Vowel Alternation in Cuzco Quechua Peter J.

Fabian

Interdisciplinary Honors Thesis A thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Interdisciplinary Honors Thesis Program

Written under the direction of:

Professor Akinbiyi Akinlabi Department of Linguistics

Professor Liliana Sánchez Department of Spanish and Portuguese

School of Arts and Sciences, Rutgers University 2010-2011

Acknowledgements Special thanks are due to Dany Vargas and Hipólito Peralta Ccama for their assistance as language consultants as well as their willingness to show me, an outsider, the culture of their city. Their patience and willingness to deal with my questions and imperfect Spanish were instrumental in my ability to obtain the data for this study. For constant advising, correcting, revising, and suggestions, I most certainly have to thank Akinbiyi Akinlabi and Liliana Sánchez. In your own way, you each gave this project structure and principle while also encouraging me to work independently and make my own path. Professor Akinlabi, your encouragement to “listen to what the data says” helped me to hone my focus and Liliana, your constant input on the language and the status of my data was invaluable. For special advice and planning pertaining to the fieldwork portion of this study, I would like to thank Akinbiyi Akinlabi, Liliana Sánchez, Rosy Ruiz, Justine Levine, and Stephen Bishop. For conversations and outside advice pertaining to this thesis, I would like to thank Paul de Lacy, Shigeto Kawahara, Will Bennett, and Georgia Simon. For help with Praat and R, I would like to thank Josef Fruehwald and Shigeto Kawahara. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Doug and Connie, my brothers, Aaron and Ty, as well as my devoted girlfriend Melody for their loving support and their constant encouragement.

Fabian 1 Chapter 1. Introduction The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyze several theoretically significant segmental processes in Cuzco Quechua. This introductory chapter summarizes the relevant phonological properties of Cuzco Quechua and identifies core issues covered throughout the thesis. Data is taken from fieldwork conducted by the author during the summer of 2010. Subsequent chapters provide acoustic analyses of relevant data to support generalizations about segment quality. The generalizations identified and analyzed are:

(a) /a/ reduces to [ə] in contexts governed by position relative to stress as well as syllable structure (b) /i e/ undergo tongue root retraction to their [+RTR] forms of [ɪ ɛ] in the context of uvular consonants

1.1 Literature Review Cuzco Quechua (CQ) has been the subject of a substantial amount of linguistic research, but due to many independent factors, it has not been as well studied as many other languages. Many early works dealing with CQ are grammatical surveys, but more theoretical sources did exist in the ‘70s which deal with other varieties of Quechua. Examples of theoretical work evaluating other dialects of Quechua include Wolk (1972), Quesada (1973), and Puente Baldoceda (1977). These studies provided important bases for the descriptive work which would follow in all dialects of Quechua.

Fabian 2 Cerrón-Palomino (1987) provides a wide-ranging description of Quechua B dialects. The aim is to establish general properties of Quechua languages within this specific dialect branch made up of many individual Quechua dialects. The phonological description provided is an overview which does not fully posit theoretical details about segmental phenomena. In contrast, this thesis focuses on just one dialect of Quechua, Cuzco Quechua, with the aim of providing a detailed phonological description of specific phenomena. In comparison to this more general work, Cusihamán (1976, 2001) are focused examinations of CQ. There are substantial sections dealing with phonemic inventory, stress patterns, typology, and segmental interactions which served as initial points of reference for the descriptions presented herein. However, throughout the length of this study, it became apparent that the 1976 version of this book is probably not the best source for the linguist examining CQ in its synchronic isolation today and that the 2001 version should be used instead. Apart from published grammars and foundational studies, there are several shorter and more recent theoretical papers in existence. O’Rourke (2009) is an analysis of the phonetic contour patterns of CQ declarative statements and is one of the most recent and thorough phonetic evaluations of CQ. O’Rourke (2009) deals specifically with peak alignment, peak height, and post-tonic peaks as affected by contact with Spanish. As the focus of this thesis is on segmental and subsegmental phenomena, O’Rourke’s findings are of limited relevance here. Building on Parker & Weber (1996), Parker (1997) provides an analysis of synchronic segmental phenomena of CQ which is quite up-to-date and relevant to any

Fabian 3 understanding of the CQ stop inventory. The following are observations given by Parker (1997) about CQ’s laryngealized (i.e. aspirated and ejective) stops (including affricates):

(1)

Parker’s (1997:2) generalizations about CQ’s laryngealized stops a. they appear only in roots, never suffixes b. they only surface in onset position c. they are always the first syllable-initial stop of the root d. they only occur once per root e. aspirates and /h/ are mutually exclusive on the root level

Parker (1997) provides an analysis within the scope of Optimality Theory, as outlined by Prince and Smolensky (2004). Parker concludes that the laryngeal features are not linked directly to specific segments, but rather that they act as “floating root-level autosegments” (Parker 1997:3). He proposes that these autosegments dock to the leftmost syllable-initial stop. This study, however, is not directly relevant to the majority of the claims in this thesis because it primarily deals with consonants and not CQ vowels. Finally, Molina-Vital (2011) has very recently worked with the current state of the CQ vowel system. The argument presented posits that the traditional analysis of CQ as having three vowels /i a u/ may now be in flux. Molina-Vital states that the vowels /e o/, long held to be added to CQ (through allophonic variation) due to contact with other neighboring languages, may in fact be approaching phonemic status on a broader context than had previously been thought. This investigation represents a definite parallel for this thesis and the claims to follow dialog directly with these concepts and

Fabian 4 seek to expand and provide additional clarification through a theoretical examination of the vowels of CQ.

1.2 Basic Facts about Quechua

1.2.1

Language Family Overview Hundreds of years ago the Incan Empire ruled the Andean region, however,

before this empire had even been conceived, the first form of Proto-Quechua was being spoken in South America. The Incan domination can be dated centrally around 1200AD, but the origins of Quechua are found to be closer to 2000BC, thus showing that labeling Quechua as a language completely in the context of the Incans would be a mistake. Quechua is even speculated to have been the second language of the ruling elite in the empire (Torero 1974). Today, Quechua has many related but independent dialects ranging across the Andes in countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru, and can be broken into two main groups, Quechua A to the north and Quechua B in the south-central region (Torero 1964, Parker 1963). Quechua B represents the largest quantity of speakers within the Quechuan language family and the Cuzco dialect is the most widely spoken in this subdivision.

1.2.2

Consonants Following Cusihuamán (1976), Cuzco Quechua features a phonemic inventory of

26 consonants, shown in Table 1.

Fabian 5 Table 1 Phonemic Inventory: Consonants1 Labial Alveolar Stops Plain Aspirated Glottalized p ph p’ t th t’ tʃ tʃh tʃ’ k kh k’ q qh q’

Palatal

Velar

Post-velar

Glottal

Fricatives Nasals Laterals Trill Glides w m

s n l r

ʃ ɲ ʎ

h

j

1.2.2.1 Stops The consonant inventory of Cuzco Quechua includes a relatively wide range of obstruents that come in three series. The alveo-palatal affricate is treated as a stop here similarly to (Clements 1999). The language’s stop segments are given in Table 2. This system is characterized by a lack of contrastive voicing (a characteristic of all of the [+consonantal] segments in this dialect). The stops cover almost every major place of articulation progressing from front to back.

Table 2 Stop Type Plain Aspirated Ejective

Labial p ph p’

Alveolar Palatal t tʃ th t’ tʃh tʃ’

Velar k kh k’

Uvular q qh q’

1

Taken from Cusihamán 1976:291. Author’s translation.

Fabian 6 This type of phonemic pattern is not common across the world’s languages, especially being so complete for all five places of articulation. According to the UCLA Phonological Segment Inventory Database (UPSID), only 15% of languages (68 individual languages) feature ejective stops whereas a much higher number feature aspirates (Maddieson and Precoda 1992). In Quechua, the use of aspiration and glottalization carries a phonemic contrast, as shown by the minimal triplets in Table 3.

Fabian 7 Table 3 CQ Word /ˈpa.ta/ /ˈpha.ta/ /ˈp’a.ta/ /ˈtan.ta/ /ˈthan.ta/ /ˈt’an.ta/ /ˈtʃa.ka/ /ˈtʃha.ka/ /ˈtʃ’a.ka/ /ˈku.juj/ /ˈkhu.juj/ /ˈk’u.juj/ /ˈqa.ʎu/ /ˈqha.ʎu/ /ˈq’a.ʎu/

Type of Stop plain aspirated ejective plain aspirated ejective plain aspirated ejective plain aspirated ejective plain aspirated ejective

Gloss on top of ruptured/burst bite (n) collection, combination old, used up, worn out bread bridge large ant hoarse to move to whistle to twist tongue shawl tomato sauce
2

These distinctions are significant in that they are not found among most other dialects of Quechua. Cerrón-Palomino (1985) and Proulx (1987) have claimed that this distinct system is due, at least in part, to historic transfer from Aymara, a neighboring language which exhibits similar characteristics within its stop inventory.

2

Table composed from three sources. The minimal triplet of labial stops (/p ph p’/) is taken from Choque (2009:190, 202, 207). The minimal triplet of alveolar stops (/t th t’/) is taken from Parker (1997:1). All other minimal triplets are from Ladefoged (2001:132)

Fabian 8 1.2.2.2 Fricatives Cuzco Quechua features a somewhat simplified inventory of fricatives when compared to other natural languages. Cusihuamán (1976) proposes that there are three contrasting phonemic fricatives: /s ʃ h/. There is an additional output uvular fricative [χ] which is produced by coda neutralization of [q]. Table 4 gives examples of words in CQ which undergo this neutralization.3

Table 4 Phonemic Transcription Phonetic Transcription /ˈxuq/ [ˈxuχ] /ˈwaq.taj/ /ˈsu.maq/ /xu.ˈtʃa.joq/ /qha.tuq.ˈku.na/ [ˈwaχ.təj]4 [ˈsu.məχ] [xu.ˈtʃa.joχ] [qha.tuχ.ˈku.nə]

Gloss one (numeral) to spank pleasure guilty goods/wares

1.2.2.3 Nasals A general alternation pattern of nasal assimilation occurs across the language but the best way to treat the nasals would be to view them as a system of three phonemes; /m n ɲ/. The table below shows that these nasal segments exist in positions which are free of point of articulation assimilatory pressures from stops and thus give evidence for the notion that they are indeed independent phonemes.

Relevant discussion of this neutralization occurs in Chapter 3 where the process is described in relation to retraction of front vowels. 4 /a/ [ə] reduction is discussed in Chapter 2

3

Fabian 9 Table 5 CQ Word [ˈma.nə] [ˈna.nəj] [ˈɲaχ.tʃə]

Gloss no/not to hurt/ache comb (n)

1.2.2.4 Liquids CQ liquids are broken down into three phonemes: /l r ʎ/. The trill /r/ alternates with [ɾ] in onsets of unstressed non-initial syllables and all coda positions. The distribution of [r ɾ] is illustrated in Table 6 below.

Table 6 Phonemic Transcription /ˈtʃaq.ra/ /ˈsir.pa/ /ˈɲa.war/ /ri.ˈku.tʃij/ /ɲaw.ˈpaq.pi#tʃu.ˈra.kuj/

Phonetic Transcription [ˈtʃaχ.ɾə] [ˈsiɾ.pə] [ˈɲa.waɾ] [ri.ˈku.tʃij]

Gloss farm lip blood to point

[ɲəw.ˈpaχ.pi#tʃu.ˈra.kuj] to defend

1.2.2.5 Glides Cuzco Quechua’s phonemic inventory includes two glides, the labio-velar /w/ and the palatal /j/. Neither can take nuclear stress within syllables and both appear in the onset and word-internal coda positions. Both glides can surface in the coda position word finally. Examples of glide occurrence are seen below.

Fabian 10 Table 7 Phonemic transcription /ˈʎu.ʎa/ /ˈja.mij/ /ˈjaw/ /ˈɲaw.sa/ /waʎ.ˈwa.khu/ /ˈwa.sa/

Phonetic transcription [ˈʎu.jə] [ˈja.mij] [ˈjaw] [ˈɲaw.sə] [wəʎ.ˈwa.khu] [ˈwa.sə]

Gloss lie (n) to stroke hey! (excl) to be blind upper arm trunk (anatomy)

At first glance, glides can easily be confused with the high vowels /i u/ but the fact that in Quechua words like /ˈwi.ʎaj/, “to tell”, exist helps to distinguish high vowels from glides. The total lack of vowel hiatus would prevent an output *[ˈui.ʎaj] from occurring and thus maintains a clear division of vowel from glides. In addition, specific morphemes like –y5 exist and are productive, once again negating this confusion. Examples like /ˈsi.pij/ to kill would lead to the question of whether or not the final glide was simply an [iː]. However, upon examination of the other verbal paradigms it is easy to see that words such as /ˈsu.waj/ to steal and /maq.ˈtʃi.kuj/ to bathe prove that the morpheme –y is indeed productive and phonologically distinct because “a-stem” and “ustem” verbal roots don’t mask the addition of –y like “i-stem” verbs would6.

1.2.3

Vowels The vowel structure of CQ consists of /i a u/, as seen in Figure 1 below.

5 6

<y> is underlyingly /j/, meaning [+infinitive] CQ vowels have three regular endings in the infinitive, -aj , -ij, and -uj.

Fabian 11 Figure 1

7

Data in this study and in other works, however, give reasons to believe that this representation may be overly simplified for the current context of the language. Cusihuamán (1976:46-7) points out multiple instances of, and explanations for, the presence of the mid-vowels /e o/ in the speech of CQ speakers. One paradigm outlined is that the high vowels “open8” to mid vowel variants in the context of uvular segments, thereby undergoing allophonic variation. He also mentions the alternation between /i u/ and [ɪ ʊ], which occurs in “other environments (46),” an undefined context. To add to these variation patterns, Cusihamán states that:

“…in a similar fashion /e o/, by means of their allophones [e o], may occur in environments which escape the control of the uvular segments, for example, in lap’ote, which is pronounced [la.ˈp’o.te]. This and other factors make the pronunciation of the represented vowels unpredictable… (47).9”

This statement, along with the work of Molina-Vital (2011), suggests that CQ may currently be in the process of developing from a historically tri-vocalic system to

Taken directly from Cusihamán (1976:46). Author’s translation of the phrase “se abren.” This term corresponds to more up-to-date expressions such as “vowel lowering” or vowel retraction. For more information on these processes in CQ, see Chapter 3. 9 Author’s translation of “… y en igual forma /e, o/, mediante sus alófonos [e, o], pueden ocurrir en ambientes que escapan del control de las post-velares, por ejemplo, en lap’ote que se pronuncia [lapʔóte]. Este y otros factores hacen que sea impredecible la pronunciación de las vocales representadas… (Cusihamán 1976:47).”
8

7

Fabian 12 one which has five distinctive phonemic vowels, /i e a o u/10. Phonetic data in this study help to substantiate this possibility, but the aim of this work is not to give a definitive answer as to whether or not CQ has reached a phonemic five vowel system, but rather to investigate and explain the synchronic data as elicited from informants. Therefore, the claims of this study should be understood within the current context of the field, but with a firm understanding that CQ had historically, and still has, a base of three phonemic vowels /i a u/. All other observations about vowels in the data exist based on this foundational claim.

1.2.4

Syllable Structure Cuzco Quechua Syllable structure is subject to definite and fixed restrictions. The

basic syllable structure is CV(C), with limits on possible coda consonants discussed in section 1.3.1. No vowel hiatus occurs (Cusihamán 1976:45). Parker (1997) proposes that [ʔ] is epenthesized when a word underlying begins with a vowel. Examples of Quechua words with varying syllable structures can be seen below:

Table 8 CQ Word [ˈqa.ʎu] [ˈkuŋ.kə] [ˈʔu.mə] [ˈjaχ.tə] [ˈsiɾ.pə]

Gloss Syllable Type(s) tongue CV.CV neck head city lip CVC.CV CV.CV CVC.CV CVC.CV

10

In contrast, see Appendix 1 for complete inventory of surface vowel segments.

Fabian 13 1.2.5 Stress Assignment

Cuzco Quechua stress is almost universally assigned to the penultimate syllable (Cerrón-Palomino 1987:259). Table 9 gives an example of the propagation of this stress pattern, despite shifts caused by suffixation.

Table 9 CQ Word /ˈwa.si/ /wa.ˈsi.pi/ /ˈwa.si.ˈku.na/

Gloss house house + “in” house + PL
11

/ˈwa.si.ku.ˈna.pi/ house + PL + “in”

Examples of stress on the final syllable exist, as pointed out by O’Rourke (2009:293), but are not conditioned by environment, and have more to do with emphasis than a change in word meaning12.

1.3 Segmental Phenomena

1.3.1

/a/ reduction One phonological alternation uncovered in the data of this study is the systematic

reduction of /a/ to [ə]. Thus the low central vowel /a/, as the nucleus of its respective syllable, is pronounced as a [ə] in specific contexts.

11 12

Example expanded from O’Rourke 2009:293. “Exceptions are found with words containing exclamatory or emphatic suffixes, which demonstrate a shift to the last syllable (e.g. [ha.'mun.qa] ‘he will come’ → [ha.mun.qa.ˈtʃa] ‘he will probably come (emphatic)’); if a word contains more than three syllables, a slight secondary stress may be observed on the first syllable (Cerrón-Palomino 1987: 258–259).” Clarification taken from O’Rourke 2009:293.

Fabian 14 One of the main indicators of where this process occurs is the position of the /a/ syllable in relation to the primary word stress. Syllables containing /a/ reduce when they are immediately adjacent to stressed syllables. When two viable syllables exist in relation to the stress (i.e. the stress is in between two /a/ syllables), the pre-tonic position will undergo reduction preferentially over the post-tonic13. Syllable structure also functions as a mediator of this reduction. Open syllables reduce over closed syllables, but when two closed syllables occur on either side of the stress, the pre-tonic position, again, is reduced over the post-tonic. This reduction is explained more robustly in Chapter 2.

1.3.2

Front Vowel Retraction Another phonological phenomenon analyzed in this study is the process of vowel

retraction. In this observed phenomenon, the vowels /i e/, considered front, retract to the allophonic variants [ɪ ɛ] due to the presence of a uvular segment. Relevant vowels can occur either before or after the uvular segment with the same retraction effect taking place14. The uvular segments which trigger this alternation are [q qh q’ χ]. This phenomenon is best described as retraction, rather than lowering or centralization, due to the fact that phonetic data (see Figures 2 and 3, Chapter 3) display a correlation which most-closely matches that of a retraction paradigm. The nature of the articulation of uvular segments also adds to the explanation of this alternation due to the

13 14

Tonic here and throughout is used interchangeably with stress. Further discussion can be found in Chapter 3.

Fabian 15 fact that uvular segments are also characterized by a [+RTR15] feature which appears to spread to the neighboring front vowel. This process of retraction, with relevant commentary on its interaction with the overall view of the CQ vowel system, is more fully explained in Chapter 3.

1.4 Methodology

The data for this project was collected in Cuzco, a city located in the south-central region of Peru. Interviews of varying lengths (from 15 minutes to 90 minutes, approximately) were recorded using a handheld recorder in closed, private rooms. Linguistic informants were two Peruvian men, the first approximately 28 years of age and the second approximately 55 years of age. Neither reported any type of cognitive impairment. They agreed to participate in the study under the terms of an IRB-approved consent form. The IRB protocol for this fieldwork was filed under “Analysis of Phonological Change in the Cuzco Quechua Right Periphery” with protocol number 10521. Both males were heritage bilingual speakers of Quechua and Spanish and all interviews were conducted in Spanish with the intent to elicit spoken Quechua. Ideally, the interviews would have been conducted in Quechua so as to avoid any interference from Spanish on the consultant’s productions and judgments, but this was not possible. The recordings were made in mp3 format at 44.1kHz and 192kbps using a Roland Edirol R-09 solid-state recorder and a Roland Edirol microphone.

15

Meaning Retracted Tongue Root

Fabian 16 The overall aim of the fieldwork was to begin building a set of recordings that would form the basis of future phonological research into the language. The aim of this fieldwork session was to elicit enough data to evaluate generalizations about the language as well as provide relevant contexts and tokens for phonological analysis. The interviews themselves were designed to elicit different types of data. The first and most basic form of interview involved an adapted list of approximately 1,700 vocabulary terms, first used by the Summer Institute of Linguistics to document African languages (CAWL), but translated from the original English/French paradigm to a more appropriate English/Spanish version. The original list can be found in Snider and Roberts (2004). This list was used to elicit single word utterances on the part of the informants. Items were read from the list in Spanish one at a time and informants translated those terms into Quechua, all of which was recorded. If the informants forgot or did not know how to translate the words, they were asked to explain their situation in Quechua to maximize the amount of data obtained. Most times the informants responded “mana yachanichu” or “mana yuyarinichu” meaning “I don’t know” and “I don’t remember,” respectively. Both informants participated individually in this first type of recording and approximately 3 hours of the total audio data is of this type. The second type of interview was designed to elicit longer utterances of Quechua speech in a more naturalistic setting. This second type utilized digital photographs on a small netbook computer which were shown to the informants. Informants were then asked, in Spanish, to describe what they saw in the photos using Quechua as their means of communication. The photos were of random scenes, including shots of Peru.

Fabian 17 The descriptions of these photos in Quechua were designed to provide data which focused on shorter sets of discourse (thereby making the transcription and segment identification slightly easier) and also to facilitate the production of other words that were not on the previously mentioned vocabulary list. The informants generally gave short responses ranging from 10 to 120 seconds and frequently used demonstrative pronouns of varying degrees16, which was another type of discourse richness that would help elicit different types of phonological data than could be expected from simply asking for vocabulary translation. Again, both informants were involved in this type of interview and the approximate length of this type of data is 2 hours. Another type of interview was essentially a reading exercise. Literary sources in Quechua that were easily attainable such as poetry and sections of the Bible were presented to the second informant to read while the recorder was switched on. Unfortunately, the danger of reading written speech out loud and using this as a source of phonological data is that certain elements of the discourse will not flow together as easily or as naturally when compared to naturalistic speech. For this reason the majority of this study is not based on this type of data17. The last type of interview was a much more informal discussion that involved very little elicitation questions and mostly allowed the informants to talk freely. A list of general topics ranging from questions about life, the city of Cuzco, and Peru to politics and future goals was created and the informants were simply asked the to respond, in Quechua, to what they were asked. This type of structure was designed as the next step in the building process developing from the shortest length of data (word by word) to the

16 17

Examples include: kay, chay, and haqay which are equivalent to “this, that, that over there” in English. Only approximately 30 minutes of this type of recording were obtained and only from one speaker.

Fabian 18 longer utterances. Both informants responded very well to this type of interview and responses ranged from 2 to 10 minutes per question and were very relaxed and natural in their articulation. It is unclear whether the role of the author as a passive participant made the informants feel uncomfortable and possibly impacted their speech patterns. The total length of this type of data was approximately 3 hours with 2 hours elicited from the older informant and 1 hour from the younger informant. As per the IRB protocol, each informant was given the equivalent of $US10.00 per hour of interviewing time, paid in Peruvian Soles. All interviews took place in secluded and private areas ranging from rooms at La Academia Latinoamericana in the Plaza Limacpampa Chica to the Regional Education District of Cuzco building also located in Cuzco. The transcription and codification process began upon return to the United States. The mp3 files were transcribed into IPA symbols with the aim of providing as narrow a transcription as was relevant to the present study. Following this transcription, the data was sorted using Microsoft Word to locate and study the context of individual segments of interest. The segments, in the context of the overarching word, were then organized into separate documents in order to isolate and more closely study the trends across the scope of the entire data. This isolation of data paradigms was especially helpful in making the analysis much more streamlined and organized. From these organized files, relevant corresponding sound bites from the original recording were fed into the phonetic analysis program Praat (Boersma & Weenik 2010) and converted from mp3 stereo to WAV mono. The words were then labeled and divided

Fabian 19 into syllables and then into individual segments. The F1 and F2 values were computed for each of the relevant vowels in the tokens and these values were organized into a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet. These values were then fed into the statistics program R (R Development Core Team 2011), where graphing of the points, as well as computation of the average of all tokens, was processed and the output was a graph showing the vowel space of each relevant vowel alternate. These graphs were finally used to inform theoretical assertions made about the language as discussed in the following chapters.

Chapter 2. /a/ reduction

Vowel reduction is a process which occurs in many different forms crosslinguistically. English, for example, has a readily understood reduction pattern conditioned by phonological rules in response to morphological changes, an example of which can be seen when examining the vowels in “sane” versus “sanity” (Jaeger 1984, and Wang and Derwing 1986). Vowel reduction is not cross-linguistically limited to any single class of vowels (i.e. only high vowels, only tense vowels, etc), but is prevalent across the entire spectrum of vowel qualities producible by speakers. The basic premise behind vowel reduction is that a phonemic vowel, which provides underlying meaning distinctions for words in a given language, undergoes a change in quality in phonologically conditioned contexts. These vowel allophones do not change the actual meaning of the word which is uttered, but instead often represent a more economical (i.e. effort-saving) way for the articulatory system to fluidly and

Fabian 20 smoothly produce the sounds of the word. These assimilatory actions, however, are not always what govern phonological reductions in words. Stress, like morphological processes, is another feature of languages that can very easily cause vowel reduction. Stress is something which has intrigued linguists for a long time but in general, the stressed syllable in a word is the one which is characterized by the greatest intensity of acoustic energy. Kager (2007) calls stress “syllable prominence” and when listening to a language which features stress (like Cuzco Quechua), the stressed syllable is indeed the most prominent to the ear. An example of stress in CQ can be seen below in Figure 1, which shows the wave-form plot of the Cuzco Quechua word "uma", phonemically /ˈu.ma/, meaning “head.” The arching line at the top of the figure represents the intensity of the sound and shows that the stress peak of the word is centered on the first syllable.

Figure 1.

ˈu 0.02366 Time (s)

ma 0.3872

Fabian 21 In regards to Cuzco Quechua, vowel reduction is common and has interesting correlations in response to regular stress shifts caused by suffixation. The most prevalent case of vowel reduction within this study is seen through an examination of the low central vowel /a/. A careful and phonetically-assisted transcription of CQ words yields a surprising amount of variation in /a/ pronunciation and the root of this variation is vowel reduction from /a/ to [ə]. This discussion is strengthened by phonetically distinguishing the segments which are being evaluated. Linguistic consultants are not always formally trained to discuss their language and linguists very commonly work with languages which they do not (natively) speak. Therefore, it is essential for the linguist to lay aside any and all knowledge of vowels he carries in from other languages and use a non-biased source to differentiate segments. Syntacticians and morphologists rely on native speakers to make judgments on the grammaticality of test sentences and words but for the phonologists, phonetics holds the answer. Phonetic study of the qualities of the vowels in question can efficiently take out the element of perceptual error and foster more precisely motivated conclusions based on concrete figures rather than guesses on the part of the analyst. Of primary interest to this study is the phonetic data gathered by examining the formant frequencies of these vowels. Specifically, formants 1 and 2 (F1 and F2 henceforth), are useful in quantifying the exact position of vowels in the vocal tract by giving frequencies, measured in Hertz, which map to vowel qualities. F1 corresponds to the height of the vowel on an inverse function. As F1 increases, the height of the vowel decreases. F2 measures the vowel on a front-to-back scale where the higher F2 represents a vowel closer to the front of the mouth (Ladefoged 2006:188). These

Fabian 22 quantitative data are not so readily interpretable, however, that a simple string of values can be extremely useful to phonology in itself. It is much easier to view the formant values by plotting them onto a graph which uses the F1 values as the y-axis and F2 as the x-axis (see Figure 4 for an example). For this study it was especially important to undergo this phonetic clarification because the segments [a] and [ə] are relatively similar acoustically and it would be quite easy for a non-native speaker to mistake one for the other. Using the program Praat, each word containing the desired segment was isolated and divided into segments, allowing the F1 and F2 values to be computed for vowel tokens without any interference of consonant frequencies. An example of one of the divided words can be seen below in Figure 2.

Figure 2

sky or heaven xa x 0 Time (s) a n a naχ χ p ˈpa a tʃ tʃə ə 1.037

Fabian 23 The figure shows three levels of division. The topmost row marks the English gloss of the CQ word, the second divides the word into syllables (with primary stress marked by the “ ˈ ” symbol), and the third shows the syllables broken down even further into individual segments. The wave-form (the string of solid dark vertical lines above the gloss) is somewhat useful in the breakdown of these segments but the spectrogram is much more telling for certain qualities, especially formants. Figure 3 shows these segment and syllable divisions as applied to a spectrogram of the same word.

Figure 3

After annotating and analyzing the formants of twelve examples each of [a] and [ə], it became readily apparent that these vowels were indeed independent of each other and that a relevant process of reduction was occurring. The theory behind this reduction made certain predictions about which vowels were [a] and which were [ə]. Figure 4

Fabian 24 below plots the F1 and F2 of each of these examples as computed using Praat. The data points are represented by each individual segment’s IPA symbol and shaded based on the type of segment. Shaded dots indicate average values of all tokens.

Figure 4

18

The convergence on two occasions of [ə] in the acoustic range of the [a] segments makes this plot seem a bit closer to a Venn-diagram than a plot of two distinct vowels. This is not the norm, however, for the overall set of frequency values, so it safe to assume that these two [ə] tokens are simply outliers. If there was a convergence of a higher proportion of segments (i.e. 5-6 [ə] tokens out of 12), it would be difficult to support the conclusions of this study, but since the two abnormally low [ə] tokens are, just that, abnormal, the analysis of /a/ [ə] can continue.

18

See Appendix 2 for formant values and tokens

Fabian 25 Having proven the distinctness of the two segments using phonetic means, an explanation of the reduction, with examples, in Cuzco Quechua is now possible.

Generalizations As previously noted, stress plays an integral role in the reduction of /a/ to [ə]. CQ’s regular stress assignment pattern, penultimate (i.e. second-to-last syllable) stress, provides the structure around which these reductions occur as governed by individual rules and constraints. Overall, the stressed syllable of a given word functions as the point around which reduction occurs. In approximation to this “anchor point” for reduction, certain types of /a/ syllables reduce preferentially over others. Open syllables, with a structure of CV (Clements and Keyser 1983), are first to show reduction of their /a/ nucleus. Either position, pre-stress or post-stress, may reduce, as shown by the following examples:

Table 1 Phonemic Transcription /pa.ka.ˈna.kuj/ /ɲa.ˈk’a.ɾij/ /ˈnu.na/ /qhe.tʃi.ˈpi.ra/

Phonetic Transcription [pa.kə.ˈna.kuj] [ɲə.ˈk’a.ɾij] [ˈnu.nə] [qhɛ.tʃi.ˈpi.ɾə] 19

Position Pre-stress Pre-stress Post-stress Post-stress

Gloss to be jealous to suffer spirit eyebrow

It can be determined, therefore, that open /a/ syllables adjacent to syllables carrying primary stress undergo vowel reduction. However, up until now single open /a/ syllables have only been present next to stressed syllables. This analysis poses a problem

19

Discussion of front vowel retraction to follow in Chapter 3.

Fabian 26 for instances where open /a/ syllables both precede and follow the primary stress. The generalization would incorrectly generate *[k’uɾ.pə.ˈku.nə]20, “dirt clods”, but this is not the case. The words in the following table illustrate the fact that CQ speakers exhibit /a/ reduction preferentially in only one context, the pre-stressed, when faced with a decision between two equally viable open /a/ syllables.

Table 2 Phonemic Transcription /k’ur.pa.ˈku.na/ /aʎ.pa.ˈku.na/

Phonetic Transcription [k’uɾ.pə.ˈku.na] [ʔaʎ.pə.ˈku.na] 21

Position Pre-stress Pre-stress

Gloss dirt clod + PL land + PL

This is a significant generalization because it begins to show how basic parameters in CQ work together and interact with each other in an ordered system. This generalization basically states that, in CQ, the pre-stressed position is one which does not necessarily need to maintain its vowel quality for distinction purposes when compared to, say, the post-stress position. It would appear that post-stress /a/, then, keeps its distinctive vowel quality and does not undergo reduction when a perfectly elligible prestress /a/ syllable exists. It should be noted as well that this post-stress preservation of /a/ may be at least partially influenced by the morphological addition of the plural suffix “-kuna.” Being a two-syllable suffix, intuitively it contains its own stress in a hypothetical bare form similar to words such as “spirit” in Table 1 above. Whereas many suffixes in CQ are monosyllabic, the fact that this disyllabic “-kuna” alters the stress placement of the stem
Underlyingly /k’ur.pa.ˈku.na/ with the morphological division coming between the root [ˈk’uɾ.pə] and the plural suffix [ˈku.nə] 21 Parker 1997 discusses the epenthesis of [ʔ] in word-initial syllables with no underlying onset.
20

Fabian 27 by two syllables (ĆV.CV + CV.CV CV.CV.ĆV.CV) is subtly different and important

to take into account. This role of “-kuna” as bearing stress could potentially have a role in preserving the underlying form of the final /na/, but that analysis is laid aside for the more regular set of generalizations found in this study. Further examples from CQ show another interaction between generalizations which goes above and beyond the previous assertion that pre-stressed positions are leastessential in terms of vowel quality preservation. This generalization shows a ranking of syllable types which indicates that open syllables (CV), like pre-stressed positions, are less important than closed syllables (CVC) and therefore reduce first. For example, when two /a/ syllables are adjacent to the stressed syllable in the word and the first /a/ syllable is closed while the second is open, the open syllable undergoes reduction. This seems to go against the previous analysis that pre-stressed positions undergo reduction preferentially before post-stress. However, here the fact that the pre-stressed syllable is of the structure CVC takes precedence over the condition that reduces pre-stressed /a/ syllables. The following table illustrates this claim.

Table 3 Phonemic Transcription /xa.naq.ˈpa.tʃa/22 /tʃej.man.ˈta.ta/23 Phonetic Transcription [xa.naχ.ˈpa.tʃə] [tʃej.man.ˈta.tə] Position Post-stress Post-stress Gloss sky/heaven from there to here + DO 24

/q/ [χ] frication is the same process originally discussed in the Chapter 1. This vowel is in free variation with respect to the pronunciation of this word as the typical “chaymanta” is pronounced “cheymanta”. There is no change in meaning, but is simply a variation in style of speech on the part of the subject. There is no regular phonological process causing this change. A comparable example of free variation is the English noun “research,” which can be pronounced either as [ɹɪ.ˈsɝtʃ] or [ˈɹi.sɚtʃ]. 24 The direct object suffix in CQ is /ta/.
23

22

Fabian 28 Both words contain two syllables with /a/ as their nucleus which are adjacent to the primary stress. As the table clearly shows, the open syllable, despite appearing in the more readily-preserved post-stress position, reduces instead of the closed syllable. In continuing this trend of examining /a/ syllables within CQ words, closed /a/ syllables are not always exempt from /a/ reduction. In fact, in certain contexts, only closed /a/ syllables reduce. When a CQ word contains no open /a/ syllables yet has closed /a/ syllables adjacent to the primary stress, vowel reduction still occurs. The following table shows words which serve as examples for this claim.

Table 4 Phonemic Transcription Phonetic Transcription /ˈɲus.kam/ [ˈɲus.kəm] /ˈis.kaj/ /kaw.ˈsa.kuj/ [ˈʔis.kəj] [kəw.ˈsa.kuj]

Position Post-stress Post-stress Pre-stress

Gloss marrow two the state of being alive

It is clear to see that, like open syllables, closed syllables can and do undergo vowel reduction in pre or post-stressed positions. The nature of this conclusion goes beyond just describing types of syllables. It speaks to the very nature of the segment /a/. By reducing not only in open syllables but also in CVC constructions, it is clear that it is not the type of syllable which causes the occurrence of reduction, but rather the reduction is caused by /a/ itself because both structures reduce in isolation. Much like the open syllables, closed /a/ syllables also show a preference for pre-stressed reduction. When a stressed syllable is surrounded by two closed /a/ syllables, the pre-stressed position undergoes the reduction. Whereas the previous generalizations about open syllables being reduced preferentially over closed syllables

Fabian 29 would suggest that the coda-position has a role in preventing reduction, the pre-stressed position takes precedence again and negates the factor of CVC syllables which cause them to not reduce over CV syllables. Despite the ability of a coda in a pre-stress CVC syllable to block reduction when an open /a/ syllable exists post-stress, the pre-stress position shows its weakness as it is the first of the two closed /a/ syllables to reduce. Table 5 gives examples which contextualize this claim.

Table 5 Phonemic Transcription /qaj.ˈwi.ʃan/ /tʃaj.man.ˈta.taq/ Phonetic Transcription [qəj.ˈwi.ʃan] [tʃaj.mən.ˈta.taχ] Position Pre-stress Pre-stress Gloss 3pS PPROG "to stir" from there to here + DO + POSS.25

These assertions about closed syllables again say interesting things about the vowel /a/ above and beyond simply relating to the structure of the CQ syllable. Whereas the previous examples of closed /a/ syllables did not experience reduction, it is now evident that when a closed syllable does not have to compete with an open syllable, it too reduces. The vowel /a/, then, and not the simple structural difference between CV and CVC, is what clearly conditions this reduction. Apart from these basic claims about /a/ syllables in CQ, there are some interesting exceptions within the data which indicate a more complex understanding about the application of generalizations in human language. Despite not having the exact contexts described above, certain utterances exhibit seemingly unexpected vowel reduction. The nature of confusion that arises from these words can be easily understood and even

25

The possessive marker in CQ is /q/.

Fabian 30 rationalized when viewing the discrepancy through a careful, step-wise lens and by keeping the established generalizations in mind.

Stress-Shift As previously noted, Cuzco Quechua is an agglutinative language. This means that CQ words can be, and often are, made up of long strings of morphemes seemingly “glued” together (Stocking 1995:84). The longest word which a subject of this study was able to think of and which he has heard used can be seen below.

“qhawaykachachikapushawasqankichisraqmi” Morpheme Division: qhawa-ykacha-chi-ka-pu-sha-wa-sqa-nkichis-raq-mi Gloss: look-SPAC/RED26-CAUS-NC-DIR-PROG-1S obj-PAST-2pl-CONT-FOC/EVID27 Literal: “up until today all of you (plural) will be making me look everywhere” Translation: “up until today I am the critic of all of you (plural)28.”

This sample word, at 14 syllables in length, gives an example of the extreme nature that agglutination can put on display in CQ. CQ has no prefixes, only suffixes, so when agglutination occurs, the regular stress pattern changes with the addition of each morpheme because the nature of penultimate stress changes every time a new right edge is established for the growing word. When

The suffix -(y)kacha adds the meaning that the described action is scattered in space (apa- ‘to take’, apaykacha- ‘to take everywhere’) or repeated (kumpa-ku- ‘to fall’, kumpa-kacha-ku- ‘to fall again and again’) (Cusihuaman 2001: 188) 27 See Appendix 3 for abbreviation definitions. 28 The author’s translation from Spanish. The original Spanish translation given by the informant was “hasta hoy, soy la crítica de todos ustedes.”

26

Fabian 31 generalizations depend on the pretext of stress-reliance, this shift can pose a big problem for the speaker. He would have to alter the pronunciation (specifically, adjust certain vowels which would need to reduce) of each word he says solely dependant upon the amount and type of suffixes he adds onto the end of the stem in order to maintain the grammatically determined penultimate stress. Perhaps due to this complicated need to shift a word’s stress, there are commonplace occurrences of errors in stress assignment in this study’s data. The speaker may potentially decide to attach a suffix mid-sentence or may not pronounce the suffix clearly, thereby leaving an incorrect stress on a morphologically altered word. The generalizations, however, about /a/ reduction continue to interact with shifted stress and still function logically. First, some examples maintain their reduction despite an incorrectly stressed word. The word “chaymanta,” meaning “from there to here”, illustrated a strange shift in stress multiple times throughout the data for this study, as illustrated in Table 6.

Table 6 Phonemic Transcription Phonetic Transcription /ˈtʃaj.man.ta/ [ˈtʃaj.man.tə] /ˈtʃaj.man.ta/ [tʃaj.ˈman.tə] Stress Gloss ungrammatical from there to here grammatical from there to here

The first utterance of the word features a stress which is not completely in-line with the penultimate stress rule predominant in the grammar of CQ. However, the vowel reduction occurs in the correct context as if the word were stressed penultimately, as seen in the second example of Table 6. In this example, the [man] syllable normally carries the primary stress which would create a situation where a stressed syllable is surrounded

Fabian 32 by a closed /a/ syllable and an open /a/ syllable. The open syllable is correctly reduced in the first example and the second example, but the first does not exhibit the word stress which should condition the change of the final syllable from the phonemic /a/. The first example should generate *[ˈtʃaj.mən.ta] because the only syllable adjacent to the stress is the /man/ syllable and therefore it should reduce. It appears that the stress shift may be stylistic emphasis but whatever emphasis the speaker sought to place on the initial syllable of the word was not important enough to the phonology to warrant a corresponding shift in the typical reduction of the word’s /a/ vowels based on the new stress. This issue can potentially provide insights into the underlying nature of /a/ reduction because it has the potential to show that word final position and not post stress may need to remain unaltered in this language29. The fact that a penultimate stress pattern would always make the word final position the same as the post stress position has a potential to mask a more universal generalization in regular instances. Because of the error in stress assignment in the previous example, an alternate solution to the reduction generalization is revealed. Secondly, some words actually did realign their vowel reduction based on stress shifts. One glaring example of this reduction comes from the examination of the word “kashan,” meaning “he/she is (temporarily30).” The following table shows “kashan” under two different stress reductions as the subsequent effects of this shift.

This observation should not overlook the fact that pre-stress is the position which is preferentially reduced. 30 The verb “kay” in Quechua corresponds to the Spanish verb “ser” while the verb "kashay", with the progressive suffix “-sh” attached, corresponds to “estar.” “Kashan” is the inflected form of “kashay” in the third person singular present.

29

Fabian 33 Table 7 Phonemic Transcription Phonetic Transcription /'ka.ʃan/ /'ka.ʃan/ ['ka.ʃən] [kə.ˈʃan] Stress grammatical ungrammatical Gloss 3pS P “to be (temporarily)” 3pS P “to be (temporarily)”

The first instance of “kashan” shows the regular application of the reduction generalization that if the only /a/ syllable adjacent to the primary stress is closed, it reduces. However, when the subject incorrectly stresses the second syllable of the verb, as seen in the second example, the regular rule is again applied and the adjacent open /a/ syllable, which previously held primary stress, is reduced to a [ə]. It is unclear as to why the speaker alternates between these two stress patterns, but the fact that the correct version occurs much more frequently than the single occurrence of the incorrect variant suggests that the penultimate stress rule for CQ is still correct for this verb. This generalization’s application, then, is highly reflective of the regularity of the vowel reduction that occurs among /a/ syllables in CQ. Thirdly, as previously mentioned, suffix addition in media res often results in stress placements which are not grammatical and which are often a function of simply not knowing that the suffix would be added when the stem is initially spoken. The speaker thus utters the stress on the root as it would appear in a “bare” context, but then decides, as evidenced by a pause in the flow of speech, to add a suffix which would normally change stress. Without being able to go back and change what he has already said, the word remains spoken as it was first uttered and the speaker continues on as if nothing wrong occurred. The following two examples show the application of suffixes to stems stressed as if they had no additional suffixes attached.

Fabian 34

Table 8 Phonemic Transcription Phonetic Transcription /u.ku.ku.ˈku.na.ta/ /hu.ˈtʃ’uj.tʃa.ku.na/ [ʔu.ku.ku.ˈku.nə.ta] [hu.ˈtʃ’uj.tʃə.ku.na] Stress ungrammatical ungrammatical Gloss bear + PL + DO small or tiny thing + PL

The first word’s root is “ukuku,” meaning “bear.” The plural suffix /kuna/ is added to the word to make “bears” and the recording reveals that the speaker’s pause before adding the direct object marker /ta/ allowed him to apply the reduction rule to the plural root before adding the direct object suffix which would, in turn, reduce. Should the /ta/ particle have been added fluidly, the stress would have fallen on the /na/ syllable which would have reduced the only adjacent open /a/ syllable, the /ta/. On the other hand, the same morpheme that was reduced in “ukukukunata” does not undergo reduction in the word for “small or tiny things.” The root of this word is /hu.ˈtʃ’uj.tʃa/ but the final /a/ undergoes reduction to become [ə] when no suffix is added. With the addition of the /kuna/, the stress should shift to the /ku/ syllable and then the same /tʃa/ syllable would undergo reduction in its pre-stressed context. Here, then, it is evident that a conundrum exists. Whether or not the reduction occurs as a function of the incorrect stress, which would correctly predict the only adjacent /a/ syllable as the candidate for reduction, or the gramatical but not overt stress of the word causing the prestress open /a/ syllable to reduce is a matter of interpretation. It makes sense, however, to take this reduction in stride with “ukukukunata” and interpret the pause and subsequent addition of the plural marker as a sign that the reduction went on before the suffix was added and the stress just did not get reassigned.

Fabian 35 Epenthesis Finally, examples of articulation-influenced epenthesis in CQ raise interesting questions about the overall structure of the syllable and the relation of stress to vowel reduction of /a/ syllables. Epenthesis is defined as the insertion of a segment which is not underlyingly present in the word being spoken (Itô 1989). Many languages which have constraints about consonant clusters routinely utilize epenthesis to break up these consonants and create simple, CV structure syllables. An example from Japanese illustrates the adaptation of the English loanword “basketball” to a more “Japanese” sounding structure.

Table 9 Language Word Syllable Structure English [ˈbæs.kɛt.bɔl] CVC.CVC.CVC 31 Japanese [ba.su.kɛ.tːu.ˈbo.ɾu] CV.CV.CV.CV.CV.CV

In Japanese, vowel epenthesis occurs as seen above and its effects, along with other regular adaptation shifts from English to Japanese, create a very typical Japanese word in terms of syllable structure from a foreign loanword. In CQ epenthesis does not occur on the same scale as Japanese, but the data of this study contain two interesting examples where the stress and reduction question are addressed, which could indicate a need for further investigation. These words can be seen in Table 10 below.

31

Taken from Kenkyusha (1985:122)

Fabian 36 Table 10 Underlying Quechua Word /ˈsaq.ra/ /ˈtʃaq.ra/

Epenthesized Quechua Word [ˈsa.χə.ɾa] [ˈtʃa.χa.ɾə]

Gloss devil/demon farm/field

Both of these words, as can be seen, have an underlying /q/ segment in the coda of the first, stressed syllable. As previously mentioned, this /q/ undergoes a frication process and surfaces as [χ]. It is this post-velar fricative segment which appears to cause the epenthesis in relation to the flapped /r/. What is most interesting to this study, however, is not why the epenthesis occurs but what vowel is epenthesized and how this epenthesis interacts with the underlying stress of the word. The word for “devil” could suggest that either /a/ or [ə] could be epenthesized. If the /a/ is epenthesized, the regular process of reduction would occur in relation to the new ungrammatical antepenultimate stress, just as in [hu.ˈtʃ’uj.tʃə.ku.na] from Table 9 above, thus causing the epenthesized /a/ to reduce to [ə]. If this does not occur, then the [ə] is epenthesized in the same way that many languages use it. According to Oostendorp (1999), a schwa is the “most economical choice to make if [a language has] to insert a vowel,” thus giving momentum to the idea of [ə] epenthesis in CQ. The word for “farm” is an extremely interesting pair to the previous word because it clearly epenthesizes an /a/, yet undergoes vowel reduction in a separate location conditioned by where the new stress should be. With the addition of the epenthetic vowel, the stress of the word would fall on the middle syllable. The reduction should occur preferentially at the pre-stressed position but as the syllable before the “new” stress is already, itself, stressed, the reduction seems to revert to the word-final syllable to undergo /a/ reduction. This is by no means an easily understood set of hypothetical

Fabian 37 alternations, but it is valuable nonetheless to simply point out the data as it appears and then make conclusions from what is present. The fact that these two words show cases of epenthesis with different results in terms of /a/ reduction suggests that there are more questions to ask about CQ vowel reduction. Future studies should address this issue by examining contexts where a [χ.ɾ] string should exist and investigate whether epenthesis goes on and what vowel is epenthesized.

Chapter 3. Front Vowel Retraction

While Cuzco Quechua’s /a/ exhibits widespread and conditioned reduction, it is far from the only vowel segment affected by an alternation. Another vowel alternation paradigm is centered around the [-low +front] vowels of Cuzco Quechua. As mentioned in the introduction, CQ’s vowel inventory unequivocally contains /i a u/ with emerging evidence suggesting the possible inclusion of /e o/, so this chapter’s content is therefore based on the segments /i e/ with the cautious understanding that /e/ has not always functioned as an underlying vowel in CQ. The aim of this chapter is to explain the behavior of front vowels of CQ through a regular process of tongue root retraction (henceforth TRR)32 in proximity to uvular segments. The uvular segments of CQ are [χ q qh q’]. A similar process can be readily seen in Greenlandic Eskimo, where the general pattern of reduction occurs in the pre-uvular position. According to Buckley (2000:1),

32

In the literature, TRR is often referred to as laxing but this study uses the term Tongue Root Retraction to highlight the articulatory side-effects of a retracted tongue root.

Fabian 38 whenever the high vowels /i u/ are followed by one of the uvular segments, [q ʀ], they lower to the corresponding allophones [ɛ ɔ]. Table 1 gives examples, found in SchultzLorentzen (1945), which illustrate this pattern in Greenlandic Eskimo. Vowels of interest are bolded for clarity.

Table 1 Phonetic Transcription [sɛʀmi-t] [sɛʀmɛ-q] [uvdlu-t] [uvdlɔ-q] [iki-t] [ikɛ-ʀput] Lowering Status Gloss non-lowered glacier lowered non-lowered lowered non-lowered lowered glaciers day days your wound our wound

Although this process is not identical to the CQ process of TRR to be discussed below, it is still important to point out an application of a similar pattern based on proximity of vowels to uvular segments in another non-related language in order to legitimize the possibility of this process being linguistically viable. As discussed in Chapter 1, the issue of CQ mid vowels is one which has arisen in the field and has particular relevance for the issues discussed within the context of this chapter. Other work has focused on these vowels, but multiple approaches have been taken which do not all agree. Buckley (2000) uses data from Daza (1983) to claim that [e o] are surface forms of /i u/ which had undergone allophonic variation in proximity to uvular segments. Table 2 shows examples from Buckley (2000) which illustrate this claim (bolded strings highlight the paradigm).

Fabian 39

Table 2 CQ Word33 ikma eqeqo kiru qeru kukuli qolqe Variation Status no variation allophone no variation allophone no variation allophone Gloss widow talisman tooth ritual mug dove money, silver

Underlying high vowels in Table 2, according to Buckley (2000), alternate when in the proximity of uvular segments but not in proximity to velars. While these data do not contribute to the idea that /e o/ should be considered phonemic in CQ, Buckley does claim that “massive Spanish borrowings have introduced distinctive /e o/” and therefore his work does not completely discredit the idea of phonemic mid vowels (2000:2). Cusihamán (1976) gives an outline of possible explanations for the phonemic status of /e o/, as seen in Chapter 1, which shows examples of the mid vowels existing outside the context of uvular segments. This type of analysis does not posit an allophonic relationship between the high and mid vowels of CQ because, in his example, discussed on page 11, no neighboring segment can have any effect to explain why /e o/ should surface, thus lending to the principle of their presence at the phonemic level. Lastly, Molina-Vital (2011) recognizes allophony similar to Buckley (2000), yet points out that the current state of the language is such that a development from a three vowel to a five vowel system (i.e. with mid vowels) is indeed taking place on a gradual

33

Cuzco Quechua orthography was used in the original source and is maintained here for sake of continuity and because it is more or less phonetic for the examples given above.

Fabian 40 level and that if they are not already, /e o/ are moving towards phonemic status as time and influence of other languages persist. Taken in the context of the aforementioned approaches, the phonetic data from this study clearly indicate the presence of /e/. Figure 3, below, gives F1 and F2 values for [e] in comparison to [ɛ] which indicate a consistent separation between the two segments. As the analysis to follow will show, [ɛ] surfaces as a result of TRR completely independent of [ɪ] which also represents a [+RTR] allophone. No context exists that would condition the retraction of /i/ to both [ɛ ɪ] when in the context of uvulars. This suggests that one of the segments must not be associated with an underlying /i/ and logically, the mid vowel /e/ would be a much more viable underlying representation for [ɛ] as it already matches the vowel height of the retracted allophone. It is important to note that, while claims about the mid-front vowel are made, this study makes no attempt to quantifiably prove the existence of an underlying mid-back vowel. The phenomena discussed herein do not apply to /o/ and therefore no thorough phonetic analysis was conducted to evaluate the mid-back vowel’s presence. In conclusion, the phonetic data allow this study to move forward under the cautious notion, as tempered by Molina-Vital’s (2011) claim that the mid-vowels’ phonemic status may be in flux, that a phonemic /e/ exists in CQ which undergoes TRR and is manifested on the surface by [ɛ]. The process of TRR is a logical consequence of the action of the tongue when articulating a uvular segment. During the production of a uvular, as seen in Figure 1 below, the dorsum of the tongue is raised so that a closure can be established at the uvula. The root of the tongue, as a consequence, is drawn towards the pharynx in a motion

Fabian 41 easily describable with the term “retraction.” In turn, as segments are articulated in a more forward position in the buccal cavity (progressing from velar to palatal to alveolar, etc), the tongue body moves towards the lips and thus the root “advances” accordingly.

Figure 1

34

As with the previous chapter, it will be necessary to use phonetic measurement techniques to distinguish vowels perceived as [+RTR] from their phonemic, unaltered forms. The issue of language analysis performed by a non-native speaker is again relevant here, but it is complicated even further by the presence of uvular segments. North American English35 does not feature contrastive uvular segments and thus English speakers can often become confused by the uvular segment and transcribe the word

34 35

Taken from Mannell (2001). The author’s native language.

Fabian 42 incorrectly. With the help of Praat’s annotation and formant-calculating features, phonetic analysis again objectively reveals the characteristics of the front vowels. The following figures plot examples of each vowel according to their F1 and F2 values, measured in Hertz (Hz). In addition, both figures feature shaded segments and dots which designate the vowel and the average value of the formants of all sampled vowels (respectively). The lighter items correspond to the phonemic [-RTR] segments while the dark items are associated with the segments which surface as a result of TRR.

Figure 2

36

36

See Appendix 4 for formant values and tokens

Fabian 43 Figure 3

37

Again, this chapter’s claims are conditioned by the fact that the segment /e/ is in flux, making it less prevalent in the data when compared to the more established /i/. No specific effort or theoretical claim to document the phonotactic distinction and distribution of these vowels is made, but it is necessary to at least address the fact that the /e/ [ɛ] TRR may, falsely, seem to be less productive than the /i/ [ɪ] simply because

it does not occur as frequently. This appearance, however, is deceiving because the lower number of /e/ segments do not produce as many instances of TRR, yet still react in all the same contexts as /i/. In ending this explanation, please view Figure 3 and other /e/ examples to follow not as incomplete, but rather as exhaustive within the confines of the data.

37

See Appendix 5 for formant values and tokens

Fabian 44 Figure 2 samples 32 vowel tokens, 16 of each variant, and shows clearly that /i/ segments are indeed distinctly higher and fronter than their [ɪ] alternates. The same generalization applies in Figure 3, which features 10 vowels, 5 of each variant, and schematically points out the higher F1 and lower F2 values of [ɛ] segments when compared to /e/, thus indicating retraction for both phoneme/allophone pairs. Interestingly enough, while the front vowels exhibit tongue-root retraction in the context of uvular segments, back non-low vowels do not follow this trend in the data of this study. This observation can be seen in Table 3 where words containing the segments /o u/ do not undergo this alternation in relevant contexts. Bold-face text indicates syllables of interest to this claim.

Table 3 Phonemic Transcription Phonetic Transcription /ˈq o.ɲa/ /ˈq’o.ɲi/ /ˈpo.qoj/ /ˈp’a.tʃa#or.ˈqo.quj/ /qu.ra.ˈku.naq/ /an.ˈqu.saj/ /ˈqha.tuq#ˈru.na/
h

Vowel Quality back-mid back-mid

Gloss mucus

[ˈq o.ɲə] [ˈq’o.ɲi] [ˈpo.qoj] [ˈp’a.tʃə#ʔoɾ.qo.quj] [qu.ɾə.ˈku.naχ] [ʔəɴ.ˈqu.saj] [ˈqha.tuχ#ˈru.nə]

h

warm to grow back-mid up/mature to get back-mid/back-high undressed back-high garden (n) to offer trader

back-high back-high

After confirming phonetically that the vowels in question are indeed distinct, this study can proceed to evaluate the process of TRR on a theoretically conditioned level. Table 4 features a list of CQ words, transcribed first phonemically and then phonetically,

Fabian 45 which contain examples of front vowel tongue root retraction. Bolding indicates segments affected by TRR.

Table 4 Phonemic Transcription /ˈwe.qi/ /u.ˈma.ʎeq/ /ˈwa.siq/ /tiq.si.ˈmu.ju/ /q’i.ˈwi.kuj/ /q’i.mi.ˈtʃa.kuj/ /qhe.ˈpa.pij#ˈpu.rij/ /qhe.ˈpa.pi/

Phonetic Transcription [ˈwɛ.qi] 38 [ʔu.ˈma.ʎɛχ] [ˈwa.sɪχ] [tɪχ.si.ˈmu.ju] [q’ɪ.ˈwi.kuj] [q’ɪ.mi.ˈtʃa.kuj] [qhɛ.ˈpa.pij#ˈpu.rij] [qhɛ.ˈpa.pi]

Gloss tears (of sadness) boss house + POSS world to turn around to support oneself against to follow behind + “in”

While these examples may give the impression that TRR occurs in variable contexts, the generalizations to follow will lay out a theoretical explanation of the productivity of the TRR paradigm.

Generalizations As previously claimed, TRR in CQ is a direct result of a vowel’s proximity to a uvular segment. A schematic representation of this process appears below.

/i e/

[ɪ ɛ] /

___ [q qh q’ χ] [q qh q’ χ] ___

The lack of reduction of the phonemic /i/ here is not the main focus of this example, but rather the segment which is reduced, the /e/. Further discussion of this surface [i] to follow.

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Fabian 46 This process, in contrast to the previous chapter’s analysis of /a/ reduction, is based on a type of assimilation caused by neighboring segments. Whereas the main cause of /a/ reduction is primary stress placement and subsequent stress adjustments, the [+RTR] feature of a neighboring consonant directly causes the alternation of the front vowels. As such, this TRR process behaves subtly different in comparison to a stressbased paradigm. Proximity to uvulars can be described as either of two positions; before the uvular in the linear string of segments or after it. Both contexts show occurrences of this TRR process, as can be seen in Table 5 below.

Table 5 Phonemic Transcription /ˈq'i.sa/ /q'i.ˈmi.kuj/ /q'i.ˈwi.kuj/ /q'i.mi.ˈtʃa.kuj/

Phonetic Transcription [ˈq’ɪ.sə] [q’ɪ.ˈmi.kuj] [q’ɪ.ˈwi.kuj] [q’ɪ.mi.ˈtʃa.kuj]

Position post-uvular post-uvular post-uvular post-uvular

Gloss anthill to nod (as a greeting) to turn around to support oneself against tears (of sadness) to obstruct to revive someone to fry

/ˈwe.qi/ /ˈtiq.mij/ /riq.tʃa.ˈtʃi.kuj/ /tiq.ˈti.tʃij/

[ˈwɛ.qi] [ˈtɪχ.mij] [rɪχ.tʃə.ˈtʃi.kuj] [tɪχ.ˈti.tʃij]

pre-uvular pre-uvular pre-uvular pre-uvular

In all of these sample words, the eligible vowel closest to the uvular undergoes TRR without a preferential position, as discussed in the previous chapter. That is to say, out of the two possible positions, pre and post-uvular, there is no preference among

Fabian 47 eligible vowels in a similar manner to the pre-stressed position tending to reduce from /a/ to [ə]. However, it can be noted that the word for “tears (of sadness)” in Table 4 does seem to show that when an eligible (i.e. front) vowel exists in both the pre-uvular and post-uvular position, the TRR will occur in the pre-uvular position. This small example would make sense in relation to the analysis of the pre-stressed position being preferentially reduced for /a/ vowels, and would therefore suggest a possible universal trend across the language to label positions before agents of alternation39 as more marked than positions after (de Lacy 2006). One example, however, is simply not enough to establish a defined and testable theory and this hypothesis must be left to future work on CQ. Another question not answered in this study is where this TRR is ordered in relation to other phonological processes. In particular, the regular frication of the underlying /q/ in the coda position to a surface [χ] would be an especially relevant process. No matter if the TRR of the vowel occurs prior to (i.e. /q/ causing the TRR) or after this frication occurs (i.e. [χ] taking the agent role in the TRR process), the two segments still remain [+RTR] and therefore would be able to cause this retraction. Future research could shed light on this issue and establish a sophisticated system of phonological ordering by probing this and other paradoxes of regular alternation ordering. One important factor to discuss within the framework of this analysis is the nature of all three phonemic representations of the uvular stop and any effect that may differ among their respective triggering of this TRR. Mention has already been made of the
39

In this study, stress and [+RTR].

Fabian 48 process of frication which this stop40 undergoes, but a relevant concern should exist as to whether all of the uvular stop phonemes affect vowels equally. This study moves forward with the assertion that all three uvular stops /q qh q’/ contain the crucial [+RTR] feature which triggers this alternation. Table 6 gives examples of each as they trigger TRR in relevant contexts.

Table 6 Quechua Word [ˈwɛ.qi] [qhɛ.ˈpa.pi] [q’ɪ.ˈwi.kuj]

Uvular Stop Variant Plain Aspirate Ejective

Gloss tears (of sadness) behind + “in” to turn around

As all three variants cause TRR to occur, any suspicion of preference towards any one variant, especially the plain variant which appears much more frequently than the laryngealized stops, does not hold up. In addition, it would seem prudent to examine the intonational context of the syllables where TRR occurs. The paradigm already established by the previous chapter on /a/ reduction would suggest that stress plays a role in the phonological processes of CQ, so logically stress would be an appropriate element on which to base a preliminary theory. This claim, however, does not hold up under closer analysis of the data. No preference among tonic, pre-tonic, or post-tonic positions exists in the application of front vowel TRR as instances of this alternation occur in each of these three contexts. Table 7 gives examples of each context in relation to primary stress. Stressed syllables are bolded for ease of recognition.
40

Parker 1997 asserts that laryngealized stops cannot appear in the coda position, thus whenever /CVq/ [CVχ], the plain variant undergoes frication and not the ejective or the affricate.

Fabian 49 Table 7 Quechua Word [q’ɪ.ˈwi.kuj] [ˈq’ɪ.sə] [ʔu.ˈma.ʎɛχ] [rɪχ.tʃə.ˈtʃi.kuj]

Position pre-stress stressed post-stress non-adjacent

Gloss to turn around anthill boss to revive someone

Just as each uvular stop caused TRR to occur, here it is easy to see that TRR can happen in all the syllable environments relative to stress. It is therefore impossible to make any claim that stress plays a role in front vowel’s TRR application. These generalizations seek to create an easily understandable contextual layout of how and when front vowel TRR occurs. The trend that this alternation process follows, as noted, is linear proximity to a uvular segment. This governing principle is very easy to recognize within the context of the data, but the actual account is a bit more complicated. The following section will discuss an expansion of this claim which evaluates the status of linear order in CQ.

Variance from Linear Application Cuzco Quechua’s front vowel TRR applies on a more-broad scale than simply whenever an eligible vowel is in contact with a [+RTR] segment. Many phonological processes apply on a locality-based level, but often phonology can apply at a greater scale than simply the interaction between two neighboring segments. For example, according to Mutaka (1995), Kinande exhibits a process of vowel harmony which operates on the word level, extending well beyond inter-segmental or intra-syllabic application. The basic generalizations above gave an account of this vowel alternation process based on

Fabian 50 direct segmental interaction but in reality, a uvular can trigger TRR without being directly adjacent to the eligible vowel. Table 8 gives examples which exhibit TRR application when vowels are not adjacent to uvulars, with relevant strings bolded for clarity.

Table 8 Phonemic Transcription Phonetic Transcription /sir.ˈqa.na/ [sɪɾ.ˈqa.nə] /ɲis.ˈqa.ta/ /per.qa.ˈku.na/ /ˈwis.qaj/ /ˈqir.quj [ɲɪs.ˈqa.tə] [pɛɾ.qə.ˈku.na] [ˈwɪs.qəj] [ˈqɪɾ.quj]

Gloss stairs saying + DO wall + PL to close to draw

This extension of the [+RTR] spreading is made possible by the classification of certain intervening segments as transparent (Goldsmith 1990). Here, transparency is used to denominate a segment which, when occurring directly between a uvular consonant and a front vowel, still allows the TRR to take place. Transparency exists on different levels cross linguistically and different languages may allow different sets of transparent segments, but in CQ the segments transparent to this TRR process are shown to be /s r/. Cerrón-Palomino (1987:255) also discusses the possibility of transparent segments in CQ. His proposed segments include /n r l ʎ/ which are definitely closely related to the set /s r/ put forth in this study. While data from this study’s informants only support the inclusion of /s r/ in the set of transparent segments, it is entirely possible that this list could be slightly expanded upon more conclusive research evaluating the lateral and nasal segments.

Fabian 51 These two transparent segments have the shared features [+coronal +anterior]41 and can therefore be grouped together phonetically. The phoneme /s/ does not undergo any relevant phonological processes and thus the surface [s] may surface between the uvular and [+RTR] vowel with no consequences for the TRR process, as can be seen in the table below where each /s/ is bolded for clarity.

Table 9 Phonemic Transcription /ɲis.ˈqa.ta/ /ˈwis.qaj/

Phonetic Transcription [ɲɪs.ˈqa.tə] [ˈwɪs.qəj]

Gloss saying + DO to close

The other transparent segment, /r/, on the other hand, reduces to [ɾ] in the coda position, as discussed in the Introduction, so what surfaces in the string of segments involved in TRR is not [Vr.C] but rather [Vɾ.C], as seen in the examples below.

Table 10 Phonemic Transcription /per.qa.ˈku.na/ /sir.ˈqa.na/ /ˈqir.quj

Phonetic Transcription [pɛɾ.qə.ˈku.na] [sɪɾ.ˈqa.nə] [ˈqɪɾ.quj]

Gloss wall + PL stairs to draw

The final example in the table, the word for “to draw,” may seem questionable as the preceding uvular may also be affecting the phonemic /i/ but here it is ambiguous because there are two eligible uvular segments in direct proximity. Either the first /q/

The three coronal stops /t th t’/, as pointed out in the blocking discussion, are not transparent despite also being members of the [+ coronal +anterior] featural class.

41

Fabian 52 triggers the TRR or the second acts across the transparent /r/, the possibility of which justified this word’s grouping with these examples. It is completely feasible to wonder whether continuancy has an affect on transparency. Segments which are continuant in production might logically be thought to allow a phonological process to propagate and the underlying trill /r/ would seem to exhibit a similar continuancy to /s/. This surface form of /r/ may be troubling, however, in its grouping with /s/ because the tap [ɾ] does not seem as continuous as the phonemic [r]. This puzzle of continuancy could be potentially solved by an application order distinction, but it is best ignored and the grouping of these segments is best left at [+coronal +anterior]. The fact that /s r/ exist as transparent segments might suggest that other similar segments of CQ should also be transparent to this TRR process. However, no evidence exists within the context of this study’s data to correlate segments such as /ʃ l ʎ/ with transparency. This makes complete sense because the above segments are grouped into the [+coronal, -anterior] class and would therefore not fit the same featural description as /s r/. The presence of transparent segments could easily give rise to the idea that simple adjacency is no longer relevant to the process of TRR. If segments can, all of a sudden, allow TRR to occur across a non-adjacent space, the entire word’s front vowels could all hypothetically undergo TRR due to the presence of one [+RTR] segment. This is not the case in CQ and certain segments can be said to “block” the effects of uvulars and thereby disallow TRR spreading.

Fabian 53 The first class of segments which blocks TRR is the stops. The CQ consonant inventory features five places of articulation for stops and all but the uvulars do not allow TRR to occur when they intervene between a uvular segment and an eligible vowel. Table 11 below gives examples of each point of articulation across the stop inventory which deters TRR42.

Table 11 Quechua Word [ɲəw.ˈpaχ.pi#tʃu.ˈra.kuj] [thɪχ.ˈti.tʃij] [məχ.ˈtʃi.kuj] [ˈmu.suχ#ˈki.ʎə]

Place of Articulation bilabial alveolar palatal velar

Gloss to defend to fry to bathe new moon

In all of the above examples, possible strings of uvular consonants and vowels are not allowed to undergo TRR due to the blocking stop. In particular, the first, third, and fourth words meaning “to defend,” “to bathe,” and “new moon” showcase their ability to block the effects of the uvular because no TRR exists in the word. The word for “to fry” could prompt an argument which states that a uvular can only retract one adjacent vowel and therefore would “use up” its TRR on the immediately adjacent vowel, leaving it incapable to affect other segments in the word. However, since it is clear from the other three examples that blocking does occur due to the presence of non-uvular stops; there is no reason to believe that uvulars should be limited in their ability to spread the [+RTR] feature.
Data containing stop segments in the coda position have not surfaced. While these stop segments are not illustrated in the minutely exact context as the /s r/ segments which are transparent, this table merely seeks to illustrate that when, linearly speaking (here, disregarding syllable boundaries), a stop intervenes between a uvular segment and a vowel which may potentially undergo TRR, it is shown to not be transparent to the phenomenon.
42

Fabian 54 One cause for concern, however, is that there is one class of stops which does share the features of the transparent segments /s r/; the alveolar stops. The fact that the [+coronal +anterior] stops /t th t’/ do not act similarly to the other segments which share their features is troubling. The classification of a certain set of segments, based on their featural description, as transparent must imply that all segments within that set are indeed transparent, or else some other, finer set of distinctions must be drawn to separate them. Akinlabi (1993) and McCarthy and Taub (1992) provide a solution to this dilemma through an approach mediated by featural underspecification. Akinlabi (1993:142) claims that “if a segment is transparent to the spreading of a feature or a node (i.e., allows that feature or node to spread through it), then that segment is not specified for the feature or node.” The simple solution, therefore, is to posit that /t th t’/ are simply the only segments specified for the head feature [+coronal] among the class of [+coronal +anterior] in CQ. The underspecification of /s r/ would then logically cause them to be transparent to the process of TRR43 while the alveolar stops, being specified for [+coronal], would remain opaque and thus block this retraction. Further experimental analysis based on the claims about a more inclusive set of transparent segments (see Cerrón-Palomino 1987:255) would potentially show that the nasals and lateral segments of CQ are also underspecified for [+coronal], bringing the set of underspecified segments up to /s r n l ʎ/. Vowels also have the ability to block the uvulars’ effects. The vowels /a o u/ intervening between a uvular and an eligible vowel will disallow the spread of TRR, as well as front vowels which have already been converted into [+RTR]. Table 12 gives examples with eligible but non-retracted vowels marked in bold.
43

A similar claim is made in Akinlabi (1993) in the treatment of the Yoruba /r/.

Fabian 55 Table 12 Quechua Word [ˈq’a.ki] [ˈqha.li#ˈkaj] [tʃa.ki.ˈsɪɴ.qə] 44 [q’ɪ.ˈwi.kuj]

Type of Vowel non-front non-front already retracted already retracted

Gloss Jaw to be well/healthy shin to turn around

The low vowel /a/ blocks the uvular’s effects in the first two examples before they can even reach the known-blocker /k/ and the following /i/ vowel remains [-RTR]. In the second two examples, an already retracted [ɪ] is found directly between the uvular segment and an eligible /i/, thus preventing repeated TRR. This is subtly different from the previous hypothetical assertion that a uvular may only spread [+RTR] to one segment because the eligible segment here is directly after the [+RTR] segment. Future work could relieve this problem by studying strings of either /i e/ vowel interrupted by an intervening uvular to determine whether or not both segments would be retracted or only one. This would also give indications of any preference in directionality of TRR. Other questions appear when thinking about TRR in regards to consonants which cause retraction, but the scope of this study is not great enough to fully investigate them. Data trends preliminarily indicate that a broader class of segments not limited simply to uvulars may cause TRR. Table 13 gives examples of other segments which occur in relation to [+RTR] vowels that may create a need for a [+back] class of sounds, often called “gutturals,” as can be seen in Arabic (Zawaydeh 1999).

Here there is a certain ambiguity as to whether the uvular nasal would cause the reduction of the /i/ or if nasals, like /s r/, are also transparent to uvulars and become assimilated in the process. This study does not attempt to explain nasals’ role in this reduction

44

Fabian 56 Table 13 Quechua Word [ˈrɪŋ.rij] [ˈkɪɾ.pəj] [rɪ.ˈku.tʃij] [ˈhɪ.nə]

Place of Articulation velar (nasal) velar velar pharyngeal

Gloss ear to cover/stop up to guide for example

All of these instances of TRR do not follow the previous generalizations but it would be a mistake to throw out the entire theory based on a few other instances of TRR. These counterexamples are even more questionable when the Arabic and other guttural language examples are taken into account because, cross-linguistically, consonants towards the back of the articulatory system exhibit tendencies to trend in their phonological effects on neighboring segments. The scope of these counterexamples is limited within the context of this study, however, so no strong correlation can be drawn here which would effectively prove the existence of a [+back] set of segments in Cuzco Quechua. Table 2 also gives evidence which suggests that velar and uvular stops may act separately and should not be grouped as in languages featuring guttural consonants.

Chapter 4. Summary and Conclusions This concluding chapter aims to summarize and discuss the issues discussed within the context of this study as well as point out areas which the study has proven to merit future phonological investigation. Relevant information from previous chapters is restated in order to simplify the claims previously addressed. This study examined vowels in the Cuzco dialect of Quechua using phonetic principles to inform theoretical conclusions about the nature of the phonological

Fabian 57 processes which cause certain vowels to surface in speech. The primary areas of focus within the vowel inventory of CQ were the low central vowel and the front vowels, as well as allophonic representations of these underlying segments.

Chapter 2. The low central vowel /a/ exhibited a process of vowel reduction which caused the underlying form to surface as the centralized vowel [ə] only once per CQ word. F1 and F2 values of [a] and [ə] were analyzed to determine the shift of the low vowel to a centralized position and the values suggested distinct regions for each vowel. This process of reduction was found to be governed by the independent factors of stress proximity and syllable type which, together, provided a basis for explaining why /a/ syllables reduced in certain contexts but not others. It was determined that within the two factors determining reduction, certain characteristics were more likely to cause reduction than others. Within the syllable structure framework, open syllables always underwent /a/ reduction over closed syllables. When in isolation within a word and in proximity to stress, both syllable structures were seen to reduce, but when both syllable types were within the same word, the open syllable reduced preferentially. In terms of stress proximity, the pre-stress position was the most likely position to undergo reduction. Based on comparisons of equal syllable types (i.e. open-open or closed-closed) in both positions adjacent to primary word stress, the pre-stress position underwent reduction over the post-stress syllable. Tokens involving mixed syllable types (i.e. open-closed or closed-open) helped to provide information on reduction based on preferential syllable types and to establish the open syllable as the most likely to reduce.

Fabian 58 These two frameworks fit together to create an overarching scheme of contextual likelihood of /a/ reduction. Table 1 illustrates the interaction of stress proximity and syllable type and the effect on reduction using possible combinations of two of the four possible selections in the y-axis.

Table 1 Likelihood of Reduction Open syllable Closed Syllable Pre-Stress Post-Stress

Greatest ☺ ☺

Least ☺ ☺ ☺ ☺ ☺ ☺

Amidst the analysis of this process, irregular data emerged which brought up the possibility for future research. The first scenario involved the principle of stress shift. Due to regular suffixation, CQ primary stress shifts to maintain its penultimate position and in doing so, environments for /a/ reduction are fundamentally changed. The claims of this study can be expanded to analyze words exhibiting /a/ reduction without a suffix, and then eliciting the same word with monosyllabic and disyllabic suffixes (respectively) to better analyze the application of the reduction after morphological additions have been made. Suffixes such as -raq “CONT”, -ta “DO,” -(y)kacha “SPAC/RED,” and -kuna “PL” would be excellent choices as they would be able to provide insights on stress shift as well as provide locations for /a/ reduction to occur. Results of this experimental method would potentially help to expand the breadth of the generalizations discussed herein by giving an analysis which is relevant within the framework of the morphological productivity of CQ.

Fabian 59 Lastly, the examples shown in Table 10 in Chapter 2 give data concerning the application of /a/ reduction to epenthetic vowels. The string [χ.ɾ] was shown, at least preliminarily, to elicit vowel epenthesis between the two consonants. Expanding the amount of data involving this string would help to verify or eliminate the preliminary observations of this study linking epenthetic vowels to the application of /a/ reduction.

Chapter 3. The front vowels /i e/ served as an environment for a productive process of tongue root retraction. The limiting factor for this process is the proximity of uvular segments which, inherently, contain the feature [+RTR] that is spread to the neighboring front vowels, thereby causing retraction. The uvular segments causing this retraction in CQ are [q qh q’ χ]. Phonetic data in the form of F1 and F2 values was obtained and plotted independently for each [-RTR] vowel as well as its [+RTR] allophone. The results, as seen in Figures 2 and 3 in Chapter 3, show both lowering and retraction, but the average values only consistently indicate retraction and not just lowering as lowering occurs differently when comparing the figures. The application of TRR was found to be expanded due to a class of segments, /s r/, being underspecified for the feature [coronal]. This underspecification, when viewed in relation to the other [+coronal +anterior] segments /t th t’/ which are crucially specified for [+coronal], allows TRR to occur across /s r/ to neighboring vowels. This section of the study has provided the greatest amount of information to shape future research. One very basic question which arises from this study has to do with the order of application of phonological processes in CQ. The regular process of frication of

Fabian 60 underlying /q/ in the coda to [χ] would be an excellent candidate for study. The ordering of TRR and uvular frication would not shed much light on more general principles of phonological ordering because no matter which process occurs first, the surfacing vowel will still be [+RTR] because both the fricative and stop contain the [+RTR] feature. Using other processes which are not ambiguous in the sense that these processes are would provide a better idea of how phonological rules apply on a broad scale in CQ. Additionally, the directionality of the process of TRR begs to be probed as a result of this study. In the very limited context of exceptional examples within this thesis, such as the word [ˈwɛ.qi] in Table 5 Chapter 3, CQ appears to favor pre-uvular application of retraction when two equally viable vowels exist much like pre-stress position is favored for /a/ reduction. Experimental methodology of future studies should evaluate words which contain a string of [V C[+RTR]. V] or [V. C[+RTR] V] in a similar manner to Chapter 2’s evaluation of /a/ syllables to see whether one position is favored or even whether all positions retract, thus commenting on the distance [+RTR] can spread. As pointed out at the close of Chapter 3, additional research could clarify the initial presence and role of alternate segments such as /k ŋ h/ which seem to also trigger TRR. While Buckley (2000) clearly indicates a contrast between uvular and velar stops, the data in this study suggest that perhaps more than simply uvular segments contain the [+RTR] feature and thus would cause TRR to occur. An effort to evaluate a greater range of segments which show phonetic similarity to uvulars, such as velars and pharyngeal consonants, would potentially yield more information on the status of the feature [+RTR] in CQ consonants.

Fabian 61 Finally, the most intriguing area for future research which arises from this chapter has to do with the phonemic status of the mid vowels in CQ. As previously mentioned, there is substantial research on the status of /e o/ in CQ but the fact that this study gives evidence to suggest that the mid-front vowel /e/ undergoes regular phonological alternation gives reason to probe the status of both /e o/ even more. The influence of other languages with mid vowels upon CQ has been claimed to cause the greater frequency of /e o/ and future research, paying careful attention to variables of age and amount of exposure to languages which could potentially contribute mid vowels to CQ45, could help shed light on the proposition that CQ is in a process of gradual cementation of mid vowels as phonemic, where younger generations would presumably exhibit higher rates of phonemic mid vowels than older generations.

45

Both Spanish and Aymara, as indicated by Cerrón-Palomino (1994), could potentially affect the CQ vowel system.

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Clements, G. N. (1999) Affricates as noncontoured stops. In Osamu Fujimura, Brian D. Joseph, and Bohumil Palek, eds., Proceedings of LP '98: Item Order in Language and Speech. Prague: The Karolinum Press, 271-299. Choque, Daniel Tunque. (2009) Diccionário Quechua-Español. Cusco, Perú: Editorial Moderna. Cusihuamán G., Antonio. (1976, 2001) Gramática quechua: cuzco-collao. Lima: Ministerio de educación. de Lacy, Paul. (2006) Markedness: Reduction and Preservation in Phonology. Cambridge University Press. Daza, Jaime Luis. (1983) Diccionario tri-lingüe: Quechua de Cusco. La Paz, Bolivia: Qoya Raymi. Goldsmith, John. (1990) Autosegmental and metrical phonology. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Itô, Junko. (1989) A prosodic theory of epenthesis. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 7, 217-259. Jaeger, J. J. (1984) Assessing the psychological status of the vowel shift rule. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 13, 13-36. Kager, René. (2007) Feet and metrical stress. In Paul de Lacy (ed.) The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology. Cambridge University Press, pp.195-227. Ladefoged, Peter. (2001) Vowels and Consonants: An Introduction to the Sounds of Language. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Ladefoged, Peter. (2006) A Course in Phonetics (Fifth Edition). Boston, MA: Thomson Wadsworth.

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Appendix 1

Appendix 2 [ə]
word [ˈpa.ɾə] [maʎ.ki.ˈku.nə] [xa.naχ.ˈpa.tʃə] [ˈʔis.kəj] [pa.kə.ˈna.kuj] [ˈʔu.mə] [tʃej.ˈman.tə] [k’uɾ.pə.ˈku.na] [ˈʔaʎ.pə] [ɲə.ˈk’a.ɾij] [ˈʔu.jə] [ɲa.wi.ˈku.nə] segment [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] [ə] F1(Hz) 624.93 586.223 517.164 475.191 464.982 459.238 441.163 432.287 432.078 405.052 388.592 379.137 F2 (Hz) 1435.7 1379.438 1457.281 1878.26 1597.01 1215.114 1538.297 1090.312 1289.647 1984.853 1550.259 1589.661 [k’uɾ.pə.ˈku.na] [maʎ.ki.ˈku.nə] [ɲə.ˈk’a.ɾij] [tʃej.ˈman.tə] [ɲa.wi.ˈku.nə] [xa.naχ.ˈpa.tʃə]

[a]
word [ˈʔaʎ.pə] [ˈpa.ɾə] [pa.kə.ˈna.kuj] segment [a] [a] [a]a [a]b [a] [a] [a]a [a]b [a]c [a] [a] [a] F1(Hz) 729.756 687.62 534.332 644.071 555.253 534.248 560.82 641.654 591.413 624.71 614.581 593.458 F2 (Hz) 1437.849 1354.318 1510.407 1513.035 1216.893 1202.922 1441.212 1341.861 1416.13 1283.144 1571.862 1692.25

average

467.17

1500.486

average

609.326

1415.157

Appendix 3 ABBREVIATIONS 1 - first person 2 - second person CAUS - causal CONT- contrastive DIR- directional DO- direct object EVID - evidential EXCL - exclamation FOC - focus n- noun NC46- non-controlled or potential passive action obj - Object P- present POSS- possessive PROG -progressive PL- plural S- singular SPAC/RED47- Spacially distributed or repeated

Booij et al. 2004:1460 The suffix -(y)kacha adds the meaning that the described action is scattered in space (apa- ‘to take’, apaykacha- ‘to take everywhere’) or repeated (kumpa-ku- ‘to fall’, kumpa-kacha-ku- ‘to fall again and again’) (Cusihuaman 2001: 188)
47

46

Appendix 4 [+RTR] Vowels word
[rɪχ.ˈsi.na] [ˈrɪχ.sij] [ˈtɪχ.nin] [ˈtɪχ.mij] [ˈwa.sɪχ] [ˈq’ɪ.sa] [ˈtʃɪχ.nij] [thɪχ.ˈti.tʃij] [ˈxuk#ˈrɪχ.sij] [q’ɪ.ˈwi.kuj] [sɪɾ.ˈqa.na] [q’ɪ.ˈmi.kuj] [q’ɪ.mi.ˈtʃa.kuj] [ˈsɪɴ.qa] [ˈwɪs.qaj] [ˈsɪ.kij]

[-RTR] Vowels segment F1(Hz) F2 (Hz)
[ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] [ɪ] 571.643 448.072 421.802 414.596 384.428 380.785 372.895 372.192 362.798 343.782 331.889 331.009 319.715 317.794 300.545 294.942 1766.734 1564.761 1793.883 1882.164 2004.166 2129.725 1957.916 2078.929 1761.429 1554.108 1881.762 1962.202 2102.586 2328.499 2003.977 2323.439 [k’u.ˈsi.λu] [ˈʔuɾ.pij] [ˈpi.ki] [pi.ˈta.na] [ˈwi.xa] [ˈmi.tʃi] [ˈʔi.tuj] [λa.λi.ˈtʃi.kuj]

word
[ˈsɪ.kij] [ˈran.tij] [ˈma.na#ja.tʃa.ˈni.tʃu] [ʔi.ma.ˈku.naχ#ˈkaj.ni]

segment F1(Hz) F2 (Hz)
[i] [i] [i] [i]a [i]b [i] [i]a [i]b [i] [i] [i]a [i]b [i] [i] [i]a [i]b 239.828 253.176 356.665 309.042 345.545 258.104 324.046 281.414 233.905 334.059 308.396 267.985 283.603 280.484 285.556 275.695 2454.249 2524.672 2015.878 2141.53 1997.223 2491.965 1972.562 2321.7 2081.931 2279.08 2379.739 2283.281 2222.36 2236.436 2320.074 2496.807

average

373.055

1943.518

average

289.844

2263.718

Appendix 5 [+RTR] Vowels word
[q ɛ.tʃi.ˈpi.ɾə] [ˈwɛ.qi] [ʔu.ˈma.λɛχ] [qɛ.ˈpa.pij#ˈpu.rij] [pɛɾ.qə.ˈku.na]
h

[-RTR] Vowels segment
[ɛ] [ɛ] [ɛ] [ɛ] [ɛ]

F1(Hz)
352.658 414.203 419.21 402.62 458.641

F2 (Hz)
1904.735 1492.16 2086.202 1551.873 1573.878

word
[ˈtʃej.pi] [tʃej.mən.ˈta.taχ] [sum.ˈbre.ru] [ˈq'o.meɾ] [ˈtʃej.nə]

segment
[e] [e] [e] [e] [e]

F1(Hz)
347.733 373.678 326.22 375.181 344.382

F2 (Hz)
1868.229 1817.44 1987.009 1560.631 1804.474

average

409.466

1721.77

average

353.439

1807.557

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