The Piety of the Hadith Folk Author(s): Christopher Melchert Reviewed work(s): Source: International Journal of Middle East

Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3 (Aug., 2002), pp. 425-439 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: . Accessed: 04/12/2012 11:37
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As a Quaker. then a high middle period to the Mongol conquest. Piety was importantto Hodgson. However.competing forms of piety. we may not have adopted many of his neologisms.""Arabist and other special terms immediatelyalerts us to the dangersof some customary bias. further sympathetic attention to the "Shari'ah-minded" seems in order. ? 2002 CambridgeUniversityPress 0020-7438/02 $9.2One of the main objects of this essay is to identify more precisely the elements that went into the Sunni synthesis that crystallized in the early 10th century-in S. J.227 on Tue. for part of his enterprisewas to show why it was fair to call a civilization "Islamic"(hence his subtitle.168. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . but he certainly has made us self-conscious when we use the traditionalterminology. or anythingelse. one may admireHodgson for coming up with his own critique of modernizationtheory in volume 3. it has some bad faults-notably. Middle East Stud. then the Umayyads. For example. whom he treats at much greater length. especially in the formative 9th ChristopherMelchert is a Lecturer in Arabic and Islam at the University of Oxford.1017.50 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. excluding 'Uthman (to 750). which must be taken seriously.melchert@pmb.72. publishedposthumouslyin 1974." approachesto Islamic history. Instead of dividing Islamic history accordingto Sunni dogmatic preferences-mainly. One of Hodgson's most notable challenges was to the traditionalperiodization.ox.Int. then a classical period running up to the advent of the Buyids (945). 425-439. then the Abbasids (to 1258)-Hodgson proposed a primitiveperiod runningup to the advent of the Marwanids (685). but modernizationtheory has fallen so completely before other critiques that we hardly need Hodgson any longer. His descriptionof what he calls the "Shari'ahminded"is unsurpassedas an account of one party's basic worldview. more than custom. Oxford OX1 2LE. These were the Muslims who elaboratedand transmittedthe revealed law and thought that the law.The mere mention of "Jama'i-Sunni. Yet clearly Hodgson's own sympathies lay mainly with Sufi mystics. Hodgson has had some permanenteffects on the way scholars approachIslamic history. Hodgson's The Venture Islam." "' For an of introductorytext. Accordingly. For example. "Conscience and History in a World Civilization"). Moreover.e-mail: christopher. he assumed that Muslims also had their inner lights.S002074380200301X ChristopherMelchert THE PIETY OF THE HADITH FOLK One of the most remarkablesurveys of Islamic history and civilization remains Marshall G. Oriental Institute. should mold the lives of the faithful. it has inevitably fallen out of date at many points. personal experience. 34 (2002). a very dense style. good taste. the Rightly Guided Caliphs (to 661). United Kingdom. Printed in the United States of America DOI: 10.

too."6Hodgson's "Shari'ah-minded" comprised the "host of pious men and women who came to be called the ulama. traditionalist rijal critics regularlydistinguished between tashayyu'. The polarity of Sunni and Shi'i was not strong until the mid-10th century.5Yet one of the century'smost influentialjuridical-theologicalmovementshas scarcely been studied at all from the side of piety.Can we be more precise about who constituted the "Shari'ah-minded?" we say more precisely how their piety differedfrom other forms on offer. more broadly.To begin with.10 The 9th-centuryhadithfolk's own preferredterm for themselves was ahl al-sunna. for example. the 'learned.227 on Tue.a special regardfor 'Ali and his house that the hadithfolk were willing to overlook. law.precisely identifiable. and Hodgson proposed "Hadithfolk" as a substitutefor the older "traditionalists. Murji'a.72.'3Al-Jahiz disparagedthe ndbita. modern scholarship as "Hanbalis. Their adversaries preferred not to call them ahl al-sunna and proposed various other terms.At least for the 9th century and earlier.polite letters.12 The significance of their calling themselves ahl al-sunna is not that their views were identical to those of the later." I use it here in tributeto him. and Kharijis. "Hadith"plainly indicates what they recognized as the chief source of religious authority alongside the Qur'an.3 Importantnew attention has also been paid to the evolution of Islamic law in that century. the rejection of Abu Bakr and 'Umar that they thoughtput one outside the Muslim community. 9th-centurydefinitions of Shi'ism were considerablydifferent from those of later times. mainly what Hodgson called the "Hadithfolk.168."but I prefer to avoid that term in discussing the movement before the formationof a specific school of law in the next century. those who sproutedup like weeds to extol the enemies of 'Ali and to promulgate such crass ideas as assigning God an This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.4The Sufis and their precursorshave been the subject of much work.which is doubtful.' It is much easier to study the hadith folk than the "Shari'ah-minded. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . We need to understandtheir piety.426 ChristopherMelchert Can century.Mu'tazila.With equal emphasis. great Sunni community.with distinctiveprogramsin theology. Shi'is.the 9th-century hadith folk distinguished themselves from Qadariyya.8 "Hadithfolk" avoids the of "traditionalist" their programwas older than the programsof their that suggestion beadversaries. althoughany widely acceptedhistoricaloverview of the early period apparentlyis still lacking. a mere tripartitedivision is simplistic and practically impossible to document.the cultureof courtiers)? The theological map of the 9th century has been sketched in some detail now. I will nevertheless continue to use "traditionalist" cause "hadithfolk" does not have convenient singular and adjectivalforms (although The Baghdadi hadith folk have sometimes appearedin Hodgson tried "Hadithi"9). but that the later community deliberately identified them as its forebears. particularly Sufism and adab (narrowly.'" graduallyprofessionalized from the 8th centuryto the 10th or later. modern scholars should avoid endorsing the hadith folk's own estimate that they were the overwhelming majority." they were a self-conscious party. and rafd. anachronisticdichotomy between Sunnis and Shi'is.Finally. and full Sunni mutual recognition and self-awareness appearedonly in the lth century. and other theological parties not accounted for by a simple.which they were not. and certainly cut across multiple theological for lines." It is not convenient for us to call the hadithfolk "Sunnis"because that term now calls to mind the great tripartitedivision of calling them "Sunnis"might do. and devotion.

Indeed. perhaps. Their unremittingseriousness and a certain intellectual austeritydistinguishedtheirs from the asceticism (zuhd) popular in high literary circles.14 To use any of these terms for the hadith folk would mean taking sides as much as it would mean calling them ahl al-sunna."meaning care to avoid everythingpossibly illicit) shows that it was assembled by others.168.227 on Tue.The Piety of the Hadith Folk 427 imaginable body ( political involvement) distinguishedtraditionalists from Mu'tazili ascetics and early Sufis.72. it arguably would be more difficult to characterizethe piety of Ahmad himself than that of the party aroundhim. 803) discouragedlaughing and was never seen laughing by an associate of thirty years. As productsof a school ratherthan of an individual author.'2 Isma'il ibn 'Ulayya (d. The traditionalistleader of Nishapur wrote to traditionalistleaders in Ray and Baghdad to warn them against Dawud al-Zahiri. 810-11) did not laugh for thirty years or jest (yamzahu) for forty.Hostility to specialization (also." while the Qadariyyacalled them mujbiraor jabriyya for upholding divine predestination. 865?) was the ascetic whom Ahmad is said to have named his successor. Other writers attributedsimilar errors to the hashwiyya (vulgar). "The laughter of the knower ('arif) is smiling. the differentparties shared enough to undergirda united Sunni community in later centuries. Bishr al-Hafi (d. God willing. taswfr). When he once came across his son laughing with his mother. SERIOUSNESS The first salient feature of the piety of the hadith folk I have alleged is unremitting seriousness. 841) is often loosely associated with Ahmad ibn Hanbal. even if Ahmad's name is on the title page. The materialfor this study will come mainly from Baghdadin the late 9th century. 809?) was angry with his disciples for laughing when Ahmad was in his circle. The hadith folk complained that the Murji'a called them shukkak (doubters)for saying. 830-31) advised.Al-Fudayl ibn 'Iyad (d.'8The famous Syrian ascetic Abu Sulayman al-Darani (d.whom they then drove from the city for suggesting one's pronunciationof the Qur'anwas created. A cursoryreading of a book such as Kitab al-Wara'("the book of carefulness.7 The Antiochian Yusuf ibn Asbat (d. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 871-72) and Qur'anlaugh in this manner?"23 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. where the hadith folk looked above all to Ahmad ibn Hanbal as their imam.he asked. Two salient features of traditionalistpiety were unremitting seriousness and an overwhelminglymoralisticconception of the Islamic community.however.'"Hadith folk in Baghdad warned those of Nishapur against the famous traditionistBukhari. "I am a believer. One example of this is refusing to laugh. such books are all the more useful in characterizingthe piety of a school. it will often draw on quotations of Ahmad himself. It is difficult to say how precisely these quotations recordAhmad's own views. "Does a master of the Muhammadibn Dawud al-Qantari(d.22 His son related that he had never seen him laughing-only smiling. He is said to have warned a laugher he would not die in such a state. who alleged that the Qur'anwas muhdath (i. There were hadithfolk in all the great centers of Islam. which is needless for modern scholars. there had been a time that the Qur'anwas not).For the piety of the hadith folk.'6But the center about which we are best informedis certainly Baghdad.2'• Abd al-Wahhab(d."'9This was also common in later traditionalist circles. This was fairly common among ascetics of the late 8th century..e. However.

Many observers have been struck by the importanceto in Muslims of the community. and stories prayers. and neither by a curse nor a jest. I think. so that the point of the holy law ultimatelyhas been not so much to govern every detail of life as to mark out the communitythat saves. of the 9th-centuryShi'is that the Kufan traditionist'Ubayd Allah ibn Musa al-'Absi (d. of course."38 W. in traditionalists' hostility to chess.25 This is not to say that all hadith folk refused to laugh.and to its moral demands. Accordingto the first account.but fear that the chess player would forget his prayers agrees with hostility to other diversions. merely smiling.227 on Tue.However.27 The point of not laughing was mainly. Hodgson speaks of "devotion to the One expressed in the Qur'an.24 is probablya measure of how traditionalistwere some. those who refused to would not have been noteworthy.32 What did they have against chess? Jurisprudents commonly objected Some Kufantraditionistsconsideredchess that chess might be the subject of betting. that Muslims have characteristically that their membershipin the community is what saves them. at least.39 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.Hodgson describesmembership the communityof Muslims as moving one to a special plane: "Only in that community was there truthand validity."which nothing should be allowed to weaken. religious matters. indeed."He who plays chess is accursed.72.37 THE MORALISTIC COMMUNITY Another salient featureof the piety of the hadith folk was to conceive the community of Muslims moralistically. Take.34 disallowed the testimony of one who had bet on chess or let it distracthim from his (Hanafiyya such as Abu Yusuf were not hadith folk.35 of their piety show mixed attractionand repulsion.168. Montgomery Watt felt asserts. Ahmad's close follower Abu Bakr al-Marrudhi(d."31Other hadith reports had the Prophet calling on God to curse whoever played chess or reporting that God already had cursed them.36) Gamblingwas forbidden. 798) was said to have to be involved with Magianism."28 whetherlaughterduringone's ritualablutionsor prayerwould invalidatethem. two accounts from 11th-century sources. such as playing musical instruments.and whoever watches them is like the eater of pork. but whoever shared in its allegiance was by that fact not only socially but cosmically on a plane above those who refused allegiance. 881?) were two other Baghdaditraditionistswho were never It seen laughing or smiling. on a plane where the only true difference among the faithful was in degree of piety.33 The qadi Abu Yusuf (d.RememberedWilliam James's definitionof "divine" as "such a primal reality as the individualfeels impelled to respond to solemnly and of Jurisprudents all tendencies debated gravely. it does show that refusal to laugh was admired.Abu Hanifa was never seen laughing.29These traditionalistssimply extended the ban on laughter to the rest of everyday living. that one should restrictone's attention to solemn. Some did laugh. 829) was never seen laughing. and all related hadith reports by which the Prophet would laugh until his molars showed (although usually with the gloss that his laughing was really smiling).428 ChristopherMelchert al-'Abbasal-Turqufi(d.while it is rare for the biographyof a traditionalistto observe that he liked to joke and laugh. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . for example. 888) related the hadith report from the Prophet. according to the second. Abu Hanifa used to joke a great deal.30 Single-mindeddevotion manifesteditself in many ways-for example.26If all had refused to laugh.

to characterizethe Islamic community. however. porary or that the primary significance of the law was to mark out the Islamic community. who One sufferedimprisonmentand death in Iraq. for some will be found closer to God than others.40 Bakkar ibn al-Hasan (d.46Watt'sformulaof the charismaticcommunitydoes little.45 hadithfolk in particularwere no Rechabites. Ahmad said.47 For example. influence of the urbansetting in which classical one now recognizes the preponderant Islamic culture evolved and doubts whether it was crucially influenced by memories The of life in the desert.whose membership is voluntaryand within which there is give Hodgson his due. Perhaps.43 Watttraces back the importanceof the communityto the Arab experience of tribalism. make the same gestures. 846?). an ascetic (moralistic) orientationratherthan a mystical one. Yet Ahmad did insist that sins (violations of the law) do not put one outside the community. it has most of the earmarksof a contractualcommunity. the way traditionalistvictims of the Inquisition of 833-52 explained their resistance. For example. He should work. held out for the same reason.alongside the needs of cosmopolitan merchants. it does not predict the famous qualified communalism of Islamic ritual prayer: all face in the same direction.Likewise.The Piety of the Hadith Folk 429 Evidence of concern for the largercommunity comes out in.Weber was presumablythinking of early Protestantpolemics against monasticism. The community as conceived by the hadith folk seems to have flowed mainly not from the exigencies of life in the desert but from a stress on obedience to a transcendent God as opposed to communionwith an immanentGod-that is.Ahmad himself the nomadic life.227 on Tue. in Watt's terms the markersof the community). Hodgson allows that the needs of the early Islamic militia decisively informed the developing sharica.mystics tend towardan organicconception of community. and say the same words.Voluntarymembership and equality flow from a stress on morality."48 The ascetical (moralistic) characterof the hadith folk's conception of community comes out clearly in their reaction to tawakkul. in Max Weber's terms of ideal types. indeed. 852-53?). the Egyptian Buwayti (d.By contrast."49 in the world for him to leave it.but only a salutationat the also tends to demandthe same choices from all individuals. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . it was indeed the exigencies of commercial life in cities that pushed the hadith folk in the direction of morality ratherthan mysticism-and he does speak of "the Shari'ah-minded guardiansof the single godly moralistic community.168.72.41So did Shafi'i's follower. for example. in any case. a man must not be a charge on others.the endeavor to live entirely by what is came without one's seeking it. accepting hierarchy and specialization. the This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. with none standing for his fellows as a Christianpriest would stand for the congregation.42 cannot say that Ahmad or any contemever expressly declaredthat salvation came by membershipin the community.which continually makes the individual choose to do one thing and not another. for example.but one could not find a clearer illustrationthan Ahmad's wariness of tawakkul. he recommended that one live in the city rejected except when there was civil strife. in order that he make himself and his Weber observes that the mystic depends on others' remaining family independent. provoking the ascetic's indignation. "Tawakkul good.only wrong beliefs (rejecting the Qur'anand hadith. Ahmad said he had held out because someone had to. almost expelled from Isfahan for refusing to admit the Qur'ancreated.44 However. nor with any mystical joining of those at prayer.

A moral demand is necessarily the same for everyone.55 Thus. and far-reaching.72. having heard of someone's saying that worry about one's provision for the morrow would be counted a sin. in common with the extreme ascetics. but that Ahmad. as Maher Jarrar recently devoted a special study to it.50 Hence.52 Bishr al-Hafi's barefootednessat all times and in all places connoted humility before God at all times and in all places. "Who is so strong as this?"56 Against Hodgson. Hodgson says of the shari'aas it was elaboratedin early 'Abbasi times: Its heritage respectfor the cultural of of and Arabs homogeneity Medina thenof the Marwani now becamea pressure all Muslimsto conformto a bourgeois for of pattern life. a reprehensibledistractionfrom the performanceof universal religious duties. A major concern was evidently to keep ideal decorumwithin everyone's range. Barefootedness is a convenient example. Bakkar.the face of mediocre propriety. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . a pattern to man. Ahmad said it was incumbenton him both to frequentthe mosque and to seek hadith.430 ChristopherMelchert examples of concern for the communityquoted earlierfrom some who resisted at the Inquisitionstress individualchoice: it is not that the communitymust rise or fall as a body.227 on Tue.but not two of these at once. I tend to doubt whether the point was to preserve the culturalhomogeneity of ideal Medina.58 This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. As Ahmad complained."57 More positively.minute self-observationwas something concerning which no command had come. How did they know it was homogeneous? More important. such as never worrying about his provisions for the morrow. although the hadith folk admired deliberate austerity. For example.and Buwayti were setting examples for other individuals to follow.. the hadithfolk admiredhumilitybut favored a less extreme form of it.supportingone's family is not sometimes requiredand sometimes omissible but always required. one might see traditionalisthostility to special callings as concern about promotingwell-roundedness. It ratherhad the nature of a stunt: "look what I can do." As such.If someone did somethingnot everyone might do.168. or seek hadith. Concern about maintainingcommunitycan look like hostility to excellence. it necessarily appearedto the hadith folk as frivolity. adulteryis not sometimes forbiddenand sometimes allowed but always forbidden.they characteristically disapprovedof extremes.53 the But hadith folk were mistrustful.54 A lesser expression of humility-probably the one I have encountered most frequently in the sources-is going on foot as opposed to riding.what made that feature so attractiveto them? I would say the point was ratherto respect the natureof moral leastexterany nally. Ibn Kathirsuggests as much in his explanationof Ahmad's and Abu Zur'aalRazi's disapprovalof Muhasibi and his fellow proto-Sufis:"theirtalk of austerity. Ahmad ibn Hanbal's five pilgrimages are counted separately: those he performedon foot and those he performedriding..frequentthe mosque.5' Barefootedness connoted humility and was especially practiced in connection with collective pious enterprises such as seeking hadithand walking in funeral processions. boldexperimenter required show.Someone told Ahmad that a man might work at Qur'anicrecitation.Sharci Islamrequired "religious no athletes" disand necessarily adapted the average The was to couraged was evidently not in response to a moral demand from God. in every place. at every time. For example.

why it was not easy to be expelled from the community as conceived by the hadith folk and why their community did not split into competing sects. to take warning from the Qur'anand hadith. CONTRAST WITH SUFI PIETY The value of sketching the piety of the hadith folk will be clear if it turns out. indeed.61 Traditionalistresentmentof rationalistic theology would then have had to do with its threatto break loose from the received pattern. traditionalistsuspicion of Sufism. the inner light. Ahmad respondedthat pray. and to seek hadith. as well. against none for any other famous precursorto classical Sufism).tends to see past the individual'sadulteryto.69On the whole. However. the precise sense of sharica.The mystic. by contrast. These. had a pronouncedlyritualcharacter.for example.72. to identify more precisely the piety of other parties. To the moralist. Finally. he said. Meeting in public for these purposes was an innovation to be condemned.168. 878) expressly repudiatedMuhasibi's ascetic works."63 Massignon guesses that Ahmad's conflict with Bishr was sharperthan the biographersadmit. and the adultererhas removed himself from the community. A mystical element of traditionalist piety is its refusal to expel from the community for wrong actions. 857-58) were much worse.likewise.recite the Qur'an. It was enough. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and in this wise and slightly laterhadith the piety of early ascetics was similar to that of contemporary folk. not mystical.The Piety of the Hadith Folk 431 It is something of a puzzle.Such seems to be. "the only true difference among the faithful was in degree of piety"). a combinationof hierarchywith stress on individualobedience suggests that obedience to God. the Sufism of Junayd. by contrast.62 Yet strains were evident even before the emergence of classical Sufism under Junayd (d. indeed.and recollect God (yadhkurana it was enough to read from the (public) bound copy. seems a standinginsult to God. and Muhasibiwas forced to go into hiding. Ahmad's praise was qualified by criticism: "[i]f Bishr had married. too.60 The law was aboutfollowing everywherea revealedpattern. only to look condescendingly down on them. then. althoughthe word is as rare in the writings of 9th-century hadith folk as elsewhere.unpunishedadultery. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. The ascetic tradition until the mid-9th century was mainly devoted to singlemindedness. More subtly.67 Not only was Ahmad hostile to crucially importantprecursorsof the Sufis."68 Allah). for the hadithfolk. perhaps.He rejectedroamingfrom place to place. The famous ascetic Bishr al-Hafi often appears in Hanbali works such as Kitab al-Warac(eighteen entries there.65Ahmad was probably angered above all by Muhasibi's involvement in kalam. and to a degree adab.64 Ahmad's relationswith Muhasibi (d. worshiping: Someone told Ahmad of a group that met to "Siyaha has nothing to do with Islam. sins. must have pleased him very little. are regular features of the religious community whose basis is moral.66 however.his affairwould have been perfect.59 easy answermust be that every piety has both ascetic (moralistic) The and mystical elements.227 on Tue. and so they managed to accept a degree of hierarchyby which it was not necessary to expel those who would not follow the rules. Abu Zur'a alRazi (d. to recollect God to oneself. 911?). where he was close to Ibn Kullab. one might also say people that the hadith folk managed to rank Muslims by the quality of their obedience (as Hodgson says. with its regular meetings for the exchange of definitions. he also rejectedprincipalSufi practices.

to whom they were assimilatedby the second quarterof the IIth century. strongly urged that every man support himself (and his family). As for singlemindedness.227 on Tue.however. Junaydsaid.74 The term saif was applied to Mu'tazili ascetics before it was to Junaydand his circle.432 ChristopherMelchert As for the two salient features of traditionalistpiety pointed out earlier-seriousness and a contractual. and they sometimes expressly rejected the collection of hadith when it came into conflict with the demands of Sufi devotion.79 The hadith folk may have understood "what does not concern him" to mean primarily kalam This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. as noted. (The Karramiyyawere locally opposed.71 Junayd'sargumentfor mystics to less enlightened ascetics clearly demonstratesa hierarchicalnotion of the Isrespect lamic community. it is clear that the classical Sufis were closer to the hadithfolk than some of their predecessors had been. but they evidently began as an ascetic movement. mystics tend toward an organic conception of community. As for the contractualcommunity. accepting hierarchy and specialization. scarcely any earlier than the hadith folk themselves were distinguishedfrom the general religious movement.who stronglydisagreed with the hadithfolk concerningkasb (gain).moralistic conception of community-the hadithfolk were at odds with the Sufis. by the mystics whom Sulami calls the Malamatiyya. among the four reports that suffice for a man's religion. Sahl al-Tustariand the Salimiyya seem to have respected both classical tawakkuland working for a living.) CONTRAST WITH THE PIETY OF AHL AL-ADAB The piety of ahl al-adab. The Mu'tazilaare most famous for their rationalistictheology. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The Sufis around Junayd Their posicompliantly rejected outwardtawakkulin favor of inward renunciation.I think of Mu'tazili ascetics and the Karramiyya. A hadith report to this effect was named by Abu Dawud al-Sijistani (d.zuhd (asceticism in the sense of renunciation) was equally prominentin 9th-centurybooks of adab and collections of hadith.75 The hadithfolk. "I would ratherbe kept comI debaucheethanan ill-naturedascetic.The latter naturallytook a position similar to that of the Sufis in Baghdad. the name signifying withdrawalfrom sinful society. In particular.76 tion concerning tawakkulis then an example of the classical Sufis' having moved halfway to appease the hadithfolk. As a category. for example.72 However.77 far. Althoughthey still paid some attentionto Qur'anic recitation and hadith. Singlemindednessand unrelieved seriousness do seem to distinguishthe piety of the hadithfolk from thatof ahl al-adab. in Nishapur.168. Junayd and his comrades clearly specialized to a greater degree than the hadithfolk allowed. is another to be distinguished from that of the hadith folk.73 They were only graduallydistinguishedfrom the general ascetic traditionin the late 8th century."'o do not recall reading pany by a good-natured about a Sufi who was never seen laughing or smiling. affairs in Basra appearless clear-cut So than in Nishapur. Early Mu'taziliascetics and the later Karramiyya.72.78 Perhapsno single conception of communityprevailed in adab. counting it best to live off alms. sometimes exalted complete renunciation of normal gain. cultivatorsof belles-lettres.who more or less absorbedMu'tazili asceticism. they clearly devoted most of their time to other disciplines. the one of the Six closest to the hadith folk. 889). As for was a favorite principle of the hadith folk that a good Muslim should leave what did not concern him.

I think. 869?) was generallyrejectedas a traditionist. Humor.89Among other austerities. 894). even if it included "that which ahl al-adab are never without." Another man privately blamed himself at extravagantlength for having asked what someone was doing.8o does not concern one applied to all idle curiosity. takhdlu'). "askingabout what does not concern In you and talkingof what does not concern you. whereasto the hadithfolk it betrayeda relaxationof one's moral attentivenessand reverence for God.warned against leaning in the course of the ritual prayer: better that a man who feels weak should sit. "Thewide one is for (carrying)notebooks. althoughill.The Piety of the Hadith Folk 433 Still.then. whereas the other is not needed. The Basranphilologist Abu Hatim al-Sijistani(d.""81 a broadersense. it was consideredexcellent manners among diverse parties not to lean. stories did circulate in Iraq implying that leaving what (speculative theology).227 on Tue.hence not of the hadith folk. Sari al-Saqati was never seen reclining save in his death illness. He commented. known for his lenience. 'Abd al-Wahhab.88Abu Bakr ibn 'Ayyash (d. The rijal critic Ibn Hibban al-Busti (d.86 At the same time.72. sat up straight when someone mentioned the KhurasanitraditionistIbrahim ibn Tahman (d.that is.that is. and they rejected his transmissionof hadith. 889?) and Ibn Abi alDunya (d.Asked why.168. "asking about what does not concern you. as a minor traditionistand major Qur'anreciter.91 He was never seen to lean.90 Salm ibn Salim (d."83 Here is a clear indication.92Moving toward Sufism. 784Ahmad's 85?). 9th-centuryMuslims of differenttheological parties clearly had a great deal in common at the level of piety. then rise. It is almost enough by itself to put the Qur'anreciter Ibn Mujahid(d."94 sit or stand straight To without leaning was plainly good form across the Islamic spectrum. (What better illustrationcould be asked of Islamic dignity?) To start with the hadith folk. was clearly an importantcategory in adab. not mosques."85 One could hardlyask for a clearerexpression of respect for different rules in differentplaces among ahl al-adab. expressly. 810?) was a Murji'. and that the hadith folk should not have embraced such figures as Ibn Qutayba (d."Self-restraint an orchardis like dissipationin a mosque (ta'aqul. 936) outside the ranks of traditionalismthat he was given to playfulness (kathrral-muda'aba). When someone commented on his refusing to talk seriin ously. as opposed to the hadith folk's insistence that obedience is equally demandedat all times and in all places. For example. 903-04?) was invited to lean on a pillar but said."82 Someone this devoted to the necessary and nothing more could not have been amused by a Kitab al-HIayawan. One man punished himself by fasting for a month after he had asked when a room had been constructed. then reproachedthe man for napping.93The Sufi Ibrahimal-Khawwas (d. admitted that Abu Hatim was much given to playfulness (muda'aba)but arguedthat his hadithwas sound (mustaqTm). It is not surprising that adab came to be taught mainly in homes. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . it is said. expressly. Ahmad. he explained. that the constraintsof adab were not fully compatible with the science of hadith. stood on the border between hadith and adab.""' successor. he did not put his side to the ground for forty years.84 Yaquttells the story of Ibn Mujahid'senteringan orchard with some men of religion. Take the story that Abu Dawud wore a garmentwith one sleeve wide and one narrow. Little shared This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. leaving what does not concern one must precludethe pursuitof encyclopedic knowledge so prominentin adab. 809?). "I refuse to lean on something created."It is not meet to mention the pious while reclining. he protested. 965).

while students of adab may have regarded them mainly in terms of dourness. mysticism. (Chicago: The of of Press. One has to appreciatethat earnestnessto make sense of Islamic civilization. and letters. "Wasal-Shafi'i the MasterArchitectof Islamic Jurisprudence?" InternationalJournal of Middle East Studies 25 (1993): 587-605.96 It was in part because the programthey articulatedhad such deep popularappeal that so many Muslim thinkers identified themselves with it. George Makdisi. ideal Islam ever after. Likewise.on the plea thatif they were not actually the greatmajority. "Tabaqat-Biography: Law and Orthodoxy This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. NOTES 2Ibid. insufficiently catholic to prevail in the long term. 4To the classic work of Joseph Schacht.97 Students of Islamic law and theology have commonly regarded the hadith folk with annoyance. considering only distrust of esoterism. but why jurisprudents. 'Marshall S.3 vols. CONCLUSION The hadithfolk emerged as a distinct group at about the end of the 8th century. (Berlin: de Gruyter.227 on Tue. students of Islamic mysticism have regardedthe hadith folk with annoyance. University Chicago Press. 1950). 1991-95). their piety did inform universallyvalid. At least a wing of the Shi'l movement probably had something very close. Periodof IslamicThought Watt.434 ChristopherMelchert habits such as this undergirdeda sense of community that transcendedtheological divisions. was claimed by virtuallyall parties except the Shi'is. strictly speaking.95 have not comparedthe piety of the hadith folk with that (I of 9th-centuryShi'is. Meanwhile. 6 vols. they ought to have been. Josef van Ess. while most caliphs from Mutawakkilforward tried to attach at least a section of them to themselves. ahl al-sunna.They lost importance in the 10th century. Wael B. mystics. considering only their dogged rejection of sophisticatedtheorizing. One must be touched by the earnestness that makes a man wear asymmetricalclothing because. now add Norman Calder. Jahrhundert Hidschra.72. which ought to show up in Shi'i hadith.1974). Hodgson. Studies in Early Islamic Jurisprudence (New York: Clarendon Press. he needs only one wide sleeve. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 3SeeW. now. Even Mu'tazilacalled themselves ahl al-sunna wa-al-jama'a. und 3. and above all. And althoughtheir programwas an extreme form.. however. G.Montgomery TheFormative (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University 1993). their own name for themselves. the hadith folk's importance was great. and littdrateurs went on to adopt so much of the traditionalistprogram(for example.1:234. rewardingthough such a comparisonwould be. The caliph Ma'mun undertooka majoreffort to break them. Chroniclersusually refer to their 10th-century successors in Baghdad as the Hanabilaor simply al-'dmma(the general). by redefining law and theology as primarilyexegetical). 1973).) For a time. Hallaq.168.theologians. periodically rioting against the Shicis. These students have therefore misunderstood not only why the hadith folk were not captivated by sophisticatedtheorizing. from which the united Sunni sense of communityof later centurieseventually arose. Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. The Origins ofMuhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford: Clarendon Press. Venture Islam.

mad Hamid al-Fiqi. 53 (chronology of Sunnism). equivalentto Tarrkh al-Tabarr. had different emphases and came later. How the term shifted from one group to anotherremains mysterious. N. which needs remarkablylittle updating apart from editions cited (although Hodgson's "The criticism is just: Venture. VI. "Hadith"is not unambiguous. and idem. de Goeje. Henderson. see now John B. 1997).v.227 on Tue. Dhakh'ir al-'Arab 30. Spectorsky. "Tasawwuf' (B. M."Journal of TurkishStudies 14 (1990): 331-37. "Biographiesand Mild Asceticism: A Study of Islamic Moral Imagination. 382-84. 6ForHodgson's treatment.1:238. Many of the most importantfigures have been surveyed by RichardGramlich. 1993)." InternationalJournalof Middle East Studies 6 (1975): 363-85. (Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz.1:391 fn). in Ahmad.v. Brill. 1:24. Halkin. 'oCf. "AhmadIbn Hanbal's Fiqh.See most conveniently Hallaq. for it is nowadays usually taken to mean. most recently. Studies in Islamic Law and Society 4 (Leiden: E. quotedby Ibn Abi Ya'la.the asceticism of Ahmad ibn Hanbal and his disciples has subsequentlybeen treatedby Nimrod Hurvitz.'"Studia Islamica 78 (1993): 27-61. ed. Themes in Islamic Studies 1 (Leiden: E. Leonard Lewisohn (New York: KhaniqahiNimatullahi Publications. Venture. Veriffentlichungender OrientalischenKommission42. "HakimTirmidhiand the MalamatiMovement in Early Sufism. 41 (comparison with church history. and Waded al-Qa. "Remarquessur le developpement Studia Islamica 46 (1977): 5-72. Islamic Mysticism:A Short History.Ira M. 2 vols.the trail was blazed by Jacqueline Chabbi. quoted by Ibn Abi Ya'la. J. J.The Constructionof Orthodoxyand Heresy: Neo-Confucian. 7:632. Salama al-KhurasanI and the Origins of HanbalismReconsidered.Annales.CreedsI. (Cairo: Dar al-Ma'arif. 386-92. Princeton. Pellat).Islamic. Brockopp. Earliest 'Nabita' and the Paradigmatic'Nawaibit. Ahmad protests the applicationof various terms at the conclusion of Creed I. The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law. Altevorbilderdes Sufitums. "AhmadIbn Hanbal and the Formation of Islamic Orthodoxy"(Ph. and its cohesive effect on the developing school of law and theology. see Susan A. Muhamal-Sunnaal-Muhammadiyya.di. 294. Venture. My chief reservationis the thinness of Hurvitz's documentation.The Piety of the Hadith Folk 435 in Classical Islam. and Jonathan in E.1995-96). On the Karramiand Malamati movements in Khurasan. esp. IV. Brill.1:278 fn. ChristopherMelchert. 1:35 f. MuhammadAbu 'l-Fadl Ibrahim. its connection with al-amr bi-'l-ma'raf. strictly speaking."whereas in the 9th century it normally included reports about the companions and other early jurisprudents. Origins. (Leiden: E. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. chap. Venture. "Forexample. Jewish. The renunciantsto whom the term safi was applied before the late 9th century were by and large not the ones acclaimed as their predecessorsby the Sufis of the 10th and later centuries. 583613.see Venture. and Early Christian Patterns (Albany: State University of New York Press. See also El.On Ahmad's frequent resorting to the practice and opinions of companions. (hereafter Ef2) s. Exceptionally. "The Hashwiyya. Princeton University. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .. "Nibita" (Ch.D. 15 vols. 120nthe multiple meanings of "Sunni.72. More recent studies have shown that one can hardly make out the effect of Shafi'i's theories on wider legal thoughtbefore the last quarterof the 9th century. III. On the formationof orthodoxies. The idea that Shafi'i'spolemics forced Muslims to distinguishsharply between hadith from the Prophet and athar from the companions goes back mainly to Schacht. "The Vigilante Movement of Sahl b. 13Seethe caliph al-Ma'mun'scomplaint that they illegitimately associate themselves with the sunna: alTabari." in Classical Persian Sufism. and historique des mouvements ascetiques et mystiques au Khurasan. Tabaqat. Hodgson. assuminga Hanbalimovement from the early 9th century."cf. Mainz. Hurvitz stresses the moderatenessof Ahmad's ascetic regime.1:315-409. 1:386. (Cairo:Matba'at 1952).Akademie der Wissenschaftenund der Literatur.168. 242. 3:1114. esp. new ed.. Lapidus. 2 vols. J. 1960-69). 5See. Tabaqatal-hanabila. 7Hodgson. 1994)."The Separationof State and Religion in the Development of EarlyIslamic Society.ed. "hadithreports about the Prophet. ed. 14For most of these terms.especially for Sufis and others outside Ahmad's circle.and Wilferd Madelung. diss. 10 vols. J."International Journal of Middle East Studies 30 (1998): 167-82. S. as Hodgson himself says." Journal of the American OrientalSociety 102 (1982): 461-65. observes The Encyclopaedia of Islam.J."Journal of the American Oriental Society 54 (1934): 1-28. 345. Brill 2000). Radtke)." furtherdeveloped by Sara Sviri. ed. showing that Hanbalism. 8Ibid."Studia Islamica 85 (1997): 41-65.1:389. esp. "EarlyIslamic Jurisprudence Egypt: Two Scholars and Their Mukhtasars. see A. s. 6."Islamic Studies (Islamabad)32 (1993): 371-96. 1879-1901).. 1998). Alexander Knysh. "Wasal-Shaficithe Master Architect?" 9Hodgson. where likewise later orthodoxy was earlier one minority position among many).

1988). Abu Dawud) condemned 'Ubayd Allah ibn Musa for his Shi'ism. (Delhi: al-Dar al-'Ilmiyya.H. James.K. al-Jarh wa-al-ta' "'AbaNu'aym.168.1325-27). (Hyderabad:Majlis Da'iratal-Ma'arifal-Nizamiyya).3:314 f. 1972). (Cairo:Matba'atal-Sa'adaand Maktabatal-Khanji. 1995). 304 f. 39. 34Ibn Hatim. K. '8Ibid.ed. 44 f. 4:261. 33Richard Wieber. 20Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi.see Ludwig Ammann.11:26 f. Ahmad. Arabische Texte und Studien 5 (New York:Georg Olms. (A. 137-48. see Dhahabi. Leading traditionalists(Ahmad. al-JawahiralAkhbarAbt HIanrfa This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. a moderatelyprominentrijal critic who grew up in Baghdad but moved to Khurasanin middle age. The general rule he develops is that one should never laugh except for good reason. 729). 29Foran example of traditionalistviews. (Hyderabad: Abi 9 Da'iratal-Ma'arifal-'Uthmaniyya). 16Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. (Beirut: Dar al-Kutubal32Al-'Uqayli." 27Theonly exception that occurs to me is Salih Jazara(d.: Yale University Press. but they related hadithreportsfrom him nonetheless."Studia Islamica 17 (1962): 49. which is to say just the time that the hadith folk emerged from the larger movement of the "Shari'ahminded.Hilyat al-awliya'.227 on Tue. (A.ed. al-Wara'.8:240. 15:285. 1984).lecture 2. 'Abd Allah NadhirAhmad. "Ash'ariand the Ash'aritesin Islamic Religious History 1: The Ash'ariteMovement and Islamic Orthodoxy. there is no mention of it in Ibn Hajar. ed. 30Hodgson. where Ahmad advocatesrepetition of prayerbut not of ritual ablutions. speculativetheology). 9:214-17. TarTkh (A. 1:161 f. 1929). 21Ibn Abi Ya'la.. vols. 2:205. Bukhara.1:368. Ammannmentions the early Basran traditionistIbn Sirin (d.291-300). Das Schachspiel in der arabischen Literatur (Bonn: Rheinisch Friedrich-WilhelmsUniversitdit. 23Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. ed. commentaryby al-Jassas al-Razi (Cairo: AmericanUnied. Wara'. see al-Tahawi. (A. 1978). He dates this rule to the beginning of the 9th century at the latest (pp. al-Dhahabi. chap. Mukhtasar"lkhtilaf al-'ulama'" abr. versity in Cairo Press.92. Tabaqat.H.1988). 10 vols. 36Al-Saymari. ed. Tartkh. Jam'iyyat (A. 12:143. 35A1-Khassaf. 26Onthe hadithliteratureconcerninglaughter. 1360). Bukhariand Tabari.72.). For a survey of other views. 8:373 f. Conn.2:31. 211-20). Compare the many rejected hadith reports by which the Prophetstated that the Qur'anwas not created. 1993). Vorbild und Vernunft. 25Dhahabi. Several stories develop his opposition to Shi'ism. 2:463 f. For examples of his joking. 24Ibid. Even in the 9th century. Tarrkh. 20:92 f.. 1985).H. in Vorbild. while nothing indicates that he took an interestin kalam (here.. 1931).there were some outstandingtraditionistswho were not accepted as traditionalists-for example.Tarrkh al-islam.H." vols. 14 vols. Laughingand joking do not appearto be an essential part of his characterization.87 f. 1:72. Regelung Die von Lachen und Scherzen im mittelalterlichenIslam. Fadl alRahmanDin Muhammad. 8:100. 22:167.4 vols. (Beirut: 'Alam al-Kutub. Kitab al-Du'afa' al-kabrr. Wara'. 31Ahmad. Masa'il al-imam Ahmad.H. 74-79. Tartkh. see Salih ibn Ahmad.79. 22Ahmad ibn Hanbal (attrib. The Varietiesof Religious Experience. 'Abd al-Muc'tT Amin Qal'aji. (Beirut: Dar al-Basha'iral-Islamiyya. 5 vols. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Venture. Ibn Abi al-Wafa. mainly joy or wonder. FarhatZiyada. (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-'Arabi. 81-84). On early Shicitraditionalism. Tahdhtb"al12 TahdhTb. 19Ibid.1932-38).436 ChristopherMelchert SAl-Khatibal-Baghdadi. Muhammadal-Sayyid Basyfni Zaghlil (Beirut: Dar alKitab al-'Arabi. An IntroducTarrkh tion to Shi'i Islam (New Haven. That the former report was expressly rejected does not indicate that it was contrary to traditionalistdoctrine.though-for example.TartkhBaghdad. (Cairo:al-Khanji.see MoojanMomen. ModernLibrary(New York:Random 28William House. 5:253.3 vols. 'Umar 'Abd al-Salam Tadmuri54 vols.The distinctionbetween "traditionist" of (transmitter hadith)and "traditionalist" (advocate of solely scriptuaryauthority)we owe to George Makdisi. 3. 10. 1985).906). 9:267.K. Adab al-qddtr.26180). Ilmiyya.

J. Hodgson. Press. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 1348). 255. Abo Nu'aym. Calder. 2 vols. almost as early. Tahrtmal-nard wa-al-shatranjwa-al-malahr. So do other works-for example Ahmad. I fear that they will respond (as asked) and become unbelievers":Abu 'l-Shaykh.v. 2:131.and Joachim Matthes (Opladen:WestdeutscherVerlag. 1984). 5oHodgson. 'Iqdal-juman (A.2:200.1:344. Brill.1340).ed. (Beirut: Mu'assasatal-Risala. 1981-88).1:346. Venture. MuhammadNaghash (Cairo: Dar Nashr al-Thaqafa.1:365.Economy and Society. MuhammadSa'ld 'Umar Idris (n.Siyar a'lam al-nubald'. 8: Sociological Theories of Religion/Religionand Lanfor Dux. 4 vols. 200 54Ibid. 1932-39). 41"The eyes of the people are on me. Dhikr mihnat al-imam. 46Ibn Abi Ya'la. The dichotomy of ascetical and mystical has been developed by numerous others. ibn Ishaq. 42Thegovernor of Egypt was favorably disposed toward Buwayti and told him to confess privately the Qur'ancreated. 138. 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abd al-Muhsin al-TurkIand 'All Muhammad'Umar (Cairo: Maktabatal-Khanji. 1:26."is easily confused with the more common perhaps the opposite of "self-indulgent. 25'l-nihaya. 39W. however. Manaqib al-imam Ahmad. other prisonerswrote to Ahmad threateningto go back on Islam if he went back on his position (concerning the Qur'an):'Abd Allah ibn Ahmad.The Piety of the Hadith Folk 437 Majlis Da'iratal-Ma'arifal-Nizamiyya. Buwayti refused.A. EI. "Asceticism and Mysticism." in International Yearbook the Sociology of Religion. vol. and Aba Nu'aym. SMaher Jarrar. "Ascetical"as "moralistic. s. ed. ed. 43Ibn Abi Ya'la. 40Hanbal 1977).H. 27. Wara'. 1:238. 44For example. 'Abd al-Ghafar 'Abd al-Haqq Ijusayn al-Balashi. ed. Shu'aybal-Arna'it and Salih al-Samr (1983). Muhyi al-Din Nasr al-Kurdl (Cairo: Matba'atal-Sa'ada. The most convenient primary source is al-Ajurri (d. 1978). quoted by al-'Ayni. ed.72.ed. Tabaqat. 52Ibid. ed. 231. LaterHanbalitraditionquoted Ahmad as explaining that he would have committed unbelief had he answered as bidden: al-Jamma'Tli. Ibn Abi Hatim. HIilya. Weber. TopkapiSarayi 2911/A8. 1979). Mueller. also ed.H. und die BarftiBigkeitim Islam.Die Lehre vom tawakkul in der klassischen Sufik. Tabaqatal-muhaddithTn bi-Isbahan. 44.A. 1973).H. 45So. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. 1987-92). (Hyderabad: under al-Fadl ibn Ghanim. Geschichte Isbahans.1407). Mustafa 'Abd al-Qadir (Beirut: Dar al-Kutubal-Ilmiyya. By anotheraccount. 53Ibid.9:175. culminatingin the skillful summaryby Gert H. 1931-34)." Numen 7 (1960): 77-90. Mihnat al-imam. Venture. Montgomery Watt. Hathth. 8.Studies. ed. f." Weber chose. saying "a hundredthousand will follow my example without knowing the meaning":Dhahabi.227 on Tue." opposite of "mystical. 1:407.. (Leiden: E.p. 1:409. 56Ahmad. 343. al-Hathth 'ala al-tijara.219)."But "ascetical"is the term usage of "ascetic" as "renunciant. Der Islam Studien zur Sprache. 544-51. K. 59SeeMueller. 419 f.2 vols. also quoted by Benedikt Reinert. 158. 1987)." Der Islam 71 (1994): 191-240. 48Hodgson. 60The Muslim's life as guided by the law and described again and again in the biographicaldictionaries has most of the charactersof what CatherineBell recently identified as "ritual-likeactivities":formalism. (F 37Similarly. 12:61. Jarh. ed. 49Quoted al-Khallal. three accordingto 1:304. "Shatrandj" Rosenthal)." 104. GuentherRoth and Claus Wittich. Guinter the 68-132. Geschichte und Kulturdes islamischen Orients 3 (Berlin: Walterde Gruyter.. "The Conception of the CharismaticCommunity in Islam. 2 vols. Tabaqat 1:23.168. accordingto al-Khallal. Venture. 14 vols. ed. 29. 1332)."Bisr al-HIafi 220. 1988). If I answer (affirming the Qur'ancreated). mudiyyaft tabaqdtal-hanafiyya. Wara'. (Berkeley: University 47Max of Calif. "Asceticism and Mysticism. guage.for example.ed. 80.H. chap. Kathir. citing the edition of Damascus (A. 10:330. Aba 'Abd Allah Mahmud ibn Muhammadalby Haddad(Riyadh:Dar al-'Asima. 49 f.1968).: Dar Ihya' al-Sunna al-Nabawiyya. quoted by al-SallT. 38Hodgson. (Beirut:Mu'assasatal-Risala.. Venture. 57Ibn 58Ibn Abi Ya'la. Thomas Luckmann. Sven Dedering. and we seem to be stuck with it. Al-Khallal's work includes many other quotationsto the same effect. Tabaqat. (Cairo: Matba'atal-Sa'ada. 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abd al-Muhsin al-Turki(Cairo: Hajr.24. Ibn al-Jawzi. 203a. 970-71). 5Two of the five on foot.

ed. Sitzungsberichteder HeidelbergerAkademie der Wissenschaften (Heidelberg: n."Bulletin du d'etudes orientales 30 (1978): seems.invariance. ed. Muhasibi had fled to Kufa. Dhahabi. Gibb Memorial Series 22 (London:Luzac. Wilfred Cantwell Smith. un prdcurseur Hanbalisme. idem. and begging: This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.7:73. HerbertMason. 1965).10:127. (Beirut: al-Maktabal-Islami." Journal of Religious Ethics 11 (1983): 188 f. Tabaqat.see Josef van Ess.Sari al-Saqati(d."Iranian Studies 27 (1994): 43 f. (Princeton. 340-45. George Makdisi (Leiden: E."190. and their idolatry. Tarrkh. E. Mecca. 47 (1979): 16-69. Andras and Ruth Hamori (Princeton.and 10th-centuryHanabila:"Fudaylb. 1961). Ahmad rejected: Dhahabi. Tarrkh.8:215 f. J. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . see Josef van Ess. trans. whereas if a man starts with writing hadith and then takes up austerity(tanassaka). "Lecture.H. Bonner orientalische Studien 12 (Bonn: Selbstverlag des orientalischen Seminarsder Universitdit Bonn. no. 127n. 21. 4 vols. "6IbnAbi Ya'la. 18 (A. MargaretMalamud. as saying. 8:114. 9th century) was a proto-Mu'taziliwho disbelieved in makasib: Ibn al-Murtada. and rule governance.ed. esp. 867?). 1997). Siyar. Qur'an19. 65Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. "The Transitionfrom Asceticism to Mysticism.too.Essai sur les origines du lexique techniquede la mystiquemusulmane. 35. The Passion of al-Hallaj. 5. 1914).8:215. (Paris: 64Louis J." Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. Note also the jibe by al-Maqdisi (Muqaddasi)that the Karramiyyawere never free of piety."see Ignaz Goldziher. Wara'. ed. For Karramirejection of kasb. Tabaqat 1: 62 f. A. 73Cf. Tarrkh. 61SeeA. GaS.there is abundantevidence that Sufism and the transmissionof hadith were to some degree opposed. Susanna Diwald-Wilzer. 94. Gibb. Brill. 1981). al-Khatibal-Baghdadi. Abu lmran alRaqashi (fl.J. Evidently. Josef van Ess. UngeniitzteTextezur Karramiya. 9. A little later. Earlier. he will languish.Die Klassen der mu't aziliten. For example.ed. 2 vols. Die Gedankenweltdes Harit al-Muhasibj. Abu Nu'aym actually quotes Sari as disparaginga hadithreportsomeone has just recited-"This is not the food of the tomb"-and admits that he transmitted little himself: HIilya. 69Ibn Abi Ya'la. 585. Zaghlol.241-50). where the verb i'tazala describes Abraham'swithdrawalfrom his father.H. On qari' as "ascetic. The 70Al-Sarraj. 74Hence Ahmad ibn Hanbal used to relate hadith of the Mu'tazili leader 'Amr ibn 'Ubayd (d. ed. Vrin. "If a man starts(with austerity) and then writes hadith.: Princeton University Press. 1982).p. 30-32. Tarrkh. chap.humility. which repentance.The crucial study is SarahStroumsa. 192. W. Iya d.Introductionto Islamic Theology and Law.Yet he quotes Junayd'smaster."Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honor of HamiltonA. esp. Hani'. Salih al-Samr. 233 f.his people. then took to relating his hadith without naming him.12:184.N. 2:176. Massignon'scomparisonof Bishr to Muhasibiis not approporiate inasmuchas Muhasibi was clearly involved in kalam and usal al-fiqh.vol. Kitdb al-Luma'fi 'l-tasawwuf.J. Chabbi has found virtual identity between the piety of al-Fudaylibn 'Iyad (d. partisanship. 13 (1990): 265-93.227 on Tue. 72SeeChristopher Melchert. and only at the end refused altogether to relate of him anything:al-Khatibal-Baghdadi. 750n the Mu'tazilaand Karramiyya."The Beginnings of the Mu'tazilah.N. Kevin Reinhart. See CatherineBell. 598 f. no. 77."Studia Islamica 83 (1996): 69 f."The Politics of Heresy in Medieval Khurasan: The Karramiyyain Nishapur. 803) 62Jacqueline and that of the 9th. Tarrkh. Zuhayr al-Shdwish. trans. 11:174 f. Among the classical Mu'tazila. "The Concept of SharT'a Among Some Mutakalliman. in which fields no one accused Bishr of meddling.48 f. Reynold Alleyne Nicholson. Relit Efendi (Istanbul) 1218/1. based on Junayd. 994) wrote a book on Tahrrmal-makasib: Sezgin." Revue des etudes islamiques 46 (1978): 163-240. 177.: PrincetonUniversity Press. Masa'il al-imam Ahmad. 1954). 1980). R.Reconsidered. Massignon. Abu Nu'aym alIsbahani (d. al-Rummani (d. whence he sent back word to Ahmad that he had repented of what Ahmad had rejected. 7Although there is much insistence that Sufis were also good traditionists.438 ChristopherMelchert traditionalism. he will reach [his goal]": Hilya 10:125.72. J. 63Ahmad. 67Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. 1961). 1038) was a prominenttraditionistwho is widely supposed to have written HIilyatal-awliya' in part to demonstrateprecisely that the great traditionistsand the great ascetics and mystics were part of the same tradition. "Islamic Law as Islamic Ethics. 231. 3:227. "Une Lecture a rebours de l'histoire du mu'tazilisme.. Massignon. Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions (New York:Oxford University Press. 761-62). 68Ibn 1394).Bibliotheca Islamica 21 (Wiesbaden:Franz Steiner. Bollingen Series 98. 209. ed. tanassuk and collecting hadith were not to be practiced at once.168.rev.

"HakimTirmidhi. Abi al-Dunya.Risalat al-malamatiyya.227 on Tue. 131. 76The 7See al-Sulaml. 931?). 86-120. Vogel. Fu'ad Sayyid (Tunis: al-Dar al-Ttnisi95'Abd yya lil-Nashr.ed. 1025?). 94Al-Rafi'i. the Mu'tazili qadi. 89. This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192. Abt Ya'la. Waardenburg. 1:161. 1965). For these."Zeitschrift der Deutschen MorgenliindischenGesellschaft 90 (1936): 305." and Sviri. 1872)."Arabica 12 (1965): 164. W. pt.ed. n.among whose works is a Kitab al-sunna wa-al-jama'a:JohannFlick. n. 2:119." Islamic Law and Society 3 (1996): 316-42. Cf. leader of the Baghdadi Mu'tazila. Tarfkh. J. Bibliotheca geographorumArabicorum3."in Fadl al-ictizal. Margoliouth.Tahdhtb. "Official and Popular 97For "ideal. expressly relatingthis hadithreport to renouncingsuperfluities of food. 2nd ed. Tabaqat. Kasb later became a technical term of Ash'ari theology for the relationshipof humans to their actions. De Goeje.12:34-37.168.Beirut: 42. 2 vols. 9:57. 1993).). who has attributed rejectionof Ibn Qutaybato his having embracedtraditionthe alism just when Mutawakkilhad made it opportune:GerardLecomte. He is quoted concerning the Qur'annear Ahmad. see Ibn Hajar. S. HIilya. but al-Qar. Brill. where Ahmad tells a man who has asked him "aboutwhat does not concern him" to consult instead Ibn Abi Duwad.. 57 f.E. Religion and Society 19 (The Hague: Mouton.72. repr.t critics did not record many high evaluations the rijal of his reliability.6:110. Ibn Qutayba(Damascus:InstitutFranqaisde Damas. 120b. "Mihna"(M. Majdi al-Sayyid Ibrahim(Cairo: Maktabatal-Qur'An. (Cairo:Dar al-Kutubal-Haditha. ed. Abu 'l-'Ala' al-'Afift. J. maqala 1. 41.Mu'allafatal-Jam'iyya al-Falsafiyya al-Misriyya 5 (Cairo: Isa al-Babi al-Halabi. 81Ibn Nawadir al-usalftma'rifat ahaddth al-rasal (Istanbul. On confusion among modern scholars over Ibn Abi al-Dunya's status as an ascetic. 70. 83For evaluations of Abu Hatim. 78SeeChabbi. 1974). 1318). 4:257 f. Zaghlal.v. Pieter Hendrik Vrijhof and Jacques Waardenburg. and ChristopherMelchert. Religion as a Problem in Islamic Studies. 84Ibn al-Nadim. i. Tarfkh. 6. 12.s. 88Ahmad Hanbal. Kitdb al-Fihrist. 1907-27). but that sense is clearly not at issue here. ed."and "actualIslam. ed. Gustav Fltigel with JohannesRoedigger and August Mueller (Leipzig: F. "Fadl al-i'tizal. 1979)." in Official and Popular Religion. Ihsan 'Abbas. Zaynab Ibrahim 89Hisname appearsin five of the six books. "Neue Materialienzum Fihrist. Laleli (Istanbul)2010. 9:142-44. D. 82Ibn Dasa." 24. al-Baghdadi. Ibn 79Min husni islami 'l-mar'i tarkuhuma la ya'nih: see al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. 93Al-Qushayri. Gibb Memorial Series al-udaba'. 'Abd al-Halim Mahmid and Mahmad ibn al-Sharif. see Ibn Hajar.9:186. idem. 2:523. al-Tadwrn dhikr ahl al-cilmbi-QazvTn. fi al-Jabbar(d.d. 31.d. 1. The "8Yaqnt." see J. 1972). K. J. TarTkh.). Tartkh. J.. Hinds). Brill. ed.20:362. D. cf. (Leiden: E. (Leiden: E.e. EI2. fann 3.1293. Muhasabat al-nafs.14:380. W. Irshdd al-arib ild ma'rifatal-adib. J. al-Risala (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi.4-9.The Piety of the Hadith Folk 439 Ahsan al-taqastm. Thanks to PatriciaCrone for pointing out these passages. 86Pace GerardLecomte. 90A1-Khatib 91Seeibid. see Chabbi. equivalent to ed. al-Hakimal-Tirmidhi. soSee Aba Nu'aym." 24n. Abu 'l-Qasim al-Balkhi (d. 1906). "Le probleme d'Abo 'Ubayd. and wealth along with all unnecessary actions." "valid. with further references. 7 vols. 4 Dec 2012 11:37:26 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . ed. Die Lehre vom tawakkul. "Religious Policies of the Caliphs from al-Mutawakkilto al-Muqtadir. "Remarques. quoted by Dhahabi. Wara'. al-Malamatiyya." Chabbi observes that the zuhd sections of books of adab dwell on the miraculous more than do the comparablesections of books of hadith. al-Baghdadi.. 187. 11. 87Al-Khatib ibn (Beirut: Dar al-Kutubal-'Ilmiyya. fol. The most importantstudies are Chabbi "Remarques. classic study is Reinert. Dar Sadir. 1945). 1:80. 1983). 7 vols. Wara'. M. C. Tahdhrb. "Remarques.""normative. 2. ed. 96See esp. chap. 5:141. 340-86.ed. speech. equivalent to Mucjam (Beirut: Dar al-Gharbal-Islami.