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Towards Understanding Arakan History (Part I)

A Study on the Issue of Ethnicity in Arakan, Myanmar

by Abu Anin Preface A mirror reflects exactly any object that stands before it. So does history reflect the past of a people or a nation? History gives us knowledge of past. But history can be a forgotten past, especially for literally less advanced people. After a few generations, history cannot be remembered unless it is written or recorded, and observation of illiterate tribes all over the world shows, that they are helplessly wrong with regard to the events of their history for more than a couple of generations back. Thus recording of history in various forms took place from the early stage of human society. Records of history are very important such as roots are for trees. Without proper records of history it is very difficult for a people to go ahead. For future planning we need the knowledge of past. Hence, I have been studying the history of Arakan in particular and of Myanmar in general and have been collecting some important facts and records related to them. Here some of my friends requested me to compile a brief but precise history of Arakan with special attention to the evaluation of Muslim society there and I complied with their request. Writing a history book needs knowledge and experience. It is a big job for me as it will consume time, mind and energy. At the same time I was not free enough because of my

personal engagements. Non-availability of some reference books is another factor. Next most of the history books on Arakan, by Arakanese themselves are found to be irrelevant with the latest researches of scholars. Many facts there are illogical, imaginary and exaggerative in nature. So to bring historical nucleus in to light with authentic references and correct documentations become an essential part of my task here. Further, facts concerning Muslims role in Arakan, traditionally have been covered up or distorted. In this treatise my attempt to bring them in to light may be subject to refutation from some circles. Especially three historical nucleuses here may be found deviated from our traditional concept though they are real and true. The main object of this treatise indeed is to shed light on these points. These three points (nucleus) of Arakans history are: * The existence of a cultural and political transition from Indian Wethali period to Burmese Lemyo period in early 11th century. * The fact that genealogically Rakhine people are a branch of Tibeto-Burman in contrast to some Rakhine writers attempt to show their origin in the IndoAryan people of Dannyawaddy and Wethali with whom they of course have mixed up to a limited extent. * The fact that in the light of racial and linguistic affinity with Wethali people, Rohingya of Arakan today are to be designated as the descendants of those early Indo-Aryan people of Arakan. These new findings of mine may draw criticism from some circles. But these are historic realities supported by prominent researchers of today like Dr. Pamela Gutman of Australia. So it is up to our new generation to research and bring light on these issues.

Records of Muslim role in Arakan are amply found in the chronicles of India and Bengal. But to avoid refutation and denial from some circles, I gave preference to quote from the works of Arakanese, Burmese and some western historians. Most of the points and facts in this thesis are rarely found in the works of present day Arakanese and Burmese writers. Nonetheless, greater parts of my writing are extracted from the works of eminent Arakanese historians and prominent Arakanese politicians of early period. Some inscriptions recently showing the roles of Muslim Kings in Arakan were brought into the light by the researches of Professor G. H. Luce and Dr. Than Tun of former Myanmar Historical Commission. So I have extracted some portions in my thesis from their writings. References from English books are kept in its original form, where as for Burmese, I Have tried my best not to deviate from the tract and meaning of original writers. Traditionally, we see Arakanese chronicles always distort or belittle the roles of Muslims in Arakan. Yet we find in them a lot of valuable facts and points, which substantiate the remote past of Muslims and their role in the sociopolitical life of Arakan. For some issues, which seem contentious, and subject to criticism from some circles I have tried, here, to substantiate them or to authenticity them with the analyses and commentaries of some Arakanese writers. I used the terminology Magh for Rakhine, somewhere in this text, not deliberately but unavoidably to conform to the original writings. I am aware that the Arakanese Buddhists used to disclaim that name. Anyhow, I hope this attempt of mine will give a clear and precise account of both Arakanese history and the roles Muslims had had in it. It will of course

help the readers to have a comprehensive and chronological knowledge of Arakanese history. Even, Dr. Pamela Gutman, an Australian, specialist on the history of ancient Arakan said, Many gaps in our knowledge of ancient Arakan are soon to be filled by the publication of the catalogue of Burmese manuscripts by BSPP1. So this research of mine cannot be said to be perfect and complete. I admit my ability not being able to bring all essential facts and points here, in this booklet. Of course my effort is like a drop in an ocean. History is wide and somewhere much complicated. It is up to our younger generation to research and bring to the light the reality of history for our coming generations. I have avoided the trend, which some people forcibly want to take. History is history. It should be as it was. It cannot be what I want it to be. Sometimes new findings may overshadow old ideas. Further if someone happens to be in disagreement with some facts and points here, he is advised to see the original text concerned. In chapter XI, Muslim influence in the medieval period, some facts will sound repetitive. It is only to substantiate their authenticity I have to quote the opinions and commentaries of different writers on the same subject or fact. Here, in this thesis Rohingyas, Muslims, Arakanese Muslims or Rakhine Muslims are used frequently to indicate the same entity Rohingya. Since this is a precise and chronological study of whole Arakan history, I would like to name this treatise as Towards understanding Arakan history. Publicity of Rohingyas true historical and legal background is essential to promote their stand among the national peoples of Myanmar. So here in this treatise I did try my best to fulfill that object. It is up to my readers to comment how far my maneuvers are successful in achieving that objective.

Lastly I highly appreciate and acknowledge the help contributed by some of my friends who gave me valuable advices and encouragement, and took a great burden to bring this copy up to its fair stage, especially by computerizing it. Without their cooperation this copy is hardly possible to reach its completion. Presently they prefer to remain anonymous. BRAJ in Japan is given my consent to publish it there. Copyright otherwise in book form or website is reserved by the author. Welcome your constructive opinions and commentaries through the publisher. Abu Anin A Researcher of Arakan history Yangon, Union of Myanmar Dated: November 2002 Introduction Arakan, the western most province of Myanmar, for most part of its history was an independent kingdom. As there were frequent incursions and attacks from the east as well as from the west, its central authority sometimes was weak. For many times Arakanese had to seek help from Burma proper to maintain stability in their country. It fell under Burmese (then Ava Kingdom) rule in 1786 and then under British rule in 1826. After Burmese independence in 1948, it became part of Burmese Dominion again. Dr. Pamela Gutman says the early history of Arakan has been generally considered to be that of a province of India, and hence its study had been neglected by both Indian and South-east Asian historians.2 There always have been a section of people who disfavor to highlight on any political role played by Muslims of Arakan. The roles of Muslims or Rohingyas

have been concealed or belittled, in some cases distorted in the writing of that (said above) circle. Therefore, an attempt hereby is being made to highlight on Muslim roles, but not neglecting the abridgement of Arakan history as a whole. Main sources of reference here are the works of Arakanese and Burmese writers. As regard to foreign sources, Dr. Kanungo, Dr. Pamela Gutman, Moshe Yegar, D. G. E. Hall, G. E. Harvey, Sir Arthur Phayre and M. Collis are frequently quoted. In this treatise I give more emphasis on the transitional period from Chandra dynasty (Vesali) to Burmese dynasties after the mid 10th century. Some new facts of researches are brought here about the transition. Until now most Arakanese chronicles described this transitional period in a vague manner. According to Rakhine chronicles, the last king of third Wethali (Vesali) King Sula Chandra was succeeded by two Mro Chieftains, Amarathu and his son (some say his nephew) Paipru one after another. They were attacked by Pyus and Shans. Paipru had to flee to the northwest. In the mean time the Sak (Thek) in the north grew stronger. A Sak king Ngamin Ngadon, whom Rakhine chronicle supposed to be a son of late Sula Chandra, seized the throne of Wethali and shifted the capital to Sambowet, not very far from Wethali. Dr. Pamela said there were invasions of Tibeto-Burman from the east and the Sak had revolted against them. But finally the Burmese or the present Rakhine gained the control of the plain and Ngamin Ngadon was dethroned.3 Ngamin Ngadons being son of Sula Chandra is an issue subject to question. Sula Chandras wife, Chandra Devi, married Amarathu, a Mru. So her infant son, if there was one, should fall in the hands of Mru, not in the hand of Sak, the rival of Mru tribe, who gain the throne of Wethali after Sula Chandra. Arakan State Council in its publication of Arakan history says Ngamin Ngadon was killed by the conspiracy of eastern people (the Burmese). He was succeeded by Kettathin, who had shifted the capital to Pyinsa. Establishment

of Pyinsa is a change and a new phase of Arakan history.4 It further says Wethali is counted up to the end of Sambowet, by historians. U Hla Tun Pru, an eminent Arakanese politician and historian says they (the Burman) performed other Yatras which contributed to his(Ngamin Ngadons) ruin. No wonder Ngamin Ngadon fell in a wan with king of Pagan in 380 A. E. (Perhaps 818 A. D. according to Arakanese chronicles and 1018 A. D. according to western writers.). Arakan nevertheless kept her independence. The next king was Khettathin, a grand nephew of Sula Chandra. He set up a new capital at Pyinsa. After his death Arakan continue to be ruled by his descendants.5 Here the interesting thing is Kettathin, the successor of Ngamin Ngadon (a Sak) cannot be a half brother of him or a grand nephew of Sula Chandra as Arakanese chronicles try to say. Pamela says when Kattathin was ruling at Pyinsa, there was a parallel king at Wethali. She refers the Prasasti on the north face of Shitthaung pillar, which indicates an effort of a king of Candra line. The king could have been a legitimate member of old Candra family, attempting to counter act from the old capital (Vesali) the influence of puppet kings (Mro, Sak and Burman) owing their allegiance to Pagan and ruling in the new capital, Pyinsa.6 Pamela Gutman continues to say that the Prasasti on the northern face of Shitthaung pillar is a cry for help from the old capital and the last gasp of an Indianized line and the last Sanskrit inscription in Burma.7 So the puppet king, Kettathin at Pyinsa could not be from the family of Sula Candra. The cause or reason behind the Burmese raid was of course to gain the sovereignty over the land. So the successor on the throne would naturally and logically be a man of their own i.e. a Burmese, not a Klansman of defeated Ngamin Ngadon. Further the name Kettathin and the name of successive kings of his descendants were all Burmese, where as Sula Candra and his descendants had been Indians, and if Kettathin and his descendants had been from Sula Candra family line their name would had been Indianized ones too.

That is why Dr. Aye Chan, formerly from Yangon University history department and an Arakanese himself, said there might have been a great political and cultural change or a great upheaval in Arakan in early 11th century A.D.8 So the question of genealogical and cultural affinity between the people of Wethali and present day Rakhine people is a matter subject, to further researches for scholars. To relate homogeneity between the two groups, in my opinion is short of truth. However we will analyze it further in the next chapters especially in the chapter transition. In this treatise the events of late colonial period and post independence periods are discussed on a lengthy basis. The reader may find many new facts in it. In the mid of Mrauk-U dynasty (AD. 1430 1786) Arakan was on its zenith. Its authority extended to the East Bengal (Arakanese chronicle say up to the border of Nepal) in the west and to Pegu and Marttaban in the east. Yet this empire like-kingdom diminished. It is interesting to study how and why? Next, the chapters, early Muslim contact with Arakan, Muslim influence in Arakan in late medieval period, and patronizing of Bengali literature by Arakanese kings will portray a picture that Muslims in Arakan are not aliens, as many used to think, but an integral part of Arakans socioeconomic life. This little treatise will help the readers to judge the Muslims of Arakan (the Rohingyas) from the right geo-political perspective and understand their historical and legal background. This understanding, I hope, will lead to harmony and unity and finally to prosperity. Rohingya and Rakhine make the major portion of the population of Arakan. There are some differences between them. But if we judge with broader

spectrum we will find a lot of similarities and affinities too. So we must utilize these similarities for our common goods. Arakan population at present is roughly estimated near about 3 million. Approximately half of this total population is Muslims, who are known as Rohingyas, which literally means settlers of Rowang (alias) Arakan. Arakan formerly was known by various names such as Argyre, Rakhapura, Rakhasa, Rakhasha, Arkhoung, Rakhanj, Rakham, Racham, Recon, Rohang, and Rowang respectively varying on the language of different nations who had had close contact with Arakan. We will find it in the chapters Etymology of Arakan. Finally I have added a new chapter, The survey of UNHCR. From this chapter, we can learn the viewpoints of international communities over the socio-economic life of Arakan. At the end of the book some appendices of illustrative maps, photo copies of coins, historic edifices and Rohingya leaders of early period are attached for better documentation. Abu Anin A Researcher of Arakan History Yangon Dated: November 2002 CHAPTER I GEOGRAPHY A: THE LAND The physical boundaries of Arakan determined on one hand the extent of control possible by central authority and on the other the opportunities for migration of people and cultures from Bengal on the west and Burma proper

on the east. Through out most of her history, the country reached from Lat. 26 20 N to Lat. 16 N at the pagoda point and from Long. 92 20 E at the Naf River to Long. 95 20 E at the crest line of Arakan Yoma. The latitudinal spread varies from about 160 Km in the north to about 40 Km about the latitude of Sandoway narrowing to a point at pagoda point.9 It is a narrow mountainous strip of land along the eastern coast of Bay of Bengal. It stretches north and south, wider in the north and tapering down to the south. It is cut off from Burma proper by a long range of mountains: Arakan Yoma that has some passes to cross along. It has 176 miles long boundary, both land and water with Bengal i.e. now Bangladesh. Having a long coastal area, its sea communication has been very easy and there were foreign merchant colonies in Arakan. Moshe Yegar, an Israeli researcher says Arakan extend some 250 miles along the eastern shore of the Bay of Bengal and the northern part of it today call May yu district was the point of contact with East Bengal. These geographical facts explain the separate historical development of that area, both generally and in terms of its Muslim population until it was conquered by Burmese Kingdom at the close of 18th century. In addition, from the very beginning of Muslim commercial shipping activities in the Bay of Bengal, the Muslim trading ships reached the port of Arakan just as they did the port of Burma proper. And as in Burma, so too in Arakan there is a long tradition of old Indian settlements Bengal became Muslim in 1203, __ In northern Arakan close over land ties were formed with East Bengal. The resulting cultural and political influence was of great significance in the history of Arakan. Actually Arakan served to a large extent as a bridgehead for Muslim penetration to other parts of Burma, although the Muslims never attained the same degree of importance elsewhere as they did in Arakan.10

The present Rakhine State (Arakan) has an area of a little more than 14,000 sq. miles. According to Albert Fytche, from Combermere bay, twenty miles south of Akyab the coast is rugged and rocky, offering few harbors for ships; Kyauk Pru harbor inside the island of Ramree is safe and easy of approach; and at the mouth of Gwa River further south there is a fairly sheltered roadstead and inner harbor easy of access through a channel with two fathoms of water at low tide; the rise and fall of the tide is seven feet only. The coast is studded with fertile islands, the largest of which are Cheduba and Ramree. Owing to the nearness of the mountain range which bounds Arakan, there are not large rivers; the principal ones are the Naf estuary on the extreme west, the Mroo (May Yu) river and the Kaladan River rising some where near the blue mountain in 23 N Lat. Kaladan is navigable for fifty odd miles by vessels of 300 or 400 tons burden, and on the right bank of which, close to its mouth, is situated the town and port of Akyab, the headquarter town of Akyab district and of the Arakan Division.11 In the east of Kaladan there is Lemyo river on which bank were situated all (except Thabaik taung) ancient cities of Arakan. The high ranges of Arakan Yoma extended from Chin Hills to the pagoda point, forming a series of ridges and spurs reaching to the sea the series of rivers, Naf, Mayu, Kaladan and Lemyo have built up narrow alluvial flood plains. The plains are criss-crossed by tidal streams ringed withmangroves. Agriculture is the main base of economy. The hot wet tropical monsoon climate allows continuous cultivation through out the year. Most internal and external communication is by water. Today communication with Myanmar proper becomes easier through Ann, Taung Gup, and Gwa passes. There are airports in Akyab, Kyauk Pru and Sandway.

There are about 2 million acres of cultivatable land, a little more than half of which is presently cultivated. The land is fertile with wood and bamboo reserves. There are some natural waterfalls such as Sein Daing waterfall of Buthidaung. There is reserved crude petroleum too. Salt cooking and fishing are other main sources of economy. Sandoway is famous for its Ngapali sea beach recreation center. The official figure of population in 1983 is a little above 1.9 million. Present population may exceed 3 million. There are 17 towns, northern most towns is Maung Daw and the southern most is Gwa. Akyab is the capital of the State (Arakan). B- THE PEOPLES Pamela Gutman, an Australian specialist on ancient Arakan, in her Ph.D. thesis described about the peoples of Arakan as the following. The nature of the population during our period is a complex question and only the broadest outline can be attempted here. The present minority groups Mru, Sak, Kumi and other Chins can be seen to have preceded the Rakhine and the related Chaungtha. A. Phayre noticed that the names of Bilu, or Raksasas, the demonlike creatures in the chronicle accounts of the coming of Buddhist missionaries to Arakan bear a strong resemblance to names common among the Khumi and Chin, and certainly the reputation of some Chin tribesis consistent with the activities of the Bilus. Before the slow drainage and formation of the alluvial plain of the Kaladan valley, the population was confined to limited ecological niches; the ridges, where Taungya agriculture has long been practiced, for now most of the natural tropical rain forest has been replaced by secondary growth and the bank of the streams and rivers where sedentary dry rice and millet productions is possible. These remain the habit of the minority groups today. Presently the population of Aakan mainly consists of Rakhine and Rohingya. Other minorities are Mru, Sak, Daing Net, Chin, Kaman and Myanmargyi (a)

Bruwa. Some of these minorities still live a tribal lives. Most of them have their mainstream clans in Chittagong hill tracts. MRU: Mruin Arakan numbered 14,000 in the 1931census. Most of them inhabit the northern part of Akyab and the Chittagong hill tracts. Professor Luce considers that the Mru entered Arakan from central Burma, noting that Linguistic connections with Sak-Cantu, Karen and old Burmese seem certain., a few influences from old Mon likely . They are he says essentially hill men, slow in progress from the state of hunters and food gatherers to that of food producers and were never wetrice cultivators. Their original claim to the land is reflected in the Arakanese chronicles, which refer to the Mru as inhabitants of the country when the Arakanese entered it. They are sometimes called Mro, in old Burmese Mru1. Their name for themselves is Maru Tsa Children of Men.12 Arakanese chronicles say there were two or three Mru successive kings in late 10th century. They ruled in Wethali for more than two decades after the last Candra king Sula Candra. In 12th century the Mrus had helped king Datharaza in his search for Mahamuni image.13 This Mrus had some political roles-in Arakan history. Phyare further mentions that once Mrus were a powerful tribe on Kaladan, but were driven out by the Khumis who came from the north. Most of them presently live on the ridges of Buthidaung, Mrauk-U, Min Bya and Kyauk Taw Townships. They formed a political party in 1990; most of them became Christians recently. KHUMI: They are neighbors of Mru living on the ridges in Akyab District and western part of Paletwa subdivision. They numbered over 30,000 in 1931 census. About 2,000 Khumi also live over the border in Chittagong hill tracts. They speak a language more akin to the western Tibeto-Burman. Their dialect is nearer to Kukhi Chin than the Mru and regarded them as a Tibetan tribe.14

Now-a-days Khumi has some political alliance with Mru. And they jointly registered a political party before the 1990 parliamentary election. SAK (THET): U Hla Tun Pru shows some affiliation between the people in Chittagog hill tracts and the Sak in Arakan. According to U Hla Tun Pru the Sak speak a Bengali dialects.15 But Dr. Pamela Gutman says they were probably the next group to move into Arakan. Once they spread over ttle north of Burma, from Manipur perhaps to northern Yunnan, the Sak and the closely reiated Kadu people are fragmented a series of tiny minorities in remote places. Luce describes ttleir Tibeto-Burman language as remarkably pure, as well as old, with little admixture. Pamela Gutman tries to relate this Sak with Thet of early Burma. Their numbers in 1931 census was only 691. More than 3,000 Sak live in 14 villages in southern Chittagogn hill tracts, and in others along side Mru and Marmas (Arakanese). The Sak attained higher cultural level than any of the other minority peoples in Arakan. Luce writes it seems from the Burmese chronicles that there were Thets in the Arakan Voma (Macchagiri the fish mountains) with whom some early Pagan Kings were rather shame facedly in conflict in particular with Thet-min Kadon, king of Sak. A giant king with a similar name Ngamaung Kadon, appeared in the folk lore of Saingdin valley and waterfall in north Arakan, not far to the east of Dodan. During the Pagan Dynasty the pioneers of the invading Burmans, the Rakhuin, must have been pushing over the passes into north Arakan. Was the giant king really one of the pioneer Burmans whohad met himself the king of the Sak; perhaps it was a result of Burman invasion into central plains that Arakan suffered another Sak invasion, or uprising, in the 10th century. In the 10th century when they are said to have destroyed the Mahamunni Shrine in Arakan. They were pushed to the plain of Arakan in 10th century by invading Rakhine (Burman) and there were Sak insurrection in Arakan in 10th century. When Pai Pru, a Mru king, was attacked by Shan and others he fled away from Wethali in 994 A.D. This time there was Sak upheaval. They grew stronger and

their chief Ngamin Nga Don gained the throne of Pai Pru, in Wethali. He shifted the capital to Sambowet. Later, he was attacked by the Burman and he was succeeded by Kettathin, who moved the capital to Pyinsa, 16 on the Lemyo River. CHIN: Pamela Gutman says the Chins are the Kyekyan of old Burma. They are widely spread and diverse. They usually practice hill cultivation. Professor Luce considered that the Chin might have been in the low land of Burma, east of Chindwin Division from the middle of first millennium A.D. Their infiltration into Arakan had certainly begun before the arrival of Burman Rakhaing. Rakhaing were the last significant group to come into Arakan.17 DAIGNET: Daignet was classed as Sak and their number was 6,159 in 1931 census. But they are mostly regarded to be more akin to modern Chakma of Chittagong hill tracts. They appear to be of Tibeto-Burman origin with strain of Chittagonian blood and speak Bengali. In features they differ from other hill tribes of Arakan. They dress in white and wear their hair at the back of the head and they do not tattoo their bodies. They do not intermarry with other races and speak a corrupted Bengali.18 THE BRUWA: They are also called Mramagyi in Rakhine and Mara Magi in Bangladesh. About Bruwa, Dr. S. B. Kanungo says, the Buddhists of Chittagong belong to three groups; the plain Buddhists, the Magh and the Chakma the plain Buddhists are most closely related to Hindus in appearance, dress and diet than their Magh and Chakma co-religionists.19 They speak a dialect similar but not identical to Rohingya language. There are some differences in vocabularies and accents. Yet they can communicate with one another, without much difficulty. Despite their difference in religion Rohingya and Bruwa, genealogically seem to have a close link in remote past. There are a few thousand Bruwas in Arakan today. SLORC Government designated Bruwa as indigenous race of Myanmar. Arakan politicians try to

say Bruwas are from Rakhine group of family. But in language and features Bruwas are more identical with Rohingyas. Unlike the Hindus, Bruwa have no caste distinction and food restriction. THE KAMANS: They are a branch of Muslims. They are said to be the descendants of palace guards of Rakhine kings. U Hla Tun Pru says the followers of prince Shujah were also merged with them in the unit of archers. They recruited new members from northern India. They grew in number later as some Rakhine personal of the same unit converted to Islam. They speak Rakhine language. They are nearer to Rakhine in all aspects except their religion.20 The Kaman version of their history is not far away from this. More about these Kaman will come in the next chapters. The word Kaman (a Persian word) comes for bow and arrow. Kamanchi means bowman. RAKHINE: Rakhine is greater in number than other ethnic peoples in Arakan. The composition of Rakhine and Rohingya is roughly half and half in Arakans population. Rakhine people is educationally advanced and control almost all government departments in Rakhine State (Arakan) and they have ethnic as well as cultural affinity with Burman and that is a reason they gets upper hand in socio-political life of Arakan. The latest research of Australian researcher of Arakan history, Pamela Gutman, says Rakhine were the last significant group to come into Arakan. The date of their arrival is contentious, the chronicles exaggerating the antiquity of their hold on the land. Both culturally and linguistically the Rakhine are closely related to the Burman, although they regard themselves as the older branch of the race. It is well known the Rakhine language preserves a number of archaisms, particularly the use of r and y, no doubt because of the relative isolation by the Yoma, but the same isolation have also led to the development of new forms.21 Hence there are sayings in Burmese Ping Reik manaing Rakhine Mey (i.e. Ask the Rakhine for correct spelling), and Rakhine vocabularies are Burmans glossaries.

Lincanzo Sangermano says the Rakhine people is ethnically related to the dominant Burman, which had descended from central Asia, hence their physical resemblance and affinities of language with the people of Tibet.22 J. Layden on the Arakanese language states, the Rakhaing race is admitted to be of the same radical stock as the Burman or Burmans, and is understood to have greatly preceded that nation in civilization they consider the Rekheng as the most ancient and original dialect of the Burma language.23 Today, some Rakhines live in Chittagong hill tracts. They call themselves Mrama. Encyclopedia Britannica narrates; most of the tribal people of Bangladesh inhabit the Chittagong hill tracts in the southeast, the least densely populated area of the country. Of the approximately 12 ethnolinguistic tribes of Chittagong hill tracts the four largest are the Chakma, the Marma (Magh), the Tripura (Tipera) and the Mrus.24 An eminent Rakhine politician and historian U Hla Tun Pru says Arakanese and Burmese have affinities of blood, language and alliance between them indeed; does not a celebrated Burmese classic Lawkidbitna Nagat declare.25 w&mh wyg; vlrsdK;rsm;ukd pum;om,m/ edgef;jzmvdrfh/ jrefrmwvkdif;/ &ckdifxm;0,f/ b&efawmifol/ ajymvlurf;,H/ ckESpfwefukd jrefrm rkcsa&xGufqav Meaning Let me say to hundred of tribes, Myanmar, Taliang, Rakhine, Tavoy, Barem, Taungthu and so called Katyan are all the seven groups counted as Myanmar. A related group of Rakhine, speaking an almost identical language, the Chaung Tha river son live as their name implies, along the bank of the rivers, principally practiced Taung Ya (Hill) cultivation.26

As Rakhines are educationally advanced there are many historians amongst them. U Aung Tha 00, Mang Aung Piya, Sayadaw U Nyana, San Shwe Bu, U 0o Tha Tun and many others have written Arakan history. But most of them differ in their opinion about the etymology of the term Rakhine. So here I would like to take the official version of BSPP and the analysis of Major Ba Shin and Nai Pan Hla, both of who are from Burma History Research Society (Burma History Commission). Rakhine is said to have derived from the ancient flame of the land Rakasa (Pali), Rakhasha (Sanskrit). First it became Rakhit. Then Rakhain.27 Both Dr. S. B. Kunango and Pamela Gutman say the name Rakhuin, Rakheng were found in Myanmar inscription from 12th to 15th century. Dr. Kunango says perhaps the name Rakhaing was given to the Arakanese by Burman.28 Formerly in India as well as in the west, Rakhine is known as Magh. The new English Dictionary states, that the word Mog, Mogen, Mogue (Bengali Magh) appears as name of Arakan and the people there, in fifteen and sixteen centuries.29 Some say Rakhines are called Magh, because they came from Magheda, India. It is true, people from Magheda had been compelled to flee eastwards around first century A.D., some of whom ultimately took shelter in the kingdom of Candras.30 But to postulate the Rakhaing people who entered Arakan in about 10th century, have ethnic relationship with those Moghedi people of first century A.D. is very difficult. Moreover, nowadays linguistic influence and ethnic affinity of Maghdi people are only found in Rohingya not in Rakhine. Historians of Bengal say the dialect spoken in Chittggong originates from Maghadhi Parakrit or Maghadhi Apabharamasa -According to S.K. Chatterjee, dialect of Chittagong evolved from Maghadhi Parakrit. This

Maghadhi Parakrit overflowed into Chittagong through the progress of Aryanization and infiltration of Maghadhi settlers.31 Here Chittagong language and Rakhine language are quite different. Ethnically Chittagonians and Rakhine cannot be at the same par. Rakhine people do not like to be called Magh. They disclaim the name. So far scholar did not find out the etymology of the terminology Magh. It is subject to further researches. Burmese senior politician and writer U Thein Pe Myint writes; on his journey to India in 1942, he found Magh police officer and Magh settlers in the side of India along Myanmar-India border. He further says they (Maghs) are Myanmar-Rakhines and are heavily influenced by Bengali culture.32 ROHINGYA: Presently Rohingyas are not in the official list of so-called indigenous races of Arakan, though they constitute almost half of the total Arakan population. In the context of religion almost all Rakhines are Buddhists, Bruwas and Dainets are Buddhists too. Kamans and Rohingyas are Muslims. Most other tribal races are mainly animist whereas a few low Landers of them are Buddhists. It is found in the late 1980 s that most of the Mru had converted into Christianity. There were some European hybrids during 17th and 18th centuries, when there were intense European intercourses with Arakan; especially Portuguese were given many privileges during .this period. There were intermarriages, especially with Portuguese. These hybrids were not allowed to take away by Arakanese law then.33 These hybrids today are assimilated in the Arakanese society. In the words of Albert Fytche, the kingdom of Arakan or Magh, has for many years been the resort of Portuguese settlers. It has thus contained numerous Christian slaves or Portuguese half-breeds; as well as Europeans called from the various parts of the world. It has been a place of refuge for fugitives from Goa, Ceylon, Cochin, Malacca and other Portuguese settlements in India. No

persons were better received than those who had deserted their monasteries, married two or three wives or committed great crimes. Those people were Christian only in name. In Arakan they threw off all restraints, their levies were more detestable. They massacred or poisoned one another without compunction or remorse. They sometimes assassinated their ownpriests, and to confess the truth, the priests were often no better than their murderers. The king of Arakan lived in a perpetual threat of great Mogul. So he kept these Christian foreigners as a kind of advance guard for the protection of his frontier. He permitted them to occupy a seaport called Chittagong and made them grants of land in its neighborhood. They were in no way amenable to government; it is therefore not surprising that their only trade was rapine and piracy. 34 Lastly there are some other minorities such as Hindu, Sanche, and Heins who are very little in number today. Some of them are assimilated to the nearest communities. The prime object of this treatise is to explore all aspects of Rohingyas life, which we will analyze in the next chapters. So I am not going into details of Rohingya here. CHAPTER II ETYMOLOGY OF ARAKAN Arakan has a long coastal Area. It has been open to the Shipping of many countries from the west. It falls on the way from India to Malacca. According to Ptolemy, the 2nd century A. D. geographer, there were about 198 trade centers or towns along the coast of Arakan. He called the country Argyre from Naf River to Pagoda Point. His records mention Parapura a town in the extreme north and Sandoway at the farthest south.35

In Arakan, a number of trading centers were established along the coast, engaged in the export of forest products of the hill tribes. By the beginning of 3rd century this has resulted in the emergence of local chiefs, half remembered, in the early historical portion of Ananda Candras prasasti (11.9 17) as the ancestral monarch whose power extended beyond the limits of the village or group of villages. However, the narrow plains behind the coastal towns of Sandoway, Ramree and Man Aung prohibited the formation of agriculturally; based urban centers; and it was not until the second half of the 4th century A.D.that Dvan Candra Established the city of Dhannya Vati (Dannya Waddi) on the rich alluvial plain of Kaladan Valley.36 (Some say it was not Dannya Waddi but Wethali). So from the early Christian era there were the presences of many foreign nationals. Many nations had commercial contacts. Each people from different nation called Arakan in its own term. Some names called by different nations are similar with slight difference of accent. The root cause of this difference is difficult to explore, the naming of a place by a nation may base on its myth, language, and culture and on some historic facts. China is a western term where as Arab called it Sin and we Burman call Tayoke. Why are these differences? In this way we will find in this chapter Arakan has been called by different names historically. Phayre said the name Rakhaing is traditionally derived from Pali Rakha, Sanskrit Rakhasha synonymous with the Burmese Bilu. The country is named Yakkapura by Buddhist missionaries from India, because of the ferocious nature of its inhabitants.37 Parmela Gutman in her book writes it is interesting to note that the old Tamil word for demon (Bilu), derived from Sanskrit Rakhasha, is Arracan. There appears to be some connection here with Tamil Arracan, Shallac, which is

said to have derived from the Lexical Sanskrit Raksa Lac. It may be that Arakan in .the first century Christian era was a major Source of Lac, still a product of its oldest hill tribes. The earliest trade route to Arakan originated in the south of India. Ptolemy, whose informants seem to have obtained their information, on coastline of South Asia from South India, may have been inclined to equate Tamil Accalan or Kannadaaragu with Argyre.38 (South Indian language is Tamil). So early traders from the west (perhaps) got the name from south Indians and the Persian called it Recon and the Arab called it AI-Recon. Classical geographers referred to South East Asia as the golden land, Chryse and the silver land, Argyre. Ptolemy in the second century A. D. referred Arakan as Argyre, his name for the country stretching from Naf River to Cape Negris.39 Pamela Gutman writes the fragmentary Prasasti on the north face of Shitthaung Pillar written in the mid 11th century A.D. mentions Areka Desa. She further says in the inscriptions of Pagan, Ava from 12th to 15th centuries, the country is referred to as Rukuin or Rakhaing.40 She explains we find in Hobson-Jobson, Srilankan chronicles and Tharanat history; the names in various forms, such as Arakan, Arraccan,Rakhanga, Racchami, Rakhan and Recon. Nidcolo dei Conti in 1420 A.D. called it Raccani where as Babosa quoted in 1516 as Arraccan.41 Srilankan chronicle says Rakhanga, which in Bengali became Rohang, because Bengali pronounces kh as h. Khan in Bengali is pronounced as Han. According to Dr. S. B. Kunango, in Persian source book the name Arakan is written as Arkhaunk and in its slight variation.42

The name Rakhine, it seems is of much antiquity. Sir H. Yule wants to identify the country named Argyre in Ptolemy with Arakan, the name being supposed to be derived from silver mines existing then.43 Yules assumption is supported by M. C. Crindle and D. G. E. Hall. In Rashiddudins (14th century Indian historians) work the name appeared as Rohan. He said the country of Rohang was subjugated to Khan44 (Mongul Khans). Sidi Ali a Turkish navigator belongs to the middle of 16th century wrote it Rakhanj or Rakhang. The authors of Aini-i-Akbri, Bahristan Gaibi, and Siarul Mutha Kharin write Arkhaung, which appears also with a slight change in Alamgir Nama and Fathya-i-Barial.45 In the medieval Bengali works and Rennells map the name is written Roshang.46 In colloquial Chittangonian dialect the country is called Rohang; SH being replaced by H [Still today, we found Hindu Bengali say Roshang, where as Muslim Bengali say Rohang]. Here as people of Chittagong are called Chatghannya, so do people of Rohang are called Rohangya. It is very comprehensive from linguistic point of view of Bengali language. Medieval Portugue and other European travelers mention it as Recon, Rakan, Rakhanj, Arracao, Oracao, Aracan and Vanlir Schoter writes it Arakan, which is nearest to the present name.47 Ralf Fytch, an English merchant toured India and Burma in the last decade of 16th century. He writes Arakan as kingdom of Ruon. So A. P. Phayre quoting Ralf Fytch, described Arakan as Ruon48, which sounds like Rowang. Rajamala chronicle (Tripura chronicle) says their king Dania Maneikha conquered Roshang in mid 16th century. His commander was named Roshang Mardan i.e. conqueror of Arakan. He returned after keeping

Roshang Mardan as Governor of Chittagong.49 In the records of Italian traveler Manucci, it is said Recon, r ferring Persian source. There are names of places in Bangladesh indicating reference to Arakan. A section of people, east of Shanka River in Bangladesh still today are called Rowangi meaning people of Rowang or Arakan. Due to racial suppression, which we will see in the next chapter many Muslims took refuge in Bengal in Rakhine period. Rohingya classified the Rakhine as Rohingya Magh and Anaukiya Magh, which means Rakhine from Arakan and Rakhine from Anouk Pyi (Bengal). So here Rohingya means settlers of Rohang alias Arakan. Thus Rohingya is synonymous to Arakanese. There were many many Bengali courtiers in the palace of Arakan Kings.They were encouraged by the Kings to flourish Bengali literature. Daulat Qazi and Shah Alaol were two ministers and writers in the time of both Thiri Thudama and Sanda Thudama in mid 17th century. In their works, Arakan is Roshang or Rohang and its people are Rohingya. Even there was a narrative poetry book in the name of Roshang Panchali.50 Still today there are some people who say Rohingya is a creation. This term has no historical background. This is just an imaginary terminology, created by some political circle. Some say it was given by Pa-Ta-Sa Government. Yet some other say it was given by Thakin Soe, formerly Red Flag Communist Party boss. What so ever we find researches of foreigners to authenticate the antiquity and historicity of Rohingyas. Gil Christ and F. Buchanan researched about this people and their language. Buchanan was an English diplomat in the Embassy of Michael Syme, in Ava. Francois Buchanan studied the languages of Burmese Empire. He said Burmese language has four dialects, that of Burma

proper; that of Arakan; that of Yo and that of Tanasserim. About the languages of Arakan, F. Buchanan writes: I shall now add three dialects spoken in Burma Empire, but evidently derived from the language of Hindu nation. He details the first (language of Arakan) is that spoken by Mohammedans, who have long settled in Arakan, and who calred themselves Rovinga or native of Arakan. The second dialect is that spoken by Hindus of Arakan. I procured it from a Brahmin and his attendant, who had been brought to Amarapura by the kings eldest son, on his return from the conquest of Arakan. They call themselves Rossawn, and for what reason I dont know they wanted to persuade me that theirs was the common language of Arakan. He (Buchanan) further states the last dialect of Hindustani, which I shall mention is that of a people called by the Burman Ayokobat, many of who are slaves in Amarapura. By one of them I was informed that they call themselves Banga, that formerly they had kings of their own; but that in his fathers time, their kingdom had been overturned by the king of Manipura, who carried away a great part of the inhabitants to his residence, when that Manipur was taken last by Burman fifteen years ago. This man was one of the many captives who were brought to Ava from Manipur. Buchanan said the native Mughs of Arakan dill themselves Yakain, a name given by Burman. By the Bengal Hindus, at least by such of them as have been settled in Arakan, the country is called Rossawn _____ the Mohammedans settled in Arakan called the country Rovingaw, the Persian called Rekon. Buchanan continued, Mr.Gil Christ has been so good as to examine these dialects, which come nearest to the Hindustani spoken on the Ganges. They have studied comparatively the three dialects, which appeared in the Asiatic researchers, Calcutta, Vol. 5, 1801. This study of Mr. Gil Christ and F.Buchanan proved the antiquity and historicity of Rohingyas.

In the late 8th century, some ships wrecked Arab having been washed ashore on an Island in the west coast of Arakan, called the land Raham-bri in Arabic, which means the land of Allahs blessing.51 Later the whole land of Arakan was called Raham-bri or Mukh-e-Rahmi; the same meaning in Arabic. The term Raham-bri is still in vague with slight corruption in Burmese as Rambree. Arab geographers refer to this place as Jazirat-ur-Rahmi, or Mulk-Rahmi. Here both Mulk and Jazirah means (in Arabic) country. Ibn Khudadbhi, an Arab geographer of 10th century said Jazirat-ur-Rahmi come after Sarandip (Ceylon) and contain peculiar unicorn animals and little naked people.52 AI Masudi mentioned it as a riparian country after Sarandip (Ceylon) and on the Indian Ocean. Yacuts identification placed it as the farthest land of India towards the Strait of Malacca.53 Sulaiman the merchant who lived in the middle of 9th century A.D. mentioned that the king of Rahmi was a powerful ruler with fifty thousand elephants and an army of 150,000. 54 In fact Jazirat-ur-Rahmi of Arab geographers was attributed to the kingdom of Rohang, because it still has elephants in the north.55 Persian was official language of Muslim Indian rulers for many centuries. They used Arab or Persian terminology in naming places. So people in India called Arakan in Persian term Rohang. Besides, many different places, rivers and mountains in Arakan also bear names of Persian or Arabic origin. These include Rambre (Island), Akyab (the capital), Kaladan, Naf, Kalapanzan (rivers) and so on. In early 12th entury A.D. there was Kamal Chega son of Rama Thonza became king of Rohang. During his reign there was war in the country and the Chakmas (Daiknets) migrated to that country.56 It is a fact that Arakan in Bangladesh is colloquially called Rohang, Roshang, and Rowang with a little difference of accent, region wise.

Rohingya is a mixed race. They trace their origin to Arabs, Moors, Turks, Persians, Moguls, Pathans, native Bengali and Rakhine. But some Rakhine people reject the notion that Rohingyas have Rakhine blood or Muslims in Arakan consists of some Rakhines. The real phenomenon is, a great many kids of Rakhine are found to have been brought up in Muslim households. Next, there, though very rare especially in the north, are some mixed marriages. Finally there are authentic chronicles testifying mass or group conversion of natives in 15th and 16th centuries. Rakhine Maha Razwin (Great History of Arakan) by Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung, an honorary archeological officer of Mrauk-U Museum, gives a clear description of how Rakhine or natives of Arakan did convert to Islam village by village in the time of Zelata Min Saw Mun, the 9th king of Mrauk-U dynasty. [See detail in Chapter X]. In this context the remark of a British army officer is noticeable. Anthony Irwin, a front commander of Second World War remarked about the ethnic character of Arakan Muslims as follows: and to look at, they are quite unlike any other product of India or Burma that I have seen. They resemble the Arabs in name, in dress and in habit. The women and more particularly the young girls have a distinctive Arab touch about them.57 Rohingya language is an admixture of different languages as Rohingya is composed of different ethnic groups. They wrote in Persian alphabets when Persian influence was great in India as well as in Arakan. Some even say the official language of Arakan, since early Mrauk-U period till the coming of British was Persian. However, I dont have clear proof to testify it, but Burma Gazetteer Akyab District states, about the historic Badr Mokam of Akyab. It says there are orders in Persian in the deputy commissioners court at Akyab dated 1834 from William Pam pier, Esq., commissioner of Chittagong and also Dichenson, Esq., commissioner of Arakan, to this effect that one Hussein Ali (then the thugyi Headman of Buddawmaw circle) was to have charge of Budder Mukam in token of his good services rendered to the British force in

1825), and to enjoy any sum that he might collect on account of alms and offerings.58 Since official orders in early British time was in Persian, it can be assumed that Persian was official language until then. But later when Bengali courtiers got high-ranking posts in Arakan palace in 17th and early 18th centuries, Rohingyas used to write their language in Bengali alphabets, many copies of, which are, still in the possession of Rohingya people in Arakan, In remote past i.e. during the Wethali period they used Nagari letters to write as was proved in the inscriptions of that period. There are region wise names for the Burmans. Upper Burmans are called Anyatha or Pagantha, lower Burmans are called Auktha and people in Arakan are called Rakhaintha. On the same pattern, Rohingyas call Chatghannya to Chittagonians, Rambizziya to Rambrians and Rohingya to people of Rohang alias Arakan Proper. Here one thing, some senior Burmese politicians and imminent personalities such as Saya Chae formerly a member of Myanmar election commission used to raise the question why the Rohingyas are all Muslims? Is there a race with a singular religion? In fact all the native peoples in ancient Arakan were called Rohingya disregard of their faith just as all the people of Burmese extraction in Arakan have been called Rakhine Thar by Burmans. Whatsdever there are today in the world so many ethnic peoples whose religion is the same. Further we get the answer of the said question in Arakan itself. In Arakan all Bruwas and Dainets are Buddhists where as all the Kamans are Muslims. So Rohingyas being all Muslims in no way infringes to their being an ethnic group. Generally Muslims, all over the world are not called by their ethnic names but only as Muslims. Muslims too prefer to be called Muslims. So in Bosnia, Philippines and in many other places peoples know there are Muslim

problems. In fact these peoples involved in problems have their own ethnic origin. The same log worked in Arakan; Rohingyas in the early periods were recorded as Muslims. This fact reduced the weight of Rohingyas historicity. However, in the context of socio-political background of Arakan, Rohingya is Muslim and Muslim is Rohingya though there are a few people of other faiths who are also Rohingyas and they indeed have genealogical affinity with Rohingya. During Burmese invasion of Arakan, ironically, Muslim infantry assisted both Burmese and Rakhine forces. On Burmese side King Bodaw Pya enlisted a Muslim force (originally) migrated from Arakan to Ava in early 18th century), which had served as bodyguard in his palace for years. Settled in 1784, the unit served as a standing army posted to Thandowe (Sandway). Their descendants, albeit few in numbers still live in Thandowe and are called Myedus. The British census of 1931 enlisied 5,160 Myedus in total. From outsiders perspective they cannot be distinguished from their Rakhine neighbors, but by their religious habits. As their ancestors lived near Myedu in the district of Shwebo, they are called Myedu Kalah.59 CHAPTER III ANCIENT ARAKAN (A) ANCIENT PEOPLE OF ARAKAN The early most settle s before Indian or Indo Aryan infiltration into Arakan were said to be Austroloid or proto Austroloid, who were also known as Rakhasa or Rakhasha. These peoples were also described by historians as demons, half man half monsters. So this land formerly was called as Rakhapura, land of Demons by Indian missionaries.60 Buddhist people from north and northeastern India drove out this wild people.The terminology

Rakhaing is said to have derived from Rekhasa or Rekhasha. First it becameRakhait, and then it turned into Rakhaing.61 (B) INDO ARYAN SETTLEMENT Arakan chronicles trace its history nearly two millennium back. Mostly their chronicles were based on legendaries. But we have records or inscriptions showing historical facts of last millennium. The most authentic record is Anada Sandra Monument or Shitthaung stone pillar still stands on the ground of old Palace in Mrauk-U. The Dannya Waddy (Dannya Vadi) dynasty of preChristian era and the Wethali (Vesali) dynasty of Candra (Sandra) king was said to have rooted from early Christian era. Wethali dynasty lasted until mid 11th century. Judging from the point of their literature and culture, they are said to be an early Indian people, like the one in east Bengal. All eminent historians researching ancient Arakan recognized it. H. W. Wilson says before 10th century A.D. in Arakan only Indians and Indian culture including the literature were found. Burmese and Burmese cultures are found only after 10th century.62 Major Tun Kyaw 00 (Rtd.), formerly chairman of a political party, in his partys booklet Vol. VII explains about the setters of early Arakan. He writes it is obvious settlers in Dannya Waddy and Wethali were from central lndia. They are extractions of Indo-Aryan people. The political system of Wethali and Dannya Waddi were autocratic king systems like that of central India. In early period there exist caste systems in Dannya Waddy as Hinduism flourished there.In Wethali period Buddhismbegan to take root in Arakan, caste systems were not found in temples but in social life there still exist some segregated tendencies. The language, literature, culture, religion, food and even cooking systems were similar to that of central India. So these peoples were not called Rakhine in those days, but they were just the peoples of Wethali. Their

language was not like that of present day Rakhine and Burman. Rakhines are basically Mongoloid in blood; later they mixed with Kashitriya Indo-Aryans and became the Rakhine race.63 The Arakan chronicles were mostly based on legends. In this regard, R. B. Smart says the early history of the country is involved in mist; the existing records, compiled by the Arakanese, are filled with impossible stories invented in many cases, and in others based on tradition but so embellished as almost to conceal their foundation and all made to show for the glories of the race and of the Buddhist religion.64 U San Than Aung, former Director General of Higher Education Department and an Arakanese himself, recognized that there are in fact discrepancies in chronicles written by Arakanese. According to D. G. E. Hall, from very early days the older and purer form of Buddhism, the Hina Yana or less vehicle, was established there. It must date from before the arrival of the Burmese in the 10th century, when Arakan was an Indian land with population similar to that of Bengal.65 If we are to point out a people in Arakan today similar to abovementioned Bengali, Rohingya shall not be discounted. Those Bengalis became Muslims by the works of Arabs and other Muslim missionaries. Maurice Collis, who is generally regarded by Burman as a fair-minded western historian, says the Hindus of early centuries A.D. migrated eastwards via Arakan, founding kingdoms as they went. The present Akyab district being nest door to Bengal, was necessarily the first kingdom they founded and may date before the first century A.D. For thousands of years it was an Indian land, dynasty following dynasty. Then in 957 A.D. the whole area was overrun by Mongolian incursions from the north the Mongolian mixed with the Indians and created the Rakhine race.66 Maurice Collis say this is an answer to his question about the Rakhine race, by U San Shwe Bu, an honorary archeological officer of Mrauk-U Museum: Maurice Collis further says when

he asked about the Arakanese language, which is very similar to Burmese, whether the invading Mongolians were Bruman? Collis says (U San Shwe Bus) opinion was that; it was a matter for experts, though common sense assumption seemed to be that either the original Mongolians or succeeding waves of Mongolian immigrants imposed the Burmese language on the area. Maurice Collis asked U San Shwe Bu, and what happened after 957? U San Shwe Bu replied Arakanese history proper then began and lasted eight centuries until the Burmans conquered the country.67 D. G. E. Hall says too, the (present) people of Arakan are, basically Burmese. Writers in the past have applied them the name Mugg (Bengali Magh), but the Arakanese disclaim the name and apply it only to the product of mix marriages on the Bengal frontier. So far scholars had failed to discover its etymology.68 Rohingyas claim to be the descendants of this early Indian people of Arakan. Linguistically and Genealogically Rohingyas are the only people to have shown affinity with those early Indians in Arakan. Language of early inscriptions in Arakan is much similar to Rohingya language than any other languages in Arakan. Early people were Hindus and Buddhists. Religian alane is nat a factar to. disawn Rahingyas their genealagical link with thase early peaple. At that time Bangladesh presently a Muslim majority state, too was a Hindu or Buddhist dominated region. (C) ANCIENT CITIES The cities or capitals were successively Thabeik Taung, Dannya Waddy (Dannya Vati), Wethali (Vesali) dawn to 11th century. Then came Sambawet, Pyinsa till 1118 A D., Parin 1118-1167, Hkrit (1167-1180), Pyinsa (again) (11801237), Launggyet (1237-1433) and Mrauk-U (1433 -1785). All were in Akyab district on or near Lemyo River except Thabaik Taung, which stood on the

Yochaung River.69 There are of course some discrepancies of dates between Arakanese and western chranicles. The authenticity of chronicles written by Arakanese or their correctness is subject to further researches. Still these chronicles say there were three dynasties in Dannya Waddy period. They are: * Marayu Dynasty (B.C. 3325 1507) 57 kings ruled far 1818 years. Note: There were dynasties in the name of Marayu in India, too. * Kamaraja Dynasty (B.C. 1507 580) 28 kings ruled for 927 years. * Chandra Suriya Dynasty (B.C. 580 A.D. 326) 25 king ruled for 907 years.70 Then came the Wethali (Vesali) Dynasty. Sometimes it is called Wethali Kyauk Hlega (stone ladder) period. The issue of the root of wethali is contraversial. Some say first Wethali was rooted before Christian era. Some say it was 4th century A.D., the city of Wethali was established. What so ever Wethali and Chandra family have some connections? Perhaps someone from Chandra Suriya family had established first Wethali city, which we can postulate by observing the Shitthaung Stone Pillar. Thus there were Wethali periods in Arakan and it has three phases. That is first, second and third Wethali; most of the historic facts of this period, are found in some inscriptions though Wethali is not yet completely excavated by Archeological Department of Myanmar. There are variations in the narration of U Hla Tun Pru 71 and U San Tha Aung 72 both of whom are Arakanese, in regard of Wethali periods and times. U Hla Tun Pru says Wethali period extends from AD. 327 to A.D. 818. Where as U San Tha Aung says Wethali period began from B.C. 518 and lasted until 10th century. U Hla Tun Pru described Wethali as follows:

* DVEN CHANDRA Dynasty (AD. 327 557) 13 kings ruled for 230 years. * MAHAVIRA Dynasty (A.D. 557 686) 9 kings ruled for 129 years. * BALA CHANDRA Dynasty (A.D. 686 818). Further U Hla Tun Pru categorized Arakanese political history as fallows: * Dannya Waddy period B.C. 3325 A.D. 327 3, 652 years * WethaliPeriod A.D. 327 A.D. 818 491 years * Lemyo period A.D. 818 A.D. 1430 612 years * Mrauk-U period AD. 1430 AD. 1784 354 years * Burmese period AD. 1784 AD. 182 6 42 years * British period AD. 1826 AD. 1948 122 years Bala Chandra period of U Hla Tun Pru is not found in the description of U San Tha Aung which is based on Shitthaung Pillar inscriptions. So here we must accept the fact that there are discrepancies on some date and facts between Arakanese chronicles and inscriptions.73 U San Tha Aung writes it is learned there are 48 chronicles written by Rakhines. Each of them differs in regard of kings and the time of their rule. It is difficult to choose the right one. All these are written in our present day language. So facts of the period prior to 10th century AD are not reliable. Annanda Sandra Stone Pillar of Shitthaung Temple is a valuable record of Arakan history. So we must say these inscription is more authentic and reliable.74 &ckdif&mZm0if tvkd a0omvDacwf atD 327 ol&D,; r[mpjENm; ESifh tpjyKjyD; 794 plXpjENm;rif;om; irif;iwkH ESifh at'D 794 rSmqkH;onf? There were at least three breaks in Wethali period: first in early 4th century, second in late 7th century and third in late 8th entury. During these breaks the rule of Candra kings was destabilized, but finally they could reorganize and maintained their family rules.

The Chandras called themselves Chandra Vamshi, descendants from the moon, and they worshipped the moon. After the end of third Wethali the rule of Candra family line was over and the country turned from Indian to Burman. After Sula Candra's death two Mru successively got the sovereignty of Arakan from 957 A.D. Arakanese chronicles say Kanraza Gyi the eldest son of Abhi Rajah who founded the kingdom of Tagaung some 3,482 years before Christian era, founded the first Dannya Waddy dynasty. During third Dannya Waddy period about 554 B.C. in the reign of Sanda Thuriya a statue (Image) of Buddha, who flied to Arakan on his Divinely Journey was allowed to erect. But western historians say the reign of Sanda Thuriya was A.D.146 -198. This variation lead to the differences of dates throughout Arakan history between Rakhine's and westerner's Chronicles. Pamela Gutman says the last king of third Dannya Waddy, first built the city at Kan Thon Sint and shortly after moved southwards and built Vesali in A.D. 327. The city of Vesali 9.6 Km south of Dahnna Vati, is flanked by Rann Chaung, a tributary of Kaladan to the west and the ridge between Kaladan and Lemyo valleys in the east. The city was also known as the city of stone stairs. According to Rakhine chronicles, first Wethali dates back in 4th entury; second Wethali in 6th and the third Wethali in 7th century. But the inscription on the Shitthaung Pillar says first Wethali rooted in some centuries before Christian era. The political situation in Wethali found in 4th century became very confused. The king saw some Evil Omens. The control of center deteriorated. But at the beginning of 6th century Bala Candra again maintained the stability. And a king (described in Shitthanung Pillar as Maha Vira) from the west established

the third Wethali, but it too lost stability in mid 7th century, which again was controlled by a king of Chandra family Maha Taing Chandra, rebuilt the capital near the old city in 788 A.D. This Wethali or the last dynasty of Chandra kings lasted until mid 11th century. Sula Taing Chandra (A.D. 951 957) wasn't last king of Chandra family in the Wethali as some used to assume. North face of Shitthaung Pillar indicates that there was Chandra Kings even in 11th century. All students of Arakan history accept Shitthaung Pillar of Mrauk-U, as the most authentic historical record. But some portions of this Pillar are unreadable. Yet scholars have tried to bring the best from the worst. The following are the recorded Wethali Dynasties as shown in the Shitthaung Pillar inscription. This inscription was in Nagari script and Indian language. Dr. John Stan and Dr. Sarcir read it. According to Shitthaung Pillar inscription; (a) First Wethali Dynasty Sr: No. Name of King Period of Rule 1 Unreadable B.C. 518 - 398 2 Unreadable B.C. 398 - 278 3 Unreadable B.C. 278 - 158 4 Bahu Boli B.C. 158 - 38 5 Raya Palhi B.C. 38 - A.D. 82 6 Unreadable A.D. 82 - 202 7 Sandra Daya A.D. 202 - 229

8 Anna Waka A.D. 229 - 234 9 Unreadable A.D. 234 - 331 10 Ribia Pwa A.D. 331 - 334 11 Kawer Ram Devi A.D. 334 - 341 12 Uphawira A.D. 341 - 361 13 Zahguna A.D. 361-368 14 Lanki A.D. 368-370 75 The version about Wethali in Arakanese chronicles seemed incomplete. Chronicles say Wethali was founded in 327 A.D. and lasted up to 794 A.D. Only 12 kings ruled during this period. According to them Sula Sandra is the last king.76 Some say Wethali period is from A.D. 370 to A.D. 818.77 Some even say (Wethali) or Sandra rule in Arakan was from 8th to 10th century. To them there were 9 kings from Mahataing Sandra to Sula Sandra.78 But the name of kings and time of their reign mentioned on coins and Shitthaung Pillar are familiar. The records of inscriptions are more authentic.79 So quoting the inscriptions I mentioned the king list of first wethali, which took root in a remote time before Christian era in contrast to the descriptions of other Rakhine chronicles. The list of second Wethali dynasty according Shittaung Pillar as was read by Dr. Sarcar is: Sr: No. Names Reigning Years 1 DvenCandra A.D. 370 425

2 Raja Candra A.D. 425 - 445 3 Bala Candra A.D. 445 - 454 4 Deva Candra A.D. 454 - 476 5 Yajna Candra A.D. 476 - 483 6 Candra Bandhu A.D. 476 - 483 7 Bhumi Candra A.D. 483 - 489 8 Buthi Candra A.D. 489 - 496 9 Niti Candra A.D. 520 - 575 10 Vizya Candra A.D. 575 - 578 11 Prifi Candra A.D. 578 - 590 12 Prethvi Candra A.D. 590 - 597 13 Dhrli Candra A.D. 597 - 600 During the second dynasty the capital was moved to Kan Thon Sint and later to Wethali, some say to Dannya Vati, which seemed safer. Lying further south, Vesali was even more open to the western influence than Dannya Waddy. More easily reached by over land route, and it also took advantage of increased trade in the Bay of Bengal during 6th cntury and later. When that trade was interrupted by Cola invasion of mid 11th century and increasing incursion of Myanmar from the east; the economic viability of the .city was undermined. The next period was characterized by the establishment of smaller capitals of Lemyo Valley, resulting in the influx of population and cultural influence from the east.80 Dvendra Candra, the founder of second Wethali is said to have

conquered the usual number of 10 kings and to have built a city complete with walls and moat. The city can be identified as Dhannya Vati (Sanskrit), Dannya Waddy (Burmese) where the archeological evidence points to occupation in late 5th and early 6th centuries. Nothing is mentioned of the capital shiftment to Vesali, which apparently took place at the beginning of 6th century. The name Chandra Bandhu suggests that he was a re-unifier of the country and he must have ruled in a period of confusion, which led to the move, southwards. The threat of kingdoms emerging in Bengal and Assam following the disintegration of Gupta Empire, and possibly a Sak invation in the east, led to the transfer of the capital to Vesali further south at the beginning of 6th century.81 After Dhrti Candra, the country passed a period of instability, which again was maintained by Mohavira, a king of the same Candra line and from the west perhaps connected with Candras in east Bengal. So here, taking Sarkar's chronology we have our third Wethali: Sr: No. Name Duration Regin 1 Mohavira A.D.600 612 2 Wiyazab A.D 612 624 3 Sevinran A.D. 624 636 4 Dharmma Sura A.D. 636 649 5 Wizziya Shakti A.D. 649 665 6 Dharmma Vizaya A.D. 665 701 7 Narindra Vizaya A.D. 701 704

8 Dharmma Sandra A.D. 704 -720 9 Ananda Candra A.D. 720 When we study Shitthaung Pillar (also called Ananda Sandra Stone Monument, because it was erected and inscribed by King Ananda Sandra), we find on the east face of the inscriptions, some descriptions, which are assumed to have taken place before sixth century A.D. The inscriptions on the west face are postulated to have written in 729 A.D. North face of the monument is in early Bengali script and is estimated to have written in 10th century. [So here those Arakanese chronicles, which show the end of Candras at early 9th century, is found to be incorrect.] First dynasty have 15 kings, some of them are unreadable. The second dynasty had 13 kings and the third had from Mohavira to Sulatiang Sandra, 18 kings. The Candra line of kings established their reign first at Dannya Waddy and then in Wethali. U San Tha Aung says Arakanese chronicle denotes Candra kings ruled Arakan from 8th to 10th centuries. There were successive kings. That succession ceased in 957.82 (This very year a Mro chief, Amarathu, came to power in Arakan. First he makes a capital in Mrauk-U. Then his successor Paipru, attacked by the Shans, fled to Thabaik Taung).83 That 957 was a landmark in Arakan history. Morris Collis Says, it was the beginning of Rakhine (Burman) domination. After making a thorough study of coins, chronicles and ruins of the city, M Collis reached a conclusion that Wethali (Vesali), the Arakanese capital must be regarded not an early Burmese but a late Hindu State.84 On the north face of the Shitthaung Pillar, there exists the list of the kings who ruled at Vesali from about 788 -1050 A.D.85 But we also learned a Mru

Chieftain gained sovereignty of Arakan in 957. Hence there were parallel reigns of Chandras and the others (Mru, Sak and Burman), which we will discuss, in next chapters in detail. Note: The researches of Pamela Gutman say, in so called Wethali the Candra ruled of course. But the capital was first Dannya Vati and only at the beginning of 6th century, it was shifted to Wethali, further south. The last lineage of kings from Candra family from 788 to 1050 A.D. as seen in Rakhine chronicles is as follows: Sr: No. Name Time of Reiqn 1 Moha Taing Candra A.D. 788 810 2 Suria Taing Candra A.D. 8103 Maula TaingCandra 4 Paula Taing Candra 5 Kala Taing Candra 6 Tula Taing Candra 7 Thiri Taing Candra 8 Seingha Taing Candra A.D. 935 951 9 Sula Taing Candra A.D. 951 957 86 The next kings of Sandra lineage after Sula Taing Sandra are not recorded in Rakhine chronicles but found on the north face of Shitthaung Pillar.

Maha Taing Candra of this lineage restored the Mohamuni as a royal shrine.87 They renovated it many times. Pamela says the historicity of Chandra dynasty is confirmed by the coins issued by the 4th king to 13th king of second Wethali and the two routine inscriptions. The inscriptions state that 16 kings ruled for 230 years where three short-lived kings were excluded in the list.88 Their rule lasted from A.D. 370 to A.D. 600. Still Mohavira dynasty from A.D. 600 to 720, Bala Candra dynasty and Maha Taing Candra dynasty are also related to the Candras. The capital of these dynasties was Wethali. There was a period of confusion after Ananda Candra who got the throne in A.D. 720, and before the reestablishing the dynasty by Maha Taing Candra in 788 A.D. In a way Maha Taing Candra is the retainer of Candra dynasty in Arakan though there were attacks from many sides. The cult of Saivism and Buddhist Tantricism gained royal patronage during the Chandra Rule (788-957 A.D.) in Arakan-Chittagong region. The discovery of Tantrik sculpture in Wethali (Capital of Chandras) shows that, besides Mahayanism, Buddhist Tantricism also gained footing in the kingdom of Chandras.89 The rule of Chandras (788 -957 A.D.) in Arakan-Chittagong region bear witness of the overflow of Saivism and Tantricism. Noticing this Sir Arthur Phayre remarks: From coins still existing and which are attributed to the kings of the dynasty coupled with obscure references to their acts in the chronicles of Arakan. In the chronicles of Arakan it appears probable that they (The Chandra kings) held Brahmanical doctrine.90 The 11th century, however, saw the increasing influence of Burma proper and the gradual adoption of Theravada. However the later culture of Arakan and

indeed of Burma proper was to retain many of the political and religious institutions evolved at Dannya Waddy and Vesali.91 So far the Bala Chandra dynasty of U Hla Tun Pru (A.D. 686 718) is not found in the narration of U San Tha Aung.Pamela Gutman,too, does not describe the name of Bala Chandra.Nevertheless the chronicles of India and Bengal go into much details of Bala Chandra. The literary, epigraphic and numismatic sources give evidence of some dynasties of same surnames in Arakan. The Shitthaung Temple Pillar inscriptions supply a long list of Chandra rulers 92 reigning for more than five hundred years in Arakan and its adjoining areas. The first king of this lineage was Bala Chandra who was also the founder of the dynasty. This king Bala Chandra seems identical with king Bala Chandra in Thanaraths history. The Shitthaung Temple inscription doesnt specifically mention the territorial jurisdiction of the kings who reigned several hundred years earlier than the time of engravement of the inscription. Tharanaths history states that king Bala Chandra was driven out of his ancestral kingdom. He established a new kingdom in Bengal. It might be that one of his successors conquered Arakan and established an administrative headquarter there.93 Here Pamela says, the Ananda Candras Prasasti even implies that a king from across the Naf River ruled Vesali between 600 and 612 A.D. He might be Mohavira (The so called founder of Wethali) because his capital was said to be on Parapura on Naf. Here again Mohavira, the first king of third Wethali in A.D. 600-612 was named as king of Purempura, which by adjusting with Ptolemys record, localized on Pruma, on the Arakanese bank of Naf River. It was, according to Ptolemy, a commercial center at that time. It is likely that a ruler of this area with its economy based mainly on maritime trade would seek to extend his territory to rich alluvial plains of Arakan when opportunity allowed.94

The inscription implies Candra dynasty collapsed in 600 A.D. Conditions were confused in Arakan with the rule reverting partly to indigenous kings. But Mohavira (A.D. 600) founded his kingships some where in the west (perhaps on Naf River) and contracted the whole kingdom of Vesali, but the dynasty again collapsed in late 8th century, which was reintegrated by Maha Taing Candra. It is difficult to give a correct picture of the political condition of Chittagong at the time of Muslim invasion in western and northern Bengal. According to Tharanaths evidence a king named Babla Sandra was the king of Chittagong and Tripura, sometime after the fall of Maghadha at the hands of Turks. It further says that his first son was the king of Arakan.95 According to Tharanath, a Buddhist dynasty ruled in Bengal before the Palas. Their names end in Chandra. He (Tharanath) writes: in the east, Vimla Chandra (Bala Chandra) extended his power to Tirhat and Kamarupa. At this tirpe the elder son of king Harsha ruled Maghadha. But in Shitthaung inscription king Bala Chandra is said to be the first king of the Shri Dharma Rajanuia Vamsa. Scholars express the opinion that King Bala Chandra of Shitthaung Temple inscription is identical with King Bala Chandra of Tharanath narration. According to Mr. Hirananda Shastri, the inscription is written in characters resembling those of the late Gupta Script.96 Shri Jogendra Chandra Gosh tentatively puts the date of king Bala Chandra of inscription sometime between 647 A.D. and 833 A.D.97 This roughly corresponds to the date of king Bala Chandra of Taranaths narration. All these evidences and opinions naturally give an impression that king Bala Chandra of Taranath narration and the king of the same name in Shitthaung Temple inscription were identical person.,It is likely that king Bala Chandra Held both Eastern Bengal and Arakan under his away and established his capital at Chittagong, which held central position in (his) empire.98

The cultural history of this period was largely the outcome of multifarious political influence on the country.99 The first principle task of kings at Dannyavati and Wethali was making arrangements for water supply. The kings secondary role was that of protector of the people in the four quarters of the country of Arakan against the inroads of hill tribes and occasional foreign invaders.100 In regard of culture, Pamela writes: the early inscription on an image of Mahamuni Shrine is in the script used by the Guptas in central India in the second half of the 5th century.While certain central Indian characteristics are retained in the first half of the 6th century,notably in the two Prasasti on the east face of Shitthaung Pillar and the reverse of Suria Image, the form generally belong to the script used in Bengal and Assam during that period The remaining epigraph, the north face of the Shitthaung Pillar, is again in a script derived from East Bengal in the mid 10th century. Maha Taing Candra is said to have rebuilt Veasali on the side of an older capital and late 8th century sculptures found there, confirm this. The great hero of the dynasty Sula Taing Candra is said to have sent an expedition to Chittagong in 953 A.D., when the Candras dynasty of southeast Bengal was gaining power and prestige under Sri Caildra.101 Soon after his return he set out for either China or Tagaung suggesting a threat from Ta-Li. After his failure to return, his queen, Chandra Devi, married two Mro tribesmen in succession, indicating that the hill tribes were becoming urbanized and were taking advantage of the confused state of the country. Vesali was abandoned, the country invaded by Shan and Pyus, while the Mons of Pegu occupied the south for eighteen years. A new capital was eventually established at Pyinsa (Panca) with the aid of the Sak (Thet). From around the beginning of the 11th century, Arakan became increasingly Burmanized as can be noticed in the frequent use of Burmese names and titles in the king list of chronicles and the

name of Arakanese in the inscription in Pagan.102 The situation is reflected in the archeological remains at Vesali, which show a gradual limiting of Indian influence to the northeast, particularly to Bengal, and an increasing contact with central Burma. Arakanese chronicles say historians count Wethali period up to 1018 A.D., the end of Mro reign in Arakan. From there the Arakan history proper (or) Lemyo age began. The last king of Mro (some say Sak) age was Ngamin Ngadon 9941018 A.D. who was attacked and killed by eastern Mongolian (Burman) and was succeeded by Kettathin, who shifted the capital to Pyinsa. His descendants ruled Arakan for next century.103 Concerning about the expedition of Cula Taing Candra to Chittagong, there is a legend in Arakanese chronicles. The most reputed and eminent historian as well as politician of Arakan, U Hla Tun Pru says, the 9th king of Vesali (of Moha Taing Candras lineage) Cula Taing Candra in 953 invaded the Thuratan of Bengal; the Thuratan sought to appease his anger by sending him a Princess and a tribute in money. His nobles advised him not to make war with a king who acknowledged his sovereignty. Not to make war means in Burmese Sitmataik-gong which later changed into Sittaikgong or Chittagong. He returned without making war. From that time onward the town acquired the name Sitmathaikgong which later shortened to Chittagong.104 But latest researches of eminent historians say Cula Taing Candra was in the lineage of Candra family. His culture and language was Indian. His language was not Burmese. Then how can the name of Chittagong take root from Burmese word Sitmathaikgong as is described in Arakanese chronicles. Probability of his (Cula Taing Candras) speaking Burmese is very faint. Whatsoever Pamela Gutman says, the mid 11th century was a period of great stress in the country; the dynasty was under pressure from Pagan, where

Anawrattha (B.C. 1044 77) was attempting to unite Burma for the first time. Both Burmese and Arakanese chronicles refer to his incursion into Arakan, which seem, however, to have eventually retain semiautonomous status. In the west, Candra dynasty of southeast Bengal had fallen, or was about to fall, threatened by the Varmans and the Palas. The Cola raid into Bengal in A.D. 1013 23 had also no doubt weakened the Candras; the great Cola raid of Southeast Asian ports in 1025, although apparently not actually included Arakan, would have disrupted her important sea routes.105 By the mid 11th century, the economy was weakened after the Cola raids and a temporary decline in the power of Srivizia in east Bengal, and control of the kaladan valley was threaten by raids from wild tribes and Pala expansion to the East Bengal. The capital (in Arakan) was moved to the east to the Lemyo valley and central Burma dominated Arakan history for the next three hundred years. 106 Here we have seen that up to early 11th century Arakan was politically, culturally connected with India, where as its relation with Burma was deepened from mid 11th century. So there was indeed a transformation politically and culturally. Thus a systematic study of this transitional period and its phenomena are essential to understand Arakan history from its correct angle. CHAPTER IV THE TRANSITIONAL PERIOD The more deeply we study the history of Arakan the clearer we will see, there was great political and cultural change in 11th century. The latest research of Dr. Pamela Gutman will enlighten us better on this subject. Frankly to admit, the writer of this treatise is much attracted to study history of Arakan by reading her thesis on ancient Arakan. Thanks to Major Tun Kyaw Oo (Rtd.) an

Arakanese, who provided me a copy of her thesis, to study for a long period. First of all, let us see what the Rakhine chroniclers say,The evaluation of Arakan History Vol.I(Rakhine Pyi Phyitsin Thamine Vol. I) Published by Rakhine State Council in 1984, comments on the destruction of Wethali. It says official excavation of the old Wethali ruins is not completed yet. So the earth doesnt testify how it (Wethali) ruined. We can only say the following, basing our opinion on the Rakhine Chronicles. Sula Candra, the last king of (third) Wethali perished at Cape Nagerais on his return from Tagaung journey where he lived for three years. This time three Mros (father and sons) got the throne and ruled successively. They erected a Palace at Kettare Taung in Mrauk-U. They also made Sandra Devi, the queen of late Sula Candra, their queen, perhaps for the legitimacy of their succession. But these father and sons were not united. Pyu from the east invaded. King Paipru repels them in 976 AD. (U Hla Tun Pru says, Paipru is the nephew of Amarathu, the first Mro king.(Arakan chronicles indicated the dates always 200 years ahead of other chronicles). Then in A.D. 978 the Shan (Mongolian) invaded again. Paipru was overpowered and could not resist. Finally he had to flee to upper Yo Chaung where he died one year later. The Shan destroyed the city, looted its valuable belongings including the jewelleries from the Mahamuni Temple, and return after 18 years. They took away a lot of inhabitants as captives from Ramree Island too. This time Sandoway was under the rule of Mons, for decades. In this period of chaos, the Sak in the north grew in strength. A Sak leader Ngamin Ngadon107 (Arakanese chronicle say Sula Sandras son), got the throne. He shifted the capital to Sambowet, not very far away from old Wethali. The chronicle say Ngamin Ngadon was brought up in the midst of Sak as his father died before. But in 818 (Arakan chronicle), 1018 A.D. (Western chronicles) he was attacked from the east. Pagan king Khin Saw Hnit invaded him for the second time. He was killed in the hands of Eastern people (Burman) by conspiracy. Kettathin a half brother108 of Ngamin Ngadon (U Hla Tun Pru says, grand nephew of Sula Candra) got the throne or enthroned.

He shifted the capital to Pyinsa. So, Kettathins getting throne in 1018 A.D. is marked by historians as the end of Mro age and counted it as the beginning of Lemyo period.109 U Hla Tun Pru says Ngamin Ngadon fell in the wan with the king of Pagan. Kettathin became king. Arakan nevertheless kept her independence. Kettathin set up a new capital at Pyinsa. After his death his descendants ruled Arakan for next centuries.110 Here we find that Sula Candra was of Candra family, and Candras names sound Indian where as the name of Kettathin and all his successors sound Burmese. Further it is not logical that the invading Burman would enthrone a family member of Ngamin Ngadon whom they killed to get the sovereignty of the country. Further if Ngamin Ngadon were the son of Sula Taing Sandra as said in Rakhine chronicles, he would have been brought up by the Mru, not by the Sak, because Sula Taing Sandras widow queen Chandra Devi married the Mru, not the Sak. In this regard Pamela Gutman says, during the Pagan dynasty, the pioneers of invading Burman, the Rakhuin must have been pushing over the passes into the north Arakan. It was the giant king really one of the pioneer Burman, who had made himself king of the Sak.111 Pamela further clears that the mid 11th century was again a period of great stress in the country and the dynasty (Candra dynasty) was under pressure from Pagan, when Anuruddha (B.C. 1044 77) was attempting to unite Burma for the first time. Both Burmese and Arakanese chronicles refer to his incursions into Arakan, which seems, however, to have eventually retained semi-autonomous status. In the west Candra dynasty of southeast Bengal had fallen, or about to fall- and it would have disrupted her (Wethalis) important sea trade.112 It is difficult to say when they (the Sak) began to cross the Yoma, although their infiltration to Arakan had certainly began before the arrival of Burman Rukhuin, as considerable fighting is recorded between the two groups. 113

Another point of Kettathins not being from Sula Candras family can be assumed from Pamela Gutmans research. She says, the north face of Shitthaung Pillar may therefore have been written by a king who traced his line, if not to the old Candra kings, at least to the family which gained power around the end of 8th century; reestablishing \/esali as the capital and barely managing to survive the tumultuous events of two centuries. The king could have been a legitimate memberof the old family, attempting to counter acts from the old city, the influence of puppet kings owing their allegiance to Pagan and ruling in the new capital of Pyinsa. The Prasasti is a cry for help from the old capital and it was the last gasp of an Indianized line and the last Sanskrit inscription in Burma.114 Here we can see parallel reign in Wethali, with Pyinsa. If the king of Wethali then is from the family of Candra, how can his rival in Pyinsa be of the same family too? So Kettathin being Sula Candras nephew is postulated to be a negation. About the transitional period Pamela writes: From the 9th century A.D. the Mranma must have been infiltrating over the Yoma, where they eventually gained control of low lands and became Rakhaing king of northern Arakan. The Rakhine invasion of Arakan coincides with the first appearance of Candra in Bengal, whose connection with Arakan have often been postulated, but never proved. The Candra dynasty, according to the inscriptions of its kings is said to have originated in Ruhitagiri Bhujamvamsa, the family ruling of the red mounlainers. Today the hills around Vesali are red and, it is likely the Rohitagiri Bhujamvamsa could be euphemism for the Arakanese Candras, unwilling to admit the defttat by the Rakhine in their Bengal scription.115

Pamela remarks, perhaps it was the result of Burman invasion into central plain, that Arakan suffered another Sak invasion or uprising in the 10th century. The Rakhines were the last significant group to come to Arakan. In old Burmese the name Rakhine First appeared in slave names in the inscriptions of 12th century.116 [Here Dr. S. B. Kunango, a Bengali researcher said the name Rakhine was given by Burman and it was found in 12th to 15th century Stone inscriptions of Tuparon, Sagaing] The date of their arrival is contentious or controversial. Their chronicles exaggerated the antiquity of their hold on the low land. Both culturally and linguistically the Rakhine are closely related to the Burman. The transition from Indian to Burman, from Wethali to Lemyo, is of course a phenomenon all students of Arakan history accept. U San Shwe Bu, an archeological officer and writer, said the proper history of Arakan began from 957 A.D. (See into the Hidden Burma by M. Collis). U Hla Tun Pru said for Arakanese and Burmese have affinities of blood, language and alliance between them indeed.117 A more extensive and clearer opinion is given by Dr. U Aye Chan, who himself is an Arakanese. He highlights the point of transition in a Rakhine Tasaung Magazine.118 He writes the Marayu and Dannya Waddy dynasties so described in Rakhine chronicles dated back 2666 B.C. The fact that these dynasties really existed is not certain. At least the dates of those dynasties described in Rakhine chronicles are short of accuracy. However, in the light of Sanskrit inscriptions found in Arakan, we can say, there certainly was a dynasty of Sandra kings from not later than 3rd century A.D. Buddhism flourished there and culturally and literarily they were quite advanced. The north face of Shitthaung Pillar was in Sanskrit with Nagari letters. Its reading indicates it was written in 10th century A.D. It is further true before Mrauk-U age writing language of Arakan was Sanskrit with Nagairi characters. During

the early period not a single inscription, in our present day speaking Rakhine language was found. Vesali was overwhelmed by north Indian culture, which was proved by coins, and inscriptions found there. A stone inscription found in Ngalung village, Sandoway was in Sanskrit, written in 8th century. It was a record in memory of a charity, dedicated to their parents, by two laymen Mega and Thanama Danma. Here it is proved that not only the ruling class but also the public used this Sanskrit. We can imagine here how great was the cultural link between Arakan and north India. We find inscriptions in our present day Rakhine language only during the period from 11th to 15th century. For example, Dasaraza Stone inscription. This is why we can draw a conclusion that there was a transition from wethali to Lemyo period. Lemyo period in Arakan is contemporary to Pagan period in Burma. In the 9th century when the Pyu are in disarray, Myanmar entered the Irrawaddy valley. It is the time when Nan Shans were attacking (the kingdoms in Burma), the Tibeto-Burman infiltrated into Burma and some of them did enter into Arakan, too. Due to continuous infiltration and incursions of Burmans, Vesali collapsed. Indeed there was a great cultural and political change in Arakan in the mid 10th century. 119 This is the version of Dr. Aye Chan in regard of ancient Arakan history. So there was a transition indeed. This transition was from Indian to Burman. Though the kings were dethroned or fled to somewhere, their subjects, the Indian or Bengali people remained in Arakan, where their descendants are still found amidst the Burmese (the Rakhines). These are Rohingyas. CHAPTER V WETHALI DYNASTY IN EAST BENGAL Candra kings had been ruling in Arakan since the early Christian era. Dr. S. B. Kanungo of Chittagong University says there was a dynasty of the same name

in east Bengal before the Pala invasion of 10th century. He says the lineage of kings surnamed Chandra (Candra/Sandra) ruling East Bengal and its adjoining territories need specific atte.ntion as their seat of administration is stated to be Chittagong. He says incidentally we carne across another lineage of kings surnamed Chandra in the Shitthaung Temple inscription of Arakan. According to the chronological table, king Bala Chandra is said to be the first king of the Shri Dharma Rajanuia Vamsa. Scholars express opinions that king Bala Chandra of Shitthaung Temple inscription is identical with king Bala Chandra of Tharanaths narration. Many other evidences and opinions naturally give an impression that king Bala Chandra of Tharanaths narration and the king of same name in Shitthaung Temple inscription (in Arakar) were identical person It is likely that king. Bala Chandra held both East Bengal and Arakan under his sway and established his capital at Chittagong, which held central position in the empire.120 The Shitthaung Temple inscription does not specifically mention the territorial jurisdiction of the kings who reigned several hundred years earlier the time of engravement of the inscription. Tharanaths history states that the Bala Chandra was driven out of his ancestral kingdom. He established a new kingdom in Bengal. It might be that one of his successor conquered Arakan and establish his administration there. The Chandras of both Arakan and Eastern Bengal belong to the same period and both lines were Buddhists in faith; but they patronized Saivism, Trantricism, Vaissnavism and even Brahmanism. Monarchs of both lines used either Nagari (Sanskrit) or the scripts belong to the eastern group, in their coins and inscriptions. The design of coins issued by both these lines has much striking similarities, that one may confuse the coins of one country with those of the other. But there is no evidence to prove that the two royal families were related to each other. The inscriptm of Eastern Bengal have no reference to Arakan and the inscriptions of Chandra of Arakal in their turn have a very

faint reference to their counterpart of East Bengal. Modern scholars, however, have endeavored to establish some sort of connection between the Chandra ruler of Vesali and those of Eastern Bengal.121 The first half of 11th century was a period of catastrophe for the two dynasties. In Eastern Bengal the Chandra dynasty was reduced to submission by Rajendrachola, a ruler of the Deccan. The Chandra dynasty of Arakan was overthrown by Pagan ruler of Burma.122 Here the genealogical link of present day people of Arakan with those of Chandra period is a matter of interest and further research. CHAPTER VI THE LEMYO PERIOD Rakhine chronicles say the last king of Candra dynasty Sula Taing Candra died in a disaster at Cape Nagerais on his return journey from Taguang in 957 A.D. A Mro chief of Mraw Chaung Amarathu became the king. He married Candra Devi the queen of Sula Candra. Arakan chronicles say he passed the test of Candra Devi, with a magic ring, which was kept with her by king Sula Candra, to test a man to succeed him, in case of his death on his Tagaung journey. Amarathu was succeeded by his nephew Paipru. Towards the end of 10th century the Pyu king of Prome invaded the kingdom, but was unable to bring his army across the Yoma mountains, and a few years later the capital was removed to Kyethre Taung, in Mrauk-U. In 976 A.D. A Shan prince conquered the country. Paipru was overpowered. He fled to Thabeik Taung on the 17th year of his reign. He died there after one year. The Shans occupied Arakan for 18 years. They looted the country, stripped off the Mahamuni its gems. On their return after 18 years, they took away a lot of inhabitants from Ramree as captives.

At the meantime southern Arakan (Sandoway) was under Mon occupation. During this time, the Sak in Saing Daing region in the north mobilized themselves and grew in strength. In 994, Sak leader Ngamin Ngadon became King. He removed the capital to Sambwet on Lemyo River. He could repel an invasion by the Burman. He reigned about 24 years. But during a second invasion by the king of Pagan he was killed. He was succeeded by Kettathin in 1018 A.D. He established his capital at Pyinsa. 123 Rakhine chronicles say Kettathin was a cousin of Ngamin, Ngadon and Grand Nephew of Sula Sandra. [Here, the cause of Burmese invasions was to make a King of their own not to enthrone a clan's man of Ngamin Ngadon whom they killed to gain the sovereignty of the land. So Kettathin's being related to either Ngamin Ngadon or to Sula Sandra is a controversial issue, which needs correct research]. The cause of Burmese invasion was not to enthrone a Klansman of Ngamin Ngadon, but to make a Burmese king. The last date of Candra dynasty was 957 A.D. Then the Mro age began from 957 and ended in 1018 A.D. Here is the beginning of Lemyo age. According to U San Shwe Bu, the proper history of Rakhine began from there and it lasted for 800 years. 124 From around the beginning of 11th century Arakan became increasingly Burmanized as can be noticed in the frequent use of Burmese names and titles, in the king lists of the chronicles and the names of Arakanese in the inscriptions of Pagan. The situation reflected in the archeological remains of Vesali, which showed a gradual limiting of Indian influence to the northwest, particularly to Bengal and increasing contact with central Burma.125 Lemyo period began from early 11th century with its capital at Pyinsa (Panca) on Lemyo River in central Arakan. In the words of Sir Arthur Phayre, Kettathin reigned for ten years and succeeded by his brother Sindathin in 1028 A.D. Sindathin and four of his descendants reigned in succession. In the reign of the fifth, Minpyagyi, a noble

usurped the throne; another noble deposed him. But in the year 1051, the son of Minpyagyi, Minnanthu ascended the throne, reigned (for) five years, the third in descend from him, named Mindu was slained by a rebellious noble named Thin Kaya who usurped the throne in the year 1078 A.D. The heir apparent Min-re-bya escaped to the court of Kyansittha, king of Pagan. The usurper reigned for fourteen years, his son Min Than succeeded him in 1092 A.D. and reigned eight years; on his death his son Minpadi ascended the throne. During this period, the rightful heir to the throne, Min-re-bya was residing unnoticed at Pagan: he had married his own sister Su Pauk Ngyo and there born a son named Letya Min Nan. The exiled king died without being able to procure assistance from Pagan court for the recovery of his throne. At length the king of that country, Alaung Sithu, the grandson of Kyan Sittha, sent an army of 100,000 Pyu and 100,000 Talaings to place Letya Minnan upon the throne. This army marched in the year 1102 A.D. and after one repulse, the usurper Minpadi was slain and Letya Minnan was restored to the throne of his ancestors. A Burmese inscription of Stone discovered at Buddhagaya serves to confirm the account given in the history of restoration of Letya Minnan or as he is called in the Stone inscription, Pyu-Ta-Thein-Min i.e. lord of a hundred thousand Pyus. It is evident, from the tenor both of history and inscription, that the Arakan Prince was regarded as a dependant of Pagan king to whom he had, from his birth, been a supplicant for aid; in return for the assistance granted him for the recovery of his grandfathers throne, he was to aid in rebuilding the temple of Buddhagaya, in the name of Pagan sovereign. The royal capital was established at Launggyat, but that site proving unhealthy; Parin was established in the year 1106 A.D. Four kings followed in quick succession, after whom Gauliya ascended the throne in 1153 AD. He is described as a prince of great power, to whom the king of Bengal, pegu, Pagan and Siam did homage; but his chief claim to distinction lies in his having built the Temple Mahathi,a few miles south of present town of Arakan,

(Mrauk-U). The idol, in which was in-sanctity, inferior only to that of Mahamuni. He was succeeded by his son Dasaraja, who upheld his fathers name, and repaired Mahamuni Temple, which was partially destroyed by Pyu in the time of Letya Minnan. In 1165 he was succeeded by his son Anan Thiri. Due to his cruel rule, a general uprising occurred; he was deposed and killed, and his younger brother Min Punsa reigned in his stead. In the year 1167 A.D. this prince established his capital at Chrit on the Lemyo River. There was a Shan invasion but not successful. He died after 7 years of prosperous reign. In the reign of his grandson Gama-Yu-Ban a noble named Salin Kabo usurped the throne, but proving oppressive, was murdered in the first year of his usurpation. Midzu Thin, the younger brother of Gamayuba was now raised to the throne. He removed the capital to Pyinsa (for the second time), close to the present town of Arakan. Arakan struck coins in this time. This Prince was surnamed Taing Chit or country beloved. With characteristic extravagance he is said to have reigged over the Burmese dominions and a great part of India as far as the river Naraingana and to the borders of Nepal. The succeeding 10 kings passed like shadows, without anything writing of notice except their short reign. The last of these kings was deposed and his son Letyagyi ascended the throne in 1210 A.D. and he was succeeded by Alanmapru in 1237 A.D. and removed the capital to launggyet. [This Launggyet dynasty lasted until 1406 AD.]. Launggyet Dynasty King Alanmapru made war upon pagan sovereign and received tribute from the king of Bengal. He died after a reign of six years. His son Razathugyi succeeded him. [Here Rakhine chronicle (Rakhine Razwin Thit Vol II P-342) says in A.D.1128 Chittagong revolted against Arakan, which was suppressed,

but again in A.D.1246, there broke a rebellion; Rakhine repulsed it and marched up to Lakchipur and they brought 47,500 captives to Arakan. This chronicle of Rakhine highlights the point that there was Bengali or Muslim population in Arakan even before the founding of Mrauk-U dynasty in 1430.] In the reign of Razathugyi, the Talaing invaded the southern portion of the kingdom, but were repulsed by Arakanese general Ananthugyi. Nothing worthy of notice occurs until the reign of Nan Kyagyi who ascended the throne in 1268 A.D. This king oppressed the people with heavy taxes, and levied contribution of goods, which he stored up in his palace. By various act of tyranny he incurred the hatred of many influential men; and even the priest whose religion forbids them to notice worldly affairs are represented as inimical to him.Eventually he was killed in the fourth year of his reign and was succeeded by his son Minbilu, who married the daughter of the Sithabin, or commander of bodyguard, the conspirator against the former sovereign. This prince is described as being, if possible, moce hateful than his father. Being jealous to the supposed, high destines of his infant son, Mindi, ordered him to be cast into the river, but the child was miraculously preserved, rescued by fishermen, and was sent to a remote part of the kingdom. These and other similar acts inflaming the mind of the people against the king, he was slain in a conspiracy headed by the Si-Thu-Bin, the king maker, now usurped the throne, out was himself killed in the third year of his reign. The son of Minbilu, named Mindi, was then raised to the throne, but he was only seven years of age. [A.D. 12th century was an unstable period, usurpers ruled amidst chaos. The public was very much frustrated. Harvey says about this period: settled government was the exception. In the middle of XII century even the famous Mahamuni Image could not be found for it had been overgrown with jungle in the prevailing anarchy.The Burmese under Pagan dynasty (1044 - 1287) successfully established their sovereignty over north Arakan, but not over the

south, and even in the north the kings merely sent propittatory tribute and continued to be hereditary kings not governors appointed by Pagan, Here Pamela Gutman also said king Dasaraza 1135-1165 A.D. had repaired Mahamuni Temple which was partially destroyed by the Pyu army of Letyaminnan and was remained neglected. The king had to seek the help of the Mrus to find out the Mahamuni, which was then covered by dense forest]. King Mindi gave general satisfaction, and enjoyed a long and prosperous reign. In the year 1294 A.D. the Shans invaded the kingdom but were repulsed. The king of Thuratan or Eastern Bengal named Nga-pu-kin (Bahadur Khan) courted his alliance and sent presents of elephants and horses. In pursuance to get rid of attacks, from various sites by the Shans, the Burman, the Talaing, and theThet: he personally marched in person in the year 1312 A.D. to repel the Talaing in Sandoway. His uncle Uza-na gyi was sent with an army to attack Pagan. Salingathu, his brother-in-law, advanced into Pegu, and the general Raza Thirigyan was sent against the Thet tribes. The city of pagan was taken, the Talaing were overawed and the expedition against the Thet, after being once repulsed was eventually crowned with success. After this the general Razathingyan subdued the country along the seacoast as far as Brahmaputra River. In the year 1327 A.D. the Pagan sovereign made an attack upon the island of Ramree and carried away a number of the inhabitants who were planted upon the Manipur frontier. After this the Sandoway viceroy having gained possession of a relic of Gautama brought from Ceylpn, by virtue of which he expected to obtain sovereignty rose in rebellion, but was finally reduced to obedience. Soon after this, Mindi died, after a reign of 106 years at the age of 113. Nothing worthy of notice occurred until 1394 A.D., when the reigning sovereign marched to attack the Pagan Empire, the capital of which was established at Ava. During his absence the Governor of Sandoway revolted, and seizing the boats, which had conveyed the kings army along the seacoast, and were now left on the shore for his return, made the best of his

way to Laung Kyet the capital, where he setup king, the kings infant son, Razathu. The king returned without delay, but his army deserting him he was slain and his son was proclaimed King. The Sitha-bin as the rebellious governor was called, not long after sent the young king to the southern extremity of the kingdom and governed in his name. But becoming unpopular, he was after two years deposed and killed by a noble named Myin Saing-Gyi who in his turn became disliked and had to fly to the Burmese dominions when the lawful king Razathu was restored. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Thinga- Thu. This prince after a reign of three years was murdered by the chief priest of the country in a monastery, with the connivance of his nephew, Min Saw Man; who then succeeded to the throne in the year 1404 A.D. Worn out by his cruelties the people rose against him and called in the aid of Min Shwe, a king of Ava who dispatched a force of 30,000 men under the command of his son. Min Saw Mun fled to Bengal, found refuge with the ruler of Thuratan, who, being engaged in war himself, could render no assistance. Arakanese chronicles states that when Min Saw Mun was in Bengal the king of Delhi came to attack the chief or king of Thuratan who was greatly assisted by the fugitive; this most probably refers to the invasion of Bengal by Sultan Ibrahim of Joanpur.126 In the absence of Arakan king, Min Saw Mun, there was rivalry between the Burmese and Talaing to control Arakan. R. B. Smart comments the king of Ava had no intension of resigning his grasp on Arakan, whilst the Arakanese had no intension of allowing them (the Burmans) to remain in possession of the country. Aided by the Talaing who formerly occupied Arakan made constant endeavor to drive out the Burman. Attack and counter attack continued for more than a decade. Yet Arakanese did not get the grasp of their country. Thus Rakhine sovereignty in Laungkyet came into an end.

Note: The chronological list of Kings during Lemyo period is not included here. CHAPTER VII EARLY MUSLIM CONTACTS WITH ARAKAN Before passing to the period of Mrauk-U, the most shining one, in Arakan history, let us first study how Muslims got contact with Arakan in the early days. How Islam spread there. It is a contentious subject for those vvho try to portray Muslims in Arakan as aliens. I found a booklet named Bengali in Arakan and their historical problem. It was a publication of Arakan Democratic Front, a registered political party on the eve of 1990; parliamentary election. The publisher is U Saw Maung. The booklets main objective is to portray Muslims in Arakan as aliens or illegal immigrants from Bengal. That very book referring old Rakhine chronicles says; Chittagong revolted in 1128 A.D. and Rakhine had suppressed it; again it revolted in 1256 A.D. which too was suppressed by Rakhine: but this time Rakhine occupied up to Lakchipur and brought 4,700 captives.127 Here is the question; where are these captives or their descendants gone? Of course these captives and their descendants assimilated in the general population of Arakan. Most of them might be Muslims and had mixed up with Rohingya Muslims. Arabs are the earliest people to travel to east by sea. Through the Arabs, Islam spread across Thailand, Malaya and Indonesia. There are records that these Arabs reached Arakan coast too. In this context R. B. Smart and many other historians say: about 788 A.D. when Maha Taing Candra ascended the throne of Wethali founded a new city on the site of old Rama Waddy and died after a reign of 22 years. In his reign several ships were wrecked on Ramree Island and the crews said to have been Mohammedans, were sent to Arakan proper

and settled in villages. [Arthur Phayre calls Akyab and part of Kyauk Pru district as Arakan proper].128 The study of inscriptions of that period says the natives of that time were Indo-Aryans or a people similar to that of Bengal. These natives got the religion Islam from these ship wrecked Arabs. Today they are part and parcel of Rohingya community in Arakan proper. This is why researchers remark Muslim influence on the Arakanese society was not an outcome of some sudden occurrences. It was the result of an age long intercourse between Arakan and Muslim countries that dates back to the period of Arab contact with Arakan. Arakan came into contact with Muslims as early as the ninth century. Arakanese chronicles give references to the Muslim settlement in Arakan during the reign of Maha Taing Candra 788 810 A.D.129 Father Farnao Guerreiro, in the beginning of 17th century observed: The moors -would always be garibos, that is very submissive with no other desire but to live under his (king of Arakans) protection.130 Niccolao Mannnucci, a Venetian traveler says Shah Shujah during his stay in Arakan found many dwellers, Maghul and Pathans. Muslims from lower Bengal contributed much to the ever-increasing Bengali Muslims in the Arakanese kingdom. The Arakanese call Muslims Kalah. But Muslims introduce themselves as Rohingyas 131 to others. Martin Smith a specialist on Burmese history observes too; Muslims settled in Arakan since 9th century. Name of places, rivers, and towns, such as Ramree, Akyab, Kaladan, Naf and Kalapanzan were connected with Muslims.132 For about eight centuries they (the Arabs) monopolize the trade between east and west. It is from 8th century and it continued down to the coming of Europeans in the first quarter of sixteen century. 133

Further Muslim Fakirs and Dervishes used to visit Arakanese coast, one of widely known facts of this is the existence of Shrine called Badr Makam, scattered along the coastline of Arakan ..Muslim Saints and sailors happened to land at the coast of Arakan as early as fourteen century.134 Arakanese chronicles give reference to the travel of Muslim mystics in that country in Pagan period. The chronicle referring to an accident during king Anawratthas Rule (1044-1077 A.D.) states: When he (an attendant of the king) entered the forest, he found a man possessed of mystic wisdom dead with the marks of violence upon him.135 Dr. Kanungo said the event proved that not only Muslim merchants but also Saints and Dervishes used frequently this port of coast of the Bay as early as the 11th century. 136 The early Portuguese visitors saw the port of Chittagong (then under Arakanese rule) crowded with Arab sails, Duarte-de-Barbosa, Pyrard de Laval and many other European voyagers noticed Arab merchants, staying in Chittagong on trade purposes.137 Chittagong and the ports of Arakan have had close commercia! connections. D. G. E. Hall points out, in the eastern sea they (the Portuguese) excelled the Moors (Arabs) in both fighting and navigating their ships, and the ships themselves were in every respect, superior to those of Arabs, which were built for sailing only under favorable monsoon conditions.138 So in early 17th century the Portuguese got control of the coast of Bengal- Arakan. Harvey remarks after 10th century the country was professedly Buddhist, not withstanding the spread of Mohammedanism, which by XIII century had dotted the coast from Assam to Malaya, with the curious Mosques known as Badr Makan. Doubtless it is Mohammedan influence, which led the women to being more secluded in Arakan than in Burma.139

Moshe Yeagar an Israeli researcher states that, in addition from the very beginning of Muslim commercial shipping activities in the Bay of Bengal, the Muslim trade ships reached the ports of Arakan, just as they did the ports of Burma proper. And as in Burma, in Arakan too, there is a long tradition of old Indian settlement Bengal became Muslim in 1203 . in northern Arakan close overland ties were founded with east Bengal. The resulting cultural and political Muslim influence was of great significance in the history of Arakan. Actually Arakan served to a large extent as a bridgehead for Muslim penetration to other parts of Burma, although the Muslims never attained the same degree of importance elsewhere as they did in Arakan.140 This fact is recognized by Myanmars present government (SPDC Government), in its publication of a book Sasana Yaungwa Tunzepho, concerning the evolution of religions in Myanmar. It says Islam took root in Arakan since 8th century and from there it spread into Burma proper. Further an eminent Myanmar historian once the Chairman of Myanmar History Commission, Dr. Than Tun says, because of north Arakans close overland ties with Bengal, Islam penetrated into this side of border many centuries ago. Some Muslim Chieftains and warlords perhaps shifted into Arakan at the aftermath of their political struggle, so as they could settle down there. And perhaps the present day Rohingya in May Yu are their descendants who claimed to be on that region at least for ten centuries. He further remarks in 14th century Chindwin Valley inscriptions, there were names of Muslim Chiefs and Muslim Kings who were in a very good relationship with Ava kings.141 Dr.Than Tun based his opinion on the book The Phases of old Burma by G.H.Luce, once a history piofossor ol Rangoon University.

More noteworthy is the narration of Dr.Khin Mauiig Nyunt, a prominent Burmese historian. His narration is an answer to those who tend to deny Rohingyas deeply rooted ancestry in Arakan. He states the religion of Islam started from Arabia since 7th century A.D. These Arabs reached to the eastern countries not only for trades but also for the propagation of their religion. Because of their preaching, Islam took root in eastern countries including Arakan. Next the Portuguese marauders plundered the villages along the Bengal coast and brought captives from there and sold them in Arakan. These captives included many persons of high birth and good reputation and intellect in Arakan. Rakhine, Arabs and Hindu households bought them for their household works. Most of them were employed in Agricultural works by the Rakhine kings.142 Arabs led the trade with eastern world from the beginning of early Christian era up to 16th century Westerners arrived in this region. (In some cases with help of the Arabs) only after 16th century.143 These Arabs had established trade colonies in Java, Sumatra, Malacca, Myanmar and Arakan.144 These Arabs had not only established colonies but also founded their political dynasties, as the case in East Bengal. These Arab colonies in Mrauk-U weie found even at the time of Shah Shuja and king Sanda Thudama crisis in the 17th century. So Moshe Yegar remarks during this (Shuja)case all foreigners and Muslim trading vessels were sent away, so that they would not know what was happening (in Mrauk-U, the capital of Arakan) Referring to Augustine Priest Sebastian Marique who was in Arakan from 1629 to 1637.

Moshe Yegar says, he saw these were Muslim Captives, Muslim army units, Muslim trade colonies, and Muslims holding key position in the Kingdom.145 Further, Muslims have their own legendries some are still in records in book forms. There is the legend of one Arab History which conguered a native queen Qy-yapun mainedher and settled in May Yu region making their palace on Qy-yapuri Tonki. i.e. Minglagyi mountain now. There is another legend. It is said a king called Amir Hamzah in Gaulangi area, northern portion of Pruma River, was reputed for his just rule. He tried to expand his borders by fighting with kings in Wethali. But this legend did not say that he ruled or conquered Wethali.146 Next the Shrine of a Saints, Babagyi at Ambary village, Akyab and many others along the coast including the famous Badr Mukan bear conclusive evidences of early Muslim settlement in Arakan D G E Hall once a Professor of department of Histmy in Rangoon University says, in the reign of Anawratlha. Pagan asserted its authority over Arakan, but after 1287 this lapsed, although Narameikhla established Mrohong (Dynasty) in 1433, there were from time to time Burmese and Mon interferences. Arakan contacts with Mohammedan India were probably closer than those with Burma. None of its river uses in Burman and through out history its water communications with Bengal were much easier than its overland communication with Burma Mohammedanism spread to Arakan but failed to make much impression on its Buddhism. Mrohong had its Sandhi Khan Mosque and its king assumed Mohammedan titles but the predominance of Buddhism was never shaken.147 Maurice Collis and San Shwe Bu rightly says, Arakan being adjacent to Mohammedan Bengal, it might had had a considerable Muslim population even before Mrauk-U dynasty.148

The latest popular politician and writer of Arakan, U Saw Maung, Vice President of Arakan Peoples Democratic Front, published a short treatise, where indirectly admitted Muslim presence in Arakan before Mrauk-U. The treatise emphasized the Pathan force came to help Min Saw Mon, betrayed him, and seized power of Arakan for three months and built Sandhi Khan Mosque. Min Saw Mun kept it out of Mrauk-U city due to his belief that nonBuddhist should not be kept inside the city compound.149 If the Pathan commander betrayed Mm Saw Mon and ruled only for three months, how could he build a Mosque with stone in three months? Actually he ruled foi many years. CHAPTER VIII ROHINGYAS ARE NOT ALIENS BUT NATIVES. In previous chapters we have seen how the terminology Rohingya evolved historically. It is an antiquity not an invention of recent past, though in some records Rohingyas has been termed as Muslims. This Rohingyas have their ethnic root in the people of Wethali dynasty. Inscriptions found in Wethali today are very much nearer to the language of Rohingya. The people in Wethali, during the Candra dynasty indeed were Indians rather than Mongolians. Thus linguistically and genealogically Rohingya alone has greater affinity with the people of Candra age. Most writers overlook this historic reality and only try to judge Rohingyas as Muslims, as if they infiltrated into Arakan or they came to settle down there from some alien coun ies. It is true; from cultural point of view this Rohingya got a religion, which is not the product of their birthplace. Genealogically they are bonafide Arakan products. Many centuries ago, the whole Bengal was a Hindu or a Buddhist land. Today 80% of Bangladesh population is Muslim. How did it happen? How did this change take place? The same logic is true for Rohingyas in Arakan, whereas their ancestors were Hindus or Buddhists. We will find in the next chapter

Muslim influence in Arakan, how the missionary works of Muslim Saints and Preachers had been successful. Arakanese chronicles amply described how did Islam spread in Arakan. Today, a notion that Rakhine has no Muslim is an extremity and short of truth. From legal point of view, a people living in Arakan, as its permanent homeland prior to British occupation is an indigenous race of Myanmar, no question whatsoever is his religion or his ethnic background. Bogyoke Aung San, father of this nation knew in detail of these Rohingyas. He knew about the communal crisis of 1942. In May 1946 he met Rohingya elders in Akyab. He assured them full guarantee of nationality and protection. Some of the people who met him at Akyab are still alive, though very aged. Assessing from historical and legal point of view Bogyoke had allowed Rohingyas to represent in 1947 Constitutional Assembly. The most remarkable thing is on the very day of Bogyokes death, i.e. on 19th July 1947, he had had a special appointment with Muslim M. L. Cs., from Arakan.150 So the conclusion is Muslims of Rohingyas are not aliens but natives of Arakan. CHAPTER IX MRAUK-U DYNASTY (1430 1786 A.D.) Some Rakhine chronicles try to divide Mrauk-U period into three phases: First Mrauk-U From 1430 -1531 A.D. From Min Saw Mun to Minkaung Raja. Second Mrauk-U From 1531 -1638 A.D. From Min Bagyi to Thiri Thudama Third Mrauk-U From 1638 1784 A.D.

From Min Haree or Min Sane to Maha Thamadda Mrauk-U period is the most splendid time throughout Arakanese history. During this time Arakans sovereignty extended to Taung Ngoo and Martaban in the east, up to the borderline of Ganges River in the west. Its kings were said to be Buddhists but most of them, save the kings in the third phase, have Muslim titles. Persian is said to be their official language. But I have no concrete document concerning it. But in early British period office orders were found in Persian. Arakan court system is said to have based on the system of Muslims of Bengal and Delhi. Its relations with external forces, such as Mogul, Portuguese, Dutch, Tripura, Pathan, Mon and Burma was very complex and delicate. It is very interesting to study it. As we have seen Min Saw Mon fled to Bengal. Laungkyet was under Burmese occupation. Rakhines with the help of Mon tried many times to repel the Bruman but were not successful. In the year 1426, Gaur Sultan Nazir Shah sent an army headed by Wali Khan (Rakhine chronicle, U Lu Khin). Gaur Sultan was highly satisfied with service Min Saw Mun rendered during his war with Delhi. Min Saw Muns military craftsmanship was highly appreciated and the Sultan determined to help enthrone Min Saw Mun in Laungkyet. But commander of the army, Wali Khan who was sent to help Min Saw Mun, betrayed his trust. In collaboration with a Rakhine noble, U Zeka (some chronicles say in collaboration with Ananda Thin, Mayor of Dahlet), imprisoned Min Saw Mun and declared himself king. R. B. Smart mistook this Rakhine noble with a Mon Governor in his description of this event. Wali Khan removed the seat of Government to Parin and built the city. According to Bengala District Gazetteer, Wali Khan introduced Muslim Judicial system there.151 In the year 1429 (that is after three years) two emissaries from the court of Delhi killed him. [In fact it was

from the court of Gaur].152 There was Muslim Judicial system, only because there were considerable Muslim inhabitants. In connection to the betrayal of Wali Khan, U Hla Tun Pru, an eminent historian of Arakan Says: the infamous general Wali Khan eventually make a coup by throwing Narmeikhla into jail. The Sultan of Gaur, however, immediately reacted by sending a new well-equipped army punish the perfidious general. The Sultan was not satisfied until the skin of Wali Khan was converted into a covering for a drum to proclaim his perfidy throughout his dominions by drum beating.153 The second general Sandi Khan took action against Wali Khan, restored Naramekhla (a) Min Saw Mun to his throne in Laung Kyet. Two years later a new capital, Mrauk-U was founded and the Muslim troops (came to help him) settled in the area in numbers. They built a Mosque, known still today as Sandi Khan Mosque, three miles away from the palace. The stones used in building the Mosque were like that of the Palace. The king provided them.154 The turmoil of foreign inroads showed that Laungkyet was ill fated and the omens indicated Mrauk-U as a lucky site. So he decided to move there; though the astrologers said that if he moved the capital, he would die within the year; he insisted saying that if the move would benefit his own people and his own death would matter little. In 1432 he founded the city and in the next year he died.155 About Narameikhla, historians said, The Arakanese king lived there (in Gaur) for 24 years, leaving his country in the hands of Burmese .. He turned away from what was Buddhist and became familiar to what was Mohammedan and foreign. In so doing he loomed from medieval to modern, from the fragile fair-land of Glass Palace Chronicles to the robust extravaganza of thousand and one night.156 From this time Arakan became closer to Bengal, culturally

and politically. Nevertheless, they remained Buddhist. In this time of Narameikhla, Abdu Min Nyo wrote his famous Rakhine Minthami Ayechan. This writers name sound Muslim. Below is a list of Kings of Mrauk-U Dynasty: First Mrauk-U Sr.No Name of kings Relationship MuslimTitles Time of Rule 1. Narameikhla (a) King of Laungkyet Sulaiman Khan 1430 A.D. Min Saw Mun Son of Razathu 1. Min Khari (a) Brother of Sr.NO.1 Ali Khan 1433 A.D. Norenu 1. Ba Saw Pru Son of Sr. NO.2 Kalima Shah 1459 A.D. 2. Daulia Son of Sr. NO.3 Maghul Shah 1482 A.D. 3. Sa Saw Nyo Son of Sr. NO.2 Mohamed Shah 1492 A.D. 4. Rang Aung Son of Sr. NO.4 Nuree Shah 1494 A.D. 5. Salinka Thu Maternal Uncle Sikandar Shah 1501 A.D. 6. Min Raza Son of Sr. NO.7 Ili Shah 1513 A.D. 7. Gazapati Son of Sr. NO.7 lIyas Shah 1515 A.D. 8. Min Saw Oo Brother of Sr. NO.7 Jalal Shah 1515 A.D. 9. Thazatha Son of Daulia Ali Shah 1515 A.D. 10. Min Khaung Son of Daulia 1521 A.D. Raza Second Mrauk-U Sr.No Name of kings Relationship Muslim Titles Time of Rule

1. Min Bin (a) Son of Min Raza Zabauk Shah 1431 A.D. Min Ba Gyi 1. Min Dikha Son of Sr. No.1 1553 A.D. 2. Min Saw Hla Son of Sr. No.2 1555 A.D. 3. Setkya Veti (a) Son of Sr. No.2 1564 A.D. Min Setkya 5. Min Phalaung Son Min Ba Gyi Sikandar Shah 1571 A.D 6. Min Raza Gyi Son of Sr. No.5 Salim Shah I 1593 A.D. 7. Min Khamaung Son of Sr. No.6 Hussein Shah 1612 A.D. 8. Min Hari Son of Sr. No.7 Salim Shah II 1622 A.D (Thrithudamma) 1. Min Sane (a) Son of Sr. No.8 1638 A.D. Thadu Min Hla Third Maruk-U Sr.No. Name of kings Relationship Muslim Titles Time of Rule 1. Kuthala Narapatigyi Great grand son of 1638 A.D Thazata 1. Thadu Mintra Son of Sr. No.1 1645 A.D. 2. Sanda thudamma Son 1652 A.D. 3. Uga Bala Son 1672 A.D.

4. Wera Damma Raza Brother 1685 A.D. 5. Mani Thudamma Raza Elder brother 1692 A.D. 6. Sanda Thuna Damma Younger Brother 1694 A.D. Raza 8. Ngatin Nawrahta Son 1694 A.D. 9. Marupai Usurper 1696 A.D. 10. Kala Kandala Usurper 1697 A.D. 11. Naradipati Son of Sr.No.7 1698 A.D. 12. Sanda Wimala Raza Grandson of Sr. No.2 1700 A.D. 13. Sanda Thuria Raza Grandson of Sr. No.3 1706 A.D. 14. Sanda Wiziya Raza Outsider 1710 A.D. 15. Sanda Thuria Raza Son-in-law 1730 A.D. 16. Naradipadi Son 1734 A.D. 17. Narapawara Raza Brother 1735 A.D. 18. Sanda Wizila Raza Cousin 1737 A.D. 19. Thuratan Raza 1737 A.D. (Kala Ketya Min) 20. Mettras Raza Brother of Sr. No.17 1737 A.D. 21. Nara Abay Raza Son of Sr. No.15 1742 A.D.

22. Thirthu Raza Son 1761 A.D. 23. Sanda Perma Raza Brother 1761 A.D. 24. Aboya Maha Raza Brother-in-law 1764 A.D. 25. Sanda Thumana Raza Brother-in-law 1773 A.D. 26. Sanda Thumala Raza Outsider 1777 A.D. 27. Sanda Thakitta Raza Outsider 1777 A.D. 28. Maha Thamada Raza outsider 1782 A.D Note: 1 No. 13, 15, 11, 16 and 14, 18 are same name but different persons. 2 Muslim titles are corrupted and Arakanized in some Rakhine chronicles. 3 The list of Kings here is drawn by adjusting U San Tha Aungs Arakan Coins and Arakan State Councils History of Arakan Vol. I. Alongside with this far ranging commercial links with Bengal, close crosscultural ties were thereafter immediately fastened between the Rakhine kingdom and East Bengal. Because Narameikhla and his family had spent over 20 years in exile amid Muslim culture and as a nominal vassalage of the Sultan of Gaur, the Rakhine kingdom was strongly influenced by Bengal culture. Hence Narameikhla employed Muslim tittles in his coins and inscriptions.. He had to assign the revenue of his dominions in Bengal to the Sultan of Gaur to meet the expenses of helping him to recover his throne. He was succeeded by his son (in fact, his brother), Ali Khan reigned (1434-1459 A.D) who have adopted a Muslim name, which the Sultan of Gaur recognized in memory of notable services his brother had rendered to the house of Gaur.157

In fact the gradual Muslim infiltration into political and cultural life of Arakan became more forceful during the reign of Min Saw Mun, who with the help of Sultan of Gaur, Jalaludding Mohammed Shah (some say with the help of Nazir Shah) regained his throne.158 Moshe Yegar says Nrameikhla ceded certain territory to the Sultan of Bengal and recognized his sovereignty. As proof of his vassalage and despite being Buddhist, he and his heirs took Muslim tittles in addition to Arakanese tittles. He also introduced Nazir Shahs system of coins bearing the Kalimah (Verse of Muslim confession of faith) as used in Bengal since the Muslim conquest of 1203. Later on he strikes his own coins, which had the name of the king in Burmese letters on one side, his Muslim title in Persian on the other. Arakan was subject to Bengal until 1531. Her kings received their Muslim titles from Bengal Sultans. Nine vassal kings received Muslim titles. Even after becoming independent of Bengal Sultan, the Arakan kings continued the custom of using the Muslim title in addition to the Burmese or Pali titles. This was because they not only wished to be thought of as Sultans in their own right in imitation of the Mogul, but also because there were Muslims in ever larger numbers among their subjects. Court ceremonies and administrative methods followed the customs of the Gaur and Delhi Sultanate. There were eunuchs, harems, slaves and hangmen; and many expressions in use at court were Mogul. Muslims also held eminent posts despite the fact that the kingdom remained Buddhist. The Arakan kingdom was closely connected with the Muslim territories to the west in other ways as well. After the death of Narmeikhla, Arakan started expanding northward, and there were regular Arakan forays and raids on Bengal. Early in the 17th century, the Portuguese reached the shores of Bengal and Arakan. At that time, too, the raiding Arakanese ships reach the shores of Bengal. They came into contact with the Portuguese and permitted them to establish bases for operation and also granted them commercial concessions.

In return the Portuguese helped to defend the Arakan boundaries in 1576, Akbar the great, Emperor of Delhi, was efficiently ruling Bengal so that Arakan was now facing the Mogul Empire itself and not only Bengal. The Portugueses knowledge of firearms and artillery was more advanced than that of Moguls, and Arakan Profited much thereby. Joint Arakan Portuguese raids on Bengal continued until the end of 18th century and ceased entirely only with the strengthening of British naval force in the Bay of Bengal.159 An Arakanese writer Aung Zan says, it is further to be noticed that Ba Saw Pru (Kalima Shah) conquered Chittagong in1459 A.D. and struck silver coins with Persian inscriptions to promote trade with the rest of Asia. The Muslim title of Arakan kings, according to Aung Zan are: Ali Khan (1433-1459), Kalima Shah (1459-1482), Mawku Shah (1482-1492), Mohammed Shah (1492 1494), Nuri Shah (1494), Sheikh Abdullah Shah (1494-1501), IIi Shah (1501-1513), Ali Shah (1513 1515); and there were Salim Shah I (Minrazagyi) and Salim Shah II (Thirithudamma).160 One Arakanese historian, Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung of Mrauk-U, an honorary archeologist of Mrauk-U museum, in his Rakhine Maha Razawin (Great History of Arakan) says, until the 9th king of Mrauk-U about 145 years, Arakan remained the vassalage of the Sultan of Gaur. In the reign of Zalatta Min Sawmuan the 9th King of Mrauk-U, in 887 B.E., three missionaries from Delhi headed by (Abdul) Qader came to Mrauk-U and propagated Islam, building Mosques in various places. People in groups, village by village converted to that religion, which was later prohibited by Min Bagyi (1531-1551) in response to a complaint from Saya U Mra Wa.161 The early days of the restoration of Mrauk-U monarchy in 1430 equally saw steady influx of population of Islamic faith, chiefly mercenaries from Afganistan, Persia and even Turkey as well as traders from other parts of Muslim world. This influx of Muslim population did not modify significantly

the demographic structure of Rakhine kingdom, however, as they were few in numbers.The last mentioned settlers were calling themselves (and were designated as) ROhingyas.162 Moshe Yegar further remarks: Thus one may be warranted in emphasizing that part of the reason for such customs (as introduced by Narameikhla) may be ascribed to the fact that there were Muslims in ever greater numbers among their subjects, a number of them holding eminent posts in the kingdom.163 Maurice Collis says, it took the Arakanese a hundred years to learn that doctrine. (The doctrine of administration of Indian Muslim Sultan) . from 1430-1530, for hundred years Arakan remained feudatory to Bengal.164 U Hla Tun Pru, once a State Councilor (The highest state organ) writes: Hamayun the Mogul Sultan of Delhi sent Abdur Kadir as ambassador to recognize his (king Min Bars) kingship and to confer on him the Mo ammedan title of Zabauk Shah according to a practice which began with Min Saw Mown, the founder of Mrauk-U dynasty. Min Saw Mown recovered his throne at Laungkyet with the help of Afgan (Gaur) troops, an act of assistance for which he assigned to Nazir Shah (Sultan of Gaur) a long term lease of the 12 towns of Bengal forming the greater part of the Ganges basin in Bengal territory between Ramu and Decca in the east and Murshidabad in the west.165 The notion that there were no Muslim inhabitants in Arakan before or during the Mrauk-U period save a few captive slaves brought from Bengal coastal area is short of truth. These all Muslim populations still discussed here are prior to the bringing of captives from Bengal as well as the followers of Shah Shujah in 1660, who later become the palace guard of Kaman Unit. In this regard, two Persian inscriptions found in Chittagong said to be engraved in

1494-1495 A.D., refer to the names of a Muslim Governor and his subordinate officials holding Persian titles, thus testifying Islamic penetration into Arakan166 before the bringing of captives. Minkhari (a) Ali Khan (1434-1459) He succeeded Min Saw Muwn in 1434 A.D. Rakhine chronicles say he occupied Ramu. Perhaps at that time it was no mans land, otherwise it is not proper to go against the Bengal king who helped them restore their throne in Arakan. Ba Saw Pru (a) Kalima Shah (1459-1482) He succeeded Ali Khan. Rakhine chronicles described him to be an efficient king. He is said to have occupied Chittagong. But there is the question that Min Saw Muwn only three decades ago, had given the lease of 12 towns of Bengal to the king of Gaur. It may be that Chittagong then was not under Gaur king. And Chittagong had been under fluctuation of power of Tippera, Muslims and Arakan. For most part of the history it was under Rakhine sovereignty until 1666 A.D., when it was seized by Aurenzeb, the emperor of Delhi, in retaliation of the murder of his brother Shah Shujah and his family, who took asylum in Arakan. After Sa Saw Pru the successive kings until Min Bagyi (1531-1553) were not very important ones. Nothing much noteworthy was recorded during their reign. They were not strong kings. During this period Rakhine lost the control of Chittagong. Dr. Kunango says king of Bengal had extended his sovereignty onto a portion of Arakan proper during this time. Minbin (a) Z abouk Shah (1531-1553)

After 1532 the coast, though poor and largely uninhabited, was liable to pillage by Phalaung (Feringyi, Portuguese). It would have been a bad age for Arakan because king Minbin unable to cope with the aggressive Tabin Shwehti, the king of Pegu. Foreseeing trouble, he put the defenses of his capital, Mrohong into repair with a deep moat filled with tidal water. This and the fact that a long seize would have exposed the Burmese to attack from Arakanese craft, were the reason why the Burmese failed to take the city (Mrohong). Minbin kept Ramu and Chittagong in spite of raid there by the Tippera tribes while he was engaged with Tabin Shwehti, and coins bearing his name and styling him as Sultan, were struck at Chittagong. He built at Mrohong the Shitthaung, Dukkanthein, Lemyathna and Shwedaung Pagodas and the Aandaw Pagoda to shrine a Ceylon tooth relics. Arakanese maintained sea-going crafts, and Chittagong bred a lot of capable seamen. For centuries they were terrorizers in the Ganges delta and at times they hampered effectively the Portuguese shipping. Finally they united with the Portuguese free boaters and thus brought about the greatest period in Arakanese history. The Portuguese subject to no control from Goa, had settled in numbers at Chittagong, making it a thriving port, since the middle of XVI century. It was always held by a brother or faithful clansman of the king, with an Arakantse garrison: every year the king sent a hundred boasts full of troops, powder and ball, and then the garrison and boats sent in the previous year returned home.167 After Minba, Mindikha, Min Saw Hla and Min Setkya ruled successively until 1571. There was ingbility during their time Dr. Kunango says Chittagong was a bone of contention between Muslim king of Bengal, Tippera and Arakan. He says Mohammed Shah conquered Chittagong in 1554 and minted coins in the name of Arakan. But after his death, it fell under Tripura king Daniya Manikka. Finally the Arakanese reoccupied it in 1571. Min Palaung had some trouble with Portuguese He strengthened his defense of Mrauk-U, to protect it

from the attack of Burmese and hill tribes. He was succeeded by his son Min Razagyi in 1593. Min Razagyi (a) Salim Shah I (1593 -1612 A.D.) He was one of the powerful kings of Arakan. He founded the Parabow Pagoda in Mrohong and employed Debretio in the expedition against Pegu. It comprised land levies, which went over the passes as well as a flotilla from Chittagong and Ganges delta. According to the narration of Dannya Waddy Ayaedawbon, (The upheaval of Arakan) the flotilla consists of 50,000 (fifty thousand) Kalahs. The expedition was successful. It conquered up to Moulmein. [The word Kalah is a Rakhine usage for Muslims. The Muslim force in this expedition built a Mosque at Thantalen quarter at Moulmein, which until today known as Rakhine Mosque. There are also other versions about the historicity of this Mosque. But I think that the one I am referring here is more correct]. Arakan received vast loot, brought back by its raiders from Pegu together with Nanda Bayins daughter and white elephant. In this period Dutch East-India Co. seek trade relation with Arakan, but Arakan was found to be in need of naval and military assistance to face the Frenghi of Diang. On return journey from Pegu expedition, the wise minister Maha Pinnya Gyaw, lord of Chittagong died and was buried by the Hmawdin Pagoda at Negaris; he had served the king from youth up, and his compilation of legal precedents Maha Pinnya Gyaw Pyatton which placed the interpretation of the Manu Dhammathats on a definitely Buddhist basis, was thereafter among the most valuable works of its kind throughout Burma. The Portuguese became more of a liability than an asset. Debritio, whom U Hla Tun Pru said to be son of Begum Pasida, daughter of Humayun, the Emperor of Delhi, who was offered as a present to King Minba, was playing his

own game at Syriam though normally in the service of Arakan, he was suspected of planning to unite with Dianga pirates in a conspiracy to conquer Arakan. So to forestall it Min Razagyi attacked their place and massacred hundreds of Frenghis in 1609. But some years after, Sebastian Gonzalez collected a formidable force and carried a most successful episode against the Arakanese king. But this attack of Portuguese was repulsed by the help of Dutch. Arakan king could seize up the Sandip Island, the center of Portuguese pirates. The followers of Gonzalez had deserted him. Meanwhile, Min Razagyi was succeeded by the crown prince, Min Khamaung (1612-1622 A.D.). He was once captured by De Britio, but his father was successful to get his release by diplomatic way. He gained the friendship of Dutch. He got rid of the Portuguese in 1617 and occupied Sandwip. Later the scattered Portuguese ceased to be his enemies and became his tools. These Portuguese settled at Chittagong and served the Arakanese king in holding lower Bengal. They centered at Chittagong and worked off their superfluous energy by annual slave raids in Bengal. Harvey said in a single month, February 1627, they carried 1,800 captives from the southern parts of Bengal. The king chose the artisan about one fourth, to be his slaves and the rest were sold at prices varying from Rs. 20 to Rs. 70 a head.168 Min Kamaung was succeeded by his son Min Hari (a) Thiri Thudamma (a) Salim Shah II. Thiri Thudamma (a) Salim Shah II (1622 -1638 A.D.) Thiri Thudamma was an efficient king. Arakan prospered much in his time. There were extensive foreign trades. According to Dr.Than Tun, many currencies were in circulation in Arakan at that time. Cowry Shells brought from Maldives were used for petty bazaar transactions. Mogul Tanga and the Riyals were also used. D.G.E. Hall said, in the 16th century Arakan was a sea power of some importance.The city of Mrohong was an eastern

Venice, like modern Bangkok, a city of lagoons and canals, and connected with the sea by tidal rivers. Relations with Portuguese again deteriorated. Thiri Thudamma was planning a further dose of medicine with which Dianga (Portuguese strong hold at the mouth of Ganges) had been treated in 1607. Friar Sebastian Manrique, Vicar of Diang, therefore was sent to Mrohong in 1630 to persuade the king to call off the projected attack. His mission was successful, and during his six months stay there he got on as such good terms with the king that he obtained permission to build a Catholic Church in the suburb of Daingri-pet for the use of Portuguese mercenaries serving in the Royal Guard. He also saw, like Floris (head of a trade mission of Dutch to Arakan), the Pegu loot, the white elephant and Nanda Bayins daughter (then a widow and the grand Dowager of the court). She told him, with deep emotion, the story of her sufferings. In 1633, Manrique was again in Mrohong this time as the adviser to Portuguese envoy sent from Goa to treat with the king Thiri Thudamma. His stay was a lengthy one, and in 1635, he witnessed the long deferred coronation of the king. In his journal of his travels, he described the situation of Mrohong then in glowing colors. It was a truly remarkable document, and English translation was published in 1927 by the Hakluyt Society. It painted a vivid picture of Mrohong in the days of its prosperity and power. Thiri Thudamma cultivated friendly relations with Dutch at Batavia and persuaded them to open a factory at his capital. They were in urgent need of regular supplies of rice and slaves for their Indonesian settlements, and could obtain large quantities of both in Arakan. The slaves were the fruits of Frenghi raids on Bengal. After Thiri Thudammas death the Dutch quarreled with his successor Narapadigyi (1638-1645) and for years withdrew their factory and it was not reopened until the reign of Sanda Thudamma (1652 -1684 A.D).169 Thiri Thudamma was poisoned by his Queen Natshin Mai, and her paramour, Maung Kuttha, the Governor of Laungkyet. Maung kut-tha was imprisoned

and Min Sane, the son of murdered sovereign, proclaimed king, but only to be poisoned within seven days by his mother, who by her intrigues succeeded in effecting the release of Maung Kut-tha, who she married, and who ascended the throne and reigned for seven years.170 He massacred a large number of Royal Klansmen and influential ministers; some of them had fled to Chittagong. Kut-tha (a) Narapadigyi was succeeded by his son Thadu Mintra and he was again succeeded by his son Sanda Thudamma (1652 -1674 A.D.). Sanda Thudamma (1652 -1674) Sanda Thudamma is celebrated in Arakanese chronicles as one of the noblest of their kings. During his long reign, Arakan pursued a far more enlightened policy towards European traders than its neighbor Burma. Unlike Burma it used coined money. In 1653 he signed a commercial treaty with Batavia, Dutch and trade centers and factories were reopened. Mogul Tanga was used in its ports and its own coinage was stuck. For small Bazaar transaction Cowry Shells, imported from Maldives and sold in the rate of 48 Viss for a Rupee, were used. There were many expertises in Cowry transaction business. These experts were known as Punch cowry (expert of Cowry business) in Arakan. There are places, villages and Mosques in the name of so-called Panch Cowry. Dutch relation with Sanda Thudamma interrupted in 1665, through an incidentfamous in Mogul annals.171 This incident is very important in Arakan history too, because from this time Arakan relinquished its power, never held up its position again as before. So some say it is the beginning of the downfall of Arakanese Empire. Mogul Prince Shah Shuiah Exiled in Arakan Shah Jahan, son of Jahangir, grandson of Akbar was the possessor of Kohinoor (Mount of light) Diamond, now one of the English crown Jewels, was on the throne of Delhi. He was brought to a close in 1658. He had four

sons, Shah Shujah, Aurenzeb, Murad and Dahra. Shah Shujah, Viceroy of Bengal, was involved with his brothers in scramble for the throne, which, arose out of their fathers serious illness in 1657. It was won by Aurenzeb who managed to secure the throne in the following year.172 Shujah was unable to hold Bengal against his brothers attacks and he fled to Decca and took a ship for Arakan together with his family and a great quantity of treasures, in 1660. Arakan king promised him shelter and ships for the journey. A Portuguese fleet was sent to carry the Prince. The Dianga Frenghi relieved him of much of the treasure before he reached Mrohong. His advertised plan was to make a pilgrimage to Mecca and Sanda Thudamma promised him ships for that purpose.173 Albert Fytche says Shujah embarked with his wife, his three sons and some daughters. They reached Arakan safely but some scoundrels managed to open some of his chests and robbed him of many of his jewels. Dr. Kunango says, the local ballads (of Bengal) states that Shujah was accompanied by his wife Piara Banu or Pairibanu and his three daughters on his journey to Arakan. His daughters were named as Gulrukh Banu, the eldest; Roshanara Begum, the second; and the third was Amina Begum.174 A contemporary manuscript of Arakan mentions, in the party was a sister of Shujah, Sabe Bee.175 Alamgirnama mentions, Zainuddin, Buland Akhtar and Zainul Abiddin are the names of Shujahs sons. Gerrit Van Voorverq, the Dutch chief factor at Mrohong mentions Bon Sultan also spelt as Sultan Bang as the eldest son in a letter to the headquarter at Batavia.176 Alamgirnama says the Prince bid Hindustan farewell on 6th May 1660 A.D. On the following day, the day after starting towards Arakan, they met a number of war boats of Arakanese and Portuguese on the way, sent by

Governor of Chittagong to assist Shah Shujah and his party, by the order of king of Arakan.177 Khafi Khan (assistant to Mirzumla, commander of Aurenzeb army) said the Prince loaded two boats with his personnel effects; vessels of gold and silver, jewels, treasures and other appendages of Royalty.178 Shujah first arrived at Chittagong and sojourned temporarily there. Almost all contemporary sources, including the Dutch Dag Register, English factor, Alamgirnamah and other travelers such as Bernier and Manucci, all are in agreement that the Prince temporarily resided at Chittagong. From Chittagong to Arakan, Shujah took the land journey. This road, which Shujah took to travel Arakan, is still known as Shujah Road. Shujah Road originates from the left bank of Karnapuli River passes through Bandre, Anawarah and then crossing the Shanka River at Chandpur it meet the Arakan Road near Chatkania.This part of the road runs either through the hills or Parallel to the hill ranges. Local traditions ascribed the name of Dulahzara to Shujahs respite for few hours with the thousand Palanquins (Carriers) carrying the harem ladies. The place where Shah Shujah preformed his Eid Prayer was named as Edgoung.179 Arthur Phayre writes, from thence (Chittagong) they traveled through a difficult country to the Nat River crossing which they entered Arakan. The road through Teknaf is mountainous and extremely hazardous. The local Ballads say the Prince has undertaken land journey for thirteen days and thirteen nights with a troubled mind in a strange land before he reached seashore. On the eastern side of the Naf River, he made a halt for three days. This place on the eastern bank of Naf River, half a mile north of Maungdaw town is still known as Shujah Village.180 Some of the Princes retinues remained there because the rest of the journey to Mrohong was safe for the

Prince since they were out of the reach of Aurenzebs army. These retinues later settled at that place. On the fourth day, the Prince undertook the sea journey again and finally reached the Arakanese Capital. R. B. Smart says, on the frontier he was received by an envoy who assured him of welcome and on nearing the capital, the Prince, his family and the followers were met by an escort who conducted them to the quarters set apart for them.181 Harvey says he came to Arakan as the king promised to provide him some of his famous ships to take him to Mecca where he wished to die in retirement, at that Holy spot. But when he arrived in Arakan with a beautiful daughter (in fact three daughters) and half a dozen camel loads of gold and jewels, the temptation was too great for king Sanda Thudamma. Such wealth had never been seen in Arakan before, for the Mogul court was one of the most splendid in the world. The king demanded Shujahs daughter in marriage. Shujah refused for he was a blue-blooded Mogul of the Imperial House, and in any case a Mohammedan lady cannot marry out of her religion. The king told him to go within three days. Having no ships, and being virtually a prisoner Shujah instigated the Mohammedan settlers in the capital to revolt. But the palace guard put them down and Shujah disappeared in the struggle. The king seized his treasures.182 Moshe Yegar, an Israeli researcher, quoting Bernier, a French Physicist who was in India during 1658-1667, writes: Months after months passed, the favorable season arrived, but no mention was made of (the promised vessels) to convey them to Mecca, although Sultan Shujah required them on other terms than the payment of the hire, for he yet wanted not Rupees or gold and silver or Gems. He had indeed a great deal of them; his great wealth being probably the cause of, at least very much contributory to his ruin..The king turned a deaf ear to his entreaties and made a formal demand of one of

his daughters in marriage. Sultan Shujahs refusal to accede to his request exasperated him to such a degree that the Princes situation became quite desperate. What then ought he to do? To remain inactive was only quietly to wail destruction. The season for departure was passing away; it was therefore necessary to come to a decision of some kind. There were many Mohammattans mixed with the population of Arakan. Sultan Shujah secretly gained over these Mohamattans, who he joined with two or three hundred of his own people, the remnants of those who followed him from Bengal, and with these force resolved to surprise the house of the king and made himself sovereign of the country. This bold attempt had certain feasibility to it. I, (Bernier), was informed by several Mohammattans, Portuguese and Hollanders who were there on the spot. But the day before the blow was to be struck, a discovery was made of the design ..The Prince endeavored to escape to Pegu. He was pursued and overtaken within twenty four hours, after his flight; he defended himself. But at length overpowered by the increasing host of his assailants, he was compelled to give up the unequal combat. They were brought back and thrown into the prison and treated with utmost harshness. Sometime after, the women were set at liberty.183 Harvey said in this struggle Shujah disappeared. D.G.E. Hall says in the December 1660, some of Shujahs retinues ran amuck and nearly succeeded in firing the Palace. The Arakanese massacred them and the refugee Princes own life was only spared through the intercession of the kings mother who argued that it was unwise for him to teach his subjects so dangerous a spot as that of killing a Prince.184 Moshe Yegar says in the words of Bernier sometime after the first uprising, however, they were set at liberty and treated more kindly, the king then married the eldest Princess .. while events were happening; some servants of Sultan Banque joined the Mohammattans whom I have spoken in a plot to

the last. The indiscreet zeal of some of the conspirators led to the discovery of the design on the day on which it was to be struck. In regard to this affair, too, I (Bernier) have heard a thousand different tales; and the only fact I can relate with confidence is that the king exasperated against the family of Shujah as to give order for its total extermination. Even the Princess who he had himself exposed, and who it was said advanced in pregnancy, was sacrificed according to his brutal mandate. Sultan Banque and his brother were decapitated with gruesome looking axes, quite blunt and the female members of his ill-fated family were closely confined in their apartment, and left to die of hunger.185 The second source of information of the period is the archives (Degh register) of the Dutch Indian company in Batavia. The companys representative and director of the Dutch trading post, who was in Mrohong at the time, reported the events to Batavia. He too was not an eyewitness, but wrote according to rumors heard in the city. He described the warm welcome given to Shah Shujah by Arakanese king and his promise to supply the refugees with ships to take them to Mecca. Eight months passed, the promise had not been kept: According to Dutch representative the reason for this was that king Sanda Thudamma asked Shah Shujah for a daughter in marriage. . Shujah proudly refused to submit to what he regarded as a grave dishonor and as a result friendly relation between him and the king ruined. This incident was preceded by an event not mentioned in any source other than the Dagh register. The report tells of an additional group of Muslims who came to Arakan to join Shujah. The ensuing clash between them and some Arakanese ended in the execution of Muslim group, and he was only dissuaded by his mother and some of the grandees from visiting Shah Shujah with the same treatment. In his letter the Dutch East Indian Company representative states that Shah Shujahs followers were murdered in February 7, 1661 because the Prince intended to escape from the kings palace and conquer the kingdom of Arakan for himself. During these events all foreigners

and all Muslim trading vessels were sent away from Arakan so that they would not know what was happening. The Dutchman also gives two versions of Shah Shujahs death. One was that he was killed during the first battle; the second that he escaped and was later captured and stoned to death by his pursuers. On the Dagh register of 1664, it reports that, following upon the second plot of Shah Shujahs son in 1663, two years after the first plot, the sons of Shujah and everyone found wearing a beard in the Moorish fashion had been beheaded.186 On the other hand Arakanese source of that period tells that Shah Shujah was only too happy to give his daughter to the king of Arakan in gratitude for the asylum granted; however, when he saw that he had lost the Mogul throne, he decided to conquer Arakan and make himself king with the help of his own soldiers, the Muslim soldiers in the kings army, and the Muslim populace. Here these Muslim army and Muslim population are exclusive of archer units of kings army. So these Muslims are bonafide Burmese citizens in the light of Burmese law. Sir Arthur Phayre thinks that the Arakanese chronicles conceal their kings ugly behavior and emphasize the Princes abortive experiment to capture the palace by neglecting to mention the preceding provocations of not providing the promised ships, the kings request to have one of Shah Shujahs doughter in marriage and his wish to molest the Princes riches. A. Phayre quotes no source for this opinion, which is apparently his personnel view, but a decidedly acceptable one.187 Albert Fytche writes, the king of Arakan had been offered a large bribes by Aurenzeb to deliver up Shujah and that he only delayed until he had decided as to the course which would be the most of his advantage. Shujah sent messengers begging that the king of Arakan would give him a ship according to his promise. The king gave a deaf ear to the messengers; he grew cool and

uncivil; and reproached Shujah for not having paid him a visit. The fact was, Shujah was afraid to enter the palace; he was alarmed that the king would imprison him; and plunder him of all of his treasures. Accordingly he sent his eldest son to the palace. The young Prince presented the king with rich Brocades, and rare pieces of gold smiths works; he apologized for his fathers absence on the plea of ill health and implored the king to provide the promised ships. The visit proved a failure. Nothing could induce the barbarian king to fulfill his engagement. Shujah gained secretly a number of Muslims there and joined with two or three hundred of his own men and tried two or three times to capture the palace, probably to make the Prince, King. Each time their plot failed resulting in their disasters. The king of Arakan then, married the eldest daughter. At the same time the Queen mother of Arakan expressed a strong desire to be married to the eldest son of Shujah. The Mogul Prince was probably disinclined to the union; at any rate he hatched another plot of the same character as the previous one. It was discovered in the like manner. It failed too.188 It is learned the fugitive Prince and his family were highly admired by the people. U Hla Tum Pru writes: in particular, the beauty of the young Princesses was toasted everywhere in the capital as may be seen from the following verses popularly attributed to the young king whose love they had reciprocated. yv#rf;xifI/ xdyfjyifOD;pGef;/ va&mifxGef;okd@/ wkd@u|ef;tm;vkH;/ ukd,fa&mifzkH;onf/ wifhqkH;0if;ajymif/ vSxGfacgifrl/ jzLa&mifjzmxGm;/ a&$tom;ESifh jrvm;pdefoG,f/ vukd,fES,fodk@/ -uifbG,fvSwifh/ ajcmufjzpfv$ifhI/

vSjcif;t&nf/ajcmufxyfjynfvnf;/ &Sdrnfrxif/ jrifv#ifukdvkH;oufqkH;wdrf;rwf/ cEWmjzwfvdrfh/ ewfvnf;rwl/ vlvnf;ru/ b,fgea-umifh/ tvSokd@vGefoenf;? It was a poetry characterized by local public for the beauty of the Princess. A rough translation: Shine as the moon, the foreheads reflect the rays, the whole isle covered with the reflection of their body, excelled in beauty, diamond and Sapphire like golden body, absorbed in moon, lovely second to none. Free from six drawbacks, standard of beauty is incomparable in the world as well as in the heaven, the place of angels. So attractive one cannot take breath; body and soul will depart whence glance at: This is not angel but more than man. Oh! What charity of the past made you so beautiful, we ever saw. To sum up there might have been three attempts to plot. According to D. G. E. Hall first attempt to coup Arakan palace was in December 1660. Some say there was an uprising on 7th February 1661. I think these two dates concerned to the first plot. The variance is due to the writers. Yet Dutch East Indian Company representative says, some months later some new comers of Shujahs followers had staged the second uprising, which was repelled by the Kings army. These followers of Shujah, who came sometime later to help him, were either his retinues who remained in Shujah Village, Maungdaw or his former supporters from Bengal. The last plot was hatched by Shujahs eldest son in 1663. He gained the support of local Muslims. Each attempt failed. Every time there were general massacres of the Muslims in the city. So most of them had to flee to safety, especially to Bengal. In Bengal some of the descendents of these exiles are still found in the name of Rouwiagn i.e.

people from Rowang. Some re-entered Arakan when British occupied it in 1826 A.D. The Aftermath of Shuiahs Assylum in Arakan D. G. E. Hall says, the news of Shah Shujah and his family reached Delhi. For some time before the last incident, the Mogul Viceroy of Bengal had been sending urgent massages for surrender of the Princes, Sanda Thudamma paid no attention to them and on the occasion of the last massacre even went as far as to imprison a Mogul envoy. Fearing reprisal, he encouraged the Frenghi of Dianga to redouble their efforts in raiding Bengal. Thus in 1664 their galleasses sailed up the river towards Decca, broke up a Mogul flotilla of 240 vessels and laid waste far and wide. The Mogul government therefore decided that the pirate nests must be finally destroyed. Aurenzebs maternal uncle, Shaista Khan who had become Viceroy of Bengal prepares to make a supreme effort. Both sides need ships and both plied the Dutch with insistent demands for help. Matters came to a head in 1665, when the Dutch stubbornly clung to their neutrality, Shaista Khan threaten to expel them from their Bengal factories, if they did not at once evacuate Arakan. So one dark night in November of that year they loaded four ships with everything they could carry from their Mrohong factory, and before the king of Arakan realized what was afoot, they were beyond pursuit. Aurenzeb demanded Shujah and his family. The news of their massacre angered him and decided to take action. Shaista Khan was already attacking the Frenghi outpost on Sandwip Island. A few months later in 1666 he captured and destroyed the formidable port on the mainland that for a century had wrought such devastation to reach Delta land of Ganges. Two thousand of these slaves hunters were themselves sold into slavery. Others were permitted to settle as peaceful citizens at Frenghi Bazaar, twenty miles south of Decca where their descendants are still found.189

Harvey says, the Frenghi accepted the offer (of Shaista Khan) and suspecting that the king (of Arakan) would exterminate their families, deserted to Shaista Khan with their families in forty-two galleys laden with munitions. In 1666 Shaista Khans forces of 6,500 men and 280 boats took Chittagong in thirty-six hours and occupied Ramu. They captured and sold 2,000 Arakanese into slavery. Such of the Arakanese Garrison was escaped and tried to march home, but they were attacked by their former slaves, the kidnapped Mohammedans of Bengal who had been settled on the land. The fall of Chittagong was a terrible blow to the prosperity of Arakan, and with it, their century of greatness came to an end. Sanda Thudammas long reign saw the power of his race passed its zenith and his death is followed a century of chaos. The profit of piracy had gone but the piratical instinct remained, rendering governments, and they continued their sea raid. Chittagong could never be recaptured by the Arakanese in spite of their occasional raids.190 From then on Arakan could never hold up their political supremacy enjoyed before, century long chaos and strife passed, finally Bodaw Paya of Ava, in respond to invitation of some Arakanese, invaded and occupied Arakan in 1786 A.D. The Kaman Race The advent of Kaman race in Arakan is a remarkable thing. They are the descendants of a martial race. Today they are designated as an indigenous race of Myanmar. They are mostly educated and served in various civil and military departments as senior officials. Justice U Sei Bu, who executed the trial of Galon U Saw, the murderer of Bogyoke Aung San, was a Kaman from Akyab. Present Deputy Minister of Ministry of Immigration, Major Maung Aung (Rtd.), is U Sei Bus son.

Harvey says, Shujahs followers in 1661 were retained as archers in the guard of the Palace who drew a salary of Rs. 4 a month, equivalent to ten times that amount of present currency (British time). They murdered and set up kings at their will and their numbers were recruited by fresh arrival from upper India. In 1692, they burnt the palace and for twenty years roamed over the country, carrying fire and swords where ever they went. Finally they were broken by a lord who set up as King Sanda Wiziya (1710-1731 A.D.); he deported them to Ramree; their descendants still exist, under the name Kaman (In Persian Kaman means a bow). They speak Arakanese dialect but retain their Mohammedan faith and Afghan features.191 Today all Kamans are found to be Muslims in contrast to the narrations of Rakhine Chronicles that there were Rakhine (Buddhist) in Kaman Units of Rakhine Kings. Former history professor of Rangoon University Mr. Desai, remarks them as king makers of Arakan. Here, Arakanese version concerning the Kaman is a bid different but favorably accepted by the Kamans themselves. According to U Hla Tun Pru, Shujahs followers were experienced archers. The archers who escaped the massacre were later admitted into the kings bodyguard as special archers unit, called Kaman or Kamanchis (from Persian bow, Kaman; bowman, Kamanchis). Uggabala, son and successor of Sanda Thudamma, was assassinated by his bodyguard of 42,000 strong men, at his own palace, Khraik Town. They burnt down the palace and killed the Queen and other relatives of the king. The force is mainly consisted of a large number of Mogul archers that Shah Shujah had brought with him into Arakan. U Hla Tun Pru says these followers of Shujah were merged with original Kaman units established from the time of king Kalima Shah (a) Ba Saw Pru. Some Rakhine Kamans converted to Islam. Especially in the time of Min Bagyi, Muslim missionaries headed by U Kadir came from Delhi and preached Islam and some Rakhines converted to Islam. Thus todays Kamans are Muslims.192

These Kamans are mostly educated. U Pho Khaing was a British time M.L.C and his daughter Daw Aye Nyunt was Parliamentarian in post independence Burma. Kamans speak Rakhine language and their customs too are like Rakhine. The census of 1931 registered a total of 2,686 Kamans. Islam has no caste system. So marriage among Muslims is freely exercised. There have been ample intermarriages between Rohingyas and Kamans. In the Southern Arakan there have been some instances of intermarriages with the Rakhines too. The death of Sanda Thudamma in 1684 marked the beginning of a period of anarchy and riot in the kingdom during which the Muslim Kaman units played a decisive role as makers and displacers of kings. These units were being continually reinforced by fresh Afghan mercenaries from northern India. From 1666 to until 1710 the political role of Arakan was completely in their hands. Ten kings were crowned and dethroned. In 1710 king Sanda Wiziya (1710-1731) succeeded in gaining the upper hand over them and most of them were exiled to Ramree. Their descendants live in Ramree and in a few villages near Akyab and still bear the same name.193 In the time of Sanda Wiziya there were a general suppression of Muslims. So 3,700 Muslims along with their families fled into Burma. Ava king, Sane, then on throne, resettled them in twelve towns separately. These places are Shwebo, Mauksoebu, Myedu, Dapeyein, Sagaing, Rameithin, Yindaw, Pyinmana, and Taung Gnoo. Their descendants were recruited in the army of Bodaw Pya. They were employed in Bodaw Pyas Arakan campaign. They were assigned in Sandoway. Since they were from Myedu of Upper Burma, their descendants in Arakan were known as Myedu Muslims or Myedu Kalahs. In 1931 census their number is 4,681. Muslims have no caste system making social integration easy. Thus these Muslims do not remain as separate caste or race, they formally integrated with other Muslims in Arakan.

When king Sanda Thudamma died in 1684, the Rakhine kingdom became prey to internal disorder. Another 25 kings came to the throne, but none could maintain stability in the Kingdom. So, finally the army of the Burmese king Bodaw Pya invaded the kingdom and deposed the last king in 1785. Muslim King in Late Mrauk-U Period Sanda Wiziya was murdered in 1731 A.D. He was succeeded by ten kings, all of whom except Nra Abya had short reigns. The country was gradually falling into anarchy. Chaos arose. The massacre of Muslims by Sanda Thudamma in 1664-1665 were fresh in the mind of Muslims. The Kaman palace guards who were deported to Akyab and Ramree were still active. Here one thing questionable is if the Kaman units of Arakan kings consist of Rakhine Buddhists too, as said by the Rakhine historians, why all the deportees were Muslims? There was an organized uprising of Muslims in 1738 all over the country. We find this fact in the history book, complied by Rakhine State Council. We can say it is an authentic chronicle because Rakhine State has always been very much cautious to mention any role of Muslims in their official documents. Yet that very book mentions: The kings after Sanda Wiziya were more unqualified. So there in 1738, was a countrywide revolt by Kalahs (Muslims). [Rakhines use the term Kalah for Muslims]. It was almost uncontrollable. Only when king Nra Abya (1742-1761) came in power, he tried to stabilize the country, to get rid of the rebellion. It further emphasize it was only in the reign of Abya Maharaza (1764-1773) the country got some stability. In the very Rakhine State Councils chronicle on page 127, the 19th king of third Mrauk-U dynasty is shown as Kalah Thuratan Raza or Kalah Ketiya Min in 1737. Arthur Phayre in his History of Burma notes that a foreigner, Katra, rules for a short time. Here Kalah Thuratan Raza of 1737 and Kalah rebellion of 1738 might of course had some relationship. It indicates, there was a Muslim king indeed, though his reign, in that chronicle, is shown to be only for months.

Here we can postulate, only when and where there were substantial population, they could try to make a king of their own. The Muslim group who attempted to make a king of their own clans in Mrauk-U was not intruders from any other country. They were permanent settlers of Mrauk-U and neighboring towns. So these permanent settlers are, according to Burmese Constitutions and Citizenship Laws, indigenous race of Burma. Nowadays many without historical background of these people, just judge them by seeing their features and culture, as aliens. Muslim Title of Arakanese Kings and its Controversy Mrauk-U dynasty began from 1430 A.D. Narameikhla exiled for 24 years in the kingdom of Bengal under Sultan of Gaur. With the help of Gaur king Nazir Shah, some say: Jalaluddin Shah, Narameikhla regained his throne in Laungkyet in 1430. Next year he shifted his capital to Mrauk-U and Mrauk-U dynasty, the most shining one in Arakan history began. It lasted until 1786 A.D., when Arakan was occupied by Bodaw Pya of Ava. From Narameikhla to Thiri Thudamma (1622 1652 A.D.) about 19 Arakanese kings were seen with Muslim titles, in addition to their Arakanese or Pali names. Arakanese chronicles say Narameikhla had conceded to adopt Muslim titles in obtaining the help of Bengal Sultan. It is more probable that as a sign of vassalage he was bound to adopt Muslim title and he had to hand over East Bengal to Sultan of Gaur. U Hla Tun Pru says it was a tradition from the time of Narameikhla to adopt Muslim titles and the Muslim king of Bengal and Delhi chose these titles, U Tha Tun Aung of Mrauk-U, in his great history (Maha Razwin) of Arakan says, Ambassador U Kadir arrived Mrauk-U to offer Min Bagyi, the Muslim title chosen for him by Emperor Humayun of Delhi. Some say only the vassalage king of Arakan had had Muslim titles. But we find some poweriul kings such as Min Ba, Min Phalaung, Min Khamaung, Min Razagyi and Min Thiri Thudamma also had Muslim titles.

Yet there is another notion that it was just to appease to their Muslim subjects. Some argue that only those king who got hold of Chittagong, kept Muslim titles, to style themselves as the Sultan of Bengal and Delhi. Here for example, Narameikhla and his brother Min Khari (a) Ali Khan did not extend their sovereignty over Chittagong and yet they had Muslim titles. Dr. Kunango justified it by pointing out Ba Saw Nyo (a) Mohammed Shah died in 1494 A.D., after a short reign of two years and was succeeded by Rang Aung, son of Dawliya (a) Mogul Shah. The throne in the very year was captured by Tsalingha Thu, maternal uncle of Rang Aung. The absence of their Muslim name indicates their loss of hold over Chittagong.194 They might lose the hold over Chittagong but research shows that they yet had Muslim titles. Rang Aung was Nuree Shah where as Tsalingha Thu was Sheikh Abdullah Shah. Dr. Kunangos argument is that from Rang Aung 1494 to Thazata 1531, the kings failed to hold authority over Chittagong. Their rule was a time of tension and unrest in Arakan. They lost Chittagong to Bengal Sultan Mohammed Shah. The reason for loss of Chittagong, according to Dr. Kunango, is not their having Muslim titles. Again we find Min Raza 1501- 1513 was Ilyas Shah, Gozapati (1513-1515) was Ilyas Shah, Min Saw Oo (1515) was Jalal Shah and Thazatha (1515-1521) was Ali Shah.195 Another version, especially some Muslim writers try to say these kings were actually Muslims in faith. But there is no concrete evidence to prove that they are Muslims. We can just postulate. The question here is if the Arakan kings adopted Muslim titles to appease their subjects in Bengal then why those kings who lost hold of Bengal too keep Muslim titles. It is clear that there were a vast majority of Muslims in Arakan proper and to appease them the kings kept Muslim titles though they were Buddhists in faith. Even we can see coins in the name of Tsalinga Thu (a) Sikander Shah, Min Raza (a) IIi Shah and Thazata (a) Ali Shah. Their coins were in Persian script.196 These were not Indian coins but struck in Arakan, with the designation of Arakanese kings.

Coins of these Arakanese Kings: This indicates Muslim influence in the kingdom was great. Even the kings were culturally influenced by Muslims. After Minbin (1431-1453) three successive Kings, Min Dikkha Min Saw Hla, Min Setkya of course did not have Muslim titles. It may be due to their short reigns and incursions of Bengal King Mohammed Shah and Trippera King Oaniya Manikhya. From King Narapatigyi (1638-1645 A.D.) to King Sanda Thudamma (1652-1684 A.D.), their control remained over Chittagong. But they did not have Muslim titles. So the notion that to appease the subjects in Bengal or Chittagong, the Arakan kings kept Muslim title is questionable. Keeping of Muslim title is most probably to appease their subjects in Arakan proper and partially to show themselves as prestigious as the kings in Bengal and Delhi. Muslims in Arakan formerly were treated with respect and they were given fair and equal rights. So kings in first and second phases of Mrauk-U dynasties adopted various Muslim cultures including their names. But from late 16th century due to plundering of Bengal coast and bringing of its inhabitants as captured slaves, the social relation between the Muslims and the Rakhine Buddhists began to deteriorate. Especially the Shah Shujah crisis had a deep impact on Rakhine and Muslim relation. Discord between the two groups grew greater. Suppressive mechanism was introduced. So called Kaman forces were deported in Sanda Wiziyas time of 1710-1731 A.D. Hence the kings in late Mrauk-U or third Mrauk-U did not keep Muslim titles at all. One interesting thing is the coins 197 found in Mrauk-U, indicate the name Tsazatha (a) Ali Shah on reverse side and the Muslim confession of faith on obverse side, which read as follows: The script was in Persian.

Obverse side: Lailaha iIIalah muhammadur Rasulluah, Khalad Allah Mulkahu. Meaning: There is no god but Allah; Mohammed is the messenger of Allah. May Allah perpetuate his Kingdom. Reverse side: AI-Rahman Abu AI Muzzaffar Ali Shah Sultan Khallad Allah Mulkahu. Meaning: Sultan Ali Shah, Father of Victorious and Merciful. May Allah perpetuate his Kingdom. Diameter of Coin = 29 mm Weight = 10.17 gm The kingdom of Bengal Gaur was captured by Mogul (Delhi) king in 1557 A.D. Narameikhla took asylum under Gaur king. If there were any conditions imposed on Narameikhla, it was by Gaur, not by Delhi king. So when there was no Gaur king, Arakan was no longer under any compulsion to adopt Muslim titles. Hence Min Phalaung (a) Sikandar Shah (1571-1593 A.D.), Min Razagyi (a) Salim Shah I (1593-1612 A.D.), Min Khanaung (a) Hussein Shah (1612-1622 A.D.) and Thiri Thudamma (a) Salim Shah II (1622-1638 A.D.) kept Muslim titles voluntarily not under any obligation or compulsion. Even after becoming independent of the Bengal Sultans, the Arakan kings continued the custom of using Muslim titles in addition to their Pali titles. This was because they not only wished to be thought as a Sultan in their own right in imitation of Moguls, but also because there were Muslims in ever larger numbers among their subjects. Court ceremonies and administrative methods followed the custom of Gaur and Delhi Sultanates. There were eunuchs, harems, slaves and hangmen and many expressions in use at court

were Mogul. Muslims also held eminent posts despite the fact that the kingdom remained Buddhist.198 It is true, Muslim culture dominated all aspects of life in Arakanese period. Rakhine Buddhists communicate with Muslims (Rohingyas) in Rohingya language. Thus Rohingyas never felt necessary to learn Rakhine language and further Muslims never think of, or are compelled to think, of keeping Rakhine or Burmese names. Some assume Rohingyas to be fresh aliens, for not being affluent in speaking Burmese and not having Burmese names. In fact it is not for being fresh comers from other country but because of their being bonafide and dominant people of the land, Arakan, preserving their own culture, which had been ever superior. The notions of Burmese names, speaking fluent Burmese, Burmanization, Citizen and alien and many other, are just the products of post independent period. The most remarkable thing in Arakan Kings period is though they were at odd with Delhi Muslim Kings; Muslims in Arakan proper had never been discriminated and generously honored with high ranking official posts. It was hardly possible the functions of the state mechanism without these Muslims. To be continue, see Part II Reference: 1. Dr. Pamela Gutman, Ancient Arakan P-325. BSPP means Burma Socialist Program Party (The political organ of U Ne Wins time) 2. Pamela Gutman. Ancient Arakan. Preface. P-II 3. Ibid P-68 4. History of Arakan by Rakhine State Council, 1984, P-71. 5. U Hla Tun Pru; The Sandra Kings of Arakan and their Successors. (History

of Arakan a combination of articles). 6. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P- 74 7. Ibid 8. Dr. Aye Chan; Rakhine Magazine Vol. 14. P-197 9. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan 1972 P-3 Over land contact with Bcngal is possible yia the coastal road passing from Chittagong and Cox Bazaar to Ramu crossing the Naf River near the mouth and by furcating, either along the coast to Akyab or passing over the ridges to Buthidaung on the May Yu river and Paletwa on the upper Kaladan, from which the early cities could be reached by boat or by road. (Pamela P-7) 10. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma: Chapter Muslim settlement in Arakan 1972 P-19 11. Licut. Gen. Albert Fytche, CSI late chief Commissioner of British Burma; Burma past and present Vol. I London 1878. 12. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan; P-10 13. A- Phayre: On the history of Arakan P-34, B- San Shwe Bu The history of Mahamuni JBRS Vol.VI P-227 14. Pamela Gutman: Ancicnt Arakan; P-14 15. U Hla Tun Pru: The Minorities of Arakan 1981 16. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P- 15 17. Ibid P- 23 18. Ibid P- 24, See also Burma Gazetteer, Akvab District Vol.A P-91 19. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol.I. P-25 20. U Hla Tun Pru; The Minorities or Arakan 1981 PP. 46-47 Also see The fall of great Arakanese Empire by the same author. 21. Pamcla Gutamn: Ancicnt Arakan. 1972. P-16 22. Lincanzo Sangermano: The Burmese Empire hundred years ago; Introduction by john jardine, Third edition Publish in West Minster 1893. 23. J.Layden; On theLanguage and Liturature of Indo Chinese nation,P-Vll, Asiatic Researches Vol. X 1911 PP- 223-224.

24. Encyclopedia Britannica (1994- 1998) 25. U HIa Tun Pru; The Whither, the When, and the Why of Arakanese history (an article 10 Dec. 1958). 26. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P- 16 27. (a) History ofBurma Vol. 1 Compiled by BSPP. (b) Major Bashin, Myanmar Naing Ngan before Annawrahta. (c) Naing Pan HIa (Formerly a member of Myanmar History Commission), article in working Peoples Daily (10/12/77). 28. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A 1978 29. Foot note in the article King Berring, JBRS fiftieth anniversary publication No. 11, P- 443. 30. G. M. Gush: Magh Raiders of Bengal. 31. S. K Chatterjee, A History of Aryan special in India.1926. P-205. See also Dr. Kanungo P-42. P-106 32. U Thein Pe Myint; Traveler in the War. Chapter Magh Police Officer, PP 167 168 33. Dr.Than Tun: Myanmar Dhanna Magazine July 1999 Issue. P-68. 34. Alberl Fytche; Burma past and present Vol. l PP. 49-50 35. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP. 44, 45. 36. Ibid P-3l7. 37. A P .Phayre; On the History of Arakan. Also see Proff. G. H. Luce; The Advent of Buddhism to Burma; in L. Cusins etal(eds).Buddhist studies in honor of I.B. Horner 1974, PP-120, 121 38. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-2 39. Cf..Mc. Crindles Ancient India as described by Ptolemy 1885. Reprint in Calcutta in 1927. 40. 963a U.B.194 Sagaing Htu Payon Pagoda inscription obverseII 20-23.804 S (1442 A.D.). 41. Pamela Gutman, Ancient Arakan P-23 42. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A 1979. 43. Sir H. Yule, Proceeding of Royal Geographical Society Nov. 1882.

44. Elliot and Dowson: History of India as told by its own Historians. P-73. 45. Dr. Abu Fazl. Aini-i-Akbri (Trans: H. Blochman. Calcutta (1871 1877). Mirza Nathan, Bahristan Ghaibi; (Trans: Borah, Gohati. (1936).,Shihabuddin Ahmed, Fatiya-Barria (Trans: 1. N. Sarkar, Bodlein Library, Oxford). 46. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A, 1979 P-132. 47. Ibid P-133. 48. A-P. Phayre: History of Burma P-34 49. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; Hislory of Chittagong PP 23 235. 50. Ibid; chapler II Sect. 3. 51. CH. Mohd; AF Narary, in the Dacca Review: Burma an Arab land in the east P-35 52. Ibn Khurdadbhi: C. P. Cit 65. 53. Al Masudi; Muruj-al-dhahab wa Makaddim al Juwahar.Cairo Edition1938 Vol.II,PP129 130 54. Silsilat-al-Tawarikh. Extracts from statement in Elliot and Dowson, Op. Cit. P-5. 5, 55. Dr. S. B. Kanungo, PP 233 234. 56. Bangladesh District Gazetteer, Chittagong hill tracts, PP 33 34. 57. Anthony Irwin: Burmese Outpost. P-22 58. R. B. Smart Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District Vol. A P-38. 59. Moshe Yegar; Muslims of Bunna, P-120. 60. JASB XXVIII (1864). P-24, Also See: Major Ba Shill, Burma before Anawralta and Burma by Arther Phyare. 61. (a) The history ofRakhine Pyi, compiled by Rakhine State Council in 1982, P-55.,(b) The Culture of National Peoples (Rakhine) BSPP 1976, PP. 149 150., (c) History of Myanmar, SSPP Vol. III. P-] 92. 62. H. W. Wilson; the history of Indian people, PP. 189 204. 63. Major Tun Kyaw Oo; Party Booklet Vol. VII, PP. 8 to 16. Ahmyothar Party (Who is Rakhine?, Who is Rohingya?, Who is Bengali?). 64. R. B. Smart; Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District Vol. A. P-18

65. D. G. E. Hall; Burma, 1950, P-57. 66. Maurice Collis, Into Hidden Bunna, P-134. 67. Ibid; P-7. 68. D.G.E. Hall, Burma; Hukchinson University Library. 1950. P-57. 69. Harvey; Outline of Burmese History. P-90. 70. U Hla Tun Pru; Sandra kings and their successors. 71. U Hla Tun Pru; (Former member of Myanmar State Council, the highest executive organ in the country) The Sandra Kings of Arakan and their successors (in the history of Arakan, a combination of his articles). 72. U San Tha Aung (Formerly Director General of Higher Education Department); The Coins of Arakan. 73. History of Arakan; Vol. I, Compiled by Rakhine State Council, P-54 74. U San Tha Aung; Annanda Sandra Stone Pillar; Book II. P-2I6. 75. U San Tha Aung: Arakan Coins P-7. (His writing is based on the reading of John Ston). Note: There are slight difference of dates in the reading of John Ston and Mr. Sarcir. 76. History of Arakan by Rakhine State Council (Sep. 1984). P-114 77. Ibid; P-62 78. U San Tha Aung: Arakan Coins. P-7 79. Ibid P-8 80. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-2l 81. Ibid P-43 82. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-40, U San Tha Aung; Arakane Coins P117 83. Arakan History;Vol.1 Rakhine State Council P-114 84. JBRS 50th Anniversary Publication. 1960. P-488. 85. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-42. 86. U San Tha Aung; Arakan Coins (1979) P-7. 87. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan. P-325. 88. Ibid; P-41.

89. JBRS, 50th Anniversary Publication, (1960) P-487. 90. Ibid P-45. 91. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan, P-225. 92. ASI (1925 1926), PP. 146 148. 93. Dr. Kanungo: History of Chittagong Vol. A. P-66. 94. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP. 44-45. 95. Dr. Kanunngo; History of Chittagong Vol. A. P-71. 96. ASI (1925 1926) PP. 146 148. 97. J. H. Q. VII (1931). 98. Dr. Kanungo: The History of Chittagong Vol. A P-55. 99. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan. P-321. 100. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan. PP. 48 49. 101. A.S.Dani;Mainamati Plates of CandrasPakistan Archeology III 1969.PP.34-35 102. (a) Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan, P-73., (b) Phayre; On the History of ArakanJASB XIII (1844) P-49, lB 391(29),15(27),42(10),117 (a6),188(23) It is noteworthy that many of the Arakanese mentioned in Pagan inscriptions were slaves. 103. The Evaluation of Arakan History; compiled by Rakhinc State Council Vol. I (1984), P-114. Also see, U Hla Tun Pru; The Sandra Kings of Arakan and their Successors. 104. U Hla Tun Pru: The Sandra king of Arakan and their Successors, (In Arakan history, a combination of his articles). 105. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P 74 Also See: Codes; Indianized States PP.142 -143 106. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan. P-321. 107. Ngamin Ngadons being a son or Sula Candra is a question needed clarification. How can an untutored Sak be a son of Aryan Candra? 108. Again, Kettathins being Ngamin Ngadons half brother or a grand nephew of Sula Candra is a matter of question. It needs scrutiny for

correctness. 109. The Evaluation of Arakan History by Rakhine State Council (1984) P-114. 110. U Hla Tun Pru;The Candra Kings of Arakan and Their Successors. 111. Pamela Gutman;Ancient Arakan.P-14.,Also see 1.H.Luce Phases of old Burma. 112. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan. PP.73 74. 113. Ibid, P-15. 114. Ibid. P-74. 115. Ibid, PP. 15 -16. 116. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan. PP. I () 17. 117. U Hla Tun Pm; The Whither. The Whcn and The Why of Arakancse History. (10 Dec. 1958). 118. Dr. U Aye Chan; An article in Rakhine Tasaung (I 975-76). Vol 14 119. Ibid; His article was in Burmcse. I havc tricd my best not to deviatc from the original meaning. 120. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; History of Chittagong. Vol. L P-55, 121. Ibid; Vol. I (1974), PP. 67 68. 122. Ibid P-69. 123. R. B. Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District, Vol. A. P-20. 124. M. Collis: Into Hidden Burma. P-7. 125. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP. -1-6 -1-7. P-73. 126. These paragraphs concerning Lemyo period (except those in parenthesis) are the extractions from R. B. Smarts Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District. Vol. A. where R. B. Smart himself extracted from Arthur Phayrc. 127. Rakhinc Razawin Thit (Rakhine New History) Vol. II P-352 128. R. B. smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District Vol. A. P-20. 129. JASB XIII. (1844) P-36, See also Dr. Kanungo. History of Chiuagong. Vol. I. Chaptcr XI. Scction III. 130. Guerrciro. Farnao: P-196 131. Mannucci; Storia De Magar, Vol. I, P-374 (Trans. By William Irrive,

London). 132. Martin Smith; Bunnas Muslims Border Land sold down the river. C. S. Quarterly 13 (4), P-68. 133. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol I. P. III. 134. lbid; Chapter Xl, Sect. 3. 135. Tin and Luce; Op. Cit, P-75. : 136. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol.I. P-75. . 137. lbid: P-II3. 138. Hall. Op: Cit. P-239. 139. G.E Harvey, Outline of Burmese History (1947). P-90 140. Moshe Yagar, The Muslim of Burma, Muslim settlement in Arakan P, Also see A SPDC government publication, Sasana Yaungwa Tunzepho [1997] P-63 141. Dr.Than Tun ; Mrauk-U Rakhine, an article in Kalia Magazine, Aug 1994. 142. Dr. Khing Maung Nyunt, Myanmar prominent professor, An article in University silver Jubilee Magazine 143. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol I. P. III. 144. Nafis Ahmed; Muslim Contribution to the Geography, P-121 145. Moshe Yagar, The Muslim of Burma, P. 121, P. 146. (a)M.R Rahman, History of Burmese and Arakanese Muslim in Urdu (1944), (b) Dastance Amir Hamza: A Bengali fable like book written by an anonymous writer. 147. D.G.E. Hall, Burma. PP 57-58 , Bengali in Arakan and Their Historical Problem P-10, Published by U Saw Maung (RPDFparty) 1990 148. M.Collis, Arakan Place in the Civilization of the Bay, JBRS, 5th anniversary publication No.2. P-488 149. Bengali in Arakan and Their Historical Problem P-10, Published by U Saw Maung (RPDFparty) 150. Takkatho Ne Win: Bogyokc Aung San. P- . (Then M. L C. Member .Vir.,lbid Carb from DU ,lbid:1long told the Titer in Rangoon about this fact).

151. Bengal Disl. Gazetteer: Chittagong 1798, P-63 152. R. B Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District. Vol. A P-7! 153. U Hla Tun Pru: In Rakhine Tasaung Magazine, English section. Vol. 21. (1998), P-148. 154. For a more detailed account in connection this, see D.G.E.Hall. History of Southeast Asia. London Macmillan. 1958. P-328. 155. G. E. Harvey: Outline of Burmcse History. P-91. 156. JBRS Vol II. Arakan Place in the Civilization of Bay P.49 157. U Hla Tun Pru: Rakhine Magazine. Vol. 21, 1998. P-151, See Also: A. Joseph, A Nation within a Nation. P-17. 158. JBRS XV, P-34. 159. Moshe Yegar. The Muslims of Burma. P-10. 160. Aung Zan. The Family Tree and the king of early Mrauk-U Dynasty; Rakhine Magazine Vol. 21. P145. 161. Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung: Great History of Arakan. PP. 40, 41.1288 B.E. 162. P.Nicolas: A Brief Account on the History of Muslim Population in Arakan. An UNHCR compilation. 4 Aug. 1995. P-I. 163. Moshe Yegar: cites Maj. Ba Shin, Coming of Islam to Burma down to 17th century AD. A lecture before Asian History Congress (unpublished) New Delhi 1961. 164. JBRS, 50th Anniversary Publication No.2. Arakan Place in the civilization of the Bay, by M. Collis, PP. 491 498. 165. U Hla Tun Pru. The Life and Time of King Minba; an article in a book published by Takkatho Min Lwin. 166. JASP (VI) 1966.p-123 167. All above paragraphs arc extracted from Harveys Outline of Burmese History. 168. This slave raids in Bengal will be discussed separately in a special chapter. Also see Harvey; Outline of Burmese History, Chapter Arakan.

169. D. G. E. Hall: Burma, PP. 59,60. 170. R. B.Smart Burmese Gazetteer. Akyab District. Vol. A. P-26. 171. D. G. E. Hall; Burma. P-60. 172. Albert Fytche: Burma a Past and Present. P-62. 173. D. G. E: Hall; Burma. P-60. 174. JASP,X (1966) 206, P-60 Contribution by M. A. Siddiq Khan. 175. Ibid: P-206, 176. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong. Vol. PP-305 177. AIamgirnamah; PP. 556 562. 178. Elliot and Dowson; VII, P-254. 179. Dr. Kanungo: History of Chittagong. Vol. 1. PP. 305. 306. 180. Ibid; P-307. Also See Purba Bangia. Gitikar: Pt lV NO.2 P-456. 181. R. B. Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District. Vol. A. P-26. 182. Harvey: Outline of Burmese History, PP.95 96. 183. Moshe Yeage; The Muslims of Burma, Chapter Muslim Settlement in Arakan (1972), PP. 59 -60. 184. D. G. E. Hall; Burma, Hutchison University Library, (1950), P-61 185. Moshe Yegar Quoted Bernier in his The Muslims of Burma. 186. Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma. M. Yegar extracted these parts from Berniers records. D. G. E. Hall: Dutch Relation with Arakan Part II, BRS 50th Anniversary publication No.2, 1960 Yangon. Shah Shujah and the Dutch Withdrawal in 1665. 187. Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma. P- . 188. Albert Fytche; Burma Past and Present. Vol, I. P-66. 189. D. G. E. Hall; Studies in the Dutch relation with Arakan. Part II (Shah Shujah and the Dutch withdrawal in 1665). JBRS 50th anniversary publication NO.2 (Rangoon, 1960), See also Hall, Burma 1961. 190. Harvey; Outline of Burmese History, P-96 191. Harvey; Outline of Burmese History, P-97 192. U Hla Tun Pru; National Race of Arakan. Sapay Beikman Publishing

House, PP. 46 48. 193. Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma. Chapter Muslim Settlement in Arakan. P-26. 194. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, P-153. 195. Mogul Raiders of Bengal by J. M. Gosh, P-56. 196. M. Robinson; the Coins and Bank Notes of Burma, Ed. L. H. Shaw. PP. 49 -50. 197. M. Robinson: The Coins and Bank Notes of Burma. Ed, L. H.Shaw. PP. 49 -50. 198. Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma. P-19. To be continue, See Part 2

Towards Understanding Arakan History ( Part II)

Continuous from Part I

A Study on the Issue of Ethnicity in Arakan, Myanmar by Abu Anin CHAPTER X SLAVE RAIDS IN BENGAL OR MUSLIM SETTLEMENT IN ARAKAN Slavery and slave trade in Chittagong existed simultaneously with those elsewhere in the subcontinent but the practice of slavery and slave trade did appear in its worst from with the coming of Portuguese, the pioneer in slave trade in the early centuries of the modern period.199 Slave trading of Portuguese was a very interesting thing during the Mrauk-U period. They made their settlements in Goa, Sandwip Islands and Chittagong.From mid 16th century onwards; their main trade was slave hunting. The barbarous methods with which the Protuguese, in some cases with collaboration of Magh, procured, transported and sold human being as slaves would over shadow the previous practices of slavery. The mid 17th century historian Shahabuddin Talish gives an wful but vivid description of the human hunting by the Magh-Frenghi piraies of the kingdosn of Arakan. He writes: Arakan pirates both Magh and Frenghi used constantly the route of water to plunder Bengal. They carried off Hindus and Muslims, males and females, great and small, few and many that they could seize, pierced the plums of their hands, passed thin cane through the hole and threw them one above the other, under the deck of then ships. In the same manner as grain is flung to fowls, every morning and evening they threw down uncooked rice from above to the captives, as food.200 Bernier, a French physicist and traveier of that time, writes: Those Portuguese pursued no other business than that of rapine and piracy. They scoured the neighboring seas in light galleys, entered the numerous arms and branches of the Ganges, ravened the islands of lower Bengal and often penotiating foity or fifty leagues up the country, surprised and carried away the entire population of villages on market days, at times, when the inhabitants were assembled for celebration oi a marriage or some of the festivals. The marauders made slaves of their unhappy captives and burnt whatever could not be removed.201 Manucci, another traveler (from Venice) gives the same description as those of Bermer. He says, these inhabitants (Portuguese) inflicted great damage on the islands of Bengal and penetrating with their boats into all parts of the province, carried off men, women and children, gold and silver and when they could get they did not hesitate to carry off babies at the breast along with their mothers.When these babies cried at night they would, with unheard of cruelty, snatch them from their mothers arms and threw them into the sea.202 Portuguese priest Friar Manrique writes about the slave hunting expedition of his compatriots as follows:Here (in Bengal) they (the pirates of ArakanChittagong) used to sack and destroy all the villages and settlements on the bank of Ganges to a distance of two or three leagues up streams and besides removing all the most valuable things they found, they would also take captives any people with whom they came in contact.203 Manrique who happened to be in Chittagong in 1630s admitted, the Portuguese took leading part in the raids of plundering, only occasiunally a few Maghs Gelias following in their wake.204 The Portuguese

wese given especial privileges during the time of Min Phalaung (a) Sikander Shah (1571-1593) and Mm Razagyi (a) Salim Shah (1593-1512) Guerriro writes almost all the ports of Chittagong has been given over to the Portuguese who live there. He (Salim Shah) remitted the duties on trade. He gave stipend who served him and gave facilities to missionaries.205 The people captured by the pirates were in their consideration no better than drumdirven animals. Talish writes of their pathetic as follows: Many high born persons and Syeds, many pure and Syed born women were compelled to undergo the disgrace of slavery, services or concubinage of these wicked men. Talish to emphasize the nature of the piracy reproduced words of a pirate. When Nawab Shayista Khan inquired a runaway Portuguese pirate about their salary, the latter replied. Our salary was the imperial dominion. We consider the whole of Bengal as our Jagir. All the twelve months of the year we made our collection, i e booty without trouble. We had not to bother ourselves about amias and amins, not had we render account and balances to anybody. Passages over water were our (field) service. We never slackened the enhancement of our rent viz. booty. For years we have left no arrears of their revenue. We have with us papers of the division of the booty village by village for the last forty years. 206 Bernier writes it is owing to the repeated depredations that we see so many fine islands at the mouth of Ganges, formerly thickly populated, now entirely deserted by human beings and other wild beasts.207 Manucci states that these inhabitants (Portuguese) inflicted a great damaged on the islands of Bengal.208 Tallish described the wide spread destruction caused by the Magh-Frenghi plundering raids on the Delta, i.e Bengal as an eyewithness. As they (the pirates) for a long time continually practice piracy, their country prospered and their numbers increased, while Bengal became more and more desolate, less and less able to resist and fight them. Not a household was left on both sides of the rivers in their track from Decca to Chittagong. The district of Bakla, a part of Bengal, lying in their usual path was formerly full of cultivation and yielded every year a large amount to the imperial Government as duty on its betel nuts. They swept it with the broom of plunder and abduction leaving none to inhabit a house or kindle a fire in the entire tract.209 According to Manrique, a Portuguese, the raiding was pronounced to be just the Provincial Council of Goa. The Portuguese government as well encouraged her people and defended this practice. During the five years (1629 1634 A.D.), I spent in the kingdom of Arakan; some eighteen thousand captives were brought to the port of Diang and Angarcale.210 The importation of the slaves into the kingdom of Arakan produced far-reaching results. With the constant arrival of a large numbers of captives the size of the population of the kingdom of Arakan increased considerably. Sometimes the imports of such wretched victims reached such greatness that according to an estimate between 1621 and 1627 A.D. the Protuguese brought to Chittagong 42 000 slaves.211

Burmese chronicles also testify this slave trade of Protuguese in Arakan. In the siliver Jubilee Bulletin of Rangoon University History Research Department, it is described to have brought about three thousand slave every years.U Hla Tun Phyu, an Arakanese senior politican, in his Arakans treasure troves he describes amoung the slaves there were several technocrats, they were not allowed to be exported. So in this regard relation between Arakan King and the Dulch turned sour. He futher describes the number of captives and the name of boats carried them from 1624 to 1666. He emphasizes the trades of Arakan then was in the hands of Mohammedans, Hindus and Armenians.212 According to Dr. S. B. Kiinango in Arakan proper these captured Muslinis accounted for no less than one sixth of the total population. The Muslims in Arakan are known as Kalas who are supposed by Sir Arthur Phayre to be of Bengali descents. He writrs the Arakanese (Magh) appear to have sent a number of inhabitants of Bengal into Arakan as slaves whence arose the present Kalah (foreigners) population of the country which formed 15% of the whole population. Arakan Muslims preserve the language of their ancestors for colloquial purposes, but always use the Burmese in writing. They have also adopted the dress of the country with the exception of the Gaung-Boung or headdress.213 The number of these Kalah people settling in the valley of the greatest river of Arakan was so great that it is said that the river. Kaladan, is named after Kalahs or foreigners. 214 In this connection Albert Fytche Says, Kaladan, i.e. limit or border of the Kalah or western foreigners St. John thinks the name is derived from Dan, a place; and Kola, a foreigner as it was on this river that the kings of Arakan located their Bengali slaves.215 Foreign travelers of that time say these captives were subjected to most cruelly and hard labor Bernier writes that Shah Shujah during his armed rebellion against the Arakanese king in 1661 gained the local Muslims who were mostly of slaves origins [In fact these people were not slaves by descends but forced captives) The abortive coup proved calamitous to the Muslims who suffered much at the hands of Royal troops.216 Shah Alaol, a Muslim minister of Sanda Thudamma, and eminent poet and writer, was also one of the sufferers. He was imprisoned and kept in a miserable condition but later released by the request of other Muslim ministers and courtiers.217 In this period, on the ground of showing sympathy to the fugitive Mogul Prince, Muslims were massacred. Some say all who wearing a beard in a Moorish fashion were beheaded. Thus thousands of Muslims had to flee for safety into Bengal. These exiles or their descendants in East Bengal until todays aie known as "Rowengi" i.e. people from Arakan. Here Shah Alaol (Allah wall) was the most famous and reputed Bengali writer of 17

century. Most

remarkable thing is all his works were done in Arakan, under the patronizationof an alien king. He too was one of the captives, kidnapped in his boyhood days, during aboat journey with his father. He was kidnapped by the Portuguese: his father was killed in the short fighting. Finally he was brought to Arakan. As a talented man, he soon rose to prominence as a member of Royal bodyguards (Sarwar). His literary genius soon attracted the notice of the Muslim noblemen of the Royal court under whose influential support, the poet wrote his important works.218

R. B. Smart writes: The Arakan king in former times had possession of all along the coast as far as Cnittagong, and Decca and many Mohammedans were sent to Arakan as slaves. Large numbers were said to have been brought by Min Razagyi (1492-1512) after his first expedition to Sandwip (Island), and the local history relates that there were some Arab settlements in Arakan. (Today), they differ but little from the Arakanese (Magh) except in their religion and in the social customs which their religion directs,in writing they use Burmese, but amongst themselves employ colloquially the language of their ancestors. Long residing in this enervating climate and the examples set them by the people among whom they have resided for generations have had the effects of rendering these people almost as indulgent and extravagant as the Arakanese themselves. They have so got out of the habit of doing hard manual labor that they are now absolutely dependant on the Chittagonian coolies, to help them over, the most arduous of their agricultural operations: Ploughing, reaping and the other earth works.219 Portuguese relation with Arakan grew well in the liine of Min Razagyi (1593-1612).For some times there arose some problems during the reign of Min Khamaung (a) Hissein Shah (1612-1622 A.D.). But they served the Arakan king. In the words of Harvey, they served the Arakanese in holding Sandwip Island. Noakhali, Bakergunje and Sandarband and in raiding up to Decca and even Murshid Abad. In a single month in February 1727, they carried off 18,000 captives from southern parts of Bengal; the king chose the artisans about one fourth to be his slaves, and the rest were sold at prices varying from Rs. 20 to Rs. 70 per head. They would pierce the hand of their captives: pass a string of cane through the hole, and filing them under the deck, strung together like hens. Sometimes the Maghs would sail back to the coast where they have captured their prisoners and wait till the village brought out sufficient present to redeem their kinsmen from the ship. This they call collecting revenue and the Portuguese among them kept regular account books. Their activities decreased when the English began to police the coast, but even in 1795, they were plundering the king of Burma's boats off Arakan. Laden with his customs dues 10% in kind. They have regular forts in the mouth of Megna River, and here and there a few of them settled in the Ganges Delta, for a little colony of 1500, speaking Arakanese and wearing Burmese dress, still survive on four or five islands in the extreme south-east of Bakergunje.220 These Arakanese were repatriated into Arakan in the time of U Ne Win. Most of them settled in Akyab District now. In the journal of Mannqne; a Portuguese priest, English translation of which was published in 1927 by Hukluyt society: He says the Frenghi brought no less than 34,000 slaves annually to Dianga.221 Manrique was quoted by Morice Collis to have witnessed a plundering boat by himself, where he found the captivcs language has many Persian and Arabic words, some boatmen were also Muslims, where his efforts to convert thern into Christianity was not successful. During his stay in 1626-1637, he witnessed 18000 captives brought by Frenghis. 222 These captives were settled in special areas guarded by Muslim soldiers.223 These captives were employed in several occupations. First, the kingdom of Arakan was a sparsely populated area, which required human labor for agriculture. A large number of these slaves were employed in agricultural

actives. From Friar Manriques account, we come to know that a number of their captives were employed in the hllage of the land under the Portuguese tenancy. The Magh, as stated by Talish, employed all these captives in agriculture and other hind of services. Secondly: All able bodied captives were reserved as rowers for the plundering ships. Bernier writes, those who were not disable by age, the pirates kept them in their service in training them up to the love of robbery and practice of assassination. Thirdly, the captive women were appointed either as wives, concubines or household servants. Among the lot the young and fair looking women captives were lucky to be in better position. Fourthly; a large number of these captives were kept in the service of the king, Governors, Landlords, and people of upper class society. Of these slaves, Arakanese kings would pick out the best either in physique or in skill and employed them directly in his own service. Fifthly; a great number of the captives were sold in the open market.224 The Dutch mostly bought and employed them in their Indonesian settlement. CHAPTER XI INFLUENCE OF MUSLIMS DURING MEDIEVAL PERIOD We have seen in eaily Chapters, present day Rohingya of Arakan, have a close genealogical and cultural link with the people of Wethali and Dannya Waddy periods Their contacts with Islam, according to Arak;inese chronicles trace back 8 century A. D. Islam reached into the coast of Arakan fiom late 8 century A.D. Muslim traders and missionaries got continuous contacts with Arakan and Islam got rooted in Vesali from 8 century It grew larger in Lemyo age. The court bard of Mm Saw Muwn, Abdu Min Nyo wrote the famous poetry book "Rakhine Minthami Ayechan" is assumed to be a Muslim of late Lemyo age. But in present writings Abdu Min Nyo is found to be wiilten as Badu Min Nyo, a Rakhinized form. Whatsoever we dont have substantial proofs to prove Abdu Min Nyos being Muslim, though his name sounds Muslim. The gradual Muslim infiltration into political and cultural life of Arakan became more forceful during the reign of Min Tsaw Mwun, who with the help of Gaur king Sultan Jalaluddin Mohammed Shah (some say Nazir Shah) regained his throne in Arakan.225 According to G. H. Luce, once Professor of History in Rangoon University, in 14
th th th th th

century stone

inscriptions of Chindwin. Aiakan kings were mentioned with Indian titles, and they were Muslims. He said when Muslims seized Bengal in eany 13 century; they penetrated up to Rakhine border. Undoubtedly Patti Kara (Comilla) was destroyed by them. They battled with chief and tribes around the border area. In

this context many chieftains and followers turned Muslims, and perhaps some of them had shifted to the Burmese side of the border.226 Dr Than Tun, formerly chairman of Burma History Research Society, postulates the present day Muslim settlers in the northern Arakan might be descendants of those early people, because they (The Rohingyas) claimed to he in that part of Burma for more than a thousand years. If not thousand years it might at least be eight hundred years. 227 Although it is through legend, it is consensus among the Rohingya that there were little kingdoms of Muslims at many places in northern Arakan. The date and timing of their existence was not in accurate records. According to legend, Alia Beg of Baguna, Buthidaung, Mohammed Hanif of Minglagyi Mountain and Amir Hamzah of Golungi (Upper Pruma Valley) were of those kings. There are some legendary-like books (called Puthi in Rohingya dialect) narrating all detail affairs of these kingdoms. The legend of Hanifa, who conquered the tribes of Kayapuri (a tribal queen) and married her. They ruled over that area, having their palace on Minglagyi Mountain; local name until today of two peaks on Minglagyi Mountain are Hanifa Peak and Kayapuri Peak. There is still a Puthi (Legendary Book) book in the people's hand, which described all the affairs of King Amir Hamzah of Gaulangi. It says Amir Hamzah tried to penetrate into inner Arakan, and there were wars with the kings of Wethali. But there is no proof that Amir Hamzah conquered Wethali. The Valley of Pruma is still locally known as Gaulanqi. In medieval time, Arakan became closely related to Bengal. Historians say, along side with far ranging commercial links with Bengal, close cross-cultural ties were thereafter irremediably fastened between the Rakhine kingdom and Bengal.228 Because, Narameikhia and his family spent over 22 years in exile amid Muslim cultures and as a nominal vassalage of Sultan of Gaur, the Rakhine kingdom was strongly influenced by Bengal culture. Hence Narameikhia employed Muslim titles in his coins and inscuplions; albeit he and his subject remained Buddhist. He had to assign the revenue of his dominions in Bengal to the Sultan of Gaur to meet the expenses of helping him to recovet his thione. [But later we find in Rakhine Chronicles, Min Khari occupied Rarnu and Ba Saw Pru got control of Chittagong. This indicates Narameikhia: the first king of Mrauk-U dynasty had had no dominions in Bengal] He was succeeded by his son (in reality his brother) Ali Khan (a) Min Khari. Thereafter nine Rakhine kings continued to be subject to Bengal until 1531, thus receiving their titles (i.e. Shah, Sheikh or Khan) as vassals of Bengal Sultanate. It is equally noteworthy that even after becoming independent of the Bengal Sultanate eight kings of the early Mrauk-U dynasty continued to use Muslim titles by traditions whilst court ceremonies and administrative methods continued to follow the customs of Sultan of Gaur. Thus one may be warranted in emphasizing that part of the reason for such customs may be ascribed to the fact that there were Muslims in ever greater numbers among their subjects, a number of them holding eminent posts in the kingdom.229 It is worthy of note that Muslims fulfilled official tasks in the Royal court throughout Mrauk-U period. They served in administration in the army and in various economic activities. Hence the Rakhine King Thiri Thudamma 1622-1638 had appointed a Muslim Counselor/Doctor. 230

Subsequently the Arakanese Kings employed Muslim civil servants. For example, controllers of Muslim quarters called Kaladan i.e. foreign dwellings were Muslims bearing the titles of Kalahwun. 231 The early days of the restoration of Mrauk-U monarchy in 1430 equally saw a steady influx of population of Islamic faith, chiefly mercenaiies from Afghanistan, Persia and even Turkey as well as traders from other parts of the Muslim world This influx of population did not modify significantly the demographic structure of Rakhine Kingdom, however, as they were few in numbers. The last mentioned settleis were calling themselves (and were designated) as Rohingyas.232 This group being predominantly Sunnites (despite the existence of some Shiite traditions) and high caste merchants, soldiers and nobles, belong to the kings suite.Then ational nexus between Rohingya and the Rakhine kingdom was flowing from a higher legal nexus, i.e. the nominal vassalage of Rakhine kings to the Sultan of Gaur, which guaranteed Muslim subjects to be treated as equals to the Buddhist. Indeed a uniform treatment was applied for equal subjects of the king and as a result (albeit for their religion which they maintained). Rohingya easily merged with the existing Rakhine culture. Such acculturation is clearly exemplified by e.g. the change in dress [The fact that Muslim females lost the Indian Sari for Rakhine Thami (Sarong). Bazu (top) and Shawl (Scarf))], and other customs, which were the copies of customs followed by the local population such as consulting Astrologers, certain traditions relating to the engagement of the couples, to a certain extent the belief in Nats (Spirit) etc. 233 Muslim Subjugation: Muslim subjugation of Arakan from time to time undoubtedly increases the Islamic influence in Ihat country. In Poituguese sources give indirect evidence of Arakanese submission to the Hussein Shahi rulers of East Bengal.234 Here Dr Kunango, a specialist on Chittagnno history, says there was Muslim rule on a part of Arakan. After Ba Saw Pru (a) Kalimah Shah (1459-1482) and the successive kings Daulya (1462-1492), Ba Saw Nyo (1492-1494), Rang Aung (1494) and Salingha Thu (1494-1501) were very weak kings. They lost Chittagong and did not have Muslim titles (other sources say these kings, too had Muslim titles). Dr Kunango says Arakanese chronicle supplies indirect evidence of the Hussein Shahis occupation of Chittagong. In this period political situation in Arakan was deplorable and helpful to project of Bengal Sultan to subjugate Arakan. De Barros shows a large territory comprising southern Chittagong and a portion of Arakan under the jurisdiction of Codavascao (Khuda Baksh Khan). This is not possible unless Arakan had been brought into obediance. 235 Again in 16 century after the powerful monarch Min Bin (a) Min Bagyi (a) Zabouk Shah, chaos arose in Arakan. Bengal Gaur king Mohammed Shah Sur occupied Chittagong and a part of Arakan proper. Mohammed Shah Surs General forced Arakan king (perhaps Min Dikka (1553-1554) or Min Saw HIa (1554-1555) to submit to the authority of Bengal Sultan. Perhaps the Pathans conquered the principality of Ramu and some portion of modern Akyab Division. He ordered the striking of coins in 1555 A.D. The mint of these coins mentioned as Arakan. Eminent numismatist such as Mr N. B. Synyal, defending the reading of the coins hints that Mohammed Shahs conquest of Arakan was real. He pointed out that the afore coins were not only the specimen of Mohammed Shahs Arakan coins, but the coins preserved in British Museum also indicate the same reading. In this connection Dr. Kunango referred to Numismatists,

Rodgers Lamepole, and Wright who expressed the same idea about the coins of Mohammed Shah, which were minted in the name of Arakan.236 It has been already observed that the conquest of Arakan by Mohammed Shah was followed by a prolong war with Doui Minikka of Tippera for about a year Chittagong was annexed by the Tippera king in 1556 after Mohammed Shahs death. It was then under Tippera king for a decade. But Chittagnng was a bone of contention among Muslims, Tripura and Arakan. So it again after nearly a decade had fallen under Arakans control. It is narrated in an Aiakan chronicle, so called Dannya Waddy Areydowpon, that there was an uprising of Kalah and Thet [in the time of Anulunmin]. General Damma Zeya was sent to put down the uprising in Bengal Damma Zaya repelled the Kalas from Chitlagong within five days but the Kalahs resisted from Decca A battle near Lakchipur was ensued and finally the Kalah Prince was defeated, and his army ran away in disarray. Then Damma Zeya marched up to Murshidabad and the king Dehlippa Shah retreated to Rum Pashas country.Kalah Prince was captured. He along with the body was sent to the king. General Sein Key was kept there to supervise Kalah Pyi and Damma Zeya returned with the captured Prince and half of his men. The Prince was given treatment. When he was cured, appointed as Governor of Akyab. His men were disarmed and put in the group of (Mauleik), household servants. Some were substituted in the Daingwin Ka group of Talaing and Kekyinn. There were a lot of Kalahs deployed on vanous works of life. Altogether 47,000 Kalahs were assigned on various special tasks and registered them for tuture records.237 Here it is a matter of perusal why a Prince who became war captive was appointed as Governor. Further this chionicle, which is regarded as to be the most authentic one, emphatically described, there were about 50.000 Kalah (Muslim) force in the army of Min Razagyi (1593-1612) in his campaign against Pegu and Martaban (Moulmein). Assessment of other Arakanese Historians: As I have said, Arakanese historians were very cautious in mentioning the bright side of Rohingya. Nevertheless we find many valuable facts in their writings. San Shwe Bu says Arakan being adjacent to Bengal and having greater intercourses, no doubt there were Muslims in Arakan even before Mrauk-U dynasty.238 U Aung Tha Oo says it is a fact that because of Muslim missionaries, some of Arakanese had converted to Islam.239 U HIa Tun Pru, a historian as well as a senior politician says during the reign of Min Bin (1531-1551 A.D.) three missionaries headed by U Kadir, from India arrived at Mrauk-U and did missionary works where as many Arakanese accepted Islam.240 Bon Pauk Tha Kyaw, an eminent politician of Arakan in his book The Danger of Rohingya to the Union, which was distributed amply before the election of 1990, categorized Arakan Muslims in three groups. Group (1): Those captives who were taken away by Bodaw Pyas army. Group (2): Those who ran away to Bengal.

Group (3); Those who remained in Arakan. Despite his attempt to highlight that Muslims in Arakan are latecomers from India or Bengal, he had to recognize their existence even before Burmese era.241 Major Tun Kyaw Oo (Rtd.) emphasized Rohingyas were not aliens but they are twins with Rakhine. He says early Aryan who entered Arakan branched into two groups One worshipping the Sun and the other worshipping the Moon. Candras of Wethali age were of those who worship Moon and some of them converted into Islam. The languages found in the inscription of Wethali age are very much nearest to the present day Rohingya language.242 Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung, honorary archeological officer of Mrauk-U Museum (Rakhine) writes: Min Saw Mun got back his throne with the help of Gaur Sultan and he shifted the capital to Mrauk-U in 1430 A.D. Arakan remained as vassalage of Gaur until 1531 A.D. In the time of ninth Mrauk-U King, Zaleta Saw Mun,three missionaries, Kadir, Musa and Hanu Mean from the country of Rum Pasha (Delhi Empire) came to Arakan to propagate their religion, Islam. They built Mosques all over the country and preached their religion among the people, daily. Some people believed in their faith and it spread all over the country. People converted in groups. They gave gifts to the king and he was very friendly with them. The preachers brought later other ministers from Delhi and Kadir built a Mosque at Baung Duet. Mrauk-U and other preachers, too, built such Mosques throughout the country. Their religion flourished much. But Saya Mra Wa raised a complaint with the king, at the time of Mm Bagyi, alarmed the king about the spread of new religion. Here the king stopped the missionary works. 243 [It is a translation of original Burmese book. Here utmost care is given not to deviate from the original meaning]. This missionary work and the spread of Islam in Arakan is not a strange thing. It is well known to all Burmese historians. We find these phenomena in Dannya Waddy Razwin Thit and in the works of U Ba Than, U Kyi, U Ba Shein, Dannya Waddi Sayadaw U Nyana and many others. Commentaries of Foreign Writers: Dr. Kunango highlights, the favor shown by the Arakan king and courtiers to the Muslims, led to the growth of Muslim nobility in Arakan. According to Guerreiro a certain Rumi exercised a considerable power over the king. The works of Daulat Qazi and Alaol (Two Muslim ministers since the time of Thiri Thidamma (1632-1653 A.D.) give references to a number of Muslim nobles: e.g. Lashker Wazir, Asnraf Khan, Quraishi, Magon Takhur, Sulaiman, Syed Musa, Syed Mohammed Khan, Naverez Mujlis, Syed Shah etc. who held responsible posts in Arakan administration.244 Dr. Kanungo further says by quoting Shah Alaos works; Arakanese rulers patronized learned Muslims. Muslim influence made a deep mark on the society and administration of Arakan. Poet Alaol works referred to the participation of Muslim nobility in the coronation ritual of the Arakanese monarch. Naverez Mnjlis, a senior minister officially conducted the investiture ceremony of King Sanda Thudamma. The minister formally pronounced statements regarding the solemn duty and responsibilities and urged the new king to follow these. After the conclusion of the ceremony, the sworn king paid respect to the minister.245

Dr. Kanungo narrates, the contemporary sources state that Muslim officers like Qazi, Lashker Wazir, Chaukidars, Karbaries, etc. were frequently employed in the Arakan Government, Muslim manners and antiquities were introduced in the court of Arakan. Portuguese priest, Manrique while he was staying in the court of Arakan, noticed that the visitors were required to pay Taslim, a Muslim mode of respect, before the king. He himself had to pay Six Taslims age by one, when he went to see the king. Manrique observed the differed coronation ceremony of Thiri Thudamma in 1632. He saw the arm forces that took part in the ceremony were composed of Muslims There were special Elephant and Horse Units exclusively of Muslims. He described the green velvet dress and bright swords of the armed units, in an interesting way. He further says the personeal Physician of the king was a Muslim and he had a great influence over the king. The king conversed with Manrique in Indian language.246 Niccolao Manucci, a noted Venetian traveler, in India from (16531703),in his Slona De Mogor Vol. I threw light on the Muslim population of Arakan. Muslims populations of Arakan roughly consist of four categories: namely, the Bengali, other Indian, Afro-Asian and natives. Among them the Bengali formed the largest of total Muslim population of Arakan. The inflow of captive Muslims from lower Bengal constituted much to the ever increasing of Bengali Muslims and they were called Kalahs by the Alakanese (Magh). Arakanese Muslims themselves introduce as Rohingyas to others.247 Thus Muslim culture and language had a dominant character in Arakan. Muslims can communicate in their own dialect with Rakhine until Buimese independence. Post independent period took a different cultural and linguistic trend. Rakhine and Burmese languages began to take dominant position. In the time of Arakanese kings and during the British period Muslim did not feel necessary to learn Rakhine language. However, Muslims who lived in the midst of Rakhine, speak Rakhine language well. So Francois Buchanan, a diplomat in Michael Syames mission at Ava in 1795 studied the languages of Burma, where he found two dialects, very much similar, in Aiskan, one Rovinga language, spoken by Muslims and other Rosswan language spoken by Hindus of Arakan. According to Buchanan both are much identical and of Indian stocks. He said he procured this from an Arakan Brahman and his son whom he met in Ava and they weie brought there (Amarapura) by the eldest son of Bodaw Pya on his return from Arakan episode This Brahman explained him the importance of their languages (Rovingo and Rasswan) in Arakan as a common language of Arakan. Buchanan expressed his wonder, I dont know why he (The Brahman) repeatedly says that theirs is the dominant language of Arakan.248 The study of this British diplomat leads us to the conclusion that Rohingya are not recent entrants into Burma, but a deeply rooted community in Arakan even before Burmese occupation of Arakan in 1786 A.D When Bengal was seized by Mogul emperor Akbar in 1572, from the hand of Afghan king, many Muslim high-ranking officers had to flee into Arakan kingdom where they were warmly welcomed and offered high-ranking official posts. In early Mrauk-U period a steady influx of population of Islamic faith, chiefly meicenaries from Afghan, Persia and even from Turkey as well as traders from other parts of the Muslim

world reached Arakan.249 Dr. Kanungo adds to it that Arakanese required their (the exiles) services in fighting out the enemies, the Mogul and the Portuguese, all of who were the enemies of Pathans too. Due to their martial vigor they were appointed to the responsible posts such as Rwaza, Kyunza, both meaning headman.250 In this connection Bernier, a French Physicist who lived in India nearly for a decade says, although the king of Rakhan be a gentile, yet there are many Mohammedans mix with the people, who have either chosen to rctire among them or forcibly brought from Bengal as slaves.251 The growth of Muslim population in the kingdom of Arakan was due mainly to the bringing of a large number of captive Muslims by the Magh (the name formerly known to the westerners) and Frenghi pirates from lower Bengal. D.G.E.Halls assessment is, Mohammedanism spread to Arakan but failed to make much impression upon its Buddhism. Mrohong had its Saudi Khan (Historic) Mosque and its kings assumed Mohammedan titles, but the predominance of Buddhism was never shaken.252 He further remarks from the early Christian era Buddhism spread into Arakan. At the same time Islam took root through the Arabs. This fact is obviously seen in the existing of Muslim religious buildings along side with its Buddhist ones. Official Version: The state sponsored publication, during U Ne Wins Ma-Sa-La period says though Arakan kings were Buddhists, they gave freedom to all other religions such as Brahmanism. Christianity, and Islam; thus from Wethali to Mrauk-U ages, Christian and Muslim religious buildings were allowed to build allover the country.253 Present SLORC/SPDC Government also recognizes this existence of Muslims from early period. In its publication Sasana Rongwa Tunzepho254 in 1997, it says, Islam spread in Arakan from 8

and 9


centimes. It got its route into Burma proper through Arakan. Duringthe reign of Ava Sane Min in 1709 A.D., more than three thousand Muslims from Arakan absconded into Burma [It is perhaps due to the suppressive measures of Arakan King Sanda Wiziya (1710-1730)] These Muslims were settled in 12 different places such as, Taungoo, Yamethin, Nyaung Yan, Yindaw, Meik Htilar, Pintalae, Taphetswei, Bodi, Thazi, Setottaya, Myedu and Dipeyin.255 U Khin Maung Yin of Bassein College says, this group of people due to their martial character, later, recruited by Bodaw Pya in his army and they were employed in his march to Arakan.256 These recruitments of Arakanese Muslims were also found in Bodaw Pyas official Gazettes, with their particulars. The recruits from Myedu were posted at Sandoway where their descendants were until recently known as Myedu Muslim. They numbered 4,681 in 1930 British census. Bodaw Pyas Muslim recruits took active parts in the first Anglo-Burma war. Perhaps there were many Arakanese Muslims in Bandoolas army. Some even assume Bandoola to be a Muslim from Dapyi Yin. But no concrete proofs for this claim is found. These Muslim force fought tail and nail. For example Abdul Karim (a) Bo Maung Gale heading five hundred men stationed at the south of Theingyi Talk. They fought the enemy man to man with their horses. He was a military expert but caught up by the British. He was offered high-ranking post. But he did not betray, and did not take side with the British. Many other

Arakanese Muslims did pay active military services. So at the request of these Muslim forces, king Ba Gyi Daw allowed them to build two Mosques in Rangoon, one in Peinetgon quarter and the other at the side of present day Aung San Sport Stadium. The latter presently, is known as Tachanpet Bali. These Mosques are still Rakhine Pali or Ball in their registration. When the British removed its garrison from Mrauk-U to Akyab in 1826, they found a few modern temples in Akyab, which are interesting in as much as their architectural style is a mixture of Burmese turreted Pagoda and the Mohammedan four-cornered minaret structure, surmounted by a hemispherical cupola The worship too is mixed, both temples were visited by Mohammedans and Buddhists and Budder Mokan has also its Hindu votaries. The Budder Mokan is said to have been founded in 1756, by the Muslim in memory of one Badder Aulia, whom they regard as an eminent Saint.257 Further Dannya Waddy Areydawbon, narrated there were Muslim settlements and Muslim Mrowun (Mayors) in Akyab. Despite all these historic records all Muslims in Arakan today are subject to official discrimination and treated as aliens. CHAPTER XII ARAKANESE PATRONIZATION OF BENGALI LITERATURE Many Rohingyas, in remote places, cannot speak Rakhine or Burmese language properly, not because they are recent entrants but because, historically they were in full freedom to develop their own language. Until Burmese independence their language, informally, was the common language of communication at least in northern Arakan. Their dialect most similar but not identical to Chittagonian, was very influential in the time of Magh (Rakhine) reign. Dr. Kanungo says politically Chittagong was subjugated by Arakan, but culturally it was Arakan, which was greally influenced by a stronger culture and a more powerful language. A number of competent Bengalis were appointed to high Government posts.258 People of all ranks enjoyed the literary beauty of Bengali works. One of the foremost factors for the phenomenal growth of Bengali literature in the view of Dr. Anamul Haq was the superiority of Bengali language on the Arakanese.259 Dr.Sukumer Sen rightly says, from this time Bengali was accepted at the Arakan court as the chief cultural language,mainly because many of the high officials of Arakan came from Chittagong and other neighboring territories whose mother tongue was Bengali.260 Arakanese rulers, especially in 17

century gave encouraging support to the cultivation of Bengali

literature. Their kings enthusiasm inspired the same feeling in their Bengali courtiers under whose care and guidance, some gifted Muslim poets wrote many of their master pieces.261 It is really amusing to note that the Bengali literature was being cultivated in a foreign country under the patronage of alien

rulers. The most interesting of all is that being in deadly hostility with the Moguls in their foreign relations the Arakanese monarchs at home granted the greatest privileges to the Muslims, extended patronage to the Islamic culture and gave influential support to the Muslim poets in their literary persuits.262 Dr. Sukumer Sen writes Daulat Qazi, the most gifted poet of medieval Bengali literature, under the aegis of Ashraf Khan, the commander in chief of the kings army, translated Laura Chandrani, a romantic tale of northern India. But he could not live to finish that piece, which was completed by another Bengali author. It was a famous and widely read book in Arakan and copies are found in the hands of many Rohingya. Another gifted but comparatively little known poet of the court of Raja Thiri Thudamma was Mardan, author of Nasira Nama, but little is known about the poets carrier fiom his works. But it is said he is Arakanese by birth. By far the most widely known poet among the Arakanese court Poet was Alaol. In his early life his poetical potentiality attracted the notice of Suleiman, an Arakanese courtier who requested the poet to complete the work of Laura Chanda Rani, which had been left unfinished by his illustrious predecessor Daulat Qazi. With the completion of this work, his poetic fame spread all over the kingdom Magon Siddiq Takur, an influential Arakan courtier of literary merit, requested Alaol to translate the well-known Peisian romantic poem on Saiful-Mulk-Badiyuzzamal, into Bengali. Unfortunately for the poet the patron did not live long to see the work finished. The untimely death of Magun Takur, so much overpowered the poet with grief that he practically gave up writing anymore. Luckily for the poet Mohammed Musa, Commander of Royal Army appeared as a rescuer who saved the poet from grief and distress. He assured the poet of genuine help and requested him to get through the work. It was accordingly done under the care of same pation. The port translated the Poet Nazamis Hafta Payakar into Bengali. Another work is the translation of Tuhfa of Yusuf Gada, a Persian writer. After suffering a great deal at the hand of Arakanese king (Sanda Thudamma) in connection with his alleged collaboration with Shah Shujah s revolt against the Arakanese ruler, the poet again took his pen under the protection of Nevuiez MujIis (Sanda Thudarninas chief minister) and translated Poet Nizamis (another) work, named Iskander Nama into Bengali as Sikander Nama. (In the early nights of dry season, whenever they got leisure time, Rohingyas used to recite and listen, in big gathering, this Sikander Nama, almost in every village. And the gathering is usually entertained with betel, tea and cheroots, where as in some cases the owner of the house where they gathered served them with a feast. It has been a life tradition in Rohingya of Arakan). It is an admitted fact that Alaol is the greatest figure among the 17 century Bengali writers. As many sided genius as he was, he showed high power of imagination, mastery of versification, profound learning in both Islamic and Hindu scriptures and skill in a number of languages. He was proficient in writing Puthi and Pardavati to an equal degree. An interesting feature of the history of Bengali literature is that in 16 century, the Hindu poets took a leading part in the cultivation of Bengali literature, under the patronization of Muslim rulers, but in 17
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century the Muslim poets came to the forefront in the cultivation of Bengali literature under the patronization of non-Muslimrulers in an alien country, Arakan. It is generally amusing to note that the

greatest poet of 17 century was a Muslim (Alaol), who wrote high Sanskritized Bengali where as the greatest poet of 18 century was a Hindu, Bharat Chandra,whose language is marked by a profuse use of Pcisian diction.263 Alaol patron Magoh Takur also, was a poet of no small merit. The title of Takur was conferred on him by Arakan ruler who used to confer that title on persons of the highest rank and distinction. One of his poetical compositions was the Chandra Vati, a story of love between Prince Barbhan with one Princess Chandra Vati. Magon Takur died most probably in 1660. Another important Muslim Poet and writer was Abdul Karim Kandakhar. He said his great grand father, Rasul Mia, was a custom officer under the Arakan king, while his grand father, Masan Ali, was an interpreter at the port where foreign ships and merchants used to come. Abdul Karims father Ali Akbar also was a man of learning. Abdul Karim under patronage of a wealthy merchant, Siddiq Nana Atiabar, translated into Bengali a Persian work entitled Dulla Majlis in 1789. Previously he had composed two other works, Hajar Masail, Tarnam Anjari, also on the basis of Persian work. Abdul Karim in his Dulla Majlis mentioned the village of Bandar, Mrohong, where they regularly, gathered in Mosques and discussions on learning and religion took place.264 Poet Alaols father was a courtier of Majlis Qutub of Faridpur (Bengal). Once while going by boat through one of the rivers in lower Bengal, the father and son were attacked by the Portuguese pirates. The father was killed during the battle that ensued while Alaol was wounded and taken prisoner. Later on he found himself in Arakan, where he had been a cavalry officer of Arakan king. Besides being a good soldier, however, Alaol was a great scholar, poet and musician, having perfect command of a number of languages: Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit, Bengali and Hindi. Soon his qualities attracted the notice of Magon Siddiq Takur, who was chief minister of two successive Arakan kings from 1645-1660. Alaols grave (Burial site) is still found with a little tomb in Myauk Taung village, Kyauk Taw Township.There was a Muslim village before 1942 communal riot. Under Magon Siddiqs patronization Alaol wrote many books. CHAPTER XIII CANDRAS AND THE PRESENT DAY RAKHINES The present day Rakhme as is explained in chapter one and two, couldnt be genealogically the same as to the people of Dannya Waddy and Wethali dynasties. Those early people were Aryan in descends. They claimed to be Candra Bamshi, descendants from the moon. After all they are Indians, very much like to the people of Bengal. The scriptures of those early days found in Arakan, indicate that they were in early Bengali script and hence the culture there also was Bengali Dr. Kanungo says the Shitthaung Temple Pillar supplies a long list of Candra rulers, reigning for more than five hundred years. The first king of this lineage was Bala Chandra who was also the founder of the dynasty. The king Bala Chandra seemed to be identical with king Bala Chandra of Tharanaths history.


The Shitthaung Pillar inscription doesnt specifically mention the territorial jurisdiction of the kings who reigned several hundred years earlier than the time of engravement of the inscription. Tharanaths history states that king Bala Chandra was driven out from his ancestral kingdom. He established a new kingdom in Bengal II might be that one of his successors conquered Arakan and made it his administrative headquarter there.265 The possibility of a connection of whatsoever kind between the Chandra dynasty of Arakan and the Chandra dynasty of East Bengal belonging to the same period cannot be ruled out. The kings of both lines were Buddhist in faith..Monarchs of both of these lines used either Nagari (Sanskrit) or the script belonging to the eastern group in their coins and inscriptions. The designs of the coins issued by both of these lines have such a striking similarities that one may confuse the coins of one country with those of other. But there is no evidence yet to prove the two Royal families were related to each other. The inscription of Chandra of Eastern Bengal have no reference to Arakan and the inscriptions of Chandra of Arakan in their turn had a very faint reference to their counterpart of East Bengal. Modern scholars have so far endeavored to establish some sort of connection between the Chandras of Wethali and those of East Bengal.266 A Copper plate discovered in Nasir Abad Chittagong, in 1874 A.D. indicated the names of some rulers: it shows Porushutama Modhumattana Deva, Vasudeva andDamodara Deva as the rulers. These rulers were Visnuvite in their faith and claimedthemselves Chandra Vamsi or descendants from the moon.267 In these contexts, we find rulers in both Arakan and East Bengal were Chandra Vamsi. The public in both sides were the same. The present day Rakhines who are proved, in previous chapters, as Tibeto-Burman are difficult to put at the same par with the people of Chittagong today or with the people of Wethali period of Arakan. Bruwas and Rohingyas of Arakan today have greater possibility to have genealogical and cultural relationships with those people of Wethali age. Descendants of the Chandra in East Bengal are Bengali today.So descendants of the Chandras in Arakan should also logically be the same Bengalis. Bengali affiliated peoples in Arakan are of course Bruwas and Rohingyas today. Although western historians proved Rakhine to be a branch of Tibeto-Burman, who entered from 10

century A.D., some Arakanese try to tiace their origin in the west rather than in the east. The Arakanese are in average a bit taller and appear stouter. R B. Smart says they appear to have gradually imbibed of the physical as well as the moral and social characteristics of the natives of India, with whom they have, for at least centuries, much intermixed. They are darker than the Talaing and perhaps rather darker than the Burmans and the type of countenance is as much Aryan as Mongolian.268 Arakan maritime communication is exposed to the west for many centuries. From the early Christian era to the modern time foreigners have had contacts with Arakan. Many of who got the chance to establish little colonies and settlements. There were instances where intermarriages took place with foreigners. Arakan kings had to prohibit taking out the off springs of these mix-marriages. But Thiri Thudamma (a) Salim Shah II 1652-1682 allowed the Dutch to take away their off springs of their mix marriages.269 The

off springs of mix-marriages with Buruwas and Hindus usually became Buddhist and Rakhines. We cannot deny the fact too; many women captives brought from lower Bengal were made housewives and concubines, who might have produced children vvilh Indian complexion. R. B. Smart further says the childien of mix-marriages between Hindus and Arakanese tend to become assimilated by the Arakanese in their first or second generation. Some Arakanese try to trace their origin in Maggheda, India. But researchers say the dialect spoken in Chittagong originates from Maghadhi Parakrit or Maghadi Aphabhramasa.It is characterized by penetration of a large number of indigenous and foreign words. In early Christian era, after the time of king Ashok, Hindu revivalist suppressed the Buddhists and many had fled into the east. From this migrant people of Magheda, Chittagonians got ample vocabularies.According to Dr.S.B.Chatterjee, the dialect of Chittagong evolved from Magadhi Parakrit or Eastern Indian Parakrit, which was cunent in Magadha and its adjoining areas in ancient period.270 So the Rakhine people whose language is quite different with Chittagonian cannot be put at the same par Next Rakhine people who are said to enter Arakan only after 10 century A.D., cannot be ethnically linked with the Magadhi people who migrated to the east, including Arakan, in the early period of Christian era. So Rakhine were formerly called Magh not because they are descendants of Maghadhi people, but indeed because of other reasons which are subject to further researches by scholars. CHAPTER XIV BURMESE PERIOD As we have seen in pievious chapter, political situation in Arakan after king Sanda Thudamma, began to deteriorate day by day, save a short period of Sanda Wiziyas reign from 1710 to 1731 A.D. Looting arson and chaos spread all over the country People from Arakan proper discontented with the rule of a king from Ramree race. So, some of them invited Bodaw Pya of Ava to help them dethrone. Maha Thamada, the Ramree king. Burmese forces under three Princes invaded Arakan frorn three sides Arakanese army near Kyauk Pru was defeated at the hand of Burmese naval force and the Burman advanced towards the capital and took possession of it, meeting with hardly any resistance. In some cases the crowds, village by village, came out to welcome the advancing army with dance and bands. The country was annexed and Maha Thamada Raja was taken prisoner to Ava, where he died shortly after. Burmese divided Arakan into four administrative parts, each was governed by a governor. The divisions were Akyab, Ramree, Sandoway and Ann. Here Governor (Myo Wun) of Ramree was Sayagyi U Nu of Shwebo, a Mislim, perhaps a descendant of 3,700 Arakanese Muslims who fled to Ava in early 18 Century.
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But not very later the very men who invited the Burman were leading insurgency against them. Chan Byan who is usually styled king Berring in the official account of this period, the son of the very man who invited Burman into Arakan, twice raised a revolt, and his standard was joined by most of the respectable Arakanese families; but the rising was finally suppressed and those who could do so escaped to Chittagong Hence Chan Byan continued intrigues till he died in 1815. During this time large numbers of the inhabitants escaped into Chittagong and other parts of lower Bengal.271 In D.G.E. Halls words, in 1798 there occurred a further abortive Arakanese rising and in consequence, another exodus of refugees. It was estimated that there was no less than 50,000 of them in the Chitlagnng district. So desperate was their plight that in 1799. Captain Hariman Cox was sent to superintend relief measures and died there while engaged upon his difficult task. Hence that place began to be known as Cox Bazaar.272 For each division of Arakan, Bodaw Pya appointed a Governor and Mayors for towns.This was a time when British and French were competing to penetrate into the market of Burma. Both want to monopolize Burma, which British felt impossible without military occupation. So British were watching for a chance to intervene in Burmese affairs In the meantime Arakanese insurgency at the border lead the two sides into dispute. Some frequent border skirmishes occurred. Burma demanded the expulsion of Arakanese but British denied it. There were diplomatic initiatives to defuse Ihe tension, but was not very fruitful At the time of Bodaw Pyas occupaiion, Arakans population was about three hundred thousands. Thousands of Muslims and Buddhists were herded away to Burma as captives Mahamuni Image, too, was carried away Burmese rule then was very cruel, heavy taxation,forced labor were enforced. So there were armed resistance, which invited further cruelties and consequently more people had to flee (into Bengdl).273 D.G.E.Hall says the problem of Chin Byan and Burmese incursion in pursuit of the rebels continued until Chin Byan died in 1815 A. D..274 Forced labor to work on Meiktila Lake and Mingon Pagoda and to serve against Chiengmai were called. Thus people deserted Arakan and it was overgrown with jungles, there were nothing left to be seen but utter desolation, morass, pestilence and death.275 The Burmese claimed the surrender of all fugitives. British denied on ground (that) all are not criminals; some are political refugees and simply harmless people fleeing from death. Although British took some actions against the rebels they could never catch NgaChin Byan, lord of Saing Daing, Akyab District, the leader of 1797 and many subsequent risings. For seventeen years he had led his people gallantly, but he never had a chance because he had relied on the other leaders for nothing save to fail him, out of jealousy at the critical moment.276 In the meantime, British noticed Burmese effort to get contact with Maharajas of India and French maneuvers to obtain closer relationship with Burma.

In the reign of Bagyi Daw 1819 1837, the grandson and successor of Bodaw Pya, there arose the problem of Manipur. Cachar and Assam, which was then under Burmese rule and British, had declared Cachar as its protected state. At the same time, in September 1823, a territorial dispute over Chamapuri (Shahpuri) island at the mouth of Naf River arose.Thus hostilities on both Cachar and Arakan front let to open war. British declare war on 5 March 1824. Burma confronted with an army of 60.000 men, headed by Maha Bandoola.277 It is said Maha Bandoola recruited many combat experienced men from Arakan, most of whom were Muslims. It is learned and passed mouth to mouth up to us by our older generations that Yusuf Ali son of Roshan Ali, was one of the recruits. Shwe Dah Khazi (a) Abdul Karim Qazi of Minbya resisted the British, too, where he became prisoner of the British army and was put in Calcutta jail.278 On 11 May the British entered Rangoon form the sea with 11,500 men mostly Madras sepoys. Bandoola retreated from his Panwa campaign, transferred his forces to Rangoon. It was rainy season; British could not advance much for months. But in the battle of Danubyu, Bandoola was killed by a British shell, and his hosts fled on the spot. The British occupied Prome in April 1825 and Pagan in February 1826. By the treaty signed on 24 February 1826 at Yandobo, a village in Myingyan, the Burmese ceded Arakan and Tenasserim and paid an indemnity of Rs. During the reign of Bodaw Pya Muslims were allowed to settle their social and religious disputes in accordance with their religious veidict. There was a kings decree in this regard, which was known as Bodaw Pya Pyandann. Under this decree many religious judges in the name of Qazi were officially appointed. One of the famous Qazi was Abdul Karim of Minbya, who was honored with a Gold Sword by the king. Thence he was called Shwe Dah Qazi and still there is a Mosque built in Minbya in the name of Shwe Dah Qazi. He was also offered gold betel box, which still is in the possession of his great grand daughter, daughter of Thakin Zainuddin, Principal of National High School, Akyab. Throughout Arakan there were many Qazis who exercised their role even during the British period. The Government appointed them and provided them with seals of their office. These seals are still found in Arakan. The recently Famous Qazis were Qazi Obeidul Haq of Sein Oo Chamg, Kyauktaw and Qazi Maqbool Ahmed of Sein Oo Byin, Buthidaung. The reason for the conquest of Arakan was mostly attributed to Bodaw Pyas vast plans of ambition to conquest another crown. The same strive prompled him to extend its empire westwards, as he planned to possess himself of the British India and even attacked the great Mogul [I cannot say how far it is true because it is the assessment of the western riters]. It is true that he first refused the request of Arakan Kings son to assist him against he authors of rebellion. Yet new trouble and dissentions had then arisen in the Mrauk-U, hich prompted king Bodaw Pya to take this opportunity to invade its antagonist, i.e the akhine kingdom.280 Another version equally reported by some Rakhine prisoners brought as slaves into urmese empire, was that Mrauk-U inhabitants were grossly deceived by the Burmese: for hey said that upon the approach of
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the army, heralds were sent forth to ask the cause of their coning where unto answer was made that they came to worship and honor with due solemnity to the great idol (Mahamuni) venerated in their city.281 CHAPTER XV BRITISH PERIOD I am not going to discuss in detail the military aspect of the Anglo-Burmese war, British maritime and land attacks overwhelmed the Burmese. Burmese retreated across the mountain into Pegu. Arakan was captured. There was an Arakanese force along with the British in the Arakanese front. Bandoola again began to resist British advance from Rangoon. There were fierce battles for months. Bandoola was killed by a shell of British at Danupyu British advanced up to Pagan in February 1826. British advance was ended at Yandabo, a village in Myingyan on 24 February of 1826 with a treaty, by which Arakan and Tenassserim became British territory. Shortly afterwards, when the main body of British troop was withdrawn, one regiment was left in Arakan and a local battalion was raised, partly to keep law and order and partly to repel the incursion of wild tribes occupying the hills For several years the country was more or less in disturbed state and within two years establishment of a native dynasty was plotted for. The leaders were three men: Aung Kyaw Ri, a brother-in-law of Chin Byan, Aung Kyaw San, his nephew; both of whom had rendered assistance to the British army and received appointment under British Government, the other is Shwe Pan, also a British official. In 1827 attempts were made to tamper with the men of local battalion. But British controlled it and action was taken. In 1836, another rebellion broke out but was suppressed. From time to time until early 20 century a number of insurrections broke out, all of which were branded as dacoity and suppressed all. Arakan was ruled by the Governor of British India. At first Chiltagong commissioner controlled it, and then a separate commissioner was appointed According to the report of first British commissioner, the population of Arakan in 1826 was about one hundred thousand. It was almost a depopulated area. But following the British occupation, people soon flocked in, mainly those who escaped before and during the war.The country became more settled and immigration increased. People seemed joyful to come back to their home. More or less rule of law prevailed. British administration took firm root. General census was taken every ten years. Agriculture was extended. Economic growth took momentum. Workers from Chittagong began to flock into Arakan. Thus the census returns showed an increase. Ethnic races save Hindus and Muslims were recorded on ethnic basis in census. Hindus and Muslims were altogether shown under the column of religion. There was no question of national and non-national because all are under British rule. Here the increase in Muslim population is mainly due to the inclusion of seasonal laborers who used to come from Chittagong area. But in late colonial period the nationality question rose in political atmosphere. So
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Arakanese Muslims, becoming aware of their nationality protested to the Government to record them separately as Burmese nationals. British Government failed to separate natives and seasonal workers in census. But from 1921, only some Burmese speaking Muslims were shown as Arakanese Mohammedans or Kamans. Non-Rakhine speaking natives still remained in the census as Muslims along with the alien workers. The British deliberately or unknowingly, made a mistake not to separate the non-Rakhine speaking Muslims of Arakan who had been living in the country for many centuries. In the words of British researcher Gil Christ and Francois Burchanan, they are deeply rooted community and their language was dominant in Arakan even before British occupation.282 In some cases British census are not accurate and reliable. About the reliability of British census, a British officer was quoted by Martin Smith as follows:British censuses are found to be very unreliable. While the basic Ethno-Linguistic Categories still in use today are British in origin, many of the British methods of survey proved unsatisfactory in Burma.In various Government censuses and reports there were constant shifts in criteria for what was deemed an ethnic group. As one of the frustrated British officers noted in an appendix to the 1931 census, some of the races and tribes in Burma changed their race almost as often as they changed their clothes. Simply asking the question mother tongue as opposed to language ordinarily used in the home produce, a dramatic 61% increase in the population of Mon in Burman between the census of 1921 and 1931.283 The increase of census return in Arakan was due to seasonal workers who are also included in the census, disregard of the place of their native. But in the same census reports, we find that these workers mostly from Chittagong District were not settlers but they returned once the season of works is over. R. B. Smart says the first lot that comes, arrive in time for ploughing season and with the exception of a few who obtained further employments, returned to their home. The next lot and by far the Iarger number arrive in time for reaping transport and handling of the paddy at the mills and at the port of Akyab.. After the reaping the laborers execute such earthwork as has to be done, some proceed to the mills or find employment on boats while others return home. By the middle of May the season in Akyab is over and thereafter only a few stragglers rernain.284 So it is crystal clear, that the inclusion of seasonal laborers in the census should not be a reason to deny Rohingya, their bon-a-fide ancestry and nationality in Arakan. To have more light in this regard there are assessments of western researchers. Richard Adiof and Virginia Thompson, in their minority problems in South-East Asia, categorically described the Chittagonian workers in Arakan to be different from immigrants who used to come into Burma from India. They say the Indians, who came to Burma, are businessmen, office workers and coolies and they, more or less settled permanently in Burma, unlike the Chittagonians in Arakan who return back after the working season.285 In census male population is greater than female because all the workers are male. Further, there were foreigners act of 1864 cind the registration of foreigners act of 1940. Burmese immigration acts are very harsh from the beginning: so no foreigners dare stay permanently without

registration. Thus, in Arakan too, there were thousands of registered foreigners, most of who returned during the 1942 communal riots and the others after the advent of U Ne Wins military Government, which had confiscated all businesses of foreigners. In Arakan, there are still some foreigners though few in number, most of who are aged now. An Arakanese politician of high reputation, Bonpauk Tha Kyaw, in his book distributed among all political parties in 1990, described the population of Arakan at the time of British occupation to be only about 100.000. According to him this consists of 60.000 Rakhines, 30,000 Muslims and 10,000 Burmans. This ratio indicates one Muslim for every two Rakhines. These Muslims of pre British periods according to all constitutions and citizenship laws of Burma are Burmas genuine citizens. That was why from the time of Bogyoke Aung Sans Government up to the advent of SLORC Government. Rohingyas were never subjected to get registered as foreigners. There are hundreds and thousands of Rohingya villages in Arakan; all Rohingyas had been registered since 1951-1952, under Myanmar population registration act of 1949 and Myanmar population registration rule of 1951. Article 33 of said rule prohibited foreigners to be registered under these acts and rules. Under these acts and rules all Rohingyas got their National Registration Cards in contrast to foreigners who have to take Foreigners Registration Cards under the clauses of foreigner registration rule. Today Rohingyas are not issued Nationality Scrutiny Cards under new citizenship law of 1982. But section 6 of that new citizenship law reads those who already became citizens before the enforcement of this law in 1982, are citizens too. Hence Rohingyas are deserved to obtain the Nationality Scrutiny Cards as they have been enjoying full citizenship since Burmese independence. In British time social and economic life in Arakan developed up to some extent Government schools were opened in every Town.But what the British encouraged is Urdu schools for Muslims. This separation of education made Rohingyas handicapped from social integration with their sisterly people Rakhine and led them to be barred from government employment after independence. There was a section of educated Rohingya, including Thakin Zainuddin, the Principal of National High School, Akyab, who opposed the Urdu school system. But they were not successful. 1942 Communal Riot It is a tragic event. It has racial and political aspects. Many people have its detailed records Karballah-lArakan, in Urdu written by Advocate Khalilur Rehman of Akyab and the diary of Thakin Zainuddin, Principal of National High School, Akyab, are self-experienced and eye witnessed records. But these copies are not in my hand today. Some writers are found to be bias. Some try to exaggerate: only the accesses of other party while concealing their own misconducts. I would try to be fair and neutral. I cannot go into detail as it may effect some quarter and perhaps it would mean airing old hatred. So here most of the narration will be the extraction from the writing of Bonpauk Tha Kyaw,an Arakanese and Moshe Yegar, an Israeli;A few short paragraphs will be from some British officers and U Thein Pe Mymts

writings.Some paragraphs are condensed by extracting from various pages of Bonpauk Tha KyawsOn the Route to the Revolution (Tawlanrey Khariwai). Bonpauk says there was all Arakan National Unity Organization. It was headed by Sayadaw U Sein Da, U Tha Zan HIa. U Aung Zan Wai, U Kyaw Oo and many others. Basically it is a Rakhine patriotic but moderate organization. In early 1941, at the Kyauktaw conference they decided to take side with Japan because Japan was coming in collaboration with BIA.286 Thakin Soe attended the conference as a representative of GCBA headquarter, Rangoon. When in late 1941, BIA entered Burma and Japan bombed some towns in lower Burma, British forces had withdrawn; law and order deteriorated. So Indians in Burma side began to flee westwards in flocks. Many of them look the route of Taung Gup pass to fetch steamer in Akyab, where steamers go to Calcutta weekly. Many ran away from Maungdaw, Buthidanug route to Chittagong. Foreigners in Arakan, too, fled along with them. Arakanese on the whole are more advance than other minorities in Arakan and they had a very close link with the Burmese Leadership of that time. They were fully cooperating with Burmese politicians. Bonpauk writes; at that time there were Rajput and Karen forces in Akyab while main forces of British regular army were withdrawn to Maungdaw north.The administration of Arakan was trusted with one U Kyaw Khaing an I.C.S.(Lawyer). He was empowered with martial law authority. He now is a Major. But there happened to be a vacuum of systematic Government. Rule and order deteriorated in Arakan. There were police stations in the towns with a few police personnel. Unscrupulous gangs took law in their own hands. Chaos and terror spread all over Arakan save Akyab, Buthidaung and Maungdaw, where still the influence of British army remains, Bonpauk says Japan first bombed Akyab on 23

March 1942. The

Karen force left behind by the British was highly disheartened. They wanted to return to Rangoon. As Japan was bombing Akyab, the Karen force ran in disarray. This time I (Bonpauk) made friendship with some Karen constables. During heavy bombardment, I entered Plauk-Taung military and police cantonment where no inmates at all and I found a lot of new rifle bullets. For further collection of weapons and bullets from the Karen force, I made secret arrangement with Ko Maung Sein Tun and U Pinnya Thiha (Sayadaw). I became very friendly with a jail warder too. And through him I got contact with Naghani U Tun Shwe and ex-minister U Ba Oo, who were in jail 287then. Bonpauk further says, once there was a heavy bombing. I got some weapons and ammunition (from Plauk Taung Cantonment) and I put them in Ko Maung Sein Tuns house at south Shwe Bya. Later I transferred them for so many tunes to Laung Che Chanug (perhaps in Min Bya) along with the Karens, with four oared wooden boat. At that time there was military rule (of U Kyaw Khaing) at Akyab. Dwellers in the downtown ran away to the countryside. Akyab was a deserted city.288 In many towns in Arakan, civil administration had collapsed. Sayadaw U Gandama, in Mrohong:U Thein Kyaw Aung, U Kyaw Ya, U Pan Tha Aung, in Min Bya, and U Tun HIa Aung in Pauk Taw established their

own military administrations. British administration remained in Akyab, Buthidaung and Maungdaw only. In the meantime Muslim and Rakhine riot had started from Rakchaung village in Myebon Township and Pann Mraungyi Chaung village in Min Bya.289 In Min Bya we (Bonpauk and his comrades) did not find U Pinnya Thiha. So I did gathered some 400 youths and explained them not to make communal strife, which will only serve the British, who want to divide us. [From other sources it is learned it was early April of 1942 and was a very serious period. Arson, looting, burning and killing were on their height. Pan Mraung Gyi bazaar in Minbya Township, where almost all shopkeepers were Muslims, was burnt down.] But the rioting gangs have their own militants. I was not successful to persuade them. The gang leader U Shwe Ya arrested me and put in the police station of Minbya. [This means though there were police constables, they had no authority.] However, we were later released by the intercession of Thauk Kya Aung, a schoolteacher, who had some influence in those areas. At that time civil administration was totally finished. U Kyaw Khaing, empowered with martial law was wandering throughout the district with his Rajput and Gurkha force. He shot down any suspected man on his way. He came to Minbya. He redeemed the money taken away by Thakin force from the treasury from the towns elders. As I was in police custody we saw the Major (U Kyaw Khaing) in front of the station at 9:00 PM. We were so much frightened. But the Myo Paing (T. 0) U Maung Tha Pru was clever enough and courageous enough to persuade the Major to go out of the station. He, the Major, was a cruel man, drunk all the time. He returned with his M.G.B boat at the same night. This is the time when BIA army camped in Ponna Gyun. At the mean time communal riot in Kyauktaw was on its height. U Thauk Kya Aung, the headmaster, help arranged a meeting with Thien Kyaw Aung, the ringleader of the not activities. Our meeting in Minbya with these militant leaders, U Thein Kyaw Aung, U Kyaw Ya and many others were not very successful but hundreds of their followers had accepted our opinions, not to fight amongst ourselves. The ringleaders were boasting to have killed 200 (two hundred), 300 (three hundred) Kalahs personally. However, after two, three days crucial negotiations, the militant leader agreed to undergo a training course for their followers.290 So we (Bonpauk and colleagues) arranged some military training for the militants, so as to use in the AntiBritish campaign. Meanwhile BIA headed by Bo Rang Aung arrived at Minbya. U Thein Kyaw Aung and his followers amalgamated with us, including the army of Bo Rang Aung. Ko Mya was designated for Arakan administration. We marched to Ponnagyun and camped at Kyauk Seik. The Japanese force arrived too, where some skirmishes with the remnants of British patrolling along with steamer were heard [Since Bonpauk was collaborating with riot ring leaders such as U Them Kyaw Aung and U Kyaw Ya, Muslims suspected him to have his hands behind the riot activities. In the same way as police force in the

towns were inactive or do nothing to control the rioting, their boss U Kyaw Khaing is assumed to have encouraged the rioters. It was a real consensus amongst the Muslims then] U Kyaw Khaing, the martial law administrator of Arakan seized all licensed guns from Muslims. During this time he went by his M.G.B steamer to Buthidaung, perhaps to give guidelines to the police force there and put some money in the treasury of Buthidaung, which seemed more secure place for theGovrinment money. This period was very unstable. Law and order was in the hands of unscrupulous rioting leaders. It was a time when the Law of jungle ruled. Thousands and thousands of refugees from inner Arakan reached Butnidaung area. Minority Rakhines in Maungdaw and Buthidaung became targets of their retaliation. On his (the D Cs) return jouiney, his steamer was ambushed by the Muslim refugees (who escaped from inner Arakan) near Guda Prang, a village in the south of Buthidaung. U Kyaw Khaing (the D.C) was injuied and later died on the steamer. It proceeded to Akyab. To the agony of fate, when the M. G B steamer reached near Ponna Gyun it was fired by BIA. So his steamer turned back where Dr. Aung Tha HIa jumped down into the river and died with bullet injuries. From Kyauk Seik, BIA continued its march to Akyab through Amyint Gyun, Kyak Khaing Dan and Thekkebyin. There, BIA could seize Plauk Taung cantonment and Akyab imperial bank. All British remnants fled away. In Akyab along with Bo Rang Aungs BIA force, we tried to defuse the riot and held discussions with Muslim leaders. First we met with advocate U Yasin and he promised full co-operation in regard of relaxing the riot. But the riot situation in Buthidaung and Maungdaw area was serious.291 [Rakhine Minority on the west side of May Yu river was terrorized and in some places there were mass killings by Muslims especially by those who came from inner Arakan and villages in the east of May Yu River were deserted, most of which were burnt down by Rakhine armed gangs of looters. Mass killing of Muslims occurred in Apauk-Wa mountain pass, Lan Gwein village, Rathedaung and Sein Thay Byin, Buthidaung.] This time Bo Rang Aung arranged Arakan and Akab district administration at a meeting in the primary school in Rupa Quarter, Akyab. U Tha Za HIa, U Aung Tun Oo, U San Tun Aung and U Pho Mya Sein were the members of District Administration. Arakan State administration was trusted to Ko Mya. Township administrations in other towns were also formed. At the meantime U Thein Kyaw Aung assured us that they would not attack any native Muslims. Japan force (though late for some weeks) too, arrived at Akyab.292 Here U Pinnya Thiha (Sayadaw) brought news that thousands of Rakhines at Buthidaung were at the point of death, and were rounded up by refugees and local Kalahs (Muslims), and that it was our duty to rescue them. So Bo Rang Aung, his assistant U Mya, U Pinnya Thiha, the leaders of Arakan National Unity Organization and myself (Bonpauk) secretly arranged some arms and ammunitions to send to Buthidaung for the helpless Rakhines. We loaded these weapons on a steamer (of Arakan Flotilla

Company) at Sekroo Kya Jetty at night. Ko Nyo Tun was on the steamer. But before the daybreak, Japan force arrived and seized all arms and ammunitions and Ko Nyo Tun was saved only by repeated intercession of Bo Rang Aung.293 [This sort of transporting of weapons, secretly, and many other activities such as co-operation with those militant rioters, led the Muslims of Arakan, to suspect Bonpauk and his associates to be biased and to be Godfather of the 1942 communal riots.] We learned from U Kyaw Khaing (D. C) that money from all treasuries of Arakan State was transferred into the treasury of Buthidaung. After his death British administration in Buthidaung and Maungdaw too, were paralyzed. Hundreds of Rakhine in Buthidaung Township were killed by refugees and local Muslims. But situation in Maungdaw was a bit better. Rakhines there got the help of some (British) officials, and some had resisted the attack of Muslims and most of them were able to ciuss into the British area in India.294 [These refugees were camped at Dainaspur, India). We further learned that British occasionally used to come into Maungdaw town, in its military excursions. Yet we decided to go there and try to make peace. So a BIA unit headed by Bo Rang Aung himself proceeded to Buthidaung. In this mission, Ko Myint, Ko Tha Tun Oo (BCP Rakhine State EC), U Pinnya Thiha, U Pho Khaing. Advocate U Yasin and myself (Bonpauk) were accompanied. [Here Bo Rang Aung took two persons, native of Buthidaung, to help guide them the way. One was Haji Mohammed Sultan of Sein Nyint Bya and the other was U Ba Khin (a) Ashab Uddin of Rwat Nyo Daung] The steamer of Bo Rang Aung reached Buthidaung without any resistances or disturbances. We (Bonpauk and party) got the money in Buthidaung treasury. Some coins scattered on the floor of treasury were distributed among the Daingnet Refugees. Arms from the police were also seized. On the other side, it is said so called Arakan militant groups had made arrangement not to attack the bona-fide Muslim villages in inner Arakan. [In these connections Muslim sources said there was an signed agreement between so called Rakhine National Unity Organization headed by U Tha Zan HIa on Rakhine side and U Zainuddin, Headmaster of National High School, Akyab, Headmaster U Syed Ahmed and U Azim Uddin (Dwashi) on the Muslim side]. But later this treaty of bond, not to attack each other, was broken. [Aliens or nationals, all Muslims indiscriminately became target of attacks. Kywe Oo Chaing and Apauk- Wa Rohingya villages were burnt-down. These villagers suffered much in men and materials.A great many refugees, from Myebon, Minbya and Mrohong gathered at Khaung Dauk - Alegyun village. They had an arrangement to resist any aggression. They fenced the village with big logs of wood. They had some firearms too. A big encounter or reciprocal fighting broke out there. Some days passed and Muslims could not withstand the attacks with rifle and had to runaway in disarray. Thousands were killed there. No one got proper burial. Those trying to cross the Kaladan River near Radanabon (Naariyong) village, too, were chased and most were killed at the bank and across the nver]. Again to go back to Bo Rang Aung s mission, Bonpauk Tha Kyaw says he (Bo Rang Aung) was not happy with Thein Kyaw Aung and other militant groups. Thein Kyaw Aung was about to get death

sentence, but I succeeded in saving U Thein Kyaw Aung.At Buthidaung he tried to maintain law and order. He discussed the ways to defuse communal tension. He proceeded to Maungdaw next flay Despite my warning, he went and held a big mass meeting on the football ground of Maungdaw high school. But it was disturbed by some Kalah (Muslim) refugees. Firing broke out and the meeting was collapsed. A BIA officer and two Rakhine constables were killed. Bo Rang Aung and party had to rush back to Bulhidaung. 295 [Muslim sources say in fact it was an act of British remnants. There were British forces in Maungdaw area; where as Boli Bazaar was British Headquarter then. There were reciprocal firings. As a result some persons on both sides were killed, including a son of Mulvi Abdur Rahman, who was also a member of Bo Rang Aungs mission. In this connection Bo Rang Aung took some retaliatory actions in Buthidaung. Some elderly Muslims from nearby villages of Buthidaung were killed at night on the football ground of Buthidaung. Further, U Ba Khin, Haji Mohammed Sultan and one Thnevi Marakame, an influential Muslim landowner of Akyab, who took refuge in Buthidaung, were detained and took away to Akyab, the station of BIA]. There, in Buthidaung situation was tense and contused Bo Rang Aung decided to return back to Akyab. He was retreating to Akyab next morning. He and his party got onboard a steamer. The Rakhines in the town became veiy desperate. They were highly frightened. [They heard a rumor that Bo Rang Aung is leaving next morning. So they made complete preparation to go along with Bo Rang Aung by steamer.] In the morning crowds of Rakhine rushed into the jetty and were trying to get on onboard the steamer of Bo Rang Aung. So we (Bonpauk and party) had to depart the steamer from this jetty. The crowds streamed upon another steamer. Being heavily loaded tins steamer, some hundred yards off the jetty, capsized and drowned. Almost all the passengers estimated about three hundred, along with their belongings drowned in the river, and most were died. [Some sources say the steamer was shot by the Chinese community in Bulhidaung who were not allowed to board on] Bo Rang Aung arrived at Akyab camped at the house of rice mill owner U Kyaw Zan. 296 [There Thanevi Marakan, Haji Mohammed Sultan and U Ba Khin were also kept in confinement. Later, after some days these three persons were released the intervention of Japanese, perhaps to whom Mr Sultan Mahmood (Ex-Health Minister) approached for their salvation]. Bo Rang Aung got order from Ranyoun Headquarter to retreat back to Rangoon. So we got back to Minbya, then the Arakan headquarter of BIA. In Minbya, Thakin Soe, Thakin Thein Pe Myint, thakin Tin Mya and U Tin Shwe arrived. U Thein Pe Myints program was to go to India to get contact for anti-fascist operation. But most Arakanese leaders did not accept the idea to fight Japan, whom very recently they welcomed with flowers, band and music. Thus Bo Rang Aung and party, instead of staging any guerrilla operation against the Japanese, quietly returned to Rangoon. Sayadaw U Sein Dan of Kyauk Nwa Village, Myebon, was a patriot. He fought personally against the British. But when Bo Rang Aung letreated to Rangoon, U Sein Dah was arrested and kept in Kalama

Taung by Japanese. The reason behind this arrest, according to Japanese was, the riot (and burning down) of Rak Chaung Muslim village of Myebon was the work of U Sein Dah and the bandit leader Maung Tha Oo acted only on his direction. But later, by the effort of U Pinnya Thiha and some others he was released.297 [The Muslim version of 1942 riot is a bid different. They feel it was not an accidental event. It was an organized campaign aimed at making Alakan exclusively a Rakhine State.They say this sort of massacre and burning down of villages, at the same time in every town of Akyab District could not accidentally occur.] About this communal riot, Moshe Yegar, an Israeli, writer observes: during the period of British rule, disaffection between the Buddhist population and the Muslims, in Arakan, developed for the same economic and social reasons that caused similar hatred between the two groups as in the rest of Burma. The accumulated tension reached an explosive point at the time of British withdrawal before the advancing of Japanese forces. Gangs of Arakanese Buddhists in Southern Arakan, where the Buddhists are in majority, attacked Muslim villages and massacred their inhabitants. Whole villages were sacked and their inhabitants were murdered. Some Arakanese nobles attempted to pievent the wholesale massacres, but without success. Muslim refugees streamed to Northern Arakan where the majority was Muslims and some 22,000 even crossed the border and fled to India [The figure in fact was about 100,000, and they were camped by British at Rangpur refugee camp.] The refugees (from inner Arakan) reaching Maungdaw incensed the local Muslim majority with their stories (of horror) and the latter began to mete out similar punishment upon the Buddhist minority in their midst. The act of mutual murder soon caused the Buddhist population in Northern Arakan to flee, even as the Muslims had fled from the south. It was in this manner Arakan became divided into two separate areas, one Buddhist and the other Muslim. The Japanese invaded Arakan in the mid of 1942; they occupied Akyab on 7 May and controlled the whole region of Buthidaung and a half the region of Maungdaw in late 1942. [Northern side of Maungdaw was still under British control, making Boli Bazaar their military headquarter]. With the help of local Muslim leaders they (the Japanese) established two peace committees, one in Buthidaung and the second in Maungdaw. These committees were primarily engaged in enquires in public affairs, since the court had ceased to operate when the British left. [The chairman of the Peace Committee of Maungdaw was Headmaster of Maungdaw High School, Mr. Omrah Meah and of Buthidaung was Mr. Zahiruddin]. The Japanese ruled in this area until the beginning of 1945. Most of the Muslims were pro British and many of them joined the services of reconnaissance and espionage on the other side of the border or in underground activities [Yet there are Muslims, especially educated ones, who at the first hand help the Japanese and got capital punishment at the hand of British, e.g. Mr. Kala Meah of Kwindaing Village. Bulhidaiing] In order to strengthen their stnuding in the region and to encourage Muslim loyalty, British had published a declaration granting them a status of National Area. This entire area was re-conquered by the British at

the beginning of 1945 [During British re-entry into Northern Arakan, there occurred fierce battles, ground as well as air, at Ngakhaung Du, Maungdaw and Ngakindauk, Senswpra and Gupi in Buthidaung. After near about six months of battles the Japanese had retreated] The British, too, had set up peace committees and organized civil administration, which functioned until Burma was granted independence in January 1948. In this administration most of the office holders were local Muslims. [For example, U Farooq Ahmed, U Lukhman Hakim. U Abul Bashar from Boli Bazaar Area and U Abdul Gaffar and U Abul Bashar from Buthidaung were Township Officers of that time]. After the end of the war and during the following years the regions Muslim population increased greatly. Thanks to the immigration of Chittagong who arranged for the return of refugees in the wake of British reentry as well as to the return of thousands of Arakanese Muslims refugees who had (in 1942) fled fiom the south of Arakan and who returned to the north after the war.298 This refugee repatriation was undertaken by successive Burmese Governments until Pa-Sa-Pha-La period of U Nu. Red Returnee Cards issued in the time of Bokyoke Aung San are still in the hands of some refugees of that time. Thanks to the Government and people of Japan, whose timely arrival in Arakan had saved thousands of lives and millions of loss of materials. Japanese arrival defused the tension and ceased the riots. A British army officer who worked in Arakan front writes in his book that Arakan before the war had been occupied over its entire length by both Muslims and Maghs (Rakhines). Then in 1941 the two sects set to and fought. The result of this war was roughly that the Maghs took over the southern half of the country and the Mulsims the north half.299 He futher says Muslims who had fled from the suuth in 1942 preterred returning to the north of Arakan and settling down there.300 [In inner Arakan, nearly 100,000 Rohingyas lost their lives, being the victims of above said communal riot] According to U Thein Pe Myint, a Burmese politician, there was a competition between BIA and Japanese in occupying Arakan first. Each tried to seize town ahead of the other. Two BIA battalions, one headed by Bo Rang Aung and another by Bo Min Khaung marched to Arakan in the absence of advanced transport facility. But they were able to reach up to Akyab ahead of Japanese. When Japanese approached to Arakan, Bo Min Khaung retreated to Rangoon.301 U Thein Pe Myint further writes; at Sandoway we discussed the program of our anti fascist peoples war with our comrades. It is reasonable, people from Akyab do not recognize the people of Sandoway and Gwa as Rakhine but as Burmans because their dialect is not different from Burmans and they do not wear bright red and dark green clothes as the Rakhines. We were provided enough rations for our motorboat journey from Sandoway to Akyab, by comrade Ko Kyaw Yin and otheis. On the journey the cooking of Chittagonian boatmen was very delicious.

This time there was Japan force in Akyab. Bo Rang Aung made his headquarter at Minbya, so we decided to proceed to Minbya wher we can obtain help from Bo Rang Aung to cross the bolder (to India) In Minbya we were kept under the care of Bo Min Lwin. Bo Rang Aung went to Akyab to discuss his retreat to Rangoon with Japanese. But we found Ko Tha Kyaw (now Bonpauk Tha Kyaw), who was suffering from diarrhea, there. In Bo Rang Aungs headquarter Thakin Soe, Thakin Tin Mya, Thakin Tin Shwe and myself discussed anti-fascist tactics. Next day Thakin Soe and Thakin Tin Mya returned. We were handed over for our journey to the border to Ko Nyo Tun (Ex-Minister) and his brother Ko Tun Win. On 12

July 1942, we proceeded for our journey. It was time of communal riot between Buddhist

Rakhines and Muslims. Muslims were helped by Kalah (Indian) British force. So to use in case of need we took some gaskets and rifles from Bo Rang Aung and put them in our boat. Bo Rang Aung, U Pinnya Thiha and Ko Nyo Tun tried to relax communal not and it decreased up to some extent. Yet, as precautionary, step we took some Casket rifles from Bo Rang Aung.302 Next day we reached Kyauktaw and from there we proceeded to Paletwa. In late 1941, there was British rule, only in Akyab, Buthidaung and Maungdaw. There was Rajput English force, too. Some say Rajput army men helped the Muslims and the Muslims started the riot with the guns they got from Rajput army. But to judge from practical point of view the riot was not started from Muslim majority area of Akyab, Buthidaung and Maungdaw. It actually started from Myebon and Minbya where Rakhines were in majority. More lhan 100 (one Hundred) Muslim villages in inner Arakan, uprooted during this communal riot and Muslims there were unable to resettle in their original places. These people mostly resettled in the Northern part of the State. This uprooted population would be more than two hundred thousand. So, Northern Arakan today becomes a more thickly populated area. In the same way, most of the Rakhine, in Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships, who fled during the riot, took their settlement in inner Arakan. Later many Rakhine people, who do not want to return, sold down their lands to the Muslims. During this short period of 1941 1948, there were several administration in succession. After British, there came the rule of militant riot mongers; then came the rule of BIA, which was again replaced by Japanese administration. In 1945, British entered again, and established a new administration. One British army commander says, we were to cross Apauk-Wa pass, east of Rathedaung, on our reentry into Arakan, but the pass was blocked with human skeletons.303 British reentered to Arakan. Muslims in the Northern Arakan had helped them. They recruited a battalion, from amongst the local people, in the name of Victory Force. In appreciation of these V. Force, a British army Officer remarked, They are hardy and diligent people were they to got together, were they to be regimented, and trained, I would go so far as to say that I would soon take a battalion of them into the

fighting line as any other native battalion that I have seen or fought with ..they are living in a hostile country and had been hundreds of years there, and yet they survive. They are perhaps to be compared with the Jews.a nation within a nation. Without these people we would have been blind and deaf. With them we have eyes and ears and continual entertainment. They make wonderful materials for fairminded and far seeing colonizerTheir future is in our hand. We have a chance of making a happy people and a fair state out of the Arakan. Any fairness, any kindness will be repaid us one hundred told. I would very often wonder whether the fairness and help that they have shown us will be repaid as fully as it would have been, had the boot been on the other foot. 304 From late 1942, the British tried many times to reoccupy Arakan or some part of it or to repel the Japanese from there. The whole year, 1944, saw actions between the two armies in the northern Arakan; so fierce and rare, found nowhere in the annuals of military history. British and Japanese forces fought hand in hand in many places. Though British forces are man to man, no match to the Japanese, with British military superiority and with the help enjoyed from the anti fascist force of Burma, British army was able to reoccupy Kyauk Pyu and Sandoway in late 1944. On August 6 Nagasaki were bombed; Japanese forces had to withdrew. Due to this rioting and years long war on their land the people of this area, especially the majority Muslims had to suffer a lot in every sphere of their lives. Note: [In this chapter the passages in parenthesis are my own research findings from other sources, especially from the Muslims] Muslim Role in the Freedom Movement: Here, by Muslim, I mean Kaman, Myedu and Rohingya. There are two categories of Muslims in Arakan. One speaking Rakhine dialect and the other speaking Rohingya dialect. But both have close ethnic and cultural affinity. We see the same phenomenon amongst the Karen and Mon of Burma proper. Many Karen and Mon people do not know how to speak in their respective ethnic languages Anyhow. Muslims being minority, their role in connection with their freedom movement was not as great as the one of Rakhine and Burman. Further the role they played was not recorded or belittled in the post independence political literatures. There were many Muslim individuals who took leading role in the struggle. U Ba Shin of Sandoway was one of the eleven student leaders who decided to stage the first student strike of 1920. U Tun Sein, also from Snndoway, was first University Student Union Chairman. Thakin Zainuddin of Kyauktaw was the first Principle of Akyab National High School. U Pho Khaing of Akyab was an active member of Do Bama Asie Ayone His daughter Daw Aye Nyunt too took active part in Thakin movement and it was said she had a special relationship with Bo Rang Aung, commander of BIA in Arakan front. Advocate Yasin, Molvi Abdur Rehman, Tanevi Marakan, Gain Maiakan were also active leaders in Arakan, who were engaged in freedom movement activities in Arakan. Gain Marakan and Sultan Mahmood were E. C. members of all Arakan National Unity Organization.

and 9 1945, Hiroshima and


When Ba-Ma-Ka (Burma Muslim Congress) took active part in Pa-Sa-Pha-La, its branch in Arakan, took part in Arakan branch of Pha-Sa-Pa-La, too. Muslims groups in many towns resisted British occupation at the very beginning in 1825. So in the war report of first Anglo-Burma war, we found Qazi Abdul Karim of Minbya was arrested and kept in Calcutta jail. Elderly people still say, Bandoola had recruited many Muslims, rank and file, from Arakan. There were many whom British had.. given capital punishment for helping the Japanese force when first entered Bulhidaung. The death sentence of Ustad Kala Mean, of Kywin Daing, Buthidaung was a famous case. He was shot to death in Boli Bazaar, the headquarter of British army then. Farooq Raja of Sein Daing, Buthidaung was honored with a revolver by the Japanese for his service in maintaining law and order in that area after British withdrawal. Muslims of Northern Arakan firstly afraid of the Japanese, but after some months, they became familiar and friendly with Japanese. U Thein Maung of Myebon and another U Thein Maung of Kyauk Pru were also active and senior participants in Thakin movements. There are many Rohingyas who got the prize of Naing Ngan Gonyi and Lutlat Yei Mokun: U Kadir of Minbya is still alive. Further there are a lot many unrecorded individuals who worked with local nationalist. It is locally said the famous Mujahid leader Bo Qassim was once the assistant of Bo Kra HIa Aung, Chairman of so called (Underground) Arakan National Unity and Independence Party. British Re-Entered into Arakan British had its forward outpost at the other side of the Naf River They re-entered into Arakan in late 1944. They organized an army in the name of Victory Force (V-Force), with recruits from local Muslims of Arakan. Marshal Slim says, though they were initially untrained, later along with the whole front, the VForce became important and valuable part of intelligence framework for the Blitish.305 British made a declaration, whereby: the status of a Muslim area was promised. They set up an interim administration. The peace committees of Japanese time, with Muslim leaders as their heads, were preserved. Such political prominence once again accorded to the Muslims, they helped them to reinstate the area and take the lead until 1948. Worth of notice is the fact that whilst the Rakhine returnees preferred the south of Rathedaung, the Muslims preferred to the north of Rakhine.306 By 1945, the demographic structure of former Akyab District had suffered a major upheaval, and Muslim had outnumbered in most part of the district. British forces fought fierce battle against the Japanese. The impact of war was great on the people of Northern Arakan. British were successful in penetrating into Southern Arakan in late 1944 and early 1945. Japanese army retreated sometime with heavy casualties. Arakan at the Eve of Independence

With the advent to the power of Anti-Fascist Peoples Freedom League (AFPL) and General Aung San in 1947, Rakhine Muslims (or) Rohingyas demanded an independent region with a large degree of autonomy within the Union of Burma. Before independence, there were a lot of Indians in Arakan. Some of them had voiced the notion of separation. But the Rohingyas did not favor it. Jinnah himself assured General Aung San that he was not in support of the plan.307 Burmese Government, however, turned a blind eye to the demand of Muslim outcry. Rakhine the foe of Rohingya during the war was taking the administration. Rakhines replaced the vast majority of Muslim local notables and civil servants installed by British. Some Rakhine internally displaced during the communal riot of 1942 were returned and Muslims who occupied their land, removed. Rakhine hardliners strongly suggested expelling these Muslims to India. All these acts of Pre-lndependence period, as many had assessed, led the Muslims to an uprising, which we will study in a separate chapter. In March 1946, General Aung San visited Akyab, where he assured the Muslim leaders; advocate U Pho Khaing, advocate U Yasin. advocate U Khalilur Rehman and Sultan Mahmood (Ex-Health Minister), of the full national rights in post independence Burma. Most interesting and note worthy is the fact that on the very day of Bokyoke Aung Sans martyrdom, he had a special appointment with Muslim M.L.Cs. from Northern Arakan, Mr. Sultan Ahmed of Maungdaw and Mr Abdul Gaffar of Buthidaung, in connection with the nationality and political status of Muslims or Rohingyas of Arakan. He (Bokyoke) had also assigned Sultan Mahmood and U Aung Zan Wai to go Maungdaw and Buthidaung, so as to organize the public there for Pa-Sa-Pha-La (AFPFL). Aung Zan Wai of Arakan styled as sole representative of all Arakan peoples, where U Razak claimed to represent all Muslims of Burma. At the same time, Arakan or Northern Arakan was not in the scheduled area or hill administration. Thus Rohingyas lost the chance to attend the historic Pinlon Conference of nationalities of hill regions and plain dwelling Burman, which deprived them of their future political guarantee. In practice, Rakhine Aung Zan Wai acted against the interest of Rohinya and Muslim Razzak did nothing good for the Rohingyas either. On the eve of independence most of the Rakhine leaders were more co-operative with the Burmese leaders. They did not want to displease the Burmese leaders with whom they always show affinity of race and cultuie. Then motive perhaps, was to deprive Rohingyas of their political lights through the help of Buimese leadership. Thus Rakhine did not demand separate statehood on the time of independence and in the framing of first Burmese constitution. But after the independence most of the pre-independence time leaders became aged or died. Now the Ra-Ta-Nya group of Arakan came to the front to demand statehood for Arakan. Demand and counter demand of statehood continued Rohingya M. Ps. opposed the statehood for Arakan along with the M. Ps from Sandoway District M. P Abul Bashar from Buthidaung south put his recommendation to let them live in the sea rather than in a pond. He said unitary system is the sea where state means a pond. He said unitary system was better for a country like Burma, so as to secure its solidarity.308 Another upper house member from Buthidaung, Mr. Abdul Gaffar asked the parliament to supply them arms and ammunitions

to fight against the Mujahids. He said Rohingyas are neither separatists nor fundamentalists. Once the Government treats them fairly and equally they (Rohingyas) are the first to fight the Mujahids.309 This Mujahid broke out immediately afler the independence. In the prevailing situation of discriminatory actions said above,the Muslims faced some more adverse actions and antagonistic surrounding, as the Communist and P. V. 0. branches of Arakan went underground in 1948. The Muslims feeling insecure organized an arm revolt in the name of Mujahid, though many Muslims at the same time did not want to involve in unlawful anti-state activities. This was one of the main reasons the Mujahids had to surrender, later. On the other hand various study commission appointed by the Government had had tested the public opinion throughout Arakan concerning the issue of Arakan State. But on 2 Statehood for Arakan came into a halt. British Census The population figures in British censuses became an important factor, in political deliberation of post independence Burma. Sometimes the figures are highlighted to disgrace Rohingyas and to deny them indigenous status. The first population census taken in Burma was in the year 1872, and the next one was in 1881and thereafter once in ten years. 1941 census was not completed due to the eruption of the war. Censuses in 1953 and 1954 were partial and confined to selected regions in several places. In the first census, two major groupings of Muslims were found, each one of which had several subdivisions: Indian Muslims and Burmese Muslims. The first grouping included Muslims from Indian region of Surat, Bengal and Madras Burmese Muslims were found mostly in Arakan, Tavoy and Mergui. [Upper Burma was not included in the first British census]. The Arakanese Muslims then numbered 64.000 (Sixty-four thousand) or about two third of total number of Burmese Muslims, which were 99,846 [Today these also are deprived of National Scrutiny Cards]. The percentage of Muslims in Tavoy and Mergui was also high. They were likewise Malays there. The second census included much more detailed information on the Muslim population and revealed an increase in the Muslim population in every district except that of Northern Arakan. [In this lesser increase, there included the returnees, who left Arakan in previous political strife]. The census in Burma was always taken as a part of general census of India. Muslims were categorized Sheikh, Syed, Mogul, Pathan and so on as in Indian census. In 1891, Muslims of all Burma numbered 253,640 where as 204,846 were listed under the title Sheikhs, out of whom Burmese Muslims (Including Arakanese) are shown to be only 24,647, which in first census was over 60,000. It was impossible (This

March 1962, General Ne Win

took over the state power by a coup. Parliament was dissolved and the question of Federalism and

was inefficiency of census taking. In fact, Arakanese Muslims are neither Sheikhs nor Sayids, nor Pathan, nor Moguls.They are just Rohingyas or Arakanese Muslims]. The census of 1901 and 1911, both went on the former line of Indian census taking. In these, the Muslims of Akyab were 33.66% or over a third of the regions population. It is here (in Akyab) that over 44% of all Burmas Muslims were concentrated. In examining the Muslim population distribution in the urban and rural areas, it is important to pay attention to the Akyab region where a great many Muslims were engaged in Agriculture. Except from this one area, the rural Muslim population did not even reach one percent of the rural population of the country. [In British census, Immigrants from India are said to be traders, office workers and laborers. Especially the immigrants in Arakan were mostly seasonal laborers. Most of these workers, traders dwell in urban areas, in contrast to the Arakanese Muslims (or) Rohingyas who mostly lived in rural areas professing agriculture]. In 1911, when Muslims of Akyab included, 31.15% of the Muslims were urban and it made up 13.4% of the total urban population of the country. When Akyab was excluded, the urban Muslims percentage became 58.35% [This variation indicates that Muslims in Akyab region were mostly dwellers in rural area unlike the immigrants who chose to dwell in towns.] 1921 census shows, Muslim populations of 500,592 out of which one forth are Burmese Muslims embracing Zerbadies and Arakanese Muslims. Beginning with the census of 1921, the categories in use in India Sheikhs, Sayyeds etc. were dropped in Burma.In 1921, the number of Arakanese Muslims reached the figure of 24,000, which differed with previous census. The discrepancies were due to the concept of the term. The Arakan Kamans were for the first time listed separately, there were 1,054 men and 1,126 women. They were all Muslims except for ten men and four women, who were Buddhists The Arakanese Muslims were the second largest subdivision of the category Burman Muslim after the Zerbadees. The 7 and last complete census was held in 1931. Total Muslim population was 584,839 representing 396,504 Indian Muslims and 186,861 Burmese Muslims (including Arakanese Muslims) 41% of Muslims were to be found in the single region of Arakan. (Since 1921, Muslims from Arakan demanded not to mix them with foreign Muslims but the British Government did not comply with their demand. (See census report of 1931]. Even the Muslims who were very much like Rakhine were included in the category of Indian Muslims in 1921 census. In 1931 they became Burman-lndian. The census table shows that 68% of the Muslims are Indian and only 30% belonged to the Burmese-Muslim group. The majorities were Zerbadees and Arakanese Muslims, while remainders were Kamans and Myedus. [But today almost all Muslims from Arakan disregard of their origin are degraded to the status of Foreigners], Census figures were not correct, because in 1921 census, many Arakanese Muslims were listed as Indians. In 1931 census, many Arakanese Muslims claimed Bengali as their mother tongue, although the

Zerbadess usually were shown as Burmese or Arakanese (depending on their residence) as their mother tongue. [Here it is obvious that Rakhine speaking Muslims of Arakan were also regarded as Zeibadees] The Burmese Muslim grouping included Zerbadees, Arakanese Muslims, Kamans and Myedus. Most of the Arakanese Muslims were in Akyab region. But there were large number of them to be found in other regions as well: in Chittagong 1,597 and in Sandoway 1,658. Their total number in 1931 was 51.615. (This is not real number, because Rohingyas were categorized as Indians. The number of Kamans was increased from 2,186 to 2,886; they were concentrated in the region of Akyab and Chiltagong. [l cannot understand why Moshe Yegar mentioned Chittagong to home some Kamans whereas we see the Kamans dwell mostly in Arakan]. The Myedus increased 4,991 to 5,160. In the partial census of 1954, the figures shown in the villages of Arakan were 56.75% Buddhist and 41.60% Muslims.310 Here are two points to remark. One is the census return of Arakan where seasonal laborers, who usually return to their birthplace, were included Dr. Than Tun named them as a floating people because they used to come on season of woik and return when the season is over.311 Second point is the Majority Muslims of Arakan were mixed up with Indians both ethnically and religiously. Further it is probable that the census activities of that time did not penetrate into the remote hilly areas of Northern Arakan as was the case in connection of hilly regions of Chins and Kachin States. To sump up, Arakanese Muslims are a major portion of Burmese Muslims. This name sounds national naturally. Since there is no entity as Burmese Muslim in Burmese social and political arena when Burma Muslim Congress (Ba-Ma-Ka) was expelled from Pha-Sa-Pa-La in 1948 on ground of its name being religiously affiliated, there is no Arakanese Muslims too. So those Arakanese Muslims have to choose their ethnic name Rohingya rather than religious name Arakanese Muslim. Rohingya is nothing but an antiquity of Arakan. Last thing we can observe the censuses of British period were always changing. The number of population and races or ethnic groups found changed up from census to census.312 CHAPTER XVI GEOPOLITICAL FACTOR CONCERNING ROHIGYAS NATIONALITY In previous chapters we have obviously seen the facts, which show Rohingyas deeply rooted historic existence in Arakan. In other word Arakan is Rowang and Rohingya is Arakanese. So Rohingyas existence in Arakan is as old as the land itself. Let us go into detail so that we have a clear vision of this subject. Historical evolution and geographic situation always affects the life of a people.Araknas political link with India had been deeper, greater and longer than that of with Burma proper. Geographers plainly remark that Arakan is a continuation of Chiltagong plain and is separated by Arakan-Yoma range from Burma

Culturally too, until 10


century, everything in Arakan from language, religion and scriptures to ethnic

people, were all Indian. The cultural and ethnic characteristics of ancient Arakan are today found in Rohingyas and the Buddhist Bruwas of Arakan only. A researcher of ancient Arakan history says dividing Rakhine coast from the rest of Myanmar, the Rakhine Yoma mountain range historically has been a barrier between Myanmar and Indian subcontinent. Hence the range, not only functions as a climate barrier (cutting off the south-west monsoon rain from central Myanmar) but historically functioned as natural obstacle against permanent settlement of Muslims dwellers and further as a visible and accepted fracture between the two subcontinents. The latter therefore preferred to settle down on the shores of the Naf River and along the coast of Bay of Bengal.313 So another author rightly concluded,these geographical facts explain the separate historical development of that area Arakan until it was conquered by the Burmese kingdom at the close of 18 century.314 The 20
th th

century witnessed an acceleration of history of some sorts: where Rakhine Muslims and
th th th

Buddhists alike had a massively out (only) once per century in the 17 , 18 and 19 centuries, namely: clash between Prince Shah Shujah and the Mrauk-U king (Sanda Thudamma) in 1664, Burmese conquest of Arakan in 1784, first Anglo-Burmese war in 1824.The recurrent of displacement occurred in the 20

century, with four massive exoduses, namely second-world war, the Mujahid rebellion in the

1950s, the exodus of 1978 (Operation Dragon King, Nagamin) and the recent 1991 outflow.315 These occurrences of human fluctuations indeed have some cultural as well as ethnic effects on both sides of the border. There are today a great many Rakhines in Chittagong area, despite their massive official repatriation by U Ne Wins Government, where as there are Bengalis in Arakan indeed. The Rakhines adopted a life suitable in Bengali environment, where as the Bengalis in Arakan are too acculturated to Rakhine situations. The Bengalis in Arakan today hardly be said to be identical with those in Bangladesh. In official rhetoric and publications Rakhine Muslims (Rohingya) are said to speak Bengali. This, however, reveals inaccurate, as the Bengali language spoken in Decca, does not belong to the same stock of language in Arakan and has a very few in common with the language spoken in Northern Rakhine State. More correctly the local language spoken by Rakhine Muslims is a Chittagonian dialect, an idiom spoken in Bangladesh region, bordering Rakhine State. Whilst being very close to the Chittagonian dialect, it is by no means identical. For example, the Rakhine Muslims dialect is indicative of historical residency in Myanmar, as it approximately includes as much as 10 15 percent of Rakhine words and expressions.316 A factor most worthy is that Arakan and Chittagong from the early Christian era to the end of Mrauk-U dynasties, for many, many centuries had been under the same rule. Sometimes there were political fluctuations. D. G E. Hall says that Arakan managed to maintain itself as an independent kingdom until almost the end of the eighteenth century, mainly due to its geographical position From the very

early days the older and purer form of Buddhism, the Hinayana or Lesser Vehicle, was established there. It must date from before the arrival of Burmese in the 10 century, when Arakan was an Indian land, with a population of similar to that of Bengal .. And although before the establishment of Mrohong by Narameikhia in 1433, there was from time to time a certain amount of Burmese and Mon interference.Arakans contacts with Mohammedan India were probably closer than those with Burma. None of its rivers rises in Burma and throughout its history its water communications with Bengal were easier than its over land communication with Burma. When Bengal was strong its rulers received tiibute fioin Arakan; at other times Arakan claimed tribute from parts of Ganges Delta. This fluctuation of power affected Chittagong, which was held alternatively by one side or the other.In 1459 it came into the hands of Arakan, which held it until it was finally annexed to the Mogul Empire in 1666. Monammedanism spread to Arakan, but failed to make much impression upon its Buddhism. Mrohong had its Sandhi Khan Mosque and its kings assumed Mohammedan titles, but the predominance of Buddhism was never shaken.317 Burma share borders with Bangladesh, India, China, Laos and Thailand. Various ethnic minorities along all these borders dwell. Most of these minorities have their mainstream clans across the border on the other side. For example, Kuki Chins, Zhomi and Naga on the Indian border: Wa, Kukeng and Zinphaw on the eastern border and Chakmas and Bruwas on the Bangladesh border, all of them today, are amongst so called 135 ethnic minorities of SPDC Government. All of those peoples mainstream cmlans live beyond the border in adjacent countries. Some of them have their own Autonomous States in Bangladesh, India and China.\/Vhen Senior General Thant Shwe of Myanmar visited Yonan Province of China in the year 2000, Kachin females in their Kachin national dresses lined up along the street to give rousing welcome to the General. Even Shans in South-East Shan State speak a Siamese dialect In Arakan the Chakma and Bruwa too speak Chitlagonian dialect.318 Genealogically and culturally Bruwas have a very close affinity with Bengalis. Yet U HIa Tun Pru put Bruwa at the par with Burmese speaking Rakhine, and said Bmwa is from Rakhmes ethnic stock. Then, what about the miliions of Bruwas in Bangladesh? Would they be from Rakhine ethnic stock too? Next, ihe Chakmas of Chittagong hill tracts have their own autonomous region. The Chakma, whom we called in Myanmar Dainet, too, speak Bengali.319 Yet all these peoples are designated as Burmese indigenous peoples. This logic is not applied in the case of Rohingyas, who have further more long inter-relationship with Arakan. Without mentioning Rohingya, Arakan history, both ancient and modern cannot be said to be complete. Sayadaw Winmala writes there have been political and cultural link between Arakan and Bengal for centuries. So almost all ethnic people in Arakan have an affinity with their clans in Bengal, especially the Bruwas speak the same language as Chitagomans.320 If we accept all these different minorities, with their affinities with clans across the borders, why dont we want it to apply in the case of Rohingya? Indeed. Rohingya alone has a more deeply rooted connection with Arakan as we have seen above and previous chapters. The world today has many instances of such phenomena: Malays in Southern Thailand, Vietnamese in Cambodia, Nepalese in Bhutan and many

others in Europe. These all can co-exist peacefully and honorably in their respective residency. I hope this sort of harmony would prevail in Arakan, too. CHAPTER XVII ROHINGYA AND BENGALI Since early settlers of Arakan were Indo-Aryan or a people similar to that of Bengal, Rohingya cannot disclaim their genealogical link with Bengali. As time passed, sociopolitical situations have also changed during last centuries. In this context, Rohingya too evolved as an ethnic entity with its own characteristics. In a broader perspective, all are Myanmar, but there still are some separate branches of Myanmar. So we can say Rohingya can be defined as a branch of Bengali but their existence is in Arakan alone; Arakanese alone are, in another word, called Rohingya. A Senior British military officer remarks: the Arakan Muslims are generally known as Bengalis or Chittagonians, quite incorrectly. [.] They resemble the Arabs in names, in dress and in habit. [..] As a race they have been here for over two hundred years and yet survive. They are perhaps to be compared with the Jews, a nation within a nation.321 Foreign observers remarks: In official rhetoric and publications, Rakhine Muslims (Rohingyas) are said to speak Bengali. This however reveals inaccurate, as the Bengali language spoken in Decca does not belong to the same stock of language and has very few in common with the language spoken in Northern Rakhine State. More correctly the local language spoken by Rakhine Muslim is a Chittagonian dialect, an idiom spoken in the Bangladesh region bordering Rakhine State. Whilst being very close to the Chittagonian dialect, it is by no means identical. For example; the Rakhine Muslim dialect is indicative of historical residency in Myanmar, as it approximately includes as much as 10-15 percent Rakhine words and expression.322 Even Chittagonian could not understand the dialect of Rohingyas who resides in inner Arakan Rohingya and Chittagonian can communicate with some adjustment of words, phrases and style of expression. Rohingya dialect is influenced by Arabic, Persian and Rakhine words where as Chittagonian dialect is influenced by Sanskrit and Bengali. Bengali wears long sleeved loose shirts, keeping it out of their Longyi or Pant where as most Rohingya wear shirts, with collar, keeping the lower part under their Longyi Rohingyas have a traditional shirt caller Entheri more similar to todays Malaysian shirt.Female dress differed much Rohingya women do not wear Sari, as the Bengalis, but a Burmese womens shirt-like Bazu or Blouse, with a shawl on their heads. Young girls wear woolen belts, where elderly women wear Zali (Khah-Gyo), a flat locally woven cotton sheet. Most elderly Rakhine women, too wear this Khah-Gyo, especially in the rural areas. Further there is a slight difference in physical features. In Bangladesh itself, the people of Chittagong have fairer skin than the people of other districts. Here these fair skinned Chittagonians compared with Rohinnya, appeared in average darker. Most Rohingya have Tibeto-Burman features too. It is perhaps

due to some (though rare) mix-marriages, adoption of Rakhine children and some conversions in the early period. Concerning the dresses of Rohinyya a prominent Burmese writer and politician, U Thein Pe Myint says: I put up at Ko Tun Wins house at Kyauktaw. At that time there Muslirn-Rakhine communal riot was going on. So we had to take care not to fall in between and I bought a Pathi cap (Muslim cap) and kept my beard unshaved. Next morning when we were sitting in the parlor of Ko Tun Wins house, a man appealed in strange dress; now a day no one wears this sort of dress. The man was about 25 years old. He wore a dark-gray Dhoti (Tongshay Petso) a Taing-mathein like shirt (a shirt with long sleeves but without color). He had Gaungbaung-like headdress of thin cotton cloth. He did wear moustache and a beard I did not understand the subject they discussed as they talked in Arakanese. When I inquired about him: Ko Tun Win answered he was our Arakanese Muslim. It is learned that in villages of Arakan many more people still did not discard early Myanmar-like dresses. When I saw this Muslim with headdress of thin cotton sheet, I thought of whether it was better (for me) to imitate like Burmese Muslim with my Pathi cap (in this period of riot). Here I realized that Arakanese hold tight and preserved old Burmese culture and tradition.323 Rohingya foods have much influence of Rakhine cooking style, where some Rakhine too have adopted the Rohingya cooking styles in some cases. The procedure of marriage, engagement and feeding feast diffet, a lot. There is no infant marriage amongst Rohingyas. The sports of Hlay (Row Boat) racing, wrestliny, and the race of Buffalo have special Rohingya characteristics. Voluntary roofing of houses, transplanting of paddy turn by turn, in villages were a traditional custom in Rohingya Group hunting and fishing, but distributions to all in the villages-were also a tradition until recently Rohingyas have their own musical instruments. They have Baittali (song of wisdom) and Khabita (Rhetoric) competitions and many outdoor sports and games for childrens enjoyment. Many decades ago there were Persian song competitions. In fact Rohingya have some selection and rejection of professions. Few Rohingya do sanitary works and hair cutting: cloth washing and shoe repairing professions are also disliked. In personal behaviors Rohingyas are a bit rough and easily get tempered. Most Rohingyas are pious but not fanatics. Reciting Puthi, some love and war stories in the early night of their leisure time, too is a hobby of Rohingya. CHAPTER XVIII THE CULTURE OF ROHINGYA The Arakanese Muslims (Rohingyas) are Sunnite despite some preponderance of some Shiite traditions among them. Under their influences many Muslim customs spread to the Buddhist, such as for example,

segregation of their womenfolk. Writers and Poets appeared among the Arakanese Muslims, who called themselves Rohingya, especially during the fifteen to eighteen centuries, and even there were some court poets at the court of Arakanese kings.324 The poets and writers wrote in Persian and Arabic or in a mixed Rohingya language, which they developed among themselves and which was a mixture of Bengali, Urdu, and Arakanese (Rakhine). The language is not as widely spread today as it was in the past and it has been largely replaced by Burmese. Their Artists also developed the art of Calligraphy. Some manuscripts has been preserved but have not yet been scientifically examined. Miniature pointing in the Mogul style also flourished in Arakan during this period. The Muslims who came to Arakan (There were native Muslims too) brought with them Arab, Indian and especially Bengali music and musical instruments Persian songs are sung amongst Rohingya by this day.325 This is how the Rohingya preserved their own heritage from the impact of the Buddhist environment not only as far as their religion but also in some aspects of their culture.326 Again, an eminent history researcher, Dr. Than Tun says, because of North Arakans close overland ties with Bengal, it is found that after Bengal became Muslim in 1203, the resulting cultural and political influence of the Muslims was of great significance in the history of Arakan.327 Of interest, none-the-less is an ancient stone carved with Arabic letters, which can still be seen at MraukU National Museum. While some remnants of this ancient culture can still be detected in todays life of Rakhine Muslims, it is decidedly striking to realize that most of this culture was lost due to massive displacements of population (Four times in 20 century) which contributed to fade out; if not annihilate, the cultural fabrics. Yet there are many who acculturated to Rakhine society.328 Historic edifices and monuments are found through out Arakan. I would like to describe only their political aspects, as their archeological aspect is not within the scope of this treatise.



Badar Mokam: The exact date of the abode is uncertain. British records say it was founded in A.D. 1756. (I think it is the date of the construction of the Mosque adjacent to the abode], by the Muslims of Akyab in memory of one Bader Aulia, whom they regard as an eminent Saint (It th proves the presence of Muslims in Akyab in 18 century]. Colonel Nelson Davis in 1876. Deputy Commissioner of Akyab said, some 140 years ago, two traders from Chittagong on their way back from Negaris, constructed the Cave and also dug a well there. It was because one of the traders was instructed in his dream to do so. There were orders in Persian in the Deputy Commissioners Court at Akyab, to the effect that one Hussein Ali, then (Thugyi) headman of Buddamaw Circle was to have charge of the Badar Mokam in token of his good services rendered to the British force in 1825. 329 [This signifies two things: One, Persian was until then official language of Arakan and the other that there were Muslim settlements in Akyab before British occupation, a fact which some circles try to deny.] This Badar Mokam comprised two Caves and a Mosque. Archeological descriptions of these are not detailed here. The Sandhi Khan Mosque: R. B. Smart says, two and a half mile southeast of the palace (Mrohong) is another non-Buddhist temple. It is a Mohammedan Mosque, called Sandhi Khan, built by the followers of Min Zaw Mun (First Mrauk-U King) after he had returned from 24 years of

exile in the Suratan (Sultan) country form A.D. 1406 to 1430. South of the road, which leads to the Alezay Ywa, there are two large tanks with stone embankments; between them is the Mosque, surrounding by a low stonewall. The temple court measures 65 feet from north to south and 82 feet from east to west, the shrine is a rectangular structure 33 feet by 47 feet: it consist-of an ante-room, an inner chamber, which is 19 feet square. Passages lead into the ante-room from the temple court from the north, south and east, while from the west side of the ante-room a passage leads into the inner and principle chamber; the passages arch vaulted the arch consisting of a series of wedge-shaped stones. The inner chamber is lighted by narrow openings in the north and south walls, the ante-room is vaulted, but outside the roof over it, is a slanting plane from the copula of the central chamber to the eastern front wall of the building which is only 9 feet high: the ceiling of the chamber is a hemispherical low copula constructed on the same principle as the domes in the Shitthaung and Dukhanthein Pagodas. The whole shrine is built of well cut stone blocks, but it is absolutely bare of all decorated designs.330. This Mosque is one of the invaluable heritages of Rohingya.But recently it was demolished and used for a military camp. This act is in violation of 1982 UNESCO convention of which Burma is a party too. 3. Maijjah Mosque: It is situated about three miles east of Mrohong. It was built with well-cut th stones. Perhaps it was built by U Musa; a missionary came from Delhi, in the time of 9 King of Mrauk-U, Zaleta Saw Mun. 4. Alam Lashkar Mosque: It is at the Pann Mraung village of Minbya The term Lashker indicates army and perhaps it was built by one of the army officers of Mrauk-U Kings. 5. Shwe Dah Qazi Mosque: It is at the Kyit Taung Village of Minbya. It is obvious from the name that it was built by Qazi Abdul Karim, who was awarded Shwe Dah(Gold Sword) by Bodaw Pya, and was known by the name Shwe Dah Qazi. 6. Adjacent to the palace: there too was a Mosque and a tank with stone embankment.It was known as Nan Oo Mosque and Nantha Kan respectively. The tank still exists where as the Mosque was abolished some years ago. 7. Babagyi Mosque and Temple: on the bank of Kandawgyi (Lake), Akyab, Musa Dewan Mosque of Nazir Village cemetery. Akyab; Qazi Mosque of Kyauktaw Town are other historic buildings and hentages of Muslims. 8. According to the record of Encyclopedia Britannica 1994 98 the Rakhine Pali (Mosque) in Yangon is the oldest Mosque in Myanmar. Tachan Pel Mosque, near Aung San Sport Stadium was also built by Rakhine Muslims during the time of Myanmar Kings. 9. Shrines or Temple of Saints of early periods are found in Buthidaung too; Peer Khalasi Meahs Temple in Baguna Village, Akram All Shah Dargah at Mrongna Village, Sikander Shah Dargah at Buthidaung Town are still preserved by local Muslims. 10.There is another Mosque at Khyaik Talan Road, Shwedaung Quarter, Moulmein. It is known as Rakhine Mosque nowadays. There are different versions of its history.Some say it was built by th some Arakanese Muslims from Rangoon in 18 century. The real fact is in the invasion of Rakhine King Min Razagyi (1595 -1612) to Pegu and Muttama; there consisted about fifty thousand Muslims forces (According to Dannya Waddy Aredopon and other Rakhine chronicles). The Muslim force built that Mosque in Moulmein. 11. Coins: Coins in early Arakan were in Indian script and with sign of Civism and Hinduism. Coins of Mrauk-U period are of Muslim designs, some bearing the confession of Muslim faith and in Persian scripts.331 12. Literature: Literature in Arakan changed along wilh its political evolution. During Dannya Waddy and Wethali periods, the language of the people was Indian. They wrote in Nagari script as in East Bengal.Almost all inscriptions stone, copper or votive, were either in Pali, Sanskrit or in a th language used in Bengal. Burmese inscriptions are found after 10 century A.D.332 In this late period, especially in Mrauk-U period, Persian was also used widely. Most of Kings courtiers were Muslims who preferred to keep record or write in Peisian. Many books are found in Rohingya language but in Persian scripts. Many copies of these manuscripts are still preserved in the hand th th of Rohingyas. Some are found in Calligraphic form. During 17 and 18 centuries courtiers and senior officials were mostly of Bengali literacy merit. They wrote Bengali books, and Rohingya

language in Bengali script. The development of Bengali literature was encouraged by Rakhine Kings.333 During British period Urdu was introduced and Urdu schools all over Arakan were established. But this Urdu language preferred by Indian Muslims in Burma proper, too was a foreign language for Rohingya. Thus Urdu made them much backward. It was of no use in post-independence Burma. Many Urdu educated persons had to quit their Government services. New job opportunities for Urdu learners were nil. Now-a-days Rohingyas learn and write Burmese.


Stone and Copper Plate Inscriptions: According to Dr. Kanungo, a copper plate was found in Chittagong in 1857 indicating the names of some Muslim ministers of Arakan and its high-ranking Muslim officials. Another stone inscription with Arabic letters is said still to be preserved in MraukU Museum.334 Again there is another stone plate of 3 x 2 was discovered Thara Ouk Village, Mrohong. It consist,eight lines of Persian script which indicate that Arakanese Kings engraved 23 tons of gold some where prescribed in the stone plate.335 Still more interesting is the discovery of stone inscriptions, by G. H. Luce, formerly History Professor of Rangoon University.Dr.Than Tun, an eminent historian of Myanmar in his article, Northern Rakhine, in Kaliya Magazine, August 1994, said the Chindwin Stone inscription of 14 names in Arakan.These kings, he said, had a very good relation with Ava Kings. So all these inscriptions show the antiquity of Rohingya people and these are regarded to be their cultural heritages.

century, preserved in Tuparun Temple, Sagaing, testify that there were Muslim Kings, with Indian


Ananda Sandra Stone Monument or Shitthaung Temple Pillar of Arakan: This Pillar was th erected by King Ananda Sandra in 8 century. It has an extensive record of life, culture and successive kings of ancient Arakan. It is an invaluable heritage of Arakan, which Arakanese people regard to be very authentic and they are proud of it. So mentioning it here under the headline of culture of Rohingya may draw some indignant and criticism from some circle. Though Rakhine people say this monument is their historical heritage, my reason to mention it here is the language thereon, is different from Rakhine people but similar to Rohingya language. This Pillar contains records from ancient to 10 century A.D. This and many other inscriptions found in Arakan are in Nagari alphabets, and the language thereon is very much nearer to Rohingya language. So Rohingyas say that they have had historic connection with these ancient inscriptions. This inscription was first read by Dr. John Ston of Oxford University in 1935-1942. Later it was studied by Dr. D. C Sircir. Dr. Stons transliteration was later copied by U San Tha Aung and Dr. Pamela Gutman. Though, I cannot directly take the meaning of the sentences on the pillars. I found almost all vocabularies there are pronounced as if what we find in Rohingya language today. The script on the east face of the pillar closely resembles what of 6 century Gupta copper plate of Bengal.336
th th

Correct and actual reading is not possible, because some writings were defaced. Pamela Gutman says, the Paleography of the inscriptions suggests that most forms derive from the Gaudia or Proto Bengali style prevalent in Bengal, retaining some old forms side by side with later developments and also introducing a few forms in contemporary West Indian scripts. An almost complete alphabet can be reconstructed by comparison of the inscriptions with the inscriptions of the Candra dynasty of Bengal.337 Let us make a comparative study of these inscriptions on the north face of Shitthaung Pillar from Pamela Gutmans writings: The first inscription occupies seven lines. Only the last letters can be read, which are Cakarari, Caturddasame, Raksoka and Krtarajyah. Eighth line begins with Svasti Sri? Meaning, Village Sri? Certain sections of next inscription have three columns, i.e. left side column, middle column and right side column. Left Side Column 1-40 idan 1-41 iva 1-42 Areka maya damsadesa desa Krtam - This way we love - This vicled country vijayam Victor country Araka

(It is the name of the country in 11 century). In the Middle Column Yaksapura raja King of Raksapura (It is ancient name of

Arakan as called by Indians In the Right Column There are:

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<![endif]>ha manarajah (Sim) <![endif]>ghya (ya) sri Govindra Candra

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In the last of the column There is: Agni pradesa -

<![endif]>devatam karta (in) <![endif]>tattasya deva

Agni Meaning not clear

Pradesa a country or a foreign country.338 All these words and phrases are very similar to Rohingya dialect. We can see a comparative study of vocabularies, taking it from Pamelas transliteration and translation of North Face of Shitthaung Pillar. Verse No. 4 Text of Pillar Talon Jagata Varsam Satam Bhupalo Verse No. 5 Tena Krtm Rajyan Verse No. 6 Nama Raja Naame Rajah Amee shi Bayin/Min Named King Tene Karten Rashtri Thu Loukthi Oukchoukthi He did reign Rohingya Tarto Jagat Vasar Shat Bhupal Rakhine Tonauk Then Kabba Hnaik Thara Aashin World Year Hundred Strong one English


Janatre Pyithugo/Ludugo To Public

Toto Raja Lok Janitasa Raja Tara Jane Bayin Mya Thie thi The Kings Knows Verse No. 7 Ikam Thasmad Verse No. 8 Nitiri Vikramap Nitirnote Verse No. 52 Deni DeniDeni Nezin Daily Thara Thapyint Justly Ekk Tharfar Thaik Tohnauk One Then

U San Tha Aung, Director General of Higher Education Department, also transliterated these inscriptions in Burmese letters. A comparative study of numerals contain in the inscription bring us to the conclusion that Rohingya numerals and the one in the inscriptions are the same. For example; Verse No. Numerals in Inscriptions 17,41 13 31 25 14,16,26,30 35 9, 22,115 35 55 Dhuwi Therai Pansa Chau Chaat Dhuwa Dosh Vish Thirish Panchas Dhui Teen Pans Sau Chaat/Hantti Dosh Dhui Vish/Khuree Thirish Panchas Hnaik Thaong Ngaa Khrouk Khunaik Sehnaik Hnasei Thonsei Ngasei Rohingya Rakhine

and many others are also similarly pronounced in Rohmgys dialect.339 Here notable things are:

1. 2. 3.

The verses were transliterated from defaced scripts. I have difficulties to produce correct pronunciation from the transliteration. So I cannot transliterate or translate the whole sentence or the whole inscription in Rohingya language.

So far, a rough study of this transliteration of Pamela Gutman made me to comprehend that the language of the inscription is different a lot from Rakhine language and very much nearer to the Rohingya language. So I bring this Shitthaung Pillar inscription under the headline of Rohingyas culture. I think a scientific study in this regard by scholars is a need of time. CHAPTER XIX POST-INDEPENDENCE ARAKAN Under the agreement signed by General Aung San and British Prime Minister Ettaly, on 27


1947, Burma was to gain her independence soon. But this agreement required getting the consent of peoples in scheduled areas or hilly regions. So after his return from England, General Aung San convened a historic conference at Pinlon, Southern Shan State, gathering all minorities from the hilly regions. Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin and many others signed an agreement to take independence together with the Burmans of plain area. This time Rakhine leaders did not demand statehood for Arakan, though they had demanded it in the round table conference of London, from November 1931 to January 1932. Thus when Burma became independent on 4 Junuaary 1948, Arakan became a Division of it. For smooth running of the country Burmese Government enacted many laws and acts, from 1947. Some of them are:

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Union of Burma, Constitution, 1947. Burma Immigration Emergency Provision Act 1947. Burma Independence Act 1948 Union Citizenship Act, 1948 Foreigners Registration Act, 1948. The Residence of Myanmar Registration Act. 1949. Burma Immigration (Detention) Rule of 1951.

Almost all of these laws were intended to safeguard national interest and to classify status of peoples residing in Burma. In British period all, citizens, national peoples and foreigners, enjoyed equal rights. But after independence interest of the nationals or national peoples are considered to have priority and in this regard, all above Laws and Acts were enacted. Remarkable thing here is Muslims from Arakan State, despite their affinity with Bengal, were given full citizenship rights. This Muslim people comprises of

almost half the total Arakan population. From 1947 Constituent Assembly of General Aung San, to the 1990, SLORC sponsored Parliamentary election, the Muslims or Rohingyas got the right to elect and to be elected. I believe this alone is sufficient to recognize Rohingyas citizenship today.Since independence Government provided schools, hospital, medical centers and post offices in the midst of Rohingyas. All facilities, due to citizens, were provided by the Government to Rohingyas. Rohingyas more or less were allowed to get into Government services including the military service. Rohingyas were issued Burmese Passports to travel to foreign countries.They all were issued N. R. Cs. under said Residence Registration Act and its subsequent rules. According to the said rule, section 33. no foreigners can be issued this N R.Cs. There were some sorts of discriminations, suppressive mechanism and some undue harassment against this Rohingyas during the periods of former Governments. But the whole community was not denied citizenship rights. There were freedom of movement, ownership, profession and worship. All children can study in government schools and qualified ones can join the Institutions and Universities including Professional ones. Mujahid Movements: It is a hot question in the context of Arakan history. Some used to brand them as separatists, where some other said they were extreme racists. Now a day some are going to say they are alien to Burma. But the speeches delivered by responsible and top military dignitaries of that time, at the surrendering ceremony of Mujahids, proved they (the Mujahids) are not aliens but part and parcel of Burmese society. The former notions too, are proved wrong by their deeds, later. In fact one of the main reasons of Mujahid arising is that they felt insecure in the environment of armed groups, as on the eve of independence, both the branches of BCP and Pyithu Yebaw went underground in Arakan. Some Rakhine nationalist such as U Kra HIa Aung, Sayadaw U Sein Dan were also at preparation to stage armed struggle for Arakan Statehood. So in that prevailing situation Muslims too thought, it was right time for them to equip themselves with arms. Moshe Yegar says, after world war two, the Muslims of Arakan had, again, a separate history, similar to their situation in previous periods. The dominating feature in the events befell the Muslim community of Arakan, in the post war period was, undoubtedly the armed rebellion,known as Mujahids rebellion (Mujahid means warrior in a Holy War, Jihad). This movement was localized in the north of Arakan, in the region of Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and that part of Rathedaung, which borders with East Bengal. With the transfer of regime to AFPFL and particularly, after Burma was granted independence, a great many Muslim officers and officials were dismissed and replaced by Arakanese Buddhists. These latter tried to rehabilitate the deserted, ruined Arakanese villages. Part of the Arakan population uprooted during the communal riot at the beginning of the war was returned, and the Muslims who had grabbed their land were removed. These arrangements together with the remembrance of British promises unfulfilled to establish a national area led the Muslims to acts of sabotage against the Government.

Most of the population in this area (North Arakan) is Muslim. During the period of British rule disaffection between the Buddhist population and the Muslims in Arakan developed for the same economic and social reasons that caused similar hatred between the two groups as in the rest of Burma.340 [This led to 1942 communal riots and later to Mujahid movements). Here one thing Moshe Yegar did not dibcuss in this book is about the leadership of Mujahids. Mujahid Leadership: I found in my study, the main actor of this movement was one Kawal Jaffar Ahmed, a poet and vocalist educated in Rangoon. He was in Rangoon on the eve of independence. He observed the political situation then and returned to Arakan. He attracted the youths there with his nationalistic songs. He was a native of Kagyal Pek Village, Buthidaung. He mobilized a lot of young men and those government servants ousted by the new government, then. Kawal Jaffar's lieutenants were C.L. A. Rashid and Abdul Rashid of Bogyi Chaung, whose father was known as Anthora Raja (Limped Chieftain), for his defense of Buthidaung area, in 1942, from the attacks of Rakhine armed gangs intruded from inner Arakan. The other senior Mujahids were Abbas of Thindaung Village, Shafi of Tannmay Village, Buthidaung and Saleh Ahmed of North Maunydaw and schoolteacher Sultan Ahmed of Myothugyi Village, Maungdaw. Within a few years disunity erupted amongst them. Kawal Jaffar was killed by his men and their group was divided into many branches under different leadership. A group led by C.L.A. Rashid made their base at Saing Daing Mountain and he was killed in a major army operation around 1953 and 1954. Another group let by A. Rashid. Abbas and Saleh Ahmed controlled the area north of Buthidaung and Maungdaw. The other group, led by so called Major Qassim, who was famous, perhaps, for his notoriousness control Rathedaung, Maungdaw South and some area around central Maungdaw. He was a cruel and rough man. He served with the British army during the war. He suppressed his own people. He forcibly took contributions or ransom money from the public. He married a lot of young girls. So fathers of fair-looking young girls, had to flee into the towns or to the other side of the country. His cruelty and uncivil deed are still narrated today in local ballads also called "Honla", which are recited by group of women, especially on the occasion of marriage ceremonies. He forcibly married a young girl, in her early teenage, named Tayoba, daughter of a respected Mulvi Sikander of Tetmin Chaung, Buthidaung. But her father was successful to bring her back from her school in Chittagong with the help of the car driver of Toyuba, by a risky conspiracy. She was married second time to an Immigration Officer and now she lives in HIaing Tharyar Township, Yangon. There is a very popular "Honla" (Ballad) about this Tayuba's affair with Bo Qassim, which is especially recited by women in groups on the occasions of marriages. Today many Arakanese Muslims are found to have established on the western side of Naf River who fled there during this Mujahid movement. Major Qassim established his headquarter at Minglagyi Mountain; the attack of Government forces could not remove him from there. But in 1954, Burma got understanding with Pakistan and Major Qassim was arrested in Chittagong. There his followers disintegrated. Many second-class leaders with their own followers roamed in that area for years.They continued to loot and terrorize Muslims and Buddhists alike.

Among them were Ragi Ullah and Mutafis, who surrendered in May 1961. Another gang leader was Thurab Ali who did not surrender but after some years fled into East Pakistan. Then Abdul Rasheed surrendered in June 1961. Again two notorious gang leaders Syed Ahmed in Maungdaw north and two brothers Abul Samad and Abul Qassim in Burhidaung north insurrected for years. Abdul Samad was killed during his military raid into the downtown in 1959 and his brother Qassim too was killed in military operation in 1961. This time northern Arakan became a peaceful place without insurgency. Military administration, in the name of May Yu frontier administration was introduced. Dacoits and thieves were cleared off. People could sleep now leaving their house doors open. People were happy; prosperity began. Peace, tranquility and happiness prevailed there in its real meaning. People admired much to the administrators of that time. But this atmosphere did not last for many years. In about 1969, tnere again a group of insurgent gathered in the west side of Rathedaung, led by one, Zafiar. Later there was another Zaffer too. He was also known as B. A. Zaffar. B. A. Zaffar was a graduate of Rangoon University. He joined with former Zaffar in 1971, after Bangladesh Liberation war. But, they could not resist the major operation from Government side in 1974 and both fled into Bangladesh, where both of them later died. These are Mujahids ranks and files. What The Mujahids Did: Moshe Yegar says the rebellion (in 1948) spread quickly, for the central Government was busy putting down the rebellions that broke out in other places in Burma and was unable to devote itself to Arakan. In the beginning the Mujahids even co-operated with Arakanese rebellion that erupted in the south. The two rebel organizations came to an agreement whereby, after the defeat of the AFPFL regime in Arakan, the region would be divided into two independent states. Sober Muslim leaders tried on the one hand to influence the rebels, to desist from their undisciplined behavior, on the other hand to explain to the Government that the rebellion was the work of a handful of individuals, that the vast majority of Arakanese Muslims did not support them and were themselves among the victims of the rebels; and that actually the blame for this rash of rebellions was to be placed at the feet of the Government itself for the mistakes made in handling the sensitive situation, and of the Arakanese leadership for its successful inciting which increased the embittered elements within the Arakanese Muslim community and the hate between the Buddhists and the Muslims. They (the Muslim leaders) further explained that the revolt was contrary to the percept of Islam and that there was no justification whatsoever for the declaration of Jihad.341 There were indeed some Rohingya leaders, who in 1948 demanded arms from U Nu (then Prime Minister) to enable them to fight the rebels, and they repeated this demand again in 1950 and 1951; their demands were not met. In any case they accused the Government of failure in putting down the revolt, a failure that made it impossible for many of these Rohingyas to avoid surrendering to the rebels, being forced to help them against their will, under armed threats against which they had no defense The Government also made attempts to negotiate with the rebels. In July 1948, the Government delegation came to hear them out; the rebels claimed that Rohingyas were indigenous. Sons

of Arakan, descendants of Muslim settlers of hundreds of years ago, differing from neighboring Chittagonians despite the similarities in language, culture, race and the identity of the religion. The propaganda of the extremists among the Arakanese attempted to identify them (The Rohingyas) with the Pakistani Muslims.342 Why Mujahid Movement Edured: Moshe Yeyar writes; Muslims were not accepted for military service. The Government replaced the Muslim civil servants, policemen and headmen by Arakanese who increasingly offended the Muslim community, discriminating against them, putting their elders to ridicule, treating them as Kalahs and even extorting money and bribes from them, and arresting them arbitrarily. The authority made no efforts at all to correct the wrongs against the Rohingyas by mean of educational facilities and economic improvements. The Arakanese (Rakhine) conducted propaganda against the Rohingya, accusing them of being Pro Pakistan and aspiring to annexation to Pakistan, and cast suspicion upon their loyalty to the country The Immigration Authorities imposed limitation of Movements upon Muslims from the regions of Maungdaw, Butnidaung and Rathedaung to Akyab. The Muslims were not resettled in the villages from which they have been driven out in 1942, with exception of villages they left in Maungdaw and Buthidaung regions. Some 13,000 Rohingyas still living in refugee camps in India and Pakistan where they had fled during the war, were unable to return; as for those who managed to return, they were considered illegal Pakistani immigrants. The properties and lands of all these refugees have been confiscatedThe Mujahids took arms only after all their protests and complaints brought no result. They demanded that all these injustice be corrected and that they be allowed to live as Burmese citizens according to laws and not be subject to arbitrariness and tyrany.343 Mujahids and the Government: All the attempts to hold talks together failed.The rebels made rapid progress and banished the Arakanese villages that had been resettled. There were heavy fighting against army units and police patrols in the region, which for a long time had been under virtual seize. In June 1949, Government control was reduced to the port of Akyab only. Whereas the Mujahids were in possession of all of northern Arakan,and the other groups of Arakanese rebels had other districts in their control. Because of paucity of regular troops the Government formed a special Arakanese territorial force; they performed many acts of cruelty against the Muslims; and the rebels, for their part returned the full measure of acts of cruelty against the Arakanese 344 (the Magh). In 1950 Prime Minister U Nu accompanied by Pakistani Ambassador Aurengzeb went to visit Maungdaw.In the wake of this visit, several changes in the personnel of government departments of the region took place. Senior officials and army units were replaced.345 [This means Pakistani Ambassador, Aurangazib, was taken there to assure him that Muslims there were treated fairly and equally, like other minorities of the country]. [BTP units who acted excessively against the Muslims, were replaced by Kachin Rifle, under Captain Kinzamon.]

But, relation between Burma and Pakistan in 1953, turned sour again. Accusations and counter accusations were appearing daily in Newspapers. .Mujahids in fact got free access to the other side, because it was impossible to guard effectively the long border.Perhaps Mujahids enjoyed some support from across the border and there were considerable numbers Arakanese Muslims settlement in Pakistan side of the border indeed Moshe Yegar writes: In the years from 1951 thorough 1954 Government forces annually conducted largescale campaigns against the Mujahids. But the Mujahids kept their grip tight on the region. In 1954 the Mujahids again increased their action and reinstated their superiority over the region. Arakanese Buddhist Monks proclaimed protest (Staged hunger strikes) in Rangoon against Mujahids.As a result of this pressure, the Government launched an extensive campaign in November (in the name of operation Monsoon). The major centers of the Mujahids were captured and several of their important leaders were killed. Since then, their threat had been vastly reduced. [During this, C. L. A. Rashid, a very popular leader of the Mujahids, who took his strong hold near Saing Daing waterfall, east of Buthidaung, was killed. He did not retreat despite warning of several times from the public as well as from military officers in the operation. He resisted from his camp for several days and lastly he was killed. His followers disintegrated and later joined with the other Mujahid groups.] Their ranks broke up into small units, which continued to loot and terrorize Muslims and Buddhist alike, especially in remote regions difficult to access. The Mujahid discontinued their organized fighting against the armed forces: some of them went in for smuggling rice from Arakan to Pakistan, where rice was scarce. This Mujahids levied various taxes on the public. The Burmese Government accused the Mmahids of encouraging illegal immigration into Arakan of thousands of Chittagonians from over populated East Pakistan. But Rohingyas leaders denied this accusation and claimed that not only was there no such immigration at all, but that the authorities invented the story so as to prevent the Rohingya refugees from returning from Pakistan, on the excuse that they are Chitiagonians.346 . In early 1954 Major Qassim, the most widely known Mujahid leader was said to have been arrested in Pakistan. But he was not handed over to Burma. After his release from jail, Qassim remained in Chittagong where he runs a hotel to this very day. Qassims followers although scattered, set up a camp for their families on the Pakistani side of the border and continued their revolt by smuggling rice by plundering until July 4, 1961, when 290 Mujahids of the southern Maungdaw (led by one Ragi Ullah) surrendered at the hand of Brigadier Aung Gyi, then Deputy Commander in Chief of Burma. Then in 15 November 1961 another, but strongest group of Mujahid, numbenng a few hundreds surrendered. Thus Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung area became peaceful, free of insurgency. This second group of Mujahids was led by Abdul Rashid of Bogyi Chaung, Buthidaung. They also handed over two senior Mujahid leaders, Saleh Ahmed and Shafi, to the Government who were reluctant to surrender. What Made Mujahid Surrender: There are many factors connecting this issue. Of course the arrest of Major Qassim in East Pakistan caused disintegration in his followers. Yet there were other large and strong groups especially the one led

by Abdul Rashid and Saleh. Almost all Mujahid leaders occasionally used to go into Pakistan; Pakistan can arrest them anytime. She did not do it. The arrest of Bo Qassim might be to maintain friendship with Burma, but the main reason was the complaint local public had lodged against his cruelties and uncivil activities. The growing of military strength of Burma army is considered to be a reason that caused the surrender of Mujahids. Indeed there were yearly major operations, but they never could remove Qassim from his encampment on Minglagyi Mountain. Again there arose Mujahids in late 1960s, especially in Buthidaung and Rathedaung area.It was led by one Jaffar and they survived for years. The principle factor that led to the surrender is the lack of public support to them. The public including their leadership, firmly believed the words of senior officials of May Yu frontier administration. The leaders and elders of Rohingya fully accepted the notion that May Yu will be a peaceful and developed place in the Union and their future is bright forever.Rohingya leaders, who tried for frontier administration, now, believed they would actually enjoy equal right, as the other races do. So they pressed the Mujahids to surrender. At the same time Major Tin Oo was a very efficient administrator. He appointed Wazi Ullah as logistic officer.Wazi Ullah acted as a go between.Wazi Ullah was a very clever man, whom British military officer Major Anthony Irwin praised as he worked as an interpreter of him (the Major). Wazi Ullah succeeded in convincing the Mujahids that the Government took full guarantee of protection for the Muslims and the future of Arakan Muslims bright. Wazi Ullah conveyed the promises of Frontier Administration officials and the opinion of Rohingya leadership. Mujahids believing all these and seeing the decrease of public support day by day, decided to surrender group by group. Thus Rohingyas of Northern Arakan saw the surrender of Mujahids and admired the promises of Brigadier Aung Gyi, on behalf of the Government, Did the Rohingya Public cooperate with the Government: Believe it or not, according to my assessments Rohingyas are the most law-abiding people in Myanmar. They do not like people who take law in their own hands. They seek justice through judiciary. So the Muslims in Arakan have more cases in courts than other people. Government taxes and loans are always most completely paid by them. Official records of Myanmar will testify this fact.During the Second Worid War there were ample strayed arms in the area, but Rohingyas did not keep them in their possession only because they feared the law. Here Mujahids in the eyes of Rohingyas are out laws. They did not admire them. But they had to pay the taxes levied upon them and shelter them because the public was armless. Some Muslim leaders cooperated with the Government whole-heartedly.These comprise Abdul Salam,headman of the town of Buthidaung, Abdul Hamid, headman of Seinyinbyin Village, Buthidaung and they received Awards of President (Thamada Su) from the Union President. There formed a police force mostly comprising local Muslims. The officers were Mr. Abul Qassim and Mir Ahmed. They fought brilliantly against Mujahids

around mid 1950s, many Mujahids were captured alive and many others surrendered during this period. So Police Inspector Abul Qassim and P.S.0 U Mir Ahmed were conferred Yethura awards by the Government. Both are still alive in Maungdaw. May Yu Frontier Administration: May Yu frontier area comprises Maungdaw,Buthidaung and part of Rathedaung,where Rohingyas are in majority was announced by Prime Ministers office in early March 1961, as one of its special administrative departments.The head of the Department was Colonel Saw Myint. Commissioner for May Yu frontier was Major Tin Oo and S. D. 0 was Captain Zeya Kyaw Htin, La Santu. Both were efficient administrators. The people respected and loved them for their fair and just administration. Still today elderly people talk about their fair mindedness and pray for them. In May Yu frontier four Sub Townships were created; They are Alelhan Kyaw, Kyein Chaung, Kyaung Daung and Zedi Byin. Frontier administrators communicated with the Mujahids through some special liaison officers and local elders. Believing the promises made by the administrators, the Mujahids surrendered group by group The leader of the last Mujahid movements, Qassim of Buthidaung was killed in an ambush by the military in 1961 near Buthidaung Town, in his native village, Ywama. Now peace and tranquility prevailed.Summers are noisy and busy with traditional games, sports, festival and Pwes. Rohingya youths were recruited for official jobs, vocational training courses for Rohingya Students had been arranged. Rohingya Language as a language of national indigenous race began to be broadcast from Burma Broadcasting Services, twice a week for ten minutes each commencing from 15 March 1961. Stories concerning Rohingyas true faith to the Union and their being Burmese Indigenous race took the front pages of Newspapers, Periodicals and Magazines including the Tatmadaw Khityae Sasong, a Military Journal issued under the control of Defense Ministry. People were physically and mentally healthy in this period. Today people miss this period and wish to have the same, a peaceful and enjoyable life, and some expect that the present Military Government like their predecessors in earty 1960s, may create an atmosphere like that for Rohingyas in Arakan. Rohingyas were allowed to form various social organizations.Thus there were Organizations such as Rohingya Jamiyatul Ulema, United Rohingya National League, Rohingya Youth Association, University Rohingya Student Union, which was on par with other naitonal races. Further, there were some organizations in the name of Arakanese Muslims. The Issue of Rakhine State: As we have said Rakhine people did not demand Statehood on the eve of independence. But a cry for an Autonomous State grew up in post independent period. The main political rivalry was between AFPFL and Rakhine Ra-Ta-Nya (Rakhine Regional Party). Muslim M. Ps. from the north joined with the M.Ps.of AFPFL in the south. This became a great obstacle in gaining the Statehood for Arakan. Here Roningyas had not their own political party. They contested in the Parliamentary Elections of 1947,1951and1956 as

independent or as an affiliated group of AFPFL. Moshe Yegar says: Because of the deep seated suspicion existing, U Kyaw Min. leader of this (Rakhine Party), failed in all his attempts, after the 1951 elections to win over the Muslim Members of Parliament from Arakan State to form all Arakan faction within Parliament, with the promise of securing their rights as Muslims in the coming new State to be constituted. In the Constituent Assembly, the Arakanese Muslims had always four or five representatives. From 1956 election these members were influenced by Sultan Mahmood of Akyab, who became Health Misnister in 1961 in U Nus Pa-Ta-Sa Cabinet. Sultan Mahmood was clever and influential enough to monopolize the political life of Muslims in Arakan. There had been many commissions formed to study the case of granting Arakan Statehood. These are: Rees Williams Commission in 1947, U Nyo Tuns Commission in 1948, Sir Ba Oo Commission in 1948, Kellys Commission in 1950. No Commission yield up any result. But when AFPFL was divided into two factions in 1959, the prospect of achieving Statehood became brighter. Both factions wanted the support of Arakanese M. Ps. After winning 1960 election, U Nus PaTa-Sa Government again appointed an Inquiry Commission to study the affairs of Arakan State. This time Muslim opinions differed. Some objected the idea of Statehood for whole Arakan and propose to exclude Northern Arakan and keep it under central Government. Some supported the Statehood provided full safeguard for Muslims in the State are guaranteed.347 The second version of Statehood was proposed by the Organization of Arakanese Muslims affiliated to Sultan Mahmood, then a Parliamentarian from a constituency of Buthidaung. They demanded proportional quotas in official posts, which the Rakhine people were not ready to share. Arakan State did not come into existence yet. On the 1

May 1961, the province of Maungdaw,

Buthidaung and the Western Portion of Rathedaung was set up into May Yu Frontier Administration. It was under Frontier Administration Department in Prime Ministers office and controlled by military officials. It was not autonomy for the region and was out of the jurisdiction of Arakan Division. This new arrangement earned the support of Rohingya leaders, especially as the new military administration succeeded in putting down the rebellion and bringing order and security to the region. At the beginning of 1962, the Government prepared a draft law for the establishment of theState of Arakan and in accordance with the Muslims demand, excluded the May Yu District.The military revolution took place on March 2, 1962. The new Government cancelled the plan to grant Arakan the status of State but the May Yu district remained subject to the special administration that had been set up for it.348 Later, from 1

February 1964, the May Yu District was put under the Ministry of Home Affairs.The

facilities Rohingyas enjoyed during military rule began to decrease gradually. BSPP (Burmese Socialist Program Party), the only party the Revolutionary Governmeni had formed and allowed to grasp the whole life of the area. Rohingya, except a few axe-handle-like persons, are not allowed membership in the

BSPP Party. This BSPP had played one-sided game, to exploit and spoil the Rohingya community, until it was dissolved in 1988. Surprise Check on Muslim Villages: Though Rohingyas or Muslims were formally accepted as nationals, theic were strict checks on their movements. Immigration officials deliberately harassed them to get bribe money.Some times there were check operations on ground of suspected illegal immigrants. Sometimes these operations caught people and arbitrarily jailed them. Some of these died in Insein Jail, because they were not accepted by Pakistan and some had to seek self-deportation only after independence of Bangladesh. Most interesting is, in one case the Supreme Court set aside orders of deportation against a group of Arakanese Muslims rounded up by Immigration authorities in 1959 in a drive against illegal immigrants, ruling that in a country like Burma with so many minority groups there might be people who do not speak Burmese and whose customs were different from the Burmese, but who nevertheless were Citizens (The Guardian Newspaper, October 27, 1960). CHAPTER XX ARAKAN UNDER MILITARY RULE On March 2, 1962, General Me Win seized power in a coup, abolished the constitution and dissolved the Parliament. Now all power of the State rested in his Revolutionary Council. In February 1963, this regime nationalized all banks and a few weeks later all businesses save very little retail selling ones. The special administration of May Yu region was abolished and was put under the Ministry of Home Affairs from February 1964. Rohingyas social and religious associations were not permitted in his new process of re-registration. Rohingya language broadcasting program as a national race or as an ettinic language, from BBS (Burma Broadcasting Service) was cancelled from October 30, 1965. Unscrupulous elements of Rakhine people were given a free hand in dealing with Rohingyas. Disgracing and harassing to Rohingya is allowed to do freely. Hooliganism and gang looting became a routine activity in towns; state mechanism of forced transmigration or transportation was introduced. Rohingya households were forcibly deported to places where they originally got the NRCs (National Registration Cards).Discriminations were found in public jobs.Local Rohingya servicemen were transfared to remote places or to Inner Burma. Opportunity for new public jobs became very rare. Harassment on travel, especially on checkpoints, Jetties and Airports became very harsh. Most NRCs, on checkpoints were seized and torn down. Many Rohingya Villages from Minbya, Mrauk-U, and Kyauktaw were forcibly shifted wholesale to Maungdaw and Buthidaung area.These villagers left everything behind and faced a lot of hardships in their new places. Some young men of these expellees had made secret contact with ex-Mujahids, and therein an underground-armed movement restarted from about late 1968. In this situation some educated

persons were organized by one Jaffar (B.A) of Buthidaung, and crossed to the other side of the border with his followers. Since then, this group had been doing some anti-State propaganda against the Burmese Government. During liberation war of Bangladesh, Jaffar (B.A.) came with some of his supporters into Arakan and joined there with the armed group led by another Jaffar, also known as Jaffar Thani. They got some advanced arms from war-wrecked Bangladesh. Arms were very plenty in that period.Even Party Unit (BSPP) of Maungdaw had collected a lot of modern firearms, for that reason,Unit Chairman Captain U Kyaw was later taken action. This time efforts were made to get military co-ordinations between the Rohingya armed groups and the Rakhine armed groups in inner Arakan. Armed group led by Bo Kra HIa Aung and Kyaw Zan Ris Communist Branch of Arakan are said to have gained some agreements of understanding with the group led by Jaffar (B.A.). The insurgent group of Jaffar (B.A.) got hold of the area for about three years. This group, too, failed to gain the support of local people. When a major operation in 1973 was launched against them, they did not resist it and gradually fled into Bangladesh. Some say the arms were surrendered to the Bangladesh Government. From then on there has been no insurgency in May Yu region until now. But, Jaffar (B. A) and other persons organized some anti-State Organizations in the names of RSO (Rohingya Solidarity Organization) and RPF(Rohingya Patriotic Front) in foreign land. They have been carrying only some propaganda works abroad. The Rakhine insurgent groups led by Bo Kra HIa Aung, U Kyaw Zan Ri (Red Flag Branch) and other Communist Branches, too, surrendered in 1980s. Thus Arakan as a whole became peaceful and devoid of insurgency. The last group roamed around the border area also surrendered in 1999 and they were settled down in Northern Maungdaw. Under 1974 constitution, Arakan became a State. Chairman of Arakan State Council was Commodore U Kyaw Maung, who married a daughter of Kyaw Mra Aung Chaudhary of Teknaf. Bangladesh. There were a lot of Bangladeshi (Formerly East Pakistani) persons serving in various departments of Myanmar as they were regarded as nationals by Sanguine. Arakan State had conspired a tragedy against the Rohingyas. Then a Pyithu Luttaw (Parliament) Member from Buthidaung Constituency, U HIa Kyaw Aung submitted a report in Pyithu Luttaw session that there are seventy thousand illegal immigrants in Buthidaung alone. Thus the Government had introduced an operation (Operation Dragon King) in February 1978. It started on February 13 from Akyab. Villages were surrounded up at night. Thousands of Rohingyas from surrounding villages were herded to an empty warehouse of Agricultural Department and many were kept in the compound under bare roof. Next day roars and agitations broke out there. Armed personnel tried to calm down the agitators and being unable to control the mob, they fired on the mob. Two Muslims were killed and a lot many were injured. The group rounded up the day before ran away; they were not chased and (or) rearrested. But later some Muslim elders were arrested and jailed on the charges of complicities in this agitation of escapees. The operation again started in Buthidaung on 16
th th

March 1978. There, too, were indiscriminate arrests under various clauses of immigration acts.

People were jailed through summary trials in mobile courts. A huge temporary jail adjacent to Buthidaung

Town was built, which actually became a means of terror for public. Thus people felt, absconding from the operation would be better than facing jail term. Parents became very much anxious about their young unmarried daughters. Thus people began to flee into Bangladesh. First Bangladesh blocked the exodus. But later seeing some absconders being killed and injured at Taung Bru police station, Bangladesh allowed them to cross the border. About two hundred thousands were sheltered in camps along the border.First Burma denied them to be Burmese citizens or residents. Foreign diplomats were invited there in the first week of May and shown around the area, the diplomats understood the cause and effects of the operation. But, later Burma and Bangladesh got understanding through reciprocal visits of missions, and an agreement of repatriation was signed on 7 July 1978.The refugees were being repatriated where the UNHCR came to help the refugees on humanitarian ground. The refugees had been repatriated and most of them were resettled in their original places. This refugee crisis drew the attention of the world. Since then many researchers have been writing on Rohingya problem. Rohingyas got five seats in 1990 SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council) sponsored election. For reasons known to SLORC, restriction on Rohingyas movement was enforced from late 1991. Permanent military cantonment and barracks were being constructed for dozens of military battalions, in Buthidaung Town alone.349 Order of porter and ration reached to a village from various army and police units at the same day Porters, who were kept in the camps for some continuous days got infection of cerebral malaria and died within days. Insulting and humiliating to Muslims irrespective of their social status grew day by day. Villages were removed and agricultural lands were confiscated for military installations and so called new establishment of Rakhine model villages. These all led to second exodus of people to Bangladesh in early 1992. This time, too, more than two hundred thousand Rohingyas, who for their poorness and illiteracy, some people tried to assume to be recent Bangladeshi entrants, streamed into Bangladesh and were sheltered in many refugee camps temporarily built for them along the border. This time, too, Burmese Government first said that no Burmese nationals fled to Bangladesh. Next she said that so called refugees were no more than those who returned to their natives.But in mid 1993 (perhaps in August) an agreement to repatriate the refugees was reached between Myanmar Government and the UNHCR High Commissioner in Geneva. Repartriation process began in late 1993. Now all refugees save a few thousand had been repatriated. UNHCR and many other NGOs are presently contributing helps to the refugees. UNHCR has been trying to reintegrate the refugees in the society. Funther UNHCR has been maneuvering for the issuance of National Identity Cards to the returnees as well as to the local Rohingyas in Arakan. So called National Scrutiny Cards under U Ne Wins 1982 Cili/rnship Act were until now not issued to any Rohingyas, UNHCR efforts in this regard, so far is not successful yet. Jaffar (B. A.) died in 1986 in Chitlagong. His associates and remnants of former Mujahid who fled into Bangladesh reorganized themselves but did not get unity, and became two separate groups, ARIF and RSO. ARIF was headed by Mr. Noor Islam: a LLB graduate from Rangoon University and RSO was

headed firstly by Saiful Islam and later by Mohammed Yunus, a medical doctor, graduated from Institute of Medicine, Yangon. Neither group has any activity inside Burma save an excursion by RSO in May 1994, which coincide with a cyclone on 27 May, and met still retaliation from the Government. Most of the infiltrators were killed and the rest fled away. In the uprising of 1988, (General) U Ne Win resigned and first U Sein Lwin became the head of the State. Within a short period the power was handed over to Dr. Maung Maung. Both were unable to put down the uprising. Law and Order was deteriorating day by day. Thus on 18 September 1988 the Army headed by General Saw Maung took power of the State. The army in the name of State Law and Order Restoration Council imposed Martial Law and gradually succeeded in suppressing the uprising. SLORC Government sponsored a Parliamentary election on 27
th th th

of May 1990. National League for

Democracy (NLD) came victorious with 82% turnout. Arakan State has 26 seats. Arakan League for Democracy won 11 seats. Among the rest, 9 seats won by NLD, 4 seats by NDPH,350 one seat by MroKhami Party and last one by Kaman Party, respectively. CHAPTER XXI LEGAL NEXUS BETWEEN ROHINGYA AND THE STATE It is difficult for general concern to understand the legal status of Rohingya. Majority does not know the Geo-Political and historical background of Arakan. To generat Burmese; a Burmese is a Buddhist.If a pure Burmese happeies to be a Muslim, he is regarded as a Kalah of a foreigner. Here, Rohingyas are Muslims, their complexions are different from general Burmese, so they are generally seen as foreigner of descendants of foreigners which means Rohingyas are regarded as non- nations. However, Bokyoke Aung San, father of the nation and leaders of post independence period studied the affairs of all minorities in the nation and generously accepted Rohingyas as an indigenous race of Burma at the same par with Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Mon and Rakhine. In early British census Rohingya, Karman, Myedu and Chitlagonians or Bengalis were all censured under the column of Muslims. Sometimes Alakanese Muslims were categorized as Sheikhs and sometimes they were put under the column of Indian Muslims. Arakanese Muslims protested not to mix them with foreign Muslims. So in 1921 census only some Rakhine speaking Muslims were shown under separate column as Arakan Mohammedan. Then again in 1931 census Myedu and Kaman only were separately listed, whence the Rohingya still remained under general Muslim headline. Yet Rohingyas are not foreigners in independent Burma. Grounds for this claim are:


In 1864 Foreigner Act was enacted and again it was amended as Foreigner Registration Act in 1940 and then came out Registration of Foreigners Rule in 1948. But Rohingyas, who settled in Arakan Village-wise, were not subjected to registration as foreigners.




5. 6.


In 91 department administrations of late colonial period British election law had provision for the representation of Indians in Burma. Rohingyas from north Arakan were allowed to represent as Burmese, but not as Indians.Their representative U Pho Khaing and U Gani Marakan had competed not as Indian, but as Burman. U Aung Tun Khaing and U Shwe Tha were other contesters, who were Rakhmes. Further in the Constituent Assembly of Bokyoke Aung San, Sultan Ahmed from Maungdaw, Abdul Gaffar from Buthidaung and U Pho Khaing (a) Nasir Uddin from Akyab got elected as Burmese citizen representatives. The most interesting thing is on the very day of Bokyoke Aung San and his colleagues martyrdom, there was an official appointment at noon with these Arakan State Representatives.351 Under 1947 Burma Immigration (Emergency Provision) Act, no foreigner can enter the Union of Burma without any lmmigration Permit issued by the controller or by any official authorized to issue such permits or a valid Passport duly Visaed or endorsed by or on behalf of the President of the Union [Here a foreigner can enter secretly to Arakan bul it is not easy for him to take permanent settlement in the midst of a functioning mechanism of Government.] Here again, there are the Immigration (Detention) Rules of 1951,in Burma.Under this rule any foreigner found entered the country illegally can be deported. There were instances of annulling deportation orders by Chief Court of Burma, in the case of some Arakan Muslims,352 who were arrested and sentenced for some years on conditions of deporting after the jail term. There is the Union Constitution of 1947. Section 11 of this Constitution expressed: any of the indigenous races of the Burma means the Arakanese, Burmese, Chin, Kachin, Karen, (Kayah), Mon or Shan races and such racial groups as has settled in any of the territories included within the Union as their permanent home for a period anterior to 1823 A.D. (1185 B.E.). [Thus Rohingyas whose residency in Arakan rooted so many centuries back, fall under this category of the indigenous race]. The Union Citizenship Act of 1948: Citizenship is a right to have rights. Section 3 (1) of this Act stipulates again Section 11 of the Constitution. Section 4 (2) reads: any person descended from ancestors, who for two generations at least have all made any of the territories included within the Union their permanent home and whose parents and himself were born in any of such territories shall be deemed to be a citizen of Union. [If Rohingyas were not recognized as indigenous race as said above in Article 11 of the Constitution, they at least enjoyed citizenship under this Section of Citizenship Acts. Many Rohingyas in post independence period won the charges against them by immigration in Court, by showing clearance under this Section].


Issuance of National Registration Certificate: This is the most authentic document concerning Rohingyas citizenship. In parallel with the Union Citizenship Act, the Residents of Burma Registration Act was enacted in 1949, followed by its executing Rules in 1951. Accordingly, all people residing in Myanmar were required to register either as residents or foreigners. To these two categories corresponded two novel documents, National Registration Cards (NRCs) and Foreigners Registration Certificate (FRCs) (under 1864 Foreigners Act and then amended in 1940 as Foreigners Registration Act), for residents and foreigners respectively.NRCs were issued to all residents(mainly citizens) whilst registered foreigners(under Foreigners Registration Act and Rule of 1948)were issued FRCs.There was no

third category of people in Burma, then. As a result, NRCs were used as a proof of nationality or citizenship. Here Burma Residents Registration Rules of 1951. Section 33, stipulates, what so ever this Rule cannot be applied to foieigners except the case in Section 29 and 31. Section 33 Article; A say Foreigners who were registered under 1940, Foreigners Registration Act should be accepted as a registered under this rule, and their FRCs should be regarded as if issued undei this rule. Note: Section 29, stipulates to carry the registration cards in case of traveling outside residing town. Section 31, stipulates, in case of failure to abide by this rule, one is subject to face to legal action under Section 6 Article 2 of Bunna Resident Registration Act. In practice, too,the NRC holders had the right to possess immoveable properties,the right to public jobs,insurance,social security and professional educations.Rohigyas have been enjoying all these rights since independence up to 1990. The most noteworthy thing is that the first town in the Union to issue this NRC in 1952 was Maungdaw. People in that area did not approach to immigration and Registration offices, individually or in groups to obtain the document in illegal way. But the official under special project got to the grass root villages and issued the Cards to the villagers. Then how can we say, people obtained NRCs by bribing the local officials. So the notion that Rohingyas in Arakan acquired NRCs by hand is not reasonable at all. All NRC issued in earlier years bear no additional remarks. A remark stating, holding this certificate shall not be considered as a conclusive proof of as to citizenship was sealed later on NRCs. The reason behind this extra remark sealed later is best known to the authorities.Perhaps one of the objectives of 1978, Dragon King Operation was to stamp the above remark on all NRCs.


Issuance of Naiional Passports: Since independence, Muslim from Arakan States obtained National Passports to travel abroad. In the Iast few decades, pilgtims lo Makkah, frorn Rakhine State, got Passports of the Union of Bunna, too. Under international law, the possession of such document is a proof of nationality.


Eligibility to Elect and to he Elected:

In international laws,only citizens can compete in national elections.Burmese Constitution and Election Laws piohibit foreigners fiom the right to elect and to be elected. The criterion to run for election is not only that the candidate is a full citizen but also both of his parents must be citizens too.353 Noteworthy thing here is, there were several general elections of Pyithu Hluttaw from 1946 to 1990s SLORC sponsored election. In all these elections Rohingyas of Arakan or Muslims of Arakan enjoyed both rights, to elect and to be elected. Here is a List of MPs Period Wise; Year Position Name of Candidate Area Reprsented

1936 1946

M. G. C. M. L. C.

Mr.Gani Marakan U Pho Khaing (a) Nasir Uddin

Buthidaung+Maungdaw Akyab West

M. L. C. M. L. C. 1951 M. P. M. P. M. P. M. P.

Mr. Sultan Ahmed


Mr. Abdul Gaffar Buthidaung Mr. Abdul Gaffar Buthidaung North Mr. Abdul Bashar Mr. Sultan Ahmed Daw Aye Nyunt (a) Zurah Buthidaung South Maungdaw North Maungdaw South


M. P. M. P. M. P. M. P.

Mr. Ezar Meah Mr. Sultan Mahmood Mr. Abul Bashar Mr. Sullan Ahmed

Buthidaung North Buthidaung North (By-election) Buthdaung South Maungdaw North

M. P. M. P.

Mr. Abul Khair Mr. Abdul Gaffar (Upper House)

Maungdaw South Both Maungdaw and Buthidaung


M. P. M. P. M. P. M. P. M. P.

Mr. Abul Bashar Mr. Sultan Mahmood Mr. Abul Khair Mr. Rashid M. A. Subhan (Upper House)

Buthdaung South Buthidaung North Maungdaw South Maungdaw North Both Maungdaw and Buthidaung

Ma-Sa-La Period (BSPP) Year 1974 Designation Name of Candidate Region Represented

Hluttaw Member Dr. A. Rahim Hluttaw Member Mr. Abul Hussein

Maungdaw Buthidaung


Hlttaw Member

Mr.Abdul Hai (a) Maungdaw U Tun Aung Kyaw

Some others: etc;SLORC Sponsored Elections 1990 Hluttaw Member Mr. Fazal Ahmed Maungdaw South Maungdaw North Buthidaung South

U Chit Lwin (a)Ibrahim U Tin Maung (a) Noor Ahmed U Kyaw Min (a)

Buthidaung North

Anwarul haq U Shwe Yat Akyab

During the Ma-Sa-La period, in all level of election: Village Tracts, Townships, and State or Division Councils: Rohingyas got the right to represent there. In the last Pa-Ta-Sa Cabinet of U Nu,Health Minister was Mr. Sultan Mahmood, M. P., from Buthidaung North. To sum up, until recently Rohingyas enjoyed full citizenship rights. So they naturally are Burmese citizens. By 1982 Citizenship Law too, they are citizens also, because Article 6 of this law stipulates as one who is a citizen at the commencement of this law is also a citizen. Albitrarily depriving ones citizenship or degrading ones citizenship status, I hope, is contrary to international laws and norms. The reason behind denial is self-interpretation of 1982 citizenship law. They say Rohingya is not in 135 ethnic groups. Ma-Sa-La had designated lately. Though Rohingyas residency in Myanmar might be for centuries, yet they have to apply for naturalized or associate citizenship.Gaining of this degraded status is also subject to the approval of highest authority. Presently TRCs or White Cards as it is called, Temporary Registration Cards have been issued to Rohingyas in North Arakan. UNHCR official say according to the explanation of Department of Immigration, TRCs can be regarded as a step towards granting citizenship to Rakhine Muslims.354 According to Burma Resident Registration Rule Section 13, a-1, TRC is a substitute for NRC for a temporary reason. After all, UNHCR in its assessment of the situation, remarks, one would be incorrect in asserting that because there exists no formal citizenship nexus between Rakhine Muslims and Myanmar Naing Ngan,this population is living in a legal limbo.In fact there exist a wide series of genuine affective links between the two above mentioned. Historically the national nexus between the Rohingya and Rakhine kingdom was following from a higher legal political nexus, i.e. the nominal vassalage of the Rakhine King to Sultan of Gaur, which guaranteed Muslim subjects to be treated on equal footing with the Rakhine Buddhist.355


Degrading of Nationality Status: Despite profound rationale and historical as well as legal proofs, Rohingyas today are barred from gaining Citizenship Scrutiny Cards. Their nationality status is made a subject of suspicion. Many happened to incline to believing the fabricated or distorted stories concerning Rohingyas. But, the UN Universal Declaration on Human Rights in 1948 in its Article No. 15 says; everyones has the right to a nationality, none shall be arbiharity deprived of his nationality, and no one be denied the right to change the nationalty.

As we have seen in early chapter Rohingyas had been full-fledged citizens of Myanmar, through out its history up to 1990 SLORC sponsored Parliamentary election.So losing this status pertains to theuncler of rights Universally considered jus cogens, which may not to be limited, curtained or infringed for any reason of national emergency, national security, sovereignty or national unity. As to the rights expressed in Article 3 and 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, there can be no derogation as far as denationalization is concerned. According to Children Rights Convention, every child has a right to citizenship Myanmar is a party to this Convention. She signed and ratified it. Myanmar had enacted Myanmar Children Law; in 1993 Section 10 of the said Law stipulates that every child shall have the right to citizenship in accordance with statuary language of existing laws. Since Myanmar is a party to the (Children) Convention, she is obliged under Article 7, to afford nationality to every child born on its territory, in particular when the child would otherwise be stateless. The rigorous nature of the restrictions imposed on NRC, TRC holders of Arakan leaves little doubts that the concerned authorities seek to relegate such persons into positions of inferiority partcutarly not only in the sphere of political affairs but also in the economic realm.356 UNHCR annual report remarks, Myanmar and UNHCR signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on November 05,1993, Article 5 of that MOU Says returnees will enjoy the same freedom of movement as all other nationalities in Rakhine State But the second part of the sentence, in conformity with existing laws., bring us to the earth. What these laws are? This is the legal basis for movement restrictions that currently applied in Northern Rakhine State. These regulations are:

<![if !supportLists]>1.

<![endif]>Section 10 of the Foreigners Registration Act of

1940, which stipulates that foreign residents in Myanmar have to request a license to leave their place of residence; and

<![if !supportLists]>2.

<![endif]>Section 11 of the above act of 1940, which

elucidates, in this context, every such license shall state the name of the person to whom the license is granted, the nation to which he belongs, the district or districts through which he is authorized to pass or the limit within which he is authorized to travel, and the period of travel and so on It has been well noticed that improving the legal status of Muslims in this region is the first step towards social and economic development. Culturally, socially or simply humanely the consequences of a weakened legal status of Muslims population in north Arakan State are many. They touch every realm of life.357 It should be tackled in a fair way, without neglecting the historical and legal background of this population of Arakan.

CHAPTER XXII SUCCESSIVE BURMESE GOVERNMENTS AND ROHINGYA Do the Rohingya have the right to be Burmese citizens? Do they fall in the norm and from of Burmese indigenous category? It is a question most people raise at least in their mind. To be straight to the point, Burma has neither during the reign of Burmese kings nor during the period of British rule, any specific legal corpus slipulating the rights and duties of Burmese: it neither had any law concerning the issuance of identity documents whatsoever. So when we speak of citizenship or national race, we have to start from the laws. [Here all laws enacted in Burma could not be interpreted to satisfy the need and wish of minorities.] Burmese laws concerning citizenship are neither jus sanguini nor jus soli, it is a mixture of both. So we cannot say to be Burmese citizen, one should be a Biiddhist or from so designated group or tiibe. Since Bunna is a muti-racial country, peoples of different iacial and cultural background live here. So all these peoples should be accommodated in the family of national races; For example, in India, Nagas in east are ethnically and culturally very much different from the Malwaris in the west. Yet all have the same status and equal rights. Taking into consideration these points, all previous Governments in Burma, treated Rohingyas as Burmese nationals. Though there had been some occasional discrimination, on the whole Rohingyas were provided with full citizenship rights. Some major proofs of recognizing Rohingya as citizens, by successive Government are as follows:

<![if !supportLists]>1.

<![endif]>British first ruled Burma under the Governor of India.

Next there was a Governor for Burma.Then in late colonial period there was a Governors Council, represented by all racial groups including Indian and European residents in Burma. Where Indian population reached the quota prescribed in the Councils regulation, there was an Indian Constituency. Thus Akyab, where was a vast Indian populace, got an Indian Constituency for the Governors Council.There was a Nationality Constituency too. All other Constituencies in Arakan were nationals. Thus the representative elected from Maungdaw, Buthidaung was a National Representative. Mr. Gani Marakan of Akyab represented Maiingdaw and Buthidaung in 1936 election. The competitors of that period with Gani Marakan were U Shwe Tha and U Aung Tun Khaing both of who were Rakhines. A Rakhine candidate never tried to be a representative of foreigners. This is a proof that Muslims from northern Arakan were regarded as Burmese nationals, even in British period.

<![if !supportLists]>2.

<![endif]>In the legislative, Hluttaw of Byoke Aung San, which

had drawn first Burmese Constitution, Rohingyas too, got the chance to represent, which indicates. Bokyoke Aung San, father of our independence, accepted Rohingya as Burman.

Their being Kalahs (Muslims) did not infriuge in their being Burmese citizen. M.L.Cs. of that Hlutttaw were U Sultan Ahmed from Maumidaw. U Abdul Gaffar from Buthidaung and U Pho Khaing (a) Nasir Uddin from Akyab West.

<![if !supportLists]>3.

<![endif]>In 1950, Prime Minister U Nu took along with him Ihe

Ambassador of Pakistan, Mr. Aureng Zeb, to Maungdaw and Buthidaung, where he (the Prime Minister) arranged mass public meetings and assured the Ambassador as well as the local public that Burma regard these people as genuine Burmese citizens and henceforth no discrimination will ever occur in this area.

<![if !supportLists]>4.

<![endif]>We have,Burma Residence Registration Act of 1949,

under which NRCs were issued only to Burmese citizens.The most notable thing is Maungdaw was the first town in the Union to issue the NRCs. The teams of Immigration and Manpower or National Registration Department got down to the grassroots villages to register and issue these NRCs. No one came to the town office to obtain that NRCs by fraud or bribe. According to the Rules of said Acts, foreigners can not be issued NRCs. So having NRCs is a proof of Rohingyas 358 being Burmese citizens.

<![if !supportLists]>5.

<![endif]>U Nu, the Union Prime Minister, on the radio speech


relayed from BBS (Burma Broadcasting Service) on 25 brethren.They are called Rohingyas.359

September 1954 at 8:00 PM

explained that the people living in Maungdaw and Buthidaung regions are our national

<![if !supportLists]>6.

<![endif]>Both Prime Minister U Nu and then Defense Minister

U Ba Swe in November 03, 04 1959 made public speeches to the mass public gatherings in Maungdaw and Buthidaung. There, they assured the public that the government was clean and clear in regard of Rohingyas Burmese citizenship. They told Rohingyas were at the same par in the status of nationality with Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Mon, Rakhine and Shan.

<![if !supportLists]>7.

<![endif]>A notification is issued on November 20, 1961 by

Frontier Administration Department, under Prime Ministers office designated May Yu Frontier Area as a Rohingya majority region and emphasized that Frontier Administration was introduced only to uplift the socio-economic life of these people.

<![if !supportLists]>8.
to 30 October 1965.360

<![endif]>Rohingya language was relayed from BBS for ten

minutes two times per week in its indigenous races broadcasting program, from 15 May 1961

<![if !supportLists]>9.

<![endif]>Sarpay Beikman is a Government controlled

publishing house. Government censored well its publications, especially the volumes of

Myanmar Encyclopedia. In Myanmar Encyclopedia Vol. 9. 1964, on page 89, the historic narration was given in detail concerning Rohingya.

<![if !supportLists]>10. <![endif]>Khityae Sasaung. a bulletin of Defense Ministry, in its

Volume number 12, at 6 and 9 dated 18/7/61 and 8/8/61 respectively, carried long stories concerning Rohingya. It described northern Arakan, a place of Rohingya majority where some minorities, Khami, Mru, Dainet and Rakhine, too.

<![if !supportLists]>11. <![endif]>The groups of Mujahids, one on 8/7/61 and the other
on 15/11/61, surrendered. Both surrendering ceremonies were chaired by then Brigadier Aung Gyi, Deputy Chief of Staff.The speeches he made on those occasions were produced in a booklet, named Future of May Yu.These booklets are in the hands of many people today. Summarizing his speeches, we get the following points. He said, The people in this district (May Yu) are Ruhingya. On the other side of the border, there are Muslims too. They are Pakistanis. Muslims in Arakan side are Rohingyas. Some ethnic people live on the both sides of the border, not only in this border, but also in our borders with India, China and Thailand. For example Lisu, Eikaw, Lawa live in Kachin State where as then main clans are in China. In the same way we have Shan in Burma, whereas in China there are Tain Shans too. There are Mon, Karen, Malays in Burma as well as in Thailand. On the Indian border, there are Chin, Lishaw and Naga. These people settled down on Indian side of the border as well. So, frankly speaking people living in this May Yu region are our national brothers, and one of our national minorities. So it we had any wrongs in the past, forget them. From today, you all are our Union citizens. Feel yourself as our family members, not strangers. He further explained many other things.

<![if !supportLists]>12. <![endif]>High School Geography of Ma-Sa-La period indicates

in a map of Burma, the scattering of national peoples, where northern Arakan is spotted as a region of Rohingya settlements.

<![if !supportLists]>13. <![endif]>Traditionally, Union Day celebrations on 12thof

February have been yearly celebrated in a grandeur manner, under the sponsorship of the Government Representatives of Union races have been invited as State Guests, there Rohingya representatives too were invited in 1960 and 1961 Union Day Celebrations. Next a cultural exhibition and a sport race, were allowed to be shown and pertermed in Theinbyu Sport Ground, Yangon, on 1960 Union Day.

<![if !supportLists]>14. <![endif]>The last and most important reference of Rohingyas

historically in the book Sasana Ronwa Htunzepho published by SLORC Government in

1997. In its chapter of Islam the book pointed out that Islam spread in Arakan since 8 century A. D. It was highly rooted there, and from there it futher spread into inner Burma.


<![if !supportLists]>15. <![endif]>In Rangoon University, there were Ethnic Student

Associations. Rohingyas also got registration of their Association in 1959 1960 and 1960 1961 academic years. Registration Numbers are: 113/59 Dec 13 1959 and Rg 7/60 Sep 17, 1960 respectively. These all are some proofs for those who suspects Rohingyas in their being genuine citizens of Burma. Still some may say Ihese allare not the decree, notification declaration or decision of the highest organ of the Slate. No such documentations ever appeared in Burma in regards of so-called 135 indigenous peoples of Burma (save the original eight ethnic races whose names were mentioned in Burmese Constitutions). If the rest of all can be indigenous races without any decree or notification, why not Rohingyas, too? CHAPTER XXIII THE SURVEY OF UNHCR In the aftermath of 1992 refugee problem, many NGOs entered Arakan and have been working there. Especially refugees have been repatriated under UNHCRs supervision. Only a few thousand refugees remained in Bangladesh, whose case is under negotiation between Myanmar and Bangladesh. UNHCR has its yearly reports. Further some of its senior officials have compiled some thesis concerning the Rohingyas. These comprise a nation within a nation, by A Joseph: Analysis of the livelihood situation of the Muslim population in Northern Arakan State, by Andersen. A brief account on the history of Muslim population in Arakan by P. Nicolas. Their study seemed to be many folds.Their thesiste contain various viewpoints: The official version, the Rakhine version and the version of Rohingya themselves. According to UNHCRs documents an increasing number of Rakhine Muslims have shown willingness to acquire formal citizenship. It said recent survey indicated 70 to 80% interviewees declare that holding Myanmar citizenship is first on their list of priorities. Further 60 to 90% declare that they consider themselves as nationals of Myanmar 361 .. According to UNHCR the Rakhine version is: The indigenous races of Myanmar have no Muslim religion.362 Finally the official (SLORC and SPDC Governments) version in regard of Rohingya is: The so-called Rohingyas never belonged to the national races or national racial groups of Myanmar. The Rohingya do not exist in Myanmar historically, politically or legally nor do they in any way represent any segment of the population in Myanmar including those professing the Islamic faith. The so-called Rohingya is an invention of insurgent terrorist organization like Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front (ARIF). Both organizations are alien to Myanmar in form and content and are largely supported from abroad.363 Again Minister for Foreign Affairs, U Ohn Gyaw, in 1992 opined: Persons, who could not produce an Identity Card, should have a problem. He further said It is a

rubbish thing that people have left Myanmar: These people who are in the refugee camps in Bangladesh are perhaps from Decca, but not one single person has left Myanmar This reflects the official position concerning the Rohingyas and Rohingya refugees. Myanmar Government is ready to register or issue Registration Cards to Rohingyas, but reluctant to issue them either NRCs or so-called Citizen Scrutiny Cards.364 But their words have no consistency and later they accepted the refugees. UNHCR survey in 1998 reflects the perception, sense of belonging. It says their interviewees claim to be Burmese nationals.One of the returnees says. Now I feel they are wrong in saying that we are foreigners.365 Here in these connections UNHCR official, observed as follows: One would be incorrect in asserting that, because there exist no formal citizenship nexus between Rakhine Muslim and the Myanrnar, this population is living in a state of legal limbo. In facts there exist a wide series of genuine effective links between the two above mentioned. To name a few:

<![if !supportLists]>1.

<![endif]>The mere fact that returnees revealed themselves of

Myanmar National protection is an unmistakable nexus and decidedly a peisuasive one.

<![if !supportLists]>2.

<![endif]>The fact that Rakhine Muslims have enjoyed habitual

residence rights for generations and continue to do so

<![if !supportLists]>3.

<![endif]>Formal and informal taxes are paid to the local

<![if !supportLists]>4.

<![endif]>Participation for social security system for those

Rakhine Muslims who were working (in Public Departments)

<![if !supportLists]>5.

<![endif]>Massive participation in the nation wide election of

1990, a right normally reserved for citizens

<![if !supportLists]>6.

<![endif]>Some legal documents: the author had a chance to

review and testify that Rakhine Muslims are nationals of the Union of Myanmar.366 UNHCR annual protection report said that the Rakhine Muslims are not stateless persons per se. Since they were granted some residency right on the territory of Myanmar Naing Gnan.The report further said, the contention that Rakhine Muslims presently residing Arakan Slate are, all descendants from illegal immigrants who entered Burma in the past decades because of the irresistible thrust of over population in Bangladesh and search for greener Pasteur is deemed incorrect, specially in view of the fact that Muslim settlements in this area can be traced back to 1430 A.D.367 Albeit not being formally recognized as citizens, Rakhine Muslims enjoy most of the historical, cultural and leyal characteristics of Myanmar nationals. Historically the national nexus between Rohingya and the Rakhine Kingdom was flowing from a higher legal and political nexus i.e. the nominal vassalage of the Rakhine Kingdom to Sultan of Gaur,

which granted Muslim subjects to be treated on an equal footing with Rakhine Bhuddists.368 UNHCR also remarks that there is a formal link between their NRCs and citizenship. UNHCR further remarks: As outlined above, the 1982 Citizenship Law is based on an official position, which encourages amalgams between immigrants and old settlers. In that context, mutual respect is strongly discouraged in day-to-day interactions between communities Practically, any Muslim looking person, or one with Muslim name, is a suspect of being an intruder, or even a member of insurgent groups. Being not a citizen, the average Muslim is subject to all sorts of frustiations particularly at checkpoints, being called Kalah. Yet some expressed doubt that there might be some illegal immigrants of recent decades. The truth is that life in Arakan for a Muslim is very restricted and humiliating. It is unimaginable that Bangladeshi would enter into this antayonistic atmosphere. In contrast thousands of Rohingyas gradually have been leaving Arakan for permanent settlement in other Muslim countries since Burmese independence. Further in recent decades there, proper Government mechanism has been functioning well. It is unthinkable for a foreigner to settle there and acquire residency documents. Whatsoever, the final assessment of UNHCR is a breath of relief for Rohingyas? It says first priority should be given to the issue of nationality for, without nationality not only Rakhine State development is conceivable, but the perfect root cause for future massive displacement will be maintained at the dawn of 21 century. It is serious and positive attentions must be given to the problem of incorporating Rakhine Muslims as full and equal citizen into Myanmar Nalion.369 CHAPTER XXIV ARAKANESE RULE OVER CHITTAGONG Foreign historians regard Chronicles written by Rakhines to be exaggerated and based on unrealistic legends. These (Rakhine) chronicles say during the period of Wethali Dynasty, Chittangong or East Bengal was for sometimes under Arakan Kings. It emphasized Arakan Kings such as Gaulia, Mitzuthein (a) Taing Chit, Anu Lun Min, Alawmapru and Min Htee, in Lemyo period too, extended their sovereignty over 12 towns of Bengal. Again in Mrauk-U period, though the founder, Min Saw Mun (1430-1433) handed over Bengal to King of Gaur, for the help in regaining the Arakan Throne, his successor, Min Khari (a) Ali Khan (1433-1459) is said to have reoccupied Ramu. His successor Ba Saw Pru (a) Kalimah Shah is said to have gained control of Chittagong. Historian U HIa Tun Pru writes Min Bin (a) Zabauk Shah (1531-1551) extended his Kingship up to the Ganges River and to the border of Nepal. He writes Min Bin fought war against Mogul Emperor Humayun, who was defeated and made peace with Rakhine King by offering his daughter Begum Pasida. U HIa Tun Pru says, the famous Debrito or Ngazinkha who controlled Syriam and tried to revolt against Arakan King was not a Portuguese but a son of Min Bin, born of Begum Pasida. This version of U HIa Tun Phyu does not conform to that of western chronicles. Foreign

historians cautiously accept this notion.Sir A.Phayre remarks that this is the characteristic extravagance of Arakese chroniclers in regard of the achievements or their monarchs. In this connection i.e. on the relation of Arakan and East Bengal D.G.E.Hall, formerly Professor of History in the University of Rangoon, comments In the reign of Anawrahta, Pagan asserted its authority over Arakan, but after 1287 this lapsed; and although before the establishment of Mrohong by Narameikhia in 1433, there was from time to time a certain amount of Burmese and Mon interference, Arakans contacts with Mohammedan India were probably closer than those with Burma. None of its rivers rises in Burma, and throughout its history its water communications with Bengal were much easier than its overland communications with Burma. When Bengal was strong, its rulers received the tribute of Arakan; at other times Arakan claim tribute from parts of the Ganges Delta. These fluctuations of power effected Chittagong, which was held alternatively by one side or the other. In 1459 it came into the hands of Arakan, which held it until it was finally annexed to the Mogul Empire in 1666. Bengali researcher Dr S.B.Kanungo discusses more elaborately on this subject in his Ph.D.thesis i.e. The History of Chitlaoony Vol. I; He writes Chittagong in the early Christian century might form an independent Kingdom, but it definitely ceased to do as such from the 10 century A.D. Since that time Chittagong not indisputably known to have formed independent Kingdom.In fact its history is but the history of a particular province of its suzerain powers such as Arakan, Tripura, Bengal. Chittagong was like a bone of contention amongst the Muslims,Teppera and Arakan who strove for supremacy for the seaport. It has always been a disputed possession amongst the Muslims, Tippera and Arakan. So its boundaries could not be determined in ancient and medieval times. Aryanization of the district began from the time of introduction of Hinduism and Buddhism.The Arab contact with Chittagong goes as far back as the 9 century A.D. The sturdy and warlike race of Afghans had once held sway over Bengal. Their authority extended not only up to Chittagong but as far south as Arakan. 370 According to contemporary Portuguese chronicles, Chittagong hill tracts and a portion of Arakan were included in the Kingdom of Huseein Shahi rulers. The boundaries of the province of Chittagong greatly fluctuate during the Pathan period. Though Sultan Mahmood Sur carried his victorious campaign over up to Arakan proper, his successor could not claim the territory south of Shanka River as part of their dominions. Numismatic sources state that the Pathan army of Mohammed Shah Gazi entered Arakan.371 It was perhaps after the death of Min Bin (a) Zabauk Shah (1551-1553). Dr.Kanungo further narrates, the relalion between Chillagong and Burma especially its subject province Arakan is as old as the history of the district. The repeated Arakanese aggression in the district undoubtedly influenced the course of history.From late 16 century to the mid 17 century Chittagong was under the long and almost continuous rule of Arakanese Kings.372
th th th th

The legacy of Arakanese regime over Chittagong was further described in a very interesting way by Dr.S.B. Kanungo; He says the close contact between Chittagong and Arakan from time immemorial down to the end of Alakanese Regime (in 1660 A.D.) has left distinctive marks on almost every aspect of society and culture of the district. The name Marma, by which the Maghs of Chittagong hill tracts introduced themselves to others, is derived from Myanmar (or Burma), the national name of Burmans, which is only the vocal corruption of the written name.373 Traces of Magh homesteads (bhita) are still seen all over the district (Chittagong) especially the tract lying to the south of Kanaphulli (River). Many of the place names in Chittagong are of Arakanese origin. Not only the names of places but also some Burman terms, for example, Phora (Lord Buddha), Kyans (Temple), Phungyi (Priest), Rauli (Clergy) and words of such kind had made their way into the common use of Chittagong District. The Arakanese influence on dress, food, social customs etc. is also noticeable. The Arakanese Era or the Magh Era was widely prevalent in Chittagong before the introduction of Christian era by the British Government. Though the Al Hijrah and the Bengali Era were in vogue, the Arakanese was by far the most popular till the end of 19 century.374 Dr. Kanungo continues, Arakan in fact, a continuation of Chittagong Plain, was neither purely a Burmese nor an Indian territory till the 18 century A.D. Referring to the geographical position of the country, Sir Henry Yule very aptly remarks that Arakan bears much the same relation to Burma that Norway did to Sweden.375 Shut off from Burma by a hill range it is located far away from Indian capitals. Chiefly for its location, it is not only remained independent for the most part of its history but also endeavored to expand its territory in the surrounding tract whenever opportunity came and Chittagong was the first country to be the victim of the territorial ambition of the Arakanese Monarchs. The land, which is called Arakan by foreigners, is called as Yakaing orYekeen or Rakhiang, 376 by its own people. From the word Rakhasa (Pali) or Rakhasha (Sanskrit), the name Rakhine derived. Rakhasha are a kind of demigods in Indian mythology. Dr. Kanungo says Ba Saw Pru (a) Kalima Shah occupied Chittagong, but his successor again lost the control of it. So they did not have Muslim tittles. When Arakan King in Mrauk-U period occupied Chiltagong, they gave much facilities to the Portuguese, so as they can be used against Arakanese enemies, Muslims in the west and Tippera in the east. But the Portuguese were not Ioyal, they betrayed the Arakanese Kings many times: they even tried to seize power in Arakan proper. In 1602 A. D. the Portuguese revolted against the Kingdom of Arakan, but was putdown successfully by King Minraza Gyi (a) Slim Shah I (A.D. 1593 -1612). Arakanese King Mm Bin (15311551) again occupied Chitlagong and other so-called 12 towns of Bengal. Chillagong always had been a bone of contention between Tripura, Arakan and Muslim. After Min Bin it again fell in the hands of Muslim Kings of West Bengal and Tripura. But again in the time of Mm Phalaung
th th

(a) Sikander Shah fell under the reign of Arakan and it remained under Alakanese rule continuously about a century until the time of Sanda Thudamma (1652-1674 A.D.) Arakanese Kings always keep their son or some close relatives to take care of Chitlagong. There in 1660s, arose a crisis between Arakan King Sanda Thudamma and exiled Mogul Prince Shah Shujah. At the aftermath of Shah Shujah crisis, Mogul Emperor Aurenzeb invaded Chiltagong and occupied it in 1666. The flight of Shah Shujah to Arakan made the Emperor so much mentally disturbed that he directed Mir Jumla, to follow the Prince even up to Arakan if necessary. But Mir Jumlas death put a temporary halt to the proposed invasion of Arakan. Bernier says the massacre of Shah Shujah and his family by the Arakanese, greatly angered the Emperor. The Mogul had an ulterior design that of attacking the King of Rakan, and punishing him for his cruelties to the Sultan Shujah and to his family. Having determined to avenge the murder of those illustrious personages and by a signal example, to teach his neighbors, that the Princes of the Royal blood, in all situations, and under all circumstances must be treated with humanity and reverenced.377 So Aurenzeb entrusted Shaisia Khan with the task of conquering Chittagong from the Arakanese. According to Bernier it was scarcely practice-able to march an army from Bengal into the Kingdom of Rakan owing to the great numbers of rivers and channels that intersect the frontier. So Shaista Khan rebuilt a Naval force with three hundred ships and equipped with materials. He had also well prepared infantry and artillery forces. The Mogul first captured Sandwip Island on 12 Arakan king.378 After outbreak of Anglo-Dutch war in 1665 both became desirous to assist the Nawab, obviously to gain his favor. Then the Nawab felt embarrassed as to from which of the contending parties he would seek help At last lie no lonyri fell in need of their help.379 Later the Portuguese too deserted the Arakanese. Kamal, 380 a son of former King of Arakan, who had taken shelter in Dhaka during the reign of Emperor Shah Jahan, was also directed to go with Mir Murtaza, with a band of the Maghs who lived in Dhaka, on the assurance that he would be made chief of his tribe. Thus the Maghs at Chittagong were attacked from all side in January 1666. The Portuguese rendered excellent services in the naval attack. The imperial forces by land and sea encircled the fort of Chittagong on 26 January. The garrison (of Arakan King) after making a greal exertion found that they could not resist the Mogul army; and at last sought safety. The fort was set on fire and it was the sunset of the Maghs.381 According to the estimate of Sir A. P Phayre, the war booty consisted of more than twelve hundred pieces of cannons: most of them jingles carrying balls not exceeding one pound. About two thousand were made prisoners and sold as slaves. According to Alamgirnama, 1026 guns made of bronze and iron, many
th th

of November 1665 A.D. In this event the Dutch at

Batavia sided with Mogul because they were rivals of Portuguese who were favored much by successive

matchlocks and Jumburaks, mush shot and powder and other artillery materials and three elephants were captured.382 Mir Murtaza chased the fleeing Maghs. The Mir after traveling difficult roads, dense jungles and terrible rivers at the end of 12 days arrived within one mile of Ramu. Next day at noon he stormed the fort. The Arakanese Kings brother named Rawie, who held the Government of the place tried his best to oppose but being war stead he fled with the garrison to a jungle close to a hill near the fort. Mir Murtaza giving chase captured many and seized 80 guns, many musket and other war materials. But the Mogul did not marched further, and later retreated even from Ramu. Despite many times efforts by Arakan to gain control over Chittagong, they lost it forever. Hence Chittagong was annexed to Bengal. With the death of Sanda Thudamma the resplendent Majesty of the Arakanese Monarchy came to an end. Under his unworthy successors the power and prestige of Arakanese Kingdom steadily declined. Between the fall of Chittagong (in A.D. 1666) and the accession of Sanda Wiziya (1710 A.D.) there were ten reigns averaging two and half years each. Three kings reigned for one year only, while two did not reign for more than one month each.Between Sanda Wiziya and Nara Abaya (1742 A.D.) the average reign was under two years. So insecure a policy, in the view of Mr. M. S. Collis, is little removed from anarchy.383 A long Arakanese rule of nearly a century made Chittagong a part of Arakan territory and it would have continued to be so if the conquest had not taken place. As a result of the conquest, Chittagong was again unified with Bengal, and the loss of Chittagong made Arakan henceforth, an exclusively Burman territory. The Arakanese neo-Muslims such as Rohang Muslims, Kaman Muslims etc. live mostly in the southern frontier of the district. The Kamanchi are supposed to be the descendants of the followers of Shah Shujah.384 The loss of Chittagong was a great blow to the prestige and splendor of Arakanese Empire. She henceforth, never could maintain her original image, and Arakan was finally annexed to Burman by Ava King Bodaw Pya in 1786 A.D. Sir Jadunath Sarkar remarks such is the fate of nations that prefer ease to exertions, the acquisition of wealth to patriotic sacrifice and leaves their national defense in the hands of aliens.385 Although Chittagong was politically a part of the Arakanese Kingdom, culturally it remained a part of Bengal. The Arakanese rulers in spite of their belief in Buddhism not only patronize the Hindu and Muslim cultures but also encourage the settlement of these peoples in the Kingdom. The Portuguese activities in Chittagong developed intensively during the Arakanese rule .. During their time Chiltagong earned notoriety as a center of slave hunting expeditions and slave trade in which they (the Portuguese) took a leading part.386 CHAPTER XXV

HISTORIC EXODUSES OF ROHINGYAS Through out history there have been communal strife and wars. Especially in feudal age, this sort of communal unresl, community wise exoduses frequently occurred in almost everywhere in the world. In the same way there were exoduses of Muslims in Arakan too. Especially there were four exoduses occurred in 20 century alone. To name the exoduses serially are as follows:

1. 2. 3.

4. 5.




In 1660 A.D. there arose the crisis of the Mogul exiled Prince Shah Shujah.Muslims in the Kingdom were accused of siding with Shujah and suppressed and massacred. Consequently thousands had to flee into Bengal. It was the first exodus, as far as we trace the history. In 1710 A.D. King Sanda Wiziya suppressed the Kaman archers, who took the politics of Arakan in their own hands.The Kamans were Muslims and the general Muslims as a whole suffered much.This time Muslims had to flee to Bengal as well as to Ava. In Ava King Tsane,protected them and settled them in 12 different towns in separate groups.387 According to the chronicle of Rakhine State Council, published in 1984,there was a Kalah (Muslim) uprising in the whole country in 1738 A.D. This uprising continued for years because the Kings of that time were very weak and the country was unstable.However successive Kings had ruthlessly suppressed and massacred the Muslims.Thus many had to flee into Chittagong Province, then under Mogul Empire. This is the third exodus. The fourth exodus occurred during the reign of Bodaw Pya. This time both Muslims and Rakhines flocked into Bengal Arakan, this time, was almost deserted. Most of these refugees returned when British occupied Arakan in 1825 A.D. The fifth exodus was due to a great panic of communal disharmony in 1942. As British withdrew from Arakan ahead of Japans entry, at the vacuum of Government, there arose communal killings. Being destitute, about 100,000 Muslims crossed Naf River into the British area, who were sheltered at Rangpur refugee camps. Some Rakhine, about 10,000, who were blocked at Maungdaw and dared not cross Buthidaung area, fled to India. These Rakhine refugees were sheltered by British at Dainuspur refugee camps. After the war, under official arrangement between the authorities of Bengal and Burma, these refugees (save a few thousand) were repatriated. Most of these returnees took their settlement in northern Arakan. Already a densely populated area.388 The sixth exodus occurred in post independent period Both Mujahid and the army, especially the BTF (Burma Ternional Force) oppressed the public on accusation of complicity with their opponents. Wealthy respectable people were arrested, tortured, disgraced and killed, and villages were burnt down by BTF. Mujahids too, demanded various taxes and ransoms. In this doorned, gloomy period, mostly well to do people, to save their wealth, life and dignity took refuge in East Pakistan then. Most of this group did not comeback: settled permanently on that side and assimilated with the people there. The most extensive exodus was due to the harshness of Dragon King Operation in 1978. Nearly 300.000 fled to Bangladesh. But later repatriated under a bilateral agreement between Bangladesh and Burma. First Burma denied them to be Burmese citizens or residents. Later th signed the agreement on 7 July 1978 to receive the refugees back, as they were residents of Burma and finally repatriated all. The last and the eighth exodus occurred in late 1991 and in early 1992. In that year 10 to 14 battalions of army took permanent establishment in Buthidaung Township alone. For the construction of their cantonments and new model Buddhist villages and new Pagodas, villages were removed.Thousands of hectors of land were seized. Forced labor and heavy portering introduced. Many died of infection of Cerebral Malaria on return. Thus people felt in great predicament and choose the way to Bangladesh for shelter. But this time the refugees were repatriated under a MOU signed between Burma and UNHCR Head Office. Most of them have been repatriated. NGOs from many quarters came to Arakan to help the refugees. But still there

are some refugees left in Bangladesh camps whose case is under negotiation between the two Governments. This time the returnees got ample help from UNHCR and other NGOs. They are working for the reintegration of the returnees and development of the refugee area. But the question of their nationality right remained unsettled. These all exoduses occurred not due to any natural disaster or catastrophe. All are man made. The expatriates during the time of Rakhine Kings dared not return until British occupation. After British annexation of Arakan, most of the early refugees came back to their native land where as many had taken permanent settlements in Chittagong and nearby Districts. CHAPTER XXVI CONCLUSION Historically Arakan has many names. Most of the names are nearer in pronunciation. Different people who had contacts with Arakan pronounced its name in their own languages, which sound a bit different from each other. Rakhasa,Rakhasha, Rakhapura were the names called by Indians. Arkhaung, Rakhanj, Rakham, Recon, Rachami and Rakhang were mostly used by Armenians, Moors, Arabs and Persians Recon, Rakan, Rachan, Rakao, Arkao and finally Arakan were the names found in the records of Dutch, Portuguese, French, Italian and English peoples. Rakan, Rakham, Rohang and Roshang were found in medieval Bengali, Tripura and Indian literatures. People in Arakan (mostly the Muslims, Hindus and Bruwas) called their country Rowang or Rohang or Roshang. From Rohang, its people are Rohingyas. Perhaps there are many instances in the world, that countries and peoples are called by different names. For example, Sri Lanka is also known as Ceylon, India is known as Hindustan or Bharat, China is known as Sinn and Tayoke: people once known as Talaing are today Mon; the same is true for Kayah, who were once known as Karenni. Even Myanmar of today once officially was Burma. Thus Rohingyas name too, can be traced in other names such as Kalah (called by Rakhine and Burman), Muslims, Arakanese Muslims or even sometimes Burmese Muslims.These all terms are not appropriate racial names. The terms Rakhine derives from Rakhine Pyi, Arakanese from Arakan and Rohingya from Rohang.So here, Rohingya,Rakhine and Arakanese are synonymous, meaning the same thing, dwellers of Arakan. Since all ethnic groups in Arakan adopted a name for their own. Muslims too adopted their name as Rohingya instead of Muslim.In deed, the Hindus of Arakan today, who can trace their ancestry to the early Arakan period, are also Rohingya. For present day people of Islamic faith in Afeikan, the term Muslim and Rohingya are very often alternately used. Both denote the same entity In pre-independence period Muslims in Burma as a whole used to call themselves Myanmar Muslims or Burmese Muslims. In many literatures or history books, we find Arakan Muslims as main component of Buimese Muslims. Muslims in Arakan due to their socio-geographical differences used to regard

themselves as Arakanese Muslims, in another word they used to show a separate entity from Burmese Muslims. From the very beginning of the independence Myanmar Muslim, as a racial group is objected in Myanmar polilical and Ba-Ma-Ka (Burma Muslim Congress) was expelled from AFPFL (Pha-Sa-Pa-La) because its name shout not base on religion.According to Burmese political concept, an ethnic peoples name should not base on religion. Then the stand of Arakanese Muslim, as separate community became the subject of question too. And they happened to prefer their original ethnic name, Rohingya rather than being called either as Bengali or as Rakhine Muslims. As we have studied in earlier chapters, Rohingya is a mixed race, where the culture of native Bengali has a major influence, because Arakan has historically close intercourses with East Bengal and Arakan Kings encouraged Muslims to preserve the culture, language and literature of Bengali. So dialects of Rohingya too have much Chittagonian influence, though it composes of Aiabic, Persian, Urdu and Rakhine vocabulanes Chittagonian and Rohingya dialects have some similarity, but not identical. Racial admixlure is a historical and worldwide phenomenon. There are instances that diffeient races speak the same language and people of the same race speak different languages. This too is true in case of present day Rohingya. In 1826 A .D. the population of Arakan was only one hundred thousand. This comprises 60.000 Rakhmes, 30,000 Muslims and 10,000 Burmans. 389 This figure out one Muslim for every two Rakhines. In 1973 census the population of Arakan was a little over 1.7 million, which in 1983 grew into over 2 million, Estimation for today is about 3.5 million. Calculating on the Butish racial ratio i e. 2:1 will bring about more than 1 million Muslim population.The actual Muslim population at present doesnt exceed above ratio.So the accusation that many have lately entered fiom Bangladesh is seemed to be incorrect. The reality is about one third of Arakann Muslims have left Arakan and took permanent settlement in foreign countries, where too, they are aliens. Muslim population in northern Arakan is very thick because Muslims from the south got it as their haven and chose their settlement there after Second World War. Religious edifices, names of the places, islands, rivers, and villages and other historic events proved that Rohingya is of antiquity. Rohingyas presence in Arakan should not be judged only from the religious perspective; it should be assessed from the ethnic point of view, which traces their origin into the people of Welhali. Rohingyas are faithful to their country. They never betrayed their land. They were faithful to Arakanese Kings and protected them. The splendor of Arakan or Mrauk-U period was due to their service and dedication to the Kingdom. Nowadays too, they are the most law abiding people in Myanmar. They are peace loving and desirous of having a proper and rightful place in the family of Myanmar peoples.

Abu Anin A Researcher of Arakan History Yangon, Union of Myanmar. Date: Nov., 2002, Bibliography


Abul Fazal, Alama: Ain-i-Akbari Vol I Trans H. Blochman, Calcutta, 1873; Vol 2 & 3 Trans S H S. Jarrett Calcutta. 1891 2. H. M. Elliot & J Dawson. History of India as told by its own historians. 3. Kazim. Mohammed. Alamgirnama Trans by J N Sarkar. 4. Nathan Mirza. Bhanstnn i Glinitu Tians M I Borah Gauhati, Government of Assam 1936 5. Talish Shahabuddin Ahmed; Fathya-i-lbbriya, Supplementary text in Bodlein Library, Oxford, Trans by J N Saikar 6. Sri Rajamala (or) Tripura chronicles. Ed K P Sen 7. Barhosa, Duarte. The Book of Barbosa Vol II Trans by M. L. Dames, London, Hakluyt Society (1921) 8. Guerreiro, Father Feinao. The Relations (Jahangir and Jesuits) Fragmentary Trans by C H. Payne 9. Manrique, Fray Sebastian,Travel of Fray Sebastian Manrique 2 Vols.Trans by C E. Eckford Juard + H Hosten. London. Hakluyt Society (1926 27) 10.Bernier, Francois, Travel in the Mogul Empire (1656 -1668). Ed Archibald Constable, New Delhi 11. Manucci, Niccotao. Slona Do Mogoi Tians by William Irvine. London 12. Ghosh, J. M . Magh raiders id Bengal. Calcutta; Bockland Pvt Ltd. 13. JASB; Journal of Asiatic Society of Bangladesh/Bengal 14. JASP; Journal of Asiatic Society. Pakistan 15. AR, Asiatic Researches 16. JBRS, Journal of Burma Research Society 17. Thompson, Virginia and Richard Adlof. Minority Problems in Southeast Asia, Calif. Stanford University Press, 1955 18. Siddiq Khan, M; Journal of Asiatic Society of Pakistan. (JASP) Vol. VII 1962 19. Siddiq Khan, M ; Muslim intercourses with Burma 20. ASI, Archeological Survey of India 21. AR; Asiatic Researches Note The rest, especially the Burmese references can be seen in the footnote I believe most of the

Authors and reference books not listed here above are familiar with our Burmese readers. Appendices A-1. A map in the book Muslim contribution to the geography by Dr Nafis Ahmed. London. th indicating Arakan as a well known region to the Muslims since 8 cenluiy AD P-121

A-2 A map showing South-East Asia dining 500 and 1500 A D as appeared in the Time Atlas of World History indicating Arakan as an independent Muslim kingdom th A-3 A map showing cultural divisions of South-East Asia in 15 century A.D. as appealed in the Time Atlas of World Histoiy indicating Arakan as an Islamic Stale by Geoferry Banadough P133 B-1 A photograph of Kawal Jaffar Ahmed, the founder of Mujahid movement. B-2 The photographr, of Mr Sultan Mahmood, Ex-Health Minister, in U Nus(Pa-Hla-Sa) last Cabinet and photographs of Mr.Ahdul Gaffar and Mr.Abul Bashar,Parliament Secretaries. C-1 Coins of ancient Arakan indicating Indian culture and coins of Mrauk-U period indicating Persian characters and Muslim names of Arakanese Kings. Some coins also contain Muslim titles of Arakanese Kings and the verse of Muslim confession of faith that is the Kalimah. These photos are taken from U San Tha Aungs Arakan Coins. C-2 A stone insciiption with Arabic script found in the compound of Theingyi Taung Pagoda and preserved in Mrauk-U Museum C-3 Sandhi Khan Mosque built in 1433 AD at Mintayabyin, Mrauk-U by Muslim army who came to help enthrone Narameikhia (The founder of Mrauk-U dynasty) th C-4 Majah Pali (a) Musa Pali built by an Indian missionary, Musa, in the time of 9 King of Mrauk-U (1513-1515 A .D.). It stands at Maungthagon Village. Mrauk-U. C-5 Historic Budder Mokam on the southern edge of Akyab Island built in 1756 in memory of the eminent Saint Allahma Shah Badder Uddin well known as Badder Aulla who visited the area th in mid 14 century.

Continous from Part I Reference: Reference:


Dr. Pamela Gutman, Ancient Arakan P-325. BSPP means Burma Socialist Program Party (The political organ of U Ne Wins time) 2. Pamela Gutman. Ancient Arakan. Preface. P-II 3. Ibid P-68 4. History of Arakan by Rakhine State Council, 1984, P-71. 5. U Hla Tun Pru; The Sandra Kings of Arakan and their Successors. (History of Arakan a combination of articles). 6. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P- 74 7. Ibid 8. Dr. Aye Chan; Rakhine Magazine Vol. 14. P-197 9. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan 1972 P-3 Over land contact with Bcngal is possible yia the coastal road passing from Chittagong and Cox Bazaar to Ramu crossing the Naf River near the mouth and by furcating, either along the coast to Akyab or passing over the ridges to Buthidaung on the May Yu river and Paletwa on the upper Kaladan, from which the early cities could be reached by boat or by road. (Pamela P-7) 10.Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma: Chapter Muslim settlement in Arakan 1972 P-19

11. Licut. Gen. Albert Fytche, CSI late chief Commissioner of British Burma; Burma past and present
Vol. I London 1878. 12. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan; P-10 13. A- Phayre: On the history of Arakan P-34, B- San Shwe Bu The history of Mahamuni JBRS Vol.VI P-227 14. Pamela Gutman: Ancicnt Arakan; P-14 15. U Hla Tun Pru: The Minorities of Arakan 1981 16. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P- 15 17. Ibid P- 23 18. Ibid P- 24, See also Burma Gazetteer, Akvab District Vol.A P-91 19. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol.I. P-25 20. U Hla Tun Pru; The Minorities or Arakan 1981 PP. 46-47 Also see The fall of great Arakanese Empire by the same author. 21. Pamcla Gutamn: Ancicnt Arakan. 1972. P-16 22. Lincanzo Sangermano: The Burmese Empire hundred years ago; Introduction by john jardine, Third edition Publish in West Minster 1893. 23. J.Layden; On theLanguage and Liturature of Indo Chinese nation,P-Vll, Asiatic Researches Vol. X 1911 PP- 223-224. 24. Encyclopedia Britannica (1994- 1998) 25. U HIa Tun Pru; The Whither, the When, and the Why of Arakanese history (an article 10 Dec. 1958). 26. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P- 16 27.(a) History ofBurma Vol. 1 Compiled by BSPP. (b) Major Bashin, Myanmar Naing Ngan before Annawrahta. (c) Naing Pan HIa (Formerly a member of Myanmar History Commission), article in working Peoples Daily (10/12/77). 28. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A 1978 29. Foot note in the article King Berring, JBRS fiftieth anniversary publication No. 11, P- 443. 30. G. M. Gush: Magh Raiders of Bengal. 31. S. K Chatterjee, A History of Aryan special in India.1926. P-205. See also Dr. Kanungo P42. P-106 32. U Thein Pe Myint; Traveler in the War. Chapter Magh Police Officer, PP 167 168 33. Dr.Than Tun: Myanmar Dhanna Magazine July 1999 Issue. P-68. 34. Alberl Fytche; Burma past and present Vol. l PP. 49-50 35. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP. 44, 45. 36. Ibid P-3l7. 37.A P .Phayre; On the History of Arakan. Also see Proff. G. H. Luce; The Advent of Buddhism to Burma; in L. Cusins etal(eds).Buddhist studies in honor of I.B. Horner 1974, PP-120, 121 38. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-2 39. Cf..Mc. Crindles Ancient India as described by Ptolemy 1885. Reprint in Calcutta in 1927. 40. 963a U.B.194 Sagaing Htu Payon Pagoda inscription obverseII 20-23.804 S (1442 A.D.). 41. Pamela Gutman, Ancient Arakan P-23 42. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A 1979. 43. Sir H. Yule, Proceeding of Royal Geographical Society Nov. 1882. 44. Elliot and Dowson: History of India as told by its own Historians. P-73.


Dr. Abu Fazl. Aini-i-Akbri (Trans: H. Blochman. Calcutta (1871 1877). Mirza Nathan, Bahristan Ghaibi; (Trans: Borah, Gohati. (1936).,Shihabuddin Ahmed, Fatiya-Barria (Trans: 1. N. Sarkar, Bodlein Library, Oxford). 46. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A, 1979 P-132. 47. Ibid P-133. 48. A-P. Phayre: History of Burma P-34 49. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; Hislory of Chittagong PP 23 - 235. 50. Ibid; chapler II Sect. 3. 51. CH. Mohd; AF Narary, in the Dacca Review: Burma an Arab land in the east P-35 52. Ibn Khurdadbhi: C. P. Cit 65. 53. Al Masudi; Muruj-al-dhahab wa Makaddim al Juwahar.Cairo Edition1938 Vol.II,PP129 130 54. Silsilat-al-Tawarikh. Extracts from statement in Elliot and Dowson, Op. Cit. P-5. 5, 55.Dr. S. B. Kanungo, PP 233 234. 56. Bangladesh District Gazetteer, Chittagong hill tracts, PP 33 34. 57.Anthony Irwin: Burmese Outpost. P-22 58. R. B. Smart Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District Vol. A P-38. 59. Moshe Yegar; Muslims of Bunna, P-120. 60. JASB XXVIII (1864). P-24, Also See: Major Ba Shill, Burma before Anawralta and Burma by Arther Phyare. 61. (a) The history ofRakhine Pyi, compiled by Rakhine State Council in 1982, P-55.,(b) The Culture of National Peoples (Rakhine) BSPP 1976, PP. 149 150., (c) History of Myanmar, SSPP Vol. III. P-] 92. 62. H. W. Wilson; the history of Indian people, PP. 189 204. 63. Major Tun Kyaw Oo; Party Booklet Vol. VII, PP. 8 to 16. Ahmyothar Party (Who is Rakhine?, Who is Rohingya?, Who is Bengali?). 64. R. B. Smart; Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District Vol. A. P-18 65. D. G. E. Hall; Burma, 1950, P-57. 66. Maurice Collis, Into Hidden Bunna, P-134. 67. Ibid; P-7. 68. D.G.E. Hall, Burma; Hukchinson University Library. 1950. P-57. 69. Harvey; Outline of Burmese History. P-90. 70. U Hla Tun Pru; Sandra kings and their successors. 71. U Hla Tun Pru; (Former member of Myanmar State Council, the highest executive organ in the country) The Sandra Kings of Arakan and their successors (in the history of Arakan, a combination of his articles). 72.U San Tha Aung (Formerly Director General of Higher Education Department); The Coins of Arakan. 73.History of Arakan; Vol. I, Compiled by Rakhine State Council, P-54 74. U San Tha Aung; Annanda Sandra Stone Pillar; Book II. P-2I6. 75.U San Tha Aung: Arakan Coins P-7. (His writing is based on the reading of John Ston). Note: There are slight difference of dates in the reading of John Ston and Mr. Sarcir. 76. History of Arakan by Rakhine State Council (Sep. 1984). P-114 77. Ibid; P-62 78. U San Tha Aung: Arakan Coins. P-7 79. Ibid P-8

80. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-2l 81. Ibid P-43 82. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-40, U San Tha Aung; Arakane Coins P-117 83. Arakan History;Vol.1 Rakhine State Council P-114 th 84. JBRS 50 Anniversary Publication. 1960. P-488. 85. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-42. 86. U San Tha Aung; Arakan Coins (1979) P-7. 87. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan. P-325. 88. Ibid; P-41. th 89. JBRS, 50 Anniversary Publication, (1960) P-487. 90. Ibid P-45. 91. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan, P-225. 92. ASI (1925 1926), PP. 146 148. 93. Dr. Kanungo: History of Chittagong Vol. A. P-66. 94. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP. 44-45. 95. Dr. Kanunngo; History of Chittagong Vol. A. P-71. 96. ASI (1925 1926) PP. 146 148. 97. J. H. Q. VII (1931). 98. Dr. Kanungo: The History of Chittagong Vol. A P-55. 99. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan. P-321. 100. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan. PP. 48 49. 101. A.S.Dani;Mainamati Plates of CandrasPakistan Archeology III 1969.PP.34-35 102. (a) Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan, P-73., (b) Phayre; On the History of ArakanJASB
XIII (1844) P-49, lB 391(29),15(27),42(10),117 (a6),188(23) It is noteworthy that many of the Arakanese mentioned in Pagan inscriptions were slaves. 103. The Evaluation of Arakan History; compiled by Rakhinc State Council Vol. I (1984), P114. Also see, U Hla Tun Pru; The Sandra Kings of Arakan and their Successors. 104. U Hla Tun Pru: The Sandra king of Arakan and their Successors, (In Arakan history, a combination of his articles). 105. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P 74 Also See: Codes; Indianized States PP.142 -143 106. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan. P-321. 107. Ngamin Ngadons being a son or Sula Candra is a question needed clarification. How can an untutored Sak be a son of Aryan Candra? 108. Again, Kettathins being Ngamin Ngadons half brother or a grand nephew of Sula Candra is a matter of question. It needs scrutiny for correctness. 109. The Evaluation of Arakan History by Rakhine State Council (1984) P-114. 110. U Hla Tun Pru;The Candra Kings of Arakan and Their Successors. 111. Pamela Gutman;Ancient Arakan.P-14.,Also see 1.H.Luce Phases of old Burma. 112. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan. PP.73 74. 113. Ibid, P-15. 114. Ibid. P-74. 115. Ibid, PP. 15 -16. 116. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan. PP. I () 17. 117. U Hla Tun Pm; The Whither. The Whcn and The Why of Arakancse History. (10 Dec. 1958). 118. Dr. U Aye Chan; An article in Rakhine Tasaung (I 975-76). Vol 14


Ibid; His article was in Burmcse. I havc tricd my best not to deviatc from the original meaning. 120. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; History of Chittagong. Vol. L P-55, 121. Ibid; Vol. I (1974), PP. 67 68. 122. Ibid P-69. 123. R. B. Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District, Vol. A. P-20. 124. M. Collis: Into Hidden Burma. P-7. 125. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP. -1-6 -1-7. P-73. 126. These paragraphs concerning Lemyo period (except those in parenthesis) are the extractions from R. B. Smarts Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District. Vol. A. where R. B. Smart himself extracted from Arthur Phayrc.

1. 2. 3.

Rakhinc Razawin Thit (Rakhine New History) Vol. II P-352 R. B. smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District Vol. A. P-20. JASB XIII. (1844) P-36, See also Dr. Kanungo. History of Chiuagong. Vol. I. Chaptcr XI. Scction III. 4. Guerrciro. Farnao: P-196 5. Mannucci; Storia De Magar, Vol. I, P-374 (Trans. By William Irrive, London). 6. Martin Smith; Bunnas Muslims Border Land sold down the river. C. S. Quarterly 13 (4), P-68. 7. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol I. P. III. 8. lbid; Chapter Xl, Sect. 3. 9. Tin and Luce; Op. Cit, P-75. : 10.Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol.I. P-75. . 11. lbid: P-II3. 12. Hall. Op: Cit. P-239. 13. G.E Harvey, Outline of Burmese History (1947). P-90 14. Moshe Yagar, The Muslim of Burma, Muslim settlement in Arakan P, Also see A SPDC government publication, Sasana Yaungwa Tunzepho [1997] P-63 15. Dr.Than Tun ; Mrauk-U Rakhine, an article in Kalia Magazine, Aug 1994. 16. Dr. Khing Maung Nyunt, Myanmar prominent professor, An article in University silver Jubilee Magazine 17. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol I. P. III. 18. Nafis Ahmed; Muslim Contribution to the Geography, P-121 19. Moshe Yagar, The Muslim of Burma, P. 121, P. 20. (a)M.R Rahman, History of Burmese and Arakanese Muslim in Urdu (1944), (b) Dastance Amir Hamza: A Bengali fable like book written by an anonymous writer. 21. D.G.E. Hall, Burma. PP 57-58 , Bengali in Arakan and Their Historical Problem P-10, Published by U Saw Maung (RPDFparty) 1990 th 22. M.Collis, Arakan Place in the Civilization of the Bay, JBRS, 5 anniversary publication No.2. P-488 23. Bengali in Arakan and Their Historical Problem P-10, Published by U Saw Maung (RPDFparty) 24. Takkatho Ne Win: Bogyokc Aung San. P- . (Then M. L C. Member .Vir.,lbid Carb from DU ,lbid:1long told the Titer in Rangoon about this fact).

25. Bengal Disl. Gazetteer: Chittagong 1798, P-63 26. R. B Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District. Vol. A P-7! 27.U Hla Tun Pru: In Rakhine Tasaung Magazine, English section. Vol. 21. (1998), P-148. 28. For a more detailed account in connection this, see D.G.E.Hall. History of Southeast
Asia. London Macmillan. 1958. P-328. 29. G. E. Harvey: Outline of Burmcse History. P-91. 30. JBRS Vol II. Arakan Place in the Civilization of Bay P.49 31. U Hla Tun Pru: Rakhine Magazine. Vol. 21, 1998. P-151, See Also: A. Joseph, A Nation within a Nation. P-17. 32. JBRS XV, P-34. 33. Moshe Yegar. The Muslims of Burma. P-10. 34. Aung Zan. The Family Tree and the king of early Mrauk-U Dynasty; Rakhine Magazine Vol. 21. P145. 35. Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung: Great History of Arakan. PP. 40, 41.1288 B.E. 36. P.Nicolas: A Brief Account on the History of Muslim Population in Arakan. An UNHCR compilation. 4 Aug. 1995. P-I. 37.Moshe Yegar: cites Maj. Ba Shin, Coming of Islam to Burma down to 17th century AD. A lecture before Asian History Congress (unpublished) New Delhi 1961. th 38. JBRS, 50 Anniversary Publication No.2. Arakan Place in the civilization of the Bay, by M. Collis, PP. 491 498. 39. U Hla Tun Pru. The Life and Time of King Minba; an article in a book published by Takkatho Min Lwin. 40. JASP (VI) 1966.p-123 41. All above paragraphs arc extracted from Harveys Outline of Burmese History. 42. This slave raids in Bengal will be discussed separately in a special chapter. Also see Harvey; Outline of Burmese History, Chapter Arakan. 43. D. G. E. Hall: Burma, PP. 59,60. 44. R. B.Smart Burmese Gazetteer. Akyab District. Vol. A. P-26. 45. D. G. E. Hall; Burma. P-60. 46. Albert Fytche: Burma a Past and Present. P-62. 47. D. G. E: Hall; Burma. P-60. 48. JASP,X (1966) 206, P-60 Contribution by M. A. Siddiq Khan. 49. Ibid: P-206, 50. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong. Vol. PP-305 51. AIamgirnamah; PP. 556 562. 52. Elliot and Dowson; VII, P-254. 53. Dr. Kanungo: History of Chittagong. Vol. 1. PP. 305. 306. 54. Ibid; P-307. Also See Purba Bangia. Gitikar: Pt lV NO.2 P-456. 55.R. B. Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District. Vol. A. P-26. 56. Harvey: Outline of Burmese History, PP.95 96. 57.Moshe Yeage; The Muslims of Burma, Chapter Muslim Settlement in Arakan (1972), PP. 59 -60. 58. D. G. E. Hall; Burma, Hutchison University Library, (1950), P-61 59. Moshe Yegar Quoted Bernier in his The Muslims of Burma. 60. Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma. M. Yegar extracted these parts from Berniers th records. D. G. E. Hall: Dutch Relation with Arakan Part II, BRS 50 Anniversary publication No.2, 1960 Yangon. Shah Shujah and the Dutch Withdrawal in 1665.

61. Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma. P- . 62. Albert Fytche; Burma Past and Present. Vol, I. P-66. 63. D. G. E. Hall; Studies in the Dutch relation with Arakan. Part II (Shah Shujah and the th

Dutch withdrawal in 1665). JBRS 50 anniversary publication NO.2 (Rangoon, 1960), See also Hall, Burma 1961. 64. Harvey; Outline of Burmese History, P-96 65. Harvey; Outline of Burmese History, P-97 66. U Hla Tun Pru; National Race of Arakan. Sapay Beikman Publishing House, PP. 46 48. 67. Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma. Chapter Muslim Settlement in Arakan. P-26. 68. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, P-153. 69. Mogul Raiders of Bengal by J. M. Gosh, P-56. 70. M. Robinson; the Coins and Bank Notes of Burma, Ed. L. H. Shaw. PP. 49 -50. 71. M. Robinson: The Coins and Bank Notes of Burma. Ed, L. H.Shaw. PP. 49 -50. 72.Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma. P-19. 73.Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Chapter XII Section II P-320. 74. Shihabuddin Talish, Fathya Abbria. P-183 75.Bernier. Travel in the Mogul Empire (1656-1668 A.D.) Trans A Constable. OxfordPress 1916. P176 76. Nicolao Manucci: Storia de Mogor. Vol A Trans Willian Arive P-171 77. Manrique: Travel in Mogul Empire. P-285 78. Ibid: P-185 79. Guerriro: P-185 80. Talish: Fathya Abbria. P- 175, 81. Bernier: travel in Mogul Empire P- 175, See also in Albert Fytche: Burma Past and Present Vol. I PP.60-61 82. Manucci P-371 83. Talish: Fathya Abbria P-184 84. Manrique: P-286 85. Father Delanoit; Catholic Encycloprdia. qt. Campos. Op.cit. P-100 86. U Hla Tun Phyu ( Formaer State Countolor of Myanmar, Arakans Treasure Troves( Raakhine Pyi BandhaTaik) P-60 87. JASB Vol. X (1841) P- 681 88. Dr.Kanungo: P-330 89. Albert Fytche, Chief Commissioner of British Burma. Burma Past and Present. Vol.I. P263 90. Bernier: Travel in Mogul Empire. P-114 91. Dr. Kanungo. P-330 92. Talish. Fathya-i-Abriya. PP. 209 210 93. R.B. Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyub District. Vol A PP. 86-87 94. Harvey: Outline of Burmese History. PP 93-94 95. D.G.E. Hall, Burma P-59 96. Morice Collis: The Land of Great Image 97. Moshe Yegar: The Muslims of Burma. P-20. 98. Dr.Kanungo: The History of Chittagong Vol.I P-333 99. JBRS: Vol XV. P-34

100. 101. 102. 103.

G.H. Luce. Phases pf Pre Pagan Barma Languages and History. P-95 Dr. Than Tun: North Arakan ( an article in Kalya magazine in August 1994. D. G. E. Hall. A Hislory of South East Asia London Mac Millan 1958. P-328 JASP. Vol II. Dccca I957, (b) Captain George Sorrels mission to the court of Amarapura (1793-1794),(c) U Myo Myint:. History of Burma. PP 73-74 104. M A Siddiq Khan op cit. P-251. cited by Moshe Yegar op. cit. P-20 th 105. Major Bushin: op. cit. The coming of Islam into Burma down to 17 century. 106. P.Nicolas: A Brief Account on the History of Muslim Population in Arakan. [UNHCR 4 Aug. 1995] 107. A.Joseph: A Nation within Nation [UNHCR] P-4 108. Dr.Kanungo: History of Chittagong Preface P-XI 109. Ibid: P-163 110. Ibid: Vol.I PP- 193-194, See also: Rodger Lamepole Catalogue of India Coins. P-56 111. Rakhine Syadaw Pya: Dannya Waddy Areydawbon. 112. M.Collis and San Shwe Bu: Arakans place in the Civilization of the Bay (JBRS) Vol.XXIII.P-493 113. U Aung Tha Oo: History of Arakan. Myayadana Press. Yangon (1954) P-132 114. U Hla Tun Pru: The Indigenous Races of Arakan (1998)P115. Bon Pauk Tha Kyaw: Union of Myanmar and the Danger of Rohingya [unpublished but distributed amongst over 200 political parties in 1990] 116. Major Tun Kyaw Oo(Rtd)President of Amyotha Party. History of Arakan and the Life of Rohingya, Party publication No.6. 1990 P-29 117. Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung: Great History of Arakan. P-74 118. Dr.Kanungo: History of Chittagong. Vol.I Chapter XI, section 3, P-292 119. Alaol: Sikandar Nama. P-27 120. Maurice Collis: The Land of Great Image. PP-291-292 121. AR: Vol.I 1801, P-237. Also see Dr.Kanungo, History of Chittagong.PP. 291-292 122. Sec: Asiatic Researches. Calcutta 1801.Vol. V (A comparative study by F.Buchanan about the languages in Burma Empire) 123. A.Joseph: A nation within a nation. A Profile of UNHCR in Arakan. He quotes Col.Ba Shin, Chairman of Former Myanmar History Commission. 124. Dr. Kanungo: History of Chittagong.. P-201 125. Bernier: Travel in the Mogul Emprire. P-iii 126. D.G.E. Hall: Burma. P-64 127. National Culture and Habits (Rakhine) Published by Ma-Sa-La Party Central Committee, July 1976. PP- 149-150 128. Means Townards Uplifting of religion 129. Sasana Yongwa Tunzepho.SLORC Publication. 1997 PP 65-67 130. U Khin Maung Yin: Bassein College Khit Myanmar Pyi Ti P-36 131. R.B Smart Burma Gazetteer Akyab District. Vol. A PP 36-37 132. Dr.Kanungo: History of Chittagong Vol. I Chapter XI, Section 2. P-571 133. Dr.Anamul Haq:Muslim Bengali Literature P-144 134. Dr.Sukumer Sen: Islamic Bangali Shahista P-15 135. Dr.Kanungo: History of Chittagong, Vol.I Chapter XI Section P-572 136. Ibid: P-293


These paragraphs are from Dr.Kanungos History of Chittagong Vol.I Chapter XI PP-572-

138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154.

Dr. Mohamed Maher Ali: The history of the Muslims in Bengal Vol.I B PP-865-868 Dr.Kanungo:History of Chittagong, Vol.I PIbid. P-68 Ibid. P-177 R.B Smart Burma Gazetteer Akyab District. Vol. A PP 82-83 Myanma Dhanna Magazine, July 1999. An Article by Dr. Than Tun. P-69 Dr.Kanungo: History of Chittagong. P-120 See R.B Smart and Harveys D.G.E. Hall: Burma. Chapter Arakan King Berring. A Contribution in JBRS Vol.II P-445 D.G.E. Hall: Burma. P-102 Harvey: Outline of Burmese History. PP. 154-155 Ibid: PP. 155-156 Ibid: PP. 163-164 Captain Robertson: The First Anglo-Burma War Record Extracted from Harveys Outline of Burmese History. PP.165-166 Vinccnzo Sangermano: Burmese Empire Hundred years Ago, Published at West Minster in 1893. PP. 69-70 155. Ibid: P-71 156. Asiatic Researches Calcutta: Vol. 5 (1801). P-237 157. Martin Smith: Burma: Insurgency and the politics of Ethnicity(1989).P-34 158. R.B Smart. Burma Gazrtteer, Akyab District. Vol. A. P-100, Also see: British Burma Census Report. 159. Richard Adlof and Virginia Thompson:. Minority Problems in Southeast Asia. Stanford University 1955 160. B.I.A. Short from of Burma Independence Army 161. It is a narration of Bonpauk Tha Kyaw and I means Bonpouk Tha Kyaw (See Htawhlanyei Khayiwei. PP. 60-61 162. Ibid. P-61 163. Ibid. PP. 68-69 164. Bonpauk:Tawhlanyei Khayi wei P-76 165. Bonpauk:Tawhlanyei Khayi wei P-86 166. Ibid. PP 79-80 167. Ibid. PP 89-90 168. Ibid. P-91 169. Bonpauk:Tawhlanyei Khayi wei P-91 170. Bonpauk:Tawhlanyei Khayi wei PP 94-95 171. Ibid. P-147 172. Moshe Yegar: The Muslims of Burma.Chapter Arakanese Muslim 173. Anthony Irwin: Burmese Out Post P-21 174. Ibid. P-27 175. U Thein Pe Myint: Traveler During the war. Aye Kaba Media(1999) P-122 176. Ibid. P-138

177. 178. 179. 180. 181.

Major L.Phillips: The Raiders of Arakan P-30 Anthony Irwin: Burmese Out Post P-25 Field Marshall W. Slim. Defeat into Victory P-147 Irwin: Burmese Out Post P-27 Moshe Yegar: The Muslims of Burma. P-27, (a)Abdul Gaffar, a M.P from Buthidaung, Press Conference; April3.1960, (b) This demand of separation was foiled by sending Mr.Rashid, former Minister of U Nus cabinet,who himself was an Indian immigrant and who assured Mr.Jinnah, on behalf of Bokyoke Aung San, that Rohingyas would enjoy full constitutional safeguards as a national minority.(See Moshe Yegar) 182. Myanmar Political History: compiled under the supervision of SLORC. Vol.3( From 19581960).Chapter Arakan. P-192 183. Mr. Abdul Gaffar: Press Conference. April 3, 1960. 184. These paragraphs except those in parenthesis are extracted from Moshe Yegars The Muslims of Burma 185. Dr.Than Tun: Trade in Arakan. Anarticle in Myanma Dhanna Magazine. July 1999. P-71 186. See it on Page 88 187. A.Joseph: A nation within a nation (An UNHCR study record 1998) 188. Moshe Yegar: The Muslims of Burma(1972) P-18 189. A.Joseph: A nation within a nation (An UNHCR study record 1998) 190. A.Joseph: A nation within a nation (An UNHCR study record 1998) P-29 191. D.G.E Hall: Burma. PP 57-58 192. U Hla Tun Pru: National Races of Arakan. 1981. P-33 193. Ibid. P-34 194. Pathein Sayadaw Winmala: Hill Tribe Races of Myanmar.1320 B.E PP 14-15-16. 195. Anthony Irwin: The Burmese Outpost P-34 196. A.Joseph: A nation within a nation (An UNHCR record) 197. U Thein Pe Myint: Traveler in the War(Sittwin Khayi Thac) P-142 198. Major Ba Shin: Formerly Chairman of Burma Histon Commission. The coming of Islam th into Burma down to 17 century; See also Moshe Yegar. The Muslims of Burma. 199. Moshe Yegar. The Muslims of Burma. Chapter Muslim Settlements in Arakan. 200. Ibid: 201. Dr.Than Tun: Mrauk Rakhine (Northern Rakhine). An article in Kaliya Magazine. August 1996 202. A. Joseph: A nation within a nation. UNHCRs Research Records 1998. P-46. 203. R. B Smart. Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District Vol A P-38. 204. Ibid. PP. 61-62. 205. See: Coins of Arakan; U San Tha Aung. Director of General of Higher Education Department. 206. Dr. Aye Chan: History Department of Rangoon University (An Arakanese himself) in his article in Rakhine Tasaung Vol. XIV. 1966-67. 207. Dr. Kanungo: History of Chittagong. Vol I. 1972 PP 571- 574 208. Annual Report by Director of Archcological Research Department. 1959-60. 209. Botataung Daily Newspaper. Nov. 3. 1969. P-5 210. Pamela Gutman: Ancint Arakan P-33. 211. Ibid. P-68 212. Ibid. PP 70-71

213. 214. 215.

U San Tha Aung. Annanda Sandra 8 century Wethali King Book.No. II P-215. Moshe Yegar: The Muslims of Burma. Chapter Arakanese Muslims P-96 Abdul Gaffar: A Parliament Member: In his Press Conference Statement on 03 April 1960. Emphasized his objection to am idea of unity with Pakistan 216. Moshe Yegar. The Muslims of Burma. Chapter Arakanese Muslims. P-101 217. Ibid. PP 99-101 218. Moshe Yegar: The Muslims of Burma.Chapter Arakanese Muslims. PP 99-100. 219. Ibid. PP 90-100 220. Ibid. P-101 221. Moshe Yegar: The Muslims of Burma. P-101 222. These paragraphs are extracted from Moshe Yegars The Muslims of Burma. 223. See: Military presence in Buthidaung and its impact by UNHCR Office, Maungdaw. 224. NDPH means National Democratic Party for Human Rights and it represented North Arakan. 225. Thakatho Ne Win: Bokyoke Aung San 226. See. Moshe Yegar. The Muslims of Burma( Chapter Arakanese Muslims) 227. Pyi Thu Hluttaw Election Law 1991; Section 6(a) and Section 10(f) 228. A Joseph. A nation within a nation, a UNHCR compilation, 1998, P-34 229. A Joseph. A nation within a nation, a UNHCR compilation, 1998, P-17 230. Ibid. P-10 231. A Joseph. A nation within a nation, a UNHCR compilation, 1998, P-10 232. A seal canceling the guarantee of nationality preserved by NRCs was affixed on it. Some years later th 233. Explanation of U Nus radio speech .5 Sep. 1954. P-3 234. Golden Jubilee Bulletin of BBS 235. A Joseph: A nation within a nation, P-1 236. Ibid: P-19 237. UN DOC. E/CN 4/1993/62 P-175, (Official note of permanent mission of Myanmar to UN in response to the allegations made by special rapporteur for Myanmar in 1992) a nation within a nation, P-19


1. A Joseph. A nation within a nation, P-33 2. Ibid. P-37 3. A Joseph. A nation within a nation, P-17 4. Ibid. P-9 5. Ibid. P-14 6. A Joseph. A nation within a nation, P-47 7. Dr. S. B Kanungo. History of Chittagong. Preface.PP. iv-ix 8. J .A. S. P. Vol VI. 1966. P-123 9. Dr. S. B. Kanungo. History of Chittagong. Preface.P-viii 10.Dr. S. B. Kanungo: History of Chittagong.P-296.
Also see: JASB XIII (I844) P-24 and Emil Forchammer. Arakan.Rgn. 1891

1. 2. 3.

Dr. Kanungo: History of Chittagong. P-298 JASB.XXVI(1857) PP. 1.2 Dr. Kanungo. History of Chittagong. P-230; See.also JASB XIII. I847 P-24 where the word Rakahing is desribed as corruption of Rek-Khaik, described from Pali word Rakha which in its popular signification means a monster half man beast. Thw country was named Yek-Kha-pura by Buddhist missionaries from India.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Dr. Kanungo. History of Chittagong. P-360 Bernier P-180 Fathiya-abarria P-193 Probably he was a son of Min Sane, who was deposed by Narapadigyi in 1638 A.D AN (Studies) P-2S, Dr. Kanungo. History of Chittagong; PP -77. 378

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Ibid. P-380 th JBRS (50 Anniversary Publication 1960) P-497 Dr. Kanungo. Historv of Chittagong. PP 478-479 Dr. S.B. Kanungo.History of Chittagong. PP-390-391 Ibid. Preface. PP. viii-ix Sasana Rongwa Tunzepho. Published by SLORC in 1997 See Moshe Yegar. The Muslim of Burma Annual report of Arakan Administrator; Mr. Paton