This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
PA U L
abaccatum Z abachan FB abagatan V abaiam TA 3 abatam VA abatan F, FA, TA 1, VB, VL abatar LT abatham P abattan L abbaccatan R
The name is doubtless corrupt.
Pauthier (Pa, 544) thought that «Abacan» was certainly
the general whose name he wrongly read as 阿 刺 罕 A-tz’ŭ-han; but it is A-la[ 剌 ]-han, as Schlegel justly remarked in 1898. In «Abacan», Schlegel saw a clerical error for «Alacan», and this correction has been considered as possible, or probable, in Y, ii, 596; iii, 103; RR, 410; B 1, 437. Charignon (Ch, iii, 123) takes this solution for granted, and gives the credit of Palaeographically, the corruption is possible, There it to the «ancient Jesuits», but without authority.
and we have cases like babisci for balisci in Pagnini’s Pegolotti (cf. Y 1, iii, 149, 154). The original form of the name transcribed A-la-han in Chinese can be ascertained. is a biography of A-la-han in YS, 129, 3b-4b; an account of his life is also given in the inscription written by YÜ Chi concerning his son El-temür (Tao-yüan hsio-ku lu, ed. Ssŭ-pu ts’ung-k’an, 24, 1-6); both have been critically combined by T’u Chi, 93, 2b-4b. A-la-han was a J̌alair, the son of 也 柳 干 Yeh-liu-kan (*Yälügän); and Rašīdu-’d-Dīn (Bl, ii, 576) speaks of a general ﺍﻻﻗﺎﻥAlaqan, son of ﺟﻴﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺎدرJ̌ilügä-bahadur; the alternation of y- and ǰ- seems due to the fact that the same sign marks these two sounds at the beginning of words in Uighur-Mongol writing, but the two names are the same (with i [ = e] Mongolian). ä, and the quiescent final -n usual in
So we can be sure that, in the present case, A-la-han is to be understood as
Alaqan; Gaubil’s «Argan» (also «Hargan», «Algan»; cf. Hist. de Gentchiscan, 161, 169, 191192; Y, ii, 261) is a wrong restitution.
Yälügän was killed in battle at Yang-chou in 1258, and Alaqan, born in 1233, succeeded him
in command of the Mongol «wing» troops ( 諸 翼 chu-yi; cf. the 37 yi troops enumerated in YS, 13, 5b; I suppose that it is the Mongol name of Alaqan’s unit which follows his own name in Rašīd, but I do not know how to restore it). (cf. JNCB, 1927, 10). Alaqan took part in the battles at the time of Qubilai’s accession to the throne, later, in 1262, against Li T’an, and later still against the Sung In 1281, he was placed in command of 400,000 Mongol troops (read The mention of Alaqan’s «140,000» with T’u Chi?) to invade Japan, but died in Ning-po. moreover, his father may have been at some time in Persia. on this subject.
name in Rašīdu-’d-Dīn shows that the fame of his favour with Qubilai had reached Persia; But much remains to be examined T’u Chi, 102, 10b, maintains that the 也 里 可 Yeh-li-k’o of YS, 132, 1a, and the surely identical 也 里 怯 Yeh-li-ch’ieh of YS, 135, 5a, are other spellings of Alaqan’s But 阿 里 罕 A-li-han in YS, 129, 8a, must be, as has been remarked by Wang Hui-tsu , 18, 5-6, another form of name; phonetics, however, seem to exclude such an identification.
Alaqan (the second syllable is not accentuated, and its vowel was practically slurred).
other hand, Rašīd’s various and sometimes conflicting statements (at least in Berezin’s edition ̌ and translation) about the several Yälügän or Yelugä of Jalair origin (cf. Ber, i, 36, 38, 84; iii, 145) have never yet been discussed in connection with Mongol and Chinese texts. Alaqan’s official biography is not always in agreement with the pên-chi or with the chapter on Japan. of 400,000. For instance, as to the number of troops, these other texts speak of 100,000, not It is well known that many of the biographies of YS were compiled at the We learn from the latter (YS, 11, 6a) that, on account of
beginning of the Ming dynasty from funerary inscriptions and notices of private origin; but the pên-chi, as a rule, are more reliable. Alaqan’s illness, an Imperial edict of July 13, 1281, named in his place 阿 塔 海 A-t’a-hai ( *Ataqai?) as commander-in-chief of the troops sent against Japan, and that Alaqan died on July 22 in the same year. Farther on, it says, under the date September 11, 1281 : «As Alaqan One month later (YS, 11, is dead, the order has been given that A-t’a-hai and others should garrison the Three Ports, and that A-t’a-hai should go and seize the remaining brigands at sea.» Fukien, but the request was refused. 6b), A-t’a-hai asked to use the garrison of the Three Ports for an action against bandits in A-t’a-hai (1234 -beginning of 1290) has a short biography There is in YS, 129, no In spite in YS, 129, 4b-5a, supplemented in T’u Chi, 93, 1-2 (his name is sometimes written A-ta[ 荅]hai, and once, by mistake, T’a-hai; cf. Wang Hui-tsu 2, 46, 4b). there was an error of date in the biography. mention of the edict of 1281, but only of a later appointment, in 1283; T’u Chi has supposed I am not certain that this is quite right. of his appointment in July 1281, A-t’a-hai does not seem to have then done anything against Japan, and wanted only to march against Fukien. It was only on January 1, 1283, that A-t’a-hai was ordered to take over the 300 sea-junks which were at the disposal of Fan Wên-hu (YS, 12, 5a, where we have the wrong form A-la[ 剌]-hai; this passage has not been noticed by Wang Hui-tsu, nor by T’u Chi. beginning of 1283. There are other cases in YS of confusion between la and t’a or ta; Fan Wên-hu is Polo’s «Vonsamcin», q. v.); and the biography may allude to a fresh edict in the On the other hand, there are strange gaps in A-t’a-hai’s biography, as has This may be due to the fact that A-t’a-hai went through already been noticed by T’u Chi.
some official troubles, which were passed over in the family notice used later by the compilers Preceding the texts on the naval campaign of the summer of 1283, the YS, 12, 7a, has It is a text according to which, on February 19, 1281, «A-t’a-hai was sent to garrison Kuča».
by no means certain that we are not here concerned with another A-t’a-hai, although there is no mention of two A-t’a-hai in Wang Hui-tsu 1; but it is also possible that our A-t’a-hai suffered then a temporary disgrace, although the measure sending him to Chinese Turkestan was not carried out. After the punitive expeditions against Japan were abandoned, A-t’a-hai helped in Apart from the above preparing a fleet to go to the rescue of the troops engaged in Champa and Tonking, fought against Nayan, and on his death, was granted high posthumous honours. 127 -132. fu chih. To conclude, Alaqan died before he could take any real part in the campaigns against Japan. «Atacai» = *Ataqai, who at least sent his ships to sea, and perhaps went to sea himself, but the two. On the whole, I incline to the belief that «Abacan» stands for «Alacan» (Alaqan and Fan It might naturally be supposed that «Abacan» is corrupted not from Alaqan, but from indications, approximate translations of Chinese texts may be found in Pa, 540 -543, and Ch, iii, Many details could be added from the Gazetteers, for instance from the Yang-chou
correction would be more difficult palaeographically, and Alaqan is the better known of the Wên-hu are named side by side in 1280, YS, 11, 1b, just as we have «Abacan» and «Vonsamcin» in Polo), although Polo must have mixed him up to some extent with A-t’a-hai; but I do not feel sure enough to introduce «Alacan» into the text. Whatever the truth may be, no tragic As usual, fate ended Alaqan’s or Ataqai’s life, no more than Fan Wên-hu’s (see «Vonsamcin»). played by each individual.
Polo, accurate as to the main events and the names, is wrong when he comes to the specific part
abaga F, Fr, t, FA, L, LT, TA 3, V, Z abagan FA abagha TA 1, TA 3 abbaga, albaga Lr aghaba TA 3
The name is Mong. Abaγa, which means «uncle»; Rašīdu-’d-Dīn (for instance in QuatremÈre, Hist. des Mongols, 56) writes ﺍﺑﻘﺎAbăqa and ﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎAbaqa, with the notation of -γ- as -q- so common in the transcriptions of Mongolian names at that time; in the same way, Waśśāf (Ha 2, 98, etc.) writes ٱﺑﺎﻗﺎAbaqa. In Syriac, we find «Abγa» (Budge, The monks of Ḳûblâi Khân, 88, 144). ha ( * Abuγa), 阿 八 合 A-pa-ha and 阿 八 哈 A-pa-ha (Abaγa); see Wang Hui-tsu 2, 42, 3a. The forms in -pu- are due to the unaccented nature of the second syllable, the vowel of which was slurred; there are many similar instances. The form with -u- is met with also in the West : cf. «Abouha» for Abaγa in Gestes des Chiprois (Hist. des Crois., Arm., ii, 843). Abaγa was Hülägü’s eldest son, and succeeded his father, who died on February 8, 1265 The Chinese transcriptions are 阿 不 哥 A-pu-ko ( *Abuga = Abaγa), 阿 不 合 A-pu-
(cf. QuatremÈre, Hist. des Mongols, 417); he himself died on April 1, 1282 (Ha 1, i, 313); on the circumstances of his death, cf. QuatremÈre, Hist. des Sultans Mamlouks, ii, 48. Abaγa remained in fairly close touch with Qubilai, and the Chinese texts mention him on several occasions. collect them here : 1. (YS, 107, 7b) : The prince (or «king», wang) A-pa-ha (Abaqa) was the son of Hsü-liehwu (Hülägü). 2. (YS, 203, 4b) : «A-lao-wa-ting (‘Alā’u-’d-Dīn) was a man from 木 發 里 Mu-fa-li in the Western Countries (Hsi-yü). In the eighth year chih-yuän (1271), Shih-tsu ( = Qubilai) sent envoys to fetch makers of catapults (p’ao-chiang) from the Prince of the blood A-pu-ko (Abaγa). The prince obeyed the edict by sending ‘Alā’u-’d-Dīn and I-ssŭ-ma-yin (Isma‘īl). official residence. with their families went post-haste to the capital ( = Peking) where they were provided with an The two men As these texts are not indicated in Br, ii, 17, it is not without interest to
They first made a large catapult and set it up in front of the Fives Gates . . .»
(Isma‘īl was from 旭 烈 Hsü-lieh). The whole text has been translated by Moule (JNCB, 1927, 12 -13), but without identification of Prince A-pu-ko. This is important inasmuch as it has a bearing on the famous siege of Hsiang-yang (see «Saianfu») and the alleged part played there by the Polos : the Mussulman catapults were used for the siege of Hsiang-yang at the end of 1272 or in the beginning of 1273 (cf. Moule, ibid., 10; B 1, 433, gives November 1272, which seems too early). It is a pity that, besides the original forms Mu-fa-li and Hsü-lieh, Moule The result should have added the arbitrary forms substituted by Ch’ien-lung’s commissioners in the 18th cent., as well as possible geographical values of these last such as Mosul and Shiraz. the original Mu-fa-li and Hsü-lieh. is that Mosul and Shiraz have been adopted in Pe, 229; but they are impossible if we start from Moule has also given Rašīdu-’d-Dīn’s account of the siege of Hsiang-yang, where we read : «Before that time, there was no big Frankish mangonel in Cathay ( ﻣﻨﺠﻨﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻧﻜﻪmanǰaniq-i Färängä; this is the emendation proposed in Bl, ii, 513, for ﻣﻨﺠﻨﻴﻖ ﻗﻮﻣﻜﻪmanǰaniq-i qumgäh of Oh, ii, 391, which had puzzled Yule, Y, ii, 168; the emendation is the more probable if we remember that Frankish mangonels are mentioned in Arabic by Nowairī [cf. QuatremÈre, Hist. des Mongols, 136], and that farangī came to mean a ‘gun’ in Čaγ. Turkish, in Telugu and in Chinese of about 1550 -1600 a. d.; cf. Pavet de Courteille, Dict. turc-oriental, 388; Yule, Hobson-Jobson 2, 352; Ming shih, 325, 9a; BEFEO, ix, 671; Br, ii, 316; that does not mean, in spite of Bl, ii, 513, that these mangonels were of Italian origin). From this kingdom, Ṭālib the mangonel-maker, who was from Ba‘albek and Damascus, went there, and his sons Abu-bäkr and Ibrāhīm and Muḥammad and his assistants made seven great catapults . . .» It is evident that both texts relate to the same event, and Moule has already As to Rašīd’s Muḥammad, I have more hesitation in identifying him, as Hsü-lieh, Isma‘īl’s native place, It is true that the pointed out that the names of Abu-bäkr and Ibrāhīm are given in YS, 203, 4b-5b, as the names of Isma‘īl’s two sons. Moule suggests, with ‘Alā‘u-‘d-Dīn’s grandson Muḥammad-šāh.
has been said to be Shiraz (which is certainly wrong), or the name to mean «belonging to Hülägü» (Br, i, 274), or to be Herat (Y, ii, 167), or «Hillè» (Bl, ii, 514). same characters Hsü-lieh are used for Hülägü (see «Ulau»), and that Herat (Harī) was known to the Chinese at the beginning of the Ming under a name Ha-lieh which is not very far removed
from Hsü-lieh. alternative to Shiraz by Moule (p. 13).
But, in my opinion, the only plausible solution is the Alep proposed as an If Ṭālib, as it seems, is another name of Isma‘īl But we may
(curiously enough, d’Ohsson, Oh, ii, 391, names the sons, but not the father), Rašīd, it may be noticed, is not sure of his origin, as he mentions both Ba‘albek and Damascus. admit that the man came from that region; and Hsü-lieh is a fairly accurate transcription of ﺣﻟﺐ Ḥaleb, Alep; I do not think that we here have to take into account the «Areg» which designates Ba‘albek in Steph. Orbelian (cf. Patkanov, Istoriya Mongolov, i, 33). Under 1296, a text of YS, 19, 3b, mentions, just before «the gunner» Isma‘īl, a name 別 馬 里 思 丹 Pieh-ma-li-ssŭtan the final of which is certainly -stān and refers to a country; but the rest of the name remains obscure, and it is not even certain that there is a connection between Pieh-ma-li-ssŭ-tan and Isma‘īl. (Bl, ii, 513). As to ‘Alā‘u-’d-Dīn’s native place Mu-fa-li, its identification with Mosul has been But I am much more in favour of Bretschneider’s «Moaferin» (Br, i, 273), In 1282, the Chams also used accepted by numerous authorities, from QuatremÈre (Hist. des Mongols, 155) to Blochet which is also Yule’s «Miafaraḳain» (Y, ii, 167), that is to say Maifärkat; the people of Maifärkat were good catapult-makers (cf. QuatremÈre, ibid., 360, 369). YS, 210, 3b; BEFEO, ix, 676; T’u Chi, 92, 7b-8a). 3. (YS, 210, 7a) : «From Ch’üan-chou (see «Çaiton»), to reach that kingdom [of Ma’abar; see «Maabar»], there are about 100,000 li. 15 days». Abaγa’s city must be Bagdad. 4. (YS, 8, 1a) : «In the tenth year [chih-yüan], the first month, . . . on the day chi-mao (February 14, 1273), an Imperial edict sent 扎 朮 呵 Cha-shu-k’o (*J̌aǰurγa?), 押 失 寒 Ya-shihhan ( *Yašγan?; or J̌aǰu-qaya and *Šiqan?) and 崔 杓 Ts’ui Shao, with 100,000 ounces of gold (? 100,000 ounces of silver) to the prince A-pu-ha (Abaγa), in order to buy drugs in the Lion’s Kingdom (Shih-tzŭ-kuo, Ceylon)». I know nothing of these three men. 5. (YS, 85, 2a) : «Originally, more than 7,000 families of hunters and falconers had been gathered by T’ai-tsu (Chinghiz-khan) in the various districts, and put under the authority of the great prince Hsü-lieh (Hülägü). year chung-t’ung (1261). The office in charge of them was first established in the second In the twelfth year chih-yüan (1275), the great prince A-pa-ha For the later fate of these people in The various branches of ChinghizFrom that kingdom to the city of the great prince (ta-wang) A-pu-ha (Abaγa), by sea, with a favourable wind, it is possible to arrive in about «Mussulman» (Hui-hui) guns against the Chinese, and so did probably the Burmese in 1300 (cf.
(Abaγa) sent an envoy with a memorial [asking] that they should be under the direct authority of the Court; they were attached to the Ministry of War.» China who belonged to the ilkhans of Persia, see «Caçan».
khanids seem to have kept their appanages in China proper almost to the end of the dynasty. 6. (Yüan tien-chang, 57, 16a-17a) : This is a long text dated January 27, 1280, relating to Mussulmans who had brought gerfalcons from Barγu and who used to slay sheep according to the rules of their religion (for this text, closely connected with Polo’s and Rašīd’s, see «Bargu»). 7. (YS, 11, 1b) : On March 31, 1280, silk and paper-money were given, among others, to subordinates of the Prince A-pa-ha (Abaγa).
and «Aleppo». abassia VL abasyam G abasye FB abaxia V abbasaie FAr abbasie. written by Giovanni da Montecorvino from «Cambaliech» (see «Cambaluc» = Peking) on February 13. Dames. just in the same way as Montecorvino speaks of S. but have come to the conclusion that the more probable form is «Abasce». 432) . nabascie TA 1 nabasce TA 1. So Montecorvino. TA 1.has been hardened into c. Bibl. but some region in Asia. Matthew is of some importance. abasia (cor.6 3. 1329. While the weak h. s. The name «Ethiopia».in «Ulau». already suspected by Yule (Y . «Chescemir»). TA 1r. Marignolli names him in his paragraph on «Abasty». Van den Wyngaert (Wy. «Abascy». albasie FA abissia. Paolino da Venezia’s. 140). 532). abbas Z abasa. drops the weak h. It seems clear. in the summary we have of part of a letter was of opinion that our Ethiopia was not meant. 556). P. as 1 It is nevertheless surprising that. 1306 (cf. The mention of S. as Yule supposed after Assemani. cf. 431. FAt. by Pope John XXII (not «Alex. Bibl. given by V as another name of «Abasce». Hobson-Jobson 2. Z abascia LT. ii. e. bassa V abasce F. not in China. Fr. since Polo also European usage concurs with Polo when we write «Abyssinia» Marignolli’s «Abasty» is For «Abasce». and see INDIE abas. «Abyssinia» and «Hubshee».). EI. L. Matthew on the subject of «Ethiopia». The original is Arabic Ḥabaš. cf. s. i. and. the stronger ḥ. ii. 222 -223. ii. or even in Socotra. TA 3r nabascia TA 3 abisscini R I have hesitated between «Abasce» and «Abascie». Golubovich. He is said by the Breviary to have preached in «Ethiopia». Y 1. ABASCE 3. 36. iii. abaste. that the «envoys» saw Montecorvino in India. 355). I think. iii.has been dropped by him in «Abasce» as in «Avarium».. ABASCE. in fact. i. and the mislocation of Ethiopia in the would-be Marino Sanudo map (which is. in agreement with Moule (JRAS. 84 -85) is of no greater account than the fact of the letter addressed on December 1. «Abyssinia». practically the same form as in Polo (cf. This is not easy to explain. abasse. II» as in Y.. bio-bibl. asking him to go there or to send missionaries. TA 3 abase. bio-bibl. abassa. basce F abasie F. «Abyssinian». Yule. Barbosa. t. probably The same may hold good for what Jourdain Cathala says of Ethiopia in a letter written at Tana (near Bombay) in 1323. certainly a misreading for «Abascy». 39. Y. believed that the «envoys» came from this last country. abixia VB absce L albaxia VA bascia P bascie.by Polo in such words as «Cogacin» and «Curmos». 7). abasee. was used sometimes in a looser way. but I am not certain that this «Ethiopia» is to be looked for in Asia. with the use of -sce as a simple notation of -š (cf. it should be said that envoys came to Brother Giovanni from Ethiopia. R abascie TA 1. 1924. which is certainly Abyssinia. FB abassaia. since from the days of Matthew the Evangelist and his disciples these people had not been instructed in the faith of Christ. v. ii. Golubovich. v. Wy.
so I have kept the called to distinguish it from the Aq-balïq of Cathay. 35) has suspected it. t. to the Emperor of Cathay. is in favour of looking for Jourdain’s and John XXII’s «Ethiopia» in India). I have little doubt that Aq-balïq is the Turkish name of Han-chung. for a Chinese name containing the word «white». strange letter of 1329. Aq-balïq-i-Manzi.)ﺍزردىH̯ alăǰan (see «Calacian») and ﺍق ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻖAq-balïq. to give him notice of the departure of Jourdain was regular intercourse by sea between Abyssinia and the western coast of India. the following places : Kinǰanfu ( = Hsi-an-fu). °balec of F. and I agree here for once with Charignon (Ch. by Ethiopia. .4. Blochet sees here Polo’s «Acbaluc Mangi». a Turkish ï is easily heard as u by foreigners (see also «Camul»). Rome. p. and this led to the Moreover. «the White City of Manzi». Montecorvino and Jourdain Cathala really meant Abyssinia. have u. 1329. . and I rather location of «Ethiopia» in Jourdain’s letter was misunderstood in Avignon. Chêng-ting-fu. who was of course still farther from Persia and India than Abyssinia (cf. VA Province abalet magy G abel mangi VB acbalac mangi Fr. though I might equally well have preferred the °baluc of R and Z on the analogy of Cambaluc. and I think he is right. L acbalech mangi LT acbalet manzy FB ambalec magi TA 1 anbalet mangi TA 3 arcamalec FB atiualet FA acbaluch mançi Z achalec mansy FAt achalet manzi FA achbaluch mangi R achebelach mandi V cinelech cinelech machare machase VL mangi VLr emelegamin VB emelegamin V alchilechimangi P ambalet mangi TA 1 anbalet mangi TA 3 cinelech mangi VL ebeleh manzi VB Explained in Ramusio’s text as meaning «the White City on the border (de’ confini) of Mangi». 598) mentions. 1923. 4. Cf. Vaticana veterem diocesim Columbensem . ii. Aq-balïq. i. where all good mss. Mgr. Opinions have varied about the identity of this place. iii. It is plainly a Persian construction. ACBALEC MANGI City [acbalec mangi] L achilechimangi P acmelchamangi LT acmelec mangi F. which is Chêng-ting-fu. 187). there is no «white» in the Chinese name of the other The only important place which fits Polo’s indications is 漢 中 Hanchung on the Han River. ACBALEC MANGI Cathala. Mercati. ii. VA acbalec mangi F. 7 There But the «Magnifico viro Imperatori Aethiopum». 432.. in the «kingdom» of Tangut. Monum. which was then the appa- nage of Mangala’s son Ananda. 8v o. ii. 16. 357 -358). with Klaproth and Pauthier. think that. ibid. Yule (Y. Uraqaï (I read ﺍورﻗﻰinstead of the editor’s . in agreement with Golubovich. a similar letter was addressed on September 11. ii. also Moule’s opinion Vol. A. Mercati. Golubovich. it is useless to look. respicientia. To account for the Turkish name. It has escaped former editors that Rašīdu-’d-Dīn (Bl. Qamǰu (Kan-chou). . bishop of «Columbum» in India (cf. 435-436.
and this must be Rašīd’s Aq-balïq. And this is also the reason why. expressed himself in a loose way when he also said of «Sindufu». that it was «de le confin dou Mangi». gives the Turkish form Aq-balïq when he refers to Han-chung. neither of them is in Manzi (see «Mangi»). 187) are a marvel of false reasoning. still exists under the title of Shêng-wu ch’in-chêng lu. name of the province. 60. But here intervenes Ramusio’s explanation of the name. ACHBALUCH Aq-balïq is mentioned by Rašīdu-’d-Dīn among the cities of Tangut. The same alternation. no doubt going back to Polo himself (the crucial words «de les confin dou Mangi» are already in F. and B 1. have been translated by him from the chronicle in Mongolian which. equally valueless. occurs betwen «melic» and «belic» 5. name of the capital. and have equivalents in VA. «Taianfu». Yule (Y. i. and it is to . which are at the basis of all mentions of Chêng-ting-fu in Rašīd. Charignon’s objections (Ch. L. Polo does not make it a city of Manzi. We must only admit that Polo but to distinguish it from the other Aq-balïq in Cathay. 8a. but its authenticity is beyond doubt. 5. In my opinion. called under the Mongols 真 定 府 Cnênting-fu. in Shàn-hsi (consequently in Tangut) just as it is Čaγan-balγasun of Kan-su-chou can be taken into account here. 14) has already given some good reasons for identifying «Achbaluch» with 正 定 府 Chêng-ting-fu (not «Ch’êng-ting fu» as in Pe. It might be suggested that Aq- that is to say of Shàn-hsi and Kansu. translated into Chinese. while in other parts of his book he uses the popular forms then current among Persians (see «Pianfu». which is no part of Manzi. VB) : in spite of the literal value of the name. In other words. under the Mongol dynasty. and «Acmelec mangi». or of Chin. 163. (see «Melic»). in his accounts of these campaigns. ii. YS.8 Yet there is a difficulty. the reason is that the accounts of the campaigns of Chinghiz-khan and Tului. between «Acbalec Mangi». ACHBALUCH achbaluch R This paragraph appears only in Ramusio. Persian-speaking people called Han-chung «the Aqbalïq of Manzi» because it was contiguous to Manzi. balïq being the Turkish form the Mongolian equivalent of which is Čaγan-balγasun. Chêng-tu in Ssŭ-ch’uan. 343. I do not believe that the obscure Han-chung (then named 興 元 Hsing-yüan) was. «Saianfu»). 437). Did Polo use «confin» with the double value of Arab. ḥudūd. it is said to mean «the White City on the border of Mangi». 界 chieh. e. «boundary» and «territory»? It is remarkable that Rašīdu-’d-Dīn. 2b). Polo must have used one and the same form in both cases. 350. now (cf. Rašīd’s Aq-balïq may perhaps be the Čaγan-balγasun of 甘 肅 州 Kan-su-chou named in the Mongol period by the 大 元 馬 政 記 Ta-Yüan ma-chêng chi. Rašīd uses scholarly transcriptions of Chinese names. V. I attach no value to the difference in F and other mss. thus identical with Polo’s. ii. who uses the Mongol form Čaγan-balγasun when speaking of Chêng-ting-fu.
is not Mongolian in spite of Y 1. in Bl. and Ch. by Fra Mauro. although I find no trace of it in Shih T’ien-tsê’s biography (YS. 1. 29. has often two spellings. Hallberg. «knob of official cap».[or *Šämkä-]bahadur in connection with Čaγān-balγasun. 236. since «Acbaluc Mangi» is also mentioned But. and we must almost certainly read ﺟﻨﮕﺪﻧﮕﻔوJ̌ingdingfu. Šāh-Rūh̯’s envoys passed in 1420 through . ii. cf. 278. out of Chin. 285) long ago proposed to see here also Chêngting-fu. This has to be abandoned. writes «Achbaluch». Chên-ting-fu). 163). although the copy is very faulty. 14. ii. which in the language of the Chinese is called ﺟﻴﻨ زﻳﻦ ﻓﻮJ̌īng-zīn-fū». if we note that «Zouza» is very near the abnormal forms «Gouza» and «Çonça ?» peculiar to R and Z respectively for «Giogiu». among others. heard of course by the Mongols as a sonant.» ﺟﮕﺰﻧﮕﻔوcorrected by Yule to «Jingdzinfu». our only source here. 78. The itinerary of 9 1812 gives only modern forms. has been arbitrarily altered to ﺟﻴﻨ دﻳﻦ ﻓﻮČing-din-fu by the editor). and it cannot be an abbreviation for «Acbaluc Mangi». 155. had received a spirant palatalization. somewhat analogous to the one which. and I can quote four different passages. Manchu are futile). the Chinese parallel texts of the campaign mention here which I owe to the kindness of Dr. and means «White City» (balïq. a manuscript of Polo very close to the one which gave to Ramusio his «Achbaluch» and which is also represented. 36. 437. Sämkä(?)-bahadur seems to be an epithet of 史 天 澤 Shih T’ien-tsê (Blochet’s attempts to explain this last purely Chinese name through Mongolian and T’u Chi. in 1459. ii. the inference may be drawn that Fra Mauro knew. Fra Mauro. 33. «Čaγān-balγasun. 1-6). in an abridged form. 448. Now. Y.ﺻﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻮرwhich has been read «Sadinfur» and corrected into «Sadinfu». a manuscript translation of We should expect J̌ing-din-fu or J̌indin-fu in all passages of Rašīd. Ramusio. mentions on his map a city «Hacbaluch» near a city «Zouza» (Zu. Levy. owing to different sources. but Rašīd is mistaken when he gives at this point his account of the submission of Čaγān-balγasun under Mongka. 47. Reinaud and Yule (cf. 162. Yule’s opinion about the names given by the Mongols to Imperial residences is devoid of significance (in spite of Strahlenberg . balïγ. ii. has given to-day ǰingză in Turkī and in Mongolian. of Rašīdu-’d-Dīn remain. 頂 子 ting-tzŭ. 4b-7a. in Rašīdu-’d-Dīn’s «Life» of Chinghizkhan (Ber. But the text. and I think the real reading is very probably ﺻﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻮŚindin-fu = Chên-ting-fu. Persian text. one more It is possible that the t. but Rašīd. ACHBALUCH be regretted that they should have caused hesitation in B 1. and finally in Rašīd’s unpublished «History of China». No. 224. is not the form actually given on the map). 449. In favour of the equivalence of the last form to Chên-ting-fu (Chêng-ting-fu). ii. Rašīdu-’d-Dīn mentions * ﺳﻤﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺎدرSämkä(?). but the same author uses a more solid argument when he remarks that the Mongol equivalent of Aq-balïq would be Čaγān-balγasun.of ting. by Z. xiv . Yule quotes the itinerary copied by Mir ‘Ίzzet Ullah in 1812. 216 (where the form ﺟﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻮJ̌indīn-fu of his two mss. The śad often renders a palatal č-. which gives (JRAS. 35). «Achbaluch»is the pure Turkish Aq-balïq. 21. where «Gouza» «Hacbaluch»is certainly a wrong form of «Achbaluch». Y. where he came back to die in the beginning of 1275. the other more popular.5. or rather the texts. . and that Rašīdu-’d-Dīn speaks of «Chaghan Balghasun which the Chinese call Jintsinfu». there is no vowel written in the first syllable. It is perfectly true that Shih T’ien-tsê was early in command at Chên-ting. In Bl. iii. R. scientific. 308) «Jig zing fu .
our only source for this chapter. and Yü Chi (cf. and it is of some importance to find him interested in Kao Ho-shang already in 1280. 1927. 2. Although 和 尚 ho-shang means «Buddhist monk» and. for others with a Chinese surname. 9 -10. As Moule has justly observed (cf. as such. I wish only to point out a few additional facts : 1. «monk of black arts». and. Aḥmad’s biography (YS. and Mong. was commonly employed at the time in «vulgar» language as the equivalent of Turk. achmach bailo R Ramusio. the second month. 3b) calls him a 妖 僧 yao-sêng. Wang Hui-tsu 1. while . Aḥmad. but after much hesitation. 1928. he can bring devils (kui) to serve as soldiers and [can also] reduce the enemy from afar. feels unable to decide whether Ho-shang is here a personal name or is to be understood as indicating that they were monks. .» Chang I was a man of note. cf. but Yü Chi was only ten years old in 1282. there are countless mentions of Aḥmad and his family in YS and other Chinese works of the time. Chang I said : ‘Kao Ho-shang exercises magical practices. JNCB. was Qubilai’s most powerful minister when he was assassinated (April 10. on the day i-hai (March 12. and nothing shows that he had anything to do with the siege of Hsiang-yang. 205. in Chinese 阿 合 馬 A-ha-ma. I have corrected them to «Acmat». this is not the place to undertake a fresh comparison of them all.1280). also JNCB. 257). 1927. 1-6). either alone in the case of non-Chinese people. see «Bailo». 1282). 106. In addition to his biography in YS. a man from Bänākäth (south-west of Tashkend) according to Mussulman writers. 1928. that I think we can safely adopt «Acmat». 11. and knew the story second-hand. writes «Achmach Bailo» and «Achmac». it was also then very often used as a personal name. 257). that is to say a p’ing-chang. 3. . or with a surname prefixed in the case of Chinese. 1a. 18. but Kao Ho-shang was not finǰan. toïn. 205 (and in T’u Chi. the second element. including Kao Ho-shang. it is difficult not to admit that the Kau finǰan of Rašīdu-’d-Dīn is Kao Ho-shang. The original name is of course For Polo has a final -t when he speaks of another Aḥmad (see «Acmat» 2) and the confusions between t and c are so frequent in mediaeval mss. as he is one of those who were executed as being party to Aḥmad’s murder. 1-28. which says : «The 17th year chih-yüan. distinguishes 13 men called Ho-shang in YS alone. Rašīdu-’d-Dīn’s account and most of the Chinese texts relating to Aḥmad’s murder have been translated by Moule in JNCB. since such changes of finals are also always possible in popular speech. That Kao Ho-shang was some sort of a magician is confirmed by an earlier text (YS. ACMAT1 6. In the case of Kao Ho-shang. JNCB. .10 6. taking -c for a misreading of -t. 34) «the monk of black arts. Aḥmad. the p’u-sa (bodhisattva) Kao».’ An order was issued that Ho-li-ho-sun (Qorγosun) should take soldiers and with Kao Ho-shang go to the northern borders. ACMAT 1 achmac. a colleague of Aḥmad as p’ing-chang from 1270 to at least 1275.
Qubilai’s minister (see «Acmat 1»). although I doubt whether he was notorious enough to have been heard of by Rašīd. TA 3 All editors. Now this title of wan-hu was hereditary. that the chapter can have come from no one but Polo himself. The Aḥmad here in question was one of Abaγa’s younger brothers. ACMAT 2 acamat FAt achomach [soldan] Acmat. 1280. instances of confusion have crept into Rašīd’s story. the monk of the Rašīd may have had a distorted echo (c) Although Kao black arts Kao Ho-shang. and he assumed power after Abaγa died on April i. 1927. 1927. have kept the «Acomat» of F. see . his Vanchu ( = wan- hu. 6b. He is said to have been baptized in his His real Monyouth under the name of Nicholas. but we are not in a position to speak definitely on that point. 1282 (not 1281. 1927. of Kao Ho-shang’s campaign with Qorγosun (on whom cf. 202. Acmath Z acolmat FA 4 acomant F. but I am not yet in a position to say whether Polo. des Crois. including B 1. 11 There can be no doubt that many They may perhaps be partly accounted for in the following way : (a) There was a man called Ho-shang who is mentioned in the accounts of the famous siege.. a p’ing-chang was really mixed up in the plot. Ho-shang was not a p’ing-chang. Ramusio’s Cenchu (see «Cenchu») being the ch’ien-hu Wang Chu. and paid for it with 4. because the texts hesitate between Neküdär (or Negüdär. really had some connection with the This is alluded to in Aḥmad’s biography when it says : «At that moment. ii. As to the authorship of that chapter. ACMAT2 Rašīd attributes there a conspicuous role to Kau finǰan. Arm. and which agrees with the «Achmach» (read «Achmath») given by Ramusio for the other Aḥmad. as is shown by the text mentioning the order of March 12. much weight to Murray’s adverse arguments.. is not accurate). Ft acomar Ft acomat F. his life. 86. t. I think that Moule (JNCB. as in B 1 437). Fr. which is the form that a man knowing Persian as Polo did must have used. but I see no reason not to prefer the «Acmat» and «Acmath»of Z. army. gol name has long been a matter of doubt. JNCB. see «Vanchu») must be Kao Ho-shang. but later on converted himself to Islam. «Rucnedin Acmat». L alcamat FAt archomac LT chomach (cor. FA. clxi. as his magical practices had had no effect while with the army. 28) still gave too I agree with B. 437. (b) Kao Ho-shang. and took the name of Aḥmad (Hethum says wrongly «Mahomet Can». 23). 7.7. and with Pe. rightly or wrongly. Hist.). For the difficulties raised by a third name. chomas V il Soldano TA 1. 22. and an administration of a wan-hu belonging to a man called Ho-shang is mentioned in YS. 186-187). may have had that wan-hu in mind when he calls «Vanchu» ( = wan-hu) the man who must be Kao Ho-shang. came back» (the translation in JNCB.
190). 358. his edition of J̌uwainī I. L. On Aḥmad’s tomb (?) at Kašān. The fight then began. was for almost two centuries the main port of landing for the «passage» to the Holy Land. since we admit that Polo’s book was written by Rustichello in French. 458. 1104. 41..12 8. R acri F. O.. actually gives «Mordio». often called Ptolemais. and The «very great and beautiful plain» of Vol. is Aq-h̯ōǰah. if he really was baptized in his youth. must have taken place there. 1 Abaγa had named his son Arγun (see «Argon ») as his successor. his baptism. i. from an inscription (he does not appear in the corresponding biography of YS). Arm. 185. ii. xliii and . cf. i. TA 1. TA 3 agri Lr anchona V The name already occurs «Acre» is the French form. VB. Hist. or Saint-Jean d’Acre. achon LT accon Z achre VA acon L. Western names in French forms. «Achon» the Latin. I dare not attempt an explanation. «Acri» the Italian. but Ha 1. I have not yet found any Nägüdär in Mongol or Chinese texts. Arm. conquered by the Crusaders on May 26. 49). ended in Aḥmad’s murder. east of Qazwīn. in the Bible as ‘Άkko (Judges. ACRE acchon. ii. Aḥmad reigned from May 6. FB. TP. G acre FA. «Nicole» and (wrongly) «Mahomet Can» in Hethum the historian (Hist. i. I have preferred the French form. Steph. 1291. but Arγun had to wait before he could vindicate his rights. seeing Aḥmad prisoner. but a Salji’ut 帖 古 迭 兒 T’ieh-ku-tieh-êrh is mentioned in T’u Chi. it is ‘Akka in Arabic. des Crois. 25. Arγun. It fell again into the hands of the Mussulmans on May 28. a word used by the Mongols when successful in archery competitions.)ﻧﺐwhich is the form used in 1307 by Hethum («Tagodar» in Hist. As to the names Nägüdär and Tägüdär. without the Arabic spelling. is made to exclaim «Morio». 185. and we have retained all Acre. Muḥammad-khan Qazwįnį gives strong arguments in favour of Tägüdär (cf. and not«Täküdär» as has been generally assumed. 1282. de Mar Jabalaha III. to the In Y. . in such a case. Vardan and The Latin translation of Arγun’s letter of 1285 to Honorius IV gives «Ameto» (Chabot. in agreement with Hethum’s «Tagodar». ii. as in Polo’s account. we know for certain that the correct form is Tägüdär. Orbelian write «Takudar» (Patkanov. 474. 31).. to Aug. des Crois. VL. L. and from this Chinese transcription. 10. 8. 439. 6a. The names of Aḥmad appear as «Tangodar» (variant «Tagodar»). 1284. see also «Caraunas»). ACRE see «Negodar») and Täküdär (or Tägüdär). i. 1930. and see here «Caraunas». continuing with varying fortunes. P.. Istoriya Mongolov. 312). Aḥmad-Tägüdär seems to have been brought up in Mongolia (see «Caraunas»). P 5.
edenti. Hallberg. v. FA. V. 57. Hallberg.). Zu. Y. Western travellers also heard of it. 56). Ibn Baṭṭūṭah does not ascribe to Alexander the making of the chains spoken of by Polo. 688. 343. P. The name of Adam is written 阿 談 A-t’an (*. Fe. V addam LT On Adam’s Peak. TP. Inscr. Blochet. ADEN 13 9. Dames. but I am not inclined to believe in the occasional confusion between Aden and Adel to which Yule refers. cf. 213. R aden F. 433. L V (cor. VA. the name of the golden coin then in use at Aden was known under the Western name of fulūrī. «florin»). Mufaẓẓal knows it in the middle of the 14th cent. BarThe name of Aden. Fe. and Chin. Important native sources on Aden have been recently edited by Oscar LŌfgren. denti. dan. juiυes. i.. VL. 1936. Ferrand. it occurs on Fra Mauro’s map (Zu. TA 1 edem LT. It may be partly due to the obscurities of Polo’s second-hand information on Aden that . adon G andar V arbe TA 3 arden. TP. LT adan F. ii. 697. L. in JA. Cf. ii. 53-58. HR. VB. the note is irrelevant). 688. 1935. also EI.. 59-62.10. 阿 丹 A-tan. does not appear in Chinese texts before the first quarter of the 15 th cent. 阿 躭 A-tan in the Sino-Jewish inscriptions of 1489. 358-359. 65). But this last form of the legend must have existed earlier. Tôkyô. LT. 73-75. 287. FB. Ma Huan re-examined. LT Polo deals with Aden (Ar. 117. 1512 and 1663 (Tobar. Barbosa. L’Extrême-Orient. 320. ADAM adaam L adam F. Leipzig-Upsal. G. in Y. Arabische Texte zur Kentniss der Stadt Aden im Mittelalter. Duyvendak. ADEN adam FAt. cf. 433. VA. from the 11th to 12th cent. 36. Z adenti TA 1. t. Fr. 10.served to render a foreign d-). Moufazzal. VA. ‘Aden) from hearsay. Dames. R adan F. 6-7. a Chinese unaspirated t. TA 3. TA 3. Z. Yule quotes such an ascription only from a Persian poet of the 15th cent. though with some diffidence. Saeki. (cf. TP. While associating the name of Alexander the Great with the wonders of Adam’s Peak. text. (both tan were pronounced tam until about 1400 -1450. and. ii. Z adem P. 1921. 8 -10. FA. BEFEO. ii. 1933. iv. then unpublished. in 1421 [or 1416-1419?]. V. The Nestorian Documents. For a valuable description of Aden in Arabic. 1915. L. G eden F. 320 -322.Â-d’âm) in a Nestorian work of about the 8th cent. (cf. 420-422 (where I have shown that. «‘Άden»(very scanty). 51). 51. FB. TA 3 adom. VB. 379. s. bosa. 1933. R adamo TA 1. and 阿 聃 A-tan by Ma Huan in the first half of the 15th cent. cf. 1937. VB.
it is partly on the authority of Polo’s «Agiul». 94). father of Nayan. 397). the A-shu mentioned in Li T’an’s biography (and in YS. xxvii. by Ezekiel. cviii. des Relig.. (F). and so has Ricci (RR. but the individuals are different. 437. It looks as if the name actually was *Aǰu. c. in the 5th cent. that «Agul» was the name of a prince. 1b) does not permit us in itself to decide between *Aǰu and Aǰul. 17. 437. p. 127. ii. our «Agiul» is «Arcu». Whatever may be the true name. is called in Chinese 阿 朮 魯 A-shu-lu (YS. as for instance on that of Martin Behaim. Benedetto (B 1. But Waśśāf (Ha 2. on the other hand. in two different places called Aden occur on some old maps. 197). easily miswritten for Aǰul. 10a-b). I do not know the origin of the name. xiv) and ﺍوﺟﻮUǰu (p. ing. Rev. 47 -48. but ﺍﺟﻮﻞAǰul (cf. Bl. the son of Uriyangqadai. «Agiul» would show the instable paragogical -n of Mongol endings. calls him simply ﺍﺟﻮAǰu (Bl. ii. there that son is called ﺍوﺟﻮﻗﺎﻥUǰuqan (in the doubtful passage missing in Ber. Charignon was equally right when he said that we have here to deal with Uriyangqadai’s son. «Arcu» itself does not exist (it is not even one of the valueless forms introduced by Ch’ien-lung’s commissioners). Dussaud. 11. 138.14 11. 3b). but it is obviously «Agiul»that is correct (RR. Waśśāf’s «Aǰun» In such a case. The first labial vowel falls in with one of the Chinese transcriptions. If I say that the names are the same. Rašīdu’d-Dīn. FB giel V Although admitting that the name can be read «Agiul» in the best ms. and so supports indirectly Polo’s «Agiul». 146. according to Charignon. and the Chinese form A-shu (once 兀 朮 Wu-shu in YS. i. AGIUL The name of ‘Aden is not traced back with certainty beyond the Middle Ages. that is to say not «Agul». and it is possible that the real name of all of them is Aǰul. . 40. It is said in Y. de l’Hist. Unfortunately. B 1. and B 1. Aǰul. as meaning that the prince «Agul» was the man who fought against Li T’an. On the other hand. 211). adds that. 438) has kept «Aguil» in his edition. 410). nor its meanThe question is made still more obscure by the form given to the name of Uriyangqadai’s son in Rašīd’s account of Mongol and Turkish tribes. 1 There are several A-shu and several A-shu-lu named in YS (cf. Wang Hui-tsu . AGIUL aguil F anguil VB angul R eguil FA. would have nothing to do with the other well-attested name Aǰul. 107. b. and this has been interpreted in RR. 23. who mentions our A-shu. father of Nayan (see «Naian»). also pronounced *Uǰu. 449). Yule was right in saying that the names are the same. Oh.. calls him ﺍﺟﻮﻥAǰun. has shown that it was possibly mentioned. 410. ii. and Polo’s «Agiul» would only provide one more example of a copyist’s final flourish mistaken for an -l or -r. who also speaks of our A-shu. but he only gives the Chinese form 阿 朮 A-shu ( = Aǰul). ii. 43. but R. and thus restored in the introductory remarks to the Persian text.
i. in Minaev’s Marko Polo. 15 5. he died in Bešbalïq. he marched against Li T’an under the command of Prince Pai-ch’u (Baiču?) and of T’ieh-ko (*Tägä?). App. Ch. is a woman’s name in -lun. where the name of Qutulun’s husband is doubtful). as Charignon has said. Qutučin is also a feminine form derived from the same word. 315. in the course of which he died. In TP. of the same year. according to YS. the «Agiul» of Polo. 9. see «Mongatai». ii. Barthold. 1. and it is quite possible that the by-name Aï-yaruq clung to her popularly. he had fought in Yün-nan under the eyes of his father.alternate (cf. finally married her to one of the high officials of his household. cit.12. and I suppose it is also the case here. the son of UriHia biography is in YS. and is quite a normal name for a woman (cf. suspected of loving her not as a father. Y. 13). derived from qutuq. Blochet (Bl. 440. in 1276. is certainly. 16. «fortune». ii. Barthold. ii. AIGIARUC agiaint FA agyanie FB aigiarne TA 1 aigiaruc F argialchucor LT ayaruc Z aygiarnne TA 3 chaizenich V In Turkish. at the age of 53 («54» more sinico. To what Yule said of the life of Qutulun. son himself of the great Sübötäi. App. and returned victorious in the winter Soon afterwards. but these occur almost exclusively where there is really a -ǰ. cf. Aï-yaruq means «Moonshine». Qutulun reason is given for the emendation. other names where -i. it may be added that her father. loc.ﺟﻐﺎﻥso the name seems to be Qutulun Čaγan. he was sent against the rebel princes of the North. 165 has no value). Bl. 315. AIGIARUC yangqadai. his dates must thus be 1227 1280). *Qutulun Čaγa. however. His participation in the fight against Li T’an is expressly mentioned : «In the third year chung-t’ung (1262). ii. may be a copyist’s slip for «Aygiaruc». ii. but no ginal reading of Rašīd’s ms. and of the same type as for instance . 272. Qutulun Čaγan and Qutučin Čaγan («Koutlough Tchaghan» of Bl. and the Court heard of his death in the beginning of 1281. as Polo says. -gi. Nomolun or Tämülün. 128 (also in T’u Chi.» On the last two names. but even with them her history has a tinge of romance. he started another campaign against Qarā-h̯ōǰo. 11. I have pointed out that the spelling of F and The «Ayaruc» of Z There are in the Polian mss. he took part in the siege of Hsiang-yang (see «Saianfu») and in the rest of the campaign against the Sung. Qaidu’s daughter is known to Eastern writers only under her true name of Qutulun (Ha 1. had retained the ori16) quotes from the Mu‘izzu-’l-Ansāb a passage according to which Qaidu had two daughters. Bl. 91). 143-144.and others seemed to be based on a pronunciation Aï-J̌aruq of «Kirghiz» type. Early In 1253 -1255. 1930. 12. ﻗﻮﺗﻮﻟﻮﻥQutulun’s name is followed by a term ﺟﻐﺎwhich the editor has corrected to . 4b. later on. 9). In his Appendix. iii.in the original name (see «Caragian»). for instance «Caraian» and «Caragian» in F). 465-466). In Bl. 2a. she had herself chosen her husband and bore him two sons (cf.
T’ai-p’ing huan-yü chi (183. only A-lan-liao [ 聊]. is a slip or a misprint in Br.. i. first. then or somewhat later. But there is not one word in Chinese texts as to the origin of«A-lan». P. in the form liao. G. the confederation of their tribes seems to have extended. Y1. 1905. In the same way texts tell us that the name of the country later became Su-t’ê. 109 -110. . On the authority of de Guignes. VB. d. according to Chinese texts. which has passed into Ts’ê-fu yüan-kuei. 1907. as Chavannes pointed out already in 1905 (TP. said to represent Aorsoi. TP. 9a). i. . VA. Apart from the Wei lio (and the Hou-Han shu copying the Wei lio). Et. gén. de géogr. Again the Hou-Han shu has no A-lan-na. 2a). i. 132). and of Vivien de SaintMartin. «A-lan-ya». which occurs twice. ex montium appellatione cognominati». Rubruck. ALAINS alguni (christiani) V The Alans. ts’ai to A-lan. is a late interversion of characters). ALAINS alains FB.. ZDMG. 1917.. ii. R alaui VL allani VA 13. . d. from which they came originally». and the Wei lio has only «the kingdom of Yen-ts’ai which is also called A-lan». 186. anc. from north of the Aral Sea to the basin of the Don. the equivalence Yen-ts’ai = Aorsoi is far from evident phonetically (cf. 361) says that. 1850. an Iranian speaking people. it is clear. «. It is true that the We must read A-lan = Alani. was changed to that of 阿 蘭 那 A-lan-na (Rockhill. 25b. 961. Paris. Halani . As to the change of name from Yen- . it is clearly a case of clerical error. 88. But the Hou-Han shu copies here the Wei lio of the first half of the 3rd cent. from which it has passed into T’ai-p’ing yü-lan (793. iii. the name of the kingdom of 奄 蔡 Yen-ts’ai.16 13.. Mél. iv. quoted by Abel Rêmusat (Nouv. As the Wei lio names also a kingdom of 柳 Liu. 365. one way or the other. But.. that it is that Liu which. by «Altai» or «alin». 193. ii. make their appearance as «Alani» (later sometimes «Halani» Greek Ἀλανοί). de Guignes and Vivien de Saint-Martin have simply. 239) from Wên-hsien t’ung-k’ao (338. . a. des Huns. in all passages. 279. 4a). 195). 196. tried to account for the sentence in Ammianus Marcellinus. e. 3b. I take it to mean that. the supremacy in the Aral region had passed from the Yen-ts’ai tribes to the Alans proper. according to the Hou-Han shu (5th cent. and vainly. and does not shrink from bringing in also the Manchu word alin. The reading A-lan-na. asiat. Hist. 7a) and Wên-hsien t’ung-k’ao. this does not mean that the Alans and the Sogdians are identical. 559. 271. «mountain». The name occurs also in Chinese texts at an early date. a. 87). and the A-lan-na of the T’ung-tien is in its turn a corruption of the false name A-lan-liao. is an erroneous addition to A-lan in the Hou-Han shu. cit. FC 1 alani F.). goes back in fact to Tu Yu’s T’ung-tien (compiled from 766 to 801. . Charpentier (loc. I know only of one independent mention of the A-lan in Chinese texts before the Mongol period. 1923. It has often been said that. about the beginning of the Christian era. in classical literature in the first half of the 1st cent. Soγdak (the «T’ê-su» still quoted by Charpentier. the A-lan were so called «from the Altai mountains. Les Alains. and T’ung chih.
representing As (it is used twice in YS. 4b). the form is there a double one. Haloun. is mistaken when he attributes also the form A-su to Rašīdu-’d-Dīn. the same name as As or «Aas». But the location it gives does not fit that of the Alans. 99] is wrong in saying that Asut is a plural of «Asu». but the Secret History of the Mongols (§§ 262. 16a. but cannot trace). ALAINS 17 T’u-shu chi-ch’êng. so that the name Ās would already be attested in the first half of . 阿 蘇 A-su in JA. a regular Mongol plural from As. i. in the u of A-su [= Asut]. 797. the Alans are certainly meant. «Asu» does not exist. 261. on the map of the Chingshih ta-tien of c. an adjectival form in -tai. a specifically Mongol form. An abnormal spelling 阿 宿 A-su is used once. and is also known as the personal name of various writers (the Georgian final. 阿 速 帶 A-su-tai. sees an «evident» parallel with Ptolemy’s Ἀσιῶται). 1937. the Alans are out of the question (cf. Charpentier. 99. 16a. 199. still less the «Aq-As». 25. for about 600 a. ii. 63. 101. 18. occurs once. 168. has of course nothing to do with the make a distinction between Alan and As in the history of the Caucasus. 487. a. 270. i. tai?). 9a) mentions the A-lan as living east of Fu-lin ( < Frūm = Rūm. quotes a text on the «Kingdom of A-lan» from the Wei shu. d. 191. which I have seen somewhere. together with the Circassians (Wy.. in ZDMG. despite T’u Chi. occurring hundreds of times in the Yüan period (Bretschneider [Br. 17b. 63. 12. Pa. But the map is really copied from a Western original. strictly speaking. I cannot discuss here to what extent we must. in 1283 (YS. 4a). copied also in Pei shih. 88). 89). and as this last form is confirmed by a citation from an independent source in T’ai-p’ing yü-lan. Opinions are at variance as to the earliest appearance of the name As. loc. Marquart (Osteurop. Alan is not the name under which the Alans were then known to the Mongols and the Chinese. 67. 167) has proposed to identify with As the last part of names like Doh̯sās and Ṭūlās (or Ṭuwalās). 70. d. 8b. 7a. 160. Rubrouck. and it is this Asut which is correctly rendered by the Chinese transcription 阿 速 A-su. while still west of the Don. 166. JA. and. also in YS. «White As». On the other hand. des Mongols. in 1316 (YS. cit. cf. 19a. 275). *Asutai ( < *Asutindividuals. is a slip (the YS has here the usual form).13. and moreover would not give the «Akas» mentioned in QuatremÈre. which would also seem to provide a mention of the name in the 4th-6th cent. says Plan Carpine (Wy. i. Streifzüge. *Qaran?) is correct. although these A-lan are included in a list of nomad tribes which are mainly of Turkish origin.. 362. «Alani sive Assi». It is a little later. speaks of the «Alani qui ibi dicuntur Aas». 1920. Alan-As («A-su» is a slip in Br. the reading «Acias» of some mss. 9b). آسĀs or آصĀś in Mussulman mediaeval Mongol plural in -ut of Asut). and a little later of the «Alani sive Aas» who live in the high mountains of the south. As the parallel text in the Pei shih (96. who still believes that A-su remains unexplained. is also rather a Western one. The name A-lan of the Alans occurs only once more in Chinese. 274) uses Asut. 305. 8b) writes 可 蘭 K’o-lan. und Ostasiat. the Byzantine Empire). from which it passed into YS. the form A-ssŭ itself. there can be no doubt that K’o-lan (*Qalan. ii. 1920. Hist. nobody has ever doubted that descendants of at least one branch of the great Alan nation are to be found to-day in the Iranian Ossets of the Caucasus (in the neighbourhood of the Dariel Pass). and Mo. 阿 蘭 阿 思 A-lan A-ssŭ.. although found occasionally in Chinese texts. so called from the Georgian form Owseti of an original Ows. Pien-i-tien. 260. 1330. that the Sui shu (84. is corrupt. The two names «Alan» and «As» for the mediaeval Alans are well attested.
Iranians. according to a law discovered by Andreas. Alani (the same has been said since by Marquart himself in W. from the same root as Aryan. appears only in the Mongol period. nor anything in them that connects the Wu-sun with the Alans. 481) and of probable mentions of the As in the Ἀζία of Constantine Porphyrogenet (cf. became normally Ala-. 456. after Vivien. is the very name of the As or Ossets. as is shown by the above-quoted passages of Plan Carpine and Rubrouck). Unter fremden Völkern. of the «As» in Al-Bīrūnī (Mi. e. s. But I wish to say explicitly that there is no basis whatever in Chinese texts for the would-be substitution of a foreign appellation «Alan» for a former native name «As» or «*Os». and believed in the great age of the Georgian mentions of the Ows (or Ossets). but it has certainly nothing to do with Ās. On the contrary. Vivien saw also the Ossets in the «Essedones» of Pliny.. the identification of the «Essedones» is arbitrary. when the Central Asian Alans are referred to. as Yen-ts’ai and An-hsi. ALAINS Barthold (EI. 178). 445. and says that the name As. and admitting at the same time that the same name was transcribed. the Arsacide kingdom. Mi. where the Achaemenid inscriptions mention the Haraiva. Beyond Sogdiana.18 13. a name derived from a word meaning «mountain» similar to alin in Manchu and given to the As by some Eastern neighbour.. it seems that «Alan» represents the original name of that Iranian confederation. i. The identification of the Wu-sun and the real value of Ἄσιοι or Asiani are two of the moot problems of Central Asian history.in the language of those Northern Iranians. and moreover confounded by Vivien with the purely Chinese name 安 西 An-hsi of T’ang times). The name has been said to be much more ancient still. and also of 安 息 An-hsi (misread by them A-hsi. and after him Vivien de Saint-Martin (105 -106. . called originally «Arya-» (cf. Nov. their name is the same as the native name «Irôn» of the Ossets. but that they call themselves «Irôn». Doegen. Vivien has supposed that the real tribal name had been superseded by Alan. 1925. the Georgian chronicles are fraught with anachronisms. have thought that it was the original of Yents’ai. Minorsky (Mi.. *-ry. It would thus seem that this part of Vivien’s monograph may be dismissed without more ado. 154 -159.became -l. «A-si». simply replacing the exploded Yen-ts’ai and An-hsi by the Chinese name 烏 孫 Wu-sun and by the Ἄσιοι and Asiani of classical writers (loc. Yen-ts’ai may or may not be Aorsoi. But everybody admits that the name Yasy (plural of Yas). to stand for the Ossets of the Caucasus from very ancient times. prosv. 457) favours this view. 163). Herodotus speaks of the Scythian Ἄρειοι. Ἀριαν). This is exactly the position adopted. iii) has already remarked that. 380 -381). and 安 息 An-hsi transcribes Arsak. «‘Allān») the 9th cent. The same can be said used in Russian chronicles when referring to the middle of the 10th cent. in Žurn. 445) and in a term of the letter of the Khazar ruler discovered in the Cairo Genizah (cf. Ows. It is well known that the Caucasian Ossets are so called by their neighbours. 364 -365). Believing the name of As. minist. so that these tribes. or Al-Ās («The Ās»). Now Gauthiot (Grammaire sogdienne. and I do not intend to discuss them here. cit. and this carries it back well before the Mongol period. v. 1913. De Guignes. by Charpentier in 1917. nar. Kokovcov. Moreover. has doubted the correctness of Marquart’s interpretation.. and only in Oriental sources. while missionaries and travellers speak only of the Alans (this is wrong. if it were not that Vivien has come to certain conclusions which are still too readily accepted.
275).13. but that important document is useless as we have it. and afterwards. the name is written 滅 怯 思 Mieh-ch’ieh-ssŭ in YS. I still incline to my The question is further complicated by the mention. Marquart. on many occasions. The Secret History of 1240 mentions a town of Mäkät (§ 270) or Mägät (§§ 274. cf. 麥 怯 思 Mai-ch’ieh-ssŭ in YS. in Russian. of a 木 柵 山 寨 mu-cha shan-ch’ai in the region of the Asut (A-su. with their princes. 4a. 1920. they are mentioned first in connection with the conquest of their country. ALAINS 19 A good bibliography on the Alans is given in Mi. Although some of the Alans were still opposing the Mongols when Rubrouck went to Mongolia. 543). makes it back on the mountains and face the sea (perhaps T’u Chi has applied to Mäkäs what is said later of the capital of the kingdom of A-su in the Ming shih [cf. In JA. 432) seems to be also too early. I have supposed it to be identical with the «city of 蔑 怯 思 Mieh-ch’ieh-ssŭ (*Mäkäs) of the A-su (Asut)» which was conquered by Mongka in the winter of 1239-1240. I favour this last interpretation (mu-cha. commissioners). after deportation. 19. 281-300. 51. 42) as the name of the Alan capital (cf. 6a.. 165). «palisade». 14a. because they formed. also ibid. absurdly altered into Aqsu by the 18th cent. 6a. 446) has also. in Khristianskiï Vostok.. occurs for instance in YS. Minorsky (Mi. 1917. as representing probably the same name. 2. after a siege of three months (YS. 麥 各 思 Mai-ko-ssŭ (*Mägäs) in YS. Ivanov. the main Chinese texts relating to the Alans («Asut») of the Mongol period have been summarized or translated in Br. by Moule in JRAS. corrects it to 1238-1239). 21 -26. I do not know on what authority. since all foreign names in it have been «corrected» by the Ch’ien-lung commissioners. and is corrected to 1235 by T’u Chi. I. ii (1913). the Alan corps lasted until the end of the Yüan . 432). I had further quoted. the Asut. are Caucasian Alans. an important part of the Imperial Guard. 3b. 47 2a. 4a. I had since noted the phonetic similarity of *Mäkäs. troops were levied against the As (A-ssŭ) in the autumn of 1230 according to 秋 閒 集 Ch’iu-chien chi. 7a. 8b. «Mu-cha shan-ch’ai» can be understood either as «the mountain former view. and in Mo. thinks that this last name is more likely to apply to the Mokša. thought of a connection between the two names. 260 -264. 8. 84 -90. infra]. 132. but this date must be wrong. but his interesting note is marred by an error which makes of «Mas‘ūdī» himself the name of an Alan city). 128. given in the 10th cent. the information would then be irrelevant). 9b). 47. 122. by Mas‘ūdī (ii. 10b. and. 4. ii. *Mägäs. and think that this unnamed stronghold may also be our Mäkäs or Mägäs. it occurs also in an inscription of the 牧 菴 集 Mu-an chi. Streifz. 13. with ﻣﻌﺺMa‘aś or ﻣﻐﺺMaγaś. 1b. recently. 2. the ﻣﻜﺲMäkäs of Rašīdu-’d-Dīn. The old Alan confederation no longer then existed. Osteurop. T’u Chi. without being dogmatic. Nevertheless Marignolli is mistaken when he speaks of Alan troops in Chinghiz-khan’s army (Wy. a Mordvan tribe. 446). who cites other passages from J̌uwainī. Anyhow. had then already been carried to the Far East to serve with the Mongol armies. ii. independently. and the Alans of the Chinese texts. i. stronghold of Mu-cha» (this is the view taken by T’u Chi. a great part of the nation. 444. 2a. Of Mäkäs. all I can say is that T’u Chi. in YS. the date of 1229 given by Devêria (JA. Minorsky (Mi. 1896. 168. or as «the palisaded mountain stronghold». by A. I doubt even that the enrolling in the Imperial Guard of half the troops of the Alan prince Arslan should be dated 1236 -1237 (Devêria. 47. 1239 -1240 or 1238 1239 are perhaps more likely.
the city was sacked and the inhabitants butchered. 22. . 127. 86. 127. 7b). [all officials] of the Sung. the tien-shuai Chang Yen. the military governor Wang An-chieh. 7. it is perfectly clear that he has added the Asut in the present passage of the pên-chi on the sole authority of Marco Polo. on the day chia-shên surrender. 6b). Pao-yent’ang pi-chi. 2b-3b. and T’u Chi (160. that Polo’s memory must The massacre of the Alans took place not at Ch’ang-chou. . the military governor of P’ing-chiang. 17a) has said that Polo’s information was a valuable addition to the Chinese texts on the history of Ch’ang-chou. in Sung shih. Twice Bayan tried to prevail upon the inhabitants of the city to No answer came. at 鎮 巢 Chên-ch’ao. and was the first to plant his red flag on top of the city wall. the fifth moon. assailed and put to death the Asut (A-su) garrison of Ch’angchou and chose Yao Yin to conduct the affairs of [Ch’ang-]chou.» the Asut. Finally. ALAINS Marignolli (Wy. Pauthier (Pa. which the Mongols had surrounded with a wooden palisade (the čäpär of QuatremÈre. i. The «Right Asut Guard» had been created in 1272. and my theory would seem to receive a fatal blow from a passage of the pên-chi of Qubilai in T’u Chi. 5a). according to Sung shih.» Polo speaks of a massacre of Alan troops when Bayan took Ch’ang-chou in 1275. (December 6.000 Alans in China. des Mongols. 271. and then threatening them with wholesale slaughter if they disregarded his offer. 1275. RR. 526) gives an estimate of 30. as a retaliation for that massacre. 336 -337) and a large and deep moat. the Sung officers held the city again for half a year. speaks of the revolt of the «Red Army» in 1367 and of 6. or «Unofficial history of Shun-ti» (ed. Ch. Hai-shan-hsien-kuan ts’ung-shu. Y 1. 47. south of the here have failed him. 1275. ed. 8. the date of December 6. 6b) confirm that Ch’ang-chou had first submitted (on April 8. . 96. with one important exception : the two texts do not name We have seen that T’u Chi considered Polo’s text as providing new material for the history of Ch’ang-chou. 641-642.000 Asut who were sent to quell it. T’u Chi. . 486) has explained. 1275. . B 1. in my paper of 1914. 441. iii. Hist. On the day jen-wu of the 11th moon (December 4. 4b (biography of Bayan). 6b-7a. Bayan arrived himself outside Ch’ang-chou. iv. 31a-b. Towards the end of the Mongol dynasty. I simply stated the bare facts. 1275). the savage treatment the inhabitants of Ch’ang-chou suffered at the hands of Bayan when the city was stormed. 1914. Shou-shan-ko ts’ung-shu 2. according to YS. Mo. 10a (pên-chi of Qubilai) and of YS. Liu Shih-yung. 415. 99. 4a). 3a). 69. where we read : «[In 1275. in fact. 2. which came again under the rule of the Sung. 1275). but on June 2. . the 庚 申 外 史 Kêng-shên wai-shih. the infuriated general ordered the assault. 47. Anhui). is also given in Sung shih. pledging himself to spare the inhabitants. cf. 4b) and the P’ing Sung lu (ed. then revolted again (on June 17. the author adds : «The Asut are Green-eyed Moslems ( 綠 睛 回 回 lü-ching Hui-hui). he says so himself in a note to his biography of Bayan (90. iii. 140 -141. in 1310 (YS. 47. i. My view has been accepted in Y. But. the «Left Asut Guard». and now of the tao of An-ch’ing.20 dynasty. 90. Yang-tzŭ. without mentioning the sources. 13. 30 -31). Bayan’s biography (YS. but north of the river. But T’u Chi’s text is a combination of YS. on the day jen-ch’ên (June 17. the modern hsien of 巢 Ch’ao (formerly of Lü-chou-fu.] . But I have already remarked in TP. there are here minor discrepancies of dates and names between the YS and the Sung shih.
he Yü-wa-shih succeeded his father as chiliarch of the army of the Asut. after he had submitted. Yeh-lieh (Eliya?). district of Wu-ho. far from Anhui) and garrisoned Chên-ch’ao. that the Alans were killed at Chênch’ao. took place when Ch’ang-chou revolted. after the seat of the military district of Chên-ch’ao had submitted to the Mongols. a Hsi-Hsia man (not an Alan as is said in Mo. who had submitted. 3. . 4b. attacked and stormed the city and captured [Hung] Fu . 102. the son of Hang-hu-ssŭ. who had been appointed chiliarch in the army of the Asut. A-t’a-ch’ih. 5a. followed the minister Bayan in the pacification of the Sung. The Sung governor (an-fu) Hung [Fu]. ALAINS Chên-ch’ao. 132.» Of course. and the texts quoted above leave no doubt. . . When Bayan passed south of the Yang-tzŭ. 1a [and cf. ‘along the Yang-tzŭ’. Polo has wrongly connected with Ch’ang-chou an incident which occurred elsewhere. he ordered Ang-chi-êrh to remain in the «The The north and to pacify the western half of the region between the Huai and the Yang-tzŭ. . T’u Chi. and Ang-chiêrh succeeded in the command of these Hsi-Hsia troops. and. 12a]. 102. 132. to which others of the same nation were added. not at Ch’ang-chou. 451. district] (tu-t’ung). of which there is no trace in history. while there are several concerning α. and taking advantage of an occasion when [A-t’a-ch’ih] was drunk.500 strings of cash in paper money and [the ownership of] 1539 families of Chên-ch’ao». «helped in conquering Hsiang-yang (see ‘Saianfu’). he helped in conquering the prefectures of 松 江 Sungchiang and others (I suspect that the text is altered and I propose to read 沿 江 yen chiang. resorted to trickery. allusion to the Asut and without precise dates. at a banquet. he killed him. killed the whole [Asut] garrison and revolted. biography of Ang-chi-êrh.052 families of Chên-ch’ao. 2b [and cf. population would not tolerate their harshness. but the coincidence is hardly possible. 262.13. 47. Sung-chiang is the region in which lies Shanghai. 2b. T’u Chi. Hung Fu’s stubborn resistance and death at Chên-ch’ao are narrated in his biography in the Sung shih. 12a. γ. which is not quite certain either. as is stated in Mo. 11a]. I shall quote the main ones : 21 But there is in all these texts no mention of the Asut. 132. 4b. biography of the Asut Yü-wa-shih : Yü-washih’s father. [seat of the] military district of Chên-ch’ao submitted and was garrisoned by Asut troops. YS. helped in conquering the important pass of Wu-ho-k’ou (in the In 1274. Shih-tsu ( = Qubilai) expressed compassion for [A-t’a-ch’ih’s] death . T’u Chi. he killed him . then helped in conquering the cities along the Yang-tzŭ. 141) : Ang-chi-êrh’s father had submitted to Chinghiz-khan with his men in 1221. and He was granted [the ownership of] induced [Yeh-lieh] to enter the city. as a consequence. The population would not accept the orders. 4th moon. has adopted 1276. but without any According to the pên-chi of the Sung shih. biography of the Asut Hang-hu-ssŭ : «In 1270. 102. revolted again. on the day jên-yin (April 28). Anhui). it might be supposed that another massacre of drunken Alans. YS. The date of the massacre at Chên-ch’ao cannot be 1274. and granted to his family 500 taëls of silver. it was reconquered by Hung Fu in 1275. in my opinion. and. profiting from his [Yeh-lieh’s] drunkenness. 2. 洪 福 Hung Fu.» The [former Sung] commander [of the military Ang-chi-êrh β. the rebellion of both cities after they had submitted and the phonetic similitude between Chên-ch’ao and Ch’ang-chou are probably responsible for the confusion. YS. The Sung general Hung Fu.
Yule (Y. Pauthier insists that such a cruel deed can only be explained as a retaliation for the death of the Alans. even they use sometimes to take the fat of the men they kill and to throw it liquefied upon the houses. The Alans. In a text relating to the Asut guard. in his commentary on the present passage. or the error «23» may stand for «12». 6a. under the baleful influence of the Alan massacre. And if they cannot have it in this manner. Bayan killed and burnt them and used the boiling fat of the corpses to manufacture firemissiles which were thrown to set alight the wooden «chevaux-de-frise» of the wall battlements 煎 油 作 礮 焚 其 牌 杈 . or Alans. and this is certainly why If there is no mention there of Hung Fu’s capture and death. but the author of the note may have thought of the whole incident together as is done in the pên-chi. and it is certainly correct. and finally became a simple district known as Ch’ao-hsien in 1291. much too late. 141). 59. have nothing to do with this case. or Asut. 1276. but the cruel device must not be regarded as due simply to delirious wrath. it is because in March I believe the Asut were massacred when Hung Fu revolted on April 28. originally a military district (chün) of the Sung. YS. 99. 8. 8b. ii. 99. . 83) : «. but Hung Fu held on for a whole year before coming to a dire end himself on March 9. A text of the Hsü t’ung-chien kang-mu adds to the accounts of the siege of Ch’ang-chou by Bayan given in the YS. 3a. 7b. and an error must have crept into the text. 24. March 9. ALAINS In YS. in my opinion. T’u Chi decided in favour of 1276. YS. i. apparently to the end of the Mongol dynasty. as Polo says after Benedict the Pole . Chên-ch’ao remained. Wu-lin chang-ku ts’ung-pien. 9. 14. and communication between Chên-ch’ao and Hang-chou was no longer possible. Hung Fu’s rebellion and his death are all told But the indications of the pên-chi of the Sung shih are here very the Sung Court gave Hung Fu official authority over the military district of Chên-ch’ao in the 5th together under the wu-wu day of the 2nd moon of 1276. the text is not very clear. . it burns almost inextinguishably . 10a). but it is true that Bayan might have wished to take revenge after Ch’ang-chou had rebelled and had resisted the efforts of the Mongols for more than five months. Wang Hui-tsu 2. e. 7.22 moon. but to which attention has already been called in Pa. a detail which has not passed into T’u Chi. on the day i-hai (May 31). were certainly Christians. 1276 the Sung dynasty had almost fallen. it is said that «in the 23rd year chih-yüan (1286). a work of the Yüan period (ed. 3a. cf. The date is The most natural correction (more natural though in Arabic figures than with Chinese characters) would be to read «13» instead of «23». But the texts relating to the changes in its official status are contradictory (cf. 1275. the Sung shih and the P’ing Sung lu. precise. it seems. And wherever fire comes over that grease. 485 -486 : after forcing the inhabitants of the suburbs of Ch’ang-chou to carry earth and build a wall of approach to the city. and this would agree with the apparent 1276 of the pên-chi in YS. they throw quick fire.» Bayan’s action at Ch’ang-chou provides the best commentary to this text of Plan Carpine. 13. Mo. . to have been first a myriarchy called Chên-ch’ao-fu. 1b. to a text of Plan Carpine on the attack of a fortified place by the Mongols (Wy. 3a. which was degraded to a chou in 1286 under the name of Ch’ao-chou. the Asut army attacked in the south Chên-ch’ao and suffered heavy losses». 181) has already alluded. but Pauthier’s rendering is certainly inaccurate). The As. The account given in the Hsü t’ung-chien kang-mu must be derived from the Ch’ien-t’ang i-shih. under Qubilai. .
Whatever the case may be. 199). Rubrouck adds that the Alans followed the rites of the Greek Church. Osm. bio-bibliogr. bio-bibliogr. 1921. followed by Heyd (Hist. i. its capital Although «Hui-hui». used in the second half of the 14th cent. I may add that the Andrew the Frank who carried the letter of the Alans. of the letters of Montecorvino. Jews and Christians . ALAINS (Wy. 8. which Golubovich believes to be the one used by Wadding. 255). Although Golubovich. the Jews are called «Shu-hu Hui-hui» ( = J̌uhut Hui-hui. 701. 124 . 1a. 10a) has a notice on the kingdom of A-su The (the name is written with the characters used in Mongol times for the Asut). (cf. as has already been said in 1878 by Desimoni. with Wadding’s edition. The decisive proof is provided by the letter sent from Peking to the Pope in 1336. in reference to the Asut by the author of the Kêng-shên wai-shih (cf. 7). Nestorian Syrian Ai-hsieh (‘Ίsa) is simply called a «Hui-hui» (cf. 137) and Rubrouck (Wy. in his Annales Minorum. supra). iv. I am afraid this ingenious argument cannot be maintained. the words «et Graecis» are not given in the Chigi ms. 87. YS. but also Greek (litteris Latinis. used Greek texts and had Greek priests. technically speaking. according to Wadding’s edition. converted themselves later to the Roman creed which Montecorvino preached in Peking. 19 -20. 252. > J̌ufud in Blochet. v. 526). but one can only wonder why they should have been added by Wadding. 23 No sound objection can be based on the significance of the term «Green-eyed Hui-hui». it has been translated by Bretschneider in China Review. tien chang. 547. Moufazzal. Kuun. (cf. The question of possible mentions of the Asut or Alans in native Chinese texts after the Mongol period is not solved. Matteo Ricci found «Hui-hui» used as a common designation for Mussulmans. cf.. the future Archbishop of Khanbalïq taught the forty young boys he had bought over to read not only Latin. 218) and by Golubovich (Bibl. nor do they appear in the Paris ms. the only ones he could have met. cut off from their native country and left without a clergy. and before Marignolli (Wy. it is a vast country. ii. & Graecis). 252 -254. du commerce. In Etudes. signed by certain Alan princes whose names really appear as such in Chinese history. The Ming shih (332. in modern times. the Towards 1600. means «Mussulman». 30 of the Yüan In a passage cf. 161. the Jews are sometimes called «Lan-mao Hui-tzŭ» («Blue-cap Mussulmans». BrŪcker has explained by the former adherence of the Alans to the Greek Church the surprising fact that. says nothing of it (Bibl. in JRAS. Mo. Mo. Tacchi-Venturi. Opere storiche del P. we have to admit that the Alans in China. Chinese Researches. in his collation of the Chigi ms. Wylie. since the death of Montecorvino had already left them for some years without a pastor (cf. and in which the Alans beg the Pope to send a new Archbishop. ii. 179. 230). 470). 261-264). cf. and who is left unidentified in Mo. M. 86). kingdom of A-su is said there to be «near Samarkand and Mecca». and although Montecorvino. Historical. but without any attempt at identification. t. is certainly Andalò di Savignone. it has often been Codex Cumanicus. 131 -134). alongside of the «Mu-su-man Hui-hui» ( = Musulman Hui-hui). G. 191 -192. J̌ufut) in ch. who speaks at length of the conversion of the Nestorian Prince George (see «Giorgen»).. used in a loose manner. Moule. Ricci.13. he is of course speaking of the Alans of Southern Russia. J. 1914. who are the Mussulmans. does not even name the Alans in his letters of 1305 and 1306..
who played an important When the Emperor Ching-t’ai was part in Mongol history in the first half of the 15th cent. they lasted for three more centuries. The Ming hui-tien (quoted in T’u-shu chi-ch’êng. so that we should not be surprised at the apparently Mohammedan name of their ruler (moreover there are Christians named Ya‘qūb). In the 17th cent. 169. Turfan. A-su. 171. many Alans had become Mussulmans. Kašγār. Ha-mi (Qomul). they are charitable and peaceful. ii. 282). but it was in use at the end of the 14th cent.24 and salt. 153. 234). 6a and one would think of Šāh-Ruh̯iya on the Syr-Daria. loc. der Ost-Mongolen. Aq-su. but the location and the description hardly fit.. Altan tobči. From the very order of the Provisionally. certainly represents Aqsu in Chinese Turkestan The name of Aqsu (Turk. 163). Pai-chia-ssŭ-lan(?). Samarkand. which sent an embassy under Yung-lo (1403-1425). but. the Mongol tradition has it that he was given an Asut wife.. Alans. 86) gives the quantities of victuals delivered every three days to the 120 men who were attached to the I incline to the view that the A-su of 1419 may well be Asut. But this concerns only the Asut or Alans of the Caucasus. in Mongol spelling. Biogr. «White water») does not seem to Now. we find several mentions of a Mongol tribe the name of which is transcribed «Assod» by Schmidt (Gesch. vii). yüan tsa-chi of Lu Jung (ed. 119) would be no decisive objection. but finally A-su did not send tribute again. as is shown by the accounts of the campaigns of Tamerlane (cf. and Gomboev. Schmidt’s «Assod» is exactly the name which I read Asut. on an island in the sea. TP. cf. Textes oraux ordos. In 1463. 1933. embassy of 1419. 5. (cf. Shou-shan-ko ts’ung-shu 2. at that time. was an Asut (he is the A-lu-t’ai of taken prisoner by the Mongols in 1449. . cf. West of A-su. China Review. Peking. on Lu Jung’s work.. It may be that Alan traders formed the «embassy» of 1419. 232 -235). backs on a mountain and faces a stream which flows south into the sea. there is a paragraph on embassies projected in 1463 to be sent to various countries but which eventually were not sent (there is here a discrepancy with the Ming shih quoted above). Giles. China Review. 169. China dispatched an envoy to that kingdom. cit. v. in the 菽 園 雜 記 Shuhave been known in Mongol times. the Asut are still named among the tribes which constitute the empire I know of no later of Dayan-khan (cf. written in the same way. Pien-i-tien. Br. 380. the fact that Šāh-Ruh̯iya has an independent notice (cf. A-su. 201. i.. the ruler 牙 忽 沙 Ya-hu-sha ( *Ya‘qūb-šāh) sent an envoy who offered horses and various products of the country. 205). Aqsu is more likely to be referred to here than the Alan country. v. no. e. but that the A-su to which an envoy was sent in 1463 is Aqsu. written in the second half of the 15th cent. ii. Setsen».. As for the Asut who had been In «Sanang deported into Northern China. p. enumeration. after the fall of the Yüan dynasty. 173). Br. Sha-ha-lu is a transcription of the name of Šāh-Ruh̯ in Ming shih. 145. Mostaert. and that the identity of the transcription of both names is responsible for a confusion between the two countries in the Ming shih. Chinese texts. Schmidt. 5. But A-su could not regularly send tribute. 13. Aruqtai. although they had become more and more mongolized.. Dict. But the question is more intricate. 332. there is the kingdom of 沙 哈 魯 Sha-ha-lu. 147. ALAINS The people till the ground. the list of countries is given as follows : Herat. In a Ming itinerary. mention of the Asut. owing to the great distance. by whom he had a son (cf. 171. 3. I think that. 1937. there are plenty of fish In 1419.
Alans of Polo and Marignolli. he was succeeded by his son Ruknu-’d-Dīn H̯ uršāh. Ran and Aran. Y. 116 -119. Hasan» in EI says he was born in «609 (1210)» and succeeded in «618 (1220)». 268). 128. not «1220» as in ii. but perhaps some were the direct descendants of the Christian 14. TA 3. VA alaodin F. Hist. 135. Murdered in 1255. Arm. Marquart. it seems probable that «Alanie» is here meant. ALANIE alanai TA 1 alania L. it was the Soon after he was assassinated. probably when Cf. L alaodyn L alaudin VB ‘Alā’u-’d-Dīn Muḥammad.. the true land of the Alans was in the Eastern Caucasus. Most of them probably were Öngüt (see «Giorge» and «Ung»).. but the name was often extended to a region north-west of the Caspian Sea (see «Alains»). aloadan P aloadin FA. Ērānšahr. 207. 174 -201. 139. latter who surrendered to the Mongols in 1256. «Alana» (not «Alano» as in Hallberg. 593. 129. during the Mongol campaign against him. ibid. In Hethum. Z alanie F In Mongol times. these equivalences are errors for 1212 and 1221 respectively. ALAODIN How long they remained Christians is not known. born in 1212. VA aloodyn TA 1 laudin V The notice on «‘Alā’al-Dīn Muḥammed b. On Fra Mauro’s map.. i. 136. Cordier. 146. had succeeded his father in November 1221 (Browne. 628. 114. 276. Crois. Arab. ii. 15. which in fact represents the Caucasian Albania (Alvan > Aγvan). FB. is more in agreement with the accounts of Plan Carpine and Rubrouck. «Alanie» is mentioned as the name of the Caucasian Alburz (Hist. in the chapter on Georgia. iii. 93). but he was not the last Grand Master. 25 In the first years of the 17th cent. i. ii. north of the Caucasus. cf. although also located as a town far to the north-east of the Caspian Sea. 268. the seventh Grand Master of the Alamūt «Assassins».15. but with a wrong location. (Pers. . «Aran» of Jourdain Cathala. he was being sent from Persia to Mongka. Oh. ALAODIN alaodim LT. Ricci still heard of Christians living outside of the Great Wall. Arrān. 116. R alodim VA alodin TA 3. 14) is marked The «Alania» of the Catalan Map. Lit. cf. Br. of Persia. des Hethum’s editors are mistaken when they also see the name of the On Albania Alans («a nation of Turkish origin»!) in their author’s «Aloen». 456). ed. ii.
but only in additional sections sometimes joined to the Romance of Alexander. Polo formally refers to the «Book of Alexander». Polo speaks. . G alyxandre FA On his epithet of Ḏū-’l-Qarnaīn. but the question may be asked whether the express mentions of the «Book of Alexander» are due to him or the professional recaster of romances. as explained by Benedetto (B. It is very probably the result of a clerical error. VB alessandro R alexander LT. VA. so that he could certainly not have been well versed in Western literature. 113-115). 17. where Polo may have heard it. The mention of the «Book of Alexander» in the present case would perhaps be easier to explain if we assume that Rustichello intervened here. «the Two-Horned». ALEXANDRE 1 (THE GREAT) alesander Z alesandro TA 3. of the city where Nicolò and Matteo Polo left Qubilai’s envoy. 246). Z. In two cases (see «Gate of Iron» and «Lone The world-wide popularity of [Dry] Tree»). Yet I would like to add a few remarks. LT 16. but from stories heard in the East and perhaps from some mediaeval rifacimenti of that fabulous history of Alexander which is known as the work of the Pseudo-Callisthenes. see «Çulcarnein». VL alixandre F. 9) alau TA 3. but in the latter part of his book. ALAU This is the name. like the Vœux de Paon. of the «arbre seul que les cristiens appellent l’arbre seche» (B. and a repetition of the same sentence in another part of the book would have been nothing abnormal. ALAU (c. His information about the Macedonian conqueror is not derived from genuine historical sources. FA. «Book of Alexander» should take the place of the «Christians» the second time is the more surprising since the «Dry Tree» does not occur in the Pseudo-Callisthenes. 222). Alexander’s name occurs several times in Polo’s text. Of course. Polo left Venice when he was about fifteen. In the account of his outward journey. the Pseudo-Callisthenes in hellenistic and mediaeval times is aptly illustrated in Yule’s Intro- was well known among Christians in the East. to return only two or three years before he dictated the account of his travels. 32). FB allesandro. where the same stories circulated about him as in Europe. we read of «l’arbre sol que en livre d’Alexandre est appelé l’arbre seche» (B. duction (i.26 16. VB allexander L. when dealing with Eastern Persia. G alexandre F alexandro VA. This second mention belongs to the chapters where the fastidious and stereotyped Now the legend of the Dry Tree But that the descriptions of battles are generally attributed to Rustichello. allexandro VA allessandro TA 1. V. Rustichello. nor in most mediaeval versions derived from it. in TA 3 and LT. P. he had heard of Alexander in Mussulman countries.
erroneously attributed the mention of the Tartars to the Romance itself. Rustichello cannot well be held responsible for the present passage. 27 The story of the nations walled in by Alexander at the eastern end of the Caucasus is an old tale. but I can find no version of the Romance of Alexander where the Tartars are mentioned. such a version. This is of some moment when we now pass on to India. and in Polo’s time by Ricold de Montecroce (cf. ii. of our era. however. the Harṣacarita (cf. 22). «is the only sign. If it be the case here. derived from popular accounts heard in the East. 414). i. something of the same sort may have occurred with the Dry Tree. in the middle of the 7th cent. This. for instance by Richer of Senones (cf. this Polo qualifies by saying that there were no Tartars in Alexander’s time. but Comans and the like (which is almost as wrong). not to speak of China where he had never been heard of before the Middle Ages. hist. the name of Alexander appeared as «alasa-Caṇḍakośa». Vienna. which proves that the Romance of Alexander was known in India. from which a Syriac translation which is still in existence was made at an early date. with the people «whom Alexander the Great shut up in the Caspian mountains». in his remarkable Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans (Denkschr. 1890). Alexandria is sometimes mentioned in Indian literature (see «Alexandre 2»). S. by the Emperor Frederic II.» . according to Lêvi. Der Priester Johannes. Lêvi considered his opinion confirmed by the fact that Bāṇa reproached «alasa-Caṇḍakośa» for not having entered Strīrajyam. Cl. among scholars and at the royal Courts. taken at its face value. though for another reason. says other than the story of the Amazons which. ALEXANDRE1 (THE GREAT) The other case is no less embarrassing.17. But NŌldeke. Y. Ph. Ak. has shown that there must have been first a now lost Pahlvī version of the early 7th cent. Lêvi. in Bāṇa’s romanced biography of King Harṣa. in the Pseudo-Callisthenes. My impression is that Polo had heard of the Romance of Alexander. Mémorial Sylvain Lévi.. but refers to a later individual. That most of Polo’s information on Alexandre. that. Lêvi was of opinion. d. Now. Wiss. in the 7th cent. but Alexander the Great left in India still less of a souvenir than in Persia. vol. 1240. The name «Alikasudara» or «Alikyasudala» in the inscriptions of Aśoka renders Alexander.. But Polo’s text. actually given in the Pseudo-Callisthenes and all the versions derived from it (see «Gate of Iron» and «Gog and Magog»). should tally with the legends of the Pseudo-Callisthenes is not surprising if we remember that almost all the Eastern traditions relating to Alexander are indirectly derived from versions of the Pseudo-Callisthenes itself. either Alexander of Epirus or Alexander of Corinth. although he had never read it. and on the strength of statements which connected the Tartars with the shut-up tribes. 38. where the remark on the Comans can only have been made by Polo himself.. could not of course be older than c. It was long believed that the acquaintance of the Mussulman world with the Pseudo-Callisthenes was due to some Arabic version of the early Mussulman period. marks the last stage of Alexander’s advance before he turns back towards the West. 56 -57). der kais. «lazy Caṇḍakośa».. could be no «So Bāṇa’s witty allusion». There was practically no direct souvenir of Alexander in Persia or in India. Zarncke. would imply that in the «Book of Alexander») the tribes shut in by Alexander’s wall were called «Tartars». but a sufficient one. the Kingdom of Women. the Tartars were sometimes connected in the 13th cetnt. if it should exist. the mention of which was perhaps attributed to the Romance by mistake and not because it occurred in the additional matter inserted in some late version.
the Roman Orient). A weak point of his argument is that. is well known in the Mussulman versions of the legend of Alexander. that lost source may have also spoken of the men annually dispatched to the Kingdom of Women by the king of Rōm. phonetically it may very well be a doublet of Rōm. but it frequently appears in the literature of the Physiologus and of the Mirabilia. 51). 28.» Without maintaining that Lêvi has conclusively proved his case. Lêvi The Chinese adds. Candace was not a queen of the Amazons]. 206. . If a Romance of Alexander corresponding to the PseudoOn the other hand. Alexander first sends to the Kingdom of Women a philosopher from Rōm. Its most detailed exponent is no other than Firdausī. existed between Rōm and the Kingdom of Women. which has taken such an important place in the development of the Romance of Alexander». According to the Chinese sold in Fu-lin. The question of date remains. loc. «is not mentioned. there were only women in that country. this form would be a survival. 8vo ed. it must have reached India in 630-640 at the latest. as far as I know.which is known in Armenian.28 But there is more. While many tales of the Physiologus there are several Kingdoms of Women mentioned in Chinese historical literature. in any of the numerous versions of the Romance. according to Hsüan-tsang. «That is why the king of Fu-lin sends every year men who have sexual interIn that Kingdom of Women.. or Kingdom of Women. The Kingdom of the Amazons. as he has himself stated (p. and afterwards himself reaches the country. but its curious misapplication to a city of the Kingdom of Women would find some sort of explanation in the relations which. «The yearly sending of human stallions to the kingdom of the Amazons». Die Alexandersage bei den Orientalen. Leipzig. . it is moreover somewhat risky to assume a double origin for Hsüantsang’s brief account.» Amazons ruled by the Queen Candace [this is not quite correct. have found their way to India and the Far East (or sometimes may have originated there and been carried to the West). I am prepared to accept the bulk of his deductions. In Firdausī’s time. Mohl. Lêvi said nothing as to the date when the Romance of We Alexander could have reached India or as to the channels through which it may have passed. ALEXANDRE1 (THE GREAT) Hsüan-Tsang. cit. monk must have noted a version of the tale which had undergone some contamination. has passed to Frōm in Middle-Iranian and is the original of Ch. or perhaps Pahlvī translation of the Pseudo-Callisthenes can neither be earlier than the end of the 6th cent. Livre des Rois. Spiegel. . the only likely channel But NŌldeke has shown that the Callisthenes was known in India in time to leave traces in the writings of Bāṇa and Hsüan-tsang. he himself is responsible for a contamination between two tales he had heard. as well as in Indian and in Mussulman sources (see «Female [Island]»). NŌldeke. speaks of the «Western ‘Kingdom of Women’» ( 西 女 國 Hsi Nü-kuo). Rūm. 208. some of the precious productions of which were course with those women . for a transmission of the Greek romance to India is Pahlvī. Lêvi saw «the famous kingdom of pilgrim. and represent the form with an initial h. Although it was not adduced in Schaeder’s Iranica (1934). If Hsüan-tsang really owed his information to an Iranian source which had reached the basin of the Ganges. the main city of which was called ﻫﺮومHărūm (cf. 1851. which lay to the southwest of the kingdom of Fu-lin (Frōm = Rōm. Fu-lin. v. 17. The name Hărūm is unexplained. 422). who was Harṣa’s guest in 643 and left India in 644. On the other hand. may perhaps add more precise indications on these points.
to identify with Alexandria of Egypt the name 㴝 軒 Li-hsüan ( *Liei-χi ɐn). transl. a a name of the coral. P.. 413 -423). . known in China from ̯ the end of the 2nd cent. Although others entertain different views.. cf. in the first half of the 3rd cent. ALEXANDRE 2 (CITY) alesandria TA 3. the name of a bean. Z alessandria VB. that the popularity of the romance in India was as rapid as it was short-lived. it appears as «Alinac» in RR. 29 nor later than the first quarter of the 7th. etc.. Chao Ju-kua. this last transcription is made from the Arabic form Iskandariya. VL. 239 -241). 18. G The form «Alexandre». 690 -691. 380. so that the date we must postulate for the transmission We must only admit. 411. ālisaṃdaga.. It remains doubtful whether. China and the Roman Orient. Hirth. 413 -417) that the Alasanda of the Questions of King Menander Moreover. 1937. 148). was the Egyptian Alexandria. but he elicited it through a correction which I hold as very doubtful. Lêvi concurs with the opinion I first upheld in 1914 (JA. I proposed in TP. Alinaq» in the Index. a. ii. still more anciently *·O-diǝ̯k-săn-ljia]. des Crois. 252. reprinted in Mémorial Sylvain Lévi (Paris. 1915. cf. Z alixandre FA. Apart from Buddhist texts. cf. and describes its Pharos with the wonderful mirror (HR. and ālakandaka. alexandria L. ii. d. nearer to the Greek original for the vowel of the second syllable than Pâli Alasanda. R alexandre F Alexandria. On the name of Alexandria in Indian literature. is corroborated by «Alixandre» in all the French mss. has a whole paragraph on 遏 根 陀 O-ken-t’o (*·Ât-kǝn-d’â). VB. Lêvi (loc. in the first place S. B 1. and introduced conjecturally by Benedetto (cf. V. Benedetto may be right. 437). ZDMG. the name of Alexandria underlies the transcriptions 遲 散 Ch’ih-san (*D´᾽i-sân) and 烏 遲 散 Wu-ch’ih-san ( *·Uo-d´᾽i-sân) of the Wei lio. 19.19. 1938. 1937. ALINAC A name not given by the mss. 1914. but «Alinek. ALINAC to India is possible. 418) also thought he had found the name of Alexandria in the Chinese version of Nāgārjuna’s commentary on the Prajñāpāramitā. 181182 (but the equivalence has gained in probability now that we know for certain that 烏 弋 山 離 Wu-i-shan-li [*·Uo-i ǝk-ṣăn-ljie̯ . the Chinese version of the Questions of King Menander gives a form 阿 荔 散 A-li-san ( *·Â-ljie̯-sân). c. constant in F. Lêvi’s paper of 1934. Nuzhat-al-Qulūb. LT. 232). Arm. VA. b. certainly renders the name of ̯ another Alexandria. cf. I still think that the equivalence is substantially correct. 犂靬 Li-kan ( *Liei-kân). FB allessandra TA 1 allexandria L. writing in 1225. 146 -147.. must be nouns derived from Alexandria. In Chinese Buddhist texts. of Hethum (Hist. TP. if Lêvi’s theory be correct. Le Strange. cit.
i.). Becker. in Der Islam.) meant by Polo must be Alināq. sources of the Onon and the Kerulen. lian. on March 4. ii. It is evident that Polo means by Altai a mountain north of the Gobi. v. L alcaym G alchahy LT alchai TA 3. Polo. which however need not be here taken into account. Yule (Y. altun is Turkish). but it is not used in the sense of Altai proper. having told what he had to say about the . China before Qubilai’s death. and B 1. iv. Yule (Y. ALTAI achai. had commonly been usurped by any powerful chief (cf. ALTAI But the text Polo says that the «melic» of whom he has spoken and who has been killed «avoit Already during the second half of the It is quite possible that Or he may as the «melic» (q. after the paragraph on Qaraqorum and the history of Chinghiz-khan. see The second time. killed in 1284 (cf. the name of Altai first occurs. 20. 103) that Chinghiz«Altan-h̯an» is MongoKhan died when his camp was on the southern side of the «Altan-h̯an» (not «Altun-h̯an» as in Yule. In the text. 350 sq. 474). In «Sanang Setsen». TA 1 allai VA altai. Moreover. it is said (Schmidt. as that of a great mountain where all the «great lords» («grant seingnors») of the line of Chinghizkhan are taken to be buried. 247) had too much common sense to think otherwise. Polo never went to any Altai. there is nothing to prove that Without too much precision in his mind. but the legend carries us far to the south-west of the Khingan Yule speaks of. takes leave of «Qara-qorum and Altai —where the [Great Lords of the] Tartars are buried —» to speak of tribes still more to the north. three days before Arγun himself died (cf. as Polo left For the difficult problem of Chinghiz-khan’s death and burial. Abassid caliphate.30 is surprising. P. either Northern or Southern. FB. have confused Alināq with Sulṭān idäǰi. but he is not quite correct. Polo certainly means. Y. the traditional place of Chinghiz-khan’s burial. 56-57). i. VL alcay FA. vi. «Caagiu». and means «Gold Lord[-Mountain]». unless we correct «Altan» to «Altai». and. VA. by Altai. and not known his true name. Oh. originally borne only by the caliph. batai V altay R dalcay FB elcay FA The name is of course that of the Altai mountains. the title of sulṭān. on the banks of the Qara-mörän (Yellow river). Polo should have heard of Alināq as «the Sulṭān». 438. chai VB alcai F. god and the laws of the Tartars. has misunderstood him when he makes him look for Polo’s Altai «immediately north of the Great Wall near Kalgan». 247) has said that the name of Altai was used in a rather loose way by «Sanang Setsen». somewhere near the Whether Qubilai and his successors were also buried there is another question. VL alchaim TA 3 alchay LT. 1291. a non Soldan» and was the greatest lord after Aḥmad. who had great power under Arγun and was finally killed 20.
153). alin is the Manchu word for «mountain») of d’Anville’s Map of Chinese Turkistan. lxix. or when it sums up the history of the campaign led by the future Emperor Wu-tsung in 1300 -1301 against Qaidu (YS. not official. says of a number of people that they were originally «Tatar [ = Mongols] of the Chin-shan». Textes oraux ordos. B. we see that Polo’s use of Altai for mountains in North-Eastern Mongolia must have been of popular. or ﺑﺰرى ﺍﻟﺘﺎىBuzurg Altai. On the other hand. Such is also the use the name of Altai occurs several times (§§ 144. Ak. Mong. 127. 425. s. Rašīdu-’d-Dīn uses Altai alone. the same Mongol chronicler Here. the part of «Sanang Setsen». says that Tayang-khan came from the 按 臺 An-t’ai and camped at the Khanggai mountains. 108. 5b. the Naiman submitted to him (parallel texts in YS. Doc. 198. From all these texts. there is no mention of the Altai nor of any «Gold Mountain» in the Ḥudūd al-‘Ālam. Vladimircov. ALTAI «Sanang Setsen» here refers to any Altai. Nauk. of the name in Rašīdu-’d-Dīn when he gives the Altai mountains as one of the limits of the Naiman territory (cf. 2nd : When the Ming shih. 31 We must rather suppose that. 3a. but to mountains in Eastern or South-Eastern Mongolia. Men-gu-yu-mu-czi. we rejoin Polo’s text inasmuch as the Altai is really named in The same Altai is meant when YS. at the north-western angle of the great bend of the Yellow river. in its biographies. origin. Ber. which is in Western Mongolia. In the Secret History of 1240. «Sanang Setsen» has in view the «Altan mountain» («Altan-alin». it is clear that this Chin-shan does not refer to our Altai. connection with Chinghiz-khan’s burial. This is not the oldest Mongol notion of the name of Altai. sur les Tou-kiue. 464. 1st : Kāšγarī. provisionally Chavannes. 1a. for the double name of a lake Altan-nōr or Altai-nōr). both meaning «Great Altai» in Persian and in Mongolian). Men-gu-yu-mu-czi. 3rd sheet. 10a. he has apparently forgotten all the mentions of it in the 13th and 14th cents. . in Doklady Ross. «Altaï») that the name of Altai seems to appear first «at the time of the domination of the Kalmuks». Oh. 112. 1929. in the course of which. with a rather hazy geographical conception on (Schmidt. 338) and although we find an Altun-yïš in the Orkhon «runic» inscriptions. 196. 22. I wish only to call attention to three points. 194. altun. 442. Wu-tsung having reached the An-t’ai (Altai) mountains. and to investigate the different values of the corresponding Chinese name of Chin-shan. and Popov. all meaning «gold». But Barthold is mistaken when he says (EI. 25. who does not mention any Altai. 158. altïn. see «Caidu»). gives «Altunqan» as the name of a mountain in the land of the Uigurs (Brockelmann. 109) says that Chinghiz-khan was buried between the northern side of the «Altai-h̯an» and the southern side of the «Käntäi-h̯an». 177. Chinese texts have sometimes Altan for Altai. ii. 119. use the Chinese name Chin-shan of the Altai).20. Popov. i. and 132. But that would greatly overstep the limits of the present note (cf. although «Sanang Setsen» gives us the proof that this undue extension of the name was still current several centuries later. cf. or ﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎىYäkä Altai. 205) and is always applied to what we now call Southern Altai. i. 240). iii. and the index. «Gold Mountains» (the phonetic relation of Altai to altan might be of the same order as that of Alašai to Alašan [see «Calacian»]. p. altan. 170). in this passage. 161. 2. 3rd : While Chin-shan is of early occurrence in Chinese texts (cf. i. v. Mostaert. also called Altan tebši (cf. 3. in another passage. It would be interesting to study again the much debated problem of the possible relation of Altai (Altaï) to Turk.
It is more difficult to decide in other cases. only one was of ambra zalo («yellow amber»). but ambra concia means «finished ambra». In his recent edition of Pegolotti (pp. Historical jottings on amber in Asia. ambra. anbran V anbre F anbro VA walrodis G In Benedetto’s Italian translation of Polo. Bernstein. 351. cf. his Index. Evans says that both ambra concia and ambracanni (plural. Assoc. «Mogedaxo». etc. TA 3. TA 3 ambrum P. R ambracan. i . Anthrop. Flemish bernsteen. may be both «amber» and «ambergris». «ambergris» is clearly meant in all the other passages. Heyd seems to have taken it for granted that all mediaeval mentions of «ambrum». . «Males Island». Z anbra. 187. Germ. 571-574). In Polo’s On the other hand. «ambra» «ambre». since the Oriental names for «amber» and for «ambergris» are fundamentally different. Evan’s argument is decisive : Pegolotti speaks of ambra. FA. i . I accept it as a genuine statement going back to Polo himself. in 1317. Evans questions the truth of Heyd’s too absolute views on «ambergris». and «Çanghibar» (B1. Laufer.32 21. and especially ii. VB. this is the only mention of the word in Pegolotti) occur side by side in one passage (p. ambracanno might be the name When Evans says «I suspect that when Pegolotti referred to amber perforated for beads he meant yellow amber». AMBERGRIS 21. and it is certainly remarkable that in Ferrand’s Relations de voyages. In his admirable Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-Âge. but only «amber». 78) and therefore cannot be identical. I agree. never meant «ambergris». especially 230 -231). 361). until I noticed that in the documents studied by G. although «amber» (ambrum) is mentioned in the chapter on Tibet only by Z. TA 1. FB. For Evans. ambracano R ambre F. Ludwig in Italienische Forschungen. 211-244. «ambra» is mentioned in the chapters intitled «Tebet». at least in Italy and in France. AMBERGRIS ambra L. «worked ambra». in Mem. 357. 293 -294. the scores of mentions of «ambre» in the translations of Arabic and Persian texts should always be interpreted as «ambergris». LT. «ambre» indiscriminately for both products. I wish to state at the start that. of the Amer. and also that general historical data preclude the possibility of understanding ambrum as «ambergris» in regard to Tibet (on the use of amber in Tibet. I was at first ready to concur with him. out of thirty odd «paternostri» mentioned between 1512 and 1557. In one case. VL. and it is only «ambracanno» which he considers as «ambergris» definitely. P. For the sake of employ «ambra». But the English versions by Ricci and Ross and by Moule speak of «amber» in the chapter on Tibet The modern common usage in Italian and in French is to The question may be raised. while the corresponding Latin version of the privilege. 352. gives ambre vulgariter dicte bernsteen. The case is simple enough with Oriental sources (when they are clearly rendered). B. refer to «ambergris» (cf. but in a raw or unfinished state.. «Scotra». 412 -413). of the same material. of the extent to which this confusion prevailed in Italy in Polo’s time. and all the others of ambracan. clarity. moreover a privilege issued in Flanders is in itself more likely to speak of Baltic «amber» than of «ambergris» of the Indian Ocean. however. and of «ambergris» in all other cases.
I deal with the oil and spermaceti under «Capdoille». ‘tunny’. Lokotsch. ̯ HR. «royal scent». 1909. (not «ambrazan» as in Zu. In the Hsi shih chi of 1263. would have been deducible. cano is not clear.» . borrowed through an Arabic channel from Pers. the text has been copied into the Hsin T’ang shu. and Heyd. an unusual combination. it is the tunnus. which does not mean «amber». cf. ‘anbar. i. a Middle-Persian form of Barbara. 556). Polo’s information on «ambergris». Glossaire 2. 172). it must be the sperm ( 遺 精 i-ching) of the sea-turtle ( 瑇 玳 tai-tai. i. 9 -10. or cachalot. No. 128). cf. the double meaning which is given to «ambra» by Polo and at least once by Pegolotti and which is more common in texts and documents from Northern Europe. is historically a misnomer. *Barbarig. 436) was equated by Bretschneider to «sahabiri» or rather ﺷﺎﻫﺑﺮىšāhbarī. speaks once of ambra (57d) and three times of ambracano (57d. There is no doubt that «ambergris» is always meant. Physeter macrocephalus. 221b.21. in his version of Polo. 33 Ramusio. 58c). 8b. the word is written ambracan. mainly based on Chinese sources. from where I repeated it in TP. Bretschneider’s translation in Br. where the 阿 末 a-mo perfume is listed as a product of the country of 撥 拔 力 Pa-pa-li ( *Puât-b’wât-li ǝk). perhaps faulty for 玳 瑁 tai-mei). even if it were not attested otherwise. after years it conglomerates. one of the Persian ments. 521-522. was called succinum in Latin. The bonitoes ( 蛟 魚 chiao-yü = 鮫 魚 chiao-yü. a paragraph is devoted to «ambergris». i. support. down to the last century. 152 -153. Romania. 247. as it is used in English. AMBERGRIS inventory (Vol. Moreover. «amber» (lit. Cf. and it is the only value The origin of ambraThere is no foundation in the tradition that it is the name of an African fish. with -t > -δ/-r) certainly transcribes ‘anbar. 237. «straw-attracting»). but «ambergris» (for a possible Somali etymology of the Arab. TP. Berbera. attached by Italian dictionaries to ambracani. the yellow fossil amber. Wörterbuch. 1004. since it is necessary to account for the change in the meaning of the word «amber». 1925. The false product is made of rhinoceros excreThis name sa-pa-êrh (miswritten 撒 巴 爾 sa-pa-êrh [a «Ch’ien-lung» transcription?] in HR. JA. 1933. lacks textual (Wang Kouo-wei’s edition. A-mo ( * · a-m wât. is extremely inaccurate) : «The 撒 八 兒 sa-pa-êrh comes out of the Western Ocean (hsi-hai). suggested by Tommaseo and Bellini. and even in modern times. as is said in HR. ii. 572). there are two mentions of «peroli danbro [ = d’ambro]». Here I shall confine myself to some remarks on «ambergris». especially with the additional matter provided by Z. The first known mention of «ambergris» in Chinese texts occurs in the Yu-yang tsa-tsu of c. As to the word «amber». Dozy. The West also used «carabe». On Fra Mauro’s map. from Arab. the Somali Coast (cf. It is well known that our «amber». the bonito is allied to the tunny) eat it and vomit it. Sino-Iranica. Etym. «white amber[gris]». ﻛﻬﺮﺑﺎkahrubâ. ‘anbar. was borrowed in the 11th cent. succin is still used in French occasionally. and that the oil and the white waxy substance known as spermaceti («whale sperm») are obtained from the cavities of the huge head of the same animal. Its price equals that of gold. is by far the most accurate to be found in mediaeval sources. it and ambrum canum. 139. Scientists are now agreed that «ambergris» is an intestinal concretion of the sperm whale. 52. of Z. 1933. which reads as follows «Amber». 416 -418. a misreading of ﺷﻬﺒﻮىšāhboī. in Venetian ambracan. Laufer. 860.
I now think that sa-po-êrh is only one of the many corrupt forms which As a matter of fact. gives certain information which. Abū Zayd’s error is due to an instinctive disbelief in the possibility of fishermen capturing with Some similar feeling is probably responsible for Polo’s statement that the «whales» are inebriated with tunny brine Birds and dragons have also been connected sometimes with «ambergris» in Mussulman lore. sometimes these lumps are more or less the size of a bull. 132 -133) : «Ambergris is also found floating on the sea in lumps of considerable weight. 1933. Ming times. when they get sight of a fish boats. and still is. others yet maintained that it was the excrements of an animal. «jet». Le pays des Zendjs. others a dew which. Dozy. are derived from one and the same original). although only in have crept into the present text of the Hsi shih chi. . c. 1933. sabaǰ. we read the following notice (Zu. 1915. the very name ‘anbar of «ambergris». the fish. which has given Span. 221). Abū Zayd Ḥasan of Sīrāf. they draw it to the coast with iron harpoons which are driven into the back Then they open the stomach of the fish and Neither of the authors was an eyeI think that The most noticeable difference between Abū Zayd and Polo is that the former speaks of dead fish harpooned by fishermen. But. . The upholders of the spring or of the dew hypotheses easily accounted for the presence of «ambergris» in the intestines of birds or of fish : birds and fish were so fond of «ambergris» that they greedily swallowed it. agrees somewhat with that of Polo (Ferrand. it swallows it. knowing the season when the fish swallow ambergris. . of the fish and to which strong cords are attached. Chinese transcription being based on such a misreading (but. take out the ambergris . 106 -107).» witness of the capture. Glossaire 2. i. azeviche.34 21. AMBERGRIS In TP. 420. not to «ambergris». also HR.. flowed into the sea and there coagulated. But it occurs half a century before Barbosa. emerging from the rocks. the fish dies of it and floats on the water. Barbosa. e. although it choked and killed them (cf. and that we must correct sa[ 撒]-pa-êrh to an[ 俺?]-pa-êrh. I questioned the likelihood of a epithets of «ambergris» (cf. Devic. however. 237). There was much discussion among mediaeval Arabic and Persian scholars as to the origin and nature of «ambergris» : some saw in it the outflow of a submarine spring. by a most unfortunate slip. 52) : «This line of islands which gird the Indian Ocean . azabache. sa-po-chich must be the Arab. TP. the three mentions. I then adduced a Ming form 撒 白 值 sa-po-chich which actually refers to «amber». 436. harpoons and killing the huge monsters which had swallowed «ambergris». according to Thorne. Moreover. Abū Zayd had heard from an eye-witness how fishermen had cut into pieces one of these «fish» which had been stranded in the vicinity of Sīrāf. In that sea ambergris (ambracan) is found. 916. . When the fish called tâl (?) sees a lump of ambergris. and so do not feel the harpoons driven into their backs. Port. 159. Voyage du marchand arabe Sulaymân. 俺 八 兒 an-pa-êrh (*ambar) occurs three times as a transcription of ‘anbar (cf. The people of those [parts] say that it (i. for the capture of the «fish» who has swallowed lumps of «ambergris». on Fra Mauro’s map. The theory which makes «ambergris» the dung of birds was heard from the «Moors» by Barbosa at the beginning of the 16th cent. floating on the water. is inhabited by various species of birds. the opinion of the natives of the Malabar coast (Dames. 188 -194). where. close to the Maldive Islands. . cf. but when the ambergris reaches the stomach of There are people who keep a look-out in So. although less detailed.
«dragon’s spittle» (lung-hsien is the usual pronunciation. This is not the anonymous Sung But it may be the hearsay information. The dragon theory is the one that was current in the Far East. ‘ambergris’). by the modern dictionary Tz’ŭ yüan. although I cannot trace it.. but without any specific meaning. A Chinese text of 1520. it appears to them that It must be noticed that when sailors see the birds of the they have come too near their coasts and they move away. 35 the ambergris) is produced in these islands and that the sea in washing the shores carries it Others believe that it is the sperm of the whale. the term generally designates a kind of ‘mermaid’. «whale excrements». the Sino-Japanese ryūyen is also based on a pronunciation lung-yen. it can be said to have been translated in HR. perhaps at second-hand. 158 -159] transcribe lung-yen. but the result of Chou Ch’ü-fei’s personal observations while he was at Chao Ju-kua also altered Chou Ch’ü-fei’s text by suppressing. it is surprising. 237 : «the fishermen (? 鮫 人 chiaojên. that such a poetical term should occur in the present text) gather it. 392). with the same meaning. Phillips [JNCB.» Canton. aid islands.21. P’ei-wên yün-fu). quoted. «Repertory of perfumes». compiled by 陳 敬 Ch’ ên Ching probably at the end of the Sung dynasty (it has a later preface of 1322.» that the «ambergris» has no scent in itself. because beyond that there is so deep a darkness that the ships who would happen to enter there could no more advance or go back. employ only one name for «ambergris». another form of the term. before the remark As a matter of fact. The term lung-hsien occurs in Chinese as early as the 9th cent. perhaps under direct Mussulman influence. 1915. 34. . e. which is mentioned in the Chinese texts quoted below. is listed in the dictionaries. I saw it (i. and it is known from experience that those who have gone there have perished.. Hsiang p ’ u in 4 ch. 28a-b). available for instance in the Hsüeh-chin t’ao-yüan. 1927. taking into account p.» for the present passage is not known. (cf. speaks of «ambra» as of a stone produced by a sea-fish or by the breath of whales (cf. 221] and Rockhill [TP. that is All 龍 涎 lung-hsien. La connaissance de la nature et du monde. Ssŭ-k’u . but can be used metaphorically for a ‘fisherman’. . AMBERGRIS afterwards with the currents into the Indian Sea. 1). they mask the sun (see «Ruc»). speaks of I know only of one exception : «ambergris» has been sometimes called in Japanese 鯨 糞 gei-fun. Mauro’s source It may be that there is here some dim connection between the deep darkness of the islands and the traditions relative to the birds so big that in their flight Or it may have something to do with the thick air breathed A French Lapidaire of out by dragons. but I do not know of any example of it in ancient texts). it seems more probable that gei-fun was coined in Japan. Langlois. 1915. xx. n. however. . 29. cf. from Sung times downwards. As it was copied almost verbatim in 1225 by Chao Ju-kua. and the first datable description of the product is the one given in 1178 by Chou Ch’ü-fu in his Ling-wai tai-ta (Chih-pu-tsu-chai ts’ung-shu ed. but lung-yen is also possible. and the term may go back to some local Chinese trade-name. 9a). Chinese texts. all the rest of that passage is not merely Hsiang p’u in 2 ch. which . by another scholar. A notice on «ambergris» occurs in a 香 譜 Hsiang p’u. 7. Ch. 龍 泄 lung-hsieh. the early 12th cent. the words : «As I had to go to P’an-yü ( = Canton). The first mention of it that I can trace with the designation of the «ambergris» occurs in one of Su Shih’s poems (1036 -1101). the birds who pick up the spittle ( = ambergris) vomited by dragons (TP. doubtless copying an earlier authority. 115.-V.
vapour) lasts half a year. together. its market value per ounce is not under a hundred thousand (coins). e. It resembles [Ambergris] Some say that it has an extraordinary scent. men in turns keep it under observation and wait They go and look. 415]. pumice-stone. 1933. on the handing over of stranded ‘ambergris’ to the local authorities in Arabia). not «red» as in HR. and when the natives see it. substance. Le pays des Zendjs. and on accumulation it hardens. until the cloud dissipates. and are certain to obtain ‘ambergris’ (lit. see ‘Άrabie’). they instantly dive and take it. 1936. while lying. it can present ments of the 嶺 外 雜 記 Ling-wai tsa-chi ( = Ling-wai tai-ta) are as follows : ‘Ambergris («dragon spittle») is produced in the [country] of the Ta-shih (Arabs). his spittle floats on the The fishermen (chiao-jên) gather it as a most valuable Others again say that the white When it is fresh. at the same time. when [the prepared perfume] . but brillant. Devic. after a long time. and they divide (the quantity) equally according to the number of men who have kept observation. it is the notice on «ambergris» compiled by 張 世 南 Chang Shih-nan in his 游 宦 紀 聞 Yu-huan chi-wên of 1232 (Chih-pu-tsu-chai ts’ung-shu ed. It is produced in the country of the Ta-shih It (i. Others again say that in the great ocean there is a whirlpool.. water. there are many dragons. (Arabs. it has merely the power of preserving their fumes If one in mixing perfumes employs genuine ambergris. its scent is almost rancid (nothing of the present sentence occurs in the Ling-wai tai-ta. questioned the perfume-makers ( 合 香 人 ho-hsiang-jên) of Ch’üan[-chou] (see ‘Çaiton’) and Kuang-chou (Canton) and they have said : ‘When ambergris is added to perfumes. one knows at once that a dragon is asleep below. 4b-5b). the scent of camphor and musk. or more than ten ounces. AMBERGRIS The quotation given in the Tz’ŭ yüan offers no original in- The next Chinese source of importance has not yet been made use of by Western scholars. 237). ambergris (lung-hsien) is the most appreciated. the text shows that the comparison with the po-yao-chien and with the wu-ling-chih. ambergris is like 百 藥 煎 po-yao-chien. after some time. Others say that dragons coil in great numbers on big rocks in the ocean. wind drifts floating to the shore. the second quality itself is worth fifty to sixty thousand (coins). If they did not do it equitably. 21. with unctuous stripes. it is like 五 靈 脂 wu-ling-chih. heated by the sun. and afterwards in another of 1388 [TP. then they know that the dragon is gone. formation. coagulates in pieces which the People then take it and hand it over to the officials. the scent is still there’. 189. 7. the fish assemble and swallow it. [or] three years. or two. it belongs to the [class of] goods which are a State monopoly among the barbarians (cf. The text is as follows : «Of all perfumes. which I had first found in a work of 1520 [TP. The state- When one falls asleep while resting on a rock. others that its smell is does not improve or spoil [other] perfumes. I have there is a dragon. the po-yao-chien has not been identified). its colour is white. either five or seven ounces. but is lighter. even after several decades. at the bottom of which His spittle gushes out and. 222]. the wu-ling-chih is the dung of the bat. the black one is inferior to it. when there is a cloudy vapour that hangs over the land lying between mountains. it becomes purple ( 紫 tzŭ.36 I do not have at my disposal. In the Western Ocean. actually goes back to Sung times. ‘dragon-spittle’). there would be a fight between them and murder. the Near the coast of the sea. At Kuangchou (Canton). I think it is worth translating here. they let out spittle. rank [or that it] can bring out the scent of other perfumes. but all that is erroneous. it becomes black.
but an excipient . pronounced in favour of Pulo Rondo (TP. Lung-hsienhsü [ 嶼]. after comparing the three opinions. 1915. but the translation is The middle part of the Tao-i chih-lio paragraph in If smelled.21. have little to add to the information collected by Chang Shih-nan. which agree. quotation from the Ling-wai tai-ta). the third. i. Wang Ta-yüan’s Tao-i chih-lio of 1349 -1350 mentions an «Ambergris Island». with 汪 機 Wang Chi and after him with Li Shih-chên (cf. The «sand-leaked»is [ambergris] that has been drifted by waves and billows to main It is that which has coagulated and accumulated for many years. called «water-drift» ( 汎 水 fan-shui). But Chang Shih-nan’s text on the three sorts of «ambergris» finds a remarkable counterpart in Barbosa (ed. cf. 158). gardenia flowers. Hsüeh-t’ang ts’ung-shu. «Ambergris» entered Chinese pharmacopoeia only in the Ming dynasty. and rosewater must have some of it to bring out [their full scent]. and sometimes it resembles pumice-stone. going back to an ancient opinion of Groeneveldt. xx. Pên-ts’ao kang-mu. the fish vie with each other in (a somewhat curious location for fish excrements!). inferior. who also heard of three qualities of «ambergris». north-western coast of Sumatra. the first is the virtue of that dragon breath which produces buildings and terraces’ (this is the end of the dragon on the sea when he comes out or plunges in. as to nature and as to order. «sand-leaked» ( 滲 沙 shên-sha). Wang Ta-yüan. Br. gham-wood. I think that the identification with Pulo Bras is correct.» some other earlier authors. 221) identified it with Pulo Way. 7a. The sayings of the various authors do not agree. its smell is rank and dirty. Rockhill. [ambergris]. wind and As to the «fish-eaten» lands and islands. The island lay off the Phillips (JNCB. which also occurs on the Chinese map of the early 15th cent. and I do not know which one is correct. 43. The two notices on Lung-hsien-hsü have been translated by Rockhill (TP. the first one must be fairly near the mark’. when the dragon emits his spittle ( = ambergris). Kuang-tung). ed. 193). to divide the thread of the smoke. it becomes dung which is scattered in the sandy desert Only the «waterdrift» [ambergris] can enter into the [composition of] perfumes. the second. crystal camphor In other words. Fujita (Tao-i chih-lio’s commentary. Dames. good seamen watch the coming out and plunging in of the dragon.» Later works. ii. 1915. sometimes incomplete and often inaccurate. maintains that «ambergris» is not a perfume in itself. But according to my humble judgment. 106 -109). 37 The guests can use scissors The reason for that is that the ambergris still retains some of Others yet say : ‘[Ambergris] is the spittle ejected by the There are three sorts [of it]. it has a somewhat particular must be understood as follows : «Thet colour of the [dragon] spittle is sometimes blacker than ‘black incense’. sandal. rain have soaked it. with the Chinese description. with one exception which will be noted below. then their aroma becomes Even such perfumes as calambac-wood. and following him they pick it up. and is made the subject of an independent paragraph in Fei Hsin’s Hsing-ch’a shêng-lan of 1436. «fish-eaten» ( 魚 食 yü-shih). when digested by them. like (‘plum flower camphor’. rancid scent. 158 -159). the other two [sorts] are 鄧 灝 Têng Hao of 曲 江 Ch’ü-chiang (in Shao-chou-fu. and all its scent has leaked into the sandy earth. 152). 10 -11) decided in favour of Pulo Bras. extremely pure and penetrating. eating it. musk. But if it be used in combination with various perfumes. HR. said that the third one is nearest to the truth. AMBERGRIS burns a blue smoke floats in the air and gathers without dissipating. The «water-drift» [ambergris] lightly floats on the surface of the water.
we know also of several synonyms of ch’ing. J̌äzīrät al-‘Άnbar. Grandidier. Hist. also the sperme of a whale called Spermaceti». there is a «capo de ambra» and a «riuo de ambra» in the Egerton ms. the information in which was collected in Persia and is independent from Chinese traditional lore also speaks of «ambergris» as being the sperm of an animal. In English. amber. I can only concur with what has been said on this point by Schlegel (TP. ed. de la géogr. 537). even granting that we may to some extent substitute «whale» for «dragon» in the Chinese texts referring to «ambergris». 1915. and that gave Bernardin de Saint-Pierre part . 鯨 ch’ing. La Mer Rouge. App. spermaceti. although the great sea-turtle takes in this case the place of the dragon. of the subject of Paul et Virginie. Saint-Géran was wrecked in its neighbourhood. i (7)]. while on the other hand Western belief attached the name of «whale sperm». for such caulking). Mussulman sailors also Although its location is not easy to In European knew of an «Ambergris Island». 1913. Laufer (TP. if we leave out the Ambergris Island of the Gulf of Honduras. there is a great likelihood that spermaceti and oil are actually meant. confusion is well illustrated by a passage of Pantagruel (Rabelais. de Madagascar 2. or whale. ii. But. iv. nomenclature. probably quoting from an earlier source. Yet there is no doubt that the monstrous appearance of the huge Cetacea which were sometimes stranded on the coasts of China suggested to the popular mind an association with the proteiform and mysterious dragon. Moreover. The first is the use of the name of the There is in Chinese a regular name of the «whale». the name In 1744 the of «Ile d’Ambre» was applied in the 18th cent. are totally different. AMBERGRIS The accounts concerning this «Ambergris Island» seem to be to a great extent At the end of the 15th or the beginning of the 16th cent. Lefranc. 158). the name of which was taken over in 1554 into the Muḥïṭ of the Turkish admiral Sīdï ‘Άlī Čäläbï (Fe. This «white amber» has been used in the sense of spermaceti. one being meant to ascertain whether the letter was written «avec sperme de baleine qu’on appelle ambre gris». I have still a few words to say on two points. 252) : When Panurge has received from a lady of Paris a letter which looks like a sheet of blank paper. With some reserves as to the details of the case. to a product mostly found in the head of the animal (see «Capdoille»). it is somewhat surprising that the Chinese should have given the name of «spittle» to what is an intestinal product. 226. The confusion must have originated in the East since the Hsi shih chi of 1263. also amber greece. Panurge resorts to various devices to reveal the writing. lung. to a small island close to Mauritius. as in the West between «ambergris» and spermaceti. The notion and the traditional representations of the dragon. 69). 341-342) and Rockhill (TP. the etymology of which is doubtful (cf.38 for other perfumes. Devic. Le pays des Zendjs. and the texts give a good description of the animal. and this is the second point. and also the «Cap d’Ambre» at the northern end of Madagascar. mentions the boats of the Maldive islands as «caulked with melted ambergris (‘dragon spittle’)». legendary. it seems to lie far away from the «Ambergris Island» of the Chinese. The explanation of these apparent contradictions seems to me to lie in a confusion which has sometimes been made in China as well When a Chinese text of 1520. of c. and in 1598 Florio gives the definition «ambra. 21. determine.. 1895. not «ambergris» (cf. 38-43). «dragon» in Chinese. 1508 [cf. Kammerer. including the mention of «Ile d’Ambre». or mysterious tāl(?) fish of some Mussulman writers.
Nan-yüeh. then centred in Tonking. as a name of Annam. 77 2. of which Polo certainly heard in Yün-nan. Pauthier (Pa. corrupt representation of * Annam explains how Polo. bordering on the Gulf of Tonking. could give for «Caugigu» characteristics which apply only to the Upper Red River. and the two alternative names we always meet with in the texts of the Mongol period are Chiao-chih-kuo and 安 南 An-nan (then read An-nam). and then devotes three paragraphs to countries that were «behind» and about which he had only vague information : «Bangala». alone remains. could represent 南 越 Nan-yüeh. cf. Zu. was supplemented by them.). on his early maps and down at least to 1550. although some of his contemporaries already held the opposite opinion. Hallberg. ner. describing the province of Qara J̌ang (Yün-nan) speaks of Zardandan and of Burma. with other readings like «Anin». accepts «Annam» as a likely solution. 131). while in his description of «Amu». 428) already felt that Tonking was meant. and the information contained in his paragraph on the province of «Ania» either dates only from these sea travels. Benedetto «Aniu». auin (? aniu) FA VA. t. to discuss. since the traveller heard of it. Polo. if Polo had already heard of Annan in Yün-nan. and failed to It was then he realize that it was the same as «Caugigu». again as to the name at least. Von TscharThe ( > * Annā > * Aman > * Amau > * Amu. He may then also have heard the name of An-nan. AMU amau. TA 3. 29 -30 [«Amui»is a misreading]).. «Amu» must have been an important country. «Caugigu» and «Amu». and he knew it to border on the Gulf of Tonking (as a matter of fact. but he certainly heard of «An-nan» at a later date. R camu FB ania R flum P ivi VB tamu FBr The name is written «Amu» in most mss. LT. and all sorts of explanations have been proposed. etc. but both were mistaken in thinking that «Amu». This Venetian cartographer Gastaldi. but can be explained nevertheless. L. AMU 39 22. was not in use at that time. In other words. 40. I take «Amu» to be only a etc. ii. All commentators agree that «Amu» «Bangala» is Bengal. Z. . having distinguished «Caugigu» and «Amu». knew that it bordered on the sea. (also «Amu» on Fra Mauro’s map. which I feel it would be useless Not lying on Polo’s track. at least as far as the name is concerned. and Cordier followed him (Y. and «Caugigu». see «Toloman»). which is not true. is Chiao-chih-kuo. etc. when he went on a mission to Champa or on his return journey to Europe. TA 1. we should understand the region of the delta.22. Yule has adopted «Anin». the Annamite kingdom. he says the same of «Toloman». or. Gastaldi seems to have changed his views as a result of Of «Amu» ( < *Annam > Anian) we have an echo in early modern geographical lore. I have no doubt that all are corrupt and have retained «Amu» simply because I do not wish to choose a form which is not given by any ms.. Fr. Chiao-chih-kuo is represented by «Caugigu». mau G annui V amu F. maintained that there was a land junction between Asia and America.
in Journ. H. but the andanicum of the Latin texts has been preferred by .) Z andonicho V ondanique. the date of which is to be placed between 1562 and 1566. undanique F Yule retained the «ondanique» of F. Gastaldi speaks of the «straits called Anian». 540 -541. i. Amer. but the map ends at the margin without showing the extremity of the continent. map 53). The next year (1562). Herrmann. ital. 317 -318. 396 -397. published in Venice in 1561. Gastaldi had been closely associated with Ramusio.) L andaniqui (gen. in his Historical and Commercial Atlas of China (1935. and by mere accident it happens to anticipate the actual discovery of the Behring Straits. with a descriptive booklet. but the booklet has come down to There. vol. Gastaldi published a new map of the world. has entered Polo’s «Anian» and «Toloman» as designations of the Behring Straits and of Alaska respectively. R andanicum LT andanicus (adj. Marinelli.40 23. which si distende The «Straits of Anian» named in this con una linea per il golfo Cheinan et passa nel mar Oceano de Mangi. and one may be surprised that Cordier should have said nothing about it in 1903 or in 1920. It originated from a wrong interpretation of that part of Polo’s text which refers to the Gulf of Tonking. us. «Ania» is the form adopted in Ramusio’s edition for the corrupt «Amu» of most mss. 23. 93). in Bull. between the two continents. 39 -49. in Riv. vol. influenced by recent discoveries. 50 [October 1917]. Journal. the map is lost. geogr. FB andanicho TA 3. anidanici G andaine FA. which considerably reduced the extent of Asia towards the East. 13 . vol. ANDANIQUE anannum. Soc. For more recent papers. in 1878 and 1888. 428. Gastaldi locates in the extreme north-east of Asia an «Ania Pro. 56 -57. In the meantime. 161 -172. for the first time. 58 [November 1921]. 172. 24 . vol. A. VB. leaving place for some sea passage. and RR. vol. Ch. also Geogr. Soc. des Améric. Vignaud.» («Province of Ania»). 45 [June 1915]. Much has been written on the «Straits of Anian» since Ruge. the whole of this nomenclature is taken from Ramusio’s text of Polo. and were retained by cartographers for almost two centuries. 1-5. ANDANIQUE contemporary Portuguese exploration. though still theoretical. andanico TA 1. and he has been followed by Pe. cf. But it is the product of a theoretical view. Godfrey Sykes. 47 . because this form was in closer agreement with the etymology he proposed (Y. in 1566. for whom he designed the map of the New World included in the third volume of the Navigationi et Viaggi. In his map of the «Terza parte dell’Asia». they are shown on Zaltieri’s map. Geogr. vol. booklet actually occurs in cartography for the first time on a map probably also due to Gastaldi. VA andanicium P This is a puzzling word. and then Sandler called attention to the Polian origin of the name. i.
The first two places are in Persia. «the Indian». Hist. 142 -143). this misinterpretation also connects «andanique» with a word derived from «India». 73) is out of the question.23. the question may have been put in such a way as to suggest the answer. alluding to hypothetical derivation from the name of the Forest of Andaine in the Orne Department of France (Y. as I need that the real word must be «hundwáníy». i. Zu. but«andanique». in reference to Sassanian Persia.in V. on «Cobinan». This «andanique» is plainly the name of a kind of steel. 44. in the quotation «Hundwán»). 87). «alfinde». and they all agreed that this was a kind of iron or steel. or «pin iron» of the Chinese (not «pig iron» as in Pe. In Fra Mauro’s notice on «Cobinan». in my opinion. and. 146. v. of which most precious mirrors and swords were made. Z and R. (4) As a matter of fact. which is the reason why he adopted «ondanique». Dozy. Hallberg. i. pin-t’ieh occurs for the first time in the 6th cent. full of most valuable information and makes a clear case of the early renown of Indian steel (on which see Coomaraswamy. later on. he often inquired from Persian merchants who had come to Venice as to the nature of «andanico». Polo’s «andanique» has been misunderstood and appears as «endego». steel was so renowned and al-Hind. 451). these different Persians were in all probability questioned through the same interpreter. indigo (cf. «alinde» (cf. ANDANIQUE Benedetto (B 1. in ZDMG. curiously enough. only add the following remarks : (1) Polo’s word is not «ondanique». 35). it has been supposed by Bretschneider (Br. and moreover. v. and Cordier’s Ramusio. 19. despite the phonetic difference between andanicum (or andanico) and hinduwān. Y. passed into Y. 21) that Polo’s «andanique» was the same as the pin-t’ieh. 27). of Indian Art. and as the word begins with a. through an interpreter. 41 As the form is «andaine» in the mss. Indian it remains possible that what the Persian merchants had in mind in giving an explanation was the same word hinduwān which has been thought of by Yule. Vullers and others). «Indian steel» (with references to Johnson. says that. 34. far to the north-west of the Uighur country of Turfan..). But. Validi. 215). has I cannot here discuss in detail the question of 賓 鐵 pin-t’ieh or 鑌 鐵 Polo mentions «steel and andanique» in the chapters on «Cherman». pin-t’ieh is always mentioned as a foreign product. in his Dichiaratione. the agreement of these independent versions leaves little doubt that «andanique» is correct. but sometimes . which Yule did not know (cf. T’ien-shan. found mainly in Persia. the third is north of the In and on «Ghinghin talas» (q. Glossaire 2. all the words derived from ﻫﻨﺪHind are pronounced with ĭ in the first syllable. This opinion repeated later by Parker. the steel mirrors and the «andanico» mentioned by Polo at «Cobinan». it is moreover confirmed by the «fer d’andaine» in Huon de Mery. Chinese texts. and I would read hinduwānī (cf. iii. and China Review. the latter reads «Hinduwān». 215) can hardly be taken seriously. i. in Court French. had become such a current designation of it in Arabic that it passed as a name of steel into ancient Spanish as «alhinde». not (3) We must not give too much weight to the information elicited by Ramusio from Persian merchants. Vullers and Desmaisons. Pauthier’s «antimoine?» (Pa. but the origin of the word remains obscure. On this «excellent evidence». Yule came to the conclusion Yule’s elaborate note is. Whatever may be the origin of the word. (2) I find no support for a reading «hundwáníy». usual. 1936. pin-t’ieh. from the Šāh-nāmäh which Yule cites from Vullers.
etc. piṇa. 239) and of scissors of pin-t’ieh in Bengal steel (šāburaqān) and Eastern steel (Pers. 9a). Afghan ōspīna or ōspana. borrowed in Turk. Although many so-called Sanskrit words in the SansPin-t’ieh. . Laufer. of which a marvellous sword was made. 14 Bogda Gesser The translation. means «guest». Fr. «Ab Amorrico» is unexplained. in Polo’s time. Armenian. in TP. 閏. 515 -516) derives it His from «Iranian *spaina. 33. one of which was translated in 707 -709 (Nanjio. fall of the initial s-. bolot. Rubrouck Arabic and Persian texts refer also to two principal kinds of steel. speaks of Germans who were extracting gold and making arms at Bolat (Wy. the Po-lo ( = Bolot) of Chinese texts. my note in Bagchi. 200. cf. the «sucking steel» or the «sucker» (cf. but must be the (corrupt?) name of a place in Persia. 82. Pamir languages spin. has translated «ab Amorrico» of Rubrouck’s mss. equivalent to Kalm. sormtsɐ bol od or simply ̥ satisfactory. 1934. as stated in Schmidt’s Die Thaten des . 332). Risch. Mong. 85. Russian. as if it were «ab andanico». is a secondary form occurring only in Laufer (Sino-Iranica. Georgian. Round gerfalcon tablets in pin-t’ieh were manufactured by In the first half of the 15th cent. ix. Cat. which is not I think we should read sorunča gürü. so that pin-t’ieh must have been somewhat different. this is a pseudo-Sanskrit form. though it must be earlier than 817. 299. . 575). occurs in the Chinese versions of krit-Chinese Vocabulary are terms of colloquial use which may never have been employed in two sûtras. ordinary 27. p. in his Wilhelm von Rubruk. 1936. Risch’s tacit correction is not acceptable. 225. 43b. pin-t’ieh is given as the Chinese equivalent of Skr. texts. without clude that Bretschneider was right in identifying it with Polo’s «andanique». renders it «die härteste und feinste Erzmasse». Ramstedt. ANDANIQUE The regular Chinese word for «steel» is 鋼 kang. the term pin-t’ieh. 19. Leipzig. In YS. 51a). 440). pūlād.. pin is certainly a transcription. and also in Tibetan. but it gives a clue to the pin of the Chinese (cf. As to the term pin-t’ieh. (t’ung). this shows that. the case may be different with piṇa. it does not mean «hard iron» as stated in HR. (ibid. 1916. 1915. 9.. 為 . and I explain under «Ghinghin talas» why I suppose that of «Ghinghin talas» mentioned by Polo. of Meiji. Imperial order in 1277 (YS. 289.42 23. I conPin. fūlād. but the Chinese must not be held responsible for the In a Sanskrit-Chinese Vocabulary of the T’ang period. The name certainly means «steel». 317. 23b). cf. 280 -281). p. the Pulad of Rašīd and Hethum. Tōkyō Tripiṭ. 26 exists also in Ossetian. 4 . viz. a distinction was actually made between ordinary steel and pin-t’ieh. Deux lexiques sanskrit-chinois 2. at least. steel (kang)». Khan. pūlād > Arab. Validi in ZDMG. an officer is put in charge of the working of «pin-t’ieh. copper also in different parts of Central Asia. the metal radical. sorāntši. a Prakrit word probably borrowed from the Iranian. since those two mentions of pin-t’ieh are commented upon by Hui-lin (ibid. «Bolac» is a wrong form). Kalm. and Sino-Iranica. these Germans were really making arms with the «steel and andanique» from the mountain north Since pin-t’ieh is different from ordinary steel. sorunča küräl. 479. I suppose that «andanique» and pin-t’ieh are the same as the Mong. . No. all of them Mongolian names of the magnet. 14b. The other I cannot trace. «hard». with this radical.. Wörterbuch. and. mention is made of daggers of damascened pin-t’ieh in Java (TP. 6. it is just possible that the original texts of the two sûtras had piṇa or a word connected with piṇa. Ossetic äfsän». ii. explanation is probably right in principle. a secondary character derived from 剛 kang.
I do not know how far back one can trace «Pulau Handuman» («Islands of Hanuman»). 1933. like Polo’s. Sir R. In Y. given by Maxwell as the Malay name . of the Andaman islands. who is certainly mistaken in approving of Yule’s Arabic dual «Angamanain».. point to «Angaman» (hence «Angaman» and «Angama» on Behaim’s globe). Hallberg. Hanuman. The pseudo-«Agamitae» of the re-editors of Hobson-Jobson seems to be Ptolemy’s Agannitai. L. proposes to explain the modern name «Andaman» by the Malay «Handuman» «savage aboriginal antagonist of the Aryans». Yule’s «Angamanain» and his idea of an Arabic dual (Y. angwertam G nangama VL ongaman VA 43 All mss. Hobson-Jobson 2. cf. and I consider «Angaman» to be a copyist’s error. which gives «Antoman». 88). The name of «Andaman» has been well known since the Arab travellers of the 9th cent. VB agamanam. No. augamanam FB aghama. and this name can be traced in Arabic geographical literature down to In Chinese. of Ma Huan. and used as a depreciatory name of the The same explanation had already been put forward in 1886 by Sir E. 384. Fe 1. Although I have no doubt that «Angaman» is a simple alteration from «*Andaman». 355. nagna. 689 -690). 147). LT. FÈng Ch’êng-chün’s edition. ANGAMAN 24. «Andeman» in Cesare de’Federici «Andemans» in A. and the coincidence is more probably accidental. dual form is said to be from Agamitae. became «Angaman» under the influence of Ptolemy’s Agannitai. 34. one might suppose that «*Andaman» But I find no trace of Ptolemy’s nomenclature in Polo’s names. BEFEO. and in a Siamese map quoted by Gerini. Temple. 17. TP. is now guaranteed by a new ms. 310) must be abandoned.in the second syllable. the re-editors of Hobson-Jobson 2. add that «The Ar.in the second syllable would seem to find some support in one of the Chinese transcriptions of the early 15th cent. Hamilton In view of Polo’s remarkably accurate nomenclature. 220. «naked» (Researches. Gerini has even tried to derive both Ptolemy’s «Agannitai» and Polo’s «Angaman» from Prakr. L’Έxtrême-Orient. which. 29. Maxwell (JStrBrRAS. iii. Conti. 149. TP. t. In spite of the fact that an -u. who write ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﻥAndāmān. we find «Andamania» (or «Andemania») in N. forms nagga. but one which existed already in the archetype of all our mss. naṅga. taken in the sense of «monkey». which has sometimes been referred by modern authors to the Andaman and Nicobar groups. ghaman TA 1 angamam P. 晏 陀 蠻 Yen-t’o-man ( = Andaman) is the form given in 1225 by Chao Ju-kua (HR. Researches. «Andamā» ( = «Andeman») (cf. 383). ii. 27 -28). have all an -a. instead of So-tu-man. 50. it seems to me almost impossible that he should have used any form but «Andaman». < Skr. VA. VA angaman F. In any case. add that 桉 篤 蠻 An-tu-man.. of Skr. (cf. Z. 404. ghama TA 3 aghaman. and we have also 安 得 蠻 An-tê-man (Andaman) in the our days (cf. 416] does not exist). the vocalization is not in agreement with the other and more ancient Arabic and Chinese transcriptions. Zu. beginning of the 15th cent. Gerini’s *Sudhāman > So-tu-man [Researches. 29. R angamanain FA angreman V angwerram. In the West. but this is entirely wrong.24. the Malay name of the aborigines». ANGAMAN agaman Fr. and «Andamani» in Fra Mauro. iv. 1936.
Chavannes. as in «Patu». 160. Golubovich. are often mentioned by Rašīdu-’d-Dīn (Bl. V. Tāčīk. cabya LT arabam L arabbia TA 1 arabe.. great-grandson of Čaγatai. manuscript). in Kuun. under the year 1285. FA. Z. L. who is said to have been baptized. 393. «abu- pronounced abïšγa and abïšqa. No. VL. Horn. Studien. Bibl. VA VB. 205. it is also This is certainly the Turkish Abušqa. abhiṣeka. according to Erdmann’s Temudschin. The Chinese used to call the Arabs 大 食 Ta-shih ( *D’âi-dź’i ə k or *T’âi-zi). FB. 25. 116). Chavannes. Pers. Z arabi F. appears in YS. 367. Documents sur les Tou-kiue. arabien. the spelling ﺍﺑﻮﺷﻘﺎAbušqa adopted by Berezin for a namesake is not countenanced by any (read «Abusca») of the Golden Horde. while Abušqa was more in popular use. 404. 106. bio-bibl. derived from the Arabian tribal name Ṭai) or the other Persian form Tāǰik. arrabia Z arrabis FA tabian V Although the Arabs were known to the Chinese at least from the middle of the 7th cent. he gives ﺍﺑﻴﺸﻘﺎ = ﺍﺑﺸﻘﺎAbišqa > Abušqa (misread «Aqisqa» in Ber. 119 (with several inaccuracies). 381. arrabie. 33) has already noted that Rašīdu-’d-Dīn. 361. Hubschmann. APUSCA apascha VA apusca F. Yule (Y. FA arahi R arrabe. HR. Tāzī is to Ṭai in the same relation as for instance Pers. S apuscha VL 25. It seems as if the pronunciation Abišqa had been maintained officially. 73. Polo’s «Apusca» is very likely the aqtači Abïšqa (see Ha 1. No. For a prince «Abusta» 26. 164. Abïšqa. Religieux éminents. The transcription To-shih ( *Tâ-źie̯). ARABIE (and ARABI) abrahi. L.. TA 3 sca» = abušqa. Abušqa ( < avïčγa. R. i. araben. «Apusca» may be a clerical error. arrabic. i. APUSCA apusta P. ibid. avïčqa) means «old man» (cf. Grundriss der neupers. TA 1. but Rašīd does not write «Apušqa». ii. 102. ii. Blochet has wrongly restored «Apishégha» and «Abishégha». Cod. mentions an «Apuschcka» who was sent on a mission from Persia to the Great Khan. ii. and has often been used as a proper name..44 25. atabi F arabes P. Tāzī ( < Pahl. Etym. as if the name were from Skr. Rāzī to Rai. once 多 氏 To-shih ( *Tâ-źie̯) . Cf. I quite agree. used by the pilgrim I-ching in the second . and thinks he may be the same person. one of Ghazan’s high officials. A Prince ﺍﺑﻴﺸﻘﺎAbïšqa or ﺍﺑﻴﺸﻐﺎAbïsγa. TA 3. 383 : «Abischka»). 6b. Cum. R arabia L. 430). P 5 alpusva LT hapuoscha V posiha VB pusciai TA 1. cf. p. A p’ing-chang 阿 必 失 哈 A-pi-shih-ha. TA 3. R arabie F. transcribing ̯ either the Pers. 367. arrabiz FB arrabes. their name never occurs in Chinese transcription before modern times. Abišqa belonged to the Qongqotan branch of the Ornaut. Z. as well as a high official in the beginning of Qubilai’s reign.
der Mongolei. ARAINES transcription Ta-shih is to be restored as *T’âi-zi and represents also the form Tāzī. the Tao-i chih-lio of 1349 -1350 describes it under the name of 天 堂 T’ien-t’ang. does not call Mecca T’ien-t’ang. it soon took and has since retained in Central Asia (cf. «Täžik» meaning «Persian» and «Tazi» meaning «Arab». Vol. SamoĪlovič. 45 half of the 7th cent. in Rocznik Orjentalistyczny. Br.. I have since thought of another solution. which may mean «Heavenly country» or «Heavenly square» (cf. also called Bäitullah. it survives now in Turkish only as the name of the «greyhound». Also under the Yüan. not Tāǰik. Bagdad remained for the Chinese the centre of the Mussulman world. to the square Ka‘bah. like all the other works of the Ming dynasty. 1927. in Radlov. ARAINES araines F Benedetto and Moule are of course right when they reject Yule’s harem. in TP. iii. B. owing to the conversion of Persia to Islam. 101-102). Mecca appears for the first time as a separate country in the Hsi shih chi of 1259 in which it is called 天 房 T’ien-fang. writing in 1076. 618 -620). in the form Täǰik. As a matter of fact. perhaps .27. That «ancient name». literally «the Arabian This Turkish use of Tazi. Nauk. Kāšγarī. iv.. 155 -156. Kotwicz and SamoĪlovič. 141). Bretschneider was probably right when he thought (Br. i. also TP. still occurs As tazï or in Turkish literature as late as the beginning of the 14th cent. on the other hand. 1933. Inschr. 12). 27. with the specific meaning of «Arab». On the other hand. Until the destruction of the Abbasid caliphate in 1258. Barthold. tazi. But one would like to know more about the history of these different Chinese names (cf. 930). but the information was taken over about eighty years later by the Hsing-ch’a shêng-lan. (Radlov. 1915. 445). but already in that of «Persian» which. «Paradise». with a note saying that the ancient name was 筠 冲 Yün-ch’ung. the passage is however illegible. the Hsing-ch’a shêng-lan. i. Rockhill. But two epigraphic mentions have been found in other Turkish monuments It seems that in both cases Täǰik is not taken in the sense of the 8th cent. 452). is not ambiguous and makes it probable that the other and more usual The word has been supposed to occur in 732 in the Turkish inscription of Kül-tägin (cf. ii. in the sense of «Arab» seems to confirm the view that the Chinese transcriptions are really based only on «Tāzī». of «Arab». rather than Täžik or Täǰik. in Doklady Ak. «Tazi». 250). but 天 方 T’ien-fang. [dog]». I agree with Moule when he thinks that Benedetto’s emendation to le serores is palaeographically very improbable (cf. Die alttürk. «Heavenly house» (cf. gives Täžik as meaning «Persian» (Brockelmann. which does not appear to be a transcription from a foreign language. Both forms «Täžik» and «Tazi» occur in the Qutaδγu bilig of 1069 and SamoĪlovič may be right in supposing that they still retained at that time two different meanings. «House of God». Zweite Folge. has not so far been discovered in any earlier Chinese text. 303) that the two forms of T’ienfang and the one of T’ien-t’ang all refer to the Great Mosque of Mecca.
as Yule had done before them. EI. 626 : «Henri ot à fame l’antaine le roi Guillaume de Secile. but F has «Arçinga» and «Arçingal». v. notice by Streck. The place is of course the . TA 3 arzizi V barzirim P 5 darçiçi F. L darsisi FA darzirim P darziz R darzizi FB adopted «Arzizi». corrupt for *ātaines = antains. R LT VL S arsingua FA arsinga FB artinga VA arzinga P. i. Lommatsch. Coll. Owing to the expansion of the lake. Altfranz. Mi. v. Arǰīš. But in The Polo š appears generally as -sc-. 395. I prefer «Arçiçi». see Reinaud. It seems just possible that «araines» is 28. L arcinga Z arçingal F arcingan arçinoga areuicha armenia arsenga. Judging only from the Polian mss. 412. 412. 183. «amita»). «Ardjīsh». in MartÈne. The actual form antaine is not listed by Godefroy or Tobler- Tobler-Lommatsch. Etym. Franz. but I do not think there was any z in the original Polo-Rustichello spellings. 43 -44). «ante». old Armen. W. Ampl. Géogr. ii. Greek Ἄρσισσα. soror son pere». de Tyr. 148. II. TA 3 The final -n is only given by Ramusio. was destroyed by the Georgians in 1209. Arčēč. d’Aboulféda. RR. ARÇINGAN aranga. LS.46 more satisfactory. The original form may have been *Argisce. von Wartburg. ARÇIÇI agrazi VB arcieri VA arciri VL arçici LT arzici TA 1. on the north-eastern side of the Lake of Van. On Arǰīš. s. and a final mute -e occurs in «Abasce» and «Chescemir».. as for instance the following taken from Contin. Godefroy. Wörterbuch. ARÇIÇI The ancient French had a word antain. S arçinga F. but two examples of it are given in Lacurne de Sainte-Palaye. atechaze V archinia VL. P 5. Wörterbuch. and B 1. VB arzingha TA 1. last century. «aunt» (cf. v. and Polo’s original spelling must have been either «Arçingā» or «Arçingan». s. s. «antain». de G. 29. we find «Argis» on the Catalan Map (Hallberg. the ruins have been surrounded by water since the middle of the ﺍرﺟﻴﺶArǰīš. have confusion of c and g is very common. 28.
EI. xxxi. 203. written «Άrsengan» by Simon de Saint-Quentin (in Vincent de Beauvais xxxi. the -gi. Arm. R argun Z taken from the tribal (or social) designation of the Arγun people (see «Argon 2»). P 5. the name is fairly common. 190. etc. name is written «Arseron» by Simon de Saint-Quentin (in Vincent de Beauvais. Arm. «Erzindǰān». arghon TA 1. Hartmann. Ft argom. 118. «Arzerum» or «Erzerum» on the Genoese Map (Hallberg. and the articles in EI. cf. 5a).. In Chinese. VA. Hist. 阿 魯 A-lu (YS. 544. ARGON1 47 modern Erzingan or Erzinǰan. 1-2). Hartmann. 214. 30. 200. 147). V.. as in the case of «Arçingan». Golubovich. des Crois. «Larzeron». VB. ARGON 1 amon V arago. 146). and I think it is It is always spelt with -o. «Arceron» or «Arziron» by Odoric (Wy. L.of TA. cf. 7b). 544-545.(«Argon») in Western documents (cf. Chabot. VB. aragon. TA 3 argo F. Z. 阿 兒 渾 A-êrh-hun (YS. 阿 魯 渾 A-lu-hun (YS. des Crois. FB. «Arzegan» by Fra Mauro («Arzegā». de Mar Jabalaha III. on which cf. Fr. L. LT. 327). V.. 291). S arciron LT argion V argiron F. bio-bibl. also Golubovich.) and in Hethum (Hist. For other forms in the 14th cent. incomplete.. -si. ﺍرزﻧﺠﺎﻥArzinǰan by Rašīdu-’dDīn (Bl. ARGIRON agiron P 5 agyron P architen VL. all = Arγun (the first one. ii. and in LS. -on may be a wrong rendering of -ō = -om. t. ii. -zi. ragona VA argon F. Mong. Bibl. is certainly a mistake). Arγun. VA. by R. 156. written ﺍرﻏﻮﻥArγun in Persian. . FA. VL.. ii. point to a possible original -çi-.. «Arzerone» in Pegolotti. 549). 134. 107. «Arseron» by Hethum (Hist. 321). 188).of F. and LS. not «Arzengan» as in Hallberg. 48 -49). 147 -148. ii. notice by R. 415). as in the case of «Caracorom»..31. «Orzaloni» (read «Orzalom»?). «Aarserum» by Rubrouck (Wy. «Alzaron». ii. P. 31.of FA. TA 3 The The modern Erzerum. 229. ragon VB archon TA 1 argan Ft argho. R arsion FA arsus FB arziron TA 1. «Arzinga» by Pegolotti. «Elzerom». bio-bibl. 14. «Arzeroni» (read «Arzerom»?). 3b). «Arsengen» by Rubrouck (Wy. As to Polo’s form. On the other hand. Bibl. «Arzerono».
it was Arγun who asked Qubilai for the bride whom the Polos escorted from China on their way back. 393. Arm. 1291 (Ha 1. for whom Langlois’s edition gives «Girardo Gasinuri» while older editions read «Girardo Casmuri». Paris. P 5. it has been reprinted in the original text and with a French translation in Pa. 1284 (Ha 1. the «Guasmul» which Polo uses by In my opinion. sur le commerce de Gênes. 32. but merely «half-breeds». i. Z. we find the name of Their name in Greek is Βασμοῦλοι or The Guasmuls (more often Gasmuls) were children one The «Argon» and «Guasmul» were . As Polo says. where the name of the Mussulman month is wrong). 96. ii. 490 -491. probably of 1317. ARGON 2 angaroni VL argom VA argon F. with whom Polo compares the «Argon».48 32. i. Thessalonique au xiv e siècle. Philip the Fair in France and Edward I in Gascony and in England. First of all. BrǼtianu. is really a «Gasmuri». VB. P. in particular the notice of the «Gasmulins» in Directorium ad passagium faciendum. FB. 95. 451. des Crois.. «bastardo» does not imply the same meaning. de Mar Jabalaha III. but the translation could be improved considerably. but who arrived long after Arγun’s death (see «Cocacin»). Arγun was favourably disposed towards the Christians (Blochet. mentions a Nestorian hymn for Arγun. Rech. Moufazzal. some more may be added. it only as a common noun. Hist. but takes The term is certainly Turk. are not half-breeds in general. 532). R B 1. i. and although. which was discovered by Nau) and sent to the West several embassies. 210. 217. succeeded his uncle the usurper Aḥmad (see «Acmat 2») on August 11. Tafrali. even if. «bastard» in English. which he renders by «bastardo». and a detailed commentary is highly desirable. a Guasmul. as «bâtard» in French. The original letter in Mongolian sent by Arγun to Philip the Fair in 1289. now kept in the Archives Nationales in Paris. but a particular type the name of which ought to be retained in the translation. in Italian. is a document of the greatest interest. 186). Vol. 1913. way of comparison. and the quotations in O. 43 -44. just as the «Giorgius Gasmurus» of Constantinople who was at Caffa in 1289 (cf. which visited the Pope in Rome. 359). in Hist. To the texts already quoted in Y. In Matteo Polo’s will. written in Syriac. when speaking of men. FA. «Albertus Vasmulo» (cf. not said by Polo to be «bastards». 30. I suspect that the letter sent by the Pope to «Girardo Galinuri de Constantinopoli» in Chabot. i. L. Arγun. that does not correspond to the facts. Actes des notaires génois. First published by Abel Rêmusat. ARGON2 Arγun. 775 -777. does not make it a proper name. «Guasmul» has also been replaced by «bastard» in the English version of RR. under Benedetto’s influence. the «Guasmul». son of Abaqa (see «Abaga»).. of whose parents was Latin and the other Greek. 290. and died on March 10.
but used in the sense of «royal». ärkä’ün represents Armen. gested. the name of the Turkish tribe of the Basmïl. 290. according to Polo. exactly I conjecture as he says elsewhere that «Mulecte vaut a dire *Patarain». Jabalaha III. I must insist on the fact that Mong. i. no more than N. Mo. probably because he saw no reason to do so. is mistaken in supposing that the text in FG does not mean that the «Argon» were Christians). I must first state definitely what they are not. according to Marr. 237). In 1896. and secondly because the «Argon» were not Christians. while the name of the Arγun (Polo’s «Argon»). I may add that the origin of the word ärkä’ün is still unknown. ARGON2 Γασμοῦλοι. H. i. Z and R agree that the «Argon» were half-breeds of Mussulmans and idolaters. if he had used it. in Vizantiïskiï Vremennik. xii . For the question of «class». 244 -245) and others. not by Nestorians. in Vasmul > Gasmul. Chabot. the difference in time and in meaning makes one hesitate to accept that solution (H. which is perfect. Marr’s learned attempt to trace it back to Armenian (Ark‘aun. Pauthier. Polo probably knew the Mongol name ärkä’ün of the Christians. written ärkägün and transcribed in Persian as ﺍرﻛﺎووﻥärkäwün. Schaeder doubts it too in his Remarks on 12 Vorlesungen. hence his long and still too often quoted note on the Christian «Argon» (Pa. as usual. the text similar to F from which the redaction in Court French (FG) derives was probably corrupt also in more or less the same way as F. 40. the current explanation which makes it a transcription of the Greek ἄρχων is not convincing (cf. it is only to illustrate the case of the «Argon» by another well-known example of halfbreed. in Chinese A-êrh-hun. 1935. F is corrupt. it was at . in his Remarks on the ethnical composition of Turkish tribes (Živaya The same explanation is given as a fact by Barthold in 12 Vorlesungen über die Geschichte der Türken Mittelasiens. mongolskoe nazvanie Khristian. itself transcribing Greek ἄρχων. belongs to the velar class. 1-68. ärkä’ün. in Armenian as arkhawun.32. but. Hist. I think Yule. proposed to see. but without any indication that the «Argon» were Christians. and I suppose that the new redaction. The word occurs in Western transcriptions of proper names as «Archaon» (cf. which does not mean that the Ismailians were Christian heretics (see «Mulecte»). In spite of Charignon (Ch. If Polo says that «Arγon» has the same meaning («vaut a dire») as «Guasmul» in French. We can even say with a great deal of probability where Polo found these «Argon». peculiar to FG. is of the palatalized class. according to which the «Argon» were Christians. 365 -366). in pre-Mongol times. only took FG into account. first because there is no phonetic resemblance between those two words belonging to different «classes». Berlin. de Mar As to the religion of the «Argon». p. so that the term would have been carried to Central Asia. resulted somehow from the fact that the passage was corrupt. already known in the Orkhon inscriptions. arkhaun. we should expect the word to appear as *Arcaun or *Arcaon. children of parents of whom one was a Mussulman and the other an idolater. there is no relation between their name and that of ärkä’ün given to Christians under the Mongols. the form Vasmuli being older than Gasmuli. and implying rather the contrary. Aristov. not as «Argon». vi. Y. but by Armenian-Melchites). but he never mentioned it in his book. but I consider FB as having no authority in the present case. 49 No satisfactory etymology has been sug- Starina. But in spite of the phonetic correspondence. 218). 277). 208. As to the «Argon». 212 -217. and in Chinese as 也 里 可 溫 yeh-li-k’o-wên. and would be the equivalent of «Melchite». «kingly».
in arγula-. i. also named in Chinese sources. at least in a special application. the word being «both Turkī and Mogholī» and «applied to all fair children. on arqun or arγun meaning «pure red» in Eastern Turkish is entirely wrong). and it is in named among the non-Mongolian tribes (sê-mu) in Cho-kêng lu (ch. JA. it seems to be certain that his arqun is identical with the arγun of the Qutaδγu bilig. also Ramstedt. In the Qutaδγu bilig of 1069. the name appears also in the Turfan documents (cf. with word meaning «fair». 81). as appears Now this name of Arγun people So there can be no doubt that the meaning given By some oversight. p. ariγun ( = Turk. designation of a horse. and subsequently purple (Blochet’s note. there was a tribal name Arγun. like the Qïpčaq. 702. but must point out that.50 at the Mussulman colony of Simali. it is in JĀschke’s Dictionary. 12). This Turkish word. is not found in any Turkish dialect I know of. 302. etc. 1927. The tribe A-êrh-hun (Arγun) is They formed an «army» They were Mussulmans.and -γ. i).. 10. ii. Cunningham wrote to Yule that arγun must be the Turkī But arγun. Index of 1903. Kalm. 261-279). and particularly textiles called nāh̯ and nasīǰ (see «nac»). there is a connection between that colony of Mussulmans and the tribal name Arγun. Moufazzal. Kāšγarī gives arqun as meaning «a foal produced by a wild stallion and a domestic mare. The sense of half-breed must be an old one in Turkish. cf. to arγun by Polo did exist. «pure». and von Le Coq has registered it as far as the region of Turfan (Sprichwörter und Lieder. Aristov. in 1076. If we take into consideration that in Kāšγarī himself we have an alternation of -q. arγun. Persian that arγun means a kind of red or purple flower. Polo says that «Argon» means a half-breed. 5). (chün) or a «guard» (wei). ARGON2 Polo mentions the manufacture there of silk and gold But we know that they were woven at Simali in And it will be shown further on that the extreme north-eastern part of the territory of the Öngüt princes of «Tenduc». and mentions it more than twenty times. such a meaning. which is certainly «Arγun». As to the name of the «Argons». 1348). under the form ar-gon. Zamétki. two etymologies are possible. Radlov. there is a word arγun. and. 32. I shall not discuss here the question of the arγamaq. so that the meaning of «half-breed» for arγun. «not white. by the members of that colony of Mussulmans who had originally been brought there from the region of Samarkand (cf. Brockelmann. Kāšγarī gives the name of Arγu to a country between Talas and Balasaγun. running very fast» (Brockelmann. and therefore fair». I have heard it in Kučā. appears very often in Chinese texts of the Mongol period. Wörterbuch. 290). existed already in Turkish in the 11th cent. . in Sarat Chandra Das (p. which Radlov has considered as an equivalent of the later name arγïmaq or arγamaq given to western thorough-bred horses (i. arïγ). particular. has passed into the Tibetan dialect of Ladakh. 13 2). 302. but arqučï. and the Arγïn ( = Arγun) are one of the constituents of the Kirghiz Middle-Horde (cf. But at the same time. the name of arγun was used to designate the half-breeds of Turkestan and Ladakh parents. Y. both male and female». Radlov. etc. It has long been noticed that in the western part of Chinese Turkestan. i. and we have to see whether they can be reconciled. 240). 299. a tribe Arγun is known in Čaγ. is not registered by unless Cunningham has confused it with Mong. but ruddy or pink. 300. nor does it exist in Mongolian. in the sense it has in modern Turkī. (cf. the Alans.
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
We've moved you to where you read on your other device.
Get the full title to continue reading from where you left off, or restart the preview.