public support has shifted dramatically in the last two decades, especially in the last few years. For the first time, a Gallup poll has found that 50 percent of Americans support making marijuana legal, with only 46 percent opposed. Majorities of men, 18-29 year-olds, 30-49 year-olds, liberals, moderates, Independents, Democrats, and voters in Western, Midwestern and Eastern states now support legalizing marijuana. In Colorado, Oregon and Washington, initiatives are on the ballot to tax and regulate marijuana. Slight majorities in all three states favor making marijuana legal. DPA has worked closely with local and national allies to draft these initiatives, build coalitions and raise funds. In Congress, a bipartisan group of legislators introduced the first bill ever to end federal marijuana prohibition. Just a few years ago, Ron Paul and Barney Frank would probably have been the only members of Congress willing to sign on to this sort of bill. What’s amazing is that more than 20 Representatives have co-sponsored the bill – including people like Republican Rep. Dana Rohrabacher, and Democratic Rep. John Conyers, who recently chaired the House Judiciary Committee. The most surprising co-sponsor might be Democratic Rep. Charles Rangel, who chaired the House Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control in the 1980s and ranked among the leading drug warriors in Congress. DPA is shaping the burgeoning national dialogue about how to best achieve legalization and serving as a national thought leader for viable alternatives to failed prohibitionist policies.
Sensible Marijuana Regulation (continued)
Medical Marijuana: Overcoming the Betrayals
If there’s one area where we are experiencing serious challenges, it’s the federal government’s brutal crackdown in medical marijuana states. Perhaps not since the civil rights era has law enforcement played such an aggressive role in what is essentially a cultural and political struggle. But this time the federal government is playing the bully, riding roughshod over states’ rights, not to protect vulnerable individuals but to harm them. Starting in the mid-1990s, we prioritized medical marijuana for three reasons: 1) it was the first drug policy reform that a substantial majority of Americans were willing to support; 2) the persecution and prosecution of people who use marijuana for medical purposes is one of the most egregious aspects of marijuana prohibition; and 3) we have reason to believe that progress on this issue sways the public to support broader legalization of marijuana. Since 1996, DPA has played a pivotal role in legalizing medical marijuana in more than half of the 17 states where it is now legal: California, Alaska, Oregon, Washington, Maine, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, New Jersey and Connecticut. On the campaign trail in 2008, President Obama said that his administration would respect state medical marijuana laws – and for the most part he made good on that promise for two years, even as the U.S. experienced a rapid expansion of state laws and regulatory programs. In the past two years, though, the tide has turned against us.
The biggest obstacles are federal in nature: local U.S. attorneys and the DEA, IRS and other federal law enforcement agencies who actively try to undermine state and local regulation of medical marijuana; Republican members of Congress who shamelessly abandon their states’ rights rhetoric and principles when marijuana is the issue; and a president who has now turned his back on his earlier commitments to support the rights of states to responsibly regulate medical marijuana. Attorney General Eric Holder has reaffirmed several times the administration’s directive from 2009 to not focus on “individuals whose actions are in clear and unambiguous compliance with existing state laws providing for medical use of marijuana.” But there is a serious incongruity between what the administration states as policy and what is happening on the ground. Various federal agencies continue to violate the 2009 directive. The Treasury Department is forcing banks to close accounts of medical marijuana businesses operating legally under state law. The IRS is requiring dispensary owners to pay punitive taxes required of no other legal businesses. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives ruled that state-sanctioned medical marijuana patients cannot purchase firearms. U.S. Attorneys are sending letters to dispensary owners and landlords threatening seizure of their property and jail time. Federal raids and indictments continue, often without the support of local law enforcement and civic leaders. DPA has fought back on multiple fronts. In New Jersey, where we passed medical marijuana legislation in 2010, we’re successfully pressuring Gov. Christie’s administration to continue implementing the law. In New Mexico, where we passed legislation in 2007, we’re fighting against the hostile administration of Gov. Martinez and her threats to roll back the state’s unique model. In California, we’re helping develop an omnibus marijuana bill that would clarify the regulation of dispensaries and large-scale cultivators. We worked with allies and DPA grantees in Connecticut to pass their medical marijuana bill this spring. And in New York we’re undertaking a broad two-year campaign to legalize medical marijuana through the legislature. We have also provided strategic assistance elsewhere: drafting a last-minute amendatory veto for Gov. Schweitzer in Montana, funding local partners in Alabama, testifying in Maryland, providing communications support in Washington State and fighting off attempts by Congress to stop implementation in D.C.
Not only have medical marijuana laws enabled hundreds of thousands of Americans to legally use and possess marijuana, but there’s good reason to believe that progress on this issue sways the public to support broader legalization of marijuana.
2012 Annual Report
Jill Harris, Managing Director of Strategic Initiatives June 2, 2012
“ Politicians typically lag behind the voters on social issues, at least publicly. Many elected officials will say in private that they personally support marijuana legalization but fear political repercussions if they “come out” about their support for reform. That dynamic may be shifting. In blue Oregon and California and red Texas, candidates have just succeeded with a pro-reform message. As the momentum builds for marijuana legalization across the country, politicians will have no choice but to get in step with the public. And then we’ll really start to see things change.”
DPA’s Office of Legal Affairs, which has emerged as the movement’s de facto law firm, is providing pivotal technical assistance across the country. Our attorneys worked with the ACLU on an amicus brief – in the case of Pack v. City of Long Beach – the helped lead the California Supreme Court to nullify a lower court’s decision that federal law preempts state and local laws seeking to regulate medical marijuana dispensaries. Our political arm, Drug Policy Action, helped to win a major victory in the Oregon primary, where the race for attorney general focused overwhelmingly in the final stretch on the candidates’ differing views on enforcement of the state’s medical marijuana law. We provided substantial funding and support to Ellen Rosenblum, who won the primary and does not have a Republican opponent in November. This victory resonated nationally in all sorts of ways that will help advance our drug policy reform objectives. In Congress we advocated for an amendment to a funding bill that would have prohibited the Department of Justice from using federal funds to prevent the implementation of state medical marijuana laws. The amendment lost, but it further solidified the coalition of House members who are increasingly vocal and steadfast in their support of medical marijuana and marijuana legalization. We are also working
to support Rep. Barney Frank’s bill to protect patients, Rep. Jared Polis’s bill to address asset forfeiture concerns of banks that handle medical marijuana accounts, and Rep. Pete Stark’s bill to allow growers and distributors to deduct business expenses. We are also working on other pressure points in the administration. We organized and hand-delivered a letter from several of Obama’s top political donors calling on him to stop the raids. We organized an open letter to Obama from a bipartisan group of state legislators representing five states. We are also organizing veterans to advocate that they not be excluded from VA treatment because they use doctor-recommended medical marijuana, and for the inclusion of PTSD as a qualifying condition. Not only have medical marijuana laws enabled hundreds of thousands of Americans to legally use and possess marijuana, but there’s good reason to believe that progress on this issue sways the public to support broader legalization of marijuana. There’s also good reason to believe that medical marijuana programs are an important opportunity to establish statebased models and expertise about how to effectively regulate marijuana. Our opponents are also realizing these truths – which is why we need to push forward now harder than ever.
Patty DiRenzo lost her son, Salvatore, to an accidental overdose in 2010 and is now working with DPA to pass a 911 Good Samaritan law in New Jersey.
We advocate for a new bottom line in drug policy – one that focuses on reducing the cumulative death, disease, crime and suffering associated with both drug misuse and drug prohibition. This means supporting harm reduction interventions that are grounded in science, compassion, health and human rights.
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As a DPA member, you are helping create access to lifesaving health services for people struggling with drug problems. DPA promotes voluntary counseling and treatment, including substitution therapies such as methadone, buprenorphine and heroin maintenance programs for people struggling with addiction. And as overdose deaths have more than doubled in the past decade, DPA has also taken the lead in promoting effective strategies for reducing fatalities. We Can’t End AIDS Until We End the Drug War
DPA Spearheads Passage of Life-Saving Syringe Access Legislation in California and New Jersey
DPA has played a pivotal role in passing legislation to expand syringe access in three of the states with the highest rates of drug-related disease transmission: California (2004 and 2011), New Jersey (2006 and 2012) and New York (2010). In each case, we spent years overcoming kneejerk opposition from prosecutors and disheartening vetoes by various governors. In each case, we came back year after year after year, until we finally won. In New Jersey, DPA spearheaded passage of legislation signed by Governor Chris Christie in 2012 that allows for the sale of syringes in pharmacies without a prescription. New Jersey was one of only two states (the other is Delaware) that completely ban over-the-counter sales of syringes. In California, Governor Jerry Brown signed two life-saving syringe access bills in late 2011. One bill allows people to buy syringes at pharmacies without a prescription. Although some counties had opted-in to a pilot program that proved extremely effective in reducing syringe sharing, most counties did not participate. This expands that successful pilot statewide. The second bill would allow the California Department of Public Health to authorize new syringe access programs, after consultation with local public health and law enforcement leadership. Currently some cities and counties in California allow syringe access programs, but most do not. This bill puts public health experts in charge of the health of the community, instead of waiting for an elected body to take action. Now, thousands of New Jerseyans and Californians will have access to proven, effective HIV and hepatitis C prevention. This gives people who use drugs the tools that they need to protect their health and that of their partners, children, and communities, as well as protecting taxpayers from the cost of HIV and hepatitis C infections. Making sure our public health and criminal justice policies are in synch means more people will participate in programs that are a gateway to better community health.
Overdose: Rushing to Save Lives as Hidden Crisis Deepens
When the International AIDS Conference was held in the U.S. for the first time in 22 years this July, we mobilized with a clear message: the criminalization of people who use drugs – and especially backward government policies that restrict syringe access – are driving the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The scientific consensus is clear: improving access to sterile syringes through pharmacies and syringe access programs dramatically reduces the spread of HIV/AIDS, hepatitis C and other infectious diseases – without increasing drug use or addiction. DPA has spearheaded successful efforts to make syringes legally available in New York, California and New Jersey over the past decade – and supported key victories in Connecticut, Illinois and other states. As the world turned its eyes to Washington, D.C., we ensured that drug policy would be at the heart of the debate – by working with the Global Commission on Drug Policy to release a hard-hitting report, placing op-eds in major media outlets, and spurring public debate with a full-page ad in Politico and a powerful infographic that reached hundreds of thousands of people through online and social media. Countries where addiction is treated as a health issue are winning the fight against HIV/AIDS. Australia, Germany, Switzerland and other countries have virtually eliminated new HIV infections among people who use drugs, just as motherto-child HIV transmission has been virtually eliminated in countries that provide HIV medicines to pregnant women. In the U.S., though, the federal government has resisted evidence-based HIV prevention strategies – costing us hundreds of thousands of lives and billions of dollars. Although advocates have overcome drug war hostility in some cities and states, many still do not have any legal syringe access programs. Congress re-instated a longstanding ban last December that prohibits using federal funds for syringe access programs – a move that will cost thousands more lives in years to come. Millions of people have died because of bad drug policy – and millions more lives still hang in the balance.
In the last two decades, drug overdose deaths in the U.S. have quadrupled – and overdose has now overtaken car crashes, homicide and AIDS as a leading cause of death. Most of these deaths are preventable, but the “tough on crime” rhetoric of the drug war and the stigma associated with drug use have blocked the widespread adoption of life-saving overdose prevention policies.
Health-Based Approach (continued)
With more than 37,000 people dying from drug overdose in 2009 in the U.S. – overtaking automobile accidents for the first time – you might think that policymakers, the media, and health funders would be calling for action. After all, that’s roughly 720 people dying every week, equivalent to two large passenger jets crashing every seven days. But the response so far has been tepid. DPA is taking the lead in combating this overlooked problem. We advocate for a range of ways to prevent overdose, such as 911 Good Samaritan laws, improved naloxone access, fact-based education for people who might potentially be at risk of an overdose, and incorporating overdose prevention into existing drug education programs – without restricting legitimate access to pain control medication. This situation with overdose policy is akin to the AIDS crisis of the 1980s, when the government’s response was entirely inadequate and funders were slow to come around, with the exception of a few key visionaries. Hundreds of thousands of people died as a result. It’s happening again, and the government and the people who care about health and safety – and have the resources to do something about it – have a moral obligation to respond.
Improving Access to Naloxone
Five New States Enact Overdose Prevention Laws
The chance of surviving an overdose, like that of surviving a heart attack, depends greatly on how fast one receives medical assistance. Witnesses to heart attacks rarely think twice about calling 911, but witnesses to an overdose often hesitate to call for help or, in many cases, simply don’t make the call. The most common reason people cite for not calling 911 is fear of police involvement. People using drugs illegally often fear arrest, even in cases where they need professional medical assistance for a friend or family member. The best way to encourage overdose witnesses to seek medical help is to exempt them from criminal prosecution, an approach often referred to as 911 Good Samaritan immunity laws. DPA spearheaded the passage of the nation’s first 911 Good Samaritan law in New Mexico in 2007. Since then, our momentum has only grown. In 2012, DPA and our allies in five more states – California, Colorado, Florida, Illinois and Rhode Island – passed this life-saving legislation, bringing the total number of 911 Good Samaritan states up to 10. These laws send a strong message that stigma and criminalization should not be barriers to calling 911 in the event of an overdose – and that the harms of drugs can best be reduced through a health framework rather than criminalization.
Building Support for the First Supervised Injection Facility in the U.S.
For years, DPA has advocated for the broad distribution of naloxone, an inexpensive and easily administered overdose antidote for opiate drugs. Approved by the FDA since 1971, naloxone is non-addictive and nontoxic – and research shows that it can cut overdose death rates by 50 percent. This spring, DPA released a new report, “Expanding Access to Naloxone,” timed to a landmark FDA public hearing to consider making naloxone more available outside of conventional medical settings – by changing its status from prescription-only to over-the-counter and by expanding community-based overdose prevention programs. DPA’s harm reduction manager, Meghan Ralston, testified at the hearing and described receiving calls and emails from family members who had only discovered the existence of the overdose antidote after losing a loved one. “I have had more gut-wrenching conversations than you can imagine,” she testified. “You truly can’t imagine how massive the need for naloxone is. I know firsthand because I answer these calls.” The day after the hearing, DPA organized a briefing for congressional staff on Capitol Hill featuring the nation’s leading overdose prevention experts, who described the effectiveness of expanding naloxone access through overdose prevention programs. The Centers for Disease Control recently reported that increased access to naloxone through overdose prevention programs has already saved more than 10,000 lives.
Supervised Injection Facilities (SIFs) are places where people who inject drugs can connect to health care services – from primary care to treat disease and infection, to addiction counseling and treatment. There is overwhelming evidence that SIFs are effective in reducing new HIV infections, overdose deaths and public nuisance – and that they do not increase drug use or criminal activity. There are 92 SIFs operating in 61 cities around the world – but none in the U.S. Earlier this year, DPA worked closely with the New Mexico Senate on a memorial that passed unanimously requesting a study to enhance and expand New Mexico’s harm reduction and overdose prevention programs. This memorial will study emerging and evidence-based harm reduction approaches that exist in other states or countries, such as medically supervised injection facilities. DPA is also working in San Francisco with advocates, service providers, and community members to create the political will to support a SIF. A broad array of key stakeholders – researchers, doctors, people who use drugs, police officers, and even political candidates and members of the city’s Board of Supervisors – have spoken out in favor of establishing a SIF in San Francisco.
2012 Annual Report
We Can’t End AIDS Until We End the Drug War
The criminalization of people who use drugs is driving the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
new HIV infections outside sub-Saharan Africa is caused by syringe sharing. One-third of all AIDS cases in the U.S. have also been caused by syringe sharing: 354,000 people.
Sterile syringe access prevents HIV and saves lives.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that syringe access programs lowered HIV incidence among people who inject drugs in the U.S. by:
In some U.S. cities and states, advocates have overcome drug war hostility to implement syringe access programs, yet many states do not have any.
States with no legal syringe access programs
A 2003 study of 99 cities worldwide found that each year:
HIV/AIDS prevalence decreased 18% in cities with syringe access.
HIV/AIDS prevalence increased 8% in cities without syringe access.
DPA’s California Deputy Director, Laura Thomas, with Michel Kazatchkine, UN Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, at a rally in Washington, D.C.
Opening the Debate
DPA is at the forefront of the burgeoning drug policy reform movement. We have taken an issue that hovered at the fringes of American politics just 15 years ago and brought it into the mainstream without sacrificing our passion, our vision or our core principles.
2012 Annual Report
While much of our day-to-day work involves organizing and leading political coalitions to advance specific policy objectives, we also “connect the dots” among the many issues related to drug policy reform. DPA consistently utilizes the media and online activism to spread the word and broaden the debate on drug policy – and in the past year we were more successful than ever. We also help start and mentor local drug policy reform organizations and provide communications, organizing and funding support. Marijuana Policy Reform: Third Rail No Longer
Although Democrats are generally more supportive of drug policy reform than Republicans, this issue often crosses traditional party lines. A recent Mason-Dixon poll found that 67 percent of Republicans believe that the federal government should get out of the way and let states enforce their own medical marijuana laws. DPA is working to build support nationwide for ending prohibition by playing a key role in sparking and sustaining the national dialogue around marijuana legalization. We are aggressively engaging the media to ensure the dissemination of sound, accurate information about the harms of prohibition and the benefits of viable alternatives.
Debate Breaks Open in Latin America
The Drug Policy Alliance cannot get involved in electoral campaigns but our political arm, Drug Policy Action, can. Two examples really stand out in which we contributed and raised substantial funds for candidates who share our values and were running against drug war proponents. In El Paso, Texas, a former city councilman, Beto O’Rourke, who had attracted national attention with his advocacy for marijuana legalization, defeated an eight-term incumbent who had stoutly defended the drug war. In the race for attorney general of Oregon, a pro-medical marijuana judge defeated a heavily-favored former U.S. attorney who had been hostile to medical marijuana, with the issue emerging as a prominent one in the campaign. The Oregon result demonstrated the potential political costs of aggressively undermining state medical marijuana laws, while the El Paso result provided evidence that vigorous advocacy of legalization is no bar to getting elected to Congress – even in Texas. National media picked up on those messages, in large part because of DPA’s effective media outreach leading up to the vote and as soon as the election results were in – the AP, Time, and other outlets credited medical marijuana as the deciding factor in the Oregon race, while our staff penned op-eds for high-profile outlets. Even two of the most well-known and politically savvy Democrats in the country – New York Governor Andrew Cuomo and Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel – have come out in favor of reducing penalties for small amounts of marijuana. In New York City, Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Police Commissioner Ray Kelly quickly got in line with the governor. Cuomo’s and Emanuel’s stances say a lot about the direction of national politics and mainstream acceptance of marijuana reform.
For four decades, the U.S. and its allies in Latin America have pursued drug war policies that rely overwhelmingly on prohibition, incarceration and interdiction. But in just the last three years, there has been a dramatic turn of events. In 2009, the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy, led by former presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil, César Gaviria of Colombia, and Ernesto Zedillo of Mexico – with support and input from DPA – declared the war on drugs a “failed strategy” and called for “breaking the taboo” on debating all drug policy options. Two years later, those three former presidents teamed up with a former president of Switzerland, Ruth Dreifuss, as well as former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, Paul Volcker, George Shultz, Richard Branson, and other distinguished political and intellectual leaders to form the Global Commission on Drug Policy. Their recommendations were even bolder this time, embracing cutting edge harm reduction policies as well as decriminalization and experiments in legal regulation. Few people expected that the former presidents’ recommendations would be embraced anytime soon by current presidents, but that is what has happened over just the past few months. First to speak up was Colombia’s president, Juan Manuel Santos. He was followed, even more boldly, by the new president of Guatemala, Otto Perez Molina, who quickly sought to build support among other presidents in the region. In April, when President Obama joined more than thirty other heads of state for the Summit of the Americas, a major focus of the summit – for the first time ever – was the need for drug policy reforms. The subject was the principal one on the table when the presidents met privately – and President Obama was obliged to acknowledge that “it is entirely legitimate to have a conversation about whether the laws in place are ones that are doing more harm than good in certain places.”
Opening the Debate (continued)
Media coverage of these developments throughout the Americas was intense, with DPA deeply involved both out front and behind the scenes. An op-ed by DPA Executive Director Ethan Nadelmann was published in 14 newspapers in nine different Latin American countries. In the U.S., the Washington Post, NPR and other outlets like the Miami Herald interviewed DPA for favorable articles leading up to the summit. These stories led to numerous live interviews for Nadelmann during the summit itself in high-profile outlets such as PBS’ News Hour, MSNBC’s Hardball with Chris Matthews, NPR’s Morning Edition and All Things Considered, BBC, Democracy Now! and others. Overall, more than 10,000 stories were published on the drug war debate at the summit, with the large majority of them sympathetic to us. The immediate political challenge will be to sustain this momentum in the face of vigorous behind-the-scenes efforts by the U.S. government to suppress the debate, notwithstanding public statements that they’re open to it. The more substantive challenge will be to flesh out proposals for alternative strategies. Latin American leaders know full well that no nation can unilaterally legalize drugs and that major reform of the global drug prohibition regime will take years, likely decades. Governments as well as nongovernmental organizations in the region are just beginning to look seriously at alternative drug policy options. DPA has been deeply involved in these developments in Latin America from the beginning – advising leaders and highlevel officials, providing them with research and information to support their proposals, and in dozens of U.S. and Latin American media outlets to contextualize these developments. DPA is committed to ensuring that the taboo on discussing decriminalization is broken, that a well-informed and comprehensive debate on alternative drug polices continues, and that the U.S. recognizes the legitimacy and necessity of this dialogue. Our movement’s momentum is empowering Latin American leaders to explore all drug policy options – including legal regulation and decriminalization – to reduce the violence, crime and suffering in the region.
Growing Movement Shines at Biennial Reform Conference
California Lieutenant Governor Gavin Newsom, former Governor of New Mexico Gary Johnson, California NAACP director Alice Huffman, Mexican poet and movement leader Javier Sicilia, and travel writer Rick Steves joined drug policy experts, health care and drug treatment professionals, law enforcement, formerly incarcerated people, elected officials, and students from around the country and across the world. The conference also featured a public rally, “No More Drug War: A Rally & Concert to End the War on Drugs.” Experience the conference’s energy by watching and sharing videos of all the conference sessions at: reformconference.org. And mark your calendars for the next Reform Conference – October 23-26, 2013 at the Sheraton Downtown hotel in Denver, Colorado.
Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs
DPA’s Safety First publication provides parents with the tools needed to evaluate and discuss strategies for protecting their teenagers from drug misuse. More than 300,000 copies have been distributed to individuals and educational, health and governmental institutions and agencies in the U.S. The booklet has been translated into Spanish, Chinese, Russian, Ukranian, Romanian, Czech, Hebrew, Portuguese and Greek. In 2012, DPA released a new version of Safety First with updated facts and figures. To view or obtain a copy, please visit: www.drugpolicy.org/safetyfirst
New Technologies, New Audiences
More people like you are using DPA’s social networking sites and email action list than ever before. Our email list has quadrupled in the past three years to more than 230,000 subscribers – significantly increasing our ability to generate pressure on federal and state elected officials. In the past year, readers like you have sent more than 600,000 targeted letters to policymakers and elected officials as part of our action alert campaigns. We’ve also drawn in thousands more supporters through Facebook, Twitter and online video. Facebook: www.facebook.com/drugpolicy Twitter: www.twitter.com/drugpolicynews YouTube: www.youtube.com/drugpolicyalliance
When we came together last November at the 2011 International Drug Policy Reform Conference in Los Angeles, it was our largest gathering ever, bringing together more than 1,200 participants. Many people in our diverse and growing movement point to their first Reform Conference as a transformative moment in their commitment to drug policy reform and their understanding of its breadth.
2012 Annual Report
DPA received support from sixteen local and national foundations this year. Most support specific parts of our agenda that align most closely with their own organizational prioirites, on issues including racial justice, prison reform, human rights, civil liberties, HIV/AIDS prevention and community health.
Jacob and Valeria Langeloth Foundation
Based in New York, they support organizations working for the health and well-being of people with poor access to services, including prisoners. They helped DPA bring criminal justice reformers to the 2011 International Drug Policy Reform Conference.
Providing critical funding to advocates in California, the Rosenberg Foundation believes that criminal justice reform is one of the most urgent civil rights issues of our day. They are a key ally in our work to end incarceration for drug possession in California.
A long-time ally of DPA, this family foundation supports progressive activist organizations working for social justice and is deeply involved in mitigating the drug war’s impact in Mexico. They most recently provided support to the 2011 International Drug Policy Reform Conference.
San Francisco Foundation MAC AIDS Fund
Funded by sales from MAC Cosmetics VIVA GLAM lipstick line, the MAC AIDS Fund is a leader in the field of harm reduction and one of the largest private sources of funding for HIV/AIDS organizations. This year, they funded our harm reduction advocacy across the country. The Bay Area’s leading community philanthropic organization, the San Francisco Foundation funded DPA’s effort to advocate for improvements to hepatitis C prevention, services and policy in San Francisco.
Shelley and Donald Rubin Foundation
Based in New York, this family foundation funds the arts, human services, and social justice causes. They support our Know Your Rights and Build Your Future community training project, an essential component of our campaign to end New York City’s marijuana arrest crusade.
Curtis M. McGraw Foundation
This family foundation based in Princeton is the longest-running funder of our efforts to expand access to sterile syringes to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS in New Jersey.
New York Foundation
A steadfast supporter of progressive community organizing and advocacy, they fund DPA’s work to end New York City’s marijuana arrest crusade in collaboration with the Institute for Juvenile Justice Reform and Alternatives, Voices of Community Advocates and Leaders, and the Marijuana Arrest Research Project.
Doris Goodwin Walbridge Foundation
The Walbridge Foundation supports local human services agencies and their advocates in New Mexico. They have provided critical funding for our Santa Fe office since 2008.
Syringe Access Fund
This consortium of funders, managed by AIDS United, has played a pivotal role in expanding access to sterile syringes across the U.S. and has supported DPA’s work in California and New Jersey since 2004.
Open Society Foundations
No other foundation has done more to advance drug policy reform than OSF, providing substantial general operating support to DPA and grants to our allies in the field. DPA’s predecessor organization, The Lindesmith Center, became OSF’s first U.S.-based project in 1994.
Fund for Nonviolence
Based in Santa Cruz, the Fund for Nonviolence supports social change and provides grants to create a justice system that treats every human being with dignity. They are a key ally in our work to end incarceration for drug possession in California.
The Libra Foundation
The Libra Foundation supports organizations that promote fundamental freedoms and human rights in the U.S. and around the world. A long-time DPA supporter, this year they funded our national criminal justice reform advocacy and the 2011 International Drug Policy Reform Conference.
Public Welfare Foundation
The Public Welfare Foundation has been addressing the needs of underserved communities for decades and is among the most respected criminal justice reform organizations today. They’ve been funding DPA since 2008 and last year supported our sentencing reform efforts in New Jersey and New Mexico.
Herb Block Foundation
This D.C.-based funder reflects the spirit of Herb Block, the celebrated editorial cartoonist who spent his life defending freedom, combating discrimination, and improving conditions for the poor. They have provided us with general operating support for several years.
Zanvyl and Isabelle Krieger Fund
A vital foundation primarily serving the people of Baltimore, the Krieger Fund has been funding DPA since 2005, most recently with a grant for general operating support.
2011 - 2012 Advocacy Grant Awardees
The Drug Policy Alliance Advocacy Grants Program seeks to promote policy change and advance drug policy reform at the local, state and national levels by strategically funding smaller, geographically limited or single-issue projects. Funded annually at a level of roughly $1.2 million, the Advocacy Grants program works to raise awareness and promote policy change through two vehicles: the Promoting Policy Change Program and the Special Opportunities Program.
Promoting Policy Change $15,000 Drug Policy Education Group, Inc. To support mailings to legislators and community leaders and supply books to libraries and education projects. Families Act! To support the Call to Compassion Campaign, a campaign that mobilizes families to advocate for sensible and smart drug policies. Homeless Youth Alliance To advocate for the health and safety of young people who use drugs in the Haight area of San Francisco. Labor/Community Strategy Center To work with young people who are targets of zero tolerance drug policies in schools. Youth Justice Coalition To support direct action organizing, policy development, leadership training and continued development of campaign communications. Drug Policy Forum of Hawai’i To support the “go to” organization for educators, legislators and the general public in Hawai’i on a wide range of drug policy issues. Women With A Vision To advocate in opposition to mandatory drug testing as a condition of eligibility for the federal government’s Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program. New Mexico Women’s Justice Project To improve access to treatment and harm reduction programs for pregnant women who are struggling with addiction and to broaden support for decriminalizing drug use. Women on the Rise Telling Her Story To advocate for a health-based approach to drug policy for formerly and currently incarcerated women. North Carolina Harm Reduction Coalition To advocate for harm reduction throughout the state.
Project Lazarus To support an educational and interventional program that aims to reduce overdose fatalities. Partnership for Safety and Justice To support the Health Education for Addiction Legislation (HEAL) Oregon Project, which works to shift Oregon’s drug policies from a criminal approach to a health-based approach. Direct Action for Rights and Equality To develop leadership among the formerly incarcerated population in Rhode Island and advocate for sentencing reform. DRCNet To provide extensive, journalistic coverage of drug policy reform developments. The Drug Truth Network To support radio programming on drug policy reform in more than 80 markets. $20,000 Alabamians for Compassionate Care To bring about sane drug policy reform in the state of Alabama and to pass the Michael Phillips Compassionate Care Act, which would legalize medical marijuana in the state. Los Angeles Community Action Network To increase awareness of punitive drug policies among impacted residents and other stakeholders across LA County. Project South To provide general technical assistance to Drug Policy Alliance allies in the South. American Civil Liberties Union of Mississippi To reduce marijuana arrests in Jackson and in Gulf Coast communities. UpFront Programs To develop drug education tools for educators.
2012 Annual Report
$25,000 Center for NuLeadership on Urban Solutions To develop black and Latino government leaders who will support a strong drug policy reform platform. Mothers Against Teen Violence To support the Twelfth Annual MLK Luncheon, which focuses on educating the public and lawmakers about drug policy reform. AlterNet To support their broad and deep effort to educate the public and motivate engagement and activism around drug policy reform. $30,000 The Ordinary People Society To support efforts to change the political climate in Alabama by reducing the scope of the criminal justice system in drug policy, with an emphasis on reducing marijuana arrests. California Society of Addiction Medicine To support the development of a drug policy reform resource guide that member doctors and other member medical professionals can share with legislators. Institute for Metropolitan Affairs at Roosevelt University To shift public opinion about drug policy in Illinois, primarily by spearheading successful passage of the state’s 911 Good Samaritan law. $35,000 Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition To advocate for bi-partisan sentencing reform in Colorado.
$40,000 A New Path To reduce the stigma of drug use and the harms of the drug war through the Moms United Campaign. San Francisco Drug Users’ Union To advocate for a public health approach to drug policy. New York Academy of Medicine To work with DPA to continue implementation of the Rockefeller Drug Law reforms and to develop a comprehensive strategy for New York to shift to health-centered drug policies. VOCAL To work with local and state officials in New York City and Albany to implement reforms that reduce the role of criminalization in drug policy. Special Opportunities Program $1,000 Global Exchange To bring Javier Sicilia to the United States for a human rights award. $1,750 Criminal Justice Policy Foundation In support of their leadership development workshop held at the Students for Sensible Drug Policy Conference. $2,495 A New P.A.T.H. & Moms United Campaign In support of their press conference that announced their collaboration with LEAP and SSDP to mobilize cops, students and parents to end the drug war. $2,500 Attica is All of Us To facilitate a discussion about the drug war with Cornel West at historic Riverside Church. Missouri Association for Social Welfare To support their efforts to organize social workers against legislation mandating drug testing as a requirement for eligibility for the federal government’s Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program.
Canadian Students for Sensible Drug Policy To support their annual conference. Sensible Colorado To produce an ad in support of Colorado’s ballot initiative to legally regulate marijuana. Women With A Vision To support rebuilding the organization after an arson attack on their office. $3,000 Improbable Pictures Improbable Pictures received funding for distribution of their film about syringe access programs, In Exchange for Life. $5,000 Partnership for Safety and Justice To conduct statewide polling on drug policy reform in Oregon. $5,807 Mothers Against Teen Violence To bring anti-drug war speakers to their annual conference. $6,230 Flex Your Rights To distribute their film, 10 Rules for Dealing with Police, at DPA’s 2011 Reform Conference. $9,000 American Association of Political Consultants To support speakers for a panel on drug policy reform at the organization’s annual conference. Harm Reduction Coalition To help underwrite the organization’s firstever peer syringe exchange conference.
2011 - 2012 Advocacy Grant Awardees
$9,500 Long Island Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence To support the implementation of New York’s 911 Good Samaritan law, an overdose prevention measure that has been spearheaded by DPA. North Carolina Harm Reduction Conference To support this bipartisan conference on law enforcement and the drug war. $10,000 Samuel DeWitt Proctor Conference To support this conference of African American faith leaders, which included a plenary called “The New Jim Crow” with DPA’s Ethan Nadelmann. Students for Sensible Drug Policy To organize Colorado-based students to work on the 2012 ballot initiative to tax and regulate marijuana. $10,600 Rio Grande Foundation To support a bipartisan forum on the drug war in New Mexico. $12,000 Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition To support a media campaign on reducing penalties for drug possession.
$12,500 Broken No More To support a national convening of parents who have lost their children to overdose. $12,737 New America Media To produce interviews of diverse advocates for 911 Good Samaritan laws and create an online video to showcase these interviews. $14,600 A New Way of Life Reentry Project To support a conference on women, the drug war and incarceration. $15,000 San Diego Cannabis Policy Reform To organize multi-racial organizing for medical marijuana reform in San Diego. California Hepatitis Alliance/ Project Inform To implement syringe access laws in California. Donahue & Goldberg, LLP To support their work opposing Florida’s law requiring drug testing as a condition of eligibility for the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program. Global Exchange To support the initial organizing and planning of the Movement for Peace and Justice’s caravan across the United States. Atlanta Harm Reduction Coalition To support their second annual Southern regional conference.
$25,000 Colorado Alliance Marijuana Education Fund To support the state’s ballot initiative that proposes to legally regulate marijuana. PURPOSE To support their online organizing project that aims to invigorate anti-drug war voters. A Better Way Foundation To spearhead the passage of Connecticut’s successful medical marijuana legislation.
2012 Annual Report
DPA Honorary Board
DPA Board of Directors
Former Mayor Rocky Anderson Harry Belafonte Former Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci Deepak Chopra Congressman John Conyers, Jr. Walter Cronkite [1916-2009] Ram Dass Dr. Vincent Dole [1913-2006] Former Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders Judge Nancy Gertner Former Police Chief Penny Harrington Calvin Hill Arianna Huffington Former Governor Gary Johnson Judge John Kane Former Attorney General Nicholas deB. Katzenbach [1922-2012] Former Police Chief Joseph McNamara Former Police Commissioner Patrick V. Murphy [1920-2011] Dr. Beny J. Primm Dennis Rivera Former Mayor Kurt Schmoke Dr. Charles Schuster [1930-2011] Alexander Shulgin Former Secretary of State George P. Shultz Russell Simmons Judge Robert Sweet Former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Paul Volcker
The Hon. Larry Campbell Senator, The Senate of Canada Christine Downton Former Vice Chairman and Founding Partner of Pareto Partners Jodie Evans Co-founder, CODEPINK James E. Ferguson, II Senior Partner, Ferguson, Stein, Chambers Law Offices Jason Flom President, Lava Records Ira Glasser, DPA Board President Former Executive Director, American Civil Liberties Union Carl Hart, PhD New York State Psychiatric Institute Mathilde Krim, PhD Founding Chair, American Foundation for AIDS Research (amfAR) David C. Lewis, MD Founding Director, Center for Alcohol and Addiction Studies, Brown University Pamela Lichty President, Drug Policy Forum of Hawai`i Ethan Nadelmann, JD, PhD Executive Director, Drug Policy Alliance
International Honorary Board (In formation)
Robert Newman, MD Director, Baron Edmond de Rothschild Chemical Dependency Institute at Beth Israel Medical Center Rev. Edwin Sanders, DPA Board Secretary Senior Servant, Metropolitan Interdenominational Church Coordinator, Religious Leaders for a More Just and Compassionate Drug Policy George Soros Chairman, Soros Fund Management Ilona Szabo de Carvalho Director, Igarapé Institute John Vasconcellos Former California State Senator Co-Founder, The Politics of Trust Richard B. Wolf, DPA Board Treasurer Chairman of Board, Consolidated Dye
Richard Branson Founder, Virgin Group Ruth Dreifuss Former President of the Swiss Confederation Václav Havel [1936-2011] Former President of the Czech Republic Sting
Management Team Ethan Nadelmann, Executive Director Ryan Chavez, Managing Director, Finance & Administration DeDe Dunevant, Managing Director, Communications Stephen Gutwillig, Deputy Executive Director, Programs Jill Harris, Managing Director, Strategic Initiatives Clovis Thorn, Managing Director, Development Communications Jag Davies, Publications Manager DeDe Dunevant, Managing Director, Communications Megan Farrington, Deputy Director, Internet Communications Melissa Franqui, Communications Associate Jeanette Irwin, Director, Internet Communications Stefanie Jones, Event Manager Tommy McDonald, Deputy Director, Media Relations Kristen Millnick, Internet Communications Coordinator Tony Newman, Director, Media Relations Anthony Papa, Manager, Media Relations Daniel Robelo, Research Coordinator Derek Rosenfeld, Internet Communications Associate Development Rafael De Arce, Manager, Membership and Development Operations David Glowka, Manager, Foundation Relations Judh Grandchamps, Gift Entry Associate Clovis Thorn, Managing Director, Development Finance and Administration David Abbott, Office Manager Teresa Barrow, IT Support Specialist Ryan Chavez, Managing Director, Finance & Administration Michael Linares, Executive Associate to Ethan Nadelmann Lina Mingoia, Human Resources Manager Boris Sporer, Director, Information Technology and Knowledge Management Candida Ventimiglia, Controller
Public Policy Headquarters asha bandele, Director, Advocacy Grants Program Yolande Cadore, Director, Strategic Partnerships Jill Harris, Managing Director, Strategic Initiatives Hannah Hetzer, Latin America Project Coordinator Rosie Goldensohn, Policy Associate Stephanie Polito, Administrative Associate, Advocacy Grants Program Office of Legal Affairs Daniel N. Abrahamson, Director, Legal Affairs Michelle Asato, Administrative Associate Lindsay LaSalle, Law Fellow Theshia Naidoo, Senior Staff Attorney Tamar Todd, Senior Staff Attorney Office of National Affairs Daniel Z. Brito, Government Relations Manager Bill Piper, Director, National Affairs Grant Smith, Federal Policy Coordinator Maggie Taylor, Policy Associate Jasmine Tyler, Deputy Director, National Affairs State Policy Offices California Nyoka Acevedo, Administrative Associate, Southern California Aviva Cushner, Administrative Associate, San Francisco Armando Gudiño, Policy Associate, Southern California Lynne Lyman, State Director, California Meghan Ralston, Harm Reduction Manager, Southern California Amanda Reiman, Policy Manager, California Marsha Rosenbaum, Director Emerita, San Francisco Laura Thomas, Deputy State Director, San Francisco Colorado Amy Pomerant, Policy Associate Art Way, Senior Drug Policy Manager, Colorado New Jersey Amanda Bent, Administrative Associate Meagan Glaser, Policy Manager Roseanne Scotti, State Director, New Jersey Elizabeth Thompson, Policy Associatete New Mexico Jessica Gelay, Policy Coordinator, New Mexico Emily Kaltenbach, State Director, New Mexico Olivia-Belen Sloan, Outreach/Education Associate New York Kassandra Frederique, Policy Coordinator Evan Goldstein, Policy Coordinator Julie Netherland, Deputy State Director, New York Alexis Posey, Policy Associate gabriel sayegh, State Director, New York
2012 Annual Report
Drug Policy Alliance, a 501(c)(3) Organization DPA Statement of Financial Position FY2012 June 1, 2011 – May 31, 2012 ASSETS Cash and cash equivalents Cash restricted for mortgage escrow Certificates of deposit Grants receivable Accounts receivable Prepaid expenses and other assets Deposits Property, equipment and leasehold improvements, net Total Assets LIABILITIES AND NET ASSETS Liabilities Accounts payable and accrued expenses Compensated absences Mortgage payables Total Liabilities Net Assets Unrestricted Temporarily restricted Total Net Assets Total Liabilities and Net Assets DPA Statement of Activities FY2012 SUPPORT AND REVENUE Contributions unrestricted Contributions temporarily restricted Total Income EXPENSES Program expenses Management Fundraising Total Expenses CHANGE IN NET ASSETS Unrestricted Temporarily restricted CHANGE IN NET ASSETS Net assets, beginning of year Net assets, end of year
Drug Policy Action, a 501(c)(4) Organization Drug Policy Action Statement of Financial Position FY2012 June 1, 2011 – May 31, 2012 ASSETS Cash and cash equivalents Certificates of deposit Grants receivable Total Assets LIABILITIES AND NET ASSETS Liabilities Accounts payable and accrued expenses Net Assets Unrestricted Temporarily restricted Total Liabilities and Net Assets
$ $ $ $ $ $ $ $ $
2,480,645 591,338 445,000 39,425,225 125,569 68,282 90,048 5,503,706 48,729,843
$ $ $ $
2,531,900 935,000 4,838,157 8,305,057
$ $ $
3,737,567 4,501,112 8,305,057
$ $ $ $
545,730 278,477 3,082,145 3,906,352
Drug Policy Action Statement of Activities FY2012 SUPPORT AND REVENUE Major contributions Unrestricted Temporarily restricted Other contributions Interest income Miscellaneous income Total Support and Revenue EXPENSES Program Expenses Consulting Ballot and other initiatives Seminars and conferences Excise tax Management and General Administrative expenses Professional fees Miscellaneous Fundraising Total Expenses CHANGE IN NET ASSETS Net assets, beginning of year Net assets, end of year
$ $ $ $
6,033,363 38,790,128 44,823,491 48,729,843
$ $ $ $ $ $
1,557,045 4,501,112 9,295 6,390 1,000 6,074,842
$ $ $
11,338,617 35,796,735 47,135,352
$ $ $ $
22,143 433,150 1,032 5,879
$ $ $ $
7,053,842 1,495,743 1,334,061 9,883,646
$ $ $ $ $ $ $ $
135,474 20,502 6,199 8,005 632,384 5,442,458 2,796,221 8,238,679
Several Drug Policy Alliance and Drug Policy Action donors have made multi-year pledges to these organizations. These donor commitments reflect a strong current and future financial outlook for the Drug Policy Alliance and Drug Policy Action.
These pledges are included in the financial statements as “Grants Receivables” in the Statement of Financial Position and “Grants and Contributions” in the Statement of Activities. These pledges are future revenue that will be received within two to ten years. This future revenue will be used to support the organizations’ major policy initiatives and are not an endowment.
California DPA Office of Legal Affairs Berkeley, CA firstname.lastname@example.org Los Angeles, CA email@example.com San Francisco, CA firstname.lastname@example.org Colorado Denver, CO email@example.com District of Columbia DPA Office of National Affairs Washington, D.C. firstname.lastname@example.org
New Jersey Trenton, NJ email@example.com New Mexico Santa Fe, NM firstname.lastname@example.org New York Drug Policy Alliance Headquarters 131 West 33rd Street 15th Floor New York, NY 10001 212.613.8020 voice 212.613.8021 fax email@example.com www.drugpolicy.org
2012 Annual Report
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