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-1Operationalising Political Marketing: A Comparison of US and Western European Consultants and Managers

Paul Baines Middlesex University Business School, London Fritz Plasser Zentrum fr angewandte Politikforschung, Vienna Christian Scheucher Politische Akademie, Vienna

Address for Correspondence: Paul Baines Middlesex University Business School The Burroughs London NW4 4BT Tel.: +44 (0)181-362-6114 Fax.: +44 (0)181-202-1539 email: p.baines@mdx.ac.uk Univ. Prof. Dr. Fritz Plasser Zentrum fr angewandte Politikforschung Reisnerstrae 40 1030 Wien Austria Tel.: +43 (1) 715 37 80-5401 Fax: +43 (1) 715 37 80-5410

Mag. Christian Scheucher, M.P.A. Politische Akademie Tivoligasse 73 1120 Wien Austria Tel.: +43 (1) 814 20-65 Fax: +43 (1) 814 20-33 email: christian.scheucher@modernpolitics.or.at SUBMISSION TO MIDDLESEX UNIVERSITY DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES, NO..7, JULY 1999

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-3Operationalising Political Marketing: A Comparison of US and Western European Consultants and Managers

Abstract This paper is an attempt to portray political marketing practice as seen through the eyes of its activists. Thus, data were collected from both US and Western European political consultants and party managers in two separate studies in order to compare and contrast the different attitudes and viewpoints that were manifest between political consultants from both sides of the Atlantic. The paper is an attempt to build on the limited work published in the area of cross-cultural political marketing by contributing data from the first empirical research of its kind in this area.

Introduction Political marketing, as the subject of academic examination, is embryonic. As a separate discipline within marketing, it has yet to establish its reputation. There are no substantive writings on the topic and, suffice it to say, it would appear that marketing academics have yet to accept it as a distinct area of its own right. Nevertheless, simply because something has not been documented, does not mean it does not exist. Political campaigning in one form or another has been in existence since the Greeks devised a system for the effective government of Athens. Then, as now, techniques for communication with the electorate were employed. Political scientists have long documented the changes in electoral campaigning from a descriptive perspective. However, marketings prescriptive premise allows the electoral campaigning scholar further insights into how to manage campaigns in the future, and it is from this standpoint facilitated through the collection of empirical data from political consultants and party executives and managers that this paper is written.

-4The Concept of Political Marketing Political Marketing as an academic discipline is relatively new, arising, initially, from the American campaign management literature as a result of the need by US politicians to market themselves to their publics. The rise of the political consultant has been attributed, in part, to the decline of the political party bosses, the need for funding to be gained through large numbers of voter contributions (arising itself as a result of the funding scandals of the early seventies), and the changing nature of communication technology throughout the last few decades of this century.

Previous definitions of the political marketing concept have stressed the exchange process arising between voters and candidates (Shama, 1975; Kotler, 1982), and the use of the marketing mix to promote political parties (OLeary & Iredale, 1976) and the use of opinion research and environmental analysis (Wring, 1997). Lock & Harris (1996) suggest that political marketing concerns the positioning process. The political marketing concept would, therefore, appear to be the use of certain marketing techniques to promote political parties, but by no means all, since we are not regaled with definitions suggesting the use of competitive analysis, the use of portfolio models for strategic analysis and the use of brand management techniques. Nevertheless, this is not because these aspects of marketing are not appropriate. The reality is quite the contrary, they are. It is simply the case that as an academic discipline, political marketing academics have not yet documented what is happening in the political marketplace and the way in which this differs from traditional marketing, and traditional political science models of electoral campaigning in action. This paper seeks to redress this balance somewhat by providing an insight into political marketing, as practised by political consultants and managers in Western Europe and the USA.

Current definitions, and work surrounding the concept of political marketing, fail to fully embrace the differences between political and commercial marketing (see Lock & Harris, 1996; Egan, 1999),

-5and fail to recognise the differences in political marketing between countries (Baines, Harris & Newman, 1999). There is a clear lack of empirical data on the strategic nature of political marketing since most of the limited work in this area is theoretical. There are clear differences between campaign practice in the UK, USA and Australia, as there are between campaign practice in Sweden, Germany and France. There is a need for a definition which recognises the difference between campaign practice across cultures, yet still retains enough detail to put across the nature of the political marketing phenomenon. This definition also needs to be driven by what is actually happening in campaigns, in other words, such a definition really needs to come from the political marketing practitioners themselves, rather than from observers who seek to superimpose a marketing model in its entirety, regardless of the inherent differences.

The Status of Campaigning in Europe The institutional context of the electoral process in West Europe is essentially different from the situation in the United States. US-campaigns are candidate-centred, capital-intensive, money- and media-driven, based on external consultancy, professionalised and highly individualised whereas most European campaigns are party-centred and labour-intensive; they receive free TV-time, public funding and are managed and directed by professional party staff. The electoral systems of the United States and the countries of Western Europe are also different. A first-past-the-post electoral system is used in the USA (and in the UK) whilst Western European nations tend to use more proportional systems. The French version of the majority-plurality-system also places a far higher importance on party membership of the candidates and strategic agreements are fostered between parties in order to gather support from the electorate in the second ballot of the election where the two highest scoring candidates from the first round are put forward. Moreover, the Irish variety of the single transferable vote is also not comparable with the exclusive candidateorientation of the US election system. In Italy too where, since 1994, three quarters of the

-6representatives are voted according to the first-past-the-post-procedure, the competitive situation is primarily structured by the political parties and party alliances. Even in Germany, Austria and Finland where voters can decide for a candidate on first ballot, the second ballot (the party list) is the basis for the distribution of parliamentary seats.

In the majority of the Western European democracies, elections take place according to the proportional representation system where the strength of parties counts primarily and the attractiveness of regional candidates is secondary. Serious differences also exist in the practice of nominating the candidates. In the USA, primaries are required by law whereas, in Western Europe, the party elite decide the composition of party lists and the central party management strongly influences the nomination of regional candidates. The phenomenon of the self-starting candidate who builds their own campaign organisation, engaging in fund-raising, hiring their own consultants for the planning and management of the election campaign only exist in the USA. As far as the financing of the election campaign is concerned, in the majority of Western European democracies, the central party organisations distribute the available funds which - with the exception of the UK and Switzerland - are currently mostly public funds.

Whilst US candidates spend, on average, over seventy percent of their campaign budgets on the purchase of TV advertising space, paid political TV ads are prohibited in the majority of Western European democracies. Only in Finland, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy and Greece, are political parties able to buy advertising time in privately-owned TV stations although, even then, they are bound to legal requirements (regarding quantity, intensity and time restrictions). But in comparison with the US, the Western European political parties receive free air time (for example, the use of party election broadcasts - PEBs - in the UK) which effectively represent an indirect form of state

-7campaign financing (Kaid & Holtz-Bacha, 1995). There are clearly strict limits on the Americanisation of political campaigning in Europe.

Methodology: Survey Design The research partly consisted of questionnaire interviews with US and Western European experts, and partly with depth interviews with leading US political consultants. This paper is an attempt to shed light on the nature of political marketing and is the combination of two separate research studies. Thus, the research comprises of both qualitative and quantitative elements.

Phase 1 - US Depth Interviews Thirty four leading American political consultants from three major cities (Washington DC, Chicago and Austin) were selected from a number of different occupational categories (e.g. direct mail, opposition research, polling, general and media consulting and fund-raising) using Campaigns and Elections magazines political pages directory of US political consultants. The number of interviewees was enhanced through referrals from respondents and the depth interviews typically lasted three-quarters of an hour and took place at the offices of the consultants in January 1998. The interviews were fully transcribed and analysed using NUDIST software and coding procedures. The interviews were semi-structured in order to obtain data on how political consultants defined and operationalised political marketing practice.

-8Phase 2 - US/EU Questionnaire Interviews Sixty leading American political consultants and fifty leading party managers and external consultants from all parts of Western Europe were asked about their role definition and their professional definition of the political marketing concept. Interviewees in the USA (general strategists, media consultants, issue managers, pollsters and direct mail experts) were chosen from the Political Pages of Campaigns & Elections and membership lists of AAPC and IAPC and further interviewees were obtained to augment the sample using the snowball sampling method. Telephone and Fax-interviews were conducted in July and August of 1998. Western European interviewees (party managers, leading staff members of political parties involved in campaign and communication planning and external consultants) were chosen from membership lists of the IAPC, EAPC, WAPOR as well as the lists of various international conferences. Telephone interviews with respondents from eleven countries were conducted in January and February of 1998.

The data from the European Consultants Survey were divided into two groups. One group was termed US-connected European Experts (N = 20) and were characterised by their above-average proximity to and acquaintance with the practices of US-campaigning whilst the other group of European respondents was termed unconnected European Experts (N = 30) and they represented party managers and consultants whose professional self-definition was not based primarily on knowledge of US-campaign practice (Plasser, Scheucher and Senft, 1999). The study aimed to determine the following:

How professional is electoral campaigning in West Europe? What do practitioners and professional campaign experts understand by the concept of political
marketing? How do US experts and European experts define the central task of political marketing?

-9Findings: Phase 1- US Depth Interviews (see Table 1) Table 1:


Consultant Polling consultant

Comments Pertaining to the Political Marketing Concept


Comment from Interview I hope what I am doing is different than selling something to somebody Marketing to me implies that you are selling something like jello. I think it's more about idealism. What is true is that most people who run for public office are pretty complex, multi-layered personalities and when you get to a campaign you cannot communicate all those layers and nuances. The first thing we've got to do is shoot all the pollsters because sometimes we are over-controlled, over-manipulated by survey data that tells the candidate here's how to talk, rather than the candidate saying here's what's in my heart, here's what I want to say, and the best way to use polling data is as a guidepost, but not as something that is manipulating what they say and how they say it. I think that politics is less marketing it's more military. It's really a military campaign. Well they use the obvious marketing techniques of advertising, in targeting, segmenting audiences based on propensity to support or oppose or undecided, identifying people from mobilisation recruitment, volunteer recruitment, fundraising, election day turnout. Political campaigns have driven the understanding of marketing For example, one of the techniques that we use extensively in the United States is spot testing with what we call dot groups, where you have an instantaneous reaction to various parts of a television spot; and they now have transferred that into using a lot of that in commercial markets. It's really understanding who the person is and given that, what he or she really wants to do It's got to be a genuine reflection of the candidate. People use [the term political marketing] to describe the concept of how you position a candidate on issues to attract voter interests and votes. Most of the time I liken this to surfing. You got a big wave coming in and you are on your board and you are paddling like hell to get in front of the wave and ride it in and watch it get up, stay up and ride it in to the beach. Note that I have very little impact on the wave. You are just trying to get out in front so you don't get run over. I think that there is an image that Dean Rindy probably used sort of surfing on the waves of public opinion I dont think that we change peoples' minds. You want people in politics to be driven by a certain set of convictions, regardless of what side of the island they're on or what party they're from. It helps if they have a capacity to think and to think critically and to develop action based on core principles and if they don't, it's really problematic. Political marketing is to find out what kinds of political leaders and public policy people are looking for. I dont shy away from the term political marketing, although, I feel that it is much more issue and ideological driven. You cant just say anything, you cant just make someone look beautiful and think theyre going to be voted for because they have pretty packaging You go out and get polling information and the voting information tells you that that is what people want What a lot of people do is to say well we are not going to offer that product because we don't believe in that, or that people are stupid so they throw out the research and don't let the research influence their behaviour. What we do is to take the research and say ok, we reckon our candidate given his set of rules and our issues, where can that be changed or modified to the point where it makes it palatable to the people who are going to purchase it. Candidates need to be who they are. Voters are awfully smart. They know what they want. Candidates who really are themselves do better. Consultants that take candidates and take their strengths and amplify them but really focus in on their strengths will do well. Factor Ideas (product) rather than product focus of exchange. Product more complex

Media consultant

Media consultant

Marketing more useful after product is formulated.

General consultant

More attack and argument in political campaigning. Many marketing techniques directly applicable.

Media consultant

Political campaign techniques are also transferring to commercial sector indicating its special nature.

Polling consultant Direct Mail consultant

The complexity of the product Political marketing concerned with voters, their perception of the candidate and how they make their ballot choices. Cant change public opinion, one can only follow it.

General consultant

Polling consultant

Cant change public opinion, one can only follow it. Political product needs to be credible from a political perspective.

Direct mail and general consultant

General consultant Fund-raising consultant

Political marketing concerned candidates and voters. The product is more ideological.

with

Direct mail consultant

Can position political product but need to make sure that this ties in with voters opinions.

Fund-raising consultant

More ideological product.

Source: Baines (1999)

- 10 The depth interviews with US political consultants have indicated a number of factors that pertain to the political marketing concept. The abridged comments in Table 1 illustrate the views that the US consultants held when asked the question about what they understand by the term political marketing. In Table 1, there is an attempt to illustrate specific factors relating to the political marketing concept as a result of the interpretation of the consultants remarks.

The Political Product Thus, the political product is concerned with ideas (political policies and messages) rather than product as is the traditional marketing focus. The political marketing product needs to be credible and retain some measure of ideology if it is to appeal to the electorate. Thus, due to the fact that politicians and candidates cannot simply recreate their policies and messages without taking into account their previous ideology (to some extent), marketing techniques have less input into the formulation of the message appeal than its commercial counterpart. The political product is also concerned with politicians and party managers, and therefore political marketing is subject to the same pressures as those of services marketing, namely the fact that the human interaction forms part of the product at the point of consumption.

The consultants also suggest that political marketing techniques are used less to change opinion and more to follow and document public opinion indicating a clear difference with FMCG marketing where manufacturers may try to alter peoples buying habits and attitudes, e.g. Sony with the introduction of the walkman and, more recently, Sky with the introduction of digital television. Similarly, Coca Cola used refrigerators to serve their product cold to achieve competitive advantage and this has now become the standard expected by the soft-drink purchasing public. Thus, techniques such as opinion research and focus groups are used to measure public opinion and communications are adapted to convey and emphasise message statements which approximate to the position of the

- 11 majority of the electorate or with specific voter groups whilst still taking into account the ideological ethos of the political party or candidate (Baines, Lewis & Ingham, 1999). One consultant likened political marketing to surfing the waves of public opinion, one cannot create ones own waves, rather one can only react to the waves. This is perhaps too simplistic and neglects to take into account the massive efforts by governments and political parties to substantially change their image and policies (e.g. Bill Clinton in the US and Tony Blair in the UK both of whom substantially transformed their partys fortunes).

The Political Marketing Process Political marketing tends to be more oriented towards competitive positioning than its commercial counterpart, although there are excellent examples of negative campaigns being undertaken in the commercial sector also (i..e. British Airways dirty tricks campaign against Virgin Atlantic, Procter and Gambles negative campaign against Lever Brothers Persil Power which damaged clothing, major brand manufacturers efforts to discredit parallel importers etc.). This competitive nature, which so dominates political communication (particularly in the US where political speech is protected under the first amendment) leads to more use of media management techniques (such as rapid rebuttal, opposition research etc.) and to political advertisements which contain an element of dialogue between parties and candidates that is contrary to traditional commercial communication which rarely mention other companies products except in the most vague and bland of ways. There is inherent in the US, the concept that the political product will be contrasted with that of its competitors, and that the candidates must seek to demonstrate their credibility and capability before the electorate will approve them for office (through voting).

Political marketing is also defined by the different processes by which communications are conveyed to the electorate. For instance, political campaigns in the US are generally shorter than their

- 12 commercial counterparts, there are budget restrictions (for instance, campaign contribution ceilings) and there are differences with regard to the competitive rules that regulate elections. The intense competition surrounding elections and the need to be the absolute winner at the ballot box (in most countries, although the exception are those countries where there are several parties and proportional representation procedures operating) effectively produces a highly charged, and often negative, form of campaigning.

Interestingly, the highly complex nature of the political product has led to a high degree of specialisation in the US in terms of what services consultants are able to offer. The main areas are as follows:

General consulting - its commercial counterpart is a strategic marketing consultancy Direct mail Media consulting Opinion Polling - where the commercial counterpart is a market research company Opposition research - no real commercial counterpart (competitive intelligence?) Fund-raising consultants - used by charities but not by FMCG companies

This high degree of specialisation within the US political campaign industry is typified by the following comment made by a Washington DC -based general consultant.

Political consultants dont exist because anybody wanted them or anybody necessarily wanted to be political consultants. They exist because technology requires expertise in handling tools of mass communications and

- 13 research, and political marketing in direct contact. Over the years, the industry has been specialising and professionalising. (Interview).

Findings: EU-US Comparison The results of the survey among US consultants and Western European party managers and external consultants indicated that the overwhelming majority of European consultants and party managers use the services of external consultants. With few exceptions, the respondents have worked with experts from advertising agencies and market and opinion research institutes. Over three quarters have co-operated with specialized media consultants whilst roughly two thirds have with political strategy consultants and more than half of the respondents have co-operated with direct mail consultants. Thus, campaign practice in Western Europe has also assumed the character of a highly differentiated, know-how intensive political marketing operation built on external consulting and service support. The respondents differ in their assessment of the co-operation with external consultants and service agencies. Almost half of the respondents saw the co-operation with external consultants as positive, whilst fifty percent of the respondents recounted problematic experiences, whereby the party managers' assessments were somewhat more critical.

The main problem of working with consultants was their lack of knowledge regarding current issues and political trends and lack of integration into internal decision processes of the party. Half of the respondents also named superficiality of advice and recommendations, the costs of services rendered, and lack of understanding of political strategies as the main problems of co-operation with external consultants. Lack of identification with the candidate or party was, however, only chosen by one out of three respondents as a problem. Respondents with first-hand knowledge of and extensive experience with US practices (US-connected experts) assess the professional co-operation with external consultants more critically than those without prior orientation towards the USA

- 14 (unconnected experts). The group of US-connected respondents criticised the superficiality of advice and recommendations more strongly and also saw the lack of knowledge of current issues and movements as a central problem of the co-operation with external political consultants.

Campaign Style If there really is a difference between the American and the European style of political marketing, then it must be reflected in the definitions of the concept of political marketing on the part of the consultants and party managers. When asked which definition of political marketing came closest to their professional concept of political marketing, the surprising result was that few European consultants identified definitions in which techniques and strategies were important. Whilst they concede that political marketing offers a large set of tools ranging from target group definition to complex communication techniques, European consultants believe that a marketing concept aimed exclusively at electoral victory is too restricted. Nearly sixty percent emphasise that the essence of political marketing is its long-term impact, specifically the communication of competence and the creation of trust. They believe that a campaign that aims at a quick sell confuses politics with consumer products, quickly becomes stale and is not credible.

It is, therefore, necessary to strengthen the competence of the political actors and build a basis of trust among their voters by using the communicative strategies of the marketing mix. This opinion is especially prevalent among unconnected experts who tend to distance themselves from American marketing practices. Sixty percent of this group are oriented towards a long-term model of relationship marketing and draw their strategies and activities from this model. In contrast, the group with a stronger affinity towards the US model and close contacts with the American consultancy business (US-connected experts) emphasise more campaign-oriented concepts and the technical uses of political marketing (Plasser et al, 1999).

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Defining Political Marketing Contrary to the Western European understanding of the concept of political marketing, the definition of US consultants is primarily concentrated upon the direction for strategic planning and development of campaigns. Four out of five US consultants associate political marketing with guidelines for the strategic planning of campaigns. About two thirds of the US sample define political marketing as a technique for the definition and communication of appeals to strategic target groups. Only one in four US interviewees emphasise the long term perspective of political marketing and stress creation and building of trust as an essential part of the concept of political marketing.

Different definitions of political marketing reflect the contextual frame of political competition in the USA and Western Europe. The candidate-centred, money- and media-driven US campaign style is orientated to short and intensive election cycles. The party-centred European style of campaigning, however, stresses the building of competence, trust and identification with parties as collective actors in government or opposition.

Only slight differences, however, occur to the open-ended question based on your experience, what do you consider to be the central task of political marketing?. US consultants, as well as Western European party managers and external consultants, regard message development, positioning of candidates or parties and image building (especially stressing credibility) as central tasks of political marketing operations. But US consultants also consider the identification of personal or emotional needs of voters and identification of persuadable voter groups to be central tasks of political marketing whilst Western European experts often stress the image building of candidates or parties.

Table 2:

Differences in the definition of the concept of

- 16 Political Marketing
Please tell me for each of the following definitions of the concept of Political Marketing whether it is very close to your political marketing practice, fairly close or whether it only applies in exceptional cases Very close to respondents personal political practice In percent US-consultants US-connected Unconnected Europeans Europeans Direction for strategic development of campaigns planning and 80 53 40

Technique for the definition and communication with strategic target groups 63 Management communication technique for political 53 Long-term communication to build competence and trust among the electorate up 40 40 41 28

29 N= 60 Source: American Consultants Survey, 1998 (N = 60). European Consultants Survey, 1998 (N = 50).

59 20

60 30

The different accentuation of the definition of the concept of political marketing does not reduce the importance of US know-how and the American campaign experience for European campaigns. Half of the US consultants interviewed had worked or had been engaged in Western European campaigns in recent years. Similarly, one third of the European party managers and consultants interviewed had also worked with a US campaign consultant in recent years. This professional co-operation was cited as being overwhelmingly positive by the European party managers and consultants. Roughly sixty percent of those who had worked with a US consultant report very good experiences and only one out of three suggests that the experience was unsatisfactory. The US consultants orientation on positioning and message formulation compensated for language barriers and the lack of familiarity with the political competition, the domestic policies, and the political cultures in the countries concerned (Scammell 1997; Farrell 1998).

Cross-Cultural Transfer

- 17 The high level of finance available to political campaigns in the US, principally funded through individual contributions by donors (through direct marketing) and through lobbying (including contributions made by Political Action Committees) precipitates the use of marketing techniques on a parrallel unseen in other democracies. This increased funding available in the US has led to greater use of direct mail for voter persuasion, research and quantitative opinion polling (which is used to pre-test and track adverts, track the dynamics of voter choice among target segments during the campaigning period as well as determine who is ahead with what target segments). This is in direct contrast to countries in Western Europe where advertising is seldom pre-tested and tracked, and polling is used more for the determination of relative positions of the party in the horserace and some measure of what groups are supporting which parties.

The extent to which political marketing techniques can be used in different political systems depends to a large extent on the differences in media system, electoral system, structure of government and culture of the country. Nevertheless, there is some ability to use American political marketing techniques in other countries as is indicated by the comment below:

[Political marketing techniques] can be applied to any market where technology is driving campaigns unless you have a free market, free speech political campaign system, because many countries dont have thats where the limitations apply but up until that point, every one of the techniques are applicable across the country depending upon their use and availability. Of course, you apply it differently depending upon the culture and the political traditions. (Interview).

[We have] worked in a lot in South America, Israel, Philippines and one of the things that Ive discovered through that work is that the tools and techniques and strategies that we have developed here are applicable everywhere. (Interview).

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Clearly, American political marketing techniques are capable of being transferred across country boundaries although, to some extent, the tools and techniques need to be modified to take into account the nuances of the district in which the political party or candidate is operating. Clearly, where a free speech system is not in operation, the persuasion techique used tends more towards the use of propaganda (e.g. Serbia and NATOs broadcasts during the recent war in Kosovo). The degree to which political marketing techniques need to be modified is dependent on a variety of factors already expressed. Nevertheless, this adaptation of political marketing techniques has never previously been discussed in the political marketing, science or campaign management literature.

The political marketing concept needs to altered to take into account ist operationalisation by professional political consultants, and party executives in both the US (where political marketing originatd), and in Western Europe (where the use of political marketing is emerging). Thus, from a campaign management perspective (as opposed to lobbying, government marketing and other political marketing contexts), the political marketing concept should be redefined to recognise the aims of the political organisation and the way in which it communicates with its targeted publics.

- 19 Conclusion Professionalisation of the campaign function based on the US operationalisation of the political marketing function will probably lead to a general devaluation of the traditional structure of party organisation. Those Western European respondents who were considered to be US-connected (four out of five) tended to expect a reduction in the importance of traditional party organisations in future election campaigns. What at first appears to be a successful recipe for maximising votes could, in the long run, lead to a weakening of the grassroots organisation of Western political parties and, in fact, to their erosion.

At present, European political parties associate different aims with political marketing and, to some extent, this may actually delay such a breakdown in party affiliation. Thus, since European political consultants and party managers associate political marketing more with building the partys brand image and building long-term trust (than with targeting specific groups of voters and strategic planning activity), it is likely that European political parties will develop their own version of political marketing which will encompass both an infatuation with image, and a desire to improve their electoral prospects in the long-term. This may, therefore, lead to the need to consider a new definition of political marketing which comprises both the European and American political marketing traditions.

- 20 Appendix 1- Institutional background of political marketing activities in West Europe and the USA
Country Electoral TV Paid 2 System ownership political in Lower TV ads 1 House State support for Ban on parliamentary candidates publication of and parties opinion poll results conducted prior 4 to elections Free TV Financial 3 time support Yes No Campaign Orientation for Lower House US consultants used in recent election campaigns?

Finland

PRMixed

stateowned private stateowned private stateowned private stateowned stateowned private stateowned private

Yes (not on + stateYes owned stations) + No Yes

Party + Candidates Yes

Norway

PR

Yes

No

Party

Yes

Sweden

PR

+ No

Yes

Yes

No

Party

Yes

Denmark

PR

No

Yes

Yes

No

Party

Yes

Belgium

PR

+ No

Yes

Yes

No

Party

Yes

Netherlands

PR

Yes (not on + stateYes owned stations) + No No

Yes

No

Party

Yes

France

Great Britain Ireland

Majority stateowned Plurality private stateFPTP owned private STV-PR stateowned stateowned private

moderate

Yes

Party + Candidates Yes Party + Candidates Yes Party + Candidates Yes

+ No

Yes

No

No

No

Yes

Yes

No

Germany

PRMixed

Yes (not on + stateYes owned stations) No Yes

Yes

No

Party

Yes

Austria

PRMixed

Switzerland

Italy

Spain

Portugal

Greece

stateowned statePRowned Mixed private FPTP state(3/4) + owned PR private statePR owned private statePR owned private statePR owned private

Yes

No

Party

Yes

+ No

Yes

No

Yes

Party

Yes

Yes (not on + stateYes owned TV) + No Yes

Yes

Yes

Party + Candidates Yes

Yes

Yes

Party

Yes

+ No

Yes

Yes

Yes

Party

Yes

No (not on + stateYes owned stations) Yes No

Yes

No

Party

Yes

USA

FPTP

private

No

No

Candidates

Yes

Sources: LeDuc, Niemi and Norris (1996); Swanson and Mancini (1996); Bowler and Farrell (1992); Butler and Ranney (1992); Kaid and Holtz-Bacha (1995); Katz (1997); Katz and Mair (1994).

- 21 Notes: 1) Electoral System in Lower House: a) PR = proportional representation, b) FPTP = first-past-the-post, c) Mixed = combination of majority rule and proportional representation, d) Majority = plurality system with run-off elections, e) STV = single transferable vote system. 2) TV ownership: National networks only. 3) Free TV time: In most western democracies, parties and candidates are given free air time on state-owned TV for parliamentary elections. In other words, the parties and candidates are provided with free air time for a certain number of TV ads, depending on their seats in parliament. This is a form of indirect campaign financing by the state. 4) Ban on publication of poll results: France: 7 days before an election (elections taking place over two consecutive Sundays, the moratorium is actually two weeks); Italy: 28 days before an election (all national, regional and local elections and referendums); Portugal: 7 days before an election; Spain: 5 days before an election; Switzerland: 7 days before an election (national elections only, but not referendums).

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