‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ‪#2‬‬

‫َ ّ‬

‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫* ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻦ ‪:‬‬

‫* ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﺗﻨﺎ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺷﺒﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﻹﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻧﺼﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺷﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ‪.‬‬

‫< ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ّﻱ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﹶﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺃ(‬
‫ﺏ( ﻣﹸﺤﺎﺿﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﹶﻮﻋﻮﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺝ( ﹾ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻔﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺩﻱ ﹶ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﹶﻮﺩﺓ ّ‬
‫ﻭ ﻫﻮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺃﺷﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩ( ﻣﺠﻠﺔ " ﹶﻃ ﹾﻞ "‬

‫* ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﺎ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻏﹸﺮﺑﺘﻨﺎ ﺗﻌﻠّﻢ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺣﻀﻮﺭﻧﺎ ﺣﻀﺎﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫* ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻨﺎ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺅﻧﺎ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﺒﺮﹶ ﺍﻷﺟﻴﺎﻝ‬
‫ﹶﻣﺒﻨّﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﹸﺣﺒّﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ ﻭﺗﹶﻮﺍﺭﺛﹺﻪ ﻟﻸﺧﻼ ﹺﻕ‬
‫ﹺ‬
‫ﺎﺱ ﺑﻬﻴﺒﺘﹺﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴ ﹶ‬
‫ﻓﺴﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﻃ ﹸﻦ ﺣﹶﻀﺎﺭﹺﺓ ﻭﺛﹶﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻼ ﻳﺠﻮﺯﹸ ﹶ‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴ ﹾ‬
‫ﻮﺭﻱ ﺃﺧﻼﻗﺎﹶ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﺎﹰ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﺛﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻼ‬
‫ﻭﺇﹶّﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ّ‬
‫ﹺ‬
‫ﹶ‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤ ﹶﻊ ﻛﻴﺎﹲﻥ ﻣﹸﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ‬
‫ﹾ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺤﺘﺮﹸﻡ ﺟﹶﻤﻴ ﹶﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻪ ﻷﻱ ﺟﻬﹴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧ ّﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭّﻳﹺﺔ ﻭﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭ ﹺﻥ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻟﺨﺪﻣﹺﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‪.‬‬

‫* ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻨﺎ ‪:‬‬
‫ ﺇﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ّ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌ ّﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻘﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺍﺗﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ‬‫ﺇﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺗﺠّﻤﻊ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻳﺨﺪﻡ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻴﺐ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬‫ﻭﻳﺮﻓﺪﻩ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺘﺎﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬‫ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﻘﺪ‪.‬‬

‫< ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻟﻜﺘﺮﹸﻭﻧﻴــّــﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻜﻨﺎﹰ "‬
‫ﺃ( ﺣﻤﻠﺔ " ﻛﹸ ﹾﻦ ﻟﹶﻬ ﹾﻢ ﹶ‬

‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﹶﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻳﺼﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ‪.‬‬

‫ﺏ( ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻧﺸﺎﻁﹲﺇﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋ ّﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ..‬ﻳﻄﺮﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﹺﺔ ﺃﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﻳ ﹸ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺃ ّﻱ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ‪.‬‬
‫ﹶﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﹺﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﹺ‬
‫ﺝ( ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﹶﻡ ﺑﻜﺎﻓﹺﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮﻳﹺﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺷﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ﻭﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻳﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﺬﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ ‪.‬‬
‫< ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻏﺎﺛﻴـّــﺔ‬
‫ﺃ( ﺣﻤﻠﺔ "ﺟﺮﺣﻚ ﺟﺮﺣﻲ"‬
‫ﺏ( ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ " ﺃﺧﻮﺓ ﺑﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ " ‪4\3\2\1‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺴﻠﹺﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﺎﺛﻴّﺔ ‪،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻗﺎﹶﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﹶﺠﻤ ﹸﻊ ﺑﹺﻬﺬﹺﻩ ّ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ ﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﻧﻔﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺝ( ﺣﻤﻠﺔ " ﺃﺿﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ "‬
‫ﺩ( ﺣﻤﻠﺔ " ﺍﻟﺸﺘﺎﺀ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻧﺼﺮﻧﺎ "‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺇﻏﺎﺛﻴﺔ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻹﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺠّﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻭﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻛﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻷﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻳﺘﺼﻒ ﺷﺒﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺨﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻟﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻧﺴﺄﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻹﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻣﻸﻯ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻌﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﻓﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺄﺭﺿﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﻸﺕ ﻗﺒﻮﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺘﺴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺘﻒ ﻣﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻙ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻜﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﺟﺮﺣﻚ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﺮﺳﻚ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻚ ‪ ..‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻮﻫﺐ ﻟﻤﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻘﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻤﻌﻬﻢ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺠﻴﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺤﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﻧﺤﻴﺐ ﺃﻣﻬﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻗﺎ ﻟﺠﺮﺡ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﺭﻭﺍﺣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻤﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻵﻻﻡ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻭﺣﻔﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﺳﻤﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺄﻇﺎﻓﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺘﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻈﻔﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺻﺮﺧﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻢ ﺑﺼﺮﺣﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩﺍ ﻟﻠﺴﻤﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﻩ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺿﺠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻮﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻟﻴﻜﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺴﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺣﻪ ﻟﻴﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﻃﻨﻪ ﺃﺣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻲ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺮﺍﺡ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺃﺛﺒﺖ ﺗﻜﻴّﻔﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻮﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﻮﻉ ﻓﺒﻜﻰ ﻓﺮﺣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻﺎﺹ ﻓﻘﻮﻯ ﺟﺴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺿﺮﺑﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺄﺯﺍﺣﻪ ﻛﻲ ﻳﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺿﻮﺣﺎ ﻭﺇﻧﺎﺭﺓ ‪..‬‬

‫ﺃﻳّﻬﺎ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺇﻧّﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺠ ﹸﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﹺ ﹸ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﻼﺹ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻜﺮﺓ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﻮ ﹶﻱ ﺍﻹﻳﻤﺎ ﹸﻥ ﺑﻬﺎ ‪..‬ﻭﺗﻮﻓّﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﹸﺟﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﹸ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺤﻤﻞﹸ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ..‬ﻭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻓﻬﹸﻨﺎ ﻛﻤﹸﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﹸﻧﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎ ﻛﺜﹸﺮﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﹸﻨﺎ ‪ ..‬ﹸ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﹾ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺃّﻣﺘﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻀﺎﻋﻔﺖ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﹸﻨﺎ‪..‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺛﻘﹸﻠﺖ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻨﺎﻗﹺﻨﺎ‪..‬‬
‫ﻷﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﻛﻨّﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻷﺟﻞ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻨﺎﺯﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮّﺓ‪ ..‬ﻷﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﻘﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻬﻮﻝ ‪ّ ..‬‬
‫ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺃّﻣﺔ ﻭﺩﺭﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﺠﺮﺍﺣﻪ ﹸ‬
‫‪ ..‬ﺃﻗﺴﻤﹾﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻤﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻟﺪﻳﻦ ‪ ..‬ﻓﻲ ﻏﹸﺮﺑﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻧﹸﺴﻤ ﹸﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ّﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻧﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺃﺯﻳﺰ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻤﺎﺀ ﺭﻗﻴّﻨﺎ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻧﺘﺤﺪّﻯ ﺍﻟﺮّﺻﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻢﹾ‪ .. ..‬ﻭﻃ ﹲ‬
‫ﻦ ﺃﺳﻴﺮ ﻏﺎﺩﺭﻧﺎﻩ ‪ ..‬ﻣﻐﺴﻮﻻ ﺑﺤﺒّﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺂﻗﻲ ‪ ..‬ﻣﹸﻄﻬّﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺔ ‪ ..‬ﻣﺘﺪﺛّﺮﺍ ﺑﺄﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﺭﺑّﻬﻢ ﻳﹸﺮﺯﻗﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺫﻱ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﻻ ﻧﺰﻫﺔ ‪ ..‬ﺁﻥ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﹺﻌ ﹶﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻛﺔ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﻜﺮﹴ ﻭﺣﻀﺎﺭﺓ ‪ ..‬ﺑﻨﺎﹸﺀ ﻧﻬﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴّﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ‪ ..‬ﻓﻬﹺﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺣﻴﺎﹸﺀ ﺃّﻣﺔ‪ّ .. ..‬‬
‫ﻃﻼﺑﻨﺎ ‪ ..‬ﹺﻫ ﹶﻲ ﺫﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳّﺔ ﺗﹺﻌ ﹾ‬
‫ﺒﺖ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺃﺳﻤﻌﺘﹾﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻴﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻟ ﹾﻦ ﺗﺴﺘﻠّﺬ ﺣﻼﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨّﺼﺮ ّ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺰﻳﻤﺔ ﻣﻨّﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻓﻠﻨﻜﹸﻦ ﺟﹸﻨﺪﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻐﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﺻﻴّﺮﻧﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ‪ " ..‬ﺗﺠّﻤ ﹸﻊ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ "‬
‫ﻟﻬﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻛﺒﹸﺮ ﺣﻠﻤﹸﻨﺎ ّ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻉ ‪ ..‬ﺁﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺘﻤﻴّﺔ‬
‫‪ ..‬ﺣﻤﻠﻨﺎ ﻫّﻤﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺗﻤﺨﻀﺖ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻫّﻤﺔ ‪ ..‬ﺷﺒﺎ ﹲ‬
‫ﺏ ﹴ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨّﺼﺮ ‪ ..‬ﻓﺄﻋّﺪ ﻟﹾﻪ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌّﺪ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﹾﻩ‪ ..‬ﻓﻜﹸﻨّﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﺳﺠﻊ ﻋﺎﺑﺮ ‪ ..‬ﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﺪّﺍﺭﺍ‪..‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﹸﻧﺎ ﻣﺠﺮّﺩ ﹴ‬
‫ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺤ ّﻖ ‪ ..‬ﻏﹸﺮﺑﺘﹸﻨﺎ ﺗﻌﻠّﻢ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻧﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﻜﻲ ‪ ..‬ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﹸ‬
‫ﹾ‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻧﺎ‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﺣﻀﺎﺭﺓ‪ .. ..‬ﺳﺘﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻧﻠﻌﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺋﻦ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻧﺴﺘﻤﺮّ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﻧﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜّﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﺘﺠﺪّﺩ ‪ ..‬ﺑﺒﻼﺩﻧﺎ ﻧﺮﺗﻘﻲ ‪ ..‬ﹸ‬
‫ﻭﻧﺮﺳﻢ ﺃﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﺮﹴ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺯّﺭ ‪ ..‬ﹸﻫ ﹾ‬
‫ﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺿﺠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻓﻌﻴّﺔ ‪ ..‬ﹸ‬
‫ﻧﻨﻬﺾ ﺑﺒﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺃﻃﻔﺎﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻮﺑﺔ ‪..‬‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺑﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻨﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺷﺒﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻭﻣﺔ ‪ ..‬ﺗﻌّﻤﺮ ﺍﻷﻭﻃﺎﻥ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺗﺤﻠﻮ‬
‫‪ ..‬ﺳﺘﻔﺮ ﹸﺡ ﺳﻮﺭﻳّﺔ ﺑﹺﻨﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺗﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻟﻌﺮﻭﺱ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﻬﺎ ‪ ..‬ﺃﺳﺮّﺕ‬
‫ﻟﻨﺎ ﺑﻤﻮﻋﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻓﻠﻨﻨﹾﺘ ﹺﻈﺮ ‪ ..‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻳﻄﻠﹸﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﺎﺀ ﻟ ﹾﻢ ﻳﹸﻐﻠﹺﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺮﹸ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳّﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻴﺎ ﺳﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺎ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻢ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﻋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻚ ﻭﻷﺟﻠﻚ‬
‫ﻭﻷﺑﻨﺎﺀﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻨﺎ ﻟ ﹺﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠ ﹺﻚ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻋﺰﺍﺅﻧﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺟﻞ ﻧﺼﺮﻩ ﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻌﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻧﻌﻠﻤﻬﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﺷﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﻴﻌﻨﺎ ‪..‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬

‫‪3‬‬

‫َ ّ‬

‫ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻹﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺑﻤﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻠﺐ ﻭﺩﺭﻋﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺴﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻭﺣﻤﺺ‪.‬‬
‫ﹴ‬
‫‪،‬‬

‫‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 18/11/2012‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﹰﺀ ﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺀ " ﻇﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﺎﻧﻲ "‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ‪ 115‬ﻳﻮﻡ ﺑﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺣﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻨﺴﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺂﺧﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻷﺷﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﻈﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ‬
‫ﻻﻓﺘﺎﺕ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﻋﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‬
‫ﹴ‬
‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﻒ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻜﺔ ﻭﻗﻔﺔ ﺭﺍﺋﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﺟﻞ ﺃﺧﻮﺗﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﺣﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻄﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺓ ﺑﺒﻌﺚ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ” :‬ﻏﺰﺓ ‪ ..‬ﻗﺴﻤﺎ ﻟﻨﻘﺎﺳﻤﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻔﻦ ﻓﺎﻟﺠﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ “ ﻭ‪ ” :‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺒﺘﻬﻢ ﺳﺠﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﻗﺴﻤﺎ ﻟﻦ ﻧﻨﺴﺎﻛﻢ “‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻨﻪ “ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ “‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺃﺕ ﺣﻤﻠﺔﹲ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺃﺳﻤﺎﺀ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻐﻮﻃﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﻞ‪ :‬ﺃﺣـــﻤـﺪ ﺑــﺴــﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻓـﺎﺧــﻮﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ :‬ﻭﺳﻴﻢ ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺣﻼﻕ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺗﺎﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻳﻒ ﺣﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺟﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﻌﻒ ﺟﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻓﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺁﻏﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﻃﺐ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺣﻰ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺧﺮﻳﺞ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻃﺐ ﺍﻷﺳﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺣﺎﺳﻮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺀ ﻋﺪﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺮﺻﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻼﺫﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ ) ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻮﻥ‬
‫( ﻳﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﺿﺮﺓ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻴﺘﻴﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﺬﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ‪.‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺃﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺮﻣﻮﻙ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺇﺧﻮﺗﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﺪﺍﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻘﻄﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺣﺪﺙ ﺗﻔﺠﻴﺮ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﻋﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺄﺿﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻓﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻴﺌﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﺚ ﺍﻟﺬﻋﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﻮﺑﻬﻢ‪.‬‬

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‫‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ " ﺃﺧﻮﺓ ﺑﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ " ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻭ‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﺿﺎﺡ ﺗﺒﻨّﺎﻫﺎ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺟﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﻤﻮﺍ ﻛﺮﻧﻔﺎﻻ ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺭﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﹴ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺭﺑﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ " ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﻃﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ ﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ "‪ .‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻗﺎﻡ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻴﺘﻴﻦ ﺃﻭﻻﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻂ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻮﻱ ﻟﻠﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺮﻫﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ‪4‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻷﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﻲ‪ - 4‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺐ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪.22/11/2012‬‬

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‫ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬
‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺷﺮﺑﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺷﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻻﻋﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 21‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1979‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻤﻞ ﻣﺸﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ،3-5-2003‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺷﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 1989‬ﻭ ‪ 2003‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺷﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻻﻋﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻟﺤﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻠﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﺗﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻬﻴﺔ ﺣﻤﻠﺖ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﺭﻉ … ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﻤﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺓ ﺻﺎﻣﺘﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻏﺰﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ‪ ..‬ﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺃﺿﻐﻂ ﻫﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﻀﻰ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﻧﺼﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻗﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺣﻜﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺒﺲ ﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺠﻦ ﺻﻴﺪﻧﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻔﺬ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﻧﺼﻒ ﻭﻗﻀﻰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﻧﺼﻒ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﺮﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺮّﺩ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﻭﺗﻌﺮﺽ‬
‫ﻟﻤﻀﺎﻳﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺀ ﺃﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻈﻤﻮﻩ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻳﻮﻣﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﻭﻫﺎﺗﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻻﺫ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﻂ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﻨﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﺠﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺤﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 6‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﻞ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻂ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻦ ﻭﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻂ ﻏﻴﺎﺙ ﻣﻄﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺠﺒﺮ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺄﺧﻴﻪ ﻭﺇﺧﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻬﺐ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻟﻨﺠﺪﺓ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﻘﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻰ‪” :‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﹰ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﹰ‪“..‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ…‪.‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ “ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻨﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ“‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫‪5‬‬

‫"ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﺯﻧﺎ ‪ ..‬ﻫﻠﻖ ﺻﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﺑﻊ ‪ ..‬ﻋﻨﺎ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‪".‬ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺧﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺣﺐ‬
‫ﻭﺻﺒﺮ ﻭﻋﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻟﻪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺤﻔﻞ ﺛﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺻﻌﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻣﺔ ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻘﻒ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺷﹶّﻤﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﻳﻪ ﻭﻣﻀﻰ ﻻﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺣﻠﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻳﺪﺧﺮ ﺟﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺎﺟﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﺴﻠﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺎﻗﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺣﺒﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻃﻠﻘﺖ‬
‫ﻗﺬﻳﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ..‬ﻓﺴﻘﻂ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍﺀ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺳﻘﻂ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﻘﻂ ﺣﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ )ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺖ ( ﺗﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﺪﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﻠﻦ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪..‬‬
‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺻﻄﻴﻒ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ ‪:‬‬
‫“ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺭﻧﺎ ﺧﻮﺿﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﻠﺒﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﻥ ﻛﹶﺒﹸﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻮﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﻻﺷﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺛﺎﺭ ﻷﺟﻞ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺒﺮﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ‪“.‬‬

‫َ ّ‬

‫ﺣﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻊ‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺝ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬
‫* ﻻ ﻳﺨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﺗﻄﻮّﺭﺍﺕ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺑﺂﺫﺍﺭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺃﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺜّﻘﻒ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺩﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺰّﺧﻢ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﺘﺒﻨّﺎﻫﺎ ﺷﻌﺐ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﻃﻴﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴّﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻞ ﺗﺆﻳﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻻ ؟‬
‫ﻟﺴﺖ ﺃﺩﻳﺒﺎ‪ ...‬ﻟﻸﺳﻒ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺃﺅﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺖ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﺮ ﺑﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺯﺧﻤﻬﺎ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻒ ﻭﻣﻨﺤﻂ ﻻ ﻳﺄﺑﻪ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺸﻌﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻨﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺇﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﺠﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻟﻴﻘﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﻗﻌﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﻳﺴﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺒﻴﺢ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻃﻐﻤﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﻄﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺣﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ّ‬
‫َﻃ ّﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ )ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺗﻚ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻭﺗﻴﺮﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ(؟‬
‫* ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪ ّ‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ "ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ" ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻭﺩﻳﻤﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻏﻤﻮﺽ ﻣﺂﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺒﻂ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺛﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﺑﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺂﻻﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻀﻌﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﺮﺓ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﻔﻜﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﻭﻧﺤﺎﻭﻝ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﻌﺒﺔ‪.‬‬

‫* ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺗﻚ ﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻔﻴﻦ؟ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺮﺃﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘّﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻮﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ )ﺃﺩﻭﻧﻴﺲ ﻣﺜﺎﻻ(؟‬
‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﺜﻘﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺳﻜﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺴﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﻌﻘﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺤﺮﻛﻬﻢ ﺭﻫﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻐﻠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻜﺮﻭﺍ ﻭﻳﺘﺼﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﺑﺪﻻﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺌﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺑﺪﻻﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻛﻮﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻟﺪﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﺜﻘﻒ ﻳﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺗﻤﺎﻫﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻲ ﺃﻻﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺿﺮﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺜﻘﻔﻴﻦ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﺋﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﺣﺴﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ "ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻔﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﻴﻦ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻲﺀ ‪.‬‬

‫* ﺑﺮﺃﻳﻚ ﻫﻞ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﻟﻠﺨﻠﻒ ﺃﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺣﺮﻗﺖ ﺳﻔﻨﻬﺎ؟‬
‫ﻻ ﺭﺟﻌﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺄﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﺣﺮﻗﻮﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺒﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﻳﻌﻮﺩﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻌﻮﺍ ﻓﺴﻴﻘﻌﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﺤﺔ ﺟﻴﻼ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎ ﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻫﻮ ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺳﻮﺀ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻋﻲ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺃﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻤﺮ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻬﻮﺽ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﺤﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ّ‬
‫* ﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻚ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫﻧﺎ ﺑﻌﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ )ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺢ ﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺤﺮ( ّ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﻀﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ؟‬
‫ﻭﻫﻞ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺤﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﺻﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ؟‬
‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺣﻼ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻬﺎ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻗﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻜﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺨﺸﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﻃﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻤﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺨﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﻟﻴﺼﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺫﻫﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻀﺒﻂ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﻘﺎﻃﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻗﻮﺗﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﻋﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺋﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺟﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺇﺧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬

‫َ ّ‬

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‫ﺣﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ‬

‫* ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ؛ ﺃﻭﻻ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍ ﺃﻃﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ؟‬
‫ﺑﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻟﻠﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺮﺩﺩﻳﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻘﻨﻌﺎ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻧﻤﻮﺫﺟﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺊ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻨﺸﻐﻞ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻷﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻇﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺃﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻄﻐﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺪﻳﺔ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺠﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻦ ﺗﻌﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺃﻣﺎﻧﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺇﺧﻼﺻﻬﻢ ﻭﻭﻃﻨﻴﺘﻬﻢ‬

‫* ﺻﺪﺭ ﻟﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜّﻮﺭﺓ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜّﻮﺭﺓ "ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻼﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﺏ" ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﺤﺪّﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ‪ 16‬ﻋﺎﻣﺎﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻃﻨﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺘﻚ ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﻭﺻﻔﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ؟‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ّ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺒﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻨﺖ ﺳﻤﻌﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺠﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺠﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺟﻌﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺤﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﺍﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﺴﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻧﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺠﻮﻥ ﻭﺃﻏﻼﻝ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻇﻨﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺳﺠﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺤﺒﻂ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺒﺴﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺄﻧﻨﺎ ﺿﺤﻜﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺣﻴﺜﻴّﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻵﻥ؟‬
‫* ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﻫﻤﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ّ‬
‫ﺃﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻦ "ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻵﻥ" ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺃﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﻌﻠﻤﺖ ﻭﺃﺗﻴﺤﺖ ﻟﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺃﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺯﻣﻼﺋﻲ ﻭﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﻠﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺎﺡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺎﺡ ﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻃﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﺻﻌﺒﺔ ﻭﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﻭﻛﻬﻮﻟﺘﻨﺎ‪.‬‬

‫* ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺇﺩﺍﻧﺘﻚ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ؟ ﻭﻫﻞ ﺷﻌﺮﺕ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺠﻨﺖ ﻷﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ ّ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺜّﻤﻦ؟‬
‫ﺗﻘﺼﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ؟‬
‫ﻛﻨﺖ ﻋﻀﻮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻳﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺟﻬﺖ ﻟﻲ ﺗﻬﻤﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﺍﺓ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ )ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 8‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜﻲ(‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﺏ‪ 9‬ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﺏ‪ 15‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻷﺳﺪ ﻭﻭﺭﻳﺜﻪ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻬﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻻ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺮﻳﺰﺗﻪ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﻣﺰﻳﺞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻘﺪ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺜﻞ ﺃﻟﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺖ ﺃﻧﺎ ﺳﺠﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺣﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﺸﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﻀﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺳﺠﻦ ﺗﺪﻣﺮ‬

‫* ﻫﻞ ﺗﺤ ّﻦ ﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻕ ﻣﻨﻚ ﺣﺮﻳّﺘﻚ ﻳﻮﻣﺎﹰ ﻣﺎ؟ ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪﺍ؟‬
‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻴﻦ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺌﺔ ﻭﻏﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻧﺎ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﺭﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺗﻘﺼﻰ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﻭﺃﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻴﻦ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﺳﺄﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺯﻣﻼﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺤﻨﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﺃﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻛﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺣﻨﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺳﺠﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻔﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﺮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻄﻚ ﺑﺄﻓﻜﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻨّﻀﺎﻟﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻟﻴﺔ؟ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺘﻚ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻟﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻟﻴﺔ" ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻣﺘﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﺳﻠﻔﺎ ﺑﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﻭﺧﺒﺮﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻫﻲ"ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺿﻞ" ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺼﻠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻧﺒﺘﻜﺮﻩ ﻭﻧﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻭﻧﹸﻌﹺﺪّﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺒﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺠﺪﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺧﻼﻓﺎ ﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﻟﻴﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺛﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺛﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻟﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺛﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺛﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺖ "ﻋﻠﻤﺎ" ﺃﻭ "ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ" ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺴﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺗﻨﺒﺆﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺣﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﻳﺎﺳﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫* ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺜّﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺜّﻠﺘﻚ ﻓﺠﻌﻠﺘﻚ ﺗﻨﻀﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﻛﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻢ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻟﻐﹺﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ؟‬
‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ "ﺗﻤﺜﻠﻨﻲ"‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﺃﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ "ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ" ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺤﺎﻭﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺑﺄﺩﻭﺍﺗﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺘﺬﺑﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺫﺍﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺸﻌﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﻕ‪ .‬ﻻ ﺃﻋﻮﻝ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺎﺩ ﺃﻛﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺻﻌﺒﺔ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭﻣﺤﺒﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻠﺰﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺃﻳﺔ "ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ" ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻮ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻲ‪" ،‬ﺇﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ"‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﺮﺿﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻼﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﻬﻮ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻤﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻘﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻐﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﺑﻼ ﺭﻳﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﺟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺞ )ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻧﺨﺒﻮﻱ ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺘﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﻛﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺗﻄﻠﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻔﻞ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﻬﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪.‬‬

‫* ﺷﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜّﻮﺭﺓ؟‬

‫َﻃ ّﻞ‬

‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺤﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﺗﺠﻮﻳﻒ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻟﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻂ ﻭﺷﺠﺎﻋﺔ ﻃﻼﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺰﻳﺞ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺪﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺳﻮﻑ ﺗﻤﺮ ﺑﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺻﺮﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻧﻀﺠﻮﺍ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻣﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻋﺪﺳﺔ‪..‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻋﺴﻜﺮﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻞ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠّﺤﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ؟ ﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺴﻜﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ؟ ﺃﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ؟ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻳﻦ ﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ؟ ﻫﻞ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ؟ ﻫﻞ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻋﺴﻜﺮﺗﻬﺎ؟ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺃﺳﺌﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺤّﺔ ﻭﻭﺟﻴﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻨﺤﺎﻭﻝ ﺗﻠّﻤﺲ ﺇﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻟﻬﺎ ‪،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻤﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔﹰ‪،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻜﺘﻤﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﹰﺪﺍﹰ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠّﺤﺔ ﻭﺛﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻤﻴﻂ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻔﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺴﻠّﺤﺔ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ‪،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻞ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﻇﺮﻭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‪،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺸﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﺩ ﺳﻠﻔﺎﹰ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ )ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻱ‪-‬‬
‫ﺳﻠﻤﻲ( ﺑﻐﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻭﺻﻔﺔ ﺟﺎﻫﺰﺓ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬ﺗﺤﺪّﺩ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﻨﺘﺼﺮ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺮّﻙ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﻩ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﺼﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﺭﺍﹰ ﻭﺃﻣﻴﻨﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﺑﻤﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﻭﺩﺭﻋﺎ ﻭﺣﻤﺎﻩ ﻭﺣﻤﺺ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ‪،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺼﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺋﻼﹰ‪ .‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﹸﺮﻏﻤﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﹰ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺪﺧﺮﻭﺍ ﺟﻬﺪﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺣﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻃﻠﻘﻮﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﻭﺍ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺳﺒﻴﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔﹰ ﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﺭﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺘﺮﻧﺔ ﺑﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ ﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻷﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺮﻃﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ؟‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﻳﺘﻜﺮﺭ‪ ,‬ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‪ ,‬ﻓﻤﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫َﻃ ّﻞ‬

‫ﺃﻳﻦ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ؟‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻧﻌﻲ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻣﹸﺠﺤﻔﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺒﻜﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ )ﻛﻤﹸﻌﺒﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ(‬
‫ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺸﺘﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻒ )ﻭﺛّﻘﺖ ﻟﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ‪ 540‬ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫‪ .(21-9-2012‬ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻗﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫)ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﻱ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ( ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺎﺿﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﹸﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﻭﺑﻨﺶ ﻭﻛﻔﺮﻧﺒﻞ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺭﻳﻒ ﺇﺩﻟﺐ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﻳﻒ ﺣﻠﺐ ﻭﺭﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﻤﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺧﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺯﺡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﻹﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﻮﻳﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺑﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺍﻓﻴﺘﻲ )ﻛﺎﻥ ﻻﻓﺘﺎﹰ ﻣﺜﻼﹰ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻳﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ ‪ 2012 – 21-9‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻪ ﻭﺗﺸﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻐﻮﻃﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻜﻴﻞ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻄﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﺮﺯﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻣﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﺮﻃﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﻱ )ﻭﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻀﺎﻧﺎﹰ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ( ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﻮﺍ ﻳﺆﻣﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻃﺮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ ﻫﻲ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﺍﻋﻴﺔﹰ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻭﻻﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻖ ﺇﺫﺍﹰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻇﺮﻭﻓﺎﹰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻀﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻮﺡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻻﺣﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ‬
‫ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻷﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﻔﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺘﻔﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺎﹰ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺫﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﹸﺴﻠﺤﺔ )ﻣﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺤﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻔﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺻﻄﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻻﹰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ(* ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻋﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﹸﺨﻠﺼﻴﻦ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻋﺪﺳﺔ‪..‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻃﺌﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻣﺎ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ُﻣﺴﻠﺤﺔ؟‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺇﻣﺎ ‪ /‬ﺃﻭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻣﺎ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻠّﺤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻳﺨﺒﺮﻧﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺰﻳﺞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺛﻨﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﻫﻮ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ )ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺜﻼﹰ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻬﻦ ﺑﻤﻨﺤﻰ ﺗﺼﻌﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺪﻓﺎﻋﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻔﺎﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻄﺠﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻝ؟(‪ .‬ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻨﻴﺔ‪,‬‬
‫ﺻﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻘﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻷﺣﻤﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻌﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺴﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻀﻄﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻌﺒﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ )ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻳﺪﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻳﻨﻘﺼﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺡ(‬
‫ﻓﺒﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺯﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻳﺤﺘﺸﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻳﺤﺘﺸﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻗﺘﻀﺖ ﻇﺮﻭﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺀ ﺍﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ,‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ‪,‬ﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ‪ ,‬ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ‪ ,‬ﺑﻜﻞ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺨﻼّﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺗﺮﺗﺪ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭﺛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻧﺎﹰ ﺑﻤﺂﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﻜﻔﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺭﺩﻱﺀ ﺧﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻀﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ,‬ﻛﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ,‬ﻫﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﻂ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ,‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﺡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﺓ‪ ,‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺧﺎﻃﺌﺔ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺌﺔ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﺒﻨﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ,‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﺗﻌﻠّﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ,‬ﺃﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ,‬ﺃﻡ ﺑﻤﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‪ ,‬ﻭﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ,‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺗﻨﻔﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺪﺍﺋﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪,‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﺋﻞ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺛﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺿﺮﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ,‬ﻻ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﺑﺘﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﹸﺤﺎﺑﺎﺓ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺘﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻧﻀﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻐﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻮ ﺻﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺡ ﻟﻴﻄﻐﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎﹰ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻞ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﺟﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺗﻠﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﺎﺭﻛﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻌﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻧﺮﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻷﻱ ﺧﻄﺄ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﺟّﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺤﻰ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ,‬ﻭﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ‪ ,‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻭﺻﻔﺔ ﺟﺎﻫﺰﺓ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬
‫ﺃﺟﻮﺑﺔ ﺳﻬﻠﺔ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺇﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻹﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻏﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﻮﻉ‪ ,‬ﻭﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻹﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺎﹰ‪ ,‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎﹰ ﻭﺃﺑﺪﺍﹰ‪ ,‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺿﻄﺮ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻫﻮ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺊ‪ .‬ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮّﻋﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ,‬ﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ,‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﻣﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺪﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺮ )ﻭﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ‬
‫ﻳﻔﻌﻞ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺬﺭﻉ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﺃﺿﻴﻖ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬
‫ﺍﺷﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻟﻸﻣﺎﻧﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎﹰ ﺭﺣﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻛﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻧﺪﻻﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺯﻫﻴﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺻﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺟﺮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻻ ﻳﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺗﹸﺠﺘﺮﺡ ﻭﺗﹸﻔﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻤﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﺎﺿﻲ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻠﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻧﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ ﺇﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺮﺯ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻹﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺤﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﹸﻌﻘﺪﺓ ﻭﺑﺎﻫﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻔﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺗﹸﻀﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺗﺮﻏﺐ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﺻﻮﻻﹰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺼﻢﹲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﻔﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﺻﻼﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺶ ﺣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺠﺘﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﺑﺈﺯﺍﻟﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺏ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬
‫ﻳﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻴﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺣﺮﺓ ﺩﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺴﻊ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻄﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﹸﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﺒﻲ‬

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‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪..‬‬
‫ﻫﻞ ﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ؟‬
‫ﻗﻨﺪﻳﻞ ﺿﺎﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻨّﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳّﺔ ﻓﻲ ّ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻟﻦ ﹶ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺸﻮﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺘﺎﻑ ﻷﻏﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﹸ‬
‫ﺳﻠﹺﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ‬
‫ّ‪ ..‬ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳّﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻣﺔ‪" ..‬ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺬﻝ" "ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳّﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳّﺔ ﻭﺑﺲ"‪..‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﺲ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳّﺔ ﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻦ ﹶ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳّﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﻟﺪﻳّﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﺺ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻩ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺠﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺲ ﺃﺑﹰﺪﺍ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺮّﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺷﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﻋﺎ ﻭﻟﻦ ﹶ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺟﻤﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻛـ "ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ" ‪" ..‬ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ" ‪" ..‬ﺳﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﺳﻠﻤﻴّﺔ" ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺄﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺷﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﻟﻦ ﹶ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻟﺼﻖ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺿﺮﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‪..‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺃﺑﻄﺎﻟﻪ‪ ..‬ﻓﻠﻜﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺃﺑﻄﺎﻝ‪ ..‬ﺃﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻷﺣﺪ ﺃ ﹾﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺷﻮﺵ ﻭﺗﻐﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻲ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﹶ‬
‫ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻭﻗﻮﻟﻪ "ﻳﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﻒ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ"‪ ..‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻧﺎﻗﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺑﻜﺔ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻷﺷﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻮﻑ ﺃﻭ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺻﻼﺡ –ﺣﻤﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ‪ ..-‬ﺗﺒﺪّﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺗﺴﻠّﺤﺖ ﻣﻜﺮﻫﺔﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﹸ‬
‫ﺳﻔﻜﺎ ﺑﺄﺑﺸﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ‬
‫)ﺍﻻﻏﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﺑﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻛﻴﻦ( ﻓﻐﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺀ ﺍﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤ ّﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳّﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺮﺍﺏ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺃﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺗﹸﺮﻓﻊ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﹰﺎ ﻟﺸﺠﺎﻋﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺻﺒﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺘﺎﺩﹴ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺭﺧﻴﺺ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺟﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﻬّﺰﹴ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ ﺑﺪﺀﹰﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﹰﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺑﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﹰﺪﺍ‪ ..‬ﻟﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤ ّﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﺗﺤﻮّﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳّﺔ ؟؟‬
‫ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺘّﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃّﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃ ﹾﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﺃ ﺳﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺔ ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ‪..‬‬
‫ﻛﻔﺎﺡ ﺳﻠﻤ ّﻲ ﻓﻠﻮﻻ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﺑﻞ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﺓﹲ ﻭﺣﺮ ﹲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠّﺤﺔ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴّﺔ ﻗﻮّﻳّﺔ ﺟﹰﺪﺍ‬

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‫ﻭﺧﺒﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺗﻬﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﻛﻴﻒ ﻫﻲ ﺛﻮﺭﺗﻬﻢ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻴﺸﺎﻫﺪﻭﺍ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻄﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴّﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻷﻧّﻪ ﻻ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺧﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺃﻫﻞ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﺜﻮﺭﺗﻨﺎ –ﻃﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤ ّﻲ‪ -‬ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻃﻮّﺭﺕ ﻭﻧّﻤﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﺃﻇﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴّﺔ‪..‬‬

‫ﻭﺳﻊ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃّﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤ ّﻲ ﻟﺜﻮﺭﺗﻨﺎ ﻗﺪ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤ ّﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﻴّﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳّﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﺈّﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤ ّﻲ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪّﻣﻬﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳّﺔ ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﺃﻏﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻃﻔﻴﻦ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻟﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﺴﻠّﺤﺖ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﺤﺘﻀﻨﻬﺎ‪...‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻷﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﻠّﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ –ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ‪ -‬ﺇّﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳّﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﻭﺗﻀﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺋﻌﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴّﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺃّﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺧﺮﺗﺎ ﺟﹰﺪﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﻮّ ﹶﻱ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺯﺧﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤ ّﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺮ ّﻱ ﺟﹰﺪﺍ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺯﺭﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺘﻴﻦ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻢ ﺃّﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ّ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻳﻮﻡ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺷﻬﺪﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴّﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﻋﺔ ﺑﺄﻛﺬﻭﺑﺔ ﺃّﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺤﻤﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮّ ﺧﺒﻴﺚ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺛﻮﺭﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﻔﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻴﺐ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻱﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎ ﺳﻴﹸﺪﺭّﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻻﺣﻘﹰﺎ‪ ..‬ﻃﻔﻞ‬
‫ﻳﺨﺮﺝ ﻣﻊ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺑﻠﺪﺗﻪ ﻟﻴﻜﺴﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺓ ﺟﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺈﺣﻀﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﻳّﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﺠﺪ ﺃﺑﺸﻊ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ‪!...‬‬
‫ﺃﺧﻴﺮﹰﺍ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤ ّﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﺑﹰﺪﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮّﻟﺖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳّﺔ ﻭﻟﻨﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻠّﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴّﺔ ﺃﻧّﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺔ ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﻨﻄﻔﺊ ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻓﺼﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺖ ﻭﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ..‬ﻭﻟﻨﺬﻛﺮ ﺃّﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻏﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻋﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺛﻮﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺃﺑﺸﻊ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﺒﻖ‬
‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺼﻒ ﻃﺎﺋﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺮﺑﻴّﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﹸﺰّﻝ‪ ..‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻨﺴﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻴﻮﻧﻴّﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻈﻬﺮ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﻘﺘﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺁﻻﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺳﺘﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺍﻣﺮﺃﺓ‪ ..‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻤﺘﺪ‬
‫ﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺴﻘﻂ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺴﻘﻂ ﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺭﺃﺳﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ..‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪ ﻟﻠﻪ ﺛﻮﺭﺗﻨﺎ ﻣﺎﺿﻴّﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻩ‪..‬‬
‫ﺛﻮﺭﺗﻨﺎ ﺳﻠﻤﻴّﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳّﺔ‪..‬‬

‫َ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﹸﻟﺪ ”ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻼﻑ“ ﻓﻮﹸﻟﺪ ﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ :‬ﺃﺧﻴﺮﹲ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻡ ﺷﺮ؟‬
‫ﻫﻞ ﻧﻘﺒﻠﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻧﺮﻓﻀﻪ؟‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﺃﺑﺤﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺐ‬
‫ﹶ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻣﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻫﺸﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ‪ :‬ﻟﻤﺎﺫﺍ ّ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﺜﻠﺞ ﺃﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺤﻢ؟ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻖ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻁ؟ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺋﻢ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺅﻡ ﻭﻣﺘﻔﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺅﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﻓﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻄﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺃﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﻧﻘﺮﺃ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺛﻢ ﻧﺴﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻷﻗﺮﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺍﺏ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 1‬ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺗﻪ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻧﻔﻌﻞ‬‫ﻓﻨﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻓﻨﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2‬ﻧﺤﻦ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻳﹸﻨﻬﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﻳﻮﻗﻒ‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺤﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻳﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﺀﺍﹰ‬
‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻻﺣﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 7‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﺩﺍﹰ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍﹰ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﻧﻮﻋﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﺪﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﺷﻌﺐ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﺜﻖ ﺑﺄﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﻳﻈﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﹰ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﻳﺤﺘﺎﺟﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺒﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺬﻳﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻻ ﻳﺼﺒﺤﻮﺍ ﻋﻮﻧﺎﹰ ﻷﻋﺪﺍﺋﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻳﻀﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﺎﹰ ﻣﻨّﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﻮﺍ ﻟﻸﻣﻴﺮﻛﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﻴﻦ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻭﺿﻤﺎﺋﺮﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺿﻌﻮﺍ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻭﻭﺍﻓﻘﻮﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺷﺮ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺬﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺻﻨﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﻳﺪﻋﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺫﺝ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺿﻴﺎ ﹸﻉ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺣﺮﻣﺎﻧﹸﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺘﺴﺮّﻉ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻔﻮّﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻧﻬﺎﺀ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﹶ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻼﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺘّﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﹰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﹰ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺎﹰ‪” :‬ﺍﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺬﺭ”‪ .‬ﻓﻨﻘﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺪﺃ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻌﺘﻤﺪ ‪-‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮﻩ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 3‬ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻫﻮ ﺇﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ”ﻛﻠﻪ“ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻞ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﻬﺎﺀ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ‬
‫ﹶ‬
‫ﹶ‬
‫ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﹰ ﻭﻫﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻴﺮ‪،‬‬
‫‪ 4‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ّ‬
‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 5‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﻓﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎ ﻋﺪﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺀ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﺷﻌﺒﻬﺎ‬‫ﻭﺛﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺩﻋﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺛﻢ ﺣﺮﺻﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺇﻃﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﺍﹰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎﹰ ﻭﻣﻨﻌﺖ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 6‬ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺮﻛﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺣﻠﻔﺎﺅﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﻄﻮﺍ ﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬‫ﻭﺩﻓﻌﻮﺍ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺷﺠﻌﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻟﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺄﻣﹸﻠﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻘﻖ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ )ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻵﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﹲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﹶﺴﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﺤ ﹶ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻳﻨﻔﺼﻼﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻼﺣﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﹶﻀﻄﺮﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﹸﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﹶﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻀ ّﻲ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﺮﺳﻤﻮﻥ‪.‬‬

‫َ ّ‬

‫‪12‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻏﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻼﻧﻲ‬

‫‪13‬‬

‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﺳﺎﺧﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺋﺤﺔ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻕ ﺗﻔﻮﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﺩﻕ ‪ -‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﻤﻞ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺄﺣﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮ ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺮﻙ‬
‫ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﺎﺀ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻳﹸﺨﺠﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺬﺍﺀﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺬﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﻣﺼﻮﺍ ﻣﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻨﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺋﺤﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻔﻮﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺧﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪﺍﹰ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺧﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ .‬ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺡ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻟﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻐﻮﻃﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ؟‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻮﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺇﺭﺍﺩﻳﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﺱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﻤﺺ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﹸﻔﻘﺪﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ ﺗﺤﺘﻨﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺻﺮﺍﺧﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﹸ‬
‫ﹸ‬
‫ﺷﻌﻮﺭﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﻛﺮﺗﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﻨﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺒﻌﺎﹰ ﺑﹸﺮﺍﺯﻧﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺀ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺠﺒﺮﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺧﺮﺍﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻔﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻐﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺠﺮﻱ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺟﺴﺎﺩﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺀﺍﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻔﺰ ﻟﻠﺮﺷﺎﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺎﻛﺎﹰ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺸﻖ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻟﻤﺎﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﺎﹰ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺮﺍﺑﻴﺞ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺼﻲ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺟﺒﺎﺭﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﻔﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺘﺪﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺒﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺘﺎﺋﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﺴﻠﻨﺎ ﻏﺴﻼﹰ ﺑﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﺇﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﺑﻂ ﺃﺑﻮ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻃﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﻢ ﺃﺟﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻬﺠﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺖ‬
‫ﺃﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻟﻌﺜﻤﺔ ﻟﻬﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺳﺎﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻸﺳﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﻩ ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻃﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﻮﻟﻨﺎ ﺑﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﺠﺄﺓ ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺼﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﺤﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻐﺴﻞ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺋﺤﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻔﻮﺡ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﺌﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻌﺒﺆﻫﺎ ﻭﻧﺼﻄﺤﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﻨﻔﺮﻏﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻳﻮﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺭ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﺆﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻠﻒ‬
‫ﹴ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺪﺓ ﻟﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺒﺮﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺎ ‪ 46‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻼ ﺑﻼ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺠﻠﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﻨﺎﻓﺬﺓ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺳﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺳﺠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺄﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﻬﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻭﺃﻋﺮﻑ ﻋﻨﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻔﻆ ﺃﺻﺢ‬
‫ﺃﻧﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ 16 ،‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﺃﻭ ﹴ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻄﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻜﺜﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻟﻤﻘﺪﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﻭﻋﻘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﹰ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺨﻄﻔﻲ‬
‫ﹴ‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﺳﺘﻬﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻟﻌﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺄﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺃﺗﺴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﻠﻴﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺷﻠﺤﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺄﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺃﺗﻘﺎﺿﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ ﻟﻴﺮﺓ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﹰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺮﺑﺖ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺜﺒﺘﻮﺍ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺗﻬﻤﺔ ﺃﻧﻲ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮﻙ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻠﻔﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻲ ﺃﻋﺮﻑ ﺟﻴﺪﺍﹰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻧﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺏ ﻳﺤﻜﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﻣﺴﻜﻮﺍ ﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺃﺣﻤﻞ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﻳﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎ ﹲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻼﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻟﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻧﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﻮﺍ‬
‫ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍﺗﻨﺎ ﻧﻔﺬﺕ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻧﺎ ﻻ ﺃﻣﺰﺡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﹸﻐﺘﺼﺐ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻜﺮﺭ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺯﻭﻕ ﻳﺨﺘﺮﻗﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﻆ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﹸﻠﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻜﺔ ﻟﺨﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺯﻭﻕ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺑﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺒﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﹸﻘﺘﺤﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺴﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺍﻣﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺒﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻠﺔ ﺗﺼﺮﺥ ﺑﺄﻗﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺗﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺳﺎﻃﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻠﺔﹲ ﻟﻤﻐﺎﻣﺮﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﺑﻄﻮﻻﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺤﻮﻕ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﹸﺒﺴﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺻﻠﺔ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺶ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻭﺃﺫﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺳﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﻌﻞ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻏﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﻋﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻼﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺮﺍﺥ‪ :‬ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻼ ﻓﻮﺗﻮ ﻓﻮﺗﻮ "‬
‫ﺑﺮﻓﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺧﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻼ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ ﺷﻐﻠّﻮ ﻟﻴﺴﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺘﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﻮﺓ ﺗﺒﻌﻮ‪.‬‬‫ﺗﺼﺮﺥ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻠﻚ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺃﻧﺘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻴﻴﻴﻴﻴﻦ ‪ ..‬ﺷﻮ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻠﻴﻦ ﻧﺤﻨﺎ ﺟﻨﻮﺩﻙ ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ ‪ ..‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺸﺎﺍﺍﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺃﺳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻼﻳﻴﻦ ‪ ..‬ﺧﻠﻮ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻌﻞ ﻧﺎﺍﺍﺍﺍﺭ "‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺏ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻘﻞ‬
‫ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻷﻏﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻀﺒﻂ ﺭﻗﺺ ﺟﺴﺪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻋﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻤﻞ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺳﺎﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﺍﺗﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻠﺤﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺗﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎﹰ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺷﻜﻠﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﺒﺘﻚ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﻚ؟ ﺩﻟﻌﻮ ﻟﻠﻨﻌﻨﻮﻉ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻪ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﻄﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫َ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻤﺸﻨﻘﺔ ﺭﹸﺑﻄﺖ ﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺮﺕ ﻧﺎﺋﻤﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻘﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺘﺪﺃﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺫﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺼﺎ ﻭﺁﻻﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﻜﻚ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻘﻮﻁ‪ .‬ﻟﻤﺎ ّ‬
‫ﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺰﻟﻨﻲ ﻭﺭﺑﻄﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﻣ ّﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻟﻴﺖ ﺃﻧﺎ ﻣﺸﻨﻮﻗﺎﹰ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺃﺱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺳﻔﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻳﺼﺮﺥ‪ :‬ﻳﻼ ﻃﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﻋﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻸ ﺑﺪﻙ ﺗﻄﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺠﺰﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺭ ﻳﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻼﻛﻤﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻖ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻢ ﻭﺭﻛﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﻸ ﺑﺪﻙ ﺗﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻤﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻃﻲ‪: .‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻓﺘﻠﻜﻦ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺷﻲ‪ : .‬ﻻ ﻟﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺘﺨﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﻄﺴﻮ ﻟﺸﻮﻑ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﻴﻌﺘﺮﻑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﻠ ﹲ‬
‫ﻖ ﻣﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻄﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺃﺕ‬
‫ﺃﺭﻓﺮﻑ ﻛﺪﺟﺎﺟﺔ ﺗﺤﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻕ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻬﺶ ﺍﻟﺬﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻮﺯ ‪ ،-‬ﺭﺃﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ‪ ..‬ﺳﺤﺐ ﺭﺃﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﻙ ﺗﻌﺘﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﻨﻪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺩ ﻭﺳﺤﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻓﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻫﺠﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﺠﻴﺶ ﻛﺘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺃﻫﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺒﺖ‬
‫ﺃﺳﻠﺤﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﺘﺼﺒﺖ ﻧﺴﻮﺍﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺃﺧﺪﺗﻦ ﺳﺒﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﺮﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺧﻠﺖ ﺇﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻛﻼ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻓﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻄﺖ ﺩﻓﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺋﻂ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻨﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻤﻨﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﻬﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻨﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﺃﻟﺘﻒ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﺴﻨﺪﻧﻲ ﻭﺃﻗﻌﺪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﺗﻌﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﻚ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﻻﹰ‬
‫ﺇﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻞ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻤﺎﺷﺔ ﺿﻴﻘﺔ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺭﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻴﻼﹰ ﻷﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺃﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺛﻢ ﻳﻌﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻨﺖ ﺃﺗﻜﺄ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺃﺣﻜﻲ ﻟﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺃﻭﺟﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﺖ ﻟﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﺳﺮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﺸﻲﹴﺀ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺒﺢ ﺑﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﻤﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺃﺳﺘﻄﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﻘﻄﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺦ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﺩﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﻴ ﹲ‬
‫ﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻴ ﹲ‬
‫ﻖ ﻭﺷﺠ ﹲ‬
‫ﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺨﺮﺝ ﻭﻋﺎﺟﻼﹰ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺣﺔ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻣﻨﺔﹰ ﻣﻊ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﻭﻟﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﻮﺭﹲ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﺋﻼﹰ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﺐ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﺅﻝ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻓﺴﻴﺨﺮﺝ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺳﺒ ﹲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻟﺴﺤﻴﻖ‪.‬‬

‫َ ّ‬

‫ﺃﺧﺮﺟﻮﻧﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺒﺄﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻴﻮﺑﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﺮﻏﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻧﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭﻣﻠﺢ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺼﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺠﻮﺍ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻼﻣﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻳﺎﺡ ﺗﻬﺐ ﻓﺠﺄﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻄﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻤﻪ ﹴ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﻳﻨﺠﻮ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮﻳﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻭﺁﻣﺎﻟﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻄﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﺟﻲﺀ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺧﻮﺍ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺑﻮﺍ ﻭﺃﻧﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺤﺎﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺮﻭﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺋﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﹲﺘﺤﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺅﻭﺍ ﺭﺵ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﺎﺹ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﻛﻤﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﻨﻴﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﺨﺘﺒﺌﺎﹰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺜﺘﻴﻦ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺭﺃﺳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻏﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻧﺴﺤﺒﻮﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻧﻘﺬﻭﺍ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻸﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻭﺀ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻘﻮﺍ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﹰﺀ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻏﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺮﺟﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺰﺣﻒ ﺑﺜﻘﻞ ﺧﻤﺲ ﺭﺻﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺯﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻃﺮﻯ ﻟﺤﻤﻪ ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺠﺪﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﻭﻣﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺠﺜﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻠﺒﻪ ﻭﻳﺨﻨﻘﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻟﻸﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺧﻤﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﺎﺻﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺠﺪ ﺟﺴﺪﺍﹰ ﺳﻤﻴﻜﺎﹰ ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻓﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺋﻤﺎﹰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺳﻘﻂ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺃﺳﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﺎﻑ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻀﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺒﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻐﻤﺲ ﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺋﻂ‪ :‬ﺃﺳﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺮﺯﻳﺘﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻧﺠﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺣﻒ ﻟﻴﺨﺮﺟﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﺦ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﺃﺳﺘﻄﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺸﻌﺮﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﺎﺣﺘﻨﻲ ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻹﺳﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺔﹰ ﺟﺪﺍﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺃﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺜﺮﺕ ﺑﺸﻬﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﺠﺜﺔ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺘﺢ ﻓﻤﻪ ﻭﻋﻴﻨﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﺪﺍﻩ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ‪ 46‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻼﹰ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻰ ‪ 16‬ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﻢ ﺃﺻﻴﺒﻮﺍ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺇﺻﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻴﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻋﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺴﺎﻛﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﺑﺎﹰ ﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻧﺠﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫* ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺛﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺛﻨﻴﻦ ‪/ 10 / 8‬‬
‫‪ 2012‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺨﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ‪ :‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺰﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎﹰ ﺿﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺯﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﺪﻭﻧﺔ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻤﻮﻁ‬

‫ﻻ ﺷﻴﺊ ﻟﻴﻘﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﻳﻀﻴﻊ‪،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺐ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻲ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻻ ﺷﻴﺊ ﻟﻴﻨﻔﺾ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻜﻞ ﺍﻷﺷﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻔﺮﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻗﺘﻠﻌﺖ‬
‫ﻭﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﺖ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺃﻳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺇﻻ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻﺗﻨﯩﯩﻰ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺒﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﻣﺎﺗﺖ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻐﻠﻐﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺗﻨﻔﺴﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﺍﺀ ﻻﺣﻴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ ‪...‬‬
‫ﺑﻞ ﻷﺳﺘﻨﺸﻖ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺳﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺪﻯ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺃﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﺎﺟﺎﺓ‬
‫ﻟﺮﺑﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺻﻌﺐ‬
‫ﻓﺰﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻧﻔﻞ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﺑﺄﻱ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺗﻐﺮﺳﻪ ﺑﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻫﻨﺎ‪،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺳﻴﺒﺪﺃ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻨﺪﺋﺬ ﺃﻛﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﺴﻜﺎ ﺑﻘﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻈﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻧﻔﻞ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻳﺸﺔ ﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﺑﺎﺯﻳﺪ‬

‫)ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﻚ ﻳﺎﺳﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ(‬
‫ﺭﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﺘﻴﻘﺔ ‪ ..‬ﻳﻤﺮﹸّ ﹲ‬
‫ﻃﻔﻞ ﺑﺄﻳﺎﻣﹺﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻴﺮﺓ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻟﺴﺖ ﻳﺘﻴﻤﺎﹰ ﻳﺎ ﺃﻣﻲ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺏ ﺣﻨﻮﻥ‪..‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻮﻃ ﹸﻦ ﺃ ﹲ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻀﹸّﻢ ﹶّ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﹴﺀ ﺁﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪..‬‬
‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺃﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ !!‬
‫ﻭﻳﺒﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﹶﺤﻤﻠﹸﻪ ﹸ‬
‫ﹾ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎ ﹺﻙ ﻳﻨﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﻘﻤﺮﹾ ‪..‬‬
‫ﹾ‬
‫ﺧﺬ ﻗﺒﻠﺔﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺠﻞ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻃﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﻔ ﹾﻦ ‪..‬‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﺧﺬ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﺟﻌﻠﹸﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻚ ﻋﺸﺒﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺷﺠﺮ‪..‬‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺠﻠﺲ ‪ ...‬ﻧﻌﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺯﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺘﺬﻛﺮ !!‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ‪..‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﺖ ﻟﻲ ﺣﻠﻤﺎ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﺷﻘﻘﺖ ﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻢ ﺃﻣﻼﹰ‪..‬‬
‫ﺳﺮ ﹶ‬
‫ﹾﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﹾ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻛﺚ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﺰﻝ ﹺ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺎ ﹸ‬
‫ﻳﻮﻡ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﻫﺘﻒ ﺃﺩﻣﻊ ‪ ..‬ﻭﺍﻓﻘﺪﻙ‪..‬‬
‫ﺯﻟﺖ ﻛﻞ ﹴ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﹸ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﻚ‪..‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻔﺮ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺯﻟﺖ‬
‫ﹺ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺬﺕ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻗﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻙ‪..‬‬

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‫ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻲ ﺃﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﺙ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺤﻀﻨﻚ‪..‬‬
‫ﺃﺣﺠﺰ ﻟﻲ ‪ ..‬ﻓﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﻕ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﻌﺎﺩﺗﻚ ﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻋﺪ‪...‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﺗﻲ ‪ ..‬ﺁﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﹾ ‪..‬‬
‫ﹶ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻤﻴﺔ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺃﻳﺎ‬
‫ﹰ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺯﻋﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻄﺒﺎ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﹶﺴﻤﻌﻴ ﹶﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻟﻘﺮﻉ ﺁﺫﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ‪..‬‬
‫‪..‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻂ ﺍﻟﹶﻤﻨﺴﻴﺔ ‪..‬‬
‫ﺳﺄﺣﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺗﻚ ‪..‬ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﹸﻤﻠﹺﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﻑ‬
‫ﹺ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍﺀ ﻟﺠﺎﻧﺎﹰ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪..‬‬
‫ﺧﺬ ﺗﺎﺭﻧﺎ ﻳﺎﻟﻠﻪ‪..‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺩ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﺻﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺩ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺀ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻔﺲ‪..‬‬
‫ﺷﻬﻴﻘﻨﺎ ﻫﺘﺎﻑ‪..‬‬
‫ﺯﻓﻴﺮﻧﺎ ﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﺖ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ‪..‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﺖ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺇﺿﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ "ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻟﻸﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ" ﻛﺘﻴّﺐ ﻟﻠﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫"ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ"‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺻﻮﻍ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﹶّﺔ ﺗﺘﺼﺪّﻯ ﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺜّﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰّﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺻﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "ﺛﻮﺭﺓ" ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺣﻆ ﺃّﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "ﺛﻮﺭﺓ" ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺮّﺍﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ "ﺧﺮﻭﺝ" ﻭ"ﻓﺘﻨﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﹸﻘﺎﻝ "ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﻣﻄﺔ" ﺃﻭ "ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺰّﻧﺞ"‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻓﻔﻴﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃّﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃّﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ّ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺤ ّﻖ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨ ّﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳ ّﻲ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺑﻮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﺮﻱ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻘﺪّﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺑﺤﺜﹰﺎ ﻣﻌّﻤﻘﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻐﻠﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﻬﹰّﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﻳﺜﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻭﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﹰ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻤﺜّﻼﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻳﻀﻊ ﺗﺨﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺪﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﻲ "ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ" ﻭ"ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺤﺎﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻔﺘﺮﻕ ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻔﺖ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺳﻴﹶّﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﹶّﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺍﻟﺮﻕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﹶّ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻧّﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺜﻘﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻂ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﺍﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺋﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺮﹰﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﹰﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﻟﺨﺒﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺭﺭﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺘﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺉ‬

‫"ﺑﻴﺘﻨﺎ" ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺤﺖ ﺏ ‪2012\9\29‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺑﺠﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻏﺎﺭﻳﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺰﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﻄﻂ ﻏﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺩﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺒﻴﻞ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺠﺬﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ‬
‫‪www.facebook.com/Baytouna.org‬‬

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‫ﺇﺿﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺣﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺖ | ‪10-11-2012‬‬
‫ﻋﺪﺳﺔ ﺷﺎﺏ ﺣﻠﺒﻲ‬

‫َ ّ‬

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‫َﻃ ّﻞ‬

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‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻧﻴﺔ‬

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